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Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbols — ► signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbols V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre film6s d des taux de reduction diffirents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul clichd, ii est film6 A partir de I'angle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images nicessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mithode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 ^ir J J^nvM- Jinr lirp»c< 'dJwC K >ru^ '■ IV. KC»E«TSO;V,l>.2*. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA: INCLUDING THE HISTORY OF VIRGINIA TO THE YEAR 1688, NEW ENGLAND TO THE YEAR 1652. BY WILLIAM ROBERTSON, D. D. PKINCIFAL OF THI VNIVBRSITY OP BDINBUROH, HISTORIOOBAPBBR TO HIS MAJESTY FOR SCOTLAMOj AND MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY OF HISTORY AT MADRID, A NEW EDITION; TO waiGB li ABDID, A CONTINUATION, COMPRISING THE HISTORY OF THE COLONIES FROM 1652 TO THE PRESENT TIME ; WITH THE CIRCUMSTANCES WHICH LEO TO THE REVOLUTION, IN CONSEQUENCE OP THE REJECTION OP THB EXCISE LAWS BY THE AMERICANS, THBIR STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL LIBERTY, THB ORBADSUL CONFLICT WHICH ENSUED, AND BY ITS TERMINATION PLACED THE UNITED STATES IN THE SITUATION OF AN INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT: THBIB LAWS, COMMERCE, MANUFACTURES, MILITARY FORCE, TOGETHER WITH ALL THE IMPOHTANT BVBNTS WHICH TOOK PLACB PREVIOUS TO THB PROMULGATION OF THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL, AND THE HOSTILITIES WHICH ENSUED, &C. &C. BY DAVID M'lNTOSH, LL.D. LONDON: PUBLISHED BT RICHARD EVANS, 8, WHITE-ROAV, SPITAL-FIELDS ; AND JOHN BOURNE, 17, GREEN-SIDE-STREET, EDINBURGH. r«IMTBO BY AUGUSTUS APPLEGATH AND HENRY MITTON, 24, MBLSON-SaVARB, SVRRBT'BOAl). I8I7. I ;? S< M. 4 11704 If' r )f this ; re of itb leorics ; If of tlie jtt'd, in L'ivilizo'l HUSCi of ily coii- ilitics of h7 152 the dis- lountrv ; icr part;. s which Ddlicy in dicate H c foriiit'l- .Tiiius *-ti-*»» * t. ■ . -ictvit i \. v^.|.'.- , ^.*o ■*!n«Mt *!>--i»*.4#,. .-*)'»CT- •*.»;;*„i|#(,.«- 4 1 " ^ '( i - *>■ THE CONTENTS. BOOK I. THE progress of navigation among tliu nniii nti* ; cou.>i(liTu- tioii of their discoveries iitt lending to those of tlic inodcrnH } im{i«rfectioD'of ancient navigation and gioKraphy ; doctrine of the 2ones ; farther discoveries checl tion of the moriner's compass ; first regular pliin of disrovery framed by Portugal; Ntato of that kingdom; schcnms nf I'lince Henry; curly attempts feeble; progress along the western coast of Africa ; hopes of discovering a new route to the East Indies; attempt to accomplis^h this ; prospects of success • - . . 3 HOOK II. The birth and education of Columbus; accpiirrs naval Kkill in the service of Portugal ; conceives hopes of reaching the West Indies by holding a westerly course ; his svsteni founded on tliu ideas ol' the ancients, ana knowledge of their naviga- tion and the discoveries of the Portuguese ; his ncgociations witli ditferent courts ; obstacles which he had to surmount in Sjiiiin i voyage of discovery ; difficulties ; success ; return ta ^^pain ; astonishment of mankind on this discovery of a new world ; panal grant of it ; second voyage ; colony sftiled ; farther discoveries ; war with tlie Indians ; first tax iiii[jo«ed on them ; third voyage ; he discovers the continent ; st.ito of the Spanish colony ; errors in the first system of co- lonizing ; voyage of tlie Portuguese to the East Indies by the (. ipc 1)1 Ciood Hope ; effects of this ; discoveries made by jiiivvtc adventurers in the N'ew World ; name of America ilivon to it; machinations against Coliiuibus ; disgraced, and font in cliiiins to Euroj, • ; louith voyage of Columbus; his discoveries — misfortunes — deatli ' - 24 HOOK III. State of the colony in Mispaniola ; new war with the Indians ; diminution of tliat people ; discoveries and settlements ; first tolony i)lauted on the continent ; coiKiucst of Cuba; disco- %cry of Florida — of the Nulh Sea; great expectations raised by this ; causes of disnjipointment with respect to these for some time; controversy concerning the treatment of tlie liulians ; /cal of tlie ccclcsiaslies, particularly of Las Casas ; siiigiilar proceedings of Ximcncs; negroes' imported into America; Las Casas' iilea of a new colony; permitted to altcmjit it ; unsuccessfid ; discoveries towards the west ; ^ iicatan ; (ampcaciiy; New Spain •, preparations for invading it ■ - . . . C4 BOOK IV. View of America when first discovered ; manners and policy oi' its most uncivili/jfl inliabilants ; vast extent of America ; grar.dcur of the oitjects it i/icscnts to view ; its mountains, rivers, lakes ; its form ad::j)to.l to mercantile pursuits ; tem- perature ; predominance of colil, and the causes of this j uncultivated ; unwholesome ; its animals ; tiic nature of itk soil ; inciuiry how America was peopled ; various theorie'- ; what appears most proliable ; condition and charaet | BOOK IX. r SOUTH AMV.RICA) SriKir of adventure awakened in Gngliind l)y Columbus's lii*- rovfrics; iluTked by un^kilfulncss in nrtTiifntion ; expcdi- fion from Hri^tol, uniler tlio command of (Jabot, who disco- vers Newfoundiiind, and sails along tlic coast to Virginia; expcilition to South Anieriea under the coniiimnd of Scbas- liiu (.'iiliiit ; uiisucccssfid attempts to discover ii north-west p;t^siip<; to India; kir Hugh Willoughby sails in (juest of a iiortii-i nst passa^'e ; Willoughby |)erislies ; one of bis ship's aiirlmrs at Arrlinngcl ; llic captain visits Moscow; trade ni.i'ncd with Uiissiii; communication with India by land; f X|icditi-sion of Hiarles I.; I^is uiliitraiy ginernment of the co!ii;;y ; coloni'^is seize on Harvey their go. eruoi, and send him prisoner to Kngland ; he is rele.'iscd by tiie king, and re- jnstHted in his government ; sir William i5ei Lelcy constituted governor; X'irgiuia (lo',::i^lies under its iiiw government; nariiaiiient i^akes war oi X'irgiaia, \\\\\cl\ is forced to ae- il by Xalhaidel Hacon, who com|iels sir W'iili.nn Kerkelty and the council to fly ; death of IJacon Urminalcs the rebellion ; state of the colony at tlie revolution ill HiHS ... 