CIHM 
 
 Microfiche 
 Series 
 
 (Monographs) 
 
 ICIVIH 
 
 Collection de 
 
 microfiches 
 
 (monographies) 
 
 Canadian Inttituta for Historical Microroproductions / institut Canadian da microraproductions historiquas 
 
 ©1998 
 
Technical and Bibliographic Notes / Notes techniques et bibiiographiques 
 
 The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original 
 copy available for filming. Features of this copy which 
 may be bibliographically unique, which may alter any of 
 the images in the reproduction, or which may 
 significantly change the usual method of filming are 
 checked below. 
 
 □ Coloured covers / 
 Couverture de couleur 
 
 □ Covers damaged / 
 Couverture endommag6e 
 
 □ Covers restored and/or laminated / 
 Couverture restaur^e et/ou pellicula 
 
 I I Cover title missing / Le titre de couverture manque 
 
 I I Coloured maps / Cartes g^graphiques en couleur 
 
 □ Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black) / 
 Encre de couleur (I.e. autre que bleue ou noire) 
 
 □ Coloured plates and/or Illustrations / 
 Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur 
 
 □ Bound with other material / 
 Relld avec d'autres documents 
 
 □ Only edition available / 
 Seule Edition disponible 
 
 □ Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion along 
 interior margin / La reliure serree peut causer de 
 I'ombre ou de la distcsion le long de la marge 
 int^rieure. 
 
 I I Blank leaves added during restorations may appear 
 ' — ' within the text. Whenever possible, these have been 
 omitted from filming / II se peut que certaines pages 
 blanches ajout^es lors d'une restauration 
 apparaissent dans le texte, mais, lorsque cela itait 
 possible, ces pages n'ont pas 6\6 fiim^es. 
 
 Additional comments / Various paglngs. 
 
 Commentaires suppl6mentaires: 
 
 L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a 
 6t§ possible de se procurer. Les details de cet exem- 
 plaire qui sont peut-£tre uniques du point de vue bibli- 
 ographlque, qui peuvent nnodifier une image reproduite, 
 ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dans la m6tho- 
 de normale de filmage sont indiqu^s ci-dessous. 
 
 I I Coloured pages / Pages de couleur 
 
 I I Pages damaged / Pages endommagdes 
 
 Pages restored and/or laminated / 
 Pages restaurdes et/ou pellicul^es 
 
 Pages discoloured, stained or foxed / 
 Pages dteolortes, tachetdes ou piques 
 
 I I Pages detached / Pages d6tach6es 
 I M Showthrough / Transparence 
 
 Quality of print varies / 
 Quality indgale de I'impression 
 
 Includes supplementary mater- 
 Comprend du materiel supi M. . . c e 
 
 □ Pages wholly or partially ouso- Ted by errata slips, 
 tissues, etc., have been refilnre ensure the best 
 possible image / Les pages lotalement ou 
 partiellement obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une 
 pelure, etc., ont ^t^ film^es k nouveau de fagon k 
 obtenir la meilleure image possible. 
 
 □ Opposing pages with varying colouration or 
 discolourations are filmed twice to ensure the best 
 possible image / Les pages s'opposant ayant des 
 colorations variables ou des decolorations sont 
 film^es deux fois afin d'obtenir la meilleure image 
 possible. 
 
 This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below / 
 
 Ce document est filmi au taux da reduction Indiqui ci-detaout. 
 
 10x 
 
 14x 
 
 18x 
 
 
 22x 
 
 26x 
 
 30x 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12x 16x 20x 24x 28x 32x 
 
The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks 
 to the generosity of: 
 
 Univenity of Manitoba 
 Winnipeg 
 
 The images appearing here are the best quality 
 possible considering the condition and legibility 
 of the original copy and in Icaeping with the 
 filming contract speaifisations. 
 
 Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed 
 beginning with the front cover and ending on 
 the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All 
 other original copies are filmed beginning on the 
 first page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, ami ending on the last page with a printed 
 or iilustratod impression. 
 
 The last recorded frame on each microfiche 
 shall contain the symbol (meaning "CON- 
 TINUED"), or the symbol y (meaning "END"!, 
 whichever applies. 
 
 Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at 
 different reduction ratios. Those too large to be 
 entirely included in one exposure are filmed 
 beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to 
 right and top to bottom, as many frames as 
 required. The following diagrams iUuatrate the 
 method: 
 
 L'exempleire film* fut reproduit grAce i la 
 g4niroait4 da: 
 
 University of Manitoba 
 Winnipeg 
 
 Lea images suivantea ont M reproduites avee la 
 plua grand soin, compta tenu de la condition et 
 de la nettet* de i'exomplaire film«, et en 
 conformity avec las conditions du eontrat de 
 
 filmage. 
 
 Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture en 
 papier est imprimis sont fiimAs en commen9ant 
 par la premier plat et en terminant soit par la 
 darnlire page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par la aecond 
 plat, selon le cas. Tous les eutres exemplaires 
 originaux sont filmis en commengant par la 
 premiere page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustretion et en terminant par 
 la darnlAre page qui comporte une telle 
 empreinte. 
 
 Un des symboies suivants apparahra sur la 
 darnlAre imege de cheque microfiche, selon le 
 cas: le symbols signifio "A SUiVRE". le 
 symbole ▼ aignifie "FIN". 
 
 Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc.. peuvent ttre 
 fllmte i des taux da rMuction diff^rents. 
 Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre 
 reproduit en un seul clichA. il est filmi A partir 
 de Tangle supirieur gauche, de gauche i droite, 
 et de haut en bes, en prenant le nombro 
 d'imagea ntcassaire. Les diagrammea auivantt 
 illuatrent la mithodo. 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
f*K»OCOn RtSOUJTION TBT CHART 
 
 (ANSI and ISO TEST CHART No. 2) 
 
 A .APPLIED IN/HGE 
 
 '653 East Mam SI'eet ' 
 Rochester, N,« ^ark 14609 noi 
 ;"6) 482 OJOO - Phone ^ 
 
 ('7t(^', -ti- -QUO r 
 
EDITORS OF THE SERIES: 
 
 Rev. W. H. with row, M.A., D.D., F R.S C 
 CHARLES G. D. ROBERTS, M.A., F R C.I 
 J. CASTELL HOPKINS, F.R H.L. 
 Rkv. T. S. LINSCOTT, K.R.C.I. 
 
PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN 
 
 AMD 
 
 CHINA IN THE CENTURY 
 
 BY 
 
 THE RIGHT HON. SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, Ba«t PC 
 G.CA1.. D.C.L. (Oxon), LL.D. (tantab), F.R,S, " ' ' 
 Ex-Govemor of Bombay, Etc. 
 
 '"S ""^ "f " Co- 
 
 mofoiOam Et$^ - PalesMnt Illustrated,' " Ufa in 
 
 "Stoty oj my Lift;' Ktc 
 
 THE LINSCOTT PUBLISHING COMPANY 
 TORONTO AND PHILADELPHIA 
 
 W. & R. CHAMBERS, Limited 
 
 LONDON AND EDINBURGH 
 190a'' 
 
... A 
 
 Entered, according to Act of PcngresK, in the year One Thonwnd Nia* 
 Hun ' fi and One, by the lira y-Oarrctiion Co., limitod, in the OOm 
 of the Librarian of Congreia, «t Woihington. 
 
 EateTod, aooording to Aet of Parliament of Canada, in the year One 
 ThonMnd Nina Hundred and One, by the Bradley-Oarretion Co., Limited, 
 in tlM OfilM of the Miniitar of Agricultoiw. 
 
 Att niffhtt Hmrvtd. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 This work rel.'^tcs to two great Continents and ono 
 large group of Islands. Consequently it is divided 
 into three Farts — namely, I., India; II., Japan; 
 m., China. I have narrated in a snoeinct manner 
 the progress dtiriug the nineteenth century of three 
 peoples, the Indian with a population of about three 
 hundred millions, the Japanese with a population of 
 nearly forty-five millions, the Chinese with a popu- 
 lation of over three himdred and fifty millions; or 
 about seven hundred millions in all. Now if the 
 usi'ally accepted estimate of the population of all 
 countries in the world put together — namely, four- 
 teen hundred millions — approaches tho truth, it fol- 
 lows that this work has to summarise the progress of 
 half the human race for a century. The space of 
 time, 1800 to 1899, has been borne in mind. The 
 information in all cases haa been brought up to date 
 as nearly as possible, and in many cases up to the 
 time of writing. Moreover these countries have 
 during the century been the seenes of grave, and 
 often complex, events. Each country, too, has 
 undergone momentous fthitn gp n, Thus the ground 
 
▼I 
 
 VmWACM. 
 
 covered is most diverse, and the rlotnils are enor- 
 mous. CoMequently much allowance is claimable for 
 the summary ohanMster of th« narrative, the conden- 
 sation of facts, the omission of many particulars 
 
 which might have been useful had space permitted. 
 Further, I have endeavoured to present these Eastero 
 affairs in a popular form to Western people, pos- 
 sessed indeed of general culture, but not having 
 previously any acquaintance with the East At the 
 same time the case must be so presented as to obtain 
 the approval of those men who have such acquain- 
 tance. I have striven to give the reader some insight 
 into the mind, the feelings and thoughts of the 
 Oriental races of to-day. 
 
 In each of the three countries the progress has 
 been of the most diverse nature. In India it has 
 taken place after a conquest by the British, who estab- 
 lished there an administration as elaborate as could 
 be formed with all the means of Western civilisa- 
 tion; it must therefore be attributed to the oon- 
 qu' rcrs. In J apan the progress was brought about 
 by cNtnts from without, yet it was afterwards vol- 
 untarily undertaken by the Japanese, and is being 
 carried out by themselves, with a suddenness and a 
 rapidity of which history furnishes no example. In 
 China a movement which perhaps had been banning 
 before ISr.O has proceeded since 1830, that is, for 
 seven out of the ten decades of the century, so dis- 
 astrously that each decade has been but a landmark 
 of progress in a fatal direction. Thus the country 
 
PREFAO& 
 
 vii 
 
 has been bo roduccd that no writer will venture to 
 state Ui ore than thig, that it exists up to the time of 
 writing. 
 
 Oonaeqiiently the tmuigemeiit of the lubjeeti in 
 
 the Chapters must differ essentially for each country, 
 that is, for each Part In ono respect only has it 
 been possible to preserve uniformity. Each Part 
 begins wiiu a brief Introduction or sketch of the 
 land and the people. Then for each Part there fol- 
 lows a comparatively full description of the country 
 and its inhabitbjt^ in 1800, which necessitates some 
 slight historical retrospect Lastly, each Part ends 
 with a similar description of the conditionf existing 
 in 1899. But between the second and last Ghapten 
 in each Part, the subjects are different and so is their 
 arrangement. In every one of the three countries the 
 course of events has been essentially diverse. In 
 India the century began with turmoil, bloodshed, 
 confusion, dejection, which had long been ' nng on. 
 Promptly there came a conquest by the ritish, 
 which ended in embracing the whole countr^ . Than 
 there followed an absolute Govenmeat by the con- 
 querors, tempered by legi '. 4on auo nded by the 
 most enlightened principles. Indeed ua administra- 
 tion has been set up, the finest and largest known to 
 history. By the end of the century there was gmt 
 progress of many sorts, though not all the progress 
 that might have been hoped for. This progress, 
 many-sided and pregnant with future changes, 
 has been due mainly to the conquerors. A 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 comparatively lesser share has been borne by the 
 people. The outlook seems to be one of peaceful 
 development for the immediate future at least For 
 Japan the century began with ease, quietude and 
 splendour, after a long peace with unbroken pros- 
 perity, with a spirit of self-satisfaction among the 
 people and of rigid exclusiveness as against foreign- 
 ers. The Government was that of an Emperor 
 nominally reigning in one capital, with a Feudal 
 Head really governing in another. The awakening 
 from this luxurious slumber began soon after 1840, 
 with Europeans knocking at the gates for permission 
 to trade. Just midway in the century the Feudal 
 Head was obliged to sign various commercial treaties 
 in the presence of European warships, and literally 
 at the cannon's mouth. The people of all classes 
 were indignant and in a semi-barbarous fashion 
 vainly tried to expel the foreigners, but only met 
 with defeat and armed retaliation. Thus foiled, they 
 turned and rent their own rulers, abolishing the 
 Feudal System and restoring the rule of the Emperor 
 alone, which rule had existed before Feudalism was 
 set up many centuries previously. The ablest men 
 and the best classes, having had this experience of 
 the European method, resolved to imitate it So 
 they reformed their forces by sea and land and set 
 up a constitutional monarchy which has had a short 
 trial, but as yet seems to be successful. Here, then 
 is a revolution, not in the government, but in the 
 national policy, which, though owing its origin to 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 external events, has yet been worked out by the 
 people themselves. Thus, after an example unique 
 in Asiatic history, Japan ends the century in 
 patriotic hopefulness and buoyant aspirations. 
 China began the ooatuiy in the same way as Japan, 
 amidst splendour, renown, glorious traditions, im- 
 perial prestige; with a similar self-complacency 
 and exclusiveness towards foreigners. With her, too, 
 the awakening began about the same time, but much 
 more roughly. Before the middle of the century she 
 had been beaten badly by Britain. Soon after that 
 time she was beaten still worse owing to her disregard 
 of commercial treaties. She suffered from internal 
 disorders of the gravest kinds. Instead of being 
 warned by these disasters she steadily set her face 
 against putting her house in order. She, a very big 
 nation, provoked a war with Japan, a little but well- 
 prepared nation, and was disgracefully defeated. 
 The peace negotiations which ensued had the effect 
 of letting in all the great European Powers upon the 
 Chinese Empire. The Imperial authority has been 
 destroyed externally, and all men are wondering 
 how long its internal vitality will last. Thus the 
 century is ending for China in utter despair, owing 
 to the fault of all classes from the Imperial Court 
 downwards. So the close of the nineteenth century 
 is viewed by the three countries with different feel- 
 ings ; by India with calm confidence, by Japan with 
 ambitious patriotism, by China with blank hopo* 
 lessneas. 
 
X PBEFACE. 
 
 For facility of reference it may be well to follovv 
 up thia diversity in the Chapters of the several Parts. 
 
 In each Part, then, the divergence of arrangement 
 begins after the second Chapter, that is, after the 
 Introduction, and after the status of 1800. 
 
 For India, in Chapter III, the first matter is the 
 formation of the Empire, that is, the advance of 
 British conquest and power, tiU the entire country 
 from sea to sea, from the border of Afghanistan to 
 the border of China, is under British administration 
 direct or under British suzerainty. Then follows, 
 in Chapter IV., a sketch of the frontiers, which,' 
 though partly formed by the sea, do partly rest on 
 the mountains. Indeed these land frontiers of India 
 are geographically the most striking to be found any- 
 where on earth. For the vast territories ihus com- 
 bined in one Empire there follows an outline, in 
 Chapters V. and VI., of the machinery of Govern- 
 ment, Civil and MiUtaiy, and, as arising out of the 
 Military section, some account of the Mutinies in 
 ^he Native army. After this account of the Empire, 
 the territories, and the system of Government, there 
 comes a statement, in Chapter VIL, of the general 
 principles of Imperial administration. A distinct 
 point in the story of India is thus reached. There 
 remains to be mentioned what is done by the State 
 in each branch of national affairs, with this machin- 
 ery of government and with these principles. Then 
 the narrative groups itself, in Chapters VIII. to 
 XIII., inclusive, into several headini^ The first 
 
PBEFACB. 
 
 xi 
 
 of these relates to legislation, to law and justice, as 
 being the bases for what is done in all other branches. 
 Of the great interests in the country the first is that 
 concerning the land, the agriculture and the landed 
 classes from the highest to the humblest; and in 
 reference to agriculture, the canals of irrigation, the 
 finest in the world, are noticed. After this, the 
 trade, especially the ocean-borne commerce, and com- 
 munications, including railways, are brought for- 
 ward. The changes in Municipal Reform are then 
 introduced, including Sanitation and Local Govern- 
 ment in the newest and technical sense of these 
 terms. Next comes State Education after the West- 
 em model, and the Public Instruction of various 
 kinds, also the efforts put forth by the Missions of 
 the several Christian churches and communities. 
 The narrative concludes with a summary of the 
 revenues and finances; and amongst the revenues 
 is included some analysis of the vexed questions 
 about opium. The Part is closed with a summary, 
 in Chapter XIV., of the state of the country and 
 the people in 1899. In the material section some 
 allusion is made to the enormous growth of the popu- 
 lation, and to the recuperative power shown by the 
 people after famine and to their large exportation of 
 produce. In the moral section the effect of the 
 Western education upon religious belief is alluded 
 to, as are also the prospects of the Christian Mis- 
 sions, the growth of the new Vedic and Brahmoist 
 faiths, the continued prevalence of the ancient relig* 
 
XU fBBFAOB. 
 
 Jong, and the mental embarrasamentfl of the educated 
 men who reject each and all of these faiths. Lastly 
 
 analysis is afforded of the prevailing elements of 
 Indian loyalty, acquiescence and contentment, over the 
 unavoidable elements of disloyalty and discontent. 
 Inasmuch as for Japan and China, the sovereigns are 
 mentioned, so I have adduced the names of the il- 
 lustrious line of Governors-General of India during 
 the century, with a note of the great deeds of each. 
 
 Similarly in Part 11. for Japan there is uniform- 
 ity up Chapter IV., that is, an Introduction is of- 
 fered sKetching the land and the people and a descrip- 
 tion of the status of 1800, with the Feudal System 
 fu Ij^istabhshed and still flourishing, namely, the Feu- 
 dal Head at his capital with his barons scattered all 
 over the f . jitry. But in order to eludicate the status 
 of 1800, It has been necfessary to insert a brief Chap- 
 ter. III., on the past of Roman Catholic Christiar^ity 
 m Japan under the Jesuits (including St Francis 
 Xavier), a story, which, if fully set forth, would 
 prove to be one of the most romantic episodes in the 
 history of Christendom. It is from Chapter IV. that 
 a special arrangement begins. In that Chapter the 
 working of the Feudal System ia recounted from 
 1800 to 1853. Up to 1835 it ran a smooth course, 
 many feudal classes liked its external splendour, the 
 local barons ruled their fiefs with a certain sort of 
 popularity. Despite their exclusiveness and self- 
 isolation and the consequent want of foreign trade, 
 the people were fairly prosperous, their famous art- 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 xiii 
 
 industries were maintained, and their p8 triotism v:a9 
 Btill aglow, though their armament was antiquated 
 and-their arms rusty from Icmg disuse. After .840 a 
 fluttering in their dovecot b^aa till the middle of the 
 century, when a hurricane set in. The next Chapter, 
 v., then indicates step by step the fall of the Feudal 
 System between 1853 and 1868. This, however, 
 would have been delayed for some time if the 
 Japanese had been more temperate in their behaviour. 
 They had not then learned the wisdom they have sub- 
 sequently evinced. They vainly imagined that they 
 byvalourand patriotism alonecould resist Europeans. 
 But on finding that Western discipline and science 
 prevailed, they straightway adopted these things for 
 their own country, and contented themselves with 
 destroying the Feudal System and reverting to their 
 ancient and still surviving tradition of Imperial 
 Eule under their Emperor. So the next Chapter, VI., 
 relates to the reign of the Emperor, who is still on 
 the throne. Having restored their Empei-or to his 
 proper place, the Japanese decided that Lc must be a 
 constitutional monarch, with a Di'-it, formed after 
 the model of a European Parliament, and with a 
 reformation of the army and navy after the Eur<> 
 pean pattern. The value of the new forces by sea and 
 land was very soon tested by the war with China, 
 which made Japan feel herself to be a nation, neW' 
 born in power though antique in tradition. The con- 
 cluding Chapter VIL, on the status of 1899, adverts 
 to the present temper and disposition of the Japan- 
 
xiv 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 ese, their religions, and the relation of the State 
 to the prospects of the Christian Missions; to the 
 national resources, the external trade, the civil ad- 
 ministration, and the procedure of the Diet and Par- 
 liament so far as that can be anderstooc after a brief 
 experience and the neighbourly disquietude in re- 
 gard to the tottering position of China. 
 
 For China again, Part III., at the outset the same 
 arrangement is preserved up to Chapter IT.I., that is 
 an Introductory sketch of the land and the people 
 is ofFered, and then some account of the status in 
 1800, when the Chinese Empire was apparently, 
 though perhaps not really, at its zenith. At all events 
 it was a stately, grandiose, towering, imposing struc- 
 ture, and no Chinaman dreamt of the shaking and 
 the battering to which within forty years it was to 
 be subjected. It is from Chapter III. that a special 
 arrangement begins. That Chapter, together with 
 Chapters IV., V., VI. and VII., relates to the reigns 
 of the five Chinese Emperors during the nineteenth 
 century, one after another in due succesFion, a Chap* 
 ter being d evoted to each Emperor. It was found 
 that ic this way only could the course of China by 
 herself be traced — the inner workings of Imperial 
 policy be discerned — the idiosyncrasies of the Court, 
 the Emperor and his family be understood. The 
 national system was such that even the ablest Em- 
 peror would not have been all-powerful for good — 
 still he counted for much. And these Emperors, in- 
 stead of bettering things, intensified the evils of their 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XV 
 
 day, 130 far hastening the downfall of their Empire. 
 It hafj often happened that histor-cal works on China 
 have quite naturally referred in the main to British 
 trade-relations, isritish progress and prowess. Now 
 with all deference to these considerations, of which in- 
 deed Britons may well be proud, the purpose of this 
 work is to pourtray China as she has been and still is 
 by herself, and to advert to foreign nations only so f 'tr 
 as their conduct may have affected the condition of 
 China. It is indeed the mad determination of the 
 Chinese to shut their eyes to everything external and 
 to look inwards only, their obstinate refusal after the 
 most distressful experience, to improve themselves 
 even at this eleventh hour, wher the last sands from 
 their hour-glass are falling, that reduce their best 
 friends to despair. 
 
 Thus each one of the five reigns proves to be a 
 step towards the brink of what looks like ..n abyss, 
 and each step seems to be longer than the last in this 
 fatal direction. In 1800 Chiaching, the successor of 
 really great Emperors, was on the throne. Though 
 he was relatively an inferior person, nothing hap- 
 pened except a general enfeeblement In 1820 he 
 was succeeded by his son Taokwang, a man of 
 stronger character, in whose reign serious troubles 
 began after the East India Company ceased to trade. 
 These troubles ended in the first war with the British, 
 the ratification of commercial treaties and the cession 
 of Hong Kong. As Emperor he did what he could 
 to make matters worse for his country. Internal dis- 
 
PREFACEL 
 
 tractions occurred, and among them the famous Tai> 
 ing rebellion took its rise; so he died unhappy in 
 1860. The son and successor Hsionfeng was a head- 
 strong youth, somewhat inclined to dissipation. The 
 Taiping rebellion grew under him in a manner that 
 brought shame on all Chinese institutions. His 
 lieutoiantB broke the commercial treaties so overtly, 
 that an Anglo-French force landed and marched on 
 his capital Peking, which ho deserted and fled to the 
 mountains where ho died. His dynasty would have 
 perished then and there had it not been for the resolu- 
 tion and ability of Prince Kung. He was succeeded 
 by an infant son Tungchih, who attained his majority 
 in 1874 and died in 1875. The regency had consist 
 ed of the two Dowager Empresses with Prince Kung, 
 and they soon resumed their functions, for again an 
 infant was chosen to succeed, namely Kwanghsu, who 
 attained his majority in 1887 and is still reigning. 
 The Taiping rebellion, after attaining dreadful 
 dimensions, was stamped out, three other revolts were 
 subv^aed, one of them after great slaughter, the Great 
 Plateau including Mongolia which had long broken 
 away from Chinese authority was reconquered; so 
 China was still standing. Some of her friends hoped 
 that she might yet rise again, after having suflFered 
 two wars with European Powers, overcome four rebel- 
 lions, and reoccupied her upland dominions after long 
 campaigns. But nothing would induce her to recon- 
 stitute, reorganise, rearm herself. TJnconscioua 
 of her own unpreparedness, she needlessly provoked 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 xvii 
 
 m 1894 a war with Japan that leveUed her with the 
 
 dust This war and its consequences are described 
 in Chapters VIII. and IX. It remained only to 
 describe in Chapter X. the state of China in 1899. 
 The principal points of the country are under the 
 control of European Powers. The foreign trade is 
 large and growing at all the commercial centres, still 
 the foreign merchants are universally anxious lest 
 the presert Chinese Government should prove unable 
 to protect the trade, lest such incapacity should cause 
 a downfall, and lest such a downfall should throw 
 China as a rich prey to be scrambled for by contend- 
 ing powers. Aa to the Chinese themselves, they 
 have learnt nothing and forgotten nothing. Though 
 the best individuals among them are acutely anxious 
 yet the toiUng milUons seem amenable to no influence 
 save that of the learned and bigoted class. 
 
 The recent progress of European relations with 
 China and Japan has caused an expansion of the old 
 Oriental terms. The East now seems in English 
 to mean India and nothing further. The Ear East 
 apparently signifies Cochin China, China and Japan. 
 Tlie unique position of the United Kingdom in the 
 East, and the fact of its having been among the first 
 comers of importance in China, will afford it a vast 
 advantage in regard to all disputed positions in the 
 -tar East 
 
 For Part 1. and the largest, namely India, I am 
 
 myself the witness for a great part of thn ce-t,,.v 
 For Parts 11. and III. I have consulted the best and 
 
 B 
 
zviii 
 
 FBETICB. 
 
 newert tuthorities in England; and I gUdly ac- 
 knowledge mj obligations to them. So the general 
 
 correctness at leaat of these Parta may be depended 
 
 upon. Though many points brought out in this work 
 may be the result of recondite inquiry or prolonged 
 experience, still as the purpose is a popular one, I 
 have not cited any authorities comparatively inacces- 
 sible. But I have presented a list of books and pnbli* 
 cations, probably obtainablo in any Oriental library, 
 ■whereby most, if not all of the facts stated in this 
 Volume can bo easily verified. I also append a 
 CbronoI<^cal Table whereby the events df each 
 year, for the three countries, India, Japan and 
 China, can be simultaneously and syndirononslj 
 perceived at a glance. 
 
 RICHARD TEMPLE. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PART ONE. 
 INDIA. 
 
 CHAPTER L 
 
 DiTBODDOnOW. 
 
 Nomenclature of India.— Sice of Area.— Natura of It* 
 Oovenunent.— Comparison with Haoedonian and Bo- 
 man Empires.— Ctoographioal Features.— Hie Himalayas. 
 — (Jangetic Plain and Delta.— The Central Region.— The 
 Eastern and Western Coasts on to the Peninsula.— The 
 Rivers of India.— Burma and the Imwaddj.— The 
 Indian Population.— The Hindus.— The Muhammadans. 
 —The Other Races.- The Scenery of India.— The In- 
 dustrial Arts 1 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 RAn ov vnax n 1800. 
 
 The Mahratta Power Throughout India.— Disappearance of 
 the French, Dutch, and Portuguese.— Position of the 
 British Power.— Its Several Maritime Bases.— Conquest 
 
 of Mysore.— The East India Company.— Condition of 
 the People of India Deteriorating ever since the Fall of 
 the Mogul Empire.— Moslem States in Oudh and in the 
 Deccan.— BeYolution and the Pind&ris.— Maintenance 
 of Rajput Independence in Rajputana. — Peace in 
 Southern Peninsula.— Loss of Prnpfirty in India Gen- 
 erally during the Troubles.— Sea-borne Trade Kept Up^ 
 
zz 
 
 CONTENTB. 
 
 but Inlanii Trade Injured.— Agriculture Much Affected 
 and Landed Property Temporarily Effaced.— Land 
 Settlement in Bengal and Behar.— Soeiiil and Educa- 
 tional Deprossion.— Condition of the Indubtriul Arts.— 
 Prelttdef to Advent of British Rule 10 
 
 CHAPTER m. 
 
 FORMATION OF THE EXPIRK OF INDIA. 
 
 The Marquees Wellesley's Career of Conquest.— Empire 
 Founded. — Brief Intern gnum under Marquess Com- 
 wallis.— Career Resumed by Marquess Hastings.— Em- 
 pire Formed.— Conquest Around Burma.— Annexation 
 of Sind and of the Panjab.— Conquest of Irrawnddy 
 Delta in Burma.- Annexation of NaKpore and of Oii.lli. 
 —Conquest of Ava.— Territorial Completeness of Indian 
 Acquisitions.— Number of Campaigns, Battles, Sipges, 
 Defences, Expeditions.— Necessity for and Justification 
 of British Conquests 24 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 tjETERIOKATION 0^ THE FRONTIEB8. 
 
 Configuration of India.— Two Frontiers Facing the Sea.— 
 Vast Line of Land Frontier.— Safety on Northern and 
 North-Eastein Sides.— DiflBculties on Western and 
 North- Western Sides.— Independent Tribes.- Military 
 Expeditions.— Hill Campaign of 1897.— Afghanistan.— 
 Apprehension Regarding Russia.— Railway to Candahar 
 Border.— Reference toHorat.— Russian Railway in Tur 
 comania.— Tlie Pamir I'lateau.— Chitral Military Post. 
 —Impediments to Russian Advance by Herat.— War 
 with Persia in 1857.— Eastern Frontier Facing Yunnan. 
 — South-Eastem Frontier towards Siam 38 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 HACUUIKKT OF INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Originally Three Independent Presidencies.— Governor of 
 
 Bengal Prosidenny made Govornor-OencMl over all. — 
 Lieuteuuut-Uoveriiorsjiip of Nortli- Western Provinces 
 
CONTENTS. jj, 
 
 Crmt,Ml.-Noxt that of Bengal.-Then that of tho P„n- 
 jak-L..st y that of Burma.-C'hlef ConimiH^ionership. 
 
 Ur .t.s._Th^.r I..,,.„rta,u-e.-Villagesor ParWi«.-Tl.t 
 Na n.. States -Kelatioi., of th. British Oovcrnmonl 
 
 C.V Semco.-M.Hlili,.. io,. of its Cl,art.r8.-Tran«fer 
 of all Its IWers to the Britis), Crown After the Indian 
 Mut.nu.s -Proclamation of the Empire of Indla.-lS 
 constitution of the Indian Annie.. . _ 47 
 
 CHAPTEB VI. 
 
 THE INDIAN XTTIXIES. 
 
 Beginning of the Armies of British India. -Their State 
 about the Year ISOO.-Tlieir Progress up to 1857.-Their 
 a.nditx.n. Eulupoan and Native, in 1857.-Mu«nie» 
 among the Sop<n s of the Bengal Army.-The Events at 
 Meerut and Delhi in May. 1867.-Rapi.l Progress of Dis- 
 Operations for the Recapture of 
 Delhi.-The Panjab and Sir John Lawrence.-Lord 
 Canning at Calcutta.-Sir Colin Campbell and Events 
 at Lucknow.-Recapture of Delhi.-Purther Events at 
 Lucknow.-Vast Reinforcements from England - 
 tinal Suppression of Mutiny and Rebellion in 1858- 
 Probable Causes of the Trouble—Loyalty of the Native 
 Prmces.-\V,se Changes in the Proportion between 
 European and Native Troops.-Retros,,o< t of Possible 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 PHINCIPLHS OF mPBRIAI. ADMimSTaATION. 
 
 neifrn of r a.v in In lia.-Despotism Subject to Legislation. 
 -Lnl.ghteued and Humane Maxims— Absence of 
 Political Representation— Lesser Elective Institutions. 
 CuT!'i -^'■^l"'^^'''"'^*^ "f '^I'e Many Nationaliti.s- 
 ^"U and Kei.jiioua Liberty.- lieligious Neutrality of 
 
 «8 
 
zxii 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 British Rule, while Itself Prolessing Christianity.— Its 
 Respect for the Customs and Forms, even for the Prej- 
 udices, of the Natives.— Freedom of the Native or Ver- 
 micular Press.— Personal and Individual Freedom under 
 the Law.— The Light of Western Knowledge.— Even 
 and Equitable Relations Financially between India 
 and Britain.— European and Native Agenoy in Adminis- 
 tration 
 
 CHAPTER VUL 
 
 LEGISLATION, LAW AND JX7STICB. 
 
 Beginnings of Law and Justice un'ler the East India Com- 
 pany.— Establishment of Supreme Courts at the Tliree 
 Presidency Towns.— Central Courts and District Courts 
 under the East India Company.— The Company's Regu- 
 lations and the Native Codes. — Hacaulay and the Penal 
 Code.— Establishment of Several Legislative Councils in 
 India.— Drafting in England of Certain Laws for India. 
 —Establishment of High Courts at the Presidency 
 Towns and Elsewhere in India. —Native Judges and their 
 Courts. — Extent of Litigation.— Registration of Docu- 
 ments.— The Native Bar.- Particular Crimes in India. 
 —The Organised Police.— The Prisons.— Great Convict 
 8ettl«nent on the Andaman Islands. .'. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 THE LANDED INTEEKST8. 
 
 Extreme Magnitudeof the Agricultural Interests in India. 
 —Condition of the Landed Interest during the Eight- 
 eenth Century. — Permanent Settlement in Bengal and 
 Behar. — Summary Settlements in the Early Days of 
 British Rule.— Regular Settlements in the Nineteenth 
 Century for Long Terms of Years.— Revenue and Cadas- 
 tral Surveys.— Moderate and Equitable Assessments of 
 Land Revenue.— Registration of Landed Rights and 
 Tenures.— Property of Land Owners and of Peasant 
 Proprietors.— Tenant Right.— Periodical Recurrence of 
 Famine.— Vaat Efforts by the Government to Save Life. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 zziii 
 
 PAcn 
 
 —Canals of Irrigation.— Great Canals and Other Works 
 
 Constructed by the British Gtovernment.— The Con 
 
 servaucy of Forests.— The Several Surveya for Scieatifio 
 and for Fiscal Purposes..... 101 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 TRADB Ain> OOKUUNIOAnONS. 
 
 Ancient Boads or Tracks of India. — Communication by 
 Water.— Trunk Roads Made by East India Company.— 
 The Indian Railways.— The Capital Outlay.— Indian 
 Ocean-Borne Commerce at Beginning of Nineteenth 
 Century.— The East Indiamen Sailing Vessels.— The 
 Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company. — 
 East India Company's Trading Monopoly Abolished. — 
 Trade Thrown Open in 1835.— Value of the Trade in 
 1839.— Great Increase up to 1899.— Exports from and 
 Imports into India.— Balance of Trade, how Adjusted.— 
 India the best Customer for the British Isles.- British 
 Groods.— Indian Produce.— British Capital and Industries 
 in India.— The Post-Office.— The Electric Telegraph. ... 112 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 y MUNIOIPAI. REFORM. 
 
 The Ancient Panchayat or Local Committee throughout 
 India. — Gradual Development of such Committees 
 from the Beginning of British Rule.— Institution of 
 Municipal Corporations From and After the Middle of 
 the Nineteenth Century.— Municipalities of Calcutta, 
 Madras, and Bombay. -Great Public Works Con- 
 structed by Them.— The Elective System.— Increase of 
 Municipalities in the Interior of the Country.— Consti- 
 tution of District Boards in all Provinces.- Their Oper- 
 ations and their Resources.— Port Trusts for the Prin- 
 cipal Harbors. — Medical Dispensaries in the Interior 
 nf the Country.— Viiceinatioa.— Saait»tion.—EiHdem- 
 ios.— The PubUo Health. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER Xn. 
 
 / EDUCATION AND CHBISTIANITT. 
 
 PAGI 
 
 State of Education under Native Rule— In the Beginning 
 of British Rule.— Iiuprovement after 1830.— Beginning 
 of Female Education in 1834.— Elementary Schools in 
 Northern India. —Medicallnstruction for the Natives.— 
 Educational Charter of 1854.— Its Consequences in 
 Schools, Colleges, -^nd Universities.— System of Scholar- 
 ships.— State Expenditure on Education.— Compulsory 
 Attendance not yet Enacted.— Numbers at School in Pro- 
 portion to the Population.— General Education and Tech- 
 nical Instru'. tion.— New Oriental Literature in many 
 Languages. — The Indian Vernacular. — Newspaper 
 Press.— Effect of the Western Education on the Indian 
 Religions. — Christianity in India.— Roman Catholics 
 and Protestants.— Beginnings of Protestant Missions.— 
 The Church Missionary Society.— The Society for the 
 Pn pagationof the Gospel.— The Baptist Missions.— The 
 Free Church of Scotland. —The London Missionary 
 Society.— The Wesleyans.— The Missions from the Unit- 
 ed States of America.— From the Continent of Europe. 
 —From Canada.— Results of all these Missions.— The 
 English Episcopate 137 
 
 CHAPTER Xm. 
 
 ^ RKTSNUE AND FINANCE. 
 
 Originally a Doiiblp Standard Virtually in India.— Silver 
 Made Sole Stauvlard in 1835.— No Difficulty till 1870 as 
 a Rupee was Worth Two Shillings and Ten Rupees One 
 Sovereign.— When Silver Declined then Difficulty in 
 Remittances of Sil ' >?r from India to England to be there 
 Adjusted by a Gold Svanaa.-d.— Indian Accounts no 
 longer Reckoned in Poun Is Starling but in Tens of Ru- 
 pees or RsX.— Employment of B itish Capital in India. 
 —The Indian National Dishi. - The Budget System.— 
 The Receipts and Expentiiture from the Indian Treas- 
 ury.— The Land Revenue.— The Salt Revenue.— The 
 Opium Revenue. — Roynl Commission on Opium.— Its 
 lieport Presented to Parliament.— Sujumary Thereof. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 ZXT 
 
 — Action of the House of Ck>mmoiis Thereon.— Aigu- 
 ment hj Dissentient Members of the CTommission. — 
 Government Paper Currency. — Treasury Cash Balances. 
 — Government Savings Banks for the Natives. — Inqui- 
 ries Regarding Gold and Silver. — Closing of the Indian 
 Mints Against Coinage of Rupees. — Committee of 1898. 
 —Their Recommendation of Gold Standard, 1899.— 
 Finances of British India Compared with those of the 
 Mogul Empire 156 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 THE STATE OT IKDIA IN 1899. 
 
 Epitome of the Several Preceding Chapters. — Moral and 
 Material Effect of the Whole.— The Native States.— Na- 
 ture of the Material Effect on the Empire.— Becent Re- 
 port in Parliament. — British Shipping in Indian Ports. — 
 Recovery from Effects of Famine. — Moral Effect as Re- 
 lating to Eastern HeHgions. — Tlie Moslems. — Past and 
 Present of Hinduism. — The Several Main Languages. — 
 The Surviving Abori[nnal Races. — The Hindus Proper. 
 — Their Priesthood.— Their Literature. — Their Arts. — 
 Movements Indicating Originality. — Brahmoism. — 
 Vedic Faith. — Classes between Brahman ist Polytheism 
 and Brahmoist or Vedic theism. — Their Mental and Spir- 
 itual Attitude. — Ciiste still Surviving. — The Jains. The 
 Parsees. — Riots Occasionally between Religiou" . ac- 
 tions. — Question of the Loyalty or Otherwise of the 
 People to British Rule. — Classes who are Actively Loyal, 
 Passively Loyal, or Disloyal More or Less. — Real Basis 
 of British Power 178 
 
 PART TWO. 
 JAPAN. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 IKTRODtrCnON. 
 
 Oi'i;?in of the Name J;ip:i!i. Eiai;;ru of Isles and Islets. — 
 Yezo.— The Main Island.— The Mountain Fuji Yama. — 
 
ZZTI 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Nikko—Tokyo and Yokohama.-Kyotoand Uke Biwa. 
 -Osaka and Kobe—The Inland Sea.-The Island of 
 Shikoku. - fhe Island of Ky uflhu.-Nagasaki.-Satsuma. 
 —Area and Population of the Island Empire — fiood- 
 dliituu. — Climate 
 
 PAOB 
 
 196 
 
 CHAPTER XVL 
 
 STATE OP JAPAN IN 1800. 
 
 The Imperial Constitution.-The Emperor or Mikado — 
 The Daimyos as Feudal Chiefs.- The Samurais 'as 
 Knighta and Retainers.— Yoritomo the Feudal Head — 
 Is Appointed Shogun or Military and Civil Ruler by the 
 Emperor.- Hereditary Shogunate.- Overturned First 
 by Hideyoshi.-Then by leyasu, who Founded Toku- 
 g^a. Line of Shoguns.-His Successors Ruling up to 
 1800.-Ieyasu as Governor under the Emperor.-Charao- 
 ter of his Rule.-His Hostility to the Jesuit Christians. 
 -The Predominanceof Booddhism.-Character of Shin- 
 toism—Progress of Booddhisra.-The Civil Admiuis- 
 tration.-LocalRule of the Daimyos.-General Exclu- 
 siveness Regarding Foreign Things and Persons. - 
 Korea -Ruined by Japanese Invasion—Peace in Ja- 
 pan after I600.-Cultivation of Industrial Arts 203 
 
 CHAPTER XVn. 
 THB JBBTTITS AND CHHISTIANITY IN JAPAN, 
 Boman Catholic Christianity in Japan.-Numbers and 
 Status of the Christians in the Sixteenth Century- 
 Hideyoshi the Chief Becomes Suspicious of them- 
 Measures Against them Taken by the Shogun leya^u. 
 -Persecution of them Proceeds under his Son and 
 Grandson—Cruelties. Tortures, Massacres. - Heroic 
 Fortitude.-Armed Resistance Finally Overcome after 
 Slaughter of the Christians.-Scattered Christians stiU 
 Exist -Proof Hereby Afforded of the Real Ruth which 
 had been Imparted to them.-Their Deathless Mem- 
 215 
 
CONTENTS. 
 CHAPTER XVin. 
 
 xzrii 
 
 TBE SHOOCMA.TB OB FEUDAL. SYBTEK FBOH 1800 TO 1853. 
 
 PAua 
 
 The Tokugawa Dynasty of Shoguns.— Its Quiet Course.— 
 lenaii Shogun in 1800. — His Governiiieut Uneventful 
 till 183(5. — Is Succeeded by his Son leyoshi. — Various 
 Attempts by Ships of Several European Nations to 
 Harbor in Japan between 1840 and 1850.— leyoshi the 
 Shogun in 1853 Succeeded by his Son lesada. — Condi- 
 tion of the Government, the Country, and the People 
 of Japan to Meet the Question about to Ensue with the 
 European Powers.— The Old Shogunate Tottering from 
 Intenial Decay 833 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 PALL OF THE FEUDAL SYSTEM, FROM 1853 TO 1868. 
 
 lesada the Thirteenth Shogun of the Tokugawa Line. — 
 Appearance of American Squadron under Commodore 
 Perry in the Ba; of Yedo. — He Delivers his Letter for 
 the Shogun. — Dismay and Excitement of the Japanese. 
 Delimitation at Saghalien of Boundary with Russia. — 
 Second Visit of Commodore Perry. — Preliminary 
 Treaty of Commerce with the United States Signed by 
 the Shogun. — Similar Arrangements Made with Sev- 
 eral European Powers. — ^The Treaty Ports. — Enlarged 
 Commercial Treaties Made with All the Foreign Pow- 
 ers.— Unpopularity of these Measures in Japan. — The 
 Shogun lesada Dies in 1857 and is Succeeded by lemochi. 
 — Regency and then the Regent Assassinated in 1861. — 
 Growing Outrages from Popular Dislike to the Treaties 
 and Naval Reprisals. — Naval Operations in Shimono> 
 seki Strait.— Consent of the Emperor to the Treaties. — 
 The Shogun lemochi Dies and Hitotsubashi Appointed 
 in his Stead. — Emperor Komei Dies and is Succeeded 
 by Mutsuhito.— The Shogun Resigns.— The Shogunate 
 Ended.— Causes of its Fall : 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 THE REIO:-f OF EMPEBOR MUTSUHITO, Ifi6l5-1899. 
 
 The Emperor Receives Foreign Representatives at Kyoto. 
 
ixvui CONTENTS. 
 
 -Attack on the British Minister, Sir Harrv Parkea 
 
 then Called Tokyo. - Proscription Against Japanese 
 Christians Issued and Subsequently Revoked.-DeuC 
 ative A^en.Wy.-Al,oliti,„ of Old Feudal System- 
 Events in Fonnu. Inland.- -The Satsuma ^^ ^1 
 Assassination of Okubo the Minister.-Local GoZn 
 nient in the Provinces.-Tl.e New Constitutl^';;. 
 Oath ^'"'«*--Tl'e Emperor Takes the 
 
 Hou e7-?h?r Powers-The Diet of Two 
 
 vft^ »e"g»on.— The Judiciary.— Constitution Takes 
 Amv re^V^''' Education.- The Refo™:, 
 kZI'~1 T'T ^^^y-Tbe War with China about 
 Ma ci ~A t"^"*'"" °f Yalu River.- 
 March Across Liaotung Peninsula.-Capture of Port 
 Arthur and Wei-hai-Wei.-Peace Conclud d a Sh 
 monosek..-Its Terms Subsequently Modified at the 
 Instance of Certain European Powers . 349 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 THE STATE OP JAPAN IN 1899. 
 
 '^erst'eJh'oVT r^^*'"'^ of Japan. "-Bishop Bick- 
 TlL l^"' ~ Evidence. -Shintoism and 
 Booddh sm.- Recent Provision for Shinto Priests - 
 Separation of the State from Reii.ion.-ReveS Q. 
 
 ■p ""'f.' ^"^ ^f'^'^^ of the Moral Force of Booddhism. 
 -Position of those who Abandon the Old Religions.- 
 
 Sns ThTp r •^••^P— -TI- Protestant Mis- 
 
 mons -ThePul,hcEducation.-The New Literature.- 
 Th«7 SewConstitution.-LawandJus«ce. 
 ^le PoHHrr;;"!^''^'* Houses.- 
 SeUnr ? f'f* '"'-'"^" Railways.-The Trade.- 
 The Unre r.r ted R,.s„le„ce of Europeans. -The Visit 
 < ^-'-''^\Bere.sford.-nis Favorable Opinion 
 Regarding Organization in Japan. -The Army an," 
 
 Vrew*;;;^^v'°": ^^^^^<^'^-^^r- Chamberlain-s 
 View of "New Japan."-The Art Industries.-Anxiety 
 vt^ Japan Regaiding her Trade with China.-Conclu- 
 °" 364 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 XZiz 
 
 PART III. 
 CHINA. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 INTRODUCTION, 
 
 Area of the Chinese Empire. — Its Probable Population. — 
 — The Geographical Features of China. — Pechihlee Gulf. 
 
 — Tho Liaotunp Peninsula and Manchuria. — The Pacific 
 Coast. — The Vast Plateau.— Tlie Great Wall. — Tho 
 Basin of the Hoang Ho River. — The Situations of Pe- 
 king, of Port Arthur, of Wei-hai-Wei, of Kiao Chow 
 (German). — The Basin of the Yang-tsze-Kiang. — Situ- 
 ations of Shanghai and Hong-Kong. — The Tongking 
 River System. — The Mekhong River Boundary. — The 
 Early Chinese. — The Kin Dynasty at Peking. — The 
 Sung Dynasty at Nanking in the Yang-tsze Valloy . 
 The Invasions of the Mongols. — Ultimately Conquerors 
 of China. — Replaced by the Chinese Ming Dynasty. — 
 Succeeded by the Present Manchu Dynasty from Man- 
 churia 288 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 STATE OP CHINA IN 1800. 
 
 Reign of tho Emperor Chien Lung. — His Death and the 
 Succession of the Emperor Chiaching. — Extent of the 
 Cliinese Empire at that Time. — The Several Religions 
 of the Chinese. — Roman Catholic Christianity in China 
 during the Middle Ages. — Position of the Jesuits under 
 the Emperor Kanghsi. — Position of the Christians in 
 1800.— The Literati and the Mandarins. — Character 
 of Chinese Education. — Competitive Examinations. — 
 State Departments for Finance, for Army, for Navy. — 
 The Civil Service. — Chronic Sedition. — Public Works. — 
 Industrial Arts. — Some Prominent Emperors. — Charac- 
 ter of the Chinese People. — Anti-Foreign. — Lord Mao- 
 oartney's Embassy.— Memory of the Mings 298 
 
xxz 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAFTEB XXIV. 
 
 REION OF EMPEBOR CHIACHINO, 1800 TO 1820. 
 
 Heritage of Chiaching.— Condemnation of the Minist^i'*" 
 Ho.— Official Corruption— Attempt to Assassinate the 
 Emperor.— Lord Amherst's Mission.— Piracy near For- 
 mosa. — Change in East India Company's Charter, 
 1818.— Official Hostility to British Trade.— Cultivation 
 and Use of the Poppy in China.— Report on the Origin 
 of Opimn in China by the Royal Commission in 1895.— 
 Importation of Opium into China from the West, First 
 through the Muhammadans. — Afterwards through 
 Mongols.— Previous Consumption of Drugs in China.— 
 Trade in Opium during Chiachiiig's Reign.— Opinion 
 of the Royal Commission Regarding the Use of Opium. 838 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 BKION OP EMPEROR TAOKWAKO, 1820 TO 1850. 
 
 Accession of the Emperor Taokwang. — His Personal 
 Character.— Reign Uneventful from 1820 to 1834.— East 
 India Company Ceases to Trade. — fritish Trading 
 Centre at Canton.— Arrival of Lord Napier as British 
 Representative.— He is Badly Received b\ tlie Chinese 
 Authorities.— His Death.— Appointment of Lin to Can- 
 ton.— He Seizes Qu. atities of Opium.— He Attacks the 
 British Naval Action. — Beginning of First Chinese 
 War.—Opium not Cause of War, which was Really for 
 General Trade.— Insincero Professions of Chinese Au- 
 thorities Regarding Opium.— Relative Position of the 
 Chinese and the Indian Drug.— Preparations for War in 
 1840.— Hostilities from Canton to Peiho.— First Treaty 
 Made with Minister Kishen.— Rejected by the Emperor. 
 —War Resumed.— Operations under Sir Hugh Gough.— 
 Treaty of Nanking, 1842.— Cession of Hong-Kong.— 
 Yeh's Appointment to Canton.- Causes Bad Relatio- j 
 with the British.— The Opium Question in England.— 
 The Royal Commission of Inquiry.— Its Report in 1895. 
 —Its Conclusions Accepted by British Parliament.— The 
 Anti-Opium Party.— Their Arguments.- Lord Ashley's 
 Action in 1843.— Last Years of Emperor Taokwang.— 
 His Death 1850 aa4 
 
OONTEKTS. 
 
 zxxi 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 REION OF EMPEROR H"^ ENQ, 1850 TO 1861, 
 
 PAoa 
 
 Character of Hsienfeng.— Ri he Taiping Rebelliou 
 near Canton.— Its Progress Northwards to the Yang- 
 
 tizf .— New Dynasty Proclaimed at Nanking. — Attitude 
 of the Europeans towards the Rebellion. — Advance of 
 the Rebels towards Peking.— Their Retreat on the 
 Yangtsze.— The Triad Rebels.— Position of the Great 
 Rebellion In 1856,— Reflections Thereon,— Origin of the 
 Second Chinese War.— The Affair of the Lorcha Ar- 
 row.— Hostilities Begin.— Lord Elgin's Mission Sup- 
 ported by a Force.— Seizure of Canton and Capture of 
 Yeh.— Lord Elgin Proceeds to Tientsin and Concludes 
 a Treaty There.— Attack on Mr. Bruce at the Mouth of 
 Peilio River.— Anglo-French Expedition to Poking,— 
 Fresh Convention.— Flight of the Emperor.— His Death. 
 —His Successor 868 
 
 CHAPTER XXVn. 
 SaaS OF THB EMFEROB TDNOCHIH, 1861 TO 1875. 
 
 Accession <..t Tungchih, a Child Empercr,— Regency of 
 Prince Kung and the Two Dowager Emprmses.— Con- 
 stitution of a Foreign Office Styled Tsongli Yamen.— 
 Final Attempt to Suppress the Taiping Rebellion.— 
 Command Intrusted to Ward and Burgevine. — Ap- 
 pointment of Gordon. —His Remarkable Success in 
 Bringing the Rebellion to a Close,— Conduct of Li 
 Hung Chang.— Reduction of the Nienfei Rebellion.— 
 Reflections on these Affairs,— The Two Muhammadan 
 Rebellions. — Their Suppression. — Attack on French 
 Mission at Tiensin.— The Emperor Tnngchih Comes of 
 Age.— Is Married.— Assumes the Government.— His Re- 
 lations towards the Regency.- He Sickens and Dies. — 
 His Widow Dies Soon Afterwards. — Reflections on 
 These Events , 
 
zxzii 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVni. 
 
 RnON or KMPEBOB XWAHOBSC, 1875 TO 1800. 
 
 FAOI 
 
 Again a Child, Emperor Kwaiighsu, Succeeds.— Regency 
 ot Prince Kung and the Two Dowager Empresses as 
 Before.— Murder of Hargary in Yunnan.— The Chefoo 
 
 Conventioa.— Grave Outbreak of Famine.— Fate of 
 Short Railway near Shanghai.— Trouble with Japan in 
 Korea.— Affairs on the Great Plateau.— Condition of 
 Tark&ad and Kashgaria, of Hi and Kuldja.— Chinese 
 Reconquest of the Plateau.— Relations with Russia.— 
 
 Effects of those Events on the Prestige of China. 
 
 Favorable Estimate by the Historian.— Death of One of 
 the Two Dowager Empresses.— Reflections on the Posi- 
 tion of China in 1884.— Troubles with France near 
 Tonking.— Result Unfavorable to China.— The Emperor 
 Kwanphsu Comes of Age and is Married.— Attacks on 
 Protestant Missions.— Chinese Measures for Naval and 
 Military Defenoe 403 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX 
 
 WAB BETWEEN CHIXA AKD JAPAN, 1894 TO 1896. 
 
 Position of Korea.— In Re^-anl to China.— In Regard to 
 Japan.— Opportunist and Inconsistent Conduct of Korea. 
 —Convention between China and Japan.— Rebellion in 
 Korea in 1894.— Chinese and Japaiicj'e Troops Sent 
 There.— Temporary Agreement.— fjreach of Agroement 
 by Chinese.— Conflict between Naval Squadrons. — 
 Chinese and Japanese.— Sea-fight near Mouth of Yalu 
 River. — Japanese Advance through Korea and South- 
 em Manchuria to Liaotung Peninsula.— Capture of Port 
 Arthur by the Japanese. — Chinese Admiral Ting at 
 Wei-hai-Wei.— Capture of that Stronghold by the 
 Japanese.— China Sues for Peace.— Terms Settled with 
 Japan and Treaty Ratified.— China Obtains Friendly 
 Intervention of Russia, Germany, and France. — But 
 Britain Uonorably Holds Aloof.— Retrocession of Liao- 
 tung and Port Arthur by Japan to Cliina.— Cession to 
 
OONTEMTB. 
 
 zzziU 
 
 nam 
 
 Japan of Forxnooa and Other Islands.— Retention of 
 Wei-hai-W«i bj Jajnui in Security fmr War Indemnltj. 418 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 CONSEQUINOZB OF THK JAPANESE WAR, 1806 TO 1800. 
 
 Fatal Conaequances to the Empin of China from the 
 War with Japan.— European Intervention Invoked to 
 Stave them off.— But such Intervention Soon Becomes 
 EfiFective as against China Herself.— Russia Demands 
 Prolongation through Ifanohuria of her East Siberia 
 Railway.— Germany Seizes Kiao Chow in Shantung 
 Peninsula.— Britain Declares her Resolve to Maintain 
 Treaty Rights of All-world Commerce in the Treaty 
 Porte.— Chinese Loan by Britain and Oermany for Pay- 
 ment of War Indemnity to Japan.— Russia Takes Fori 
 Artliur.— Whereon Britain Takes Wei-hai- Wei.— French 
 Advance from the Base of Tonking.— Then Arises the 
 Question between Policie'- .' Open Door and Sphere of 
 Influence.- British Conditions Regarding the Tangtsze 
 Valley.— Era Begins of Railway Concessions to Subjects 
 of tlie Several European Powers. — The Scope and Ex- 
 tent of these Concessions. — Statistics of Russian Rail- 
 ways.— Line to Newohwang.— Agreement Signed be- 
 tween Britain and Russia Regarding Manchuria and 
 the Yangtsze Basin.— Appearance of the United States 
 on the Horizon 480 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 THE STATE OF CHINA IN 1899. 
 
 The Chinese Empire on the Road to Ruin.— Present Con- 
 dition of the Chinese People.— State Education and the 
 Class of Literati.— Want of General Patriotism.— The 
 Christian Missions. — Bad Conduct of the Mandarins 
 towards them.— Lord Charles Beresford's Commercial 
 Mission to China.— His Report and Book.— Two Policies : 
 the Open Door and the Sphere of Influence.— Probable 
 
 c 
 
zxxiv 
 
 OONTKNTH. 
 
 Amm of the Ultimate British Sph«>re.-Utter Defeotiv*. 
 ttBM of tho Chinese Army, Navy, and Civil Service- 
 Badness (,f Chinese Finanoe.-lt8 Cauwji.-Diversion of 
 the Revenue from its Proper UBe8.-Mode of Carrylnir 
 Oiit Requisite ClvH Reforms.-Commercial Hontsty of 
 the ChineM.— Mention of Diatinguiahed Britons in 
 
 445 
 
 SUPPLEMENTARY. 
 
 THE BOXER MOVEMENT, 1900-1901. 
 
 Emperor Kwanghsu Reigning not Ruling. — DowagOT 
 Empress Ruler.-The Emperor's Enlightened Views - 
 Dowager Empress Rejects Proposition to Adopt Chris- 
 tianity.-Organisation of the Boxer Move.nent by the 
 Dowager Empress to Des*.roy all Europeans.— Accused 
 of Eating up Cliina Pie«!€ by Piece—Propagation of 
 Christianity not Directly Condemned.—" The Partition 
 of China."-Hatred of Western Civilisation.-Extensivo 
 Importation of European Armament.— Murder of Mr 
 BnH)ks. an English Missionary.— Roman Catholic and 
 Protestant Churchea and Schools Destroyed. -Boxers 
 Murder American Missionaries.— Viceroys in the South- 
 ern Provinces Refuse to Carry out il.v MunSerousEdiois. 
 —The Plan to Destroy the Foreign Legations and Mur- 
 der all tlio Foreign Ambassadors— fimperor's Protest 
 Spumed by the Dowager Empress.— Bombardmont of 
 theLegations.— Europe and the United States not Taken 
 Wholly by Surprise.-The Powers Send Relief Parties. 
 —The German Field Marshal Count Waldersee is Ac- 
 cepted by the Powers as Commander-in-Chief.— Ei-ht 
 Weeks' Bombardment.— Baron Von Ketteler, the o'er- 
 man Minister, Fell.-The Allies Enter Pekin and Save 
 the Legations.— The Dowager Empress Fled the City. 
 —Pekin Held by an Allied Force of Over Fifty Tliousand 
 Men.— Concert of the Powers as to the Best Method of 
 Settlement.— The Imperial Courr Fled to Singanfu.— 
 Princes Sent to Represent China.— Li Hung Chang the 
 Chief Negotiator.— The Present State of Ai&drs in 
 Ctioa 
 
PEOGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA 
 IN THE CENTURY. 
 
 PART ONE. 
 INDIA. 
 
 CHAPTER L 
 
 ZITTBODVOTIO ir. 
 
 I AM about to trace succinctly the progress during 
 the nineteenth century of the vast dominion now 
 known as India. At the banning of the century it 
 often bove the title of the East Indies, as di«- 
 tinjjuished from the West Indies. I -it having grown 
 to an importance enormously exceeding that of the 
 West Indies, it acquired the name of India, by which 
 it is still known both legally and officially. In 1877 
 the Queen of tlae United Kingdom was proclaimed 
 Empress of India, which thus became an imperial 
 dominion and is called in literature the Empire of 
 India. 
 
 The area of this Empire may in some degree be 
 diversely stated, according as certain dependenoiea 
 
3 PROGRESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 be included op not In general terms it comprises 
 one million and three-quarters, perhaps nearly two 
 millions, of square miles. The poptilation, as ascer- 
 tainable by census, is over 285 millions of souls. The 
 next decennial census will be taken soon after the 
 year 1900. Each previous census has shown such an 
 increase in numbers for each decade that some simi- 
 lar result is expected in the coming census. Thus 
 the population may be reasonably believed to stand 
 at about 300 millions of souls, perhaps a little less or 
 very possibly somewhat more. 
 
 With this area and this population of coloured races, 
 the Empire is governed by an al»olute despotism. 
 In it is set up by the British a Government with a 
 full and, humanly speakinf^, a perfect organisation 
 in all respects. This Indian Government is controlled 
 and sustained by the British Government in London. 
 The governance is in all matters determined by laws 
 passed under regular legislation, and is conducted 
 throughout by legal process. Next after the Chinese 
 Empire, the Indian Empire is the largest and the 
 most populous dominion in the world. In respect to 
 its vastness, to the homogeneous rule under which it 
 exists, to its distance, more than five thousand miles 
 from London, the centre of authority, by the shortest 
 route, to the power on sea and land by which it is 
 preserved, — there has nothing like it been seen in 
 ancient or in modern history, or in any quarter of 
 the globe. 
 
 The magnitude of iho phenomenon can best be 
 
INTRODUCrnON. g 
 
 measured by sor brief coir-p. risons. The conquests 
 of Alexander tie Viroat V7er> carried in nearly a 
 straight line f i >in Macedorja across Asia Minor, 
 Persia, Afghanistan, througa the passes into India, as 
 far as the rivers Indus and Satlej. From this main 
 line there were, so to speak, branches to northern 
 Persia, to Mesopotamia, to Egypt At the time of the 
 conqueror's death, the area of his conquests and do- 
 minion was quite undeterminate ; and it is doubtful 
 Avhether he could have had as many subjects as the 
 king-Emperor now has in India. The Roman Em- 
 pire, at its height and breadth, comprised western, 
 southern and south-eastern Europe, most of Asia 
 Minor, Syria, parts of Persia, of Mesopotamia, of 
 north-western Africa The limits of that Empire were 
 never determined, and were ever fluctua\,ing. Many 
 of the countries comprised in it were much more 
 highly populated then than they are now. But it may 
 be doubted whether any Roman Emperor had more 
 subjects than the total of the Indian races who now 
 own the sway of the King-Emperor. In the Ma^o. 
 donian and Eoman Empires the authority exercised 
 was casual and uncertain at many times and in many 
 territories. Often it was ineffective, and in some 
 regions almost nominal. In some places it extended 
 but little beyond the reach of the camps and gar- 
 risons. But in the Indian Empire the wide^xtend- 
 ing limits are securely set. Within them the author 
 ity is exercised without any exception in any quarter 
 continuously and uninterruptedly, with system com- 
 
4 PROGBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 plete in all parts and with discipline unbroken. The 
 old prediction that the day must come when not a shot 
 shoidd be fired in anger from one end of the Empire 
 to the other, without the permission of the British 
 Govemmeut, has in this generation been literally 
 fulfilled. India used to be styled the bright jewel 
 of the British Crown ; but nowadays, from its size 
 and importance, from its wealth and resources, it is, 
 80 to speak, an enormous diamond or emerald or ruby 
 in the imjierial diadem. 
 
 Without attempting any geographical description 
 it may be well to sketch the main features of this 
 great and wondrous land. The area may be likened 
 to a mighty triangle extending from northern base 
 to the apex in the south, from the 35th to the 8th 
 degree of North latitude, and in its width from West 
 to East from the 64th to the 9btli degree of East 
 longitude. Its northern extremity consists of the 
 Himalaya, the old Sanskrit word for "abode of 
 snow," which is now called by Europeans " the Him- 
 alayas." This mountain range runs west, from the 
 Indian Caucasus of classic times, in a south-easterly 
 direction for about two thousand miles, with an 
 average breadth of from 300 to 600 miles. It is the 
 largest, the grandest, the loftiest mountain range 
 yet discovered in the world. Its highest summits 
 rise from 28,000 to near 29,000 feet above sea level. 
 Along the base of the Himalayas there stretches a 
 plain, including the basins of the five historic rivers 
 of the Fanjab, and the basin of the Indus 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 6 
 
 also, and the Gr ^-^etic plain. Eastwards this plain 
 is joined by the basin o' the Brahmaputra, and the 
 two united turn southwards towards the Bay of Ben- 
 gal, and the great Delta round about Calcutta. 
 From the shore of this Bay right up to the river 
 Jheliun not far from the Indus, this delta, this plain, 
 and these basins form an area, some 2,500 miles in 
 length and 500 miles in average breadth, of continu- 
 ous cultivation with elaborate agriculture, teeming 
 crops, and a dense population of several hundred souls 
 to the square mile. This wonderful area, which may 
 be termed the North Indian Plain, may indeed be 
 matched in China. But excepting the Chinese Em- 
 pire it is probably not equalled by any plain in the 
 world. Many plains can be found elsewhere, but they 
 will consis' of steppe and prairie, or will be imper- 
 fectly cultivated and sparsely inhabited. It is the 
 unfailing cultivation and habitation throughout the 
 length and breadth of the North Indian Plain and 
 Delta that constitute the magnificent characteristic 
 
 To the south and south-east of this Plain there 
 arise several ranges of hills, the chief of which is 
 well known as the Vindhya. Beneath them runs the 
 Nerbudda, famed for beauty from its source to its 
 mouth, few rivers on earth presenting a greater num- 
 ber of lovely scenes. South again rises another range 
 running from east to west and forming the backbone 
 of the Indian continent. Below this, that is south- 
 wards, there begins a series of plateaiix and uplands, 
 with much of cultivation and habitation, also with 
 
6 PROGRESS OF CVDU. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 many isolated ranges, till the peninsula is reached. 
 These plateaux are on the east flanked by a low 
 
 mountain range running from north to south, over- 
 looking the Bay of Bengal, and known to Europeans 
 as the Eastern Ghauts. On the west they are 
 flanked by a range known to Europeans as the 
 Western Ghauts. This range has geological forma- 
 tions of marked character and striking aspect It 
 overlooks the coast of Bombay and the Arabian Sea 
 or tho Indian Ocean. From it there arise several 
 rivers well known in Indian annals, which flow from 
 west to east athwart the plateaux, burst through the 
 Eastern Ghauts and enter the Bay of Bengal. On 
 both sidv,s of the continent and the peninsula there 
 are coast districts, or littoral tracts between the two 
 mountain ranges above mentioned and the sea, alwaya 
 exceedingly fertile and thickly inhabited. 
 
 The names of the many Indian rivers need not 
 here be given ; but among them several, the Indus, 
 the Jhelum where Alexander the Great defeated 
 King Porus, the Satlej where the Conqueror was 
 compelled by his Macedoniant* to halt and turn back, 
 the J amna which flows past Delhi and Agra, the seats 
 of the Great Mogul; the Ganges, the sacred water of 
 the wide-spread Hindu faith, and the Brahmaputra 
 whose source was for long as mysterious as that of 
 Nile, and is still but imperfectly explored, have dur- 
 ing all ages been known to the learned world in all 
 climes. 
 
 . In addition to India proper, as sketched aboT«^ 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 7 
 
 Burma has been included in the Indian Empire. It 
 comprises the whole valley of the Irrawaddy from 
 its source, so far as that has been explored, to its 
 mouth near Rangoon. Here again is a far-reaching 
 expanse of cultivation and a fertile delta. This 
 basin, and the neighbouring regions adjacent to the 
 Bay of Bengal, once formed the Empire of the Bur- 
 mese Alompra. Bit by bit this dominion fell into the 
 hands of the British, till the kingdom of Ava, in the 
 upper valley of lie Irrawaddy alone remained. The 
 Burmese King might, if so minded, have remained 
 there in safety as the ally of the British. But he was 
 found to be secretly opening negotiations with the 
 French. In consequence he forfeited his kingdom, 
 which was annexed to the Indian Empire. This an- 
 nexation brou^t the British dominion into immedi- 
 ate contact with south-western China. 
 
 The population, about three hundred millions as 
 already stated, is largely but not entirely Ar^'an. It 
 includes the entire Hindu race and all who follow 
 the Hindu religion. The common faith may be said 
 to combine in one nationality the descendants of the 
 Vedic Hindus, immigrants from Central Asia in re- 
 mote antiquity, and the aboriginal races, whom they 
 found in India and on whom they imposed their re- 
 ligion. Outside these again are those aboriginal races 
 who in the earlier ages escaped the Hindu ydce, some 
 of whom have largely accepted it in a loose way, 
 while many of them have never taken it at all. In 
 round numbers there are over two hundred millions 
 
8 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 of Hindus proper, divided into the four historic 
 Castes. Their faith is named Hinduism in popular 
 literature, but the correct name is Brahmanism, as 
 contra-distinguished to Booddhism. Then there are 
 about thirty millions of aboriginal races, some of 
 whom may be tinged with Hinduism, and are in- 
 cluded in the census among Hindus. Among the 
 Hindus are included three historic tribes or races, 
 the Mahrattas, the Sikhs, and the Gurkhas, aU 
 famed in arms and in politics. The Jains, though 
 probably of Hindu race, are separate in religion. 
 There are about sixty millions of Moslems or Muham- 
 madans. Of these a considerable number, scattered 
 all over the land, are descendants of the Central 
 Asian races, Mongols, Moguls, Bokharians, Persians, 
 with some few Arabs, and these are regarded as the 
 real Moslems. The remainder are people of humble 
 Hindu or of aboriginal races who were during the 
 Middle Ages converted, more or less forcibly, by 
 Moslem rulers to Islam. They dwell chiefly in 
 north-eastern India, and are fast increasing in 
 numbers. Thus it comes to pass that the King- 
 Emperor of India has more Moslem subjects than 
 the Sultan of Turkey (including Arabia) or the 
 Shah of Persia, or the Khedive of Egypt Of 
 Booddhists there are more than seven millions, be- 
 cause Burma is Booddhist. Otherwise Booddhism is 
 hardly to be found any longer in India proper, save 
 in the Bouth-eastem comer of the Himalayas. 
 Such, ii, the briefest terms, is the land, such are 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 9 
 
 the inhabitants, of the Empire whereiii the changes 
 and the progress during the nineteenth century are 
 to be BULiimarLjed in the following chapters. There 
 is not, there cannot be, any space for describing the 
 glories, the wonders, the beauties of India — ^the 
 chains of snowy peaks looking from the distant 
 plains almost like a cyclopcan wall of pearly white 
 against the blue — the arid sim-baked plains, thd 
 rivers spreading with inundations, the jungles and 
 morasses, the forests rich in timber, in leafage and in 
 bloom — the majestic ruins, in number, in variety, in 
 dimensions, hardly equalled by any other country in 
 the world, and often coni;tituting the sole record of 
 extinct dynasties and mystic creeds long dead — ^the 
 surging crowds of temple worshippers, the parti- 
 colored costumes making the people seem like moving 
 masses of rainbow hues — the entire panorama of 
 the magic East — ^the industrial arts unrivalled among 
 any lands^in design and colour, in variety of material, 
 and in the number of subjects or objects artistically 
 treated. These things are still to be seen to-day, 
 though they were doubtless finer in 1800, when the 
 story of change and progress begins, and must have 
 been grander still in the preceding centuries. But 
 nowadays to them are added many marvellous sights, 
 the products of the nineteenth century, as will be 
 hereafter shows. 
 
10 PfiOGEESS OF INDU. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 STATE OF INDIA IN 1800. 
 
 As a basis for the story of progress, the situation 
 of India in 1800, the dawn of the century, must be 
 reviewed. 
 
 At that moment the Mahratta Empire was the 
 dominant power. It had been founded a century 
 and a half previously by the Mahrattaa, mountaineer 
 Hindus of the Western Ghaut range under their 
 national hero Sivaji. It had completed the over- 
 throw of the Mogul Empire, which was from in- 
 herent feebleness falling to pieces. It had cooped 
 up the heir of the Great Mogul as a puppet in the 
 imperial palace at Delhi, with a shrur . ^n authority 
 over the city and its neighbourhood. It was unable 
 to prevent two Moslem kingdoms springing out of 
 the rums of the Mogul dynasty, one in Oudh, a noble 
 province at the base of the Himalayas, the other on 
 the plateau of the Deccan in the heart of the Conti- 
 nent under the Nizam of Hyberabad. It had been 
 stricken and injured by two Moslem inroads from 
 beyond India, the one Persian, the other Afghan. 
 It had never been anything better than a loose con- 
 federation of powerful Mahratta chiefs of low castes, 
 
STATE OF INDIA IN 1800. 
 
 11 
 
 undor a head styled the Peshwa, who was a Brahmin. 
 Still there was nothing like an imperial authority 
 prevailing in India except the Mahratta. In this 
 limited sense it has been historically said that the 
 Mahratta Empire succeeded the Mogul, to be in its 
 turn succeeded by the British. In the year 1800, 
 the Mahratta confederacy had come to be represented 
 by the sovereign chiefs, Sindhia (originally a slipper- 
 bearer), Holkar (a goatherd), the Gaekwar (a cow- 
 herd) ; all in western and south-western India; by 
 the Bhonsla of Xagpore, and the Peishwa (Brah- 
 min), both on the Indian Continent. These were 
 confronting the young giant of British power. An 
 upstart Moslem power had arisen amid the Mysore 
 hills in the south-west part of India; but its head, 
 Tippoo Sultan, had unbearably provoked the British, 
 and had been slain when the breach in the walls of 
 his capital at Seringapatam was stormed. This was 
 one of the closing events of the eighteenth century 
 and left the Indian peninsula at the disposal of the 
 British in the beginning of the nineteenth. 
 
 The British Power in India had by this time quite 
 expelled the French after a very severe contest, on 
 eea and land, which did as much honour to the courage 
 of the vanquished as to that of the victor. Of the 
 Portuguese settlements along the western coast little 
 remained except "souvenirs heroiques," as they 
 phrased it. Bank jungle wah overspreading the 
 ruined edifices of ecclesiastical magnificence and 
 civic luxury. Panjim, or Ifew Goa, was but a feeble 
 
18 PROGRESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 replica of the medircval Qoa. Of the Dutch Eatab- 
 liahments nothing appreciable remained. 
 
 Thiu the Britwh was in 1800 the only European 
 Power facing all the Native Powers of India. Even 
 then a thoughtful observer, European or Indian, 
 could see that the British Power might, if so mmded 
 make itself supremo. It had evinced maritime 
 TOpenorit7,and the approaches to India from without 
 were entirely hj the sea, as the expectation of Moslem 
 invasion from tho north-west had quite ceased. 
 It had three l)a?e3 of power, Madras and Bombay 
 on the coast, and Calcutta within the coast indeed, 
 but having all the advantages of a seaport It had 
 in Or. -ta a harbour for the largest ships in an un- 
 assailable position, commanding the mouth of tht 
 Ganges river-system and the entrance to the Gangetk 
 Plain. In Bombay it possessed an indentation on 
 Ihewestem coast, forminga harbour highly defensible, 
 and in the first rank among the harbours of the world] 
 being the only large harbour on the shores of India! 
 It had no other similar positions to guard besides 
 these two, inasmuch as the mouths of the Indus on 
 the west were then harbourless, and as Kurrachi, now 
 the port of the future in that quarter, had not then 
 been discovered. It had at Madras no harbour indeed 
 and only an open roadstead, but still a position ex- 
 cellently suited for the control of the Indian penin- 
 sula. It already owned the dominion in one-fifth' 
 of India, with Native Indian forces raided by itself 
 under European Officers, and supported by King's 
 
STATE OF INDU IN 1800. X8 
 
 troops, horse and foot, sent out from Enjyland, and 
 maintained in India at the cost of the Indian treas- 
 ury. It had some territories near Madras and 
 Bombay much exposed to attack and somewhat pre- 
 carious in resources. But it had /behind CalcutU 
 the provinces of Bengal and Bohar, \nth the district 
 of Benares, the richest and most populous, the 
 quietest and most easily governed territories in India, 
 and from their north-easterly position the most in- 
 accessible to the possible enemies of Britain, who 
 lay chiefly in the west. Herein it possessed an in- 
 estimable advantage which was perceived then and 
 has been felt throughout tlie nineteenth century. It 
 drew, as it still draws, great financial resources from 
 the rich and unwarlike population which it pro- 
 tected. It did, as it stiU does, all this quite easily 
 and peaceably. Thus while trouble might rage in 
 other parts of India, the pulse of supreme authority 
 did tlien beat, as it still beats, steadily and quietly 
 around the heart at Calcutta. The subjugation of 
 the many Native Powers in India by the one British 
 Power, which possessed but one-fifth of the whole 
 country, would depend on two considerations, namely, 
 on the daring, the ambition, the enterprise and the 
 resourcefukess of the British on the spot in India, 
 next on the foresight and the patriotism of the Gov- 
 ernment in England. That the British in India would 
 evince all these qualities was to be assumed by every 
 one who knew the national character. But there 
 could not be the same certainty regarding the con- 
 
14 PB00HES8 OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 duct of the Oovenunent in England. In the jears 
 immediately preceding thia epoch that GoTenunent 
 
 had supported ita OflScera in India far better than 
 the French Ministry had theirs, and that was one 
 of the reasons why the French flag had drooped to 
 the British. It was at this moment in the throes of 
 the contest with Napoleon ; still, it contrived to sup- 
 port the Indian Government sufficiently welL But 
 though it had the control of Indian affairs, it did 
 not administer thera. That administration was then 
 vested in the Honourable East India Company. 
 
 This Company was the greatest corporation that 
 has ever existed. It was resolute to dischai^ the 
 territorial responsibilities that had devolved, or had 
 been forced, upon ita care. It was anxious to do its 
 duty with benevolence and justice to the people that 
 might thus be brought under ita rule, liut it was 
 actually a trading community, and ita members were 
 traders. They had all the enterprising spirit that 
 has ever distinguished the merchant princes of 
 Britain. So they looked to their growing trade as 
 well as to their rising dominion. They naturally 
 hesitated in respect to territorial conquests and an- 
 nexations, which, however splendid politically, might 
 not prove immediately profitable, while the heavy 
 increase of expense was certain. It might well have 
 been foreseen, then, that a tension would arise between 
 the men ii idia, who thought of Empire and of pol- 
 itics rather than of trade, of future prospects rather 
 than of present cost, and the men in London who 
 
STATE or INDIA IN ISOOi 
 
 15 
 
 thought of trade and bosiness as well as of empire 
 and politici. This indeed is what actually ooourred 
 in the beginning of the nineteenth century. 
 In many and large parts of India the condition of 
 
 the people was worso than it had boon at any time 
 within historic memory. It had boon declining 
 towards the close of the seventeenth century from 
 the decay and disruption of the Mogul Empire. It 
 had been falling lower and lower all throu^ the 
 eighteenth certviry, as the Mahratta Empire was fit 
 only for the roi.gher part of warlike t ""v and quite 
 unfit for civil governance. It suflFert ' : ther from 
 the general unsettlement in most parts of India. In 
 many territories it reached the climax of misery in 
 the early part of the nineteenth century. In the best 
 days of the Mogul Empire the civil nrrangementa 
 in north-western India had been excellently good. 
 These had been all broken up during the decadence 
 of the Empire. The Gangetic plains were harried 
 and overrun by armed parties. The Pan jab plains, 
 becoming the theatres of invasion, had so much be- 
 come a prey to violence that every village was like a 
 little fortress placed in a state of defence. Wherever 
 the Mahrattas entered, all the benefits of permanent 
 systems were effaced, and a rule quite crude, coarse 
 and temporary was substituted. There was one dread- 
 ful feature in the contests between Moslem and 
 Mahratte rulers, namely, this, that either would 
 ravage the territory of the other according to oppor- 
 tunity. Thus it oft befel that the innocent villagera 
 
16 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 were made the victims of the feuds hetween their 
 respective rulers. To the evils arising from en- 
 feebled administration, corruption, oppression, ex- 
 tortion and malpractices innumerable, there would 
 be added rapine, ravaging, plundering, bloody affray, 
 fire and sword. The roads were tmsaf e even, in day- 
 time. The mysterious method of strangling way- 
 farers, called Thuggee, was in full play. Robbery 
 of villages by armed parties and by torchlight, called 
 Dacoitee, was flagrant and frequent. It occurred 
 but too often in British territories; how much 
 worse must it have been elsewhere. So much did plun- 
 dering come into vogue throughout the central part of 
 Tadia at this time that it was systematised and organ- 
 ised under a federation of chiefs called Pindaris. 
 This federation had actually troops imder its com- 
 mand, paid from the proceeds, not of revenue but of 
 public robbery. It was strong enough to defy the 
 efforts of the surrounding States and would have 
 gone on extending, had not the British appeared in 
 the field as will be seen hereafter. The Pindari 
 movement is probably a unique phenomenon in 
 national disorder, and sheds a livid light on the state 
 of affairs at the opening of the nineteenth century. 
 
 In this picture of almost universal sliadow at this 
 epoch there are some comparatively bright spots. 
 The large cluster of BajpUt States in the western 
 part of the continent, and adjoinii^ the sandy desert 
 of the river Indus, probably enjoyed immunity, for 
 the most part at least, from the evils above described. 
 
BIATE OF INDIA IN 1800. 
 
 17 
 
 The Bajpnts are descended from the warlike caste of 
 
 the ancient Hindu immigrants. They have s<nne of 
 the best blood in Asia transmitted through genera- 
 tions unnimibered. They have always been held 
 to represent the chivalry of India. Though they 
 had some stra^les with Moslems, marked by 
 Beveral successes and many heroic deeds on their 
 part, they never submitted to the Mogul Emperor, 
 who deemed it safer to have them as allies rather 
 than as vassals. They gave to the Moslem Harem 
 some of the princesses who afterwards became 
 empresses. They held a hilly country hekind Agra, 
 one of the imperial capitals; their people, chiefs 
 and princes were all homogeneous; and their 
 positions were naturally defensible. They were 
 impinged upon, and sometimes broken into, by the 
 Mahratta, but their centres were never penetrated, 
 and probably they held aloof from the troubles and 
 the miseries which ushered in the nineteenth cen- 
 tury. 
 
 Further, it is probable that the southern peninsula, 
 the tongue of rich country stretching down to Cape 
 Gomorin, near Oeylon, was not much affected by 
 the circumstances which desolated most parts of 
 
 India. 
 
 Though the people of India have always shown 
 recuperative po.vers after misfortune, yet the vari- 
 ous events, as mentioned above, must have greatly 
 reduced the population, which was much less than 
 what it probably had been in the flovrishinf dajs 
 
18 PROOBESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 of the Mogul Empire, or than what it has certainly 
 
 become subsequently under British rule Before tha 
 eighteenth century the stores of accumulated wealth 
 in India, bullion, specie, ornaments, precious stones, 
 rich stuffs and movables of value, had been enormous 
 — ^to European nations quite fabulous. Much of all 
 this must doubtless have disappeared during that 
 hapless century. Still the Natives, with their secre- 
 tive skill, fostered by sad experience, must have pre- 
 served much, especially of the bullion and specie. 
 The Kative bankers have ever formed an influential 
 corporation in India. They have had ramifications 
 extending to the remotest parts of the country and 
 to every village. They probably fared better through- 
 out these troubles than any other section of the com- 
 munity. They somehow held their own in the main, 
 and their hoards were not reached. They contrived 
 to transmit their messages and their remittances. 
 They had intelligence of battles and other events 
 sooner than the authorities. The danger for them 
 would be the seizure of their persons; but this does 
 not seem to have happened. 
 
 The external sea-borne trade conducted throu^ 
 Calcutta, Madras and Bombay, and lesser ports un- 
 der British protection, went on without much in- 
 jury from the troubles in the interior of the country. 
 But the internal land-borne trade suffered grievous- 
 ly. The revenue from land was then the main re- 
 source for Native rulers. When this failed more or 
 less by reason of the troubles — and it is always the 
 
STATE OF INDIA IN 1800. 
 
 19 
 
 first to feel and bow before the storm — they would 
 try to levy something from the traders. Then 
 the transit dues on trade, and direct imposts on 
 local industries, which might have been bearable in 
 former days, were so raised as to become unbearable. 
 
 The agricultural interest in India was then, as it 
 always had been, and it has since continued to be, 
 the greatest of all interests, so great indeed as to ex- 
 ceed all other things in importance. At this time, 
 owing to the troubles, the cultivation had shrunk in 
 all villages, while in many villages there was blank 
 desolation. As cattle-lifting had become well-nigh 
 universal, the flocks and herds on a thousand hills 
 had been carried off. The rights in the property 
 and in the occupancy of land are to Indian people 
 the most precious of all possessions. They had ex- 
 isted from the beginning of time, when the plough 
 first invaded the forest and the waste. They hnd 
 brokenly lived on through many revolutions before 
 the Mogul Empire. Under that Empire they had 
 '^n fairly well recognise 1 and preserved. After 
 that they had been blotted and blurred but never 
 effaced, deluged by oppression but never extin- 
 guished, trampled on but never stamped out. In 
 northern India they were kept alive by the historic 
 Village Communities of which the constitution has 
 since been the subject of inquiry in Europe. At 
 the opening of the nineteenth century, though latent 
 iu the popular mind, they were non-apparent, and, 
 in so far as they existed, wore rendered valueless hy 
 
so PBOQBESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 over-taxation or extortion, almost everywhere save m 
 the British territories. In Bengal and Behar, in- 
 deed, towards the close of the eighteenth century 
 
 there had been a recognition and determination by 
 law of the landlord's property in land, called Zemin- 
 dari. This was rendered effective and absolutely 
 valuable by the perpetual limitation of the Govern- 
 ment demand for the land revenue. This demand 
 was settled then and there for ever, under the orders 
 of the Marquess Cornwallis, then the Governor-Gen- 
 eral. It has since been known to history as the 
 Permanent Settlement of Bengal and Behar. This 
 was the only settlement made in the eighteenth cen- 
 tury, and no such settlement had been made : a any 
 previous century. It affected the landlords only, 
 and made no provision for the subordinate rights 
 of tenancy or of occupancy which, according to In- 
 dian custom, must have existed in these two provinces 
 as in all other parts of India. 
 
 The horrid rites or practices, well known to 
 literature, Sati c-^ widow burning, female infanti- 
 cide, human sacrifices, were in full force at this time. 
 Is'othing could, amidst the convulsions of the body 
 politic, be done for public improvement either moral 
 or material. Many Moslem colleges stood in 
 ruins. Among the Hindu youth the voice of the 
 Bchoolmaster was unheard, save within the precincts 
 or the recesses of the temples. 
 
 There may be difficulty in describing the condi- 
 tion in 1800 of tho'^e industrial arts which had for 
 
8TATE OF INDIA IN 1800. 
 
 21 
 
 ages caused India to be a bright image in the 
 thoughts of the civilised world. But at the beat it 
 must hare been much depressed. Take her all in 
 all and from the beginning to the present time, In« 
 dia is believed by her friends to hold the first place 
 among the nations in industrial arts, as apart from 
 pictorial art and from classic sculpture, in which 
 she holds no place at all. The only countries which 
 could be serioiisly compared with her are China and 
 Japan. But though China surpasses her in splen- 
 dour of colour, in boldness of design, in richness of 
 material ; though Japan excels her in accuracy of 
 handiwork, in exquisite fancy, in harmonious qual- 
 ity, and though both enjoy the supremacy in pottery 
 and ceramic art, still in extent and variety of beauti- 
 ful fabrics and manufactures India has more than 
 equalled both these countries. For this superiority 
 of hers in comprehensiveness there is a particular 
 reason, namely this, that each of those two countries 
 has had but one civilisation, derived from one stock 
 of ideas, whereas India has had two civilisations, 
 one Hindu-Booddhist, the other Moslem, and for her 
 each of these civilisations has contributed to the 
 maguificent result. It is the matchless variety of 
 Indian art-works that establishes the claim to 
 superiority on the sum total of achievement ; the tex- 
 tile fabrics of silk and cotton, the muslins, the em- 
 broideries and brocades, the sh^wl-making from the 
 softest wool, the needlework, th3 enamelling, tho 
 metal-work generally and the brass-work especially. 
 
22 PROGRESS OP INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 the armoury, the ornamental leather, the carving 
 and the inlaid woods, the marble inlaid with many 
 coloured stones, the miniatures, the work in ivory 
 and in horns, the feathers and plumage, the silver 
 filigree, the gold stamping and chasing, the gold 
 and silver tissue, and other things of beauty derived 
 from every material that nature supplies. India, 
 too, did this with an elegance, a delicacy, a pure 
 brightness of colour, all peculiarly her own. The 
 springtime of this widespread art was in the last cen- 
 turies after the Christian era when the Brahman- 
 ism (now called Hinduism) had finally expelled 
 Booddhism and acquired universal dominion 
 throughout India. The full summertide was under 
 the Mogul Empire when Moslem art had been added 
 to the old Hindu arts. After that came the chill 
 autumn and the dark days which have just been de- 
 scribed. The ancient frescoes and vast stone sculp- 
 tures of the Booddhists and of the Brahmanists in 
 the early days of their success had longbecomethings 
 of the elder past. The Moslem architecture was still 
 standing as a monument ennobling the land and as a 
 wonder for all observers who might come in future 
 from other climes. But it, too, had become only a 
 marked vestige of the more recent past. One un- 
 rivalled Moslem art had already perished, apparent- 
 ly never to be resuscitated, namely, the imparting 
 fixed colours of the finest hues to earthenware, be- 
 cause it was carried on by a very few familif who 
 perished in the revolutions, and their matchless art 
 became extinct with tl^m. The Mahrattas were 
 
STATE OF INDIA IN 1800. 
 
 23 
 
 generally an inartistic people, but they had one 
 Buperb art, namelv, wood-carving, of which they left 
 many of the finest examples ever seen anywhere, but 
 of precarious permanency because of the risks from 
 fire. 
 
 Nevertheless, though some arts had gone irrevo- 
 cably, and though art-industry in general must have 
 lost much of the patronage which it had previously, 
 and must have been somewhat shrunk or even may 
 have languished, yet it was too strongly rooted in 
 the national habits to die or even to decay. It still 
 lived awaiting the advent of happier times. 
 
 Thus it had come to pass that just when the Brit- 
 ish rule in India began to be developed in the be- 
 ginning of the nineteenth century there was more of 
 misfortune and of misrule than had been known for 
 several, perhaps even for many, centuries. So there 
 were elements in the social and political atmosphere 
 which produced darkness before dawn. 
 
 In justice to the British this position of affairs 
 ought to be appreciated. They were now coming 
 into an immense heritage which was largely desolate, 
 and which had to be laboriously restored. But 
 such restoration, and the reduction of disorder to 
 order, would occupy at lea&c one generation. The 
 ui^nt work of pacification must necessarily precede 
 all attempts at civilised improvement. Thus due 
 allowance must be made for all these circumstances 
 if the progress during the first half of the century 
 shall be found much slower than that of the latter 
 half. 
 
r 
 
 2^ PBOQBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AMD CHINA. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 FORMATIOir OF THE EMPIEE OF INDIA, 
 
 The position of the British dominion in .Jia 
 about the year 1800 having been explained in the 
 preceding Chapter, the progress of that dominion 
 during the nineteenth century will now be described. 
 
 The first and greatest of the long line of Gov- 
 ernors-General, Warren Hastings, had long ceased 
 to rule. But in 1800, another Governor-General al- 
 most as great, the Earl of Momington, promoted to 
 be Marquis Wellesley, was in full power. He had 
 a slight and well-knit frame with a head like Apollo. 
 Those who worked with him in the heyday of his 
 career afiFectionatsly spoke of him as " the glorious 
 little man." It has been written of him: "The 
 time had come when the English must eithe ^lecome 
 supreme in India or be driven out of it ; the Mughal 
 (Mogul) Empire was completely broken up; and the 
 sway had to pass either to the local Muhammadan 
 Governors of that Empire, or to the Hindu con- 
 federacy represented by the Mahrattas, or to tho 
 British. Lord Wellesley determined that it should 
 pass to theBritish."* It was from 1801, then, to 1804, 
 that he essayed this great enterprise, first to settle 
 
 * See Sir William Hunter, The Indian Empire, p. 297 (1882). 
 
rOSMATION OF THE EUPIBE OF INDIA. 
 
 85 
 
 affairs quickly witli the remaining Moslem princes, and 
 then to subdue the Mahratta Confederation. After 
 the destruction of Tippoo Sultan in Mysore, a« 
 
 previously mentioned, he formed an alliance with 
 the Nizam of Hyderabad in the Deccan, and soon 
 all the peninsula except the hill States of Mysore 
 and Travancore, near the famous Nilgiri (or 
 ITeelgherry) hills, and the eastern coast of India be- 
 came British, being incorporated in the Madras 
 Presidency, which at that early date was constituted 
 very much as it exists in the present day. 
 
 Southern India having been thus arranged, he 
 turned his full thoughts on the Mahrattas, who held 
 all central and northern India and who were 
 threatening him on every side. He attacked thsm 
 almost simultaneously on their southern front in the 
 Deccan plateaux and on the northern front in the 
 Gangetic Plain. In reference to the extent of the 
 operations and to the number of hostile groups, this 
 plan of his was the most masterly ever adopted for 
 the British in India. He had two great commanders 
 in the field. General, afterwards Lord, Lake in the 
 north, and his brother, Arthur Wellesley, afterwards 
 Duke of Wellington, in the south. Each com- 
 mander won two pitched battles, besides capturing 
 important places. In consequence of these four vic- 
 tories and of the various captures, he had compelled 
 the Peshwa to be quiet, had kept the Gaekwar harm- 
 less, had compelled the Bhonsla of Nagpore to cede 
 to the British the province of Orissa on the east 
 
S6 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 coast, had conquered and annexed the Gaugetio 
 Plain, the classic Hindostan, with Agra, had tran»> 
 ferred the Mogul Emperor at Delhi from Mahratta 
 
 t'^ British hands, had compelled Sindhia to sue for 
 peace. These successes of his, from the base of the 
 Himalayas down to the extremity of the Peninsula, 
 were in their sum total quite magnificent and turned 
 the scattered British dominion into an Empire, young 
 indeed and needing time to develop strength, 
 but still a veritable giant. But his work was far 
 from complete, for Sindhia, though in some ways 
 defeated, was not subdued ; Holkar, though stricken, 
 was still defiant ; and the Pindari evil mentioned in 
 the last Chapter had not yet been touched. He was 
 continuing to take measures against Holkar, and had 
 suflFered some slight failures, when a turn of fortime 
 supervened in 1805. 
 
 The tension, as already explained in the last 
 Chapter, between the men in India and the men in 
 London, had set in with some severity. It has been 
 written : " The financial strain caused by these 
 great operations of Lord Wellesley had meanwhile 
 exhausted the patience of the Court of Directors at 
 home (London). In 1805 Lord Comwallis was sent 
 out as Governor-General a second time, with instruc- 
 tions to bring about peace at any price, while Holkar 
 was still unsubdued, and with Sindhia threatening a 
 fresh war." * By another author, again, it is writ- 
 ten: "The Court of Directors (of the East India 
 • See 27»e Indian Empire, bjr Hunter, p. 300. 
 
FORMATION OF THE EMPISE OF INDIA. 
 
 Company) had been alanned at Lord Welleale/i 
 vigorous foreign policy. Caatlereagh at the BoarJ of 
 
 Control had taken fright, and even Pitt was carried 
 away and committed himself to an opinion that the 
 Governor-General had acted imprudently;" and 
 further: "Comwallis appeared on the scene with 
 orders from home (London) to robetitute nida- 
 tions and diplomacy for war, and almost to abandon 
 the proud position of Paramount Power whi'^b, fore- 
 shadowed by Warren Hastings for the Company in 
 spite of doubta and hesitations, had been attained bj; 
 Wellesley."* These citations from modem an- 
 thorities illtistrate the springs which move nations 
 to success or to failure. The vapours which may 
 have gathered round the pedestal on which sta ids 
 the historic image of Wellesley have long disap- 
 peared, just as the earth-bom mists are dissipated 
 by the ascending sun. He is now praised almost 
 unreservedly, while those who detracted from, or 
 mistrusted, him are disregarded or forgotten. 
 
 The Marquess Cornwallis died in 1805, soon after 
 arriving in India, and little was dun^, fortunately, 
 to spoil WeHesle/s work. The imperial influence 
 in India in some degree countenwted the timid ooim- 
 sels in London. ill nothing was done to further 
 the Empire in Inoia till 1814, when another great 
 Qovemor-Generai arrived, namely, the Earl of 
 Moira, afterwards the Harqness Hastings. 
 
 • See Rulers of India Series, ComwaUU, by W. S. Soton 
 Karr, p. 18S (tm). 
 
98 PEt '^BBBB OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 He took up the thread of war and politics reiy 
 much M Wellrsley bad left them. In his time 
 Holkar v dn atcd in a pih'hcd battle, the British 
 conquest- . . ( ntral i'ulia iioar the val' v of the 
 Nerbudfli \ •< rc oniplrrod; the Peshwa having re- 
 belled T takoa into State custody and hi> Df.fan 
 territori :.s wr>-;> added to the Bombay P c^idency; 
 Holkar, biudl^, a, the Gaekwar, and the Bhonsla of 
 Nagpore i)ecamr init prial feudatories of tl Brit ,h; 
 the inchoate Nfalirji .i L pirc wa>i thw- .roki a np 
 and the British Erapiro was raised in its plaof llo 
 took the Pindari robbr '- federation 8^>^iou^^^ in hand, 
 colleeted an army of 120,000 men t > operate against 
 the many positions in Central India xjcnpied by 
 tliose brigand hor'lop, n'ld so (K str vi d for vcr < 
 preda' >ry organise: ion. H'^ un.: .>k a war pro 
 voked by Gurkha aggn -ion, ag^i.nst -s'cpaul, and 
 after some brilliant operations under Sir David 
 Ochterlony, extended the British Empire over thn 
 central and eastern scf ions of the Himalayas. In 
 his time the States Kajputana accepted 
 position as foudat' rics of uf Empire. lie re.a J 
 his high office till 1823, and of him it has been II 
 ■written : " The map of India, as thus drawn by 1 rd 
 Hastings, remaint ' iubstantialV- unchanged ti fho 
 time of Lord Dalhousie "— tli. is, tv.] 1 ^49. 
 
 Thus for a considerable ir rprv;!- >f tw nt_- ix 
 years, 1823 to 1849, t lie Einpir* .\ a.~ for the most j t 
 beating time as regards territorial adv nee. B n 
 that tinse was given t^ intf^^'^ al \.t ^ sgtsicnt and 
 consolidation. 
 
FORMATION OF THE OfFIBB OF IHDIA. 
 
 In ttiv iter ■ hu\' 'ver, two events ccurred 
 claiminr notic< t\<iToaa the Bay of Bengal tue Bur- 
 mese Kiri:;tlom of Ava on the river Irawaddy, which 
 
 re.-lly w 's f'.p n ro of A' mpra, mn itted 
 !i ••rrf'ssioii. a d ^> f ' -n frontier of .va. 
 "VVa wi8 u i iak ^ nsi , in 1824 under the 
 iir lons oi He r' ivernor-Qeneral, the Earl 
 of A I uerst. uiODi ma that, tiM province ' 
 \-^^;n: in the np. -y ■ e Br imaputra, au 
 
 jf>' " Ml ■ , • ' provincos of 
 
 ' ind lasaci on t. ;5ay of Beu- 
 
 Ij*'* me 01 g ji iOns of the i. lian Empire. 
 In 1 - the f (n nee Ui Sind in the lower vall^ of 
 thf it f i ndug, after some warlike feata nndcr 
 r be !er r, was annexed by the then Gor 
 
 <■! ir-Gencr, Lord Ellenbo rough. This ar 
 >n n and )ff tlie political map of India a 
 Lord T ings, and has had far reaching c 
 ■equet <■ h It in the present day. In tL 
 same il the occnrred thr> first Afghan War 
 
 ■"rom to IS which, though under. aken for 
 
 ' saKc ■ f ultimately securing the North-weat Fron- 
 cr, did not lead to any accession of territory. Aa 
 nnsuccessful termination really was a grave re- 
 versi . whi h the T^ritish Gbver/imont could not well 
 afff to in'^ur, the policy was much (iecried at tho 
 tioit e reasons strenuously disputed. These 
 
 reasfc , however, related to the expected advance 
 of Russia from Central Asia towards India and to 
 the need for guarding against it That oxpojtatioa 
 
80 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 was not then so certain as it has since become. It 
 has been, however, more than fulfilled, and its ful- 
 filment proves the prescience of the authorities in 
 London before the middle of the century when thej 
 decided to move upon Afghanistan. 
 
 Just in the middle of the century there was an- 
 other great Governor-General in power, the Earl, 
 afterwards Marquess, of Dalhousie, an inheritor of 
 the traditions of the greatest among his predecessors, 
 Warren Hastily Wellesley and the Marquess 
 Hastings. It was his lot during a rule of eight 
 years, from 1848 to 1856, to make great acquisitions 
 of territory. The Sikh army, advancing from the 
 Panjab, had attacked British territory and had been 
 defeated in three pitched battles. The Sikh Gov- 
 ernment was indeed respected and maintained by the 
 victors, but was obliged to accept Britidi controL 
 Soon afterwards the Sikh chiefs and army rose in 
 arms against this control, and brought on a second 
 war, in which they were finally defeated after two 
 pitched iMttlea. Thereon the Panjab was annexed 
 in 1849, the land of the Five Bivers from the Satlej 
 to the Indus, and on to the Khyber. At the same 
 time Cashmere became a Native State under British 
 protection, and so the western section of the Hima- 
 layas came within the Empire as the central and 
 eastern sections had already come. This annexation 
 of the Panjab has proved to be an event of the 
 highest interest and importance. Next, the King of 
 Ava offered great provocations to British traders at 
 
FOSMATION OF THE EMPIIIE OP TSDIA. 
 
 his seaport, Rangoon, ad insulted a British frigate 
 which was sent to remonstrate. This led to a war, 
 which ended in the acquisition in 1852 of the Pegu 
 province, including the delta of the Irawaddy, a 
 position of high importance. 
 
 Besides these warlike acquisitions there were 
 others of a peaceful kind. In tiiree feudatory States, 
 the princes died without male issue, namely, Satara 
 in the Mahratta Deccan, Jhansi in Central India, 
 and Nagpore, already mentioned in this narrative. 
 The adoption of heirs was not in these cases accepted 
 by the Gov mor-Greneral, and the territories escheat- 
 ed to the British Gk>yemment These annexations 
 caused much discussion at the time and afterwards. 
 The discussion led to a revision of the British 
 regulations in respect to the right of adoption in 
 Native States, in favour of the Princes. 
 
 The last of Lord Dalhousie's annexations related 
 to Oudh, which he carried out in 1866, just before 
 quitting office. This grave measure had been re- 
 solved upon after political consideration by the Qor- 
 ernraent, both in India and in England. The mis- 
 rule on the part of the Moslem King of Oudh had 
 long been incorrigible and intolerable. The British 
 Government, when originally recognising the consti- 
 tution of Oudh, had guaranteed the people against 
 such misrule, and was now held to be obliged to put 
 an end to that once for all by annexation, as preven- 
 tion and cure had been proved after many patient 
 trials to be impossible. 
 
83 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Soon afterwards the Sepoy Mutinies, and the war 
 consequent thereon, occurred in 1857 and 1858. 
 These will be described in s subsequent Ohapter. 
 Then an interval again ensued, during which no 
 territory of any size worth noticing was annexed, 
 till 1885, excepting a tract along the southern bordei 
 of Afghanistan in 1879, which tract, though small, 
 is of great importance politically. But in 1885 a 
 considerable conquest took place in the old King- 
 dom of Ava. This Kingdom was tho last remnant 
 of the Burmese Empire, and included tho upper 
 valley of the Irawaddy, together with a cluster of 
 Shan States adjoining the Chinese province of 
 Yunnan. The King was an ally of the British and 
 was virtually under their protection. Nevertheless 
 he with his advisers, and probably his chiefs also, 
 chose in the most underhand manner to intrigue with 
 the French with the manifest intention of injuring 
 British interests in that quarter. Tho discovery of 
 these doings led to military operations against the 
 King, which were followed by the annexation of Ava 
 and its dependencies. These were joined on to the 
 Burmese provinces already taken in 1823 and 1852. 
 Thus all Burma, ail its dependencies, all the Bur- 
 mese population, came under British sway. Thus, 
 too, was formed a frontier adjoining Ohina, giving 
 India an interest in Chinese politics, and contei^ 
 minous for sorao hundreds of miles with Siam, 
 causing British attention to be much excited in refer- 
 ence to any proceedings of Franco which might 
 threaten Siamese independenoe. 
 
