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\%-

ESSAY S

COMMERCIAL and POLITICAL,

ON THE -■r—^:r^

Real and Relative Interest^

Imperial and Dependent States

Particularlj thofe of

GREAT BRITAIN ;
- Her DEPENDENCIES: '- "'

Difplaying the Probable Causes of, and a Mode of ,
compromifing the prefent **'

DISPUTES

Between this Country and her

■%:

^AMERICAN COLONIES.

,2j, • : To which is added, :a.:4*.

An A P P E N D I X,

OntheMeansof

EMANCIPATING SLAVES,

without LOSS to their

PROPRIETORS.

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NEWCASTLE:

Printed by T. SAINT for the Author;

and fold by J. Johnson, No. 72,

St. Paul's Chnrch-yard, London.

MnCLl-XXVll.

- > Ho iri fci

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•M

PREFACE.

AS many publications on the fubje^ tf the American
conteft have already appeared to the world, fome
apology is neceflary for the intrufion of any thing fur-
ther : However, if that fuhjeiJ be placed in a new light,
I hope it will be deemed a fuflicienc reafon for offering
this treatife to the public.

After illuftrating the advantage Great Britain derived
from the commerce of each Colony refpedlively, with
the probable cauf^s of the infurredlion, and to whofe
charge it ought to be laid, I have endeavoured to
point out the fpecific difference, and confequences of ex-
ercifing the right of laying on duties in general or port
duties only, and to fhew that the intereft of the empire
requires, that our fellow-fubjeAs in America fliould bo
exempt from all taxation but external, and that, in con-
fequence of this exemption, the American Colonics be
further reflrained in their navigation and fijheries than
they lately nuere. The regulation of the commerce of its
Colonies, and right of impojing external duties, it ig
proved this country has, confident with the very nature
of colonization, enjoyed from the beginning : How far
the exercife of thofe powers may render all (even th»
northern Colonies, who rival us in export) advanca-
geous, is largely treated on.

The confequences to us of the independence of all,
or part of our American Colonies are explained ; at
likewife how deeply the other European ftates are inte-
refted in the event.

The necefllty of, and happy confequences attending
an union with Ire' and ; the improvement of the revenue
in Scotland, and means of increafing the fiflieries of the
Britifli ifles, arc particularly treated of: And laftly,
I have endeavoured to fliew, that the Britifh poffef-
fions in Afia, might, by proper maniigoment, be ren-
dered far fuperior to all wc ever held in America.

b 2 As

■I I
11

h
t

s^ t\

PREFACE.

As I have, with fome feventy, animadverted on the
Americans retaining^ Botwithftanding their own cry for
liberty, their fellow-creatures in perpetual Jlavery, I
thought it highly neceiTary, n6t only to decry this
evil, but to point out a remedy, and one of fuch a na*
ture, as fliould not claih with the intereds of thofe
whom the laws allow «:o opprefs a part of their fpecies ;
for this reafou, I have added an Appendix on the Mauu-
miflion of Slaves, which, without this obfervation*
might appear foreign to the fubje^ of this treatife—
Should this mode of emancipation take place, even only
in a few plantations, I fhall efteem myfelf happy in
being the fortunate means of promoting the liberty ot
fuch a part of my fellow-creatures.

I am not confcious of being prejudiced in favour of
tlie one party or the other in the prefent unhappy con-
tell with our Americ.in Colonies ; at lead I have endea-
voured to be impartial, and believe I am actuated by a
fmcere love of my country, and earned regard for the
well-being of the whole empire.

I will not venture to fay this treatife is free of errors,
but hope that a variety of other avocations which de-
nianded my attention will be a fufiicient plea in my fa«
vour for any midakes that naay be found.

Since this book went to the prefs I have perufed
•' Governor Pownal's Letter to Adam Smith, L. L. D.
•• F U.S. on the fubjeft of his Enquiry tatt the natural
•' Caufes of the Wealth of Nations," ^ow as I have
made the free import and expert of provijions the bafis of
many advantages to be derived to the empire, I am
forry, that although in mofl other points I agree with
the Governor, we Ihould in this fo widely differ.

In page 29 of the Governor's Letter we read, •« You
•' think the reftraints on live cattle and com an unrea-
" fonable and ungenerous monopoly, in that the grazing
«« and farming bufinefs of Great Britain could be but
•• little affefted by a free importation of thcfe, and not
♦' in the leaft hurt. As, on the contrary, I think, any

«« change

!> R E F A C E.

«* chiingc in this part of our fyftem might be attended
'• with the moft important confequences, efpccially to a
" clafs of people, who bear the chief burthen of all the
*' taxes, and are the fupport of the ftate of the commu-
" nity. I own I tremble for the change, and ftiould
" hope this matter may be a little more thoroughly cx-
«• plored in all the eSc&s of its operation, before any
«* fuch idea becomes a leading doftrine."

As in the body of this work, the 4th and 9th feflions
efpecially, I have pointed out the necedlties of, and ad-
vantages to be derived from art ahftlute free import and
export of corn t cattle ^ and proviftons, and have at the
fame time (hewn that the fears of the landholders are
groundlefs, and that, on the contrary, they in the end
would be great gainers by the continuance of fuch free
import and export, it will be here unneceflary to reca-
pitulate all thofe arguments.

I fliall only ebferve, that Governor Pownal has, in
my opinion, fallen into that error long fmce endea-
voured to be exploded, " that the landed and commer-
♦« cial interefts of the kingdom are different." — On this
erroneous principle he evidently prefers the landed in-
tereft to every other in the ftate befides, and, in this,
follows a direft contrary fyftem to that of the French,
who on the other extreme of the fame falfe principle,
facrifice the landed intereft to what they think to be the
commercial. They almoft uniformly * prohibit the ex-
portp.tion of grain, that their manufadturers may never
be in want of it, and always have it low. But herein
(a corroboration of the landed and commercial intereft;
being the fame) they defeat the very purpofes they defign
to promote. — The farmer in a good crop having no vend
for his furplus, and fearful that the next may be as good,
is anxious to difpofe of what he has ; — thus more being
offered at market than is wanted, occafions the whole
to fall fo low, that the cultivators of the earth are fcarce

• In T7(54 an editS was iflutd, permitting .1 free commerce in
grain; hut ia the l^ttct [>ari of 1767 the export was again tutally
prohibited.

paid

Sf;.„tl

PREFACE.

paid for their labour ; this occafions, pernaps the next
year, anegled of a culture fo difadvantageous— the crop
proves fhort— prices rife, and they have recourfe to im-
portation : thus the landholders fuFer, and the nation
is drained of richei, to fupply what their own foil would
have afforded them; at the fame time that they pre-
rent the influx of fpecie that would, in confequence
of a free market, have been drawn from the export of
their furphis.

Although there are in every country large trafts not
in culture, which would foon be under cultivation were
mankind to exert their natural right of ufing thefe gifu
of nature that are unoccupied or neglecfled by other men,
we fliall not contend about it, becaufe the regulation of
tivii compafl has entirely fet it afide.

In this ftate, all that can be expected is, that thofe
who have alTumed or acquired to themfelvcs the pro-
perty of the foil, Ihould exatfl no more from thofe who
oiler to labour it, or to purchafe its produce, than the
real value ; that is, what in fimilar circumftances is
pra(ftifed by the landholders of the neighbouring na-
tions: and as there would always be a competition of
landholders offering to fale the ufe of the foii or the
produce of it, they never could demand or acquire more
than the natural value TLvKitigJrom fitnation, and diffe-
rent numbers of inhabitants tt con/ume it, were the mar-
ket left free and open ; but when we fee the landholders
of any country combining to compel the people of that
ftate to take the produce, or rent their lands at their
own price — the world muft allow it to be unreafonable

to be unjult — let them palliate it by what pretences

they will. The reader need not be told this is the cafe
in Britain — if he know it not, let him read the late aft *
boafted by the landholders, as an ad of generofity and
dilmtercftednefs : 1 rauft again repeat, in reftraining the
free coinmerce of the necelHirics of life, they fee not
their own intercfts.

• ij Geo. III. Chap. 43.

Now

-1'

.1;

PREFACE. ^

Now as to the other part of the fcntcnce quoted from
the governor '« that thia fyftem would be produ^ive of
" the moft important conlequences to a clafs of people
<< who bear the chief burthen of the taxes, and are the
•• fupport of the ftate of the community." If about two
millions the produce of the land tax at the highed, at
4$. in the pound, be the chief part of twelve millions,
the fum raifed in ihe kingdom, the governor's afTertion
is true ; or if he can prove that the taxes on confump*
tion, that are paid by the landed intereft, in common
with the reft of the people, exceed four millions for
their quota — a very pfobable circumftance! then we
may believe that the landed intereft pay the chief or
principal part of the taxes.

Who ought to bear a principal portion of the taxes ?
They who are moft interefted in the population of the
kingdom; and who are they but the landed intereft,
cfpecially thofe in the interior parts of the country ? For
what would their lands be worth without a fale at hand
for their produdls, too heavy to bear a charge of long
tranfportation, and is not the principal^confumption af-
forded by the matiufa{iurers in the inland towns ? There-
fore an increa/e, not a decreaje of theie confuviers is evi-
dently their intereft. The certain way to bring about 'he
latter ^ is to overcharge thofe people with taxes, and by -a
monopoly to compel them to take the produce of the
land at the land-worker's price. If this event is to be
avoided, it follows that the landholders Jljould bear a
covjiderahle portion of the taxes of the Jlatc, and allonu a
free commerce of the neceffaries of life.

I am no advocate for the landed intereft paying
more than they do, but only mean to fhew, that they
ihould not, in confequcnce of what they do pay, ima-
gine they have a right to make every intereft in the
kingdom fubfervient to whatfomc of them falllly eftcem
their own ; and for that purpofe we will compare the
burthens of the neighbouring nations.

In France, the landed intereft, be fides being dinrefied
by the non-allowance to export their produce (wine

ez«

"Hi

■J ■■

«i P R E F A C K.

excepted) pay in the taille and capitation taxes a capi-
tal part of the revenue, and I'ufFcr ftill more by the op-
preiiive manner in which thefe taxes are collc-ited.

There the amount paid in taxes, compared to what
is paid in general to the landholders, ii in the pro-
portion of 5 to 3, that is ^ths of the whole, or 13s. 6d.
in the pound, whereas what is paid in Britain, on an
average, does not exceed 3s. when the land-tax is at
the highed, 4s. in the pound; — a (Iriking difference!

In Spain, although the taxes are not edeemed high,
yet in mod lands • what is paid to the government
exceeds what is paid to the landlord, confequently the
tax, their very fertile lands excepted, is above <os. in the

pound. - <:. ^;

Mr. Pownal fays, the free import will dop improve-
ments. On the contrary, we may expeifl fronr. its con-
fcquences that it will haden them, particularly in the
interior parts of the country where they are mod wanted,
becaufe the refult of provifions being uniformly mode-
rate, will be a lovisring of all 'wages, an extenfton of,
tr grtat;r demand for, etir itanufaiiures and conft-
quent increaf: of people, the lad of which affording
confumption for every particular of the earth's produce,
will occafion it to be cultivated.

Another point this author is afraid of is, that our
farmers, burthen'd in war with increafed taxes, will meet
with a competition, of the fame articles they raife, from
countries lefs heavily taxed. It is no eafy matter to find
a European coimtry where the land in proportion to its
value is lefs heavily taxed by the government, though

• The taxes In Spain that ni^y be acrounted lantl-taxe.i, are
(that part of) the M«i. loses, which conQrt of ^th of the wine,
bcfidcs .1 pecuniary tax on it ; and fomc imports on fledt and oils,
Skuvicio and Montazgo, a tax upon the flocks of flicep
that come in to or go out of the pafturcs at the end of winter and
Ipiing ; and the Valimi en ros, confidinj; of a third and a tenth
of the hcrhase of the paflures of private perlons.

Don Geronvmo de Uztartz, on the Theory and PraiJlIce
of Commerce and Maritime AiF-iirs.

there

PREFACE.

Vlt

diere maybe fome countries lefs taxed by the land pr»'
friefors. This competition of foreign produce (neccffrt-
ries of life) is not to be feared, when we confider the
vail amount of interior carriage in mod of the coim«
tries exported from, the riiks and damages of the Tea,
vriih expence of freight and other charges, exciiifive of
inlanci carriage at home, before it can polHbly cfTedl the
ialan(^ interior confumption.

The Governor further fays, ihe continued influx »/
riches into England for near a century part, has created
a continued progrcflive rife in prices "which dijirtffes th$
land-workers and o%<ners. So far from this, the land-
holders have been greatly benefited by this influx of
riches, not only by their rents being greatly railed,
but the value of their lands being improved in a yet far
greater proportion, fetching now thirty ywirs purchafe
or upwards, inllead ot ten or fifteen, in the beginning
of this century. Befides, it is not the influx of money
into this kingdom that has rifen the prices of our own
internal produce and manufaflures, but the ill-judged
monopoly of the produce of the earth, or neced'aries of
life, which, by being raifed, have raifed the price of
labour, the principal conftituent part in every manufac-
ture, or laboured'CowpofitearticUt which again has ope-
rated on thefe very produdlions of the earth, fo as to
dedroy all advantages the monopolizers propofed to
themfelves from the raifing of them.

The influx of riches into any kingdom where the com-
merce in the necejfaries of life is free j can operate no
further in the advance of price than as far as it iiicr cafes
the general average of the circulating viafs of riches in the
commercial nvor Id. The illuftration is eafy. We will
iuppofe, that in a kingdom reftrained from all foreiga
or external commerce, the inhabitants of a particular
province, had, from mines in their pofi'eflTion, or :iy
peculiar caufe, acquired a great influx of muney, I'ar
beyond their proportion ; it would, from the greater
furas to fpend, attraft people from the other provinces;
but would this province only experience a rife in prices,

c or

)

Titi

PREFACE.

or would ii not s.'luate the whole provioces of the'
kingdom in the dlrtd proportion this acceffion of circula-
ting richei of the one province bore to the aggregate in the
luhole ? And where freedom of commerce in the necef*
faries of life is allowed, one (late is to the commercial
world, what, in the above inftance, a province is to a
kingdom.

The improvement of lands certainly requires the at-
tention of a ftate as much as the improvement of its
fifhcries, or aay other objeft; becaufe, by this, as well
as by the other means, the population of a ftate ii
increafed, and a produce obtained, either for heme
confumption or foreign export.

That the lands of this kingdom are improving, every
lover of his country muft fee with pleafure, who ob-
ferves the numerous afts that are pafled every fefllons
for the dirifion of wafte lands.

One general bar to improvement is, that moll lands
arc liable to pay tithe when in grain, under which crops,
during the courfe of their improvement, they muft fre-
quently be; — and one-tenth of the produce, where
much labour and manure are expended, is in fome
places a heavy rent. However this is happily avoided,
when before an application for an aft for divifion a
modus can be agreed on, or a certain part of the lands
accepted, to exempt the remainder from all tithes.

The reader will forgive this deviation, and the extra
length of the preface, when he confiders that a writer
of fuch acknowledged political abilities as Governor
Pownal, differing in fentiment in a material point from
the author ©f this treatife, rendered it highly necefiary
to refute, as far as in his power, thefe objedions againlt
his principles.

January lo, 1777.

CON-

CONTENTS.

SECT. I. Introduftory Difcourfe. On the Impr$'
priety of reftfiing an ejiablijhed Gwernment 'without
due Caufe. Page i

Sect. II. Motives of Cflonizalion and comparative ad-
vantages to Great Britain, from her different Continen-
tal Colonies, in North /America. j
Sect. III. On the principles of policy, that ought to fuhjtjl
betnueen a parent Jlate and her Colonies ^ conjljient nvith
the r eciprocal inter eft of both . 1 5
Sect. IV. Thefuhjed of the foregoing Seflion continued.
Newfoundland and Northern Fijheries — Regulations of
the Corn-trade of the Colonies, isc. 23
SiCT. V. On the probable catifes of the infurreHion in
America, and the fuhje£l of the third SeHion further
anftdered. 42
Sbct. VI. On the propriety of reftflance to port-duties ^
and the advantages America receives from her dependence
on this country. 60
Sect. VII. Better to render the Nenu England Colonies
independent, than keep them on their former footing :
The advantages and inconveniencies of it confidered. 69
Sect. VIII. Independency oj the Britlfh American Colo-
nies, contrary to the ir.terefl of the European maritime
pcwers. Confequence of this independency to Britain f
and the reft of Europe, Interefi of Britain rather than
lofe the luljole, to divide part of her American provinces
nuithfovic of the maritime flatet of Europe, 81
Sect. IX. On Improvements at home. — Union nuitb
Ireland — Advantages of it conftdered — Britifh i/leSf
their fijheries capable of great improvement — The means
that •will effed it — Meafures for the eafter manning of
the navy — /// execution of the revenue latus in Scotland
— Revifton of poor la'ws 89
Sect. X. Confiderations on Eaft Indian Affairs. The
improvement of our territorial poffeffwns in Ajia—Mea'
fares conducive to the interefi of Britain^ and happinefs
of her fuhjeds in the Indies, 108

1 /

>>.,'

"-. 1

'Mw3*r' --'«•■

SECTION I.

Introductory Discourse

On the Impropriety of rcfifling an ejlablijhed Go-
vernment without due Caufe.

THE vindicators of the Americans, in
their prefent refiflance againft their
Parent-State, have laid great ftrefs on
the right of the People to alter and remodel
their Government whenever they pleafe.

As I allow there is no power held by divine
right, I agree with them in their afl'ertion ; if
by the people be meant the majority of an em-
pire, not that of a province only ; for then, in
the latter cafe, the county of York would have
a right to alter its conftitution ; fo would Dr-
vonfliire, &c. By and by the people of one
riding or divifion of Yorkfliire, might take it
into their heads to make a farther alteration,
till in the end wc ihould have as many conlli-
tutions as parifiies, and then have them all
once more remodelled, and again reunited un-
der fomc new form, by their becoming a pro-
vince of fome Power, that knew and praclifed
the art of governing better.

A province of an empire may neverthelefs,
if labouring under particular opprcflion, he jul-
tificd in taking up arms in defence of their
liberties, although they have no right to do it

B ' ia

I ^

2 S E C T I O N I.

in trivial caufes, nor for the avowed purpofe
of changing their form of government.

What I fhall now endeavoui to prove is,
That no Governing Power, whether an Arifto-
cracy, a Democracy, a limited, or even an
abfolute Monarchy ought, without great occa-
lion, to be refifted ; and further, That the
Americans have had no fuch caufe to juftify
their rifipg in Arms.

The end of all good government is to prevent
the ftrong from opprefling the weak, the lawlefs
from committing depredations on the peaceful
and induftrious ; and by fecuring perfonal free-
dom and private property, to promote induftry
the great fource of riches and collective ftrength,
that the community, fo combined, may not
only keep peace and good order among them-
fclvcs, but be able to repel the hoftile invafions
of any other community, or body of people,
that may endeavour to difturb their tranquil-
lity and repofe.

As it is obvious the whole body of the peo-
ple cannot be engaged in legiflation and the
executive part of government, it follows, that
tlicfc powers muft be entrufted in the hands of
a certain number of the community, which
will be more or lefs according to the form of
their government. Now let the form of the
conftitution be ever fo good, thofe who aftu-
ally pofl'efs the ruling power will have paflions
like other men, and confequently be liable to
err; but it does not follow, that for every
error of government, which they might pro-
bably

SECTION I.

IS,

bably correft of themfelves, the people, who
think they are, or are in reality in iome mea-
fure, aggrieved, fliould rife in arms and op-
pofe them ; for this would eternally be pro-
ductive of bloodflied, anarchy and diforder,
and fo far weaken the community, that they
would become an eafy prey to the ambitious
views of any neighbouring power. — They
would then lofe the fubttance of liberty, by
grafpin^q^ at its fhadow : Even fuppofing ihem
fuccefsful, all they can do is to tiuil the
power in the hands of other men, who, as
men, either through depravity of mind or
want of judgment, will be as liable to err as
the former,, They will then, if they have been
contending without fufficient caufe, after having
exhaufted much blood and treafure, and
brought ruin upon many who would other-
wife have been in happier circumftances, have
the fame to contend for over again, or quietly
fit down with thefe additional aggravations
of mifery, which they have brought upon
themfelves.

As all governing powers are liable to err and
encroach on the liberty of the fubject, fo are
they likewife capable of reforming when they
have feen mto the falfe policy of what they
have done. This event ought to be expe(n:ed
with fome degree of patience, or refiftance is
ciiniinal becaufj ^ .oJudive of greater evils than
tbofe it endeavours to redrcfs.

I by no means intend to infer that the
governing pov/ers IhoulJ never be rclifted,

B 2 for.

4 SECTION I.

for, as a Briton, 1 glory in the noble and fuc-
cefsful refiftance our anceftors made to the
arbitrar)' power of Charles 1. I only wifli to
point out a medium between abfolute obedi-
ence or non-refiftance, and rifing in arms
without duly confidering whether the caufe,
in its ill effeds to them and their pojlerity, be
equal to the immediate carnage and ruin in-
fallibly attendant on civil war. ; '

Civil wars, even in a juft caufe, too fre-
quently end where they began ; for by the
continuance of them the people become tired
of their confcquent anarchy and dillrefs, and
contrafting their then unfettled Ibitc with
peace at home, and their former, though per-
haps very indifferent government, are glad to
have any government at all ; thus it returns
into its old channel ; while the advantage and
opportunity of remodelling the ftate and ob-
viating the defects of the old conftitution, are
entirely, or in a great meafure lolt in the
general defire of quiet and rcpofc, after fuch
fcenes of turbulence and bloodlhed. — Witnefs
moft ot the revolutions in this Kingdom and
in almoft every other Hate.

Before I enter into the merits of the prefcnt
unhappy conteft, it will be neceil'ary to con-
fider the connection there is between a Parcnt-
ftate and its Colonies, with the natural claims
of the former, which when difcuifed the other
will follow of courfe.

SECT-

- - .f^

•i

SEC

T I O N

11.

SECTION II.

Motives of Colonization and comparative advan*
tages to Great Britain^ Jrom her different Con-
tinental Colonies^ in North America.

A LATE writer in a fenfible treatife* on
the importance of the American Colo-
nies to Britain, obferves very juftly, " there
are three grand realons for a country's
planting colonies."

1. " Affording a national retreat to inch
perfons as will emigrate."

2. " Affording a retreat to the emigrants of
foreign countries."

3. " Raifmgthe productions of climates dif-
" ferent from their own, and thereby faving
" the purchafe of fuch."

If we enquire how far our Colonies in A-
merica have anfwered thefe ends, we Ihall
find fome of them have done it in a greater
degree than others.

The Northern Colonies, we know, in the
time of Charles the firft in particular, were
refortcd to, and peopled by great numbers of
emigrants from this kingdom, who, had it
not been for our pofl'eflion of, or claim to
thofe provinces, would have been abfolutely
loft to this country, and confequently its
power diminiflied in the proportion thefe emi-

^ Latter part of ad. vol. of American Hufbandry.

ants

SECTION

11.

grants bore to the whole number of the peo-
ple ; at the fame time, that fome other pow-
ers, perhaps our rivals, had been reaping a
proportionate accefllon of ftrcngth. Thus far
the firft motive of acquiring new fettlements
has been anfwered.

The fecond is of a fimllar nature, as the
receiving under our governm. ,t, emigrants
from foreign countries, not only ftrengthens
ourfelves, but weakens thofe they have come
from. This advantage we have likev/ife reap-
ed from our American fettlements, for befides
the Swedes and Dutch, that were left in the
Colonies of New Jerfey and New York,^
when thofe powers gave up their claim to
thefe Colonies, immenfe numbers of Germans
and other foreigners have rcforted thither
from Europe.

The thirc' end of colonizing, viz. <* raifing
*' productions the mother-country cannot." It
is plain it cannot be anfwered by the New
England Colonies, as their climate is fimilar
to our own, imlef> they produced fome mine-
rals the mother-country does not, wliich in
fome of them is not the cafe. From their cli«

* The province of New York, called by the Dutch New
Holland, or New Netherlands, was conqu ' from that
power in the latter end of the year 1664. Tne Dutch re-
covered it in 1672, but redored it a few months after by
the treaty of peace- At the time of this conquelt, New
Jerfey was entirely under the dominion of the Dutch, they
having long fettled the north eaftern parts, as a part of New
Holland, and a little before the period abovc-nientionedi
bought the rcmaiader of Rizingt tiie Swcdifli General.

mate

Its

es
le

.-is*,i^ri

TABLE of the Population, Imports, Exports, &c. oi

Provinces.

^anada — — —

Labrador — — —
Nova Scotia and Northern Iflands
r MafTachufets Bay
New J New Hamplhire
England ^Connecticut
C Rhode Ifland

New York — _ —

No. of Inhabitants,
white and black.

Eaft and Weft Jerfey —

Penfylvania with lower Coun-
ties ou Delawar

Virgiaia and Maryland —

North Carolina — — >

South Carolina — —

Georgia § — __ __

Eaft Florida § — —

Weft Florida $ — —

}

> 120,000 j

— — 40,000
280,000^

So.ooof .

.Q««««?- 600,000
loOfOOOf

60,000 J

100,000

80,000 > 580,000 <
400,000

— — 720,000
120,000") (

"pmlir

No. of

1 80,000 _

30,000 ■
4,000*
6,000

300,000

40,000

2,400,000

Ships In

^ / ,,'beamen
eraploy'dj

"408

34
6

35
330

140

24
2

588

330

390

31960

408

1,680

240

120

694 I 8,220

Value of Innports frono
Great Britain.

— — 105,000

__ #

— — 26,500

— — 407,000

531,000"'

611,000

18,000"
365,000^

- 1,142,000 •

865,000

383,000

49,000^
7,000 V 153,000

97, 030 J

3,081,500

Value of
Exports.

105,500
49.050
38,000

705,500 ^

1,040,000 <

68,350 J

395,666 I
74,200

63,000

3,550,266

Pel
Fiiy
Fit

Fiflil

Floi

P.
Flou

P'!
Tobi

he
Tar,

livi
Rice,

Rice,

t
Deer

N. B. The articles of export follow each other in the fame fucceflloa as the value of their refpe£live amounts, I
range with the others according to their colleftive value.

* No tegaUt ciportit to Labradoi-, at we have no fixed fettlementi except in the fouthera parts, the exports to which are included in
every feafon, viz. principally from New England. One hundred and twenty fail of American veflels are employed.

f From New London and other places in Connedticut they have lately fliipt off large quantities of wheat, but principally by the way oF I
f Akthe time thefe eftimates were made, the export from Eafl Floridi, in indigo and peltry, might be about j or 6000 1, annually. Since
they had hlcewife begun to cut large quantities of lumber, viz. flaves, fhingles, pine fcantlings, &c.
§ The number of the inhabitants in Georgia, and each of the Floridas refpei^ively, is eftimated by the author, as the aggregate was only g
f^ Fur and peUrf»^Dtct ikiai and pdtry— may by foihe be deemed ai^ inpropiiety, as both fuci and deer ikiai come uadex the general i

xpoRTs, &c. of the Britifli-American Continental Colonies.

from

•o

'0<

Value of
Exports.