313 150OK X. FiKsr attempts to settle on the northern coast ; Smith surveys that coast, and cnlliit New England; religloui dispntc* giv« rise to the New England colony ; religions |)ersecutiun by Mary) queen EliiEalK'tb ; I'uritani; intolcrnnt npirit of the church I entire lepnrntiun of the I*uritiin« from the church j Urownittt) take refuge in liullund; remove from thence to America } first attempts to settle in Mnasachusctit Hay ; aetllo at New I'lymuutli ; plan of government ; grand council of Plymouth uppoinfed ; project of n new coToay 5 charter to the new colony of Massachutets Hay ; settlement inconsequence of this charter; begin with jstublishing i\ church ; intnlernnco of the new church ; emigrations fioni England cncreascd by the intolerance of l.aud; charter of the company transferred to tht; colonists ; colony extended > none but members of the church admitted us freemen ; Inili.m territories depopulated by the small-nox ; settlements of the colonists cxlencled ; freemen meet by representatives ; ex- tent of political liberty assumed by the asscndily ; new settlers ; Antinomian sect ; their doctrines condeuined by a general synod ; the sectaries settle in Providence and Uliutle Island ; colony of Connecticut ; of New Hampshire and Main ; war with the Pequod tribes ; defeat of the liidiaus ; cruelties exercised against the InJiuiis ; emigrntions from England ; iirohibited Ly royal proclamation ; colony of Mas- sachusets Hay sued at law, and found to have forfeited its rights ; exemption from certain duties granted to the colo- nies i confederacy of the New England Stales ; right of coining assumed by the colonists ; Cromwell patronizes iIk? New England colonies ; propose to transport the colonists to Jamaica; colonists decline accepting this offer 34U HOOK XI. , •• . ^ the First Hook of tht Continuation J Affairs of Massachusets and Connecticut at the resloralioti ; Cuiolina; cdony fi'om Harbadocs ; the Hahunia islands; ariivul of coiiiMiissioncrs in New England; setilenient be- tween the Ashley and Cooper rivera ; war with lliiliji's In- dians ; accession uf James II.; his arbitrary ineasuies ; some account of Maryland ; harsh proceedings of sir Edmuinl Andros ; the English 1 e\ oliition ; its elfects on Massachiisets ; I'cnnsvlvaiiia ; superstitious cast of the people of New Eng- land ; ' jirogress of the French j restless spirit of the Indians ..... 357 HOOK XII. Statf. of Florld.i from its iliseovery till its division into East loid \\\st,:ind tin; establishment of the Hritisli govern.'nent there; Carolina; att;ieked by the French ami Spaniards; its di\i;.ion into North and South; atViiirs of Virginia till tlio Ameriean revolution from the Hrilish revolution, IC^'H ; line between Massaehuscts and New llampsliirc determined ; mission from these pro\inees to (.'anudn, which is entirely reduced by the English ; general fermentation ihiougliont the j)i o\ iiices .... 3S3 HOOK XIII. iNTKonvcToiiY observations; the stamp act ; acnngress con- vened at New York ; the stamp act repealed; new grievances , suspension of the legislature of New York; Massnchu.sels' circular letter ; governor Heriiard impeached ; the seizure of a vessel ; a convention at Hostoii ; troojis arrive ; u combi- nation ;ii;ainst all commerce with Creat Britain ; arrival of the E:u>l India (ompatiy's U'a-ships ; the teas scattered into the sea; impe.nchmeuts'of governor Hutchinson, the lieute- nant-governor, and llie chief justice ; general Gage appointed governor of Massaehuscts ; a proposal for n congress of all the colonies to be convened in I'hiladelphia; Suffolk resolu- U Contents. \\\ lions I I proviiiciul congrciik clionon in the MuKiAchukCta i Kovernur Uuue suiiiiiiouit h new liouito of rt'|iickciitu- tivcs 3«J.'i H(»OK XIV. I'ARLiAMeNTARY (liviniont on Ainviiciin uflfalrs; nieimarps for raising nd army of olttcrvution by tliu four New Kiigluud go- vcrntiicnti } biUtlo of livxington ; 'I'icoiulcro^u takiii ; ar- livHl of rviiifurceiiiviitH from Ku);IiukI ; buttle of Bunker Hill; a contincntnl urniy i gcnvrnl (ia^e roculled ^ »uc- i('fcndencc ; lord Howe's ar- lival in America } action on Lon); Ihlund i retreat of ttio Americans tiirougli tiiu Jerseyit ; general Howe (itiits the JcrseyH; arrivcM at the river Clk ; lliu buttle of Hrundy- wine ; general WuHhington defeated, retreats to I'liiludelphia} obliged to draw off his army ; lord ('ornHniliit takes posncs- siou of the city } action at (JerniHiilovvii, lied Haak, &c. ; Ticomlerogn abandoned by general St. Clair; I lie ineffectual exertions of the comn)i8^•ioncrs sent to America in pursuancu of lord North's conciliatorv bill ; innnifcHto iiublisiied by the commissioners ; counter declaration by congress ) battle of Monmouth ; the count d'Kstaing rejmirs to Rhode Island j expedition unsuccessful ; French fleet rendezvous at Boston to refit after the dumoges sustained by a storin ; lord Howe leaves the American sens j destruction of Wyoming j cxjmj- dition into the Indian territories ; dissensions among Ihp American commissioners; sir (Jcorgc ('olliir's expedition to Virginia i destruction of the American navy; affairs in in I'cMiisvlvaMia ; hostility deiiouiiced against France ; general Wasliiiigton caiU'd again into public lltV' ; iiis death ; accommodation with France ; l,oui^iatla pur- chased ; observations ou tlie Amcrieun ciniMierK! ; nciatKis of dissatisfaction with the British go\eniin)cit ; luckai|<' of the ('hesapeake and Delaware ; report of conunitt"' 1 1' foreign relations ; additional blocl r-- tions of the patriots under general Martin ; battle of Aculto , military operations continued - - 5.') I '.t ■■1><^ '%' ::oj .■■f!.->..' ■ If 'trf >« I' :/t ■;■> 'e»>-.1 '■'' .' cttiaJvw^W eJl/^l.wr^"^ r-Tf^!it^^i^^>\-^ •■«* n r."!r.t.i;tT i *» ). t. I ■.!!•, .-* ^'it*) *.; ;;j ,•<.-«> •*.•■•<.> t^ tr-tO'^ ■i%.-.t^i4 iff ' ^ ;.■{ !!i. . n;i t^ VitT'.:i'. 'n* '.•;■ t» .i; '.1 '. (i lii.'l'i.V"i'4: *i>,l'' "J^i<« .' t* .81- k:^ *«•'.. I , •• (S.Jt. .'1«^: ■I Hv » -I .1 -.i J' .1 i. - '. 1» I «.'lJ^'^ I.- ^.6- -If. i. I*i' .t i.> V-l IV > ( "■: \ '-,' } N (• (■•-■Jtf on*';*; •» i< 44, '■^j'lri «»":rt>iif..;.-.?4vh ^ :i i;-! V^.nA ri i,;v;r ,'.J fr ;:i'jt/h #11 *•• V Directions to the Binder for Jylacing the £;/jfrm>i«if#^ *'^-- ''•*'* ^^•''>': '"A .' T ! 1 ■ * •1 I. Pdrtrait of Robtrtson to face Map of South Ar.ierica ' ; The first discovery of America by Columbus, to face - ' CoUimbus presenting the productions of the Ne\^^ World, &i;. Anacoana condemned to death by the Spaniards Hatucy burnt at the stake - - Balboa discovering tlie Southern Ocean Batt)<* of Otumba - - Hatnulpa refusing the Breviary - - - A leader of a savage tribe recording, &c. Map of the United States - - . j- ' The English pursuing the Indians, &c. : !- Map of North America - - i- Gcncral Washington - - j- - Singular drcsics of the inhabitants, &c. ' , - «« .>:': i ■.:■...:.) ■'. • -.> ^ W * . ; . -. . ( '. ■ . J-: I ; . , .^.- i '.'.(J-.. I ;.-^'.» .^ >.' >•■•'} I •.e rude commodity for another. But as soon as this important right is established, and every individual feels that he has an exclusive title to possess or to alienate whatever he has acquired by his own la- bour or dexterity, the wants and ingenuity of his nature suggest to him a new method of increasing his acqui- sitions and enjoyments, by disposing of what is super- fluous in his own stores, in order to procure what is necessary or desirable in those of other men. Thus a commercial intercourse begins, and is carried on among the members of the same community. By degrees, they discover that neighbouring tribes possess what they themselves want, and enjoy comforts of which they wish to partake. In the same mode, and upon the same principles, that domestic traffic is carried on within the society, an external commerce is established with other tribes or nations. Their mutual interest, and mutual wants, render this intercourse desirable, and impercep- fibly introduce the maxims and laws which facilitate its progress and render it secure. But no very extensive commerce can take place between contiguous provinces, whose soil and climate, being nearly the same, yield similar productions. Remote countries cannot convey their commodities by land to those places, where on account of their rarity they are desired, and become valuable. It is to navigation that men are indebt'-'i for the power of transporting the superfluous stock of one part of the earth, to supply the wants