FORMATION OP THE EMPIBB OF INDIA. 
 
 These many territorial acqniaitions, successfully 
 made within the nineteenth oentwy, inyolving hun- 
 dreds of thousands of square miles, with scores and 
 scores of millions of population, do indeed make up 
 a sura total of conquest and annexation rarely 
 paralleled in ancient or modern times. As regards 
 territory, the Indian Empire is at rest and in con- 
 tentment It has received everything, and nothing 
 more remains to be desired. Once on a time Ran jit 
 Sing, the ruler of the Panjab, seeing a map of India 
 with large patches on it marked red, as indicating 
 British dominion, remarked that ere long it would 
 all become red ; and so it has. From Cape Comorin 
 in equatorial regions right up to the borders of 
 Tlliet, from the bounds of Afghanistan to those of 
 China, from the Indus to the Irawaddy, even to the 
 Salwoen beyond that— all, all is British. The terri- 
 tories are either British absolutely, inhabited by 
 peaceful and acquiescent subjects, or else Native 
 States secure in their tenure and basking in the sun- 
 shine of British protection. In this area there are 
 two small spots allowed by international right and 
 courtesy, one to France at Pondicherry, the other to 
 Portugal at Qoa. None can know better than 
 British politicians that storms may rapidly arise in 
 sad. ^ area as this. But at present the area is 
 q ' disturbed. None can estimate more exactly 
 thau '.de responsible defenders how vast are the re- 
 quirements for adequate defence. But at present 
 there are the defensiTe reaoureea fully available. 
 
84 PBOQBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Though the acquisitions have sometimes been 
 
 peacefully accomplished, they have been mostly won 
 by the sword. The quantity of the fighting within 
 the century has been great indeed, but its quality has 
 often been critically severe. Victories have been 
 gained in fourteen pitched battles. Two Ing battles 
 have been fought with indecisive result Begular 
 sieges have been successfully conducted in eight 
 places. In four instances the defence of beleaguered 
 positions has been heroically sustained by British 
 people. Seven campaigns have been conducted in 
 mountainous regions. Thirty-one lesser expeditions 
 have been conducted against the Tribes on the North- 
 west frontier; besides the great expedition in 1897 
 and 1898 within the most recent memorv. In five 
 instances mishaps or misfortimes have been suffered 
 in the field. Besides all this, three wars have been 
 waged outside India, though for Indian interests, 
 two in Afghanistan and one in Persia. In India 
 itself there have been minor military operations 
 without number, which cannot well be classified in 
 the above categories. India has indeed been long a 
 school for British soldiers both European and 
 Native. 
 
 After all this martial renown and territorial suc- 
 cess, there will finally arise the question whether 
 these vast proceedings have always, or even generally, 
 been accompanied with fairness and fitness, with 
 justice and mercy. No politician will give an over- 
 confident reply to this question who reflects on the 
 
FORMATION OF THE EMPIBE OF INDIA. 
 
 infirmity of human motives, on the errors in the 
 noblest purposes, on the faults in the best intentions. 
 Some British critics may have been too ready to an- 
 swer it as against their own country. The vindi- 
 cation of the conquests before this century is not to 
 be a part of this narrative. But something may be 
 said for the acquisitions within the century. The 
 fundamental consideration is whether a Cr rporation 
 of Europeans may lawfully and righteously under- 
 take trading in an Oriental country. If they may, 
 then very much will follow from that proposition. 
 They must set up a Factory, or magazine for their 
 stores and goods. It must be made defensible 
 against outrage and pillage. There must be some 
 armed defenders, who may grow into the nucleus of 
 a forca Then the traders will be approached by 
 faction? and parties outside with requests for local 
 assistance, which sometimes they are for safety's 
 sake obliged, or induced by trading advantages, to 
 afford. So long as they are politically insignificant 
 they thus become popular with the Natives. But they 
 will imperceptibly or almost unconsciously be drawn 
 into courses which render them of some consequence 
 politically. Then they become the objects of untold 
 dislike, dread, and suspicion to many, though not to 
 all of the Native Chiefs. As against their enemies 
 they will have their friends; and so they begin to 
 enter upon politics. They will be mad- soraetim-w 
 to stand on their defence; they will defend them- 
 selves oiiccessiuliy. As victors they will naturally 
 
36 PROOBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 exact some compensation from their beaten aasail- 
 ants, and here will be the beginning of conquest. 
 Even yet they will as conquerors have but a com- 
 paratively limited dominion. If their neighbours, 
 the powerfulNative States, often arrogant, self-con- 
 fident and ignorant of the capaci^ possessed by 
 Europeans, would only leave he intruders alone and 
 unprovoked, then iN^ative Kule in the country at 
 large might yet be preserved, and the inter- 
 lopers might remain within their limits. But 
 this abstinence is wholly alien to the ideas of such 
 Kative States. Not unnaturally their jealousy 
 prompts them to aggression, indirect at first and 
 more direct as opportunity may offer. This will 
 lead to further warfare always to the advantage of 
 the British and always ending in further acquisi- 
 tion! of territory by them. These warnings might 
 have induced the !N"ative States to refrain for the 
 future, and to respect the British position. But no ; 
 their jealousy became more intense as the British 
 position grew; their self-reliance never abated, not- 
 withstanding their invariable defeats in all en- 
 counters. They would yet hope to end the British 
 who could not otherwise bo mended, and therefore 
 would begin to form formidable combinations. Then 
 at length the British, who had never been impatient, 
 were brouj^t face to face with two altemativM, 
 Either they must suffer destruction and expulsion, 
 or they must fight for the mastery all round. They 
 could not reasonably be expected to accept the first 
 
FORMATION OF THE EHPIBE OF INDIA. 87 
 
 alternative of annihilation. So they adopted the 
 alternative of fighting and they fought with decisive- 
 ly victorious effect The consequence was the forma- 
 tion of a -w drous Empire. This is a bird's-eyo 
 view of the many steps by which the British ad- 
 vanced from private trade to Imperial power. They 
 began without any fixed intent; they were led on by 
 circumstances not of their own making; they were 
 often forced on by events beyond their control. 
 With few exceptions, in a long career of contest 
 they are not chargeable with wilful aggression or un- 
 justifiable attack on any neighbours. To say that 
 there are no exceptions would be claiming too much 
 for them, for they are very human indeed. But the 
 exceptions are creditably few, in reference to the 
 trials and temptations with which they were ever 
 beset. With a consciousness of political rectitude 
 and a confidence in the justice of their cause, they 
 were resolved to retain all that had been hardly won, 
 and to do their duty towards all the nations and all 
 the interests that had thus fallen under their charge. 
 
88 PBOGBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 DETSBMINATION OF THE FBONTIEBS. 
 
 SuOH, as set forth in the foregoing Chapter, has 
 been the progress of British dominion during tlio 
 nineteenth century, till it embraced the whole of 
 the Indian Continent and Peninsula, together with 
 the adjoining Kingdom of Burma, and was declared 
 to be an Empire. But as this Empire is situated 
 in southern Asia across the ocean, several thou- 
 sand miles from the mother-country of its foreign 
 rulers, from the actual centre of British power in 
 the world, from European resources of every sort, 
 and thus stands in comparative isolation, then the 
 gravest consideration is needed in respect to its 
 Frontiers. 
 
 The great Peninsula of India, an inverted triangle 
 with Cape Comorin as its apex, is washed on the east 
 by the Bay of Bengal, on the west by the Arabian 
 Sea. Its borders are therefore unassailable so long 
 as Britain is mistress of the ocean. Above ♦his tri- 
 angle lies the Continent of India stretchi.ip out on 
 both sides. The approach to it on the eastc i side 
 is by Calcutta, which would be closed to any hostile 
 access in the face of a superior maritime power. On 
 the western side the approach would be by the Indus 
 
DETERMINATION OF THE FRONTIEBS. 89 
 
 mouth, which is guarded by the harbour of Kur- 
 
 rachi. So far the frontier aspect is most favour- 
 able; but then from Kurrachi onwards there bo- 
 pins a land border of enormous length. It extends 
 from south to north along the base of the mountain 
 range which separates Afghanistan from the Indus 
 valley right up to Peshawar, a distance of eight hun- 
 dred miles. Then it turns in a south-easterly direc- 
 tion, following the bjise of the entire Himalayan 
 raii^je from end to end, as far as the upper Brahma- 
 putra valley and the eastern comer of Assam. Then 
 it traverses trackless mountains past the sources of 
 the Irawaddy to the western comer of Yunnan in 
 China, then turning southwards conterminously 
 with Yunnan it touches first the Salweeu, then the 
 il ekong rivers, and lastly passes along westem Siam 
 to the end of the Tenasserim province on the coast 
 of the Bay of Bengal. This land frontier may bo 
 about four thousand miles long, and is one of tho 
 most diversified frontiers to be found in any Em- 
 pire. It is well protected by nature and by circum- 
 stances in all its parts save one, namely the western, 
 as will be presently seen. 
 
 Along the entire northern line iN'ature herself is 
 the protectress of India, with the snow-clad walla 
 and the citadel rocks of the Himalajas. In the 
 north-eastern section the hills are covered with for- 
 ests as yet impenetrable. There remains ihe west- 
 em section always fraught with possible danger, and 
 the south-eastem section now attracting much in- 
 
 ^jll^f^.^':M\£ ^^^IRini jswa^£»^lt^^ 
 
40 PBOOBESt or INDIA. JAPAN AMD OHUVA. 
 
 torcst and offering a long vista of opportuuities. I 
 shall brieflj advert to each of these sections. 
 
 The western section consists of the line already 
 mcntion(!(l as nmning from Ivurrachi to Peshawar. 
 It has been marked out along thy base of the hills 
 the chief of which are known as the Sulemani range. 
 The southern portion of these hills abuts on Belu* 
 chistan, the northern portion on Afghanistan. In 
 this southern portion the British Government has 
 seldom had nny trouble. But on the northern por- 
 tion it has had much trouble; for there the hills 
 are inhabited by Moslem tribes warlike, ungorom- 
 able and intractable. They form an independent 
 zone between the Indian Empire and Afghanistan. 
 They have often been bad neighbours to the British, 
 committing border raids and such like offences. 
 Against them were most of the expeditions under- 
 taken, which have been mentioned in the preceding 
 Chapter. In 1S97 and 1898 they combined for hos- 
 tile action against the British, with the Afridia at 
 their head, and in the mountain campaign which fol- 
 lowed much honour was reflected on the British 
 arms, in the eyes of the world. But so far as these 
 Tribes are concerned the Frontier has been well 
 guarded ever since 1850, when by the annexation 
 of the Panjab the British dominion was extended 
 up to this line. Since the recent campaign it is even 
 better guarded than ever. 
 
 But beyond this Frontier lies the mountainous 
 Kingdom of Afghanistan, ruled by the Amir of 
 
DXTEBlflNATION OF THB ntONTIBR& 
 
 41 
 
 Caubul. How, HO far as Afghanistau is concerned, 
 Britain would have gladlj left that kingdom to it* 
 ■elf without any iuterferenoe, keeping it, so to 
 
 eficak, as a quickset hedge between India and Cen- 
 tral Asia. Frum Afghanistan itself there never baa 
 been the lea^t, apprehension of any attack on, or 
 menace to, India. Nevertheless in 1838 the British 
 undertook military and political operations in Af- 
 ghanistan, unseating one ruler and seating another. 
 This is known as the first Afghan war, and it ended 
 unfortunately. No further oonseciueiico ensued and 
 Afghanistan was left to itself. Negotiations wero 
 opened in 1856 and some relations continued on and 
 off without marked result till 1809, when the Amir 
 met the British Viceroy in the Pan jab, accepted 
 British aid in money and arms, and virtually under- 
 took to be guided by British advice in his foreign 
 relations. Less than ten years later he received 
 at his Court a Busflian agent, and was discovered 
 to have been engaged in a correspondence distinctly 
 disloyal to British interests. These circumstances 
 may be in part described as the collateral results 
 of the Russo-Turkisli war then pending. They led 
 to what is known as the second Afghan war. The 
 ultimate consequences of that war were not remark- 
 able in regard to the no them section of the Fn 
 tier, but thoy were very much so in regard to fho 
 southern section already described as abutting on Bo- 
 luchistan. In that quarter the mountains, which 
 from the north had been running parallel to the In- 
 
4S PBOORES8 OF INDU, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 (lus, recede from the river, for a long space mostly 
 desert, and form a flank for the lofty plateau of 
 Quetta, to which the approach is by the famous Bo> 
 Ian Pass in JJeluch territory. Tn this neighbour- 
 hood, as one of the conditions of peace after the war, 
 some outlying districts of southern Afghanistan 
 were ceded to the British by the Amir. Then a 
 railway, with branches, was constructed from Suk- 
 kur on the Indus through these districts to the new 
 Afghan border in the province of Candahar, which 
 is the capital of southern Afghanistan. Just here 
 runs a dividing range between this province and the 
 new British territory. The railway pierces this 
 line by a tunnel and emerges at Chaman, the present 
 terminus, i\\ <nt ninety miles from Candahar. The 
 pressing on oi this railway at great cost and despite 
 much engineering difficulty, was the most forward 
 step of a permanent character undertaken by the 
 British Government Evidently this was a military 
 and not a commercial line of railway, and these for- 
 midable preparations had reference not to A^han- 
 istan at all, but to some power beyond it. 
 
 It was indeed in regard to Bussia that all the Brit- 
 ish proceedings in Afghanistan were really directed. 
 The first Afghan war was undertaken because the 
 interference of Kussia was apprehended, the sec- 
 ond because it had actually begun. The railway 
 was advanced to the Candahar border to meet any 
 possible advance by Russia. Such an advance, 
 should it ever occur, would probably be by way of 
 Herat 
 
DETERMINATION OF "THE FRONTIERS. 48 
 
 Towards Ilorat, then, ia the gaze of the British 
 Government directed, that being the capital of west- 
 ern Afghanistan. This is the quarter which hat 
 been menaced bvBu«ian proceedings for many years 
 past Here, too, ia the best line for any advance 
 upon India beiiis: attempted by Russia, and in the 
 opinion of many the only practicable line. It ia 
 consistent with the utmoot moderation to say that 
 the menacing haa been direct and indirect After 
 tl'O second war first mentioned the Amir came imder 
 British protection. It became necessary to deter* 
 mine the border between his north-western districts 
 and the Turkoman country then under the influence 
 of Kussia. He undertook this ddimitation under 
 Briti^ guidance. BuMiau troops in advanced out> 
 posts were so actively ..i-.rressive towards Af^^han 
 troops, and it wrs so • r red that t\u' aggres- 
 siveness would rccf>ivC' '. ■ from the Russian 
 Government, that war tv;. ue point of breakin^cr 
 out between Britain and Russia, and British preu- 
 arations financial and naval were begun. 1 < 
 Btorm passed away, leaving however a trouV^ 'd sky 
 behind it The ^loundary Wfl^^ .^larked out ■ last-, 
 but the arrangement brought : c Russian sphere oi 
 iutluence inconveniently near to Herat 
 
 Having previously rendered the Caspian a Bus* 
 sian lake, having subdued Mcrve, ic headquarters 
 of the Turkomans, liaving turned Tu V'^'nania into 
 a Russia province conterminous with the Afghan 
 province of Herat, Russia began a line of railway 
 
44 PROGBESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 from the east Caspian shore towards Samarkand in 
 Central Asia to be afterwards joined with the Sibe- 
 rian system. TLia railway passes near the border of 
 Herat and a branch is being made right up to that 
 border. The meaning of all this is sneh that the 
 Briton who runs may read it 
 
 Again to the north of Afghanistan the Russian 
 sphere or dominion has been advanced up to the 
 river Oxus. From the point of contact there is a 
 line of march straight upon CaubuL But tiliat ia 
 looked upon with less anxiety because it crosses the 
 old Indian Caucasus, which is extremely hard for a 
 modem European forcr to traverse. 
 
 Again the Pamir plateau, the loftiest upland in 
 the world, towers above the western Himalayas in the 
 British dominion. Britain indeed had no deaire to 
 interfere in that plateau. But Russia began to 
 interfere and in consequence Britain had to put in 
 a claim. A partition, with a marking out of the bor- 
 ders, ensued; and though Britain got her share, 
 still one of the results was to bring the Russian 
 sphere inconveniently near to the Himalayan Na- 
 tive State of Cashmir which is fully under British 
 protection. It was in reference to this that the 
 armed advance on Chitral, well known in recent 
 history, was undertaken by the British, followed 
 by the permanent occupation of that post 
 
 It were needless to discuss whether Russia am- 
 bitiously hojies ever to advance upon India or means 
 only to set up a standing menace on the Herat border 
 
DBTEBMINATION OF THE FROimERS. 
 
 with a view to ulterior policy in other quarters of the 
 East or Far East If the object be not the former, 
 it nrart be the latter. Or it may be for both in com- 
 bination. The British Goyemment has made for- 
 midable preparations to meet either contingency, 
 and is ready to augment them to any extent which 
 circumstances may seem to demand. Meanwhile it 
 is to be observed that between the railway terminus 
 of Russia and that of Britain there is a distance of 
 450 miles over ground quite practicable indeed, but 
 presenting mighty difficulties in respect of transport 
 and supply for the advance of a modem army in the 
 face of opposition. Whether the Russians could 
 surmount such difficulties may well be doubted. 
 Even if the British forces were to advance to Can- 
 dahar to bar the enemy's further progress, there 
 would still bo 350 miles to be marched over with all 
 these difficulties. In no case will the British army 
 advance beyond Candahar. It would not undertake 
 to defend Ilerat as being too far from its base. 
 The British Government would however support the 
 Afi^bansin such a defence. 
 
 Previously Britain had been obliged to take up 
 arms on behalf of Herat when Persia attacked it in 
 1856. One British force was landed at Bushir, near 
 the head of the Persian Gulf, another at Mnham- 
 merah, some way up the joint stream of the Eu- 
 phrates and Tigris. This double inroad oompellod 
 Persia to evacuate Herat and to make peace. The 
 Persian Gulf has rabfeqnently hemi treated as with- 
 in the British naval sphere. The soathtra part of 
 
46 FBOOBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Persia thus falls within British influence, in event 
 of need, just as the northern part has already fallen 
 
 owing to the Russian proceedings in Turkomania as 
 just described right along the northern houndary of 
 Persia. The importance of the Persian dominions to 
 British interests would be but slight were it not that 
 Persia might become a highway between Russia 
 and India. 
 
 On the eastern side of the Indian Empire it has 
 been seen that the frontier marches alongside of 
 Yunnan, and this causes the British Empire to be in 
 territorial contact with the Chinese. The desire is 
 to open up communications through Yunnan with the 
 upper valley of the Yang-tsze-Kiang, there called 
 " the river of the golden sand." With this view a 
 brancii line is being undertaken to the British 
 boundary on the river Salween, from the main line 
 at If andalay in upper Burma, to which the railway 
 is already running inm Kangoon on the coast If, 
 when the branch actually reaches the Salween, the 
 Chinese QovemnK'nt shall consent to carry the line 
 into the interior of Yimnan, then the possibilities of 
 the future would seem to be immense. 
 
 Far^MT south in this (purter the British fron- 
 tier is conterminous with Siam for a long distance. 
 This contact was one of the reasons why the British 
 Government regarded with just jealousy the aggres- 
 sion of France upon Siam in >895, and interposed 
 to effect a joint guarantee with ^ Frmeh Govern* 
 ment for Siamese independence whoi that was 
 threatened by Franea 
 
MACHINBBY OT INDIAN GOTSBNIIENT. 4f 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 ItfAOHINEBT OF INOIAir QOVEXSVXtlT. 
 
 The fonnation and conquest of the Indian Em- 
 pire having been described in the previous Chapter, 
 
 it becomes necessary to explain what system of 
 Government and administration was set up therein 
 by the British, and how that system has been modi- 
 fied during the nineterath century; what system 
 of control over the Qovemment in India was estab- 
 lished by the Qovemment in Britain, and how &at 
 system also has been changed within the century. 
 
 The year 1800 saw the British dominions divided 
 into three Presidencies, Bengal, Madras and Bom- 
 bay. This division had existed from the first his- 
 toric days — ^that is, from the seventeenth century — 
 and was still suitable, as these three dominant places 
 have been shown in a previous Chapter to be the 
 real hases of the British Power. Over each Presi- 
 dency was a Governor with his Council, and each 
 was independent But when it was deeided 
 one supreme authority must be cr(>ated, this was 
 (ione hv making the Governor and Council of Ben- 
 gal, which was much the largest Presidfincy, supreme 
 over the other two Presidencies of Madras and Bom- 
 bay. The Qovemor of Ben^l wag i^led the 
 
m PBOGHOSB OF BfmA, JAPAIT AMD CBSSA. 
 
 Governor-General in 1774. In the Madras and 
 Bombaj Presidencies the civil and geacval €k>vem> 
 ment is the same to liiia day, the Qovemors and 
 
 tlic'ir Councils rule jn?t now as they did then. This 
 fact proves tne tendency of British rjle to preserve 
 what works well, while making changes whenever 
 they may be necessary. The only change has been 
 this, that vrhen Sind was annexed in 1848 it was 
 at first placed under Sir Charles Napier as Gk)vep- 
 nor. but was shortly afterwards attached to the Bom* 
 bay Presidency. 
 
 IBut the position of the Governor of the 13engal 
 Presidency, who was also Gk>vemor-Qeneral of In- 
 dia, has been entirely altered during the nineteenth 
 century. For the last quai ter of tlu; eighteenth cen- 
 tury the Governors of Bengal, especially Warren 
 Hastings and Lord Cornwallis, did govern these 
 great provinces and yet guide or control the course 
 of the infant Empire in India. But their 8ucce»- 
 Bora found the two functions to be more than they 
 could sustain, as the Empire grew into a young giant 
 from the cvcmts which happened after the opening 
 of the nineteenth century. The difficulty was ag- 
 gravated when the Gangetio Plain was attached to 
 the Bengal Presidency under the name of the North- 
 Western Provinces. The overworked Grovemor- 
 Gcnoral acted less and less as Governor of Bengal 
 and its dependencif'B, and devolved the governance of 
 those territories on hia Council, lint as cares ac- 
 cumulated, this task proved to be to much for Ike 
 
MACHINERY OF INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 49 
 
 Council also. So in 1836 the Xorth-Westem Prw- 
 mces were separated from Bengal, and placed 
 under a Lieutenunt-Governor who would be chosen 
 from among the East India Company's servants in 
 India. He would be appointed by the Governor- 
 General however. After this relief the successive 
 Governor-General still held, more or less nominally, 
 the Government of Bengal. At length even such a 
 raastei-workman as Lord Dalhousie was obliged to 
 give this up, and in 1854, Bengal, with its sister 
 ] roMno. s of Behar and Orissa and its outlying de- 
 peiuloncy of Assam, was placed under a Lieutenant- 
 Governor. Meanwhile the Panjab having been an- 
 nexed had been placed first under a Board of Ad- 
 ministration, which the Lawrence brothers rendered 
 famous in Indian annals, and then under a Chief 
 Commissioner, John Lawrence, of immortal mem- 
 ory. lie was in almost all respects a Lieutenant- 
 Governor though not ri name; and in some respects 
 there was supervision by the Governor-General. 
 After a time this particular supervision had to be 
 pivon up, and in 1869 the Panjab was placed under 
 a LieutenaTit Governor. Thus by slow degrees, end- 
 in? in a convenient and symmetrical arrangement, 
 tho Presidency of Bengal, stretching with a mighty 
 sweep from the South-East to the Xorth-West, was 
 vlivided into three component parts, each part under 
 if> o-,vn Lieutenant-Governor. Later on as the 
 IJjirnia dominion grew by the addition of province 
 Giter proviace, it waa attucW to the Bengal Presi- 
 
50 PROORBSS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 dency and was under a Chief Commissioner who, 
 though practically a Lieutenant-Governor, was still 
 under some particular supervision by the Governor- 
 General. But in 1897 Burma also was placed under 
 a Lieutenant-Governor. Thus the Bengal Presi- 
 dencj is for the most part under four Lieutenant- 
 Governors, though not entirely so, as will be seen 
 directly. The several Lieutenant-Governors fully 
 conduct the civil governance in all respects, still they 
 are subordinate to the Governor-General in Council 
 and obey any orders he may issue. 
 
 Thus during the century the Governor-General 
 in Council has been relieved of nearly all the direct 
 civil governance of provinces, and enabled to devote 
 himself to the fast growing concerns of the Empire 
 •t large. But he still has the supervision of some 
 provinces. When Oudh was annexed it was at 
 first placed under a Chief Commissioner, and after- 
 wards added to the Lieutenant-Governorship of the 
 North-Westem Provinces. Nagpore was, some time 
 after its annexation, erected into a chief commission- 
 ership with the addition of some territories in the 
 Nerbudda country, under the style of the Central 
 Provinces, in 1862. Assam, in the upper Brah- 
 maputra Valley, was for some time attached to Ben- 
 gal, but owing to the development of affairs it had to 
 be separated off and placed nnder a Chief Commis- 
 sioner. 
 
 In civil authority a Governor and a Lieutenant- 
 Governor arc- much the same, though they differ 
 
lIACHm^T OP INDIAN OOVEBNMENT. 
 
 51 
 
 somewhat in the constitution of their offices. A 
 GJovemor is chosen generally, though not always, 
 from the outside by the Government in England 
 and rules with the advice and assistance of Councnl- 
 Icrs who are chosen from the Civil Service in India. 
 A Lieutenant-Governor is chosen by the Govemor- 
 Gteneral from the Civil Service in India and rules 
 without the assistance of a Council. 
 
 Thus the British territories under direct British 
 administration with their immense extent^ are 
 divided among two Governorships, four Lieutenant- 
 Governorships and two Chief Commissionerships. 
 
 But the head of the civil government in a prov- 
 ince or group of provinces, be he Governor or 
 Lieutenant-Governor or Chief Commiasioner, does 
 hardly more than conduct what may be called the 
 government proper. The administration is carried 
 on by administrators under him. To this end the 
 territories are everywhere divided into Districts 
 something like, though generally much larger than, 
 the counties in the British Isles or the departments 
 in France. Tliat they are large in size may be at 
 oncp seen from tiio fact that there are only 250 of 
 them in the whole of British India. The heads of 
 these districts have varying titles, but they bear the 
 honourable and generic name of District Officers. 
 In all parts except Madras, the Districts are formed 
 into groups, and over each group is placed a Commis- 
 sioner, something like a Prefect. In cory Govern- 
 tnent except that of Bombay there is a superior fia- 
 
53 PB0OEES8 OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 cal authority present at the headquarters. The 
 position of the District Officer, which has existed 
 
 uninterruptedly from tho beginning of British rule 
 and is almost always hold by a European, must ever 
 be bomo in mind. For it is on him that the com- 
 fort and contentment of the Xative population 
 mainly depend. To him the Natives look as the 
 embodiment of British Kulc. If ho be inefficient 
 they will inevitably suffer, nnd no merit on the part 
 of the Provincial Governor will make amends to 
 them. It is therefore the business of the Provincial 
 Governor to keep his District Officers good, to make 
 them so if they be found to fall short of goodness, 
 to insure that they attain that standard. They 
 themselves, being thus efficient, will answer for order 
 among all their8ubordinates,mostlyXativcs, and will 
 secure for their people a just administration, so far 
 as that may be attainable amid all the lets and 
 drawbacks incidental to Xative society. 
 
 But while the District may bo termed the major 
 unit of administrations, there is always v.ithiu it 
 the minor unit, namely, the Village, as it is termed 
 in the East, corresponding exactly with the Parish 
 as it is termed in the English-speaking countries. 
 In no coimtry can the civil administration bo more 
 thoroughly and entirely parochial than in British 
 India, and the same rule prevails iii ihi' Native 
 States also. Indeed from tho hoary antiquity of 
 the Hindu race, and the oldest of the Indian law- 
 books, the village has been recognised as consisting 
 
MACHIMEBT OF INDIAN OOYKBNMSNT. 68 
 
 of tho group of habitations with its circuuijacent 
 lands and with its boundaries defined in contact with 
 its neighbours. The habitations and the lands have 
 
 ever gone together and formed tho parish. Two 
 thousand, even three thousand, years wouUl not be 
 uncommon ages for many of these villages or par- 
 ishes. In many parts of the country the residents, 
 all descended from a oonmion ancestor, and with 
 Uucan;e traceable in all its ramifications, formed a 
 cousinhood. Such were the historic Village-Com- 
 munities who strongly defended their rights in tho 
 land, right through crises of tho utmost turbu- 
 lence. To each parish there belonged from time 
 immemorial a set of Village Officers also recognised 
 by tho oldest law-books, and for the most part hered- 
 itary, the oftico being held from father to son, or 
 from uncle to nephew. Chief among these were the 
 Headman (sometimes but not always named Patel) 
 with a certain initiatory police jurisdiction, the 
 Village Accountant who kept the accounts, bctwefflt 
 each peasant proprietor and the State, of tho pay- 
 ment or arrears of land-revenue, and who preserved 
 the minutost registration of all the landed tenures 
 in the parish. Next after them was the Village 
 Watchman, who has always .\)eai and still is the basis 
 of the Police system of the country. 
 
 Now these parochial arrangements, which had 
 ■fu fully maintained in all the palmy days of Na- 
 tive Rule, whether Hindu or Muhamnuidau, wero 
 aadly broken through by the troubles of the sevei^ 
 
54 PROGRESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 teenth and • ightecntli ooiituries. I'ut tlioy re all 
 restored by the Britisl' liuio from the beginning 
 of the nineteenth century , and during the latter half 
 of the century have been scmpulously, almost re- 
 ligiously, guarded by siirw ys and many other rela- 
 tions, as will be scon in the coming Chapter on 
 " The landed interests." It may suffice here to re- 
 mark that the British have always held the parochial 
 system as a means of keeping the people steady, of 
 inducing them to value the time-honoured institu- 
 tions under which they and their fathers have 
 lived, yf causing thcni to appreciate tho bom-fits of 
 a powerful and settled government of which Mie per- 
 manence is ever to be desired. The number of 
 these Parishes or Villager in all British India is 
 vast, amounting above 537,000; divided among the 
 250 large Districts above mentioned, and giving an 
 average of over 2,100 Village- Parishi s to a District 
 It has been already seen that a goodly portion 
 of the Empire remains under the Native rulers and 
 consists of Native States. The area of these 
 is somewhat large as compared with its popu- 
 lation, as it often includes hilly country. It 
 comprises more than a quarter of the whole Em- 
 pire and has a population of more then sixty mil- 
 lions. These States, great and small together, are 
 very numerous; the enumeration of them would 
 show a number so higli as four hundred and fifty. 
 All of these have sovereign vcwer of some sort, in 
 very varying degrees, but the greatrr jf them Lave 
 
MACHINERY OF INDIAN OOVERNMENT. 
 
 full sovereign power within their own limits, sub- 
 ject always to the general control of the British (Jor- 
 ernruent; while their external policy and relations 
 are entirely British. Even in the largest of them 
 there is a British Kesidmt as representative of the 
 Paramount Power, and as chief adviser to the Na- 
 tive Sovereign; to this rule there ia no exception. 
 The lesser States, which are really vassal, are gener- 
 ally under one or other of the Governors or Lieuten- 
 ant-Qovemors. But the great groups of States, such as 
 those of Bajpntana and of Central India, the Mos- 
 lem State of the Nizam of the Deccan, the Hindu 
 State of Mysore, the three Mahratta States of Sin- 
 dl'ia, of Holkar and of the Qaekwar, the Gurkha 
 State of Nepal and the Cashmere State are under 
 the Govemor^neral direct They and some 
 others are r^rded as Imperial Feudatories. All 
 tliose Native States have been already mentioned 
 in Chapter III., relatintj to the formation of the 
 Indian Empire. They are autonomous up to a 
 certain point and in a certain sense, and they 
 afford for Native ability, genius and originality a 
 scope which is hardly afforded in the British terri- 
 tories. But the Princes of the old school have now 
 died out and those of the new school have been edu- 
 cated under Western influence and their administra- 
 tion is being assimilated more and more to that of 
 the British territories. 
 
 Such, in outline, being the machinery of the gen- 
 eral Government set up on the spot iu India, there 
 
MICROCOPY RESOLUTION TEST CHART 
 
 (ANSI and ISO TEST CHART No 2) 
 
 ^ /APPLIED IN/MGE Inc 
 
 S" 165 5 [ast Main Street 
 
 ^JS Rocfiesle', Neo i-ork '-609 USA 
 
56 PBOOBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 remains to be considered the machinery whereby 
 control, guidance, support is afforded from home, 
 that is from Britain. 
 
 In the year 1800 the Honourable East India Com- 
 pany was the immediate source of authority as em- 
 anating from Britain towards India. Excepting 
 certain foreign relations, all orders to India came 
 from the Company, and excepting the King's troops, 
 all Indian officials and all the Indian armies were 
 the Company's servants. Though the Company 
 still possessed its mercantile character and func- 
 tions, its servants had for a considerable time been 
 wholly dissociated from trade, were not allowed 
 to engage in any private transactions, and were pub- 
 lic servants in the hi^est and purest sense of the 
 term. The Company had been from the first, that 
 is from the dawn of the seventeenth century, incor- 
 porated by Royal Charter, and its position had given 
 it the monopoly of the Indian trade with Britain. 
 There had been modifications and renewals of the 
 Charter. The last of these renewals had taken place 
 in 1793. For some generations the control by the 
 Government in Britain over the Company had been 
 general only. But in 1784 a specific control had 
 been instituted and was constantly exercised in all 
 particulars, though under a separate roof, by a Board 
 of Control in daily communication with the Com- 
 pany's India Office in the historic Leadenhall Street 
 Tho President of that Board was usually a member 
 of the British Cabinet. The patronage, however. 
 
MACHINERY OP INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 57 
 
 still remained with the Company for the most 
 part. The Governors and the Members of Council 
 were appointed by the Company. The Governor- 
 General was always ohoeen by the Crown; but 
 in reference to the Governor- Gteneral a peculiar 
 provision was afterwards introduced, namely this, 
 that in the Company was vested a power of recalling 
 him even without the sanction of the Government in 
 Britain. The effect was to compel the Governor- 
 General to accord a deferential consideration to the 
 Company's views and wishes. Such a power would 
 be made use of but rarely. But it was once exer- 
 cised in a signal manner as will be seen hereafter. 
 The most important branch of the Company's pat- 
 ronage related to the Civil Service, then bearing the 
 name of Covenanted, as its Members were all under 
 Covenant with the Company. This renowned and 
 historic Service, placed by emolument and social 
 position beyond the reach of temptation, and bearing 
 a lofty character, filled all the higher offices and all 
 the administrative posts of any consequence in India. 
 The Members of it were all in the first instance 
 nominated in Britain by the Directors of the Com- 
 pany. But the young men thus nominated had to 
 be trained in an East India Company's College at 
 Haileybury in Hertfordshire, and had to undergo 
 examinations in all the ordinary European subjects 
 and in many Oriental subjects besides. This valu- 
 nble and important patronage was in part a reward 
 to the Directors for their labours in the Directorate^ 
 
68 PROGRESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 and the check on its exercise consisted in the severe 
 training which the nominees had to undergo. In 
 its daj this Service was famous as the most highly 
 organised and remunerated service in the world. 
 
 Probably no other homogeneous body of public 
 servants, several thousands in number, could at any 
 time or in any country show such a muster roll of 
 illustrious administrators as this. 
 
 Such in gene:^al terms was the control over India 
 exercised in Britain in the early part of the nine- 
 teenth century; but changes soon began to occur. 
 First in 1813 by a new arrangement the Company 
 was deprived of the monopoly of the Indian trade. 
 Then in 1833 the trading functions of the Com- 
 pany were terminated, and its Corporation was re- 
 tained solely as a territorial and governing authority. 
 In 1844 the Court of Directors exercised their power 
 of recalling the Governor-General, in the case of 
 Lord Ellenborough. They alleged no charge what- 
 ever of misfeasance against His Lordship; but dis- 
 sensions bad arisen between him and them. In 
 1853 the Company's charter was revised ; in the re- 
 vision the notable feature was this that the power 
 of nominating members to the Covenanted Civil 
 Service passed away from the Court of Directors, 
 and the entrance to that Service was thrown open to 
 public competition under conditions determined in 
 England. This proved to be the last of the revisions 
 of the Company's Charters which had now extended 
 over two centuries and a half. 
 
MACHINEBT OF INDIAN GOYEBNMENT. 69 
 
 In 1857 the Mutinies in the Native Army of 
 India broke out, followed by the War of theMutinies, 
 to be described hereafter. Lx 1868 the East India 
 Company was abolished altogether, the Court of Di- 
 rectors ceased to exist and the Government of India, 
 as exercised from Britain, was assumed by the Crown. 
 All orders from England, which heretofore had run 
 in the name of the Company, thereafter ran in the 
 name of the Crown, all the servants of the Company 
 became the servants of the Crown. But in India 
 itself no change was immediately made except that 
 the Governor-General became the Viceroy and 
 Governor-General; and Lord Canning, who was at 
 that time the Governor-General, became the first 
 Viceroy. A most digni^ed and gracious proclama- 
 tion was issued by the Queen in Council, to the 
 Princes, Chiefs and people of India, assuring them 
 that all existing arrangements would be confirmed, 
 that all rights would be respected as heretofore, ^t 
 all engagements previously made would be fulfilled. 
 The end of the great Company had come amidst 
 blood and iron, thunder and lightning, tumult and 
 tempest, still its noonday had been resplendent and 
 its career of conquest, governance^ and administrative 
 improvement had heem unparalleled in the annals 
 of private enterprise in any age or country. 
 
 In 1875 the Prince of Wales visited India with 
 excellent effect in all quarters. In 1877 the Queen, 
 by and with the advice of Parliament, assumed the 
 title of Empress; she was thenceforward styled 
 
60 PBOOSE88 OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Queen-Empress of India, and had the subscription 
 of RL or R^^a et Imperatrix. The proclamation 
 of the imperial style was made at Delhi, the old 
 capital of the Mogul Empire, UD.der the direction » T 
 Lord Lytton, the Viceroy, with a magnificence ana 
 solemnity probably surpassing any occasion that had 
 ever been witnessed, even in India, proverbially the 
 land of pomp and pageantry. The idea thereby pro- 
 mulgated had long been familiar; the woiil empiro 
 had been used in speech and in writing, officially 
 and unofficially all through the century, and the ad- 
 jective imperial had usually been applied to every- 
 thing that related to India at large. This was now 
 settled in the face of all nations, and India stood 
 forth in her full rank as an Empire. 
 
 The assumption of the Government of India by 
 the Crown did not immediately cause any particular 
 change in the various Civil Services, whether 
 Covenanted or TTncovenanted. But subsequently as 
 the servants who had once been under eorenants with' 
 the Company passed away, the name Covenanted was 
 given up and the term Imperial (Indian) Civil Service 
 was adopted. The other branches heretofore styled 
 TTncovenanted were then designated the Civil Service. 
 
 But the changes which became necessary in the 
 Military Services caused much trouble. The Queen's 
 troops serving in India kept their status unchanged. 
 But the Company had possessed a considerable body 
 of European troops, several battalions of Infantry, 
 almost all the European Artillery serving in the 
 
MAOHIMEBT GW INDIAK Q O VE BS IMMST. 
 
 eonntzyi and recently some regiments of Cavalry. 
 It was belieTed that these fine troops wonld willing^ 
 ly transfer their services from the Oompuiy to the 
 
 Crown ; but on measures being taken for the transfer, 
 under this belief, they manifested objections which 
 in some cases took the form of mutiny. The affair 
 became for the moment very grave, but the Govern- 
 ment acted with wisdom and forbearance, and all 
 men who were unwilling to transfer their services 
 were allowed to take their discharge. 
 
 The ITative Indian forces, consisting of three 
 Armies, belonged respectively to Bengal, Madras and 
 Bombay. These were tnmsferred to the Crown 
 without any diflScnl^ as r^arda transfer; though 
 the conditions of service and pension pertaining to 
 the European officers needed much rearrangement. 
 In 1893 it was determined to abolish the separate 
 Armies of Madras and Bombay and to combine all 
 the forces of India under one Commander-in-Chie£ 
 So the forces were combined in one Army, divided 
 into several Army Corps, namely one for the Madras 
 Presidency, one for the Bombay Presidency and 
 three for the Bengal Presidency. 
 
 In the IT'aval arrangements a complete change was 
 made. Fnder the Company an Indian Navy had 
 long existed of some renown in the seas around 
 India, and in the Persiar Gulf This was given up, 
 and the protection of India by sea was undertaken 
 by the Boyal Navy; a squadron of considerable 
 strength in numbers was maintained on the Indian 
 
69 PB0OBE8S OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Station, to the ooet of which the Indian Trearaxy 
 oontrihuted. 
 
 Beaides the military changes thus sketched there 
 were grave circumstances in the history of the Native 
 Annies, and in their relations towards the European 
 forces, which demand separate treatment and wi'' 
 be noticed in the succeeding Chapter. 
 
TBB nWLLS MUTU I UBB L 
 
 OHAPTEK VL 
 
 THB IKDIAN MUTINIES. 
 
 In the preceding Chapter the constitution of 
 the Army of India has been sketched, as it grew 
 during the course of the century, and was deter- 
 Tiined with some finality in the dosing decade. But 
 mention was also made that there were grave cir- 
 cumstances in the history of the Native Armies, be- 
 fore their combination into one Army, which would 
 be separately described. These circumstances com- 
 prise what are knoTvn to history as the Indian 
 Mutinies of 1857, and the War of the Mutinies 
 which immediately •■"■^ 
 
 It has been statei that the Native Indian 
 
 forces of the Compa^, .?'ied Sepoys, consisted of 
 three Armies belonging to the three Presidencies, 
 Bengal, Madras and Bombay. The Governors in 
 each Presidency had, during the latter part of the 
 eighteenth century, raised these Native forces for 
 the Company, which were brought by Acts of Parlia- 
 ment under the Mutiny laws. As they grew in 
 numbers, they were styled Armies, and each Army 
 had its own Commander-in-Chief, whose office was 
 recognised, so far back as 1784, by Parliament 
 
64 PBOOBBB8 07 IKDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 In the year 1798 the itrength of the Sepoy forjei 
 in the three Presidenciee together ttood «t 1S2 bat* 
 
 talions, and the strength of a battalion might be 
 reckoned at something under a thousand. By that 
 time the great Marquess Wellesley was at the head 
 of affairs. In the beginning of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury, that is in 1808, the total Natire troops had 
 risen to 154,000. In that year the strength of 
 European troops amounted to 24,600, which rep- 
 resented a proportion of one European soldier to six 
 Native. The East India Company had begun 
 under ihe authority of Parliament to enlist meu in 
 the British Isles for its service in the branches of 
 artillery and infantry. To the Company also were 
 lent King's troops, both cavalry and infantry, for 
 which it defrayed all charges during their service in 
 India. But as military operations became mora 
 and more extensive, and as larger and larger garri* 
 sons were needed for conquered provinces, so the 
 strength of the three Armies rose till, at the begin- 
 ning of the late Queen's reign in 1837, the total 
 number of the regular Kative forcesi or Sepoys, 
 Officers and men, stood at 218,000, besides some 
 Native levies, that of European troops at 36,000. 
 The number of the Sepoys rose still higher up to 
 1857, when their strength may be stated thus in 
 Battalions, for Bengal 74, for Madras 52, for Bom- 
 bay 29, or 155 Battalions in all, with an established 
 strength of about 1,000 per Battalion, officers and 
 men. In the three Presidencies also there were 89 
 
THE INDIAN MU T INHB . 
 
 Regiments of Native Cavalry.* These forces were 
 officered by Europeans ; were recruited separately in 
 each Preeideney, both Hindus and Hoeknu. Thej 
 had their home associatione widelj lepumted, 
 
 though thoy were in some degree united by a oom* 
 munity of faith. They spoke different languages, 
 though they all understood one language, the Urdu 
 or Hindustani, enougb for practical purposes. Thia 
 division into distantly scattered parti was beld to be 
 an element of Imperial safety aa preventing, or at 
 least rendering difficult, any combination of a 
 dangerous character, and such p roved largely to bo 
 the case in the grave events which are presently to 
 be recounted. Besidea these Sepoys, who were 
 counted as regular troops, there had grown up by 
 1857, several local bodies, the Panjab Trans-Indua 
 force, the Nagpore force, the Gwalior contingent, 
 under Sindhia, the Nizam's Contingpnt in the 
 Deccan. Theae were organised almost as highly as 
 the Sepoy troops, and oonatitnted a conaiderable ad* 
 dition to the Native Indian forces. Meanwhile the 
 European forces, belonging to the Crown and to the 
 Conipany, had not been proportionately augmented. 
 Their total stood at thirty-eight thousand. But the 
 Native forces, the Sepoys and the leviea, abore 
 mentioned, taken together, were reckoned at a total 
 of three hundred and forty-eight thousand. Accord- 
 ingly the European soldiers were aa one to nin^ ot 
 
ee PBooBiaB of ikdia, japan and china. 
 
 one to eight at the beft* Thm there wu an unduo 
 disproportion between the European and Native 
 
 forces in the Empire. Thia grave fact was no doubt 
 noticed by thoughtful observers at the time; still 
 there was not any public apprehension. Recent 
 wars, in which the Sepoys had borne an honourable 
 part, had been so successful, their interetts were 
 apparently soboundupwith the British Gk)vemment, 
 their European Officers, who ought to know best, had 
 80 much confidence in them, that the public felt no 
 alarm. There had indeed been mutinies of a partial 
 character among the Sepoys at divers timea during 
 the century, but these had related togrieranees about 
 pay or conditions of service. It was not by any 
 one anticipated that the men would go so far as to 
 rise against the Government itself, upon whom they 
 depended for their lifelong livelihood. 
 
 During the winter of 1866-7, extreme fear sudden* 
 ly arose among the Sepoys of the Bengal Armyregard- 
 ing certain cartridges wi-ich the men were to bite, and 
 which were said to be greased with animal fat 
 Mutiny occurred at several military stations and was 
 suppressed, but Tareatening symptoms continued to 
 break out 
 
 On the 11th May, 1857, startling facts were 
 flashed all over India by the electric telegraph. At 
 Meerut, a large Station in the upper valley of the 
 Ganges, there was a force of European and Sepoy 
 
 * See Eneydopadia Britanniea, article " Army." 
 
THE INDIAN MCTINIia. 
 
 troops. On the evening of Siuidaj, the 10th, the 
 Sepoys mntmied ud fled. Through a mistake by 
 the commander the available European strength at 
 
 the Station was not prr.perly employed to suppress 
 Xative mutiny. During t».c. night the mutineers 
 marched on Delhi, 35 milca distan'. were joined by 
 the Native garrison there, proceeded to the palace of 
 the Great Mogul, and proclaimed as Emperor the 
 living representative of the old Mogul dynasty. 
 
 The significance of this was unmiatakeabl* 
 There must have been a conspiracy among the Bengal 
 Sepoys, some 100,000 strong, and this combination 
 must have been directed against British Rule in 
 India. The British authorities were, as usual, 
 instant in grasping the situation of peril At some 
 Stations, notably Lahore, the capital of the 
 Panjab, the Sepoy regiments were deprived of 
 their arms, under the eye of Sir Robert Montr 
 gomery. At some places, particularly near Ben- 
 ares, a small European force beat four times its 
 own number of mutineers. For the moment no par- 
 ticular rebellion among the Native population en- 
 sued. But that also, as weeks passed on, began to 
 appear in various quarters. In the Native States, 
 south of Delhi, several Sepoy garrisons were 
 stationed, and these having mutinied marched on 
 Delhi, whither mutineers from many British 
 Stations were flocking—after having in many, 
 though not in all, cases murdered their European 
 officers. 
 
68 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Soon the Civil Government of the North-Western 
 Provinces, with its headquarters at Agra, was im- 
 mured within the walls of the old Mogul fortress 
 there. A similar fate befel the Civil Government 
 and European garrison of Oudh in its headquarters 
 at Lucknow. The death of Sir Henry Lawrence 
 there, and the subsequent defence, form one of the 
 noblest among the many noble episodes of the crisis. 
 On the other hand the operations of the rebel forces 
 against the positions successively occupied by the 
 British at Lucknow were the most skilfully designed 
 and obstinately conducted proceedings during the 
 war on their side. Thus the tide of rebellion rose 
 and spread till the whole of the middle and upper 
 valleys of the Ganges, the historic Hindostan, from 
 Benares to the Panjab, was submerged, while the 
 fortified positions of Agra and Lucknow were as 
 islands in a surging ocean. An area of, say, one 
 hundred and fifty thousand square miles of the very 
 finest territory, the best in all India, with forty 
 millions of inhabitants was temporarily lost to the 
 British Government. 
 
 The disturbance spread in a lesser degree to many 
 parts of the Bombay Presidency, then governed ex- 
 cellently well by Lord Elphinstone, and to Sind, in 
 the lower Indus valley, then ruled energetically by 
 Sir Bartle Frere. 
 
 In the Pan jab the British Government held its 
 own indeed, under Sir John Lawrence, but the large 
 body of Sepoy troops cantoned there either mutinied 
 
THE INDIAN HUTINIEa 
 
 60 
 
 or were disarmed. In all India, the only parts free 
 from disturbance were Bengal proper, Orissa, and 
 the Madras Presidency. With a few most honour- 
 able exceptions, the whole Sepoy Army of Bengal 
 mutinied. The mutiny extended indeed to the Bom- 
 bay Army, but did not make any head there; it 
 toiiched the Madras Army but slightly. The centre 
 of mutiny and rebellion was the newly proclaimed 
 Emperor at Delhi He had with him a large force 
 of Sepoy mutineers who brought to the rebel 
 treasury the plunder of the many British treasuries 
 under their guardianship when they mutinied. 
 The season of the year, that of the periodical 
 rains, was the very worst for British operations. 
 Every week added to the peril of the Panjab, and if 
 that famous Province, next door to Afghanistan, 
 should fall, the moral efEect upon. India would be 
 incalculable. 
 
 This outline can give no idea of the tragical 
 occurrences in many places, the murders at Delhi, 
 the horrors of the massacre at Cawnpore, nor depict 
 the efforts against overwhelming odds, the lightning 
 energy, the heroic endurance, all exhibited on the 
 British side. Errors, shortcomings, failures, there 
 were on the part of individuals. But these paled 
 before the courage, skill, promptitude, and resource- 
 fulness evinced by the British Government in India 
 and its officers as a whole, who were indeed as liona 
 at bay. 
 
 The terrific crisis was surmounted in this wise. 
 
70 PBOORESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 In the first place, a force of Europeans, cantoned in 
 the Himalayas near Simla, marched upon Delhi, 
 and routed a large body of mutineers that had ad- 
 vanced from the city. This force was not, how- 
 ever, able to take the city by a coup de main, and 
 had to sit down before the west side of it, thus com- 
 mencing a siege, while the other three sides remained 
 open to the enemy. This had, however, a moral 
 effect, because the Indian world saw that the British 
 Government really meant re-conquest. So the rebel 
 efforts were concentrated in one city where, at all 
 events, British power, if not as yet triumphant, was 
 Btill militant in what became famous as the " Camp 
 before Delhi." 
 
 Then from, the Panjab under Sir John (after- 
 wards Lord) Lawrence were sent not only reinforce- 
 ments, but also levies newly raised in that Province. 
 The material aid of the Panjab men was important; 
 the moral effect, again, was equally valuable as show- 
 ing to the Indian world that the Government had 
 still the means of replacing the Sepoys. The Gov- 
 ernment of India at Calcutta, of which Lord Canning 
 was the head, spared no effort to send European re- 
 inforcements to the distressed districts. European 
 troops were brought up from the Madras Presidency, 
 fr<mi British Burma, from Ceylon. A force of 
 several regiments, on its way from England to 
 China under the direction of Lord Elgin, was 
 diverted to India. The warship Shannon, under 
 Captain (afterwards Sir William) Peel, appeared 
 
THE INDIAN MUTINIES. 
 
 n 
 
 before Calcutta, and afforded a naval brigade for 
 land service. Most timely advances were made hj 
 Grenerals Havelock and 19'eill up the Ganges from 
 Benares to Allahabad and on to Cawnpore. In 
 August Sir Colin Campbell arriv'^d from England 
 to assume the chief command in succession to 
 General Anson, who had died near Delhi early in 
 May. Most fortunately the rich and populous 
 territories round the Governor-General's head* 
 quarters at Calcutta were quiet. Large revenues 
 still flowed in, the financial credit of the State was 
 maintained. While the extremities of the body 
 politic were troubling, the heart beat tranquilly. 
 
 Still, despite the 'instant impulse given to 
 military movements, the clouds gathered thicker 
 and darker over the British position, and by the be- 
 ginning of September the fate of British rule in 
 Northern India hamg tremulously in the balance. 
 But in the middle of September a decisive change 
 supervened. Sir John Lawrence, at all risks to his 
 own Province in crder to take Delhi, had despatched 
 the final reinforcements to the Camp before that 
 city, and had in his own words "gleaned his last 
 man." On the 14th, General Archdale Wilson com- 
 manding in that Camp, with John Kicholson, 
 Keville Chamberlain, and Alexander Taylor, 
 stormed with the most determined assault The 
 place was captured, though with diflSculty, the mock 
 Mogul Emperor was made a prisoner, the beaten 
 mutineers fled, and the British authority in all die 
 surrounding territories was restored. 
 
12 PBOOBESS OF INDU, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Later in the a>.tumn the first relief of Lucknow 
 was accomplished by Gbnerala Havelock, Keill and 
 
 Outram. A further relief was necessary towards 
 the end of November. Sir Colin Campbell, advanc- 
 ing from Cawnpore to Lucknow, released the be- 
 leaguered garrison and the European families im- 
 prisoned there. He was not, however, able to 
 occupy the City or reconquer the Province just then. 
 Meanwhile he ^eft Outram with a small force in tho 
 suburbs of Alambagh. This -->osition was for many 
 weeks assailed by the rebels, and its defence forma 
 another of the episodes of the war. 
 
 All this while, that is since the arrival in June of 
 the news from Delhi, the British Government in 
 London, under Lord Palmerstr had been putting 
 forth efforts of a unique character. In a few weeks 
 fully forty thousand men were despatched in sail- 
 ing ships round the Cape of G^ood Hope to India, 
 a distance of twelve thousand miles, tho overland route 
 not being then available for military transport. 
 These began to arrive early in the winter, and be- 
 fore Christmas there was a European army in India 
 fuUysufBcientto render thefonndation of the British 
 Eule secure. By New Year's Day of 1858, the 
 British Indian Government and its oflBcers were able 
 to breathe again after the terrific storm of the I'.st 
 eight months of 1857. 
 
 The course of 1858 was marked with victory after 
 victory to the British cause. Although the princi- 
 pal native Princes and Sovereigns were tixemselves 
 
 m 
 
THE INDIAN MUTINIES. 
 
 13 
 
 loyal to the British SoTereign Power, yet their troops 
 
 in some cases, notably in the case of Sindha, were 
 mutinous and their subjects rebellious. Early in the 
 year Sir Colin Campbell with a powerful force again 
 advanced upon Lucknow and finally recaptured it, 
 whereon the rebellion in Oudh soon collapsed. But 
 the settlement of affairs with the Talukdars or terri- 
 torial aristocracy of Oudh caused much trouble. 
 During the same season Sir Hugh Rose (afterwards 
 Lord Strathnairn) had to make his famous march 
 from the Bombay Presidency, cutting his way right 
 through the disturbed districts of Central India to 
 Hindustan. As the summer approached the re- 
 bellion shrank and waned. By the eleventh of May, 
 that is, the first anniversary of the tiogedy at Delhi, 
 it was virtually broken. It yet lived on through the 
 summer. But by the winter of 1868 — ^just eighteen 
 moaths f.om the fatal 11th May, 1858 — external 
 order had been almost universally restored. 
 
 The causes of this mighty outbreak, which has 
 been duly described by the historian as " the most 
 marvellous episode of modem times," hive often been 
 discussed with but partial information. They may 
 be classified, first as original, second as proximate. 
 The original fundamental and abiding cause was 
 simply this, that the guardianship of the British 
 Rule, which with all its merits was necessarily alien, 
 had been entrusted to an over-mastering Native 
 Army vastly outnumbering the European troops. 
 The Sepoys had a imse of power, a belief that the 
 
I4k PROGRESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 physical force lay with them. They had heen in 
 the main faithful to their foreign paymasters. 
 Nevertheleps they loved their old dynasties, their in- 
 digenous rulers, their Asiatic faiths and custom''. 
 Here then is the one great cause, which swallowed 
 up all the other causes. Here was the cardinal 
 error which gave fatal potency to all lesser errors, 
 to all minor circumstances. 
 
 There were certain parties on the watch to foment 
 any casual dissatisfaction which might arise. Fore- 
 most among these were the Muhammadan Court of 
 the late dynasty at Lucknow and certain of the 
 Hindu Talukdars of Oudh. In all probahility the 
 conspiracy, if not hatched, was inspired and organ- 
 ised from Lucknow, or from Oudh, under a remark- 
 able man known as " the Moulvee." It was imfor- 
 tunate that the agitation among the Sepoys on a 
 caste question should have arisen in 1857, so soon 
 after the annexation of Oudh, which took place in 
 1855. Further it so happened that several indi- 
 viduals powerless in the time of peace, but potent to 
 strike in time of sedition, had recently been dealt 
 with in a manner which .hey regarded rightly or 
 wrongly as injurious and unreasonable. Had 
 these not sided energetically with the rebels the 
 course of affairs in their respective districts would 
 have been very different from what it tvos. The 
 policy of the Govenmient in respect to the adoption 
 of successors on failure of issue in IN'ative States 
 had no doubt disquieted public opinion. Too 
 
THE INDIAN MUTINIES. 
 
 76 
 
 m .ch stress must not be laid on this, becansj, after 
 
 all, the principal N'ative sovereigns reiaained loyal; 
 
 and the trouble in their States arose not from them, 
 but from their mutinous soldiers or their turbulent 
 vassals. Indeed the loyalty of the Native Princes 
 was a stehdying factor throughout the crisis. 
 
 It remains in conclusion to point the moral of 
 this wondrnna tale. Imprimis, the crucial error of 
 Faving too small a proportion of European to "Na- 
 tive troops has been rectified, and will never, in all 
 probability, be repeated. The European strength 
 has been augmented and the Native strength dimin- 
 ish ^d. The European soldier is now as one to 
 two Native soldiers instead of being as one to five 
 or six or even eiglit If, however, there should be 
 any repetition of this error, then the old danger of 
 1857 may revive. 
 
 In those dark days many Britons asked them- 
 selves the question as to what would become of In- 
 dia, if the British Government should be the loser 
 instead of the winner in the contest, if the British 
 should be driven back on their three Presidency 
 Capitals and their ships. These were indeed ex- 
 treme suppositions, but, nevertheless, quite intelli- 
 gible. Yet there would have been little doubt in 
 the answer to be given by the best informed of Anglo- 
 Indian statesmen. As a retrospect of some interest 
 respecting the forces capable at that time, 1857-8, 
 of moving Indian politics, it may be well to state 
 what the tiien answer would have been. There 
 
76 PBOOBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 were then existing at least five roleanic forces either 
 slumbering though easily perceptible, or else show- 
 ing signs of possible activity, namely, the Gurkha 
 Nationality in the eastern Himalayas, the compo- 
 nent parts of the Sikh States in the Fanjab van- 
 quished only nine years before, the Rajput States 
 who had always held their own under any circum- 
 stance and even under the British suzerainty, tho 
 Mahratta element in the Western Ghaut mountain- 
 range behind Bombay, and lastly the Arab chiefs 
 of Arabian troops whom the Nizam of Hyderabad 
 in the Deccan had for many years been summoning 
 from Arabia to help him in showing a brave front 
 bef . e his masterful British allies, and who had be- 
 come more his masters than his servants. Each 
 one of these volcanic forces would have burst forth 
 immediately after the disappearance of the British 
 from the interior of the Indian continent and penin- 
 sula. The Gurkhas woulu have descended from the 
 Himalayas near Nepaul to lord it over Behar (the 
 first home of Booddhism), over Oudh and northern, 
 eastern and middle Bengal, leaving southern Bengal 
 only, and perhaps Orissa, to the powers in Calcutta. 
 The reconstituted Sikh State in the Fanjab would 
 have occupied all the Delhi territory. A goodly 
 part of the classic Hindustan would have formed 
 a bone of contention between it and the Gurkhas. 
 The Sajput States would have held their own. But 
 they would have occupied the domimons of Sindhia 
 and Holkar which were Mahratta exotica on Bajput 
 
THE INDIAN MUTINIES. 
 
 TT 
 
 soil. The Mahrattas would have strongly estate 
 lished themselves in their native mountains, the 
 Western Ghauts, and would have occupied the Western 
 Dcccan. The coast territory known as Guzerat, to- 
 gether with the Oaekwar's territory at Baroda, 
 would have remained under the Powers at Bombay. 
 The Arab chiefs at Hyderabad would have dealt 
 somehow with their nominal lord the Nizam, and 
 would have set up their own kingdom there, con- 
 trolling the remainder of the Deccan and the whole 
 southern Peninsula ocoept such parts as might be 
 within reach of the powers at Madras. Such in 
 general terms would have been the new partition 
 of India, though some few N"ative States, isolated 
 and inaccessible to these five Powers, might tl: rough 
 their forbearance have preserved a sort of independ- 
 ence. From all these perils India was saved by 
 that Providence which vouchsafed to the British 
 a fresh tenure, more potent than ever, to be used 
 for righteouB ends. 
 
78 PUOOBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA- 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 PKnrOIPLKS OF nCPKBIAX. ADMlWMTBATlOir. 
 
 The character, the progress and the constitution 
 of the Indian Empire having been set forth in the 
 foregoing Chapters, some account will in this Chap- 
 ter be given of the principles by which the Imperial 
 administration has been conducted during the 
 nineteenth century. 
 
 Throughout the Empire there has always been 
 the Reign of Law. All the changes heretofore de- 
 scribed in the control exercised from England were 
 sanctioned by Statute, that is by successive Acts of 
 Parliament The several Presidencies and Provin- 
 cial Governments were from time to ti e sanctioned 
 by the same ««uthority. The administrative changes 
 which have been mentioned were either sanctioned 
 by law at the time, or afterwards received confirma- 
 tion l. law directly or indirectly. Within the Em- 
 pire itself everything down to the minutest particu- 
 lar is done according to law. Everywhere hiave 
 Courts of Justice been established, and their writs 
 run to the remotest comers of the country. Nothing 
 is done save what would have to be recognised by 
 them J or, if anything be done otherwiae, it is liable 
 
PRINCIPLES OF IMPERIAL il DMINISTRATION. 79 
 
 to diipute. The legislative machiaerj and the char- 
 acter of the legislation will Lt described hereafter. 
 Meanwhile the general effect may be stated as above. 
 Patriarchal rule has sometimes been written and 
 spoken of in referenoe to India; but that, if it ever 
 existed, has ceased to eodit during the latter half of 
 the nineteenth century. Neyertheless, if by a 
 patriarch is meant a man who rules the Natives 
 of India as the District Officer, in any one of the 
 many districts mentioned in a foregoing Chapter, 
 really well by hii own penonality and his own sense 
 of justice, then there is enormous scope for him 
 still, almost as much as there could ever hare been 
 in the days before the Reign o'f Law was settled. 
 For with a population like that of India there is a 
 well nigh indescribable difference to the people be- 
 tween an active and inactive, a vigorous and a feeble 
 administrator. In his farewell words to India Sir 
 John, afterwards Lord, Lawrence said that the 
 prime object for District Administration, which is 
 par excellence the administration for the Natives, 
 is to obtain good men. With than even a defective 
 legal system may be made to work well enough. 
 Without them even the best legal system will fail in 
 practice. 
 
 Nevertheless the Government of India, in the 
 largest sense of the term, is a despotism, benevolent 
 and enlightened no doubt, but still absolute. The 
 
 maxim which has been mentioned in divers times 
 aud places, " everything for the people and nothing 
 
80 PEOORES8 OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 by them," has been applicable to India during the 
 nineteenth century and ntill ia bo. To vindicate 
 this maxim would need aa examination of human 
 nature in the Eaat and <rf the oircumitaneea of Brit- 
 i-H Rule there. Ita neeeaaity will, however, be 
 obvious from a glance at the spectacle of a vast popu- 
 lation of Asiatics being aubi'oct to a Power far 
 awav across tlio sea, or the black-water in Oriental 
 phrase, wholly alien in race, colour, creed, language, 
 tradition and mode of thought 
 
 In order to understand the manner in which thia 
 despotism is conducted, let all the most progressive, 
 enlightened, philanthropic principles, all that con- 
 duces to freedom of action, of religion and of 
 thought, to individual freedom, to equality of justioe 
 to all persons and clasaes before the law, all that con- 
 cerns physical, mental and moral development, bo 
 recollected. These tlien are the rules which guide 
 not only theoretically but practically the despotic 
 governance of India. 
 
 Under British Rule the Natives have some share, 
 but not a prevailing or a conclusive one, in the gov^ 
 ernment of their own country. They have a voice, but 
 not at all a decisive one, in the direction of public 
 affairs. They hold seats in the several legislative 
 Councils, but they are in a minority as compared 
 with nominees of the Government They form the 
 majority in the Municipal Corporations, but these 
 bodies are in the last resort under the control of the 
 State. The principle of election has been cautiously 
 
PRINCIPLES OP IMPERIAL ADMINISTRATION. 81 
 
 and tentatively introduced, partially as regards the 
 Legislative Councils, more fully aa regards tho 
 Municipalities. District Councils for local pu^ 
 poses so far as they may be instituted inll have eleo- 
 tive and representative character. Otherwise it 
 must be said that there are no representative in- 
 Btitutions in India like those which exist in tho 
 Western Xationa. The British Government does 
 not presume to say that it is in the country by tho 
 will of the people, but by its own right arm under 
 Providence, and by the acquiescence of the people. 
 It does not venture to affirm more than acquiescence. 
 It l.opes fo. .yalty and endeavours to deserve as 
 much, but doubts whether it receives or will ever re- 
 ceive that. Under these conditions, it cannot, in n- 
 spect to the finances, the army, the frontier defence! 
 or in matters of essential justice, defer to Native 
 opinion. Herein it is responsible to none save the 
 Britibli Sovereign, parliament and nation. In other 
 respects it strives to govern in a manner acceptable 
 to the Natives. It leaves them to the governance 
 of their own social laws mostly sacred and ancient, 
 and reserves its own legislation for the most part 
 to affairs broag'it about by modern civilisation. 
 
 Tho d'>T linant positions m tko Civil Administrar 
 tions must be, as they have been held, by Europeans. 
 But the mass of Civil employee has ever been 
 Native, and Natives have been more and more ad- 
 vanced to superior positions. 
 
 Tho acquiescence at least^ if not the loyalty, of 
 
82 PEOGBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 the people is most desirable, because the land and the 
 
 people are vast, while the European rulers are few 
 and scattered. That such acquiescence practically 
 exists is shown by the extraordinary smallness of 
 the Army in comparison with che population. The 
 Army including Europeans and Natives, in the 
 British territories proper exclusive of Native States, 
 does not exceed 220,000 men of all arms. If the total 
 of the population be assumed at two hundred and 
 thirty millions, exclusive of Native States, then the 
 Army total would give one soldier to every tho\isaud 
 of inhabitants. This is a very low average rarely 
 to be paralleled in any large country. 
 
 Civil and religious liberty is not professed in a 
 fuller degree by any Western nation than by the 
 people of India under British Rule. Never was 
 it preserved tinder Native Rule as in the present 
 time. Not only may every man worship according 
 to his ancestral faith privately, but every section or 
 party may conduct publicly rites, ceremonies, pro- 
 cessions with such demonstration as they see fit, pro- 
 vided always that they do not thereby annoy the gen- 
 eral population and do not come into conflict with 
 any other sect This proviso is, however, of im- 
 portance because such conflicts have often broken 
 out, and still do so, with a formidable violence and 
 an animosity hardly conceivable by any one save 
 those who have witnessed it In such cases the Brit- 
 ish Government, without showing the slightest pref- 
 erence for either side, interposes impartially for the 
 
PRINCIPLES OP IMPERIAL ADMINISTRATION. 83 
 
 preservation of order, employing such force as is 
 necessary; and indeed so bad are the cases some- 
 times that considerable power has to be exerted. 
 The assistance which a Hindu ruler would give to 
 the Brahmanic faith or a Muhammadan ruler to the 
 Moslem faith, in the shape of grants from the trea- 
 sury or endowments in land, is not given to either 
 by the British Gfovemment; except that all private 
 endowments are religiously guarded, and some pub- 
 lic endowments in the shape of the right to collect 
 the land revenue in certain villages, made by kings 
 and emperors, have, after verification of title, 
 been allowed to continue. Otherwise the British 
 scrupulously hold aloof from the IsTative religions; 
 and merely preserve neutrality. This neutrality 
 it holds to be quite consistent with its open profes- 
 sion for itself of Christianity. On the other hand 
 the (Jovemment gives no support to its own religion, 
 Christianity, either for propagating or sustaining it 
 among the non-Christian or heathen nutionalities; 
 except that it maintains an ecclesiastical establish- 
 ment of the Church of England and defrays tho 
 charges of other Protestant Ministers and of somo 
 Roman Catholic priests for the sake of its own ser- 
 vants and soldiers. In this conscientious abstention 
 it differs from every Native ruler that has existed 
 in tho country. 
 
 Inhuman rites, and actions which, though done 
 under religious sanction, would yet come within 
 criminal jurisdiction, it has suppressed, and so far 
 
84 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 has ultimately succeeded in carrying the best Na- 
 tive opinion with it. Otherwise it has been sedu- 
 lously considerate to the customs, the forms, the 
 prejudices, the caste distinction, among the Natives; 
 except that it has never allowed such distinctions 
 to bar the access to its ovm service. 
 
 No man can be arrested or detained without pro- 
 cess of law; the possible proceedings in cases of 
 alleged treason or sedition are je 'ously restricted. 
 Since 1836 there has been full liberty of the Press 
 both European and Native, including the Native 
 newspapers sometimes appearing in English but 
 more numerously in the vernacular languages. The 
 amplest freedom for discussing any subject whatever 
 including even the conduct of the Government itself is 
 conceded to the Nativ-e Press, and the fullest use is 
 made of this concession. But in circumstances 
 where the Native Press has been treasonable or 
 seditious in its utterances, there have been laws 
 passed to render the repr<^ssive jurisdiction more 
 summary than it would be under thu ordinary codes. 
 There is but one instance in whioh the Executive 
 can proceed without legal process, namely this, that 
 if a person be declared dangerous to British do- 
 minion, he may be deported by a warrant o.? the 
 Governor-General, and of him alone. 
 
 It is this non-intervention in matters purely in- 
 digenous, this observance of customs and of every- 
 thing time-honoured, this religious neutrality, this 
 even and equitable administration of the law to all 
 
PRINCIPLES OF IMPERIAL ADMINISTRATION. 86 
 
 alike, this assurance of personal freedom in every- 
 thing reasonable, that help to produce the popular 
 acquiescence in British Rule, alien though it be, 
 which has been just mentioned. 
 
 This happy result is also brought about by the 
 peace which is maintained in a manner never known 
 for some centuries, the sense of security, protection, 
 and personal safety, the material benefits from 
 public works and improvements, and the light tax- 
 ation. 
 
 By public education, by precept and example of 
 every sort, the British Gbvemment hag since the 
 
 middle of the century striven to impart to the In- 
 dians the ideas of Western civilisation, and all 
 the knowledge moral and physical which has made 
 the Western nations what they are. It has never 
 shown the slightest fear as to what effect this might 
 have on the disposition of the Natives towards for- 
 eign Rule. Performing its enlightened duty, and 
 trusting to Providence, it has rejected any thought 
 of leaving the Indians in ignorance in order to keep 
 them loyal. 
 
 There is the same spirit of equity in the financial 
 
 relations between Britain and India. On the one 
 hand India pays iiothing whatever in the shape of 
 tribute to Britain. There are indeed Native In* 
 dian critics who erroneously affirm that she does, 
 but then they misunderstand the circumstances of 
 political economy. They merely notice the un- 
 doubted fact that India through her foreign Govern- 
 
 Mm*m^-' iiliiiiiiiiri r iii 
 
86 PBOGRBSS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 ment on the spot remits a great sum annually to 
 Britain, but that is either for value received or for 
 service rendered. It largely consists of interest 
 on capital raised in England to be laid out in India 
 for her permanent benefit, that is, in railways and 
 canals of irrigation. It consists to some extent in 
 interest on debt contracted in England for war 
 waged for the safety and pacification of India, as 
 for instance the war of the Mutinies. It is for the 
 cost of machinery and riaterial in England relating 
 to works beneficial to India. It arises partly from 
 payments in pensions of many kinds payable in 
 England to persons who have spent their active years 
 and often shed their blood in the service of India. 
 There are also some allowances agreed upon between 
 the Governments in England and India for the train- 
 ing of European recruits for Indian service. The 
 amount of all these payments is adjusted in gold, 
 and consequently the sum which India must provide 
 in silver, the only currency she now has, is becoming 
 enormous at the relative value now existing between 
 gold and silver, and has in recent years been a 
 grievous burden on her finances. Still it is not, in 
 any proper sense of the term, a tribute. 
 
 On the one hand while India gives nothing 
 1 to Britain, yet on the other hand she receives 
 nothing from Britain, and in that pecuniary sense 
 ehe costs Britain nothing. In the fullest sense 
 of the phrase she pays her own way. The salary and 
 allowances of every European, from the VicewQT 
 
IMPERIAL ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 87 
 
 downwards, employed in her service are paid by her. 
 The charges of the European troops on her establish' 
 
 ment are defrayed by her. Even the expense in- 
 curred in London on her account, as for example that 
 of the Ind ia Office, or in other words the Department 
 of the Secretary of State for India, is charged to 
 her. She contributes a fixed sum annually to the 
 Admiralty in London towards the cost of the largo 
 naval squadron maintained in Indian waters. Thus 
 the financial relations between Britain and India 
 are quix even and equitable, without any undue 
 favour either on one side or the other. 
 
 The advantages to India from the British con- 
 nection are so all-pervading and so Manifest that 
 they need not be called to mind. The advantages 
 to Britain for the Indian connection are also great, 
 and are growing greater year by year, in the 
 importation of Indian raw produce, in the Indian 
 market for British manufactures, in the field for 
 the employment of British capital, in the manifold 
 occupations official and non-official aflForded to Brit- 
 ish persons. Notwithstanding this, Britain grants 
 no pecuniary aid to India, and perhaps some 
 thinkers might at first sight consider that she ought 
 to do so. Against any such idea it may be urged 
 that the Eastern Empire is one of the causes which 
 compel Britain to keep a supreme Navy at a cost 
 which to any other nation would be overwhelming. 
 In reference to this Britain demands no contribu- 
 tion from India, though Indian interests are vitally 
 
88 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 concerned therein. Again although India does 
 pay for the European troops serving within her 
 limits, some seventy-five thousand Officers and men, 
 yet the maintenance so large a force as luat, several 
 thousand miles oflE from home across the seas, is a 
 severe tax on the military resources of the British 
 Isles, so severe indeed that no military Power in the 
 world except the British could possibly bear it. 
 
 Such are the principles publicly professed and 
 acted on by the British Kulers, so far as circum- 
 stances admit of the practice being made confor- 
 mable to the profession. In all countries there will 
 be a difference between profession and practice. In 
 few countries will that difference be found less 
 than in India, and for this particular reason: so 
 far as the Government can work through itself, its 
 European Officers, and the best of its Natives, all 
 goes as well as possible, humanly speaking. But it 
 has for the most part to work through Native Indian 
 agency, which in the early part of the century was 
 deeply stained with all the faults incident to long 
 protracted revolution, and was seldom if ever trust- 
 worthy. Even then the benefit from the change of 
 Rulers was great. If the head, the chief, the prin- 
 cipal, be honest, he will avail much, even though his 
 subordinate be otherwise; and the latter state will 
 be much better than the former when chiefs and 
 subordinates were all dishonest together in their 
 several degrees. But however good the chief may 
 be, he cannot attain success in practice if agents simi* 
 
PRINCIPLES OjT imperial ADMINISTRATION. 89 
 
 lar to himself are not forthcoming. And this is 
 what actually befel the British administrators in 
 tlie early part of the century. The improvement 
 in the Native agency has subsequently been great, 
 gradual indeed at first but quicker and quicker in 
 each decade. 
 
 The guiding principles of British rule having 
 thus been sxmimarised, it remains to follow them 
 further in the principal headings of administration. 
 This will be done in the following Chapters, under 
 the heads of legislation, law and justice, the landed 
 interests, trade and communications, municipal re- 
 form, education and Christianity, revenue and 
 finance, and iu conclusion, the state of India in 
 1899. 
 
90 PBOOBESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 CHAPTER VITI. 
 
 LEOISLATIOH, liAW AND JUSTICE. 
 
 It has been already seen that throughout India 
 the Reign of Law prevails. But this reign has been 
 growing slowly, though surely, and has been gradu- 
 ally consolidated in the course of the nineteenth 
 century. 
 
 In the eighteenth century, almost from the begin- 
 ning of the East India Company's territorial rule, 
 there were Regulations of a certain sort, and Local 
 Courts for the Natives. But for the Company it- 
 self, for its European Officers and for its growing 
 tsettlements, chiefly European, at Calcutta, Madras 
 and Bombay, there was but little of judicial au- 
 thority or restraint by law. The consequence of this 
 defect, at an epoch when the breaking up of an 
 Asiatic Empire offered immense opportunities of 
 acquiring gains more or less illicit, was the re- 
 laxation of the honourable bonds which ought to con- 
 strain a nation like the British in their rising career 
 of empire. Public opinion in England demanded 
 that measures should be taken for judicial and im- 
 partial supervision over the conduct of the Com- 
 pany's Officers and the European settlers. Con- 
 sequently in 1774 the famous Supreme Courts were 
 established fOTTIalcutta, Madras and Bombay, as 
 
 I, 
 
LEGISLATION. LAW AND JUSTICE. 91 
 
 Presidency towns. These Courts followed the 
 Er -lish law in the three settlements, and ex' 'ied 
 exclusively a jurisdiction in all criminal aa 
 affecting Europeans. On the principle ' ooni 
 judicis est amplificare jurisdicHonem," they con- 
 trived by degrees to draw into their judicial net many 
 cases of importance to the country. Thus they ex- 
 erted an influence, for the most part salutary, on the 
 conduct of affairs. Meanwhile the Company 
 established a judicial system of their own, made 
 Regulations which, though framed and promulgated 
 by the Governor-General and his Executive Council, 
 were really laws; and established Native Courts of 
 justice in every District, under the supervision of 
 European Judges drawn from their own Civil 
 Service; and set up over all these Courts in each 
 Presidency a Central or " Sudder " Court, also com- 
 posed of Judges from the same Service. Though 
 these Regulations were lay, as contradistinguished 
 to professional, productions, they were for the most 
 part admirably composed, and many of their Pre- 
 ambles serve as landmarks in the history of the 
 young Empire. These Regulations, however, ap- 
 plied chiefly to administration and the fimctions of 
 executive authorities. Besides these there were the 
 systems of substantive law, belonging to the 
 several creeds and nationalities of the Indian people. 
 All these were referred to by the Company's judi- 
 ciary, the principal of them being the Hindu law 
 and the Muhammadan law. Both these sy stem s of 
 
92 PB0ORES8 OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA 
 
 Civil law had originally a sacred origin, and had 
 been maintained from the beginning of their respec- 
 tive nationalities in India. They related to mar- 
 riage, inheritance, division of ancestral assets, the 
 property of women, and many other concerns of 
 social and domestic life. For the better interpreter 
 tion of these laws, Hindu and Moslem officers were 
 attached to the Courts, to whom points of law might 
 be referred, while the facts were decided by tho 
 Courts themselves. In the Criminal Department 
 the Muhammadan law was followed, with such modifi- 
 cations only as might be prescribed by tho Com- 
 pany's Regulations. Thus the plan of judicial ad- 
 ministration was very considerate towards the Native 
 subjects of the Company, and was reasonably cal- 
 culated to be popular with them. 
 
 Such was the condition of Law and Justice, which 
 existed in the Company's territories at the beginning 
 of the nineteenth century, and which was extended 
 to new territories subsequently added immediately 
 after their conquest or annexation. So it continued 
 till 1833, when changes supervened. 
 
 In that year the Government in England decided 
 that, besides tho judicial system already established, 
 a body of substantive law, criminal and civil, 
 should be framed. A high commission for this pur- 
 pose was appointed to sit in India, and a law-member 
 was -dded to the Council of tho Governor-General, 
 in the person of the famous Mr. (afterwards I^rd) 
 Hacaulay. The first fruit of this was the prepara- 
 
LBOnLATIOir, LAW AND JUSTICn. 08 
 
 tion of the well known Penal Code, which, after long 
 consideration, wa« passed into law. In 1853 a 
 Legislative Cousoil was formally constitnted in 
 India, oonsisting eatirely of servants of tbe Governr 
 
 ment. In place of this, during 1861, one supreme 
 legislature for all India and several legislatures of 
 secondary rank for certain divisions of the Empire, 
 were established. These consisted partly of Govern- 
 ment servants, and partly of non-official gentlemen, 
 European and !N^ative, nominated by the Qovcmment. 
 The supreme legislature was the Council of the Gov- 
 emor-Genoral, regulating for all matters which may 
 affect the Empire at large and for all provinces 
 which hod not secondary legislatures of their own. 
 Such secondary legislatures were in the first instance 
 granted to the Governments of Madras ana Bombay 
 anr' to the Provincial Government of Bengal. They 
 have been granted also to other Provinces of the Em« 
 pire from time to time. 
 
 In 1861 a Commission was appointed in England 
 to prepare drafts of law for the assistance of the 
 legislature in India. It consisted of Judges and 
 Jurists of the highest position and authority. Then 
 it pr-- pared drafts of several comprehensive Bills 
 such as the Civil Procedure, the Criminal Procedure, 
 the Law of Contracts and of Evidence, and of other 
 Bills. These with some modifications, and after full 
 local consideration, were subsequently passed into 
 law by the Legislature in India. On the whole, the 
 legislation of India, which has touched numerous 
 
94 PBOORESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 branches besides those mentioned above, may be 
 described as far-reaching and fully sufficient. It 
 may claim a high degree of excellence according 
 to ihe standards of ftdvaneed nationa. It hu been the 
 joint work of English lawyers, and Anglo-Indian ad> 
 miniatrators, non-official Evropeans residing in 
 India, and Natives chosen for character and intelli- 
 gence. The Hindu and Muhammadan codes of 
 law, having some antiquity and a sacred sanction, 
 are still obsurred in all matters relating to nurriage, 
 inheritance, adoption and other matters purely 
 social in the life of the Indian nationalities. 
 
 For the administration of laws thus enacted the 
 judicial system has been rendered uniform for al- 
 most the whole Empire. 
 
 To ensure unity in the supervision of CivilJustice, 
 both in the old Presidency Towns (Calcutta, Madras 
 and Bombay) and in the interior of the country, the 
 old Supreme Courts appointed by the Crown and 
 the Central (or "Sudder") Courts of the East 
 India Company were abolished and formed into the 
 existing High Courts, in which the Chief Justices 
 and some of the j idges are English barristers, while 
 the other Judges are members of the European 
 judicial service of India, or are Natives selected for 
 status and capacity. In the interior of the country 
 the object has been, first, to place courts so as to 
 bo wiUxin a few miles of the homes o* the people, 
 next, to render the proceedings inexpensive to the 
 suitors, and the decisions speedy. 
 
LEOISLATION, LAW AND JUSnOB. 95 
 
 The European Judges have naturally enjoyed 
 always the highest repute. The Native Judges, even 
 up to the middle of the century, were not always 
 highly esteemed by their own countrymen, nor were 
 their Courti generally popular. Bnt as their ednoa- 
 tion, status, emoluments and prospects have been im- 
 proved, so has their popularity and trustworthiness 
 increased. The efforts which the British Govern- 
 ment has made in the above respects have been re- 
 warded fairly well by results. 
 
 The Natives are, as a people, litigious; indeed 
 many of them seem to find in litigation under a 
 settled rule that excitement which, under the old un- 
 settled rule, they would have found in contests of 
 another kind. The annual number of civil suits has 
 been rising year by year all through the last half 
 o-^tury; for example, in 1S79 it stood at 1,600,000, 
 in 1887 at 1,970,000, in 180G at 2,200,000, showing 
 that litigation increases together with the population. 
 The value of the property litigated increases still 
 faster. In 1879 it was sUted at 14 millions sterling, 
 in 1887 at 20 millions, and in 1896 at 80} millions. 
 These statistics throw light on the questions which 
 have been sometimes debated as to whether there is 
 wealth in the country and whether it is growing. 
 
 The fact that the acts of the Government itself and 
 
 of the Officers may be subnitted to the Courts of 
 
 Justice, and that the State may be sued by any of its 
 
 subjects in its own Courts, has an impressive effect 
 
 on the Native mind as showing that all persons and 
 
 corporations are equal before the law. 
 
 I 
 
96 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 For the prevention of fraud, forgery or the fraud- 
 ulent alteration of documents, it is essential to estab- 
 lish a system of public transfers by means of regis- 
 tration. Ample provision for this has been made by 
 the executive, and that has been based upon legisla- 
 tion. . 
 
 A Native Bar Has long existed, with credit, in- 
 fluence and emolument, and has grown into an im- 
 portant profession. Its practice has been mainly in 
 the vernacular, and its pleadings have generally been 
 in one or other of the Indian languages. But the 
 number of Native barristers who plead in English 
 
 will increase. 
 
 In respect to crime, the penal or criminal Code 
 already mentioned has been for some time in full 
 force throughout the Empire. It was declared by 
 Sir James Fitzjames Stephen, a great English Judge 
 and Jurist, to be the most complete system of crim- 
 inal law in the world. It has added renown even to 
 the illustrious name of Macaulay. It is supported 
 by an equally excellent criminal procedure. 
 
 The rise and spread of Thagi (or Thuggee) was 
 a lowering feature in the beginning of the century. 
 The crime was in its perpetration simple, as it con- 
 sisted in the waylaying and strangling of travellers 
 and foot-passengers in lonely places for the sake of 
 their money or valuables. Its significance arose 
 from the combination of gangs operating in many 
 parts of the country, and with intercommunication, 
 obeying leaders, swearing in of members, using 
 
LEGISLATION, LAW AND JUSTICE. 97 
 
 signals and watchwords, and anun^t I by Horrid 
 
 Biiperstition. By organised eSon she Governiuint 
 had extirpaterl it in Central 3 ur'i \ its crim inal 
 habitat, before the first half of the ■< i.i. irv v. as jver. 
 But after the annexation of the Panjab it was iound 
 to exist there also, and in that quarter it was finally 
 extinguished. The Hindu rite of widow-burning 
 would be treated as falling under the criminal law, 
 and therefore has never been practised under Brit- 
 ish Rule. The same principle has always been ap- 
 plied to human sacrifices, but they were not stopped 
 so immediately, being practised amidst hills and 
 forests remote from the eye of authority. During 
 the first half of the century gang robbery, with some 
 considerable organisation and with armed violence, 
 existed in most Provinces, though checked more and 
 more from time to time. During the latter half it 
 has been put down almost entirely. Female in- 
 fanticide among proud clans who find it difScult to 
 provide for daughters, has certainly existed, and 
 though no effort is spared for its suppression, the 
 facilities for secrecy are so great that certainty re- 
 garding such suppression is tinattainable. The 
 murders largely arise from conjugal infidelity and 
 outraged honour. The bloody affrays that used to 
 spring from disputes about boundaries of land have 
 since the middle of the century ceased because of the 
 complete settlement of all affairs relating to land. Set- 
 ting aside the crimes which were produced by the 
 protracted troubles to which British Bule succeeded, 
 
98 PROGRESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 and which were gradually stopped as that Rule be- 
 came established, the Indians are fairly well conr 
 ducted. Though not free from, they are not ad- 
 dicted to, intemperance. The prevailing habits of 
 temperance conduce to quiet behaviour. 
 
 Trial by jury, as practised in Britain, is an exotic 
 plant which the British have not yet succeeded in 
 acclimatising among the Indiana. For Europeans 
 accused of crime it is in vogue under the same con- 
 ditions as in their native land. 
 
 Up to the middle of the nineteenth century the 
 Police administration was not among the successful 
 parts of British Rule. In the early part of the cen- 
 tury stories strange, melancholy, even terrible some- 
 times, were, with some authenticity, related of it. But 
 critics forgot that civilised and alien rulers cannot 
 for a long time succeed in reducing to order a de- 
 partment like this, where all the evils of long-con- 
 tinued and revolutionary disturbance are sure to be 
 peculiarly rife and rampant The rulers must work 
 throng a native agency surely tainted with tyranny 
 and corruption, and a generation must elapse before 
 such taint could be got rid of. After some lapse 
 of time, however, the original organisation had 
 failed to answer expectation, so in the years of 1861 
 and 1862 a new organisation was introduced under 
 the control of European Officers, and since then a 
 marked amelioration has been perceptible. The 
 Police force 'bus organised consists of 155,000 
 • For this and any other statement of the most notfA ■*»• 
 
LEGISLATION. LAW AND JUSnCE. 99 
 
 men : and this number has hardly risen at all during 
 the last two decades, though the , ^pulation hu 
 sensibly increased. 
 
 Under Native Rule incarceration was not 
 largely adopted, and the dungeons which existed 
 were not worthy to be called prisons. Thus at the be- 
 ginning of British Bule in the early part of the cen- 
 tury prisons had everywhere to be improvised, and 
 for some time continued to be very defective. But 
 midway in the century inspectors of prisons, gen- 
 erally medical men, were appointed, and they laboured 
 towards the same ends as those sovight for by prison 
 reformers in Britain. In the district prisons all 
 things included in modem sanitation were intro- 
 duced. Central prisons after the best known models 
 were constructed. Prison labour was developed into 
 organised industries within jaii precincts, whereby 
 many fine and useful fabrics were turned out Even 
 with all this, however, the health of Native pris- 
 oners, though much better than it used to be, is never 
 quite satisfactory, as imprisonment has upon their 
 nerve-system an effect more depressing than would 
 generally be anticipated by Europeans. There are 
 in all 494 jails, large and small, with 476,000 
 prisoners. 
 
 The prisoners sentenced for long terms or for life 
 
 tistics the authority is the " Statistical Abstract," published 
 by Grovernment in 1898. The numbers of the police here 
 given are exclusiye of the old Village Watchmen who are 
 still retained. 
 
100 PK0QRES8 OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 have many years been concentrated at Port Blair 
 among the Andaman islands in the Bay of Bengal, 
 which may perhaps prove to be the largest convict 
 settlement in the world. The system there prevail- 
 ing as the result of much himiane and enlightened 
 thought, the rigid discipline at first, the gradual re- 
 laxation afterwards, the preparation of the indi- 
 vidual for ultimate freedom and a reformed life, are 
 worthy of inspection by students from the most ad- 
 vanced countries. 
 
THE LAin)ED INTEBESTSi 101 
 
 CHAPTEK IX. 
 
 THE LAin>£D INTERESTS. 
 
 Iw all countries the agricultural interest is the 
 largest of all interests, but in India it is almost over" 
 whelmingly largo. It comprises more than two- 
 thirds, that is to say, the bulk of the whole popula- 
 tion. In India it has throughout the nineteenth 
 century depended first on the moderate and equitable 
 assessment and collection of the land revenue, sec- 
 ondly on the due recognition and determination of 
 the property, that is to say, the rights of ownership 
 and occupancy in the land. 
 
 In the latter part of the eighteenth century all 
 questions of ownership had for Bengal, Behar and 
 Benares, been superseded by the creation of a land- 
 lord's property which had hardly existed before, 
 with a limitation of the demand for land revenue in 
 perpetuity, by what is known historically as the Per- 
 manent Settlement, though the subordinate rights of 
 occupancy were entirely passed over. But for the 
 Presidencies of Madras and Bombay and for all the 
 British territories which were conquered or annexed 
 at the beginning of the nineteenth century and in 
 the several succeeding decades, the procedure in thii 
 fundamentally important ntiatter was in this wisei., 
 
102 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAH AND CfflNA. 
 
 The agricultural interest had for a long time been 
 the chief sufferer in the political troubles. It had 
 been sorely vexed, harried, harassed, ravaged; and 
 was but too often in the very depths of depression. 
 The first duty of the East India Company's Officers 
 was to see that the husbandman sowed in safety and 
 reaped in peace. The next thing was to assess the 
 land revenue which had ever proved to be the main- 
 stay of the Treasury. This was done at once in a 
 rough and ready but still a moderate and considerate 
 manner. A certain portion of the standing crop was 
 taken, leaving enough to the cultivator to repay him 
 the cost of cultivation and to afford him a livelihood. 
 This was called " collection in kind," a plan mani- 
 festly open to waste and to divers abuses. It was 
 superseded by a better plan of money payments as 
 soon as might be conveniently practicable. The per- 
 sons actually found in possession who were to pay 
 it, as a condition of holding the lands, were pro- 
 visionally registered, and the amount to be paid in 
 cash was' fixed for a short term of years, so as to give 
 them some security of tenure to begin with. But 
 no further enquiry into the rights and interests in 
 land was attempted. These arrangements were 
 called " simmiary settlements; " and under them the 
 land revenue, then amotmting to over twenty million 
 sterling annually (or twenty crores of rupees accord- 
 ing to the then relation between gold and silver) was 
 collected and the affairs, of all affairs the most vital, 
 to the great mass of tb ■ people, in the young Em- 
 
THE LANDED INTERESTS. 103 
 
 pire were conducted for the first three decades of the 
 nineteenth century, that is, till about 1830. This 
 was indeed a humble beginning, though it was much 
 better than anything that had oeen known for at least 
 two centuries previously. At first the British Gov- 
 ernment had not time for doing more, inasmuch as 
 Providence had entrusted to it within a few years 
 many province in a state of much disorder, and as 
 it had to evolve order out of chaos in many different 
 directions simultaneously. In 1822 the first step 
 was i^eriously made for the better settlement of 
 landed tenures in northern India by a Regulation 
 which, though superseded by superior arrangements 
 subsequently, still remains as a moniunent of wis- 
 dom in right and equity, for the time at which it 
 was framed. 
 
 After 1830 a new era began in this great de- 
 partment, the Empire being in a fair way of con- 
 solidation, and wars having ceased. A policy was 
 settled whereby the lands were to be fully surveyed, 
 the rights and interests therein of all kinds were to 
 be registered, and the land revenue due therefrom 
 was to be assessed on favourable conditions for long 
 terms of years. This gigantic task was to be under- 
 taken for erery province in the Empire, except Ben- 
 gal, Behar, and Benares, which being under a Per- 
 manent Settlement, as will be explained, were 
 left out The experiment of the permanent or 
 perpetual settlement of the land revenue demand in 
 those provinces was not to be tried dsewhere. Witli 
 
104 PROGRESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 this large exception, the task was virtually completed 
 with the twenty years following, that is, by about 
 1850. As other Provinces were added, as the Pan- 
 jab, Ondh, Nagpore, Burma and other districts, the 
 same policy was extended to them. For this enor- 
 mous operation the Trigonometrical and Topograph- 
 ical Surveys already undertaken furnished a com- 
 plete basis. But to these were added Revenue Sur- 
 veys, which ended in mapping out every field. The 
 extreme magnitude of this operation will hardly bo 
 understood unless the mighty proportions and di- 
 mensions of the Empire be remembered. The land 
 revenue was assessed for terms of twenty or thirty 
 years, according to localities, either with the in- 
 dividnal holder separately, or with the holders in 
 a parish collectively (styled in literature "village 
 communities,") on the understanding that they 
 should divide the burden among themselves. Hand 
 in hand with all this was the determination of all 
 rights and interests in the lands, whether superic , 
 subordinate or collateral. This was done judicit^uy 
 once for all, and the results embodied in an official 
 registration not only for every parish, but for every 
 field and for every person. This registration thus 
 founded has been kept up year by year, with every 
 succession, every change in the personnel of tenure 
 of right of property, up to the present time. The 
 register for every parish is in the hands of the 
 Village Accountant, a hereditary official from an- 
 cient times. But a copy is transmitted yearly to 
 
THE LANDED INTERESTS. 105 
 
 the headquarters of the District Officer. When the 
 difficulties are remembered that have in some of the 
 most advanced countries attended the official and 
 public registration of landed tenures and titles, it 
 seems wonderful that the Indicn Gov -rnment should, 
 by making a tabula rasa for itself, have in the course 
 of twenty years settled all these problems con* 
 clusively and completely for the whole Empire, ex- 
 cept Bengal, Behar, and Benares, which had been 
 previously settled in another way. "No measure 
 ever undertaken by the British Government has gone 
 so strongly to the very root of national prosperity 
 as this. In justice to the East India Company it 
 must be said that this all-pervading and beneficent 
 measure was conceived, undertaken and executed in 
 the main by them and their Officers, before the 
 handing over of their great charge to the Crown. 
 The policy was fully accepted by the Crown, and 
 during the latter half of the nineteenth century has 
 been scrupulously carried out. 
 
 Thus the property, the tenant rights, the occu- 
 pancy tenures, in land have been secured by surveys, 
 by judicial determination, by public registration. 
 These had existed from ancient times, bnt had been 
 often obscured, almost effaced or trodden under the 
 iron heel, as already explained in Chapter II. Now 
 they were made as strong and clear as monuments 
 of granite. But such things would be more or less 
 valueless unless the land revenue had been so 
 moderately assessed as to give the men in possession 
 
106 PROGRESS OP INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 a good margin of profit after dof rayal of expenses for 
 husbandry, a fair share of the gross produce so as to 
 aflford a comfortoble livelihood. The process where- 
 by taxation may be rendered confiscatory is mani- 
 fest When the exactions, direct and indirect, 
 amounted to nearly half the gross produce, as was 
 probably the case in some places at the worst times, 
 then with this rackrent and oppression, the man in 
 possession strolled on with the barest pittance 
 from his industry, and his property, if such it could 
 be called, was worth nothing. If the amount were 
 one-third, he would still be poor and depressed 
 though able, so t- speak, to keep his head above 
 water. If it wore >fourth, as was commonly the 
 case immediately aft^r British rule, or better still 
 one-fifth, then he could live respectably and his prop- 
 erty would be worth something. But now when 
 under the settlements just described it ranges from 
 four to eight per cent only, fixed in money for long 
 terms, the property is valuable. It is a good free- 
 hold, subject to no condition save that of paying the 
 land revenue, with full liberty to sell, to transfer, to 
 mortgage. It has an average annual income and its 
 selling value is reckoned at manyyearsof suchincome. 
 Since the completion of the Settlements further steps 
 have been taken to organise the Kegulation, and it 
 is found that seventy millions in Rs. X. (or tens of 
 rupees) worth of property in lands and houses is 
 thus transferred yearly.* This shows how entirely 
 • See StatUtical Reports published by Government of Indi^ 
 1898. 
 
■ ! 
 
 THE LANDED DnXRESTB. 
 
 107 
 
 the value of the property is appreciated the peo- 
 ple and how easily Uie system works. 
 
 As already seen, Bengal and Behar are under 
 landlords (styled Zemindars) and in all Provinces 
 territorial chiefs are found, especially in Oudh 
 (where they are styled Talukdars). Elsewhere 
 India may be described as a land of peasant proprie- 
 tors. In all parts there are many cultivators or 
 tenants with rights of several sorts. Even in Ben- 
 gal and Behar such rights have grown up, and aro 
 now recognised by law. In no place are any rights 
 existing without legal protection. In one part only 
 has any difSculty arisen, namely the Bombay Dec- 
 can, where the peasant proprietors, finding their prop- 
 erty to be a security acceptable to money lenders, 
 lived beyond their means and fell into debt to an em- 
 barrassing extent. 
 
 In no respect is the superiority of British over Na- 
 tive Bule more unmistakable than in the manage- 
 ment of landed affairs during the nineteenth century. 
 The Land Settlements of that century will doubt- 
 less serve as an imperishable memento in the con-^ 
 turies to come. 
 
 Nevertheless there is an abiding enemy ever threat- 
 ening the success of this immense achievement, 
 and that is Famine. India depends on the rainfall 
 from the vapour-masses, periodically coming from 
 the seas and oceans, and called Monsoons. These 
 frequently fail more or less, and according to the de- 
 gree of failure is the mildness or the intensity of 
 
 7<i> ■ 
 
 .'1- V.,.. 
 
108 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 drought. If the drought be intense or widespread, 
 famine occurs, mainly among the agriciiltural 
 classes. Such famines hiivo happened iu all cen- 
 turies, though naturally they have been recorded and 
 observed more carefully in the nineteenth century 
 than in any other. Towards the end of the eight* 
 eenth century there was dreadful distress from this 
 cause on several occasions, notably iu Bengal about 
 the year 1770. From 1800 to 1S72 drought with 
 distress more or less approaching to famine occurred 
 in thirty-three different years ; affecting not of course 
 the whole Empire but parts of it here and there. 
 This frequency of recurrence has served as a warn- 
 ing to the Government. Up to this time the pro- 
 vincial authorities dealt with the distresses as best 
 they could with assistance from the Central Govern- 
 ment. In 1874 a still graver case occurred in Be- 
 har and parts of Bengal, and the Government, 
 under the direction of Lord Xorthbrook, then Gov- 
 ernor-General, accepted the responsibility of apply- 
 ing all its resources, financial and administrative, 
 to saving of life from famine. This was effected 
 with entire success, and at great cost In 1877 a 
 similar calamity befell Southern and Western India. 
 Tlie same measures were adopted and at equal cost, 
 though the success was not quite so full, because 
 epidemic sickness supervened upon famine. A still 
 more widespread faminv jcurred in Northern, Wea- 
 tern and Southern India in 1896-7. The calamity 
 was encountered in the same manner and with a 
 
THE LANDED INTEBESfS. 109 
 
 Inrpe dogroo of success on the whole. The gigantic 
 efforts put forth on these really awful occasions 
 by the Foreign rulers to save their people, must have 
 made an indelible impression on the mind of the 
 Katives. 
 
 These misfortunes cannot be averted by any sys- 
 tem of irrigation which could conceival.lv be invent- 
 ed or adopted. But some protection against them 
 can be afforded by works for irrigation. Under Na- 
 tive Rule these works nsnally consisted of large 
 tanks; in Southern India the ir.rks nro reckoned at 
 sixty thousand ; in Central India they are so large 
 as to be artificial lakes. In Northern India there 
 were some canals for special purposes rather than for 
 the general use of agriculture. In the lower part of 
 the Panjab and in Sind there were rough works 
 called " inundation canals," which just ca\ight the 
 river water in the flood season. Otherwise there 
 were no great irrigation works under Native Rule. 
 