1051500
49.050
38,000

485.000 ^

526,000 ^

705,500 ^

1,040,000 j

68,350 ^

395,666 I
74»20o

63,000

Different Articles exported to Great Britain, Europe, the Weft Indies, &c.

Peltry, wheat, lumber, uhalebone, iilh oil, dec.

Filh oil, whalebone, and feal fltins

Fifh, filh oil, lumber, and whalebone —

— N.B. V^lue of peltry jf. 76,000
— N. B. Produce of fiOieriss /. 34,000

Filh oil, filh, lumber, fliips, pot-aft, live flock, fait provifions, &c. &c.f

N. B. Produce of fiflierles/. 250,000

Flour and bifcait, wheat and other grain, deer flcins gnd peltry, fait provifions, lumber, copper

ore and iron in pigs and bars, live ftock, flax feed, pot-afli, fhips, &c.

N. B. Amount of flour and provifions £. 386,000
t^ Both the imports and exports of N«w Jcrfey arc included in thofe of New York and

Penfylvania.
Flour, wheat and other grain, fait provifions, deer fltins and peltry, lumber, copper ore and iron in

pigs and bars, flax feed, live flock, fliips, &c. — N B. Amount ot flour and provifions /. 5 17,000
Tobacco, wheat and other grain, lumber, iron in pigs and bars, fliips, deer fliins and peltry,

hemp, fait provifions, flax leed, &c. — — N. B. Value of tobacco /. 768,000

Tar, pitch and turpentine, lumber, tobacco, Indian corn and other grain, deer fltins and peltry,

live ftock and rice. — — — N. B. Tar, pitch, and turpentine £. 17,850

Rice, indigo, deer fltins and peltry, fait provifions, live ftock, Indian corn and other grain, fhips, &c.

N.B. Rice /. 220,000
Rice, deer fltins and peltry, live ftock, drugs, filk, indigo, &c. — N.B. Value of rice /. 36,000

Deer fkins and peltry, logwood and other dying woods, and fllver in dollars.

3,550,266

if refpe^ive amounts, beginning with the greateft flrft: And where two or more articles are joined together, they

to which are included in thofe to Canada. The conAimption of the fidiermen and traderi it fupplied from the place they come from
d.

principally by the \vay oF New York, by which channel a conGderable part of their other produce i» exported,
or 6000 1. annually. Since that period foinc conGderable rice plantations have been fet forward on St. John's and St. Mary's rivers; and

as the aggregate was only given, in the account the above is copied from.

It come uadei the geacial name of peltry : They arc however mentioned fcparately, at cfleatially diflfeilng in value.

American Continental Colonies.

•tides exported to Great Britain, Europe, the Weft Indies, &c.

J, whalebune, filli oil, »5cc. —
i^tnd feal fkins
and whalebone — —

— N. H. Viiluc of peltry /■. 76,000
— N. B. Prodvce of Hflicries /". 34,000

Cliips, pot-aHi, live flock, fait provifions, &c. Sccf

N, B. Produce of fiflierics /". 250,000

I jjsat and other grain, deer Mns and peltry, fait provifions, lumber, copper
and bars, live ftock, flax feed, pot-aln, fliips, &c.

N. B. Amount of flour and provifions £. 386,000
Ei and exports of New Jcrfey are included in thofe of New York and

V grain, fait provifions, deer fltins and peltry, lumber, copper ore and iron in

.■ed, live flock, fliips, &c. — N. B. Amount oi flour and provifions jf .517,000
Viother grain, lumber, iron in pigs and bars, fliips, deer fliins and peltry,

s, flat leed, &c. — — N. B. Value of tobacco £. 768,000

N<tine, lumber, tobacco, Indian corn and other grain, deer-flcins and peltry,
— — — N. B. Tar, pitch, and turpentine £. 17,850

So and peltry, fait provifions, live flock, Indian corn and other grain, fliips, &c.
Q N.B. Rice ^. 220,000

~ eltry, live flock, diugs, filk, indigo, &c. — N. B. Value office £. 36,000

logwood and other dying woods, and filver in dollars.

raft * S'"*^^*^ ^"^^ '• And where two or more articles are joined together, they

0yg|.The conAimptlon of the finiermen and tradcri it fupplied from the place they come from

• it channel a conCderable part of their Other produce ii exported.
thea'Dlidcrablc rice plaatationi have been fee forward oa St. John's and St. Mary's rivert; and

jJL the above ii copied from.

*^y arc however mentioned feparately, at cfleiitially differing in value.

^ <ff t ff* •

SECTION II. 7

mate being the fame, it follows, that the in-
habitants muft principally apply thcmfelves to
the fame employments as their fcllow-fubjecls
in Britain, that is raifing corn and provifions,
and exporting their fuperlluity, in which, as
well as in the fiflieries, they rival Great Bri-
tain and Ireland, and without reilraint, as
their principal products are not among the
enumerated articles;* and now, as they are,
in many places colleded in towns, and be-
come fo populous, as to have hands to fpare
from agriculture, they in a great meafurc
raifc many of the manufadures they confume:
whereas, the fupplying of them with ours,
■was the principal advantage we reaped from
them, and the only one wherein they could
be faid to adminiftcr to the taxes paid for the
lupport of the empire.

How far they do this, will appear from the
following table of the population of the Colo-
nies, and value of Britilli exports to each;
with the exports from each Colony, and
number of Britifli fliips and feamcn employed.

* Sugar, tobacco, cotton-wool, indigo, ginger, fuflick,
or other tlyinf tvood, rice, inolafrcs, hemp, copptr-ore,
bciiver-lkins, or other furs, pitch, tar, turpentine, marts,
yards, and bowlprits of the growth, produiition, or manu-
facture of any of the Britifli plantations in America, Aiia, or
Africa, are articles emiiiierated by 12 Car. II. chap. 18, ^^,
and 23. Car. li. chap. 26, 25. Car. II. chap 7, 3 and 4
Ann, chap. 5 and 10, 11 Ann, chap. 9, &c. &c. ail which
articles (except rice and fugar undci certain limitations)
cannot be carried from any of the faid places, unlcfs to fome
other Britijh plantatiom,ox to the kingdom ijH Great Britain.

The

.._-i'

SECTION

II.

The fore part of the foregoing table, as far
as relates to the population of the Provinces,
is taken from an account publilhed in New
Jerfey in Nov. i 765, and that part which re-
lates to the number of Britifli ihips and fea-
nicn employed in the commerce of each co-
lony, and the amount, &c. of the exports
and imports, is extracted from the American
Traveller, publilhed in 1769. The imports
and exports are at a medium of three years,
and I believe pretty accurate for that time.

As the number of inhabitants in New Eng-
land were 600,000, and the Britifli exports
thither jT. 407,000, it follows, that each indi-
vidual took from Britain thirteen fliiliings and
fix-pence nearly. — To view this in the moll
favourable light, we will fuppofe thofe arti-
cles * and manufacl:ures were made entirely of
Britifli raw materials, and conlequently the
value of them derived iolcly from the labour
employed in raifing the raw materials, and
compleating from them the manufaftures (in-
ducting the profit of thofe through whofe
ditfercnt hands the materials, both before and
after manufacT:uring pafs). — Now, if we rate
the annual labour of a manufacturer (manu-
fadurers, their wives and children at an ave-

* Coarfe G-Tman linens form a confiderablc part of our
exports, likewik India goods and other articles that our
maaufaftures have notliing to do with. f)f thtfc warehoufe
rent, porterage, the proiit of our merchants, and the fmall
difference between duty and draw-baok are the adva. tages
wc reap.

rage)

■i: I

S E C T I O N II. 9

i"age) at £> i^ lo^, it follows, that tn-enfy
New England tolonifls, paying i:^r>. 6d. each
for Biitifli labour, only employ one individual;
and fuppofing this pcrfon without that employ
muft otherwife have emigrated, they then only
fay the taxes of one BritiJIj reftdenl^ and this^
one of the lower dafs of the people. As it
is therefore plain they only pay each indi-
vidual, rich and poor on an average, one-
twentieth part of what a labouring pcrlbn does
in Britain, tovi'ards the government, fleet, and
armies, which protect them equally with our"
felves^ it becomes matter of enquiry what bc"
nefit this kingdom reaps from thefe Colonics
that entitles them to be fo much more favour-
ed than their fellow-fubjects in the Mother-
country. It naturally occurs — Arc they not rc-
ftrained in their commerce ? No ! they enjoy
every advantage with thofe who pay more
than twenty times their taxes. Thus cafed of
burthen, they rival them in every refpetl. They
carry their corn and other produce to foreign
markets, where they meet the proclurtions of
Britain, and occalion them to lay on hand by
underfelling them. Tiiey likcwife run away
with the principal fiiare of that great fource
of Britifli wealth and nas-.il power, the Fijhery
of Newfoundland.

All the reafon that can be c;lven for this
partiality is, tliat none wo>'ld emigrate from

* ^.Me men in mon: manurnfliivc;!, earn at leafl los. per
week, /'. 'J> voarly, and children Iruia 5 s. to 7, y'lL. [. 7 • 16.

fo^.18.4.

their

Iti'^'

10 s E c T I o N rr.

their native country without fome view of
advantage, and that they maintain their own
civil eftabh.^.unent — A burthen not fo great
as that of many corporate towns in Britain,
who maintain, or give falaries to their Mayors,
Recorders, &c.

Can it be the intereft of Britain to fupport
Colonics that reap cveiy eflential advantage
of commerce witli herfelf, and at the fame
time exempt them from all authority or alle-
giance but what they plcale to admit ? li; cer-
t?Jnly cannot, for then they would, to all
intents and purpofcs, be more detrimental than
if they were independent ftates.

Holland, Hamburgh, Bremen, &:c. to which
places our exports are more conliderable, even
in proportion to their population, might with
the fame reafon expect to fliare all the advan-
tages of Britifh fubjccts in the Britifli domi-
nions, and that we Ihould pay the expence
of maintaining tlie fleets and armies tlut might
be found neceflary to protect them.

Let us now advert to our other <%merican
Colonies, and we fhall 6nd as they advance
towards the fun, tlicy arc the more beneficial
to Britain, as, from their difference in cli-
mate, they produce Itaple commodities that
this ifland cannot, and enable us, not only
to fupply our own neceflities, by an exchange
of our manufactures, but likcwife, for the
fame exchange, afford us a fupcrfluity of thofe
flaples (rice and tobacco in particular) which

1 ^'

SECTION II.

we exchange with other nations, in a great
meafure for bullion, or at leaft for fuch necef-
faries as we flioiild otherwife have to fend fo
much bullion out of the kingdom for.

A further advantage attending thefe Sou-
thern Colonies is, that while they are em-
ployed in railing thofe great ftaples of ag^ ^'cul-
ture, fo advantageous both to us and them,
they do not manufadture for themfelves, nei-
ther do they interfere with the Mother- coun-
try, in the carrying trade nor the liflieiies.
The reafon is obvious, they rind agriculture
more advantageous than either.

The imports to New York and Philadel-
phia, from Britain, are almoft equal to ^os.^
for each individual in the provinces of New
York, Jerfey and Philadelphia ; a greater pro-
portion than even any of the fouthern Colony
imports. Weft Florida excepted.

Excepting peltry, copper-ore, iron, flax-
feed, and pot-aih, thele provinces do not raife
any ftaple of moment valuable to Britain: and
as two- thirds of the value of their exports arc
in flour, grain, and pro\afions, it muft be
admitted, they in fome meafure rival Great
Biitain and Ireland, but when we confidcr
the greater part of thefe return to Britain,
to employ our manufacturers, and purchafe
.irticles we have imported, we have the lefs
reafon tu complain, although it would be

* This and tlic following fums in this fcvTlion, arc calula-
tcd from the data, in the table of exports and are ail iterling.

C 2 more

SECTION

II.

more advantageous, were their induftry turn-
ed into another channel, or their export of
proviiions properly regulated. However, as
exports of grain from Britain, are not now to
be expected annually, and were this kingdom
and Irel:;nd fully peopled, all the grain and
proviiions raifed, would in general be con-
fumed at home; the export of grain from our
Colonies, unrelbained as it now is, is not of
fo evil a confequence to this kingdom, as the
interference of thefe (and tlie New England)
Colonies with us in the filheries, which will
be particularly treated of in a future fedion.

Virginia and Maryland, lor each inhabitant^
take from Britain, about 24s. the Carolinas
25s. 6d. Georgia 32s. 8d. Eaft Florida 35s.
and Weft Florida £. 16.3.4. I'he Britifli
articles fent to the coaft of Guinea, to pur-
chafe the Haves imported into thefe Colonies,
will confiderabiy increafe thofe fums.

And bcfides (as wc have obferved before)
the great advantage we make by their ftaples,
and non-interference in the carrying trade and
fifheries, unite to make thofc Colonies of the
greateft confequence to Britain.

The vaft amount o^ the Weft Florid an im-
port (;/^. 16 . 3.4) for every individual of its
population, is ovvdng to the convcniency of its
fituation for trade with the Indiaijs for furs ;
and with the Spaniaids, from whom, in ex-
change for Britilh commodities, they receive

The Invliuns ;'.rc not included.

ivmq:

SECTION 11.

dying woods, indigo and dolhirs, all which
prove the great importance of this province
and of that trade, which the adminiftration of
Grenville was fo impolitic, as to endeavour
to put a Hop to. — The great excefs of the Weft
Floridan imports above their exports is what
muft happen in all new fettlcments, and was
occafioned by the ftocks of goods required to
carry on the Spanifli and Indian trades, and
the capitals necefl'ary to improve their lands,
which they have begun to cultivate in the weft
parts of the province.

The imports and exports both of Canada
and the adjoining part of Labrador (the only
part that is inliabited, except by Indians) arc
included under thofe of Canada. They do
not, according to our data, take from Britain
more than the value of i 7s, 6d. for each in-
habitant, confequently this Colony has the
appearance of being little profitable ; but when
we coniider the principal part of their export
coniifts in an advantageous ftaple, peltry, it is
not, though far north, without its ufe to this
country^.

Nova-Scotia, aiid the iflcs of Cape Breton,
St. John's, &c. take but at the rate of
13s. 3d. for each individual of their inhabi-
tants; notwithftanding this they would be va-

* Canada, fincc that time, bas cncreafed greatly in the
exportation of grain, fo that in t!ic year 1773 they were able
to exp)rt 50,000 (luarters ol wlicat, and in 1774 or 1775,
near double that qiKintity.

luable

14 SECTION II.

luablc Colonies, as near nine-tenths of their
exports are the produce of the fiflieries on their
civn coafl.f, were the carriage of this produce
to market to be folely in Britifli fliips.

More than half the export of the New Eng-
land Colonies is the produce of their fifheries,
but the reafon why diladvantageous to us is,
this produce is that of fifheries diftant from
them, which the Parent-ftate might carry on
to advantage. As to the fiflieries en their otun
coajl they aie the beft fituated to carry thenj
on, and it would be unrcafonable, as well as
impolitic, to prevent them.

It would be equally fo, not to fuffer them
to carry on the whale or other fiflieries wherein
every other power has a right to fifli as well
as ourfclves. All is, they fliould be confined
to thefe, and then, if wc have the carriage
of their produce to market, neither party can
have juft reafon to complain.

S K C-

SECTION. III.

r
r

n
n

'n
n

n
n
li
d
c
u

SEC

I O N

III.

On the principles of policy y that ought to fuhfijl
between a parent Jlate and her Colonies^ con-
Jijlent with the reciprocal interejls of both,

IT cannot be fuppofcd, that any country
would colonize or fend, protect and ^.up-
port people in diftant countries, for a great
length of time, and at a vaft cxpence, if it
was expected thefe colonies would, as foon
as opportunity offered, and they could do
without the parent-country's proteclion, repay
all her kindnefs by looking on themfelves as an
original and independent people — Nor fhould
it be imagined, that the Icglflature of the Mo-
ther-country, fhould have an uncontroulable,
unlimited power, over the property of the
colonifts. The line certainly fhould, and may
be drawn fo, as i.<:i be advantageous to, and
anfvvcr what ought to be the real intercfls of
both.

*' The Mother-country, in recompence of
" founding, fupporting, and giving protedlion
to the Colonies, fliould be intitled to cany-
on folely in her own fliips^, all their trade

"to

* since writing tins fcL^ion, have accidentally turned upon
a part of" Poftlethwaitc's Commercial Sy(icm of Great Bri-
tain, wherein I find his fentiments on Colony Navigation are
iimilar to wiiar I hu,ve wrote; and as lie is a Vvritcr ofac-

know-

SECTION 111.

to and from Europe^, and even all parts
*' of the world, their own and adjoining
" coafts and iflands excepted — And to re-
" gulate their commerce, fo as to make it
" coincide with her own interells.

« The

knowledged political merit, I fliall, for the fatisfadion of
the reader, give tliem in his own words, viz.

After laying down the caiifes of coloni/ation, he fays,
" From thefc principles it follows, that Colonies are defigned
"for culture only, and that the navigation occafioncd by
" that culture belongs to tiie fcanicn of the Mother-country.

" This maxim cannot be controverted ; and it would be
" better to inforcc it with rigour, than fuffer it to be too
" nmch deviated from by over great lenity, or any other
*' means."

The fame author obferves, that " the firft kind of naviga-
" tion ufeful, and even neccflary to colonies, is their coaft-
" ing trade." And further fays, " Another branch of navi-
" gation ufeful to them, is that which they carry on with
*' other Colonies, to fupply them only with commodities of
*' theprodu(5t of the Moii)er-country,orof their own growth,
" not admitted by their Mother-country at home, though al-
" lowed in the Colonics for prudential reafons."

* This is nothing more than a power we have already
exercifed with our American Colonies, for by the 3 Geo. II.
chap. 28, and 27 Geo. II. chap. 18, admitting rice to be car-
ried d'lTcSt from Carolina or Georgia to any part of Europe
fouth of Cape Finiilerrc, it is cnaiited that it (hall be only in
ihips built in Great Britain, and belonging to Britifh fubjcds
rejiding in Great Britain., and legally navigated. And by
the 12 Geo. II. chap. 30, and 24 Geo. II. chap. 57, fugars of
the growth, produce, or manufacture of the plantations
may there be fliipt for any foreign part of Europe, provided
it be in vcficls built in Great Britain, and belonging to /ub.
jeHs rcjiiiing in Creot Britain, or the major part of them
refiding in Grc:.T IV.itain, and the rcfidue in fome of the
Britifli fug;ir col'iiies in America. I.ikewife the (hips load-
ing rice or fugar, even under thefe regulations, are obliged
to proceed to Great Britain before they return to the Britifli
plantations.

.^%u

SECTION III. 17

** The Colonies in return for this reftraint
** on their navigation and trade, ftiould be
" exempted from all internal taxes whatever,
** for the fiipport of the empire." They
would therefore have nothing to maintain buC
their own civil pov.cr, which would be a very-
trivial burthen.

" And lallly, their LegiHation fhould be in
every relpect equally free and fimilar to that
of the Mother-country, and their gover-
*' nors appointed from thence."

Before we enter into the particular merits
and confcquences of thelc regulations, let us
fee whether the Colonies could have any juft
reafon to complain. — I^et us imagine ourielves
under the fame predicament.

Suppofe Britain dependent on France, and
Ihe to make the following ofi'er to us :

" You may either enjoy all the privileges
" we do as French fubjecis and rcfidents, pro-
" vided that, equally with us, you pay all
taxes and burthens of the Hate ; or other-
wife you may be exempt from all internal
" taxes, except the maintenance of your own
civil power, leaving to us the entire regu-

\ ?

In this inftance Dean Tucker has made a niiftake in a/Tert-
ing, " that all the coa(h of the Mediterianean and the louth
" of Europe are alre:'dy fupplied witli rice from the Colonies,
*' in the fame manner as if there had been an adual fcpara-
'' tion ; no ricc-fhip bound to any place foiith of Cape Fi-
*' nifterre being at all obliged to touch at any part of Grtat
'* Britain." See his True luterejl of Great Britain in regard
to the Col'-^nief. The la(t of his Four Trails on PcJitica/ and
Commercial Subjefh.

D " iation

SECTION III.

•* lation of your trade, and to be your fole
" caiTiers by fca, your coafting trade excepted.**

Britain, fo fiir from lofing by the latter
choice, would, in my opinion, evidently gain.

Doctor Price, in the appendix to his Obfer-
vations on Civil Libertv, has eftimated the
wliole drawn from the public in taxes and
cuftoms, with the charges of coUefting them
at £. 12,000,000. Of this fum the cuftoms of
England and Scotland (with charges of col-
lection and different bounties, which are part
of their produce) are only about £. 3,100,000.
Now fuppofing we fet afide a further fum of
£. 400,000, for the annual fupport of the go-
vernor (or viceroy) and the civil power, there
will Hill remain an exemption from the pay-
ment of eight millions and a half, a fum in-
finitely gi'eater than could poflibly be gained
by all the fliipping of the kingdom, perhaps
more than the whole freight of its commerce.

From thefe premifcs it will admit of no
difpute, that were the Colonies excluded from
all foreign navigation, and at the fame time
exempted from internal taxation, the colonifts,
as individuals, would enjoy greater advan-
tages than the refidents in Britain, even fup-
poling their external taxes were as high as
they are now in this kingdom, and they were
further deprived of carrying on their coafting
trade in their own fliips.

The Colonies fouth of Pennfylvania have
very little fliipping, fo can feel no inconve-
nience

SECTION III.

niencc from the propofed reftriclion, as they
already employ Britilh Ihips, or thoib of their
neighbours, the northern Colonies.

The proprietors of fhips in the northern
Colonies, from the great number they poflefs
and employ, not only in their own immediate
commerce, but even in that of the Colonies
to the fouth, would be the only body of
people who could have any fhadow of rcafon
to complain, were the propofed rertraininc^
law put immediately in force; but by fiif-
pending it for one or two years, thcfe people
would have time fr.ilicient to obviate any in-
convenience thence arifmg to themfclves, by
difpofing of their fhipping to the relidents of
Britain (^who would have a great demand for
fhips from their increafe of carrying trade)
or otnerwife, by becoming rcfidents in Britain,
they might continue their property in fliips,
and the employ of them unchanged.

This alternative, inild and eafy as it is,
would undoubtedly be complained of as an
infringement of natural liberty ; but even fup-
pofing it a hardfhip, it is neccflliry the intereft
of individuals Ihould give way to the good of
the public.

If it be eflential that all the (hipping em-
ployed in the Colony foreign trade fhould be
liritifh property, it is equally, or even more
lb that they Ihould be navigated by Britilh
denizens or refidents, that is (according to the
i':\ of navigation in other cafes') the mafter
and two-tiiirds of the crew Ihould be Biitilli.

D 2 Ai

20 S E C '1' I O N 111.

As failors are a clafs of men that will not
readily betake themfelves to any other employ-
ment, it would be highly neceflary to provide
for thofe Americans who are already of that
profefilon, and at the fame time put a flop to
their farther incrcafe.

Both thefe ends, I am of opinion, would be
anfwercd, by allowing all American failors,
and others who were actual apprentices to that
employment, at the commencement of the
propolcd aci:, to be regiftered as fuch (within
.1 limited time) in any of the Colony vice-
admiralty courts ; and on producing certili-
catcs of the fame, to pafs as Britifli denizens
in every refpecT:, except the Newfoundland
iilhcry, for reafons hereafter mentioned. But
that no American, except thofe fo rcgillered,
fliall be cllccmed a denizen of Biitaiii, unlefs
he lerve an apnrenticelliip of fcven years in a
Britiih merchant tliip, or has been lb long on
board a man of war, and likevvife become, as
far as he can as a feaman, a refident in this
country, by his family, Ihould he have one,
refiuing here.

The commercial advantages, bcfldcS acccf-
fion of power, ariling to this country, iVom
the principal navigation ui the Colonics being
carried on in fhips of Biiti(Ji piopcrly, and
navigated by Bntiili feanicn, aic fo obrious,
tiiat they need not be infilled on. However,
we iliail enumerate a few of them.

I. Tiie profits of the frei'Hits of the fliips fo
employed, by coming folcly to this country,

would

*-.««"■*•

SECTION III.

would bring the pfcneral balance of trade ii)
much more in our favour, and add to the
public revenue by the proportion of taxes paid
by the proprietors of the fliips, fo far as the
profits contribute to their fiipport, and like-
wife increafe our population, by the acquilition
of fuch proprietois of fliips from America xs
chufe to continue their property in that employ.

2. The like advantages to the revenue and
population will refult from thofe failors em-
ployed in the colony trade who have fami-
lies, and from their families being rcfidcnt
here, and deriving their fupport from them or
their wages.

To cftimate the particular amount of the
advantage to Britain from this accefllon of
fliips and feamen, it would be nccciTiry to
know pretty nearly the number employed.

Dr. Mitciiel ailerts that the Britifli Colonies
in America maintain 45,000 feamen, and ano-
ther writer ^ makes it appear that Britain hcr-
felf employs in that trade far fhort of 15,000! :
therefore, colonifts employed, muft exceed
30,000; row deducting 5,000 for their own
coafling trade, there will remain 25,000 fea-
mcn gained to Britain, and, eftimating one
feaman| neceflary for every 20 tons burthen
of a fhip, be 500,000 tons of fliipping, or ac-

* American Traveller,

f Sailors in the Newfoundland trade, but not the boat-
men included.

J In very fiiKill ve/Tels a greater proportion of hands are
rtf|i;irtd, lut in large veirds a Itfs number than the average
made ufc 0.'".

cording

!*i

SECTION III.

cording to the King's mcafurcment (which
bears proportion to the burthen nearly as 3
to ^) 375,000 tons — Now, i'upporing thele
fhips to be only employed 8 months in the
year, and at the freight of los. per ton mea-
furement per month^ it follows the whole
amount \vill be £. 1,500,000, one-third of
which, at lead, viz. half a miUion, would center
in this kingdom, as profits to the fliip-holders,
and maintenance of the families of the lailors.

Ic may be tlie opinion of many, that Bri-
tain ihould of right referve to herfelf the
navigation between the continental Colonies
and the Weft Indies, as well as that of Europe,
&c. The principal objedion to this is, the
fliipping employed in that trade would have
no occafion ever to come home, and in con-
fequencc, the feamcn, though Britifh, could
have no families in England, and would of
courfe become Americans as they muft form
their connections there. However, to prevent
the growing power of the northern Ci^lonies,
who would otherwife continue to be carriers
by fca for thofe of the fouth, it might be ne-
ceffary to lay the trade under this reflriclion,
that no fliips, Britifli and Wcfl Indian ex-
cepted, but thofe belonging to the refpeclivc
Colony, fliould be pcrmi<-tc<l to load in that
Colony any cargo for the '\>^eil Indies, but to
have no rellraint whatever as to their place of
delivery on their return.

* The fi cifiht in the trrinfpo t lervlce at the v/orft times is
9b. per ton per niontli, and is now up 10 iis. 6J.

SEC-

SECTION IV.

SECTION

IV.

The fuhje^l of the foregoing Se6lion continued,

Newfoundland and Nortbern FiJJjerles — Regula-
tions of the Corn-trade of the Colonies^ ^c.