of aflother. The luxuries and blessings of a particular climate are no longer confined to itself alone, but the enjoyment of them U communicated to the most distant regions. in proportion as the knowledge of the advantages de- rived from navigation and commerce continued to spread, the intercourse among nations extended. The ambition of conquest, or the necessity of procuring new settlements, were no longer the sole motives of visiting distant lands. The desire of gain became a new incen- tive to activity, roused adventurers, and sent them forth upon long voyages, in search of countries, whose pro- ducts or wants might increase that circulation, which nourishes and gives vigour to commerce. Trade proved a great source of discovery, it opened unknown seas, it penetrated into new regions, and contributed more than any other cause, to bring men acquainted with the situation, the nature, and commodities of the ditTerent parts of the globe. But even after a regular commerce was cstaLlished in the world, after nations were oonsi- derabiy civilized, and the sciences and arts were culti- vated with ardour and success, navigation continued to be so imperfect, that it can hardly be said to have ad- vanced beyond the infancy of its improvement in the ancient world. Among all the nations of antiquity the structure of their vessels was extremely rude, and their method of working them very defective. They were unacquainted with several principles and operations in navigation, which are now considered a^ the first elements on which that science is founded. Though that property of the magnet, by which it attracts iron, was well known to the ancients, its more important and amazing virtue of pointing to the poles had entirely escaped their ob- ser\ation. Destitute of this faithful guide, which now conducts the pilot with so much certainty in the unbounded ocean, during the darkness of night, or when the heavens are covered with clouds, the ancients had no other method of regulating their course than by observing the sun and stars. Their navigation was of consequence uncertain and timid. They durst seldom quit sight of land, but crept along the coast, enposed to all the dangers, and retarded by all the obstructions, unavoidable in holding such an awkward course. An incredible length of time was requisite for performing voyages, which are now finished in • short space. Even in the mildest climates, and in seaa th« I«a«t tempes- tuous, it was only during the summer months that the ancients ventured out of their harbours. The remin- der of the year was lest in inactivity. It would l«ve been deemed most inconsiderate rashness to have braved the fury of the winds and waves during winter. (Vegetius de Re miiit. lib. iv.) While both the science and practice of navigation continued to be so defective, it was an undertaldog of no smoll difficulty and danger to visit any lemotc re^ gion of the earth. Under every disadvantage, however, the active spirit of commence exerted itself. The £gyp- tbus, soon after the estabUiihBient of their naonardiy, are said to have opened a trade between the Ambian Gulf or Red Sea, and the western coast of the great Indian continent. Tlie commodities which they im- ported from the east, were aarried by land from the Arabian Gulf to the banks of the Nile, and convcytd down that river to the Mediterranean. But if theEgyp^ tians in early times applied themselves to comnercfl^ their attention to it was of short duration. The fcr* tile soil and mild climate of Egypt produced th« neocs- saries and comforts of life with such profusion, as reft* dened its inhabitants so independent of other countnci^ that it became an established maxim ara«ng thtttpee|>l^ whose ideaei and institutions differed in almost entry point from those of other nations, to renounce all intero course with foreigners. In consequence of this, they never went out of their own country ; they held all sea- BOOK I.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. Wtt* fering persons in detestation, as impious and profane ; and fortifying their own harbours, they denied strangers admittance into them. It was in the decline of their power, and '>?n their veneration for ancient maxims had grealiv ted, that they again opened their ports, and resunrt^ any communication with foreigners. — (Diod. Sicul. lib. i. p. 78. Ed. Wesselingi. Amst. 1756. Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 1142. Ed. Amst. 1707.) The character and situation of the Phenicians were as favourable to tlie spirit of commerce and discovery as those of the Egyptians were adverse to it. They had no distinguishing peculiarity in their manners and in- stitutions ; they were not addicted to any singular and unsocial form of superstition ; they could mingle with ether nations without scruple or reluctance. The ter- ritory which they possessed was neither large nor fer- tile. Commerce was the only source from which they could derive opulence or power. Accordingly, the trade carried on by the Phenicians of Sidon and Tyre, was more extensive and enterprising than that of any state in the ancient world. The genius of the Phenicians, as well as the object of their policy, and the spirit of their laws, were entirely commercial. They were a people of merchants who aimed at the empire of the •ea, and actually possessed it. Their ships not only frequented all the ports in the Mediterranean, but they were the first who ventured beyond the ancient boun- daries of navigation, and passing the Straits of Gades, visited the western coasts of Spain and Africa. In many of the places to which they resorted, they planted co- lonies, and communicated to the rude inhabitants some knowledge of their arts and improvements. While they extended their discoveries towards the north and the west, they did not neglect to penetrate into the more opulent and fertile regions of the south and east. Hav- ing rendered themselves masters of several commodious harbours towards the bottom of the Arabian Gulf, they, after the example of the Egyptians, established a regu- lar intercourse with Arabia and the continent of India on tlic one hand, and with the eastern coast of Africa on the other. From these countries they imported many valuable commodities, unie people, it awakened curiosity, en- larged the ideas and desires of men, and incited them to bold enterprises. Voyages were undertaken, the sole object of which was to discover new countries, and to explore unknown seas. Such, during the prosperous age of the Carthaginian republic, were the famous na- vigations of Hanno and Himilco. Both their fleets were equipped by authority of the senate, and at the public expence. Hanno was directed to steer towards the south, along the coast of Africa, and he seems to have advanced much neiurer the equinoctial line than any for- mer navigator. Himilco had it in charge to proceed * The Periplas Hannonis is the only autlientic monument of the Carthaginian skill in naval affairs, and one of the most cu- rious fragments transmitted to us by antiquity. The learned and industrious Mr. Dodwell, in a dissertation prefixed to the Periplus of Hanno, in the edition of the Minor Geographers, published at Oxford, endeavours to prove that this is a spurious work, the composition of some Greek, who assumed Hanno's name. Bat M. de Montesquieu, in his I'Esprit des Loix, liv. xxi. c. 