 It was reserved for the British Government about 
 the year 1840 and the subsequent years to under- 
 take such works. The Ganges emerging from the 
 Himalayas was taken captivo by enginoering works 
 of the most arduous character, and led into a 
 canal with about 500 English mxles of main 
 channel and about 5,000 miles of Iraser channels. 
 Similar works were carried out for the rivers of the 
 Panjab; and for the Sone an affluent of the Ganges 
 in Behar. The two rivers mentioned in Chapter 1. 
 as rising iu the Western Ghaut mountains and break* 
 
110 PROGBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 ing through the Eastern Ghauts towards the sea, 
 namely the Godavery and the Kistna, were similarly 
 taken possession of as they emerged from the Eastern 
 Ghauts; their waters were dammed up by mighty 
 dams named Anicuts, and from the lakes thus formed 
 networks of canals were drawn to fertilise the rich 
 districts along the coast A similar plan was adopt- 
 ed for Orissa. To the south a series of canals was 
 drawn from the rivers Cauvery and Coleroon. A 
 certain sum amounting to several millions of Rs. X. 
 is provided by the State for the extension of irriga- 
 tion works, as a protection against Famine. Canal 
 dues are willingly paid by all those whousethewater, 
 and the sums thvis received afford a fair percentage 
 on the capital outlay by the State. 
 
 In connection with these matters, the subject of 
 Forest Conservancy claims notice. With the many 
 rai^ of ^ills or mountains in the Continent and 
 Peninsula, the land was by nature well endowed with 
 forest, ensuring the water supply and maintaining 
 some regularity of season. Much destruction of for- 
 ests, " deforesting " as it is now termed, happened 
 under Native Rule in the absence of any measures to 
 prevent it The same injurious process continued 
 under British Rule for the first half of the nine- 
 teenth century. Though measures were adopted in 
 1844, yet nothing effectual on a large scale was done 
 till about 1860. Since then efforts have been made 
 with a result that there are now 80,000 square miles 
 of forests well preserved Tinder State agsacj, and 
 
THE LANDED INTERESTS. HI 
 
 85,000 square miles in a secondary degree of preser- 
 vation or 115,000 square miles in all.* There is a 
 highly trained Department of Forestry; the gross 
 annual receipts collected in the forests amount to 
 If million of Ks. X., and the expenditure is equal 
 to about half that amount Thus there is a fair pro- 
 fit to the State, which, however, yields in importance 
 to the benefit which accrues from the improvement 
 in climatic conditions for the country at large. 
 
 The ascertainment of all that relates to the area of 
 the lands of the Empire is secured by five great Sur- 
 veys, the Great Trigonometrical, fixing the highest 
 altitudes and determining absolutely the positions 
 of the principal places, the Topographical portray- 
 ing the diverse features of the ground everywhere, 
 the "Kevenue" and the Cadastral (or Field) pre- 
 senting the minutest particulars for the Land Set- 
 tlements just described; the Geological which has 
 examined the geology for almost the whole Empire. 
 These Surveys in the magnitude of their spheres, in 
 their scientific precision, in their practical value, are 
 among the administrative monuments of the Brit- 
 ish Government in India. 
 
 * See Reports on Moral aud Material Progress of India, 
 published in 1808. 
 
112 PEOGBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 CHAPTEK X. 
 
 TEADT: and COMMtrWIOATIONS. 
 
 In the beginning of the nineteenth century the 
 communication by land, throughout the young Em- 
 pire, was of a character entirely primitive. Road- 
 making, in the modem sense of the term for Europe, 
 had never been thought of by the Native rulers of 
 India. Roads of sorts indeed existed, but they were 
 nothing more than tracks broader or narrower, 
 straighter or more sinuous, according to circum- 
 stances. 
 
 These conditions, however, were not in India so 
 grievous as they would be in climes like that of north- 
 ern Europe, where rain, light or heavy, is frequent 
 at all seasons. The Indian roads, or tracks, were in- 
 deed impassable for four months in the year, from 
 June to October, the rainy season. But that was uni- 
 versally provided for, and by common consent traffic 
 by land was suspended. For the remaining eight 
 months of the year the tracks with dry soil and gen- 
 erally rainless weather were passable enough for 
 wheeled traffic, and were extensively uaed. 
 
 By water the communications were, and always 
 had been, far better. In Northern India the 
 Ganges and its great affluents were the arteriei and 
 
TRADE AND COMMUinCATIOM& 
 
 113 
 
 highways of commerce. In North-Eastem India, 
 that is in the delta of the Ganges and the Brahma- 
 putra, the boat traffic was magnificent, and the busi- 
 ness became more active as the rivers rose in the flood 
 season, that is from June to October. For Western 
 and Southern India the prinoipal trade was along 
 the two lines of coast, one on the west, the other on 
 the east. The coasting vessels were numerous and 
 excellent craft; and here the service of communi- 
 cation by sea was very fine. 
 
 For many years the East India Company with its 
 more pressing avocations had to be contented with 
 the communications as it found them. They suf- 
 ficed for the trading classes who had never known 
 anything better. They allowed of the passage of 
 gun-carriages and military stores during two-thirds 
 of the year. So no marked improvement was at- 
 ten.pted till about 1830, when, on the consolidation 
 of the Empire, a change in this department, as in 
 several other departments, set in. 
 
 A Grard Trunk Road was begun from Calcutta 
 to Del' igh the Gangetic plain, t. distance of 
 about miles. It was carried on, ufter the an- 
 nexatio . the Pan jab to the Indus. From this a 
 great branch ran from the Ganges near Allahabad 
 to the Nerbudda Valley and on towards Bombay. 
 From Bombay two similar roads ascended the Wes- 
 tern Ghaut mountains by fine engineering works, 
 one towards Central India, the other towards the 
 plateaux of the Deocan on the way to Uadras. 
 
lU PBOGBBSS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Then from Madras a road was taken towards the 
 Southern Peninsula with a branch ascending the 
 Nilgiri mountains. From these arteries were con- 
 ducted veins of communications in many directions. 
 These trunk lines were macadamised and bridged at 
 all points, save the great rivers, like the Ganges, 
 and these were some of the finest roads that have 
 been seen anywhere save in the Roman and Napo- 
 leonic Empires. They are to be included among the 
 achievements of the East India Company. 
 
 Scarcely were they completed when the era of 
 Railways for India set in. The plans of the Rail- 
 ^ya were very much on the lines just described 
 for the roads. The object was to connect the three 
 Presidency Capitals, Calcutta, Madras and Bom- 
 bay with each other; and to connect Bengal with the 
 Korth-West frontier. Two sections had been opened 
 before 'ie Indian Mutiny broke out, one near Cal- 
 cutta and one near Allahabad on the Ganges, and 
 most useful they were at that crisis. After those 
 events had subsided, the making of Railways ad- 
 vanced apace at the rate of many hundred miles a 
 year. Besides the first lines already sketched, the 
 northern districts have been connected with the Gan- 
 ges, Calcutta with Assam in the Brahmaputra, the 
 Pai jab with the mouths of the Indus ; a straight line 
 from Bombay has been taken across the Continent 
 via Nagpore to Calcutta. At the present time 
 000 miles are open to traffic; and the total rises 
 b^ several hundreds every year. In this is included 
 
TRADE AND COMMUNICATIONS. 115 
 
 the Burmese lines right np the Irawaddy Valley 
 
 to Mandalay. 
 
 At first the Railways were constructed and man- 
 aged by private Companies formed in England, on 
 whose capital a minimum rate of interest at 5 per 
 cent was guaranteed by the Government of India; 
 of these one was for the Bengal Presidency under the 
 style of " The East India " ; one for Madras, under 
 that name ; two for Bombay, named " the Great 
 Indian Peninsalii " and " the Bombay Baroda and 
 Central India." The " East India " has since been 
 purchased by the State; while the other companies 
 still remain. The other lines are State Railways 
 in the full sense of the term, and some few are " as- 
 sisted." It is remarkable that some few, including 
 about 2,000 miles, belong to the !N'ative States, which 
 found the capital and manage the lines.* The total 
 amount expended on the Bailways amounts to 251^ 
 millions of Bs. X. (or tens of rupees), of which 
 50^ millions pertain to the Guaranteed Com- 
 panies and 201 millions to the State, that is to the 
 British Government. The capital was almost en- 
 tirely raised in England. The lines pay on the 
 whole about five per cent. 
 
 The Railways have added vastly to the military 
 power of the Government. They have enormously 
 promoted the exportation of raw produce conveyed 
 from great distances, in the interior to the coast; 
 
 *See Reportfl of Moral and Material Progress of i^iia, 
 published in 1890^ 
 
116 PR0GBB8S OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 uid this has been especially the case with -wheat, the 
 exportation of which at low prices has affected the 
 value in the markets of England. They have been 
 used immensely by the Natives without reference 
 to caste distinctions; and the passenger traflBc is 
 as large as could be expected from an Oriental 
 population; but as yet far from being proportionate 
 to what it would in any Western nation with white 
 races. 
 
 The foreign ocean-borue commerce of India in the 
 middle ages filled a space in the imagination of 
 mankind. In recent times it has been one of the 
 beacon lights to which all believers in the progress 
 of the country will point with satisfaction. It 
 binds Britain to her Eastern Empire with ties of 
 mutual interest. 
 
 But at the beginning of the nineteenth century, 
 and almost up to the middle of it, this trade was 
 borne by the historic "East Indiamen" passing 
 round the Cape of Good Hope, some of the finest, 
 if not the very finest, sailing vessels known in the 
 annals of the world's commerce. In their day they 
 carried, besides their freight, the heroes and statesmen 
 who built up kingdoms for Britain, and the de- 
 spatches from London fraught with the destinies of 
 many an Eastern nationality. Tliey still exist, 
 though reduced greatly in numbers and perhaps even 
 in size. In poetic phrase it may be said that they 
 have sailed away into darkness carrying their mighty 
 record with them. 
 
TRADE AND COMMUNICATIONS. 117 
 
 The importance of the sailing ships was first les- 
 sened soon after IS-iO by the Peninsula and Oriental 
 Steam Navigation Company, which has played a 
 memorable part in the economic history of India, and 
 -which carried by the Overland route through Egypt 
 and the Red Sea all the mails and the treasure, most 
 of the passengers and some among the most portable 
 and valuable articles of trade. Still however the 
 mass of the trade, consisting of cheap and bulky 
 articles, continued to pass by the sailing vessels 
 round the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 The produce of India sent to Britain was the main 
 portion of the trade. The return traffic of British 
 manufactures sent to India was not in those days 
 at all so developed as it has since become. Conse- 
 quently a strange phenomenon used to occur, namely 
 this, that the sailing vessels often, perhaps even 
 generally, arrived at the Indian ports without much 
 mercantile cargo, but were freighted with rubble. 
 Now this rubble consisted of excellent stone, chiefly, 
 as was generally understood, from Norway ; and the 
 stone broken up would be used for macadamising 
 the roads in Calcutta. This circumstance is just 
 one of those landmarks which indicate the steps by 
 which Indian commerce has advanced. 
 
 The next blow to the importance of the sailing 
 vessels arose from the opening of the Suez Canal 
 to maritime commerce in 1869, from the simul- 
 taneous development of steam navigation and from 
 the special adaptation of steamers to the passage of 
 
118 PROGRESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 the Canal and the Bed Sea. To the completion of 
 
 the great change thus wrought, the establishment 
 of Electric Telegraph lines between India and 
 Europe largely contributed. Most of the trade be- 
 tween Europe and India is thus conducted. On the 
 other hand steamers of a different build have in re- 
 cent years been constructed to ply round the Cape 
 of Good Hope and to carry much bulky traffic. The 
 eyes of many thoughtful people are turned to this 
 particular mode of communication as likely to prove 
 an immense addition to the resources of Britain in 
 the event of certain emergencies arising. 
 
 The old boat traffic in the mid-valley of the Gan- 
 ges has been virtually destroyed, mainly by the ab- 
 straction of the water for irrigation, and has been 
 much affected in the lower valley by the competition 
 of the Bailways. But it has been amazingly de- 
 veloped in the Eastern Bengal, that is in the valley 
 of the Brahmaputra and its affluents. The rig- 
 ging and build of the i^ative craft afford striking 
 spectacles. The skill and presence of mind evinced 
 by the ^^'ative watermen are remarkable, and at sev- 
 eral points the wllection of boats forms floating 
 marts and cities. 
 
 The old coasting trade in ISTative craft is still 
 maintained, but has in some degree been superseded 
 by the steamers of the British India Steam Naviga- 
 tion Company which has played a considerable part 
 in Indian commerce. 
 
 The history of Indian trade is somewhat intri* 
 
TBADE AND COMMUNICATIONa 119 
 
 cate and diversified, therefore nothing more than a 
 
 summary can be attempted here. In the two cen- 
 turies preceding the nineteenth century the only com- 
 mercial rivals of the English were the Dutch, who 
 really were traders. The Portuguese thought of 
 prosclytism and ambition more than trade; thie 
 French of ambition almost entirely, and but little of 
 trade. However, by the opening of the nineteenth 
 century the Dutch, the Portuguese, the French had 
 all departed, from one cause or another, and left the 
 commercial field, as all other fields in India, in the 
 possession of the English alone. In 1800 the East 
 India Company had a monopoly of the trade, and the 
 amount thereof at that moment would be the basis 
 from which to reckon the mighty increase which has 
 since taken place. It is not easy to state this from any 
 published returns to which reference could be made. 
 According to Sir William Hunter,* about 1772 the 
 annual sales at the India Office in London amounted 
 to three millions sterling, and that affords some index 
 to the trade. In the Custom House returns the 
 totals used to be given for India and China together. 
 On the whole the total for the trade of India alone 
 by 1800 must have been over five millions sterling 
 but less than ten millions. Soon after 1830, when the 
 Company's monopoly was abolished, the total 
 amounted to thirteen millions sterling annually. 
 When the trade was thrown open to general enter^ 
 prise this total grew fast and before 1840 had 
 * See The Indian Empire, p. 444, 
 
180 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 risen to twenty-one millions annually. Then by 
 1899 it had mounted up to more than two hundred 
 millions Rs. X. ; in other words within sixty years, 
 that is between 1839 and 189'J, had multiplied ten- 
 fold. This may have been equalled or surpassed in 
 the history of other commercial nations, though in 
 all probability not often. At all events the ratio of 
 increase will on all hands be acknowledged as very 
 large, and as highly creditable to both the peoples 
 concerned, the British and the Indian. 
 
 From a British, indeed from a European, point 
 of riew, it was and is still to be desired that India 
 should send her staples of industry which consist 
 of raw produce, to Britain or to Europe, and should 
 receive in return the British or European staples 
 which consist of manufactures. But this is jxist 
 what India did not do fully for a long time, and 
 what she has not done quite completely even yet, 
 though she does it much better now than she used to 
 do. One reason was this, that during the earlier 
 part of the century British manufactures were not 
 nearly so much developed as they afterwards became. 
 Sir William Hunter states the case in a popular 
 form for the five years ending 1879 * " India 
 had more to sell to the world than she had to buy 
 from it. During the five years, the staples which 
 she exported exceeded by an average annually of 
 over £21,000,000 (sterling) the merchandise 
 which she imported. One-third of this balance she 
 •S«aTh$ Indian Empirt, p. 491. 
 
TRADE AND COMMUNICATIONS. 121 
 
 received in cash, and she accumulated silver and 
 
 M at the rate of £7,000,000 per annum. With 
 another third she paid interest . . . for the 
 capital (raised in England) with which she had 
 constructed the material framework of her indus- 
 trial life. . . . With the remaining third 
 . . . she paid the home ohai|;e8 of the Gk>v* 
 emment to which she owes her peace and security." 
 This explanation regarding the adjustment of the 
 balance of the Indian trade is as accurate as it is 
 popular. The nature of the home charges above 
 mentioned has been set forth at the end of the pre* 
 vious Chapter VII. For the time before 1874 the 
 then Finance Minister of India drew up an official 
 statement of the balance of trade between India and 
 l" /reign countries (then xiii-iinly represented by 
 Britain) from 18351, when the trade was thrown open 
 to the public, to 1871 — a space of thirty-sue years. 
 The value of merchandise exported from India 
 amounted to one thousand millions sterling; the 
 value of TEcrctiandiso imported into India to five 
 hundred and c-i^iity-three millions, showing an ox- 
 cess value of four hundred and seventeen millions 
 in the exports. This truly was a vast balance to be 
 adjusted. Such adjustment ^ - shown to have been 
 effected by a net import of treasure amounting to 
 £275,000,000. Tho payment* from India to Eng- 
 land on Goverimient account amounted to £113,000 — 
 for the home charges already mentioned. This re- 
 duced the balance to £il,00O,0o0, which were to be 
 
192 PROGBESS ( r INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 accounted fur iiiuiiily by freight, that is payments 
 due for maritime conveyance, and partly by pri* 
 Tate remittances. Tbu < th(> peculiar conditions of 
 
 the Tiuliati trade n c Hie lasi twoiitv years of t' 
 century, that if U> l^t uiav l»c understood. Ik;- 
 fore 1809 howi r th ^ . liave become more normal, 
 and so to speak more i.itural. Of the two hundnsi 
 millions worth of annual trade, the imports into In 
 dia nearly, thouj,h not quit' . equal the exports frt \ 
 India. The total.s I' hn.:it tiuti y, and dnr' 
 1*^97 and parts of IM'G and of l^US the exports wcr'^ 
 abnormally reduced owing t*^' the famine then |>!» - 
 ▼ailing. For the two years preceding that event 
 and the best yet known the exports from India -i^ere 
 valued at 117 millions nnd 118^ millions. The 
 highest annual value of inipor=( into In i,a annu- 
 ally have been 93 millions awi J"> millions. Thus 
 at the best there is still some balance to he ad- 
 justed of which the adjustment follows the lines 
 already laid down. 
 
 In this trade, a new factor and is still prrow- 
 
 i' g. Formerly the trad* of Im. '' as alniob en- 
 tirely with the British Isles and witti China. . it- 
 terly this proportion has been modified, and in round 
 numbers it may be said that about 60 per cent, of 
 the Indian trade is with the British 1; s and 40 per 
 cent, with the rest ' f the world. It -> m; arkablc 
 that in recent years America has been argely enter- 
 ing into this trade. 
 
 The exports ci British goods to Inu a art; alaed 
 
TRAi H AND COSUfUNICATIONS. 
 
 in Englsnd at thirty milUona ^^t^ rling annaally, an 
 amount grMter than thaX of ^-m i < a porta to any other 
 
 country. Among thesi or )tt< n goods hoi < the 
 first plarf, out r in an. o'hcr i ta plant an' ma- 
 il nery a ils= conspic . us. hi inount lirit- 
 ish money laiJ c i in 1 m has jeen ri »n*'d at 
 600 millions teri ig, inoiu 'ing th It 'iau national 
 uubt, T e outlay un lilways .nd s f igation 
 and the sum^ mvt ed in 'riv . ite' '3 1 
 Europeanjt. Th ii "C; i anua 1^ ' Bv 
 
 goes most ' ■ to ! Er sh I 
 
 gaged in 'le in. nan trade 
 
 are undc o Brit flag, 
 tons f I- -ih f p[ s 
 
 juai I one-tl ^r> of *bi 
 throug- ut the . lobe. T 
 is one f the "st cuaton 
 world. 
 
 Of h( exports ~ 
 
 ilui 1 at 93 mill 
 "^fafrs'nan's arb 
 f ood a. i dr 
 
 ,>mg I 
 
 ut t 3en-sixteenth: 
 ^ early n llions of 
 thus employed, being 
 .J. sh shipping engaged 
 13 in various ways India 
 s that Britain has in the 
 
 A. 
 
 ~ i.nd' to other countriea 
 ir IS according to the 
 u illi ns consisted of arti- 
 10 iiallions of chemicals and 
 g!^ ard 3^ milliona of raw materials. The arti- 
 ^ ot d V e rice, wheat and seeds, and the fact 
 ^ Tnd despue he: teeming population-, could 
 t tiosf^ end sway for her own advantage, 
 
 th..- t quantit, ole produce, shows how in 
 
 ordinary years shi ^rowa more than enough susten- 
 an' e for her people. The production of tea in India 
 with British capital and supervisioii has hecome a 
 
124 PROOBES8 OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 noteworthy circiimstance. Up to the middle of the 
 century India had hardly any tea and China had a 
 virtual monopoly. Nowadays India quite rivals 
 China as a tea-producer, and has in a prevailing 
 degree the command of the British market. The raw 
 material above mentioned includes mainly the fibres, 
 cotton, jute, hemp and hides with horns. 
 
 The European enterprises consist of tea plan- 
 tations on a large scale amidst the mountain valleys 
 on the north-eastern border of India, of the cotton 
 factories chiefly in Bombay, of the jute factories at 
 Calcutta, of some coal mines capable of indefinite 
 development, and of iron mines perhaps in their in- 
 fancy. There is still existing a goodly part of the 
 old indigo industry producing the best of dyes. 
 
 In connection with the subject of this Chapter, 
 some mention must be made of the Post Office and 
 the Electric Telegraph. 
 
 During the first half of the nineteenth century 
 the Post Office in India was arranged on the same 
 principles as that of the British Isles, and had its 
 prevailing faults, namely variable charges according 
 to distance, uncertainty in the minds of correspond- 
 ents as to what the postal charges would be, the only 
 certainty being that the cost would be high even for 
 the well-to-do and almost prohibitory for the poor. 
 But shortly before 1850 a uniform charge of one 
 anna (one sixteenth of a rupee) was fixed for a let- 
 ter of a specified weight for any distance throughout 
 India. Thus the anna postage (one sixteenth <rf a 
 
TRADE AND C0MMX7NICATI0NS. 125 
 
 rupee) exactly resembled in principle the penny 
 postage of the British. This led tf .he substitution 
 to a large extent of the public post for the various 
 modes of private transmission of letters then in vogue 
 among the Kativeo. Inl856 just before the out- 
 break of the Mutinies the Post Offices in India hard- 
 ly exce*»'''»d 750. By 1898 the number had risen 
 to 26,o\j^ The annual number of letters and de- 
 spatches is nowadays about 500 millions. This 
 number is absolutely large and shows a vast increase. 
 But it is relatively small, as will be seen from the 
 fact that the number of letters in the British Isles 
 annually is 2,000 m-illiuna for a population about 
 one-eiphth that of India.* 
 
 Very soon after 1850 the Electric Telegraph was 
 introduced into India; it has now ramified all over 
 the Empire, and transmits over five millions of paid 
 messages in a year. This number, though evincing 
 much progress, is yet small relatively, as w^ill be seen 
 from the fact that the corresponding number for the 
 British Isles amounts to 88 millions. Since 1865 
 there has been tel^aph communication between In* 
 dia and England by two routes, one submarine by 
 the Bed Sea and Egypt, the other by Persia and lo 
 through south-eastern Europe. 
 
 * See Stateman'B Yimtook, 189&. 
 
126 PEOGEESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 MUNICIPAL KEFOBM. 
 
 The municipal idea, and the municipality as an 
 institution, are prominent in British rule towards 
 the end of the nineteenth century. They had not 
 such prominence in the early part of the century 
 and they never had it under Native rule during 
 previous centuries. But it would he incorrect to 
 suppose that they had no place at all in Native 
 thought and practice. Certainly there is no name 
 more time-honoured, more proverbial, more popular 
 in India than that of Panchayat or Panch. This 
 represents an institution existing from time imme- 
 morial both in town and country. Now the Pancha- 
 yat, called for the sake of brevity Panch, is exactly 
 what in English would be termed a local conunittee. 
 As the name implies the number of thomembersmust 
 originally have been five; but like the committees 
 of other countries, it always had the power of adding 
 to its numbers. The Panch then in all ages was 
 wont to settle many things in the villages and was 
 always more or less eflEectively operative. Whether 
 it was equally operative in the towns may be doubted. 
 But it always existed there also, though in a lesser 
 d^ree. It thus familiarised the Native mind with 
 
MUNICIPAL REFORM. 
 
 127 
 
 the notion of management of affairs through local 
 cojnmittees. It is the gc-rra of that which has grown 
 into nimicrous municipalities scattered throughout 
 the Empire. 
 
 During the early part of the century the over- 
 worked British OflScers were doubtless obliged to 
 leave the Panch Committees in the towns and other 
 places to conduct local improvements as they best 
 could under whatever system might be practicable. 
 At the British stations, each one of which was a 
 small European settlement, with the Public Officers 
 in every District, there were formed Local Commit- 
 tees from the first to manage the roads in the neigh- 
 bourhood. By degrees their work was extended to 
 the roads, then quite primitive, in the whole dis^ 
 trict. This procedure, if such it might be called, 
 may have lasted till about 1840 — and in the absence 
 of fixed system, it may be surprising on a retrospect 
 to find how much was done by the improving zeal 
 natural to British people for beautifying, by arbori- 
 culture and the like, the stations where they resided, 
 and for adding something of amenity to the Native 
 cities which were always in this vicinity. 
 
 After 1840 this work became more and more sys- 
 tematised. The organisation of the Local Commit- 
 tees was improved and some road cesses began to be 
 levied. In the . ywna and cities especially the Brit- 
 isb Officers 1>^j\ to undertake drainage and sani- 
 tation, to opt jut streets, to clear open spaces, to 
 pave the roadways^ to enlist the aid of the towns- 
 
X28 i EOGfti^SS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 people in improving the appearance of the places 
 where; they lived. Year by year this procedure was 
 developed everywhere up to the middle of the cen- 
 tury. 
 
 Then the lead was taken, as it ought to be, by the 
 three Presidency Capitals, Calcutta, Madras and 
 Bombay. Municipal Corporations were constituted 
 by law, the elective system was introduced with as 
 much success as could be expected in conununi- 
 ties where the principle was new, and local taxation 
 was raised by rates on rateable property as is done 
 in Europe. Power was also taken to raise loans in 
 the market on the security of the rates. From that 
 time to the present the results in all three capitals 
 have been remarkable. Drainage systems of the 
 most extensive character were carried out, notwith- 
 gtanding the special difficulties from the level area 
 at each of the Capitals which afforded no natural 
 fall in tlie ground. In each case much success was 
 attained, though frequent alterations have been 
 found necessary. Far from decisive success was 
 secured in respect of the water-supply which was 
 originally wanting both in purity and in sufficiency. 
 For Calcutta the water was pumped up with engines 
 from the river ITooghly into filtering beds, a'ld 
 thence conducted by pipes over a length of fourteen 
 miles to the distributing machinery in the city. 
 For Bombay the water is stored in artificial lakes, 
 some in wooded hills and one at the foot of a moun- 
 tain range many miles distant For Madras the 
 
MUNICIPAL REFORM. 
 
 129 
 
 water comes from a lake formed in a low natural 
 basin with a dyke of remarkable length, breadth 
 and solidity. For these several works the dimen- 
 sions are magnificent according to any standard in 
 the most advanced country. Works of the same 
 kind, though less in degree, have been executed at 
 all towns of any size throughout the Empire, almost 
 without exception. Such works as these in their 
 vast aggregate form a monument of British Rule 
 during tlio latter half of the nineteenth century as 
 evincing real care for the health of the people. By 
 such means cholera, which was once endemic, has 
 been rendered sporadic and occasional, pests of mos- 
 quitos have been prevented and many diseases miti- 
 gated. Artificial lakes for irrigation have always 
 been known in India, as has been shown in a pre- 
 vious Chapter. But the formation of them for the 
 supply of drinking water and for sanitation in cities 
 niid towns is a characteristic feature of Briti^ 
 Rule. 
 
 The development of municipal life in the Empire 
 is one of the hopeful signs which have become visi- 
 ble during the last two decades of the century. The 
 case is put fully in the last " Moral end material 
 progress Report," published in 1S98 by the Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 " Throughout India the cities and large towns 
 manage their own local affairs, through the agency 
 of Commissioners or Committees appointed fro^ 
 among the citizens. The muucipal bodies exist, 
 
180 PBOGBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 raise funds, and exercise powers under enactments 
 which provide separately for the special reqtxiro- 
 ments of each province, and of the three presidency 
 capitals, Bombay, Cal'^utta, and Madras. In most 
 places the majority o£ the Commissioners or Com- 
 mittees are elected by the townsfolk under legal 
 rules, but in every town some, and in a f w minor 
 towns all the members, are appointed by the Qovem- 
 ment. In almost every municipal body one or more 
 Government officials sit as members; the number of 
 Indian and non-official members, however, every- 
 where exceeds the number of Europeans and officials. 
 The municipal bodies are subject to the control of 
 the Government in so far that no new tax can be im- 
 posed, no loan can be raised, no work costing more 
 than a prescribed sum can be undertaken, and no 
 serious departure from the sanctioned budget for the 
 year can be made, without the previous sanction of 
 the Government; and no rules or by-laws can be 
 enforced without similar sanction and full publica- 
 tion. 
 
 " The sources of municipal revenue are, mamly 
 House tax. 
 Tax on rent. 
 Octroi duties. 
 Bazaar or market rents. 
 Carriage tax. 
 "Water rates. 
 Conservancy rates. 
 Bents of public lands and properties. 
 
kUNldPAL BEFOBll. 
 
 181 
 
 Public gardens and parks. 
 
 " The objects on which Municipal funds can be 
 spent are mainly water supply, iiospital and dis- 
 pensary, streets and ro' 's, vaccination, drainage, 
 sanitation and education. Municipalities do more 
 for the benefit of their citizens under these heads 
 than was done before bj (Government officers; and 
 the Commissioners or Committees generally evince 
 diligence and public spirit in the performance of 
 their honorary duties." 
 
 This statement indicates a happy progress to those 
 who remmber what these places used to be in the 
 middle of the century. But further as a new phase 
 of municipal existence a network of District and 
 Local Boards has been spread nearly over the whole 
 Empire within the last fifteen years. A brief de- 
 scription of these in the above-mentioned Progress 
 Beport in 1898, may be here quoted. 
 
 " The constitution of District Boards with precise 
 powers and responsibilities under the law took place 
 more recently than the creation of municipalities; 
 but in most provinces district committees had for 
 many years given assistance or exercised control in 
 the administration of local roads, local hospitals, 
 and local schools. In all the more advanced prov- 
 inces District Boards are now constituted under 
 different enactments. In Madras, the Boards have 
 the power of proposing local taxation, and in Bengal 
 they are empowered to decide at what rate within 
 the legal maximum, the road cess shall be levied in 
 
132 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 each district; but for the most part the District 
 Boards do not possess powers of taxation; they ad- 
 minister funds, or the yield of specific imposts, made 
 over to them for expenditure on roads, schools, hos- 
 pitals and sanitation, within their jurisdiction. In 
 most provinces the District Boards delegate much of 
 their detailed work to sub-divisional, or minor 
 boards, which are constituted under the law, and are 
 responsible for sub-divisions or parts of a district" 
 The magnitude of the work done by these insti- 
 tutions, which constitutes one of the first attempts 
 under the British Rule to introduce self-government 
 into India may be seen thus. The total number of 
 organised municipalities (generally by legislation) 
 in the Empire was 757 in 1898, the townspeople 
 affected by this operation were sixteen millions, their 
 annual receipts amounted to 4^ millions (Rs. X.) and 
 their expenditure nearly equalled that sum. In the 
 latter were included 410,000 (Rs. X.) which shows 
 that their debt incurred on the security of the rates 
 must be standing at 10 or 12 millions. Of Local 
 and District Boards there are 1,066 with 16,336 
 Members of whom upwards of v 00 are elected 
 and the remainder nominated. The funds at their 
 disposal for the year 1896 amounted to 3^ millions 
 (Rs. X.). 
 
 Such is the beginning of local self-government 
 by the Indians under British Rule, and it will 
 assuredly grow from decade to decade. 
 
 The custody of the principal harbours, and the 
 
MUNICIPAL BEPORM. 
 
 m 
 
 administration of the affairs of the port and the shore 
 are placed by law in the hands of Port Oommis- 
 sioners, who are generally appointed by the 
 Government, Thus there are constituted Port 
 Trusts for the five main harbours or Ports, Calcutta, 
 Bombay, Kurrachi, near the mouth of the Indus, 
 Rangoon in Burma, at the mouth of the Irawad- 
 dy, and Madras, formerly an open roadstead for 
 which an artificial harbour has recently been formed 
 by constructing & pier. The income from port dues 
 and other receipts stands at upwards of a million 
 (Rs. X.) annually. The total value of the trade 
 of these five ports may be stated at 175 millions 
 (Rs. X.) annually. Formerly Bombay was equal to^ 
 if not ahead of, Calcutta ; but of late years Calcutta 
 has been taking the lead, and the proud position 
 of Queen of all eastern seas will have been probably 
 secured to her by the recent misfortunes of Bom- 
 bay from pestilence and famine. 
 
 There are several Hospitals and Charitable dis* 
 pensaries in each of the 250 large administrative dis- 
 tricts into which British India is divided as already 
 seen in Chapter V. Of these useful institutions 
 there will now be about 1,300. They receive per- 
 haps half a million of indoor patients in a year and 
 afford out-door relief to many millicms. Despite any 
 prejudices which they might be supposed to have, 
 the Natives appear to confide in, and to highly prize, 
 European advice, and medicine. Of European sur- 
 gery they naturally have the highest opinion, and have 
 
134 PROGRESS OF INDIA. J 1»AN AND CHINA. 
 
 often had cogent reasons for being grateful to it. The 
 opening of these Dispensaries on the remote Fron- 
 tiers among wild tribes, and the kindly help thuB 
 afforded, has always been found to have a good 
 effect politically. Further, these institutions il- 
 lustrate Western science and charity, whila affording 
 a wide scope for Native medical practitioners among 
 their own countrymen. 
 
 Vaccination has constantly been preached from the 
 early part of the century, and in particular districts 
 or localities where it can be made nearly imiversal, 
 the effects have been so beneficial, that tboy have 
 caused grateful amazement among the suffering Na- 
 tives. Practically no objections to the measure 
 have been raised among the Native community. In- 
 asmuch as with all their efforts the authorities have 
 not succeeded in making it universal in c^cry locality 
 throughout the Empire, smallpox still exists, though 
 vastly less than in former times. Epidemics of 
 cholera have been greatly reduced by the sanitary 
 measures of the time, though occasional cases oo- 
 cnrring almost everywhere prove the need of cease- 
 less vigilance. The fell disease having given terrific 
 warning in places where vast multitudes had been 
 gathered together for several days consecutively, 
 the strictest discipline has been authoritatively in- 
 sisted on throu^out all the great pilgrimages whidi 
 the Hindus attend in their tens, even hundreds of 
 thou -rinds. At Bomlmy there occurred a most severe 
 kind of fever, the researches into which caused one 
 
MUNICIPAL REFORM. 
 
 185 
 
 of the first revelations of intinitesimally minute or- 
 ganisms in the blood. Apart from the preventable 
 and in some sense intelligible diseases, there have 
 been some long^protnusted outbreaks of which the 
 origin and the remedy prove undiscoverable and 
 which baffle all theorios of causation. Such was the 
 ** Dengue '* fever, of ominous memory, where a fine 
 population, in a part of Bengal, wasted tediously 
 away for several years. Such is the bubonic plague, 
 which visited India for the first time in 1897, after 
 the widespread famine, which desolated many locali- 
 ties temporarily, which attacked Bombay and despite 
 all sanitary precautions that science could devise 
 and authority could execute, still clings to that city, 
 and not only decimates the population by mortality, 
 but also by panic and dispersion of inhabitants in- 
 flicts on industry such injuries as can hardly be re- 
 paired in this generation. 
 
 Though the population fast increases, as early mar- 
 riage is well-nigh universal, and though an infinity 
 of good is done, by clearance of rank v^tation, by 
 drainage of the ground, by purification of water 
 supply, and by sanitation of ever; kind, in confirm- 
 ing the strength of the people and prolonging their 
 lives, still the public health in India would hardly 
 be considered good according to the standard prevail- 
 ing in Europe or in any region inhabited by white 
 races. The Indian death-rate varies much in differ- 
 ent distripts arid in different yftar«_ In a good dis- 
 trict and in a good year it may range from 22 to 25 
 
186 PBOORE8B OP INDIA, JAPAK AND CHINA. 
 
 per thou; .nd; wht ro the conditions and the times 
 tire less favourable, then from 26 to 99 ; and not in- 
 frequently it may rise above 80, while it rawly falls 
 to 20 or to anything below that.* 
 
 The measures adopted for forming a medical pro- 
 fession among the Natives, being of an educational 
 character, will be mentioned in a subscfjuent Chapter. 
 
 • Sm India!* Statiulka, pul>li*Ued b> aovtjruuient in 1898. 
 
EDUOATIOM AND CBRiaTUNITT. 187 
 
 CHAPTER XIL 
 
 XDUOATIOir AHD OBBUTIARITT. 
 
 Educatioxal darkness did indeed brood over the 
 land in the beginning cf the nineteenth century. 
 This was j artl^ owing to the protracted troubles 
 which had been aiflicting the country. But it is by 
 no means to be inlerred therefrom tiiftt education 
 vru unknown in India, though the idea of what is 
 now known as Public Instruction was hardly re- 
 alised under Native rule. The sy8temat'" j oducation 
 was really Hgious. For Hindus it . '^«« conducted 
 vith'u the precincts of the templer> ' : . fessors 
 termed Pandits,and in the Sanskrit, « -.k . : ao nuge 
 used for saored purposes, but which . h ■ <! d the 
 saipoadvantagefor learning the vernacular thatLatin 
 atlords for learning English. In reference to the 
 thousands of temples in the country, the special in- 
 struction thus conveyed must have been oonsidt^rable. 
 For Muhammadans it was given within the •'iosques 
 by professors named Hoollahs, mostly in tlm Arable 
 80 far as the Kt ran was concerned, but partly also 
 in Persian an*? in the Indian vernaculars also. Dic- 
 ing the flourishing days of Moslem rule, both in tho 
 separate kingdoms which flourished before the Mogul 
 Empire, and under that Empire itsdf , stately ool> 
 
138 PB0QRES8 OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 leges had been erected and fully equipped for impart- 
 ing Oriental knowledge generally. But these had 
 been deserted and even desohted after the downfall of 
 that Empire, and many fine ruins remained to attest 
 the education which once had been. In many 
 parishes there were small village-schools of a hum- 
 ble character. For the middle and upper classes 
 there was naturally a fair amount of domestic in- 
 struction. For the widely extended classes of 
 bankers there was a technical education fully effec- 
 tive for that particular profession- 
 
 These conditions existing at the outset in the nine- 
 teenth century lasted till about 1825. After that 
 time enquiries began to be made in regard to the 
 existing village-schools and the best means of imr 
 proving them. A report by W. Adam on such 
 schools in Bengal is a landmark respecting the 
 origin of elementary education in India. The Gov- 
 ernment, too, bestirred itself on behalf of superior 
 instruction. But it was to some extent at least to 
 be Oriental, and to be afforded to the Natives in 
 their own learning and philosophy, in their own 
 languages, and through their own professors. This 
 policy prevailed till after the year 1830, and a 
 Board of Education was formed. The famous T. 
 B. Hacaulay (afterwards Lord MacaulayV having 
 oome out from England to Calcutta in a legislative 
 capacity, was nominated a member of this Board. 
 It was then that he wrote his celebrated Minute to 
 the effect that in so far as Oriental teaching might 
 
EDUCATION AND CHBISTIANITY. 189 
 
 be imparted it mtut be shorn of its errors and ab> 
 surdities in respect of philosophy, history and geo- 
 graphy; that the State education should be formed 
 after the reodel of Western civilisation, and that, 
 though the teaching machinery might be Native, 
 yet the guidance and the supervision should be 
 European. The subsequent policy of the Govern- 
 ment was based on this principle. 
 
 Meanwhile little had been done during the century 
 for female education, and probably just as little in 
 the preceding centuries. Despite their illiterate 
 seclusion, it is surprising to recall how many ex- 
 amples of energy, heroism, fortitude, capacity and 
 active benevolence, have been evinced by Native 
 Princesses, and other highly-placed women, in the 
 annals of India. It was not however till 1834 that 
 the Society for promoting Female Education in the 
 East endeavoured, throiigh its lady Missionaries, to 
 approach the homes and enter cautiously the apart- 
 ments among the upper and middle classes of In- 
 dia. By graceful and gentle effort some success has 
 bceu won. This enterprise has since been followed 
 up by other Protestant Societies at various dates 
 up to the present decade. Medical ministration, too, 
 has been added to religious teaching. For the girls 
 of the other classes the modicum of success attained 
 in the open schools will be hereafter stated. 
 
 Between 1840 and 1850 some successful efforts 
 were made in northern India to establish village 
 schools by the Lieutenant-Qovemor, James Thmna- 
 
140 PROOEESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Bon, who came thus to be regarded by many as 
 the father of primary or elementary education. 
 About the same time similar measures were taken in 
 Southern India also. On the whole, during thi« 
 decade, the spirit of educational governance was 
 awakening throughout the wide dominion. 
 
 It was in this decade too that an educational step 
 was taken of the utmost importance, namely the 
 founding of Medical Colleges at the three Presi- 
 dency Capitals for the instruction of Native Indian 
 students in Western science. To these were after- 
 wards added many medical schools. Then to the 
 Colleges were attached Hospitals on the largest and 
 finest scale. Students and candidates of zeal and 
 aptitude resorted in large numbers to these insti- 
 tutions. Thus about the middle of the century • 
 Native medical profession trained in Western 
 science was set up, with influence and popularity, 
 and with much appreciation from the mass of their 
 countrymen. This enab)od the Government to aug- 
 ment the number of medical institutions, and to es- 
 tablish dispensaries throughout the interior of the 
 country. All this constituted one of the first of the 
 administrative monuments raised by British Rule ia 
 India. 
 
 Tt was in lSr>4 that Sir Charles Wood (after- 
 wards Viscount Halifax), then Minister for India 
 in London, transmitted officially a memorable des- 
 patch providing for a completo system of National 
 education in India, from the humblest to the highest 
 
EDUCATION AND OHEISTIANnT. 
 
 grades, that is primary or elementary, secondary 
 and superior, from the village school up to the Uni- 
 versity. This was based upon the European models 
 which were coining into vogue. The principles then 
 set forth are from beginning to end still in force, 
 and the despatch is regarded as the charter of na* 
 tional education in India. 
 
 The leading principle of this great measure was 
 in accordance with the idea which then prevailed 
 and still prevails in England. Einancial assistance 
 was to be given to all private institutions of all 
 grades, which then existed or which might there- 
 after come into existence ; and this was termed State- 
 aid to be afforded on application under certain con- 
 ditions of inspection and examination. Many col- 
 leges belonging to Natives and Native associations, 
 to Missionary Societies both Roman Catholic and 
 Protestant, were very soon assisted in this way, not 
 at all with regard to their religious work — which was 
 beyond the cognisance of the Gbvenmient — ^but solely 
 in regard to their secular instruction in which ex- 
 aminations were held. The Government also set up 
 Colleges of its own, not only in the Presidency Cipi 
 tills, but also at all the chief places in the interior 
 of the country. Universities wore established at 
 Calcutta for the whole of the Bengal Presidency, 
 including many provinces under the Qovemment of 
 India, a much too comprehensive arrangement, and 
 at Madras and Bombay under thoir respective Pro- 
 vincial Governments. These Universities wore for 
 
143 HtOOBMB OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 examining only and not for teachii^;. Thaf wmn 
 
 governed by Senates of which the Members, Euro- 
 pean and Native, official and non-official, were nomi- 
 nated by the Government For eiementary education 
 the rule of compulsory attendance was not then 
 thought of, indeed it was not adopted in England 
 itself till many years later. This has not even yet 
 been attempted, although it is remarkable that Japan 
 has now got this salutary rule. The village schools 
 were generally maintained by private resources with 
 some State-aid, very much as the Voluntary School* 
 are in England. But there were local rates or 
 cesses levied for the schools by authority, though 
 with popular consent, in various localities wherever 
 needed. There was no hope of having a school for 
 every village ; but there was to be at leait one school 
 for every group of contiguous villages, so that every 
 boy of a school-goii^ age might have a chance of 
 attending. Fees were always to be charged, and 
 there was no general system of free education " 
 in contemplation. Mixed schools of boys and girls, 
 though not at all discouraged, were hardly expected 
 to spring up. But every encouragement would be 
 given to the establishing of girls' schools separately. 
 To all this there was added a capital plan, namely, 
 that of scholarships supported by the State. An 
 alien rule had been placed over a vast population 
 whose latent capacities had never been fully educed 
 or even ascertained, and among whom many classes 
 had been for ages depressed socially. Therefore it 
 
EDUCATION AND CHBISTIANITT. 148 
 
 was equitable to give individual genius, in whatever 
 elass it might be found, a chance of evincing its 
 
 power and proving what it could do. Thereby the 
 intellcotual strength of the nation, in its many com- 
 ponent parts, would be consolidated. According to 
 this plan a poor boj of real capacity in a village 
 school might in competition win a scholarship en- 
 titling him to free education in a secondary school. 
 There he might win in the same way the same ad- 
 vantage in a secondary school, and so forth in a col- 
 lege, till he might be able to present himself before 
 the authorities of the University. 
 
 The educational expenditure by the Qovenmient, 
 which in 1854 stood at a very few hundreds of thou- 
 sands sterling a year, now stands at over a million 
 and a half annually, gradually rising year by year. 
 It would not however be generally regarded as bear- 
 ing a goodly proportion to the total of civil expendi- 
 ture, though doubtless it is as much as the Oovem- 
 ment can afford. This is exclusive of the large 
 income derived from private resources, from fees 
 and from local rates. 
 
 Such briefly is the system of National Education, 
 which has been worked perseveringly and with as 
 much energy as the temper of the people would allow, 
 for forty-five years, since 1854 to 1R99. It remains 
 to aumraarise briefly the educational result. There 
 are now about 155,000 institutions in all British 
 India (exclusive of Native States) with about four 
 and a half millions of students and sdbolara^ oat 
 
 L 
 
144 PROORBSB OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 of which number about half a million are femalet. 
 Out of the total there are 65,000 private inBtitutioM 
 with over a million of scholars. Inasmuch as these 
 numbers began from almost nothing forty-five years 
 ago, and are gradually rising year by year, they may 
 appear considerGble absolutely. But it must be re- 
 membered that relatively they are quite insufBcient, 
 and at the present rate of progress a long time must 
 elapse before they overtake the requirements of the 
 country. If the population of British India, ex- 
 clusive of the Native States, be taken at 225 mil- 
 lions and one-fifth or one-sixth of the total as the 
 presumable number of children of a school-going 
 age, that is either forty-five millions or thirty-four 
 millions at the least, then the present number 
 actually at schools appears to be only a seventh or an 
 eichth or at the best a sixth of the number that ought 
 to be there. Hence it seems that generations must 
 elapse before the present number can, by the opertf 
 tion of the present system, be multiplied six times. 
 TL;.. consideration clearly points to the desirability 
 of adopting sooner or later the same system of com- 
 pukorv att(n!danee at school, which has been adopted 
 in liritain and in other Western nations. No doubt 
 such a plan would have to be tenderly and tentatively 
 adopted among a people so easily disturbed by change 
 as the Indians. The compulsory power would have 
 at first to bo very leniently exercised, but the cxist- 
 cuv^o of sucli a power, in a cause which the oon- 
 ftcicuce of the public recognises as right, would havt 
 
EDUCATION AND 0BBI8TIANIT7. U5 
 
 at once a moral efFect in inducing the villagers and 
 country folks to be more particular in sending their 
 children to school than they are at present. 
 
 As regards the five Universities the number of 
 candidates for the entrance or matriculation exami- 
 nation for the five years ending in 1897 was 23,200, 
 of whom only 12,600 passed and so matriculated. 
 Of these latter again only 4,000 passed on to take 
 the various degrees.* This may be counted for some- 
 thing, but it is not satisfactorily large. Its defec- 
 tiveness is caused by both social and educational 
 circumstances. The young men who present them- 
 selves for the most part are not the scions of wealthy 
 or well-to-do families, nor the cadets of mercwtile 
 firms who will have family advantages in pushing 
 their way in the world. They are yoiiths who hope to 
 rise in one or other of two professions, the public 
 service and the law. Of these the first has not 
 enough vacancies for the eligible candidates, while 
 the latter soon becomes overstocked. So the hi|^y 
 educated youth, who have by hard effort of every 
 sort qualified themselves by University education, 
 find but too often that no scope or chance is avail- 
 able for their abilities. There are, or ought to be, 
 many other professions, but these will be either in- 
 dustrial or scientific, demanding that technical in- 
 Ptniction shaii have been previously received by 
 applicants. 
 
 Kow it must be admitted that at first, indeed for a 
 * See Indian StMutics, pubiidied in iSBSk 
 
146 PROOBBSB OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 long time, the subject of technical instruction waa 
 not adequately appreciated by the educational 
 authorities in India. Apparently it used to be a»- 
 aumed that the youth ought first to be grounded by 
 a good education, chiefly literary and philosophical, 
 and that then he could choose what subject, technical 
 or other, he would take up. Such a proposition sonnda 
 very well, and from some points of view there may bo 
 much truth in it; moreover this suited many of the 
 Natives exactly, for it is in these very respects, 
 literary and other, that they arc most apt. But on 
 the whole it became evident that if the educated 
 youth are to cease either overcrowding the two pro- 
 fessions above mentioned or wasting away listlessly 
 — ^then they must look to other lines where technical 
 instruction is needed, and that such instruction must 
 begin early. Of late years steps have been taken in 
 this direction, technical classes have been set up, 
 and some of the Universities have granted Science 
 Degrees. The Thomason College of Civil Engineer- 
 ing, near the head of the great Ganges Canal, in 
 Northern India, for Natives as well as Europeans, 
 has proved fairly successful. There are hopes of 
 some larger donations from jjrivate munificence for 
 founding a technical College. On the whole, though 
 something is done and some movements are made, 
 jtA the promotion of technical instruction is one of 
 the crying wants of India at the present time. 
 
 Among the consequences of this national education 
 have been the birth and the growth of a multiform 
 
EDUCATION AND CHRISnANITT. U7 
 
 oriental literature, in many languages, first for edii> 
 cational purposes and then for general subjects. It 
 must be admitted however that, as yet, the 
 
 tendency of educated Natives seems to be 
 towards lesser productions of a religious or 
 philosophical, even fanciful, character, rathor 
 than towards solid matter of any potency 
 or magnitude. Again an extensive Native News- 
 paper Press in the many vernaculars has sprung up 
 all over the Empire, generally conducted with infor- 
 mation and ability, but sometimes divergirg towards 
 dangerous and objectionable subjects which have com- 
 pelled the €k>vemment by legislation, not to alter the 
 Criminal Code, but to make its process more speedily 
 effectual than heretofore in these particular cases. 
 
 In respect to the popular religion, the Western 
 E'liicatiou Las worked a mental revolution among a 
 limited class of highly educated Natives, who have 
 quite ceased to believe in the modem Hinduism or 
 Brahmanism; and have turned, not as might have 
 been hoped, towards Christianity, but towards the 
 antique or Vedic Hinduism, and are often styled 
 Vedista or Brahmos. But for the masses and for the 
 aristocracy the popular religion still prevails. The 
 faith of Islam is not shaken in any class of Moslems, 
 notwitbstanning the schools and the colleges. The 
 translation the Dihlo into many languages has 
 boon undertaken bv the Missionary bodies to be in- 
 lUcdiateW mentioned. 
 
 The piugnais of Christianity in India involves 
 
148 PROORiSS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 oonaiderationa of the highest moment These caa- 
 not be aet forth •dequately in a work like the present, 
 but some notice of the facta is required. 
 
 The census for 1891 showr-.l a total of 2,2S4,000, 
 or tv.o millions and a quarter of L'iii i.-^t ans in India, 
 and it is expected that the census of 1901 will show 
 « large increase over this aggregate. Of this total 
 some 120,000 to 150,000 will be Europeans, and all 
 the rest are Native Indians, or Eurasians, that is 
 pf>(jl)le of half blood. Of the total of Indians a con- 
 siderable portion consists of Roman Catholics de- 
 scended from the converts made by the Portuguese 
 in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, in West- 
 em India chiefly, but in other parts of the country 
 also. Another portion consists of Nestor ians and 
 Chaldeans, whose forefathers have been in South- 
 western India, perhaps from apostolic times. Later 
 in the eighteenth century many Portuguese of half- 
 blood migrated from Western India to Bengal under 
 British auspices, where their df^.^cendants are still 
 found. Indeed at Calcutta and Bombay the Roman 
 Catholics form a large wcaltliy and influential 
 community witH a hierarchy of their own. At botli 
 capitals also are Roman Catholic Colleges bearing 
 the honoured name of St. Francis Xavier. The 
 Indian Roman Catholic Christians must have during 
 the eighteenth century, if nut before, been exposed 
 to maltreatment of every kind. They are not known 
 to have been persecuted, but manifestly they must 
 have been b«iet by endless temptations to desurt 
 
EDUCATION AND CHRISTIANITY. 149 
 
 their faith after the fall of tho Portuguese power. 
 Nevertheless they remained faithfully Christian; 
 and this fact, together with other facts of a cognate 
 nature, in other Eastern countries, will justify hope- 
 fulness regarding the character of the Oriental! 
 vfho have been, or yet may be, converted to Christian- 
 ity. At the beginning of the nineteenth century 
 they began to fall under the British aegis, and since 
 tlioy have been fully protected in all their civil 
 and religious liberties. In many places there are 
 Boman Catholic Missions, maintained in efficiencj 
 with genuine zeal and devoted service. 
 
 At the opening of the nineteenth century there 
 were but few Native Protestant Christians in India. 
 These were the converts, or their offspring, made 
 either by the saintly Danish Missionaries Ziegmi- 
 balg and Schwartz, or by the pioneer Baptist Mission- 
 aries Carey and Marshman. In 1795, the London 
 Missionary Society, consisting of Churchmen and 
 Nonconformists in unison, sent its first missionary 
 to India. But in 1799, and soon after 1800, two 
 events occurred of far-reaching consequence to the 
 East, whereof no man, happily, can foresee the end. 
 These were tho founding of the Church Missionary 
 Society exclusively for preaching the Gospel to tho 
 heathen, and the extending to the heathen of the 
 workof the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, 
 a Society which had existed since the beginning of the 
 eighteenth century and had heretofore worked ex- 
 clusively among its own countrymen in the ooloniesy 
 
MICROCOPY RESOLUTION TEST CHART 
 
 (ANSI and ISO TEST CHART No 2l 
 
 ^ /APPLIED IN/MGE Inc 
 
 S^. 1653 East Mam Street 
 
 r--S Rochester. Ne. York U609 USA 
 
 "— (716) «82 - 0300 - Phone 
 
150 PBOORESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 and to some extent among the American Indians. 
 Thus there were set on foot in India two powerful 
 Missionary Societies in the Church of England, be- 
 longing indeed to different sections of churchmen, 
 but acting in full harmony and being, not, as has 
 sometimes been erroneously supposed, rival bodies, 
 but sister Societies in true Christian sisterhood.* 
 
 The Church Missionary Society, as r^ards work 
 among the heathen, is much the larger of the two. 
 It began the century with quite small means, and at 
 first made but slight way, partly by reason of the 
 novelty of its work among the Natives, and partly 
 because the British Government was naturally cau- 
 tious in allowing proceedings which might easily be 
 misunderstood and might cause trouble to an Empire 
 still in its infancy. But as confidence grew with 
 power, and as there was some relaxation on 
 the renewal of the East India Company's 
 charter in 1793, so the Society*s work grew apace, 
 and so funds from England began to flow. In 1818, 
 under the auspices and advocacy of many of the most 
 distinguished men in the religious world at that 
 time, especially the immortal Wilberforce, a favour- 
 able declaration was made on behalf of Missions at 
 the further renewal of the East India Company's 
 charter. Still some surprise may be caused by a 
 retrospect of the mistrust and apprehensiveness which 
 existed in many influential quarters, official and 
 
 * For example the present writer is himself a Vio*-FreS' 
 ideat in both these societies. 
 
EDUCATION AND CHRISTIANITY. 151 
 
 other, as to the wisdom of the possibility of promot- 
 ing successfully the cause of Protestant Missions in 
 India, up to 1833, when the constitution of the East 
 India Company was changed. After that epoch 
 there was full freedom, and the prospects improved 
 in every decade, till the war of the Mutinies in 1857. 
 These events might have been expected to produce 
 an adverse effect, but they actually gave an impulse. 
 Thus the Church Missionary Society, which in 1799 
 began with nothing, has celebrated its first centenary 
 in 1899, with an annual income of £335,000, and a 
 special centenary fund of nearly £100,000. It works 
 indeed in other lands, African, Asiatic and Austra- 
 lasian, still India is naturally its best field and much 
 of its income is spent there. The same story may in 
 general terms be told of the Society for the Propa- 
 gation of the Gospel. Being the older Society it 
 had some considerable income in 1800. This by 
 1899 had risen to a sum less than half of the sister 
 Society, but if the income of several lesser Missions 
 belonging to the same section of the churchmen, 
 were added, the total would not fall far short of 
 £200,000 of annual income. It celebrated its first 
 centenary in 1801, and hopes to celebrate its second 
 with joy and thankfulness soon after 1900. From 
 the nature of its constitution only a portion of its 
 resources are devoted to India. The efforts made by 
 the larger Society are certainly the greatest ever 
 made by any single association. The annual income 
 of the two Societies combined, together with lesser 
 
152 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 and subsidiary Societies may now amount to nearly 
 £550,000, or over half a million sterling; and this 
 represents for the Church of England the la^-gert 
 enterprise for foreign missions ever undertaken by 
 any Christian community. The whole of this in- 
 come is not spent in India, and the exact propor- 
 tion of such expenditure cannot be stated, but 
 naturally it must be considerable. Both Societies 
 during the latter part of the century have been work- 
 ing among Indian women of the well-to-do class, 
 through the agency of European ladies styled 
 " Zenana " Missionaries. 
 
 *Other Protestant communities have been simi- 
 larly signalised. The first of the Baptist Missions 
 already mentioned may be described in 1792 as the 
 pioneer of Protestant Missionary enterprise now 
 seen in India. Its work has proceeded continuously 
 till 1899, when its annual income must amount to 
 nearly £100,000 annually, especially if the work of 
 some lesser Baptist Missions be taken in combination 
 with it ; and a goodly part of that is spent in India. 
 It is probable that, in proportion to its numbers, the 
 Baptist community in Britain is not surpassed by 
 any community of Christendom in its efforts for 
 foreign missions. 
 
 The same too, may happily be said for the Free 
 Church of Scotland, which succeeded in some degree 
 
 ♦Most of the dates to be given here have been veri- 
 fied from Fweign Miaaion$, by the Beligious Tract Society, 
 1888. 
 
EDUCATION AND CHBISTIANITT. 153 
 
 to the Missions established by the old Church of 
 Scotland beginning in 182Q, and then in 1843 de> 
 vcloped Missions of its own with a vigour and success 
 that covered it with honour. 
 
 The London Missionary Society has been alroady 
 mentioned as beginning in 1795. It has grown and 
 prospered to the end of the nineteenth century. The 
 same distinction may be accorded to the Wesleyans 
 as represented by the Wesleyan Methodist Society, 
 fully organised since 1816. It has an income the 
 largeness of which is honourable to its members, and 
 of which a portion, probably one-third, is spent in 
 India. Minor Missions belonging to other Protestant 
 communities are also working in the Indian Empire. 
 
 Several Missions from the Continent of Europe 
 are at work in India, notably one from Basel and two 
 from Germany. 
 
 Much help in the good cause has come from the 
 United States, notably through the American Board 
 of Commissioners for Foreign Missions since 1810, 
 the American Baptist Missionary Union since 1814, 
 the Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the 
 United States since 1818, the United Presbyterian 
 Church of North America since 1854, the Foreign 
 Missions of the United Presbyterian Church since 
 1854. 
 
 From Canada also help has come through the 
 Presbyterian Church and the Methodist Church. 
 
 It would be well nigh impossible to present the 
 <»mbined statistics of the result of these various 
 
154 PROGRESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Protestant Missions, as the material would have to 
 be drawn from many scattered sources, and as the 
 expenditure in India m not alvays discriminated 
 by the Societies from that in other countries. But 
 in round nimibers it may be said approximately that 
 something between £400,000 and £500,000 is an- 
 nually expended; that the number of Protestant 
 Native Christians may hu between 600,000 and 
 800,000, to which may be added at least 250,000 
 children under Christian instruction, bringing up 
 the total to over a million. The nimiber of ordained 
 Missionaries, clergy and ministers, European, has 
 been reckoned at neaiiy nine hundred, besides a 
 nearly equal number of ordained Native clei^; 
 and also a large staff of lady Missionaries. There 
 has been nothing like a conversion of people in 
 masses. Converts have been made individually, one 
 person after another. The success has been exactly 
 commensurate with the means employed, advancing 
 slowly, steadily and thoroughly. But there have 
 been no striking results on a large scale. The charac- 
 ter of the Native Christians both as churchmen and 
 as citizens is fair, and good all round. This X3 
 especially the case where they were collected in vil- 
 lages extending over large tracts, as in the Southern 
 Peninsula and in the hills of the West of Bengal. 
 
 Furtlier, these Missions have raised the repute and 
 honour of the British nation, and of the English- 
 speaking races, in the eyes of the Natives. The 
 British Government thus spoke of them in 1873: 
 
EDUCATION AND CHRI8TIANITT. 155 
 
 " They (the Missionaries) constitute a valuable body 
 of education; they contribute greatly to the cultiTa" 
 tion of the Native language and literature. . . . 
 
 They have prepared hundreds of works, suited both 
 for the schools and for general circulation, in the 
 fifteen most prominent languages of India. . . . 
 The lessons which they inculcate have given to the 
 people at large new ideas not only on religious ques- 
 tions, but on the nature of evil, the obligations of law, 
 and the motives by which human conduct should 
 be regulated. . . . The Government of Irdia 
 cannot but acknowledge the great obligations under 
 which it is laid by the benevolent exertions made by 
 them." • 
 
 For the benefit of its European and Christian 
 servants, both civil and military, the East India 
 Company had from the beginning appointed Chap- 
 lains at the various stations. In 1813 a Bishop was 
 appointed, and in 1833 the number of Bishops was 
 increased to three, for Calcutta, Madras, and Bom- 
 bay; and the Bishop of Calcutta was declared to be 
 Metropolitan in India. The dioceses of Madras and 
 Bombay have continued to be much as they were 
 then. But the diocese of Calcutta became of an 
 immense sirs, impossible of supervision by one 
 Bishop C 1 isequently additional Bishoprics have 
 been constituted at Lahore for the Pan jab, at Luck- 
 now for ITorthern India, and at Kangoon for Burma. 
 
 * See Report on " Moral and Material Progress of India," 
 1878. 
 
156 PBOOBE8S OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 Tatt India there vras virtually what economista 
 call a double standard." Coins both silver and 
 r Id were issued from the Minta of the Govemmen* ; 
 
 and both were equally received. The silver coin 
 the well-known rupee and was in the exchange with 
 England reckoned as about equal to two shillings. 
 There had been many rupees in India of divers values 
 locally, but they vrere superseded by the East India 
 Company's rupee. In 1835-6 silver became the sole 
 standard, gold for the most part disappearing. 
 About ten rupees then were required as an equivalent 
 to the Britisli sovereign in gold. The Indian reve- 
 nues were collected in rupees, and the public accounts, 
 that is the statements of the expenditure and in- 
 come of the Company, were kept in rupees also. But 
 whenever these statements had to be translated for 
 use in England and whenever the value of Indian 
 income, or the weight of Indian expenses had to be 
 expressed in English for popular information, the 
 number of nipees used to be divided by ten. In 
 other words, ten million or a " crore " of rupees 
 meant a million pounds sterling; a hundred 
 thousand or a " lakh " of rupees indicated ten thou* 
 
BEVENUI AND FINAKCB. 15f 
 
 sand ponncU sterling, and lo forUi. This method 
 was in full force at the beginning of the nineteenth 
 
 century. The relative value of gold and silver, 
 though not always free from slight fluctuations, did 
 yet remain sufficiently stable to allow this simple and 
 convenient reckoning between the Indian rupee and 
 the British sovereign to be continued for more than 
 seventy years. In the early part of the century the 
 matter was mainly one of reckoning and did not 
 possess the grave importance which it afterwards 
 assumed in the closing quarter of the century. There 
 were from the very first some payments on their 
 territorial account to be made by the East India 
 Company from India to England. In the early 
 part of the century these were not very considerable. 
 But '.Ijpty grew enormously from various causes dur- 
 ing the latter half of the century, and after that the 
 val' * *^ rupee relatively to the sovereign b^an 
 to 1. " and more. About 1880, then, it became 
 impoi. v7ith any approach to correctness to rep- 
 resent tea rupees as equivalent to a sovereign in tho 
 presentation of Indian accounts or statements in Eng^ 
 land; and some change became necessary. Then to 
 represent the Indian accounts for England in sove- 
 reigns as heretofore, but according to the reduced 
 value of the rupee, would cause infinite misappre- 
 hension, might possibly give rise to a notion that the 
 Indian revenues were decreasing while they actually 
 were increasing, and would certainly vitiate, for Eng- 
 lish use at least, any comparison between the later 
 
158 PBOOBE8B or Iin)U. JAPAN AND CHIN/m 
 
 and earlier years of the ceutury. Consequently tlw 
 plan was adopted of reckoning the Indian •ocoimti 
 and statements for England in tens of rupees, or 
 Es. X. ; thus instead of a million of pounds sterling, 
 or £, the accounts set forth a million of tens of rupees 
 or Rs. X., and this is now the signification of " a 
 million," whenever Indian figures are mentioned. 
 In this way any possible misapprehension is avoided 
 and the means of comparing the present time with 
 former times are duly preserved. It is in that sense 
 then that tne term million \.ill be used in this 
 Chapter. 
 
 Tixe economic condition of the country in 1899 is 
 largely affected by the outlay of British capital in it, 
 which has been going on, especially during the latter 
 half of the nineteenth century. The outlay on re- 
 munerative works like railways and canals of irriga- 
 tion has been already mentioned in the preceding 
 Chapters. In 1897 in a smnmary work entitled 
 Sixty Yean of (he Queen's Beign,* the following 
 explanation was given in a popular form on this im- 
 portant subject " India affords a large field for the 
 employment of British capital. Her national debt, 
 including the railways guaranteed by the State, 
 amounts to nearly three hundred millions. Of this 
 sum about one-tenth has been subscribed by the Na- 
 tives of India, while all the rest has been found by 
 the London money market. The amount cf private 
 
 * Sixty Years of the Queen'a Beign, by Sir Richard Temple, 
 1897. 
 
BEVENUE AND IWANCB. 159 
 
 outlay by Britiih Mpitalists in India, on manifold en- 
 terpriaes, relating to tea, ooFse, jute, mines and 
 many miscellaneous undertakingB, cannot be precise* 
 ly stated. But it has generally been reckoned at 
 250 millions sterling and is constantly growing 
 Thus it may, without exaggeration, be said that near- 
 ly 600 millions of British money are profitably laid 
 out in India. The interest annually of this snm 
 goes mo3tly to Britain. As this money was sent 
 out to India to be expended on the country, was paid 
 mostly to the people there, and fructifies therein by 
 countless ways, it is clear that in this great respect 
 India mnst be benefiting by the British connection. 
 There is a part of this national debt which was in- 
 curred for war and may in one sense be considered 
 unproductive, but this does not exceed one-fifth of 
 the whole." 
 
 The most recent figures of Indian revenue and ex- 
 penditure have been somewhat affected by the fa- 
 mine of 1896-7. The most characteristic type of 
 the Indian Finance in these days will be found in 
 the figures for the year 1895-6 as presented in the 
 Statistical Abstract published in 1898. 
 
 For that year the gross Tevenne and receipts in 
 India and in England, including exchange, stood at 
 98,370,167; or nearly 98^ millions; at 96,886,169, 
 or over 96 J millions. The heads of revenue and 
 receipts were as below : 
 
 Land revenue, 26,200,955 ; Opium, 7,123 ;SaU, 8,- 
 861,846; Stamps, 4,727,056; Excise, 6,722,417; 
 
160 PB00BB8B OF INDIA. JAPAK AND CHINA. 
 
 Other head*, 13,437,147; Int^rut, 836,063; Fori 
 Offie; TtUgraph and Mint, 8,840,868; BecnfU bjf 
 Civil Departments, 1,684,521; Miacellaneout, 1,- 
 095,914; Railways, 21,859,189; Irrigation, 2,299,- 
 853; Buildings and roads, 713,832; Receipts by 
 Military Department, 978,011 ; Total BevMue* and 
 Receipts, 98,370,167. 
 
 For the saxae year the heads of expenditure were 
 ai below : 
 
 Direct demands . n revenue, 10,351,257; Interest, 
 4,044,799; Post Office, Telegraph and Mint, 2,594,- 
 880; Salaries and expenses of CivU Deparimeni*, 
 16,172,860; Miseellaneoua civil charges, 6,933,332; 
 Famine Relief and insurance, 586,486; Construc- 
 tion of railway charged against revenue, 7,661; 
 Railway revenue account, 23,479,457; Irrigation, 
 2,976,311; Buildings and roads, 6,810,512; Army 
 services, 25,398,167; Special defence works, 101,- 
 349; Tota expenditure, 96,457,060; Provinddl ad- 
 justments, 3V>),109; Total ehargea againtl revenue, 
 96,836,169. 
 
 T'he figures are produced yearly by the Got- 
 ernment of India according to a Budget iystem after 
 the English model introduced in 1860 by Mr. James 
 Wilson, the well known economist in England, who 
 was the first Finance Minister for India. 
 
 It will readily be observed that the most funda- 
 mentally important part of the revenues, namely the 
 land revenue, does not increase proportionately 
 with the general growth of prosperity in the country. 
 
BSVENUE AND FINAKCB. 161 
 
 This is because of the reveoue being settled for long 
 terms of years in most parts of the country and in 
 perpetuity for one part As already shown in a 
 preceding Chapter th« considerations clustering 
 round this branch revonne are social and politioal 
 quite as much as fiscal. 
 
 The salt revenue, nearly nine millions, is a con- 
 siderable item. It is the only contribution made to 
 the national Treasury by tixe poor and hj the labour* 
 ing classes. 
 
 The opium revenue stands at over seven millions, 
 and is a considerable item, though it used to be much 
 more in former years. This is the item around 
 which controversy raged in Britain for full fifty 
 years, that is from 1846 to 1895, when it was for the 
 most part allayed by the publication of the Keport 
 of the Royal Commission. Even then, however, it 
 has not been set at rest and probably never will be. 
 Those who were convinced before that the coi/di. i, 
 of the British Qovemment was right throu>rhoat, 
 will have these convictions strengths • e-' by this li^ 
 port and by the judicial proofs or arguments which 
 it affords. Those who were doubtful before or had 
 sn open mind on the subject will find their ideas 
 and opinions much affected thereby in favour of the 
 existing system. Those who had previously formed 
 an opinion with conscientious deliberation will 
 doubtless not modify that opinion by reason of this 
 Report or by anything else. The censures which 
 were roundly pronounced outside, and which were 
 
162 PROGBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 echoed in Parliament, have become silent Whether 
 the anti-opium agitation has ceased, or, if not, how 
 far it has been affected, are matters known only to 
 those -who may have been engaged in it The chair- 
 man of the Koyal Commission was Lord Brassey, 
 the members were two Members of Parliament, one 
 Conservative and the other Liberal, one eminent 
 Medical Officer, one distinguished Anglo-Indian 
 administrator, two Native Indian gentlemen of rank 
 and status. They travelled all over India, exam- 
 ined several hundreds of witnesses, of all classes and 
 nationalities, put and recorded several thousands 
 of questions, and presented a Report, which was laid 
 before Parliament and which with appendices ex- 
 tended over 250 great pages with sixty-five lines each, 
 quite apart from the minutes of evidence which are 
 of great bulk. Their enquiries lasted nearly two 
 years ; and naturally involved much public expense. 
 All this shows what pains Britain takes to find out 
 whether she has been, or is doing, right In signing 
 the Report eight members out of nine were unani- 
 mous, and one was dissentient. 
 
 To analyse or summarise so great a Report as this 
 would be beyond the scope of a work like the present 
 ^ But it is to be gathered from the Report that the 
 drug is not necessarily a curse, a poison, or even a 
 noxious thing, that it is either harmful, or harmless, 
 or beneficial, according to the prudence with which 
 it is used, that the question relating to it runs on all 
 fours with that of spirits and drugs in the Western 
 
BEVENUE AND FINANCE. 163 
 
 nations, that it was not introduced by Europeans 
 into India or China, having existed there long be- 
 fore, that the Chinese themselv^ have been and are 
 the great producers of the poppy and of the opium, 
 far exceeding the Indians, that the charge against 
 the British of having forced the drug upon China 
 cannot be sustained, that the importation of the In- 
 dian variety of the drug makes no difference in the 
 consumption of the Chinese, that the cessation of 
 such importation would only cause pro tanto an in- 
 crease of the Chinese production, that as the Chinese 
 consumer desires this article the Indian producer 
 desires to send it, that the €k)vemment cannot be 
 expected to interfere with this law of supply and de- 
 mand, except by taxing it to the uttermost degree 
 consistent with the prevention of illicit practices, 
 smuggling and the like, that the Bengal system, 
 though at first sight it may seem to connect 
 the Qovemment with the trade, is yet the best as be- 
 ing the most effective for restricting the production 
 and the use of the drug, that this xiae has not reached 
 any objectionable extent in India, and is not shown 
 to have been nationally deleterious in China, that 
 the right of the Qovemment, British or Chinese, 
 to draw revenue from such a source rests on the 
 same arguments for or against which would be appli- 
 cable to the revenues from wines, spirits or beer in 
 the Western nations. The Commission seem to 
 think that the stronger criticism came from American 
 and Canadian Missionaries, and some British Evanr 
 
164 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 gelicals, devoted and conscientious men who were 
 opposed altogether to the use of anything alcoholic, 
 some of whom have been ardent workers in the cause 
 of total abstinence and prevention by law. Now to 
 discuss the conclusions of this elaborate and author- 
 itative Report would be to enter into a controversy 
 unsuited to a work like this. Still in justice to the 
 Boyal Commission two sentences should be cited. 
 They write " as a result of a searching enquiry, and 
 upon a deliberate review of the copious evidence sub- 
 mitted to us we feel bound to express our conviction 
 that this movement in England in favour of active 
 interference on the part of the Imperial Parliament 
 for the suppression of the opium habit in India has 
 proceeded from exaggerated impressions as to the na- 
 ture and extent of the evil to be controlled. . . . 
 We may be sensible that, as in the case of the drink 
 duties at home, so in the analogous case of opium in 
 India, the revenue is drawn from a source liable to 
 abuse. Looking, however, at the problem before us, 
 from the highest moral standpoint, it is something 
 to know that the hand of the ruler is chiefly felt in 
 the way of repression and restriction." 
 
 In response to the definite reference made to them 
 the Royal Commission stated that " It has not been 
 shown to be necessary, or to be demanded by the peo- 
 ple, that the growth of the poppy and manufacture 
 and sale of opium in British India should be pro- 
 hibited except for medical purposes." 
 
 This response has been accepted as conclusive by 
 
BE VENUE AND FINANCE. 
 
 165 
 
 the British Farliament and by British people for the 
 most part^ 
 
 But as the outcome of the Report of the Com- 
 mission has been '/ven, it will perhaps only be 
 fair that the Minute of the one Member who 
 dissented should also be noticed — that of Mr. Henry 
 J. Wilson, M.P. for Holmfirth in Yorkshire on the 
 Liberal side. He begins by observing that the 
 resolution of the House of Commons and the terms 
 of the reference to the Royal Commission were 
 passed by the Liberal Government in 1893, under 
 Mr. Gladstone, by a majority of 184 to 105. He 
 describes the 105 as mainly comprising "the anti- 
 opium party," who desired an enquiry " for a very 
 different and far more useful purpose." It is to be 
 inferred from his own language that he joined the 
 Royal Commission with his mind made up as to the 
 policy which, in his view, morality dictated. It may 
 be inferred that inasmuch as the anti-opium party 
 wo'Ud have zealously mustered their numbers for 
 that occasion, their full strength, just over a hun- 
 dred, represented less than one-sixth of the House of 
 Commons. From his notes it appears he had not in- 
 frequent differences with his colleagues as to the 
 manner in which the evidence was taken in India. 
 It is impossible for any from the outside to ap- 
 proach such differences; but the result does not 
 seem in the end to be unfavourably regarded by Mr. 
 Wilson, for he considers that the general drift and 
 tendency of the evidence, or the prevailing mass of 
 
166 PBOORESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 it, to be on his side. He manifestlj differs from his 
 
 colleagues in the view to be taken of the evidence. 
 He considers it proved by the evidence that opium 
 " in China is a gigantic national evil. It is therefore 
 impossible for him to avoid the conclusion that it 
 is altogether unworthy for a great dependency of the 
 British Empire to be thus engaged in a traffic which 
 produces such wide-spread misery and disaster." 
 After consider]^ or the possibility of the Chinese 
 themselves filliuf^ up any gap that might be left by 
 the stoppage of the Indian import, he writes: 
 '^But however this may be, a traffic which is con- 
 trary to the principles of humanity cannot be jus- 
 tified on the grour ' that if we do not engage in it, 
 it will fall into the hands of others who have no 
 such scruples." The words " engaging in a traffic " 
 would apparently be held by the Commission to be 
 a misapprehension of the Bengal system for ensur* 
 ing the taxation on opium. 
 
 One passage in the Minute of dissent must be 
 cited, and it was thus : " No analogy exists between 
 alcohol in England and opium in India. In what- 
 ever way the statistics are looked at they show that 
 there are in India vast tracts where a mere fraction 
 of the population are consumers of opium. In Eng- 
 land, on the other hand, the great majority of the 
 people are more or less consumers of alcohol. Any 
 attempt therefore to treat the case as analogous is 
 entirely fallacious ; in the one case we have a nation 
 of consumers, in the other case a. nation of ab* 
 Btainers." 
 
BEVENUE AMD FINAMCE. 167 
 
 Now this passage may in many respects be left 
 for moralists to consider. But if it is inferable 
 that because the great majority of the English con- 
 sume alcohol they may be left undisturbed by law, 
 then it follows that the Chinese may be left to pro- 
 duce and import opium as thej like, subject only to 
 taxation. Finally Mr. Wilson arrives at the concln< 
 sion that " the growth of the poppy and manufac- 
 ture and sale of in British India should be prohibited 
 except for medical purposes; and that such prohibi- 
 tion should not be forcibly imposed on the Native 
 States, but the example of the British Govermnent 
 should be supported by such influence as may bo 
 legitimately employed.'' This change cannot be re- 
 quired for the sake of the people of India, because 
 later on he writes : " It is clear that the opium habit, 
 so far from being common amongst the people gen- 
 erally, is relatively exceptional in British India." 
 The change therefore must be required for the saka 
 of the people of China, perhaps also for the char- 
 acter of the British Government. 
 
 The question ab regards China, and the conduct of 
 the British in r^rd tibereto, will be mentioned in 
 a future part of this work. 
 
 The Report of the Royal Commission having been 
 laid before Parliament in the spring of 1895, a dis- 
 cussion and a vote on it were challenged in the 
 House of Commons by Sir Joseph Pease, the leader 
 of the anti-opium party, on the ground that the 
 opium system in India is morally indefensible, and 
 
168 PB0OBE88 OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 that thore should be total prohibition except for 
 medical purposes. Now this was the same House 
 of Commons as that which in 1893 had ordced the 
 enquiry, and the same Liberal Govemmeat was ir 
 power, except that for Mr. Gladstone had been 
 substituted Lord Eosebery. Yet Sir Joseph 
 Pease's motion was rejected by 176 to 59, or about 
 8 to 1. It is noteworthy that the anti-opium party, 
 who presumably must have mustered their men 
 for this occasion, had decreased from 105 in 
 1893 to 59 in 1895. In both instances it consisted 
 largely of men who were conscientiously opposed to 
 drugs and spirits of all kinds. The majority 
 against Sir Joseph Pease included the leaders of the 
 Liberal Party then in power together with tho leaders 
 of the Conservative and Unionist Party, and their 
 tellers were the Liberal Whips, indicating that the 
 Liberal Government supported the Heport of the 
 Royal Commission. Since then no further steps 
 have been taken in Parliament. 
 
 There are still some financial facta claiming no- 
 tice. The cir-'-ulation ox Government currency notes 
 throughout the country stands at nearly thirty mill- 
 ions. The system was initiated by Mr. James Wil- 
 son in 1860. The cash balances in the treasuries 
 and agencies of India fiuotuate naturally year to 
 year from fourteen to twenty-two millions; one year, 
 1893, they stood as high as twenty-five millions. All 
 this indicates the maintenance of a lai^ cash reserve. 
 There is a s^tem of Gbvemment Savings Banks of 
 
fiEVENUE AND FINANCE. 169 
 
 which tho luitiyes make larifi me. There are no less 
 than 650 of such banks in working order, with 
 650,000 depositors, the average for each depositor 
 being 135 rupees. 
 
 The embarrassment caused by the decline of sil- 
 ▼or in the large cdlyer remittances from India to be 
 adjusted bj a gold standard in England, as already 
 mentioned in this Chapter, became so acute that 
 several enquiries were made, and among them an im- 
 portant one by a Committee under the Presidency 
 of the late Lord Herachel. The Government of 
 India in 1893 dosed their Hints against the coinage 
 of silver — ^but agreed to receive gold in exchange 
 for rupees at Is. 4d. per rupee. Since that time 
 this rate of convertibility has been maintained, not 
 only because of the closinj of the mints, but from 
 other causes, to the partial relief of the Government 
 Treasury and of other interests. The object of the 
 Government of India was to introduce a gold stand- 
 ard into India. They proposed certain measures 
 for that end, and in 1898 a committee presided over 
 by Sir Henry Fowler was appointed to consider these 
 proposals. Their Beport was presented to Parlia- 
 ment just before the Session of 1899 and was before 
 the public in August. An analysis of this Report 
 would not be suitable here, especially as it has gone 
 to India for consideration. Suffice it to quote merely 
 the principal conclusions. " The Committee concnr 
 with the Government of India in their decision not 
 to revert to the silver standard.'' They couch lo 
 
170 PROGRESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 "to proceed with measures for the effective estab- 
 lishment of a gold standard." They say " we are in 
 favour of making the British sovereign a legal tender 
 and a current coin in India. We also consider that 
 at the same time the Indian Mints should be thrown 
 open to the unrestricted coinage of gold on terms and 
 conditions such as govern the three Australian 
 branches of tlie Royal Mint." Lastly they say: 
 " We are of opinion that the permanent rate should 
 be that which has been adopted as a provisional rate 
 in the past and which is also the market rate of to- 
 day, viz., Is. 4d. (one shilling and four pence), for 
 the Rupee." This Report was mentioned with ap- 
 proval by the Secretary of State in Parliament on 
 8th August, 1899, and though the opinion of the 
 Government of India is awaited, the public impres- 
 sion is that the way has been cleared for the adop- 
 tion of at least a gold standard in India, apart from 
 the question of the early introduction of a gold cur- 
 rency as well. 
 
 ^ Such then are the finances of British India, and the 
 only question remaining is whether the amount of 
 receipts taken at 98 millions annually is moderate 
 as compared with that received under !N'ative Rule 
 with something like similar conditio^-S. The Mogul 
 Empire at its height in 1697 was similar to the 
 Empire of India proclaimed in 1877; the Mogul 
 Emperor Aurangzebe was almost as much master 
 of India as the British sovereign now is. Sir 
 William Hunter writes in 1881, after considering 
 
REVENUE AND HNANCB. 
 
 171 
 
 the remarkable estimate made by Mr. Edward 
 Thomas, that " The total revenues of Aurangzebe 
 was estimated in 1695 at 80 millions and in 1697 
 at 77^ millions sterling. The gross taxation levied 
 from British India deducting the opium excise which 
 is paid oy the Chinese consumer averaged 35^ mil- 
 lions sterling during the ten years ending in 1879.'* 
 This comparison would showlaudablemoderation on 
 the part of the British Government as compared 
 with the 77 or 80 millions under the Great Mogul ; 
 especially as the population must be much greater 
 now than it was then. Ti c comparison on tiie whole 
 case becomes difficult, and if taken unreservedly 
 would be misleading. But in inspect to the land tax 
 it can be made more exactly. Tor the culminating 
 point in 1697 it was set down at 38^ millions, which 
 sum greatly exceeds the 26 millions just shown for 
 the British land revenue of to-day. Yet on looking 
 at the provincial details which make up the Moghal 
 total, most of the provinces were less in population 
 then tha^ they are now, and some much less. In 
 the Deccan Plateau alone could it be said that there 
 was more of fertility and habitation than now, owing 
 to the re^'olutions of the seventeenth and eighteenth 
 centuries. The comparison however proves that the 
 difference between the Moghal and the British totals 
 partly arises from the fact that many taxes which 
 were formerly levied are now remitted. On the other 
 hand it must be remembered that a portion of the 
 British total is derived from the receipts which flow 
 
172 PROGRESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 into the British territory from the post office, the 
 telegraphs, the railways and the canals. Still which- 
 ever way the account be taken, whether the full 98 
 millioiui, or less, the amount received by the British 
 GoTermnent from its 280 millions of people (ex- 
 clusive of Native States) is very moderate, and the 
 Indians are taxed very lightly according to any 
 standard derivable cither from previous Native Rule 
 or from any Western nation. 
 
TBS STATE OF INDIA IH UMk 
 
 178 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 rta BTATB OF nn>iA xk 1809. 
 
 Thx progress of India during the nineteenth 
 eenturj hu now been nmunarised. I have shown 
 bow TMt are ibe area and th« population of the 
 
 country including the Himalayan mountains, the 
 continent and the peninsula — how depressed and de- 
 jected was the land and the people at the end of the 
 18th and the dawn of the 19th century — how the 
 Empire of India was gradually formed till it covered 
 the entire country and was then formally proclaimed 
 — how the several Frontiers were determined and 
 settled — how the Native States were gradually 
 formed — how the machinery of the Gk>vernment in 
 India, and of the control over it in Britain, was con- 
 stituted — how there arose in the Native Indian Army 
 certain difficulties which culminated in the Indian 
 Mutinies — how in the civil government an ahsolute 
 despotism has been guided by humane and enlight- 
 ened principles of justice, goodwill and considerate- 
 ueu — how legislation of a comprehensive character 
 has been introduced with two grades of Legislative 
 Councils — how in the dispensing of justice, civil and 
 crirainal, all parties, including the Government itself, 
 and all naiiuualiiiea, European and Native, have been 
 
174 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 rendered equal before the law — how property in 
 land has Ken secured by a public registration of 
 tenures and rendered valuable by a limitation of 
 the demand for land revenue— how the obligation of 
 the State has been practically acknowledged to use 
 all its efforts and resources to save life from famine 
 — how agriculture has been to some extent protected 
 by the finest system of irrigation works ever seen in 
 any country — how the forests have been at least 
 partially preserved by a conservancy department 
 tinder the State — how communications by land have 
 been opened by the making of trunk roads and then 
 by the construction of at least all the main lines of 
 railway, leaving numerous branches yet to bo under- 
 taken — how external ocean-borne trade has been de- 
 veloped by steam navigation, especially since the 
 opening of the Suez Canal — how internal trade has 
 been assisted by the Post Office and the Electric 
 Telegraph — how Municipalities have been established 
 for the cities and the provincial towns, with sanita- 
 tion and medical aid, and a foundation laid for dis- 
 trict countiils — how a complete system of Public 
 Educution has been instituted, elementary, secondary 
 and superior, which has already borne some fruit, 
 leaving very much to be accomplished in the future 
 — how Christianity has been diffused more or less 
 extensively in many places by the organization of 
 private effort — how the State revenues have grown 
 enormously and tho finances been managed with sue- 
 ce»A ou the whole, despite dlnluulliusi and disad- 
 
THE STATE OF INDIA IN 18W. 
 
 176 
 
 yantagcs. It remains yet to be explained briefly 
 what liaa been the effect of all these comprehensive 
 and varied measures on the condition, material, 
 mental and moral, of the vast Indian population 
 which Providence has commHted to the charge of 
 Britain. 
 
 As will have been already perceived, the Empire 
 of India consists of two parts, the lesser part being 
 the Native States, the larger part being the British 
 territories. 
 
 It will be well to notice the present condition of 
 
 the Xative States, before considering the Britiah 
 territories which form the bulk of the Empire. 
 
 In a certain sense these States, great and small, 
 are so numerous that it is not easy to count them 
 exactlj, but they are about four hundred and fifty 
 in number. They comprise a total area of 600,000 
 square miles and 66 millions of people. The total 
 of their revenues cannot be stated, but it must amount 
 to over 15 millions (Rs. X.), annually. They are 
 of all sizes and degrees ; some being little more than 
 feudal barons. Others being potentates of considera- 
 tion, autonomous, subject only to British suzerainty, 
 and feudatories of the Sovereign. They all have 
 British representatives residing permanently at their 
 Courts. It will suffice here to mention only these 
 greater Native State& 
 
 They readily group themselves into certain 
 
 divisions. Firstcomes Nepal (of the Gurkhas), then 
 
 Cashmere (vith Jammuj and Oooch liehar, all in 
 
 N 
 
176 FROGRESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 or about the Himalayas. In Northern India is the 
 important group of Protected Sikh States between 
 the Satlej River and Delhi; then South of Agra is 
 the great family of Rajput States. From this neigh- 
 bourhood right down to the west of India lie the three 
 Mahratta States of Gwalior (Sindhia), of Holkar 
 (Indore) and of the Gaikwar (Baroda). Further 
 down towards the south-west are the two Hindu 
 States of Mysore and Travancore. There are yet 
 some Moslem States ; that of Jfizam of the Deccan on 
 the middle plateau of the Continent, the largest 
 ITative State in India, of Bhopal in the centre of the 
 country, and of Bahawulpur on the river Indus. 
 Far away on the eastern frontier of the Empire are 
 the Shan States of Burma. The States being main- 
 tained in dignity, prosperity and comfort, are bound 
 up with the British Empire, have every interest in 
 its permanency and constitute the most trustworthy 
 element of conservatism in the country. They can- 
 not answer for unruly or disloyal subjects in their 
 dominions any more than the British Government 
 for t'^o ill-disposed in its territories. It must never 
 be forgotten that in India there are the evil minded 
 whom we have always. These Native States are in 
 respect to internal government quite autonomous. 
 They are for the most part governing well, following 
 more and more the model of British administration. 
 They encourage Western education, and even have 
 Colleges for the cadets of their own royal families. 
 Their members are beginning to visit Europe. They 
 
THE STATE OP INDIA IN 18N. 
 
 171 
 
 manage their own military forces, subject to the gen- 
 eral advice of the British Government Some of their 
 best troops have been specially recognised as imperial 
 forces, and have served together with the British 
 troops in recent campaigns. Some twenty thousand 
 men of theirs are thus reckoned as forming a part 
 of the military strength of the British Empire. 
 Their subjects are conterminous with the British 
 subjects everywhere; and there is a brotherly feel- 
 ing between the two sets as fellow countrymen. They 
 afford a finer field for individual Native genius, 
 ambition and capacity than could otherwise be 
 found under the circumstances of British Rule. 
 They display many centres round which may cluster 
 the old grandeur, courtesy, romantic tradition, an- 
 cestral splendour, ideas of semi-divine origin, which 
 are still enshrined in the hearts and are dear to the 
 imagination of the Natives at large. 
 
 The material effect will have been gathered from 
 the foregoing Chapters, being easily inferable from 
 the facta stated therein. Firstly comes the growth 
 of the population. Sir Robert Giffen, the statisti- 
 cian, appears to have reckoned that since 18Y1 to the 
 end of the century this population shows an increase 
 of seventy-one millions, almost entirely due to 
 natural increment. Following that, is the expansion 
 of cultivation, great in some quarters, lesser in others, 
 but more or less everywhere. Then comes the growth 
 of domestic comfort universally. This received 
 signal confirmation during the very last year, 1898. 
 
178 PBOGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 That particular year came upon the heels of the 
 ■worst famine that has been seen during the half 
 
 century. This famine, too, was followed by an out- 
 break of bubonic plague in Western India, which, 
 despite all the sanitary efforts of the Government, 
 is not yet extinguished. Nevertheless it proved to 
 be one of the best years, if not the very best year, 
 that India has ever hud. This result has just been 
 laid before the British House of Commons, by the 
 Secretary of State in August, 1899, as proving the 
 success of the Government of India in combating 
 the famine, but still more the recuperative power 
 and the amassed means of sustenance possessed by 
 the people of India. Never has India remitted so 
 vast a sum to England, among other, for charges 
 relating to public improvement as in this year. Never 
 did she export so much of her products as in this 
 year including, too, edible produce. Never has she 
 shown so low rn amount of unproductive national 
 debt, 31 millions, as at the present time, the rest of 
 the debt being all remunerative. A special enquiry, 
 in the provinces recently afflicted or affected by 
 famine, has shown that the landholding and cultivat- 
 ing classes are more comfortabb th vn ever, that tiie 
 artisans and the better sorts of labourers get higher 
 wages than ever, but that the wages with the humbler 
 labourers though rising do not rise as much as might 
 be wished because the increase of population is apt 
 to overstock the labour market For this last-named 
 disadvantage, the only one visible in the material 
 
THE STATE OF INDIA IN 1899. 
 
 179 
 
 aspect of the country, there is no remedy except the 
 promotion of public works. Emigration will hardly 
 be a remedy, as emigrants have not yet come for- 
 ward in sufficient numbers. 
 
 Still these latest enquiries have tended to resusci- 
 tate the apprehensions lest in some districts the mul- 
 tiplying population should prove too dense for the 
 due su'tenance of all. For the whole country, 
 
 however, despite the ever-growing multitudes, the 
 average density is still exceedingly moderate, being 
 only one hundred and eighty -five inhabitants per 
 square mile, which represents a population far from 
 
 excessive. 
 
 As already seen, the external sea-borne trade has 
 been well sustained. For 1897-8, about five thousand 
 vessels with four millions of tons entered the In- 
 dian ports and about the same nimiber cleared. 
 Of this vast number only some few hundreds wern 
 foreign and the rest were flying the British fl^.j. 
 These numbers were on the whole nearly as good as 
 any that have been seen in India, and they represent 
 a goodly portion of the British shipping in the 
 world.* 
 
 The really recondite and disputable matters relate 
 to the moral and mental effect. 
 
 It is said with as much truth as usually pertains 
 to general statraiients, that in India, Islam or the 
 faith of Muhammad, is unchanging. It may shrink, 
 or decay, or wither, but in essential elements it never 
 * Statetmn't Year Book, 1889. 
 
180 PROGRESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 alters anywhere. Therefore it will be in India as 
 
 it is in places familiar to Europeans like Constanti- 
 nople, Cairo, or Tangier. If this broad proposition 
 be accepted, then there is not much discussion needed 
 on the Indian branch of Islam. It follows that the 
 fierce and positive fanaticism, which is a primary 
 characteristic, must be burning in the heart of many 
 a true Moslem. Indeed this quality was manifested 
 during the troubles in the middle of the century, 
 though it has subsequently grown milder. This 
 refers only to the Moslems of the blood from Central 
 Asia, Mogul, Afghan, Persian, who form only a 
 portion of the Indian Moslems, but hardly at all to 
 the Moslems of humble Indian origin like those in 
 North-eastern Bengal who form the numerically im- 
 portant and fast-increasing section of the Indian 
 Moslems. It is not conceivable that they can be imr 
 bued with the austere bigotry, the fiery pride, of the 
 descendants of those who in Mid Asia caught the real 
 afflatus of Islam. 
 
 It is said by some, with a kind of picturesque ir- 
 regularity, that the historic Hindu nation has long 
 since died, that its heroic traditions have vanished 
 into mist, its golden age faded into obscurity; its 
 epic poetry ceased, its mitses become silent, its re- 
 ligion lost all authority, its philosophy moth-eaten, 
 its dramatic poetry extinguished, its courts and camps 
 faded in brilliancy — and that to it, mutato nomine, 
 miqr be applied ^e words, " 'tis Greece but living 
 Qireece no more." Though such a description as this 
 
THE STATE OF INDIA IN 18W. 
 
 181 
 
 could not be accepted as accurate, yet there is enough 
 of vfuiscmblance about it to deserve a brief consider- 
 ation. The Hindus numbering over two hundred 
 millions, are greater in material prosperity, wealth 
 and numbers in 1899, than in any year since they be- 
 came a congeries of nationalities under one faith 
 many centuries ago. They cannot be described to- 
 day in a single category. They comprise several 
 categories, each of which must be noticed separately ; 
 but these categories relate to scattered masses and 
 classes of people rather than to localities or even to 
 regions. 
 
 The tongue of Moslems in India was wont largely 
 to be Persian, but since «he middle of the century it 
 has become Hindostani, formerly called Oordu, 
 which is still the official language of the Courts in 
 the districts round Lahore, Delhi, Agra, Lucknow. 
 Elsewhere the official language of the courts is the 
 language of the region, that is to say, Bengali for 
 Bengal, Oorya for Orissa, Hindi for Behar and 
 Benares, Mahratti for Nagpore and the Central 
 Deccan to Bombay, Gujerathi for the Western 
 Coast, Telugu for the Southern Deccan and the 
 eastern coast, Kanarese for the south-western coast, 
 and Tamil for the southern peninsula. Of these 
 main languages, all save the Hindostani and tho 
 Tamil are derived from Sanskrit. The Burmese for 
 Burma has a separate origin. Besides these pi nci- 
 pal tongues, each of them with a separate literature 
 of its own, there are many other lesser languages 
 
182 THOGRESS OF iNDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 more or less re(K>gnised by the British Qovem- 
 
 inent. 
 
 Before adverting to thn Hindus proper it may be 
 well tO say what there is to be said regarding the 
 Aboriginal races, and the Aborigines who have been 
 converted to Hinduism in a sort of way, and who 
 help to swell the total of the low caste men in the 
 aggregate of the Hindu religion. The effect of 
 British Rule on their minds and morals has been but 
 little for the better though not all for the worse. 
 The fringe of them has been largely touched by the 
 preaching of Christianity; the success of the Mis- 
 sionary efforts has been very much in the proportion 
 to the means employed. If these means were to be- 
 come largely augmented, the success might be in- 
 definitely extended. On the other hand, it must be 
 remarked that these Aborigines are not likely to 
 remain altogether as they are; on the contrary they 
 are open to the proselytising from the Hindus proper. 
 It is probable that many thousands of them have 
 thus gone over to Hinduism during the latter half of 
 the century; and although then Hinduism may 
 sit loose upon them, and although they may still 
 afford a fairer field than most races would, to 
 Christianising effort, still the fact of their having 
 come under the sway, howeve- slightly, of the Brah- 
 min priesthood, would be pro tanto, an impediment 
 to the approach of Christianity. In other words, 
 tmless the Christian Missionaries shall succeed in 
 being the first in the field with them, there is always 
 
THE STATE OF INDIA IN 1899. 
 
 183 
 
 a danger of their going over to the Hindus. These 
 considerations are well worthy of attention on the 
 part of the Societies for Religious Missions. 
 
 The really strange and curious question relates 
 to the mental and moral condition of the Hindus 
 proper, who form, as has already been shown, the 
 mass of the Indian population. 
 
 Respecting the humbler classes of the Hindus num- 
 bering some scores of millions, the British Rule with 
 its elementary education has improved their intelli- 
 gence in common matters, and by the example of its 
 governance has doubtless raised their ideas of the 
 virtue which exists in the world. But the effect of 
 all that on these people as they are, is not very much 
 though it is something. As regards their religion, 
 that is probably to-day just as it was in the ninth 
 century after the restoration of Brahmanism and be- 
 fore the first coming of the Moslems. In the book 
 India in 1880, ^'t was then written regarding them, 
 with the freshest and fullest knowledge, " It 
 (the old religion) survives with the mass of the 
 Hindus who still flock in countless multitudes to hal- 
 lowed bathing places, still approach inner sanctuaries 
 of idols with heartfelt awe, still load the shrines 
 with offerings, still brave the toils and often the fatal 
 hardships of their pilgrimages." * In all probabil- 
 ity there has been no change in these respects up to 
 the present day. 
 
 * See India in 18S0, by Sir Richard Temple, p. 117. 
 
184 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 The same book went on to state as follows: — • 
 " With the educated classes of Hindus, the priestly 
 inllueuco is sinking fast towards its final decadence. 
 There remain indeed some Hindus of culture and 
 learning, who stand by thu ancient faith and its ob- 
 servances. But as a rule, educated Hindus pay little 
 more than an outward respect to the forms and to 
 the ministers of the national religion. . . . 
 This must surely be recognised by many of these 
 keen-witted and clear-sighted priests. Proud as they 
 are of their race and lineage, strong in the faith of 
 their divine origin, persuaded of their own sanctity, 
 conscious of their own intellectual superiority, they 
 cannot but regard with indescribable sentinents the 
 new empire which crushes prejudices, superstitions 
 and antiquated ideas as the Jaganath car of their 
 own traditions crushed its ■victims of yore." 
 
 The policy long pursued of placing some selected 
 Natives in the superior rank of the Civil Service, 
 of promoting meritorious Natives to seats in the 
 Legislative Councils and on the Judicial Bench, of 
 improving the emoluments and the pensions for all 
 grades of Native officials, will it is hoped bear fruit 
 in raising their character and their trustworthiness. 
 Combined with these tangible considerations are the 
 moral influences of the new education. Still it is 
 felt that under the conditions of British Bide, the 
 posts where danger might have to be encountered 
 must continue to be held by Europeans. 
 
 Under the great latitude allowed tor public dia* 
 
THE STATE OF INDIA IN 1809. 
 
 185 
 
 cussion, Associations of educate' ^atives have been 
 formed which occasionally holt t they call Cou- 
 grcssos. Perhaps their debates may be regarded as 
 academic; still they have doubtless unintentionally 
 propounded theories incompatible with British Bule, 
 proposing virtually that Xative Assemblies should 
 have control over the finances, while the British 
 Government bears the responsibility of imperial de- 
 fence. Probably these ideas may die out of them- 
 selves, otherwise they should be discouraged. 
 
 There has not been within the last very few years 
 any recrudescence in the Native Vernacular Press 
 of that disloyalty which has occasionally obliged 
 the Government to strengthen the laws of repression. 
 Meanwhile the circulation and number of these 
 Newspapers increase greatly. 
 
 Upon all this the question arises whether the 
 Hindus have during the nineteenth century lost their 
 originality in poetry, literature, the drama, art and 
 philosophy. Certainly, no more national epics are 
 composed, but the same may be said of every Western 
 country. There is littiegood poetry written nowadays, 
 and at all events nothing like the verse of such men 
 as Kalidasa, still renowned as the sweet singer of 
 India. In literature they never had much of history, 
 or of any prose except didactic. Since the intro- 
 duction of state-education during the second half of 
 the nineteenth century they have written much, but 
 according to the annual Reports by the Government 
 of India their writings have been of an ordinary 
 
186 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 character without an; marked originality. As to 
 
 their drama, the stage is still much esteemed and 
 many popular plays are written. But when any 
 •jrand effect ia desired then resort will be had to the 
 plays of the elder time, works of world-wide fame, 
 and translated into many languages, and much the 
 same may be said of the English stage to-day. The 
 old pictorial art is still most highly esteemed, but 
 there is fear lest it should deteriorate by the attempts 
 made under European agency to improve or to ad- 
 vance it. The moral is that while we teach the 
 Indians some things which they never knew before, 
 we should not engraft anything European on the 
 beautiful trees they already have. Of their indus- 
 trial arts some few (as previously stated) are extinct, 
 but then some additional branches have appeared. 
 The English market has for them been added to the 
 Indian ; so on the whole they stand in as high a posi- 
 tion as ever, which, take it all in all, is perhaps the 
 ii:*ghest in the world. Of their philosophy a largo 
 part has become obsolete though it has long exercised 
 many of the most studious minds in Europe, and is 
 supposed to have influenced European thought in 
 Bome directions. Another part, however, seems to 
 be bursting into fresh life and to have a fascinating 
 attraction for some Europeans who fancy that they 
 can catch a guiding light from it under the name of 
 "esoteric Booddhism," and other names pertain- 
 ing to what is called theosophy. Of the conrts and 
 camps among the grandees many are still flourish* 
 
THE STATE OF INDIA IN 18W. 
 