THE filhery of Newfoundland, we have
premifed the Colonies fliould have no
fhaie in. It is a fource of wealth tliat ought
to be as llridly guarded as tho Dutch do their
fpice trade, as it is of many times the confe-
quence : it is therefore to be lamented, that
any European power fliould fliare w^th us any
part of it, much more fo conliderably as our
natural rivals do.

What adds greatly to the importance of
Newfoundland is, that its fifl.iery not only
gives employment to our artificcis at home^
and a great number of our (hipping to convey
its pr-- 'ace to market, but likewile occupation
to vail numbers of the poor, both in Britain
and Ireland, who go out every year to carry
on the fiihery, and return when it is over to
fpcnd the produce of their labour with their
families in their own country: thus adding to
the imperial-rtate's population and ftrength,
and atlording in time of war, a refource of
men able to ferve her at fea.

The confumption of fifli and all other ar-
ticles are undoubtedly limited, and when the

number

i n

■I ^i

■1 • .

.,:i,„_

SECTION IV.'

number in any profeflion arc too numerous,
the profits are fo far reduced, that thofe only
who are moft advantage ouily lituated can
carry it on ; therefore, the other competitors
are neccffitated to defift and feck employment
clfcwhere. The New Englanders are certainly
as well, if not better fituatcd than England or
Ireland, to carry on this lifliery with their
own people, confequently, their competition
muft more and more reduce the number of
iiihermen fent out from this country, till in
the end, from the impoflibility of mnkin^
wages and paying exj)ences, we fliould i^nd
out none at all. Before the reflraining aci
took place, tlie middle provinces^ had, to the
decreale of the numbers employed by us, by
degrees come to enjoy of themfelves almoft
the principal ihare of the filhery — Thus it
follows, that if the greateft degree of popula-
tion pofiible Ihc Id be maintained in the im-
perial-frate, the v_oIf)nies fliould by no means
be allowed to interfere on the banks of New-
foundland, nor indeed from the north of
Cape Sable, to the entrance of Davis's Straits.

The produce of the lifherics of Labrador,
we have already fliewn to be upwards of
£. 49,oco, and that it is carried on lolely by
the Americans, who employ there 120 fail of
vcilels. Now fuppoling thefe vefTels at 10
men each, there is employed on the coaft of

* New EnfilanJ alone employed niort (hips in the fifliery,
than both Great Briiiin andlrehind.

Labrador

S E C T I O N IV. 25

Labrador 1200 men from the middle Colo-
nies, which ought only to be from the Bri-
tifh Ifles. The Americans may fay if we were
excluded, you yourfelves would not fifli there.

This afTertion would remain to be proved.
If V" did not fifti there immediately, it would
be becaufe our (hipping were other wife advan-
tageoufly employed ; but the knowledge of
this refource would foon incrcafe the num-
ber of veffels and adventurers, and occalion
it quickly to be entered into.

The number of refidents in Newfoundland,
that remain there throughout the year, I can-
not determine ; but fuppofe it muft be very
cnfi* ^ble from the amount of our exports
ti uj,, greatly exceeding all that can be
wanted for the people fent out from Biitaiu
and Ireland. The fliips employed by thcfe
countries in the trade and fifhcry arc 38c,
carrying, one with another, 1 2 men ; in all
^560. The iifliery likcwife employs 2000 boats
with 8 men each, manned by the people fent
out, and by the refidents j together 16000
boatmen.

The amount of exports thither from Britain
and Ireland, in coarfc cloathing, fifhing-tackle,
beef, pork, i>;vl:ih-fpirits, gun-powder, iliot,
&c. is j^< 2 .s^ '. And the exports from
NewfoundiAii i o ' le different parts of Europe,
in cotl-fifh and wf!. value on the fpot, aie
£, 345,000.^" — Thus they were as ftated by tlic

Fifl> /", .:oo,ooo, oil i". IJ.OC?.

American

2(5 SECTION IV.

American Tnivcllcr. Since then they have
added to their exports a confiucrublc quantity
oFfc^al (kins and fonie ialmon.

It ruift be oblcrvcd very little of the fifli,
and a part only of tlie oil come to England,
but go moftly to foreign markets, fo that the
greatcfl part of our export is a net balance
ill our favour. The great importance of this,
and ftill greater of cieating and giving employ
to fuch vail; numbers of iailors and liihcrnien,
are advantages not to be equalled by any
other fettlenient or branch of commerce, and
cannot be too much kept r '''reives..

Philadelphia, New York. d fome ports
of New England, fupply the land and filhery
Avith flour, bifcuits and grain, viz. peafc,
barley, ^c.

The fame Author we quoted in the be-
ginning of the ad fcclion obferves, that " Bri-
*' tain in good policy, ought to have kept
*• the fupply of the Wefl. Indies with grain
" entirely to lierfclf ^, inficad of the uncertain
'• corn- trade flie has with Europe, hccaufe the
*' demand would be perfectly rct^ular, and no
*• where elfe is to be found fuch confiderable
" bodies of people, that depend for their daily
*' bread folely on importation."

If this obfervation be juit for the Weft In-
dies, it will be ecpally lb for our fupplying

* Tlie ffLight to cither Newfoundland or the Wed Indies
would not be high, bfcaufe moft vefltls go to thefe places
in ballalK and would conlcqucn'Jy be content with a InuJl

( ,'

frciglit out.

Newfound-

S E C T 1 O N IV. 27

Newfoundland with grain from Britain and
Ireland only.

If Great Britain and Ireland afforded a con-
flant furplus of grain above their own con-
fui iption, this argument would have been
fcarcely controvertible; but when we coniider
that Britain and Ireland frequently import
large (luantilies for their own confumption,
both from the Baltic and America, would it
not in thofe years be rccafioning both the
Weft Indies and Newfoundland, to come much
dearer by their provifions, by their corn having
undergone two long voyages, viz. from Ame-
rica to England and back again to thofe A-
nierican iflands, than if they had been allowed
to have the fame grain immediately from the
place of its growth in their own neighbour-
Jiood? Being limited to this cliannel, they
would, in thefe inftanccs, receive their grain
with the additional charges of double, inftead
of fmgle freiglit, infurance, intereft of money,
danger of heating,^ commillion, &c. fo that
the confequenccs nuifl be unavoidably felt.

It is the intereft of every country that has
rival nations in any manufac'iure, although it
can raifc tlie raw materials within itfelf, to
procure them from where they can be had
chcapcft, tliat they may not, by endeavouring
lo vc'-iin the pioiit on a part, lofe the fale of
the whole.

* Againfl which tlicrc ir. no infurance, as grain of all
kinds is v.Mrrantcd fVwS hovA avcragf, unlcl's geneial, or the
ftiip bu llianacd.

E 2 TJiis

If >

i I i

•}

i
I

I ;

SECTION IV.

This reafon wiH have the fame weight in
the importation of grain, becaiil'c provifions of
•all kinds, are, in ftricl juftice, a raw material
in every manufadure, more efpecially in thofe
that derive their principal value from labour.
The price of labour, or hire of men, depends
not only on the number that offer themfclvcs
for hire, but likewife on the price of provifions.
Were labourers plentiful, it would depend en-
tirely upon the latter, as, from this caufe, we
find in the interior parts of Ruflia, men are to
be hired at 4 or 5 copecks, or about 2d. to
2 i d. per day. However, in all places, the
price ot labour is more or lefs afl'efted by that
of provifions. In countries where there is
full employment for all that will labour, a fall
in price of provifions, will not for fome time
afTect or lower the wages, but on the contrary,
ihould provilionii rife and keep high, we may
foon expect a rile in the hire of men ; what
clfe is the principal caufe "^ of wages being fo
much higher now, than they were a century
or two fince ? Where employment is more
plentiful than men, this confequent rife will
be the fooner efl'ected, but even in the other
cafe, it mull in the end inevitably follow, as
men cannot work for lefs than will afford
them a bare fubfiflance.

* Tlie grer.t incrcaf;; thro-iiphout Europe of fpccic, and its
rep'.cfent.itive priptr-currer.cy, and tlie dci);<r< nicnt of mir
CO r, itre c.<u(cs of .v pri)p.,rti -n.uc itdv.ino;} of lab/.i!", firce
thole pc(i^-d^, b'j: no: ol" tlv; exccf; it is uuw arrived itt.

Now,

i,'*-

SECTION IV.

Now, as the produce of fiflieries derive their
value almcft totally from labour, an increafe
of this charge would unavoidably give our
rivals the advantage over us, and occafion our
decline, therefore, the cheaper provifions can
be afforded in Newfoundland, the more ad-
vantage to the empire.

The ill confequences attending an advance
in the price of provifions in the Weft Indies,
are ftill more firiking, becaufe the labour of
the Negroes depends folely on the price of
provifions, at leaft with thofe who poffefs the
Negroes they employ. Provifions and hire
of money ^ are the raw materials of, and
principal charges on fugar, rum, coffee, cotton,
&c. therefore the nation at whofe fettlements
the price of provifions and intereft of money
are the lowcft, ceteris paribus, will be able to
cany its Weft India trade, and thofe depen-
dent on it, to the higheft pitch.

This differtation on the effects of the price
of provifions in Newfoundland and the Weft
Indies, carries us fovvard to confider whether
the fame poUcy be not neceffary in the Parent-
ftate.

This kingdom is a commercial one, and
derives great part of its ftabillty and power
from the export of its manuhctures, and in
the vend of moft of them h.is to contend
with a rival power, that from the lower price

* The capitals employed in Kcgroes, Sec.

30 SECTION IV.

of labour has in' oduced the produce of its
tahricks inl / m.. •' ,,is 'A'hcre we formerly had
almor- th Ac \ci i. It is not to be difputed
that the French in a great meafure lupply
Turkey, Italy, Portugal, Spain, and the Dutch
for the Spanilh contraband trade from Cu-
racoa, St. Eutlatia, ^x. with their woollen
ilufl's, and that the demand of them ftill in-
crcafcs to the detriment of our own, even
in places, where, by the faith of treaties, it
ought to be othcrwife. What is this owing
to? To no other caufe but the cheapnefs of
labour in France ; not to the goodnefs of
their materials ^ or excellence of their work-
nianlliip, for we exceed them in thefe.

Does it not then behove this kingdom to
ftek out fome remedy ? It certainly does, and
rcquiics no more than to enable the labourer
to live cheaper tliat he may labour for lefs.
The only means to effect this, we have before
proved, is to allow a free Importation of
provifions — And as free an exportation is ne-
ceflary, except in cafes of famine, to give
due encouragement to our produce at home,
that we may be the lefs dependent on foreign
fupplics.

Before that excellent zft of 13 Geo. Ill,
cliap. 43. for which tlie nation is chiefly in*

* T!ie Frcncli, in many of their woollen flufTs, cannot
<'o v.irlio'.'t H ctit.iin iiruj^oitinn of Englifli or Iiifli wnol.
{'.n-it qii..nti.i^:s tif bo'I), notv. i'.Iillan.i^n- cur laws to the
C'lnrr.irv, niul tlie r;./v.',ViV./
ibcy coijtii'. V 10 OL't.tiii.

;■(,-;• en Hccounv of tlic luK,

SECTION IV.

dcbtcd to Governor Pownal, the importation
and exportation were lb uncertain and iluc-
tuating, tiiat generally after a large export,
and fometimes without it, the nation was left
without a fufficient flock of grain ; the price
advanced, the poor wanted bread, and riots
were frequent throughout the kingdom. Thelb
diiagreeable events cannot well happen again,
fince the import and export are regulated
by the above a(ft; but we ftill can never
cxped: to fee bread very cheap, or labour low,
bccaufe whenever the price of wheat falls
below 5s. 6d. per bulhel the importation ^ is
immediately flopped, and when ic falls a little
lower, as if we were afraid labour would
become too cheap in the kingdom, we im-
mediately give a bounty of 5 s. per quarter
to have our wheat carried out until again

* Rye when below 3s. 6d. per buflicl, is exportable, with
a boiinry of 3s. per quarter. Barley when below is. ()(\. witli
as. 6d. bounty, and oats when below is. 9d. with zs. bounty
per quarter, or 8 bufliels.

By tlie litme ad when the prices of grain, returned at the
quarter feffions, are at or above the following rates they
may be imported, chargeable only with the payment of
Ibme trivial duties, for the piirpofe of determining the
quantity.

Wheat is importable when at or above 6s. per bufliel. Rye
when at 4s. per bufhel. Uailey at 3s. and oats at as. per buihel.

When the prices are below thole rates and above the
former, Britifli grain is not exportable, nor foreign to be
imported, without it be lodged under the joint locks of thj
merchant and cullom-houfe, until fuel) time as it ihall be
exported foreign, or the prices in tltc county where it lies,
as returned ut t!ic quarter ftflionSj be above the rates laft
HientioneJ.

3«

SECTION IV.

it advance above that price. This is perhaps
carried to our rivals to afford them to feed
their manufacturers cheaper than we do our
own. That they may do it is plain, when
"we confider that the freight fiom Suflex and
HampChire, which arc corn countries, to any
part of France in the channel, will be in gene-
ral only from is. to is. 6d. and even in the
Bay of Bifcay will not exceed 2S. 6d. per
quarter, when at the fame time the bounty
on export is 5s.

' How different is the conduft of our rivals I
Are their manufa(^^ures in want ! The impor-
tation is immediately encouraged by high
bounties. So lately as April or May 1775,
on a fcarcity of grain, the French King iffued
an edict, offering to all importers, as well in
foreign veffels as French, that Ihould arrive
with foreign grain in any French port from
the 15th May to the ift Aug. then enfuing,
a premium of 18 fols, about 3s. per nuarter,
for every quintal of wheat, and 1 2 fols, about
2S. per quarter, for every quintal of rye. It
was alfo ordered, that all fuch fliips fliould be
exempted at that time from the payment of
the duty on freight, or any other whatfoever.
Tills edict had its dcfircd effect : corn was
poured into France till it became cheaper there
than at the places from whence it came.

The oftenfiblc intent of our bounty on ex-
port, and limitation of import in England, is
to encourage our farmers to grow grain, that

the

SECTION. IV.

the kingdom may not be drained of fpccie in
purchafing it from abroad ; but that, (fn the
contrary, by felling the prodiidions of our
land to foreign countries, \vc may increafe the
general balance aiid relative lichcs of the king-
dom. Thefe r-^afons are plaufiblc, but how
the intent is defeated, ue will hereafter fhcw,
Ihe latent, and we may fuppofe piincipal
caufe of thefe regulations, is to enable the far-
mers to pay the prefent high icnts to the
landholders, but herein they dilbifs the king-
dom without benefitting themfelvcs at all, as
to what they confume of our own internal
produce.

From the highnefs of rents the price of pro-
vifions have rofe, confcquently the price of
labour and of our manufactures, likewifc the
wages of fervants and price of horfes. In
thefe, I prefume, the principal part of all rents
or other Incomes are fpent. Befides this, the
bounty is a charge upon the nation that is in
general thrown away without anfwering the
oftenllble end ; that is, of dilpofing to fo-
reigners a greater quantity of the prouuce of
our lands than we otherwife fliould do. For
inftance, in the latter part of the llimmcr of
the counties of Northumberland, Dur-

/ / j>

ham, ami Yoik were exporting corn to fo-
reigners with a bounty, when at the fame time
fome of the ports on the other fide of the
iiland were Importing fioni abroad. Thus
•what came in on one hr.nd v.cnt (ut on the

F other.

.'. ^x. )k..v^dK^r*Mft>a

:)4

SECTION IV.

other, and tlie bounty was thrown away to
no purpufe. — As the crops of grain arc never
equally a;otxl throughout all partb of the king-
dom, this muft tVc'-iucntiy happen ; but were
there no bounty, the exporters would find it
tlicir intcrell to fupply the dearer markets in
their own kingdom as well as thole of other

countries.

We have before fiid it is true policy, to
allow at all times the free import and export
(except in calls of famine) of* all proviiions ;
let us now fee the confequence-

We fliould, from our fiiperior fituation to
Holland, whofe ports in winter are frccpiently
blocked up with ice, and arc at all times,
from want of water, more difllcult of acccfs
than ours, become the granary of luirope*.
From us every fouthern nation that v/anted
would be fupplicd with grain, either our own
produce or that of other countries, which
would increafc the number of our feamen and
of labourers in our ports, for the loading and
unloading of lliips.

The

flj

f
?

* I have-heard fome men of fenfe afTcrt, that from the
a(ft of ij Geo. III. commonly called Pownal's ad, the king-
dom has the fame opportunity of becoming the granary
of Europe, as if the imports and exports were unlimited.
To point out the error of this opinion, we need only obf:.rve,
" that trade will never feek thofe channels whete tliere are
'■• many rcftruints, but ever flow wiiere it is the leall in-
" ternipted."

What principally occafions Holland to be the European
ftorc-huulc, is njt only the freedom of import and cxporr,

but

SECTION IV.

TIic price of provifions would fall, labour
and our manufactures would become cheaper,
and the demand for them would encreafc,
which would encreafc the number of manu-
facturers. Thus the necefTaries of life being
low, and employment fuflicicnt for all that
would labour, this would become the country for
people to emigrate to ; and the nation would
encreafc in population, riches, revenue, naval
power and internal Itrength.— What events
are more to be defircd ?

Our fiirmers would flill have encourage-
ment to cultivate their lands ; for labour
being cheaper, they could afford their produds
for lefs, and befides, would always get much
more for them than the farmers of the
countries we imported from, btcaufe upon
the r iuce of thofe foreigners all the fol-
lowii harges mufl fall before it could be
fold here, viz. commiflion abroad, charges on
Ihipping, freight, infurance, rilk of heating

but the chance of felling the articles for th:!r own confump-
tion. Now, although by the above av5t we can freely export
the grain we have imported, we cannot, if the port was not
open at the time of its entry, make uL' of it at home until
the price rifes fo high, as to admit the import : and what is
Hill worfe, it cannot, while the port where it is landed remains
Ihut, be exported to the other parts in the kingdom, that are
in ivant of, and open for grain from abroad. Thus the mer-
chant thtit has imported is loling the interefl of his iioney,
and rent of ware-houfcs, and has every rcafon to wifli his
corn was Ihll laying in the country it came from, be-
caule, though not from his own granaries where it lays at
hand, it would then be admiflabie in places where it might
be fold — very frequently to the next port.

F 2 and

SECTION IV.

and other damage, charges of landing, intc-
rcft of money and commifllon at home, be-
fides ware-honfe rent at one end or the other,
and fometimes at both.

The cheapncfs of labour, and thefe cir-
cumftances confulered, what have our fniucrs
or even landholders to fear. From the greater
population there would be a home confump-
tion for every article tiiey could raife. A fur-
ther effe<n of the encrcafc of population will
be, the pvcfcnt towns muft encreafe, and per-
haps new ones aiife, both of which would
evidently tend to the advantage of the landed
intercft, as it is well known all lands in the
vicinity of towns bear excefllve rents, becaufe
convenient and ncceflary for the various pur-
pofes of the inhabitants.

The frovcrnment would likewife find the ad-
vantage of all thcfe confequences, not only
from the revenue being increafed, but from
tlie fame amount of revenue going further, in
proport'on to the clicapnefs of eveiy thing,
than it now does. Thofe who enjoy places or
pcnfions '.indcr government would be bene-
iitted as much as if their incon^es were now
raifed in the fame proportion, that the labour
and the conveniences and ncceffaries of life
woiiid then fall.

This may appear a digrcflion, but has na-
turally arofe out oi the fiibject we were upon,
— the rcguhting the con'.m<:!t:e of tlic middle
Colonics, (whole principii produce is grain)
ic, as to be bciicliciai to the Mother-coun(rv.

SECTION IV.

We have endeavoured to prove how necef-
fary it is for us, as a commercial nation, ana
by commerce only the greateft power is attainable.,
to have the price of provifions low, and that at
the fame time it is cjr intereft ifiat the
co;mtries who rival us (in manufactures) fliall
not have them cheaper.

We have now only to confidcr how far the
corn trade of America can be made conducive
to thefe ends.

It cannot be, if we fuffer them to export
dirc<?lly to Europe %yithort any reftriftion, for
then they would rival us in the trade we have
been laying the bafis of. Their unlimited
trade with provifions to our Weft Icdi^ iflands
and Newfoundland (from which we have no
occafion to exclude ourfelves) would afford
them an ample market whenever they could
fell on as good, terms or better than we, which
from their fuuiition and other circumftances
they might always do, unlefs on fome general
failure of their crop. Then if we admit their
grain to free import i'.i Britain and Ireland to
be either ufed or re-exported, as circumftanccs
cl ^.ncc to determine, they would have every
neceffary indulgence, and we fhould reap the
advantages before enumerated attendant on
being the European granary. Now, as the
whole of our Colony trade to Europe Tas be-
fore prcmifcd) would be in Briti/h fiiips, it
U)ight not be unadviCeable to allow them to
export direct to iuuropC;, en the payment of

a duty

SECTION IV.

a duty on export, equivalent to the advantages
\vc Iliould otherwiie reap • fuppole of 6 d. per
bufhei, or 4 s. fteiiing per quarter on wheat,
and the fame on flour, (allowing 4cwt. to
the quarter, as in England, for the bounty.)
The common freight of grain from America
io any port of Europe without the Streights is
8s. per quarter, and if up the Mediterranean

10 s. Therefore as the freight to England is as
low as tvT any part of Europe, it follows, that

11 the Americans chufe to fhip their grain di-
reft to the place of its confumption, the fo-
reign confumer'^ would come by it 6d. per
buftiel dearer than we could have it at home,
which we have before proved is neceflary to
prevent fuccefsful rivalfhip of our manufac-
tures. The fame rcafons will induce us not
to fuffcr the exportation from America to
the foreign Weft India iflands without a like
charge of 4 s. per quarter on wheat and flour,
and proportionate on other grain. This we
may do without danger, becaufe they can-
not even then be fupplied fo cheap from elfc-
where.

That wheat is an article that will bear a
duty of 4 s. per quarter on export to Europe
has been already proved by the Congrefs, who
laid on a much heavier one ; no lefs than 40
fer cent, ad valorem *, on permitting fome of

* The autlior received tliis information in a letter from
his fricnvi in L:lbj.^.

the

SECTION IV. 39

the laft cargoes to fail that came from Pliila-
delpliia before the blocking up of the ports.
Now valuing this wheat fo low as 25 s. 40 per
cent. amounts to 10s. per quarter: Rather too
heavy a charge y but what it really bore at that
time.

The faving of the duty of 4 s. per quarter
would, in my opinion, generally induce the
Amencan grain to conic by the way of Bri-
tain, becaufe of th»i chance of finding a mar-
ket, and that if it did not, the charges of
imloading, fhipping, and fending to any port
this fide the Streights' mouth, M-ould not exceed
4S. per quarter, and if they went further they
would only incur the fame additional advance
of freight they would had they gone direct
from America.

But fuppofing the grain in general fliippcd
from America, direct for the port of confunip-
tion, they could never rival us to our detri-
ment, becaufe our merchants might always
fend tlieir corn, whether Britifli produce or
imported, to any port this lide the Strciglits*
mouth, for 4s. per quarter or lefs. Thus our
landholders would have, in all the Europcr.n
markets, at leaft the whole freight from A-
merica, 8s. per quarter, advantage over thefc
in the colonics, which they in retiun are com-
penfatcd for hy the fupply of Newfoundland,
and our Weft India iiiauds, :irui their, ex-
emption FROM INTi-RNAL TAXATION, w/.'U/i

Ujl

muit ever tr

had

1:1 vieii

Bcfldes

I I

1.1 J

40 SECTION IV.

Befides this duty, although laid on for the
regulatioii of commerce, would raife a confider-
able revenue for the ufc of the empire, and
have, as the American grain is the principal
rival of ours in the fouthern markets, the
fame effeft, as a bounty of the like amount,
on Britifli grain would otherwife have,
which, on the contrary, would diminifli the
revenue.

This fyftem it appears, will prevent all the
ill effects we might otherwife feel from the
rivalihip of our northern Colonies, and in-
ftead of being detrimental, will render them,
as much as poflible, beneficial to the Parent-
Hate: and as to the general free import and
export of grain, we may deduce, that it
would be productive of the moft happy con-
fequenccs to this kingdom, all which, it will
bt unneceffary to recapitulate. As for the fears
of the landholders, we have (hewn they have
no real foundation, becaufe of the many char-
ges on grain, before it can be imported ; there-
fore, foreign corn can never be ufcd, even in
the fea ports of this kingdom, till our own be
dearer by the amount of all thofe charges.
Bclides, as long as there are monied men in
Europe, who are ready to fpeculatc where
there may be any advantage, the price of
grain can never, even in the moft jilentihil
years, fall any thing confiderably below the
general average of prices: and further, the
landed intercft fo far from having any thing

SECTION IV. 41

to fear, have every thing to, expect, becaufe
from the produce of the taxes going further,
and the field of taxation, by the increafe of
iubjecls, being enlarged, the revenue without
being leflened, would fall lighter on individu-
als, and at the fame time, afford the means of
diminifliing and paying off the debt of the na-
tion, the intercft^ alone of which, is almoft
equal to all our other national expences, on a
peace f iablifliment, and confcquently, the
caufe of our taxes being now double what
they otherwife might be.

*/. 4,464,071, in 1775. Dodor Price's Appendix to ob-
fervaiions on civil liberty.

1; U

SEC-

4*-

SECTION V.

14*

SECTION V. .

On the probable caufes of the InfuneBlon in ^me-
rica, and the fubjecl of the third fedion further
confidered.

WE luve before premifcd the Parent-Jlate
Jljould have the regulation of the commerce
vf its Colonies. This is allowed by all nations,
and is fo obvioufly neceffary a return for
founding and prote<^ing Colonies, that the
chiefs of the New England fadion dared never
abfolutely deny, or attempt to controvert it.

Now what is the regulation of commerce,
but the admitting or prohibiting the exporta-
tion or importation of any article to or from
any particular country?

Ihis being allowed, it certainly follows
that the power wliicii can admit or prohibit,
can, if it find ueceflaiy, prohibit only in part,
or under certain reflrictions, that is, Hable to
certain duties; from which the deduction is
plain that the Parent-Jlate has a right to impofe
port duties. This right the Colonies in gene-
ral fmce their fettlement until the 7th Geo. III.
chap. 46, laying a duty on paper, glafs, pain-
ters colours, and teas never thought of op-
pofing, although fo far back as the 25th of
Charles 11.^ an acl: was palTed laying duties on

* chap, 7. The fame duties were continued by 7 and 8
V\'. anil iM. chap, aj, and i Ceo. I. cliap. 13.

the

l?yiOtl:"i.**^'l;.'*k«W"»**.** — ., MM .•-

SECTION

the export of fugars, tobacco, cotton-wool,
indigo, ginger, logwocJ, fuftic, and all other
dying woods, and cocoa nuts, fliipt in any
of the plantations to be carried to any other
of them. In the 6th of George II. ^ a duty
was laid on all foreign rum, or fpirits, mo-
laiTes, fyrups, fugars and panneles imported
into the plantations.