8. and M. de Bougainville, in a dissertation puhlislicJ, torn. xxvi. of the Memoires de i' Academic dcs Inscriptions, i&c. have established its authenticity by arguments which to me appear unanswerable. Ramusio has accompanied his tnuisla- tion of this curious voyage with a dissertation tending to illus- trate it. — Racolte de yiaggi, vol. i. p. 112. M. de Bougain- ville has, with great learning and ability, treated the same subject. It appears that Hanno, according to the mode of ancient navigation, undertook this voyage in small vessels, so constructed that he could keep close in with the coast. He sailed from Gii'le^ to tlic island <>t" Ccriie in twelve days. This is probably what is knou'ii to llie inoderiis by the name of tlic isle of Arguim. It became the cliief st.iiioii of tiie ('»r- thaginians on that coast ; and M. dc Uoiigainville contcnd.s, that the cisterns found tliei'c arc monnnients of fh<- Cartlmifi- nian power and ingenuily. Froceediiij^ iVoni Ceritc, and stil! following the winding of the coa^t, he arrivod, in si'venteen days, at a promontory which he called The It'csl II. nn, pro- bably Cape Palnisi.s. From this lie advaneeil to anolhcr pro- montory, which he named The ISoutk Horn, ami w bicli is ma- nifestly Capede 'iVes I'untus, about fivt; def^rees north of the line. All the circumstances contained in tlie short aijhtract of his journal, which is handed down to us, roiicfrniiifr the ap- pearance and state of the countries on the coast of Aliica, arc towards the north, and to examine the western coasta of the European continent. Of tiie same nature was the extraordinary navigation of the Phenicians round Africa. A Pheiiician fleet, we are told, fitted (lut by Neclio king of Egypt, took its departure about six hun- dred and four years before tiie Christian jera, from a port ill the Red Sea, doubled the southern promontory of Africji, and, af'.er a voyage of three years, returned by tlic Straits of Gadcs, to llie mouth of the Nile. Eu- do.\us of Cyzicus is said to have lield the same course,, and to have accomplished the same arduous under- taking.— (Plinii Nat. Hist. lib. ii. c. (;?.) J'hcse voyages, if performed in the manner which I have related, may justly be reckoned the greatest effort of navigation in the ancient world ; and if we attend to the imperfect state of the art at that time, it is diflicult to determine, whether we should most admire the courage and sagacity with which the design was formed, or the conduct and good fortune with which it was executed. But unfortunately all the original and authentic accounta of the Phenician and Carthaginian voyages, whether un- dertaken by public authority, or in prosecution of their private trade, have perished. The information wliich we receive concerning them from the Greek and Ro- man authors, is not only obscure and inaccurate, but, if we except a short narrative of Hanno's expedition, ia of suspicious authority.* Whatever acquaintance with confirmed and illustrated by a comparison with the accounts of modern navigators. Even those circumstances, which, from their seeming improbability, have been produced to invalidate the credibility of his relation, tend to confirm it. lie observes, that in the country to the south of CVrne, a profound silence reigned fhrouKh the day ; but during the night innumerable fires were kindled along the banks of the rivers, and the air resounded with the noise of pipes and drums, and cries of joy. The aaine thing, as Rainnsio observes, slid takes place. The excessive heat obliges the negroes to take shelter in the woods, or in their houses, during the day. As soon as the sun sets, they sally out, and by torch-light enjoy the pleasure of music and dancing, in which they spend the night,— ttamns. i. 113. F. In another place, he mentions the sea as burning with tor- rents of fire. What occurred to M. Adanson , on the same coast, may explain this : " As soon, " says he, " us the sun dipped beneath the horizon, and night overspread the earth with darkness, the sea lent us its friendly light. While the prow of our vessel ploughed the foaming surges, it seemed, to set them all on tire. Thus we sailed in a luuiliious intlosurei which siiiTouuded us like a laix'e circle of rays, from whence darted in the wake of the ship a long stream of liglit."— r(?y. to Se- '"■?«/. p- l/'i. This a|)pearance of the sea observed by Hun- ter, has l»een mentioned ,is an argument against the authenti- city of the Periplus. It is, however, n phinouienon very com- mon in warm climates. — ('apt. Cah's Seamd ^'oyaf^e, yo\.\. |). 1.0. The Periplus of Hanno has been translated, and every point with respect to it has been illustrated with much learn- ing and ingenuity in a work published by Don Pedr. Rodrig. Campomanes, intitlcd, Antiguedad maritime de Cartago, coa el Periplo de su General Haonon traducido e illustrado.— .Wad. 1756. 4to. BOOK I.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. the remote regions of the earth the Phenicians or Car- thaginians may have acquired, was concealed from the rest of mft«l*ina witli a mercantile jealousy. Every thing relative to the course of their navigation was not only a mystery of trade, but a secret of state. Extra- ordinary facts are recorded concerning their solicitude to prevent other nations from penetrating into what they wished should remain undivulged. Many of their discoveries seem, accordingly, to have been scarcely known bryond the precincts of their own state. The navigation round Africa, in particular, is recorded by the Greek and Roman writers, rather as a strange amusing talc, which they did not comprehend, or did not believe, than as a real transaction, which enlarged their knowledge and influenced their opinions.* As neither the progress of the Phenician or Carthaginian discoveries, nor the extent of their navigation, were communicated to the rest of mankind, all memorials of their extraordinary skill in naval affairs seem, in a great inonsiire, to have perished, when the maritime power of the lormer was annihilated by Alexander's conquest of Tyre, and the empire of the latter was overturned by the Roman arms. Leaving then the obscure and pompous accounts of the Phenician and Carthaginian voyages to the curio- sity and conjectures of antiquaries, history must r«st satisfied with relating the progress of navigation and discovery among the Greeks and Romans, which, though less splendid, is better ascertained. It is evident that the Phenicians, who instructed the Greeks in many other useful sciences and arts, did not communicate to them that extensive knowledge of navigation which they themselves possessed ; nor did the Romans imbibe that commercial spirit and ardour for discovery which dis- tinguished their rivals the Carthaginians. Though Greece be almost encompassed by the sea, which formed many spacious bays and commodious harbours, though it be surrounded by a great number of fertile islands, yet, notwithstanding f uch a favourable situation, which seemed to invite that ingenious people to apply them- selves to navigation, it was long before this art attained * Ijong itftrr the navigation of the Phenicians, and of Eu- doxus round Africa, Polybius, the most intelligent and best in- fonned historian of antiquity, and particularly distinguished l)y his attention to geogrupliical researches, aftirms, that it was not known, in l>is time, whether Africa was a continued continent, slretciiing to the south, or whether it was en- compassed by the sea.