 187 
 
 iag of yoro, though it must be admitted that some 
 of the greatest, such as those of the historic Oojein 
 and lij^yanagar, have disappeared, though not at 
 all through British instrumentality. In regard to 
 palaces it is probable that these buildings nowa- 
 dajs in the Indo-Saracenic style are better than al- 
 most any constructed in former days. 
 
 After all, there remains the question whether any 
 movement marked with originality has occurred 
 during the latter half of the nineteenth century. 
 Certainly there has, and that may be called Brah- 
 moism in Bengal; at least, that was its first name; 
 there was a movement in Bombay called the Sarva 
 Janik Sabha; and there w-^ have been sub-divi- 
 sions of these; besides branches in Madras and 
 Southern India. The movements are all in the 
 same direction, and they would probably now fall 
 under the generic name of Vedic. Their purport 
 is the rejection of the polytheism of modern Hindu- 
 ism or, more exactly speaking, Brahmanism, and re- 
 verting to what is pres\imed to have been the faith 
 of the race when their earliest books were written, 
 named the Yedas. Consequently a Vedic philoso- 
 phy has been reconstructed, and the new religion 
 would be really described by its professors as 
 Vedic, though the nomenclature may not as yet 
 have been formally or publicly settled. Its sub- 
 stance seems to be a simple theism, with rules for con- 
 dnc* derived from the most ancient Hindu writings. 
 Of uese writings the moral effect may well be 
 
 2 liPl 
 
188 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 gathered from the book by the late Sir Monier Wil- 
 liams, entitled Indian Wisdom. This theistic move- 
 memt is directly a product of the latter half of the 
 nineteenth century, and its liberality of thought 
 does come from the Western instruction imparted 
 by the British Government There was hope that 
 tho men thus affected would accept Christianity. 
 Such has not been tho case, however, for they have 
 taken up Bralimoism instead. 
 
 But between tho modern Hindu theists and the 
 uncompromising Brahmin priesthood, mentioned 
 above, there is an increasingly large class of Hindus 
 whose faith in the pol^'theism of the day has been 
 shaken, who are yet not prepared to join the Brah- 
 moist theism or the new Vedic religion, who are still 
 too rationalistic and too speculative to j^dopt (-Lris- 
 tianity,whoknow notwhatreligiontoadopt, and who, 
 thus being uncomfortable in themselves are inclined 
 to rail at every other community, and especially 
 attack ihe British Government, which by its educa- 
 tion has caused all this mental unsettlement. They 
 repe.it in their own Oriental phrase what has often 
 been caid for them by Europeans, that the British 
 have by educ.-^.tion taken their own religion from 
 them and have given them nothing in its place. In 
 truth, Britain, not throxigh her Government, lest 
 that should savour of compulsion, but through her 
 private agencies, on a vast scalp, offers her own holy 
 Religion though they do not is yet accept it. Still 
 they cavil and complain, not bbca^ise the British 
 
THE STATE OF INDIA IN 18M. 
 
 189 
 
 Oorenunent cannot find them a religion^ but be- 
 cause they cannot find one for themselves. This un- 
 easiness has been portrayed by Sir Alfred Lyall in 
 three letters supposed to be written by a Brahmin of 
 this type under the pMudonym of " Varna deo 
 Shastri," and republished quite recently in the Sec- 
 ond Series of Asiatic Studies. Certainly these let- 
 ters set forth, better than they have ever been before 
 shown in the English language, the perplexities of 
 a large number of thoughtful Hindus at the present 
 day, and there is nothing better worth reading for 
 those who take an interest in the state of the Hindu 
 mind. Sir Alfred makes his Hindu thus address the 
 British: "With the decay of religious beliefs . . . 
 you are beginning to perceive that where no other 
 authority is recognis'^d, the visible authority is recog- 
 nised, the visible ruler becomes responsible for every- 
 thing. You consequently by various devices shift 
 off upon the people themselves the br den of their 
 immense responsibility for their own destinies, and 
 stir them up into accepting it by spirited appeals 
 to their independence, their progress in education 
 and their duty of self-help. In vain, for the mass 
 of the Indian people impute to the English all the 
 confusion and disquietude that have accompanied 
 their sudden introduction, unprepared, into a world 
 of new and strange desires . . . the general un- 
 rest produced by the subsidence of old landmarks, 
 religious, social and politicaL They say that your 
 civilisation and education were none of their seek- 
 
190 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 ing . . . and that foreigners, who set up in In- 
 dia the rushing and screaming locomotive you call 
 Progress, must drive it themselves." 
 
 Again the supposed Hindu says : " You offer us 
 jour creeds; we cannot accept them with implicit 
 faith, we are such unconvertible rationalists that we 
 should find scope for argimient in every metaphy- 
 sical proposition, or further in reference to God: 
 We arc incapable of apprehending a Personality 
 except in the sense of something that marks or re- 
 presents an incomprehensible nation." 
 
 The idea of such Hindu regarding the future 
 state is thus expressed : " The only point in all our 
 Theology of direct interest to humanity in regard to 
 its future destiny is the process of the soul's trans- 
 migration through incessant births and deaths, until 
 at last it becomes absorbed in the totality of exist- 
 encies." 
 
 Or again : " The cardinal ideas run through our 
 deeper religious thought. One is the Maya or cos- 
 mic illusion which . . . produces unity by exhib- 
 iting the universe as a shadow projected upon the 
 white radiance of eternity ; the other is the notion of 
 the soul's deliverance by long travail from existence 
 in any stage or shape." 
 
 After vainly attempting to think the unthink- 
 able, know the unknowable, fathom the unfathom- 
 able, these Hindus will more and more fall into tiie 
 Vedic theism above described. On the opposite 
 extreme of socie^ the Hinduism will be aucc^ful* 
 
THE STATE C INDIA IN 1899."" 
 
 191 
 
 ly attacked by ChrifiiaDity. But ihe lower middle 
 class will, for some in; to come, follow the present 
 observauces of polytLv^i, l::. 
 
 Caste too, even if its religious significance shall 
 fade, must long continue as a social institution. 
 Even those who visit Europe and thereby break their 
 caste rules, have on their return to India to obtain 
 restoration to the caste in which they were bom, 
 doubtless after making suitable offerings. 
 
 Before quitting the subject of religion it is to be re- 
 membered that there are two faiths fully preserved, 
 namely that of the Jains and that of the Parsees — 
 the former is at least as old as the earlier Booddhism, 
 the latter dates from the Zoroaster and the Zendic, 
 one of the primeval religions of the world. 
 
 It is noteworthy that despite the Pax Britan- 
 nica long established, sangmnary conflicts still occa- 
 sionally occur between either rival religionists, or 
 between hostile castes. There have been three such oc- 
 currences within the last decade of this century; 
 one at Bombay, so very grave that the Government 
 were obliged to bring artillery on the ground in order 
 to strike terror into the rioters; one at Calcutta 
 in 1896 when European troops had to be employed; 
 and one in this year, 1899, in the Southern Penin- 
 sula, that is in the Madras Presidency. 
 
 Lastly there is the question as to how far the 
 Natives are loyal to British Rule. Loyalty and pat- 
 riotism such as, for example, Britains feel for their 
 
 country and their TOustitutions, is not to be exp^ted 
 
 o 
 
192 PBOGBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CfflNA. 
 
 from the Natives of India towards the British Gov- 
 ernment. Still among them there is much of loyalty 
 and still more of friendly acquiescence. In many 
 cases there is the strongest personal gratitude towards 
 the Government or to its Officers. There is some 
 actual disloyalty here and there as is proved by the 
 political trials at Bombay in 1896. It was seen that 
 among the Western Ghaut mountains there are 
 influential Brahmins who will not submit to Brit- 
 ish Rule if they can help it, and that they look back 
 to the memory of Sivaji, the national hero, in the 
 hope that some deliverer may reappear. This ac- 
 cords with experience in the same quarter during 
 1879. In my own book entitled Men and Events 
 of my Time in India, published in 1881, there was 
 the following summary or analysis of the subject, 
 which was written then with the freshest knowledge 
 and which doubtless holds good still. 
 
 I, The princes and ohiofs of the Native 
 
 States. 
 
 II. The banking, trading and industrial 
 classes. 
 
 III. The Zemindars or landlords of per- 
 manently settled estates. 
 
 IV. The peasant proprietors and the culti- 
 vators. 
 
 v. The labourers. 
 
 VI. The educated classes. 
 
 VII. The Native ariatoonwqr ia fh« Britidi 
 territories. 
 
 VIII. The Hindu and Mohammedan priaat- 
 hood. 
 
 Actively loyal. 
 
 Loyal but pass- 
 ive. 
 
 Largely loyal 
 I .ut some the . 
 reverse. 
 
THE STATE OF INDIA IN 1890. 
 
 198 
 
 IX. Tbt> uatics. 
 
 X. The hanger in of Courts and Camps 
 of grander. 
 ^ XI. The mob. 
 
 Now classes I., II., and III. are quite the most 
 influential in the country, classes IV. and V. quite 
 the most numerous, classes VI., VII. and VTII., 
 though not wholly to be depended on, do yet fur- 
 nish many good subjects, classes IX., X. and XI. are 
 the only bad ones, and are not numerous. Thus 
 there appears to be, on a reckoning of forces, for and 
 against, a great balance in favour of the British. 
 Added to this preponderance of the Indian classes 
 and masses on the British side, there is the priceless 
 advantage of the clear head, the stout heart, the strong 
 arm, directed by the unity of will, on the part of the 
 British themselves. Moreover there are the appli- 
 ances of Western science, which are even more potent 
 than physical power. 
 
 Inasmuch as the Sovereigns will be mentioned for 
 Japan and China, it is well here to name our own 
 Sovereigns who have been on the throne during the 
 nineteenth century. They are: 1800 to 1820, Qeoige 
 
 III. and the Prince Regent; 1820 to 1880, Qeorge 
 
 IV. ; 1830 to 1837, William IV.; 1837 to 1901, 
 Victoria (Queen, Empress of India), who, having 
 commanded boundless respect and loyalty through- 
 out a reign of sixty-three yeara, was succeeded 
 by her son, Edward VII 
 
 Excitable and 
 
 ready for mis- - 
 chief. 
 
194 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 In India the following have been the Governors- 
 General: 
 
 1800-1805— Jfargwess Wellesley. Overthrew the Mahratta 
 Empire, conquered the North- Western PrOT» 
 incesand established the British Power. 
 
 1805 —Marquess Comwallia (for the second time). Died 
 in the year of bis anival in India. 
 
 1806-1818— JEarZ of Minto. Confirmed, under difficulties, the 
 imperial policy of Marquess Wellealey ; subdued 
 Travancore. 
 
 1818-1828— Itarl of Moira, Marquess of Hastings. Completed 
 the reduction of the Mahratta power, undertook 
 war with Nepal, conducted the Pindarry War 
 f( . the pacification of Central India, extended 
 and developed the British dominion. 
 
 1823-1828— Lord Amherst. Conducted the first Burmese "War, 
 annexed the coast districts and Assam. 
 
 1888-1885— iord WiUiam Bentinck. Conducted peaceful re- 
 form and began a regular system of legislation. 
 
 1885 —Sir Charles Metcalfe. Established the freedom of 
 the Press. 
 
 1888-1842— £urZ of Auckland. Undertook the First Afghan 
 War. 
 
 1848-1844— Lord, afterwards Earl, Ellenborough. Finished 
 the Afghan War, annexed Sind. 
 
 1844-1848— iSir Henry, aftenoards Viaeount, Hardinge. Con- 
 ducted the First Sikh War and annexed fron- 
 tier Territory. 
 
 1848-1856— £ari, afterwards Marqness, Dalhouaie. Conducted 
 the Second War and annexed the Panjab, in- 
 cluding Cashmir and North-West frontier; 
 conducted the Second Burmese War and an- 
 nexed Pegu (Rangoon) ; annexed Gudh and 
 Nagpore; introduced railways and electric 
 telegraph. 
 
THE STATE OF INDIA IN 1899. 
 
 195 
 
 1856-1863— Fi'scouraf, afterwards Earl, Canning. Confronted 
 the crisis of the Mutinies and the war relating 
 thereto, first Viceroy and Oovemor-Oeneral. 
 
 1862-1884— JSiirZ of Elgin. Dealt with threatening disturi>> 
 
 ances on North-West frontier. 
 
 1864:-1869— St> John, afterwards Lord, Lawrence. Pursued a 
 steady and peaceful policy on North-West fron- 
 tier and with Afghanistan ; undertook ezpedi- 
 tion against Bhutan ; prosecuted internal im« 
 
 provements of every kind. 
 
 1869-1872— SaW of Mayo. (Conducted negotiations with 
 Ameer Shere All of Afghanistan ; initiated the 
 system of Provincial Finance. 
 
 187^-1876— Lord, afterwards Earl, of Northbrook. Pursued 
 steady and peaceful policy with North-West 
 frontier ^nd Afghanistan; established in full 
 practice the principle that the State is to do its 
 utmost in saving life during famine. 
 
 1876-188a-Z/o;-d, afterwards Earl, Lytton. Held Imperial 
 Assemblage at Delhi for proclamation of the 
 Queen as Empress of India; undertook the 
 Second Afghan War ; dealt aoooessfully widi 
 famine. 
 
 1880-1884— IfarguM of Ripon. Concluded Afghan War ; pro- 
 ceeded with qrstem of Local QoTemment in 
 India. 
 
 1884-1888— iJarZ if Dufferin {afterwards Martpuu). Under- 
 took the Third Burmese War and the 
 Kingdom of Ava. 
 
 1888-18W— Jlfarguess of Lansdowne. Sent ezpeditioiu to 
 settle Eastern frontier ; took up currency ques- 
 tion and closed mints against free coinage of 
 silver. 
 
 1893-1898— of Elgin. Undertook war on North-West 
 frontier ; dealt successfully with a great fam- 
 ine. 
 
 1899 —Lord Curzmi of Kedleston. Still ruling. 
 
PART TWO. 
 
 JAPAN. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 INTBODtJCTION. 
 
 In this Part as iu the former Part, no attempt 
 at geographical or historical description will be 
 made. Still it is necessary to summarise the im- 
 portant points of Japan, in order that the narrative 
 of its progress during the nineteenth century may 
 be understood. 
 
 The name Japan is not Japanese at all, that is to 
 say it is not native. The country was first reported 
 to Europeans by Marco Polo in the twelfth century, 
 under the name of Chipangu. Dr. Murray, one of 
 the latest and best authorities, writes : " The name 
 Chipangu is a transliteration of the Chinese name. 
 . . . "From it the Japanese derived the name Nip- 
 pon, and then prefixed the term dai, or great, making 
 it Dai Nippon, the name which is now used to desig- 
 nate their empire. Europeans transformed the 
 Chinese name into Japan or Japon, by which the 
 coimtry is kno^ i to tiiem at present . . . The i»" 
 
INTRODUCrriON. 
 
 197 
 
 lands composing the empire of J apan are situate in 
 the north-western part of the Pacific Ocean. They 
 are part of the long line of volcanic islands stretch- 
 ing from the peninsula of Kamptschatka on the north 
 to Fonnosa (the islands) on the south. The direo* 
 tion in which they lie ia north-east and south-west, 
 and in a general way they are parallel to the Con- 
 tinent" (of Asia).* 
 
 The isles and islets around the main portion of 
 Japan are so numerous, being not only hundreds 
 but thousands in number, as to be styled the Japan* 
 ese archipelago. But the Japan, as known to 
 Europeans, consists of four adjacent islands. Of 
 this the first and the northernmost is called Yezo. 
 It is mountainous, cold and sparsely inhabited by 
 aboriginal races. It may be interesting to the trav- 
 eller, the geologist and the ethnologist, but it is of 
 little account, politically or commercially, at present 
 Near its southern extremity lie the port and town 
 of Hakodate which is rising in importance. 
 
 To the south of this, and separated only by a nar- 
 row strait, is ihe main island, which has no distinc- 
 tive appellation. It used to be called Nippon, but 
 incorrectly, for that name applies, as already seen, 
 not to this island only but to the whole empire. Dr. 
 Murray writes: "Among the Japanese this island 
 has no separate name. It is often called by them 
 
 • Japan, •' Story of the Nations" series, by THvid Murray, 
 Ph. D.-, whose orthograghy I adopt, and whoae aathmrity I 
 •ball cite for the latest version of maoj eraits. 
 
198 PROGRESS OF mDlA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Hondo, which may be translated Main Island. By 
 this translated name this principal island will here 
 be designated." From it? northern extremity 
 this island runs mainly south to Tokyo, tlie 
 modem capital dose to the modern port of 
 Yokohama, both places being now very well known 
 to Europeans, a distance of about 590 miles. Thence 
 it runs in a south-westerly direction for about 340 
 miles, to Shimonoscki, on a strait, also notorious in 
 recent times as the place where the treaty of peace 
 was concluded between China and Japan after the 
 recent war. The total length of the island may thus 
 be stated at 1,130 miles. But as the island is very 
 long so also is it narrow ; the width is nowhere greater 
 than 200 miles, and in many places is not more than 
 100 miles. Down the middle of it, in general terms 
 there runs a range of mountains, lai^ly volcanic, 
 frequently rising to 4,000 feet above sea level or 
 more, and at one point, standing at 1"' 500 feet. 
 This point is Fuji-san, generally known Europeans 
 as Fuji-yama; it is an almost perfect volcanic cone, 
 snow-clad for some ten months in the year; it is 
 about sixty miles from Tokyo the capital, and is the 
 pride of the Japanese. Amidst this dividing range, 
 and north of Tokyo, is !N"ikko now famous among 
 travellers as the seat of much that is most sacred 
 and picturesque in Japan. This range divides the 
 island into two very long and narrow parts, the 
 eastern and the western; and it determines the 
 natural drainage of the country, the rivers hardly 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 199 
 
 deserving the name, and the streams with fertile 
 
 valleys; the territory becomes richer and more open 
 as it advances southwards. On the eastern side the 
 climate is milder a--d boi-. ^.r, owing to various oceanic 
 influences, on the western side it is colder and harder, 
 facing the Asiatic Continent On the east side is 
 Tokyo, once the capital of the Shogons of the feudal 
 system, as knowr. to Europeans in the beginning of 
 the nineteenth centiiry, but now the capital and 
 residence of the Emperor, and the political centre 
 of the Empire ; also near it on the south is Yokohama, 
 the principal seaport whose celebrity is chiefly 
 modem. On the west side ib situate Kyoto, until 
 quite recent times the Imperial capital and the resi- 
 dence of the Emperor, though perhaps yielding to 
 Tokyo in political consequence. It is now deserted 
 by its august residents, but is still highly regarded 
 as a place replete with memories. Near it is lake 
 Biwa, so called fror its resemblance to a certain 
 musical instrument, and greatly admired by those 
 who visit it. On the southern shore of this Main 
 Island is Osaka, the second largest city in .Tapan, 
 and in the very heart of the country. Near it is 
 Kobe where modem travellers often land. 
 
 South of the Main Island are the two islands 
 Shikoku and Kyushu, making the third and fourth 
 of the island group. Between them and the Main 
 Island is the celebrated sheet of salt water named 
 " The Inland Sea." It is about 240 miles long and 
 is studded with innumerable islets, several hundreds 
 
200 PB0URES8 OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 in niimber, bnt it is not likely that thejr can ever 
 have been really counted. Mr. Chamberlain saya 
 
 that the Japanese poets have never raved over this 
 lovely portion of their native country. To the 
 European traveller, however, it has become a housr * 
 hold word, and by many geographers it will probably 
 be regarded as one of the most beauteous expanses 
 of water in the world. 
 
 Of the two southern islands, the easternmost or 
 Shikoku has no memorable place. But the western- 
 most or Kyushu has been one of the most important 
 and distir&niishcd parts of the Empire. On the west 
 side faci"- he Asiatic Continent is Nagasaki, long 
 a main centre of European trade and still a place 
 where European travellers land. Near it is Deshima 
 the old Dutch settlement. Near the southern ex- 
 tremity of the island is the district of Satsuma, on 
 the whole the most famous district in all Japan, both 
 as regards feudal organisation, achievements in war, 
 prowess of chieftains and ceramic art Its history 
 may be known only to the student, but its art is ad- 
 mired by all cultured persons everywhere. 
 
 The total area of this Island-Empire may bo stated 
 at 160,000 square miles, including Formosa and the 
 islets recently ceded. The population was stated at 
 the census by calculations based on enumeration, at 
 millions in 1895 ; it must now be more than 45 
 millions inasmuch as the yearly returns show a con- 
 stant excess of births over deaths. It stood at 40^ 
 millions in 1S90, when its present constitution was 
 promulgated. 
 
INTBODUCTION. 
 
 SOI 
 
 Bespecting religion, the Japanese would be 
 
 reckoned by statisticians among the total of Bood- 
 dhists in the world. The question of the religion, or 
 religions, in Japan, will be considered in the suc- 
 ceeding Chapters. 
 
 As the Empire of Japan embraces ten or eleven 
 degrees of latitude there will be some difference of 
 climate, as for example between Satsuma in the south 
 and Yezo in the north. The general character cJ 
 the climate is thus described by Mr. Chamberlain: 
 " Roughly speaking the Japanese summer is hot and 
 occasionally wet; September and the first half of 
 October much wetter; the late autumn and early 
 winter cool, comparatively dry and delightful ; Feb- 
 ruary and March disagreeable with snow occasionally 
 . . . the late spring rainy and windy with beau- 
 tiful days interspersed."* The early summer is 
 the time for seeing the varied display of flowers for 
 which Japan is renowned. 
 
 • QuiddkKA to Japan, 1804. 
 
aUi) PBOUBESS OF lUtJU, JAPAN AMD CHINA. 
 
 CHAPTER XVL 
 
 THR 8TATK OF JAPAN IN' ISOO. 
 
 As a startiiiff-point for the story of the progress 
 of Japan during the nineteenth coiitury, some account 
 must be given of the land and the people aa they 
 were about the year 1800. 
 
 Tn the first place the Constitution and the actual 
 Administration of that day must be set forth ac- 
 curately, though briefly, if the wondrous changps 
 which afterwards came about are to be understood. 
 This Constitution was then, as it had been from a 
 remote antiquity, Imperial in its foundation. The 
 Emperor, or in Japanese the Mikado, was in the 
 eyes of the Japanese heaven-bom, was hedged in by 
 a sort of divinity and was the head of the national 
 religion, or of the creeds which made up that com- 
 posite religion. But if in a certain sense he was the 
 spiritual head of the State, he was the temporal head 
 also. He might delegate, cither voluntarily or by 
 the compulsion of circumstances, the governing power 
 to others and h, self live in a quasi sacred seclusion. 
 Still the government would be carried on in his name, 
 and for him avowedlj. Revolution and civil war 
 might upset great potentate in the country but would 
 
THE ST An OF JAPAN IN 180& 
 
 SOS 
 
 nover touch iti Imperial position; tnd lo he wai 
 above and beyond the chance of overthrow. 
 
 Next, the unit of administration even of the gov- 
 ernment itself was and always had been, the JJaimyo. 
 lie was exactly like the feudal lord of Europe in 
 the middle ages, or the chief of a Scottish Highland 
 clan up to the middle of the eighteenth century. He 
 had a certain district greater or smaller according to 
 local circumstances. There were nearly three hun- 
 dred of these jurisdictions, and they have 1 Euro- 
 peans been styled Daimiates. In his ju. . ion 
 the Daimyo was secular in all respects, on the time- 
 honoured conditions that he answered the require* 
 ments of the Imperial service, and furnished con- 
 tingents to its armies in event of war. Under each 
 Daimyo was a military class, styled Samurai, the 
 upper grades of whom were like the knights of the 
 feudal system in Europe. Their status, traditions and 
 privileges were as old as those of the Daimyos them- 
 selves. In some respects they resembled the Cos- 
 sacks of the Don. They were so distinct from the 
 rest of their countrymen that they resembled a caste 
 as it is understood in India. In their beginning 
 they were like the fighting caste of the early Hindus. 
 Each of them had the right to carry two swords, one 
 longer the other shorter. But in later times they 
 took the lead in matters other than warlike. Dr. 
 Murray gives in their favour a testimony so emphatic 
 that it deserves citation : " In the large cities 
 t . . the arrogance and overbearing pride of the 
 
 f.- 
 
204 PROOEESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Samurai made them an intolerable nuisance. ITereiv 
 theless it must be allowed that nearly all that was 
 good and high-minded and scholarly in Japan was 
 to be found among the ranks of the feudal retainers. 
 . . . They were the students who went out into 
 the world to learn what Western science had to 
 teach them. ... To them Japan owes its ancient 
 as well as its modem system of education.'' 
 
 At this time, that is 1800, their purely civil 
 virtues had not attained full development, and they 
 afterwards did many other important things as will 
 be seen hereafter. 
 
 In ancient times, and generally up to about the 
 year 1150 of our era, the Daimyos took orders direct 
 from the Emperor, or his Ministers in the Court 
 attached to his person. There were governors over 
 provinces containing several DaimiatM, who would 
 be civilian statesmen taken from the noble families 
 around the Court. Still everything was under the 
 Emperor withoiit any intermediary. At this epoch, 
 that is the end of the twelfth centurv, there was a 
 potent and ambitious chief of a clan, a great Daimyo 
 by name Toritomo, the leading figure in Japanese 
 history. After desperate fighting by land and water, 
 he got the power of the State into his mailed hand, 
 though he never dreamt of deposing the Emperor. 
 He waited on His Imperial Majesty at Kyoto, but 
 seeing that place too priest ridden, and too effenu- 
 nate for effective government, he moved his puissance 
 to the other side of the island and set up his establish* 
 
THE STATE OF JAPAN IN 1800. 
 
 205 
 
 ment, but not a royal court, at Kamakura not far 
 from the modem Yokohama. What followed there- 
 on is a turning point in Japanese history, and shall 
 be given in Dr. Murray's words: "He (Yoritomo) 
 was authorised to send into each province a military 
 man who was to reside there and aid the civil Gover' 
 nor in military affairs. Naturally the military man, 
 being more active, gradually absorbed much of the 
 power formerly exercised by the governor. These 
 military men were under the authority of Yoritomo^ 
 and formed the beginning of that feudal system 
 which was destined to prevail so long in J apan. He 
 also received from the Court, shortly after his visit 
 to Kyoto, the title of ' Sei. i. tai shogun,' which was 
 the highest military title that had ever been be- 
 stowed on a subject. This is the title which down 
 to 1868 was borne by the real rulers of Japan." 
 
 The military head of the feudal system, which was 
 then founded and which became well known to Euro- 
 peans in later days, naturally intended that his posi- 
 tion should be hereditary. And so it was, while the 
 possessor was strong enough to hold his own. But 
 the clan of Yoritomo was not the only powerful one 
 in Japan. After him there were several changes in 
 the line of succession, brought about by rival Daim- 
 yos often with extreme violence. In 1596 Taiko 
 Hideyoshi, whose name is highly celebrated in Japan- 
 ese history, but who was not a Daimyo at all, being 
 only a soldier of fortune and of humble origin, 
 overturned by force the then Shogun, though he did 
 
206 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 not hiitiMlf reach the Shogunate. After his death 
 leyasu, also a soldier of fortune, defeated his rivals 
 in a bloody battle at Seki-ga-hara in 1600. Dr. 
 Murray writes: "This battle must always stand 
 ... as one of the decisive battles in the history 
 of Japai;. By it was settled the fate of the country 
 for two hundred and fifty years," — ^that is from 1600 
 to 1850. He was appointed Shogun by the Emperor 
 in 1603, not in virtue of birth but as having the 
 actual power. He then fotmded the Tokogawa line 
 of Shoguns, and moved the headquarters of the Sho- 
 gunate to Yedo at the head of the Yokohama Gulf 
 as it is now knowu, and there he built his castle which 
 is still to be seen. It was this Tokugawa dynasty 
 which sat, not on the throne, but on the seat of power, 
 in the year 1800. 
 
 Though leyasn was an excellent soldier in the 
 field, and may also be said to have waded through 
 blood to his position, yet he was a capital manager 
 of foreign affairs and proved himself to be a good 
 organiser in civil afiFairs. Dr. Murray write* : " The 
 common conception of leyasu is not that of a great 
 commander like Hideyoshi, but rather an organiser 
 and lawmaker, who . . . constructed a firm 
 and abiding State." He was considerate, indeed 
 conciliatory, in his management of the turbulent 
 Daimyoe. He reclassified them with a view to bei> 
 tering the feudal administration; and the total nvaor 
 her of their five sections was fixed at 263. He 
 divided the people into four classes, first the Samu- 
 
THE STATE OF JAPAN IN I8OO1 S07 
 
 rai or feudal retainers already mentioned, to whom 
 he assigned a status over the other three dassee, 
 
 namely the farmers second, as a feudal system is 
 based on land, then thirdly the artisans whom he 
 greatly esteemed especially for their sword-making, 
 then fourthly merchants, and his placing them last 
 indicated what indeed proved to be the case for many 
 generations, that Japan was not awake to a glimmer 
 of perception regarding the importance of trade. This 
 division of his bears some resemblance to the ca: m 
 of India. From his division however he excludes 
 the priestly class, for whom he does not venture to 
 prescribe anything. He was deferential to the old 
 Shinto system or faith if it could be called so, and 
 to the later Booddhism, which had by his time been 
 accepted more or less by most of the people. He 
 wished to tolerate all religious sects except the 
 Christian which he described as " a false and cor- 
 rupt school." He was a diligent patron of learning 
 «r ^oecially favoured the intro-iuction of the philo- 
 " ! of Confucius from China, apparently b^ause 
 . -age inculcated the doctrine of obedience in all 
 l^iRCes, a doctrine which was conducive to the per- 
 manence of a feudal system. 
 
 Though this Chapter does not embrace any parts 
 of J apanese history save those which bear upon the 
 conditions existing in 1800, yet some notice must be 
 given to the policy of leyasu in respect to Christian- 
 ity — and this will be reserved for a separate Chapter. 
 It is enough here to 8*7 that the extirpation of 
 
 p 
 
208 PBOOBESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Christianity by force left Booddhism in triumphant 
 possession of the field. This naturally leads to a 
 
 brief consideration of what was the religion, or the 
 religions of Japan about the year 1800. In Japan, 
 as in China, it could not be said that one religion 
 prevailed with certain clasdes or in certain places, 
 and another religion with, or in, others. Indeed 
 there were two observances prevalent throughout 
 Japan, and with all Japanese, one, that of the Shinto 
 and the other that of Booddha, with all its modem 
 accessories and additions. 
 
 The Shinto is the original faith of the Japanese or 
 ''animistic" according to the present phraseology. 
 Its origin need not here be traced ; sufficient now to 
 say that out of much grotesque mythology there was 
 evolved a sun-goddess from whom sprang the line 
 of Mikados or Emperors which still exists. Hence 
 that divine character of the imperial race and lineage, 
 in the eyes of the people, which will be seen here- 
 after to have buch potent effect on Japanese politics- 
 There was a chain of ceremonial observances, chiefly 
 ancestral, lasting through many centuries. There 
 were no articles of faith properly so called, no images 
 nor visible gods. But there were temples everywhere 
 in town and country, on plain and hill, extreme 
 simplicity being their characteristic. Whether Shin- 
 toismeverwas a religion properly so called has always 
 been doubted. It probably approached more nearly 
 to a religion in the year 1800 than it does now. 
 ThMi the Emperor, in his C'ourt at Kyoto, was tVi 
 
THE STATE OF JAPAN IN 180O. 
 
 S09 
 
 visible head and centre of the national idea, that 
 is the Shinto; he was the descendant of the San> 
 goddess, and his surroundings were sacred. Fis 
 
 personal observances were all Shinto, and liis spir- 
 itual claims were all derived therefrom. It was this 
 position which caused some observers to suppose 
 erroneously that he was only the spiritual head of 
 Japan, while the Shogun was the temporal head, 
 lie was both spiritual and temporal head, while the 
 Shogun was his deputy only in temporalities. 
 
 But while the Emperor was in the strictest sense 
 the spiritual head of the Shinto, he also recognised 
 the Booddhist religion. Whether he was equally 
 head of that also in Japan may be doubted, still he 
 was looked up to by the Booddhists as their head 
 upon earth if there was any. He had Booddhist 
 priests and temples about him. 
 
 In the sixth century of our era Booddhism, then at 
 least a thousand years old, had been introduced into 
 Japan. For a while it advanced only among the 
 nobles. Later on some preachers, who had been in 
 China, taught that Booddha was the great spirit 
 from whom the Shinto myths, heroes, goddesses and 
 emperors had sprung. This combination caused 
 Booddhism to be popular. In the thirteenth century 
 two famous preachers appeared, since which time 
 Booddhism has been the real rehgion of Japan. But 
 It became overlaid with superstitions anu manifold 
 abuses. It is from the followers of one of these 
 teachers, Nichiren, that the fanatics of Japan havo 
 
810 PBOOBES8 OF INDU, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 always come. On the other hand there arose a re* 
 forming party named Shin-Shins who introduced 
 a far purer faith with much persuasive effect. 
 
 Such then were the two religions firmly estab- 
 lished and richly endowed throughout Japan. The 
 account of them can here be given in the most gen- 
 eral terms only. The determination of many indefi- 
 nite points regarding them would involve much dis- 
 cussion without any practical effect. SuflBce it here 
 to state that they received universal acceptance, popu- 
 lar devotion and the utmost support from the 
 temporal power. 
 
 The civil government in the interior under the 
 Daimyos was not ill-conducted or oppressive. It 
 was doubtless rough and ready but not unpopular; 
 was seldom resisted with violence and therefore rare- 
 ly resorted to severity. The Samurai might be over^ 
 bearing, sometimes also the Booddhist priests; other- 
 wise there was no particular grievance. The land 
 was held by peasant-proprietors who paid the land- 
 revenue to the Daimyos. The labourers were in- 
 dustrious and clieerful. Though there were crimes 
 and criminals, still the people generally were well 
 behaved and temperate, but in some domestic re- 
 spects were supposed to be wanting in strictness. 
 They felt themselves to be brave and enduring, 
 though their self-confidence arose from the memory 
 of times long past and not from any trial in recent 
 generations. Owing to the established policy of the 
 State, there was an utter want of enterprise and an 
 
THE STATE OF JAPAN IN 1800. 
 
 211 
 
 entire ignorance of everything beyond their own 
 shores. But in the industrial arts they generally 
 possessed an accuracy of sight, a fineness of per- 
 ception, an exquisite power of handiwork for the 
 embodiment of the most refined ideas— which in- 
 dicated nervous force and determined thought 
 
 As the peninsu?a of Korea lies just opposite 
 Japan, with only a breadth of about a hundred miles 
 of sea between them, it has ever been and will be 
 a point of high interest to the Japanese. It is in- 
 deed naturally r^rded by Ikem as nearly concern' 
 ing their national independence, as it is an offshoot 
 of Manchuria, which is an integral part of the 
 Chinese Empire. As that Empire seemed in former 
 days to overshadow Japan, the Japanese feared lest 
 Chinese dominion should he established in Korea. 
 At one time, that is just before the establishment of 
 the Tokugawa line of Shoguns, Japan had attempted 
 undei: the usurper Hideyoshi to conquer Korea, and 
 had failed after a fearful effusion of blood both 
 Korean and Japanese. It succeeded indeed only in 
 ruining the country irreparably. In this cruel in- 
 vasion one of the Japanese leaders was the Daimyo 
 of Satsuma. When returning from this war to his 
 native Satsuma, he brought with him seventeen fa- 
 milies of Korean potters and settled them in his prov- 
 ince. They have lived there ever since and retain 
 the marks of their nationality. It is to them that 
 the Satsuma faience owes its exquisite beauty and ita 
 world-wide reputation. Afterwards the Tokugawa 
 
212 PROGRESe OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CfflNA. 
 
 Shogun, namely leyasu, made a formal peace be- 
 tween Korea and Japan, which endured for two cen- 
 turies and a half, tliat is until the growing disorder 
 in Korea itself caused questions to arise between 
 China and Japan which led to the war that towards 
 the close of the nineteenth century vitally affected 
 both of these empires. This war, however, was duo 
 to troubles which may be traced back to the Japa- 
 nese invasion of 1591. It was then that Korea was 
 so weakened and so wounded inwardly that it be- 
 came unable to maintain order internally. The 
 state of Korea about that time, 1607, is seen fromthis 
 melancholy passage in Dr. Murray's work: 
 
 " The ruinous effects of this invasion we^e never 
 overcome in Korea itself. Her cities had been de- 
 stroyed, her industries blotted out, and her fertile 
 fields rendered desolate. Once she had been the 
 fruitful tree from which Japan was glad togatherber 
 arts and civilisation, but now she was only a branch- 
 less trunk which the fires of war had charred and left 
 standing." 
 
 Still from that time, 1607 to 1800, peace reigned 
 between Korea and J apan. Indeed the policy of 
 the Japanese resulted in an exclusiveness whereby 
 they shut themselves out from all foreign intercourse, 
 permitting no foreign trade except at one spot in 
 their south-eastern extremity, hu^ng their own 
 notions, feeding on their own ideas, preserving their 
 o\fn customs, arrangements and even armamcnt| how' 
 
THE STATE OF JAPAN IN 1800. 
 
 218 
 
 ever antiquated they might be. Her soldiers were 
 clad in grotesque armour, with mediseval weapons; 
 her warships were only junks, her armaments were 
 decaying from disuse. Thus in 1800 Japan was in 
 peace at home and abroad, with a feudal system an- 
 swering for internal order, with feudal chiefs or 
 princes, as Daimyos, popular, influential and potent 
 in their several districts, with a feudal head or gov- 
 ernor, the Shogun at Yedo, and an Emperor reputed 
 to be divine, dreaming his placid days away at 
 Kyoto. 
 
 As the cultured classes in all countries have seen 
 for several centuries, the J apanese are endowed with 
 high artistic talent in many respects. The whole 
 land being, in 1800, governed by wealthy families, 
 proud of their belongings and surroundings, there 
 arose a great demand for beautiful products of re- 
 fined loveliness, in harmony with the climatic condi- 
 tion which, though not enervating, were generally 
 soft. Thus Japan had long been, and still was in 
 1800 a fit nurse for artistic, if not poetic, children. 
 Though the most famous sculptors and painters lived 
 before 1650, yet from that date to 1800, there glided 
 on tho golden time for the acme and zenith of 
 Japanese art. The like of it in the sum total of 
 achievement had never been seen before and probably 
 will not be so afterwards. In variety and extent it 
 may be surpassed in India, in richness of colouring 
 and in brilliancy of effect it may be exceeded in 
 
214 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 China. Bat for artistic quality of colouring, for 
 appropriateness of effect, for originality of design, 
 for observation of natural objects, for perfection of 
 handiwork in metal, in wood, in ivory, in lacquer, it 
 remaina as yet unequalled in the world. 
 
THE JESUITS AS(D CUBISTIAMITY. 2X6 
 
 CHAPTER XVIL 
 
 THE JESUITS AND CHEI8TIANITY IN JAPAIT. 
 
 TnE subject of Roman Catholic Christianity in 
 Japan is too sad and too sacred to be combined with 
 the ordinary history of the Tokugawa Shoguns, and 
 had beat be treated of in a Chapter by itself. 
 
 In the year 1800 there were edicts of the Shi^ns 
 still published by placards against these Ohristians 
 as among the standing orders of the Government. 
 These were continuation's of edicts which had been 
 repeatedly issued from time to time during the past 
 two centuries. There was still in Tedo an official 
 styled the Christian Inquisitor with a 8ta£P of as- 
 sistantg for the extinguishing any spark of Chris- 
 tianity Ic may seem strange that such steps should 
 be peisev -^rcd in when the Government had ' .n^ ago 
 boasied of the complete extinction of what they 
 called " the corrupt sect" But they knew that, de- 
 spite all their precautior , ; jme scattered communi- 
 ties were still existing who followed the observances 
 of their faith secretly, and whoso members could not 
 be individually identified, and who were never be- 
 trayed either by ren«^ades or by neighbours. These 
 circumstances were thought to be dangerous to the 
 Japanese polity, especially as there was ever a lurk- 
 
216 PKOORES., 01' INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 ing dreud of Bupport being afforded to the Chrutitat 
 
 from Kuropeap souro s. 
 
 This form oi v iri ' ianity had b< <jn introduced into 
 Japan early in tht- sixteenth century by Jesuit 
 fathers, among whom was St. Francis Xavier. Start- 
 in*^ from Nat, uaki they met with conclusive sue -^ss 
 throughout tii. ■ . ■ .f ]• nsi u. Daimyo vA 
 princes, their iollowcra and -otaiiicr-,, their p( Ac, 
 all joined the Missiunar s. Vluy built chur.heft 
 and colleges, with a Ponugnesc* and Spanish hie^ 
 archy. They crossed the Inland Sea, settled them- 
 selvea happily at Osaka oi, in shorf^ and paast- : on 
 to the Imperial City at K )to. Ten abouts 
 Booddhism waa particularly strong ; but j u3t : aen a 
 kader, in the civil war then goiug on, h i a contest 
 with the Booddhists, and that induced him to H- 
 vour the Christianf^ who thus grew in strength all 
 around Kyoto. Then Christ n Dj iyos ith 
 Christian Samurais took pu in the civil war, anu 
 so the Christians offeree a jnsiderable native col 
 tingent to the Japanese comniander whose side 
 they espoused. About this time it was computed 
 that the Christians numbered not le? than six hun- 
 dred thousand persons, including m u of wealth, 
 status, landed power a. 1 influence This was a 
 goodly portion of the population aa it then was 
 during the latter part of the sixteenth century 
 in the finest part of Japan. The} sent two Japa- 
 nese Christian Princes under Je? ;it giii^ant. to 
 Southern Europe who wcru received ^ih ^^tiest 
 
lE JKSUlTb xm> CHBIS riANlTY. 
 
 pomp in rortii^- . m ^ v jna .tt the Vatican by 
 Gregory XIII. 'VKv ^t. p f ti.cirs "w as surely 
 dange^ms, '-nlos- h- y we ■ q U' j- iro of icir pci-i- 
 tio. f' r tl.crtbj U - - w pi' Oh i the Jai anest- Guv 
 ernni .'Qt mijrbt be : •• .*cd k .are support waa 
 being irdin !y gn . 
 
 Intl. art .4 el'i n u- n sti^piciou 
 
 ju lually =11 11 a the i md • it-,, the auous 
 katl T .i.r< ad mpntiouod at ^ad( that, 
 
 with Chris Ian Kelp -m ngti a ,iiith 'pain 
 
 orP rtu ( r th, « led t . , out Eu pean 
 Stat iii,>.. ' He gh* had some ev^ ^ence 
 to ti 'flFec A'n- bie ami slen er, still he be- 
 iieveu. At aai tic naiu was hardly capable of 
 t ich a dc ign, bat . ortugal might have beoome so. 
 T e Jc- lit fathers w re by the rules of their Order 
 jiri < lu(i from ^5n^ ch policy. But jealous Fran- 
 ;sc;:as and 1 'i s ' id arrived in Japan, and 
 
 laC} may hav d mi ievous rumours. Dutch 
 
 t-aders, too, .latur;; ly smarting under Spaa- 
 
 I'h op^ ossiou in the Low Countries, and doubtless 
 they sai ^heir ' iry \. orst against the Jesuits. Be 
 ro of belief what it may, Hideyoshi came to 
 bt. re Li, at Jesuit Christianity was st'^IVing at the 
 ■ ry x>t I Japanese independence, xiut he did 
 
 t iive 'o ke ■>.' y decisive measure. After him 
 • tie f ivil wa- suited in the re-establishment of the 
 Feudal Shoguna e under leyasu. Then the aiiine 
 belief against the Christians grew in the mind of the 
 Shogun Icyasu, and it caused a persecution that left 
 
218 PROGBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 a black and ineffaceable stain on the history of the 
 Tokugawa Shogunate. 
 
 In the last Chapter mention has been made, in 
 reference to Roman Catholic Christianity, of 
 leyasu's parting fulraination, for such indeed it 
 proved to be. In the last year of his government a 
 terrific persecution of these Christians began. It 
 was continued bv his son and completed by his grand- 
 son, both considered good Shoguns politically, and 
 the latter great as well as good. Its horrors were 
 too dreadful for description, indeed they are not ex- 
 ceeded and rarely equalled in the grim records of 
 persecution in any time or country. Dr. Murray 
 writes thus, after much examination of evidence : "It 
 has never been surpassed for cruelty and brutality 
 on the part of the persecutors or for courage and con- 
 Btancy on the part of those who raffered. . . . 
 The tortures inflicted are almost beyond belief."* 
 The horrors raged from about Kyoto and Osaka on 
 the mainland to the southern extremity of the island 
 of Kyushu. The Christians of all ranks and classes, 
 from the Prince to the peasant^ stood by one another, 
 without the least thought of sorrendering their faith 
 to the armed force of their own countrymen. Heca- 
 tombs ofslaughter, fiendish tortures, produced no effect 
 at all. No effort, however diabolical, was spared to 
 
 • From my own inquiries I understand that enlightened 
 Japanese do not deny the severity of the persecution ; they 
 only urge in extenuation th« strength of what they ngaid 
 •> tht patriotio mottvcb 
 
THE JESUITS AND CBBISTIANITT. 
 
 219 
 
 obtain recantation; here and there a victim, 
 European or Japanese, frenzied out of his senses by 
 torture, mav have made a feeble sign which was in- 
 terpreted by their tormentors as retractation; but 
 nothing more than this most pitiful result was ob- 
 tp \. * For some time the repressive efforts were 
 conducted hj the provincial authoritiei, and the 
 Christians, though very numerous, were scattered, 
 and thus were able to endure only but not resist. At 
 length a mass of surviving Christians resolved to re- 
 sist. They appoint- d a leader, occupied a vacant 
 castle near Nagasaki, collected stores, and with the 
 help of Christian Samurais inured to warfare, or- 
 ganised a defence. The provincial authorities, un* 
 able to take the place, applied to the Shogun at Yedo 
 for aid, who sent a large body of troops. These 
 troops together with the provincial levies made up a 
 besieging force of 160,000 f men wherewith to 
 breach and storm the last stronghold of Japanese 
 Christianity. The Dutch from their trading settle- 
 ment in the neighbouring island lent some slight aid 
 to the Shogun against those who were their co- 
 religionists, even though belonging to a different 
 Church, a circumstance disgraceful to them, which 
 they vainly strove to palliate. The stronghold being 
 captured at last, every Christian, man, woman and 
 child, in it was executed by orders from Yeda As 
 
 * For one ordinary form of the pmcrlbed recantation m 
 Chamberlain's Guidebook, p. 107. 
 i This nombw ia given on tbe authority of Dr. Ihuny. 
 
280 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 might bo expected, a religion thtia extirpated was 
 cherished in secret; the memory of Francis Xavier 
 
 is revered, and on lowly Jesuit tombs fresh flowers 
 are periodically placed by unknown hands which the 
 authorities with all their inquisition never discover. 
 
 These remarkable events have been freely dis- 
 cussed by Christian writers belonging to Churches 
 other than the Church of the Jesuits. Some of these 
 seem to think that the Jesuit movement was, at bot- 
 tom, political rather than religious, and that these 
 J apanese Christians had embraced the Religion with 
 little more than an adaptation of their own cere- 
 monies, rites and idols to its service and ordinances, 
 and without any heartfelt acceptance of its real teadh 
 ing or its holy doctrines. To all this it may be re- 
 plied that beyond doubt leyasu and his successors 
 had a lively belief in the political danger to be ap- 
 prehended from these Christians, but that no tangible 
 ground was ever found for this belief. Unless their 
 belief had been positive they would not have acted 
 as they did. They happened to bo mild, prudent and 
 conciliatory men ; not likely to be roused to murder- 
 ous passion, save by some overmastering fear for the 
 fate of their own country. Again it may be admit- 
 ted that the Jesuits did unduly endeavour to adapt 
 their teachings of the One true Faith to the prej- 
 udices of their Japanese hearers, and did but too 
 often assimilate the externals of their services to the 
 insignia of the native religions, thus making in their 
 seal for oonToraioa aoma comp»»niie or saerifioa of 
 
TBB JEBUnS AlVD CHRISTIAVITT. SSI 
 
 Christian principle. But here their error ceased. 
 They mnst hare inenlcated with tmdjing forceftilneas 
 much of what is most striking, touching, elevating 
 and inspiring in Christianity. Otherwise their 
 Japanese martyrs and heroes, of both sexes, of all 
 ages and classes, could never have endured as they 
 did to the hardest of ends. Every worldly motive, 
 love of fatherland and of fellow countrymen, every 
 political advantage, personal safety for selves and 
 families, impelled them towards a broad and easy 
 road. They chose the short and rugged path lead- 
 ing to physical agony and to execution, with a con- 
 stancy and fortitude that showed how love of Faith 
 can be as strong as death, and how jealousy for the 
 truth can be as bitter as the grave. A monument 
 ought to be raised in the memories of European 
 Christendom to their Japanese fellow Christians who 
 suffered and perished in the early part of the seven- 
 teenth century. 
 
222 FBOORESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIIL 
 
 THE BHOOimATE OB FBTTSAL STSTKX FSOK 1800 
 
 TO 185S. 
 
 It has been shown how at the beginning of 
 the nineteenth century the Tokugawa Shogunate, or 
 Feudal system, stood at the hei^t of ascendency in 
 the government of Japan. The progress of this gov- 
 ernment has now to be traced to the middle of the 
 nineteenth century, when circumstances began to 
 prepare the way for change. Until that time, that ia 
 from 1800 to 18S0, the course of this government 
 ran with a smoothness rarely to be paralleled in any 
 other civilised country for so long a space as Tm lf a 
 century. There was no trouble of any consequence 
 either at home or abroad, and there reigned a peace 
 which, though not unknown in the seventeenth and 
 eighteenth century for Japan, was wholly different 
 from anything that had been known in the preceding 
 centuries. For the first half of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury Japan afforded a typical instance of a nation 
 being happy that has no history. 
 
 Dr. Murray gives an instructive smnmary of the 
 dates, the reigns, the ends of the seTeral series of 
 Shqguns, from Yoritomo in the year 1198. Yori> 
 
THE SHOOUNATE OB FEUDAL STSTEIL 223 
 
 tomo indeed died a natural deatix, but his next two 
 Buooeflson, son and grandson, were murdered. The 
 next series of rulers were called " the shadow Sho- 
 guns," because they were always minors under the 
 leading strings of chieftains, and their several fates 
 can readily be imagined. After that, for a century 
 and more, the Shogun of tlie day was usually (de- 
 throned or murdered, occasionally was he allowed to 
 die in peace. Next came a strong series of Shoguns 
 (Ashikaga) which lasted for more than two centuries, 
 beginning with long reigns and peaceful deaths, but 
 ending in bloodshed and civil war. Thus we reach 
 the year 1578. Then b^n a time styled that of 
 the usurpation, which lasted till 1602. In this 
 quarter of a century the Japan Commanders, among 
 whom was Hideyoshi, already mentioned, and the 
 Japanese troops displayed many of the best military 
 qualities, if only they had been fighting with a 
 foreign foe instead of with each other. Then 
 leyasu in 1602 established the Tokugawa Shogun- 
 ate as already seen. So there began a hap|>y series 
 of Shoguns, with long reigns and quiet deathbeds, till 
 1787, with one exception only when in 1709 the 
 Shogun was killed by his wife. In 1787, then, the 
 Shogim lenari assiuned at Yedo the Shogunate which 
 he occupied at the opening of the nineteenth century 
 and held till 1836, a long tdnure of fifty-nine •"ears. 
 He then resigned in fayour of his son and died 
 five jMn later. It was a sort of enstom in this 
 series of 8hognns for the Shogun to retire in favour 
 
 1 
 
 T i 
 * i 
 
 f 
 
224 PROOEB88 OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 of hii son. So lenari the Shogon was suooeeded by 
 
 his son leyoshi. 
 
 There is nothing to be recorded for all this time re- 
 garding the Emperors, who reigned only and did not 
 take any part in State affairs. But it is to be re- 
 marked that in two long reigns Evresses were in 
 sole occupation of the Imperial throne; one Em- 
 press (Mjosho) reigning from 1630 to 1696; the 
 other (Go-Sackuramachi) reigning from 1763 to 
 1818. The latter consequently was on the throne 
 at Kyoto when the nineteenth century opraed. 
 
 The constitution of the Shogunate under the To- 
 kugawa has been described briefly in the previous 
 Chapter. It was fully maintained under the Sho- 
 gun lenari, who was in the seat of power at Yedo in 
 1800. During several generations his predecessors 
 had acquired possession of fiefs and castles in various 
 parts of the country so as to overawe any Daimyos 
 who might possibly prove troublesome. All the 
 Daimyos were obliged to have residences at Yedo 
 under the eye of the Shogun, and to live there for a 
 part of the year. Still the administration in each 
 disti ict, subject always to the supervision of the She- 
 gun's lieutenants, was left to the feudal Daimyos 
 who indeed understood their people thoroughly. 
 Meanwhile the impression grew that owing to the 
 extraordinarily long peace of two centuries, to the 
 quietnde and isolation of the country, to the internal 
 proeperity which seemed to grow apaoe without mueh 
 political exertion on the part of ai^ one, the Sbo- 
 
THE 8HOOUNATE OR FEUDAL SYSTEM. 225 
 
 guns had lost to a great extent their original char- 
 acter and were still further losing it during the ten- 
 ure of each succeeu.ng reign. Originally it was 
 held that the Mikado or Emperor at Ejoto being 
 efTerainate and effete the Shogun at Yedo must be 
 active and ever to the front in defensive and war- 
 like preparation, and in personal supervision. But 
 at the beginning of the nineteenth century, and in- 
 deed some time before that era, eflFeminacy had be- 
 gun to creep over Yedo as well, and love of ease had 
 impaired the vigour of the Shoguns. Dr. Murray 
 writes of them : " On the whole they were content to 
 fill the office of Shogun in a perfunctory manner and 
 to leave to subordinates the duty of governing." 
 Thus the Shogun, though stiU as grand and powerful 
 as ever in external appearance, was yet suffering 
 from a gradual loss of political repute and official 
 prestige. This circumstance is noteworthy here, be- 
 cause it was one of the causes which sapped the 
 foundations of the Shogunate and led to the catas- 
 trophe in which it was afterwards inrolved. 
 
 The national success in industrial art, though not 
 permitted to bring to Japan that satisfaction which 
 comes from the admiration of other nations, did yet 
 delight an appreciative nation like the Japanese and 
 make them feel proud of themselves. Their artistic 
 taste was fostered by the scenery (in Mr. Chamber 
 Iain's words), " with the symmetrical outiine of its 
 volcanoes, with its fantastic rocks, its magnificent 
 timber which 8omehow,even when growing naturally, 
 
226 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 produces the impression of having been planted for 
 artistic effect. . . . Every variety of scenery, 
 from the gracefully lovely to the ruggedly grand, is 
 to be found ... in this beautiful land, a fitting 
 abode for the most KSthetic of modem peoples.'^ 
 
 The acme of Japan's ancient greatness had been 
 reached. It was like a bloom that had been some 
 time at its best and was now about to fall. The arts 
 were still in their prime. Dr. Murray maottioiia 
 " the arts which had given her (Japan) such a de- 
 servedly high rank, attained their greatest perfec- 
 tion. Keramics and lacquer, which are her most ex- 
 quisite arts, achieved a degree of excellence to which 
 we can now only look back with hopeless admiration. 
 Hetal-work, as shown in the manufacture of bronxe 
 and in the forging and mounting of swords, was 
 scarcely less notable." 
 
 At this time the Shoguns Government did its ut- 
 most to keep all these beautiful things to itself, its 
 land, its people. Its darling ambition was to receive 
 nothing from other nations and so to render nothing 
 in return. Since the growth of ;be political fears 
 which induced them to extirpate Christianity, as 
 already explained, the Shoguns, the Daimyos and 
 the Japanese generally, resolved to have nothing to 
 do with Ei:ropean nations. All ports were dosed 
 against Europeans generally, none of them were 
 aUowed to trade except the Dutch, and that at one 
 port only, JTagasaki, and there, too, at a fixed local- 
 ity and to a limited extent. All this time Europe 
 
THE SHOOUNATE OR FEUDAL 8T8TE1C. SS7 
 
 was almost entirely dependent on the Dutch for news 
 and information relating to Japan. This prejudioOy 
 
 80 strongly felt by the Chinese as to cause grievous 
 detriment and ultimately disaster, was equally felt 
 by the Japanese at this time. Later on this feeling 
 was expressed racily by a Daimyo of the old school, 
 as may be seen from Dr. Murray's Japan. ** What! 
 trade our gold, silver, copper, iron and sundry useful 
 materials for wool, glass and similar trashy little 
 articles? Even the limited barter of the Dutch fac- 
 tory ought to have been stopped." 
 
 As might he expected under a feudal system the 
 civil administration in the districts, or Dalmiates, 
 was entirely under the Daimyos. Still there were 
 codes, lawF, precedents, of a somewhat full, even 
 elaborate character, which must more or less have 
 been under the supervision of the Government There 
 is every reason to believe that the people were pro»- 
 perous and contented. If the Samurai class, already 
 THcntioncH, did hold their heads high, yet their 8upe> 
 riority was admitted. 
 
 There was something like education; it doubtless 
 resembled that which was well known in China, 
 though not pushed to similar extremes. The progress 
 in science was by no means equal to that made in the 
 arts. 
 
 Thus the government of lenari the Shogun pur- 
 sued its course like a meandering river, in the popu- 
 lar, but vain, belief that by folding herself up in 
 a robe of ezclusiveneaB and ignoring the outer world 
 
228 PBOORESS OF INDIA. vAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Japan was working out her own destiny in her own 
 way. 
 
 The oiil}' circumstances that distuibod this even 
 tenor were occasional attempts by European Powers 
 or by their representatives to gain admission within 
 the charmed circle of Japan. These were, however, 
 all staved otT or brushed away. The most persistent 
 wore the liussians, they being of course the nearest 
 and almost contfrminoii.o, and their efforts did not 
 cease until the imprisonment of Captain Galotin 
 in 1811. 
 
 Thtis lenari, the Shogun, having long passed his 
 jubilee of guvornmcnt, resigned in 1836, in favour of 
 his son leyoshi and died, a few year-; jifterwards, 
 in 1841, Perhaps he little thou-ht ?lu;t he was to bo 
 the last of the long line of JShoguns to lay down his 
 power in peace and quietude. 
 
 In 1837 leyoshi, the new Shogun, began to rule, 
 probably imagining that his time of government 
 would be as undisturbed as that of his father and of 
 his ancestors had been. But almost immediately 
 there began the trouble with European or Western 
 Powers, who knocked at the door of Japan for the 
 admission of commerce. This trouble was destined 
 to grow and grow till, within one generation from 
 1837, it upset the mediieval government of Japan 
 and entirely altered the condition of the country and 
 the people. The first effort was made by the Amerir 
 can brig Morrison in 1837, but in vain. This was 
 however followed up with increasing persistency by 
 
THE SHOOUNATE OB FEUIUL SYSTEM. 
 
 the BritiBh surveying ship Samtnuig in 1845, by 
 Captain Cooper in the lame year, by Commodore 
 
 Biddle in 1848, by Admiral Cecille in the same year, 
 by Commodore Glynn in 1649, and by Commander 
 Mathesoa in the same yeui . All these Odicers made 
 efforts to communicate with the Shogun's Qovem- 
 ment, but were rebuffed. They do not seem to hare 
 ever got further than Nagasaki. Seeing all this the 
 Dutch traders at Nagasaki must doubtless have made 
 some representations to their own Government, for in 
 1844 a letter waa received by the Shogun from the 
 King of Holland, asking for further commercial 
 facilities. But the request waa refused under corer 
 of the well-worn exruses. The Shogun leyoshi, 
 though thankful luat these dreaded foreigners had 
 not succeeded in coming anywhere within sight of 
 his capital and had never with their ships ploughed 
 the inner waters of Japan, yet he must have felt 
 anxious on account of the frequent repetitions of the 
 attorapts. Ho must have heard of thc^r novel arma- 
 ments indicating a progress acit tificaily irresistible 
 as against the worn-out armai -nts of older days. 
 Even if he felt any confidence, because his rebuffs 
 and refusals had been so far tolerated, still he must 
 have aaked himself the question, What if some day 
 the foreigners with their superior armaments were 
 to apply force? He could not hav > been ignorant 
 of the obsolete and inefficient state of his own national 
 defences. As was said shortly afterwards by one of 
 the best among his Daimyoi^ " pMce and prosperity 
 
S30 PROOBBBS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 of long duration have enerratcd the ipirit, nuted tht 
 
 armour and blunted the swords of our men." Tut- 
 
 ther the Shogim n.iist have beard reports, vague 
 perhaps, but disquieting, that a more important ex- 
 pedition than any as yet known was on its way from 
 America towards Japan. It must have been with 
 troubled thoughts and gloomy forebodings, not know- 
 ing what to do, that leyoshi the Shogun fell sick 
 unto death in 1853. WitJi his death the old order 
 of things was to pass away, and Japan was to learn 
 the oft-inculcated lesson that for national safety there 
 is but vanity in art without science, in popular 
 spirit without organisation, in bravery without die- 
 cipline, in armament without progress, in veneration 
 for the past without regard for the future. At that 
 time in Japan there were able leaders, gallant sol- 
 diers, a loyal and patriotic people. But there was 
 no warship of modem construction, no fort that 
 would stand against artillery, no arms of any pre* 
 cision, no guns that would carry any distance, no 
 equipment or accoutrement fit for the warfare of the 
 time. 
 
 At this moment of the national existence, on the 
 
 8th July, 1853, the most important day that had 
 ever yet dawned on Japan, the American squadron 
 of four vessels under Commodore Perry, entered 
 Yedo bay. It is not likely that the Shogun was 
 able personally to give much attention to this 
 momentous occurrence with which his perplexed 
 Ministers and agitated Daimyos had to deal As h» 
 
THE SHOOUNATB OB nsUIIAL 8TCTKM. 981 
 
 died in the followiog month, August 26th ( 1858), he 
 m«7 be allowed to quit the historic stage at this junc- 
 ture. Inasmuch as Commodore Perry's arrival led 
 to a long course of critic I events, it will be well to 
 take them all in due sequence one after the other in 
 the following Chapter. lejoshi the Shogun was on 
 his death succeeded hj his son leaada. 
 
 If his father, leyoelii, had lit en the last of the 
 Shogu to die in quietude, so he, lesada, was the last 
 of the Sho^uns to die amidst the fidelity of the 
 Japanese to the old Feudal system of which he was 
 the head. From the beginning of the oenturj the 
 moral foundation of the Shogun's authority had been 
 growing weaker and weak *r; perhaps by this time, 
 that ib he middle of the century 't had become al- 
 most unv. rmined. A dual gove ^ '>f the Em- 
 peror at Kyoto and the Shoguc v . u oould be 
 justified in the eyes of the Japanear. y i y the Sho- 
 gunate being always ttrong and effective. Now for 
 some generations the Shoguns had shown themselves 
 destitute of personal force, had been delegating their 
 work of governance to their Ministers, liad been 
 sinking by degrees into a condition of .v rtia and 
 effeminacy. All this constituted the very re- 
 proach whici had in older days been levelled against 
 the Empernrs at Kyoto, and in reference to v hich 
 the Feudal Shoguns had been established at ir !o. 
 If then the Shoguns were to be held blameahle ar. i 
 unworthy of rule in the same respect as that wherein 
 the Emperors of old had been blamed, and if under 
 
^2 PB0ORES8 OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 the modem Shoguna the gOTemment was to be left 
 
 to the Ministers as it had been under the Emperors of 
 old, then patriotic Japanese began to ask themselves 
 whetner there were any use in keeping up the Sho- 
 gonate, and whether it were not better to revert to the 
 Imperial rule directly without any intermediate an* 
 thority like the Shogun. It is to be remembered that 
 in these days as in olden days there had been, and 
 still were, many patriots among the Samurais, the 
 most influential class in Japan as shown in a previous 
 Chapter. Moreover many Daimyoa who had sub- 
 mitted to the Shogun of the day because he was neees> 
 sary as being effective, ceased to care for him as hd 
 became personally non-effective, and in that case pre- 
 ferred serving directly under the Emperor. The 
 popular reverence for the Emperor as semi-divine, 
 notwithstaading his seclusion and obscurity in Kyoto, 
 was still a factor in Japanese politics. Even before 
 the pressure from Foreign Powers had been severely 
 felt, the careful observer of the Japanese could prob- 
 ably perceive that the Shogimate, though externally 
 grand, was from itmer canker too weak to withstand 
 any hard shock which might come from withoutt 
 And it was a shock of this very kind that was about 
 to occur; fnr an American squadron under Com* 
 muUoro Perry luul entered the Yodo waiers. 
 
WALL OF THE FEUDAL SYSTElL 
 
 m 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 FALX. or THX VKUDAI. ST8TSK FBOIC 1853 TO 1868. 
 
 In September, 1858, lesada succeeded his late 
 
 father (leyoshi) as the thirteenth Shogun of the 
 Tokugawa line of the Shogunatc. His accession 
 made no difference in the conduct of affairs, and he 
 had but a brief tenure of four years, for he died in 
 1857. In that short time he saw the old policy of 
 his predecessors, two centuries and a half old, quito 
 reversed, with a new policy introduced and rirtually 
 settled, though amidst much national discontent, 
 which made the continued existence of the Shogun* 
 ate almost impossible. 
 
 Meanwhile Commodore Ferry and his squadron of 
 four warships had come and gone. Despite warn- 
 ings conveyed by the Dutch at Nagasaki, among 
 other?, the arrival of the Americans in Yedo bay 
 caused intense excitement and utter surprise among 
 the Japanese that were like the men in the provwb 
 who, after they have constantly heard that the wolf 
 is coming, are astonished when ho does come at last. 
 The Conunodore placed hia vessels clearly within 
 sight of Hpectators froiu Yedo, tliat all might view 
 the blue-jackets and the guna pointed righi. and left 
 In the first momenta of tiieir agony the Japaneae 
 
234 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 officials tried to perraade him to turn back, leave the 
 
 bay, and proceed to Nagasaki, there to make such 
 representations as he might desire. This attempt 
 of theirs was evidently futile, as he had entered the 
 bay and appeared within sight of Yedo for the ex- 
 press purpose of impressing the Shogun's Qovem- 
 ment with the gravity of the donand which was to be 
 made for some treaty to facilitate trade between 
 J apan and the United States. He naturally replied 
 that he had a friendly letter from the President of 
 the United States to be delivered to the Shogun, and 
 that imtil this had been done, he would not quit his 
 anchorage. After that an officer of suitable rank 
 was sent from the Shogun to receive the letter. 
 Thereon the Commodore and his squadron departed 
 on 17th July with an intimation that he would soon 
 call again to ask for the answer. 
 
 The first scene of the drama being over, the Sho- 
 gun's Government was left in dire perplexity. It 
 felt sure that Commodore Perry would ere long re- 
 turn in force. It knew that as the Officer of a 
 civilised government he wonld not use such force 
 merely to extort a treaty, but that if, owing to ^ 
 hostility of the populace, any violent act were com- 
 mitted then ho would retaliate, and so war would 
 begin, while the antiquated defences of the country 
 would oflFer no protection against modern ordnance. 
 It was conscious of latent disaffection against the 
 Shogimate which would swell and grow apace if the 
 SLogon, ^ielJiiig U» fureiga pressure, should be in* 
 
FALL OF THE TEUDAL STCrmL S85 
 
 stnimental in breaking down the old barriers of 
 Japanese exclnsiymeafl. So tiie GoTemment 
 adopted a characteristic preliminary, by sending a 
 
 circular letter to all the DaimyoB asking their opinion 
 on the crisis. Most of them counselled resistance, 
 using sonorous language quite beside the truth of the 
 situation, and showing ignorance of the national 
 weakness in any contest with Western power. Still 
 they were hearty and patriotic, melted down the beau- 
 tiful bells of their monasteries, sent their Samurais 
 in multitudes to Yedo to take lessons in European 
 small arms and artillery. The Government well 
 knew how useless these brave preparations would bo 
 if a conflict with Westom warships should arise, 
 and awaited in calm despair the next move that the 
 Americans might make. 
 
 Attention was for a moment diverted by another 
 event, namely the arrival of a Russian Admiral 
 at Nagasaki to arrange the delimitation of the bonn* 
 dary of Russia and Japan in ihe North Pacific acaroaa 
 the island of Saghalien. 
 
 Then early in the following year, 1854, Commo- 
 dore Perry returned to the bay of Yedo. On this 
 his second visit he had with him ten Teasels of war. 
 At a little village, close to the site d what has since 
 bec<nne the seaport of Yokohama, the Shogun signed a 
 treaty with the American Government, which was big 
 with the fate of the existing Government in Japan. 
 Tlie Shoinxn with his Ministers well knew that by 
 thus signing they would beeoae krolved » a strof* 
 
886 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AMD CSmtA. 
 
 gle with their own countrymen. On the other huni 
 
 he feared that hy refusing to sign th^ would hxv 
 to face hostilities with tlie American squadron. So 
 as a choice of evils he decided, though with infinite 
 regret and hesitation, to sign. This he did in March, 
 1864, and thus was promulgated the first Treaty ever 
 made by Japan with a foreign power. It was not 
 fully a commercial treaty but a preliminary arrange- 
 ment with a view to commerce. It was followed by 
 a similar arrangement with Britain, in October of 
 the same year, with Russia early in the following 
 year, 1865, and with the Netherlands in 1866. As 
 predicted by the Japanese objectors, Japan hay- 
 ing made the concession to the United States, had to 
 make the same to the several European Powers. 
 Each Power obtained permission to enter two ports, 
 but the same two ports were not chosen always by 
 each Power. The porta ultimately opened for for- 
 eign accMB were Nagasaki in the south-western ex- 
 tremity of the island of Kyushu, TTakodato on the 
 strait between the northern island of Yezo and the 
 main island, and Shimoda at the mouth of the bay 
 of Yedo, (.r as it would now be called of Yokohama. 
 
 As the hapless Shogim must have foreseen, these 
 Treaties caused intense discontent and excitement 
 throughout Japan. Immediately two political par- 
 ties arose with party names, one comparatively feeble 
 in farour of opening the country, the other and far 
 stronger demanding the expulsion of the barbarians 
 as the phrase ran. At the head of the anti-foreign 
 
FALL OF THE FEUDAL 8TBTE1L 
 
 S87 
 
 party was the popular Daimyo of Mito and his re- 
 doubtable Samurais. The Americans, however, 
 
 through their consul, represented that the Treaty 
 did not go far enough and asked for a full commer- 
 cial treaty. But the Shogun, in view of the rising 
 discontent in Japan, hesitated. He heard however 
 that die British were coming with their ships to make 
 a similar request, and so he gave way. Then with 
 the several Powers were signed Commercial Treaties 
 in 1858. It was under these Treaties that the for^ 
 eign trade has been conducted up to the most recent 
 time. Osaka and ITedo were opened to foreign trade 
 in addition to the placet already mentioned; also 
 Niigata on the western coast and Hvogo; fur- 
 ther, Yokohama was substituted for Shimoda. A' 
 consular jurisdiction was also provided in all cases 
 where foreigners should be either complainants or 
 defendants, and this must have been grievous to the 
 national pride of Japan. The Powers had their dip- 
 lomatio representatives and their legations at Yedo. 
 This second set of Treaties fanned the flames of dis- 
 content which had been rising since the promulgation 
 of the first set. 
 
 In the midst of this seething trouhle the Shc^n 
 diol in 1857, and his successor was lemochi, then a 
 boy. The regent then appointed was li Xaosuke, 
 letter known as li Kamon-no-Kami, a resolute and 
 unflinching man. He held that the Treaties having 
 been made and foreign representative having been 
 admitted, the chance of resistance was gone and thct 
 
S88 PBOOBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 any attempt in that direction would only involye 
 Japan in ruin. So he strove to repress peacefully 
 
 the rising discontent. In the midst of these efforts 
 he was assassinated early in 1861, and this murder 
 was the signal for many outrages, generally commit- 
 ted by Samurais who had quitted the allegiance of 
 their respective Daimyos, and were called " ronins," 
 a name which had long been known but which be- 
 came ominous in these days. The sudden loss of the 
 energetic Regent left the Shogunate without a Min- 
 ister competent to deal with the emergencies which 
 were now to arise. 
 
 The discontented among the upper classes spread 
 abroad the opinion that the Treaties, being made with 
 the Shogun only, were not valid because the Emper- 
 or's consent had never been obtained. This objec- 
 tion was not entertained for a moment by the foreign- 
 ers. Still it had weight with the people, and stif 
 fened their attitude of resistance against what they 
 disliked otherwise. 
 
 The ** renins," or unattached Samurais, who were 
 soldiers of fortune and almost ruffians, directed 
 their attacks on foreign representatives, first the 
 American, and then more especially the British. The 
 Shogun's Ministers, in reply to remonstrances, de- 
 clared themselves Tinable to prevent these outrages. 
 The British legation had to be protected first by blue- 
 jackets from Hong Kong. Then an Englishman was 
 killed near Tedo by a Samurai in the train of the 
 Daimyo who was proc^ding thence towards Satsur 
 
FALL OF THE FEUDAL SYSTEM. 
 
 889 
 
 ma. The victim had been very impradent in hit 
 movonents, still the killing of him was unjustifiable 
 
 and was such as could not be passed over by the 
 British representative. As no satisfaction could be 
 obtained, a British squadron proceeded to Satsuma 
 and destroyed the town of Eagoshima in 1863. 
 About the same time the Daimyo of Ghoshu, a 
 mountainous district on the north side of the narrow 
 strait of Shimonoseki, undertook the foolhardy en- 
 terprise of stopping with hia feeble ordnance this 
 Btrait, the gate of the Inland Sea and the approach 
 to Yedo, against all foreign vessels whatever whether 
 of war or of commerce. Accordingly his warships 
 and batteries fired at different times on an Ameri- 
 can, a Dutch, and a French vessel. These flagrant 
 acts in a time of nominal peace provoked im- 
 mediate reprisals. Bnt as the disturbances in the 
 country increased and as the Yedo Qovemment was 
 becoming paralysed, the Western Kepresentatives 
 in concert resolved to prevent the strait of Shimono- 
 seki from being closed again, and to read to the Jap- 
 anese a lesson which must have a permanent effect. 
 So inl864 a naval expedition, headed by a large Brit- 
 ish squadron, and partly consisting of other foreign 
 ships, proceeded to the strait and destroyed ^vhatever 
 offensive or defensive preparations could be found 
 there. A heavy fine was at the same time exacted 
 from the Tedo Government 
 
 Even this hard experience failed to convince the 
 •oUieij, that is the Samurais attached, and th« 
 
 R 
 
940 PROOBBSS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA 
 
 " ronina " unattached. They and their leaden di»> 
 regarded more and more the effete GoTemment at 
 
 Yedo, and resorted more and more to Kyoto, in the 
 desperate hope that the semi-divine Emperor might 
 yet save the country by expelling the foreigners. 
 While the nayal expedition to Sbimonoseki was be- 
 ing prepared by the Representatives of the Powers, 
 the Emperor at Kyoto went through the farce of 
 issuing an edict for their expulsion, entrusting it to 
 the Shogun for execution. T!ie hapless Shogun had 
 come in State from Yedo to Kyoto to explain matters 
 and among other things declared that he had no 
 means whatever of resisting the foreigners. The 
 Emperor's Court was at that time beset by a violent 
 and senseless soldiery who fancied that they 
 might save their country by threatening all round. 
 Bloody street fights in the Imperial Capital were go- 
 ing on jnst when the coasts were being bomlMirded 
 by foreign warships. The Shogun was now at hia 
 castle near Osaka on the Inland Sea ; the foreiim 
 Representatives were at the neighbouring harbour of 
 Hyogo with an imposing array of allied squadrons. 
 Thence they waited on the Shogun and urged him 
 to obtain the consent of the Emperor to the Treaties. 
 Ho sent a memorial to the Emperor to the effect 
 that cniburrassment had Iven felt for some time 
 owing to the supposed opposition of His Majesty 
 to these Treaties, and asked for the Imperial consent, 
 which w.ns accordingly given. Soon afterwards this 
 l^ognn, lemochi, died without heir, after a brief 
 
PALL OP THE PSnDAL STVRK. 
 
 241 
 
 and almost nominal tenure of his high office. Then 
 a few montha later tiie Emperor Komei died 
 and was sncoeeded by his son Mntsuhito, who is still 
 
 reigning. The angry people regarded Komei's death 
 as a sign that the divine nature had left him in con- 
 scqnenco of hia consenting to the Troaties; and it 
 is noticeable that such an idea existod in this year, 
 that is so late as 1867. Still the popular vengeance 
 was directed against the Shogunate which had in 
 the first instance agreed to the Treaties. That first 
 step was the decisive step which ought never, as the 
 people thought, to have been taken. Its subsequent 
 ratification by the Emperor perhaps was inevitable, 
 bnt they resolved that the Shogun, as the original 
 offender, should be dismissed forever. Thus the 
 party of violence, now surrounding the new Emperor 
 ftt Kyot(i, ceased to agitate against the Treatiefi, hut 
 occupied themsolvea in arranging the transfer of the 
 Executive power from the Shogunate at Yedo to the 
 Emperor at Kyoto. 
 
 Meanwhile the Emperor himself appointed Ilitot- 
 Fiibashi to be Shognu, a man who was willing to act 
 up to the Treaties and who had been guardian to the 
 late Shogun. He accepted the office with reluctance, 
 being doubtf ;! whether due support would be aooord- 
 rd to him. 3oth he and many Daimyos felt that 
 the end of uie ohogunate and of Feudalism was at 
 hand. Soon, that is in October, 1867, he received 
 a memorial from one of the Daimyos, which set forth 
 frankly that " the cause (of our trouble) lies in the 
 
Ma PBOOBIBB or HCDXA. JAPAN AlfD CBnCA. 
 
 fact that the adminiBtration procf><>dt from two een* 
 
 trei causing the Empire's eves and ears to be turned 
 in two opposite directions." Theroou he iafornied 
 all the Dainiyos by a circular ku i his intention 
 to resign, and in the following month, l^uvember, 
 he tent in his resignation to the Emperor, bj whom it 
 was accepted. There were powerful Daimyoe about 
 the Imperial Court who had long been jealous of 
 the Shogunate and hoped to succeed it in the forma- 
 tion of a new Government. They did not foresee 
 that the Shogunate, which they had laboured to de- 
 t^imj, tfould in its destruction drag them down with 
 it. From this month, November, 1867, must the date 
 be taken for the end of the Shogunate which had 
 lasted for over six hundred and fifty years. 
 
 Meanwhile the Daimycs at Kyoto were around the 
 Emperor in force tiiere, and the Ex-Shogun, as 
 he must now be called, was in his castle at Osaka 
 also with troops around him. Thougli he had of 
 his own will resigned, yet when he had to actually 
 surrender his power, his heart failed him. Then 
 he was summoned to attend the Emperor, and 
 this led to a conflict between his troops and the Im- 
 perial troops. The rebels were defeated and the Ex- 
 Shogun retired to Yedo. Tb.ithor he wa'' followed 
 by Imperial troops, and terms were dictated to him 
 under which he was to leave his castle at Yedo, sur- 
 render all armaments and warships in his possession 
 and retire into the interior of the country. He acted, 
 io far as he was able^ according to these terms, and 
 
FALL OF THE FEUDAL 8T8TBIL 94S 
 
 80 the executive power passed fully into the hands 
 of the Emperor. But many of hia followers kept 
 up an nntTailing oontett on land, and more blood 
 bad to be shed before thej were subdned. When 
 the warships in Yedo bay came to be given up their 
 coramander objected. He loft the bay, and pro- 
 ceeded northwards followed by the Imperial ships. 
 The rebel shipe reached Hakodate in Tezo island. 
 After a Mmtert which larted till July, 1869, they 
 finally surrendered. Thns in a strange manner the 
 Shogunate died hard — and thus this famous Office 
 with its several long lines of hereditary Officers yan> 
 ished from history. 
 
 But though the Feudal head was thus gone, Feu- 
 dalism still remained to laat for a brief while mdjf 
 as will presently be seen. 
 
 This great change may have been sometimes 
 termed a revolution, but quite wrongly, for it was 
 not that at all, in the proper sense. By it indeed 
 the original constitution of Japan waa preserved. 
 The Emperors had delegated their executive power 
 to the Shoguns. The Emperor now resumed it ; the 
 change however important went no further than 
 that The successive lines of Shc^ims have some- 
 times been styled dynasties, though erroneously, for 
 they were never sovereigns but only the hereditary 
 executive of the Sovereign ; and the Emperor always 
 possessed the right of dieplacing them though he had 
 not for some centuri^ exercised it 
 
 Por the fall of the celdbmted Sh<^giuate there were 
 
944 FBOOBESB OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 three causes, two minor and one major. The minor 
 causes were the growii.g weakness of the Shoguns, 
 and the rising jealousy of several Daimjos, espe- 
 cially those of the West and South-West The major 
 and the decisive cause was the anger of the nation 
 at the Treaties, at the presence of foreign Eepresent- 
 atives on Japanese soil, at the foreign trade, at the 
 presence of foreign warships in Japanese waters. 
 
 The views of the men and of the classes who 
 brought about this change were diverse. Some 
 Daimyos, bitter against the Shogimate for its conduct 
 of foreign relations, thus hoped to remove the Sho- 
 gun, surround the Emperor with their feudal 
 troops, and to form a new Government. Then in 
 the simplicity of their minds they thought of thus 
 stopping the tide of foreign invasion commercial and 
 political. In this they were disappointed, finding 
 that the Emperor, on resiiming the executive function, 
 entered into relations with the foreigners. Though 
 they had their revenge on the Shogun, still many of 
 i them had a rankling grief in their hearts. Notable 
 
 among these was Saigo of Satsuma, the best soldier 
 and the most popular man of modern Japan, whose 
 end will be mentioned hereafter. At first all men 
 were unanimously for exclusiveness, and against the 
 influx of foreigners, the Western influence, the new 
 civilisation. But at this time,, that is from 1860 to 
 1868, they separated into two parties, the one cling- 
 ing to the old beliefs, the other adopting the new 
 ideas. The former though powerful became ]m 
 
PALL OF THE FEUDAL SYSTEM. 
 
 345 
 
 and less, though their extinction was long delayed. 
 The latter fast increased, owing to the hard experi- 
 ence of these years, and they greatly helped in bring- 
 ing about this change. They were drawn from sev- 
 eral classes in the community, and their conduct 
 in adapting themselves with amazing readiness and 
 intelligence to the new order of th'ugs in practical 
 affairs, while retaining many among their old beliefs 
 and ancient modes of thought, is a phenomenon 
 unique in modem Asia and a remarkable episode 
 in Asiatic history. 
 
246 PBOOBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 CHAPTEE XX. 
 
 TRS BKOK OF THE EMPEBOB ICUTBUHITO, 1868-1890. 
 
 It was in February, 1868, that the Emperor 
 
 began to govern as well as to reign. His name 
 was Mutsuhito and he was the one hundred and 
 twenty-first Emperor of Japan, and of his line in 
 one continuous dynasty, representing an extraordi- 
 nary length of descent and succession.* He was still 
 at Kyoto surrounded by associations which in the 
 eyes of his people were divine. One of his first acts 
 was to request the several Foreign Representatives, 
 who had moved temporarily from Yedo to Hyogo on 
 the Inland Sea, to inform their respective Govern- 
 ments, that hereafter the administration of both in- 
 ternal and external affairs would be conducted 
 by him. In token of this he invited them all to visit 
 him in his Imperial palace at Kyoto on March 23, 
 1868, which they accordingly did, thereby creating 
 
 * The Imperial line begins b. c. 660 with fabulously lont; 
 reigns, and is regarded as mythical till about 500 a.d., up to 
 which time there had been twenty-five Emperors. Even 
 with this deduction Mutsuhito would be the ninety-sixth Em- 
 peror. Since the last named date many of the reigns have 
 been short. The line has not always been maintained by 
 direct descent but has not unfrequently been recruited by 
 adoption from certain families wliea the Emperor has failed 
 to leave an beir of his owa Uood. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE EMPEROR MUT8UHIT0. 247 
 
 a precedent of almost incredible novelty to the Jap- 
 anese. As a sign of the new era, Dr. Murray writes 
 of it thus : " The significance of this event can 
 scarcely now be conceived. Never before in the hit* 
 tory of the Empire had its divine head deigned to 
 admit to his presence the despised foreigner, or to 
 put himself on an equality with the sovereign of 
 the foreigner. The event created in the ancient 
 capital the utmost excitement" All went well with 
 the august host and his foreign guests on the day 
 of the reception, with one wondrous exception. As 
 the British envoy, Sir Har^y Parkes, was proceeding 
 duly escorted to the Palace, two fanatical Samurais 
 rushed on his procession and wounded nine of the 
 escort before they could be stopped, one of the two 
 being killed and the other severely wounded. The 
 next day Sir Harry persevered in his visit and was 
 duly received without further incident. He was 
 doubtless selected for attack because of the superior 
 importance of his legation. The Emperor then is- 
 sued an edict to tiie effect that as the foreign treaties 
 had now been sanctioned by him, the protecaon of 
 foreigners was henceforth his particular care. 
 
 A provisional constitution was then framed, set- 
 ting forth the various departments of the Govern- 
 ment and the duties of the officerrt in each. The 
 Japanese statesmen of the new school recom- 
 mended that the Emperor should move his Court 
 and his Government from Kyoto, which, however 
 venerable and sacred, had yet associations that in 
 
848 PBOORESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 their eyes were both effeminate and politically de- 
 grading. The nlace was also geographically disad* 
 vantageous. So the Emperor proceeded to Yedo, and 
 t tok lip hi3 abode in the old castle of the Shoguna 
 there, in order to emphasise the fact that the execu- 
 tive and the Imperial authority were now in the same 
 hands. In 1869 the name of Yedo was changed to 
 that of Tokyo, meaning the eastern capital, by which 
 name the Capital of Japan has since been known. 
 
 Strangely enough, the first thing done by the Em- 
 peror's Government was a reiteration of the long 
 stand 'ng prohibition, almost proscription, against 
 the Japanese Christians. Despite all the persecu- 
 tions mentioned in a previoos Chapter, descendants 
 of that devoted Sect still were found near Na- 
 gasaki. Now, in 1868 not only was an edict of the 
 Emperor from Tokyo issued against them, in severe, 
 well-nigh opprobrious, terms, but also in June of 
 that year those who would not recant, and appar^tly 
 none of them did so, were deported and scattered 
 among various districts. The Representatives of the 
 European Powers remonstrated, the Japanese took 
 the remonstrances ill, as savouring of interference in 
 domestic concerns of Japan ; but they so far yielded 
 to pressure as to remove these restrictions by 1872. 
 
 As a constitutional begiiming in 1869 tie Em- 
 peror, in the presence of his Court and of the assem- 
 bled Daimyos, took what has been called the Charter 
 Oath. Indeed it was a wondrous sign of the time 
 that this Sovereign, of heaven-bom lineage and 
 
TF^ REIQN OF THE EBfPEROR MXJTSUHITa 249 
 
 hedged in with divinity, should take such an oath at 
 alL The Oath itself was in five articles, of which 
 two were specific providing for the convening of a 
 deliberative assembly, and for the abolition of all 
 the usages of former time which might at this time 
 be regarded as absurd. The other articles were in 
 terms so general as to be almost academic. But they 
 indicated that there was to be a political treatment 
 even and equitable for all classes, a regard for 
 modern conditions both social and economic, and a 
 duo attention to public opinion. In the same year the 
 deliberative assembly was convened, consisting of 
 members for the various daimiates nominated bj 
 the Daimyos, much as in former times some Members 
 of the English House of Commons were nominated 
 by great noblemen. It proved however to be little 
 more than a debating society, and so far as it acted 
 at all its action was for the retention of the most 
 absurd usages of former times. It was nothing more 
 than the first hesitating step in the direction which 
 was afterwards taken with breadth and vigour of con- 
 ception. 
 
 The next step was really of a root and branch 
 character; being nothing less than the abolition of 
 the feudal system which had lasted near nine hun- 
 dred years. The Daimyos must have felt that their 
 position had crumbled away from beneath their 
 feet. So the leading men among them, the Daimyo 
 of Satsuma at their head, formally surrendered their 
 fiefs, their posseesions and their retainers to the £m- 
 
S50 ntOGRBSS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 peror. This example was speedily followed by the 
 leaser Daimyos. All this was done on the general 
 understanding that there would be compensation 
 
 given to all conceme'' This condition was fulfilled 
 by the Emperor's f~ mnent at some sacrifice and 
 even some embarr? ^ent to the Treasury. The old 
 daimiate divisions territorially were abolished and new 
 districts called " ken " were substituted. The peace- 
 ful completion of this momentous measure proved 
 the feebleness into which most of Daimyos had 
 sunk, and the strength of the patriotic tide which 
 was setting in. This grave, though bloodless, change 
 bears date from the evoitful year 1869. 
 
 Shortly afterwards the disqualifications, social and 
 other, which had from ages affected certain among 
 the humblest classes of the people, were removed, 
 and all men were made equal before the law. 
 
 Very soon the Emperor's Government had to test 
 its capabilities in foreign affairs. Some humble 
 vassals of Japan had been shipwrecked on the island 
 of ]t!^ormosa over which China claimed a supremacy. 
 Nevertheless a Japanese commander named Saigo 
 was sent to vindicate humanity, which he did. 
 China accepted his service and gave compensation 
 for the expense incurred. The relations which 
 Japan thus established in Formosa bore fruit as will 
 be seen hereafter. The Koreans attacked a Japanese 
 steamer that was seeking hospitality. Thereon 
 Japan sent a naval expedition to Korea whereby a 
 commercial treaty was concluded. This was in 
 
THE mON OF THB EHPBSOB mmUHITO. S51 
 
 1876, and it is to be borne in mind that the elaimi 
 of suzerainty advanced by Ohina over Korea and the 
 
 dual relationship thus set up there between China 
 and Japan were the things which afterwards led to 
 war. The long standing dispute between Russia 
 and Japan in the frigid northern regions was set- 
 tled by the Saghalien island being taken by Russia 
 and the Kurile group of islands by Japan. 
 
 Then inside Japan there arose a series of move- 
 ments which wore a perilously threatening character. 
 Although the Daimyos generally and their Samurais 
 had sincerely accepted the revolution which swept 
 away the old Feudalism, yet in the south-western 
 daimiates there were still reactionary parties who 
 had never really bowed the knee to the new Govern- 
 ment, who wore inured to arms and minded to strike 
 some blows for the old regime. Thus troublea arose 
 in the districts round the Shimonoseki strait which 
 were put down by force. Then in the daimiate of 
 Satsuraa, the most formidable of all the daimiates, 
 though the Daimyo and a party of his Samurais had 
 patriotically led the peaceful revolution, there was 
 yet another party of the Samurai who had never for- 
 given this proceeding. They still hoped by their 
 superior prowess over the rest of their countrymen 
 to effect a counter-revolution and restore something 
 of the old Feudalism. Among them the most popu- 
 lar man was Saigo, the very commander who had 
 just been employed by the Government in the reduc- 
 tion of Formosa, and he was a typical Satsuma man. 
 
tss PBoaRsen Of nrmA, JAPAN AiTD OHnrA. 
 
 Moreover he was now engaged, among other things, 
 in organising military schools all over the Satsnma 
 province. These schools were flourishing apace and 
 ■were numbering many thousand scholars. Among 
 them treason was rife against the new Government 
 and the disaiTected Samurais easily enlisted these 
 bellicose youths in formidable numbers. Then 
 Saipo himself was induced to head this movement 
 which afterwards became known to history as the 
 Satsnma rebelli' i. In February, 1S77, he marched 
 from Satsuma at the head o£ 14,000 good troops* 
 straight for Tokyo, in the expectation of raising his 
 strength to 30,000 men before reaching the capi- 
 tal, an expectation quite possible of realisation in- 
 asmuch as there were still the slumbering fires, the 
 smouldering embers of Samurai discontent all over 
 the country including the new Imperial capital it- 
 self. Had he marched straight on Tokyo before the 
 defensive forces were organised he might have dic- 
 tated terms to the Emperor there and reversed the 
 new Constitution of Japan. But unfortunately for 
 him there stood an Imperial castle as a lion in 
 his path. He might have left it behind him 
 as its garrison was slender; however he resolved 
 to take it if ho could. But it was resolute- 
 ly defended, and he spent several weeks in a vain 
 siege. In that precious interval the Imperial Gov- 
 ernment at Tokyo organised a lai^e force and sent 
 it against Saigo. It encoxmtered him with succe« 
 while he was still besieging the castle. He retreated 
 
THE BEION OF THE EMPEROR MU ' IHUHim 
 
 hotly pursued, and fighting sDveral desperate aetiont. 
 
 At length ho retired to a hill overlooking Kagoshima 
 Bay (in Satsuraa) with a few followers faithful nnto 
 death, one of whom he induced to perform for him 
 the friendly office of decapitation. Thua ended the 
 last attempt made to disturb the new Constitution. 
 It was, however, shortly followed at Tokyo by the 
 assassination of Okuho, then the Minister of the In- 
 terior, a Satsuma clansman, but still a patriotic pro- 
 moter of the new order of things. He had 'oeen the 
 man who first recommended publicly the removal of 
 the Emperor and hia Court from Kyoto to Tokyo. 
 
 The new Government being now established be- 
 yond power of dispute, the progressive party be- 
 thought itself of developing the Constitution. The 
 first deliberative assembly, consisting of nominees, 
 had proved nothing but a makeshift. As a prelimi- 
 nary step there was the organisation of local councils 
 for each borough (/u) and enoh district (ken) for 
 accustoming the people to choose representatives and 
 to be responsible for their own self-government 
 
 Then in 1889 the Emperor promulgated a full 
 Constitution for his people, and in the presence of 
 his Court and his Ministers ho took the oath to 
 govern according to its powers and its limitations. It 
 consisted of seven chapters embodying the headings 
 which have usually been adopted in those Western 
 States where the Constitution has not, as in Britain, 
 grown np through the centuries. Its foremost 
 provision was the formation of what has been trana- 
 
%U PB00RE8B OF INDIA. JAPAN AMD GBHTA. 
 
 Uted from the Japanese at "an Imperial Diet** 
 
 Besides this cardinal article there were proviiiont 
 for the rights and duties of subjects, and the due ad- 
 ministration of justice. Even yet the fanatical 
 spirit was not extinct, and on the very day of the pro- 
 mulgation, Mori Arinori, one of the foremost states- 
 men of the new school and formerly Minister pleni- 
 potentiary at the Court of St James, was assassi- 
 nated. This was the third political murder commit- 
 ted in the eastern capital during this generation 
 by feudal fanatics. In each instance a prominent 
 patriot was struck down in his mid career. The 
 Diet was assembled in 1890 and the Constitution 
 took full effect from the date of its assembling. Thus 
 Japan was safely larmched on a course of consti- 
 tutional monarchy, as it would be called in Britain. 
 By an Imperial House Law the Imperial suooessor 
 must be a male. 
 
 Accordingly the Emperor had all the power pos- 
 sessed by a Constitutional Sovereign in the British 
 sense of the term, in regard to legislation, taxation, 
 finance, and with the same limitations. He had the 
 right to choose his own Ministers, and he had a Privy 
 Council with whom he could, at his own option, de- 
 liberate on matters of importance. He had a fixed 
 civil list or income, settled liberally at three millions 
 of yen or half a million sterling annually. He had 
 the sole authority of declaring war, mdcing peace 
 and concluding treaties. He was to convoke, to open, 
 to prorogue, to close, to dissolve the Sessions of the 
 
Diet. His sanction was required to the laws passed 
 by ParlUment He must eonroke the Diet once in 
 every year. He was to have the rapreme command 
 
 of I he Army. 
 
 rho Diet was to consist of two Houses, the Hou" 
 of Peers and the House of Representatives. The re- 
 lations between them were to be much the same as 
 those which prevail between the Lords and the Com* 
 mona in England. 
 
 The House of Peers was of a sonewhat composite 
 character and consisted firstly of three permanent 
 elements, namely Princes of the Imperial Blood, 
 holders of titlea which in England have been trana- 
 lated aa prince and marquis, persons who may be 
 nominated for national serviced ; then secondly of a 
 certain proportion of titled classes. Possessing titles 
 translated as Counts, Viscounts i Barons, r/ho 
 might be elected by their respeci.ve orders; and 
 thirdly, a certain number ^ho might be chosen aa 
 the wealthiest in t' , borough. Fu) and the diatrieta 
 (Ken). Regulatioi - were made for keeping the 
 total numbers of Members of the House of Peers 
 at about 800. The first three of the above-mentioned 
 classes were to hold their seats for life ; the two last- 
 mentioned were to sit for seven years. 
 
 The House of Representatives was to consist of 
 
 about 300 Members to be elocted for each electoral 
 
 district. Thus the number of these districts did not 
 
 differ much from that of the old Daimiates. But 
 
 aa the population amoonts to 43 millions the aver> 
 
 a 
 
256 t»ROGRESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 age number of persons to each Member ia found to be 
 about 143,000. In other words the Japanese con- 
 stituencies would be considered large according to the 
 British standard of comparison. There was some pro- 
 vision for qualifications to entitle a man to exercise 
 a parliamentary franchise, such as one year's resi- 
 dence and the payment of a certain sum in taxation 
 annually. Each member was allowed a small salary 
 besides travelling expenses and he was not permitted 
 to refuse that allowance. For the office of President 
 or Speaker, three candidates were chosen by the 
 House, and from these one is nominated by the Em- 
 peror. On the whole the Constitution was formed 
 not exactly after the model afforded by any particu- 
 lar country in Europe, but after the general ex- 
 ample of Europe, with special modifications or 
 adaptations suitable to Japan. 
 
 The Imperial Diet was to have control over the 
 Finances, that is the taxation and the main branches 
 of expenditure. In practice it would necessarily 
 be that the House of Kepresentatives would have the 
 initiative and consequently the virtual control, 
 though the concurrence of ihe House of Peers would 
 have to be obtained. 
 
 Absolute freedom of religious belief and practice 
 was secured so long as it should not be prejudicial to 
 peace and order. There was to be no State religion, 
 and no State support to any religion, but still the 
 principal temples of the two Native religions, Shin- 
 toiun and Booddhism, did obtain some maintenanes 
 
TBE REION OP THE EMPEROR UnTSUHITO. 257 
 
 from the local authorities. This religious freedom 
 was as a consequence secured to Christianity. 
 
 One Chapter of the Constitution related to what 
 was termed Judicature. Accordingly a complete 
 establishment of independent judges irremovable 
 except for proved misconduct was formed for the 
 whole country and for both departments, civil and 
 criminal. Thus in the towns and in the districts, 
 and in all degrees, village courts, town tribunals, 
 courts of first instance and of appeal with a central 
 appellate court at the capital were appointed, super- 
 seding all other courts regular or irregular which 
 may have existed in the feudal times. A few of 
 the judges of the highest rank were appointed by th« 
 Emperor direct, the remainder were accepted by him 
 on the nomination of the Minister of Justice. 
 
 Such are the main points embraced in the seven 
 Chapters of the Constitution, which was promulgated 
 in 1890, was accepted by all classes of the Japanese, 
 and at the end of the first decade which coincides 
 with the end of the century, is understood to be in 
 working order. It may be remembered that as the 
 abolition of Feudalism dated from 1869, the prepara- 
 tion for, and the incubation of, the new and com- 
 plete Constitution had to take only twenty-one years. 
 This space of time is relatively short for so elaborate 
 and far-reaching an operation as this. Indeed the 
 achievement indicates an amazing adaptability in 
 the Japanese people, under conditions novel to them 
 and indeed opposed in several respects to the ideas 
 
258 ntOGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 and traditions cherished by them through many 
 centuries. 
 
 Outside the Constitution, but really flowing from 
 it, there were some administrative branches of much 
 importance to the national safety and progress. 
 
 A department of State Education and Public In- 
 struction was organised for the whole country from 
 the University in the Capital, to High Schools, 
 technical classes and elementary schools, entirely 
 after the Western model; with the assistance of 
 European and American advisers. These institu- 
 tions were for the most part to be supported by the 
 State but also by local rates. The attendance in 
 Elementary schfools was rendered compulsory by 
 law. 
 
 The relief of the extremely poor, the helpless and 
 the friendless was largely centralised. The Govern- 
 ment reserved a large capital stmi for this purpose, 
 and granted relief out of the interest derivable from 
 this fund. 
 
 In Japan as in other Oriental countries the prin- 
 cipal item in the State receipts is the Land revenue, 
 which is obtained from the land owners who may bo 
 described almost entirely as peasant proprietors. The 
 next largest item is that arising from intoxicating 
 liquors and the like. There is a tax on and a mono- 
 poly of tobacco. The customs revenue is not consid- 
 erable. The regulation dres are noteworthy and the 
 revenue from Forests indicates that the Government 
 is prudently eUve to the importance of For^ Con* 
 
THE REION OF THE EMPEBOB MUTSUHITO. 259 
 
 servancy. The budgets are framed by the Miniatiy 
 of Finance and submitted to the Diet much after the 
 manner which prevails with the Western nations. 
 
 In the place of all the old feudal forces, a new 
 army was raised on a uniform plan and with a 
 centralised organisation and on the basis of conscrip- 
 tion. All males of the age of twenty were liable by 
 law to serve in the army for seven years, of which 
 three must be spent on active service and four in the 
 reserve. After quitting the reserve the soldier must 
 form part of a force of which the name is translated 
 as " landwehr," for another five years, and then up 
 to forty years of age he must belong to a national 
 reserve called by name translated as "landstorm," 
 with an obligation to serve in event of emergency. 
 The infantry consisted of the Imperial Guard and 
 the line. For the Cavalry and Artillery there were 
 about 29,000 horses employed, a very large number 
 to be bred or collected in such a country as Japan. 
 Institutions of every sort for military education 
 were instituted, that is to say, a staff college, military 
 college, cadet college, military school, gunnery school. 
 The firearms, ordnance and ammunition were manu- 
 factured in the arsenals of Tokyo and Osaka. The 
 rifles used were the Murata, invented in Japan. 
 
 For the fleet, battle-ships and armoured or protect- 
 ed cruisers of several classes, with a torpedo flotilla, 
 were obtained mostly from Britain. The Officers 
 and men were trained in tho navies of Europe ; their 
 total stroigth amotmted to nearly 14,000. It hat 
 
260 PROGRESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 been truly said that this development of the Japanese 
 Navy is one of the most notable elements in tlie poli- 
 tics of the Far East. Special care was taken to have 
 vessels of the highest speed obtainable at the time 
 and to practise the art of manoeuvring in hattle. The 
 coasts of Japan were divided into five maritime dis- 
 tricts, having arsenals and dockyards at their several 
 headquarters. Thus everything was done on the best 
 and newest European models for the reorganisation 
 of the Imperial forces by sea and land. These mea- 
 sures had been adopted and promoted before the 
 promulgation of the Constitution in 1890, and were 
 prosecuted with even greater energy after that 
 f 'ent* 
 
 Within five years after 1890 the worth and effi- 
 ciency of these measures were destined to be brought 
 to a test. In 1894 war broke out between Japan and 
 China on the question of Korea. 
 