Befides thefe, the former of which, not-
withftanding its preamble, could anfvver no
other end but the railing a revenue, fcverai
fimilar acts were palled at different times pre-
vious to the year 1763; the fame lituation
they were in at which period the Americans
gave out they defired only to be placed. — If
they really meant as they laid, they allowed
the Britifh legiflature an undoubted right to
impofe external taxes for all purpofes Wjiatever.

On putting in force the acT: for collecting
a duty on paper, &c. imported into our Co-
lonies, the Americans, as juil now obferved,
began to cavil about the right of this country
to do fo. The author of tbe Farmer's Leicers,
though one of the moft ftrenuous American
advocates in this caufe, admits, in its full
extent, the right of Britain to grant port
duties, when laid on for the regulation of
commerce ; but contends, that, when impofed
for the purpole of raifmg a revenue, as the
preamble to the forementioned act fets forth,

* chap, i.v The duties continued by 29 Geo, II. chap. 26,
and I Ceo. III. chap. 9.

G 2 that

E C T I O N V.

V !

that then it is a ftretch of power and fiib-
verfive of the liberties of the Colonies. His
principal arguments reft on tlie ill ufc Great
Britain might make of this power while fhe
reftrains the Americans in their manufactures.

But ftiould Britain give up the right of the
latter (which fhe has only exercifed in fome
particular points^) which this author allows
her to poflefs, or if fhe difclaim all right to the
retention of cxcife, if any, and the payment
of duty on the import of manufactures re-
flrained, his arguments will fall to the ground.

The people of New England in particular,
and the other Northern Colonies, notwith-
flanding their enjoying greater liberty and
exemption from taxes than any other civilized
people on the face of the earth, have long been
impatient of controul, and independency has
been their favoinite theme, as many who have
reiided there can witnefs.

The Swcdifh Profeilor Kalm, who travelled
through thefe provinces on botanical rcfearches
in the years 1 748 and 1 749, obfcrves, that
** the inhabitants of the Englifli Colonics were
«* growing lefs tender to their Mother-country,'*
and after advancing their reflriftions in com-
merce, and the great acceflion of foreigners,
who generally have no particular attachment
to Old England, as reafons for their coolnefs,

* In preventing the ere(flion of (lining and rolling mills
tor iron, mills for the manufa(5turing of UeeJ, &c. &c-

^. .

^ E C T I O N V. 45

he mentions this further one : " I'hat many
" people can never be contented, but fuffer
" their excefs of liberty and their luxury often
" to lead them into licentioufncfs." He fur-
ther fays, " they informed him the Englifh
" North - American Colonies would, in the
" fpace of 30 or 50 years, be able to form a
** ftate of themfelves independant of Old Eng-
" land." — How far they are able time muft
determine : their readinefs to make the attempt
they have already fhewn.

That Independency has been from the very
beginning of the prefent dilpute the defign of
the American leaders, there is great reafon to
believe, notwithftanding they made the tax
on tea their oftenfible caufe; for at that time
the body of the Americans, confcious of the
cafy government under which they lived, were
not ready to receive that doctrine, which their
leaders fiiice, by flicking at no means, though
ever fo falfe, to inflame their paifions, have
-gradually prepared them for. That to anfwer
their purpofe they were not afhamed of aflert-
ing untruths, is fufficiently obvious from their
giving out to the multitude, that the tax on
tea was an innovation and infringement of
their liberties, and that the Britifh Parliament
never taxed them before ; although they could
not but know fome, at leaft, of the precedents
juft now quoted.

There was however a fecond caufe that
piuch promoted the prclcnt troubles (for the

infor-

^6 S E C T I O N V.

information of which I am obliged to a gen-
tleman, who refided fomc time in Boftoii)

which was, that Mr H k and fome other

leaders of the fadlion were largely concerned
in fmuggling cargoes of tea from Holland, Sec,
which trade, fo beneficial to thcmfelves, the
regulation on tea put a flop to, as the contra-
band trader had then, fuppofmg his cargo
bought as cheap as in England, and fuccds-
fuUy landed, only three-pence advantage over
the fair dealer, inllead of one fhilling as for-
merly. — Such was the difference (in favour of
America) occafioned by drawing back on ex-
portation the whole Englifli duty, and laying
on a duty in America of only three-pence per
pound, in the place of retaining in England
one fhilling on the drawback, which was the
cafe befwe when exported to America. Th's
advantage to the Americans was fo much lofs
to the contraband dealers, in proportion to the
trade they carried on, and vvhich trade they
faw, notwithftanding they ftill in general, be-^
caufe the duty was noc repealed, perfifted in
their agreement for the non-import of this
article, would in ail probability be annilulated,
Ihould the Eaft India Company,^ in confe-
qucnce of the a<?t paffed for that purpofe, be
permitted to fell their tea in America. This
determined them to prevent it, which they
did in Boflon effectually, by influencing a

* Their mods of fale was to have been the fame as in
London, in lots by auflion.

mob,

SECTION

mob, or people of fuperior condition, to dif-
guife themfelvcs as Indians, go on board the
tiiipg, and throw the tea of the Eaft India
Company into the fea.

The lofs of this contraband trade being likely
to produce a fcnfible diminution of profit to
the before-mentioned perfons, joined with
their love of independency, has been the un-
happy means of deluging their country with
blood, and reducing innumerable families from
affluence to diftrefs. If the laying on of this duty
in America, or making it payable there, was an
infringement of their natural rights, certainly
the retaining part of the drawback was equally
fo, as the law permitted them to import none
but what they bought of us. This grievance,
which was one if the other be, they never
complained of, and as we are neceilitated to
have cuftom-houfe officers in America to
coUedl the duties impofed for the regula-
tion of commerce, on articles that come
dired: from the place of their produce, as
well as for other pnrpofes, what difTerence
could it make to Aujerica whether the dutv
was collected by the officers tliere, or retained
in England ? In the latter cafe they would
have to pay fo much the more fur the article
which would drain their ( ountry of fpccic
equally the fame, as if the duties were col-
lected there and remitted to Britain (if the
taxes were fuperior to the expences of govern-
ment there, which they are not). And in

cithor

^»fi

48 S E C T I O N V.

cither cafe, tlie duty, whether retained or col-
lected, is equally for the purpofe of raifing a
revenue, as it could not be for the regulation
of trade, the import being admitted from no
where elfe, therefore the retaining of draw-
backs or part of them is equally fubverfive
of American liberty, as the impofition of fimi-
lar duties there. As they did not oppofe the
retaining of the duty in England, though
confined to take thefe articles from thence,
if they took them at all, it plainly follows,
that the duties being made payable in Ame-
rica could be to them no object of difpute.
They had it equally in their option to refrain
from importing the tea, and paying the tax,
as they had before from buying it charged
with the Englifli duty. And if, in the for-
mer cafe, EngUfh refidents fent it to them
contrary to their inclinations, thofe who fent
it paid tlie tax, though colleded in America.
The Americans could uct be faid to pay it
until they purchafed the article ou v/hich it
was laid, and this was as much in their power
to refufe as before.

Let us now enquire into the objedlions
againft a Parent-ftate poffefling the power of
laying port-duties on its Colonies (towards the
maintenance of its own fleets and armies, Sec.,
for their mutual protection) and whether, by
an abufc of this power, Ihe can hurt the inte-
refl of her Colonies without equally afleding
iier own.

The

SECTION V.

The principal objedions I have heard urged,
arc:

Thofe who lay on the tax do not feel it ;
and as the produce is to be applied in aid,
or to the diminution oi" their own taxes, will
be induced to lay it too heavy ; and that
being improper judges, from not refiding in
the country taxed, will be liable to lay im-
ports on improper articles.

Admitting thefe to be true, what are the
confequences ?

1. It is well known the American Conti-
nental Colonies can, and do raife more pro-
vifions than they can confume ; therefore the
legiflative power by taxing, or even abfolutc-
ly prohibiting the import of thefe firft necef-
faries of life, cannot, as the Carthaginians
fometimes did with their dependent province
of Sardinia, ftarve, or in any wife affect the
people.

Should it be I .\u they (the legiflative autho-
rity) have it in their power to ftarve the Weft
India Iflands : — Doubtlefs ; but can it be fup-
pofed they would be fo devoid of reafon, as
to tax there the neccffaries of life on impor-
tation, when the confequence would be depo-
pulating our moft beneficial Colonies, or raif-
ing the price of their ftaple commodities fo
much, on the part we confume ourfelves, and
perhaps rendering them too dear for re-expor-
tation to foreign markets, by which we fliould
bring ruin on the planters, a confequent de-
ll cay

i,1

1PHI

50 SECTION V.

cay of trade to our own manufacElures, and
want of employ to our fliipping?

2. Suppofe an exorbitant tax on tea, and
the luxuries of life.— Thefe being rendered
dear can produce no ill effect, nor can, as
not being cffentially necefiary, be any detri-
ment to the health or real happinefs of thofe
who would confume them ; and beiides, could
produce no advantage to the taxers, becaufe,
by gieatly leifcning the confumption, the re-
venue would be leflened, though the tax be
raifed, and fuch great inducement given to
fnriggling, that of the lefTencd confumption
but a fmall part would be legally imported ;
foi' whenever the probability of gain is greater
than the rifque of lofs (^ which is always the
cafe in articles of confiderable fpecilic value,
when the duty is higher than the firft coft)
no coniidcration will hinder fonie men from
purfuin^ what appears to be their intereft.
Add though many of thcfe men woulr? not
dehaud individuals, they think it not critni-
nal to defraud government, which fliould re-
prefent the wiiole body of individuals in the
ftate, becaufe fay they, and perhaps with lome
degree of jufticc, the revenues it does receive
are not all applied in the manner they ought
to be ; therefore why ihould not we come in
tor a {hare of the fpoils ?

3. Should a nation lay a duty on the Co-
lony import of its manufactures — the Colonifls
have their remedy by manufacturing for them-

feives

E C T I O N V. 51

felves : therefore, this tlie ftate will never da
unlefs it be on an article that can be had
from J or produced no where elfe : then the
ftate has a right, if the other chufe to buy,
to fell at its own price, that is, charged with
fuch duties as they pleafe. But even this
remedies itfelf; for the Colonifts have it in
their option not to buy, and this they cer-
tainly will do very fparingly if raifed too high
by taxes : therefore the taxing power will find
the difadvantage two-fold : in the firft place,
by lefTening the produce of the tax; and in
the fecond, by lofing the employ of their ma-
iiufafturers, and confequently the taxes paid
by them on the confumption of their wages ;
likewife by a continuuiice of fuch policy, a
proportionate emigration from the want of
fuch employ.

Lord Chatham, and at the fame time a fa-
vourite with the Americans, was of opinion,
they fhould be reftraincd from manufacluring
even for themfelves, and went fo far as to
affert, that the very nail of a horfe-flioe fhould
not be made in America. Nov.' to reftrain
tiiera in manufaduring, and to retain the
power of taxing the import ot what they
coi.H manufaclure themfelves, is to compel
them to take goods at our ov/n price, and
leaves them without remedy ; therefore it is
incompatible with liberty, and improper, that
we fhould hold the power of both abfolutcly
reftraining their manuf:i6lurcs, and laying poit-

H 2 duties :

SECTION V.

duties : confequently if the Parent-ftate retain
the latter power, flie Ihould part with the
former, as oppreflivc to the Colonies, or at
leaft (as before obferved) fo far as relates to
the manufaftures reftrained, which is what
flie has hitherto uniformly done. ;: • ;

We have now confidered the eiFe<3;s of du-
ties on imports. — It remains to be difcufied*
how far the Colonies can be injured by the
duties on exports.

The right of prohibition, as before-mention-
ed, has never been denied a Parent-ftate, but
it is expe<^ed, flie only cxercife this right in
circumftances that would interfere with her-
felf. Now, the export of articles or produce,
flie heiielf raifes, are evidently among thofe
that interf re with her, and which, flie ought
to enjoy folely on account of her great inter-
nal taxes, and the burthen flie bears of main-
taining a naval and mihtary power, to proteA
the whole empire.

However, thefe articles flie may either to-
tally prohibit, or permit the export of with
fuch reftriclions, as not much to afFecl her-
felf: and as her different Colonies lie in dif-
ferent climates, it is necefl'ary fhe look on
them as feparate fl:atcs, and limit their com-
mercial intercourfc witli each other, otherwife
thofc in a iimilar cliinatc with hcrfelf, would
reap all the advantage flie Ihould do in fup-
plying them with her produce and manufac

turcs,

SECTION V.

tures^ ; whereas, each Colony manufafturing
for its own confumption, is as much as is conr
fiftent with real hbcrty to itfelf, and found
poHcy in the Parent-ftate. • . t

■ As to other articles, fhould the Mother-
country clog their export with heavy duties,
flie corjfults not her own intcreft, and it will
fall more heavily upon hcrfelf, than on the
country taxed— For if fhe confumes the ar-
ticles, it is plain flie pays the taxes, as they
fall ultimately on the confumer; and Ihould
flie render them too dear for foreign markets,
flie likewife feels the ill effects, becaufe, from
having the fole carrying trade, fhe lofes the
freight of thofe articles; and belides, as the
colony imports, which go entirely through
her hands, can only at the moft be equal to
their exports, it is plain flie deprives herfelf,
either of fupplying them with articles of her
own to fo great an amount as flic might have
done, or otherwife, of the freight of foreign

* In fome inftances, our legiflature has guarded againft
tiie Colonies rivaling the Mother-country, in the export of
manufafliires, or in fupplying one Colony with the manu-
fadlure of another, as by lo and ii William III. chap lo, it
is cnaftrd, that no woollen manufadures of the produdl of
the Britifli plantations in America, fliall there be laden on
board any /hip, or upon any horfe, with intent to be ex-
ported, upon forfeiture of Ihip, goods, &c. and £. joo:
and by the 5 George II. chap, aa, no hats or felts are to be
fhipt on board any velTel, or loaded on any horfe, cart, or
other carriage, in order to be conveyed out of any of the
Britijh Plantations, ta any other of the Britifli Plantations,
or to any otiicr i)Iace whatfoever, upon forfeiture of the
hats ar.d felis and ^. 500.

com-

SECTION V.

((

commodities, with the pr: , duties flic might
find prudent to lay upon .trii.

From all the foregoing premifes it is ap-
parent, that in fuch a fyftem as " that of
" retaining the power of laying port duties
** only^ and carrying on folely the aftive fea
*' commerce (at the fame time giving up the
** reftraint on colony manufacture, or at lead
the right of referving any part of the ex-
cife at home, or laying any duty whatfoever
on the import of thofe articles fo reftrained)'*
the Parent-ftate could never opprefs the Colo-
nies without affefting herfelf more deeply;
and what greater tye or fecurity can there be
for her not doing it ? It is the fame fecurity
the non-eledlors (or non-voters) in Britain
have, and greater cannot be had by any
means whatever. '

Colonies fettled on an cxtenfive continent,
and perpetually incrcafing in people, till at laft
they become many times as populous as the
Parent-ftate, muft, in the courfe of human
events, fome time or other become indepen-
dent; but according to the propofed fyftem,
one may prefume it would be at a very diftant
period, and then only owing to fome great
revolution in the Parent-ftate; for when ex-
empt from all the burthen of internal taxation,
except maintaining their own fubordinate, ex-
ecutive, and civil power, and unreftrained in
manufacluring for their ovv'ii ufe (or where
reftrained, free from all home excifc and duties

SECTION V.

of import) what temptation could Colonies
have to wiih for independence, becaufe if ef-
fefted, the confequent neceffary eftabliihment
of naval and military power would require an
increafe of taxes, and far heavier burthens
than they before endured,

likewife as commercial Colonies (for though
not enjoying the property of fliips, they would
Hill have merchants) they would, from the
want of a navy, and the Parent-ftate be-
ing fo very powerful at fea, be a long time
prevented ; for the Mother- country, from car-
rying on both their fea commerce and her
own, would, at fuch period as they were ripe
for revolt, not only be able to block up all
their ports, but from her immenfely numerous
navy prevent the interference of any other
power.

Their mode of government would likewife
long prevent an aim at independency, and at
the fame time leave the people the full enjoy-
ment of liberty ; that is, the Houfe of Repre-
fentatives to be elected by them, and the other
two eftates, the Council and Governor, to be
appointed during pleafure from the central
power, as was the cafe, before tliefe diftur-
bances, in ill the royal governments.

Governor Barnard, in the 86th propofition
in his Principles of Law and Polity, obferves,
" there is no government in America at pre-
" fent, where the powers are properly balanced,
** there not being in any of them a real and

" diflinft

.(' I

SECTION V.

" diftinfl third legiflative power mediating be-
" tween the King and the People, which is
" the prefent excellence of the Biitilh confti-
« tution."

The obfervation is undoubtedly very juft,
as the Council, which is the middle power,
are either appointed by the crown, during
pleafure, and confccjuently as dependent upon it
as the governor, or in other Colonies chofeii
by the people, or the lower-houfe, and then
become fo much addition to the popular fcale,
therefore, no mediating power in cither cafe.

A remedy to this inconvenience, the Go-*
vernor points out in his 88th and 89th pro-
pofitions, viz.

*' 88. Although America is not now (and
probably will not be for many years to come)
ripe enough for an hereditary nobility ; yet
it is now capable of a nobility for life."
" 89. A nobihty appointed by the King
" for life, and made independent, would pro-
bably give ftrength and liability to the Ame-
rican governments as effectually, as an here-
ditary nobihty does to that of Great Britain.**
An appointment from the imperial ftate,
or even from the crown, of the middle power,
or the council (or whatever name it may be
called by) would certainly be productive of
good confequences, and prevent in a great
meafure this mediating power fiom being de-
pendent on either the King or the people j but
an hereditary nobility, which Governor Bar-
nard,

<£

* u^-

S ^ C T I O N V. 57

narj, la his 88th propofition, feems to thinh
rtiay be advifeable in fome future period, can,
in my opinion, neyer be fo.

It appears nearly * as dangerous to admit
or eftablilh an hereditary ariftocratic power
in America, as it is to have the council elefted
by the lower houfe, for i" would in the fame
manner weaken the influence of the Parent-
date, and occafion them much fooner to dif-
pute her negative in her laws, which, as
well as the power of regulating coram<-Tce
and laying port duties, ihould be inveftcd in
the three eftatesfof King, Lords, and Com-
mons.

Internal taxation, by a diftant powei', dif-
fers widely from external; becauft there is in
the former no mode of avoiding being op-
preffed by the taxes, Ihould they be exorbi-
tant, but by the laft refource of arms, and
tlm, always uncertain in the event ; and bc-
cavdfe the afleflbrs, by laying taxes or excifes
on manufactures, may, in fome meafure, force
tlie'falcof tKcir own, though like wife charg-
ed with a diity, but lefs heavy; hence it fol-
lows, that by internal taxation they may ex-
tort great fums from the colonies or dependent

* Not quite, becaufe the nobles deriving tbeir titles from
the crown, would in fome degree be attached to it, and more
liable to be brought over to its intcreft, or tliat of tlie impe-
rial (late, by motives '.-ither honorary or pecuniary, than men
only eleded to hyid tlieir places for a fliort time.

t At picl'ent it lays in the biealt of the king and council.

dates

•Vi

SECTION V.

i \

H i

ftates fo taxed, without any inconvenience re-
fulting to themfelves.

Therefore the taxed could never reft aflur-
ed that their burthens would not be further
increafed. The contrary we have fhewn to be
the cafe in external taxation, bccaufe the taxed
could never be oppreffed without greater in-
conveniencies redounding to the taxers.

There can be little doubt, that fuice the re-
peal of the Stamp Ad, government never in-
tended to impofe any internal tax on the Amt;-
ricans, notwithftanding by the Declaratory AS:
they afit. rted they had a right to tax them in
all cafes whatever. However it is much to be la-
mented, that our legiflature did not refcind that
declaration. — And that government, in their
offers of accommodation to the Americans, did
not affure them they would give up all light to
internal taxation, and even external, on arti-
cles of manufacture wherein they were reftrain-
ed, as thefe, though unexerclfed, (and not the
port-duties, as has been pointed out) could
ever be matters of real grievance, therefore as
a lover of juftice and the rights of human
nature, as far as can be enjoyed in civil com-
pact, I fincerely wifh that government, in their
oflers of reconciliation, would be explicit in
thefe points, and that even fhould America, by
continuing refradory, be conquered, as there
is the grcatcfl probability of, that they would
then impofe no other terms than fuch as they
fhould now cS^v, for by Chefc means they will

win

■♦»(((*«« - .:.; likx^j^-rrV' '

SECTION. V.

win and retain the afFe(?Vioiis and allegiance of
the Colonies, the object of their mutual in-
tereft, even long after they become fuffici-
ently powerful to affert and maintain their own
independence.

One thing we have left unnoticed, which is,
that no colony legiflature Ihould poffcfs the
power of levying, for their own purpofes, duties
of import or export, or laying any local du-
ties of exit or tranfit on goods in the inte-
rior parts of the continent, nor the raifing any
excife (for their own confumption excepted)
on exportable commodities, as by thefe means
they might defeat every advantage to be de-
rived to the imperial ftate from the regula-
tion of the port- duties.

I 2

S E C-

* I]

SECTION VI.

SECTION

VI.

»4 . »

On the propriety of reftjlance to port -duties, and
the advantages A/nerica reieiyes from ber^ de-
pendence on this country, , . . •*

FROM all the conclufioris that have been
heretofore drawn, it appears the de-
mands of the Mother-country have been juft,
and therefore, the prefent refillfince of the
Americans, has originated from a tuibuknt
and feditious fpirit, impatient of all controul,
unmindful of the moft facred tics, allegiance
to and gratitude for protedlion and defence
againft their enemies, and their -peculiar ' feli-
city of bearing a trivial part of all thofe bur-
thens and expences that fall with redoubled
weight on their fellow fubjedls in biitain.^

It is too obvious that from the very begin-
ning, the Bollonians intended to break with
the Mother-country at all events. All Eu-
rope knows the deitroying the tea was not the
fudden outrage of a mob, but the long preme-
ditated acl of fome of the principal men of
the province — Had they not wiflied the pre-

* The funis that were raifcd in the Colonics of New Eng-
land, &c. towards the prorectuing with vigour the late war,
and were afterwards refunded by our parliament, have fre-
quently been quoted as inftances of loyalty and g'-'nerofuy in
the Colonies, but to nie appear nothing more than what they
owed to felf-dcfcncc, and afiord a (lrii::nR infUnce of tlie li-
berality of this nation, in refunding] thofe Aims.

fent

8 E C T I O'-N VI.

fent event, would they not, confiftent with
the principles of juftiee &n& honour, have
offered reftitution frdnx thte province, to the
proprietors of the effefls deftroyed?*

They certainly uled every endeavour to pro-
mote what they have effeftuated — to inflame
the minds of the people by an aggravation
of fuppofed injuries and imaginary evils to rife
againft government, which, in a good caufe
would be a juft infurre(?lion ; but in an unjuft
one can be termed nothing but rebellion.

It is a melancholy reflexion, which ex-
perience has proved to be too true, that thofe
who cry out the moft for liberty, are feldoni
genuine lovers of it : all they aim at is, to de-
bafe their fuperiors to their own level or be-
neath it, not to advance thofe whom fortune
has placed below them, to the fame rank
with themfelves : for when pofl'effed of power,
wc generally find them the greateft tyrants-
Liberty with them, conilfts in freely exerci-
ling their own will, whether or no it counter-
adt the wills, and in confequence reftrain the
liberties of others — What more is the wifh
of a defpot? Thcfe American contenders
for freedom, fo far from being animated by a
general love of liberty any further than con-
cerns themfelves, never thing of emancipating
their poor flaves, but look upon them as little

• The friends of their party f.iy, the agent of the province
had orders to offer reditution ; but that the offer was made
docs not appear.

better

4 (I

SECTION VI.

better than beads of the field, or domcftic ani-
mals, though men as well as they, poflefled
of the fame feelings, and only differing from
them in colour — They behold their miferics
with the moll unfeeling apathy, and regret
not their misfortunes or death, any further
than the lofs of fo much property as their fu-
ture labour might have been worth.

In their criminal laws, or the execution of
them, it is notorious, the wretch who de-
ilroys a negro, either by a fcries of cruelty
or immediate murder, fliall cfcape the punifli-
mcnt due to his crime ; but fliould one of
thofe unfortunate creatures be guilty of the
fmallcft offence, feverc julUce will not be
delayed.

A very humane writer, in a treatlfe on fla-
very, and the expediency of its abolition, pub-
liflicd in Burlington, New jerfey, in the year
177:5, fenlible of Hberty in his countrymen
being of that partial nature juft explained,
thus addreffes them :

" Let us reconcile our practice to our a-
*' vowed principles. Let not our profefHons
" of an inviolable attachment to liberty, of
*' late fo frequently echoed from one end of
*' the continent to the other, be contradicted

by a practice as unjuft as it is impolitic — that

cf keeping our fellow- creatures in a flatc

of perpetual flavery,^'

The New England Colonics were fettled
principally by thofe who fled from religious

perfe-

«(

S E C T I O N VI. 63

perfccution, and they vitli great reafon preacli-
ed up religious liberty ; but i'oon as they ac-
quired power, what was the confetjuencc ?
Behold ! they turned perfecutors thenifelvcs,
and deftroyed without mercy thoic who
preached different tenets, though profcfling
equally with them chrilHanity. The lame in-
tolerant fpirit inimical to liberty ftill prevails
with them.

At the very time they deftroyed the tea nnd
were declaiming againft government for taxing
an external product, that they might cither
ufe or not, which they termed taking their
money without their confent, they had no lefs
than 18 Anabaptift and 2 Quaker preachers
imprifoned in Bofton*, for not giving their
confent to part with their money contraiy to
the charter of the province ; becaufe they
would not pay tithes to the prelbyterian mi-
niftry, who had affumed to themfelvcs the
light of exading them from thofe of other
perfualions, although neither they, in pre-
ference, or any other feet were authorized
by charter to demand them. Thefe are the
men who preach up univerfal liberty, but have
their actions correfponded !

The author of the pamphlet entituled Com-
mon Senfe, fays, " the Englifii Americans
*' have never reaped any advantage from their

* This article is given on the authority of a Pcnfylvanian
gentleman of veracity, who left that country on the break-
ing out of the prefent troubks.

con-

I ^

♦•*t>jii.

E C T I O N VI.

f 'f

" connection with Britain, and that it would
*' have been happy for them, if they had
" never had any thing to do wit^ her." Was
ever a more palpa.ble falfehood afferted, and
thii for the purpofe of raiileading a people? If
England had not made good her claim to the
provinces of New York and Jerfey, would not
the Dutch and Swedes have been in poffef-
fion of th '•m ? Arc they greater friends to li-
berty than the Englifh? And would not the
French and Spaniards from Canada, and .^a^
l^loridas, if England had not interfered, have
foon reduced both the now-all-powerful pro-
vinces of the north, and thole of the fouth to
dcfpotic obedience, and before this, have learn-
ed them to implicitly obey — not the mi/d re-
Jlriclions of 2 Parent- ilatc, but the will of ab-
folute moiiarchs ?'