— Poly bU Hht. lib. iii. Pliny, the na- turalist, asserts, that there can be no conununication between the southern and northern temperate zones. — PUnii Hist. Nalur. edit, in usum Delph. 4to. lib. ii. c. 68. If they had given full credit to the accounts of those voyages, the former could not have cnteitained sucli a doubt, the latter could not liave delivered such an opinion. Strabo mentions the voyage of Eudoxus, but treats it as a fabulous tale, lib. ii. any degree of perfection among them. Their early voyages, the object of which was piracy rather than' commerce, were so inconsiderable, that the expedition of the Argonauts from the coast of Thessaly to the Euxine sea, appeared such an amazing effort of skill and courage, as entitled the conductors of it to be ranked among the demigods, and exalted the vessel in which they sailed, to a place among the heavenly constellations. Even at a later period, when the Greeks engaged in their famous enterprize against Troy, their knowledge in naval affairs seems not to have been much improved. According to the account of Homer, the only poet to whom history ventures to appeal, and who, by his scru- pulous accuracy in describing the manners and arts of early ages, merits this distinction, the science of navi- gaion, at that time, had hardly advanced beyond its rudest state. The Greeks in the heroic age seem to have been unacquainted with the use of iron, the most serviceable of all the metals, without which no consi- derable progress was ever made in the mechanical arts. Their vessels were of inconsiderable burthen, and mostly without decks. They had only one mast, which was erected or taken down at pleasure. They were strangers to the use of anchors. All their operations in sailing were clumsy and unskilful. They turned their obser- vation towards stars, which were improper for regulat- ing their course, and their mode of observing them was inaccurate and fallacious. When they had finished a voyage they drew their paltry barks ashore, as savages do their canoes, and these remained on dry land until the season of returning to sea approached. It is nut then in the early or heroic ages of Greece that we can expect to observe the science of navigation, and the spirit of discovery, making any considerable progress. During that period of disorder and ignorance, a tiiou- sand causes coi.curred in restraining curiosity and en- terprize within very narrow bounds. But the Greeks advanced with rapidity to a state of greater civilization and refinement. Government, in its most liberal and perfect form, began to be esta- blished in their different communities ; equal laws and p. 155 ) and, according to his account of it, no other judgment can be formed with respect to it. Strabo seems not to liave known any thing with certainty concerning the form and state of the southern parts of Africa. — Gevgr. lib. xvii. p. 1 180. Ptolemy, the most inquisitive and learned of ail the ancient geographers, was equally unacquainted with any part of Africa situated a few degrees beyond the equinoctial line ; for he sup- poses tiiut this great continent was not surrounded by the sca^ but tliat it stretched, without interruption, towards the south pole : and he so far mistakes its true figure, that he described the continent as becoming broader and broader as it advanced towards the south. — Ptolema'i (ieogr. lib. iv. C. \). BTielii Pu' rallda (ieogr. vvteris vt nova, p. 8C. HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book I. regular police were gradually introduced ; the sciences and arts, which are useful or ornamental in life were carried to a high pitch of improvement, and several of the Grecian commonwealths applied to commerce with such ardour and success, that they were considered, in the ancient world, as maritime powers of the first rank. Even then, however, the naval victories of the Greeks must be ascribed rather to the native spirit of the people, and to that courage which the enjoyment of liberty in- spires, than to any extraordinary progress in the science of navigation. In the Persian war, those exploits which the genius of the Greek historians has rendered so fa- mous, were performed by fleets, composed chiefly of small vessels without decks ; the crews of which rushed forward with impetuous valour, but little art, to board thope of the enemy. In the war of Peloponnesus, their ships seem still to have been of inconsiderable burthen and force. The extent of their trade, how highly soever it may have been estimated in ancient times, was in proportion to this low condition of their marine. The maritime states of Greece hardly carried on any commerce beyond the limits of the Mediterra- nean sea. Their chief intercourse was with the colonics of their countrymen, planted in the Lesser Asia, in Italy and Sicily. They sometimes visited the ports of Egypt, of the southern provinces of Gaul, and of Thrace ; or, passing through the Hellespont, they traded with the countries situated around the Euxine sea. Amazing instances occur of their ignorance even of those countries which lay within the narrow precincts to wiiicli their navigation was confined. When the Greeks had assenibied thtir combined fleet against Xerxes at Egina, they thought it unadvisablc to sail to Samos, because they believed the distance between that island and Egina to be as great as the distance between Eginaandthepillarsof Hercules. They were eitiier utterly unacquainted with all the parts of the globe beyond the Mediterranean sea, or what knowledge they li;id oi them was founded on conjecture, or derived from the infor- mation of a few persons, whom curiosity and the love of science iiad prompted to travel by land into Upper Asia, or liy sea into Egypt, the ancient seals of wisdom and arts. After all that the Greeks learned from them, they appear to have been ignorant of the most impor- tant f.Rts on which an accurate and scientific knowledge of the globe is founded. Tile expedition of Alexander the Great into the cast, considerably enlarged the sphere of tiavigalion and of geographical knowledge among the Greeks. That ex- traordinary man, notwithstanding the violent passions which incited lum, at some limes, to the wildest actions, and the most extravagant enterprises, possessed talents which filled him not only to conquer, but to govern the world. He was capable uf framing those bold and ori- ginal schemes of policy, which gave a new form to hu- man affairs. The revolution in commerce, brought about by the force of his genius, was hardly inferior to that re- volution in empire occasioned by the success of his arms. It is probable, that the opposition and efforts of the republic of Tyre, which checked him so long in the career of his victories, gave Alexander an opportu- nity of observing the vast resources of a maritime power, and conveyed to him some idea of the immense wealth which the Tyrians derived from their commerce, especially that with the East Indies. As soon as he had accomplished the destruction of Tyre, and reduced Egypt to subjection, he formed the plan of rendering the empire, which he proposed to establish, the centre of commerce as well as the seat of dominion. With this view he founded a great city, which he honoured with