 The course of this war will be described in Part 
 III. of this work, relating to China. But some ac- 
 count is here required on the Japanese side of these 
 events. It has been seen from various passages in 
 tills work that Korea had been first ruined by a Jap- 
 anese invasion, and had since been in a state of 
 chronic anarchy, that she had in her distress often 
 appealed both to China and Japan, that she had 
 owned a dual relationship and suzerainty in refer- 
 ence to them both. This had naturally led to dis- 
 putes between China and Japan which had for a 
 * Soe the SUxte»man't Yearbook for Heveral years up to 1800» 
 
THE REION OF THE EM'^EROB MUTSUHITO. 261 
 
 time been settled soon after 1877 by an agreement 
 that neither Power should send f( -es into Korea 
 without first informing the other, and that when the 
 Korean affair, whatever it might be at the time, had 
 been settled, both Powers should withdraw. Thi ; 
 was no doubt a specific atP«ement and clearly was 
 binding. J^'evertheless on an appeal from Korra ni 
 1893, China scut a force there, without inforiumg 
 Japan. Thereon Japan sent a corresponding force, 
 but the two forces though face to face did not come 
 to blows. China appears to have used haughty 
 language regarding Korea which Japan endurea, but 
 added that any further despatch of Chinese troops 
 into Korea contrary to the agreement vculd be re- 
 garded by her as an act of war. Evidently China 
 meant to reassert her exclusive control over Forea 
 irrespective of the agreement. Immediately aft«!r- 
 wards a Japanese squadron in the Pechihlee Gulf 
 came upon a Chinese force in a troopship escorted 
 by war ves'-.els on the way to Kc^ea. An action fol- 
 lowed, the Chinese warahips were defeated by the 
 Japanese and the troopship was sunk. Hostilities 
 were now inevitable, so the Japanese soon cleared 
 Korea of the Chinese after a little, but only a little, 
 real fighting. A severe naval action was fought be- 
 t^veen a fine Japanese squadron, and the best ships 
 (also of European build) in the Chinese Navy under 
 Admiral Ting off the coast of the Korea near the 
 mouth of the Yalu river, ending in the defeat of the 
 Chinese. It appears that the Japanese owed their 
 
262 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN ANF CHINA. 
 
 victory to the superior speed of their vessels which en- 
 abled them to out-mana?uvre their enemy, also to 
 their vastly superior Oiganisation. Thereon the 
 Japanese army overrar. the Liaot ngPeninsuk north 
 of the Pechihiee Gulf, without opposition, and took 
 Port Arthur, a Chinese naval and military position 
 of the first rank, without trouble. So far the Japa- 
 nese had shown excellent power of moving troops 
 over long distances in the depth of winter with dis- 
 ciplined endurance, but had seen very little of real 
 fighting. Then they attcked by sea and land W«- 
 hai-Wei on the opposite side of the Gulf in the main 
 continent of China. This was the most important 
 position in the Chinese Empire, but after a brief 
 defence it was taken, and the squadron in the harbour, 
 locked in there by the Japanese warships, had to sur- 
 render. Then China, sorely stricken in two vital 
 points and awakened to the fact that her army could 
 not fight and that Iier navy was gone, had to sue for 
 peace and to send a plenipotentiary, Li Himg Chang, 
 to Janan to conclude it This was concluded at 
 Shim./noseki. 
 
 By it China renounced all her claims on Korea, 
 and in the Formosa islands, ceded the Liaotung Pen- 
 insula with Port Arthur to J apan, and agreed to pay 
 a full war indemnity to Japan. The Emperor 
 of China ratified this treaty, but then Russia intex^ 
 posed, partly no doubt at China's instance, but part- 
 ly perhaps of her own accord. Her object was to 
 prevent the Liaotung Peninsula passing permanent- 
 
THE BEiriN OF THE EMPEROR MUTSUHITO. 268 
 
 ly into the hands of Japan. She was supported by 
 France in virtue of the general alliance between 
 them. She appeared also to be receiving support 
 from Germany, to the surprise of Britain at least. 
 But Britain herself did not join in asking Japan to 
 for^ any of the advantages won by her arms. 
 Nevertheless Japan, yielding to the combined pres- 
 sure of the other Powers, consented to give back 
 Liaotung and Port Arthur to China, and to content 
 herself with being rid of Chinese interference in 
 Korea, with the acquisition of Formosa and other 
 islands, and with the payment of the indemnity. 
 She retained among other things the ports and 
 harbour of Wei-hai-Wei till the indemnity should be 
 paid in full. For thL payment China raised a loan 
 under a joint arrangement by Britain and Germany. 
 When the Japanese claim had ..bus been satisfied, 
 Wei-hai-Wei was made over by Japan to Britain 
 with the consent of China in the spring of 1898. 
 Thus ended a war which must be considered as 
 glorious to the young army and navy of Japan. 
 
 The Emperor's thanks to his forces by sea and land 
 were appreciated by the whole nation. " In Decem- 
 ber of that year, 1898, by a unanimous vote the Diet 
 expressed its gratitude for the Emperor's direction of 
 the naval and military operations against China by 
 including in the Imperial Estates a sum of twenty 
 millions of yen from the indemnity obtained in con- 
 sequence of the cuuntry*8 victories." * 
 •StaUman'9Ytarl(*,l8ll». 
 
264 PBOaBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 CHAPTER XXL 
 
 THX 8TATX OV JAP AIT IIT 1890. 
 
 IiT order to portray the change which has within 
 one generation oome over the land and the people, 
 that is between 1868 and 1899, and to exemplify 
 
 the process which has been outlined in the preceding 
 Chapter, contemporary writers have coined a phrase, 
 namely the rapid " Europeanisation " of Japan. 
 
 In reference to this, some passages may be cited 
 from an able review by the late Bishop Bickersteth 
 of Tokyo addressed in 1895 to the Society for the 
 Propagation of the Gospel; as he was a most com- 
 petent witness writing, too, on the spot. 
 ' " The success of Japan has been due to her own 
 good qualities, to the honesty which during twenty 
 years of preparation duly expended the national 
 revenue on the public service, to the quick-witted 
 intelligence which not only adapted but learned 
 during the same period how to use the inventions and 
 discoveries of the West, and to the patriotism which 
 bums in all Japanese hearts alike, only more intense- 
 ly since the Revolution of 1868, and which tmited 
 all who speak the Japanese language under one sove- 
 reign and one political administration. In these 
 regards Japan is alone among Eastern nations. It 
 
THE STATE OF JAPAN IN 1800. 
 
 265 
 
 18 not too much to say that an honest administration 
 of public funds on a large scale has, till now, been 
 unknown in any Eastern country. . . . Devotion 
 to thei r Emp eror and conntry is an instinctiie-ieel- 
 ing in the , hearts of Jap a nese -m aa. and womflB 
 alike. ... As a matter of fact the Japanese 
 islands proper lie a long way to the north of 
 the tropic of Cancer, and its people have none of 
 the characteristics of the inhabitants of tropical 
 lands. They are, to take one instance, lacking in 
 the meditative religiousness and philosophical acu- 
 men which mark the peoples of India. On the 
 other hand they possess the activity of body and mind 
 which is the endowment of the people of temperate 
 climes. . . . Still less are they to be considered 
 an tmcivilised Eastern race with a mere yeneer of 
 Western manners and culture. . . . They have a 
 civilisation of their own. ... It is, in its own way, 
 as real as our own. It has its o^vn standards and 
 canons of thought and taste and feeling, its own 
 manners and customs, its own ideals and hopes. 
 Greatly as it may be indebted now and in the 
 future to Western literature and education, and 
 eagerly as it adopts the inventions of Western science, 
 these will not radically change it . . , The re- 
 sult will not be a Western nation in the Orient, 
 but an Eastern nation or rather Japan; for this 
 country is alone among the nations of the East, with 
 certain new means and methods at her disposal, but 
 in pith and £bre the same people with the same 
 
266 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 national characteristics and like mental endo^vmentS 
 and modes of thought and life as to-day or jester- 
 day." 
 
 After this emphatic and valuable testimony re- 
 garding the national oharacteristica of Japan as they 
 
 are under the new order of things, some attempt may 
 be made to explain the religious condition of the 
 people as it now is. It has been already mentioned in 
 the second Chapter of this Part, that there have al- 
 ways been two observances in Japan, one Shinto- 
 ism, which may or may not be, strictly speaking, a 
 religion, the other Booddh-iam, which, even in its 
 most debased forms, is a religion if it is anything. 
 In the Report for 1898 by the Church Missionary 
 Society, whose business it is to watch the native 
 religions, there occurs the following passage: 
 
 " The position of both Booddh-ism and Shiato-ism 
 has ber seriously affected by the revolution of 1868 
 and the changes consequent upon it. The cause 
 of Booddh-ism had been for centuries identified with 
 that of the Shoguns (feudal), and the revolution was 
 a severe blow to its power and prestige, as it was then 
 deprived of State patronage and support On the 
 other hand Shinto-ism, so closely connected with the 
 semi-divine person of the Mikado J^Emperor) and 
 the basis of his authority, gained a'triumph. Under 
 the now regime both religions remained under the 
 control of the Government. In 1877 the Bepart- 
 ment of Religion was abolished as a separate 
 office, and mad© & branch of the Home Office. At 
 
THE STATE OF JAPAN IN 18W. MT 
 
 the same time the Shinto priests, in lien of suoh 
 of their revenues as were derived from the State, 
 •were awarded pensions to cease after twenty years. 
 A few of them conuuuted and went into trade, but 
 the bulk continued to exercise the priestly office. The 
 changes prepared the way for the more decided step 
 taken in 1884 when the connection of both Booddb- 
 ism and Shinto-ism with a department of State was 
 severed, and each sect was enjoined to make pro- 
 vision for the internal government and administra- 
 tion. But although disestablished and deprived of 
 State support, both religions continue to exist, and 
 under the new order of things Booddh*ism especially 
 has manifested fresh energy." 
 
 The following anecdote in the Church Missionary 
 Society's report for 1898 is probably characteristic of 
 the former mental state of some Japanese respecting 
 religion. The witness writes : " I was talking one 
 day to an Officer's wife, a lady of good family, and 
 was telling her that before the One true God we are 
 all sinners. She listened politely, and then covering 
 her face with her hands she burst into a peal of quiet 
 laughter. * I do beg your pardon,* she said, * but / 
 a sinner ! the idea is too ridiculous.' It is firmly be- 
 lieved in many cases, among men and women too, 
 that other nations may need a Saviour, but not Japan 
 — for Japan is a country of the gods, the Japanese 
 the children of the gods, and therefore they cannot 
 sin." This would indicate a self-sufficiency rarely 
 equalled in any nation. But it probably is only a 
 
S68 PROGRESS OF nVDU. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 remnant of the childlike superstition of an age which 
 is almost past and has given way to the new age that 
 
 has risen with a living sunshine on Japan. 
 
 There may be sorao difficulty in giving any con- 
 sistent account of Shinto-ism because many educated 
 Japanese will say that it is not a religion at all, but 
 merely a code of ceremonial obaervancea. Further 
 it has been stated by one of the best European ob- 
 servers that " the united verdict given by native 
 scholars was that Shinto is not a religion ; it is a sys- 
 tem of government regulations, very good to jv^^p 
 alive the patriotism among the people.'^ Again it la 
 said that " Shinto has no moral code, ... it lays 
 down no precepts, teaches no morals or doctrines, 
 prescribes no ritual." 
 
 As a further illustration ot the Japanese self-suffi- 
 ciency (which perhaps is passing away) it may be 
 added that the newest Shinto teacher explained that 
 " morals were invented by other nations because they 
 were immoral, but in Japan there was no necessity 
 for any system of morals, as every Japanese acted 
 aright if he only consulted his own heart." In 
 justice to the Japanese, however, the Church Jf iasion- 
 arv Society in 1898 testify that " however imperfect 
 the conception of sin may be, the recognition uf na- 
 tional and individual guilt, with a view to deliverance 
 from divine judgment, is a marked feature of Shin- 
 t»-ism. Twice every year, in the sixth and twelfth 
 months, festivals are held which are supposed to 
 purify the nation from the sins of the previous half 
 year." 
 
THK STATE OP JAPAN IN IM. 
 
 Notwithstanding iti want of definitenesf, Shinto- 
 iBm seems to be intertwined with all the brighteit 
 
 tijouphts of the Japanese, tho national origin, the 
 mythical rulers, the quasi-divine Emperor, and with 
 everything that would make Japan feel proud of her- 
 Mil. 
 
 The same authority itatee that " although Shinto 
 
 is the religion of the Government, the religion of the 
 people is Booddli-ism." This Booddhistic religion 
 is declared to have "an elaborate array of cere- 
 monial and priestcraft, monks and nuns, shrines and 
 relies, images and altars, restments and candles, f as^ 
 iiigs and indulgences, pilgrimages and hermits.** 
 Further it appears that the Japanese Booddhists are 
 divided into some fourteen sects. The method of 
 prayer may be illustrated thus from the same evi- 
 dence. " Listen as I do sometimes ' 7 the hour to- 
 gether to the monotonous tap-tap oi the Booddhist 
 drum which a Japanese explained to me was the ac- 
 companiment of prayer. ' If they are in trouble,' 
 said he, ' they will stand and beat that drum all day, 
 saying over and orer again the same words.* " 
 
 As regards the prospects of Booddh-ism the follow- 
 ing words of the Reverend G. H. Pole may be cited 
 from a publication of 180S: "Christianity hag never 
 yet in any serious way mot in hand to hand combat, 
 at close quarters, that most powerful of all heathen 
 religions Booddhism. And in all human probability 
 the battle will have to be fought out in Japan. 
 . . . For whether we regard it from its doctrinal, 
 
 '4 
 
 ^ ! — ' .r\iiur^. . ' I •• I r r« I ii ill y"- ri - r •*'fiiTiiiMH -if*-'-! 'wtfyM 
 
270 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 its philosophical, its ethical, its practical or its cere- 
 monial aspects, no one acquainted with the facts can 
 deny that Booddhism as developed and modified by 
 its contact with and assimilation of principles and 
 practices from Bomanism, Confucianism, Taoism, 
 aci Shintoism is, notwithstanding its many errors, 
 and grossly superstitious observances, an antagonist 
 of intense moral and religious force." 
 
 Meanwhile according to the best authority 
 " Booddhist priests, monks and nuns of all grades 
 abound in Japan. . . . Booddhist temples are 
 numerous in all parts of the country. In most large 
 towns there is a street of temples which is called 
 Tera-machi, answering to our * Church Street.' " 
 
 Irrespective of authority on the spot, and of 
 actual evidence, it is probably known to Europeans 
 who are acquainted with educated Japanese that 
 some certainly, and probably very many, of this class 
 no longer believe in Booddhism at all; though they 
 retain Shintoism, not as a religion, but as an an- 
 cestral and ceremonial system with which the Im- 
 perial dynasty is still bound up, though the old 
 idolatrous veneration for the Emperor is hardly 
 maintained. With such persons the faith and hope 
 of a destiny for mankind, the idea of a future life, 
 apparently are but one great blank. This melan- 
 choly condition has sprung up since the great politi- 
 cal change of 1868. The same authority, as cited 
 already, writes of them : " They have a national apti- 
 tude for analytical and scieutific criticism. These 
 
THE STATE OF JAPAN IN 1899. 
 
 271 
 
 tendencies lead to a general indifference towards 
 supernatural religion and religious verities and 
 to an acceptance of atheistic and materialistic sys- 
 tems of philosophy; and these in their turn develop 
 into agnosticism or open scepticism as to the necessity 
 or desirableness of any religion whatever." 
 
 It is sad to reflect that many of the best Japanese 
 should, under the influence of the new civilisation, be 
 drifting into this position. As already seen in the 
 last Chapter of Part I. of this work, this very same 
 process has been, and still is, going on in India, but 
 up to a certain point only. There the men of West- 
 ern education no longer believe in the modem Hindu- 
 ism, or Brahmanism, as they more correctly call it. 
 But they do not abandon religion altogether. They 
 either fall back on the early Hindu faith which is 
 called Vedic, or they form on that basis a new creed 
 which is called Brahmoism, or that of the Brahmos — 
 there being in their eyes a vital difference between 
 Brahmo and Brahmin or Brahman. Now according 
 to all appearances nothing of this sort is happening 
 in Japan. The Japanese who abandon Booddhism 
 as a religion, and adhere to Shintoism merely as a 
 ceremonial system, take up no creed whatever, and 
 seem at present to be without any religious belief. 
 Whatever be the ntmiber of these at this moment, 
 and it is likely to grow larger rather than otherwise 
 day by day, they do not become Christian, though 
 it is to be devoutly hoped that they may. 
 
 Meanwhile Christianity in Japan, since its oom- 
 
 T 
 
272 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 plete allowance and toleration by the Goremment, 
 had made what would he called good and rapid prog^ 
 
 ress according to any standard of comparison which 
 may be ^et up from experience in any other Eastern 
 country. The total number of Japanese Christians 
 may be taken at about 85,000. Of tiieae a goodly por- 
 tion, that is 44,000 or rather moretiian half, are Ro- 
 man Catholics, as may be expected in reference to the 
 famous associations which the Jesuits left behind 
 them in the Middle Ages, and which to this day are 
 not forgotten by the people, especially in some of 
 the southern districts. Again, as might be expected, 
 the Protestant Japanese belong to several sections. 
 The following summary is taken from the Church 
 Missionary Society's Report for 1898. According 
 to that, in the beginning of 1896, the total number 
 of Missionaries at that time was 656, including wives 
 — belonging to the American Board Congregational- 
 ist, tlx- various Presbyterian Boards, the Episcopal 
 Method: its, the Baptists and the Churches of the 
 Anglican Oommunion, English, Canadian and Am- 
 erican—but of the 39,000 Native Christians, over 
 11,000 belonged to the Presbyterian Churches, about 
 the same numb* r to the Congregational bodies, nearly 
 8,000 to the Mfcih.).!-.sts, about 2,500 to the Baptists 
 and 6,600 to the Episcopal Church. The Eeport 
 goes on to say: "Thus American Missionaries, who 
 were first to enter Japan in 1859 and who were doing 
 useful pioneer work nearly ten years befor«> the 
 arrival of the first British Missionary, itill take tho 
 
THE STATE OP JAPAN IN 1899. 
 
 273 
 
 lead." A still later return would bring the total to 
 about 41,000. 
 
 For Public Instruction, it has already been seen 
 that Education is a department of the Government, 
 and is organised after Western models. The at- 
 tendance at Elementary Schools is compulsory, and 
 it may appear strange, though such is the fact, that 
 this constitutes a distinct advance beyond anything 
 that has as yet been deemed feasible in British India. 
 Perhaps the Japan ese Government has be en T}g\it in 
 giving effect gradually and leniently to this comgul- 
 .!l9.?:. 'J-^e number of children of a school-going' age 
 is over 7^ miUions. Of these only 4 millioM, 
 perhaps somewhat less, are actually at school. But 
 even this numberof scholars is creditable, indeed hon- 
 ourable, to Japan, considering the shortness of time 
 during which the system has hf^ n at work. The 
 schools are of all sorts and grades, as in the West, 
 from the Kindergarten up to the University. There 
 is also technical instruction of all sorts afforded, that 
 is to say, in Science, in Medicine, in Engineering, in 
 Agriculture. The higher Schools are mainly sup- 
 ported by the State, and so are the Elementary 
 Schools in part, the remainder of the expenses being 
 defrayed by local rates. 
 
 Together with this education much literary activ- 
 ity has sprung up, as might be expected, inasmuch 
 as there is always a tendency among the Japanese in 
 this direction. According to the Statesman's Year- 
 look for 1899, there were in 1895 some 25 public 
 
274 PB0ORES8 OF VXDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 libraries in Japan, with nearly half a million of 
 volumes. In that year more than 26,000 books 
 in Japanese, and 753 periodicals, monthly, weekly, 
 and daily, were published. Of the periodicals more 
 than 409 millions of copies were issued, repre- 
 senting a very large circulation. Whether with this 
 literature any works of genius have been written, 
 indicating the new phases of the national character 
 under the new order of things, is a qu ^-tion which 
 it would be premature to attempt to answer. Under 
 such circumstances the weight of hooks, packets and 
 letters carried by the Post-Office must be enonnoufl. 
 The number of all these together entrusted to the 
 Postal Service has risen from 321 millions in 1893-4 
 to 506 millions in 1896-7. Taken at the very least, 
 these statistics indicate a remarkable buoyancy of 
 spirits and elasticity of mind in the young nation. 
 
 Fot the general Government the Constitution, of 
 which an outline was given in the preceding Chap- 
 ter, is apparently being carried out. As it had 
 been deliberately planned, no early modifications 
 were found necessary. Even if some details 
 may have been added or altered, the system is in 
 1899 as it was on its promulgation in 1890. So far 
 as can be gathered in England, it appears that the 
 civil administration is conducted much in the same 
 manner as that of British India. There are codes 
 r^f law, civil and criminal, an independent judiciary, 
 \ magistrates for the various districts, and superior 
 \ officers for the groups of districts and organised 
 
THE STATE OF JAPAN IN 18M. 
 
 S75 
 
 police; with a civil governor for every province. 
 There is a general freedom of the Press, subject how- 
 ever to censorship in the event of political or con- 
 stitutional matters being touched upon. All per- 
 sons, including all the servants of the Government, 
 are equal before the law, nominally and on the prin- 
 ciple at least; but for a nation so recently emerged 
 from feudalism as the Japanese there must as yet be 
 doubt whether such equality is fully observed in 
 practice. The relations between the Emperor and the 
 two bodies which form the Diet are being gradually 
 formed after the European model in general, but not 
 exactly according to the example of any one Euro- 
 pean nation in particular. The Emperor is a consti- 
 tutional Sovereign; the executive Government, the 
 supreme command of the Army and Navy, the de- 
 claring of war, the making of peace, are all vested in 
 him. He has much property belonging to his Crown, 
 but for money supplie:: to maintain the administra- 
 tion in war and peace he is really dependent on the 
 Lower Chamber of the Diet, consisting of the elected 
 representatives of the people. He appoints his Min- 
 isters in all Departments, not exactly as the Sov- 
 ereign in the United Kingdom does, but more after 
 the manner which is practised by the Emperor of 
 Germany. He chooses his me- personally, but it is 
 understood that he must have regard to the senti- 
 ments of certain sets of men about his throne, <vho are 
 something like an unacknowledged Privy ConneiL 
 Hanif estly he must take men who would be acoeptaUe 
 
276 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 to the Diet, of which they may be members, though 
 not necessarily so. With his Councillors and Min- 
 isters tbc present Emperor is understood to have 
 weight from his long experience of the new system, 
 which generally exceeds theirs. But he is much 
 secluded and is surrounded by etiquette. He speaks 
 no European language, and cannot learn anything 
 for himself from the outside. So his real character 
 and influence cannot be measured- The loyal view 
 taken by the Diet of his conduct during the war with 
 China has been already mentioned. There has been 
 some revision of the aristocracy, based doubtless on 
 the old order of things. The titles are translated 
 into English as Marquis, Count, Viscount and Baron. 
 The Upper House of Peers consists partly of mem- 
 bers in some degree elected by the Orders of aris- 
 tocracy to which they belong, and partly appointed 
 by the Emperor; the total number is about three 
 hundred. The Lower House of elected representa- 
 tives consists also of three hundred Members, who 
 all receive a certain allowance which they are not 
 allowed to decline. The Presidents of both Houses 
 are appointed by the Emperor from among the Mem- 
 bers. The Diet must be assembled once a year. It 
 is a part of the Emperor's prerogative to dissolve 
 the House of Representatives. In the electoral dis- 
 tricts the parliamentary franchise is not like uni- 
 versal suffrage, but is based on moderate and leason- 
 able qualifications. 
 
 Hereupon tkere arise two classes of questions 
 
THE STATE OF JAPAN IN 18i«. 277 
 
 which are familiar enough to the Western mind, 
 
 but which cannot be answered for a Parliamentary 
 Government like the Japanese, which is not yet ten 
 years old. The first relates to the elections ; whether 
 the candidates are popular ones or the nominees of 
 grandees, whether the elections are free or manipu- 
 lated by the civil authorities under the Government 
 of the day, whether there are the disputes of the day 
 to be argued by rival candidates on platforms, and 
 whether the electors take sufficient interest in the 
 elections to induce them to attend at the poll in large 
 niunbers. The second relates to the Lowor or Com- 
 mons House of the Diet. That it does ote supplies 
 of money for each Session and can thus exercise 
 influence, is clear enough. But there may be doubt 
 whether it can or cannot be overawed by the Min- 
 isters of the Emperor, whether it has or has not a 
 roal initiative in legislation, whether it has or has 
 not real control over the executive, and whether any 
 private member or group of Members could be 
 influenced by the Government. Englishmen who 
 know their own parliamentary history will be cau- 
 tious in answering such questions regarding an in- 
 fant Constitution, respecting which there is only 
 the scantiest information. It is to be apprehended, 
 however, that while some have not even surrendered 
 the old exclusiveness, yet whole classes of people 
 who up to the living generation were in tight sub- 
 jection and now find themselves in full citizenship, 
 have enough spirit to refuse retrogression towards a 
 
278 PB0OBE88 OF INDU. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 regime which has been abolished. If that be at all 
 the case the new Imperial rule must be rendered in 
 some degree popular. But although there is in form 
 and appearance much of democracy in the Consti- 
 tution, yet there is evidently hanging about it an 
 aristocratic and monarchical air. The only thing 
 certain, and that will be good, is the patriotism which 
 animates all the intelligent classes of the people 
 from the Emperor downwards. 
 
 The internal communication is still in the main 
 by roads, many of which are doubtless well main- 
 tained, though probably many of what have been 
 called " the unbeaten tracks of Japan " still remain. 
 From the nature of the country there can be no water 
 communications of any consequence. The railways 
 were begun only in the last quarter of the century, 
 and were at first carried out slowly in the districts 
 adjacent to Tokyo, Yokohama and Kyoto. During 
 the most recent years a marked progress has been 
 made, for the main ridge has been crossed which 
 runs in the midst of the main island, and so there is a 
 railway across the island from the east to the west 
 shore. Again from Tokyo a line has been taken 
 northwards to the upper extremity c ' the island. 
 Thus there are now 631 miles of railway belonging 
 to the State and 1,873 miles belonging to private 
 companies, twenty-eight in number, of whom three 
 only have any guarantee from the State. That so 
 much private enterprise should have been shown in 
 this matter is creditftUe to a young xuUioii like the 
 
THE RTATE OF JAPAN IN IWt. 
 
 279 
 
 Japanese. If is likely to be rewarded, for al- 
 ready the system is carrying 6^ millions of tons and 
 42 millions of passengers annually. And this has 
 been attained despite the difficulties from repeated 
 
 seismic disturbances, which may at any moment 
 cause widespread disorganisation in the lines, the 
 bridges and the stock. 
 
 The foreign ocean-borne trade has nearly trebled 
 within the last few years as regards imports, and has 
 nearly doubled as regards exports. But still the ex- 
 ports are equal to only two-thirds of the imports, and 
 60 there remains a considerable balance of trade 
 against Japan. This circumstance is attracting the 
 serious attention of the Japanese authorities, as will 
 be presently seen. Hitherto this trade has been car- 
 ried on at six " open ports," that is, open by Treaty 
 to foreigners, and thirteen others. The restriction 
 of foreigners to certain ports was, as has been shown 
 in the foregoing Chapters, due partly to that bar- 
 baric jealousy in olden times of which the modem 
 and enlightened time would naturally be ashamed. 
 Accordingly this restriction after long consideration 
 has just been removed. All ports are now free 
 and foreigners are unrestricted as r^ards residence 
 in the interior, subject doubtless to passport rela- 
 tions. In justice to Japan, however, it must be said 
 that in recent times the restriction was due to the 
 claims made by Foreign Governments for jurisdic- 
 tion over their own subjects residing in the country, 
 and has been withdrawn now that Jap^n has been 
 placed in a position of fall jorisdiotioD. 
 
280 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Tn 1898 the Associated Chambers of Commerce ia 
 England doputod Admiral Lord Charles Bercdfuid 
 to enquire into all matters in riiina afTecting the 
 Chambers. This Mission, though really a private 
 one, was r^arded as important by the people of the 
 Far East, whether European or Asiatic. It was ex- 
 tended to Japan, regarding which a Chapter is in- 
 cluded in the Report presented by Lord Charli s in 
 the spring of 1899, and published shortly afterwards. 
 This Chapter contains some of the most recent evi- 
 dence regarding the country, and several quotations 
 from it may with advantage be made just in the order 
 in which they come. At Nagasaki Lord Charles 
 finds two mercantile steamers building, of a very 
 superior kind. They will be built at i loss which 
 will be borne "by two rich Japanese gentlemen in 
 8Ui)port of the patriotic idea of starting shipbuilding 
 in J apan." He remarks that the " Japanese are mak- 
 ing strenuous efforts to convey all their water-borne 
 commerce in Japanese vessels. ... A large amount 
 of machinery in Japan is of British manufacture." 
 'At Osaka he visited the Military Arsenal. " It was 
 chiefly employed making a new quick-firing gun. 
 The principle was certainly second to none. They 
 were also making a magazine-gun of Japanese patent, 
 quite perfect in design and construction." He visited 
 the largest of the seventeen cotton mills at Osaka, 
 and found the machinery to be British. He adds: 
 *' In Japan there are seventy cotton millH altogether.'* 
 He went over some very jbusy iron and steel works. 
 
THE STATE OF JAPAN IN IdW. 
 
 S81 
 
 Thej " belonged to an Englishman, but were regit* 
 
 tercd as a Japanosc company." He was invited to 
 attend a meeting at whicli the Mayor, the Members 
 of the Chambers of Commerce and all representa- 
 tive citizens were present This illustrates the man- 
 ner in which the new municipal institutions are work- 
 ing. He proceeded to Kyoto, and there finds "a 
 system of electric batteries, one of the most remark- 
 able examples of municipal progress, energy and 
 enterprise to be seen in Japan, or perhaps in any 
 country." On the Lake Biwa, near Kyoto, he finds 
 ** a further interesting example of municipal enter- 
 prise." He f.dds that there is no country which he 
 has visited ./here electricity as a motive-power has 
 been taken advantage of to the same extent as in 
 Japan. . . . Telephones and telegraphs aboxmd in 
 every street, in nearly every town, and a very large 
 and increasing number of manufactures are work^ 
 by electric power. At Tokyo he met the great of- 
 ficials, and was informed among other things that 
 " the reorganisation of the Chinese Army was occupy- 
 ing the earnest attention of those in authority in 
 Japan, and with the object of helping China forward 
 in this direction the Japanese Government had con- 
 sented to receive thirty Chinese students into the 
 Military College at Tokyo. Besides, fifty-seven 
 Chinese recruits arrived from China to be trained as 
 non-oommissioned officers and this indicates a rap- 
 proehement between the two nations after the recent 
 war. At the Central Military School he writes that 
 
S88 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 nothing could he mo-o perfect than the syatem of 
 
 teaching and training. At a parade near Tokyo ho 
 states that " Artillery, cavalry and infantry were 
 each quite excellent in organisation, appearance and 
 I'iBcipline." He wtj invited by the Chamher of Com- 
 merce at Tolgro to address a public meeting there 
 which was most influentially attended. Among other 
 things he was informed that " if Britain would only 
 lead in a definite policy in China, then Japaii would 
 most certainly follow." From Yokohama to Yokoska 
 he is conreyed in an Elswick-built cruiser and finds 
 her to be in as good a condition as a man-of-war could 
 be. He went over the naval barracks, " which were 
 in the same complete state of efficiency that I found 
 in all naval and military establishraentfi in Japan." 
 
 For trade the Japanese evidently recommend the 
 policy of the " open door " in China, meaning there* 
 by that all ports which are opened at all shall be open 
 to all nations alike. Lord Charles writes that the 
 future well-being of Japan depends much more largely 
 on the maintenance of " the open door " in China 
 than is generally known in Britain. " The popula- 
 tion of Japan is increasing rapidly. Only one- 
 twelfth of the whole Empire can be cultivated. Food 
 will have to be imported. ... In order to pay for 
 this import Japan must have an export. China is 
 the nearest market, and Japan requires that her 
 export shall -.ict be hampered by adverse tarifFs on 
 arrival in China." FTs cnripidprs th"* " *lie naval 
 and military forces Ja^an will have to be reckoned 
 
THE STATE OF JAPAN IN 1899. 
 
 S88 
 
 witb, when solving the problems connected with the 
 future development of trade And oommeroe in the 
 
 Far East." 
 
 These observations, made bj Lord Charles Beres- 
 ford while he was acting in a high capacity, serve 
 to explain many pointi in the itate of Japan in 1899. 
 
 The Army of J apan is set down statistically at the 
 high number of 284,700 men of all sorts. But a 
 large part consists of the territorial army, or " land- 
 iturm." The regular army with the colours, how- 
 ever, really coniists of the Imperial Guard, 11,200, 
 and the six divisions, 76,300 men. But there is a 
 reserve of 83,000 men. It is noteworthy that there 
 are 20,000 horses of Japanese breed from foreign 
 sires. In the Navy there are twenty-one ships of good 
 types, mostly built in Europe. 
 
 The annual Eeceipts and the Expenditures have 
 been rising fast since IS 93, and surpluses used to bo 
 generally maintained. For 1 806-7 the Receipts 
 were shown at 153 millions of yen and the Expendi- 
 ture at 166 millions — for 1897-8, the Beeeipts ap- 
 pear at 288 millions of yen and the Expenditure at 
 249 millions. In the latter year there seem to be 
 some abnormal credits and debits which swell the 
 totals, in connection with the indemnity for the late 
 war. In the Bevenues proper the two main items 
 are the land tax, levied mostly from the peasant pro- 
 prietors, and the tax on malt and spirits. The ex- 
 peisapa o.i the armv appear to be 29 millions, of the 
 navy 10 millions of yen. The public debt stands 
 
284 PROGRESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 at 410 millions, and the debt annual charges at « 
 millions of yen. The silver yen or dollar has a 
 nominal value of 4s. and an actual value of 3«. 4d. 
 The standard of value since October, 1897, is gold; 
 the unit will be the gold yen.* 
 
 Kegarding the aspect of Japan in 1899, one of the 
 best authorities is the Guidebook by Chamberlain and 
 Mason, published in 1894. After remarking that in 
 every sphere of activity the old order has given way 
 to the new, they write : " But even Japan, great as is 
 the power of imitation and assimilation possessed by 
 her people, has not been able completely to transform 
 her whole material mental and social being within 
 the limits of a single lifetime. Fortunately for the 
 curious observer she continues in a state of transition 
 • — less Japanese and more European day by day, 
 it is true, but still retaining characteristics of her 
 own, especially in the dress, manners and beliefs of 
 the lower classes. ... As for what is called seeing 
 Japanese life, the best plan is to avoid the foreign 
 settlements in the Open Ports. You will see theatres, 
 wrestling, dancing girls, and the new Japan of Euro- 
 pean uniforms, political lectures, clubs, colleges, hos- 
 pitals and chapels in the big cities. The old peasant 
 life still continues almost unchanged in the districts 
 not opened up by the railways." Further, in refer- 
 ence to the temples the GuidehooTc, after adverting to 
 the reform whereby the Shinto and Booddhist re- 
 
 • The figures in this paragraph are taken from the State*- 
 man'* Yeaiiook for 1899. 
 
THE STATE Of JAPAN IN 1899. 
 
 385 
 
 ligio.s were aoperited, goes on to state that "the 
 Boocdhist priests were expelled from the Shinto 
 tempios. . . . 11 buildings such as pagodas, belfries 
 and richly-decorated shrines, that did not properly 
 belong to the Shinto establishment were removed, 
 many precious structures being thus destroyed by 
 'purifying' zeal. In consequence of all this the 
 modem visitor to Japan loses much that delighted 
 the eyes of those who came twenty years ago. . . . 
 On the other hand he has better opportunities for 
 familiarising himself with the style of ' pure Shinto,' 
 which, if severely simple, is at least unique in the 
 world." 
 
 Whether Japan will preserve her unrivalled re- 
 noAvn in certain branches of 'ndustrial art, as already 
 set forth in the Second Chapter of this Part, is a 
 question which can hardly as yet be answered. But 
 some sidelight may be thrown upon it by the follow- 
 ing extracts from the Ouidebooh: 
 
 " Though now sometimes sold in large stores, Jap- 
 anese objects of art are not produced in large work- 
 shops. In old days, when the best pieces were made, 
 few masters employed as many as half a dozen work- 
 men in addition to the members of their own family, 
 and chefs-d'oeuvre often originated in humble dwell- 
 ing?, where perhaps a single artisan laboured in the 
 most primitive style assisted by one or two children. 
 At the present day, foreign influence is causing the 
 spread of Western business methods, extensive mantt- 
 factupea, and splendidly decked-out windows, but 
 
286 PROGRESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 as yet in only two or three of the larger towns. Even 
 there, the best things must often be sought in narrow 
 
 lanes." 
 
 In conclusion, it is clear that Japan is arming 
 steadily and determinedly, and that some immediate 
 trouble is expected by her. That trouble in great 
 part relates to the actual extinction of the Chinese 
 Empire, in all Imperial respects, and the probable 
 dismemberment of China herself as a country and a 
 dominion; to be followed by a virtual partition, in 
 some sort, between the European Powers, with a con- 
 sequent establishment of what are now known as 
 " spheres of influence," in lieu of the existing policy 
 of " the open door " with ports free to all and un- 
 restricted trade; all which will be explained in the 
 ensuing Part III. on China. Now if anything of this 
 kind were to happen, Japan will tremble for her ex- 
 port markets, which are nearest and best for her in 
 China, and which she seems to think essential to her 
 prosperity. Nevertheless she fears that the Chinese 
 army and police are incorrigibly bad, being unable 
 to preserve order, that the existing disorder, if pro- 
 longed, will cause the European Powers to forcibly 
 interfere for the protection of their trade and traders, 
 and that this will be the beginning of the end for 
 China. If "spheres of influence" were thereupon 
 to be created, then Japan apprehends that most of 
 them would ere long be shut against her, excepting 
 the British sphere; in which case the only consola- 
 tion for her must consist in the thought that the 
 
THE STATE OP JAPAN IN 1899. 
 
 287 
 
 British sphere vill be far the richest and largest. At 
 the best, those who study the realities of China will 
 perceive that the decline and fall of the Chinese Em- 
 pire must have been only a question of time. But 
 then Japan by the war of 1895-6 certainly precipi- 
 tated the crisis, broke the back of China, brought 
 in all the diverse European distractions, and pro- 
 duced the very state of things which is now depre- 
 cated as perilous to Japanese interests. It is prob- 
 able that the most thoughtful Japanese statesmen 
 regretfully reflect on that war, glorious as it was 
 for them. However, they sowed the wind, and 
 must be prepared to bear their share in reaping 
 the whirlwind. All this may account for the 
 fri3ndly understanding which Japan now appears 
 to be cultivating with China, probably in the 
 hope of helping to reorganise the Chinese army 
 and police for the sake of internal order and of 
 the "open" door, and with a just and reasonable 
 expectation of security therein through the co- 
 operation of Britain. 
 
 On the other hand, that war gave to Japan a place 
 amoiig the nations that she could hardly have at- 
 tainedj and certainly not ia the present genera*''^n, 
 hy any degree of cultivation of the arts of peace. In- 
 deed, in all arts, whether of war or peace, the key- 
 note of the present Japanese character appears to be 
 a strenuous patience. 
 
 u 
 
PART THREE. 
 
 CHINA. 
 
 CHAPTER XXn. 
 uttbodtiotiow. 
 
 1 Ail now going to sketch the progress of China 
 during the nineteenth century. For the sake of 
 uniformity in expression, the term progress ia em- 
 ployed, but it should rather be termed the moment* 
 ous change which has been coming over the Chinese 
 dominion, which is still proceeding, and may ere 
 long lead to national disaster. 
 
 The Chinese Empire covers the vast area of 
 four millions of square miles, with a population 
 of which the total is not exactly known and has been 
 variously estimated, but may be taken at 350 
 millions of souls, or possibly 400 millions. Of this 
 area about two-thirds, or 2J millions out of the 
 4 millions of square miles, consists of the mighty 
 Plateau of Tibet, Tartary and Mongolia, one of the 
 most elevated regions in the world. This Plateau ia 
 
INTRODUC?nON. 
 
 S89 
 
 mostly desert, but has in parts a scanty and scattered 
 population, amounting perhaps to 15 millions of 
 souls at the most, or one-thirtieth of the whole popu- 
 lation as above set forth. In former centuries the 
 movements from this Plateau have transformed the 
 face of China, erected and overturned its dynasties, 
 altered, for better for worse, the destiny of its 
 people. But during the nineteenth century the 
 Plateau has played little part in the history of 
 China, and will now claim but slight notice. 
 
 That part of the Chinese Empire which the 
 Chinese inhabit lies between the mountains which 
 form the eastern flank of this mighty Plateau on 
 the one hand, and the Yellow Sea and the China 
 Sea which are really parts of the Pacific Ocean on 
 the other hand. This portion contains about a 
 million and a half of square miles ^vith the popula- 
 tion of 350 million above mentioned, perhaps a little 
 mere or perhaps even a little less after recent mis- 
 fortunes. In reference to its fertility, its means of 
 inland navigation, it.« various resources, its teeming 
 population, it is one of the finest dominions in the 
 world. 
 
 Without attempting any ge(^aphical description, 
 it is necessary to touch upon the main features of 
 tlie land in order that the narrative of progress, or at 
 least of change, may be properly understood. 
 
 Firstly, towards the north of China, the observer 
 will perceive a very remarkable indentation on the 
 eastern coaet which has the dimensiona of a gulf, and 
 
290 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 is indeed called the Fechihlee Gulf. This has a 
 northern branch on its western erd called the Liao 
 Tung Gulf. To the nortli of these Gulfs lie the 
 Liao Tung peninsula, well known in recent history, 
 and Manchuria, reaching up to the Russian con- 
 fines of Siberia. From the eastern part of Man- 
 churia there runs southwards a long tongue of terri- 
 tory facing the seaward end of the Pechililee Gulf, 
 and, as it were, covering the Gulf. This is Korea, the 
 fate of which has been much mixed up with that of 
 China as will be seen hereafter. 
 
 The eastern coast line of China may be reckoned 
 at about sixteen hundred miles facing the Pacific 
 Ocean. Consequently the Chinese waters are very 
 extensive. But of all these waters the most im- 
 portant is the Pechihlee Gulf, because at a short dis- 
 tance from the western end of it is situated Peking, 
 the capital of the Empire. Thus the capital is 
 situated in what must be regarded by most Chinese 
 people as a remote corner of the Empire. This may, 
 however, be convenient to the present line of sove- 
 reigns, who are Manchus from Manchuria close by. 
 At a comparatively short distance behind Peking 
 rises one of the mountain chains which form the 
 flank of the great Plateau already mentioned. It 
 is along the ridge of this range that there runs the 
 famed Chinese Wall, erected to prevent incursions 
 by the Mongol tribes. 
 
 From any examination of this north-west frontier 
 |t will be apparent that China is conterminoiis with 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 291 
 
 the Russian dominions for many hundreds of miles; 
 and that is a grave consideration. 
 
 Amidst these mountains rises the Hoang Ho or 
 Yellow Kiver, the greatest but one of the Chinese 
 rivers. After an extraordinarily tortuous course, it 
 used to discharge itself into the Gulf of Pechihlee, 
 but in recent times it has changed its course and 
 now joins the sea below, or south of the mouth of 
 that Gulf. There are, however, rumours of its re- 
 turning to its old mouth. This famous river has had 
 no place in the political arrangements of recent 
 times. But it has played an important part in the 
 economic history of China, and in its winding basin 
 has risen the flower of the Chinese population. It 
 was in its upper and middle valleys that the Mongol 
 invaders in the thirteenth century met the stiffest 
 resistance they ever encountered, and that their ter- 
 ribly notorious leader Qenghiz Khan fought his last 
 battle. 
 
 Besides its proximity to the Capital and to the 
 basin of the IToang Ho, the Pechihlee Gulf has yet 
 further claims on the notice of statesmen. On the 
 north side of it is situated the new Russian naval 
 station of Port Arthur. On the opposite or southern 
 side of it is the new British naval station of Wei- 
 liai-Wei. At the south-eastern or outer end of the 
 Gulf is the wide promontory of Shantung, near the 
 end of which is the new German naval station of 
 Kiao Chow. 
 
 Southwards of the basin of the Hoang Ho there 
 
292 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHIN^.. 
 
 are ranges of hills running generally from west to 
 east, and approaching the coast. These form the 
 upper boundary of the valley of the Yang-tsze- 
 Kiang, or blue, River, the greatest of Chinese rivers, 
 and one of the great rivers of the world. It rises 
 far away among the eastern flanks of the mightj 
 Plateau already mentioned. After running for 
 some distance from its imperfectly explored source 
 it bears for several hundreds of miles the name of 
 "the river of the golden sand." Then passing 
 through the upland province of Szechuan, a region 
 of some political importance, it reaches the last of 
 its hilly barriers. It breaks through thorn with 
 tremendous rapids and emerges finally on the plains. 
 It then pursues a long course through a broad valley 
 and enters the Yellow Sea, a part of the Pacific 
 Ocean. Near the end of this valley is the historic 
 city of Nanking. Just south of the mouth of the 
 Yang-tsze-Kiang is the Dritish commercial station 
 of Shanghai. The position of Shanghai is of the 
 utmost consequence from its proximity to the deltaic 
 mouth of the river. Any naval force placed there 
 virtually commands the mouth of the Water-System 
 and the entrance of the Yang-tsze valley. From its 
 expansiveness, its fertility and resources, its teem- 
 ing population, its facilities for water-communica- 
 tion, this valley always has been, and still is, by 
 far the finest part of China, and is indeed one of the 
 finest parts of all Asia. As it contains the national 
 and popular capital, namely Nanking, it will prob- 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 293 
 
 ably be rogtrded as the truly imperial section of 
 
 China. 
 
 South of this basin there rise hills which form 
 the northern boundary of the Canton River. Near 
 the mouth of that river stands the British island of 
 Hong Kong, a fortified naval base, a coaling station 
 of the first rank, and a centre of commerce. 
 
 Again, south of this rise hills which form the 
 northern boundary of the Tongking or Tonkin Kiver 
 system, running into a bay on the coast, where is 
 the French station established some years ago. Near 
 the mouth of this Bay is situate the large island of 
 Hai-nan. 
 
 Here ends the Chinese dominion and the kingdom 
 of Siam begins. From this point the Chinese bound- 
 ary turns north-westward, adjoining the upper val- 
 ley of the river Mekhong, which flows down south to 
 Cambodia and the French settlement at Saigon, 
 and hich is fast rising in political importance. In 
 this quarter lies the province of Yunnan which 
 borders on Burma in the Empire of India, and is 
 the point of contact between the Indian and the 
 Chinese dominions. 
 
 Those who judge the fighting power of China 
 merely by the astonishing misconduct of the Chinese 
 troops in quite recent times, would be struck by the 
 undoubted records of Chinese heroism and endup- 
 ance in former centuries. Their friends believe that 
 in these days with system and discipline they would 
 be just as good and brave soldiers aa their forefathers 
 
294 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 ever wore. They were the last to yield to the Mongols, 
 who by their devastating invasions had overrun every- 
 thing from the European waters of the Danube and 
 the Volga right across Central Asia to the Pacific 
 shores. Indeed the stiffeet resist mce which the 
 Mongols encountered among all the nationalities who 
 became their victims was that which the Chinese 
 offered. Had the Chinese happily been at that time 
 \mited, the Mongols would never have subdued 
 China. But unfortunately there were then two 
 Chinese kingdoms — the northern, that of the Kin with 
 its capital at Peking, the southern, that of the Sxing 
 with its capital at Nanking. Even then the Mongols 
 were occupied for many years in subduing the 
 northern kingdom. Indeed they would hardly have 
 subdued it had not the southern kingdom, foreseeing 
 the doom of their northern brethren, made terms 
 with the conquerors. But soon a breach occurred 
 between the Mongols and the southern or Sung king- 
 dom. Thereupon a desperate and bloody contest 
 raged all along the Tang-tsze, the home of the Snng. 
 At last the southern kingdom was beaten down, and 
 Mongol rule was established for a time throughout 
 China under Kublai, one of the few men of genius 
 that the Mongol race ever produced. After him tho 
 Mongol rulers, dwelling in the soft climate of China, 
 lost the hardihood bred in the Plateau, the home of 
 their race, and in due course succumbed before a 
 Chinese patriot who founded the Ming dynasty. 
 After the lapse of a few centuries the Ming dynasty 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 wu diaplaoed by the Tartar Mtnehus, under cir- 
 
 cumstances most discreditable to the Chinese. It 
 was from :Moukden, a valley in the heart of Man- 
 churia already mentioned, that the Manehus came, 
 ■who still sit on the throne at Peking. It appears now 
 that they too have degenerated, losing the martial 
 and political qualities whereby their ancestors rose 
 to power. 
 
 The Ch inese dominion proper has long been 
 divided into eighteen provinces which appear to be 
 almost devoutly regarded by the Chinese as their 
 national patrimony. These need be here mentioned 
 only in connection with the geographical sketch just 
 presented. Beginning from the north the provinces 
 of Pechihlee and Shantung adjoin the Gulf as al- 
 ready mentioned; they are partly deltaic or alluvial, 
 and one, Kiangsn, is almost entirely so, being at the 
 mouth of the Hoang Ho, just below, or south of, the 
 Shangtung promontory. Then three — namely, Che- 
 kiang (just below the mouth of the Yang-taze- 
 Kiang), Fuhkien,and Kwantung (containing Can- 
 ton) — are littoral, lying along the shore of the 
 Pacific Ocean. Three — ^namely, Ganhwey, Hupi, 
 and Honan — are rich inland provinces, partly in 
 the basin of the Yang-tsze-Kiang. One — namely, Hu- 
 nan, near the Hoang Ho — is rich and fertile. Three 
 — ^namely, Kiangsi, Kwangsi and Kweichow — are of 
 lesser though considerable richness. Fom^namely, 
 Shansi, Shensi, ITansu, and Yinnan — ^are frontier 
 provinces near the eastern flank of the great FlatMu 
 
S96 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 and are in part hilly. Lastly, one— namely, See. 
 ohoan— is partly rich and partly mountainous. Thus 
 is made up the number of the eighte<'n Provinces. 
 
 It will be observed that Manchuria Joes not fall 
 within this number, though it is equally dear to the 
 present dynasty as heing their home. Thus Man- 
 churia must be placed among the dependencies of 
 China. In the samo category is the vast Plateau 
 on the West already mentioned, which comprises 
 many well-known regions, notably such us Tibet, 
 there bringing the Chinese Empire in contact with 
 the British in the Eastern Himalayas, such also as 
 Yarkand-Kashgaria in contact with the Kussian do- 
 minions. Among the dependencies was to be counted 
 Annam in the south, which in recent years has be- 
 come virtually French. In t^at quarter China is 
 contiguous to the French dominion in Cochin China. 
 In former times China loved to reckon Korea among 
 her dependencies ; but of late she has been forced to 
 abandon that claim. 
 
 Adjacent to so large a continent .".s that of China 
 there would naturally be islands over which the 
 Chinese continental power would have dominion. 
 Among these islands are in the south Hainan, then 
 northwards Formosa (now ceded to Japan) and a 
 
 *ring of lesser islands leading towards Japan itself, 
 ihe small hut important islands of Hong Kong 
 ceded to the British (near Macao, which has long 
 been a Portuguese possession) , and Chusan, an island 
 which plays some part in the history which is to fol- 
 
iimiODucnoN. 
 
 997 
 
 low. It seems that the Chinese have never cared 
 
 so much for thoir islands as for their provincos above 
 mentionod, whicfi alono arn rr^rardcd by thom as the 
 componeuL ^arts of thoir fatherland. 
 
298 PKOGRESb OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 CHAPTEE XXIIL 
 
 STATE OF CHINA UT 1800. 
 
 As a foundation for the narrative of progress or 
 of change in the nineteenth century, it is necessary 
 to portray briefly the condition of China about the 
 year 1800. 
 
 In 1793 the Emperor Chienlung of Manchu race 
 had abdicated on completing a reign of sixty 
 years, and on attaining an advanced age. Three 
 years later, in 1796, he died, becoming in courtly 
 phrase "a guest in heaven." This reign had been 
 really magnificent, though its magnificence has been 
 recognised by the learned only and not by the Euro- 
 pean public, because China itself was but little known 
 in those days. One of the latest authorities is Pro- 
 fessor Douglas, who writes : " The native historians 
 state with justice that during the sixty years of his 
 reign the Empire reached its acme of greatness. 
 From the northern steppes of Mongolia to Cochin 
 China and from Formosa (the island) to Nepal, the 
 Chinese armies had fought and conquered. Up- 
 wards of four hundred million of the human race 
 had obeyed the commands of the great Emperor." * 
 
 • See Story of the Natiowt : China, 1899, by Professor R. 
 Douglas, of the British Museum, whuee opinions on the re* 
 
STATE OF CHINA IN 1800. 
 
 S99 
 
 Soon after the beginning of the century but referring 
 to this time Mr. Ellis wrote : " It is impossible to 
 travel through his (the Emperor's) dominions with- 
 out feeling that he has the finest country within an 
 imperial ring-fence in the world." Thus about the 
 year 1800 all the countries mentioned in the preced- 
 ing Chapter, the great Plateau, the rich r^ona 
 between it and the Pacific Ocean, were under an 
 united Empire. The mandates from the Imperial 
 Court at Peking ran without question everywhere. 
 Moreover each and all of the frontier tribes had been 
 made to feel the Emperor's power, the Tartars in 
 Mongolia, the Moslems of Central Asia, the moun- 
 taineers of the Himalayas, even the Gurkhas of 
 Xepal, the Burmese, and the men of Cochin China. 
 Externally there reigned a great peace beyond doubt. 
 Internally there seemed to be order and system, but 
 how far these blessings really existed will be seen 
 hereafter. Apparently at least the aspect of affairs 
 was smiling. In many respects tlie Emperor had 
 shown himself a most capable ruler ; whether he had 
 done so in all respects will be considered presently. 
 At all events few mortals ever went to their end with 
 more veneration from a greater number of their 
 fellow-men than he. Though he was by no means 
 the first, he will probably prove to be the last of the 
 great Chinese Emperors. China has never since 
 
 oent historj np to 1800 1 shall frequently follow, and whoN 
 orthography <a names I adopt. 
 
300 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 been in as good a position as that in which he left it 
 He lived long enough to cause the first day of the 
 nineteenth century to be ushered in for his Empire 
 with a superb and cloudless dawn. But this dawn, 
 as often happens with dawns of that glory, soon 
 began to be clouded over. 
 
 Moreover this Imperial success had not been the 
 work of the one reign just concluded, long as its 
 duration of sixty years had been. It had been pre- 
 ceded by a strong and consistent reign of thirteen 
 years. This, again, had followed a grand reign of 
 over sixty years, that of Kanghsi, who was the real 
 builder, if not the founder, of the Manchu dynasty. 
 Thus the eighteenth century closed for China after 
 an uubroken course of Imperial success extending 
 over about 140 years. 
 
 It was to this inheritance that Chiaching fully 
 succeeded on the death of his father Chienlung in 
 1796. Accordingly he was on the throne in 1800, 
 and whatever be did afterwards, he had not up to 
 that date done anything to lower his Empire, the 
 condition of which at that epoch is now to be cou' 
 sidered. 
 
 The first question relates to the religion of the 
 Chinese at that time. It was then as it had been for 
 some centuries, and as it still is, of a composite char- 
 acter. It may without exaggeration be described as 
 quadruple; this may at first sight appear strange 
 and unprecedented, but such is the fact. For ex- 
 ample, there are in India three religions — the abo* 
 
STATE OF CHINA IN 1800. 
 
 801 
 
 riglnal, the Hindu and the Moslem. Eveiy person 
 
 belongs to one or other of the three, and to no other 
 at the same time. Ere long we hope that Christianity 
 to a large extent will be added to this list. There 
 are indeed some aborigines partly converted to Hin- 
 duism, who retain aboriginal rites, but if questioned 
 they would declare themselves Hindus, Similarly 
 there are vast numbers of Moslems of Hindu extrac- 
 tion who retain Hindu customs ; still, if tested, they 
 would acknowledge Islam as t' )ir religion. But 
 such does not appear to be the case in China. A good 
 Chinaman is in some respects an adher^t of the 
 aboriginal faith by modern scientists called " ani- 
 mistic," which with him includes the worship of 
 ancestors. He may also reverence the primeval God 
 Shang TL* To some extent he is Confucian, and 
 regards the records of Confucius with reverence. 
 Then he is probably to a larger extent a believer in 
 Taoism, a system not founded on Confucianism but 
 worked out by Lao Tsze, a contemporary of Con- 
 fucius. Added lo all this he accepts Booddhism in 
 some d^ree at least, will oooasionally attend Bood- 
 dhist ceremonies, may even take part in some wor- 
 ship at Booddhist temples. Thus if asked, a China- 
 man could not say ofiFhand to what religion he be- 
 longed, inasmuch as he has some share simultan- 
 eously in all of the four religions above mentioned. 
 It is understood that the Emperor as head of Church 
 and State has to take part in the rites and cere* 
 * Sae hofig»'a Beligiotu of Vhina, Lecture I. 
 
802 PROOBES8 OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 monies of Shang Ti and Confucius only. Euro 
 
 peans cannot have anything like the knowledge 
 of the Chinese, which they, for example, have of 
 the Indians. But if the feelings of a good 
 Chinaman could be tested his heart would be 
 foimd to be with the ancient faith, with its rever- 
 ence for ancestors, its heaven from which Chinese 
 sovereigns are descended, and its dragon-throne,* 
 more than with anything else. He would have ex- 
 treme reverence for Confucius as the national sage, 
 prophet and patriotic moralist. But he would doubt* 
 less have a vain, worldly and superstitious r^ard 
 for the pleasant externals with wL'ch Taoism has 
 encrusted the purer faith which was handed down to 
 it. Then he would wish to remain on good terms 
 with Booddhism, admiring some of its fancies and 
 observances, without having any idea of the deep 
 principles on which it was originally founded. This 
 tolerant and comprehensive spirit of the Chinese is 
 rare an^^ perhaps unique among the nations. This 
 indicates, too, that the Chinese would be easily ac- 
 cessible to Chnstianity were it not for the adverse in- 
 fluence of the learned classes who will be mentioned 
 hereafter. 
 
 In reference to religion it is impossible to leave 
 without notice the remarkable progress and the rising 
 political influence of Christianity in China, then its 
 retrocession, and, notwithstanding that, the vitality 
 of its mis<>ionB, and lastly, the persecutions followed 
 * See Bal' i Ih.ngt Chinete, 1888, aruole " Dragon.** 
 
STATE OF CHINA IN 180a 
 
 808 
 
 by the depression under which it lay in 1800. After 
 
 the coming of the famous Matthew Ricci in 1683 
 the Jesuits introduced their hol^ faith with con- 
 summate skill, with much learning and with the help 
 of scientific knowledge, to which were added, despite 
 all faults, devoted piety and religious fervour. But 
 ill China, as in other countries, they tried to adapt 
 Christianity to the ideas, the beliefs, the ceremonies 
 and customs which they found among the people. 
 They seemed to think that some of these thoughts 
 and imaginations contained certain elements of 
 divine truth which might be assimilated to Chris- 
 tianity, They apparently held that some practices 
 called religious were really social or ceremonial only, 
 not amounting to actual worship, and so might be 
 allowed together with the services of the Christian 
 worship, or at least might be continued by the 
 Chinese Christians without derogation of their 
 Christian status. Prominent among these practices 
 was the veneration formally paid to ancestors, which 
 was regarded by the Chinese as one of the first of 
 their duties. By some observers at the time, and by 
 some subsequent writers, all European, it was almost 
 believed that if the Christian Missionaries would in- 
 terpret all these points of thought and of practice 
 favourably to the Chinese, there might be a conver- 
 sion of the people in masses, and a wave of Chris- 
 tianity might spread over t! e country. Doubts, how- 
 ever, arose among some of the Missionaries as to 
 whether this extreme degree of toleration was right 
 
 V 
 
804 PEOGEESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 or consistmt with the Christian profession. Refei^ 
 ences were made to the Pope, who declared against 
 it. Men from other religious Orders besides the 
 Order of the Jesuits arrived in China, and disputes 
 on this subject ran high. The Pope sent a delegate 
 to China to settle the questions on the spot. Then 
 the Chinese Emperor took umbrage at a Papal dele- 
 gate being sent to China, and thus became hostile to 
 Christianity, .Moreover many of the Missionaries 
 had engaged in lucrative trade, and that was severely 
 reprobated by Papal authority. Thus by the end of 
 the Ming dynasty, about IGOO, the fair hopes of the 
 propagation of the Gospel had been blighted. 
 
 In his entertaining book on Uistoric China, pub- 
 lished in 18S2, Mr. Giles has this remarkable pas- 
 sage: "Had the Jesuits, the Franciscans and the 
 Dominicans been able to resist quarrelling among 
 themselves, and had they rather united to persuade 
 papal infallibility to permit the incorporation of 
 ancestor worship with the rites and ceremonies of the 
 Romish church — China would at this moment be a 
 Catholic country and Booddhism, Taoism and Con- 
 fucianism would long since have receded into the 
 past" (p. 103). 
 
 If any such dream were dreamt at that time, the 
 sixteenth century, it would not enter into the head 
 of any one during the nineteenth. For meanwhile, 
 that is before 1800, Christianity had become re- 
 garded as the harbinger of European domination, 
 and therefor© all the most inveterate predilections of 
 
STATE OP CHINA IN IMO. 
 
 805 
 
 the Chinese rulere and people had been arrayed 
 
 against it. 
 
 But the withered hopes of the sixteenth century 
 revived, and once more roso high in the eighteenth 
 under the Manchu dynasty and during the long reign 
 of the Emperor Kanghsi. His attitude towards 
 Christianity was so favourable that men thought he 
 was almost inclined to become a Christian. Under 
 him the Jesuits were some of the most important 
 men in the Empire, in civil as well as in religious 
 affairs. They had their churches and cop-regations 
 in almost every district. They supplied meaicine to 
 the sick, especially to the Emperor himself, becom- 
 ing almost his body physicians; they taught mathe- 
 matics, and by practical mechanics they made them- 
 selves useful in many directions. They held year by 
 year an increasing number of lucrative civil posi- 
 tions. 
 
 It may be doubted whether the Jesuits ever could, 
 at the best, have overcome the blank indifference 
 of the Chinese who regarded Christianity as a harm- 
 less amusement, or have warded off the hostility of 
 the literati, or educated classes, who included the 
 officials or the Mandarins. As it was, they aroused 
 extreme jealousy among the latter class, and were 
 regarded as foreign intruders into civil spheres which 
 ought to be reserved for native-born Chinese. About 
 that time, too, trade with the West was beginning, 
 find foreign vessels were seen with growing numbers 
 m Chinese waters. Then that anxious fear regard- 
 
306 PROGRESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 ing all Western people and things arose in the minds 
 of Chinamen from the Emperor downwards; a feel- 
 ing which has ever since dominated China, and which 
 may possibly bring her to ruin. Thus towards the 
 end of Kanghsi's reign in 1735, the influence of the 
 Jesuits had become much restricted. His successor, 
 Yungcheng,had a strong prejudice against the Chris- 
 tians; some persecutions even were instituted, and 
 the entry of missionary recruits into the country was 
 prohibited, with the intention that ^he Missions 
 should cease as the Missionaries in the course of 
 naturo died out. 
 
 At the outset of his reign this Emperor received a 
 deputation of Jesuits and made them a speech which 
 is given in extenso by Boulger in his history, and 
 from which some brief extracts may be noted here, 
 as they illustrate Chinese opinion in the middle of 
 the eighteenth century. The Emperor said: "You 
 tell me that your law is not a false one. I 
 believe you; if I thought tha it was false what 
 would prevent me from destroying your churohes 
 and driving you out of the country! . . . Ricci came 
 to China in the first year of (the Emperor) Wanleh 
 (in or about 1600). But then you were very few in 
 number and you had not your people and churches 
 in every province. It was only in my father's reign 
 that these churches were raised on all sides and that 
 your doctrines spread with rapidity. . . . You wish 
 that all Chinese should become Christians, and in- 
 deed your creed demands it. I am well aware of 
 
STATE OF CHINA IS 1806. 
 
 807 
 
 this, but in that event what would become of uaf 
 Should we not soon be merely the subjects of your 
 
 kings ? Theconverts you have made already recognise 
 nobody but you, and in time of trouble they would 
 listen to no other voice than yours. ... I will have 
 none of you in the provinces. The Emperor, my 
 father, suffered much in reputation among the 
 literati by the condescension with which he allowed 
 you to establish yourselves. He could not himself 
 make any change in tlie laws of our sages, and I will 
 not suffer that in the least degree there shall be any 
 cause to reproach my reign on this score." 
 
 His reign was short; but in the long reign of his 
 successor Chienlung the prospects of Christianity in 
 no wise improved. Persecution indeed revived, 
 though without anything like torture or death. A 
 commission of Mandarins was appointed, who re- 
 ported that the Christian religion was not at all bad 
 in principle, but that " what we lay to its blame is 
 that it has had the aiidacity to introduce itself, to 
 promulgate itself, and to establish itself in secret. 
 . . . The laws have long forbidden its adoption." 
 This passage illustrates Chinese official opinion up 
 to the close of the eighteenth century. In 1785 the 
 Emi)eror issued an edict rescinding moat of the harsh 
 ponalties which had recently been enacted. This, 
 then, brings the story of Roman Catholic Christian- 
 ity in China up to about 1800; Protestant Chris- 
 tianity not having yet appeared on the scene. The 
 position of the Holy Beligion in China was one of 
 
808 PBOOBES8 OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 bare sufPeranoe without anything like reasoni. At tol- 
 eration ; quite restricted in operation, still sustained 
 
 under depression by the devotion of its priests and 
 the fidelity of its scanty adherents. Yet, in justice 
 to the Chinese leaders, it must be admitted that the 
 doctrine of Christianity was hard for them inasmuch 
 as it cut away the ground from under the so-called 
 di\ine constitution of their polity. On the other 
 hand their assertion that the Emperor of the day 
 was veritably " the son of heaven," and hedged about 
 with quasi-divinity, was manifestly absurd, because 
 he often had to be deposed for utter misconduct, and 
 some successfiil warrior enthroned in his stead. Even 
 if an Emperor descended by lineage from remote 
 antiquity could be counted as divine, how ».'?u d such 
 persons as these possibly have that character ? 
 
 It will have been noted above how one Emperor 
 stated that his Imperial father had suffered in repu- 
 tation with the literati, owing to his favour towards 
 the Christians. This leads to the consideration of 
 these literati, that is, men of learning, who bore a 
 Chinese title which European scholars have trans- 
 lated 08 literati; who were at the beginning of the 
 nineteenth century as they had been in the previous 
 centuries, and still are, the one class of commanding 
 influence in China, and to whom more than to any 
 other men are due the dangers and troubles by which 
 the Chinese Empire is beset at this moment in 1899. 
 
 Several considerations have to be mentioned in 
 order that the position of these literati may bo under- 
 stood. 
 
STATE OF CHINA IN 1800. 809 
 
 tn tbe fint place there wm not at this tiiue (1800), 
 as there had probably not been at any other time, 
 anything to correspond with the priesthood as seen in 
 India or in any Moslem country, and nothing that 
 approached to the priesthood as seen in the Conti- 
 nent of Europe. Ohinese ministers of several orders, 
 indeed, there necessarily were for each of the four 
 religions already mentioned. But none of these 
 priestly groups ever formed an organisation with 
 the status, influence and authority which are com- 
 monly associated with the idea of priesthood. Per- 
 haps the Booddhist priests were nearer to this concep- 
 tion than the other groups, but even they did not 
 attain to it. 
 
 On tho other hand, all that pertains to priesthood 
 was monopolised by the professionally educated, or 
 what would perhaps be called, in Europe, the pro- 
 fessional class. The State instruction was imparted 
 with extreme strictness in many unfruitful branches. 
 The admission to the public service was by com- 
 petitive examination, that oeing the lirst ambition 
 of every instructed youth. Those who won became 
 Officials and were styled Mandarins. Still many 
 were or ♦^.s examination found qualified for office 
 but never received it, and they were styled by a nar- ) 
 in Chinese which has been translated as literati. The 
 literary classes, trained in all the learning of the 
 Chinese, were the established guardians of the laws, 
 the customs, the traditions, the authoritative litera- 
 ture oi China. Under these august and venerable 
 
810 PB0ORE8S OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CBINA. 
 
 Yieadingi wu included all that pertained to author> 
 
 • 'A ! oliefa, to oen monial or ritual ■ j tice, to civil 
 ^ I'Ti ment, !■» social order ami . the luip' Con- 
 stitiiti./ii. Of all this, then, they were tb k>i pers, 
 the witTie»8e«, the interpreters. Thus they not onl v 
 became thi b arh-priests of all that Chinamen t ared 
 for, out also thoy wi re the dire« tors • ihr national 
 educa oi! atu: of tfie instruct ''. : the pe<>n!c. 
 Tht'ir f><iu aMon.ii position was iiiimt fi.-ip!y augmented 
 by the extra' i iinary fact that, in a certain sense and 
 up to a cert ' in point, China was the most educational 
 and literar\ country ev< r known in ancient or med- 
 ifpval times. In that particu ar regard she h''- n( 
 been su asst d Ly the n ' advan ced e mtry in re- 
 cent times. , ' were atmugo to say, yet it may be 
 said without exa^rgeration, that China has been, and 
 was still up to 1800, a si v e to her own literature. 
 
 It is very Jifficuit for an ordinary Euroj'«an to 
 adequately oraprehend the char; *'^>r of anest 
 literature; a.stery of it v.oulo ? i; 
 
 tainable. By all accounts it coTitaina m h - f • i\ . 
 sonorous prose and some beautiful jxx v, or ast 
 versification. Tntern nable voluniin' ^ae.b6 its 
 awful I ,iracteristi( On each toj the vo 
 were counted by hui ired.- i<l th( '-h. ters by \ 
 sands. Gazetteers and En e v'-lopffd.. is \ re compilec 
 An elaborate lexico-jraphy was institu d. Public 
 libraries on a vast s.-^le wrre intaine , a tribunal 
 of histr.ry was set p d 'n offici -! ?az( *e n :b- 
 lishcd. All this wa^^ carried out ox u.Hi.r^ised >■ ue 
 
APAN AND CBINA. 
 
 bat pertained to author^ 
 r ritual practice, to civil 
 
 tiid o the luip' , Cont 
 , they were tli k - ners, 
 re. "^hus they n >t only 
 ill tiiat Chinamen ^arcd 
 liirfv tors of the national 
 ruction for the people, 
 as iiiimonsely aupncntcd 
 it - ill a certain scnso and 
 vvab be most educational 
 town in ancient or med- 
 ular regard she has* not 
 advanoed c. mtry in re- 
 f to 8,iy, yet it may be 
 lat China has been, and 
 » her own literature. 
 I ordinary European to 
 ! chara'-^^or of 
 woulfi ' 
 contains id 
 atiful po< 
 volumin- 
 sach to] 
 !id thf <'li. 
 ■lopar^d. IS - 
 
 STATE or CHINA IN 18»>. 
 
 811 
 
 amese 
 r hi., unn' 
 b -f <• = ly. 
 y, or aat 
 ^nebs its 
 the voi aie- 
 ters bv • 
 •0 rompili;!. 
 was instill i Public 
 ' n. intaine' , a tribunal 
 an oiBcial gare *e pub- 
 out or •.utier^'ised > ue 
 
 . >' >iti dbovt described, whose learning was enor- 
 mous and /how influence '^vai all-pervading. Litera- 
 
 *ur \ t xtemali 
 it ^ ,'nii.-^i 
 th' . hori 
 imnu itei'. 
 fesaed »y > 
 times essfl xi 
 "heir n iouik 
 mis- 1 ar 
 
 Ktth 
 !or' 
 ty * 
 whic 
 
 Ch- 
 
 1. v 
 
 at least, d<»ntnated all iffaira, and 
 
 thi 'Tow far it really exorcised 
 
 >mta r > fmssess will be co 'sidered 
 x)t only patronise*' t pro- 
 heir i nperial Maj< s oft- 
 'thor jp in verse an l prose, 
 u gre. -ocasions of Imperial 
 were forth in language 
 f. 30- ng -ind mii -nificent, ometimes 
 with grand iuiagery, and 8eeni .ngl\ mspired 
 •ne morality. One of the strongest claims 
 
 t wa-^ 
 •rs. 
 
 han on 
 of tlM 
 
 -! or 
 ast 
 nd 
 
 the memory of the Emperor Kstm'' 
 e posterity is the immense diet 
 !^e which was compiled under hi.-, 
 *■ flio It followed of course tha. 
 ■L try V A completely fumishod with set 
 uges, it: which the memory of the students was 
 most severely exercised. 
 
 The -ystem of examinatioTi is been much i i vocrao 
 in recent times among Western countries. But no 
 example of this sort rowadays equals that which 
 has been set by China for many centuries up to the 
 Ti ' teenth century. Moreover when anything im- 
 i'nrtant was at stake the examinations were com- 
 p. titivo. Probably the word eai.ipetitive has never 
 been so significant to European ears as it was to 
 Chinese 8tu<knt8 during those centuries. There was 
 iu China a paucity of what would bo sidled aria- 
 
 i 
 
812 PB0ORES8 OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 tocracY in Europe. The Chinese aristocracy was 
 
 mainly official. Then the entrance to the circle of 
 offkialdora, which, however large, was still the 
 charmed one, conld be won only by competitive ex- 
 amination. One of the most dangerous rebels in 
 Chinese history, the originator of the Taiping rebe^ 
 lion, turned into his dangerous course because he 
 failed to win in the examinations. Modern education- 
 ists in Exirope have rightly insisted on the difference 
 between instruction and education. Nowhere in the 
 world could BO big an instance be found of this dif- 
 ferenco as in China about 1800. All the accumu- 
 lated mental forces of preceding centuries were in 
 full play then ; the system was at the end of its long 
 summer with all its sins in bloom and blossom. 
 
 This literary and educational system was as un- 
 sound as an over-ripe pear. It was an organisation 
 of make-believe. Professor Douglas seems to con- 
 sider that the Chinese leaders from Confucius on- 
 wards have been masters in the art of make-believe, 
 that is, in the skill of making affairs look well, with- 
 ont being so in reality. A great display would be 
 made of mechanism and machinery, but they never 
 accomplished their proper ends. For example, there 
 was an elaborate statistical department, but the num- 
 bers of the population were never ascertained within 
 fifty millions, some even think within a hundred 
 millions ; there was an equally elaborate cartograph- 
 ical department, but the maps of the country were 
 to defective that the Jesuit fathers first won the 
 
STATE OF CHINA IN 1800. 
 
 813 
 
 favour of the Emperor by supplying trustworthy 
 
 charts. There was a historical department, but en- 
 quirers have justly complained that the histories 
 show only the affairs of the courts and camps, but 
 little or nothing of the real movements of the nation. 
 This fault extended to still graver affairs; for ex- 
 ample, despite the natural skill of the people (as 
 evinced by their high proficiency in the industrial 
 arts), the lack of knowledge regarding ordinary 
 mechanism was so utterly bad that the Jesuit fathers 
 i ad to repair the Imperial clocks. 
 
 There was a financial department naturally, but 
 the revenues and expenditure were never known 
 exactly, and no financier h.^ ever been able to con- 
 struct a Chinese budget worthy of the name. There 
 was a war department, there were soldiers hardy and 
 enduring on the wild frontiers, some commanders 
 with a stomach for fighting and a turn for rough 
 strategy. But the army as an institution was beneath 
 criticism, worse than the worst of any large nation 
 in any quarter of the world. The present state of 
 the troops was never known within even a distant 
 approach to the actuality; the armament remained 
 antique when even surrounding Eastern nations were 
 adopting improvements; the greater part of the in- 
 fantry had bows and arrows when their brethren in 
 lAsiatic nations carried firearms. There was a navy, 
 much needed indeed for the extensive Chinese 
 waters and the numerous Chinese ports, but the ships 
 were highly pictur^ue in build^ resembling the 
 
 I 
 
814 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 feeblest ships in the Spanish Armada, and were 
 
 rarely able to cope effectually with the horrid organi- 
 Bation of ])iracy in those quarters. Indeed the success 
 of the pirates, who generally had regular head- 
 quarters in the island of Formosa, was almost more 
 than the ocean-borne commerce could endure even in 
 an age when piracy was but too common in all 
 the waters of the globe. The frequent prevalence, 
 the temporary suppression, and the equally frequent 
 recrudescence of piracy, redound to the discredit of 
 the Chinese navy. 
 
 Worst of all was the mal-oi^anisation of the Civil 
 Service. The men were highly instructed, though not 
 really educated, doubtless versed in the maxims of 
 Confucius regarding the duties of princes, of rulers, 
 of officers, and passed into the service by competi- 
 tive examination. But when in the service they were 
 never placed beyond the reach of temptation by 
 reasonable emoluments. Thoy wore under a pro- 
 vincial Governor, in every province, and each group 
 of Provinces was iider a Viceroy. But these super- 
 visors never received emoluments suitable to their 
 position and power. They were left to pay them* 
 selves by pilfering from the revenue and by illicit 
 exaction from the people. When the heads were of 
 this nature, the subordinates were the same in their 
 several degrees. The plan of helping themselves 
 from the public treasury, and from the pockets of 
 all the classes they ruled over, would spread right 
 ixp to the highest ministers in the Emperor's Court. 
 
14' 
 
 STATE OF CHINA IN 180a 
 
 815 
 
 Added to all this there was such a centralisation of 
 references and decisions at Peking under the Em- 
 peror himself, as would have hampered an admin- 
 istration which had been otherwise good, and as 
 aggravated the evil of this administration in itself 
 fundamentally defective. The Emperors seem often 
 to have boasted of their own personal toils and of 
 their own efforts at supervision. It never occurred 
 to them that no Emperor could govern a large Em- 
 pire in this way. The question was not what he 
 could do himself, but what he could make countless 
 others do. His business was to see that he was rep- 
 resented in every district by an officer honest in 
 principle, placed by status beyond the motives for 
 dishonesty, and in every province by vice-regents 
 trustworthy and capable for the same reasons. This 
 was the one thing never thought of by the Emperor, 
 or by his Court or by his Ministry. So strongly had 
 the tendrils of corruption clasped the Government 
 in their deadly embrace, that had any Emperor in- 
 dividually essayed a reform, he would have been 
 stopped by a palace revolution. 
 
 Thus there wu a despotism of misrule and mal- 
 administration, tempered only by rebellion. When 
 the evil parsed or approached the bounds which the 
 people set for it, then it would be checked by insur- 
 rection. This is the reason why Chinese annals toeni 
 with sedition, commotion and tnrbuloice. The 
 Emperor in whose reign these events were com- 
 paratively infrequent waa deemed fairly auoeessfuL 
 
 If 
 
 ffl\ 
 
316 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 But the Emperor under whom they happened hardly 
 
 Lt all was thought to have been a great ruler. This 
 was especially the good fortune of the Emperor 
 Chienlung, whose long reign closed just before the 
 beginning of the nineteenth century. 
 
 Doubtless several, perhaps even many, of the Em- 
 perors showed capacity in dealing with particular 
 affairs not requiring a long sustained effort, as for 
 exajaple some particular public works. Sometimes 
 a road (unmetalled) would be made, again a bridge 
 would be constructed, though not quite scientifically. 
 Further, a navigation canal would be made, and the 
 one between the Hoang Ho and the Yang-tsze- 
 Kiang was among the finest in the world, and was, up 
 to 1800 at least, repaired and kept in working order. 
 Again, the permanent diversion of the Hoang Ho 
 from the Pechihlee Gulf to the Yellow Sea under 
 the orders of Chienlung, the Emperor, was a note- 
 worthy undertaking. For these merits China may 
 be remembered when her political faults are for- 
 gotten. 
 
 Most Emperors effecttially fostered the industrial 
 arts. It may be in fairness remembered that China 
 
 gave her own name, in popular use, to pottery, porce- 
 lain and the Avholo range of ceramic art-work. In 
 this branch of beautiful art she is among the oldest 
 as well as the finest workers. In her exquisite silk 
 works she has for many centuries stood high in the 
 first rank of the world. In textile fabrics and in 
 embroideries she has probably the very highest place 
 
STATE OF CHINA IN 1800. 
 
 for richness of colour and brilliancy of effect in com- 
 bination. Amidst certain kinds of painting for 
 graphic power, originality of design and exquisite 
 manipulation she was remarkable. But for want of 
 science she never reached any assignable rank in 
 pictorial art as it is understood in Europe. In these 
 respects and in many other departrr-onts of decoration 
 she was perhaps as good in 1800 as she had ever been, 
 and no decay was at that time perceptible. 
 
 Thus in various ways some Emperors, especially 
 those of the eighteenth century up to 1800, did 
 succeed in dazzling the imagination of mankind by 
 holding tofjether a huge and unwieldy dominion 
 (with what means few stopped to enquire), by guard- 
 ing frontiers of unequalled length, by victorious cam- 
 paigns under physical difficulties (though never 
 against any formidably trained enemy), by some 
 public works of undoubted magnitude' and value, by 
 patronage of the industrial arts rarely surpassed 
 in any age or nation, by personal diligence and desire 
 to rule well (though foreigners seldom knew with 
 what success or with what failure), and by puissance 
 in pomp and pageantry. The effect thus produced 
 is sliown in the able History by Mr. Boulgcr in his 
 Vol. II., Chapters X. to XXIV. He takes always 
 respecting China the most generous view that may be 
 compatible »vith historic conr-tness. He places 
 three of the Chinese Emperors — Taitsong, the 
 Chinese Csesar, who set up the Manchu dynasty in 
 supersession of the Min|;8 j Ean^^si, who consoli- 
 
318 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 dated the Manchu power, and Chienlung, whose 
 reign has been just considered — among the greatest 
 rulers of mankind in ancient or modern times, and 
 as deserving the title of Great.* This favourable 
 view, if it be accepted, must be taken with lai^ 
 reservations in ref' c'nce to what has been stated 
 aboveregardingthe realities of nationallife in China. 
 
 The Chinese people of the industrial classes were 
 at this time, in 1800, of a cheerful and peace-loving 
 disposition, so long as they were not provoked beyond 
 endurable limits as understood by them; but in 
 almost every locality there was a quivering fringe 
 of society ready always for mischief if anything hap- 
 pened to shake the local authority, which was gen- 
 erally unstable. They looked on their Government 
 as emanating from the semi-divine authoritjr of their 
 Emperor, otherwise they had no idea what good gov- 
 ernance meant, having never seen or heard of such 
 a thing. Their industry, in agriculture especially, 
 had for centuries been proverbial, and still was so. 
 In one important particular, namely, the application 
 of sewage manure to the soil, they have not been 
 equalled anywhere. As peasant proprietors culti- 
 vating t'leir own holdings and paying easily and 
 punctually the land revenue, so long as the demand 
 was not excessive, they were as good subjects as any 
 Emperor could wish for. They were strong to labour, 
 of steady, temperate habits, and they brought up 
 
 * See VoL IL, p. 428. 
 
STATE OF CHINA IN 1800. 
 
 819 
 
 large families well. They were extremely te ; s 
 of <m8tomg descended from the golden age o. , 
 ancestors, witlx its hazy sunlight, anterior to Booddha 
 and to Confucius. Otherwise they were not fanati- 
 cal, nor excitably bigoted, unless they were told that 
 some foreign innovation would strike at their an- 
 cestral ciutom«. Then indeed they would rise in 
 anger to drive away the foreign person, on the same 
 principle which they thought would justify them in 
 insurrection against a dynasty too wicked to be en- 
 dured. Their extreme conservatism, amidst which 
 the foremost feature was the veneration, almost the 
 adoration, of forefathers and ancestors, will have 
 kept them straighter and steadier through all their 
 troubles than they would otherwise have been. 
 Though they are in many respects mild — perhaps 
 sometimes gentle — there must yet be a vein of 
 cruelty or a streak of fierceness in their character, 
 as is seen by the savagery of their punishments and 
 the idea among many Mandarins that the panacea 
 for civil troubles is the execution ground. They are 
 wanting in due respect for the aacredness of human 
 life. Their religion makes them think that there is 
 no "something after death** to be feared. When 
 an execution ia reported there has often been doubt 
 whether the real man has been executed and whether 
 some substitute has not been offered up. It has 
 often been possible to find a vicarious victim to vol- 
 tmteer on a sum being paid down to his family. 
 
 The main foundation of the Constitution for the 
 
 w 
 
890 PB0GRBS8 OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Chinese Society and polity was iastrnetion in a 
 learning for the most part unsound, and an educa- 
 tion which Western educationists would regard as 
 especially defective. It fed upon itself; it looked 
 inwardly and in no other direction; it assimilated 
 nothing from without; it was fated to suffer more 
 and more from tenuity, and after long attenuation 
 to die of inanition. It had all the fault? which in 
 physical development would arise from breeding in 
 and in. To the educated Chinese mind nothing 
 could he more abhorrent than the idea of " fresh 
 fields and pastures new" ; the counter notion of 
 " familiar fields and pastures old " would be more 
 acceptable. It would be forgotten that in this way 
 there would never be any pabulum or nourishment, 
 and that their system was doomed, like fire without 
 fuel, to extinction. Accordingly such a system was 
 unfitted to withstand the shock of adverse events 
 from the outside. In the nineteenth century now 
 opening there was destined to be crash after crash, 
 and it will be seen how poorly the system fared. 
 
 The impression in the Chinese mind against all 
 things foreign had, as already seen, been much deep- 
 ened during the eighteenth century. Almost the 
 last event in Chienlung's reign ha i been the recep- 
 tion of the Embassy despatched to i^eking by the 
 British King George III. under Lord Macartney in 
 the hope of obtaining commercial f<u;ilitiefl. The 
 Emperor received the Envoy with courtesy despite 
 the machinations of hia courtiers. The reception, 
 
STATE OF CHINA IN IMOl 
 
 8S1 
 
 however, was not in the capital Peking, but at the 
 Imperial hunting-seat in the mountains near Mon- 
 golia. The Chinese Ministers took care that the 
 Mission should come to nothing, and when they saw 
 the Englishmen proceed towards Europe they hoped, 
 with the vainest of hopes, that no such Mission 
 would reappear. 
 
 Lastly, in reference to some events which are to 
 follow, it must be noted that the loyalty of the 
 Chinese proper towards the Manchu dynasty, which 
 is not Chinese at all but Tartar, never was to be en- 
 tirely depended upon after the death of Chienlung. 
 The magnificent successes of the Manchus during the 
 eighteenth century induced the Chinese to accept a 
 dynasty which was to them foreign. But when 
 failures supervened in the nineteenth century, then 
 that acceptance grew weaker in every decade. Then 
 people recalled the memory of the really national 
 Chinese dynasty which preceded the Manchus, name- 
 ly, that of the Mings, which had lasted for three 
 centuries. Although its fall was inglorious, still 
 some of its sovereigns were great and good, especially 
 the illustrious Hongwon, who is probably remem- 
 bered by every good Chinaman. Thus from the be- 
 ginning of the nineteenth century the word Ming 
 became more and more a name to conjure with. The 
 fact that Manchu troops were kept separate from 
 their Chinese comrades, and that in many strat^c 
 points the garrisons were exdnsively Manchu, may 
 be perhaps attributed to apprehensions regarding 
 
899 PBOOBBW OP IHDU, JAPAN AMD CHINA. 
 
 popular feeling for the Mings. It was probably 
 fortunate for the reigning dynasty that at several 
 
 junctures during the nineteenth century there was 
 no Minc^ personage of any pretension who could come 
 forward. 
 
REION or THE KMPEROR CHIACHliro. 823 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 MtlOW OF TH» EMPKBOR ORXAOHIirO^ 1800 TO 1830t 
 
 Th» oondition of China at the beginning of Ohia- 
 chinp's reign, that ia, the year 1800, having been 
 skotched, the course of national affairs during that 
 
 reign may now be described. 
 
 Cliiaching had inherited, from his predecessors 
 during nearly a century and a half, a personal pres- 
 t ige rarely equalled in the history of any nation. The 
 Imp-rial rule had been throughout that time a 
 typical instance of personal gove^mment. That 
 government had been conducted with -nan v. though 
 not all, of the qualities pertaining to kingly state- 
 craft In the imagination of the nation the prede- 
 cessors of Chi aching had been indeed surrounded 
 with the divir tv that hedges in the king, and on 
 him, as thei successor, this celestial mantle 
 descended. Very soon after his accession he began 
 to dissipate this prestige and to abandon tl; se ad- 
 vantages, unta at last he flung them all to the winds. 
 Professor Douglas states that " the gracious presence, 
 courteous manner and marked ability which belonged 
 to Chienlung were exchanged for churlish conduct, 
 a sordid disposition and an uncouth bearing in tha 
 case of Chiaching.*' External amenity and amiabil- 
 
8M PB0OREB8 OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 ity were probably of more consequence to the Em- 
 peror, owing to the temper of the Chin^, than they 
 would have been in most Empires of lo despotic 
 
 and autocratic a constitution as that of China. It 
 will be swm directly that Chiaching soon became un- 
 popular in a dangerous degree. 
 
 Meanwhile an event happened of the most un- 
 pleasant significance. In the latter days of Chien- 
 lung the principal and favourite Minister had been 
 Ho, a supple and insinuating Chinaman of humble 
 origin. Tie had so ingratiated hini-;olf Avith the 
 Emperor as to rise to the most confidential posi- 
 tions. While heir-apparont, Chiaching had sus- 
 pected and disliked this roan and, on becoming Em- 
 peror, n- nlved to bring these suspicions to a tost. The 
 sequel shed") so lurid a light on t!ie Civil Service 
 of China, that it shall bo given in Professor 
 Douglas* own words : ♦ " Chiaching succeeded to the 
 throne. The new Emperor had long disapproved of 
 the unlimited power which Ho had exorcised. He 
 knew also that ho (Ho) had acquired immense 
 wealth in other ways tlian by the lawful exorcise of 
 his ofBcial position, and Chienlung was no sooner 
 gathered to his fathers than Ho was arrested on a 
 long series of charges embracing malpractices in 
 every relation of life. The amount of wealth dis- 
 covered in his palaco must have boon a surprise even 
 to his judges. Gold, silver and jewels to the value of 
 £23,330,000 were discovered in his treasury. This 
 •China, p. 18S. 
 
BEION or THE KMFEBOB CHIACHINO. 825 
 
 alone was enough to convict him of tlie gravest 
 crimes, and from a Chinese point of view to justify 
 the sentence passed upon him of being cut to pieces. 
 
 In considt. ration of his lorif^ service, however, the 
 Emperor was graciously pleas-'d to commute tlii.s 
 cruel fate for the present of a silken rord, which 
 brought the nefariotu career of this illustrious cul- 
 prit to a close." 
 
 Now this affair deserves a moment's pause for 
 consideration, because it proves the vicious ineffi- 
 ciency of the Chinese Civil Service as explained in 
 the last Chapter. This man Ho must have had 
 more or less decisive influence, and that corruptly, in 
 the appointment of the great officials of the Empire. 
 Then they, havii , " aDpointod through a corrupt 
 Minister, mi st sui ,^ hemselves shared in th ft 
 
 corruption. It fox.' .■ il; the officials under thevj 
 must have been corrit,;i oit;^. Any person acquainted 
 with Eastern administration will be persnati :d tl .it. 
 with such signal dishonesty as that at the verj head, 
 the whole service must have been more -r less dis- 
 honest right !own to the V- tom. Furt'. imor; i'. is 
 most flagrant case happerv :i in the very surroimd- 
 ings of the so-called great Emperor Chienltmg. 
 Whether after that he can be properly remembered 
 as a gn at ruler, despite his sp: udour and success, 
 may be left to the judgment of thi, ^- 11-informcd. 
 
 It has just been stated that the new Emperor Chia- 
 ching from the very outlet became unpopular. The 
 events which ensued are attributed to this vox- 
 
826 PROGRESS OF INDU, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 popularitv, but they must have arisen frran in- 
 efficiency and other faults as well. At all events 
 
 sedition reared its head under the name of the 
 *' White Lily Sect." There was a bad recrudescence 
 of piracy in the Formosa waters. Two attempts 
 were made to assassinate the Emperor, one in th« 
 street of Peking when he was preserved hy his guard, 
 the other inside the Palace when he was saved by the 
 valorous promptitude of his second son, Prince Mien- 
 ning, who will be mentioned hereafter. 
 
 He had imbibed all the Chinese prejudices against 
 foreigners, which his father had veiled imder a 
 polite masque, but which he displayed openly. His 
 mettle in this respect was soon tried by the arrival of 
 a Mission from tlip Russian Emperor, under Count 
 Ooloyken. When this Envoy reached the Chinese 
 frontier at the Great Wall in the Mongolian Moun- 
 tains intimation was officially conveyed to him that 
 unless he was prepared to perform the ceremony of 
 " Kotow " * before the Emperor at Peking he had 
 better not proceed. Accordingly he did not proceed, 
 but turned back, being resolved not to submit to that 
 ceremony. In 1816 another Mission from the 
 British King arrived under Lord Amherst The 
 Envoy after some vicissitudes of treatment did reach 
 Peking, but never had an audience of the Emperor, 
 and was, indeed, actually dismissed. 
 
 At this time, that is, from 1800 to 1816, many 
 
 * In Chinese Kotow means bowing so as to touch the ground 
 with the head. See Qilea, Historie China. 
 
REION OF THE EMPEBOB CBIACHINO. 8S7 
 
 eiromnstanees combined to bring the British into 
 prominence, of a strangely chequered kind, in the 
 
 eyes of the Chinese. The war between England 
 and France by land and sea caused the British Gov- 
 ernment to send many ships of war to Chinese 
 waters. Twice was the friendly Portuguese settle- 
 ment at Macao occupied by them to prevent it being 
 seized by the French, as it was in the nei^bour- 
 hood of the British trading centre at Canton. All 
 this was denounced by the Chinese provincial au- 
 thorities. Notwithstanding that, however, they 
 actually applied to British Commanders for assist- 
 ance against the pirates who from the robbers-nest of 
 Formosa island were beginning to nile all sea-borne 
 traffic except that which was carried by European 
 ships. On one occasion the periodical tribute from 
 Siam for the Emperor of China was coming in a 
 Siamese ship; and the pirates were known to be 
 lying in wait for it. So the Viceroy \t Canton re- 
 quested the British traders at Canton to fit out a 
 fighting vessel and save the tribute-ship. This they 
 did, and so the pirate fleet were attacked and dis- 
 persed, allowing the ship to pass in safety towards 
 Peking. 
 
 In 1 SIS the monopoly of tr.idc whicli had long per- 
 tained to the famous East India Company was 
 abolished, though the Company continued as a trad- 
 ing agency for yet a short while. But this abolition 
 set free the European trader* at large, which at 
 that time meant really the British traders on^, free 
 
8S8 PB0OBES8 OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 to embark on enterprises with the Chinese mer- 
 chants. However advantageous all this might be to 
 the material interests of China, and hcnvever accept- 
 able to all the Chinese subjects concerned therein, 
 the Emperor and his Ministers treated it with a 
 hatred arising from every passion and sentiment 
 that were as subterranean fires in the Chinese heart 
 The European traders were subjected to the indirect 
 annoyances in the practice of which those Chinese 
 officials were master-hands. The trade was so very 
 profitable that the Europeans forced themselves to 
 be patient and forbearing. The British King sent 
 a friendly letter to the Emperor together with suit- 
 able presents. Chiaching's imperial reply was 
 characteristic in the emptiness of its substance and 
 the haughtiness of its tone. In the language of a 
 suzerain to a vaasal he condescendingly approved of 
 the respectful terms of the letter, but distinctly inr 
 timated to the British Majesty that its interference 
 would not be allowed on behalf of its " subjects who 
 for a long course of years have been in the habit of 
 trading with our Empire. We most observe to yoa 
 that oar Celestial Qovemment r^ards all persons 
 and nations with eyes of charity and benevolence, 
 and always treats your subjects with the utmost in- 
 dulgence and affection; on their account, therefore, 
 there can be no place or occasion for the ezertitmB of 
 Your Majesty's Govenunfflat" 
 
 This, then, was the attitude of Chiaching, the last 
 of the Emperors whoae rei^ pawed wilhuat & dis- 
 
BEION OF THE EUPEBOB CHIACHnf9. 399 
 
 flster to the Empire. The foreign trade might in- 
 deed be desired by all Chinese producers and mott 
 
 Chinese consumers. But it would unsettle the 
 minds and thoughts of tlie people, and would con- 
 sequently be incompatible with the preservation of 
 the ancient laws of Ohina; it would let the Western 
 light into the internal weakness of the Empire; it 
 would introduce men who woiild not yield to un- 
 reasonable authority the obedience to which the 
 Chinese Emperor had been accustomed in all times 
 save of passing rebellions. Consequently it must 
 at all hazards be checked, and if its suppression 
 be impossible its expansion or extension must be pre- 
 vented ; and surely, with so vast a people and country 
 as the Chinese, such prevention must l)c practicable. 
 Such, doubtless, were the thoughts of the Emperor, 
 of his minii^rs and officials and of the literati gen- 
 erally. Any politician, or any " man of the world," 
 in the popular sense of the term, could see that such 
 ideas would drive the Chinoso fJcvt rnment and its 
 officials into contests, even conflicts, with Europeans; 
 and that in such events an excitable mob, at the 
 beck of the y&j authorities who ought to have been 
 restraining it, would ntingle in taking an as^ 
 European part. Indeed this anti-Europran policy, 
 which had taken root in previous reign?, fliW in Chia- 
 chiiig's reign, during the early part of tbc nineteenth 
 century, not only grow apa<», but also awume a con- 
 spicuous fona; and although he di4 not thereby in- 
 cur any disaster for himself he paved way for 
 disasters that befell his heira and successors. 
 
830 PBOORESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 During his reign there wm developed a set <^ 
 
 circtimstances, regarding which he took no particular 
 part, but on which his siiccr^sors laid much stress 
 to the political detriment of their country without 
 any moral advantage in compensation. These re- 
 lated to the cultivation of the poppy in China and to 
 the importation of Indian opium into the country. 
 
 The oi ijrin and progress of the drugs produced 
 from the poppy arc succinctly stated in the following 
 passage from the Appendix to the Final Keport of 
 the Royal Commiasion on Opium in 1895 : " As to 
 China, the production and hahitual use of opium (as 
 distinct from the use of the scod and capstiles of the 
 poppy) seem to have reached that country also 
 through the Musalmans, but of course much later. 
 Aocoi-ding to Dr. MacGowan the use of Opium came 
 in with the Mongols who established the Yuen 
 dynasty in China in a.d. 12G0. The Mongols must 
 have been familiar with opium from their previous 
 conquests of Turkistan and Persia, and probably 
 imported it from those countries. According to 
 Dr. Edkins, production of opium in China is first dis- 
 tinctly mentioned in Chinese literature by Wang Hsi, 
 who wrote in the fifteenth century. He fnund the 
 cultivation established in those parts of Wf-stcrn 
 C-hina where there was then a Musalman population. 
 Foreign opium must have boon consumed at the 
 same time in the coast districts of China, for, as is 
 proved by the authorities quoted by Dr. Dane, the 
 Portuguese in the commencemeut uf iLe •i:itventu 
 
BEION OF THE EMPEROR CHIACHINO. 881 
 
 eentnry found both Arabs and Indians trading in 
 opium with the Chinese and other nations to the 
 
 cast of India. It is a significant fact that ancient 
 passages from Chinese poets and writers quoted by 
 Dr. Edkins show that before opium was known 
 drinks and decoctions, which do not seem to have 
 been medical, were made from poppy seeds, and the 
 juice expressed from poppy capsules/' 
 
 The following passage may be quoted from the 
 work of Professor Douglas as that of the latest au- 
 thority in 1899: 
 
 " But however strong the feelings of individuals 
 on the subject might be, interests were at work 
 which militated against any direct action towards 
 prohibiting the traffic. The use of the pipe had 
 spread to almost every yamen in the Empire, and 
 already large areas of the country were devoted to 
 the cultivation of the poppy. In the province of 
 Yunnan several thousands of chests of opium were 
 produced aniiu;i!!y, and in other provinces vast tracts 
 wore sown witli poppy seeds. The drug had thus 
 taken a hold upon the nation, and it moderates our 
 view as to the injurious nature of opium when we 
 observe that after so many years the evils arising 
 from it arc so difficult to trr.ce. But at the time 
 when the Charter of the East India Company was 
 abolished there was another and a .stronger reason 
 why the local authorities of Canton and elsewhere 
 were either openly or privately in favour of the con- 
 tinuance of the traffic. Duriag the reign <rf Chia- 
 
882 PB0ORE8S OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 chiog opium was reoognised as an article of trade, 
 and paid duty at the rate of three taels per hundred 
 
 catties (one catty equals 1 1-3 lb.). 
 
 " Subsequently, however, the trade had been de- 
 clared illegal, and as it was plainly impossible to 
 prevent the importation of the drug, a wide door was 
 opened for the energy and daring of smugglers. 
 These men were tacitly recognised by the local 
 mandarins, who drew large though irregular incomes 
 in return for their benevolent inaction. The natural 
 result followed. While occasional censors exposed 
 possible and impoFsible evils of opium smoking, and 
 while the Emperor fulminated Edicts against the 
 practice, the officials throughout the country, from the 
 highest to the lowest, countenanced the importation 
 of the ' foreign dirt ' ; and in inland districts, where 
 it was difficult to obtain supplies from the coast, 
 native farmers profitably supplied the officials and 
 people with the means of indulging in the pipe." 
 
 In the conclusions of the Royal Conmaission on 
 Opiimi there is the following passage : " The effect 
 of that testimony may be most clearly conveyed by 
 saying that the temperate use of opium should be 
 viewed in the same light as the temperate use of 
 alcohol in England. Opium is harmful, harmless, 
 or even benehcial, according to the measure and dis- 
 cretion with which it is used." 
 
 So the Emperor Cfaiachiug died in 1820 after 
 a reign of nearly twenty-five years. He left the 
 lofty fabric of Empire still standing with all its 
 
RBHJN or THE EMFEBOB CHIACHINO. 888 
 
 preteiwions almost as inflateid as ever, but with its 
 foundations somewhat undennined. Though at the 
 outset he did well one strong deed, namely, the conr 
 
 victing and punishing of the chief actor' in official 
 corruption, yet afterwards he could have done hut 
 little for good government internally, inasmuch as 
 he fell into habits which, if not vicious, were low 
 and utterly detrimental to business. At all hours 
 of the day he kept company with players and singers 
 of mean status. As years went on the life became 
 so scandalous that one honest Minister ventured to 
 remonstrate. In departing to be " a guest on high," 
 he bequeathed to his brave son, who by bravery had 
 saved the father's life (as already seen), the anti- 
 European policy strongly developed and destined to 
 bring upon China the crushing misfortunes which 
 will be explained in the following Chapters. 
 
884 PBOOBESB OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 KXIQV OF THE EMVKBOB TAOKWANO, 1820-1850. 
 
 I27 1820 Prince Mienning, the second son of the 
 Emperor Chiaching, ascended the Dragon Throne 
 by his father's choice, under the Imperial style of 
 Taokwang. He was of tall statore and gra7e de- 
 portment, mueh addicted to outdoor exercises, eques- 
 trian and other, and of some martial aptitude. In- 
 deed he owed his selection for the succession to hia 
 presence of mind in saving his father from assassina- 
 tion in the Palace at Peking as previously men- 
 tioned. He was fairly sedulous as a ruler, and 
 energetic enough at first until failure and disaster 
 cowed his spirit and made him yield bis energy to 
 despair. As a youth he had sal at the feet of his 
 renowned grandfather Cliienlung, and imbibed all 
 that national pride which was justified by the com- 
 plete success reaching the utmost bounds of the terri- 
 torial sphere embraced by thi' Chinese imagination. 
 In his curly life he could neither have doubted nor 
 examined the foundations on which this towering 
 superstructure rested. But during the twenty years 
 which passed in the rmga of his father Chiaching, 
 that is, fnun 1800 to 1820, he had seen these foundap 
 
HEION OP THE EMPBBOR TAOXWANG. 335 
 
 tions Bomowhat shaken. To rehabilitate the Empire, 
 an Emperor with a full mastery over the Chinese 
 
 system at least was needed, and he must have felt he 
 was not such a one. Tndc<?d ho Avas half beaten in 
 spirit before he entered on his arduous government. 
 At the best he was not strong enough for his exalted 
 place. Even if he had been a far abler man than 
 he was, the effect of his ability would have been im- 
 paired by two faults which were but too common 
 with Chinese grandees, and were as prominent in 
 him as in any one. In the first place ho was britn- 
 ful of the blind, arrogant pride, inspiring him to 
 issue high-sounding mandates as from a thundering 
 Jove, without any insight into grim realities and 
 without practical regard of consequences. Jn the 
 second place he equalled, or even exceeded, tho most 
 ignorant and narrow-minded of his subjects in tho 
 drtad of foreign trade and in the hatred of foreign- 
 ers. By these two faults he was driven into a policy 
 wliich rendered his reign disastrous to his Empire 
 and brought him down with sorrow to the grave. 
 