Their [incellors fettled under cover of the
claim of England to thcfc territories, and
their defendants to this time have been pro-
tected ihere by her power. They therefore
cannot look upon themfelves but as holding
their country or lands under certain tenures,
fomewhat iimilar to copyholders, and have,
like them, if they dillik»; the tenure they hold
under, a right to quit the prcmifes, but not to
hold them without compliance v/ith the terms.
But this they regard not, nor even the ftipu-
lations of their predecLifors ; for the writers in
favour of Amciican f;.dition £iy, " Children

•« or

SECTION VI.

«* or fucceffor are not bound by any ads of
*' their parents or predeceflbrs ;" which they
illuftrate thus : " If a parent fliould bind him-
** fclf and defcendants for ever, for flaves, are
*' they bound by that engagement?" Certainly
not. The conclufion is fo far juil, but has no-
thing to do with the point in queftion j which
is, if an individual, or body of men, fhould
accept of lands, or other permanent poflellions,
to be held by them and their heirs or fuc-
ceflbrs, under certain llipulated conditions j
are the i'ucceffors entituled to the lands with-
out performing the Ilipulations of their an-
ceftors ? Or fliould they not in this cafe, re-
vert to the fucceffors of the granters ?

Perhaps the friends of Am.?rican oppofitlon
will fay, it is fnnilar to the cafe quoted by
them, and that the fuccciTors are no ways
bound to perform the covenants of their fa-
thers, becaufe they think them unreafonablc.

We will now put the cafe a little nearer to
them, and fee whether their fentiments v/ould
not chani^e.

Suppofe thefe fiiends of America have left
to them certain quit rents of lands, granted
by their anceftors, to the predercflors of the
prcfent occupiers, and thefe occupiers tell
them, when demanded to perform the ftipu-
lations of their faid predeceffors, that they
have no idea of performing thefe covenants,
becaufe made before they were born, confe-
quently without their confentj befides, that

K no

<56

SECTION VI.

no man had a right to covenant for them,
and tliey will theretore hold their lands with-
out rendering t^ny acknowledgment. In this
jnllance, woiilu not the friends of America
fay, the occupiers of, or relidents on, th«
l.ind, ought to perform the co tenants of their
predecellbi s, or entirely give up the premifes ?
They moil certainly would, for here their
intercfi: would not let them pervert their
leafon.

Many of the Americans, and fome of their
friends in England, were willing to allow a
power to the king as an individual, which
they will not admit him when he confiders
himfclf as a part of the legillative power of
the imperial liate. Bcfidcs the incongruity of
this doctrine, it would be enabhng the king,
by rendering the difi'erent ftates of the empire
independent of each other, any farther than
being connected under the fame fovereign, to
raife fupplies in, and wage war with one of
his dependent territoiies or kingdoms againft
another, or perhaps againft the imperial ilate,
and in the end, bring them all to an entire
dependence on his will.

Now fetting afide the right of England, ac-
cording to the laws and cuftoms of civilized
iiitions, to the property of the lands, w^ich
right, as well as that of the aborigines, the
native Indians, (which government is intituled
to from purchafe of them) is a claim fuperior
to that of the Americans } the Colonie, ought

rl /

SECTION Vr. ^7

to have * ?n attached to her, from the principle of
their owix mtereft; for akhough England con-
fines them, if they do piirchafc manufactures,
&c. to purchafe of her, flie in return gives,
befidca her protecftion, the greateft encourage-
ment to all their produce: — Inftance — indigo,
hemp, flay, raw filk, pot-aflies, flaves, tar,
turpentine, pitch, mails, yards, and bow-
fprits, fir timber, and deals, (few of which
flie M'ill receive from other ftatcs without con-
fiderable duties) ft'C encouraged from America
by great bounties.

Now all or moft of thefe are raw materials,
which, if fhe could even produce herielf, it
would be her intereft to import them from
Ruflia or cl/ewhe! e, provided flie came by them
much cheaper, becaufe they are the bafis of
many manufactures, whofe price mufl conle-
quently be lefTened, and confumption and ex-
po.'tatiou increafcd : therefore employment to
a greater number of hands, refulting from her
purchafmg thole raw materials, it becomes her
intereft to do fo. IIenc£ it plainly appears
England, in fome inftances, prefers the inte-
reft of her Colonies to her own.

Moft branches of commerce in their infancy
re(jnire fome encouragement, if they have to
contend with rival articles long eftablilhed : —
It therefore was good policy in this country to
give a bounty on hemp, tar, pot-aili, &c. from
America, both to render us lels dependent on
Ruflia Sweden, and Germany, and to reduce,

K 2 by

t <

68 S E C T I O N VI.

by the greater plenty and competition, the
price of'thofe articles; but when the end is
aiifwered it ihould ceafe, or there fliould then
at the moll be only as much difference ^ in fa-
vour of American produce, as is equal to the
advantage reaped by the manufaftures with
which we buy it, even fuppofmg the fame ar-
ticles from other countries to be parchafed
entirely with fpecie or bullion. ^

* Thar, is, the amount of the bounty on the article from
America, and duly, if any, on the import from elfewhere.

SEC-

f ^ I

i...

SECTION VII. 69

SECTION

VII.

Better to render the New England Colonies inde-
pendent^ than keep them on their former footing :
The advantages and inconveniencies of it con-
fidered.

SHOULD the New England Colonies, from
their great concerns in fliipping and
filheries, be unwilling to yield the Mother-
country, befides the power of external taxa-
tion, the fole navigation of the whole empire
(except as before provided) it would be infi-
nitely better to part with, and allow them
independency, than admit their allegiance on
other terms.

The confequence of parting with thefe Co-
lonies, from which we draw no ftaple com-
modities, can nevci be of efl'ential detriment
to this country ; for it is not to be fuppofed
their commercial connexions with us would
immediately ccafe, it ever they do fo ; be-
caufe in many articles they would find it their
advantage to dcAi >Mth us, being cheaper
fupplied than t<Vy could clicwhere.

But iui>VH>Ung the worll, that out of dif-
afFeclion ^ad inveteracy to the Parent-ftate,
they (hould refolve to purchafe nothing of
her ; the lofs attending this will admit of no
comparifon with hat we fuffer from their
livdl.Qiip in the Newfoundland and northern

fifliery,

' i\

SECTION V.

fifhery, and interference in the carrying trade
of the fouthern Colonies.

Now let us view the conlcquence to them-
felves of their becoming independent :

In the firft place, they will lofe all their
fifhery on the banks of Newfoundland, Nova-
Scotia, and Labrador, with the carriage of
thefe fifh to market, and their fhare of fup-
plying the refidents on the 'land, and the
flfhermen and fliipping from Ireland and Eng-
land with flour and provifions. All of which
are great fources of riches to themfelves, and
of employment to a vail number of their
failors.

2dly, They will certainly lofe the fupplying
of the Britifli Weft Indies with lumber and
provifions, becaufe that will be done front
our other Colonies, and the Mother-country.

gdly, Their carrying trade for the fouthern
Colonies muft ccafc of courfc. And

Laftlv, As a further aggravation to all this
lofs of commerce, their taxes, which have
hitherto not been felt, will become very per-
ceptible ; ard the more fo, as tlieir commerce,
which would hiivc r:iifcd a conildcrable part
of them, will be diminKhed.

To maintain their independency, and give
them weight in the political fcaJe, a naval and
military power will be required ; and to main-
tain thcfe, confidcrable funis muil be railed.
Belides, k is Highly probable their civil and
executive eitablifliments will become more ex-

pcnlive,

N.,.

SECTION VII.

penfive, as they will aflume a greater degree
of fplendour tlum when dependent on another
(late.

As their independency will occafion a confi-
derable lofs of trade, and vaft increafe of taxes,
we may venture to Hiy ten-fold, it will follow,
that both individuals and the community at
large will feel thefe ill cfl'eds, and the natural
confequence will be a confiderable emigration
to thofe Colonies flill in allegiance to the Pa-
rent-ftate, where they may live unburthened
with the weight of internal taxes, and confe-
quently be enabled to fell the produce of their
induftry to more ach^antage.

It nray perhaps be urged, that however un-
favourable this picture is of Northern-colony
independency, the ftate of thofe Colonies would
be little better, fhould they, by accepting the
propofcd mode of allegiance, give up the major
part of their navigation, or active commerce
by fea. To me it appears the latter alternative
would be the more eligible of the two ; for
although they would lofe the advantage of
carrying their own articles to Europe, &c.
they would not the profit of raifing and
felling them, and the cafe of being free from
any heavy internal tax. Befides, as the lofs
of the greateft part of their navigatioi would
turn their minds to manufactures for their
own confumption, it would become necciliry
for this kingdom to give them due advan-
tages to divert their attention from them.

The

^ »]

SECTION

VII.

I.(

The great ftaples of the fouthern Colonies,
from the profit attending them, being luperior
to either manufadures or navigation, folely oc-
cupy the induftry of the inhabitants, and will
continue to do lb until people become more
plentiful than land ; the refult of which will
be a gradual dccreafe in the price of labour,
till wages become nearly the fame as in the
manufaduring countries in Europe. Then,
and not till then, whilil the Colonies remain
dependent, can manufactures flourifh, (unlefs
in bulky articles) becaufc they can be had
cheaper from the parent ftate, and even at
this period, by proper policy, the Colony ma-
nufactures may be greatly retarded.

The foundation of all manutaclures are raw
materials, which either are produced at home
or abroad ; if the former, Britain may enhance
the price by bounties on exportation to herfelf,
equal or fuperior to the freight both ways, fo
as to enable her manufacturers to fupply the
Colonies as cheap as they could make them :
Or if the manufadiires be from foreign raw
materials, Ihe may prevent them, by heavy-
duties on the entry, or an abfolute prohibition.

The northern Colonies are now arrived a^
that degree of population which renders manu-
factures * and the culture of land near equally

* Some houles in Philadelphia and New-York had, before
the breaking out of the prefent troubles, agents over here
to endeavour to procure workmen, who undcrltood the
crown glafs manufactory, to fet forward and carry on this
fabric in America.

ad van-

SECTION.

VII.

advantageous, and their entering into the for-
mer "would render them of little fervice as
Colonies j therefore, as obferved before, it
would demand oar immediate attention to
turn their minds from this, or fuch part of
it, as would interfere with England, l3y pro-
curing them fome equally or more beneficial
employment. The only produce of their cul;-
tivated lands that wc do not raife is flax-feed,
which is confumed in Ireland and Scotland in
great quantities for fowing, and might, with
due encouragement, be imported in large quan-
tities to England, for crushing or making oil,
in the place of the many cargoes we import
from Ruffia, Germany, France and Italy for
that purpofc. There is therefore room to give
them additional employment in the raifing of
this article.

Pot-afti is another article or ftaple, not in-
terfering with us, that we might encourage to
a fuperior degree, fo as to leflen the importa-
tion of it from Germany, by the means of
greater bounties ^ on the one, or heavier du-
ties f on the other.

Fir timber is an article we are in want of,
but that cannot, from its being a commodity
of great bulk in proportion to its value, be

* On the propriety and extent of bounties, fee the con-
dufion of the laft fc(f^ion.

t It is feldom expedient to encreafe the duties on foreign
articles, for fear the ftate they come from ihould, in return,
raife the charges on their import of our owo produce or
manufactures.

L ever

• ■•?..

SECTION VII.

ever made to aufwer to any great extent. It
will do be ft to Ireland and the weft part of
this kingdom, becauib, the freight from A-
merica is lower, and proportionably higher
from the Baltic, than to the ports on the
call Tide. ; .[

A:> timber for fliip-building is fo fcarce with
us, ic might be neccflary to permit them to
build fhips for exportation or for fale, (manned
with Biitifh fcamcn) as it would be a means
of enabling us by being fupplied with fliipping
cheaper than we otherwife fhould be, to rival
more fuccefsfully the other European States,
but how far it would be proper to fuffer them
to be fold to foreigners, is a point not fo eafily
determined.

In favour of it it may be urged, that dif-
pofing of fliipping as a Colony produce, is the
fame as felling to other powers, pot afhes or
indigo, from the fame places, and confequent-
ly a means of bringing the ballance of trade fo
much more in our favour, and encreafing our
relative riches.

On the other hand it may be afTerted, that
by felling Ihips to our rivals cheaper than they
otherwife could come by them, which is the
only inducement and reafon they can have for
buying them, wc enable them more effec-
tually to lival and undermine us in our fea-
commcrce, by furnifhing them the means of
carrying it on with Icfs capital, or the hire of
lefs money (in interefl and infurancc) which

SECTION VII. 7>

is the fame as if we enabled them to do it
with proportionate lefs wages or hire of fea-
nien.

Befidcs, by raifing a greater competition of
buyers, we fhould probably enhance to oiir-
felves, the price of this foundation of all fea-
commerce; and therefore, in a dupli( ite de-
gree, deprive ourfelvcs, by the felling of fln'ps
to foreigners, of the fuperior advantages we
fliould otherwife have over them in the cheap-
nefs of navigation, which, if enjoyed, would
enable us to fupply foreigneis with the grof»
produds of our own or other countries, cheap-
er than any other ftate could.

If we had it in our power, and were to fup-
ply foreigners \v.r.i iaips much lower than
they could eitl. i /U A them - r buy them elfe-
where, then, inu -ed, die comequence would
be more detrimenta', than the advantage we
could reap from ielling :' product of our Colo-
nies — But if the diff'Tence be, what we have
reafon to believe it is, no way confideraMe,
then the advantage will lay on our fide, .ad
parti ularly fo, if the rc^jes and fail-clotf -e
manufactured in Britain, ^'^r then wc fhou I
not only difpofe of our C lony produce, but
a confiderable quantity of our own manu-
factures.

Before the prefent troubles, the Col Miy-
built veflels, were equipped with f.iils made of
Britifh canvas, and principally with Britiih cor-
dage ; ajid if thcfc dillcrences arc cloied on the

L 2 pro-

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■>9y.

J^. -^J

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

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Photographic

Sciences
Corporation

23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, f«.Y. ^ ?I0

(716) 872-450 J

■^

•,6 S E C T I O N VU.

propofed bafis, it will be in our power to have
it fo again.

Here it may not be improper to notice, that
for fome time paft, our exportation of cordage,
to the northern Colonies in particular, had
greatly decreafed, occafioncd by the ceating
to allow the drawback of the duty of the
hemp, on. the export of it in cordage — From
the fame caufe, we are deprived in a great
meafure, of fupplying the Cape de Verd»,
Madeira, the Canaries, &c. with coniiderable
quantities of that manufachire.

Hemp from Ruflia, &c. pays a duty of js.
2/?d. per cwt. and cordage manufaftured of this
hemp, on its export * was entituled to a draw
back of 2s. 4^d. per cwt. which was, and ftill
continues to be highly neccffar)'-, to give due
encouragement to the export ot that manufac^
ture.

Spain annually receives from Ruflia, cou-
iiJerable quantities of cordage, which Britain
might afford to fend her, was the duty on the
raw material, as good policy requires, drawn
back.

I have now endeavoured to point out the
mutually advantageous connections there might
be between us and the Colonies, and that it
would be the intcrcft of even the New Eng-
land provinces to accede to the propofed fyftem,
rather than become independent : Likewife

* By an a<ft of 6 Geo. III. which expired in the la Geo. III.

that

SECTION

VII.

that we are iatereiled to accept of their allegi-
ance on no other terms. It even appears a
matter of doubt, whether it Wv>uld be advife-
able to accept of their allegiance at all, becaufc
from their turbulent and feditious fpirit, they
would fooner or later occafion, as they have
done now, an infurredion c'" the continent,
either with or without the leaft provocation
on our part — Were they but independent, an
antipathy would foon fublift between them and
the other Colonies; as they would then look
on each other as feparate people, pofleffed of
different interefts.

. However it will no doubt be contended,
that the independency of thefe provinces will
greatly affed our Weft India pofleflions, by
the lofs of their confumption of molaffes and
rum. This lofs will not be fo conliderable as
may be imagined, becaufe thefe Colonies have
all along, by illicit prad:ices, confumed much
greater quantities of French ^ Ifiand molaffes
and rum, under cover of its being from our
own iflands, than can well be imagined. Their
inducement was its cheapnefs in the French
Iflands, owing to France laying great reftric-
tions on their rum, becaufe it would interfere
with brandy, her own produce.

* In 1763 was imported into Mt-Jachufets Bay i j.ooo hogf-
heads of molaffes, all of which, except lefs ihan joo, came
from ports that are foreign. The value of thefe, v.t is. 4d.
a gallon, a medium price, is £. 100,000.

Goveinor Barnard's Letter.

■\ '■

!■)

i I

J \

•/I

78 SECTION VII.

In peace they efFed the free introduclion
of thofe articles, partly by the negligence or
indulgence of their own revenue officers, par-
ticularly in the article of molafles, for if the
duty of 3d.^a gallon had been fully coUedcd,
it would have amounted almoft to a prohibi-
tion, from its being at leaft 25 per cent, on the
original coft, when the fame article, the pro-
duce of our own iflands, was imported duty-
free. If it had been two-thirds or one-half
the amount, it might have bore putting ftri<nj[y
in execution, and would have raifed a confi*
derable revenue. It would not be our intereft
to prohibit thefe articles from the foreign
iflands, becaufe it would put a flop to our Nor-
thern-colony exports to them, and prevent a
proportional demand of articles from Britain ;
though at the fame time it is advifeable to lay
on as heavy a duty as the foreign molafles
would well bear, that the planters in our own
iflands, by obtaining a greater price for thefe
articles, may be able, as much as poffible, to
underfell foreigners in fugar, the principal ob-
jeft. The northern Colonifts purchafe more
in the French Iflands than the value of their
exports thither, and pay for the deficiency with
the fpecie they have received for the fale of
lumber, &c. at our own. ,

• By 4 Geo. III. chap. 15, the duty on foreign moIafTes
and fyrups was reduced to 3(1. per g.illon, to take place from
and atter the 29th of September, 1764. Previuir> to that pe-
riod, it was, by 6 Geo. 11. chap. 13. 6d. ii gallon-

SECTION. VII. 79

In time of war with France they contrive
to carry on the trade in French rum and mo-
laffes, under cover of pretended captures, car-
tel fhips, &c.

But even fuppofing that Britilh ifland rum
and molaffes are confumcd in fuch conliderable
quantities in the New England Provinces, that
the lofs of it would be fenfibly felt ; our fou-
thern Colonies, from having a greater fale
for their lumber by as much as went before
from New England, would take a greater
quantity of rum and molafles in return ; and
if this be not fufficient, due encounicfement
might be given, by leffening in the Mother-
country the duty on rum, or encreafmg that
on brandy and geneva : the latter of which
might be more advifeable, as it would not
enable the lower clafs of people to indulge
themfelves to their own detriment, more than
they do in the pernicious practice of drinking
fpirits.

From what has been already advanced, it
will appear, there will be little chance the New
England Colonies (New Hampfliire, Maflachu-
fets Bay, Rhode Ifland, and Connecticut) be-
coming fo powerful in confequence of their
independence, fliould that take place, as to
endanger the fafety of the reft of our poffef-
fions. Their utmoft limits fhould be confined
to their prefent bounds; then they will be fo
perfeftly furrounded by us, and ib good a
communication afforded by Iludfon's River,

the

■ a -

P <*

»$

SECTION vir.

the Lakes Sacrament and Champlain, the Ri-
vers Sorcl, St. Lawrence, St. Croix, Kennebec,
and the fea, that they might, in cafe of war,
be atticked from all quarters.

Befides, thefe Colonies having no comr^n-
nication themfelves with the lakes, can never
interfere with us in the fur and peltry trade,
which, next to the fifheries, is the moft cf-
fential benefit we can reap from northern fet-
tlements.

}i.n
■'J

SEC-

SECTION Vm. 8i

Jrv;v, /

.',1

■ tr-

SECTION VIII.

Independency of the Britijh American Colonies^
contrary to the intereft of the European mari-
time powers. Confequence of this independency
to Britain, and the reji of Europe. Intereft of
Britain rather than lofe the whole, to divide
fart of her American provinces with fome of the
maritime Jlates of Europe.

WE have already viewed the conleqnences
of the independency of the New Enp--
land Provinces, both to themfelves and the
Mother-country, the effed of which, to the
latter, is of little moment. — But now we will
fuppofe the general independency of the whole
Britiih Colonies, and a perfed union amongft
them. Should thefe take place, it would not be
an event fo delirable in Europe, even by our
rivals, as politicians may in general imagine.
> To view it in its worlt light to us, let us
fuppofe it followed by an immediate French
and Spanifh war. .■ i;^ii. • "i

It will be faid, that we cannot, after hav-
ing exhaufted the power of the nation, and
loft fo confiderable a branch of our trade,
which bore a proportionate part of our taxes,
be abie to raife the extra fupplies for the war.

Poffibly we might not ; but what would be

the confequence ? A gen jral bankruptcy of the

ftate. This would ruin many individuals of

. M thefe

>. J

SECTION VIII.

:£)

thefe kingdoms, and at the fame time, as great
part of the debt is due to foreigners, would
have as deplorable confequences in other coun-
tries. This calamity ought, in juftice and
equity, to be avoided ; but neceffity has no
law, and therefore the inconvenience muft be
difpcnfed with, the fame as it has been of-
tener than once in France. Let us fee ,its
national confequences on the other fide. We
fave an annual payment to the national cre-
ditors of ^£".4,464,0 71, and apply this great
fum to the purpofe of the war, which w^ be
quite, or aimoft equal to the extra expences,
above the peace eftabliflmient, and thereby re-
lieve the people from any further burthens :
But ihould this faving be not fufiicient, it is
only having rccourfe to that excellent method
laid down by Poftlethwaite in his Great Britain* t
True Syjhm on the mifing the fupplies \dthitt
the year, which he fhews might always have
been done without effecting the labouring claftj
and without further funding, by laying certain
Poll Taxes on thofe fuperior ranks * of the
people that are able to bear them.

" The

* Mr Pofllethwaite fuppofed the number cffubjefls abl« to

bear Poll Taxes to be in the following ckfies and proportion**

viz.

I Temporal Lords — — — — — a50

a Spiritual Loids — — — a^

3 Baronets, Knights, and Efquires — — 4^500

4 Gentlemen — — > — — 14^00

5 Perfons in great offices — ~ — d,ooo

6 Ditto in leffer ditto — — 9,000

7 Eminent

SECTION VIII. 8j

The whole export trade to all our American
Continental Colonies ^, is only eftimated at
j^.3,097,500 per annum; therefore fuppofing
it would flow there by no other channels, and
that it was all profit, it would not be equal tn
the advantage derived from the non-payment
of ^^.4,464,0 7 1, the annual interefl of the
national debt.

7 Eminent Merchants and Traders, Monied

Men and Bankers

8 Lefler ditto —

9 Law, and its fuperior Dependents ——

|o Eminent Clergymen — —

II Lefler ditto — —

I* Freeholders of better fort —

fi Ditto lefler

14 Farmers

ij Perfons in liberal arts, and Phyficians, ")

Chymilis, &c. 5

16 Shopkeepers and Tradefmen — —

17 Artificers and Handicrafts — —

18 Officers of the Navy, Captains of India-)

men, and other principal Ships 3

19 Military Officers

}

3,oco

l«,000

ij.ooo

a.oco

u.ooo

30,000

jaj.ooo

180,000

30,000

joo,ooo
80,000

10,000

7.000

639,776
Brokers, Agents, &c. &c. he fuppofeswill make, with the
above, one million ; each divifion to be taved according to
what be deemed equal to the abilities of that rank, but upon
4he whole, to average £-3 or 4 as exigencies may require;
and this, for the greater eafe of payment, to be coUedled
monthly.

If this be not fufiicient, he advifes a tax on faddle horfes,
&c. to this we may add, as equal articles of luxury, a tax
on livery fervants, dogs, public places of diverfion, &c. the
whole of which might be coUedled without creating any
new officers, after the fame manner, and for the fame al-
lowances, (<d-in the pound) as the Land-tax.
• Hudfon's Bay included, viz. £.x6,gqO'

84 SECTION VIII.

The non-payment of the national debt, or
public failure, may be looked up^n as a po-
litical evil by fome ; becaufe, fay they, in cafe
of great emergency, the public faith will be
loft. This we have little reafon to think ; for
did not Lewis XV. borrow or fund money upt
on better terms than even his predccefTor did,
although there had been a general failure of
the national debt contraded by Lewis XIV?
This is not to be wonderea at, for certainly
there is a greater probability of a nation's
being able to pay a fmall debt, than ever to
difchargc a large one, efpecially when it ftill
continues funding, till in the end the intercft
muft fwallow up the national revenue, and
ceafc to be paid of courfe. — Thus ultimately
muft the debt be dilcharged.

However, fuppoling the credit of the na-
tion to be entirely or in a great meafure loft,
the confcquence would rather be advantage-
ous, for then we ftiouki be always obliged to
raife the fupplies, or moft of them, within the
year, which, by the means afore- mentioned,
is not impracticable, and would not only, if it
took place, prevent in future the fubject being
opprefled by too heavy taxes, but in a great
meafure dellroy the influence of any miniftry
that might wifh to corrupt the people, or their
reprefentativcs. A further refult from the eafe
of taxes would be, our manufactures would
encrcafe, from a greater demand being occa-
fioned by our aflbrding them cheaper through
the confcquciit dccreafe of wages.

SECTION VIII. 85

We have now fhewn the worft confequences
to ourfelveu, from the lofs or independence of
America, would be an abolition of the na-
tional debt, which, though a lofs to indivi-
duals, would be a great national advantage :
What we have further to confider is, the con-
fcquence to the reft of Europe.

In all probability one of the firfl: would be
South America, as well as the Spanifh northern
fettlements, which in a confiderable degree
groan under European fervitude, would, for
real evils, follow the example the north-
eaftern parts have fet them, though only ac-
tuated by imaginary ones: And Spain and
Portugal, who would lofe the moft, as like-
wife France and Holland, would find it very
difficult, or even impoffible, if the fuppofed
independent Britifli Colonies, or Britain her-
felf out of revenge, fliould affift the infur-
gents either privately or avowedly, to bring
them again to their (late of dependence.

The American continent once independent,
the European ftates, we may fear, would find
it impoffible to hold their poffeffions in the
Weft Indies ; and when ftript of thefe, with a
confequent part of their maritime power, which
would be not only a lofs to them, but (o much
increafe to that of the American ftates, they
might even dare to infult the coafts of Europe
with impunity, and, if not entirely reverfe
the tables, by eftablifliing garrifons on our
cpntinent, or in the Britifli Ifles, might poflefs

them-

H SECTION VIII, ^

themfelvcs of the European fettlements in the
Eaft Indies, and confequently reniove the feat
of empire and of arts acrofs the Atlantic. This
idea will not be vifionary, but only fomewhat
farther diftant, though not lefs certain, fup-
poiing the Colonies of the Spaniards, &c. not
to revolt, becaufe from the iituation and cli-
mate of the Britifh Colonies, with the great
increafe of manufadures and population con-
fequent of their becoming independent, they
would be fo powerful and fenfible of it, that
they would not long refift their inclinationi
to invade Mexico and Chili, and they, with
the other provinces, would in the end foU be-
fore them, ^ the fouthem ftates of Europe
formerly did to the Goths and Vandals of the
Nordi.