his own name, near one of the mouths of the river Nile, that, by the Mediterranean sea, and the neigli- bourhood of the Arabian Gulf, it might command the trade both of the east and west. This situation was chosen with such discernment, that Alexandria soon became the chief commercial city in the world. Not only during the subsistence of the Grecian empire in Egypt and in the east, but amidst all the successive re- volutions in those countries, from the time of thi; Pto- lemies to the discovery of the navigation by the Cape of Good Hope, commerce, particularly that of the East Indies, continued to flow in the channel which the sa- gacity and foresight of Alexander had marked out for it. His ambition was not satisfied with having opened to the Greeks a communication with India by sea; he aspired to the sovereignty of those regions which fur- nished the rest of mankind with so many precious com- modities, and conducted his army thither by land. En- terprising, however, as he was, he may be said rather to have viewed, than to have conquered that country. He did not, in his progress towards the cast, advance beyond the banks of the rirers that fall into the Indus, which is now the western boundary of the vast conti- nent of India. Amidst the wild exploits which distin- guished this part of his history, he pursued measures that mark the superiority of his genius, as well as the extent of his views. He had penetrated as far into India as to confirm his opinion of its commercial im- |K)rtance, and to perceive that immense wealth might be derived from intercourse with a country, where the arts of elegance having been more early cultivated, were arrived at greater perfection than in any other part of the earlh. Full of tliis idea, he resolved to examine the course of navigation from the mouth of the Indus to the bottom of the Persian Gulf; and if it should be found practicable^ to establish a regular communication BOOK !•] HISTORY OF AMERICA. between them. In order to effect this, he proposed to remove the cataracts, with which, tiie jealousy of the Persians, and their aversion to correspondence with fo- reigners, had obstructed Die entrance into the Eu- phrates ; to carry the commodities of tlte east up tliat river, and the Tigris, which unites with it, into tlie in- terior parts of his Asiatic dominions ; while, by the way cf the Arabian Gulf, and the river Nile, they might be conveyed to Alexandria, and distributed to the rest of the world. Nearchus, an officer of eminent abilities, •was entrusted with the command of the fleet fitted out for tills expedition. He performed this voyage, which was deemed an enterprise so arduous and important, that Alexander reckoned it one of the most extraordi- nary events which distinguished his reign. Inconsider- able as it may now ap|)ear, it was, at that time, an un- dertaking of no little merit and difficulty. In the pro- secution of it, striking instances occur of the small pro- gress which the Greeks had made in naval knowledge.*^ Having never sailed beyond the bounds of the Medi- terranean, where the ebb and flow of the sea are hardly perceptible, when they first observed this phenomenon at the mouth of the Indus, it appeared to them a pro- digy by which the gods testified the displeasure of heaven against their enterprise. f During their whole course, they seem never to have lost sight of land, but followed the bearings of the coast so servilely, that they could not much avail themselves of those periodical winds which facilitate navigation in the Indian ocean. Accordingly, they spent no less than ten months in per- forming this voyage, which, from the mouth of the In- dus to that of the Persian Gulf, does not exceed twenty degrees. It is probable, that amidst the violent con- vulsions and frequent revolutions in the east, occasioned by the contests among the successors of Alexander, the navigation to India, by the course which Nearchus had opened, was discontinued. The Indian trade carried on at Alexandria not only subsisted, but was so much ex- tended under the Grecian monarchs of Egypt, that it proved a great source of the wealth which distinguished their kingdom. The progress which the Romans made in navigation and discovery, was still more inconsiderable than that * A fact, recorded by Straho, affords a very strong and sin- gular proof of the ignorance of the aiicieiits with respect to the situation of the various paris of the earth. When Alexander marchfd alon^f the hanks of the Hydaspes and Acesine, two of the rivers which fail into the Indus, he observed tiiat there were inai)y crocodilf s in tiiosc rivers, and that the country produced beans of the same species with those which were common in Egypt. From these circumstances, he concluded that he had discovered the source of the Nile, and prepared a fleet to sail down the Hjdas|icsti) Egypt. — ,S7ral)Je that the aiieienls were seldom induced to advai;ec so far as the uioulli of the (Janpes, either hy iiioti\('s of curiosity, or views of eouiniercial advaulii^je. In cou:.e- quciice of tliis, their idea eoncerniug tlie position of that fjreat river was very erroueous. Ptolemy |)lae«s that hrandi ot the Ganges, wlueh he distinguishes by tlie name of thi (ireat MoutI'., in the imndriHl and forty-sixth degree of lonijitude from his first meridian in the Fortunate Islands. IJut its true longitude, coni|iuted from timt miridian, is ni>»v deteiniintd hy astionomicul ohservatioiis to he only a hundred and five de- grees. A f;iiitiia[)lit'r so ominciil, iiiust have bciii hcfrayed into an crior oi tliis miiunifude hy the iinperfeetion of the in- forni^^iiuii which he had ittcived coneiriiiiiii tliose distant re- gions; and this a(T(>rwn to them. They were almost totally unac- quainted 'vith the vast countries which are now subject to the kings of Denm irk, Sweden, Prussia, Poland, and the Russian empire. The more barren regions, that stretch within the arctic circle, were quite unexplored. In Africa, their rrsearchcs did not extend far beyond the provinces which border on the Mediterranean, and those situated on the western shore of the Arabian Gulf. In Asia, they were unacestowe(l attention upon every part of philo- sophy known to the uncients, seems to have believed tiiiit the torriil zone was uninhabitable, and, of consequence, that there could be no intercourse between the northern and southern temperate zones. He introduces Africnnus thus addrcs^sin^' the younger Scipio : " You see this earth encompassed, and us it were bound in by certain zones, of which, two, at the gr(!at- est distance from each other, and sustaining the opposite poles of heaven, arc frozen with perpetual cold ; the middle one, and the lariest of all, is burnt with the heat of the sun j two arc liaiiitabTc, tlie |>eoplc in the southern one are antipodes to Ds, with wiioui we have no connection." — Sumnium Scipionis, c. 6. (Jeuiinus, a (ircek philosopher, contemporary witii Ci- cero, delivers the same doctrine, not in a popular work, but in his tirayiiy^ lie f ii'«,ui>», a trcati.