 For the first fourteen years of his reign, that is 
 from 1820 to 1834, the Empire pursued the unevent- 
 ful though uneven tenor of its way. At the west- 
 ern extremity there were troubles in the Great 
 Plateau, and at the eastern extremity in Fonnosa 
 Isknd, but these were overcome m the old manner. 
 TnternaUy there were drought, famine, inundation^ 
 pestilence, physical misfortunes to which the basin 
 of the Houig Ho had always been liable, bat which 
 
886 PBOORESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 the decaying aditiinutration vras no longer able to 
 
 meet with vipour. 
 
 liiit ii is;;! tlu'r<> arose cvints wliiili ^rpvr more 
 and more inonaoing und which were the 1« gmuiuga 
 of what may prove to be the end of the Empire of 
 China. It thus becotnt^ important to consider brief* 
 ly how these dangc:uus lieginnings spratig up. 
 
 Up t" the East India Company, though since 
 1813 it had ceased to p().--<'ss the trailing inouupuly, 
 vet continued to be tlie principal corporation for 
 trade, eopceially as it was the administrator of a 
 growing dominion in India. The Coiuf any was not 
 disposed to drive any coinniereial policy to extremi- 
 ties with China, and was not under any particular 
 pressure to do so. It was content with (piiet progress 
 not likely to arouse Chinese susceptibilities. The 
 European centre for trade was at that time in and 
 about Canton, as it lia l long been. There during the 
 fourteen years from I^l'O to the number of 
 
 European traders so increased that they formed a 
 trading cunimunity chiefly British. If they hardly 
 had good days, yet they had better days than any 
 they wore allowed by the Chinese to have after 1834, 
 or than any they ever enjoyed up to the most recent 
 times wliPM British inlluence has become supremo. 
 But in ls;54, by an Act of the British Parliament, 
 the Company ceased to be commercial, and re- 
 mained only as a territorial, virtually an imperial, 
 administrator. Thus the .etirement of the great 
 Company from business ihtcw open much trade to 
 
BEION or THE BMPIBOR TAOKWAMO. 887 
 
 private enterprise, mun not only to advance but to 
 press on and to pnah its way. Therofore it was 
 
 felt by the British Government that there must be • 
 
 l>riti.sli Officer of high status on the spot to rcfnilate 
 affairs. Accordingly a Representative was ap- 
 pointed and Lord Napier was selected for the duty. 
 A historian might say that he was the representative 
 of the British Crown, as he receired a oommission 
 under the sip^nature of the King. Nevertheless 
 he was not coiumissioiied to communicate with the 
 Emperor of China or with tlie Chinese Government 
 of Peking. Ho was to announce his arrival at Can- 
 ton to the Viceroy. He was to try to extend 
 Euroi)can trade to other parts of the Chinese do- 
 miniims, mid lie was infdrnied that "with a view 
 to the attainment of this object the establishment 
 of direct communication with the Government of 
 Peking would be most desirable." Now as the origin 
 of {Treat events must over be instructive, it may be 
 well to note that this procedure hardly accorded 
 with the ordinary comity between nations. For 
 surely a commercial envoy bearing a commission 
 under sign-manual from the King of England ought 
 to have waite<l on the Chinese Government at Peking. 
 The justification rifrhtly rested on the extraordinary 
 coiuluct of China in the past. To accredit Lord 
 Xapier with a letter from his Royal Master to the 
 Emperor would be only to expose his Lordship either 
 to tlie polite evasiven^ with which Lord Macartnsj^ 
 had been treated, or else to the rude rebuff wiUi 
 
838 PROQBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 which Lord Amherst had been visited, as shown in the 
 last Chapter. If indeed Lord Napier had reported 
 himself to the Chinese Ministers at Peking he would 
 certainly have been referred to one of the Viceroys 
 or Provincial Governors, as it was not the custom of 
 the Imperial Ministers to hold communication with 
 foreign officers. The British Government could not 
 have tolerated this, well knowing that such toleration 
 would only be misunderstood by the Chinese. In- 
 deed it had occasionally been almost too forbearing 
 in its anxiety to keep the peace for the sake of trade. 
 It had to choose between two alternatives: either to 
 abandon the trade, which in the then state of English 
 opinion was impossible, or elseto adoptthealtemative 
 above explained, notwithstanding the risk of hostili' 
 ties arising therefrom. Under all the circum- 
 stances the alternative which it adopted was the pref- 
 erable one. 
 
 With this Commission, then. Lord itfapier arrived 
 at the mout'a of the Canton Biver, and sailed right 
 
 up to the city of Canton. His proceeding so far into 
 the inland waters of the Empire, as the Chinese 
 called them, was resented by the local authorities. 
 He sent a letter to the Viceroy, who was then at 
 some distance from the capital, but who refused to 
 receive it, and who further replied that the great 
 officials of the Empire were forbidden to hold com- 
 munication with " barbarians " (such is understood 
 to have been the phrase) except under certain con- 
 ditions. He was informed by the local officials that 
 
REIGN OF THE EMPEROB TAOKWANG. 339 
 
 hitherto the leading Englishman had been a " tai- 
 pan," or head merchant, and that there never had 
 been such a thing as a correspondence to and fro 
 with a barbarian eye," the eye being a metaphor 
 for minister. It is impossible for an Englishman 
 to judge of the import of the Chinese word which 
 in this context is translated as " barbarian," but it 
 presumably had an invidious meaning of which tho 
 word foreigner would not be susceptible. In sub- 
 sequent passages it is found associated with ex- 
 pressions certainly conveying scorn and hate. 
 Having thus reached Canton, Lord Napier found 
 himself in communication with no Chinese official, 
 and unable to do anything for his countrymen. On 
 the contrary, matters after his arrival became worse 
 than they had been before, and manifold annoyances 
 were inflicted on the British community in their 
 settlement outside the city. They were offidaUr 
 designated "outer barbarians," whatever that might 
 mean, and the meaning doubtless was not friendly. 
 To all tliis Lord Ifapier published a reply to the 
 effect that "The merchants of Great Britain wish 
 to trade with all China on principles of mutual 
 benefit; they will never relax in their exertions tiU 
 they gain the point of eqiial importance to both coun- 
 tries, and the Viceroy will find it as easy to stop 
 the current of the Canton River as to rrying into 
 effect the insane determinations of the Hong." He 
 was a prudent as well as a patriotic man, and tho 
 fact of hia being obliged to openly usd such languago 
 
840 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 shows how far things had gone already in 1835. 
 This was one of his last official acts, for he sickened 
 and died shortly afterwards at Macao. Though the 
 Qovenunent pf neither nation was implicated, still 
 the British at Canton had taken up one attitude and 
 the Chinese another ; and if neither should give way, 
 then seme outbreak of hostilities seemed probable, 
 quite enough to involve national issues, especially 
 as the British Avere supported by naval force. 
 
 About this time (1836) the Emperor Taokwang 
 appointed a High Commissioner named Lin to pro- 
 ceed to Canton and regulate all affairs with " the 
 outer barbarians " — a man destined to be the instru- 
 ment of much mi sf or tune to his country. To the blind- 
 ness and arrogance of a Chinese official he added 
 the quality of impetuosity. He at once required 
 Lord Napier's successor. Captain Elliot, to address 
 all communications to him in the form of a " pin," 
 ■which is understood to be the Chinese equivalent to 
 a petition. As the bearer of the English King's 
 Commission, Captain Elliot refused, and thereon waa 
 obliged to retire to Macao, a Portuguese settlement 
 in the neighbourhood. Then all the trade at Canton 
 ceased, though doubtless th.j Europeans kept their 
 magazines and stores there. Upon that Lin resolved 
 to get possession of all the opium there, some twenty- 
 five thousand chests of the drug imported by private 
 merchants from India. The origin of the domestic 
 production and the importation of opium has been 
 mentioned in the preceding Chapter. There had 
 
KEIGN OF THE EMPEROR TAOKWANG. 341 
 
 recently been a discussion on the subject in the 
 Peking Gazette. Some Chinese authorities had rec- 
 ommended the legalisation of the opium traffic. 
 Others were opposed to this on the hardly concealed 
 ground that to suppress the importation would be to 
 keep out foreign influence, not as regarded this item 
 particularly, but as regarded trade generally. It 
 was upon these views that Lin ac';ed, and having suc- 
 ceeded, perhaps more easily than he had expected, 
 in seizing a great quantity of the foreign drug, he 
 proceeded to inflict more and more of humiliation, 
 includir^ necessarily much commercial loss. One 
 day in November, 1839, he commanded his men to 
 take up arms against the foreigners. This brought 
 on a collision; the English ships were at hand and 
 man^r Chinese war-vessels were simk. Thus the 
 first blood was drawn, so to speak. Although war 
 was not declared by the British, and apparently the 
 Chinese Government was not accustomed to issue 
 such declarations, yet a state of warfare fully ex- 
 isted. 
 
 The war about to begin was by some British 
 people at the time supposed, under misapprehension, 
 to be wagerl for the sake of the opium traffic; by 
 some it was even styled by the misnomer of "tho 
 opium war." But all subsequent enquiries havo 
 shown that it was waged for the sake of trade 
 generally, in which opium was only one item literally 
 out of a hundred. Moreover British warships and 
 British soldiery were employed mainly for the sako 
 
842 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 of the trade of the British Isles, to which field of in- 
 terest opium did not belong. The drug was indeed 
 an Indiau product in part only, the greater part 
 being produced in China itself. The Indian part of 
 the traffic was heavily taxed by the Indian Gk)vem- 
 ment, and that taxation rested exactly on the same 
 basis as the taxation on wines and spirits in tho 
 British Isles or elsewhere. But it was not for the 
 sake of such a thing as this taxation in a remote de- 
 pendency that the Parliament of Britain sanctioned 
 war, at a time when it was intent on the far nearer 
 and dearer interests involved in the trade of the 
 British Isles. It waa probably the seizure by Lin 
 of the opium that caused the misapprehension to 
 arise among a section of public opinion in England, 
 althoughthatwasbynomeans the immediate occasion 
 of the war. On the contrary, the vast quantities of 
 the drug had been quietly surrendered to Lin's de- 
 mand, and in that sense only could the drug be said 
 to have been seized by him. If no further acts of 
 provocation or even of aggression occurred, there need 
 not have boen, there probably would not have been, 
 any war. It was the intolerably hostile proceedings 
 of Lin and his men, in other ways t Vid for other 
 things, that caused hostilities from the British 
 side. 
 
 Still the misapprehension mentioned above has re- 
 mained so unalterable with many persons in Britain 
 whose goodness commands general respect, that it 
 may be well here to cite the independent testimony 
 
REIGN or THE EMPEROR TAOKWANO. J,^ 
 
 of ProfcssorDouglas in 1899 (see liis China), as 
 one of the beat and the latest authoriiies: 
 
 " The Opium Question was, as events fully de- 
 monstrated, only used by the officials as a convenient 
 weapon with which to attack the foreigners. The 
 refusal of the Governor to receive commimications 
 from Captain Elliot except in the form of petitions; 
 the ridiculous regulations which he (Lin) laid down 
 for the nxanagement of the merchants of Canton ; and 
 tiie sumptnarv laws which it was attempted to enact 
 for their guidance— all point to the real object of the 
 mandarins, which was to drive the obnoxious foreign- 
 ers out of the country. There was something par- 
 ticularly hypocritical in the horror professed by the 
 mandarins at the continuance of the opiimi traffic, 
 when we call to mind that along the entire coast 
 line of China from Canton to Tientsin ihe drug was 
 smuggled openly by the officials and others; and that 
 It was only in Canton and the neighbourhood that 
 any attempt was ever made to check the practice. 
 The mandarins made much of the number of foreign 
 schooners which landed opium along the coast But 
 these compared with the native customs cruisers and 
 other vessels, which performed the same service, were 
 in numbers as one to many thousands. While the 
 Governor at Canton was profecsing righteous in- 
 dignation at the villainy of the English opium 
 traders it was an open secret that his own son was 
 daily smuggling cargoes in official vessels within his 
 father's jurisdiction. Our sympathy with the pro- 
 
844 PKCH1RE8S OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 testers is seriously diminished by this evident in- 
 sincerity, and by the consideration that, though, ac- 
 cording to them, the practice of opium smoking had 
 become general throughout the Empire, the energy 
 of tlie merchants, the scholarship of the literati^ and 
 the industry of the people remained unabated. As 
 we have already seen (the Emperor) Taokwang's son 
 was a habitual opium smoker, and it would have been 
 more to tf>e purpose if, instead of emptying all the 
 vials of wrath on the heads of the foreigners, the 
 Emperor had employed real and vigorous measures 
 against the practice which he denounced, against 
 the smuggling of the drug by natives, and against 
 the cultivation of thepoppy, which was already large- 
 ly engaging the attention of nati" e farmers. 
 
 " It is impossible under the f ircumstances to re- 
 gard the professions of anti-o 'nese as being 
 genuine, and there can be no the Govern- 
 ment deliberately chose to make ^ stalking-horse of 
 the trade for the purpose of effectively exciting popu* 
 lar feeling against foreigners." 
 
 As hearing on the subject, the following passage 
 may be quoted from the Einal Report by the Royal 
 Commission on Opium, published in 1895, already 
 mentioned in the first Part of this work : 
 
 " In this matter responsibility mainly lies with the 
 Chinese Government. It is for them to take the 
 first step in any modification of the present Treaty 
 arrangements. Upon the general qpiestion, the posi- 
 tion which Great Britain may properly take up ia 
 
REION OF THE EMPERCR TAOKWANO. 345 
 
 clearly put by Mr. O'Conor, Your Majesty's rep- 
 resentative at Peking, in his covering letter addressed 
 to Your Commissioner. He says: 
 
 " ' If the use of the drug in China depended on the 
 supply received from India, it might be a practical 
 question what measures could, or ought to, bo taken 
 to discourage its importation. But this is not the 
 issue. The quantity of opium grown in China is in- 
 creasing enormously. Even the nominal prohibition 
 of the cultivation of the poppy no longer exists 
 throughout the whole Empire, and were the im- 
 portation of Indian opium to be stopped, China 
 would in a few years so increase her production, as 
 not only to supply her own wants, but probably to 
 export opium to foreign countries.' " 
 
 On the whole, then, it must be said that no ohan* 
 table construction can be put on the Chinese objection 
 to the importation of opium from any moral stand- 
 point On the other hand, the Chinese may have 
 sincerely entertained some economic objections which 
 had not been thought of as they related to the in- 
 ternational balance of trade. These related to the 
 drain of silver from China to pay for the opium, 
 inasmuch as India was not then taking enough of 
 Chinese products to discharge the account and there- 
 fore a balance had to be defrayed by China in cash. 
 A consideration of this kind, however, would hare 
 weighed but little with the Chinese in comparison 
 with their cardinal object of hampering foreign 
 trade. Moreover they had probably discovered from 
 
846 PiiOORBBS QT INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 lome European utterances that the moral bearings 
 of the case could be to diitorted and miarepreMated, 
 though unintentionaUj, aa to create in certain quar- 
 ters within England itaelf a sort of i^pathy with 
 
 the Chinese cause. 
 
 During 1840 preparations for war were made on 
 both sides. The Brit ish had to collect their warships 
 from a distance; the Chinese gathered large bodies 
 of men around Canton, but the drawback to the use 
 of these levies was that they were unarmed and that 
 no arms were ready for them, which facts illustrate 
 Chinese administration at that time. In 1841 Can- 
 ton was blockaded and Chusan attacked by a British 
 squadron. Not content with this the squadron pro- 
 ceeded to the mouth of the Peiho River, which river 
 runs from the direction of Peking into the Pcchihlee 
 Gulf. This was the first appearance of British 
 warships, with angry intent, in what may be styled 
 the waters of Peking. So this really moved the Em- 
 peror and his Court, who, as is often the case with 
 men of this stamp, passed from blind haughtiness 
 straight into alarm and panic, ^^aturally the object 
 was to get the British away from this awkward prox- 
 imity, and to induce them to return to Canton far 
 down south and there resume negotiations. For this 
 purpose a highly placed Minister, Kishen, was em- 
 ployed, and the British representative, then Captain 
 Elliot, assented. This is remarkable as showing the 
 pacific anxiety of the British to avert further war- 
 fare. Elliot might well havo said that peace must 
 
SKON OF THE BMPBROR TAOKWANO. 847 
 
 be BPttled there at the mouth of tl.e Peiho within 
 reach o£ Peking, at the risk of hostilities having to 
 be undertaken against the Capital in the event of re- 
 fuaal. In the light of rabaequent proceedings it is 
 impossible lo say whether the war would thus hare 
 been stopped. But had this procedure succeeded, 
 the subsequent warfare would have been averted 
 certainly. As it was, the British squadron returned 
 to Canton, and Eishdn was sent thither to make the 
 best settlement he could. Though not exempt from 
 the corruption universal among Chinese officials, he 
 was the most reasonble and trustworthy man then 
 available. Lin was recalled from Canton by the Em- 
 peror with scornful expressions, although, bad as 
 he was, he had d<»ie nothing more than ^at he had 
 been ordered to do, or than what he knew to be the 
 then wish of his Imperial Master. 
 
 When at Canton Kishen met the negotiators, with 
 the British squadron at their back, he found th : he 
 must satisfy their demands, if any agreemert was 
 to be made. So he agreed to cede to them a certain 
 rocky islet near the mouth of the Canton River, and 
 thus Hong Forig first appears. The British trade 
 was to be conducted on international equality. On 
 the other hand, whatever the British had recently 
 captured in Chusan was to be restored. There were 
 some further subsidiary provisions. This treaty, in- 
 stead of being ratified at Peking, was torn up in 
 anger; the unfortunate Kishen was sent up to Peking 
 in irons to answer for his conduct in acceding to it; 
 
848 PBOORBBS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 •nd after trial h« wm Mntenoed to death, thoogli tlM 
 
 capital sentonoe was commuted to one of banishment. 
 Then the Emperor himself thought to conduct afiFairs, 
 not by organising his forces, hut by issuing iery 
 proclamations against Europeans whom he desi^* 
 nated by Chinese ezpressiona which have been tnuu> 
 lated as " foreign devils." One of his instructions 
 to his officers appears to run thus. They wpro to 
 
 destroy and wipe dean away, to exterminate and 
 root out the rebellious barbarians." He offered 
 rewards for the hoads of the British Representative 
 and the British Admiral. These instructions were 
 childish, but they show with what degree of com- 
 mon sense the Empire of China was directed during 
 this its first crisis in contact with Europeans. 
 
 The British replied by making war in earnest, 
 and a considerable body of troops were employed 
 under Sir Hugh Gough, who afterwards became 
 historic in India. Canton was first reduced to sub- 
 mission, then the coast trending northwards towards 
 the mouth of the Yang-tsze-Kiang was attacked by 
 the fleet and the troops in combination. Stronghold 
 after stronghold, heretofore deemed impregnable by 
 the Chinese, succumbed without much resistance. 
 Then the fleet entered the estuary of the Yang-tsze- 
 Kiang itself, justly held by the Chinese as their main 
 inland water. Thereabouts one town, Ghenkiang, 
 was taken with heavy loss among the Chinese troops, 
 and the British appeared opposite Nanking, the chief 
 city of that quarter, the ancient Chinese capital, and 
 the second city of the Empire. 
 
BEION OF THE OIPISOB TAOKWAHO. 849 
 
 It nuij here be mentioned that while Ghcnkiftng 
 was being bomhtrded, there was revelry going on at 
 Tching on the opposite side of the river. This wu 
 beorniso the Tching people were feasting the British 
 sailors who happened to be tbf ' Thereon Pro- 
 fessor Douglas remerki: ''So .te is the ah* 
 sence of all patriotic feeling k. . ^ the people of 
 that ' jest and riddlr of the world,' China." 
 
 Then the Emperor was convinced that peace must 
 be made forthwith, so a treaty was ratified conced- 
 ing all the terms that poor Kishen had conceded. 
 Hong Eong was in the first place ceded as before, 
 similarly the previous indemnity for the destruction 
 of the opium was repeated. But whereas in Kishen's 
 treaty Canton was the only port where the British 
 were to trade on terms of international equality, 
 there were now in the new treaty four ports added, 
 namely, Amoy loohow, Ningpo and Shanghai, the 
 last nara nl beir.^ .he place which has played and may 
 yet pluv a teading part in Chinese affairs. There 
 was mo; ■ • er to be a considerable indemnity to the 
 i'ritish Icr the expenses of the war. This treaty, 
 which was one of the sort which victors would ob> 
 tain from the vanquished, was signed in August, 
 1842, with more promptitude than might have been 
 expected, because the Emperor was anxious to rid 
 Uie inland waters of the Yang-tsze-Kiang from the 
 presence of British warships. 
 
 There was no sincerity whatever in this compul- 
 sory deed which the Chinese Emparor L'4 to per* 
 
850 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 form. Here was an engagement of a nature which 
 
 is nowadays termed epoch-making, which was per- 
 haps the most important that any Chinese Sovereign 
 had ever made, which would have a far-reaching 
 importance to other nations besides Britaia and 
 China, and would lead sooner or later to similar en- 
 gagements with other European nations. Yet the 
 Chinese Government was so perverse as not to admit 
 this document into the Imperial records at Peking. 
 They persisted in treating it as a provincial paper 
 and sent it to the keeping of the Viceroy or provin- 
 cial Governor at Canton, in whose possession it was 
 afterwards fouri'^ by the English. This circum- 
 stance illustrates the temper of the Chinese Emperor 
 and Ministers, which was fast driving their country 
 to ruin. 
 
 The British authorities, returning southwards, 
 took possession of Hong Kong, but on trying to 
 regulate the trade at Canton found matters just as 
 bad as they had ever been, the new treaty notwith- 
 standing. It has been said with truth that in the 
 huge disjointed Empire of China news may fail 
 to spread for many months together. But no doubt 
 in this case there was another and more potent reason, 
 namely this, that the provincial authorities in and 
 about Canton were resolved not to carry this treaty 
 out if they could help it. They would represent that 
 the Cantonese were turbulent; but that was false. 
 The townspeople were quiet, civil and friendly, 
 greatly liking the trade, the only disturbers being 
 
EEIGN OP THE EMPEROR TAOKWANO. 851 
 
 the unattached mob who were urged on by the 
 officials. After a weary series of insults and wrongs 
 some events occurred which induced the British 
 authorities once more to send warships to Canton. 
 At Shanghai some outrage was committed on two 
 Missionaries and force was employed to obtain repa- 
 ration. Matters were made still worse at Canton 
 by the appointment of Yeh to be Governor— a man 
 who may be bracketed with Lin, already mentioned, 
 as being a factor in the ruin of China. The Em- 
 peror, forgetting the treaty, on one occasion issued a 
 proclamation to the effect that the people of the 
 Kwantung provinces were resolved that foreigners 
 should not enter. As usual the supposed popular 
 will was made the stalking-horse, the truth being 
 that the people were well disposed enough ; it was the 
 literati and the officials, with the Emperor at their 
 head, who had an evil disposition with implacable 
 enmity. The troubles regarding British trade at 
 Canton, bad and unjustifiable as they were, became 
 perhaps less acutely felt because the British were 
 developing their settlement at Hong Kong and turn- 
 ing it into a coign of vantage in every respect, com- 
 mercial, political, navaL 
 
 As might have been expected, other nations en- 
 tered into the breach which the British had made 
 in the wall of Chinese exclusiveness. A Commis- 
 sioner came from America; and the French Govern- 
 ment sent a request not so much for trade privileges 
 as for further liberty to propagate the Roman Cath- 
 
852 PBOGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 olic religion, to which x<eqtiest a limited oomplianoe 
 
 only was granted. 
 
 It has been necessary during this narrative to men- 
 tion the subject of opium, but also to avoid encum- 
 bering the story of war and politics with allusions 
 to a controversy which has raged around the drug, 
 and which though allayed has not ceased up to this 
 day. But after this stage in the career of China, 
 the subject will hardly reappear, as its position will 
 be subordinate to the grave, even tremendous, issues 
 of other kinds which will supervene. Still for the 
 satisfaction of those who have held and still hold 
 strong convictions in the matter, it is well to con- 
 clude this Chapter by adverting to the conclusions 
 of the Koyal Commission as those of the best and 
 newest authority; though it is to be feared that no 
 such conclusions will ever be accepted by the anti- 
 opium party mentioned in the last Chapter save one 
 of Part I. of this work. The appointment, the en- 
 quiries, the Report to the Queen by that High Com- 
 mission and presented to Parliament, the action of 
 the House of Conmions thereon, and the dissent re- 
 corded by one Member out of the nine Members of 
 the Commission, Mr. Henry .T. Wilson, have all been 
 mentioned in that Chapter. These proceedings re- 
 lated to India primarily, and the result was that the 
 opium system existing there should not be disturbed. 
 But they touched indirectly on China also, because 
 the two countries, the one producing, the other con- 
 stuning, could not be separated. In this place the 
 
BEIQN OF THE EMPEBOB TAOEWANa. 858 
 
 observations of the Eoyal Commission will be noticed 
 only 80 far as they relate to China. Mr. Wilson 
 cites the opinion of Dr. Medhurst of the London 
 Missionary Society, a brave and enterprising min- 
 ister, who drew a moving picture of the evils of 
 opium used in excess. But as he entered China in 
 1837, when the country was barred against him, he 
 could not have gone very far into the interior. His 
 descriptions relate to individual excesses, probably 
 in some seaport town, and are fully accepted so far 
 as they go. But then he might have entered the dens 
 of vice in any European or Western city, and found 
 things as bad, indeed even worse. The horrors he 
 might have witnessed in, for example, a gin palace in 
 London would not have been accepted as a reason for 
 denunciations against all persons engaged in the 
 gin trade, such as those which he directs against all 
 concerned in the opium traffic. It is here that the 
 misapprehension, as many think it to be, has its 
 beginning; why, they will ask, is opium to be singled 
 out from among the drugs and spirits, alcoholic 
 and narcotic, things which have ever been and still 
 are used by all nationalities whether Western or 
 Oriental, and why are the Chinese to be selected 
 from all the rest of mankind for reprobation in this 
 respect ? Still, it must be allowed that the majority 
 of Missionaries of all Churches condemn the use of 
 opium in China, as shown by their evidence before 
 the Bojal Commission. So the anti-opium advo- 
 cates are entitled to the full benefit of this imiKw^ 
 
854 PBOORESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 taut body of testiinonj. But the Royal CommiMdon 
 observe that many of these excellent men are the ad- 
 vocates of total abstinence and would similarly con- 
 demn every drug or spirit in any country regarding 
 which they might be consulted. On the other hand, 
 there is a minority among the Missionaries who 
 though believing, as everybody believes, that the ex- 
 cessive use is most pernicious, yet hesitate to con- 
 demn the moderate use, and this is the opinion of 
 some among the Xedical Missionaries. This view, 
 too, is taken generally by many among the non-mis- 
 sionary witnesses, the mercantile professions, the 
 consular service, the oflBcial classes, whom the Royal 
 Commission consulted. It is to be remembered, too, 
 that the officials in China think only of Chinese in- 
 terests and pay no regard to the Lidian excise on 
 opium. The condemnatory evidence is often of a 
 .general character, so that in justice to the Chinese 
 some specific testimony ought to be mentioned. Sir 
 George des Voeux, late Governor of Hong Kong, 
 writes : " It is probable that the population of Hong 
 Kong (over 200,000 Chinese) smokes more opium 
 than any other of the like number in the world, and 
 yet relatively to the conditions of its existence, it 
 is extraordinarily healthy, while for activity and 
 industry it could scarcely be surpassed." Then Mr. 
 Wodehouse, the police magistrate in the same colony, 
 writes: "Taking the Chinese population of Hong 
 Kong in its entirety, although it is probable that the 
 great majority of the male adults are consumers of 
 
REIGN OF THE EMPEBOB TAOKWANO. 855 
 
 opium, and although they have as much opium at 
 their command as they may desire, there is nerei^ 
 
 theless an entire absence of any general appearance 
 of either physical or moral deterioration. Their 
 appearances are those of a 1 ;y, thrivring, well-to^lo 
 population." 
 
 The Royal Commission sum up their conclusions 
 thus: " On a review of tL. whole evideaoe in regard 
 to opium-smoking among the Chinese we conclude 
 that the habit is generally practised in moderation, 
 and that when so practised the injurious eflFects are 
 not apparent; but that when the habit is carried to 
 excess disastrous consequences, both moral and physi- 
 cal, inevitably follow. Assun<ing this conclusion 
 to be well founded we may fairly compare the effects 
 of opium-smoking among the Chinese population to 
 those of alcoholic liquors in the United Kingdom." 
 
 Adverting to historical notes prepared by one of 
 its Members, the Eoyal Commission say: " We wish 
 to express our general ccmcurrence in the conclusions 
 at which our colleague has arrived, that opium was 
 exported T.-om India to Chim before European 
 nations appeared in the Indian seas; that opium- 
 smoking was a habit in existence China before 
 British rule began in India, and a time when 
 British merchants took little or no part in the opium 
 trade; and that to speak of opium as having been 
 forced upon the Chinese is, to say the least, an ex- 
 aggeration." 
 
 Nevertheless the dissentiait Monber, Mr. Henry 
 
356 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 J. Wilson, takes a different view of the evidence. 
 He nays that the main purpose of the production 
 and sale of opium in British India is to supply the 
 Chi aese and other Eastern markets. It might at 
 first sight appear that the markets were in the main 
 supplied in this way. But such oould not have been 
 the writer's meaning, because the main supplies hare 
 been from Chins herself throughout this century. 
 Then, apparently in distinction to opium-eating, he 
 refers to " the practice of opium-smoking as in the 
 highest degree prejudicial morally and physically to 
 those who indulge in it, as is established beyond all 
 reasonable doubt. English officials resident in 
 China and the far East have for the last hundred 
 years continuously referred to opium-smoking as a 
 cause of moral and physical destruction." Five 
 names are given in support of this, among whom 
 three are distinguished, namely, Sir George Staun- 
 ton, 1816:, Sir Stamford Baffles, 1826; and Mont- 
 gomery Martin, 1840. After referring to the testi- 
 mony of the Missionaries and to two Medical Mis- 
 sionaries especially, and laying stress on that of Sir 
 Thomas Wade, also to the majority of English o&- 
 cials in China, Mr. Wilson regards this as " over- 
 whelming in its force against the opium habit in 
 China." From the evidence taken as a whole he con- 
 siders it " abundantly manifest that opium in China 
 is a gigantic national evil." In illustration of his 
 Minute he appends many elaborate notes. The 
 question must often ariije as to what the witness 
 
HEIGN OF THE EMF :R0R TAOKWANO. 357 
 
 really means; if asked regarding the immoderate 
 
 use of opium every witness absolutely without ex- 
 ception will denounce such use. But if he be ques- 
 tioned regarding the moderate use then a different 
 complexion may often arise. 
 
 The Boyal Commission evidently do not regard 
 the evidence as approa?hing unanimity either way. 
 Indeed they say that "t is often of a mixed or even a 
 conflicting character. Still they v j appointed by 
 the Crown to be the judges, and certainly their view 
 of the evidence is not that of Mr. Wilson. There are 
 two points to be considered by that large public 
 opinion to which the appeal must ultimately lie. The 
 firbt is whether, taking them all in all, the Chinese 
 people should be described as temperate^ according 
 to the European use of the term; and the answer is 
 that they certainly should. The second is from a 
 moral standpoint what, in a case of this kind, i«i a 
 national evil. Many members of the anti-opivni 
 party would conscientiously hold nat " driri," in 
 its technical sense, is a national evil throughout the 
 British Isles and in any northern or English-speak- 
 ing region. Yet the mass of the British people could 
 not maintain such an opinion. It follows that if 
 " drink " is not " a gigantic national evil " in the 
 British Isles, neither is opium so in China. But 
 those who will undertake to afSrm that "drink" 
 is a " gigantic national evil " in Britain are quite 
 consistent in saying the same of opium in China. 
 
 Eor the f ka of China, Mr. Wilsoa rocommenda 
 
858 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 that the production of opium in India be stopped 
 bv the action of the Government. That has been al- 
 ready alluded to in the last Chapter but one of Part 
 I. As regards China, the British reply is summarily 
 this, that there can be no cause for their interference 
 in this respect, as that would ha' : no impression 
 whatever on the Chinese consumption. The Indian 
 variety was never at its highest more than a superior 
 sort, as for instance like champagne among the wines 
 of France. It was never more than a small portion 
 as compared to the Chinese mass. And now it is 
 being gradually superseded by the Chinese varieties, 
 whether that be from improvements in Chinese pro- 
 duction or from the Chinese manufacture. The only 
 business of the British Government is to tax the 
 article effectually, and that is done. If all this be 
 still condemned by some, then it must be remarked 
 that the object of this Chapter is to discuss the con- 
 duct of the Chinese and not that of the Government 
 of India. 
 
 In order to do justice still further to the anti- 
 opium party advertence may be had to the first and 
 greatest of their advocates, Lord Ashley, afterwards 
 the Earl of Shaftesbury. He made a motion on 
 the subject in the House of Commons in IS-l^, which, 
 however, was not pressed lest there should be any 
 embarrassment in the negotiations then pending. 
 His biographer, Mr. Hodder, writing in 1886, saya 
 that "there can be little doubt that future genera- 
 tions of Englishmen will unhesitatingly condemn 
 
BEIQN OF THE EMPEBOR TAOKWANO. 859 
 
 the policy which has long been pursued in regard to 
 this iniquitous traffic" He goes on to aver that 
 
 " English Ministers did not scruple to secure by 
 fire and sword the maintenance of the unholy traffic." 
 Now authors who permit themselves to write thus 
 of their own countrymen are not likely to be moved, 
 much less convinced, by any enquiry which may be 
 made nowadays. It may suffice here to remark that 
 in 1895, after the publication of the Report of the 
 Royal Commission, the House of Commons formally 
 declined to condemn the policy above mentioned. 
 Mr. Hodder, after giving a brief history, which 
 would not be accepted by historians of to-day, writes: 
 " Such was the state of things when Lord Ashley,' 
 Mr. Gumey and Mr. Fry began the long cmsado 
 against the opium trade— a crusade that has not yet 
 achieved its crowning victory." That is true inde^ 
 for the crusade has been defeated by the enquiries 
 made in a judicial manner. But the object of the 
 crusade will be finally achieved in a manner little 
 foreseen by the crusaders. For the Indian opium 
 is being, and will yet be, driven out of the Chinese 
 markets by the growing production in China itself 
 and by the improving manufacture of the Chinese- 
 grown drug. We have Mr. Hodder's authority for 
 Lord Ashley speaking, in his speech before the House 
 of Commons, in regard to Chinese consumers of 
 opium, of « their hideous disfigurement and prema- 
 ture decay, resulting in misery almost beyond belief, 
 destroying myriads of individuAls annually." There 
 
860 PBOORESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 may bo always a doubt regarding spoJ-en words; 
 but if Ix)r(i Ashley meant the smokers in excess, then 
 Btrong language was well deserved by them, just as 
 it would be by inebriates or the sufferers from 
 deliritun trom«u» in Britain. But if he meant the 
 Chinese opium consumers in the mass, then the in- 
 formation of 1842 must have been very defective and 
 misleading in order to draw so great and good a 
 man as His Lordship into such exaggeration as this. 
 He said that the Bible (doubtless meaning the Prot- 
 Mtant Missions) and opium could not enter China 
 together. But in fact opiimi to a large extent had 
 been grown in China for some generations before 
 Protestant Christianity had been heard of in that 
 country. Sir Robert Peel, then Prime Minister, 
 did not seem to be moved, and was understood to 
 say that as we could not put down gin at home wo 
 could not concern ourselves about the importation 
 of opium into China. The justice of the Minister'3 
 argument was perhaps not appreciated at the time, 
 because it was not then, in 1842, known that the 
 Chinese themselves were the great producers, and 
 that the Indian importation formed only a portion 
 of the supply. Still the anti-opium party are en- 
 titled to the benefit of the fact that Lord Shaftesbury 
 was their first leader, and that he probably did not 
 materially change his opinion up to the end of his 
 valued life. 
 
 Henceforth, although there will be some questions 
 regarding the regulation of the opium trade by the 
 
KEION OF THB EMPEBOB TAOKWAKO. 861 
 
 Chinew Govenuntnt, yrt the mitt-r need not »• 
 appear in this narrative. The object has been to 
 present the whole case according to the latest authori- 
 ties; so that hereafter the narrative of grave events 
 may not again be interrupted by a controversial 
 siibject 
 
 Although the bad relations which, in eontravenr 
 
 tion of the Treaty, the Cantonese officials insisted on 
 keeping up with the British, were enough of them- 
 selves to endanger the Empire, other and still worse 
 dangers were springing up. The people, as already 
 stated, were not rising against the foreigners. Yet 
 many of them were ainded to rise against the Gov- 
 ernment and against tae Manchu dynasty. The 
 country round Canton was perhaps more inclined to 
 disturbances than most parts of China, and the news 
 of all the degrading disasters suffered during the 
 hostilities with the British, had by this time spread 
 abroad, and the efTect was a general dislocation of 
 authority. Thereon several sects of a treasonable 
 character, one of them bearing the name of the 
 White Lily, which had for some time existed secretly, 
 now began to rear their heads. So the years rolled 
 on heavily and stormily for the Emperor Taokwang, 
 whose health, too, was declining fast. 
 
 Very early in 1850, the prcise date being un- 
 certain, Taokwang died, sunk in superstition and 
 mentally depressed. This depression may have been 
 caused partly by a retrospect of his thirty yeai-s* 
 reign, which even the sympathetic historian Boul^r 
 
862 PRCX2RESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 pronounces to have been " one of unredeemed fail* 
 ure." But he must have been profoundly anxious 
 regarding movements, nothing short of trensonable, 
 which were affecting aome of the inmost parts tf 
 Ohineae aociaty in the aouthern diatricta of the Eu* 
 pire, which were rising even at the very time of hia 
 death and which rose immediately afterwards. He 
 was standing, whether he knew it or not, though he 
 probably did know, on the brink of the events which 
 soon grew into the notorious Taiping rebellion, and 
 which will be prominently mentioned in the foUoir* 
 ing Cbaptnr. 
 
BSION OF nCPXBOB BBIBNIIIfa 
 
 868 
 
 CHAPTER XXVL 
 
 BEIOK OF XMPSBOB HSIBNFKITO, 1860-1861. 
 
 In the spring of 1860 the fourth eon of the Uff 
 Emperor Taokwang ascended the Imperial thi 
 with the style of Hsienfeng. As already stated, 
 dying Emperor chooses his successor irrespective of 
 primogeniture. If Taokwang had, for any reason, 
 domestic or other, to paaa over the three elder ions, 
 he had a choice between the fourth and the fifth, 
 namely, Prince Kung. The fourth was unworthy 
 and the fifth was well worthy, as will be seen here- 
 after. Unhappily for his country, he chose the un- 
 worthy one, who ; i now to be styled Hsienfeng. 
 
 The now Emperor was a headstrong youth nine- 
 teen years old, of dissipated habits, consequentfy 
 not likely to have health or strength for the man- 
 agement of affairs, or nerve for facing danger. 
 Though never showing the courage to be expected 
 from his race, yet he had some of the short-sighted 
 arrogance and all the worst prejudices which had 
 injured the careers of his father and grandfather. 
 He hated the foreigners even worse than they 
 and this hatred of his induced him to incur i r(. i 
 risks of the very sort which had ruined his fk 'leA 
 roign, and now were to bring on his own the uio,^ 
 
864 PROGBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 disgraceful disasters which had, as yet, ever befallen 
 
 the Chinese Empire. After a short and inglorious 
 reign he died weakened by debauchery in the 
 flower of his age, away from the Imperial Capital, 
 whence he had fled on the approach of the foreign 
 enemy. 
 
 His position was indeed very hard from the out- 
 set. His father had left him a distracted inheri- 
 tance. Disturbances, not quite amounting to rebel- 
 lions, w^ere rising in his southern provinces. Physi- 
 cal distress from famine had afflicted some of his 
 fairest provinces ; abuses and corruptions had grown, 
 like ranJ: vegetation, so fast under the prevailing 
 troubles that even he or his council were obliged to 
 issue a mandate against them. Moreover the rela- 
 tions of his Qovemment with the foreigners were 
 again becoming dangerously strained. 
 
 The very first trouble, early in 1850, which the 
 new Government had to meet was a marked accession 
 to the movements in tLe southern Provinces which 
 have been already mentioned in a prefatory manner 
 at the end of the last preceding Chapter. 
 
 Above the seething surface of these events there 
 arose a personage who must be noticed, and his name 
 was Hung. He is described by Professor Douglas 
 as being " born of a Hakka or emigrant family," as 
 having studied the way-worn classics of his coiin- 
 try, and presented himself at Canton as a candidate 
 for examination. But the fates were against him, 
 and his failure is accounted for by some who at* 
 
BEION OF EMPEROR HSIENFENO. 885 
 
 tribute it to the fact of his parentage— the Hakkas 
 being looked upon as a pariah class—and bv others 
 
 to his want of scholarship." Later on be fell ill and 
 " as he tossed in his bed in delirium he saw strange 
 and weird visions ... he saw the Almighty who 
 entered his room and placed a sword in his hand. 
 ... It is more than probable that he really believed 
 his divine mission ... he was able to impress those 
 about him with a belief in his views, first of all his 
 own household and afterwards in the neighbourhood. 
 Followers gathered to him, and they endeavoured 
 to spread the doctrines of the 'Association of the 
 Almighty ' which he established." For this nomen- 
 clature, he adopted the word "Hu," which, being 
 distinctly imperial, became unpopular and was pru- 
 dently dropped. But he at once " associated himself 
 with a far more treasonable corporation," namely, 
 " the Triad Society." Then he raised « troops who,' 
 full of iconoclastic zeal, destroyed the Buddhist tem- 
 ples in the country and threw down the idols." Thug 
 his great rebellion was overtly begun. 
 
 First he captured several towns near the city of 
 Canton, the capital of Kwantung province, without 
 any resistance from the Chinese; but, finding that 
 the defences of that city were being strengthened, 
 he sheered off, and turning northwards, entered the 
 province of Hunan. Near the capital of that prov- 
 ince he was threatened with resistance for the first 
 time from a Chinese commander. Again, however, 
 he moved on, leaving the place untaken in his rear, 
 
366 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 and being pursued, though quite ine5ectually, by 
 the Chinese troops. He, however, received submis- 
 sion and supplies from every town on his way. Mul- 
 titudes flocked to his banner, in the sole belief that 
 he was a man of success. He had neither organisa- 
 tion nor commissariat. His so-called army was a 
 foraging horde who stayed in each locality till they 
 had eaten up its supplies, and then vent on to fresh 
 fields and pastures. So he entered victoriously the 
 middle basin of the Yang-tsze, the finest part of the 
 Chinese interior, after having overrun with armed 
 success two large provinces of the Empire within 
 three years from the inception of his " divine mia- 
 sion," that is, between 1850 and 1853. 
 
 It was from this position, thus mastered, one of 
 the most characteristic parts of historic China, the 
 scene of some among the most heroic deeds of the 
 Chinese nationality in the Middle Ages, the region 
 of the great canals and the river-highways, the seat 
 of the most beautiful of the Chinese industries, that 
 early in 1853 he issued his so-called "celestial de- 
 crees," couched in terms of outrageous profanity 
 and assigning to himself celestial powers direct from 
 the Almighty. He then attacked and took Nanking, 
 the capital of the lower Yang-tsze basin, the old Im- 
 perial capital, and still the second city of the Empire, 
 with a ruthless and wholesale slaughter of the Man- 
 chu defenders and inhabitants. Thus he occupied 
 the provinces of Ganhwy and Hoope in addition to 
 the other two provinces already mentioned. He 
 
BEIC N OF EMPEEOB H8IBNFBNO. 307 
 
 then "proclaimed himself Emperor of China, an- 
 nouncmg that his dynasty was to be known in future 
 
 as the Taiping Dynasty. In support of this new 
 dignity he severally appointed four of his principal 
 supporters as kings of the north, the south, the west, 
 the east. ... He was never subsequently seen be 
 yond the gates of his palace." The above quotations 
 are from Professor Douglas. But in order to ac- 
 centuate the low, bestial nature of the man, who had 
 been permitted to do so much under celestial pre- 
 tensions, the following passage from the historian 
 Boulpr may be cited : « He (Hung) retired into the 
 mtenor of his palace and was never seen again. It 
 was given out that he was constantly engaged in 
 writing books, but the truth was that he had aban- 
 doned himself to the indulgences of the harem. He 
 had chosen thirty of the women who had accompanied 
 him from Kwa^i, and of those who had fallen to 
 his spoil as a conqueror, to be his wives ; but not con- 
 tent with this arrangement he allowed only females 
 to attend on his august person." The consequence of 
 this was that the easteru of the four kings, really the 
 lieutenants, already mentioned, was acquiring potent 
 influence. He laid claim, like his degraded chief, to 
 celestial powers, and carried on the rebeUion with 
 mor>> activity than ever. 
 
 The deltaic region of the Yang-tsze was now swept 
 by the Taiping rebels close up to the British commer- 
 cial settlement of Shanghai. This approach excited 
 itrange and conflicting emotions among the European 
 
868 PROGBESS OF IMDU, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 eonununity at Shanghai. Boulger writes : " The tnis- 
 
 eionaries, who possessed the almost complete control 
 of the literature relating to China, were disposed to 
 hail the Taipings as the regenerators of China and 
 as the champions of Christianity. . . . Confident 
 declarations were made that the last hour of the Man- 
 chu dynasty had arrived, and that the knell of its 
 fate had sounded. The murmurs on the other hand 
 were not less emphatic that the Taipings had ruined 
 trade." There sei...H to have been doubt among 
 the British whether they ought not to recognise the 
 Taiping leader as the de facto ruler. They, howeirer, 
 decided to maintain their relations with the Emperor 
 at Peking, to preserve an attitude of neutrality, to 
 do nothing for the rebels and nothing against them 
 so long as they observed the treaties between the 
 Chinese Gbvemment and the Europeans. General 
 Butler, who wrote the short life of "Chinese Gordon," 
 and who must have had access to many records, af- 
 firms that as private traders the Europeans helped 
 the Taipings by selling to them arms and ammuni- 
 tion. He writes : " The possession of the delta of the 
 Yang-tsze-Kiang had given the Taipings access to 
 the foreign trade, and thus put them in possession 
 of whatever money could purchase in the way of 
 guns, small arms, and munitions of war. . . . What 
 this trade was may be judged from the seizure of a 
 single English ship which was found to contain three 
 hundred pieces of ordnance, several thousand rifles 
 and revolvera and fifty tons of ammunition." 
 
BEIONOFEMPESROBHBIENliENO. ggg 
 
 Meanwhile the position of the rebel leaders, that 
 
 fKn 1 <^e^estial business, reaUy commanded 
 
 the ower and middle Yang-tsze .aliey, the very 
 
 thetiar 1 '''' ^^^^ "w;tched,"^^ 
 
 the historian's phrase, by two Imperial forces. Ap. 
 parently the Imperialists could at first only wateh 
 bose whom they ought to have crushed. H^ver 
 those watchmen were themselves attacked; they made 
 counter attacks; there m.s some real ightfng on 
 both sides; some brave and faithful Imperialist 
 
 Then the rebel leaders held a council of war at 
 Wing and resolved to attempt a march on Peking 
 teelf. For this striking enterprise two forces ^ 
 
 wa d and foremost part, the other to cooperate or 
 perhaps to form a reserve. Bolii forces at on^ began 
 
 nv diffiTTr ""'"'"'^ without 
 any difficulty the country that lies between the rivers 
 
 1 ang^ts.e-Kia,g and Hoang Ho, the two great rivers 
 
 vdlSr\l f-^^--« -asters of both these 
 valleys. Thus, too, they overran triumphantly two 
 more great provinces, namely, Shantung and Shansi, 
 making up a total, with those previously captured, 
 of seven pro ^nces. For the most part their march 
 >va3 nnopposod, for it was necessarily energetic and 
 "Pid, becatise in the absence of commissariat they 
 liad to spur and press on, when supplies failed them 
 
870 PEOORESB OP INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 in one place, to the next place. At one point only 
 did they find that a real stand could he made by the 
 Imperialists. Seeing that obstacle, they moved off and 
 passed on, apparently without any attempt being 
 made by the Imperialist commander to pursue them 
 or to harass their rear. Thus they reached the val- 
 ley of the river which nins by Pekin through Tient- 
 sin to the Pechihlee Gulf. Here they stopped for 
 a short while at Tsinghai, distant about two marches 
 from Tientsin itself. Hereon Professor Douglas 
 writes: "The march had been daringly executed, 
 and it reflects infinite discredit on the Imperial 
 forces that so much had been accomplished at so 
 small a cost. In a six months' raid the rebels had 
 captured twenty-six cities and established themselves 
 within a hundred miles of Peking. But the move- 
 ment had been made in defiance of the true prin- 
 ciples of warfare. . . . After a short rest at Tsinghai 
 they marched to the attack of the ncighbo'J^ing city 
 of Tientsin. Here they found General Sankolinsin 
 . . . and failed to make any impression on the forti- 
 fications garrisoned by the troops of this veteran. 
 This check was fatal to the expedition. To have 
 marched on Peking, with Tientsin untaken in their 
 rear, would have been an act of full-moon madness, 
 and the general in command wisely determined rather 
 to force his way back to Nanking than to advance to 
 certain ruin. With some difficulty and considerable 
 loss he managed to cut his way through the interven- 
 ing Imperial host and eventually succeeded in bring- 
 
BEIGN OF EMPEROR HSIENFENG. 371 
 
 ing a remnant of his forces to the capital of his chief" 
 (Nanking). 
 
 The other column, which had started with the idea 
 
 of supporting the first expedition, on hearing of 
 the retreat from Tsinghai retired with alacrity and 
 retraced its steps to Nanking. The Imperialists' 
 Commander took heart when he saw the rebels retreat- 
 ing, and recaptured many towns with the same ease 
 ^ith which they had been captured; clearing the 
 Taipings out of the Hoang Ho basin by thebeginning 
 of 1855. Still, however, the rebels kept the whole 
 valley of the Yang-tsze from its mouth up to Tchang 
 near the foot of th first mountain range, a distance 
 in a straight line of 800 miles, the richest part 
 of Chma, with their capital at Nanking. Thus they 
 were closely confined, but the area of their confine- 
 ment was magnificent indeed. Within that area 
 dreadful deeds were dune by the rebels among them- 
 selves. As Boulger writes Prince murdered 
 prince ; the streets of Nanking were flooded with the 
 blood of thousands of their followers." The town 
 of Shanghai was occupied by them and was recap- 
 tured by the Imperialists with European aid. The 
 European settlement there was for a time in immi- 
 nent danger and was saved only by the protection of 
 ij-uropean warships. In short, had it not been for 
 the presence of Europeans and their active aid, the 
 imperialist cans -would have been rooted out from the 
 mouth and estuary of the Yang-t«ze an completely 
 as it had been from the delta and this valley. Thus 
 
872 PROGBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 the great rebcUica stood in 1855 and 1856, too large 
 
 indeed, yet without further enlargement, and so it 
 reniaiued for several years. Huviiir; beleaguered it, 
 the Imjierial coninianders might liavc attacked it in 
 its last strongholds; but they and their troops were 
 diverted towards Peking by grave complications with 
 England and France which will presently be men- 
 tioned. 
 
 Before quitting these events it is needful to add 
 that in 1854 and 1855 the *' Triad " rebels (in their 
 origin and conduct something like the Taipings) had 
 been stirring in the south near Amoj and Canton. 
 Their successes in the towns were similar to those 
 which have been recounted in the career of the other 
 rebels; but they were checked by the fortifications 
 of Canton. In both Amoy and Canton barbarity 
 most shocking followed the reassertion of Imperial 
 authority, and checked the European sympathy which 
 was beginning to rise in favour of the Emperor as 
 against the rebels. 
 
 The first landmark in the rebellion has now been 
 reached. Sir William Butler * graphically sums up 
 the result thus : " The Taiping rebels, moving from 
 the southern province of China, had overrun the 
 wide delta of the Yang-tsze-lviang, the centre of tho 
 richest industries and gardens of the Empire. City 
 after city had fallen before them. Xanking, the 
 ancient capital of the Southern Empire; Soochow, 
 
 * In his memoir of General Gordon, Macmillan's " Series of 
 English Men of Action." 
 
BEION OF BUPEBOB H8IEMFEN0. 
 
 the fresh-water Venice of the East; Hangchow, tho 
 pato of the in.perial canal, had all been carried." 
 Ill order that tlioro may be no idea that tho events 
 are exaggerated, the latest available authorities have 
 been cited as regards the prin .ipal points, though 
 there are countless details which might make the 
 complexion even worse, for the inferences to be 
 drawn from this great case are truly terrible. 
 
 The Taiping rebellion, then, though still great, 
 remained from this time, 1856 till 1861, without 
 further aggrandisement, mainly through its own 
 viciousness rather than through any Imperialist 
 efforts. In that sense it may be described as quies- 
 cent and stagnant for a while. This, then, is the 
 moment for pausing a brief while to regard the lurid 
 light which such an affair casts on several categories of 
 national development, that is, on the Imperial con- 
 stitution, the polity, the body politic, the social 
 framework, the temper and disposition of the 
 Chinese. 
 
 Without pressing the case against an ancient, an 
 interesting, in many respects a great, though in the 
 end an unfortunate, people, it must in truth be de- 
 clared that this vast rebellion was thoroughly dis- 
 graceful to the Chinese in each and all of these cate- 
 gories. JS'o doubt the case did not touch the whole 
 Empire, but it did affect at least seven out of the 
 eighteen prorincea, or nearly half the. Empire, and 
 that the richest, the most populous and civilised half. 
 It has been understood from their admirers that the 
 
874 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Chinese are a religious people witl. reverent awe for 
 antiquity, for ancient culture, fo.- the authority of 
 philosophy and literature. But ht.'e they suffered 
 a mean wretch of outcast family and almost illiterate, 
 capable of turning his own house into a moral pig- 
 sty, to usurp of his own authority a so-called celestial 
 status. They suffered him and his to desecrate the 
 temples and to carry off the attendants to serve in his 
 forces. Forgetting their own dynasties of old re- 
 nown, memorable so long as Asiatic records shall 
 survive, they endured that he of his own will should 
 proclaim himself Emperor of China in the old 
 national capital. They have been described by 
 some as intensely patriotic, but horo they let him 
 and his motley host set at nought in the twinkling of 
 an eye all their law£, inititutions, systems elaborated 
 with amazing patience and perseverance through 
 many centuries. They had an antique class of learned 
 men, heretofore wielding all over the country the in- 
 fluence wielded in other countries by the priesthood ; 
 but now this class nowhere appears as exerting it- 
 self for order. Tliey have been reported as brave, 
 and their annals tconi ith instances of heroism; but 
 here nothing but cowardice is shown from one end of 
 the country to the other, hardly a liand or a voice is 
 raised over the broad sea of folly ; and the national 
 failure is but slightly redeemed by a very few brave 
 and loyal men who have not been, and probably never 
 will be, wanting where Chinamen are gathered to- 
 gether. They are represented -ia u^uch attached to 
 
REIGN OF SMPEBOR H8IXMFBN0. 875 
 
 local and provincial BTStema for militia and regular 
 troops, even insisting that their armies shall be pro- 
 
 vincial; vet here the militia did nothing, perhaps 
 even fraternised with the rebels; not one of the pro- 
 vincial armies made n stand for its province. Here- 
 tofore thej had been actuated by municipal senti- 
 ment, but now long^efjtablished cities, literally by 
 scores and scores, opened their gates to the maraud- 
 ing host who stayed like a flight of locusts till all 
 the edible stores were depleted. Of the Imperial 
 Generals one only made a real stand, and he was a 
 Mongolian; had it not been for him the rebels might 
 have reached Peking. The wealthy and well-ttnlo 
 classes must have seen that the movement had no 
 purpose, no policy, no object except boundless pil- 
 lage. The plunder must have l)eea imnie e, and 
 the fact that the wealth of the country was not ex- 
 hausted only shows the wondrous power of secreting 
 which Orientals possess. Yet with all this, no com- 
 bination among those who had means, knowledge and 
 experience was made anywhere to stem the wide- 
 spreading torrents of disorder. Other revolutions 
 have arisen in other countries, but always bv reason 
 of grievances, of oppressions, of something to be re- 
 dressed, to be demanded, to be won. In this short- 
 lived revolution, there was no grievance put for- 
 ward, no principle, not even the wildest allegation, 
 no demand made. There was nothing but aimless 
 excitement and wicked cupidity on the one hand 
 and the grossest national ineflSciency on the other. 
 
876 rRouREss of India, japan and china. 
 
 If the Chineso were proud, as by Bomo they are rop» 
 ])o.se(l to be, then their pride suffered in thit oace a 
 blow well-uigh irrecoverable. 
 
 For all that there must have been eoine thoughts 
 working in the Chineae mind at this time, vrhidk 
 may bo hard for a European to discern, but which 
 may have broui^ht about nome indifference to pass- 
 ing events. There may have boon a latent dia- 
 loyalty towards the Manchu Emperor as being of a 
 Tartar dynasty. As regards him even there may 
 have been the thought of China for the Chinese. 
 Still more was the thought operating as regards the 
 Europeans who as traders were already strong on 
 the seaboard and were likely to extend into the in- 
 terior. The literati were perhaps falling into de- 
 spair because of the new knowledge flowing into the 
 country, not only from foreign intercours« , but also 
 from the operations of tho Christian Missions. 
 
 It was at this juncture, 185(5, that the Chinese 
 chose to provoke fresh hostilities with the British at 
 Canton, which have become known to history under 
 the name of the Second Chinese War. If it was the 
 ChinesoEnipprorand Ministersthat courted thisfresh 
 foreign danger, with the Taiping rebellion checked 
 but not suppressed, and very far from extinction, 
 thoir conduct would seem insane. But very possibly 
 they had no real control over affairs so far down 
 south as Canton. Their ordinary communications 
 wcve indeed intercepted by the rebels, and an Im- 
 perial despatch, if addressed to Cantoni could Lavd 
 
BEION or mPEBOR HSr JVIEZfO. 877 
 
 teaebed there only by some circuitous route on land 
 or by 8ca, running the gauntlet o' the British ships 
 
 at or about llong Kong, now grown into a political 
 centre and a naval haso. Doubtless the conduct of 
 affairs must have been left mainly to the Viceroy at 
 Canton, the Yeh already mentioned, a man of corpu- 
 lent iiabit but truculent in temper, blinded by fury, 
 hot-headed with fanaticism. Doubtless he waited 
 not for orders from Peking, knowing that the new 
 Emperor hated foreigners even more, if possible, 
 than his predecessors had done. He determined that 
 the Europeans should not have the position assigned 
 to them by the Treaty, but should remain on suffer- 
 ance, and subject to any humiliation he might choose 
 to inflict. Insulting proclamations against them 
 were posted up in Canton, memorials were erected 
 in honour of an Official who had been instrumental 
 in expelling them. Several outrages happened, and 
 t' in an event of a crucial character occurred. A 
 lorcha, a small Chinese craft with a crew of 
 twelve sailors, named the Arrow, and lawfully 
 flying the British flag, was lying near the mouth of 
 the Canton River. She was boarded by the Chinese, 
 her flag was hauled down and trampled on deck, 
 and her crew were made prisoners. This was the 
 beginning of the Second Chinese War. The British 
 Representative, then Sir John Bowring, demanded 
 reparation, not from the Chinese Government at 
 Peking, but from Teh at Canton. This not being 
 obtained, he j>roceeded to make war upon Yek at 
 
878 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 once. Such a procedure was doubtless necessary, 
 
 but it did not accord with international usage among 
 civilised nations, and it illustrates the pass to which 
 things had been brought by the practice of the 
 Chinese, who in war and politics were really un- 
 civilised. Accordingly the British Admiral, appear- 
 ing off Canton, shelled the Yamen, or palace of Yeh, 
 breached the city wall, and landed a party to enter 
 the city. But not having enough land force to 
 occupy the city he vithdrew, having thus left his 
 mark on it Various operations followed in the Can- 
 ton waters, a few British ships engaging victoriously 
 large numbers of Chinese war-vessels. The Chinese 
 evinced much determination in fighting, and the 
 English did just what might have been expected from 
 them in positions of much dilliculty. 
 
 The British Government in London now felt, in 
 1856, that although matters were flourishing at 
 Shanghai and were going on well enough at the other 
 Treaty Ports, yet were reaching at Canton a pitch 
 which demanded direct relations between the Sove- 
 reigns of the British and Chinese Empires. Here 
 was active warfare going on between the British at 
 Hong Kong and the Chinese at Canton, which was, 
 however, not acknowledged as war, and was not 
 recognised as such between Britain and China. The 
 British Government held that this irregular state of 
 things, however necessary it may have been, must 
 not be allowed to last. So the Eari of Elgin was de 
 spatched as Plenipotentiary with a force of European 
 
SEIGN OF EHPiaBOB QSIENFENO. 
 
 troops to deal with the whole case on the spot His 
 arrival was delayed because on his way he patriotical- 
 ly complied with a request from the Govemor<3en. 
 eral of India to lend his troops to help in su^moun^ 
 ing the crisis of the Indian Mutinies which began 
 in May, 1857. At last he arrived at Hong Kong 
 and opened communications with Yeh at Canton, 
 demanding the fulfilment of the Treaty and repara- 
 tion for the breaches of it, IsTo answer worth having 
 was received, and by the end of 1857 Lord Elgin pro- 
 ceeded to Canton and required Yeh to surrender the 
 city. This being refused, the ships with their guns 
 breached the walls, which were then occupied by 
 British troops; the provincial treasury was seized; 
 Yeh hinself was captured and sent off in a British 
 ship to Calcutta, there to end his days; and the city 
 was placed provisionally under a Board of European 
 Officers, greatly to the comfort and satisfaction of tho 
 townspeople. So strange were the relations be- 
 tween the Governments of Britain and China that 
 even this stfep, o.' the very strangest character, was 
 taken without any communication with the Emperor 
 at Peking. 
 
 Lord Elgin, however, forthwith reported to the 
 Chief Secretary of the Emperor the events which 
 had happened at Canton, and asked for a meeting 
 at Shanghai. The Chief Secretary was not au- 
 thorised to give His Lordship any direct answer, but 
 sent his reply to the Viceroy of the Shanghai region, 
 requesting him to eommunicate with the British Mia- 
 
380 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 ister, who was then at the head of a naval squadron 
 and a military force. The commimication was to the 
 effect that the British should communicate with the 
 new Viceroy, who would be appointed to succeed 
 YeL But the captivity of Yah did not seem at 
 all to move his Imperial master. All this supplies a 
 justification for the direct and irregular procedure 
 which the British had been obliged to adopt. Evea 
 after the severest lessons the Emperor, doubtless 
 with the advice of his Ministers, would neither abate 
 his pride nor communicate with the foreigners. Hia 
 language mms that of reproof to the British for their 
 offence in taking Canton, and of imperial magna- 
 nimity towards the offenders. 
 
 Lord Elgin, however, most properly desired to 
 have nothing more to do with any authorities in the 
 Canton province, but to enter into relations with the 
 Emperor at Peking. So he proceeded in force up the 
 Pechihlee Gulf to the mouth of the Peiho River, near 
 the famous Taku forts. He was there received by 
 the Emperor's Government with such discourtesy 
 that he caused the forts to be captured at once and 
 proceeded up the river to Tientsin, an important 
 town about eighty miles from Peking. Then at last 
 the Emperor began to come to his senses. First 
 he appointed two Commissioners of competent rank 
 to n^tiate a treaty with Lord Elgin, but he also 
 sent an imperial agent named Keying, the best man 
 then in China, to induce Lord Elgin to withdraw 
 from Tientsin. This being refused, as might hav« 
 
REIGN OF EMPEEOB ESIENFBKa 881 
 
 been foreseen, Keying returned to Peking, where He 
 was brought to trial for his failure and immediately 
 
 executed. This again illustrates the hapless temper 
 of a Chinese Emperor. When an inevitable failure 
 occurs it is attributed, not to the nature of things 
 Chinese, but to the alleged misconduct of an in- 
 dividual who is not only innocent but praiseworthy, 
 and who is wrongly sentenced to exile or to death! 
 This of itself suffices to prevent the Emperor ever 
 being well served. Just as Kishen was sacrificed 
 because he made regarding Hong Kong tlie very 
 treaty which was afterwards sanctioned, so now Key- 
 ing was sacrificed even more completely because he 
 could not do the impossible, namely, induce Lord 
 Elgin and his forces to retreat. Then the Treaty of 
 Tientsin was concluded in 1S58 by which the China 
 trade is still regulated. The old Treaty was con- 
 firmed, and in addition to the five Treaty Ports pre- 
 viously mentioned, five more were declared open to 
 European trade, namely, Js^ewchwang in Manchuria, 
 Tenchow, Formosa, Swatow, and Kingchow in the 
 island of Hainan, making ten Treaty Ports. To this 
 was added the important agreement that the British 
 Queen should appoint a Resident Minister at Peking. 
 For tho moment it seemed as if the warfare was 
 over, but this agreement was so treated by the 
 Chinese that the warfare was renewed in the form of 
 a regular war which brought the Chinese Empire 
 to the verge of destruction. No sooner had the Em- 
 peror signed the agreement to receive « British Resj- 
 
382 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 dent Minister than he entreated that none might 
 
 actually be sent. When told that such a Representa- 
 tive must be -nt he begged that this might not be 
 till the following year, and this respite was grantexl. 
 It was understood that the Minister would come to 
 exchange the ratification of the Treaties. The 
 reason given for the delay was the alleged tur- 
 bulence of the Peking townsfolk. This was, as U3ual, 
 unjust to the people, for they were quiet and friendly 
 enough, unless hounded on to outrage by their own 
 governors. 
 
 About this time the French Government proposed 
 to send a Minister Resident to Peking, and this was 
 refused. The French had acquired a certain posi- 
 tion, though not a large one, in the commercial af- 
 fairs ; and one of their Officers was on the Board of 
 Administration at Canton. So the refusal at Peking 
 predisposed them to offer support to the British in 
 any coercive measures which might become neces- 
 sary. Moreover the Emperor Napoleon was then 
 anxious to make a display in the East, though he had 
 no considerable interest in Peking, and ht wished 
 that display to be in conjunction with the British. 
 
 According to previous announcement, a British 
 Minister, Mr. Bruce, arrived at the mouth of the 
 Peiho in the following year, 1859, with a squadron 
 of ships, as befitted his rank and the occasion, and 
 proposed to proceed up the river as far as Tientsin. 
 As they were passing through the mouth of the 
 river, the passage was found to be blockaded in a 
 
REIGN OP EMPEROR HSIENFENG. 333 
 
 formidable manner, and a heavy fire was opened 
 upon them from masked batteries in the forts. They 
 replied by landing men to attack the forts, but after 
 gallant efforts were unable to pass through the deep 
 and quagmiry mud. Thus the British had to retiro 
 with heavy loss, after an attack treacherously made 
 on them in time of peace and shortly after the conclu- 
 sion of a Treaty. 
 
 Forthwith the British prepared for war to be for- 
 nially declared. The French Government wished to 
 join them, so an allied force of thirteen thousand 
 English under General Hope-Grant, and seven thou- 
 sand French under General Montauban, in all twenty 
 thousand men, was appointed to attack Peking. 
 The fact that so small a force as this was deemed 
 sufficient for attacking the capital of the then 
 most poplouc Empire on earth, shows to what a 
 depth the Chinese military repute had sunk. Yet 
 the British were minded to give tlie Emperor ono 
 more chance. So in 1860 Mr. Bruce presented an 
 ultimatum requesting him to make reparation for 
 the treacherous attack at Taku and to fulfil the 
 Treaty. Although this proceeded from a British 
 Minister appointed under Treaty, the Emperor would 
 not treat with him or even reply to him, but sent a 
 reply to the Governor of the Nanking province, with 
 whom Mr. Bruce might, if so minded, communicate. 
 Thus the Emperor ignored the recent Treaty, and 
 from his tone and language was evidentlv resolved 
 not to receive a British Minister at the capital as 
 
884 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 provided by Treaty, although this was manifestly 
 the only measure by which a recrudescence of the 
 
 troubles in the Canton country could be averted. 
 Tlius nothing remained save coercion by armed force. 
 
 So the European Allies advanced, took the Taku 
 forts by land attack, and after resistance here and 
 there from Chinese forces, including cavalry, Tartar 
 and Mongolian, went on to Tientsin. There some 
 attempt was made by the Emperor to negotiate, but 
 the Commissioners were found to be without power 
 to conclude anything, and this futile effort proved 
 abortive. So the Allies went on to a point half-way 
 between Tientsin and Peking. There a Prince ar- 
 rived to beg Lord Elgin to retire back on Tientsin. 
 Then it was agreed that some British Officers were 
 to be sent onwards to arrange a convention which 
 under the circumstances would be of the simplest 
 kind. These were Wade, Parkes and Loch, all names 
 which have since become historic. It were tedious 
 to recount the story of Chinese evasions, smiling 
 pretences, treachery and de3tructi"e rchemes while 
 peace negotiations were nominally going on. The 
 British force narrowly escaped being entrapped by 
 these negotiations into an encampment where they 
 might be surrounded by overpowering numbers. 
 Loch and Parkes in their diplomatic capacity fell 
 among thieves, in that they were detained by Chinese 
 Officials, then imprisoned together with other mem* 
 bers of the British force, insulted, maltreated and 
 brought before " the Board of Punishment " in the 
 
SEIGN OP EMPEBOB HSIENFENO. 
 
 385 
 
 most noisome dungeon of Peking. Me-nnwliile the 
 allied troops were advancing on Peking after defeat- 
 ing the Chinese in two considerable actions. There- 
 on the Emperor fled his capital in the most dastardly 
 manner, and betook himself to his hunting lodge 
 at Jehol in the Mongolian mountains, leaving Prince 
 Kung, his brother, in charge of affairs at Peking. 
 Thither he was followed by Ministers who, feeling 
 themselves physically safe up there, breathed fire 
 against the foreigners and urged the Emperor to re- 
 fuse any terms with them, facing the consequences 
 at any cost. At a council lield there the death of 
 Loch and Parkes was decreed, and their death-war- 
 rant was signed. Happily intimation was sent to 
 1 rince Kung at Peking, just one quarter of an hour 
 before the arrival of the Imperial Messenger with the 
 warrant. He instantly released the distinguished 
 prisoners, and it was only by this narrow margin of 
 time that their fate was averted. Meanwhile the 
 British had virtually got command of Peking, and 
 Prince Kung accepted on behalf of his brother a 
 Convention of Peace, which generally confirmed the 
 Treaty of Tientsin already mentioned, and which 
 regulates the relations between Britain and China 
 to this day. The two documents were to be read to- 
 gather, and all this being ratified, the wretched 
 Emperor was compelled to issue an edict notifying 
 the Treaty throughout the Empire, so tiiat all tho 
 Chmese should know what had actually been dona 
 The British were so indignant at the astounding 
 
886 PROGRESS OF INDL , JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 treachery with which their countrymen had been 
 made prisoners, and the brutality with which all had 
 
 been treated and under which some of them had 
 succumbed, that Lord Elgin felt himself obliged to 
 leave a signal mark, not on the city of Peking whero 
 the people had not offended, but on the residence of 
 the guilty Emperor. So the famous Sununer Palace 
 was formally and deliberately destroyed. Then the 
 Allies, Ministers, troops and ships left northern 
 China as the autumn was advancing. 
 
 Among the subsidiary arrangements in the Con- 
 vention were the opening of Tientsin to foreign trade 
 as a Treaty Port in addition to the several Porta 
 already mentioned, and the cession to the British 
 of the town and lands of Kowloon on the mainland 
 opposite the island of Hong Kong. 
 
 Thus ended the year 1860, most miserable and dis- 
 graceful for the Emperor Hsienfeng, indeed the 
 wor *• year known for China ever since the invasio 
 by the Mongols of Genghiz Khan in the eleventli 
 century. Hsienfeng had with simple infatuation 
 caused a war to be waged with European Powers in 
 order to evade the ratification of a Treaty in which 
 he himself had been a party and to avoid the fulfil- 
 ment of its principal provision. His brother. Prince 
 Kxmg, who was regent foi him at Peking, urged 
 him to return to his capital, but he would not. At 
 Jehol he remained with his Council, who were full 
 of anti-foreign or reactionary ideas, and quite capable 
 of again plunging the State into the troublous 
 
ftEION or EMPEROR HSIENPENO. 337 
 
 waves from which it had just been rescued. Seeing 
 the danger, Kung proceeded to Jehol, and finding 
 the Councillors to be impracticable men, formed a 
 secret alliance with the two Empresses, one of whom 
 was the senior wife, while the other was the mother 
 of the eldest son, then four years old. The Em- 
 peror himself was still only thirty years old, but 
 his health was fatally broken. H' humiliations 
 were enough of themselves to bow him down, but 
 there was also a deadly enfeeblement from debauch- 
 ery. So he sickened and died in August, 1861, at 
 Jehol, after a most discreditable reign of ten years. 
 His infant son was proclaimed Emperor at Jehol 
 with the Council for a regency. Kung, however, 
 would have none of this; he induced the two Em- 
 presses to bring the infant Emperor to Peking, and 
 then to dismiss the Councillors. He caused the lead- 
 ing men among them to be brought to trial for of- 
 fences against the State, and to be put to death. He 
 then established a regency with himself and the two 
 Empresses, and the boy Emperor was proclaimed 
 with a new title (see page 889). 
 
 Of Prince Kung more will be heard hereafter, 
 and perhaps he will hardly maintain the high posi- 
 tion which would at this juncture be assigned to him. 
 He was certainly the foremost man in China during 
 the latter half of the nineteenth century. Had he 
 been chosen Emperor in 1850 instead of Hsienfeng, 
 his country might have been saved from many of the 
 misfortunes she had to auffer. His vigorous, wise 
 
S88 PROORBSS 07 INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 and patriotic conduct in the autumn of 1860 at Pe- 
 king certainly saved the Manchu dynasty from ex> 
 
 tinction, and perhaps averted the dismemberment of 
 the Chinese Empire. His raanat^ement in 1861 was 
 perhaps disfif,ured by cruelty in the execution of tlio 
 Ministers. Otherwise it prevented the sorely 
 wounded Empire from relapsing into the dangers 
 from which it had only just emerged. Haacefor- 
 ward ho is conjoined with the two Empresses, and 
 it will be difficult to discriminate his individuality 
 with any certainty, though his influence doubtless 
 will pervade the Imperial counsels. If so, he must 
 be held partly responsible for the disastetf which 
 are yet to be narrated. 
 
BEION OF THE CMPEHOfi TUNOGBIB. 889 
 
 CHAPTER XXVn. 
 
 REION OF TUB EMPEKOB TUNQCHIH, 1861-1875. 
 
 Whkij tLe late Emperor Httenfeng died in- 
 
 gloriously in Lis mountain-retreat at Jehol, ^ ap- 
 pointed hia eldest son as his successor, who wat then 
 four years old and was proclaimed Emperor under 
 the style of Chihsiang. This style of his was shortly 
 afterwards changed to Tungchih, under which title 
 he is known to history. Being a child, he was under 
 the control of two Dowa-er Empresses, both of whom 
 were the widows of his father, the late Emperor 
 Hwenfeng, and one of whom was his mother. The 
 two Imperial ladies were in the first instance assisted 
 by a Council of rej?ency. These Councillors were 
 superseded through the energetic action of Prince 
 Kung, tlie late Emperor's brother, who then with the 
 two Empresses virtually formed the regency. 
 
 Still, from this time the Imperial authority 
 passes virtually, though not quite nominally, into 
 the hands of Imperial Ladies. The succession to 
 the^ Imper-al Crown, and the exercise of that Im- 
 perial a;ithority, which is the sole source of all power 
 throughout the Empire, are settled and regulated 
 secretly within the walls of the Palace of Pdring. 
 As Profeaaor Douglaa writes, "No secrets are at 
 
300 PBOQRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 lowed to escape beyond the pink walk of the Palace." 
 
 Such a 8V8tem, almost unknown in Chinese history, 
 and quite unknown for many generations, deprived 
 the Ciunese constitution of almo.st its last chance of 
 Standing. By that constitution tho Emperor must 
 rule by personal government. All the Emperors 
 had done so, some well, others more or less ilL Still, 
 each one of them had played a personal part, and 
 there always was somo guiding will consistently •'ct- 
 ing, even though it acted in a wrong way. But uo^v 
 there was no personality to be recognisable in the 
 Government None could say from whom the policy 
 of tho (l.'iy might emanate, whether from the Im- 
 perial Ladies, or if so from which of tho two Em- 
 presses, or whether from Prince Kung, or whether 
 from the Ministers. If indeed tho Chinese law had 
 admitted of a female Sovereign being chosen to suc- 
 ceed, then possibly either of the two Ladies might 
 have proved to be a competent Empress, for both 
 were understood to be able women. In that case 
 she would have been individually responsible, and 
 might have acted worthily. As it was the two must 
 have been tempted to pull in different directions, 
 yet nieither of them effectually, because of the Council 
 of Ministers. On the other hand the Council was 
 never effective because of the Empresses. Thus in 
 addition to a perilously critical state of affairs which 
 would have taxed the wisdom and energy of the best 
 government that could have been invented, imhappy 
 China was now to have as futile and fatuoua a gov- 
 
BMON OF TBB EMPESOR TUNQCHIH. 
 
 301 
 
 erament as could well be imagined. It was saved 
 the capital and the headquarters hy the Prince 
 Kung already mentioned. As a Prince Imperial, 
 
 and tho son of an Emperor, he had long been oligi- 
 ble to l)e appointed Emperor. Had ho been so 
 chosen, then the Chinese Government would have 
 had some chance of being saved. But Providence 
 decided otherwise as against China, though he still 
 remainc.l m some degree of power, and even that 
 was B othing for China in her distress. Besides 
 him , rose two brave and good Generals in the 
 field, and two, perhaps throe, able and trustworthy 
 administrators. Thus China, though broken, was 
 able " brokenly to live on." 
 
 One oflicial improvement was made for the better 
 regulation of the relations between the Chinese Gov- 
 emment and the European Powers. All Foreign 
 Affairs, which had heretofore filled a meagre place 
 m the Colonial Department and had been treated 
 with something akin to contempt, were henceforth 
 to be dealt with by a Board resembling a Foreign 
 Office m Europe and to be called the Tsung Li 
 Yamen. Of this Board Prince Kung was the head. 
 
 Peace having been concluded with the two Euro- 
 pean Powers, England and Franco, the new Emperor 
 and his Regency were in 1861 left free to deal con- 
 clusively with the Taiping Rebellion, already men- 
 tioned as the worst disturbance internally that had 
 ever arisen in China. At the present moment the 
 juncture was in this wisa The rebels were under 
 
892 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 two leaders of heavenly, and consequently imperial, 
 pretensions in the eyes of the Chinese. Of these 
 one called " the Heavenly King " was resting luxu- 
 riously in his palace at banking; the other, called 
 " the Faithful Prince," was actively fighting in the 
 field. They had got possession of the entire valley 
 of the Yang-tsze, and were burning villages actually 
 within sight of the European residents at Shanghai. 
 Inconjunctionwith the local Imperial authorities, tho 
 Europeans raised a small Chinese force under Euro- 
 pean Officers. This was commanded by Mr. Ward, 
 an American who, though a civilian, was a brave 
 and skilful soldier. With a little band of a very 
 few thousand men he went through seventy fights, 
 winning them all, within two years, and in 1862 
 was killed in action near Ningpo, a short distance 
 south of Shanghai. The Government at Peking 
 were so well satisfied with this little force that they 
 in a childish manner called it officially " the ever 
 victorious army." On Ward's death the command 
 was given to another American named Burgevine, 
 who quarrelled with the Imperial officials, and was 
 dismissed. Then some military mishaps occurred, 
 and though warships, both British and French, were 
 co-operating with the efforts made on land, the situ- 
 ation was felt to be grave. So a careful selection 
 was made of an Officer to command " the ever vio* 
 torior.s army," an^. consequently in March, 1868, 
 Captain Gordon wps appointed, wlio soon became 
 famous as ** Chinese Gordon." In Sir William But- 
 
REIGN OF THE EMPEBOR TDNGCHIH. 893 
 
 let's words: "The task before him (Gordon) was 
 to reduce the delta and a score of walled cities to 
 Imperial authority. He will do it, he tells the 
 Chinese generalissimo, by the very means which 
 this labyrinth of canal, lake and river puts into his 
 hand; for with all its intricacies it is only a big 
 chessboard, its vast mazework making it all the better 
 for the man who first learns it by heart; these creeks 
 and cross creeks will be so many parallels and 
 trenches for sapping up to the very heart of the re- 
 volt, for turning cities, taking positions in reverse, 
 and above all for using the power which steam gives 
 to transport men, stores and munitions along these 
 navigable waterways. It is now the month of March, 
 1863 ; by August, 1864, the last city will have been 
 taken from the Taipings and the delta cleared." la 
 acting up to a programme thus graphically sketched, 
 Gordon displayed a many-sided genius which entitles 
 him to a high rank among the men who are soldiers 
 by nature. As the Taipings were being driven by 
 him to bay they evinced the courage of despair, and 
 there was much real fighting. In the thick of the 
 operations he was nearly being superseded by the 
 folly of the Imperial Government. Burgevine had 
 appealed in person at Peking, and had brought an 
 Imperial order for restoring him to command. But 
 the local authorities with Engli^ support at Shang- 
 hai retained Gordon in his position. There wai 
 yet another interruption, this time from Chinese 
 wickedaeaa. Before Soochow sarrendered certain 
 
394 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Taipiiy? chiefs had been promised their lives, and to 
 that promise Gordon was a party. After the sur- 
 render they were perfidiously executed. Thereon 
 Gordon gave up his command and left the force. He 
 was requested by the Emperor to accept a medal and 
 a large honorarium, but he refused. He was after- 
 wards induced by the. British authorities for the 
 sake of the public interest to resume the command. 
 After brilliant though bloody operations he broke 
 the back of the rebellion and in June, 1864, his small 
 disciplined force was disbanded. The Imperialists in 
 their unwisdom were in a hurry to dispense with the 
 foreign element, and so to finish the campaign them- 
 selves. Sir William Butler writes regarding Gor* 
 don's force : " Out of one hundred and thirty foreign 
 officers thirty-five had been killed and seventy-three 
 wounded ; among four t-^ousand Chinese soldiers five 
 hundred and twenty had been killed and nine hun- 
 dred and twenty wounded. Few heavier losses pro- 
 portionate to strength can be f'^iind recorded in any 
 similar war." The conch' ' -.t of this drama 
 was the taking of !Ni anking, had all along been 
 
 the headquarters of the rel. i' The "Heavenly 
 King," the prime mover and the mean creature der 
 scribed in the last Chapter, poisoned himself with 
 gold leaf. " The faithful prince," who had been 
 fighting with his usual vigour, carried off the youth- 
 ful heir of the mushroom Taiping dynasty on horse- 
 back. They were, however, both captured, the boy 
 was beheaded on the spot, and the faithful prince " 
 
REIGN OF THE EMPEBOB TUNGCHIH. 895 
 
 was detained for a few days to write the story of 
 his life; and when the last line was finished, his 
 execution followed forthwith. 
 
 So the Taiping rebellion was ended in 1864, not 
 indeed by the Imperialists with their own ability, 
 but solely through the aid of the Europeans. With- 
 out that aid the rebellion would have remained un- 
 broken, with consequences sooner or later fatal to 
 tlie Manchu dynasty. For at length a really capable 
 and brave leader had arisen among the Taipings 
 in the persoa of "the faithful prince." He kept 
 his men up to the mark for fighting, and was vastly 
 superior to Li Hung Chang, the Chinese leader, 
 notorious in Chinese history, who was then in the 
 prime of life. Eeferring to this occasion, Professor 
 Douglas comments with just severity on the oppor- 
 tunism of Li Hung Chang, who rid himself of the 
 (disciplined Chinese and of the European officers, 
 ku.jckipg down the bridge which carried him over 
 the dangerous torrent, without any regard to the 
 future. The Professor writes: " They (the Chinese) 
 are in this respect like children in whose eyes the 
 present difficulty is the all-absorbing subject . . . 
 They feel no shame at their defeats. Their national 
 pride covers them as with a garment." 
 
 The services of Gordon were of vital consequence 
 to the Empire of China, and brought signal honour 
 to his own country. In 1899 Lord Charles Berea- 
 ford testifies to the gratitude with which Gordon's 
 memory is cherished by thoughtful Chinese. 
 
896 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 The consequences of the Taiping rebellion even 
 now were not yet over. The scattered rebels, long 
 used to plunder, could not bear to return to honest 
 labour. So under the style of Nienfei they formed 
 themselves into a force and occupied the peninsula 
 of Shantung. Then Li Hung Chang was sent against 
 them, and after some reverses and failures on his 
 own side he effected their reduction. 
 
 Thus ended the great rebellion wbich had lasted 
 for fourteen years, 1850 to 1864, and -which but for 
 the aid from the British people would probably have 
 led to a complete revolution. It may be said that but 
 for the complications with Britain between 185G and 
 18G0 the Chinese Emperor's Government might have 
 put down the rebellion unaided. It is impossible 
 to decide this speculative question. At all events, 
 if Britain at one stage embarrassed the Chinese 
 Emperor, then British people more than redressed 
 the balance by the help they rendered at the final 
 stage. The sadly unfavourable inferences to be 
 drawn from this rebellion in respect to China have 
 been mentioned in the last Chapter. Suffice it here 
 to add thatscarcelvevcr in anv historv has there been 
 a rebellion so unroasonable, so unintelligible as this. 
 As the Chinese never dreamt of setting up a repub- 
 lic, then disloyalty to the Emperor, who is to them 
 the heaven-bom, and the head of their national relig- 
 ion, is almost imaccountable, as there was no de- 
 scendant of former dvnasties, no princely successor 
 in the field. That there was some disloyalty some- 
 
BEION OP THE EMFEROB TUNOCHIH. 397 
 
 where is morally certain. Perhaps one reason, among 
 other reasons, for it may have been the growing in- 
 flnenco of European traders and European Mission- 
 aries during the last two Imperial reigns. The un- 
 opposed prevalence of mob rule, senseless, licentious, 
 rapacious, may have led many to doubt whether the 
 Chinese culture, polity and civilisation, so highly 
 vaunted by historians and so well handed down from 
 antiquity as to be ineffaceable in human memory, 
 had ever really existed. That it did exist to some 
 extent is proved by the fact that even after this re- 
 bellion the Imperial constitution was maintained for 
 a while till it had to bear the shock of more calami- 
 ties, before the catastrophe arrived, as will be seeo 
 hereafter. 
 
 But the calamities of this time, 1860 to 1870, large 
 as they were, did not end here, for all the while the 
 two Muhammadan rebellions, as they are called in 
 history, were raging in the western provinces of 
 Sliensi and Kansuh and in the south-western prov- 
 ince of Yunnan. The Great Plateau beyond these prov- 
 inces and beyond the mountains had for some years 
 been wholly lost to the Empire. Thus it requires a 
 moment's reflection in order to measure the desperate 
 position to which the Chinese Empire had been re- 
 duced at the time of the Emperor Tungchih's acces- 
 sion. The Yang-tsze-Kiang valley was disturbed by 
 the Tnipings up to 1866 at least. The Cantonese 
 region was in disorder near to anarchy. The Shan- 
 tung province was threatened by rebda. The west 
 
898 PSOOBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 and sonth-west provinces were oyemin -mtii inmr- 
 gents. It is hard to say what remained to the Em- 
 peror and to the Imperialist cause except the country 
 around Peking, that is, the valley of the Peiho, the 
 delta of the Hoang Ho, the districts immediately 
 around some of the Treaty Ports and the dependency 
 of Manchuria. The Imperial Treasury must have 
 been in a low condition, depending mainly on the 
 sea customs, but wanting in any revenue from the 
 Provinces. At first sight it would be hard to im- 
 agine how the finances of the Empire were carried 
 on at that time, but for the remembrance that the 
 local authorities would get on without pay under the 
 Chinese system, as they paid themselves by exactions 
 from the people. Still, the Chinese Government, 
 with amazing tenacity, struggled on, despite the ac- 
 cumulation of misfortune. 
 
 In Yunnan the Muhammadans were very 
 numerous, and they had been more or less in insur- 
 rection all through the preceding reign, that of 
 Hsienfeng. They were called Panthays and bad 
 grievances against the Chinese of the province, which 
 were unredressed by the local authorities, and their 
 cause was conducted under skilful leaders. The 
 rebellion was marked by shocking barbarities, by 
 massacres sometimes amounting to extermination. 
 At one time the Imperialists had lost the whole of 
 this large Province except its capital at Talifoo. At 
 length the cowutry was reduced to submission, and 
 then Talifoo was recaptured by the year 1873. The 
 
BEION OF THE 
 
 B TUNOOHIH. 899 
 
 desolation of whole tracts of country, bv the holo- 
 causts of human life, has lasted through a whole 
 generation, and the vestiges of it are far from being 
 
 obliterated even yet. 
 
 Meanwhile almost contemporaneouslv with the re- 
 bellion of the Panthays in Yunnan, \he Tungani 
 Muhammadans of the neighbouring provinces of 
 Shensi and Kansuh were in revolt for much the same 
 cause, namely, unredressed wrongs on the part of 
 their Chinese fellow-subjects. The formidable con- 
 sequence was that the movement spread to the Tun- 
 ganis on the Great 1 teau and this destroyed for a 
 while the Chinese domination in those vast high- 
 ands. The rebellion in Shensi and Kansuh, which 
 lay on the eastern or Chinese side of the mountains 
 llankmg the Great Plateau, was suppressed within 
 the reign of Tungchih. But it continued beyond 
 the mountains and throughout the Plateau. Thus 
 the youthful Emperor did see his authority reas- 
 sorted in all the eighteen Provinces of China, the 
 Great Plateau alone remaining to be recaptured. 
 Ihis recapture proved to be a task bequeathed to the 
 succeeding reign. 
 
 About the year 1870 the affairs relating to Euro- 
 pcan commerce were proceeding fairly well, and the 
 country was quiet internally save for one very grave 
 affair at Tientsin. There a shocking attack was 
 made on a religious settlement of French Roman 
 Catholics, with some bloodshed. Herein much re- 
 luwsness w., «h«wii by the local authorities 
 
 2 B 
 
400 PBOOBE8S OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Prince Kung, who was atill at the head of afFain, 
 behaved well; the mischief was stopped, an indran^ 
 nitj was paid, and a special envoy was sent to France 
 
 to convey apologies. 
 
 In 1872 tl • Emperor Tungchih attained his six- 
 teenth birthdr and was married, the bride beiug a 
 Manchu lady .^J suitable rank, specially selected by 
 the two Dowager Empresses, and named Ahluta. 
 His wedding was celebrated pompously at an enor- 
 mous cost, which might have been justified in the 
 palmy days long past, but which was out of place 
 in an Empire only just ont of the throes of several 
 convulsions. He then assiuued the (Government ; the 
 two Dowager Empresses retired within their apart- 
 ments. The Foreign Envoys demanded the audi- 
 ence of the Emperor which had been often refused 
 and delayed ; but this time it was granted with full 
 ceremony. Prince Kung remained as Prime Min> 
 ister to his young nephew. The nephew was head*- 
 strong am 'mpetuous ; the uncle gave sage but posi- 
 tive advice. Thereon the Emperor issued a decree 
 dismissing Kung and his son from their offices. This 
 was indeed a grave step; but on the following day 
 the two Empresses issued a decree, which reinstated 
 both father and son, and which was accepted and 
 acted on by the Government. This illustrates the 
 mechanism of a Constitution which had been and 
 was yet further to be tried most sorely. Further it 
 shows that there must have been a severe dissension 
 between the young Emperor and his mother. 
 
BEtON OF THE EMPEROR TUNOCHIH. 40I 
 
 Shortly after this the Emperor was announced to 
 be siok of the gmallpox, and, whatever may have 
 been the cause, he died in January, 1875, in his 
 palace at the age of nineteen years. The constitu- 
 tional position for Prince Kung and the two Dowager 
 Empresses was difficult. The widowed Empress 
 Ahluta WHS known to be pregnant, and until her 
 child should be bom, no arrangement for filling 
 the Tlirone could lawfully be made. If the child 
 should be a boy ha would be proclaimed Emperor 
 and his mother Ahhita would be the Empress-Regent, 
 displacing the two Dowager Empresses who had 
 ruled now for fifteen years. Shortly afterwards 
 Ahluta sickened and died in the palace with her 
 child unborn. The vacancy in the Throne was filled 
 up by direction of Kung, and the two Dowager Em- 
 presses resumed, after a short intermission, so to 
 speak, their regency which they had held for many 
 years, and which they would now hold for many 
 years more in the event of their selecting a child, 
 which they actually did. Under these circumstances 
 the deaths of Tnngchih and his wife in the very 
 flower of their age, one after the other with but a 
 short interval, would excite suspicion in the mind 
 of any one acquainted with Oriental affairs, Buf 
 in reference to such troublous times as these ther* 
 would be no need to dwell on the case were it not for 
 the suspicions openly uttered by the Chinese society 
 of the day as to poison having been employed.* The 
 •Boulger, HL 710. 
 
402 PB0GRES8 OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 tuspioion thtu entertauiv \ hj the Chinese thenuelvet 
 was the darkest imaginable ; for it amounted to this, 
 that a mother would murder her own son, a lad of 
 nineteen, because he refused to be kept in apron- 
 stringa. This is really a thought at which human- 
 ity should shudder; yet there seemed to be no such 
 shuddering in public opinion at Peking. Even 
 if Tungchih died a natural death, it is impossible 
 to silence the worst misgivings in respect to the 
 death of Ahluta, whose brief but romantic career 
 is remembered with sadness by all students of 
 Chinese history. The Dowager Empresses waited 
 not for a moment to see whether her coming child 
 would prove a boy. "No sooner had the Emperor 
 expired than they, at th* lead of night, chose a child 
 from another branch of the family, sent for him 
 from his bed and did homage to him then and there.* 
 Now these crimes, if really committed, were not 
 only most heinous but unnatural in the eyes of 
 humanity. Yet these suspicions; n .1 whispered but 
 bruited abroad, believed by many, ano ra'-ely if at 
 all contradicted, do not appear to have weakened 
 any prestige or popularity which these Imperial ladies 
 enjoyed. And if — which God forbid — ^they were 
 guilty, it is hard to understand how Prince Kung 
 could have been guiltless. Yet his personal in- 
 fluence remained apparently unabated with the 
 Chinese public. These circmnstances cast a seareb> 
 light on the sinking sh'p of China. 
 
 • Bou'r-r, IIL 711. 
 
BEION OP THE EMPEBOB KWANOHSU. 4M 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIIL 
 
 EEION OF THE EMPEEOB KWANOH8U, 1875-1899. 
 
 VViiEx in the beginning of 1875 the young Em- 
 peror " became a guest on high," and three months 
 afterwards was followed to the tomb by his young 
 Eniprrss, it devolved on the two Dowager Em- 
 presses to chose a successor, although there were 
 two Imperial Princes available, one being the re- 
 doubtable Princo Ki ng himself, already mentioned 
 as the best, aiul as the only first-rate man in China, 
 although, as has just been said, f terrific suspicion 
 hung over a part of his conduct. He, if chosen, 
 would have been a real Emperor, and that would not 
 have suited the two Dowagers. He had a son, how- 
 ever, who was well grown up and was a candidate 
 for the . at'jession. But then that v/onld have neces- 
 sitated the retirement of Prince Kung from the Min- 
 istry, and the Dowagers did not wish to lose him as 
 Minister. They di<I not care to have his son, how- 
 ever, even ^vithout the father, Vpcause, being grown 
 lip, the young mrn, with the indirect support of the 
 father, might prove to bo a real Emneror. So tliey 
 chose a child of four years old, the son of another 
 Prince Imperial, and proclaimed him Emperor 
 under the title of Kwan^n. 
 
 M 
 
 J-fl 
 
404 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND UlNA. 
 
 Heretofore, since the begiiiiii? of thi^ niuct' -i. a 
 century, the su rnarv inch reif^n i.as bed. 'i.o 
 record of ii -^tep i, uv.ards for tlio ( ain( Emp ire, 
 each step ji^oing furtl r ihan the towards Ji- 
 depth. But now the in w reifm bi^rins w: h a v 
 deeper steji The preceding? r<'ign in -:n th t 
 choice of a 'ttU boy Emperor. < bo mi o 
 crnanco of wo I) wa^jtr Enipr -ses o) ku. each 
 other, partly controlled by, and partly ooiitrc. .ng, a 
 Council; and this too under circumstan'*' ' roq ring 
 the strongest individuality for nilin L h ■ -ked 
 b.ndly rnou li, and was redeemed f uir lure 
 onj_ by 'he couiiuct of a fev-- f^mv. p( ^ 
 had end< .i when tl n you 1 iperur < in ol 
 but it ceased only lor one year, ifter wh -h he die- 
 mopt preiaat\ rely. Thereon 1 rfai; . ''rini' 
 is repeated, witli a ni'w ihl nd a 
 
 mi i itv u. Jer the sai: .wi' 'o iin r En 
 The settlenieiil nf thi.- sii 'tin' a iFair appears u 
 rested entirely ■ ith the two l;uperial Lad t- 
 withstanding ♦ r<- ^io}: i' anu experieuced 
 Princes < f the I -d ;)i -cnt. ' re nsi- 
 
 ^ lity v,-ini|.' nil >e I'j •.■ two Tm- 
 
 ] .'rial Ladies a' ic- ■ ui V\ t'.i-, jn >r eqin{> 
 
 aent the Chine- Tmperia. .iin ri- was -^o more 
 to Starr in its eoirest with n.i al dan^- r 
 
 The begin! nj: " tli" reij^u .iS 1 iil in tl; luo, 
 fur *• was larklv ; -I d bv 'ho murder of .ur. Lar- 
 gary i a iin]^i> d oiBcei 'f the British Consular 
 ^•r\. ;e. who ha I -en nt -urn Shanghai to meet 
 
BEION or IHB EXPEROH KWANOHSa 40g 
 
 a British commciual , xi)eUitiou do»patched to Yun- 
 nan bv the Government of India. The expedition 
 had h n sent under arrangements with the Ohineae 
 T'.'T.. rial (.overi.mc The crime waa committed on 
 iiorio sido of the h> ■r(ler,und vas supported by i 
 ( t se furce that drove lack the expedition. When 
 t' Hritish Minister a* king, Sir Thomas Wade, 
 anded reparation, a r infinite delay and eva- 
 ^ part of the Chinese Government, or 
 iUg-M ion, a fxitile and m ,rthless enquiry was 
 made whii produced no other result than thi- that 
 the British Minister w.i - convinced that the dxrector 
 of the murder was none less than the provincial gov- 
 ernor of Yunnan. Sir Th^^mas Wade waa so dia- 
 pleased at this affi* t he hauled down hia flag 
 a^. Minister, and pi ' 'o Shanghai. 
 
 This strong step, li failed to bring to pun- 
 
 ishment the provincial , lor whom the Tsung-li- 
 yamen were resolved to r, did yet l«ing about 
 two good thing . Firstly a Convention was settled 
 at Chcfoo in 1876— in reference to the affairs of 
 Yunnan, lo transit duties on inland trade, to juris- 
 diction in cases between British and Chinese sub- 
 ject i. Thereon a Chinese Minister was despatched to 
 the Queen's Court in London. 
 
 The Cbefoo Convention ia the last of the three 
 commercial Treaties, the other two being thos- of 
 liTanking and Tientsin, and the Convention of 
 Peking having been merely a supplement to the 
 Treaty <^ Tientsin. Theae Treatifli am to this day 
 
40tf PROGRESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 constantly referred to by those who are suffering 
 wrong. This, then, is perhaps the place fop re- 
 marking that the Chinese have never thought of act- 
 ing up to engagements of this nature. Evasions, 
 delays, breaches, have been always quite normal. 
 In general the existence of the e' agement has been 
 ignored. If transit dues had been prohibited they 
 would ncverthless be levied. If the payment of 
 one duty was to secure exemption from other duties, 
 they would nevertheless be imposed. It is only by 
 strenuous action that the diplomatic representative 
 can secure anything like observance. 
 
 Next in northern China there occurred one of 
 the worst famines over known even in Chinese terri- 
 tories where such visitations have always been fre- 
 quent. It is to be noticed that the effect of the 
 remedial measures, adopted pruperly enough by the 
 Government, was much injured by the dishonesty 
 of local officials. Peculation of this sort was re- 
 garded as normal, but in this case it was inhuman 
 as well as disgraceful. 
 
 In this affair a British steam navigation company 
 was of great service in the transport of grain to the 
 distressed districts. But the local roads were as bad 
 as ever, and this palpable defect caused a short rail- 
 way to be constructed by way of a trial from Shang- 
 hai to the coast, and at once became popular with the 
 eomraon people. The educated clanes offered mach 
 opposition by devices which it would be tedious to 
 recounti and soon the line wa& broJMn up and the raik 
 
BEIGN OF THE EMPEROR EWAKQHBU. 407 
 
 were sent to the Island of Formosa to rust away 
 there. 
 
 Soon another outbreak occurred in Korea, wherein 
 
 China and Japan after their peculiar maimer in- 
 terfered simultaneously, without, however, coming 
 to blows. It was after this affair that a secret re- 
 port was made to the principal Chinese Minister, 
 then Li Hung Chang, warning him, in reference to 
 the growing organisation of the Japanese army and 
 navy, that it was " the duty of our Empire to check 
 in time the threatening evil from Japan and to estab- 
 lish definitely the supremacy over its neighbour." 
 Li Hung Chang acknowledged the expediency of 
 strengthening all the Chinese defences, but depre- 
 cated any attempt to trouble Japan. 
 