Therefore, it appears, the intereft of all the
maritime ftates, or of Europe in general, not
to fuffer the independency of our American
Colonies; but as the advantage of keeping
them, more immediately refults to Britain
than to the other European ftates, they might
not, even in cafe of neceffity, be inclined to
lend her any active affiftance, without which,
all efforts might be vain. In this cafe it
would be prudent, rather to iave a part only,
than lofe the whole. This dilemma, it is im-
probable we (hall be reduced to, but fhould
we be at that unfortunate pafs, then to fave
our fouthem or ftaple Colonies, the moft va-
luable to us, we might return to tlie Dutch,

theii-

IBK5K5*li^fl

SECTION VIII. 87

their New Netherlands, or province of New
York ; to the Swedes, their antient pofleflions
of New Jcrfey ; and to the French, reftore Ca-
nada.—* Thus the New England Colonies fur-
rounded by other Hates, and cut off from
the fouthern provinces, could bring about no
infurrcclions in them, and be themfelves the
more eafily kept in due allegiance to the Pa-
rent-ilate, lo as to render them a poil'eilion
worth keeping; but fliould dire neceffity re-
quire it, we might give up our claim to them
to other ftatcs, in confequence of their aflif-
ftance, to recover to ourfelves the fouthern
provinces.

With thefe, and our northern pofTeflions of
Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, Labrador, and
Hudfon*s Bay*, all which atford confiderable
filheries, and the two latter a trade with the
Indians for furs f , which might, if laid open,
be greatly increafed, fo as perhaps to equal
our prefent fupplies from Canada, and from
Albany and Ofwego.

* At prefent a confiderable number of whales are yearly
caught in Hudfon's Bay, by the Efquimaux, and was the na-
vigation not reitrained by the exclufive charter to the Hud-
fon's Bay company, a very valuable whale and feal fifhery
might be carried on by private adventurers.

f Hudfon's Bay expoits, in llcins, with a fmall quantity of
feathers, fome whale bone, and a few tons of oil, amount to
/". a9,340. Its imports (of nearly the fame articles as New-
foundland) are valued at £. 16,000. And the company em-
ploy, befides a few fchooners and fmall vefTels in the Bay,
4 fhips, manned with about 130 men, in their trade to and
from London.

- .. -J From

»»■

'Jtrtll;^!

SECTION VIII.

From his difpofition of our northern Colo-
nies to other ftates, or, in general, r-^ftoration
of them to their former European poffeffors,
we fhould not have much to fear, becaufe,
though they might collectively be able to over-
power the fouthern Colonies referved to our-
felves, yet from the different ftates they be-
longed to, this would be little to be dreaded,
and any of them feparately would be no match
to contend with. '^ '

1 1.

' A I:

I ^~^

■:::^

:'#

SEC-

.Tf«».-^-i-

SECTION IX.

On improvements at home — Union with Ireland
— Advantages of it confidered — Britijh i/leSy
their fiJJjeries capable of great improvement — The
means that will effe£l it — Meafures for the
eafier manning of the navy — /// execution of the
revenue laws in Scotland — Revifton of poor laws»

IT more immediately concerns a kingdom to
cherifli the interefts of any iflands or ftates
of limited extent, dependent upon it, than
its Colonies, fettled in provinces of almoft un-
limited extent, on a great continent ; becaufe
her poffeflion of, or alliance with the latter,
can only be temporary, and from the nature of
things muft fooner or later ceafe ; which, pe-
riod, even at the lateft, will be when the ex-
tended country becomes fo populous as to
afford fuch a furplus of inhabitants, over what
are wanted for agriculture, as to occafion the
people to afTemble in towns for commercial
purpofes; becaufe they will then find their
power, and foon be inclined to ufe it, if they
think they lay under any reftraint, which,
whether juft or no, the grofs of the people
may eafily be made to think is real, by thofe
turbulent fpirits, whofe interefts or paflions
may induce them to promote fedition.

Let us now enquire, whether we have im-
proved, to the utmoft advantage, thofe iflandt,
that are dependent on Britain.

N Ireland

E t '

i}.

90 S E C T I O N IX.

Ireland firft prefents itfelf to view — A king-
dorp, looked on by our legiflature, in moft
in (lances, as a foreign power, rather than
one fo nearly allied ; reftrained in her conm-
merce and manufactures, yet ready to bear a
great fliare of our burthens.

We have indeed encouraged her linen-ma-
nufaclures, and of late been fo kind as to
give a bounty on the importation of flax-feed,
from forae parts of Europe, to fow her lands,
fince they have been deprived of this article
from America. Some other recent inftances of
Britiih kindnefs might likewife be mentioned.
But what will moft effedually anfwer the end,
will be to allow Ireland the fame commercial
privileges with ourfelves. I'his they cannot rea-
fonably expefl, without bearing equal portions
ot the public burthen with ourfelves, and that
cannot be exadly determined, without the
fame revenue laws take place in each kingdom,
which it follows muft be pafled by one and
the fame legiflature, therefore to effied this, a
union is obvioufly neceflary.

Let us now confider the effeds in either
ifland, and what objections they can have
\gainft it.

The people of Ireland may objeft to an
union, becaufe they may be higher taxed.
Upon conflderation, they will find this have
no weight, becaufe a majority of the Irifli par-
liament arc ever ready to anfwer th 2 minifter*$
demands.

A ca-

SECTION IX.

A capital objedlion lays from the city of
Dublin, and landholders in its vicinity, from
the feat of government being removed. This
lofs to them would be only temporary, and
none in the long run. Has the city of Edin-
burgh decreafed, or has it not rather increaied
ilnce the throne was removed ? Might not the
Ikme be cxpefted of Dublin ?

The inhabitants of Ireland are eftimated only
to be two millions and a half, although it is
evident from its great export of provifions,
and from the great quantity of lands yet in
a bad ftate of culture, and other parts not cul-
tivated at all, that twice the numl^r, or five
millions might be maintained in the kingdom,
without having recourfe elfewhere, for the
neceffaries of life.— A kingdom, in which the
ballance of tjade in manufaftures, exclufive
of native produce, is equal, may have fuch a
degree of population, as will confume the
whole produce of its lands. But when its ex-
ports of manufactures exceed its imports of
foreign articles, a territory may then main-
tain in proportion to this excefs, many times
the number of inhabitants its produce will
fupport, as we fee exerapUfied in Holland —
Now, we know the Irilh are reftrained in
their export of woollen manufaclares, and
that, befides the wool (and woollen yarn) the
Engllfh take from them, they fupply the
French in contraband trade, with great quan-
tities j therefore the confequence of non-re-

N 2 ftraint

92 SECTION IX.

ftraint would be, they w^nld manufadhirc
their wool themfelves : This would occafion a
demand for more manufa^urers : That, and
the cheapnefs of provilions, would bring them
from foreign countries, and prevent the emi-
gration of the Irifli to France and Spain *^ for
want of employment at home.

This would increafe the number of fubjedte
and commerce of the kingdom, and at the
fame time, prevent our rivals being fupplied
with wool, or at lea:ft occafion them to receive
it in lefs quantities, and at an advanced rate,
which would enhance the price of their manu-
faftures, and deftroy their competition.

No country in the world is better fituated
for trade than Ireland, from the excellency
and number of its ports, therefore, what but
reftraint can prevent it from flourifhing.

The increafe of inhabitants from thefe con-
fequences, would occafion a home confump-
tion for every article the land produces or
maintains, and confequently increafe the value
to its pofleflbrs ; and whilft mofi: other towns
were increafing in population, value of lands,
manufactures and commerce, the city of Dub-
lin could not go without her increafe of the

* To recruit the Irifli Brigades in the Trench and Spanifli
fervice, frequently employed againft ourfelves — A union and
perfeft freedom of trade, befides preventing this ill cflTeft,
would fo attach the Irifli to this government, as to take a-
way all neceflity of keeping an armed force in that country
to prevent infurreftions, and obviate every fear of their af-
fiilicg the Spaniards, in cafe of an invafion*

tWQ

SECTION IX.

two latter, which would compenfate for the
lofs of the refidence of the Vice- Roy.

From England being the feat of the execu-
tive and legilldtive powers of the empire,
which muft always draw a confluence of men
of great eftates to fpend their incomes there,
it may be faid Ireland will be Icfs able to bear
her fliare of the public taxes ; but will not the
fame argument hold in favour of Weftmore-
land, Cumberlmd, and all the diftant coun-
ties in England, which reap no more benefit
than Ireland, from the confluence of riches in
London ?

Number of inhabitants are of more mo-
xr.ent than extent of territory, becaufe they
encreafe the field of taxation and real ftrength ;
and the more connefted that ftrength, the
better will it be able to aft, and the more
capable of great efforts. Thus if by any means
we can encreafe the number of fubjects in
the Britifli ifles, it would certainly compen-
fate for the lofs of them in America.

The moft material objection England can
have againft a perfed union with Ireland, will
arife from the towns and counties engaged in
the woollen manufafture, becaufe of the rival-
fhip of the Irifti ; but is it not better the Irifli
Ihould rival us than the French ; for would
\e Irifli, when united to us, be the lame

no*.

to the flate as the people of any particular
town or county in England ? Befidcs, the
Irifli encreafe of trade in the woollen manu-
facture

SECTION IX,

n. ■

.Til

fafture could not arife from any material dimi-
nution of our own, but from that of the
French, who get the principal part of their
furplus of wool.

At prefent we may fuppofe none of their
wool is thrown away, but either manufac-
tured by themfelves or the French (except the
little that comes to England) ; therefore, con-
fidering our Englifh manufachirers as indivi-
duals abftra^fc from the flate, what matters it
to them whether the Irifli wool be wrought
by themfelves, or any other people who go
fo the fame market, fince it is evident
that for fometime at leaft no more wool can
be manufadhired than before; therefore die
rivalfliip will be the fame, and when we con-
fider the French cannot make many of their
ftufFs to perfection without a confiderable mix-
ture of Englifli or Irifli wool, it will follow,
that the Irifli, working all their wool them-
felves, will give an advantage to the Englilli
manufacturers they had not before ; and even
when the breed of flieep in Ireland is en-
treafed, fo as to afford a larger quantity of
Wool, the Irifli can have no advantage ovpr
the Britifli manufadurers, but what may arife
from the cheapnefs of labour. The rate of
this we have fliewr) principally depends on the
price of provilioiis, and that by following fucli
fneafures as are laid down in the 4tU Section,
provifions and labour miglit be as low in
England as in iiny manufaduring country

what-

SECTION IX.

whatfoever ; and that the Englifli, fo far
from fearing a decreafe, might expect an in-
creafe in every manufafture. What advan-
tage the Irifh might at firft have in the price
of provifions, would be counterbalanced by
their number of manufacturers being unequal
to their increafed demand, which, during this
fcarcity, would advance the rate of labour
until a fufficient number were bred up to the
bufinefs, or manufacturers from other coun-
tries induced to go over by the highnefs of
wages and cheapnefs of provifions. At this
Jjeiiod, when they have manufafturcrs fuffi-
cient, and provifions uniformly low^ from the free
export and import^ the price of labour would
lower.

From the increafe of trade and population
in Ireland, the taxes and burthens of the ftate
would be more divided, and might confe-
quently fall the lighter on Britain, to the ad-
vantage of her landed intereft, manufa<fturers,
and every other clafs of individuals ; therefore
fo far from the profperity of Iieland being to
be feared, it is an event ardently to be defired
by every inhabitant of this country.

Now as to the fmailer Britifli Ifles, the Ifle
of Man,* the Hebrides, Orcades, and Shet-
land,! ^^ principal improvement they will

admit

* The Ifles of Wight, Sheppey, &c. affording nothing pe-
culiar from theif (ituations, need no particular difciflicn.

t The iiihery of the Ifl* of Mail is for berrkigs, which
they have greatly improved lince the fovereignty of that

ifland

».• ) ■

^6 S E C T I O N IX.

admit of, is an increafe of their fifheries, which,
iiotwithftanding the encouragement the legifla-
'ure has given, are far from being in that
ilate of perfection they will admit of.

The principal reafon that appears for their
not being lo, and for the Dutch, upon our
own coalls, almoft from he Firth of Forth all
tlie way to the north of .Shetland, carrying it
on fo advantageoufly, and without any boun-
ty, is not their fuperior knowledge in the
curing of the filh, which could not long be
peculiar to them, but only the lownefs of their
failors* wages, and their provifions, and the
high rates of thofe with us, the differenre

ifland has been purchafed by government, being in fome
meafure obliged to turn their attention to it by the lofs of
their fmuggling trade. The Hebrides, or the weftern ifles
of Scotland, at the proper feafons, abound with herring,
cod, and ling. The herrings in fome years have come into
their lochs or bays in fuch (hoals that they have been fold
for 6d. per barrel, and for want of caflts or fait have been
frequently ufed as manure for their lands. Charles I. greatly
encouraged the fifhery in thefe parts, but the civil wai-j
dellroyedthe good effefts that might have been expet^ed.

Charles II. g eatly promoted tor fome time, the weftern
ifland fiftiery, having himfelf a great (hare in a company aflb-
ciated for that purpofe. They eftabliftied ftores of fait,
cafks, &c. at Loch Maddie, in the ifle of North Uift, and
might have gone on fuccefsfully, had not the necefljiies of
that luxurious monarch occafioned him to withdraw his fliare
of ftock, which brought on the diflbl .1 of the company.

The fiflisries of Shetland are for ling, cod, and tuflc.
Thofe of the Orkneys are the fame, but at prefent very in-
confiderabie.

Brafley Sound, in Shetland, is the rendezvous for the her-
ring bufles; they begin their fifhery on the a4th of June, and
keep with the flioals of herrings as they move fouthward.

being

S E C T I O N. IX. 97

being at Icaft twenty or thirty per cent. — full
fufficient to give almoft the monopoly to the
Dutch.

The v/ages of failors, as their food, when
employed, is always found them, do not feeni
dependent on the price of provifions ; but if
we conlidcr the fubjcdl, we fliall find, that
when, from the uniform lownefs of provifions,
the rates of all labour on fliore are reduced,
the rate of wages at fea cannot, as now, re-
main from twenty to fifty per cent, higher than
in all other nations ; becaufe thcfe clafles of
the people that muft labour, and haA'^e pro-
fefljons to chufe of, would certainly prefer
in general, that which gave the grcatcil en-
couragement; this preference would create
great plenty of failors, and occafion wages to
lower from the number wanting employment,
which they could neverthelefs procure no
where to greater advantage, until the wages
of feamen, in the commerce of thefe king-
doms, fell below thofe of other nations, of
which there is little probability. The hire of
filhermen on the coaft, will be lowered by the
fame caufes, which will likewife occafion tl.vofc,
w'lo fifh in their own boats, to fell their pro-
duce for lefs.

When wages and provifions, through the
refult of a free import and export, ihall have
fallen here as low as in Holland, Ihall we not
be able to carry on the fiflieries on our own
€oa(}s to as much advantage as the Dutch?

'- O ' Cer-

1 ■'

I ^

SECTION IX.

1 '•*

:n^

} .

Certainly we Ihall, and even more fo, from
our fituation on the fpot.

We have an undoubted right to prcfcrve
tliofc fifheries to ourfelves ; but from the com-
mercial advantages we reap from the Dutch,
they are in fome degree entituled to a ihare
in the eaftcrn Scottifti ^ fifhery, the poffeffion
of which amply repays them. The men cm-
ployed by Holland in the Scottifli and Eng-
hfli f fiflieries, and in carrying the produce
to market, are computed to be 200,000 j be-
fides thefe, about one-fourth as many arc, in
confequence of thefe fiflieries, employed on
fhore, in the building of fliips, making nets,
curing the fifli, &c. &c.

Therefore, fuppofing us only to come in
for one-half of what the Dutch enjoy, we ihall
gain, befides employment to upwards of 12,000
artificers, an acceflion of 100,000 feamen, two-
thirds of which would be always on our coafis,
ready to man our fleets on every emergency.
A moft noble refource ! r

This (hews, in the fiirongeft manner, the
ahfolute necejjity there is for the free import mnd
export of grain and proviftons \ ; becaufe, from
this only can provifions and wages become
lower, and upon the lownefs of thefe de-
pends the accefilon of the riches and p^er
attendant on extenfive fiiheries.

• For ling, cod, tufk, and herrings,
t Yarmouth, &c. for herrings.
X Cattle, fait provifions, 5cc.

The

SECTION IX.

The fame caufes will produce the fame cfTecls
in the English * and Irifh fifherics f , fo as to
enable them to contribute thtir fliare to the
grandeur and increafe of the Britiih mari-
time power.

A nation pofleffed of numerous fcamen, one
would fuppofe could feldom be in want of
them to man its navy. Yet M'e find that in
England, we are generally obliged to have
recourfe to the arbitrary and expenfive me-
thod of impreffing. The chief probable caufes
why men do not enter, are the uncertainty
when, if ever, they may be difcharged ; and
the knowledge of the great increafe of wages
in the merchant fervice, always confequenc
on the breaking out of a prefs, and during the
,want of men for the navy. Thefe caufes
Lieut. Thomlinfon, in his excellent plan (which
it is fuppofed will fhortly come under the confi-
deration of the legiflature) has greatly obviated ;
but there is one (^if I rightly remember) he has
not touched on, which has as much weight
as any of the reft, viz. the unequal diftribu-
tion of prize-money ; one-fourth only falling to
the Ihare of the failors and marines. Small as
this fhare is, we find the failors always wifhing
for, and ready to enter in a Spanilh war, becaufe
of the probability of rich prizes : Thciefore it is

* Coaft of Cornwall and Devonfliire for pilchards, and
that of Norfolk, &c. for herrings.
■\ Herrings on the north-weft coaft, and other parts.

O 2 ob«

loo

SECTION IX.

obvious, that were the Tailors' ^ 4re doubled*
they would as ardently enter to ferve againft an
enemy that might afford h:ilf' the amount of
rich prizes they could have reafon to expert
from the Spaniard^\, and this they mighr hope
for in a war with almoll any other power.

As to the fubdivifion of prize-money among
the officers, this, though not perhaps the raoft
equitable, we fliall not now contend about,
but fuppofe it to continue the fame — There-
fore, as the three-fourths of the whole prize-
money, which is what falls to the fhare of the
officers, is fubdivided in 6 parts, (viz. 4 ^) they
might ftill hold the fame proportion to each
other by calling them /^, thus the failors would
come in for one-half, which, on account of the
great difproportion in number between them
and the officers, can never be deemed un-
reafonable, but if it be, let us compromife the
difference, and call the fiilors* quota only ~t.

Many officers urge that the 'failors have al-
ready too great a iharc, becaufe they only
wafte what they now get, and if they had
more it would go the fame way — I don't
doubt many of the officers do the fame, there-

* Admiral — — — i

Captain — — — — »

lieutenants, mafter, captain of marines, &c. i

Boatfwain, carpenter, gunner, kc, — i

Petty officers — — — i

/ i

\ I

If a cruizing fliip, the captain has then three-eighths (his
own and the admiral's) or once aiid a, katj as much as all
th: faihrs and marines.

fore

SECTION IX. loi

fore the argument will hold againll their get-
ting fo much as they do.

Few failors indeed fave what they get, but
this matters not to the public, as long as the
faiior's getting and fpending this money is a
great inducement to his defending his country.

We may without any hefitation afl'ert, that
failors would be readily induced to enter into
the navy by this increafe of prize-money,
were it joined to a limited time of fcrvice,
and the impofition of a heavy penalty on
both the paying and receiving of more wages
in the merchant fervice, (either party inform-
ing to be exempted) than 40 or 45s. or at
mod 50s. per month, and in proportionate
rates for coafting voyages.

This would take away the great difference
betwixt the merchants' and governmcnt'o pay,
and yet being greatly more than the pay of
other nations, would be fuflicient to induce
foreigners to come into our merchants' lervice.

That this laft regulation is highly ncceflary,
will appear, when we are told, that in the
breaking out of the prefent prefs^, the failors
jr» the coal trade, from NewcalUe to London
and back, notwithftanding the Ihips had pro-
te(5tions, demanded and would not fail without
fix guineas wages, and as this voyage feldom
exceeds a month, how can it be expected that
the prefent bounty of five guineas, high as it
is, or even twice that fum, would induce

* Odober and November, 1776.

thcfc

7 »'

102

SECTION IX,

thefe men to enter on board men of war, to
receive 22s. 6d. per month^.

One caufe that occaiions, among the beft
feamen efpecially, an averfion to the navy is,
their being liable, with or without caufe, to
be beat and ill ufed by thofe frequently their
inferiors in the knowledge of their duty, the
pet^-y offic °rs|.

We will now return to our principal fub-
jcft from which we have digrefled.

We have already mentioned how liberal the
Irifli are in the fums railed for public ufe.
The ftate indeed reaps little benefit, but the
mifapplication of thefe fums cannot be laid
tc their charge, as they might all be applied
to the good of the public, and we may hope
will be, fliould a union take place between
that country and Great Britain

* In the navy, 13 months are accounted to a year, fo that
ais. 6c'. per month only, with the allowance of provifions, is
far better pay than that of the foldieis, and not much to be
complained of.

f Befidcs thefe mcafures for manning ti • navy, without
having recourfe to imprcffing, there is another that was once
tried with fuccefs — a voluntary regiiter of feamen, that is,
to allow to 40 or 50 thoufand feamen (or the number that
may be thought neceflary) an annual pay of 40 or 508. or
even £. .1 on thefe feamen, rcgiflering and engaging to hold
themfelves rt.idy on certain notice, to ferve on board the
navy. This would be no great national expence, and per-
haps no greater during a whole peace, than the charges of
imprcfling during war.

In the reign of William III. this method was at one tifne
followed, and a fufficient number regidercvl thcmfeives vo-
luntarily; but the contraft was broke on the part of go-
Ternmcnt, by the non-paymcni of thefe honeft men.

The

SECTION.

IX.

103

The money ralfed in Britain by taxes, with
the charges of collection, are calculated by
Doftor Price at near twelve millions, a very
confiderable fum, and more fo, when we con-
lider that England pays nearly the whole of
it. Many readers will be furprized when they
are told the whole excifes of Scotland, at a
medium of three years, ending in 1773, P'^^"
duced only £^. 95,229*, and that the whole
cufloms of that kingdom amounted to no
more than £^. 68,369. Fraud and collufion
evidently appear on the face of this, and one
need not fear to exceed the truth in faying,
the duties at Glafgow only, if fully colleftedf,
would amount to more than is now paid by
the whole kingdom. That the excifes are
collected in the fame collufive manner, can,
from their produce, admit of no doubt. It
is notorious, that m the glafs-works and other
excifeable manufaftures in Scotland, the reve-
nue is fo much defrauded as to give them an
undue advantage over their fellow-fubje<Iils in
England. This grievance, I am credibly in-
formed, was rtprefented to perfons in power,
and their anfwer was, they knew of it, but
that if it was not permitted, the Scots could

* The ■2;rofs prodi -e is /.43.»54 more, the expence of
collection.

f To do juQIce to the port of Glafgow, it is neceflary to
notice, th^t it is generally allowed the duties are more nar-
rowly infpefted, »A fewer frauds committed there, notwith-
ftancUng its creat.T trad?, than in any other port in Scotland.

not,

or glafs, on the fummit of Cheviot
or in the middle of any other wild.

104 SECTION IX.

not, from feveral caufes, carry on thefe works.
Thj foundation of this opinion is much to
be doubted ; but fuppofing it true, works of
all kinds ought to be cariied on where a com-
bination of favourable circumflanccs point out
the places, as there only they can be of the
moft advantage to their country : therefore,
if any, contrary to the conviction of their
fenfes, will erect fabricks elfewhere, it is pro-
per they fhould feel the confequences. Should
any man take it into his head to creft works,
for inftancc, for the manufafturing of foap,
paper.
Hills,

where the carriage to and from, and other
unfavourable circumftances prevented their
fuccefs ; is government, on this account, to
give up the excife, or a confiderable part of
it, that the fabrick may be continued ? No,
for by this means they might foon receive no
excife at all, and yet have no further increafe
of manufadures than they otherwife would.
Befides, though the manufacturers were ever
fo much favoured in the payment of the ex-
cife, we may be aflured, that when any part
of their manufaftures arc exported, the whole
duty will be drawn back, though they have
only paid a part of it.

As to the frauds of the cuftoms, they are
even more notorious than of the excife.

A few years fmce I heard it afferted by thofe
who knew perfe£tly tlie trade of the place,

that

S E C T I O N IX. 105

that in one port where the import of tobacco
was very confiderable, and great quantities
fold inland and coaftways, the exports (real
and pretended) for the drawback were nearly
equal to the whole of their imports. Thus did
they procure that article almc. duty-free, to
the great diminution of the revenue, and de-
triment of the fair traders in England.

Not only in tobacco and this one port are
limilar meafures pradifed, but in almoft every
other article, and all other ports, as is pretty
generally known ; and the imall fum of
£. 68,369, the whole produce of their cuftoms,
further evinces.

Was there any juft caufe for thefe exemp-
tions, or were the Scots opprcffed by any pe-
culiar taxes, the ill execution of the revenue
laws might be overlooked : But when we call
to mind, that by the folly or inadvertency of
our anceftors the Scotch were favoured in many
excifes, and almoft exempted from the lard-
tax, being by the oth article of the act of
union, when the fum of /". 1,999,763 . 8 . 4^^
Ihall be enafted to be raifed by land-tax in
England, to be only charged with the further
fum of r, 48,000 as their quota, and propor-
tionably for any greater or kifer fum.

Scotland, at the loweft calculation, is fup-
pofed to contain one million and a half of in-
habitants, but we have feen pays fcarce one-

AS. in the noand.

fiftieth

pp-

106

SECTION IX.

fiftieth part the taxes England does, though
one-fourth ^ as populous. Thus, on an ave*
rage, each individual in the latter kingdom
pays the united government upwards of twelve
times more than his fellow-fubjeft in Scot-
land, the latter, by fome miftake or peculiar
indulgMice, paying only pounds Scots f in lieu
of fterling. — Is there a ftate in Europe, of its
extent and population, half fo little burthened
with taxes ? No, not one ! Why then are net
the revenue laws ftriclly executed, feeing juf-
tice and equity demand it ?

If tlicre fliould be any indulgence in thefe,
it Ihould be to the people of England, in re-
turn for the other peculiar taxes they bear:
And if we may venture to rifk a fuppofition,
it is to thefe particular indulgences that the
national animofity is not yet quite fubfided:
For were Cornwall or any other Englilh county
fo favoured as our northern neighbours are,
would not the reft of the nation look on that
particular county with envy and hatred? A
natural effect, and f'-om a caufe that had its
weight in the moft early ages — Inftance, Jofeph
and his brethren.

If we can by any reformation fave an a-
mount, it is equivalent to the gaining it. This
reflection leads us to confider the vatt burthen

* The inhabitants of England arc eftimated to be fix rail-
lions.

t The pound Scots is only aod. the 12th part of a pound
ftcrling.