^e purely scientific. " When we speak," says he, " of the soutiieru temperate zone, and its iniialiitants, and conrrrning those who are called antipodes, it must be always nndurstond, that we have no certain know- ledg(! or iMforuiation concerning the tsoutliern temperate zone, whether it be inhabited or not. Hut from the spiierie^il hgure of the earth, niid the course which the sun holds between tiie tropics, we Cdnrlnilc that there is another zone, situated to the south, whiih eiijiiys the same degree of temperatuie with tiie nortliern one wiileh we inhabit." — Cap. xiil. p. ',i\. ap. Pelavii Opus (If Diirtr. Trmpur. in ijito Urauolit^intn site Si/slemata var. Auitorum. Amsl. I'df), vol. iii. 'I'lie opinion of I'liny the naturallNt, with respect to both these point.t, was the same : " There arc tive divisions of the earth, which are called wnes. All that pi>rii-ry vapour. Be- tween these torrid and frozen districts lie two ullier portions of the earth, which are temperate; but, on aosed the torrid zone to comprehend near sixtceti degrees, about eight on each side of the equator; whereas such as followed the computation of I'osidonius allotted about twen- ty-four degrees, or somewhat more than twelve degrees on e^-ch side of the equator to the torrid zone. — Strabo, lib. ii. p. 1.51. According to the former opinion, about two-thirds of that portion of the earth Hhich lies between the tropics was considered as habitable ; according to the latter, about one half of it. With this restriction, the doctriue of the ancients eoncerniiig the torrid zone appears less absurd; and we can conceive the reason of their asserting this zone to be uninhabit- able, even after they had o|)ened u communication with several [ilaces within the tropics. When men of science spoke of the torrid zone, they considered it us it was limited by the defini* tion of geogiupheis to sixteen, or at the utmost to twenty-four degrees ; and as they knew almost nothing of the countries nearer to the equator, they might still suppose them to be un- inhabitable. In loose and popular discourse, the name of the torrid zone continued to be given to uU that portion of the earth which lies within the tropics. Cicero seems to have l)een uuiK quainted w itii those ideas of the later geogrnphers, and ad- hering to the division of I'armeuides, describes the torrit ion Concerning the intolerable heat of the torrid zone as a |io| iilar error. This, mc are told by Plutarch, was the senti- iru'iii of Pythai;oraN, iind we learn from Strabo, that Cratos* the cs and l'ol\biiis iiad adopted the same o|)inion, li[>. ii. 154. I'loieniy seems to have paid no regard to the ancient doctrine and opinions cuuceruing the torrid zone. i [book 1. io police, M ilcscribe the Kvcn when ly, enriched c uccrssion • reports of attainccl to y to which ulustry and Durisiicd in I published ample and icxc I might )»oj)licrs and rinc was gc- s, as wc are e earth into tiich he sap- beyond the l)o, fixfil the. iiier as they ;ifss of dis- il rc^ionii of y hrtliifablc, ttiurii to cir- easy to aa- iillotled to now, is the y hint con« te who cal- by Eratos- ;ar siKteeii lercas such bout twen- [Jegrces on , lib. ii. p. o-thirds of Topics « as about one e ancieats ml wc can ninlmbit- ill several nkeof the n' liehni- I'lity-four countries to be un- iR of the on of the lave been , and ad- rrid zone ;cted the !one as t If Kenli- Eiatos« ii. 154. doctrine IIISTOIIY OF AMKIUCA. « BOOK 1.] ' Hut, soon after, violent convulsions bef,'^! to shake tlie Homiui state; the fatal ambition or caprice ofCon- itantine, by chniiginf,' the seat of government, divipe their destructive rage. In that city, the knowledge of ancient arts and discoveries was preserved j a taste for splendour and elcijancc Mil).iisted ; the productions and luxu.ics of foreign countries were in rc(juest ; and commerce continued to flourish tlicrc when it was almost extinct in every oilier* part of Europe. The citizens of Constantinople did not con- fine their trade to the islands of the Archipelago, or to the adjacent coasts of Asia ; they took a wider range, and following the course which the ancients had marked out, imported the commodities of the East Indies from Alexandria. When Egypt was torn from tiic Honian empire by the Arabians, the industry of the Creeks dis- covered a new channel, by which the productions of India might be conveyed to Constantinople. They were carried up the Indus, at far as that great river is navigable ; thence they were transported by land to the banks of the river Oxus, and proceeded down its stream to the Caspian sea. There they entered the Volga, and sailing up it, were carried by land to the Tunais, wliich conducted them into the Euxine sea, where vessels from Constantinople waited their arrival. This extraordi- nary and tedious mode of conveyance merits attention, not only as a proof of the violent passion which the in- habitants of Constantinople had conceived for the luxuries of the east, bnd as a specimen of the ardour and ingenuity with which they carried on commerce ; but because it demonstrates, that, during the ignorance which reigned in tiie rest of Europe, an extensive know- ledge of remote countries was still preserved in the ca- pital of the Greek empire. At the same time, a gleam of light and knowledge broke in upon the estst. The Arabians having con- tracted some relish for the sciences of the people, whose empire they had contributed to overturn, translated the books of several of the Greek philosophers into their own language. One of the first was that valuable work of Ptolemy, which I have already mentioned. The study of geography became, of consequence, an early object of attention to the Arabians. But that acute and ingenious people cultivated chiefly the speculative and scientific parts of geography. In order to ascertain the figure and dimensions of the terrestrial globe, they ap- plied the principles of geometry, they had recourse to astronomical observations, they employed experiments and operation?, which Europe, in more enlij^hteued 14 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book K I times, lins been proud to adopt and to imitate. At tliat period, however, the fume uf tlic improvements made (>}' the Arnhians did not nacii Europe, Tlic know- le«l^rc of tlu'i^r discoveries was reserved for ages capable of coiiipri'licnding and of perfecting tiiem. Ky degrees, the ctthtmities and desolation brought upon tlic western provinces of the Roman empire by itii JKirbarous conquerors, were forgotten, and in some meittiure repaired. The rudo tribes which settled there, acquiring insensibly no..)c idea of regular government, and Nonie relisii for the fiinctions and comforts of civil life, Europe begun to awake from its torpid and unac- tive state. 