 ^feanwhile some warlike affairs had been proceed- 
 ing on tlie Western extremities of the Great Plateau 
 beyond the Chinese mountains, namely, Yarkand 
 and Kashgaria. All this region had belonged to the 
 Empire in the great days of old, but had for some 
 time been in the independent possession of Mos- 
 lem chiefs who seemed to be so far settled in their 
 position, that the British Government had sent from 
 India a European Envoy to treat with them. In 
 1871 the adjoining province of Hi, with its capital 
 at Kuldja, also within the Chinese dominion, but 
 cotiteniiinous with the Russian dominions, had be- 
 come so disturbed that the Czar's Government in 
 1871 had temporarily occupied it with Russian 
 troops. But from the beginning of the young Em- 
 
408 PROGRESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 peror Kwanghsu's reign the Regency, that is, the tvvo 
 Dowager Empresses and Prince Kung, resolved to 
 recover their own in this quarter. So forces com- 
 posed of really brave and enduring soldiers, under 
 ahle and enterprising oiSScers, with arms not wholly 
 primitive, with artillery capable of breaching forti- 
 fications, were sent from China across the moun- 
 tains into Mongolia. Thus they crossed deserts 
 with oases at rare intervals, ascended and descended 
 the stiff ranges which diversify the great uplands. 
 They braved many severe vicissitudes of climate, 
 enduring extreme cold with frost and snow for many 
 weeks consecutively. Their campaigns were pro- 
 tracted from season to season for several years. They 
 must have suffered often hunger as well as hardship 
 from want of supplies in districts most thinly in- 
 habited, and that too by a hostile population. But 
 they found oases or comparatively fertile valleys 
 and other cultivable spots. So, then, soldiers be- 
 came cultivators for the nonce, sowed seed in the 
 autumn, tided somehow through the winter, reaped 
 the crops in the returning spring or summer, and 
 then marched on with the fresh supplies thus olv 
 tained. These peculiar operations were prosecuted 
 through two years, and certainly redound to the 
 honour of the Chinese forces then empVred. The 
 Chinese wreaked a not unnatural rexuyo -n tribes 
 who had slaughtered their countrymb.. ^me years 
 previously in Hi. They met with considerable re- 
 sistance from these tribes, who were brave as well 
 
BEIGN OF THE EMPESOB KWAHGHSU. 409 
 
 as cruel. Their narratives abound in atriking epi- 
 
 aodea and stirring adventures. Whether they liad 
 much of real warfare or not, thej had some fighting. 
 Their artillery waa repeatedly brought into play 
 and made several broad breaches in niountain forts. 
 They stormed these breaches on several occasions 
 with at least some loss of life. Sometimes they were 
 repulsed, at other times they v ere beaten away from 
 positions they had gained. \t ail events they made 
 good their advance over vast distances in an in- 
 hospitable country, not only with sturdy infantry 
 but wi(h armament and munitions, and with con- 
 siderable bodies of Tartar cavalry (somewhat re- 
 sembling Cossacks), notwithstanding the difficulty 
 there must have been in finding forage. Thua leav- 
 ing no tribe unsubdued behind them, they went 
 straight for those whom they r^arded as the Mos- 
 lem rebels in Yarkand and Kashgaria. The re- 
 sistance they met T.'ith was never really serious and 
 sometimes little more than nominal, much less than 
 might have been expected from the Moslem chief, 
 Yakoob Beg, who met his death in some way never 
 known for certain. Having re^tablished Chinese 
 authority to the western extremity of the old Em- 
 pire, the Commanders turned their thoughts to the 
 recovery of Hi, then in Euasian occupation. 
 
 With this view a Chinese Minister Plenipotentiary 
 waa for the first time in history sent to St Petersbni^. 
 He, afterduenegotiation,hadtobecontent with a pir- 
 tial retroceasion of the Hi territory. But the Begea^ 
 
410 FB0ORE88 OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 at Peking refused to ratify this, and sent another 
 Minister to St. Petersburg, who succeeded in recoyer> 
 
 ing almost the whole. The treaty by which this re- 
 markable transaction was concluded runs thus, 
 Article L: "His Majesty the Emperor of all the 
 Bussias consents to the re-establishment of the 
 Chinese Government in the country of Ili which has 
 been temporarily occupied since 1871 by the Russian 
 forces. Russia remains in possession of the western 
 part of that country within the limita indicated by 
 Article VII. of the present treaty." 
 
 Afterwards there follows the Article VIL in this 
 wise : " The western part of Hi is incorporated with 
 Russia to serve as a place for the establishment of the 
 inhabitants of that country who adopt Russian 
 nationality." By a Protocol referring to Article 
 VI. of the Treaty the Chinese Government agreed to 
 pay the equivalent of 9,000,000 roubles in pounds 
 sterling, viz., £1,431,664, to bankers in London for 
 the Czar, to meet the expenses of the occupation of 
 Hi by Russian troops since 1871. It is noteworthy 
 that the preamble to the Treaty begins thus : " His 
 Majesty the Emperor and Autocrat of All the 
 Russias and His Majesty the Emperor of China, be- 
 ing desirous of settling certain frontier questions 
 concerning the interests of both Empires, and of 
 drawing closer the friendly relations between the 
 two countries, have named their Plenipotentiaries 
 in order to arrive at an understanding on these que»* 
 tions.*' 
 
REIGN OP THE EMPEROR KWANGHSU. 411 
 
 These proceedings, together with the attitude of 
 Eussia, and the titles accorded to the Chinese Em- 
 peror, ppove the consideration wf ich China still pos- 
 BCflsed in 1881. It is to be remembered that they 
 followed upon arduous campaigns conducted against 
 Mongolian regions and extended over several years, 
 in a manner reflecting honour on Chinese Generals,' 
 Officers and soldiers. 
 
 These events are the only rays, perhaps they may 
 prove to be the parting gleams, of sunshine that have 
 been shed over the fortunes of China in recent times. 
 
 The foregoing Chapters have comprised so con- 
 tinuous a narrative of failure and decline, that it 
 may bo well at this point to pause for a moment to 
 note what can be said in favour of China. With 
 this view some quotations may be made from the His- 
 tory by Demetrius Boulger, whose tone is always 
 generous and sympathetic towards the Chinese Em- 
 pire. 
 
 Referrit^ to the ev^its juat mentioned, he writes: 
 
 " It is not without an obvious appropriateness that 
 the close of the great work successfully accomplished 
 during two minorities should be followed by the dis- 
 appearance of the most important of the personages 
 who had taken the leading part throughout these 
 twenty yeam of constant war and diplomatic excite- 
 ment Before the Teking world knew of her illness, 
 it heard of the death of the Dowager Empress Tsi 
 An, who as Hsienfeng's widow had enjoyed the 
 premier place in the Qovemment ... She wa« 
 
412 PROORESS OF INDU. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 only forty-fiye, and evidently a woman of firm chaP' 
 acter and frugal habits. The death of the Eastern 
 
 Empress, as she was called, did not make any . 
 parent change in the government of the Empire. 
 Her colleague Tsi Ilsi remained in power with Princo 
 Knng as chief adviser. ... She (that is Tsi An), 
 before her death, had witnessed the accomplishment 
 of everything declared to be necessary when she first 
 assnmed the responsibility of government She had 
 restored the credit and the power of a sinking Em- 
 pire, and when she quitted this mortal scene ?he left 
 China as great, as famous and as prosperous as it had 
 ever been before." 
 
 Opinions may indeed dilTer whether the Empresi 
 or the Empire, or the peculiar kind of Regency, or the 
 administrative results, at all deserve this encomium. 
 The unrefuted suspicions which in one grave case 
 attached to both these Imperial ladies ought not to 
 be overlooked. Still, after all our dispraise, it is 
 well to hear the praise which is given by so well- 
 informed a historian as Mr. Boulger. 
 
 Again, when concluding his History in 1884, he 
 writes: "We leave China and her people at a 
 critical moment in their existence. They have ac- 
 complished many remarkable triumphs. They have 
 survived the storms of a protracted foreign war and 
 an ignominious treaty of peace. They have put 
 down civil rebellion throughout the land, and the 
 triumph of authority was achieved only when the 
 proviuctt had been made utterly desolate. . . , They 
 
BHON OF THE EMPEROB KWANOBB17. 413 
 
 have reconquered their w note dependencies. . . . 
 Agriculture is fast abso- the spots left barren by 
 war and pestilence. . . . 3 highways are gradual- 
 ly being repaired. . . . When Kwanghsu assumes 
 the reins of Government in the winter of 1887-8, it 
 is probable that he will acquire the possession of a 
 throne which is the most ancient in the world, and 
 which isfinnlyestablishedin the hearts and affections 
 of a people who are the most self-contained, the 
 most retentive of their possessions, and the most 
 intensely national and patriotic of whom history pre- 
 serveth the record." 
 
 It is indeed easy to read between these lines of the 
 historian, generous and appreciative as they are. 
 Doubtless some proof would be adduced for every 
 word in them. Nevertheless the Empire had done so 
 manythingsamiss,hadleftso many needful things un- 
 done, as to neutralise the effect of all this hopeful 
 commendation. With the historian the glamour of 
 a wondrous past may easily aflFect his imagination 
 regarding the present. The spell of the historic ages 
 13 upon him to make the immediate future appear 
 as a bright mirage. Even if all these favourable 
 points were accepted, still there were other tenden- 
 cies pointing in an opposite direction, and there was 
 really reason for the gravest foreboding. Yet in 
 justice to China, these quotations are made here in 
 order that her waning reputation may have the bene- 
 fit of them. On the other hand, there mr.st hnvQ 
 been even at that time, 1884, some or many weU- 
 
414 PBOORBEB OF nrDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 informed persons who would say that despite the 
 remains of external magmficence the Chinese polity 
 was unsound to the very core. 
 
 If the campaigns on the Great Plateau may be re- 
 garded as sunshine bursting through the clouds late 
 in the afternoon, then fresh clouds began immediate- 
 ly to rise from the horizon and obscure the sunset. 
 
 France had long established herself at Saigon on 
 the delta of the river Mekhong in what may be called 
 the Peninsula of Cochin China. Some years before 
 this time, 1881 to 1884, the French had seized the 
 idea of a colonial empire in that quarter. Adjoin- 
 ing their position on the lower Mekhong, though 
 separated by ranges of hills, was the Native State 
 of Annam, a feudatory of China, and lying along 
 the Gulf of Tonking (Tonquin) close to the southern 
 frontier of China proper. The French encroached 
 on the Chief of Annam, who thereon appealed to 
 his Suzerain the Emperor at Peking. To avoid a 
 conflict the Chinese Government agreed to cede to 
 France a slice of Annam and certain forts therein, 
 also to withdraw their Chinese forces from both 
 Annam and Tonking. In retnm for this large con- 
 cession the French merely agreed to resiiect and pro- 
 tect the southt -n frontier of China, that is, the 
 southern border . the Chinese province of Kwan- 
 tung. Owing to a misunderstanding about the dates 
 on which the fort? were to be given up, the Chinese 
 troops resisted effectually the incoming French 
 troops, and thus war b^gan all round. The hoatili- 
 
BHON OF THE EMPEROR KWAN0H8U. 415 
 
 ties resulted in Annam and Tonking with the best 
 part of the Gulf being added to the French Empire. 
 In this war there wm • meet melancholy episode. 
 The Island of Formosa, then Chin^6^, is not far 
 from the Tonking Gulf. The French naval foit» 
 attacked this island in vain, and then steamed across 
 the strait to the opposite mainland of China, which 
 is the province of Puhkien, and took up a position 
 at F oochow near the mouth of the Hin Kiver. Here 
 lay a fleet of Chinese warriiips, and they were re- 
 quired to surrender. They not unnaturally refused, 
 though they ought to have known that resistance was 
 hopeless. On their refusal they were nearly all 
 sunk within a few minutes by the French fire, and 
 their sailors were either drowning or swimming 
 about Now these sailors were men of Kwantung, 
 there was a feud between the provinces of Kwantung 
 and Fuhkien, and this was a Fuhkien shore. So 
 the swimming sailors were either stopped by their 
 Chinese fellow-countrymen from landing or were 
 killed if they did get a footing on the shore. This 
 story sheds a strange light on the allegations often 
 made regarding Chinese patriotism and national co- 
 hesion. 
 
 Then in 1887 the young Emperor Kwangb«n re- 
 ceived charge of the State nominally from ..e re- 
 maining Dowager Empress Tzashi, or Tsi Hsi, but 
 remained under her guidance till 1889. He was 
 enthroned and married with a pompous ceremony 
 suitable enough for the golden age of his august 
 
 2o 
 
416 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 predecesson, but out of keeping with his own altered 
 
 circumatances. He began his reign with exemplary 
 industry and frugality, but none can say whether 
 he exerriaed any influence. All the old dijBBcultiea 
 about the reception of European Ministers and En- 
 voys were now swept away and he reoeired them 
 handsomely. 
 
 But as his minority had bcgnin badly, so did his 
 active reign, for Christian Missionaries were once 
 more atrociously maltreated in sereral parts of 
 China. This fresh outbreak is attributed by some to 
 tlie establishment of a mathematical college nt 
 Pekitig, a measure hateful to the Chinese literati. 
 Be the origin what it may, a crusade of infamous 
 libel against the Christians was undertaken, eh urges 
 incredibly monstrous were circulated by illustrated 
 placards, an infuriated mob wrecked Churches and 
 Missionary establishments, killing some Europeans 
 also. The conduct of the Chinese Government when 
 called to account was utterly evasive. Some 
 pecuniary compensation was granted, but the man 
 who issued the placards and stirred the mohe was 
 well known, was convicted on enquiry, and was left 
 unpunished. The trouble was stayed only by a well- 
 worded Edict from the Emperor himself. Later on, 
 however, in 1895, a still worse onslaught was made 
 on the English Missionaries in Fuhkien by a local 
 body calling themselves Vegetarians. 
 
 All through the reign right up to the time whiohi 
 we have reached, ISd5, the external defences of iLe 
 
BEION OF THE ElfPE3tOB KWANOBBIT. 417 
 
 Empire had received attention, the earnestness of 
 which was attested by largeness of expenditure; but 
 it was directed with irregularity and without any 
 
 conipotont intelligence. A Board of Admiralty 
 under an Tniporial Prince was cstablislied, and for 
 a while a British naval OlHcer was employed. 
 European-made battleships and cruisers were pur- 
 chased, and some really good Chinamen were em- 
 ployed. But the iron-protected fleet was not kept up 
 to date in respect of speed, a failure which after- 
 wards proved fatal. The defensive arrangements 
 were mainly and rightly concentrated on the 
 Pechihlee Gulf, namely, the Chinese waters leading 
 up towards Peking. Two great naval stations were 
 here set up, and duly fortified; of which more will 
 bo said hereafter. The condition of the Army was 
 investigated, and found to be ludicrously antiquated 
 with an inefficiency bafiiing description. But nothing 
 was done to improve, much less to reform it Brave 
 and enduring soldiers still remained to the Empir^ 
 but they were mostly Htationed on the r«note fron- 
 tiers in Mongolian regions. 
 
 Thus we approach the catastrophe to be described 
 in the next Chapter, 
 
418 PBOOBEn or UfDU, JAPAN AKD CBDr A. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 WAK BKTWEEK CUVXA AND JAPAN, 1894-1896. 
 
 In the foregoing Chaptera there li.i^ been presented 
 
 a retrospect of the coiireo of the Chinese Iiit^pire from 
 the first to the last dwade of the nim-t.M-nth century. 
 During that time the huge, cumbrous and disjointed 
 fabric somehow has hung togetlwr despite griev- 
 ous wounds from without, desperate disorders with- 
 in, incompetency in the Imperial power, corruption 
 in the whole admin istrat on. opposi. m to all re- 
 form, utter neglect uf the forcr>< by sea and land. 
 The battered constitution, after suffering nearly all 
 i m a g i n able evils, has been spared only one, namely, 
 a disputed succession. But now some special notioa 
 must be given to a series of events which will prob- 
 ably prove to have been the beginning of the end 
 for the Chinese Empire. If this be so, then they 
 are invested with supreme importance respecting the 
 fate of the Far East These evento are comprised 
 in the War with Japan in 1894 and 1895. 
 
 This war i-elated to Korea, a large prom- 
 ontory and an offshoot from the province of Man- 
 churia, which province is a very integral part of the 
 Chinese Empire^ eqieeiallj under « Manehu dynasty. 
 
ill 
 
 WAR BETWEEN CH; A AND JAPAN, 18M^. 419 
 
 Tfnis Korea might be considered geographically ai 
 an ouUjing part of China. In settling the bounds 
 of their vast Empire, the Emperors in their palmy 
 days might natuwlly enough have included Korea, 
 
 • comparatively small SUte, with an um of 
 82,000 square miles, and a popnlatitti of about ten 
 millions of souls. In fact, however, Korea gen- 
 erally if nrt quite always remained independent, that 
 is, having internal autonomy. But feeling itaelf un- 
 able to stand quite alone, and being situate between 
 two neighbours, Japan on the oast, and China on the 
 ^\est, it sought the favour of both in an opportunist 
 way. It had declared itself a feudatory sometimes 
 of the ont. and sometimes of the other, sometimes also 
 of both together. It had on several occasions been 
 
 ^ subject of contention between China and Japan, 
 
 • : had been partially oc-upied by the troop* of 
 ■ ' . Powers. Manife tly Ohina had a territorial 
 interest in Korea . r.-i ..r.. outstretched from the 
 Manchu mainland, an^ 2y,ng on the Pechihlee waters 
 which run right up to the shores of the Peking terri- 
 torv It is not ' ar ihiM Japui had any equal in- 
 !< r in Korea, which was separated by a strait of 
 Be:x from the Japanese islands. Had China been a 
 growing and formidable Power or had there been any 
 outlet for Japanese trade in that direction, then 
 Japan migjit have had a vital objection to a Chinese 
 occupation Korea. But China was, as otanpared 
 with the newly organised Japnn, a contemptible 
 power, and the mercantile interesU of Japan in 
 
 I 
 
 Mil 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
420 PROaRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 £ore« were slight. But whether Japan had or had 
 not in Korea any interests worth fighting for, she 
 had manj old associations with that country, also 
 various political relations and obligations with it, 
 and she would not, or thought she could not, brook 
 any exclusive control by China in that quarter. It 
 should also have been remembered that the weakness 
 of Korea was due to the really wicked inoorsiont of 
 Japan in the sixteenth century. 
 
 Under this condition of affairs Korea had more 
 than once in quite recent times behaved in a manner 
 calcnlated to draw the two rival protecting Powers 
 into conflict In 1882 domestic troubles in that 
 country had brought both Chinese and Japanes* 
 forces into the field, and a contest for supremacy 
 was with some difficulty staved off. In 1884 still 
 graver troubles arose with the same question as be- 
 tween Japan and China. A conflict was, however, 
 averted and a convention signed, of which one clause 
 ran thus: "In case of any disturbance of a grave 
 nature occurring in Korea which may oblige the 
 respectivecouiitrirsoreitiicrof them to BrTid tn-ops to 
 Korea, it is hereby understood that they shall give 
 each to the other previous notice in writing of their 
 intention so to do, and after the matter is settled 
 thuy shall withdraw their troops and not further 
 station them in the country." This convention 
 seemed simple enough, but it was big with the fate 
 of China. Previotu to this the Chinese had taken 
 alarm at the military syston wMdi was being intro- 
 
WAR BETWEEN CHINA AND JAPAN, 18M-M. iSl 
 
 duced into Japan, and were becoming at laat con- 
 scious of their own shortcomings. Professor 
 Douglas alludes to " the miserable figure which the 
 Ch iuese forces cut in their late encounter with 
 Japan. . . . For years the Japanese had been or- 
 ganising their army on the European model, and had 
 armed their troops with the newest weapons invented 
 at Elswick and by Krupp; while the Chines.3, with 
 tiie exception of a small body enlisted by Li, were 
 still trusting in their bows and arrows and in the 
 Fcarcely more effective gingalls." As her hopeless 
 inferiority to Japan in the quality of the forces and 
 of the armaments was fully appreciated in China, the 
 rashness of the Chinese Emperor, or of his Govern- 
 ment, was extreme in provoking a war which might 
 have easily been avoided, and in almost staking the 
 Empire itself on the issue of the perilous game. 
 
 In 1894 a body of rebels in Korea rose, first 
 against the Roman Catholic Missionaries, and then 
 against the King, who thereon appealed to Peking for 
 help. The Chinese Government landed troops in 
 Korea without giving notice to Japan as provided 
 by the convention cited above. The Japanese Gov- 
 ernment, affirming this to be a breach of inter- 
 rational agreement, at once sent an army corps to 
 Korea. The two forces, howmor, remained facing 
 each other without fightine. Tho Chinese insisted 
 that any future rofornia in Korean administration 
 shodd be left to them. To tlicse and some other de- 
 mands tlie Japanese gave compliant or conciiiaiory 
 
i22 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 answers, but warned the Chinese that any further 
 
 importation of their troops, contrary to the conven- 
 tion, would be treated as an act of war. To this the 
 Chinese gave some apparently satisfactory replies. 
 The Japanese diplomatically regarded these as suffi- 
 cient assurances; and had China been so minded, 
 this critical aflFair might well have ended there. 
 
 It 30 fell out, however, that the Japanese Govern- 
 ment sent three cruisers to the Pechihlee Gulf to 
 make sure whether the Chinese were, in accordance 
 with the convention and with their assurances, ab- 
 staining from the despatch of troops to Korea. The 
 cruisers then found that, so far from abstaining, the 
 Chinese were at that moment sending a transport 
 ship full of troops escorted by two cruisers straight 
 for the Korean coast The Chinese were thus caught 
 in the very act of breaking faith. A naval action 
 at once ensued ; one of the Chinese cruisers was dis- 
 abled and the other escaped, while the transport was 
 sunk with nearly all on board of her. With this 
 act then, due entirely to the utter fault of the 
 Chinese, the war began. 
 
 Herein the conduct of China as a civilised power 
 may seem at first sight unintelligible. In fact 
 China in these respects was not a civiliso.1 powrr. 
 British experience has shown that she regardod 
 Treaties as the merest of temporary expedients, and 
 sometimes signed them with the intention of break- 
 ing them forthwith. 
 Both sides poured troops into Kore% and tite 
 
WAR BETWEEN CHINA AM) JAPAJr, liM-96. 423 
 
 Chinese massed much force round Pingyang, a 
 strong position which might, if bravely held, have 
 iMiffled the Japanese. But the Chinese Generals 
 proved to be cowards and jgnorant of So thej 
 
 marched away on the Japaneso ap^vaeh. Theii 
 was one brave and competent commander on the 
 Chinese side named Tso, and he died together with 
 some picked troops at the post of duty. The Japa- 
 nese pursued the flying Chinese, thus cleuing Korea 
 as far as the river Yalu which separateB that coob- 
 try from Manchuria. 
 
 The Yalu runs into the I'ucliihlco Gulf. At its 
 mouth there arrived a strong Chinese force escorted 
 by twelve warships under the command of Admir .1 
 Ting, the best man, probably one of the few good 
 nuTi, in the Thinese navy. Just then a Japanese 
 squadron, also of twelve ships, hovi' in sight. In 
 the engagement which ensued both sides fought wull ; 
 but the Chinese were outmanoeuvred, as the Japa- 
 nese had a clear advantafs in speed. Fi*» of the 
 Chinese ships wore sunk, Md the Maining aeren 
 being bc-aten, escaped, as the Japa:*«, though vic- 
 torious, were so battered as to be untit for pursuit. 
 
 The Japanese General wa« now free to ovr^rnm 
 southern Manchuria. In that quarter a promontory 
 runs out into the Pechihlee Gulf named the Liao- 
 ttnig PommnlR. tl„. south-we..t exti^ity of 
 
 that then- were li.e f..rtifi.>d naval statin,! Port 
 Arthur^and the cumm(>rrial port of Talienwan, iH>ar 
 ea^ eiaer. Turn Japanese made atraight for these, 
 
484 nKMUsas or india, japan and chima. 
 
 taking m«m leaser places on the way without any 
 difficulty whaterer. The season was wintry, the 
 ground fro^bound or snow-clad, and the roadway 
 
 very steep towards the end, but they proceeded 
 circumspectly with excellent arrangements for trans- 
 port and supply. At Port Arthur, if anywhere, the 
 Chinese were bound to make a resolute stand. 
 Though not the first place in importance of their 
 whole Empire, it was clearly the second. It faced 
 the mouth of tho Peiho River and commanded 
 the approach from tha Pechihlee Gnlf to the capital. 
 It had been well fortified after tlie European model, 
 and powerfully armed with guns of European manu- 
 facture. The Chinese Ministers hoped that it would 
 prove imprefftiable, but they forgot that armament is 
 valueless imless the gninnera will fight their guns, 
 and breastworks useless unless there are stout hearts 
 behind them under commanders versed in modem 
 warfare. The conduct of the garrison was dastardly, 
 and the Japanese took the place, after the very mini- 
 mum of resistance. This was quite a cutting blow 
 even to impassive and iusensitivu China. The only 
 chance for the Chinese Emperor was instantly to send 
 a plenipotentiary to treat for peace before the victors 
 should inflict some fresh loss on their foe. But in- 
 stead of doing this the Kiiiperor despatched some 
 agents without full powers who were prom])tlv sent 
 back. This dilatory process, quite charaeteristic of 
 ChinoK) policgr, cost him dear. Having occupied 
 Port Arthur, tho Japanese with their fleet and trans- 
 
WAR BETWEEN CHINA AND JAPAN, 1804-W. 425 
 
 ports crossed the Pechihlee Gulf, and made for the 
 Shantung Peninsula, which forms the eastern ex- 
 tremity of the Gulf. On the north side of this pen- 
 insula was Wei-hai-Wei, commanding the entrance to 
 the Gulf bj sea. This was both a military position 
 and a naval station of the first rank. There were a 
 large harbour, a citadd and surrounding heights, 
 all held by troops. Admiral Ting and the remnant 
 of the navy were there. The place had been well 
 fortified all roimd and with an armament like that of 
 Port Arthur. It was the first and most important 
 ]>lacc in the Empire and the last stronghold. In 
 Ting's presence it would not indeed be tamely or in- 
 effectually defended. But it was soon lost in a man- 
 ner characteristic of the Chinese. The citadel was in- 
 deed protected by the ships. But round the harbour 
 were the heights, fortified and powerfully armed. 
 Having by this time fully perceived that his country- 
 men would not fight on land, Ting foresaw that these 
 heights would be stormed by the Japanese easily 
 enough, and that then the heavy guns belonging to 
 these very heights would be turned with every ad- 
 vantage against the ships and tlio citadel. He then 
 proposed to the commanders of the land forces that 
 these heights should be dismantled and disarmed, so 
 that they should not be made to serve as vantage- 
 grounds to the enemy for assailing ar,d capturing the 
 harboTir. The .-cr inlanders refused, and very soon 
 events occurred .'xuoth- as Tma; had foresoon/ (^ap- 
 turing the iieights, the enem^' turned the Chinese 
 
426 PROGRESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 guns on the Chinese ships. Ting made such fight as 
 he could against impossible odds, and as he could not 
 break away in the face of the Japanese fleet, he ob- 
 tained terms securing the lives and freedom of his 
 sailors, surrendered the post, and then, together with 
 his two principal officers, committed suicide, leav- 
 ing behind him a memory respected by Europeans, « 
 circumstance rare in Chinese history. 
 
 The cup of disaster was now full for the Chinese, 
 owing to their own cowardice and incapacity. The 
 position of the Emperor was desperate, for there was 
 nothing to prevent the Japanese from marching on 
 Peking, just as the Anglo-French force had done in 
 1860. He presumably would have fled to the hunt- 
 ing palace in the Mongolian hills, as his Imperial 
 ancestor had done at that time. The Japanese com- 
 mander mi^t then have made himself comfortable 
 in the Chinese capital, governing unopposed the sur- 
 rounding country and awaiting the dismemberment 
 of the Chinese Empire, 
 
 It is by comparison only that the proportions of 
 these calamities can be appreciated. The loss of 
 Port Arthur and Wei-hai-Wei was to China what the 
 loss of Portsmouth and Chatham would be to Eng- 
 land, of Cherbourg and Toulon to France, of Kid 
 and Wilhelmshafen to Germany. 
 
 Thus the Emperor was obliged to sue for peace 
 without delay, and to send a plenipotentiary to 
 Japan for arranging the terms, and Li Hung Chang 
 was selected for this duty. Ema. then, h o w e v er, a 
 
WAR BETWEEN CHINA AND JAPAN. 1894-06. 437 
 
 slight delay occurred from a cause which must be 
 noticed. The Emperor naturally foresaw that the 
 Japanese would make demands for oession of terri- 
 tory. If such demands should be confined to atme 
 of the Chinese islands they could be endured, but 
 they might include the Liaotung Peninsula and a 
 part of Manchuria, and then they would be un- 
 endurable to Chinese pride. This territory was not 
 indeed a part of the eighteen historic provinces of 
 China, but it was the home of the Manchu dynasty, 
 then sovereigns in China, and it was in proximity 
 to Peking the capital. In order to avert this mis- 
 fortune as yet unprecedented, the Emperor with his 
 advisers resorted to a periloTW device. He appealed 
 in some confidential way to Europe^ or at least ha 
 sounded some of the European Powers to support him 
 in resisting any Japanese demand for the cession of 
 the Liaotung Peninsula. There is no need now to 
 consider which of the European Powers was thus 
 appealed to; but happily it could not have been 
 Britain. Xo such support was, however, obtained 
 at that time. So Li Hung Chang proceeded on his 
 mission to Japan. In due course the terms were 
 agreed to, including a large indemnity, the cession 
 not only of Formosa and other islands, but also of 
 the Liaotung Peninsula with Port Arthur, Japan 
 being then in full military .ssession of the Penin- 
 sula and of the Port. The Emperor, with the most 
 bitter regret no doubt, ratified these terms, which, 
 though humiliating, were not worse than what might 
 
428 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 be expected from the disgraceful oircunutanoes into 
 which China had fallen. 
 
 Despite this ratification, however, the Emperor 
 again appealed to some of the European Powers to 
 help him in voiding his engagement to cede the Liao- 
 tung Peninsula, and this time with real success. 
 Sussia gave a favourable ear to the appeal ; indeed, 
 she was disposed even without such appeal to inter* 
 pose. France, who had entered into a Kussian 
 alliance, — for reasons far remote from China I — 
 supported Russia. To the surprise and disappoint- 
 ment of the British, it was seen that Clennany joined 
 the other two Powers. But Britain held herself 
 honourably aloof from this affair. The British 
 thought that Japan, having fought and conquered 
 fairly and squarely, was entitled to make her own 
 terms without European interference, which might 
 be the reverse of disinterested. In consequence of 
 the triple pressure from Hussia, France and Ger- 
 many, the Japanese Government agreed to restore 
 its conquest in ],iaotung to the Chinese, but held 
 Wei-hai-Wei temporarily in security for the pay- 
 ment of the indemnity. 
 
 The war which ended thus was most unfortunate 
 for China in three cardinal respects. T ruined the 
 reputation of China in the eyes of . ' European 
 Powers, or rather it destroyed whatever remnant of 
 that reputation might be still existing. It showed 
 how China, untrained and nndiseipliued, with a 
 population of three hundred and fifty million^ wat 
 
WAR BBTWBEK OBONA AND JAPAN, 18M-«e. 439 
 
 beaten down to the very dust in » campaign of a few 
 months by Japan, with a population of only forty-two 
 millions, or one-ninth of the Chinese total, but with 
 training and discipline. For China indeed this was 
 a sorry 8i)ectacle to be exhibited before the civilised 
 world. History in all parts of the world and at all 
 tunes has shown the disadvantage suffered by any 
 nation who, when pressed by foes, invites within its 
 own borders another Power for help, especially if 
 that Power bo a superior one. Yet this is what 
 China now did on the largest scale. She had alwavs 
 before her own people spoken of Europeans with' a 
 hatred probably sincere, and with aoontempt probably 
 more feigned than real. Yet she had often enough 
 accepted the aid of Europeans in moments of diffi- 
 culty. But that aid had always come from in- 
 dividual^ Europeans, especially British acting either 
 as individuals, or else in some separate capacity. It 
 had never come, nor had it been invited, from any 
 European Government as such. But now in the 
 strangest contrast with her past policy and hor an- 
 cient ideas, she obtained aid, in an affair of vital 
 importance, not only from one European Power, but 
 from three European Goremments in combination. 
 It were needless now to speculate as to whether she 
 could have foreseen the consequences which must 
 surelv ensue from such proceedings, and which will 
 be mentioned in the next Chapter, 
 
430 PfiOURESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 OOirSlQITSNCES OF THE JAFANESK WAB, 1896-1898. 
 
 Heretofore the acts of the Cliincse Government 
 havo been mentioned as those of the Ein[)eror on tho 
 assumption that he was personally governing in the 
 same manner as his Imperial predecessors had gov- 
 erned. Bnt sincp the oonelusion of the war with 
 t'apan there have been doubts whether he is really 
 governing. It has been sometimes reported that he 
 is in low health, and is immured in solitude within 
 the precincts of his Palace, while the Imperial au- 
 thority is exercised by the Dowager Empress, tho 
 same of whom mention has been made in the preced- 
 ing Chapters. It is difficult for Europeans at a dis- 
 tance to know the truth in these matters; but at all 
 events the Emperor does not show the individuality 
 which hia Imperial ancestors showed. All the re- 
 lations of China with the European Powers are con- 
 ducted with the Council styled Tsung-li-Yamen, 
 previously mentioned, which is really the Ministry 
 for Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Since 1896, that is, since the war with Japan, 
 tho historic Empire of China has descended into 
 darkncs It may have internal autonomy, but for 
 external affairs, for foreign relations, for all those 
 
<X)MBBQI7IlfGn0V1BIJArA!linWAB,18l6-M. 481 
 
 things which par excellence are the signs of Imperial 
 •uthority, it has loit even the shieds of self-as- 
 ■ertion, even the shadow of self-action. It is near 
 
 going whither the Empires of Persia and of the Great 
 Mogul have gone before it, and whither the Otto- 
 man Empire is gradually tending. This maj sound 
 melancholy to those who picture to themselves what 
 the Empire of China was just before the beginning 
 of the nineteenth century. But it were Tain to at- 
 tempt disguising how sadly the cent'irv is ending for 
 tliat great Imperial Institution. 
 
 But this decadence, this sickness unto death, 
 affects only the Empire as an Institution. Tho 
 territorial dominion, though shorn of some among its 
 most important positions, still remains in its huge 
 mass, however weak may bo the bonds that hold its 
 parts together. The vast population, homogeneous 
 in most respects, and having more of homogeneity 
 than any other people of equal size in the world, still 
 survives, however much it may have been thinned 
 by famine and rebellion. The agricultural and tho 
 trading activity, the industrial arts, are still 
 prosecuted despite frequent and ravaging desolation 
 in many districts, and corrupt oppression almost 
 everywhere. Though the Chinese Empire has fallen, 
 China and its people have not, and aa we hope never 
 will. 
 
 In 1896, when the Emperor invoked the aid of 
 ■ome European Powers to obtain from Japan the res- 
 toration of the Liaotung Peninrila, he may perhapa 
 
 2 II «^ r- 
 
 fl 
 
 il 
 
432 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 have surmised that if he did not call them in, they 
 might come in of their own accord with some Tilterior 
 views of their own. At all events by thuB acting he 
 precipitated the crisis for his own Empire. He 
 gained his momentary end without counting what 
 the cost would be in the immediate future. After 
 the conclusion of peace France demanded that the 
 Chinese Government should make a line to meet the 
 Trench railway from Tonking. This was not of 
 pressing consequence on China, as it related to an 
 engagement the fulfilment of which at the best would 
 be'^dilatory. Germany said little at the moment, for 
 she, as it afterwards turned out, was preparing for a 
 spring 1 But Kussia lost no time in making pro- 
 posals of much conseqnence to the Chinese Empire 
 and to the Manchu dynasty. She was then planning 
 the construction of a railway from the west right 
 through to eastern Siberia, below which point lies 
 her naval harbour of Vladivostok. She asked leave 
 to carry her line straight to Vladivostok through 
 a part ' of Manchuria. Why she laid stress on 
 Vladivostok is not clear, because that port has been 
 depreciated as being ice-bound half the year and as 
 gradually silting up. It was probably made a stelk- 
 ing-hoTse by her for more important demands. She 
 asked leave to carry branches from the Siberian line 
 into Manchuria, first to Moukden, the old Manchn 
 capital, and on to Port Arthur itself or at least to 
 Talienwan, the commercial port close by. The 
 Chinese Government was powerless to resist thesa 
 
OONSBQUENCBS OF THE JAPANESE WAB,189Me. 435 
 
 menacing demands. The prospect of Kussia thus 
 coming into contact witih the Pechihlee Gulf, right 
 opposite to the Peking territory, naturally aroused 
 the vigilance of other European Poweis, eapeoiaUy 
 
 Britain. 
 
 Shortly afterwards Germany took a forward step 
 which, unfortunately for China, was casually pro- 
 voked by Chinese people. As previously stated the 
 Shantung Peninsula forms the south-eastern extrem- 
 ity of the Pechihlee Gulf. Eound its comer and on 
 the coast just to the south lies the harbour of Kiao- 
 chow, capable of being made a naval base. In the 
 country just behind this place a German Christian 
 Mission had been establiahed. Juat at this time 
 two German Missionaries were murdered by the 
 Chinese. Germany demanded instant reparation; 
 and as a Grerman squadron was close by it steamed 
 into the harbour, and without giving the Chinese 
 Government time to make reparation, demanded a 
 lease of the place, a demand which Ghiiia was power- 
 less to refuse. This was the most offhand and 
 strong-fisted proceeding that had ever been taken by 
 any European Power in Asia. It soon afterwards 
 appeared that Germany had all along been casting 
 ambitious eyes on this place, and was only awaiting 
 the opportunity, which the murder of the Mission- 
 aries afforded, and of which she availed herself with 
 such striking promptitude. The folly of the 
 Chinese local authorities in allowing such a murder 
 as this at such a time is characteristio of China, for 
 
434 PROGRESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 it is understood that such acts are never committed 
 without the encouragement or at least the permission 
 of the local officials. All Europe looked on this act 
 by Germany at first with surprise, and then with 
 anxious anticipation, lest it should he followed by 
 similar acts on the part of European Powers. 
 
 These proceedings on the part of Kussia and Ger- 
 many caused anxiety in Britain lest foreif^i Powers 
 bv occupying or leasing Chinese ports should hamper 
 or interfere with those rights of trade which had been 
 guaranteed to British merchants by several Treaties. 
 Britain declared tbat she would mainiain these rights 
 of hers with all her might, observing, too, that they 
 were not for herself alone but for all other nauona 
 equally. Her policy was named by the phrase of 
 « the open door," which has since become proverbial. 
 She kept her fleet in Chinese waters with a strength 
 equal to all contingencies. 
 
 Meanwhile the Chinese Government, notwitJk- 
 standing all the wealth of China, could not find the 
 money wherewith to pay the war indemnity to 
 Japai, in security for which Wei-hai-Wei was still 
 held by Japanese forces. So it applied to the 
 British Government for a loan, which was agreed to. 
 Hearing of this, the Russian Government addressed 
 Buch remonstrances to Peking that the Chinese Gov- 
 emment withdrew its application to Britain for tha 
 loan. At the same moment Russia herself tendered 
 a loan, evidently meaning that she was to control 
 Chinese finances and not Britain. But China de- 
 
CONSEQUENCES OF THE JAPANESE WAR, 1896-98. 435 
 
 clined that also, and this double refusal is character' 
 istic of the Chinese. Soon afterwards, however, 
 Britain arranged this loan in conjunction with Gsr- 
 many, and China acted thereon, notwithstanding the 
 displeasure of Bnssia. 
 
 Soon afterwards it was announced that Bussia 
 had obtr.ined a lease of Port Arthur, and this was in- 
 tended by her to be a decisive step. Her friends in 
 Europe hailed it as rendering her the mistress of 
 the Gulf whose waters led to Peking, and as giving 
 her the naval supremacy of the northern Pacific. So 
 Britain at once protested at St. Petersburg, and the 
 Russian Minister replied that Britain was the only 
 one of the Powers who objected to the Russian 
 policy.* It then remained to be seen what Britain 
 would do; all men everywhere thought that sor.e- 
 thing would be done^ though none could guess what 
 But Britain remained silent for some days, possibly 
 bearing some reproach on that account. In reality 
 she was rapidly collecting a fleet for the Pechihlee 
 Gulf to be an overwhelming display of force in that 
 quarter. This done, it was announced that she had 
 obtained a lease of Wei-hai-Wei, and would occupy 
 the place as soon as it should be evacuated by the 
 Japanese on the payment of the war indemnity due 
 to them. At the same time her powerful squadron 
 anchored at Chefoo close at hand. It was easy for 
 
 * See Blue Book of that date, 1897, relating to the intw* 
 ▼iew between the foitiah AmbMsador and tiie BuMiaia 
 
 Foreign Uiaister. 
 
436 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Britain to arrange for the settlement of the unpaid 
 balance of the indemnity. The Japanese Com- 
 mander made over his charge to the British Ad- 
 miral, and the place forthwith was reckoned a 
 British station of the first rank. Thus Britain, and 
 not Kussia, became the mistress of the Pechihleo 
 Gulf and of the Xorth Pacific. 
 
 Then France from her base at Tonking seized a 
 bay close by on the Lienchow peninsula of the Kwan- 
 tung pro\'ince. 
 
 N'ext Britain, considering her island position at 
 Hong Kong to be possibly assailable from the main- 
 land opposite, decided to occupy a strip on the coast 
 called the Kowloon extension, regarding which she 
 already had some Treaty rights. 
 
 The gravity of these steps, taken first by one Great 
 Power and then by another, caused much discussion 
 as to the future of Chinese commerce. It was seen 
 til at each Power was gaining exclusive political in- 
 fluence in one quarter or another of the Chinese Em- 
 pire. Doubt arose whether any of (them would allow 
 free play to the policy of " the open door," as already 
 explained. Then arose the alternative phrase of 
 " the sphere of influence." It was evident that 
 if such spheres were to be recognised, Manchuria 
 would be the Eussian sphere, the Shantung Penin- 
 sula the German sphere, the neighbourhood of Ton- 
 king the French sphere. The question remained as 
 to what would be the British sphere. All well-in- 
 formed Britons at once answered the Yang-tsze-Kiang 
 
CONSEQUENCES OF THE JAPANESE WAB,1N6-M. 487 
 
 valley and basin. The British trading centre at 
 Shanghai is near the mouth of the Yanjf-twe River, 
 British influence already prevails in the deltaio 
 
 region, British gunboats can at certain seasons run 
 up the great river for a long distance. Still farther 
 inland on the plateau of Szechuan are stations of 
 British trade. On the other side the Indian Qor- 
 emment are constructing a railway from Mandalay 
 in upper Burma to the Chinese frontier in Yunnan, 
 •with the view of ultimately tapping the upper basin 
 of the Yang-tsze-Kiang, This, then, is to be the 
 British sphere, if hereafter the Chinese Empire is 
 to be portioned out into spheres. Meanwhile Britain 
 holds fast to the policy and principle of " the open 
 door," is maintaining that entirely as yet, and hopes 
 to maintain it for an indefinite time. Herein she is 
 supported by the unanimous opinion of all her mer- 
 chants trading in China. But she takes her own 
 precautions in the event of that hope failing. As 
 the first of such precautions she obtained an under- 
 standing from China that on no conditions should 
 the valley of the Yang-tsze be alienated to any 
 foreign Power. 
 
 Further she arranged with China that so long as 
 British trade is predominant in China the head of 
 tlie Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs, now Sir 
 Robert Hart, shall be a British-bom subject. Here- 
 on Professoi Doiglas writes: " It is difficult to over- 
 estimtiie thw importance of thil condition. It is a 
 Itlow at that corruption which haa hitherto mads 
 
438 PB0OBE8B OF nmiA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 progress in China next to impossible^, which has pre* 
 vented the construction of railways, which has hide- 
 bound the trade of the country, and which has made 
 the army and navy of the Empire the laughing-stock 
 
 of the world." 
 
 Then came what may be termed the era of railway 
 concessions, and Peking became the theatre of inter- 
 national rivalry in this respect, the T - ">9-li-Yamen 
 being beset by formidable or influe j. applicants. 
 
 Russia had less trouble than any other European 
 Powers, because she had already settled her railway 
 lines in Manchuria. But there arose a severe con- 
 troversy between her and Britain respecting the 
 joint control of the line between Peking or Tientsii 
 and the Manchurian system. Then there was a con- 
 cession to an Anglo-Italian syndicate for working 
 some extensive coal-fields which might, it was sup- 
 posed, some day prove useful to Wei-hai-WeL 
 From Peking a proposed line was to run to Han- 
 kow, a most important place on the border of the 
 lower valley of the Yang-tsze. Per this much of the 
 surveying and some even of the work have been under- 
 taken. The concession was understood to have been 
 granted to a Franco-Belgian company. If there 
 should be a French element in this project, that would 
 be distasteful to Britain. But there would be no 
 objection if the enterprise be simply a Belgian one. 
 There was fear at one time lest Bussia should have 
 a hand in this affair, but that has been allayed. 
 Doubtless Britain will have influence enough at Pe- 
 
OONBBQDENCE80rTHBJAPAMBBBWAB,lMI-M. 489 
 
 king to prevent any arrangement being made detri- 
 mentally to her just interestM. Germany will doubt- 
 less obtain conoeMions relating to some line or lines 
 in the " hinierland " of Kiaochow. The British pro- 
 ject is to carry a line from the mainland opposite 
 Hong Kong and close to Canton right northwards to 
 Shanghai inland, leaving the coast at some distance 
 on its right, that is, to the east, with branches to 
 certain points on the coast The northern end of 
 this line would reach not only Shanghai, but also 
 Nanking and other trade centres in the lower valley 
 of the Yang-tsze. The French will doubtless be 
 bringing out a project in the south, but their pre- 
 tensions in that quarter are large and have not ad- 
 vanced much beyond the primary stages of discut- 
 eion. For many of these various projects no real 
 advance has been eflFected. For some projects, even 
 the concessions have not been settled, owing to the 
 habits oi Chinese delay, the wont of all delays. In 
 many r-^ses the manner whereby the capital may be 
 rais - 1 nown, and thus any discussion is pre- 
 clud 
 
 The ia<.esic statistics of Chinese railways may be 
 taken from the Beport of Lord Charles Berosford to 
 the Associated Chambers of Commerce in Loudon in 
 May, 1899. He writes: 
 
 " The sunmiary of the railways in the Chinese Emr 
 pire is as follows: 
 
 Built— all Chinese. 
 
 Mllot. 
 817 
 
440 PB0OBE88 or INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Building — 
 
 Chineae ••• 1'^ 
 
 Belgian WO 
 
 BoMiaa (th»t is, from East Sib^ia through 
 Maaohiuria) 
 
 Total building *,^0 
 
 Prc^wted—marrejed or being aurveyed— 
 
 ChineM W 
 
 German 
 
 British 780 
 
 Anglo- American ''OO 
 
 Busso-Chinese 1^ 
 
 French ^ 
 
 Total under survey 8,607 
 
 Projected — unsurveyed — 
 
 Anglo-GhsAman 000 
 
 ^tish *70 
 
 Total unsorreyed 1>070 
 
 Total projected 9,!iTl.* 
 
 Thus the apparent total of railways for China 
 would be 817+2,270+8,577«6,164 miles. Tlu» 
 total would represent but a meagre beginning for so 
 huge an Empire as China. But in fact China her- 
 self is not taking the lead; on the contrary she is 
 acting as a drag on the railway-system. She re- 
 gards this system as an area on which the European 
 Powers are to exercise their rival forces for mastery 
 here, there, or everywhere. She dreads lest the open* 
 ing of railways should, bo to speak, " European- 
 ise " the interior of the country. Otherwise accord- 
 ing to the best accounts, the railways, if economically 
 constructed, that is, if money be not wasted in initial 
 
C»N8BQUENCES0FTHSJAPAinDBBWAB.lNM 441 
 
 proceedings such as contests between conflicting syn- 
 dicates, and so forth, are likely to be uaed immensely 
 both for paaaengera and goods, and therefore to proTe 
 
 remunerative. 
 
 Bwt although with most of ihe lines the progress 
 is as slow as Chinese inertia can make it, yet in one 
 quarter there is marked activity, and that is in the 
 r^on between Peking and Manchuria. It will be 
 remembered that what may be called geographically 
 the Pechililee Gulf, and politically the Peking water, 
 has a head to it That consists of a subordinate 
 gulf runnning northwards from Port Arthur and 
 called the Liao gulf. Into the northern end of this 
 runs the Biver Liao from Hanchuria, near the 
 mouth of which stands the Treaty Port of New 
 chwang. It will be observed that this bay which is 
 on the western side of the Liaotung or Port Arthur 
 peninsula has the disadvantage of being frozen over 
 during a part of the winter, whereas the waters on 
 the eastern eide, including the port of Talienwan,are 
 not frozen in winter. Nevertheless Newchwang is a 
 port of great interest to British commercial enter- 
 prise which has alone, so to speak, tapped Man- 
 churia, while Kussian enterprise has been confined to 
 building railways and to placing troops. Now it is 
 to Newchwang that the British are striving with 
 much success to establishing railway communication 
 from Peking or Tientsin by Shanhaikwan and Kin- 
 chau, both on the Xiao gulf, partly by English 
 engineers under the Chinese Qovemmoiti or bj 
 
449 PBOOBEBB OP INDIA. JAPAK AND CHINA. 
 
 English capital with Chinese sanction. There has 
 been dipl<nn«tie itrifd between Britain and Ruaaia, 
 but the reanlt aeems to be tbat • British-Obineae line 
 
 from Tientsin will at Newchwang meet the Euaaiaa 
 line from Siberia as it runs through Manchuria. 
 This arrangement would bo satisfactory enough to 
 Britain, as her line near the coast and tho port of 
 Newchwang are under the protection of her para- 
 mount lea-power. But Ruaaia, though as jet not 
 able to prevent this, nppoars to be far from content. 
 She is xmdcrstood to be attempting some arrange- 
 ment with China whereby some line of her own may 
 be takm from her Manchurian line straight to 
 Peking. But as China ia resisting, so far as re- 
 sistance may be possible, and as the intenti<ms of 
 Britain are not known, the question cannot be car- 
 ried further. "Moreover, the Uritish merchants at 
 Newchwang have industrial as well as commercial in- 
 terests inside Manchuria, and will press their daima 
 as against the military domination of Ruasia in this 
 piece of Chir ese territory. They are also saying 
 that an Open P or at the Treaty Port would be 
 neutralised if the country behind were to be closed by 
 Russian trade-cordons. Hence it is clear that in 
 this coi ner of China the seeds of dissension between 
 Britain and Russia exist, and that controyeraies of 
 an acute kind may come on any day. 
 
 Meanwhile an important agreement has been 
 signed between Britain and Russia to the effect that 
 the former shall not interfere, and shall do its best 
 
O OMg P j UlH U M or THl JAFAWMB WAB. 1WM>. 448 
 
 to preT«nt its mbjeeto from interfering, with any 
 nilway-making in Hanohnrit, and that the latter 
 
 shall itself abstain, and cause its subjects to abstain, 
 from railway-making in the whole basin of the 
 Yang-tsze River. Each of the high contracting 
 Powers has handed in a copy of the agreement to the 
 Tsung-li- Yemen at Peking. This agreement touchee 
 railways only, but then railway-making is the all- 
 important thing of the immediate future in China. 
 So the affair may prove to be of far-reaching im- 
 portance, and is hailed by the friends of peace as a 
 happy augury. It is thought by some to foreshadow 
 the coming of spheres of inflnence, though Britain 
 is still faithful to the principle of " the open door." 
 
 These transactions have been summarised, not for 
 the recounting of European prowess and enterprise, 
 but for illustrating the prostrate condition of the 
 Chinese Empire at the close of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury. Though there may be regret and sorrow for 
 the Imperial downfall in China, ai.d even sym- 
 pathy for the Chinese people as distinct from theii 
 officials, still it is well for them all from the .highest 
 to the lowest that the tmth should he told rec:arding 
 the political conduct of their nation It is thi. trath 
 against which they have all, with the fewest excep- 
 tions, perversely and stubbornly shut their eyes and 
 closed their ears for some centuries, but in no cen- 
 tury so inexcusably as in the nineteenth. In the 
 troublesome waves of this modem world China had 
 been steering or drifting into courses likely to lead 
 
444 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 on to reefs and breakers. At last the end came from 
 the war with Japan, which gave what may be truly 
 called a coup de grace. No big Empire could incur 
 such a disgrace as that and live. Accordingly the 
 Chinese Empire has not lived, and to-day it lies at 
 the disposal of four European Powers — ^Britain, 
 Russia, France and Germany. Perhaps the United 
 States should be added as a fifth Power, since their 
 acquisition of a position in the Philippine Islands. 
 China has nothing to do but to obey the behests of 
 one or other of the four Powers in each case as it 
 arises. If more than one claim her obedience she 
 will consider which is the strongest, or whether she 
 can play off one against the other. In any event 
 the sole question for her to consider is the form and 
 manner of her acquiescence ; for acquiesce she must 
 with some one about something, and no option at all 
 is open to her. 
 
THE STATE OF CHINA IN 1899. 
 
 445 
 
 CHAPTER XXXL 
 
 THE STATE OF CBXSA IW 1899. 
 
 Ha VINO now arrived at the conclusion of the nar- 
 rative, the reader will judge whether the course pur- 
 sued by China during the nineteenth century can be 
 called progress in the proper sense, or whether it 
 should not rather be called a steady advance in the 
 wrong direction. Of the ten decades indeed she has, 
 during the last seven, that is, from 1830 onwards, 
 been taking step after step almost like giant strides 
 on the road to ruin. In fact the historic Empire of 
 China is in a state of suspended animation, if it be 
 not actually dead. There are no signs of its possible 
 revival or recovery; though none now living can 
 anticipate what the next few years may see. China 
 exists up to the time of writing, say August, 1899, 
 and no writer will venture to state more. So to 
 speak, no political Insurance Office would insure the 
 life of the Chinese Empire for even the shortest time. 
 The only hope springs from the thought that "a 
 sick man politically sometimes lives long." 
 
 Up to tiie end of this century the vast dominion is 
 held together, however weak the links of the admin- 
 istration may be. The people of China proper form 
 
446 PROGRESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 the largest nationality of conunon race, of homogen^ 
 ous character, of uniformity in language, of unity 
 in faith, however composite that religion may be, 
 now to be found in the world, and this too after 
 making deductions for outlying nationalities in the 
 Empire, Mongolians, Manchus, Moslems and others. 
 If the other large nationalities of the world be con- 
 sidered they will each one of them be found to be 
 less in number than the Chinese of China proper. 
 The English-speaking race in the British Isles, the 
 United States and the Colonies may have 130 mill- 
 ions of souls; the Russian race 106 millions (ex- 
 clusive of Moslems) all speaking Russian ; the Hindu 
 people of over 200 millions have a common faith 
 indeed, but have at least three races and speak at 
 least six languages. None of these several masses 
 or aggregates of mankind will bear comparison in 
 multitude with the total of the Chinese of China 
 proper all speaking Chinese, which cannot be less 
 than 300 millions of souls, and may be 350 millions 
 or even more; after deducting all those who live in 
 the outlying regions. These Chinese maintain their 
 old character for industry, both as regards agricul- 
 ture, industrial productiveness and trade. They 
 have full recuperative capacity for repairing losses 
 of life and property whether from internal disturb- 
 ances or from calamities such as pestilence and fam- 
 ine. No statistics of population are available, notwith- 
 standing the statistical machinery which has lon£» 
 been supposed to exist. Still the people is believed 
 
THE STATE OF CHINA IN 1899. 
 
 447 
 
 to be prolific, with a tendency to increase on the 
 
 whole despite all leases. Every European will 
 heartily wish them well, but he will wonder whether 
 so vastly numerous a population as this can be held 
 together much longer by the internal governance of an 
 Empire which has lost all external power, all con- 
 trol over those foreign affairs which cannot but con- 
 cern vitally the interests of its subjects. No attempt 
 will be here made to answer this large question which 
 cannot indeed be answered by any one. Moreover 
 there may be doubts whether the character of the 
 Chinese is, or can be, fully known to Europeans. 
 For example, the character of the Natives of India 
 may be almost fully known to many Britons. But 
 Britain has governed them for several generations, 
 everything relating to them has been fully disclosed, 
 and many of their most important concerns have 
 been dealt with by British administrators. But the 
 events of the Sepoy Mutinies in 1857 showed that, 
 even with all these unparalleled advantages, the 
 British had up to that date failed to appreciate fully 
 Native sentiment and aspiration. By this analogy 
 it would seem vain to suppose that the British can 
 have any complete understanding of the Chinese 
 character as it now is at the end of the nineteenth 
 century. They have studied the long and complex 
 history, including all recent events; they have en- 
 quired into many customs, habits and institutions 
 with most praiseworthy diligence. They have come 
 
 in contact with the people at many points of prac- 
 
 2 K 
 
448 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 tical dealing. They have written many books full of 
 observation and erudition, till the works form quite 
 a literature relating to China. But they themselves 
 would not claim a full appreciation of the mental 
 and moral attitude of this vast population, and of iii 
 possible movements even in the immediato future. 
 They may have some acquaintance with, often even 
 a painful knowledge of the official classes styled 
 Mandarins. But they can hardly have an insight 
 into the springs which move this civil machinerythat 
 is spread like a net encompassing the whole country. 
 Still, there are certain propositions regarding which 
 the authorities of -day would mostly be agreed. 
 
 It may be apprehended that the Chinese for the 
 most part have learnt nothing and forgotten nothing. 
 They keep their gaze ever fixed on the venerated 
 past and never turned forwards. They retaiu their 
 habits and customs, heir elaborate culture, their 
 faiths and creeds, according to tht standard which 
 has prevailed through ages. What they were in 1800 
 that they will be in 1900, and the intermediate events 
 which have weakened their body politic, and almost 
 destroyed their polity, will be found to have left their 
 social disposition and their national temper un- 
 changed. To them such occurrences, grave as they 
 may be in the sight of other people, are but super- 
 ficial. Happen what may in foreign affairs or in 
 the concerns of China with foreigners, the Chinese, 
 they probably think, will remain the same. Such 
 is understood to be their dream from which thej 
 
THE STATE OF CHINA IN 1899. 
 
 449 
 
 must ere long be aroused, though none can tell hovr 
 
 soon the awakening may come. 
 
 The manner in which their culture and tLcir State 
 education, formed and elaborated many centuries 
 ago, has continued with little or no change, is woii- 
 derful indeed. It has raised up a class of lUeratit 
 some employed in the public service and others not ; 
 that is, the officials who are called Mandarins and the 
 non-officials who are styled Hterati simply. The 
 former have actual power; the latter have influence. 
 These seem to fill in China the place which is filled 
 by the priesthood in many countries. They are 
 themselves intellectual athletes within their limits. 
 They force their mental exercises on the more in- 
 telligent portions of their countrymen. Ihey are 
 cramped and confined in their ideas; their knowl- 
 edge relates to a bygone time, and is often quite de- 
 fective for the requirements of the present. These 
 men, scattered throughout the country, and in- 
 fluential everywhere, set themselves, as might be ex- 
 pected, resolutely against anything like a new educa- 
 tion, and not only oppose but prevent the influx of 
 Western knowledge. While they remain in the seat 
 of virtual power it is hard to see how the people can 
 learn anything that pertains to modern pr -jress. 
 
 The slowness with which information of political 
 events, even any kind of public news, percolates into 
 the interior of China, has often been remarked. 
 Things happen of the utmost moment iu one part 
 of the Empire which ought to move the other parts of 
 
450 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 the Empire with anxiety. But they do not make 
 this impression because they are not heard of for 
 weeks, or months, or even years, or perhaps never be- 
 come known at all. The excessive delay deadens the 
 effect, and renders the people apathetic or unim- 
 pressionable. 
 
 Among the qualities vaguely attributed co these 
 people there will probably be patriotism ; they have 
 indeed been spoken of as intensely patriotic. But 
 patriotism may perhaps be a term used in more 
 senses than one. K by patriotism is meant the feel- 
 ing which a German has for the fatherland, or a 
 Frenchman for la patrie, or a Briton for Queen 
 and country, then by all accounts, and to all 
 appearances, the Chinese have it not at all. If 
 they ever had it in former centuries under fa- 
 mous Chinese dynasties of pure blood, like the Sunga 
 and the Mings, they have never evinced it in the 
 nineteenth century. On the contrary at least two 
 typical instances tending in an opposite direction 
 have been mentioned in the course of this narrative. 
 But even if the masses and the classes be wanting in 
 what Europeans would regard as patriotism, still 
 there do seem to bo some individual Chinamen who 
 are truly pairlotic. If, -lowevcr, by patriotism is 
 meant a close adherence to long established custom, 
 a devout regard for tradition, a sense of exclusive su- 
 periority as against all other nations, then the Chi- 
 nese are indeed patriotic, arA no nationality at any 
 time or place has surpassed them in this respect 
 
THE STATE OF CHINA IN 18M. 451 
 
 It may be said that in so widely scattered a popu- 
 lation as the Ohinese, with so much difficulty of in> 
 tercommunication, a patriotis:2i in the European 
 
 sense could bardlj be expected. But in the flagrant 
 instances of unpatriotic conduct above mentioned, 
 distance and unacquaintance did not enter into these 
 cases at all. On the contrary, the misconduct in 
 each instance was on the part of one community to- 
 wards a neighbouring community. 
 
 In reference to the religions, faith and practice of 
 the Chinese, some Europeans will be enquiring what 
 are the prospects of Christianity spreading in China. 
 The remarkable history of the Boman Catholic 
 Missions in previous centuries and of their shrink- 
 age at the beginning of the nineteenth century, has 
 been already set forth in the second Chapter of this 
 Part. These missions have been maintained with 
 devoted perseverance throughout this ^-ontury, and 
 will by degrees expand, very much in proportion 
 with the several Protestant Missions, which have •» 
 much later beginning. With the fewest exceptions 
 China was barred against the entrance of foreign 
 Missions, Eoman Catholic and Protestant alike, till 
 1844, when Hong Kong was ceded to England and 
 certain Treaty Ports were opened. But it was not 
 till a long time after this date that the Missionaries 
 were allowed to travel or dwell beyond the Treaty 
 Ports at their own risk; and unhappy events have 
 often shown how great this risk actually was. The 
 following extract from Mr. Eugene Stock's short 
 
452 ntOOBESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 history of the Church Missionary Society in 1899 
 gives the most cheery and sanguine view of the case 
 that can fairly be expected. lie writes: "Then 
 we go on to China. We remember how, when Vic- 
 toria becamn Queen, the Chinese Empire was closed 
 against all Western intruders, and how in the trad- 
 ing settlement at Canton alone were Morrisoi^ and 
 his fellow-translators of the Bible able to live. And 
 now? We sail from port to port; at each one we 
 disembark and plunge hundreds of miles inland; and 
 then we steam up the mighty Yang-tszo, and by-and- 
 by reach even the far western provinces. Scarcely 
 a province is without bands of Christian Mission- 
 aries and none without the Scripture in the vernacu- 
 lar; and although every province is so vast and so 
 teeming with population that we find scores of towns 
 and cities as yet unvisited, yet wherever the Gospel 
 has gone we see its fruits, in congregations of Chinese 
 believers who have had to bear, and are still bearing, 
 reproach and often persecution for their Saviour's 
 sake. China is not like India : we do not find the 
 Church of England in the forefront; English non- 
 episcopal missions, and some from America, are far 
 stronger. Still, we gladly visit four dioceses, three 
 of them closely associated with the Church Mission- 
 ary Society; and in these we rejoice to see our 
 brethren and sisters bravely at work. In the Fuh- 
 Kiang and Che-Kiang Provinces especially, we 
 journey for weeks, on foot or in sedan-chair, visit- 
 ing village after village and not a few large towns, 
 
THE STATE OF CHINA IN 1800. 
 
 468 
 
 where Chinese Christians come out to meet us with 
 their pleasant greeting. We note particularlj the 
 love and confidence that our Missionary ladies in- 
 spire in the women, and the blessed work done by 
 the Medical Missions. We do not forget the violent 
 deaths that some have had to face; but we see how, 
 since thej died, the people have been more ready 
 than ever to hear of the I<ord in whose cause their 
 livcfc were laid down." 
 
 It may well be believed that the Christian Chi- 
 nese, who must now ho numbering many tens of thou- 
 sands, are sincere in their faith and good in their 
 conduct. The educational e£Forts made by the 
 Missionaries in India and the vast numbers attend- 
 ing their schools are ii t at all paralleled in China, 
 owing doubtless to all the circumstances of the State 
 education under the Chinefe>o Govetmment Those 
 who ha?e a general acquaintance with the East would 
 hope that the Chinese masses if left to themselves 
 might be converted to Christianity without much 
 difficulty, especially as they have no priesthood and 
 no religious bigots worth mentioning. Nevertheless 
 the Chinese masses are not left to themselves in this 
 matter ; for the Mandarin officials and the literati are 
 against Christianity, not because of its principles, 
 which are manifestly good, but because of its pro- 
 fessors, who carry w^ith them that civilisation which 
 lets light into all the comers of China. Their hatred 
 has sometimes been called fanatical, but the fanati- 
 cism is social and political rather than religious. No 
 
454 PBOORESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 experienced European would doubt that every 
 European Missionary in China would at once be 
 murdered, and every Missionary establishment razed 
 to the ground, were it not for the fear of the Euro- 
 pean Powers on the sea-coast Notwithsta n d in g this 
 fear the outrages, often murderous, on the Missionar- 
 ies, women as well as men, are of chronic occurrence. 
 Sometimes they have given to European Powers a 
 handle, the very handle which the Chinese, if wise, 
 should have avoided giving, for political interfer* 
 ence. Advantage has not, however, been always 
 taken in this way; one honourable instance to the 
 contrary and of recent occurrence may be cited. 
 After narrating the Ku-cheng massacre in 1895, 
 when a Missionary, his wife, two children and their 
 nurse, four ladies from London, and two from Aus» 
 tralia, were killed, !Mi-. Eugene Stock, in his short 
 History, writes : " A cry for vengeance arose, but 
 not from the Missionaries or the Committee, who, 
 while feeling bound not to interfere with the due 
 course of justice, declined appeal for the protec- 
 tion of British trooos or to accept compensation from 
 tho Chinese Government. Instead of that a meet- 
 ing was held in Exetor Hall (London), filled with 
 sympathising friends, not to hear inflammatory 
 speeches, but to praise the Lord for the dear ones de- 
 parted in his faith and fear and to pray for China." 
 
 As often happens in such case, this tragedy gave 
 a potent impulse to the Mission in the neighbour* 
 hood of Ku-cheng. 
 
THE STATE OF CHINA IN 18M. 
 
 Now if tho Chinen people an lo good-temperad 
 
 and quiet as they seem to be, with minds more open 
 • nd rooeptivo to truth from without than is usually 
 the case with Oriental nationalities, it may well be 
 asked how these tragedira are to be accounted for. 
 If dates be examined and compared, it will be found 
 that in a particular year there has been an outburst, 
 then for a while a lull, then a recrudescence, and so 
 forth. The events have covered fully half a century, 
 and in the outbreaks and the peaceful intervals a 
 sort of periodicity has been established. This con- 
 sideration gives renewed interest to the question as 
 to the causation. There is one and only one cause, 
 namely, the enmity of the official Mandarins and the 
 literati, an enmity which is as bitter as the grave. 
 When such instigators are in movement, there are 
 always ruffians among the social dregs in Ohina as 
 in other countries who will fulfil the deadly behests. 
 For every group of outrages let the political circum- 
 stances of that time be regarded and the same with 
 the intervals of quiet It will be foimd that these 
 circumstances, from the Mandarins' point of view, 
 favoured the commission of violence or else pointed 
 to the expediency of keeping the peace. It is 
 morally certain that every Missionary, whether Ro- 
 man Catholic or Protestant, who has within the 
 latter half of the nineteenth century been either mal- 
 treated or killed might have been kept in safety or 
 comfort had the local Mandarins willed it. Indeed 
 ho would never have been attacked at all if the Man* 
 
456 PBOORESS or INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 darini had not dinotly or indinetlj ordend the 
 
 proceedings. 
 
 Respecting the condition of China to-day, the 
 book hj AdmiTiU Lord Charles Beresford, bearing 
 the ominoui title of Th« BrealHip of Chitta, claims 
 prominent notiee. He was deputed hy the AMoci> 
 ated Chambers of Commerce in England in 1898 to 
 enquire into the question " whether the organisation 
 of the Chinese civil and military administration ia 
 sufficiently complete to insure adequate protection 
 to eonuneroial Tenturea," and also "into any other 
 subjects which could be of interest and advantage 
 to the Associated Chambers." Accordingly he 
 visited during the autunm of 1898 and the winter 
 of 1898-99 all the European trading communities 
 of China, and oonversed with many of the principal 
 people, political, military and naval, of the Chinese 
 Empire, besides many commercial Chinese. In the 
 spring of 1899 his Report was submitted to the Asso- 
 ciated Chambers in London, and was soon afterwards 
 published in the shape of the book above mentioned. 
 This book, then, contains, besides the remarkably 
 well-informed opinions of the writer, a mass of the 
 best and latest evidence regarding the condition of 
 China in 1899, Some brief simimary at least of this 
 evidence, then, must here be made. The mainte- 
 nance of the Chinese Empire in anything like imr 
 perial integrity and dignity, being probably aban- 
 doned as impossible, it may yet be poasible to hold 
 the fabric together for a while, so that some policy, 
 
THE STATE OF CHINA IK 
 
 467 
 
 oomincroial or other, may be edopted for the wholttt 
 
 The British in Britain, fearing from all appear- 
 ances that the vast structure may fall to pieces, per- 
 ceive that in such event each European Power will 
 have to establish its own sphere of influence and to 
 prepare themselves for that event In that case the 
 British sphere would pot be far to seek, for that 
 would comprieo the entire tasin of the Yang-tszo- 
 Kiang. But the British in China dislike excessive- 
 ly the prospect of any such event, and aeprecato 
 earnestly any word or action on the part of Britain 
 which might hasten or facilitate its coming. The 
 grand fact is that they have extensive and growing 
 transactions in many other parts of China besides 
 the Yang-tsze-Kiang valley, such as the valley of the 
 Wrat River -which joins the sea near Canton, the 
 delta of the Hoang Ho, the valley of the Peiho which 
 flows past Tientsin, and even in Manchuria. For 
 the present they would say that their commprcial 
 sphere ia not here or there in China but everywhere. 
 However important may be the sphere allotted to 
 them they cannot abandon their existing long-estab- 
 lished affairs in other spheres. And they fear that 
 once the principle of " spheres " is acknowledged, 
 then each Eiiropcan nation that obtains a sphere will 
 impose hostile tariffs against them, the British. 
 Consequently they strenuously and imanimously ad- 
 vocate the maintenance of the well-known principle 
 of " the open door," whereby at least every Treaty 
 Port shall be free to them as to every one else. It 
 
458 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 will certainly be contended that this principle cannot 
 
 be abrogated as regards the Treaty Ports, at least 
 without the consent of Britain. As these Ports com- 
 prise all the most important outlets for trade, they 
 would contend that Britain must effectively object to 
 any arrangements being made by any Foreign 
 Power, through cordons of tariffs or transit duties 
 inland, which would neutralise the value of British 
 rights in the ports. 
 
 In all this they have the full concurrence and sym- 
 pathy of the British in Britain. All men agree that 
 the " door " should be kept " open " as long as pos- 
 sible, and the policy of " the spheres of influence " 
 be delayed accordingly. But they ought not — in- 
 deed it appears from their utterances that they do 
 not — shut their eyes to the possibility that the door 
 may gradually become closed. If that should hap- 
 pen then the adoption of " spheres of influence " 
 would become inevitable. Such an occurrence is 
 sufficiently probable as to oblige the British to pro- 
 pare for it The preparation briefly consists in 
 preventing any concessions or other obligations being 
 entered into by the Chinese Gk)venmient which would 
 hamper or restrict the action of Britain respecting 
 those regions that might naturally fall within her 
 sphere. According to the reports embodied in Lord 
 Charles Beresford's book, this sphere would em- 
 brace the valleys of the Yang^tsze-Eiang, and of the 
 West Eiver which runs into the Canton estuary. 
 The object of this narrative is not to enter on ooo* 
 
THE STATE OF CHINA IN 1899. 
 
 469 
 
 troversial politics, but to expose the truth about China 
 in 1899. No good can come from refraining to state 
 things as they are. If, hypothetically, Russia were 
 to make Manchuria a Russian Province, and the Ger- 
 mans were to do the same with the Hinterland of 
 Kiaochow, and the French with the neighbourhood 
 of Tonking, and if they were all to treat the ports 
 therein situated as their own, then Britain would 
 merely have to do something to counterbalance all 
 this. She could certainly command the West River, 
 the Yang-tsze-Kiang and the Peiho Rivw at least 
 up to Tientsin. She does not desire this, she earnest- 
 ly deprecates it, but if forced into it by the acts of 
 others, she would not come off worst in the partition 
 of China. 
 
 Then Lord Charles Beresford's book teems with 
 evidence of the paralysis of civil government, the 
 
 want of police protection for property, the absence 
 of any trustworthy system of justice whereby the 
 rights of capital or of enterprise could be secured, 
 and the consequent danger of any commercial ven- 
 ture being undertaken in the interior of the country 
 outside the limits of the Trea^ Ports, all whidi 
 grievously obstructs the expansion of trade. In 
 reference thereto, allusion is made not onlv to the 
 want of defensive forces, as the Navy is now in- 
 significant, barely able to keep down piracy, but 
 also the absraee of any inland forces, of any troops 
 worthy of the name, and further to the insofficieney 
 and inefiScienoj of the police. But there can be no 
 
460 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 revenue in the Imperial Treasury adequate for the 
 expenses of the Empire, unless there is a decently 
 good Civil Service. There can be no effective army 
 and police unless there is money to pay for them. 
 There can be no security for internal commerce, for 
 enterprise and capital, without civil reforms as they 
 are repeatedly called. The danger, too, which 
 threatens commercial as "wbII as other interests is 
 acute and specific. Thougu there are no rebellions 
 like that of the Taiping, yet just as that rebellion 
 arose out of the sea of p'jTitical troubles, so nowadays 
 there are lesser disturbances really due to the gen- 
 eral unsettlement following on the Japanese war, 
 such as organised brigandage, wandering bandits, 
 strange sects calling themselves by fantastic names, 
 rapid gatherings of mobs, and the like. Each and all 
 of these occurrences find the civil authorities in a 
 pitiable light, and exhibit before the people the sorry 
 spectacle of a Government which is little more than 
 a name. 
 
 Setting aside the remnant of the navy, which is not 
 worth spending money upon, and on account of 
 which some consideraiile sums are wasted instead 
 of being applied to more useful purposes, it is on all 
 hands urged that the army could be reorganised and 
 must be remodelled if internal order is to be pre* 
 served. Kow it is easy enough ic> render small 
 bodies of troops, a very few t'aousands here and 
 there, quite efficient with European iviatruction, and 
 this has to a small extent been done. But when it 
 
THE STATE OF CHINA IN 1899. 
 
 461 
 
 comes to something like an army of one hundred or 
 two hundred thousand men, then any reformer 
 would come in contact with deep-seated abuses very 
 hard of removal. For example, a (Jeneral is paid 
 a certain sum for maintaining, say, ten thousand 
 men: he keeps up one thousand only, and when the 
 day of inspection comes round he collects the re- 
 mainder as hirelings for the two or three days and 
 puts them into line somehow. The inspector is of 
 course qtiite aware of what is done. This Indicrons 
 description is hardly an exaggeration of a system 
 which has largely if not universally existed in the 
 Chinese army. A signal instance of it is known 
 to have occurred when the allied forces of England 
 and France landed near the mouth of the Peiho in 
 1860. By Lord Charieo Beresford's aooonnt the 
 same plan still prevails. Now let any one 
 acquainted with Oriental administration reflect on 
 the manifold abuses deeply seated in Chinese so- 
 ciety, which are involved herein, the hydra-headed 
 corruption which is implied. Then it will be se^n 
 that the reorganisation of the Chinese army is im- 
 possible until some political convulsion shall throw 
 up a tabula rasa on which reformers may work. The 
 establishment of a police would not be so difficult, 
 though it would require more money than the im- 
 poverished treasury could afford. But then the imr 
 poverishment arisee from the want of civil reforms. 
 
 These reforms are spoken of by some critics and 
 essayists as if they were matters of course, and 
 
462 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 things quite subordinate to the higher questions of 
 national policy. But such is not at all the case; 
 they are fundamentally important because without 
 them there will be little money in the Treasury, and 
 then without that resource no improvement in any 
 branch can be made. Yet they are insuperably 
 difficult of execution, because the old-established 
 Chinese system necessitates misfeasance and renders 
 it an indispensable evil. The secrets of the civil 
 budget h^ve never been penetrated, but it is toler- 
 ably certain that the amount of salaries, paid for an 
 enormous Civil Service, is comparatively small. 
 Having bcjn appointed after a competitive examina- 
 tion and instructed in the moral code of Confucius, 
 the men are straightway introduced to a world of 
 corruption and a life of misfeasance. They have 
 much power but little pay; they are to pay them- 
 selves by appropriating a part of the public revenues 
 and by extortions from the taxpayer which reduce 
 his taxpaying power. The system of evil is so com- 
 plete that the process may be compared to the 
 camels at the end of an Oriental march being turned 
 loose to forage for themselves, or the cavalry horses 
 in troubled times being let loose to feed on the green 
 growing corn. The fortunes made by great officers 
 of State, the wealth and possessions of the official 
 hierarchy, the income of ordinary Mandarins far 
 beyond its proper scale, are proverbial and notorious. 
 Yet all this arises to the detriment of the Treasury 
 and of all the economic interests in the coimtry. Such 
 
THE STATE OF CHINA IN 1800. 
 
 463 
 
 a sjstem, existing from time immemorial, lasting 
 
 through many centuries, and appealing to the worst 
 feelings of himian nature, must require a long time 
 for its eradication. 
 
 The Chinese Gk>vemment steadily declines to pub- 
 lish any statement or budget of its receipts and ex- 
 penditure, and well it may decline, for if it com- 
 plied, the results would probably be as discreditable 
 as they would be astonishing. The figures of 
 receipts and expenditure, in the absence of official 
 information, are given avowedly with only the 
 vaguest approximation from Consular reports, as 
 seen in the Statesman's Yearbook for 1899. The 
 revenues of China are there set down at 89 millions 
 of taels. Now the significance of this may be under- 
 stood from some summary comparisons. The re* 
 ceipts of Japan as presented by regularly published 
 budgets stand at 238 millions of yen.* Without 
 undertaking to state exactly the diflFerence in value 
 between a tael and a yen, it may be said that one tael 
 is not worth one yen and a half, and if so the Chinese 
 89 millions would be equal to near 140 millions, or 
 much less than the Japanese total ; yet the population 
 of Japan may be 45 millions and the population of 
 China (say 3 50 millions) eight or nine times as large. 
 Again, take the receipts of British India (exclusiye 
 
 * This total is from the last published return, and it seems 
 
 to include some extraordinary receipts which may not recur. 
 If this amount were deducted from Japan, then the com- 
 parison would be leas unfavourable to China. But even t>'en 
 tb» disprop(»ti<» betwew the two coontrias would be «t. 
 
 2 F 
 
464 PROORESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 of the Native States) standing at 98 millions of 
 
 tens of ru^ ees, or 980 millions of rupees. Now one 
 tael may be equal to nearly three rupees, or some- 
 thing less. So the 980 millions of rupees would be 
 equal to about 340 millions of taels or nearly four 
 times the Chinese total; though the Indian total 
 comes from 230 millions of British subjects (ex* 
 elusive of Native States) as against, say, 350 mil- 
 lions of the Chinese people. Owing to the fluctua- 
 tions of silver, it is difficult to make an exact com- 
 parison, but enough has been stated approximately 
 to show the monstrous disproportion of receipts at 
 against China in comparison with either India or 
 Japan. It may be that the Chinese have prevented 
 Europeans from getting anywhere near the truth, 
 or perhaps the Chinese may be regarded as mere 
 lightly taxed than any other Oriental nation, though 
 nobody will believe that. The probable explanation 
 is that the Chinese revenue largely remains in the 
 hands of its collectors, and that only a portion of 
 what is held to be due to the Imperial Treasury 
 ever finds its way there. It follows that even if a 
 completely honest Government according to British 
 ideas be beyond hope, still a decently respectable ad- 
 ministration would bring in a revenue four or five 
 times as great as that which apparently is received 
 at present Meanwhile it appears that the Dowager 
 Empress has fulminated an edict to the Civil Service 
 about the deficient revenue. 
 But this reeult oould be attained only by the iac 
 
THE STATE OF CBHtA m 1888. 
 
 465 
 
 tpoduction of the civil reforms to which allusion ia 
 often made. Now let any one who on principle 
 justly advocates these reforms be pleased to reflect 
 on the process by which alone they could be carried 
 into practice. The introduction of such reforms is 
 a different matter from the equipping of a fleet or the 
 drilling of an army. In the first place a sweep, 
 almost clean, would have to be made of all the 
 present viceroys, provincial governors, and district 
 officers who have throughout their official lives been 
 fattening and battening on what, according to 
 European ideas, belonged properly to the State and 
 to the people. Then proper viceroys, for each 
 group of provinces, say four for all China, eighteen 
 governors for the old eighteen provinces, 180 district 
 officers at an average of ten districts to a province, 
 and the same number, 180, of police superin- 
 tendents. All these officers would have to be men 
 of status on higii salaries, similar to those which are 
 paid in India. Being legitimately well off, they 
 would be placed beyond the reach of temptation. At 
 the very outset thert would be a great disbursement 
 for civil salaries, something never dreamt of in 
 Chinese annals. By Indian analogy about two mil- 
 lions of tens of rupees would be required for a strong 
 police. This would be equal to five or six millions 
 of taels. Thus the initial outlay would strain the 
 poor Treasury. But with honest-, beginning at the 
 top, there would soon be increase of receipts. Then 
 as the good administrators felt their strength, they 
 
466 FBOOBBBS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 would insist on fiscal honMty to the very bottom. 
 Soon, in such a country as China, a magnificent rev- 
 enue would come rolling in. Internal order would 
 cause an influx of European capital into the interior, 
 and the Chinese Government would gain the good- 
 vdll of the European traders from all Europe. 
 Moreover the sums allotted for expenses would be 
 for the first time in Chinese history fully applied to 
 the proper purposes. Then the roads, now broken 
 up, would be repaired, and the Grand Canal, now 
 half dry, would begin to flow again. By degrees 
 the Imperial (Government would be placed in funds 
 for all the objects of good government as understood 
 at the end of the nineteenth century. Added to all 
 this there would be the gigantic task of reforming 
 the State education. Most of the existing instruo* 
 tion would have to be given up, the competition ex- 
 aminations modified, and the literati, as a class, so 
 left as to gradually die out. 
 
 The reformation above outlined is indeed drastic, 
 but nothing short of this would suffice to save China. 
 Then let any well-informed person reflect how dif- 
 ficult, how well-nigh impossible it would be to carry 
 this into effect ! 
 
 That such reforms as these, though too good to 
 hope for, are not wholly Utopian, is shown by the 
 Imperial Maritime Customs which are truly de- 
 scribed by Lord Charles Beresford as constituting 
 " China's only honest asset." They have for many 
 years been placed under an Englishman, Sir Bobert 
 
THE STATE OF CHINA m 18M. 
 
 467 
 
 Hart, and, being properly administered, have flour- 
 ished accordingly. 
 
 But viewing things as the^ are, no person ao* 
 quainted with the East woulv ture to hope that 
 
 in the Chinese Utopia of to- ^ ^ny such reforms 
 
 could be carried into eflFect without a revolution in 
 the Empire. It is supposed that the Emperor is 
 in favour of reform. He has no issue and therefore 
 his Empress is of no account politically. But 
 the Dowager Empress Tsi Ilsi, who has been men- 
 tioned in this narrative ever since 1860, possesses 
 the power even over him; and she is thought to be 
 hostile to reform. Lord Charles Beresford relates 
 how he managed to save the life of one reformer, 
 whose six companions had been sent to Peking for 
 no other reason except that they were reformers, for 
 execution by what he calls political murder. Then 
 if a revolution is to occur, other consequences may 
 supervene dragging with them all civil reforms and 
 many other things besides, no man knows whither. 
 Meanwhile the Chinese Empire, having gone already, 
 China ie drifting towards what looms on the hori- 
 zon as dismemberment She is like the Sick Man 
 of the Far East Men are wondering whether she 
 will survive the nineteenth century, or if so, for how 
 long. The only encouragement attainable is (as 
 already indicated) derived from the experience that 
 sometimes Sick Men, as, for example, Turkey, con- 
 tinue to prolong their existrace. 
 Erom the concluding Observationfl in Lord Charlet 
 
468 PBOOBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 BerMford's work the following points may be taken. 
 
 He writes : " In reviewing this Report, several 
 points become apparent. 1. The anxiety of Brit- 
 ish merchants in China as to th« security of capital 
 already invested. 2. The immediate necessity for 
 some assurance to be given to those who are willing 
 to invest further capital. 3. That this existing 
 sense of insecurity is due to the effete condition of 
 the Chinese Government, its corruption and poverty; 
 and to the continued riots, disturbances, and rebel- 
 lions throiighout the oonntiy. 4. That the rapidly 
 advancing disint^ation of the Chinese Empire is 
 also due to the pressure of foreign claims, which she 
 has no power either to resist or refuse ; all this lead- 
 ing to the total internal collapse of authority. 5. 
 The terrible prospect of a civil revolution, extending 
 over an area as large as Europe amongst 400 mil* 
 lions of people, upon which catastrophe the thin lino 
 of European civilisation on the coast, and a few ships 
 of war would have little or no effect. 6. The un- 
 certainty as to what Government would follow, 
 should the present dynasty fall, and our ignorance 
 •s to what policy any future Administration would 
 adopt respecting the contracts and concessions made 
 by the existing Tsung-li-Yamen." 
 
 Bogarding the Chinese people is a passage in Lord 
 Charles Beresford's book which may be cited in oi^ 
 der to give them the benefit of the testimony in 
 which he doubtless gives voice to the opinion of thg 
 British merchants on the Pacific coast. He writes: 
 
THE STATE OF QUINA IN 18Mi 
 
 469 
 
 "If it be objected that Ohina itMlf is effete and 
 rotten, I reply that this is false. The traditioiul 
 oflicial eyatem ia corrupt, but the Chinese people are 
 honest. The integrity of their merchants is known 
 to aveiy trader and banker in the East, and their 
 word is as good as their bond. They have, too, a 
 traditional and idolatrous respect for authority, and 
 all they need is a good and honest authority." 
 
 Now this favourable testimony must not be car- 
 ried l*©yond its proper limits, and it expressly re- 
 fers to the trading olasses, in respeot to whom it will 
 be fully accepted. But whether it is applicable to 
 classes beyond those actually named is a question on 
 which those acquainted with the East must reservo 
 their judgment until further evidence be forthcom- 
 ing. Professor Douglas says that Confttoius him* 
 self was an adept in the ta* of make^Mlieve. Cer* 
 tainly every student of Chinese history must admit 
 that the art of make-believe is inherent in all the bet- 
 ter classes, that is, the art of throwing a lovely veil 
 over that which is unlovely, a righteous garb over 
 that which is unrighteous, an honourable mantle over 
 that which is dishonourable, a halo of magniloquence 
 over that which is common. This habit must either 
 extend to the humble classes, or at least affect their 
 disposition, surrounding them with an atmosphere 
 of unreality, very adverse to truthfulness. Whether 
 they be truthful and honest or not, they are capable 
 of things far better than any to whidi tiiey have ever 
 yet been accustomed* 
 
470 '.'BOO&Ebd or INDIA. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 This narrative regarding China in the nin«teenth 
 
 century has been devoted to Chinese conditions 
 whether of progress, of stagnation, or of decadence; 
 and has not touched more than was absolutely neces- 
 sary on the conduct, the prowesa, or the proceedings 
 of the British Government or of individual Britons. 
 It is hoped that this Government will be found on 
 impartial inquiry to have been always worthy of the 
 liiphly civilised Xation on whose behalf it was acting, 
 ai 1 that the individuals have btjen working in the way 
 which has been pursued by their countrymen in aU 
 climes and in all emergencies. The names of Elgin 
 first, then of Bowring, Davis, Hugh Qough, Ruther- 
 ford Alcock, Parkes, Wade, Loch, ITopc-Grant, 
 Gordon, Robert Hart, though but slightly mentioned 
 in this narrative, owing to particular circumstances, 
 will be gratefully remembered by their countrymen 
 when the full story of the British Empire in the F«r 
 East shall come to be written. 
 
BOOKS AND PUBLICATIONS 
 
 BY WHICH THE FACTS MEMTIONBO IN THIS 
 yOLUXX MAY BE VEBmEa 
 
 Hunter, Indian Empire. 
 Seton Karr, Memoir of Marquu$ ComtDalti*. 
 Bosworth Smith, Life of John Lord Laxtre.nce. 
 K»7« and Malleton, War ofth* Indian Mutiniea. 
 nbert, J%$ aovtnment<if India, IBM. 
 Temple, India in 1880. 
 Temple, Men and Eventa of my Time, 1883. 
 Temple, " Oritotal EzpniniM,'' 1884 ; CoiOMpoUtea bMyt, 
 1880. 
 
 Opium, Bqtort of Sogat C&mmieelon, 18M. 
 
 Statutical Abstract Ivdia, 1898. 
 
 Moral and Material Progreaa of India Report, 18D8. 
 
 Stock, Eugene, History of Church Mitsionary Soeieiy, 1800. 
 
 Lyall, Sir Charles, Asiatie Studies, Second Br.lm, 1880. 
 
 Indian Currency Committee Report, 1800. 
 
 Hnrraj, Japan, Story of tba Naikma SwIm, 1888. 
 
 Jfiniont in Japan, 1898. 
 
 Cluunberkin and IfaKm, Chtide to Japan, 1881 
 
 Chamberlain and Mason, Things Japaneae, 1888. 
 
 Biahop, Mrs., Unbeaten Tracks in Japan, 1886. 
 
 Handbook of Foreign Missions, 1888L 
 
 Statesman's Yearbook, 1889. 
 
 Ball, mnifs Chinese, 1808. 
 
 Douglas, China, Story of the NatioBs Sates, 1898. 
 Boulger, History qf China, i88i. 
 
472 PROGRESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Legge, Beligiona of China. 
 
 Beresford, Lord Charles, The Break-up of Chitia, 1898. 
 Finance and Revenue AeeimnU,Indiia, 1888411 
 Qilea, Historic China. 
 Williams, Sir U onier, IwUau Witdom, 
 
B'.P"L".?'J...fi.nii 
 
 CHRONOLOG CAL TABLF: OF EVENTS 
 
 DURING KS NINXTKaNT) . CXNTUKY 
 
 IN INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Tear 
 
 1800. 
 
 1801. 
 
 180B. 
 
 1808. 
 
 1804. 
 
 180S. 
 
 1806. 
 
 India. 
 
 Marquess Wellcslay, 
 Governor • Qanenl. 
 Mohrattawar. last 
 India Company 
 under charter of 
 1798. Virtually 
 double standard, 
 gold and silver. 
 
 Mahratta complica- 
 tions. Alliance with 
 Nlcam. 
 
 Second Kahntto war. 
 
 Mahratta confedera- 
 tion broken. Delhi 
 and the Oangetic 
 Valley subdued. 
 
 British Empire formed 
 on ruins of Mahratta 
 Smplre. MarquMi 
 Weuaalar departs. 
 
 Marquess Comwallis 
 succeeds and dies, 
 Peace party retro- 
 gression threatened. 
 
 Sir George Barlow, 
 temporary Oover 
 nor-Oeneral. Meet- 
 ing of Native ladlan 
 troops (Sepc^) 
 Madras. 
 
 Oeawiu, 
 
 Oover- 
 
 Anna the lanaartel 
 
 Japan. 
 
 Feudal system or Sho- 
 gunate in the Toku- 
 gawa line. lenari 
 Shogun at Yedo. 
 Mikado(Eroperor) at 
 Kyoto. 
 
 Rule of Feudal chiefs 
 Daimyos and their 
 ntelners, Sainanla. 
 
 Roman CatlioUo CStrto- 
 ttanlty long stamped 
 
 out. 
 
 Industrial art at great 
 height. 
 
 Chiaching, Emperor. 
 Empire at its meri- 
 dian. Industrial art 
 still very fine, 
 ^oui|h past Its 
 
 Discovery of grsTa 
 of&cial oorruptioa. 
 
 Jesuit missions still 
 t<demted. 
 
 Influence of Man- 
 darins and "literati" 
 
 Ezclnsiveness abso- 
 lutely maintained 
 eommmlaUy and 
 poUttoal^. 
 
 VnevsBtfnL 
 
 Chima. 
 
 Unsound system of 
 education prevalent. 
 Forma of adminis- 
 tration elaborate : 
 but the reality moss 
 
 Unermttal. 
 
474 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS. 
 
 Year 
 
 India. 
 
 Japan, 
 
 China. 
 
 1806. 
 
 British territories be- 
 ing consolidated. 
 
 Happy in liavins no 
 history. 
 
 
 1800. 
 
 Protestant missionary 
 •ffort daveloping. 
 
 
 
 1810. 
 
 
 Feudal system begin- 
 ning to decay. 
 
 First mission from 
 Rusaia ahortire. 
 
 1811. 
 
 
 Qalotia,Russian enroy 
 irapriifWHHi, 
 
 
 181S. 
 
 Earl of Moira, after- 
 wards Marquess ol 
 Hastings, appointed 
 to succeed Earl of 
 Hinto as Goremor- 
 Oeneral. 
 
 
 Orowth of xitmof at 
 Fonaoaa. 
 
 1818. 
 
 E^ast India CJompaoy's 
 t r ad in K monopoly 
 •bolithed. 
 
 Dutch at Nagasaki, the 
 only (oreiKtt trader* 
 admitted. 
 
 Trouble beginning with 
 Kuropeaa traders at 
 Canton. 
 
 1814. 
 
 'mperlal policy re- 
 sumed. War witi' 
 the Ourkhas of 
 Nepal. 
 
 Shnttinir itaelf in fran 
 the outer world. 
 
 Couutry remains 
 under dominating in- 
 fluence of the Han- 
 darins and the liter- 
 ati. 
 
 1816. 
 
 Peace Tlctorloualy con- 
 cluded with Nepal. 
 
 
 IBO. 
 
 Preparations for re- 
 duction of the pre- 
 datory Pindari 
 power. 
 
 Armour medieral. 
 Swords rustingiguas 
 obsolete. 
 
 Lord Amherst's mis- 
 sioD resultless. Let- 
 ter from British 
 King; haughty reply 
 by Chinese Emperor. 
 
 inr. 
 
 The Pindari war suc- 
 cessful. Uprising of 
 the Mahratta Powers 
 and Ibial Mahratta 
 war. 
 
 
 
 1B18. 
 
 The Hahtattas incor- 
 porated in Britiali 
 poUtieal eyitam. 
 
 
 Poppy cultiratlon in 
 China noticed. 
 
 1819. 
 
 British supremacy ae 
 koowledged by thp 
 Rajput Stotee. Es- 
 taULriunent tO. the 
 enlarged Brltiah Em- 
 pire. 
 
 
 t^um flrat reeosniead 
 •a article of trade. 
 
 18K. 
 
 Consolidation of 
 Britiah dominion. 
 
 Gradual enfeeblement 
 of the Shofunate or 
 fendnl ■yMm. 
 
 Emperor Chiaching 
 dies and ia nMoeeded 
 bgrltekwaag. 
 
 1831. 
 18SS 
 
 B«{^QniDg of land set- 
 tlemenu in North- 
 western ProTinoea. 
 
 
 TrouMe on the Ileai» 
 Uan Plateau. 
 
CHRONOLOOICAL TABLE OF EVENTS. 475 
 
 Tbab 
 
 Lord Amhenit Goyer- 
 
 First Burmese war 
 against King of Ava 
 
 War continued. 
 
 Peace concluded. The 
 province of Assam, 
 and the coast dis- 
 tricts ceded by the 
 King of Ava, 
 
 Empire established 
 within limits not Co 
 be ezpMidad for 
 MTwal yeua. 
 
 Lord WllUam Ben- 
 tlnck QoTemor 
 General. 
 
 Peaceful tmproTe- 
 meats throughout 
 tha Xmpin. 
 
 BartMuroua rites abol- 
 
 Haj^^^ luiTing 
 
 no Imperial 
 
 But the old order of 
 things preparing to 
 mwmr. 
 
 Still no effect on Japa- 
 nese ezduslTeness. 
 
 East India Company's 
 trading functions 
 abollsned — terri 
 torial position con 
 tinned. Law com 
 mission, and Mr. 
 (afterwards Lord) 
 Macaulay law mem- 
 ber of QoTemment 
 of India 
 
 Small State of Coorg 
 annexed. Penal Code 
 in preparation. 
 
 Sir Charles (after- Adaep betoi« • rode 
 wards Lord) Met- awakanlng. 
 calfe, Oovemor-Gen 
 eral temporarily, 
 li'reedom of the press 
 granted. 
 
 Establishment of the 
 
 siSrer staBdard and 
 currency. Earl of 
 Auokland, GoTamor 
 Qmnl, 
 
 Chwa. 
 
 Innndatlont In the 
 Talley of the Hoang. 
 Ho, called "China^a 
 ■orrow." 
 
 constitution 
 growing gradually 
 WMkw. 
 
 Army and Flaat 
 tiquated. 
 
 Unlit to contend with 
 •07 eiTttiMd p»w«r. 
 
 Increasing trouble 
 with European trad- 
 mate 
 
 LordKapier^c 
 
 cial mlisloii to Can- 
 
 Failure of the Mission, 
 and death of Loni 
 Holier at Kacao. 
 
 leiMri, Um Shogun. re- Taokwang, the Emper^ 
 ■igBtiBbtTonrotlusi or,appouit8liiBtotw 
 ■omtofO^ CommlsslMW m% 
 
 I Canton. 
 
476 OHRONOLOOICAL TABLE OF EVENTS. 
 
 TlAB 
 
 1837. 
 
 1S38. 
 
 im. 
 
 Ihdia. 
 
 1810. 
 
 1841. 
 
 Expedition to Afghan 
 istM— CandAhar and 
 Caubul occnpied. 
 
 The British In Caubul Feudal gyst«m 
 and Candahar, iiii; weaker ; 
 
 Japan. 
 
 levoahi, the Shoirun. 
 begins to rule. First 
 attempt by an 
 American Touaal to 
 trade. 
 
 Atehan uprising at 
 Okubttl — hostUiUes 
 iaAt^UMaB. 
 
 ISIS. First Afghan war con- 
 cluded. Lord Ellen- 
 borough, Oovemor 
 Oenaral. 
 
 UO. 
 
 1844. 
 
 184S. 
 
 1846. 
 
 tttr. 
 
 U4B. 
 
 ISO. 
 
 Empire begins again 
 to expand. Sind an- 
 nexed. 
 
 Sir Henry Hardinge, 
 Qoveniair-OMMraL 
 
 Trouble arising amonR 
 the Sikhs of the 
 Fanjab. 
 
 First Sikh war, piece 
 of the Fianjab an- 
 nazad. 
 
 Earl, afterwards Mar- 
 quess of Dalbousie, 
 Oovemor - General. 
 Uprising In the Pan 
 jab, andMcond Sikh 
 war bagim. 
 
 War eoDoladad. and 
 tlM FMjab aoBand. 
 
 The Lawrence broth- 
 eta administer the 
 Pwajab. 
 
 grow. 
 
 arms, 
 
 anusment and disci- 
 pline IneiBeiaat 
 
 China. 
 
 Seizure of opinm by 
 Lin, and other aeta 
 of hostUity. 
 
 Letter from King of 
 Ho l l a n d about trade. 
 
 War between British 
 and Cblneae at Oaa- 
 
 ton. 
 
 First war with the 
 British. Appearance 
 of Uriti.s)i squadron 
 for the first time la 
 Pechilee gulf. 
 
 War continued In 
 Yang-tsze Talley.and 
 Hong Kong ceded to 
 the British. Com- 
 mercial treaty with 
 Britain. 
 
 Oommerctal treaties 
 with Enropean 
 
 powers an d A I nerica. 
 TreatT porta ao> 
 knowledged. 
 
 Strained relations be- 
 tween British and 
 Chinese at Cantou. 
 
 First attempt by 
 British Btiip to trade 
 
 Similar attempts con- 
 tinued. 
 
 TUplnr rebetlkm b» 
 guiniiic near Oanton. 
 
 Taokwang, Emperor 
 diesaad ia mooeeded 
 
 »rHiiMifK. 
 
CHBONOLOOIOAL TABLB OF BVBMTB. 477 
 
 Year 
 
 un. 
 
 18BIL 
 
 SflBS. 
 
 1864. 
 MB. 
 
 Oudh 
 
 1857. 
 
 UBB. 
 
 C*n*]s of irrlgktioD 
 iiiMlftiilHni 
 
 Second BurmMO war. 
 FsBttwlth Bansoon 
 
 Banwan(niiBk Unn) 
 introdnoad. 
 
 Public liwtractlon and 
 •duoattoa tormally 
 Introduoad. 
 
 Outbreak of Sepoy mU' 
 ttailee in Inua— re- 
 Tolt of native sol- 
 diery. Fall and 
 recapture of Delb!. 
 Grave crisis «ur- 
 mouated. 
 
 Disturbaocea through- 
 out Indit. suppress- 
 ed. Ea^t India 
 Company kNiIished. 
 and the Government 
 of India talcen over 
 br the British 
 
 by thi 
 
 Orowa. 
 
 solitary duagsa. 
 
 Japan. 
 
 Becoming appreheU' 
 sive of repeated at- 
 tempts of loralgnan 
 to trade. 
 
 Commodore Perr 
 from America ap- 
 pears at Yedo, de- 
 livers President's let- 
 ter and departs. 
 Death of Shorun 
 leyoshi, suooeeded 
 by lesaoa. 
 
 Commodore Perry re 
 turns for answer, 
 and Shogun lesada 
 signs preliminary 
 treaty of oomuurce. 
 
 y Taiplnir rebel! in poc- 
 •esslmi of Tang-tssa 
 vallajr. 
 
 Talping rebels moving 
 toward Feklagara 
 repelled near Ti«B- 
 tsin. 
 
 Similar treatiea with 
 Ku r o p ea n powew. 
 
 Treaty porta IWOg- 
 nised. 
 
 lemochi (infant) be- 
 cornea 8bogUD« 
 
 Shogun signs enlarged 
 commercial treaties 
 with the Powers. 
 
 British tegattoB at 
 Tedothreatuetf. 
 
 Chixa. 
 
 PT^ggjj^o* T^apln. 
 
 Are einmmsOTibed la 
 Taiig>4sae valley. 
 
 Yeh, Viceroy of Can- 
 ton. Affair of the 
 lorcha vessel "Ar- 
 row." Beginning of 
 war. Earl of Elgin 
 despa tc h e d from 
 Britain as Plenipo- 
 tentiary. 
 
 Earl of Elgin arrives 
 with a force at Can- 
 ton. Hostile ii'jtion 
 of Yeh, whereon 
 Canton bombt rded 
 and Yeh ttiken 
 prtoOMT. 
 
 Lord Elg<n proceeds to 
 Pechilee Gulf, takes 
 Taku Forts at mouth 
 of Peiho river, and 
 
 ?roceed8 to Tientsin, 
 reaty of lientsin 
 with improved pro- 
 visions for com- 
 merce. Emperor 
 agrees to receive 
 British repreaenta- 
 
 British representative 
 comes, but is stopped 
 atthaTaltuForu. 
 
478 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS. 
 
 
 » Imu. 
 
 
 
 1860. 
 
 Army reorranlwtlon 
 Finuiclal lysten 
 (Budget) introducec 
 after EocUsb model 
 
 ■ IncreaaiaK diaeoBtao 
 > and Tiolanoe amoiu 
 1 feudal ntolamT^ 
 
 t Acglo-Franch expedt- 
 ; tion proceed to Pe- 
 Icinir. EmxMror AIm 
 his capital and signs 
 convention of peace. 
 Summer Fnlaea dee- 
 troyad as • poaJib' 
 maat. 
 
 1861. 
 
 DeTelopment of Prot 
 estaot missionary 
 enterpriae. System 
 of oual irrigation 
 eztaadad. 
 
 KamoD-no-Eaml, the 
 regent, murdered 
 first political assaasl- 
 nation. 
 
 Death of Emperor 
 Hsienfeng. Tung- 
 chih (an infant) be- 
 ooBMa Bmparor, 
 BBdar a Baniaey. 
 