S E C T I O N IX. T07

of the poor-cefs ; an evil and a grievous tax that
has long been complained of. Upon an ave-
rage it cannot amount to Icfs throughout tlic
kingdom than fifteen-pence ^ in the pound of
the full rent, which perhaps may be near equal
to 3 s. land-tax, conlidering the northern and
other counties are not rated to the full, and
the little that Scotland pays. — The real rental
of the lands of Great Britain cannot well be
lefs than 24 millions, and if the poor ccfs be
equal to I5d. the amount of this tax will be
one million and a half ; now was there only a
reformation of the poor-laws, and a fyftcm
adopted fimilar to that in Holland, of finding
employment fuited to the ftrength and abilities
of the different individuals of the poor, their
labour, with the additional charge of half a mil-
lion, might probably maintain them. Thus there
would be an annual faving and national re-
fource of one million, which is a tax equally
grievous when raifed for the purpofc of main-
taining the idle part of the poor, as if levied
for the exigencies of the ftate. As the legiHa-
ture had this falutary amendment in conlidera-
tion laft feflions of parliament, it is to be hoped
they will in the courfe of tliis, devife and pafs
into a law fome plan that may be produclivc
of this great national faving.

♦ In many great towns it exceeds as.

SEC-

mm*^

Wr^'f^^

Io8

SECTION X.

J ! 'i'

Considerations on East Indian Affairs.

The improvement of our territorial pojfejftons in Afia
— Meafures conducive to the interejl of Britain,
and happinefs of her fubjeds in the Indies, ,

THIS kingdom was very powerful, and of
great weight in Europe, before flie had
any pofleflions in America, and may, we have
endeavoured to point out, by purfuing proper
meafures, become or continue to be fo with-
out them, and even without the circuitous con-
nection wc now have with them, which, in all
probability, at the worft events, we fliould
ftill continue ; as we find, by the channels of
France, Holland, and Hamburg, the Ameri-
cans have, notwithftanding they rcfufed to
take them direct from us, been largely fup-
plied with Britifh articles ; as from this, and
the demand in Ruilia and Turkey, occafioned
by the peace between thofe pov/ers, our ma-
nufafturers have not wanted employ. But
whether this circuitous traffic ceafe or no, we
may, in confequence of taking from other
powers many articles that we encouraged only
from America, procure a greater vend than
we fhould othcrwife have for our woollen,
hardware, cotton, and other manufactures.
That by thefe means, advantageous treaties of
commerce might be entered into, there can be

SECTION X.

109

no reafon to doubt. However, whether Ame-
rica be reduced or no, there is one great foui ce
of power and riches that we ought not to
neglecl. Our territorial pofleflions in Afia
might be rendered as valuable a branch of the
empire as our American provinces can ever
be. We will now enquire by what means.

We know that after the retreat of Coffim
Ally Khan, and defeat of both him and Suja ul
Dowla ^ by Lord Clive, that Shaw Alkim (in
Aug. 1765) granted to the Eaft India Com-
pany the perpetual dewannee, or receipt of
the revenue, of Bengal, Behar, and Orifla, at
that period yielding annually above 200 lacks
of rupcesf.

At the fame time an inftmment was exe-
cuted between the King | and Nijam ul Dowla
for a yearly tribute of 26 lacks, to be paid
intu the royal treafury for holding the fubah-
fliip of thefe provinces, for the payment of
■which the Company became fecurity ; they
had then only to ftipulatc with their nominal
Subah§, Nijam ul Dowla, to take a certain

* Nabob of Oud, and Grand Vizier of the empire-

f A lack is loo.ooo rupees, whicb at as. 6d. is £. 12,500;
or at %%■ 4d. as fometimes computed, (the rupees of diffe-
rent places being different in value) is £• 11,666 .13.4.

:i: The Great Mogul, Shaw Allum.

^ He had three months before, by the confent of the Com-
pany's fervants, fucceeded his father, Meer Jaffier, who after
the defeat and death of Suraja ul Dowla had been raifed to
the Mufnud by Lord Clive in the year 1757, but was depofed
without any juft reafons in the year 1760, to give place to
his fon-in-Ia\v, CofHm Ally Kiian, and afterwards, on the
depofition of Coffim Ally, r>;(lored in 1763 to the Subahdiip,
which he held till his death, Jan. 7, 1765.

fuiii

„ n^m'-sm ht

no SECTION X.

fum for his annual expences, which they fixed
at 42 lacks. Thus the Company came to
the acquifition of the immenfe revenue of
132 lacks of rupees, or £. 1,650,000 fterling ;
in confideration of which territorial revenue,
the Company agreed to pay into the ex-
chequer £. 400,000 annually, unlefs their di-
vidends were not below 12 j per cent, and
then to pay a proportionate fum until they
ihould be reduced to 6 per cent^.

The ill ufe the Company's fervants made of
this power, very foon appeared, by the mono-
poly of fait, beetle-nut, and tobacco ; articles
the natives, through long cuftom, eftecmed
neceflaries of life. The ule they made of this
monopoly was to obtain, by fixing an extra-
vagant price, all the riches of the inhabitants ;
and of thefe they fo effectually drained thcrn,
by foul means or fair, that they had not left
where-withal to pay their taxes, which were
exadled under the name of the Subah, with a
rigorous hand.

But the moft execrable deed of all, was the
colle(^ing the country rice into ftores, and not
importing from elfewhere in due time, thro*
which means, aided by the fliort crop in
1769, they, the next year, by holding up the
price above the abilities of the Gentoos to pur-

* Tlic laft payment of this was in 1772. In 1773 the Com-
pany, from the excefs of their former dividends, and great-
ncfs of their debts, were neceffituted to reduce tlieir diridcnd
to 6 per cent- and accept a loan from govcrnmtnti of

£, I,<00,000.

chafe.

SECTION X.

Ill

chafe, brought on a famine that defolated
Bengal, and filled the Ganges with dead —
Calcutta prefented to their eyes a fcene of
horror and diftrefs that was fcarcely to be pa-
rallel'd. To thefe we may add the many
fcenes of blood occafioned by the bribes re-
ceived for dcpofing and creating Subalis, Na-
bobs, and Rajas.

The twelve judges lately lent out with
ample falaries to fet them above corruption,
we may hope (from what they have already
done*) will, in a great meafure, remedy thefe
abufes — Still it will not be compleat. The
national good requires more — That all the ter-
ritorial power and revenue be vejied in the grand
legiflature of the empire^ — And by this the Com-
pany, as they now manage affairs, would be
no great fufferers, feeing they would then be
exempted from all future claim of the annual
payment oi £. 400,000, as well as from the
expences of their military and great part of
their civil eftablifhmcnt, and have, as equity
requires it, to be rcimburfed the expences of
their fortifications, a fum upwards of three
millions, befides other contingencies that may
appear reafonable.

The revenue of Bengal, 5;c. from its com-
ing into the Company's hands gradually de-
creafcd, and on the contrary, their expences,

* In the trials of Nuncomar, Sec.

t On the expiration ot the Eaft India Company's charter
in 1780. .

civil

i vtm i ^ M tf ff t **n Fi-4

■ .'*»'"-',««»Ba'

.-««mi(»«««Pw

112

SECTION X.

civil and military, increafed in the reverfe pro-
portion, fo that in the courfc of the year
1770, the furplus of the revenue was dwindled
away to 20 lacks ^^. 250,000) — At this time
too they had ftopt 30 lacks out of the tribute
to the Emperor, and allowance to the Subah,
and ihortly after, as an inftance of the good
faith to be repofed in the Company, they kept
back the whole of the tribute from Shaw Al-
lum, notwithftanding the payment of this was
the condition under which they became per-
petual dewans, or receivers of the revenue of
thofe provinces.

On the fuppofition of government's taking
into their hands the territorial jurifdidion and
revenue of the Britifh conquells in the eaft,
fome of the out-lines of Major Morrifon's plan
feem to be almoft unexceptionable, viz.

" (2.) * That the Eaft India Company be
" confined to commerce alone."

" (3 ) That the revenue, the civil, politi-
" cal, and military departments be entirely
*' under the controul of a Vice-Roy, and a
** Council of fixteen, to be appointed by the
" Crown, and accountable to parliament for
" tbeir ccnJud.'*

" (7.) That the Vice-Roy fliould have the
" whole executive power, but the revenue and
<•« every new deliberative meafure to fall under

* Thefe are the number of Major Morrifun's articles, of
which in all there were 23— See his alliance with the Great
Mogul, wherein it appears thii; worthy officer v.'.ns ill-treated
by the Companv'r. lervants.

« the

SECTION X.

113

" the confideration of the Vice-Roy and
*' Council."

" (16.) That every kind of fecurity for per-
*' fon and property Ihould be proclaimed a-
*' broad, and rcligioufly obferved (particular-
" ly with merchants from Perfia, Tartary, and
" other dilbmt countries).'*

" ( 1 9) That government pay the Company
" according to appraifement for all their forts,
** flores, and mihtary apparatus, to be made
" good b^ yearly inftallments out of the re-
*' venucp,/'^

To Ihofe out-hnes we may add as an ex-
planation of the laft felected article but one
—That trials by jury Ihould be introduced
into the Britifli territories in Hindoftan, and
a code of laws as limilar to the Englifh as
may be, but lefs complicated, that the peo-
ple may be as little opprefled as poflible by
the gentlt.Tien of the long-robe.

The confequences of thefe happy laws con-
trafted to anarchy, infecurity of property, and
perfonal oppreflion throughout all the Eaft be-
fide, would occafion fuch a conflux of people,
riches and power into the Britifli provinces,
that the trade and revenues would, in all pro-
bability, increafe three- fold.

* We fuppofe he means (as he JIjouU) that the Eaft India
Company fhould be allowed not only the principal, but inte-
reft, from the time of their quitting poffeflion, on fuch parts
as remain unpaid, until the whole by yearly inltallments,
ihoald be cleared off.

q_ The

V--

' « ^V.>I BPl |' jW i l I u^n^ptMlM I '" «-«»wifc«fv-

■•-•■■> MUKtaKs-:,

114

SECTION X.

The provinces bordering on the mouth of
the Indus, and the Gulphs of Sindi and Cam-
bay, with the greater part of the Concan and
Dccan, wc might, on the eafy condition of
aflilHng to reinltate him on his throne*, be
Invellcd with by the Great Mogul ; and thofe
ceded provinces might eafily be wrefted from
under the arl)itrary yoke of their ufurpers, to
blels the inhabitants with the mild and happy
government we have premifed to be eftablifli-
cd in Bengal, Behar and Oriffa.

Thus would the caufe of Great Britain be-
come the caufe of mankind, and we fhould
differ from other conquerors, in that we con-
quered not for ourfelves only, but for the
good of the human race. Then would the
native tyrants of the Eaft be obliged to change
their condud, or foon have only defolated re-
gions to reign over, for their fubjefts would
lly from the hand of oppreflion to that afylum,
where perfonal freedom and private property
extended their arms to receive them.

And thus would our dominions contain the
moll fertile provinces of Hindoftan, extend
from the Ganges to the Indus, and command
the extenfive trade of thofe great rivers, by
means of which we mif^ht, in the corthern

♦ He has long been wandering f, am one Subah or Chiefto
another, who alternately tieece the people in his name. It
would be the intereft of this country to reinfbte him, as he
would, by uniting the now-divided northern parts of tha em-
pire, become a barrier againft the incurfions of the northern
powers.

pro-

SECTION X.

»i5

provinces of the Mogul's empire, in Peifia, and
the fouthern paris of Tartary, foon vend
more Britifh manufactures than all America
takes from us ; and perhaps this Indian terri-
tory may give as great employment to our
fhipping, as our American continental Colo-
nies, weie the trade left open to all fubjecls
refident in Britain, and not confined to parti-
cular aflbciations of men by excluiive charters
— How far the Eaft India Company's exclu-
iive trade to Cluna, and other places lubject to
other prwers, may, or may not be beneficial
to this kingdom, \vc fhall not at prefent con -
tend ; but furely it never can be the intcrejh of
any flate^ to grant to a particular fociety the fole
trade between any two parts of its own dominions.
From the pacific difpofition of the Gcntoos,
and mod of the other tribes, and the contrail
between the Britifli government and that of
the neighbouring powers, the people, thougli
imraenfely numerous, would without rrftrnint
remain in allegiance to the imperial flate. But
even ihould they, from :iny unforefcen events,
wifli to become independent, they will not
eafily eifed it, becaufe from the mildnefs of
the climate, theii' general efl'eminacy, and other
prevailing caufes, the fouthern Afiatics, tliough
ever fo well verfed in arms, can never iland
l)efore Europeans, as the experience of all
ages has told us ; even the defcendants of
Europeans lofe the military virtue and prowefs
of their anccilors. We need only inftance the
defcendants of thofe Portuguefc who conquer-
ed 2 ed

V —

vf^wr^^

li6

SECTION X.

ed the Eaft — They proved as unable to refift
the Dutch, though equally fkilful in arms,
as the Afiatics were to withftand 4;he prowefs
of the anceftors of thofe now conquered in
their turn. t

Thus fliould there ever be a general defec-
tion in the Eaft, which we have no reafon
ever to expect, we may with fome propriety
fuppofe, that a !efs array than we now have
in America, to bring our Colonics there to
their due allegiance, would in the Eaft bring
about that effecl.

The principal danger of lofing our eaftern
dominions v.'ouldarife from fome popular Vice-
Roy wifliing to render himfelf independent.

To prevent this as much as poflible, wc
iliould, though even irritated by the neigh-
bouring powers, and neceilitated to humble
then!; avoid the rage of conqueft, and too
great extenfion of dominion, for by reducing
to our government the rivals of our eaftern
empire, who through jealoufy would be the
imperial ftate's allies in time of need, we
Ihould, in cafe of revolt, have their whole
accumulated force againft us.

A farther prevention would be to divide our
Indian territr>ry into two or moi e governments,
and to delegate the pov/er of the Vice-Roys for
Ihort periods only, not exceeding three or
four years, and to perfons of the firft rank
and property in the imperial ftate, who could
have no inducement to wi.3i to remain always
abfent from their native-country. One half

SECTION X.

117

of the Council might likewlfe be changed or.
each new appointment of a Vice-Roy, that
power might not remain too long in the
hands of any. Tiius too, there would always
remain people verfed in the government, and
excepting the firft remove, each appointment
of Counfellors would hold their office for fix
or eight years, or during the reigns of two
Vice-Roys.

From Bengal, Behar, Orifla, and the pio.
vinces that would be ceded, we n.av at firft
draw a revenue of three millions ilerlinof,
which in a few yearh,, from the acceflion of
inhabitants by the propofed lenient govern-
ment, would greatly increafe.

The revenues of the Eaft arife partly from
cuftoms or duties on the import, export, and
tranfit of articles of trade, but chiefly from
the rents of lands, which laft, \1 the rents
are within due bouF^ds or not raifed by mono-
poly, is the leaft oppreffive to the fubjccl of
any, becaufe it is no advantage to the farmer
to pay his -ent to an individual rather than
to government ; but, on the contrary, if the
latter mode exempt him and his fellow- fub-
jeft from taxes, the people at large are fo
far benefited. All that can be faid againfl
this mode prevailing in Europe is, that want-
ing the intermediate power of the landed in-
tereft, the fovereign would be without due
controul, and the people would have no law

l?ut his will.

]

Ii8 S E

C T I O N

In India immutable juftice requires, that
the imperial ftate fliould exercife no more
power than {he ought to do in other quarters
of the globe ; that is, that flie only enjoy their
foreign navigation, the regulation of their
commerce, and confequent power of external
duties, but not the right of internal taxes.
From whence then the reader may fay Ihall
our revenues arife ? From the rents of lands.
But were the regulation of the rents entirely
at the difpofal of govern Ten'; to raife them
as they chofe, there would be no encourage-
ment to induflry j the people might be op-
preffed, and the empire ruined.

What we would propofe, is a fyllem that
would even admit of a powerful landed in-
tereft, and raife a revenue fafEcient.

The way the lands in Hindoftan are com-
m aly let by the fub-farmers of the Nabobs
anu Rajas, is to receive half its produce. A
high r^nt, even in England, if much labour
is fpent in the culture.

J»en*al, Sec. with the provinces fuppofed to
be ceded, contain more than a fquare of ten
degrees in latitude, and as miiny in longitude ;
then computing a degree fquare, in the pa-
rallel ^of 30°, to contain 4000 f fquare Englifli

* The middle latitude of our Indian pofitlTioas is about
30' north, and in this latitude a degree of lonpitude is
51 gcoRraphic or 59-94 Englifh miles— A degree of lat. 60',
is 69 miks a88 yards =:69'i6; therefore (59*94 X 69-16) 4145
fquare Engliih miles are a fquare degree in the aforefaid pa-
rallel.

t A fquare mile contains 640 acres.

miles,

SECTION X.

119

miles, or 2,560,000 acres, the whole will be
two hundred and fifty-fix millions of acres.
Now a quit rent of i s. per acre on the whole
would produce upwards of twelve million
pounds ; but as mountains, deferts, rivers,
and highways, muft occupy a confiderable
portion of the fpace, and even great quantities
of land capable of culture muft have hitherto
remained uncultivated, we will not calculate
more than a hundred millions of acres likely
for fome time to be taken up on quit-rent,
which, if in the courfe of a few years it could
be made to average 2 s.* per acre, would yield,
without any burthen to the people, ten mil-
lions fterling.

As to the mode of letting, I conceive the
following plan would be as little oppreffive, or
liable to objedion, as almoft any other, viz.
that tracts of land, not lefs than about 50 acres.

if'

* It may be faid, why were not the quit-rents in America
as. inftead of from |d. to i^d. per acre?— The plain reafon
is, land is only valuable in proportion to the number of its in-
habitants, and thojl- in its vicinity; therefore, as the number
.'10 , in America bear a fmall proportion to the ground that
\n!i tdmlt of culture, it continues neceffary to offer new
'•\ i.^i aimoft for the taking up, that the encouragement may
iL -Aj! cient to invite lettlers from diltant countries. In Ben-
gal, •cc. the cafe is different; the country is already popu-
lous; there h no private property in lands, and great part of
thefc, from being cultivated, ^re valuable; and being fur-
rounded by populous nationr, there is no doubt but by hold-
ing forth a mild government, new fettlcrs will come in to
take the lands on the terms prefcrlbed-

nor

120

SECTION X.

nor exceeding 200 by computation,^ fhould
be put up by auction, and let to the higheft
bidder, on leafes for feven years, but condi-
tionally to be leafes for ever, if on furvey the
rents be found to equal or exceed the fum of
two rupees per acre. Thus, after the lirft feven
years, there Mrould be every year a general
leafc of lands that had been taken up feven
years preceding, excepting thofe that were
thzn at or above two rupees; and all the lands
would reg. r ' ^ rife, till in the end, as the
country inert in population, the whole of
them that wouia admit of improvement would
be at two rupees per acre quit-rent to the im-
perial Hate, and would even then admit of a
confiderable intereft to the proprietor, as two
rupees per acre muft fall far fliort of half the
produce, the general rent of land in Hindoftan
and many other parts of the worldf .

The inhabitants of Bengal, before the fa-
mine, were eftimated at twelve millions, and
by that fad cataftrophe were fuppofed to be
reduced near one-fourth ; however, with the
increafe fince then, they, with the inhabi-
tants of the other provinces, cannot be lefs

* Small fpaces for building {hould be given gratis, or for
a trivial acknowledgement, to be held in perpetuity — Houfes,
though not lands (with fome few exceptions) were perma-
nent polTelfions, even in the time of the native princes.

t In Madeira and many other places, where a mode fome-
what fimilar is followed, the proprietor, as foon as the grapes
are gathered and the wine is made, receives for his rent
one-haif of the latter.

than

wmti

■\ ;

SECTION X, 121

than fifteen millions^, or twice the inhabitants
of Great Britainf, fo as the inhabitants of
Britain, befides other heavy taxes, are fiip-
pofed to pay in rents of lands, twenty-four
millions — twice the number in the Eaft Indies,
a country more abounding in riches, and as
much in induftiy, might certainly pay with
eafe ten millions, the fum fuppofed to be raif-
ed, were ti.^ preferable lands to average 2s. per
acre — And as, from the new form of the con-
ititution, and the opportunity afforded to rich
men of vetting their fortunes in permanent
poffeflions, inftead of now keeping great part
of their riches buried in the earth, or in jewels,
the population of the Britilh Indian empire
might be doubled in a few periods of feven
years, it does not feem improbable that the
the whole of the hundred millions might, in-
cluding the rents of the inferior lands, produce
two rupees per acre, which, valuing the rupee
as ufual at 2 s. 6d. will produce twenty-five
millions fterling, a great fum ; but not much
for thirty millions of people, efpecially as it falls
on the land, and can be no impediment to
trade and induftry — One-fifth of this revenue
we will fuppofe muft be fpent in the country,
to maintain the civil and military eftabUfh-
ments : thus four-fifths will remain to be drawn

', )

* From the moft probable accounts the number of inhabl-
Unts muft be feveral millions more-
t England fix millions, and Scotland one million and a half.

R out.

f ^

I ^if

122

SECTION IX.

* i

out, and this we fliall be enabled to do by the
vaft induftry of the inhabitants manufafturing
and raifing more than they can confiime, over
and above paying the amount of their im-
ports, the balance of which they receive in
lilver, not only from the European, but many
Indian powers. We therefore might receive
our revenue in our Indian imports, and the
filver that Holland, France, &c. would other-
wife have to export, the trouble and rifque of
which would be faved to them, by exchang-
ing it for government's bills on the treafury of
Bengal, &c.

There is one vulgar error militates with the
idea of drawing a foreign revenue, and which
we muft endeavour to obviate, beca"^s fome men
of fenfe have adopted it. It is, tl . although a
country may bear to pay heavy :axe3, when
thefe taxes are fpent among themfelves, it can-
not bear even a much fmaller taxation when the
produce of it is to be withdrawn and fpent in
another ftate. This argument has its weight
in a country fo circumftanced as not to have
foreign demand for its furplus ; but when on
the contrary, as is the cafe with the Eaft Indies
and with America, the produce of its lands and
of the induftry of its inhabitants, are eagerly
fought after by other countries, the argument
can have no force. For were the taxes of any
country, fay four or five millions, entirely fpent
at home, it muft be ultimately in the produce

. ' ",■ ■'

SECTION X. 123

of the land and manufa(^lures *, therefore fo
much the lefs muft be exported ; and would
it not be the fame if thefe articles fo confumed
at home, to the amount of four or five mil-
lions, were fold to foreigners, and the produce
fent to the governing power to expend where
it might?

By what other means do the diftant coun-
t'es remit their taxes and rents to the capital
where they are principally confumed, but by
felUng the excefs above what they ufe tliem-
felves of their own produce and manufactures ?
It muft, however, be owned, that a revenue
fpent where it is raifed is fo far of advantage,
as that a home confumption, when compleat,
affords a better price, particularly in fuch
articles of the produce of the land as require,
when not immediately confumed, any pre-
paration to keep them from decay.

The ufe to be made of this vaft Indian
revenue, as well as all thofe which may be
drawn from any other dependent Jlates, fhould
be in the determination of the whole legifla-
tive body, and granted by the Commons as
the other fupplies (except thofe mortgaged
for the intereft of the national debt) now are.

)

* Part of both may, in many inftanccs, be foreign, (parti-
cularly in Holland, and other fmall populous ftates) and in
this cafe, it is evidently the fame whether the expenders of
the taxes confume thefe articles at home or abroad, as an
equivalent in either inltance mull be fent out of the country
to purchafe theni.

II 2 for

'■ I'

f ;

) '

i )

124 S E C T I O N X.

f'u c<ie year only. — By thefe means, If bri-
bf:. and corruption did not prevent it, in a
ihcit time the debt of the nation might be
cleared off, and the imperial ftate exempted,
except in cafes of neceffity, from all taxes
whatever ; fomc few external duties neceflary
for the regulation of trade excepted.

The confequence of this great influx of
money, fuppofing the import ofid export of pro-
viftons were free, could not enhance the price
of thefe, or of wages, above the par of the
neighbouring nations ; but, if by thefe means
we were exempted from taxes, would lower
the rates fo far that manufaclures of all kinds
would be cheaper in Britain, though over-
flowing with riches, than in any part of Eu-
rope befides ; confequently there would arife
the greater demand for them, and employ-
ment for the greater number of inhabitants,
who no fooncr would be wanted than obtain-
ed ; for who would not come to a country
where liberty was enjoyed and no taxes paid ;
and what nation would dare to infult a ftate
that had every relource within itfelf, and
could carry on the moll expenfive war with-
out feeling its weight ? •

This happy period, thofe halcyon days, may
by fome be deemed never to exift but in the
ideas of their projector, becaufe, fay they, the
corruption of human nature is fuch, that the
minifters, aided with the great external reve-
nue, will leflen very little of our own inter-
nal

SECTION X. 125

nal burthens, but apply the more to purpofes
of venality, and when they fee fit, enth-ely
overturn the conftitution : Befides, they may
further urge, that even were the reprcfenta-
tives of the people, at fuch time as the Indian
revenue fhould anfwcr all the exigencies of
the ftate, to take fufficient care to exempt
them from all taxes, but thofe neceffary to re-
gulate their commerce, the minifter would
have nooccafic to be beholden to the peo-
ple for the annual fupplies, and that the grant
of the commons for its application would be
but a farce. But if from the difpofition of the
people, this grant fliould even be found necef-
fary, the minifter would ftill have a fufllcient
fund of corruption to enfure compliance.

The weight of thefe objeftions muft be ac-
knowledged, and ^re indeed very powerful, but
flill not infurmountable, were the rotten bo-
roughs ftruck out of the conftitution, the ef-
fects of bribery rendered uncertain, and the
power of the Commons delegated for fhorter
periods.

All thefe might be effected by an eafy
change, an alteration no way complicated,
by ordaining, that the reprefentatives of all
boroughs whofe vx)ters do not exceed one
thoufand ^ be elected by the county at large :
That the votes for the election of reprefenta-
tives, and on any difputed queftion in the

* Or any otiicr deljnite number that may be found ad-
vifeable,

houfe

latf S E C T I O N X.

houfe (when required by two or more mem-
bers) fliould be decided by ballot ; and that
the Commons Ihould be chofen only for one
of their former periods, triennial or annual.

Thefe alterations would be no abfolute
change of the conftitution, and would not
leffen the power of any minifter to forward
the intereft of his country.

How happy would be that King who fliould
thus confult the good of his people ! How re-
vered would be his name to the lateft pofte-
rity! And how glorious would be that Mini-
fter who fhould promote thefe virtuous ends!

i^.

FINIS.

'4'" i,

y >^

AP-

APPENDIX.

O N

The MEANS of

EMANCIPATING SLAVES,

WITHOUT LOSS

TO THEIR

PROPRIETORS.

INSCRIBED

To the HOLDERS of

PLANTATIONS

I N T H 1

WEST INDIES

AND

Continent of America.

M-K^fc^SW.,

.sg*<>it&^6h*^iit)-iB fe b(M [ r^4i ' v ^

■•*iffmuinm.ta -

>-.

A P P E N D I X\

1'V\

On the ManumiJ/ion of Slaves,

AS we have, in one of the preceding Sec-
tions, inveighed againft the Americans
for keeping their fellow-creatures in perpetual
Jlaveryy it becomes incumbent on us to point
out fome probable means whereby the fervi-
tude of the negroes may, like that of other
men, be only for a fliort time, and they in the
end be free.
' I V The chief and evident caufe that militates

againft their liberation is, the unwillingnefs
of men in general to give up any property
or power they have attained : and to this
we may add another, which prevents many
perfons, even of humanity, from emancipa-
ting flaves, who perhaps have rendered them
particular fervices ; it is, that the laws of the
different Colonies require, that whoever frees
his flave fliall give fecurity in a confiderable
fum (which in Penfylvania is _£. 30 currency)
that the perfon freed fliall never become
chargeable to the public.

This law might be neceffary to prevent
men of fordid difpofitions from liberating their
flaves at a time when they became no longer

S fcr-

; )

I I

■.!. ,

13°

APPENDIX.

fervic cable, when worn out by fatigue, and
debilitated by age, their maintenance would
become a charge to their proprietor. But
then why fhould they, whofe genfous fpirit
induce them to give their flaves frecdoiii in
the prime of life, be Hable to any fupport they
may require in their old age, when the public
has reaped the benefit of their labours, and
their proportion of taxes, as much as of any
other fubje(5ls, though different in colour { It
might with equal reafon be expefted that every
mailer iliould be hable to the maintenance of
his apprentice, fliould he ever become chaxge»
able to the public.

To obviate tliis bar to manumiflion, the a^a-
thor ^ we have once before mentioned has bad
down a plan, wherein he makes it appear that
the fum of 102. ^^Penfylvania currency) paid
(to a chamber appointed, or to the overfeers
of the parifli) for each year the age of the flave
liberated exceeds 2 r, will fufficientiy indem-
nify the public. This fum, accounting the:
exchange 150, wili be 6s. 8d. fterling.

In this eftimate he fuppofes the negroes not
in general to become chargeable till they at-
tain the age of 60 years.

Now 'hat a payment ::o a ceitain chamber
of 6 s. 8 d. fteriing for every year the liberated
negroe's age exceeds 2 1 , will, with the accu-
mulation of intcreft, be Sufficient in a general

* An Efliiy on the Expediency of the Abolition of Slavery,
pubiilhedin IJurlington, Newjerfey, 1773.

practice

APPENDIX. 131

praftice to maintain the whole that may become
chargeable, we can have no doubt of : but as
the propriety of this payment being thus re-
gulated, carries no mathematical conviclion
with it, but on the contrary would be too
great a payment at the middle ages, and too
little at the extremes, we Ihall lay before our
readers a method not liable to thefe objections,
and at the fame time fliall go ipon fome data
of this author's.

He obferves that in Penfylvai ia, if any li-
berated negrij become chargeable, his late
proprietor or fccurity is called upon for £. ^o
currency, and if the charge exceed that fum,
it is born by the province, or in fad arifes out
of the furplus Of thefe fums, beyond the
maintenance required for a great part of the
negroes that have become chargeable : fo that
on experience it is found this fum of ^. go
currency, or ^.20 fterling (accounting the
exchange at 150) paid on each negro becom-
ing chargeable, is equal to the average charge
of the whole. This being allowed it plainly
follows, that the fum which fhould be paid on
tliiC liberation of a negro of any given age
on a fuppofition, there was a certainty of
his iittaining the period of becoming charge-
able, (before eftimated to be at the age of 60
years) ij fuch an amount as v/ould be equal
to the receipt or payment of £. 20, at fuch
diftance of time as his age falls ihort of 60
years. But as the event of his attaining this

S 2 pejiod.

1:;

i {

.'I

132 APPENDIX.

period, ^.Ti which cafe only the money k to be
paid, is uncertain : it is evident the fum that
ought to be paid muft be compounded of thefc
two events, that is, it muft be fo much lefs in
proportion to the uncertainty of the party's
attaining the age of 60.

Upon thele principles the following table
is calculated :

The probabilities of life in the Weft Indies,
and the fouthern of our American Colonies,
the former particularly, cannot be greater than
they are in London ; therefore we have taken
them from one of the tables in the Appendix
to Doftor Price's Obfervations on reverfionary
payments.

The fourth column, or probability of being
living at the age of 60 years, arifes out of
the preceding one, that is, as 147 out of
the different numbers alive at the preceding
ages, are living at the age of 60 years, 147
becomes the general numerator to each of
thefe different numbers, which, ufed as deno-
minators, give the probability a perfon of fuch
given age has of attaining or living beyond
his lixtieth year : the other columns need no
further explanation than we have already
given ; but, as the fums to be paid on libera-
tion, in the lower and middle periods of life,
appear very low, although the rate of intereft
we have fuppofed thefe to accumulate at is
fufllciently low to obviate any objedion to
iv. eing compound, which the nature of cal-
culations

i I

'■\

APPENDIX.

•33

culations for diftant periods abfolutely require,
this lownefs will perhaps appear to be owing
to our eftimating the probability of life no
higher than in London, which, however, we
cannot help again obferving, is certainly equal
or fuperior to that of the negroes in our plan-
tations abroad.

To ihew thofe who may differ from us in
this? opinion, that the fums at thefe periods
would not have been greatly more had we
even calculated according to the probabilities
of life at Breflaw, or followed Mr. de Moi-
vre's hypothefis, we have given by way of
note what fums, according to thefe, would
be required for the ages of 2 1, 35, and 50.

(

According to the probabilities of life at Breflau *.

J9»

•4088

•4I«6

•0885

490

•4939

'3751

•1851

346

•6965

•6755

•4704

—

a4»

—

15 4
14 —

8 z

According to De Moivre's hypothefis.

•4000

'1166

•0866

^.1

•5098

•?75I

•1911

•7411

•6755

•4878

—

— '

—

I 14 7
3 16 6

9 15 I

* For the titles of the above coIumnSi fee thofe corref-
ponding in the next page.

', 1

134 APPENDIX.

f-^-

o
o

Complement of his
age, or No. of years fliort
of (o.

Perfons living at dif-
ferent ages, according to
probabilities of life in
London.

Probability of being
living at the age of tfo
years.

Prefcnt value of ^.i
to be paid on the expi-
ration of the complement
of any given life from 60,
difcoatinuing at the rate
of £.4. per cent, com-
pound iatcreft.

Value of £.T to be
paid conditionally on
the artainiug the full
age of 60 years.

Value of £.xo to be
paid on the £une con-
ditions.

»I

487

•3018

■xi55 'e6si

I « I

479

•30^8

•1XJ3 '0^91

I 7 7

»3

471

•JJll

•*343 •0731

I 9 3

»4

36-

463

•317s

•X43<5

'0773

I !• 10

»5

455

•3*3'

•iJ34

•08 1 8

I IX 8

447

■33«»

•X635

•0871

I 14 10

439

•3348

•1741

•op 17

I Iff 8

3»

431

•3410

•i8io

•op 71

I 18 10

»9

4X2

•3SI<S

•»P«4

''04X

X I 8

3°

413

•3559

•308,

•iop7

X 3 10

3»

»P

404

•3(138

•3x0(5

•>l65

X 6 7

395

•3711

•3335

•H41

X p 7

38tf

•3808

•34«x

•1318

X 12 8

377

•3899

•3607

•140*

X iff 3

3<I8

•3994

•3751

•1498

X ip II

3«

»4

359

•4094

•3901

•1597

3 3 xo

350

•4100

•4057

•I 70 J

3 8 1

a»

341

•43i»

•4x19

•l8i8

3 IX 8

33x

•4417

•4388

•r94x

3 17 8

3»x

•45*8

•45*4 •X084

4 3 4

3IX

•47"

•474«

•xi3i5

4 P 5

30X

•4867

•493<S

•140X

4 Iff t

. 17

XPi

'5034

•-'34

•X584

5 3 4

i8t

•5*r»

•5339

•X7«x

5 '« 3

«5

X7X

•5404

'SSSi

•3000

-^ — —

4<S

«4

X6i

•5<iO

'sns

• 3140 j

6 p 7

xsx

■583J

•toot

•350}

7 — «

X4X

•6074

•6146

•3793

7 II 8

*33

•630P

•6496

•4op8

« 3 n

Xi4

•6s6x

•61^'; •443X 1

8 17 3

»«5

•<5S8

•7»i6

•4606

9 4 3

%o6

•71 i J

•73='7

•JXI3

10 8 ff

198

•7414

•7599

•5«4I

II s 7

190

•773<5

•790J

•6H3

1x46

I83

•803X

•8i»p

•6601

'3 4 —

5«

176

•83J1

•8J48

•7139

14 J 6

itJ-)

•8698

•b89o

•7732

15 19 3

1 61

•9074

•9i4S

•8388

16 ij 6

I5J

•9483

•Jfiij

•pti7 1

18 4 b

—

«47

!•

I- r 1

^ 1 1

JWv

APPENDIX.

>3S

7
3

8
4

S
I

4
3

7
I
8
II
3

3
6

7
6

3
6

4 «>

What we would now wilh to propofe is,
that the government of each iiland or pro-
vince fliould take upon them the future main-
tenance that may be neceffary for every flave,
free of bodily infirmiiics, hereafter to be libe-
rated, on condition of there being paid into
their treafury, fuch fums as ought to be ac-
cording to their refpeclive ages. As to the
age of the party, where it can, it ought to be
proved indubitably; but where it cannot, to
be then determined by ikilful perfons appoint-
ed by a magiftrate, who, from what evidence
they could gather, and fi'om appearances,
might fix it to the beft of their judgment.

However, until fuch time as the emancipa-
ted negroes fall further under the confidera-
tion of the refpedive governments, it is eafy
for individuals who make them free, or afford
them the means of doing it, to take fuch e-
quivalent into their own hands, and in confe-
quence engage to maintain them when they
can no longer do it by their own labour ; that
is, to take them again into their own planta-
tions as foon as they require it, and there
maintain them, reaping the benefit of fuch
little employment as they are capable of — All
this being premifed, it will be eafy to form a
plan of emancipation that fhall be fraught with
no detriment to the proprietors of flaves.

If I am informed right, it is a cuftom in
fome of the Spanifh fettlements, that when-
ever a cargo of flaves arrives, the price eacii

in-

A 1

V t

i If.

•^ i J

136

APPENDIX.

fri

i I

I !

individual fells at is regiftered in one of their
courts, and his purchafer is obliged to allow
him (or her) one day for himfelf out of the
fix allotted for labour, by which they fecure
to him the means of becoming free ; for when,
by making proper ufe of this day, he acquires
what is equal to one-fifth of his purchafe, his
mafter is obliged to fell him one day out of the
remaining five ; then the flave being mafter of
two days, with the fame liberty of purchafing
the others one by one, has it in his power to
make a rapid progrefs in becoming free.

Shall the Englifh, ever famed for courage
and humanity v/hich always go hand in hand,
be out done in the latter by a nation in many
inftances notorious for cruelty ?

Let not the) who boaft of their own free-
dom, and fliould entertain elevated notions of
liberty, be greater tyrants and oppreflbrs of
their fellow- creatures than the fubjefts of a
defpotic monarch are.

This mode of emancipation, I am fenfible,
will meet with oppofition from all thofe, who,
infenfible of the rights of human nature any
further than relates to themfelves, are wont
to look upon their negroes as indifputably
their property as their horfes or dogs, becaufe,
they will fay, although in the end the negro
pays us the whole of his purchafe money,
from whence is his ability of doing it derived^
but from our previoufly giving up our right
to one day in the fix j therefore, we in faft

libe-

APPENDIX. 137

liberate him without any real confideration,
becaufe, had we retained the labour of that
day to our own ufe, we fhould not only have
been in poffeffion of the money paid us for
his freedom, or of his labour which was equi-
valent, as it acquired it, but likewife have
been entituled to all his future fervice. This
mode of argument is plaufible enough, did we
not confider that a man working for himfelf,
confcious the produce of his labour is his own,
and to be apphed to efFecluate what the hu-
man mind, if not broken with flavery and
defpair, muft ardently defire — his liberty and
a profped of future competence, will be in-
clined to exert himfelf to a much greater de-
gree, than if an intolerauc talk-mailer M'as to
reap the whole fruits of his labour ; not only
fo, but thefe hopes of better days, would, in
all probability, fo invigorate and add life and
fpirit to him, that when labouring for his
mafter, he would do more, or if talk-work
execute it better than he otherwife would
have done.

However, the plan of liberation we have to
prppofe, is without thofe objedions j it is, that
every proprietor fliould encourage his negro
to fave money, which may be done by various
means — by paying him proportionately for
working above his talk- work — by allowing
him, where land is plentiful, to cultivate at
his leifure hours, a fpot of ground for him-
felf, and by purchafmg the produce of him at

T its

^■■f!^

y.|

J-'Wi

',»

i
I

138 APPENDIX.

its full value, if no other market be near—
likewife by other means that particular fitua-
tions and circumftances may point out : — And
when the negro has acquired what is equal
to one-iixth part of his value or coft, to fell
him one-lixth of his time, that is, one day
in the week — Then by the fame encourage-
ment and paying him for the free day the
ufual hire, or allowing him to work elfewhere,
he will, in due time, be enabled to purchafe
another — He will now, befides his leifure
hours, be mailer of two days, and may, there-
fore, in little more than half the time, pur-
chafe a third. • '

We will flop here, and take time to obferve,
that as the poflibility of a Have's acquiring
wherewith to purchafe the firfl day is only
derived from his leifare hours, it would be
nothing more than humanity didates to fell
him a lefTer portion, that is, on the payment of
a twenty-fourth of his value, to allow him one
day in the month, or four weeks, which he
may make ufe of, as we have before provi-
ded, to enable him by three other fuch pay-
ments and purchafes to acquire the more fpee-
dily the property of one day in the week,
with wliich, to proceed as we have mentioned,
to the acquiring of other two days. Now
his propiietor being only mafter of I.alf his
time, it will not be amifs, as he is obliged by
the laws to give fecurity for the maintenance
of his flave liberated, ihould he ever become

charge-

APPENDIX.

13?

chargeable, tliat he fecure himfelf from that
burthen, by retaining ^ one day as fecurity
for that purpofe, by making the remaining
half-purchafe of the flave chargeable, in equal
payments for the liberty of the two next days j
thefe payments made, nothing in jufticc or
reafonfliould retard the negro being wholly free,
but the payment to his late proprietor (who
now becomes his bondfman to the public) of
an equivalent to the probability of his becom-
ing a charge in his old age. This equivalent
ought to be paid in hand, but fliould the freed
man take a very confiderable time, it can be
no lofs to the bondfman, as the retention of
one day's labour in the week will (except in
very advanced ages) be equal or fuperior to
the intereft and rifk of not being paid, and we
may fuppofe a fufficient fpur to the negro,
to procure and pay the fum wanted.

After flaves, male or female, by their own
induftry have thus emancipated themfelves,
their children or near connections may poffibly

* This day might be equally retained by allowing the ne-
gro to purchafe the remaining three days as he did the
other, viz. by paying owly one-lixth of his value for each;
but then as the abfolute freedom of the lafl: day could not be
had without the payment likewife of the equivalent, to the
profpefl of his future maintenance, which in Haves of ad-
vanced ages would be fo confiderable, that joined to one-fixth
of their value to be previoufly paid, fuch negro might think
it much more than one day of the week was worth, and con-
I'equently content himfelf with paying his matter fivc-hxths
of his value, to purchafe five days in the fix, and fo leave
him liable, and without due recompencc, to maintain him in
his old age.

T 2 yet

i V

i-t

^. I

1 ■, Ji

I '

■'1

140

APPENDIX.

\i <

f ■•

ft-: «.

yet remain in flavery— The liberty of thcfe
they fliould be allowed to purchafe in the
fame manner as they have done their own :
juftice requires it, and humanity will permit
no man to refufe felling the children to their
father. As to the value to be fixed upon indi-
viduals of different ages and degrees of utility \
there is no prefcribing any general rule : this
will lay in the breaft of the proprietor ; and as
no pciibn will adopt this fcheme without fome
degree of humanity, or of juftice, "we may
hope the fame feeUngs will direct him to cfli-
mate with equity. . • r-u...

It may be faid that no plantation can be
carried on with regularity, without an equal
number of hands to labour on every working
day in the week, which cannot be, when the
flaves have purchafcd the freedom of certain
days; however, this we prefume can produce
no fuch inconvenience, as without labour, the
flaves can have procured no liberty at all, nor
can procure any further ; and where can they
labour to more advantage than in the planta-
tion they rcfide on : fo that all the difference
is, they muft be paid or allowed on thofe
days, the ufual wages of the country, which
is no hardfhip to the mafter, as he has received
an equivalent in value to this day, and may be
cafily determined, as there are in every ifland
and province fome free negroes who work for
hire; and in tlie iflands particularly, many
flaves belonging to proprietors who have no

planta-

APPENDIX.

141

plantations, but let their negroes out to labour
for others.

It may be as well not to make the firft
weekly day of liberation for every one the
fame; but if wi*^h one part the Monday fliould
be begun with, to proceed regularly forward ;
the other part might begin at and proceed
from Thurfday: thus when twenty Haves in
two parties had each procured the freedom of
three days, the want of their labour would be
precifely the fame as that of ten flaves made
perfectly free: and the fum they will have
paid, will be equal to the whole value or coft
often fuch negroes; therefore, cheir proprietor
has it in his power to purchafe ten more, and
with this advantage, that without any increafe
of capital he is enabled to have ten more ne-
groes uprn his plantation, and confequently
an increafe of produce in that proportion : for
this acceflion of produce he will have undoubt-
edly labourers' wages to pay; but then thefc
wages will not be near equal to the advantage
gained, for in the other inftances no one would
hire men, but with the defign of gaining, by
their labour.

It now becomes matter of enquiry, whether
it would not be better, where both are equal-
ly to be had, to hire freemen or to labour
with flaves. To the man of fmall capital the
former choice is obvious, becaufe, with only
as much as will pay wages till the getting in
of his firft crop, he may cultivate his lands

'^■■■.

{

! ■

•¥•*>■

'4*

APPENDIX.

• I

■J-\

to as great an extent as thofe who have many
times his capital, and though his gains will
not be fo great as thofe that have no la-
bour to pay, they will be much greater on
the capital employed ; and this is certainly
the criterion to go by.

Now, as to the man of large capital, we
may venture to fay, he will not value an an-
nuity on the life of any new Have at eight
years purchafe, equal to legal intcrcil for his
money: therefore, as good ilaves, on an ave-
rage, are worth ;£• 50 * fterling per head, and
good mechanics are, many of them, bought
and fold as high as £. 100, it would be equally
his intereft to hire the former at j^. 6 . 5, year-
ly wages, with all neceffary cloathing and
proviiions, and the latter at £*• 12 . 10, with
the fame allowances, as to purchafe them.

It v'ould even be better, becaufe the planter
would be uuucr no engagement to maintain
the hired men in their old ^^e. Thcfe wages
and other attendants, are, in reality, as much,
or more, than are ufually paid in many parts
of England for farmers' fervants and country
mechanics. And is there no difference be-
tween the labour of a freeman and a flave ?
Yes, rculbn tells us there mull be : The one

* slaves from fome part of the coaft (where they are of
lefs value) may be bought on importation at fo low as about
£. j6 per head, proTided men and women, with a confider-
able proportion of boys and girls of iz years of age and up-
wards, be taken together as they run, with a right only of
refufal of one in fifteen or twenty.

APPENDIX.

«43

is ftimulatcd by the confcioufnefs of greater
gain — the other has no frch motive; for let
his labour be more or left it matt.rs not to
him, he id not intereftcd in his mailer's welfare.

To fpur the flave on to aftivity, ruftom
has appointed, in all labours that will admit
of it, a certain tafk for a day's work : This
work, bccaufe it muft, will in fome manner
be done; but then with a degree of languor
and liftlelTnefs v/h ether it be ill or well exe-
cuted, and not with that fpirit and cafe, or
to liich extent, that a freeman, certain of
reaping an encreafed pay proportionate to his
induftry, would do.

Men, confcious of being free, will, even
for moderate wages, engage themfelves in la-
bours that appear the moft intolerable to flaves ;
for what is worfe than working in lead, coal,
or tin-mines ? And we may boldly affert, that
it is more the intereft of the employers of
thefc men to pay them in proportion to their
induftry*^, than to purchafe them (if it was
in their power) at ;^. 50 or £.60 per head,
the price of fcafoned flaves, and to find them
with provifions and cloaths.

From thcfe premifes it will follow, that
JIate policy, which requires labour to be low,
is not repugnant to the emancipation of flaves;
but, on the contrary, is interefted in it, and
particularly fo, if by their own induftry they
have reimburfed their value; for then i/.ry tnujl

* Bv the meafurc or quantity of their work.

■¥

rtb

>er

'44

APPENDIX;

either he looked on as an accejfton of fo many fub-
jeds, or as the means of fuch a national acqui-
fttion of property as they have paid for their
emancipation : which increafe of capital in pro-
per hands, in a commercial nation, will al-
ways be turned to its advantage.

Had the labour of the negroes in our iflands
been voluntary, we never fliould have heard of
their frequent infurrcdions and murder of
their matters — nor of thefe bloody wars at
different times, for near a century paft, with
the runaway negroes in Jamaica, whom at
laft we have been obliged to acknowledge in-
dependent.

We do not mean to infer that proprietors
of Haves fliould free them without recom-
pence, becaufe this aft of generofity, to the
diminution of their own fortunes, can with
no more reafon be expedted of them than that
other individuals fliould ^ply their private
property to the fame purpofe — to the reim-
burfement of the fums they cofl: their pro-
prietors.

What wc wifli to have adopted is, to look
0:1 the coft or value of a negro as a debt due
from him, for which we retain his labour as
fecurity for principal and intereft, and to put
the payment of it as much as poilible in his
power by permitting him to pay it off as he
is able, and gradually redeem his own j which
is no more iiidulgencc than we would readily
allow any other debtor. Should we not

think

.. '-lypi" '

,s
It
is
e
h

APPENDIX. 145

think that creditor a cruel one, who having
received from a poor man, his debtor, an af-
fignment of fix horfcs, being all the effects he
was worth, as fecurity and intereft for the debt
from their vakie and laboiu\, fiiould refufe the
redemption of the horfcs one by one ; but,
becaufe he knew he had an advantageous bar-
gain, fhouki infill upon the poor man's re-
deeming them akogether, if at all : an event
never likely to be in his power j although, had
he been fuffered to redeem them one by one,
he would foon, by the profit gradually accru-
irg and accumulating from their additional
labour, have effectuated the redemption of the
whole.

This creditor we fliould think cruel, and
yet that man, if fuch there be, would be
more fo, who fliould refufe his flave the pur-
chafing the fix v/eekly days of labour one
by one.

Men thus made free, would have in them
the fpirit of induftry, and, as we have before
concluded, would voluntarily labour for as
much more than meat and neceffaries, as the
life annuity of their value and profpecT: of fu-
ture maintenance would be worth, exclufive
of the additional labour, which, as free men
interefted in it, they would give.

Thefe wages, though equally advantageous
to the employer to give, as to purchafe the
labourer, would enable the latter to live in a
degree of enjoyment of wants, real or imagi-

U nary

>*•

'^r-

\ «

146 APPENDIX.

nary, fo much fuperior to a flave, as would
ftimulate this clafs, to attain the condition of
freemen.

Were great part of our negro labourers
free, and a probability, or the means afforded
to all of becoming fo, we fliould have nothing
to fear from infurreftions : But ihould we ftill
continue the fyftem of keeping our fellow-
creatures in perpetual Jlavery, what have we
not to expect from that juftly enraged part of
our fpecies ?

In Jamaica, St. Domingo, and Dutch Guiana
thefe oppreffed men have vindicated the rights
of nature — in defpite of their tyrants have be-
come free, and formed republics fo formida-
ble, that their former mailers were glad to
acknowledge their independency, on condi-
tion to be freed from their inroads and de-
predations, and that they receive into their
community no others of their fable race, but
deliver them to their mailers.

Without a new mode of condud, we fliall
certainly fome day fee as powerful an infurrec-
tion, and as formidable a colony of negroes,
in the faftneffes of the Apalachian Mountains,
as now is in Guiana, St. Domingo, or the Blue
Mountains of Jamaica.

A^ the negroes in Virginia, the Carolinas
and Georgia exceed the whites fo far in num-
bers, nothing hitherto has prevented this
event but the great antipathy the Indians
bear this unfortunate race, and the better

treat-

'" f" " , . I ^' >'^ . '

-^T"^^--

r' I T

APPENDIX. 147

treatmenc of the negroes as to food, from the
greater plenty of it, which leflens their in-
citement to rife.

However, this antipathy of the Indians,
which is the chief barrier to iniurredions, may
ceafe ; but whether it do or no, it will fhortly
be of little moment, as thefe aboriginal Ameri-
cans, fince the introduftion of Emopean vices,
have been, and ftill are, greatly on the decreafe ;
while, on the contrary, the negroes, even by
their natural increafe ^, are becoming more
and more numerous, and probably after thefe
troubles are fubfided, will be increafed ftill fur-
ther by importations. Therefore fliould we
continue to keep nearly the whole race as
flaves, and not encourage and affift them to
liberate themfelves, the epocha of their uni-
verfal freedom, and ruin of their prefent ma-
tters, may be at no very diftant period

* This increafe would be ftill greater, did not the inhu-
manity of fome of their mailers allow no remifTion of labour
«o the females, during the latter part of their pregnancy.

-WW"

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ERRATA.

Page <S I. »o and xi It is plain it cannot, rtnd it is plain cannot.
8 3 1 manufadlur(;s, nad •nanutadturers.
21 14 colonifts, n'a</ the coloiiifls. Line 39, dele he.
1.6 \6 land, rt'.'j./ 'land {abbrcviat'wi of Ntvifomulland)
as> 14 loward, rrarf forward. Page 39, line 19 until, narf until],
43 13 cavil about the tight, read difpute the right. And in
the folio-wing line, immediately after do fo, read They
; . then came into non-importatiun agreements, as they

had done before for the repeal of the (lamp-adt, and
fuch now was the leniency or want of firmnefs in
^ the government, that the fame caufes produced the

fame cfledt, and the adl, except in the article of tea,
on which was laid a duty of 3d. per lb. wa&iC"
pealed.
The laft litie of the fame fa^e, preamble to the fore-
ment. lined art fets forth, read preambles to the fore*
mentioned art, and the 4 G. 111. chap ij. (laying ?,
duty oil foreign lugars, indigo, coffee, wines, &c.&c.)
fet torth.
Ci 18 thing, read think.

7x 19 if the former, read if the produce of the coIODic&.
79 14 little chiince, rt-ai little diancc of
.84 b even, rwi/ tvcr.
loi ai not much to be, read not to he.
ijo <) were not below, read were below.
Ill iH d k the.
134 Title oj the sth column, difcontinuing, read difcounting.

0- The Reader is defired particularly to attend to the Ertata in
p. 43*