 
 Earl of Bgin, Qover- 
 iiop4toiMraL 
 
 
 Final suppression of 
 
 Taiping rebellion un- 
 derialten. 
 
 UBS. 
 
 HUttary operations on 
 
 North-west Frontier 
 — p e a c e restored. 
 Death of Earl of El- 
 gin. 
 
 The Feudal attempt to 
 doM th« stimft of 
 Bhimoiwrti 
 
 Gordon, called "Chi- 
 nese," appointed to 
 command Chinese 
 forcea against tka 
 rebela. 
 
 1864. 
 
 Sir John (afterwards 
 Lord) Lawrence ap- 
 pointed Qovemor- 
 Gensnel. HostUities 
 with Bhutan, and 
 Doan annexed. 
 
 Foreign representa- 
 tives send NaTal ex- 
 pedition to Shimon- 
 niiiri fltnilt. 
 
 He axUncniihai th« 
 
 rebdltea. 
 
 186S. 
 
 System of publle huI- 
 tation introduoed. 
 
 
 menfet n^tUim •» 
 ttttguiahad. 
 
 
 
 Emperor at Kyoto ac- 
 cepts the (jommer- 
 cial tresitles made by 
 the ShoguB at Tedo. 
 
 
 186T. 
 
 Harked proKress of 
 nOtwmyt. 
 
 [emochi, the Shoguu, 
 dies. End of the 
 Shogunate or feudal 
 system. 
 
 Qreat davalopBBant oC 
 Proteatnat mkihins. 
 
 1868. 
 
 
 Accession of Xatau- 
 htto, MUMdoor 
 Emperor. Foreign 
 representatives re- 
 ceived for the first 
 time at Imperial 
 Court in Kyoto. 
 
 Progress of European 
 trad*) especially 
 British at Hongkong 
 and Shanghai. 
 
 1860. 
 
 3ir John Lawrence 
 leaves India. The 
 Earl of Hayo, Qorer- 
 Bor-Oeneral, meets 
 Share AUAmear of 
 Caubtti, asd con- 
 etataamuifwmta 
 wUk AtgluSbiUik. 
 
 Provisional constitu- 
 tlon and abolition of 
 the feudal (Daimyo) 
 ^■tam. Emperor 
 tskw irfiirtir nath. 
 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS. 479 
 
 km 
 
 1 KAM 
 
 Ikdia. 
 
 Japam. 
 
 CSINA. 
 
 vsm. 
 
 
 Imperial Mat of zot- 
 ernment moved from 
 Kyoto to Tedo. 
 
 
 1871. 
 
 
 Hamo of the capital 
 chanifed to Tokyo. 
 
 Pnnthny rebellion in 
 Yunnan. Kobelllun 
 near frontier of Htni- 
 golia— both Modem. 
 
 itn. 
 
 ■•rl of Mayo Maaatl- 
 
 uted. Lord Nortb- 
 Brook, OoTMnor- 
 
 DellberatlTe assembly 
 constituted but fails 
 in practical effect. 
 
 Tungchih (Emperor) 
 attains majority ana 
 ta married. 
 
 ura. 
 
 
 Progressive party In 
 Japan growing iu 
 activity. 
 
 Recapture of Talifoo 
 In Yunnan by Im- 
 perialists. 
 
 1874. 
 
 Funinein Ben^^aland 
 Bahar. Principle 
 settled that Famine- 
 Relief Hhould be 
 folly undartaken by 
 the (tat*. 
 
 
 Mysterious death of 
 Emperor Tungchih 
 and of BmpraM 
 Ahluta. 
 
 187S. 
 
 Prince of Wale* Tisits 
 India. 
 
 
 Kwanghsu (Emperor), 
 infant, under Re- 
 gency of the Dowa- 
 ger Empresses and 
 of Prince Kung. 
 
 187B. 
 
 Lord Northbrook quits 
 India. Lord Lytton, 
 QoTemor-Oeneral. 
 
 Embers of old Feudal- 
 ism smoulderiog. 
 
 Murder of Mr. Margary 
 with complicity of 
 Chinese olBeials. 
 Chefoo oonrentloa 
 for trade. 
 
 1«7. 
 
 Imperial assemblage 
 at Delhi, and Queen 
 proclaimed Empres.s 
 of the Empire of 
 India. Famine in 
 the Presidencies of 
 Madras and Bombay. 
 
 Satsuma rebellion un- 
 der Kaigo. Okubo 
 murdered — second 
 poUUcal assassina- 
 Uoa. 
 
 Severe famiue. 
 
 1878. 
 
 Second Afghan war, 
 peacs concluded. 
 
 
 Expedition for re. 
 covery of Mongolian 
 Plateau. 
 
 1879. 
 
 Beerudeaeenee f 
 trouble at Caubul. 
 
 
 Successful canipalgn 
 in Yarkand and 
 Kashgarla and gen- 
 eral victory for 
 Chinese troops in 
 the Qreat Plateau. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Military operations in 
 Southern AfKhanis- 
 
 tan. Lord Lytton 
 quits India. 'Mar- 
 quess of Ripon, 
 Qovemor -Qeneral. 
 
 Consolidation of Em- 
 Mror's position as a 
 Clon^tutional Sove- 
 rtign. 
 
 Progress of Christian 
 MMi<»a. 
 
 2a 
 
480 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF 
 
 EVENTS. 
 
 
 
 Japam. 
 
 
 1881. 
 1882. 
 
 
 lieorganisatlon of ttie 
 country Into bor- 
 ouglM and diatricta. 
 
 Treaty with Russia re. 
 Cttotnu AnUk 
 
 1883. 
 
 
 New Japan growing 
 apaee. 
 
 
 ion. 
 
 quess) of Uuirerin, 
 OoTernor-Qeiieral. 
 
 Cnrioii.iniiy ruiiy tol- 
 erated — Lur«o de- 
 velopment of mia- 
 alona. 
 
 Favourable point in 
 fortunes of China Ik> 
 fore decadenoo 
 rapidly aeta in. 
 
 1885. 
 
 Third Burmese war, 
 anaezation of the 
 Kingdom of Ava. 
 
 
 
 1888. 
 
 
 
 Trouble with Franc* 
 in TonUng. 
 
 U87. 
 
 ProKress of Christian 
 miasions. Queen's 
 JubilM GAlabratfid. 
 
 
 Kwanghsu, Emperor, 
 receives charge of 
 
 from tlie Regent. 
 
 1888. 
 
 Marquess of Lans- 
 (lowne, Uovernor- 
 Qeneral. 
 
 
 
 188B. 
 
 Completion of Railway 
 system on Nortli- 
 West frontier up to 
 border of 8oatnern 
 AfghaniatM. 
 
 Full constitution with 
 Imperial Diet es- 
 tablished, and Mika- 
 do (Emperor) takes 
 the oath. Electoral 
 system fully intro- 
 duced. Horf Arinori 
 murdered, third po- 
 litical assassination. 
 
 Ivwanghsu, Emperor, 
 enthroned. 
 
 1890. 
 
 
 Promulgatinn of the 
 Constitution. Army 
 and Navy organised 
 on modem system. 
 
 Naval stations estab- 
 lished 'n FeohUilue 
 Gulf a' i'^rt Arthur, 
 Wei-h.a-Wei. Army 
 left unrafoniMd. 
 
 1891. 
 
 Trouble beginning 
 with France and 
 Siani. 
 
 
 
 1P08. 
 
 Mints ordered to be 
 closed against coin- 
 age of silver, owing 
 to the extreme de- 
 preclatton at the 
 Rupee. 
 
 
 
 1803. 
 
 K&A of Elfrin. Onver 
 nor-Qeneral. Closure 
 of Mlnta taken 
 effect. 
 
 
 Trouble in Korea and 
 force despatched 
 there. 
 
CHROlfOLOOICAL TABLE OF 
 
 EVENTS. 
 
 Yea* India. 
 
 Joint i^nglo-French 
 Riinrnntee of Indft- 
 pendenca fur S'am. 
 
 Outbrpiik of PlaKue 
 and Famine. 
 
 Queen's Diamond Ju 
 bilee celebrated. 
 
 Troubles on North 
 WMt Frontier. War 
 on Frontier auccess- 
 tuUy conducted. 
 
 Lord C urzon of Kedles- 
 ton, UoTernor- 
 QeneraL 
 
 Preparation for Gold 
 Standard. Severe 
 famine. Marked 
 loyalty regardinp 
 War In South Africa. 
 
 Japan. 
 
 Force despatched to 
 Korea— War breaks 
 out with China. 
 
 Successful by aea and 
 land. 
 
 TriT-.y of peace at 
 Shliuouuseki. 
 
 Ketrocession of Liao- 
 tung to China at in 
 ■tance of France and 
 Russia with some 
 support from Oer- 
 many. 
 
 Diet thanks Kmperor 
 for the manner in 
 which h* hM direct- 
 ed the national 
 forces by land and 
 sea. 
 
 Treaty Ports abol- 
 ished, tot,ether with 
 Consular jurisdic- 
 tion : all ports 
 thrown open. 
 
 Uneasiness regardinfr 
 action of Russia near 
 coast of Korea. Anx- 
 iety regarding pos- 
 sible interruption of 
 trade with China. 
 
 China. 
 
 War with Japan. 
 
 Naval stations of Port 
 Arthur and Wei-hat- 
 Wei lost, also Liao> 
 tung Peninsula. 
 
 Peace treaty ratlfladL 
 
 VId of Furopean pow- 
 ers invoked for first 
 time by China. Ki- 
 aochow taken by 
 Gemiaay, 
 
 Port Arthur leased to 
 Russia, and Wei-ha^ 
 Wei to Britain. 
 
 Railway concessions 
 to subjects of the 
 several European 
 powers. 
 
 Dowag^er Empress, 
 virtual ruler. Inter- 
 nal troubles, hostil- 
 ity to reform. Anti- 
 European rebellion 
 and preoautions by 
 European Powers to 
 guard their several 
 interests at Peking. 
 
INDEX 
 
 A. 
 
 Abfrielnws, India. 7 ; conversion to 
 Cliri^ti.Anity. 1H2 
 
 Acc ountant, villi;;.', India. 5.1, 
 
 AciiiKi sci'ncc of niilivi.'s la Brttiatt 
 rule. HI. 103. 
 
 Adiim. on villuRP schoolB. 188. 
 
 AiliniuiHtriktlon, civil, in India, 61. 
 
 Ailmiralty, Honnl, Olilna, 417. 
 
 Ailopfion of iipirs, Native StatM, 74. 
 
 AfKlian war, first. 29 ; second, 41. 
 
 AfKliiitiistan. farly anxiety roicardlnc, 
 : Southern border, Minezed,ii:i ; 
 iniportancp on NoTth-Weat tron- 
 ti.T. HI to U. 
 
 .\friili. frontier tribe, 40. 
 
 .■\Rnosticism. in Japan. 271. 
 
 AKra, JloktuI capital, S, 17, 26 : taken 
 by British, 26 ; events at, 68. 
 
 Acrrieiiltnral Interest In India, 101. 
 
 Airriculiiire, in Cliina, 818. 
 
 Aliliita. Empress of Chink, 401 ; prem- 
 ature death, 408. 
 
 Alcock, in far East, memoir of, 470. 
 
 Alexaniler the Oreat, S; hU em- 
 pire, 6. 
 
 ▲lompra, Burmese Emperor, 7, 89. 
 American Commercial Mission, Chi- 
 
 n.'i. ar.i. 
 
 American Missions in India, IM; in 
 Japan, 372 ; opinion on opium, 
 163 ; first treaty with Japan, ISO; 
 diplomacy there, 9K; Sblpe Yo- 
 kohama, 832, 83S. 
 
 Amherst, Bari of. In India, 88, IM; 
 embassy to China. 388. 
 
 Amir of Caubul, accepu British aid, 
 41 . .ntrlffues with Rus.sja. 41 ; suc- 
 cessor comes under British pro- 
 tection, 43. 
 
 Amoy, the Triad rebels ai, 872. 
 
 Anc^Dni^ worship ef, in China, 
 
 Andaman islands. (See Port Blalr.) 
 Anicuts of Godaverv and Kistna, 110. 
 Animistic, ancient faith, 20H, 301. 
 Annam, French, 296 : events at, 416. 
 Anson, General, death, 71. 
 Anti-opium party. (See Opium.) 
 Arab soldiery, at Hyderabaid, Oeocan, 
 
 76 : possible amhiting, n. 
 Arabic instruction, 137. 
 ArUtucrauy, JapaoMe, SO. 
 
 Army, Chinese, 813; its tnefSoleney, 
 417; its hopeless cooditioD, 461. 
 
 Army. Indian. beKlnnlnf; and growth, 
 63, (M ; during war of mutinies, 
 6r> ; subsequent changes, 60, 7."> ; 
 reorganisation, 01 ; present 
 charges, IHU ; European and na- 
 tive, 60, M, 76; proportion to 
 civil population, fli. 
 
 Army, Japanese, 868 ; reorganisation 
 of, 259 ; tried by war with China, 
 202 ; p.itriotic result, 2(SS ; pref^nt 
 strength. i}S3 ; LonI Charles Bei v 
 ford's testimony, 3M8. 
 
 .\rracan, province of, 29. 
 
 Arrow, lorcba vessel, 877. 
 
 Arsenal. Osaka, 280. 
 
 Arts. (See Industrial.) 
 
 Aryan race. 7. 
 
 Ashik.Tija Shoguns in Japan, 323. 
 Ashley, I.onl, on opium in China. 
 
 (See Shaftesbury. ) 
 Assam, province of, Z). 39, .W. 
 Associated Chambers Commerce, 
 
 488, 486. 
 
 Auckland, Earl, Gorenior-OeaanU, 
 
 m. 
 
 AuranKxebe. Emparar ladte, VK ; Ua 
 
 revenues, 171. 
 Ava, Kingdom of, 7, 33 ; first war with 
 Burmah, 29 ; second war, 30 ; 
 third war, 38 ; finally and Mtirely 
 amwOTili 8Sl 
 
 & 
 
 Bahawulpore, Moslem State, in. 
 Balance of Trade. India, ISO ; Japan, 
 
 282; (."hina. 815. 
 Ball, Things Ciiinese, 303. 
 Bankers. (See Native.) 
 Bankers, native Indian, 18 ; education 
 
 among, 138. 
 Baptist Missions in India, 152; In 
 
 Japan, 272. 
 Bar. (See Native.) 
 Barbarians, Chinese phrase, 838, 340. 
 Basel Missions, India, 168. 
 Behar, province. 13, 80; permanent 
 
 settlement, 101. 
 Btiiudiiatan, 40. 
 
 IBmarat, dtaitrict of, 18 : narmaneBt 
 MtttooMBt, 101, 101, iai. 
 
484 
 
 Bengal, province, 18, tO; pernMn<>Dt 
 ftuttleinent, lOlj rMOunMa, la, Tl. 
 
 Bcntlnck, Lord William, Ooreraor- 
 MooenU, IM. 
 
 Bcrmrord, Lord Charlen, Mission to 
 China, 458 ; hU Journeviniti, 454 ; 
 hit report to assiH'iateil cliambera 
 of commerce, 45») ; bis book on 
 broak'Up of China, 4S6 ; depre- 
 catM spheres of Influence, 457; 
 British sphere unlvemal, 457 ; ad- 
 heres to policy of open d.iur, 457 ; 
 describes Inefllciency of China, 
 459 ; InClTil Service, 460 ; in Navy, 
 4fiO ; in Army, 461 ; visits Japan, 
 2*) ; his report thereon, 'JHi> ; visit 
 to Naffasa, 280 ; sees arsenal at 
 Os;il(a, 'M) : sees electric batteries 
 at llyoto. SHI ; inxpects military 
 schools at Tokyo, Scfii ; tcatlflM to 
 naviki and miUUl7 effleiMMy In 
 Japan, a82. 
 
 Rhnnsia, of NaRpore, 11, 28. 
 
 Uhopal, Moslem state, 17B. 
 
 l!icl(orst»!th, Bidhop, Tolcyo. 3M ; his 
 testimony for Japan, iJO.5. 
 
 Hilaynnapar, 1H7. 
 
 liisli'ipof Cilcutta, 155 ; Metropolitan 
 
 in India, 155. 
 Tiishoprios, in India, 155. 
 l!iwa, Ial;e in Japan, 199. 
 lilimbodli, on Hussia, 435. 
 i! )ar(I (if .\fi;iiinistration, Punjab, 49. 
 Hoar J of control for India. !S. 
 Hoards, municipal, 1.31. 
 Boat trainc, Indian riven, 113, 118. 
 t)olan paaa, 41. 
 
 Bombay Presidency, 18 : during; war 
 of mutinies, 68 ; army of, til, 63; 
 fanatical riots at, 191; port of, 13.3. 
 
 TooMhism in India, 8; In China, ."Vll ; 
 addotl to Chine.se ri-lij^ioii, 3oa ; its 
 present position, 3(W. 
 
 Booddhism, Japan, 201. 208, 909; at 
 Kyoto, 216; a real rellRion in 
 Japan, 266, 269; hardlyaccepted 
 by educated classes, 270; pros- 
 pects of, 270. 
 
 BoulRer, History of China, 806 ; ac- 
 count of KanKhsi Empnror, 817 ; 
 estimates of Chinese Emperors, 
 818, 413 ; on death of Emperor 
 TunKchiD, 491 ; on the choice of 
 racceiBor, 40>; summary of 
 Chinese history, 418 ; on TMping 
 rebellion, 867 ; on miatlonariea In 
 China, 888. 
 
 Bowring, Sir John, attacks Canton, 
 878; further proceedings, 870; 
 memory of, 470. 
 
 Brahmanism, India, 8, 187. (See Hin- 
 duism.) 
 
 Brahmaputra river, 5, 6 ; b^"* traffic. 
 
 11.8 ; valley, HO, 'A 
 Brahmin priesthood. 184, li. 
 Brahmolns, India, a reUgiuin 147, 187. 
 
 Brrnk-upff CKinn, hook, 4W. 
 
 BritishLisnUon, Yokoh.iiiid, £». 
 
 British rule In India, 8, S : hew estab 
 llshed, 34 to 87 ; its objects, 7H t< 
 85 ; its effecU, 175 to 198. 
 
 Bruce, Mr, appointed to Pi>kin((, 383 
 
 Budget system in India, 16n. 
 
 Burgevlnu, American commander 01 
 Chinese forces, 3V8, 893. 
 
 Burma, British, 49, HO. 
 
 Bushir, a Persian gulf, 45. 
 
 Butlw'a life of C&mm Oordoa, 888 
 
 tn, 
 
 c. 
 
 Cadastral, or fleld aurrer, India, 111 
 Calcutta Preeidency, Capital, 18 { 
 
 quietduring mutinies, 71 ; munio 
 
 Ipal works, 128 ; fanatical riots in. 
 
 191 ; delta of, 5 ; Bishopric of, ISSi 
 Campbell, Sir Colin, in India, 78, 78. 
 Canada, religious misaions to India 
 
 163. 
 
 Canals of irrigation, India, 109. 
 Canals of navigation in China, 816. 
 
 Candahar, position of, 48, 48. 
 Canning, East India, 70 ; comluct in 
 
 war of mutinies, 70. 
 Canton, trading station, China, W, 
 
 if) ; Lord Napier's action there, 
 
 837 ; Triad rebels, near, 372. 
 Cape of Good Hope, passaco of 
 
 troops by, 78 ; of trade by, 1 IT. 
 Capital, European outlay, India, 12a, 
 
 159. 
 
 Carey, missionary, India, 1 19. 
 Cartrid(,'os, circmiistance of, 66. 
 Cashmere, Native State, SO, 45 ; l>r«e> 
 
 ent position, 175. 
 Caspian, under Rusa'a, 48. 
 Caste, India, 191. 
 Caucasus, mountains, 44. 
 Cawnpore, events at, 60. 
 Cecille, Admiral, in Japan, m. 
 Central Asia, 89. 
 
 Central India, group of States, 6& 
 
 Central provinces, 50. 
 
 Centralisation in China, 815. 
 
 Chnman, Afghan frontier, 48. 
 
 Chamberlain. Neville at Delhi, 71 
 
 Chamberlaln'sgulde-book Japan, 800; 
 describes present aspect, 81)1. SM. 
 
 Chamber of Commerce, Japan, 8N1. 
 
 Charter. East India Company. 14, 16 j 
 In renewed, 66 ; in 1813. mod- 
 ified. 58 : in 1833, further altered, 
 58; in 1854, issued for last time, 
 88. 
 
 Chefoo. position of, 406 ; convention 
 _ of, 405 ; British squadron at, ^W. 
 Chenklang In China, taken by Brit- 
 
 ish. JIS. ^ 
 
 reign of ,'^,'to i»8 ; anti-£urupeaii 
 poUcyottSW; UwpoK>]r (opfaia) 
 
INDEX. 
 
 4S5 
 
 In hl« tim". S30 ; rhfir»ff»T of. 
 
 :H3, 
 
 Chief (^ommliwioner, in Imlia, import- 
 arii Hof. .>). 
 
 Chi(>filiin|C, Kinpororof • "hinii, a*.!"*, agO; 
 rolgo of, 8U9, SIR, .t2A ; denth of. 
 aoo ; repute of, stH. W ; conduct 
 tow«rd Chrl'tianity, ao7 ; recalTM 
 Lord M»cnrin.-y, 3i>i 
 
 China, mren of. 2SM : liDundariea of, 
 SR9, na ; rlvrTM <>r, '.".ll ; ancient 
 history of, liiH ; provinces of, 2BS ; 
 d >_pen(lencie.s of. i.'ici ; i!<lan<ls of, 
 206 ; population of. 2H9 ; people 
 of, character, aiO ; repute of mer- 
 chant*, 400. 
 
 Chinese Empire, 288.399; past Rran- 
 deur, 80H, 'M. am ; plem^nts of 
 weakness, S0,\ S13, 318 ; condition 
 at dawn of century. 301, 818 ; de- 
 cadence BPttintc In. 362, 3C3 ; 
 worse and w<irne to present time, 
 445 ; temporary revlTal, 411, 418 ; 
 catastrophe in 1808, 429 ; prostr^ 
 tion, 444; loss of iDdependwieo, 
 til, 4tS. 
 
 Chiiicso wall, 200. 
 
 ChipanKU. sen Japan, Itt. 
 
 Chitral, post on nortbcn Indiaa 
 liorder, 41, 
 
 Cholera epidemics, India, 131. 
 
 (;hosu, I>armJo, 239. 
 
 Christian Inquisitor in Japan, SIS. 
 
 Christianity, in China, by Bomaa 
 Catholics, 802 to am ; still main- 
 tained, 451, 4IS2 ; by Protestant.t, 
 451 : prospects of, 453 ; opposed 
 by Mandarins and Literati, 4.'v3, 
 4,55 ; anti-Christian actions by 
 Chinese ofBcials, 454, 455. 
 
 Christlaoity In India, 147 ; not sup- 
 ported by gOTemment, 73; pres- 
 ent position. 148 ; Roman Cath- 
 olic, 148 ; Protefstant. 1« ; under 
 Church Missionary Society, 150 ; 
 under Society for Propagation of 
 the Gospel, 151 ; under other Com- 
 munities, 153, 153 ; result of Prot- 
 estant missions, ISA to ISV. 
 
 Christianity, ProtMtant, In Japan, 
 278 ; several missionary bodies, 
 sn ; British bodies. 272 ; American 
 bodies, 3Ti. 
 
 Christianity, Roman Catholic, In 
 .Tapnn, 207, 215 ; edicts ai;aiast, 
 215 ; success In Satsuma and 
 Kyoto, S16 ; deputation to Europe, 
 216 ; oersecutiou under leyasu, 
 217 ; heroism of victims, 218, 
 
 Christians, numljer of. In India, 148. 
 
 Church Mi.siioLiry Society, ISl ; In 
 India, 151 ; !n Japan, 273 ; in 
 China, 452. 
 
 Chusar., po^Uion of, 398 ; atUkcludby 
 British, 846. 
 
 CSivU r«f orraa, China, -ISS, 
 
 rivM snrrtot, in ChhM, 114 ; •▼ila of. 
 *K : reform b*rdly poMlbto, in, 
 
 4m 
 
 Civil herrii'f in India, M ; Imprrliil, 
 57 ; In Japan under new re({iiiie, 
 857, 274 ; lu China, 314, 318 ; fatally 
 defective, 462, 40fi. 
 
 Coal mines, India, IM. 
 
 Coast line of (.'hina, 290. 
 
 Coasting trade of India, US. 
 
 Cochin China, 20«, 298 
 
 Collection In kind aliollslied In India, 
 102. 
 
 ColleKes, Moslem, 80: Britisli Tndin, 
 141 ; in Native SUtes, 141 ; In 
 Ja|<an, 873 ; In China, 811. 
 
 Commissioner, administratlTe, IndiA, 
 
 r.i. 
 
 Communities, village, 19. 
 Comorin, C"ai)p. 17. 
 Competitive. (See Fliiimination ) 
 Compulsory school attendance, Ja- 
 pan, 873. 
 
 Confucius, doctrine of. In Japan, 807; 
 in China, SU1,H0^; his character, 
 812. 
 
 Constitution, Imperial of Japan, 2ri2, 
 tl5; barun, MS: i^... ■ oromul- 
 ^t«l, KB; worlMiiT 874 to 
 
 ronstitutional Sovereign, J. , jn. 851. 
 
 Constituencies, Japan, 81)8, 
 
 Cooch-Behar, present condition, 175. 
 
 Cooper, Captain, In Japan, 889, 
 
 Comwallls, Marquess, Qovemi>r-Oen- 
 eral,20; grants permanent settle- 
 ment, 20 ; halting policy, 26; 
 death in India, 27; official indus- 
 try, 48. 
 
 Corporation of Europeans forlndiM 
 trade, 85 ; Municipal, 131. 
 
 Corruption, ofRcial, In China, SIB, 487. 
 
 Cotton factories, India, lU, 
 
 Cotton mills, Japan, 289. 
 
 Councils, India, executive, 47, 48, 
 91 ; legislative, 03. 
 
 Courts of Justice, India, 78. 
 
 Covenanted servants, India, 57, 
 
 Currency, India, 160 ; silver standard, 
 160; gold standard to beBubsti- 
 tuted, 169 ; report by oom mission, 
 180, 170. 
 
 Cnnon, Lord, OovenMiHHMnl, Iff. 
 
 Dai NliqKMi, Japan, 196. 
 
 Dabniata, feudal district, Japan, 80S. 
 
 Dalmyoa, feudal chief, Japanese, 208 ; 
 their administration, 227 ; their 
 conduct respecting the treaties, 
 235 ; their relations to the Em- 
 peror, 212; their surrender of 
 tlatA ana iiowerit, , itt K>ulOk 
 848 ; coOMtlted in crisis, SSS. 
 
 I>alhoam,]lMVM«iiiiIadia,aB; an- 
 
486 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 nexea Panjab, 30 ; annexes Pegu 
 and Oudh, 31 ; constitutes Bengal 
 (fovernment, 49 ; summary, 191 
 
 Dane, Dr., on opium, 330. 
 
 Davis, Sir John, in China, memoir of, 
 470. 
 
 Death rate, India, 18S, 138. 
 
 Debt, public, India, 115, 1S8, 16!). 
 
 Delhi, events at, 6, 10 ; mutiny at, 
 67; siege of, by British, 70; re- 
 capture, 71 ; Empire proeUiimed, 
 
 Dengue, fever, India, 135. 
 De^^a, Dutch settlement In Japan. 
 
 Dictionary, Chinese, 811. 
 
 Diet, Imperial, in Japan, 2M ; consti- 
 tution of, 855, 274 ; functions of. 
 256, 274. 
 
 Dispensaries, charitable, India, 133. 
 D's^aliflcations, Japan abolished, 
 
 District Boards, India, 181. 
 District officers, India, 51: Import- 
 ance, of, 52. *^ 
 
 Dominicans, in Japan, 817. 
 
 Douglas, Professor, on China, 298- 
 opinion of Confucius, 312 ; on Em- 
 peror Chiaching, 383 ; on Minister 
 Ho, 324 ; on opium, 331 ; on origin 
 of Taiping rebellion, 3M : on prog- 
 ress of. 367, 370; on Imperial 
 Climeso Customs, 4.37. 
 
 Dowager, Chinese. (See Empresg.) 
 
 Doub^ standard formerly in inrfi^ 
 
 Dragon Throne, China, 303. 
 Drama, Hindu, 185. 
 Dufferin, Marquess, Oovemor-Oen- 
 _ eral, annexation of Ava, 195. 
 Dutch, In India, 12. 
 
 Dutch, in Japan, 200 ; behaviour to 
 Jewit Christiaoi, U9: trad* at 
 Nagawki, m • 
 
 E. 
 
 East India Company, China, 886; 
 trade under, 336. 
 
 East India Company, M; progress in 
 trade and empire, 24. 88 ; martial 
 exploiU, 34; in 1813, and 1SS.3, 
 trade altered, 68 ; but empire re- 
 mained, 58 ; magnitude or eervi- 
 ces, 56; in 1S58, aboltahed, 69; 
 memory of, 59. 
 
 Eart todia, men, diipe, il«. 
 
 Eccjesiaitlcal eetablishment, India, 
 83. 
 
 Economic con.iition, India, 1,W 
 
 Edicts, against Roman Catholics, Ja- 
 pan. 215. 
 
 Edkins, Dr., on opium, 831 
 
 Education, in China, 311, 312 ; charac- 
 ter of, 8S0. 
 
 Education, in India in old times, 137 ; 
 
 "1(5" Hindus, 80, 137 ; under Moo- 
 I??*?' 1.*' . beginning under 
 British rule, 188: progress of, 139 ; 
 charter of, bv Sir C. Wood, 140 
 Tillage schools, 148; colleges, 141 • 
 universities, 141; scholarships, 
 148; general result, 148 to 146. 
 Eduction in Japan, under feudalism, 
 887; at present time, 868; ele- 
 mentary, 873 ; superior and teoli- 
 nical, 273 ; apparent results, SM. 
 Elections, municipal, India, 130. 
 Elections, to Diet in Japan, 276 
 Electric telegraph, Indo-European, 
 118; in India, 125; submarine. 
 
 Electrical agency, Japan, 281. 
 Elgui, Earl, Governor-General, 195 ; 
 alfords help of troops to India, 
 S2J }\ Plenipotentiary, China, 
 878 ; takes Canton, 379 ; captures 
 Yeh, 379 ; concludes Treaty of 
 Tientsin, 880; final convention, 
 885; leaves mark on Pekin Pal- 
 ace, 380 ; memory of, 470 
 Elgim Earl (son), Govemor-General, 
 
 Ellenborou;-h, Earl, Governor-Gen- 
 eral, m 194 ; recaU, S8. 
 Elliot, at Canton, S40,84S: rrtlree to 
 
 Macao, 340. 
 Kills, traveller in China, 299. 
 Elphinstone, Lord, at Bombay, 68 
 Emperors of China, eminent, 800, 811. 
 tmpireof India, 1 ; about 1800, found- 
 t^' \ developed, 88 ; 
 
 4 to? ' I*'*"*''* dimraaloiu. 
 
 Empress, Queen of India, 50, 60. 
 Empress in 1800, Japan, 224. 
 Empress, Dowager, Chinese, 890: 
 regency of. 889 ; position of, in 
 reign of TungchI, ?90, 400; con- 
 tinued in reign of Kwanghsu, 403: 
 ill effects, 4,30. 
 EncyclopaBdia Britannlea, 86, 66. 
 Encyclopaedia Chinese, 810. 
 Envoys, Foreign, audience of Em- 
 peror of China, 400. 
 Esoteric Booddhism, 185. 
 European forces, India, 64; propor- 
 tion to native, 64 to 66, 75 ; charges 
 paid by India, 87. " 
 Europeans, corporation of traders, 
 35 ; territorial position, 36 ; end- 
 ing in Empire, m. 
 Europeans in chief ofHces, India, 87. 
 KuropeanisatioB of Japan, 184, 
 Ever victorlont amy, Chinese name, 
 
 ExamjutiOB, compoUtiTe China, 811, 
 
 Excise revenue, India, 160. 
 Kxclusiveness in Japan, 820, 227 
 Exeter Hail, special meeting, 451 
 
INDEX. 
 
 487 
 
 Faithful prince, Taiping, end of, 895. 
 
 Famine fa Indiii. W7, 178; in past 
 times, 106; dealt with in recent 
 times, lOe ; in China, 406. 
 
 Far East, 
 
 Female education, India, 139. 
 Female infanticide, India, 20, 97. 
 Feudalism in Japan. (.See Shogu- 
 nate.) 
 
 Feudatories of Indian Empire, 65. 
 
 Finance, British India, 170 ; reclioned 
 in Its. X, 158 ; revenue and ex- 
 penditure, 160 ; heads of income, 
 161, 102; capital outlay, 153; pa- 
 per ourrency, 168 ; .silver and 
 gold, 1C9 ; compared wilhflnanoes 
 of Mogul Emptre, 171. 
 
 Finance. Chinese, 313; defects of, 
 463,461; comparison with Japan 
 and India, 461 ; Japanese, 283 ; 
 revenue and public debt, ii88. 
 
 Fooohow, Chinaao nantl disaater, 
 
 415. 
 
 Foreign devils, Chinese phrase, 34S. 
 Forest department, India, 111. 
 Forestry conservancy, India, 100. 
 Formosa, end of Japanese i.slands, 
 
 197, 200 ; once belonging to Cliina, 
 
 896,298. 
 
 Fowler, Sir Henry, OD currency ewB- 
 mission, lO'J. 
 
 France, relations with Slam. 46 ; pol 
 icy in Tonking and Cc^^hin China, 
 414, 41S ; supports Russia in 
 China, 489; favours retropeailon 
 of Llaotung, 438; demands In 
 consequence, 432. 
 
 Franciscans in Japan, 217. 
 
 French, the, early days in India, 11 ; 
 dominion broken in India, 11 ; at 
 Canton, 351 ; allies in second 
 Chinese war, 883; in and about 
 Tonking, 414. 
 
 Frere, Sir Bartle, In Sindh, 68. 
 
 Frontiers of India, 88 ; by sea, 88, 89 ; 
 by land on north, 39; protected 
 by nature, 89; by hills on north- 
 west. 40 ; war and ptriksy there, 40 
 to 46; by Chla* and Slam on 
 East, 46. 
 
 Fry, anti-opium, 8G9. 
 
 Ku. borough, Japan, 268. 
 
 Fuhkien, China, events at, 418. 
 
 Future state, idea Hindu. 190 ; OhI- 
 nese, 819 ; Japanese, 870. 
 
 Fuji-Yama, or FuimSaa, mountain in 
 Japan, m 
 
 Qaekwar. Mahratta, 11, 85 ? subdued 
 l>y British, 88, 66 ; praSbdt posi- 
 tion, 175. 
 
 Qalotia, Buasiao, tn Japan, ZX, 
 
 Ganges, river, India, 6 ; canal from, 
 109. 
 
 Oangetie plain, 6, 18, 4& 
 
 Gazetteers, Chinese, 810. 
 
 Geological Survey India, 111. 
 
 Genghiz Khan, his war in China, 891. 
 
 Germany, first appearance In Far 
 East, 428 ; begins by joining 
 Russia and France, 4!» ; seises 
 Kiaochow, 488 : Joins Britain in 
 loan to China, 486. 
 
 Ghaut mountains, eastern, 6 ; west* 
 em, 6. 
 
 Giflfen, on Indian population, 177. 
 
 filynn. Commodore, Japan, 229k 
 
 ( ioa, Portuguese, 33. 
 
 Gold Standard, India, 170. 
 
 Gordon, called Chinese, 892 ; ap> 
 pointed to act against Taipings, 
 393 ; commands ever victorious 
 army, 392 ; affair at Soochow, .T,t:), 
 394 ; terminates Taiping rebel- 
 lion, 395 ; greatness of his ser- 
 vices, 895. 
 
 Oough, Sir Hugh, proceedings in 
 China, 318 ; memory of, 470. 
 
 Oovernora' Councils, 47, 61. 
 
 Governors-General during century, 
 m, 195. ' 
 
 Governor-General of India, 50. 
 
 Governors, Madras and Bombay, 4a 
 
 Gregory XIII. receives Japiwesa 
 Princes at Rome. 217 
 
 Guaranteed Railways, India, IIB. 
 
 Gujerathi, iauguage, 181. 
 
 Gurkhas of Nepd, 8, 66 ; war with 
 British, 88 ; possible ambitkMk. TO ; 
 present position, 176. 
 
 Ourney, anti-opium, 880, 
 
 Gwriior, ooBtiBfeBt, «. 
 
 Haillybury, EUkst India College. 67. 
 Hainan, Chinese island, 2<.i3, 2<Hi. 
 Halifax, Viscount. (See Wood.) 
 Hardinge, Viscount, Governor-Gen- 
 eral, 194. 
 
 Hart, head of Imperial Chinese mar- 
 itime customs, 437. 
 
 Hastings, Marquess, 27, 89. 
 
 Hastings, Warren, first Governor. 
 General, 84 ; forerunner of Em> 
 
 _ pire, 87 ; official labours, 48. 
 
 HtadBMa, viUage. India, 68. 
 
 "Ito^fy Xing," Taipiiv, end of, 
 
 Herat, Importanoe of , 48, 41, 4S ; post- 
 
 Herschel, Lord, on currency commis- 
 sion, 169. 
 
 HideyoshI, feudal warrior, Japan, 
 20.% 223 ; invades Korea, 811 : set 
 against Christians, 817. 
 
 High couru in India, 9i. 
 
 Hlmalajra, moaatains, 4, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Hindus, India, 7 ; In castes, 8 ; 
 affected by Western education, 
 147 ; present State, 180 ; their 
 MTeral languages, 181 ; their 
 humbler ca.<iteg, 183 ; their priest- 
 hood, 18S, 184 ; their mental orie- 
 Inality, 185; their philosophfc 
 tendencies, 188: their Vedic reli- 
 gion, 18T ; their ratlonallstio un- 
 rest, 18S ; their idsMOf the future 
 sUte, 190 ; their ntjwtio theism. 
 190. 
 
 Hinduism, India, 8. 
 Hindustani, language, 65. 
 Uitotsubashi, appointed Shogun, 241 : 
 
 last of the Shogung, 213. 
 Ho, Chinese minister, 8S5 : Hoang-Ho. 
 „ river, 891 ; bMln it. *k * ' 
 Hod^r's biognMithir of BhAfteahnry, 
 
 Holkar, Mahratta, 11, 96 ; subdued by 
 
 British, ST, W ; present position, 
 178. 
 
 Rondo, main Island, Japan, 188. 
 Hong Kong, situation of. 892, 2!)6 ; 
 
 ceded to Britain, 349 ; developed. 
 
 851. 
 
 Hong Won, repute of. In Chlaa, 881. 
 
 Hope-Grant, Gcnpr.il, In CUna, 88S ; 
 memory of, 470. 
 
 Hospitals, India, 133. 
 
 Hsienfeng, Emperor of China, S8S to 
 887 ; incompetence duringTaipIng 
 rebellion, 863 ; provokes s< :ond 
 Chinese war, 880, 883 ; tlies I'ekin 
 on British approach, SH5 ; rattfiea 
 convention of peace, 385; diea at 
 Jehol, 387. 
 
 Human sacrifices, India, SO, 97, 
 
 Hunter, Sir William, "Indian En.. 
 
 Eire," 84; on Marquess Wellesley, 
 I ; on Marquess Comwallis, 20 ; 
 on Marquess Hastings, 28 ; on 
 economic conditions of India, 80. 
 H/offo. port Of. a>7 ; M, m 
 
 I. 
 
 lemoehl, Shomn, under Regency. 
 
 837: hisdOTth.aiO. ' 
 lenarl, Shogun. in 1800, at Yedo, 224 ; 
 
 feudal system, iimlor liim, 224 ; 
 
 his resignation and death, 228. 
 lesada, Shogun, 231. 
 leyasu, feudal head Shogun of Japan, 
 
 206; his conduct. 807; makes 
 
 pet.ce with Korea, 811 ; persecutes 
 
 Christians, 818. 
 leyoshl, Shogun, 231, 228 ; sees Ampr- 
 
 icang approach his Capital, 2;»; 
 
 his death, 231. 
 Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs. 
 
 4OT; " China's only honest asset," 
 
 Indemnity wmr, OhiM and Japan, 
 
 India, dimensions, 1 ; area and land- 
 scape, 3 to a. 9 ; peoptCL 7, 177; 
 aparchy just before British rule, 
 18 to 17 ; dawn of nineteenth cen- 
 tury, 84; noon of century, 78; 
 evening of century, 178 ; constitu- 
 tional gov^-nment, 47, 78; reign 
 of law, 78, 90 ; municipal self gov- 
 ernmeut, 126; landed Interests, 
 107 ; frontiers, 38 ; armies, 61, 86 : 
 material progress, 109, 114 ; trade, 
 181 ; finance, 170 ; education, 137 ; 
 moral and mental condition, 179, 
 188; several Asiatic conditions. 
 179, 183, 186, 190; Christianity 
 148,1.50. 
 
 India office, London, defrayed ty In- 
 dia, 87. 
 
 Indian Caucasus, mountains, 4, 44. 
 Indian statistics, publication, 96, 181^ 
 145. 
 
 Indigo, Industry, India, 184. 
 Indo Saracenic Architecture, 187. 
 Indus river, 6. 
 
 Industrial arts, China, 818, 817. 
 Industrial arts, India, 21 ; greatness 
 of, 88. 
 
 Industrial arts, Japan, 811, 818 ; artis- 
 tic eharaoter, MS, 186 ; proapecu 
 
 or, 88B. 
 Infanticide, female, 80. 
 Inland sea, Japan, 199. 
 Inundation, canals, India, 109. 
 Ir.iwaddy river, Burma, 7, 89, 88. 
 Irrigation works, India, 109. 
 Islam. (See Muhammadan.) 
 lalsa aad idato of JapMmar. 
 
 J a ins,^ ancient, 8; present condition, 
 Jamna rlv t, 6. 
 
 Japan, or Japon, origin of name, 198 : 
 MW of. 196 to 199 ; aspect of, 828, 
 M4 ; islands of, 197, 800 ; past his- 
 tory of, 202 ; feudal system in, 
 805,943; recent constitution, «aj 
 new civilisation, 273 to 277. 
 
 Japanese people, the, 800; former 
 character, 210. 211, 8J8 ; new dis- 
 position, 2C0. 284 ; valour and en- 
 durance, 2m, 278; artistie tem- 
 perament, 813, 888. 
 
 JehoLuear Peking, evaata at. 886,887. 
 
 Jaa^ta la China, 8<n,«M: taeir 
 fluence, 805, 808. 
 
 Jesuits In Japan, 818, >]& 
 
 Jhansi, native state, Indiai tl. 
 
 Jhelum river, 6. 
 
 JuJ;,'ps, British India, European. 
 
 !>:. ; Native. 95. 
 Judicature department, Japan, 887. 
 Judicial system, India, 91, W, 
 Jrry, triJ by, in India. 98. 
 J iitM factoriaa, loaiM^m. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 489 
 
 K. 
 
 Kaffosblma, Japan, bombarded, 8SB. 
 
 KiOidaga, Sanskrit poet, UB. 
 
 Kama Kura, feudal reaidHiM at Tori- 
 
 tomo. Japan, 306. 
 Xamptachatka, beginning of Japan- 
 
 OM islands, 906. 
 Kamon-no-Kami, ShoKun ragwt, 
 
 Japan, 287; asHMrinatod, M. 
 Kanarese, 181. 
 
 Kangbsl, Emperor of China, 600 ; Us 
 attitude towards Christianity, 
 806; bis reign, 818 ; his dictionary, 
 
 Kashgaria, in Chinese limits, SOS. 
 
 Ken, district, Japan, SBS. 
 
 Keying, employed At Tiaotain, 180: 
 
 his fate, 881. 
 Khyber pass, Indian, fronUer, 80. 
 Kiaoehow, Qemaan station, in China, 
 
 891. 
 
 Kin, dynasty at Peking, 8M. 
 KinRcbow, in Hainan, treaty port, 
 381. * »~ . 
 
 KUhSn. Chinese Minister, his fate, 
 34C. 348 ; makes first treaty, 847. 
 
 Kobe, in .Tapan, 199. 
 
 Komei, Emperor Japan, death, 841. 
 
 Korea, position of, near China, 290, 
 M; inTaded, by Japan. 211 ; rela- 
 tions with China and Japan, 419 : 
 eause of war between China and 
 Japan, 418 ; pres<>ut position, 422. 
 
 Kotow, Chinese meaning of, 886. 
 
 Kowloon, near Hoaickon(. osditd to 
 Britain, 386 ; ooonptod mm Hoag 
 Kong. 486. 
 
 Kublal, Mongol, his rule in China,S94. 
 
 Kung, Prince at Peking, 886 ; his able 
 conduct, 887, 888; Joint Regent, 
 for infant Tungchich, 890 ; Pres- 
 ident of Tsung Li Tamen, 391 ; 
 
 5ood conduct at Tientsin, 400; 
 ismissed and reinstated, 40a 
 Kurraobl, near Indus mouth, 18, 89. 
 Kurilo, Wands taken by Japaa, HI. 
 Kwangbsu, Emperor, 408 : under re- 
 gency of Dowager Empresses, 
 4^1 ; treaty In his name with Rus- 
 'a, 410: coming of age, 418 ; pres- 
 
 jshu, island of Japan, 189, 900. 
 i.yoto, in Japan, once imperial capi- 
 tal, 199 ; Emperors, court at, 840, 
 242 ; Imperial government settled 
 there, 941, 840 ; transferred to 
 Tokjro^ 948. 
 
 Z<and rerenue, asMHment of, lOt, 
 IM: MttlMMBt oC, lOTi Moonit 
 
 Land, tenures of. (See Property.) 
 
 Languages, several, India, 181. 
 
 Lake, Lord, in Upper Indiik, 85. 
 
 lAkes of irrigaUon, India, iOt, Ut. 
 
 Lansdowne, Marquess, OoTemor^tai* 
 eral, 195. 
 
 Lactase, Chinese philosopher, 801. 
 
 Law Commission, in India, 92; in 
 England for India, 99. 
 
 Lawrence brothers in Panjab, 49. 
 
 Lawrence, John (Lord), 49; in Fan- 
 Jab, 70; signal aeriioes, 71: on 
 personal nue, 79 ; OoTemor-QW' 
 eral, 195. 
 
 Lawrence, Sir Henry, in the Panjabt 
 49 ; at Lucknow, death, 68. 
 
 Legge, religions of China. 301. 
 
 Legislative councils in India, 93. 
 
 Legislation in India, character of. 
 9L 
 
 Leries, native, in India, 64. 
 
 Lexicography, Chinese, 810. 
 
 Li Hung Chang, commander against 
 Taipings, 895; against Nleiifel 
 rebels, 396 ; disbands the (lordon 
 force, 895 ; his political conduct, 
 895, 407 ; plenipotentiary to Japan, 
 426; concludes peace <\fter the 
 war, 487. 
 
 Liaotung, gulf, 890; peninsula, 290; 
 overrun by Japanese, 424 ; cession 
 and retroceRsion, 427, 423 ; conse- 
 quences of, 131, 488. 
 
 Liberty, civil and religious, in India, 
 82, 84 ; of the press in India, 84. 
 
 Libraries, Japan publio, 878. 
 
 Lien Chow, seized by Tnaem from 
 Tonquin, 486. 
 
 Lieutenant-Oovemors in India, 49; 
 first in North-western provinces, 
 49 ; then in Bengal and Panjab, 
 49; lastly in Burma, 47. 
 
 Lin, Commissioner, at Canton, 840 ; 
 seizes the opium, 840. 
 
 Literati in Cbma, 806; influence 
 China, »8, 809, 810; hostUs to 
 Hong Kcnf treaty, 851 ; obstacles 
 to improvement and progress, 
 449. 
 
 Li . irature, Chinese, 809; itscharao- 
 ter and effect, 810 ; Indian, mod- 
 tm, 146: lUekwMtor, MT; jMa> 
 87S; ittOTMaiac abnndaiioa, 
 
 Litigation in India, 96. 
 Loan, Chinese, for indemnity *o Ja- 
 pan, 434 ; raised by Britain and 
 Germany, 486. 
 Local committees, India, 187 ; boards. 
 
 181 ; self-govemmMt, ia>. 
 Loch, imprlsoned_at Fsnag, 884, 
 
 memory of, flD. 
 London Missionary Society, IBI. 
 Loyalty of utlvaa to BMUdi nla, 
 m ; «drtta« am in MM elMaM^ 
 198; iB othw olMiHlw^ iafc ^ 
 
490 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Lucknow, erenta at, 08, 7S ; court or, 
 
 I'T'^Sir Alfred, "A^tio Studies," 
 
 Lytton, Earl, Governor-Opiifral, 196 : 
 •econd Afphan wnr, U ; Kmpira 
 procioimed (,t Delhi, 60. 
 
 M. 
 
 Macao, PortUKiipso, 296; occupied by 
 
 British, li27. 
 Mac.'irtiipy, pmbassy to China, .'Jl.'O 
 Macauiay, Lord, io India, S3 ; work in 
 
 Penal Code, 96; on education, 
 
 Macgowan, on opium, 830. 
 
 *^'i^**'.^'"'"*'''*'''cy, 18; army nf, 61, 
 03; fauiUiral riots in, Ifil 
 
 Mahratta, Kin[iin> in India, 10; wars 
 British, 23. 26, 28 ; guper- 
 seded by British Empire, 28. 
 
 Mahrattaa, nationality, 8, 15 ; confed- 
 eration. So ; posisible ambition of, 
 To ; present disposition of, 192. 
 
 Manchuria, 890, 2»6. 
 
 Manchus, from Manchuria, 290 ; dyn- 
 asty founded, 294; character of. 
 ...I ; popular feeling towards, SGI, 
 
 Munilalay, 48. 
 
 Mali larins, in China, 805, 448, 440; 
 oommi.ssion of, touching Chris- 
 tianity, W. 
 
 Marco Polo, in Japan, m. 
 
 Margary, murder of, 404, 405. 
 
 Marria;?e, early, universal India, 135. 
 
 Marsh man, missionary, 149. 
 
 Martin, Montgomery, on opium, a5(S: 
 testimony of povernment to, 1,55. 
 
 Mason. (See Chambertain, guide 
 book.) 
 
 Matheson, commander, in Japan, 223 
 Mayo, Earl, Goremor-OenenQ, 198. 
 Medhurst, missionary, ChiBaTilB. 
 Meerut, mutiny at, 6S. 
 Mekhonc, riw, M, M; tlw franch 
 
 on, 414. 
 Merve, 43. 
 
 Metcalfe, Sir Charles, QovwDftr-Oeii. 
 
 eral, 104. 
 
 Metropolitan, In India, 155. 
 
 Mikaiio, Kmporor of Japan, 203 • of 
 bhinto faith, 208, 209; Booddhlst 
 nisi), 209 ; his court at Kycto, 225 ; 
 Emperor, 241; hig death, «1 ; 
 Mutsuhito succeeds, 341 ; is still 
 roicrninp, 803; ratifies treaties 
 with foreigners, 241. 
 
 Ming dynasty In China, 890, 2i>4 ; re- 
 pute of, 321. 
 
 Mint, Indian, 156, 170; closed against 
 coinapre of silver, 100. 
 
 Mi»»fonaries condemn opium in 
 China, S53. 
 
 Missionaries in India, Government 
 
 testiinonv, 15.5. 
 Missions in China, 4,51, 468; Romao 
 Catholic, 4,51 ; Protestant, 483, 
 
 Catholic, 149; Protestant, 1.51 to 
 ?r* 'JP Japan. 271 ; Roman Catlio- 
 lie, 27-J ; I'rotpstant, 272 
 Mission, Freiicli Kouiau Catholic, out- 
 
 rage on, 399. 
 Mito, Duimyo of, 237 
 Mogul, Emperor, 6, 28; Empire, IS. 
 Moira, Earf of, 8?, (See Hastings.) 
 Mongol invasion of China, 294 
 Mongolia, in Chinese Umits, 888, 898. 
 Monopoly trade. East India Com. 
 
 pany, 327, 328. 
 Montgomery, Sir Robert, in Panjab, 
 
 Moollas, Arabic instruction, 187. 
 
 fndTa?nM16*' ^P*"*- 
 Mori Arinori,' Japan, murdered, 854. 
 ^lorgscn. American ship in Japan, 
 
 Morrison, missionary, China, 4581 
 Jloslems, H, 40. *»• 
 Moslem colleges, 20. 
 Moukden, home of Manchus, 895 
 Moulvee, conspirator Oudh, 74 
 
 899""*^*°' China, 398, 
 
 Muhammadiins in India, 8; from 
 V'^P>'"a' Asia, 8 ; indigenous in 
 India, 8 ; their present faith, 180. 
 Muhammerah, British force at, 45 
 Municipal idea it India, 128 ; corpo- 
 
 5"«'^Sa '• public works, 
 
 128, 129 ; reTenues, WO. 
 ""nidpaUties, number of, In India, 
 
 Muiray, Dr., on J,ipan, 197, 827 ; on 
 the R.imurais, 203 ; on leyasii 200 • 
 on persecution of Christians,' 818 : 
 °° of Korea, 213 ; on the 
 
 early Shoguns, 222, 88! ; on im- 
 perial reception, £17. 
 Mutinies, Sepoy Indian, 63 ; in 1867, 
 
 Vl^lTlla^Si ^' outbreak of 
 Dear Delhi «7- partial in Panjab. 
 0- extent of Northern India, 68 : 
 
 — .... v.*,., u AdUlCk, UO . 
 
 suppression of, 71, 73 ; consequent 
 war 72, 73 ; causes of their •VMtt&^ 
 '3 : lessons therefrom, 74. 
 Mutsuhito, Emperor, begins to reign. 
 : »t „iCyoto, 246 ; confirm 
 treaties, ai7 ; meeu foreign rnt>. 
 resentatlves, 347; constitutliJn 
 framed, 247 ; moves to Yedo, 247 ; 
 Yedo name chanijed to -fokio 
 
 Vh^'„f iS*'"*',. Christians 
 a^f'idoned, 848; takes Charter 
 oath, 248 ; convenes deliberative 
 assembly, 249 ; abolishas feudal 
 Dslmyos, 249 ; remoTMMOial dis* 
 quaiiftcation, SSO) miKi 
 
INDEX. 
 
 491 
 
 mercial treaty with Koraa, 250 ; 
 suppresses 8atsuma rebellion, 
 25i ; promulprates new constitu- 
 tion, 253 ; accepts constitutional 
 monarchy, 254 ; declares war 
 against China. 260 ; thanks army 
 and navy, 2C3 ; receives thanks 
 from his diet, 3G:t ; his constitu- 
 tional position, 275 ; his relations 
 with the diet, 275 ; his ministers 
 and councillors, 275 ; hia prarog- 
 •tive to dissolve, 276. 
 Mfon, Hindu St«t«. 85, 65, 17«. 
 
 N. 
 
 Nagasaki, seaport hi Japan, SCO; 
 Christians persecuted there, 219. 
 
 Nagpore, State, 80, 60 ; force, irreg- 
 ular, 6B ; railway to Calcutta, 114. 
 
 Kankiog, old capital of China, 292 ; 
 approached by British squadron, 
 848 ; oppressed by Taipings, 
 STi. 
 
 Kapier, lord, mission to China, 337, 
 
 388 ; proceedings at Canton, 339 ; 
 
 death at Hacao, 840. 
 Napier, Sir Charles, in Sind, 29, 48. 
 Napolaoa in., policy In China, SSB, 
 National adueatlon, India, 148. 
 Native bankers.is. 
 Native Bar, India, 96. 
 Native Princes, India, during war of 
 
 mutinies, 75. 
 Native Princesses, historic, 189. 
 Native States, India, 38, 65 ; number 
 
 of, M ; description of, 175 : their 
 
 position, 178 ; their troops, 177 ; 
 
 their progress and loyalty, 176, 
 
 177. 
 
 Kativi^s of India under British ruin, 
 79 to 89 ; some share in adminis- 
 tration, 80 ; promotion iu public 
 service, 184; litigious dispositions, 
 96 ; general conduct, 80 ; religious 
 tendencies, 183, 187 ; acquiescence 
 in British rule, 81 ; how far loyal, 
 198. 
 
 Naval squadron Indian waters, 87 ; 
 cost defrayed by India, 87. 
 
 Navy, Chinese, antiquated, 313, 314 ; 
 attempts at reform, 417 ; failure 
 in action, 4SU ; present inslgnifl- 
 cance, 459. 
 
 Navy, Indian, under company, 61. 
 
 Navy, Japanese, SS9 : new organisa- 
 tion, 260 ; tested by war with 
 China, 262 ; patriotic result, 263 j 
 present strength, 28;? ; Lord 
 Charles Beresford's testimony ,882. 
 
 Nelll, General India, 7S. 
 
 Nepal, on Chinese frontiw, 898 ; In 
 Himalayas, 66 ; present oondltion 
 of, 175. 
 
 Nerbudda, river, India. 6, 
 
 Nastoriaa»in Iadia« U». 
 
 New Chwang, port of, 441 ; position 
 of, 442 : politics of, 44S. 
 
 Nichiren, Booddhist preacher, tOt. 
 
 Nicholson, Oeneral John, India, 71. 
 
 NIenfei, rebellion (China), 896 ; sup- 
 pressed by lii Hung Chang, 896. 
 
 Nlkko, in Japan, 196. 
 
 Nilglrl (Neelghei-ry) HUU, India, 85. 
 
 Nippon, or Dal Nippon, see Japan, 
 196 ; main island, 197. 
 
 Nizam, of Hyderabad, 10, 86; his 
 |<>sltion, 65, 176 ; his contingent, 
 
 North'brook, Earl, famine poUcy, 108 ; 
 
 Goveraor-Oaneral, ItB. 
 North-W«at«ll ^TlMM, lam, 48, 
 
 Oath, Charter by Emperor at Japan, 
 
 849 ; to constituUon, 868. 
 Ochterlony, Sir David, Nepal, 28. 
 O'CoDor, at Peking, on opium, 34B, 
 Okubo of Japan murdered, 868. 
 Oojeln. ancient Indian dty, 187. 
 Oorya language, 181. 
 Open door, favored by Britain, 4M ; 
 
 Opium in China, 330 ; Royal Commis- 
 siuu, 330, 888 ; Professor Douglas 
 on, 831 ; Report by Royal Com- 
 mission, 868 ; dissent by Mr. Wil- 
 son, member, 868, 856 ; conclu- 
 sions of Royal Commission, 886 ; 
 Lord Ashley on opiuin,866, 860. 
 
 Opium In India, 161 to 168 ; rsTenue 
 from, 169 ; Royal CommlKlon on, 
 161 ; composition of, 182 ; report 
 by, 168 ; Substance of, 16S ; con- 
 clusions of, 164 ; dissent by Mr. 
 Wilson, 165 ; his conclusions, 166. 
 167 ; reception of Report by Par- 
 liament, iflB; war, a miaiiomer, 
 841. 
 
 Ordu. lanKuage. (Sm Hiadoatanl.) 
 Oriental Utaratore, modwa, India, 
 
 116, 
 
 Originality, Hindu, question of, 186. 
 
 Orissa, canals of, 110 ; province of, 85. 
 
 Osaka, city in Japan, 199 ; Jesuit set- 
 tlement at, 216 ; Shocrnn castle at, 
 840, 212 ; arsenal at, iK. 
 
 Oudh, Kingdom, 81, 50 : WMiUOB ia 
 war of mutiniefi, 72, 13,74. 
 
 Outram, In India, Ti. 
 
 Uxus, rivw, 44. 
 
 Falmerston, efforts dorinK Indian 
 
 mutinies, 7S. 
 Pamir, plateau, 44. 
 Panchkyet, or Panch, India, 136, 187. 
 PamUtiiiMskrit, in. 
 
492 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Panjab, importance, 30 ; poiltlon in 
 war of mutinies, 40, 49. 
 
 Panjim, or New Ooa, 11. 
 
 Pant bay, in Yunnan, rebels, 380. 
 
 Paper currency, India, 168. 
 
 Paramount power, In India, SS. 
 
 Pariah, parochial system, India, M. 
 
 Farkea, Sir Harry, 247; envoy to 
 Japan, W7; meets Emperor at 
 Kyoto, S47 ; imprisoned at PeUiur. 
 884, 885; British Minister atFi^ 
 king, 471 ; memory of, 470. 
 
 Parseea, India, 191. 
 
 Patriarchal rule, ideal, India, 79. 
 
 Patriotism, Chinese, quality of, 400 : 
 
 _ advane Inatonces, 349, OS. 
 
 Fax Britannica, India. 191. 
 
 Peasant proprietors, India. 19; In 
 Northern India, 108, 104 ; in Bom- 
 bay, Deccan, 107 ; in Japan. 8fi8 : 
 in China, 318. »»^«». 
 Pease, Sir Joseph, Anti-opiimi, 188. 
 PechilUee, Qull, SU ; iu importance. 
 291,844; Britain. mitnSt^^ 
 not Russia, 486. 
 Peel, Sir Robert, on opium, 860. 
 Peel, Sir William, in India, 79. 
 Peiru, province of, annexed, 81. 
 Peiho, river, British squadron at, *8t>. 
 882, 384. 
 
 Petshwa. Brahmin, 11 ; the. 26. 
 
 Peking, Gazette, 841. 
 
 P«"nK. modem capital, China, 290 ; 
 in Taokwang's reign, 885,836; oc- 
 cupied by Anglo-French, Sai; 
 mark left on it, 888; subsequent 
 events at, 887. 
 
 Penal Code, India, 96. 
 
 Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navi- 
 gation Company, 117. 
 
 Permanent settlement, India, 90; 
 Bengal, Behar, Benares, 101. 
 
 Perry, Commodore, Yedo, 230, ass- 
 delivered letter and departs, 8S4: 
 returns in toroa and edwliidea 
 treaty, 285, M; ooiiMqttamsea of 
 that, 237. 
 
 Persia, in relation to India, 48; war 
 with, 45, 46 : gulf, naval work in, 
 
 _ 61 ; gulf, politics of, 45. 
 
 FMhawar, position of, 89. 
 
 Pindaris, robber chiefs, 16 ; war with, 
 26. 
 
 Pingyang, in Korea, 428. 
 Piracy in Chinese waters, 814. 821. 
 Pirates of Formosa. 327. 
 Pitt, the Minister, 27. 
 
 Plague in India, 185, 178. 
 P»6miu, great,of Chinese Empire, 889, 
 S2 ; ."^conquest of, by Chineao. 
 
 4U9, 410. 
 
 Pole, Mr., on Booddhism, 989. 
 Police organisation, India, 96. 
 Poadicherry, French, 8S. 
 
 ^"'ciuna.aSu'*' ***''* **> 
 
 Population, India, number of, U; 
 growth of, 177, 178 ; averare (Uitv 
 
 ^ ity to square mile, 179. 
 
 Pbrt Arthur, situation of, 291 ; cap- 
 tared by Japanese, 424 ; restored 
 to China, 428; leased to Russia, 
 436. 
 
 Port Blair, convict senlemmt, lOOl 
 
 Port Trusts, India, 188. 
 
 Ports. (See Treaty.) 
 
 Portuguese, in India, 11 ; tttti In Brit- 
 ish India, 148. 
 
 Portugal reoatvea Japanew Chris- 
 tiana, 216. 
 
 Poms. King, 6. 
 
 Post Offlce, India, 121, 123. 
 
 Presbyterian Miasions in the Eaat, 
 
 Presidendea, three, in India, 47 ; Ben- 
 gal, Hadras and Bombay, 49. 
 
 Press, native, India, 84. 185 ; liberty 
 of, 84 ; conduct of, 165 ; in Japan, 
 
 275i. 
 
 Priesthood, India, Hindu, 184 ; China, 
 80B; without influence, 80B: 
 Japan, 969, 270. 
 
 Prisons, administration of, India, 99. 
 
 Property, in land, India, 10 ; its an- 
 aent status, 105: depressed by 
 anarchy, 19 ; revival under Brit- 
 ish rule, 20 ; restored and estab- 
 lished, 106. 
 
 Pro^oea, eighteen, Chlneae list of, 
 
 PuUlehMrith,lBdU,U6. 
 
 Queen, the, assumes government of 
 India, 59 ; issues proclamation, 
 59 ; declares India to be an £m- 
 SB : aetsapUUtteot KnpreH, 
 
 RaflSes, Sir Stamford, on opium, •»6. 
 Railways, in British India, 114 ; be- 
 ginning of, 114 ; progress and ex- 
 tent of, 114; constitution of, 115; 
 outlay on, 115 ; general value of, 
 118; on native states, 115: on 
 north-western frontier, 42 ; hi Ja- 
 pan, 978 ; progress and extent of, 
 278; in China, 440; constructed, 
 440 ; projected by Russia. 438 ; by 
 Anglo-Italian syndicate. 43S ; by 
 Franco-Belgian company. 438 ; 
 by Germany, 489; by Britain. 
 J* ;*>y France, 489 ; summary by 
 Lord Charles Beresford, 440; 
 Russian and British Ihies at Liao 
 KTilf, 441 ; bearing on Mew- 
 chwang, 441 ; agreement between 
 Britain and Russia, 442. 
 Bojput. states of, M, W, tMr 
 
INDEX. 
 
 ■Ubtltty, 78; preMnt position, 
 
 m 
 
 RaDfcooD. la Burma, 7, 31 ; port of, 
 
 133. 
 
 Ranjit SiDfch, ruler, Panjab. 88. 
 Rebellion, India. (See HuUniee. ) 
 Rebellion, Japan. (Bm Hatwima aai 
 Saigon.) 
 
 Rebellion, China. (See Taiping, 
 fienfel.) 
 
 Rebellion. (See Mubammadan and 
 Panthay.) 
 
 RegUtratlon of deeds, India, 06; of 
 richta and tenures of land, 104. 
 
 R«KuIation for land Bettlements, lOS. 
 
 Regulations, company's, India, 80. 
 
 Reign of law, India, 78, 79, 90. 
 
 Relief of distress, Japan, i!68. 
 
 Religion. (See Christianity; Hindu- 
 ism ; Booddhlsm ; Indians, Chi- 
 nese, Japanese.) 
 
 Religion, department of, Japan, au. 
 
 Ral^ogg, MTeral of tti* Cuimm, 800 
 
 Religious Tract Society, 1E2. 
 Revenue, SurTeys, 104, 111. 
 Revenues, of British India, 1S9, 160 ; 
 
 from land, 180, 161 ; from salt, 
 
 161 ; from opium, 161. 
 RIoci, MattlMW, In China, 808, 806. 
 Elpog. Q«T«orW-. 
 
 Rites, Inhuman, mpprMMd in India, 
 63. 
 
 Roads, India, in past times, 118, 113 ; 
 in recent times. 114. 
 
 Roman Emperors, 8. 
 
 Ronin. Japanese aoldlen of fortune^ 
 338 ; their misdeadi, 840. 
 
 Rose, Sir Hugh, la India, 78. 
 
 Rupee, in India, 166; former value, 
 156 ; subsequent depreciation, 157; 
 new reckoning in rupees Z, 158. 
 
 Russia, in Central Asia, 29 ; cause of 
 first Afghan war, 29, 42 ; moving 
 towards Herat, 43; ditScultlea 
 of advance, 46; in Turkonunla, 
 46; on the Oxua, 44; on the 
 Pamir, 44; intrigues at (;aubul, 41. 
 
 Russia, on Chinese frontier, 291, 89S ; 
 proceedings in HI 111, Mongolia, 
 409 ; concludes treaty with China, 
 410 ; favours retrocession of Llao- 
 tung, 438; proposea railway 
 through Buncnuiia. 411; on to 
 Port Arthur and IMlenwan, 432 ; 
 obtains lease of Port Arthur, 436 ; 
 makes agreement with Britain 
 about railways in (Thina, 4481 
 
 Bttisia, OD Japan f rontiar, lU ; Use 
 •t Ba^aliwi, 851. 
 
 a 
 
 Sacrlflces, human, India, 80. 
 
 booadary betwsw C^am 
 
 and Japan, 851 ; taken by Russia, 
 
 861. 
 
 Salgo, of Satsuma, 944; his •mploT- 
 ment in Formosa, 880 ; hia f s b w 
 
 lioi. and death, 861 to 888. 
 
 Sailing vessels, India, 117. 
 
 Salt revenue, India, ISO, 161. 
 
 Salween, river, Burmah, 80; British 
 frontier, 46. 
 
 Samurai, feudal retainers, Japan, 
 803 ; their character, 804 : their 
 conduct in reference to foreign 
 treaties, 235: their opposition to 
 reform, 281, 868 ; their conduct at 
 Kyoto, 840. 
 
 Sankolinsln, General, at Tientsin, 
 370. 
 
 Sanskrit Instruction, 137. 
 
 Sarva .Tanik Sabha, religion, Bom- 
 bay, 187. 
 
 Satara, native state, India, 81. 
 
 Sati, In India, SOi (8m Wldow-boni' 
 ing.) 
 
 Satlej, river, 6. 
 
 Satsuma, district of, Japan, SOO, 801 ; 
 ceramic art introduced from 
 Korea, 211 ; Daimyo of, 240, 251 ; 
 rebelUon In, 252, 8Si. 
 
 Savings banks, India, 168. 
 
 Scholar^^a, state-supported, India, 
 
 Sehwarts, missionanr. India, 14B. 
 
 Scotland, Church of, missions, India, 
 188. 
 
 Scotland, Free Church, missions, 
 
 India, 168. 
 Sea-borne trade, 18. (See Trade.) 
 Seki-ga-ham, battle of, Japan, 806. 
 SaU-gvernaiMt, mnnlcipal, India, 
 
 Senates, universities, India, 148. 
 
 Sepoy mutinies, 82, 63 to 6b. 
 
 Sepoys of three armies, India, 6S; 
 their numbers, 64, 66; of the Ben- 
 gal army, 66, 67, 69 ; in the Pan- 
 lab, 07, 68 : of the Bombay army, 
 08 ; of If adraa army, 60. 
 
 Serlnganatam, fall of, 11. 
 
 Seton Karr, life of ComwaUis, 87. 
 
 Settlement, landed, India, lOS, 104; 
 progress of, 105; effects of, 106, 
 
 for. 
 
 Shadow, Shoguns, Japan, 82S. 
 Shaftesbury, Earl, on opium, 868 to 
 
 861. (See Ashley.) 
 Shan, states of Burmah, 17B. 
 Shanghai, position of, 891; • treaty 
 
 port, 340 ; attitude towards Taip- 
 
 ing rebellion, 868. 
 Shangti. Chinese divinity, 301. 3a>. 
 Shannon, war-ship, India, 70. 
 Shantung, promontory of, 891. 
 Wiikoku, island of, Japan, 190, 800. 
 Bhimonoseki, strait of, 108; peaoa 
 
 concluded there between Japan 
 
 aadOiteattSS; atosadbyPatMy 
 
m 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ualnit Karopoani, 280; elwnd by 
 
 European war-sliljw, 239. 
 BBin-ShiD, BoodUhiat nreachers, Ju- 
 pan, 910. 
 
 Shinto Hystem In Japan, 907, 908 : gtiU 
 „. , accepted by JapanMo, 968, 969. 
 Shipping, BritfBb, In India, 179. 
 Btaoeun, origin of the name, 906 : tlU« 
 llrst held by I jorltomo, 906 : Blio- 
 gunate reudul systeni under Mm- 
 peror,908. (See Tokugawa.) 
 -I. poUcj regarding France, tt, 46 ; 
 ,,n Chlnene fronUer, 9t9. 
 Sikhs, of Panjab,8: Anajr, 10 : poa- 
 
 tect«d, 176. 
 Silver, standard, India, 86, 1B8. 
 Bind, annexation of, 99, 48. 
 Blndhii^ Native SUte of, 11. 98, tr,65 ; 
 during war of mutintoa, 18 : ptm- 
 ent poBltlon, 178. ' *^ 
 
 g'^fJ'. M^ratta tern, 10. IK 
 "Sixty Year* of Quaen'a Baiia," 
 
 Temple. IBa 
 Sm.illpox, India, 184. 
 Society for Propagation of GkMpel, 
 
 clalnie<l, " ir ; rebels approaci 
 Shanghai, .iC8 : their relation wUi 
 the British, 368 ; they march t» 
 "♦■^S' PeWoK. 369 ; are checked 
 w ^««»^*W>:Md return " 
 NanWM, m ; cbaracter of tlin 
 rebellion. 878 to 878 ; its posltiuu 
 after second Chinese war, 898 • 
 Gordon appears on the scene, 393 • 
 terminates the rebellion, 894 ; end 
 of " heavenly king " Huns. 894 : 
 end of " faithful Prince?' 816 • 
 memory of Gordon, 806. 
 
 MtUh, 880; kwt itnd retakea, 
 
 Tallenwan port near Port Arthur, m. 
 Talifoo, in Yunnan, events at. 896. 
 
 Soochpw, events at, 894 ; beauty of. 
 
 oiO. 
 
 Sovereigns, British, in India durinc 
 
 this century, 193. »««^«h( 
 Sphere of Influence, meaning of, 486 ; 
 policy of, 437 ; possible British 
 gOie^ 437; feared by Japra. 
 
 Stamp revenue, India, 159. 
 Statesman's Year Book, 179. 880. 984 
 
 StatUtics. (See Indian.) 
 Stuunton, on Opium, 356, 
 Steiihen, Fitzjames, on Penal Code, 
 
 Stock, Eugene, on Missions, 452 : in 
 China, 4M. 
 
 Sudder courts. In India abolished, M. 
 
 Suez Canal, 117. 
 
 Sukkur, position on Indus, 48. 
 
 Sulemani mountains, 40. 
 
 Summary of British rule In India, 
 173 ; its general effect, 175. 
 
 Summary settlements in India, 108 
 
 gun goddess, Japan, a09. 
 
 Sung dynasty at Nanking, 294 : re- 
 pute of, «0. 
 
 Supreme Courts in India, 90 
 
 Surveys in India, 101 ; triponometri- 
 cal, 104, in ; topograpliical, 104. 
 Ill ; revenue, 101, ill. 
 
 Szechuan. British trade in. 487. 
 
 T. 
 
 TaiptagrebeUion, 3(52 ; origin.ited by 
 Hung, 864 ; his character and 
 progrcM, 888, 886 ; he taitea Naih 
 luat, 888 ; dynasty Taiphig pro- 
 
 iBiuuu, ui I uunan, events at, i 
 Talukdars, of Oudh, 78, 74, 107. 
 Tamil, language. South India. 181. 
 Taoism, Chinese faith in, 801. 
 Taokwang. Emperor of China. 884 • 
 reign of , ffl6 to 888 : character of 
 836 ; appoints Lin Commissioner 
 840 ; Anti-European proclamation 
 ^7' '^ong to Brit, 
 
 aln, 849 ; death, 861. 
 Taxation, India, moderate, 179. 
 Taylor, Alexander, at Delhi, 71. 
 Tchang, Interior China. 871. 
 Tching, near Nanking, doings at. 849 
 Tea in India. 188. ^ ' ' 
 
 Technical instruction, India, 14& 
 Telephones in Japan, 881. 
 Telugu language, India, 181. 
 Temple, India, iu 1880, book on, 18S 
 »Bign"'M68'' Years of Queen's 
 Tenant right, India, 106. 
 Teoasserim, position of, 99. 88l 
 Tenures of land, India, 104 ; reKUIarly 
 recorded, 106. ' 
 Tera-machi, street, Japan, 270 
 TliHgl (or Thuggee) in India, 96. 
 Itiomas, Edward, on Great Mogul, 
 
 Tliomason CoUeije of CivU Engineer, 
 mg, 146. 
 
 Thomason, Lteutenant-Qovemor, 129 ; 
 
 on vernacular education, 180. 
 Tibet, in Chinese Empire. 288, 290 
 Tientsin, position of, 380 ; treaty at 
 880 ; convention at, 385 ; treaty 
 ^rt, 386; murderof missionaiiSB, 
 
 Ting, Chinese Admiral, 498 ; com. 
 
 hal-wei.4a6. 4S6. 
 
 Tippoo, Sultan. 11. 88. 
 
 Tokugawa, line of Shoguns feudaL 
 i06, 228, 883 ; at its height iml 
 ^ ; in 1840 becoming enfeebled. 
 228 ; broken by arrival of Amer. 
 leans. 888 ; decline rapid from 
 impact of Europeans, 2S7 : liual 
 tall, 848; causes tberiiof. 244. 
 
index!. 
 
 496 
 
 Tokyo, position of, 198 ; once feudal, 
 now Imperial capital, 199. 
 
 Tonkins, or Tonquln, French, m 
 China, 293 ; French policy In, iU ; 
 OTents near, 415. 
 
 Topographical survey, India, IM, in. 
 
 Trade, uader Katt India Company, 
 66 ; orlRinal monopoly, 56 ; In Vm 
 monopoly abolished, 58 ; la IH» 
 ceased aUotjether, 68 ; collar 
 quences iu India, 57, ISl ; conae- 
 quences in China, Sli), 335. 
 
 Trade of India, 118. 119 ; its conditions, 
 120, 181, 122 ; exports and imports, 
 lao ; British goods to India, 123 ; 
 
 S resent condition, 179. 
 e of Japan, 288 ; prospects of, 
 282, 286 ; thrown open entirely, 279. 
 Travancore, Hindu State, 25, 176. 
 Treaty ports, Cliina, natnes of, 349 ; 
 Japan, names of, 230, 237 ; abol- 
 ished, 279. 
 Triad Society, Canton, 365 ; rabelllon, 
 
 Tribute, not paid by India to Brit- 
 ain, 86. _ 
 Trigonomatrtoal ■nrrey, India, lOt, 
 
 111. 
 
 Trunk roads, India. 118. 
 
 Tsl An, dowager Empress China, 411. 
 
 Tsl Hsl, dowager Empress China, 412, 
 415 ; her portUon, «T. 
 
 Tsinghai, near Tientsin, mO. 
 
 Tso, Chinese general in Korea, 423. 
 
 Tiune-li-Ynmen, at Peking, 891 ; 
 after second Chinese war, 891 ; 
 functions as Foreign Office, 301 ; 
 beset by railway concessionaires, 
 438 : receives Anglo-Sussian 
 agreement, 44S ; shelters a mur- 
 derer, 406. 
 
 TunganI, Chinese rebels, 899. 
 
 Tungchi, Emperor, Infant, 389 ; under 
 regency, 890 ; Is married, 400 ; be- 
 gins to rule and $m^1. 
 
 Turlomania, under Buada, 4S, M. 
 
 ViUagae, number of, 64; accountant, 
 6.% 104 ; eommunttiee, 19, 63 : head. 
 men,ia; offloan, St; wtchm e n , 
 
 63. 
 
 Vindliya, moantalaa, K. 
 VladiTMtok, <•*. 
 
 W. 
 
 Wade. SlrThomas, on opium, W; at 
 Peking, 41)5 ; memory of, 470. 
 
 Wall. (See Chinese.) 
 
 Wangtsi, Chinese author, 330. 
 
 Wanleh, Chinese Emperor, 306. 
 
 War. between China and Japnn, 418 to 
 429; origin in Korea, 418, 421; 
 
 Sollcy of Japan, 41S ; conduct of 
 hina. 421 ; hrstiUUe* at lea, OS '. 
 at Pingyang In Korea, 4tS ; battle 
 near mouth of Yalu, 428 ; capture 
 by Japanese of Port Arthur, 424 ; 
 capture by Japanese of Wel-hai- 
 Wel, 426 ; conclusion of peace by 
 China, 427. 
 War, Mahratta, l^ 25, S8; PIndarl, 
 28 ; Burmese, flrBt,S9j second, 81 ; 
 third, 81 ; Afghan, Hrst, 89 ; sec- 
 ond, 41 ; Sikh, flrst,80 ; second, 30 ; 
 Persian, 45; Indian mutinies, 72; 
 China, first, 841 ; second, 87«, 377. 
 Ward, American commander Cluneaa 
 
 forces, 899. 
 Warren Hastings, 24, 88, 48. 
 Watchman, Tillage, India, 68. 
 Water supply Indian cities, 128. 
 Wilson, James, Finance Minister In- 
 dia, 160, 168. 
 Wel-hal-Wel, Chinese naval station. 
 291 ; Its Importance, 291; captured 
 by Japanese, 426; restored and 
 leased by China to Britain, 435. 
 WeUealey, Arthur, In Mahratta war. 
 
 Unbeaten tracks of Japan, 118. 
 Vnlted 8Utes,a power in Far East, 
 414 
 
 Universities, India. 141 ; their ^ect, 
 145 ; in Japan, 258. 
 
 V. 
 
 Vaccination. India, 134. 
 
 Vumadeo Shastri, Indian pseudonym, 
 188 to 190. _^ 
 
 Vopux, George des, on opium, KM. 
 
 Vedlc, Hindu faith, 7, 147. 
 
 Vegetarians, ri>lM>ls, China, 41S, 
 
 Viceroy, office iu China, 814 ; at Can- 
 ton, 850, STT. 
 
 2 
 
 Wellesley, Marquess, 84, 25, 26. 
 Wesleyan Missions in the East, 158. 
 Western civilisation in India, 85. 
 West river, China, prospect, 458. 
 Wheat, Indian, 116, 128. 
 " White Lily," sect in China, 386. 
 Widow-burning In India, 91. 
 WiUlams, 8ir Mooter, "Indian Wl«. 
 
 d<»S?' 188. 
 Wilson, General, reeapturea Delhi, 
 
 Wilson, Henry J., on opium commls* 
 
 sion, 165, 
 Wodehouse, on opium, 854. 
 Wood, Sir Charlaa, edueaUob in India, 
 
 140. 
 
 Xavler, St. Francis, India, 148; ta 
 
 Ja[>»n, ?lt>. 
 
 H 
 
496 INDEX. 
 
 T. Ymo, In Japnn, IflT, 901. 
 
 YokohamH, ponition uf, IW; iMport, 
 
 TftkoobBev.of T«rkMid,dMUi. 409; IW; Commodore Perry at, Mb 
 
 hia podUon. ¥». ass, sas. 
 
 Talu, battle near mouth of, ISO. Tokoika, in Japan, m 
 
 TMK-tMe-Kianir, Talley of, S9S; Yorltomo, flrat feudal hMUl or BhogUB 
 
 events in, 394, 348 ; proHpccts of. In Japan, 9M, aU6, 9S1. 
 
 458. YunxchenK. Emperor of China, SOn. 
 
 Yarknixl, In Chineso limits, 29fi. Yuuiiaii, bordering on Iturnia, 38, '.JO; 
 
 Yedo, feudal capital Japan, auH, S43 ; on Chinese frontier, iW8 ; rebvlliuo, 
 
 becomes M«t of Imperial Kovc-rn- 888 ; importance of. 4tt. 
 
 ment, 9M; Daimyoa ansemblml 
 
 •t,SS6; lUHM ohuMdto Tokio, Z. 
 
 Mt; mntdtrotaausUaluaMiKti 
 
 SaS. Zemlndarg, Reni^al and Behar, lOT. 
 
 Yell, appointed KOTemor, Canton, Zenana Misaionfi, India, 159. 
 
 351; his coriiluct there, 877; bis Zendic religion, 191. 
 
 capture by the Britisa, 879. ZiaRenbalft, Missionary, 149l 
 
 Yellow M% aw. SotWMter, m. 
 
SUPPLEMENTARY. 
 
 THE BOXEB MOVEMENT, 1900-1901. 
 
 Tins review of Chinese hiatoiy in the Nineteenth 
 Century had been carried on to 1899. I am now 
 
 requested, early in 1901, to resume my pen for a 
 while, and to present a summary of the striking 
 events which have happened since the writing of the 
 former chapters of this book. 
 
 In August, 1899, having traced the steps of China 
 on the road to ruin all through the Nineteenth Cen- 
 tury, I represented her as tossing about like a dis- 
 masted vessel on a sea of trouble, ready to sink at 
 any moment, with lowering clouds around her. In 
 fact at that very moment there were movements in 
 secret progress which were known doubtless to many 
 conspirators, though concealed with more or less 
 success from the outer world, and which were des- 
 tined within a few months to precipitate Ci»i;ia into 
 a aanger laoie grave, a depression more profound, a 
 crisis more acute than any she had ever undei^ne. 
 
 like as in former chapters, I shall in tliis chapter 
 use strictly historic mat... .is. I shaU adopt in part 
 only the reports made by the many correspondents 
 of the Press. I shall mainly rely on the Parliamen- 
 tary Blue Booka 3, 4> and 6 of 1900, on the report by 
 
498 FROOR^fS^ OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHIKA. 
 
 the correspondent ^ f the London Timet published on 
 
 the 16th «nd 16th of Oftober, 1900, and subsequent 
 date, and on Mr. Stanley Smith's Chinn from With- 
 in, published in >fov' ■ iber, lUOO, and quoting 
 largely from the iV( y'h ( hina Herald. I have also 
 to acknowledge advice obtained from Professoi 
 Douglas of the Brit I-sli ieum. 
 
 At the begin u ■ f '^ii ;ter XXX. of my work. 
 I had spoken of li i i ' Ei. "ror Kwanghsu 
 reigning rather tl uu runng, ami as being under lh<- 
 domination of his aurt the Dowager Empress, who 
 had been in effective power ever aince 1860. Tl , 
 distribution of sovereignty between the aunt and the 
 nephew is better known now n it w s in tli m. ■ 
 die of 1899, and it shoiild here ue stat- d, as lies at 
 the bottom of the trouble which has astonished the 
 world. 
 
 In the autumn of 1898 the Emp*>ror, a usaii of 
 thirty years of age, wa ' ruling and 1 id been ~o doing 
 for some little time, thmii^h being hildlo lu; ha-' 
 not the full weight of authority. IIo luul lalleii un- 
 der the influence of enlightened and patriotic Chi- 
 nese, called the Reform Party, wbf -Jeeing the bene- 
 iit which Japan had derive, from at. ( ting Europ- an 
 civilisation, .vi.shed to do the same for Ci na. Soiut- 
 of ♦hem went even further aiid propos. I to adopt 
 Christianity as a State religi m. A mc .rial to this 
 effect, tog( ther witb the recommendation of other re- 
 forms upon the European model, was prepared for 
 the Emperor. This was reported to the Dowager 
 
SUPPf EMKNTA :Y, 
 
 Exnpr. , who, with furiouah flashincj eyes, v 
 nounecd the traitors, >,: gome of thorn to deal*!, 
 banisbed others, shu. . ; xie Emperor in close retirw 
 mcnt and rcas. nvd itie reins of government. That 
 phe couJ<' do i'. this at hv -stant is ii ,>roof of 'he 
 I"w.T r„ssiMs, a iue 3} -1, P'>kii!ir, bj the iie- 
 ac ionary '\trty, i of ( • il 4uc. t it. They 
 indw 1 ki her o • the • *■ all utbnrs most after 
 flieir own h«»art. 1:. : sL. mor nen and tliere; 
 she h<" a organi itio .lu- rs in * »wn and 
 
 ci untrj, la ti iiioc n f \ , to be 
 
 siyled a ( lues le wi. ^en islatrd 
 
 int . Et.^i . bu s Box . W. the help of jis she 
 mt t! imru lately o attein^.t the execution of a 
 lot medi e. le which was nothing leas than 
 the ex;, rn na? on ' Europeans in China, or at 
 i' ust tht r expulsi from the country, and the de- 
 truct 'I of eve aing European witiiin Chinese 
 limits ha* i.^ Iways, telegraphs, houses and 
 oti er propi ue j ality of a design so mon- 
 
 str- iis and ^ us so, .lis might scrm incredible, 
 were ' not ] a]!v y )ved to have been serioi ly 
 
 nteri.i ricd, to aave been vigorously prosecuted, and 
 to hav been c.rriod, in Peking at least, lo a point) 
 fa; hort of accomplishment. 
 * i<les nany kinds of evidence th- r^ is the spe- 
 i i ron* nsist i Tig in a long series of Edicts, sinis- 
 ■r, inaiigi nulcnt, issued during a course of 
 
 many mon , md couched in terms fearfully ex- 
 plicit. The Dowager Empreaa and her advisers, if 
 
500 PBOOBESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 cited before the bar of history and of the world, have 
 the testimony of their own words against them given 
 
 under the imperial hand and seal. About the Court 
 the Tartar Manchus, as immediate adherents of the 
 Manchu dynasty, were the more fierce and blood- 
 thirsty; the Chinese proper were generally milder 
 and more inclined to reasonable counsela. 
 
 The main faults alleged against the European 
 States in these Edicts are earth-hunger and tiger-like 
 voracity for eating up China piece by piece. Re- 
 ligion, that is the propagation of Christianity, is al- 
 luded to but indirectly, and that in connection with 
 the alienation of the Chinese from national customs 
 and their subj( ction to foreign ideals. Respecting the 
 territorial allegation it could hardly be meant for 
 the acquisitions actually made by Europeans which 
 were either seaports like Port Arthur, Wei-hai-Woi, 
 or an island like Hong Kong not much thought of by 
 Chinese, or some commercial concessions which were 
 strips. It related rather in all probability to the 
 discussions which were going on regarding the pos- 
 sible rearrangement of the country into spheres of 
 influence as between the several European Powers, 
 whence arose the ominous phras^ " the partition of 
 China." 
 
 Whatever may have been the potency of these mo- 
 tives, the impelling motive was this, the determined 
 exclusivcness which was founded in pride and igno- 
 rance which had been cheririied at heart since the 
 time of Confucius, which engendered an utter in:' 
 
8Ul>PLB]IBIttABT. 
 
 601 
 
 tolerance towards white people and which steeled 
 the Chinese heart against European influence. 
 
 Whilb thus declaring ' fanatical hatred of all 
 European thoughts and things, the Dowager Em- 
 press and her advisers were importing European 
 armament and ammunition at great cost and on a 
 vast scale into China, Krupp and Creusot guns, 
 md Mauser rifles, to be used of course against 
 -:Juropeans. They were instructing and drilling 
 select bodies of Chinese troops in the use of these 
 weapons. This was done with as much secrecy as 
 possible; and experience has shown in other parts 
 of the world that arms and guns can be imported 
 under concealmcr.t and disguise without any special 
 suspicion being aroused. Certainly China was 
 known in 1899 to possess such things, but not at 
 all to the extent to which she was found lu posses- 
 sion of them by the beginning of 1000. To denounce 
 and forbid the use of all European things, while 
 using the most potent of those things, accords with 
 the inconsistency and insincerity which the Chinese 
 have exhibited from time to time all through this 
 Nineteenth Century. Indeed they are impervious 
 to prickings of conscience in this respect 
 
 Toward the end of 1899 the Boxers rose, up in 
 small bands all over the country; but their chief, 
 perhaps central, quarter seemed to be the Province 
 of Shantung, or the territory between the British 
 Wei-hti-Wei and the German KiaoOhow. They 
 were at first falsely represented as rebels by the 
 
602 PROGRESS OF INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 Chinese Govenunent through its several Embassies 
 in Europe. Originally there may have been doubt 
 among the European community in China as to 
 their real character, as irregular bodies of this sort 
 are but too well known to Chinese history. Be- 
 fore the end of 1899 the truth became self-evident. 
 The Boxers were no rebels; they were under the 
 patronage of the Dowager Empress, and in fratei*- 
 nity with the Imperial troops; they were the vol- 
 imteer and reserve forces of tho country, organised 
 for a particular service and a deadly purpose. 
 
 The first blood was drawn in the last days of 
 Decanber, 1899, by the murder of Mr. Brooks, an 
 English missionary in Shantung. The Dowager Em- 
 press' Government pretended through its ambassa- 
 dor in London to have punished the murderers, while 
 the local Governor who had ordered — or at least 
 countenanced, the murder was promoted to another 
 province. After the beginning of 1900, events fol- 
 lowed fast and furious. The railways which had 
 extended from the head of the Pechilee Gulf to 
 Peking, and to the head of the Liaotung Gulf near 
 Newchwang, were destroyed. Still more deter- 
 mined efforts were put forth against the Russians 
 in Manchuria. The Russian railways and stations, 
 then in course of construction, were threatened cr 
 destroyed, and the attacks were advanced right up 
 to the Russian frontier on the Amur. At one time 
 hardly anything Russian remained in Manchuria ex- 
 cept Port Arthur. Christian churches, schooli^ 
 
SUPPLEMENTABY. 
 
 503 
 
 colleges and stations, Koman Catholic and Protes- 
 tant, in the Provinces of Shantung, of Pechike 
 (which is the imperial or metropolitan province 
 round about the capital Peking), and of Honan, 
 just to the south, were attacked or destroyed but 
 for the most part the missionaries and their families, 
 together with their very numerous converts, escaped 
 with their lives after many hairbreadth adventures 
 and many devoted exertions, inasmuch as places of 
 refuge and safety were near at hand and accessible. 
 It was sadly different with the Province of Shansi, 
 embosomed in hills to the west of Peking and in a 
 certain, sense off the lines of communication. It was 
 full of Protestant missions, largely American, all 
 very successful, with numerous bodies of Chinese 
 adherents and converts. It had been regarded as 
 one of Iht most happy and peaceful parts of China. 
 In the summer of 1900 the Boxers appeared there, 
 and under the directions of the Governor, murdered 
 most of the missionaries and a great number of their 
 converts. 
 
 These deeds in the northern provinces, as above 
 mentioned, near Peking were perpetrated under ex- 
 press Edicts of the Dowager Empress. Copies of 
 the same Edicts were circulated in the middle prov- 
 inces, that is the Yang-tsze-Kiang valley behind 
 Shanghai, and in the southern provinces behind 
 Hong Ko' and around Canton. But there the 
 Viceroy > v 1 the provincial Governors stood firm, 
 and foriu. "'j to carxy out their atrocious instruc- 
 
604 PKOGRESS OP INDIA, JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 tiona. Public anxiety there was indeed, also dis- 
 tressful anticipation among the European communi- 
 ties. Boxers were moving about in parties, though 
 not in organised bands as in the northern provinces. 
 If here and there they attempted to rise suppression 
 promptly followed. The wolf was coming, coming, 
 and his dread bark was often heard, but he never 
 came. All this is noteworthy as showing that, after 
 all, the local authorities in China can answer for 
 order when they have a mind to do so. 
 
 Having done all the l;;>rm possible in the northern 
 provinces and witnessed the failure of the attempts 
 at mischief in the middle and southern provinces, the 
 Dowager Empress nerved and braced herself for a 
 crowning effort in the capital, Peking itself. The ob- 
 ject of this effort was to bombard, overrun and stamp 
 out the several Embassies of the European Powers, 
 acts which must necessarily involve the murder of 
 the several Ambassadors, Ministers, staff officers, 
 families, servants and Chinese Christians or other 
 native adherents. This was no mere idea, but a pro- 
 ject practically and energetically compassed. Such 
 an outrage on civilisation would hardly have been 
 conceivable. But in matters relating to the comity 
 of nations China never has been, and is not, civilised. 
 
 Before giving the fatal and irrevocable orders on 
 June IC (1900), the Dowager Empress held a grand 
 Council of her Manchu and Chinese Grandees, 
 herself virtually presiding. The miserable Emperor 
 was present. He tried to say a word for reasonable- 
 
SUPPLEMENTARY. 
 
 505 
 
 ncss and forbearance, but she silenced him. The 
 Chinese ^iembers pleaded in the same sense with 
 firmness and prudence, she looking daggers at them 
 all the while. Then the Manchus drowned the 
 voices, so supporting their mistress. Thus the fiat 
 went forth at once for that which will be known in 
 all time coming as the Siege of the Peking Legations. 
 It is understood that as the Council broke up the ab- 
 ject Emperor flung himself at the Empress' feet, 
 seized the hem of her robe and passionately pleaded 
 for forbearance while yet there was time, to avert 
 the destruction that must ensue to the dynasty and 
 to the nation. But she withdrew her robe, turned 
 her back on him, saying, " What can a boy like the 
 Emperor know about these things." If this scene 
 has been truly reported, as may well be the case, then 
 it is one of the weirdest even in the history of China. 
 Immediately began the investment and bombard- 
 ment of all the European Legations which were situ- 
 ated in the same quarter of the city. 
 
 Meanwhile the European Powers and the United 
 States had been busy. It would hardly be just to 
 say that they were taken by surprise ; but certainly 
 the storm burst upon them unprepared. Britain 
 had, indeed, powerful squadrons in Chinese waters; 
 other Powers had squadrons also. But sea-forces 
 could not act in the threatened areas inland, and no 
 Power had any land forces at hand available, except 
 Russia. Bnt then the Tlussian troops at bnnd were 
 fully occupied with fighting their own battle in Man- 
 
506 PROGRESS OF INDIA. JAPAN AND CIItXA. 
 
 churia. The Brifish sent for tifrceii lliousund troops 
 from India, but tliey could not arrive for some liltle 
 time. Japan had forces nearer at hand, but t litre 
 was some hesitation in accepting her aid. Still that 
 diillculty was soon overcome. In the main the allied 
 troops must come from Europe. Fortunately the 
 understanding between the Powers was good; there 
 must be some generalissimo, so Gori. .uy [iroposc J 
 and the Powers accepted Field Marshal Count von 
 Walderseo in that capacity. Thus there was a Con- 
 cert of Europe and the Uniteil States ; the object 
 being to restore order, to put down all disturbers., 
 to exact reparation, to provide security for the 
 future, and all this without attempting the partition 
 of China and without seeking advantage for any 
 Power in particular. 
 
 The point of danger was seen to be Poking itself, 
 and Britain was the lirst in the field with a strenu- 
 ous effort for its relief. Admiral Seymour, with a 
 small force of blue-jackets and marines, reached 
 Tientsin, half-way between the sea and Peking, and 
 had even advanced a good distance f.irtlier towards 
 the capiral, but was prevented by vastly superior 
 force from proceeding fiu-ther. So the relief of the 
 beleaguered Legations was unavoidably postponed. 
 Soon the Allied forces camo up, and after consider- 
 able fighting took Tientsin. The Chinese guns were 
 of long range and excellently served; the Cliineso 
 infantry fired their rifles well; all which showed 
 that their training and discipline had bcca carried 
 
SUrPLEMENTARY. 
 
 607 
 
 out in earnest. Then the combined forces marched 
 on Peking. 
 
 Meanwhile the siege of the Legations had been 
 going on for eight weeks in the height of summer. 
 
 The coacentrati of the f^arrison was in the British 
 Le<^ation8, as bein;^ the hir<;ost. The heroic story 
 lias l.ieen tohl in burnini^, undying words by Dr. Mor- 
 rison, correspondent of the London Tirtxea, and con- 
 firmed by Sir Claude Macdonald. None can say 
 who did the best when all did superbly well, — a lit- 
 tle garrison, a very few hundred soldiers, a very few 
 hundred civilians all while people, a very few thou- 
 sand native Chinese adherents — European, Ameri- 
 can, clergy, laity, Roman Catholic, Protestant, white 
 folk, coloured folk, men, women. They were con- 
 stantly bombarded by guns of long range worked and 
 manned by Chinese artillerymen under command of 
 high Chinese officers who were clearly recognised 
 and ofteu under the eye of the Dowager Empress 
 herself. There were many casualties and some vic- 
 tims of distinction, foremost among those being 
 Baron von Ketteler, the German Minister. All this 
 time the Imperial Government kept up a show of 
 diplomacy: conciliatory words were uttered by the 
 Chinese Ambassadors in Europe; friendly messages 
 were sent to tiie Ministry in the Legations in their 
 stress and duress, and one day in the very height of 
 the siege a present of fruit was offered. In such 
 wise do the Chinese ever try to throw a gauze veil 
 over the mailed fist. The bombardment was con- 
 
808 raOOBBBS OF INDU. JAPAN AND CHINA. 
 
 ducted skilfuUy enough; but no dispoaition was 
 shown to storm by anault, and the Chinese troops 
 
 showed generally the cowardice and ineptitude that 
 might have been expected. The French Minister 
 has pointed out the mistakes they made; indeed, it is 
 hardly too much to say that, had they done anything 
 but what they did, the little garrison must have been 
 overwhelmed. At length the AUies eflFected a reUef 
 about the 14th of August; the British happened to 
 be earliest to enter; and the first to succour the Al- 
 lied garrison were Indian troops of the Kajput Reg- 
 iment. The Dowager Empress fled the city dis- 
 guised as a common woman in a country cartj 
 whether she will ever return must depend on the 
 mercy of the Allied Powers. 
 
 After a short breathing time the Concert of Europe 
 and the United States began to consider how a set- 
 tlement of China could be arranged and with whom 
 any terms of peace could be concluded. The rail- 
 ways to the coast were repaired so far as that could 
 be done in haste; Tientsin and other intermediate 
 points between the capital and the coast were 
 strongly held; the capital itself, Peking, was held bj 
 an allied force of over fifty thoufland men. The 
 Imperial Court was found to have fled to Singanfu, 
 a historic place not far from the Mongolian frontier 
 and some hundreds of miles from Peking. One or 
 two Princes of comparatively fair character were 
 sent to represeat it in the allied camp. Li Hung 
 Chang, a man already known to history, was ap- 
 
SUFPLEMEMTABT. 
 
 609 
 
 pointed to negotiate. The **' dreary drip of dila- 
 tory " ucgutiatiuug succeeded; naturally it was the 
 poliqr of the Chinese to interpoee every imaginable 
 objection. Whether the Concert of Europe showed 
 
 the requisite iirmnesa and promptitude remains to 
 be proved. Holo after note haa been discussed and 
 agreed to, but never actually signed. At first the 
 capital punishment of certain Imperial Princes 
 whose murderous guilt had been demonstrated was 
 demanded ; but this demand after remonstrance was 
 mitigated. A strong European garrison at Peking 
 was insisted on; after this had been objected to it 
 was limited to adequate guards for the Legations. 
 The only point that has not in any degree been 
 yielded is the holding of the line by European mili- 
 tary strength from Peking to the coast. The finan- 
 cial demands for indemnity and compensation do not 
 seem to havo hem much resisted by China. Noth- 
 ing is known for certain regarding the future settle- 
 ment of the Manchu dynasty in China. The char- 
 acter of the Emf .eror has been already described ; he 
 is well-meaning, but wlioUy wanting in moral power. 
 It is hoped that the Dowager Empress will be per- 
 manently set aside, as few women in human annals 
 have wrought such misdiief as she. The protrac- 
 tion of negotiations is for one- reason not to be re- 
 gretted, because it shows that the Allies mean to stay 
 till the work is really done, however long that may 
 be. The undue haste in departing after victory in 
 former wars, and so leaving China too soon to her- 
 
610 PROGRESS OF IND i, JAPAN AND CHINA . 
 
 self, Jias eiicouriigoU the v.^' Ineso to boliave that they 
 might defy us yet again. 
 
 In conclusion, Britain and Germany have pub. 
 lished an agreement whereby they bind tbemaelvet 
 to keep oiM'ti all ports in China for trade, to abstain 
 from socking any territorial advantage, and to strive 
 to prevent others from seeking it. The other I'owers 
 have also subscribed to this doctrine. JJoubts, how- 
 ever, arise as to the meaning and effect of this agree- 
 ment, inasmuch as Russia, one of the subscribing 
 Powers, subsequently secured what seemed to be 
 aggranili.sement in Manchuria. This was to be 
 obtained by means of a Convention which the Chi- 
 nese Government was requested to sign, but which 
 after a while that Government at the instance of the 
 Powers ilcclinetl doing. In fine, the clouds hang 
 thicker than ever all round the horizon of China. 
 They may lift soon, or alas ! they may not ; mean- 
 while the only gleam of light comes from the fact 
 that, despite all the evil in Peking, the local author- 
 ities in the Yang-tsze Valley and around Canton did 
 preserve order on the whole. 
 
 !■ tliiiltnr>jh : 
 Printcil \>\ W. & K. Cliambcrs, Limited.