'I'he first symptoms of revival were dis- OTiu'd in Italy. The northern tribes, which took pos- bcssii.n of this country, made progress in improvement with f^reater rapidity than the people settled in other parts of Europe. Various causes, which it is not the object of this work to enumerate or explain, concurred in restoring liberty and independence to the cities of Italy. The acquisition of these roused industry, and gnve motion and vigour to all the active powers of the human mind. Foreign commerce revived, navigation was attended to and improved. Constantinople became the cliief mart to which the Italians resorted. There tliey not only met with a favourable reception, but ob- tained such mercantile privileges as enabled them to carry on trade with great advantage. They were sup- plied both will tile precious commodities of the east, niid with many curious manufactures, the product of •ncicnt arts and ingenuity which still subsisted among the Greeks. As the labour and expence of conveying the productions of India to Constantinople by that long and indirect course which I have described, rendered them extremely rare, and of an exorbitant price, the industry of the Italians discovered other methods of pro- curing them in greater abundance, and at an eaiinr rate. They sometimes purchased them in Aleppo, Tripoli, and other ports on the coast of Syria, to which they were brought by a route not unknown to the ancients. They were conveyed from India by sea, up the Persian <:iulf, and ascending the Euphrates and Tigris, as fiar as Bagdat, were carried l>y land across the desart of Palmyra, and from thence to the towns on the Medi- terranean. But from tlie length of the journey, and thv dangers to which the caravans were exposed, this proved always a tedious, and often a precarious mode of conveyance. At length, the Suldans of Egypt, having revived the commerce with India in its ancient channel, by the Arabian Gulf, the Italian merchants, notwith- standing the violent antipathy to each other with which Christians and the followers of Mahomet were then possessed, repaired to Alexandria, and enduring, from the love of gain, the insolence and exactions uf tlie Mahometans, established « lucrative trade in that port. From that period, the commercial spirit of Italy be- came active and enterprising. Venice, Genoa, Pisa, rose from inconsiderable towns, to be populous and wealthy cities. Their naval power increased ; their vessels fre- quented not only all the ports in the Mediterranean, but venturing sometimes beyond the Straits, visited the maritime towns of Spain, France, the Iwow-Coun- tries, and England ; and, by distributing their commo- dities over Europe, begun to communicate to ita various nations some taste for the valuable productions of the east, as well aa some ideas of manufuetures and arts, which were then unknown beyond the precincts of Italy. While the cities of Italy were thus advancing in their career of improvement, an event happened, the niobt extraordinary perluips in the history of mankind, which, instead of retarding the commercial progress of the Italians, rendered it more rapid. The niHrtiiil spirit of the Europeans, heightened and inflamed by religious zeal, prompted them to attempt the deliverance of the Holy Land from the dominion of infidels. Vast armies, composed of all the nations in Europe, marched to- wards Asia, upon this wild enterprixe. The Genoese, the Pisans, and Venetians, furnished the transports which carried them thither. They supplied them with provisions and military stores. Beside the immense sums which they received on this account, they obtained commercial privileges and establishments of great con- sequence in tlie settlements which the crusadera made in Palestine, and in other province* of Asia. From those sources, prodigious 'wealth flowed into the cities which I have mentioned. This was accompanied with a proportional increase of power, and, by the enduf the holy war, Venice, in particular, became a great mari- time state, possessing an extensive commerce, and ample territories. Italy was not the only country in which the crusad<:d contributed to revive and diffuse such a spirit as prepared Europe for future discoveries. By their expeditions into Asia, the other European na- tions became well acquainted with remote regions, which formerly they knew only by name, or by the re- ports of ignorant and credulous pilgrims. They hod an opportunity of observing the manners, the arts, and the accommodationsof peoplemore polished than them- selves. This intercourse between the east and west sub:}isted ;ilmost two centaries. The adventurers, who returned from Asia, communicated to their countrymen the ideas which they had acquired, and the habits of life they had contracted by visiting more refined nations. Tiie Europeans began to be sensible of wants with which they were formerly unacquainted : new desires were excited ; aud such u taste fur the coiuuuMlitica i I BOOK I.] ft "•• HISTORY OF AMKIUGA. ' ^1 16 •nd trts of other countries gradually Rpreiul among them, that they not only cmouruged the reiurt of fo- reigners to their harbours, but began to (M'rceive the tulvuntuge and neceskily oi applying to commerce them- fclvei. This communication, whicii wm opened between Europe and llie western provinces of Asia, >iifour«ged several persons to advance for beyond the countries in which the crunaders can. 'i on thvir operiitions, and to travel bv land into the more remote and opulent r f gions of the east. The wild fanaticism, which s<>ems at that period to have minglrd in all the schemes of indivi- duali, no less than in all the counsels of nations, first incited mm to enter upon those long and dangerous peregrinations. They were afterwards undertaken from prospects of commercial advantage, or from motives of mere curiusity. Benjamin, a Jew of Tadela, in the kingdom of Nnvarre, poNsessed with a superstitious ve> neration for the law of Moses, and solicitous to visit his countrymen in the east, whom he hoped to find in such a state of power and opulence ns might redound to the honour of his sect, set out from Spain in the year 1 1(>0, and travelling by land to Constantinople, proceeded through the countries to the north of the Euxine and Caspian seas, us fur as Chinese Tartary, From thence he took his route towards the south, and after tra\orsing various provinces of the farther India, he embarked on the Indian ocean, visited several of its islandit, nnd returned at the end of thirteen years by the way of Egypt, to Europe, with much information con- cerning a large district of the globe, altogether unknown, at that time to the western world. The zeal of the head of the Christian church co-operated with the su- perstition of Benjamin the Jew, in discovering the in- terior and remote provinces of Asia. All Christendom having been alarmed with accounts of the rapid pro- gress of the Tartar arms under Zengis Khan, Innocent IV. who entertained mobt exalted ideas concerning the plenitude of his own power, and the submission due to his injunctions, aent father John de Piano Cnrpini, at the head of a mission of Franciscan monks, and father AscoKno, at the head uf another of Dominicans, to en- join Kayuk Khan, the grandson of Zengis, who wns then at the liead of the Tartar empire, to embrace the Christian faith, and to desist from desolating the earth by his arms. The haughty descendant of the greatest conqueror Asia hofd ever beheld, astonished at this strange mandate from an Italian priest, whose name and jurisdiction were alike unknown to him, received it with the contempt which it merited, though he dismissed the mendicants who delivered it with impunity. But, as they had penetrated into the country by different routes, and followed for some time the Tartar camps, which were always in motion, they had opportunity of visiting a great part of Asia. Carpini, who proceeded by the way of I'oland and Uussiu, travelled through iti northern provinces %*■ fur us the extremities of Thibet. Ascolino, who seems to have landed tomcwherc in Syria, advanced through its southern province>uch skill and accuracy as to inspire a full confidence in its direction, was acquired gradually. Sailors, unaccustomed to quit sight of land, durst not laun<:h out ai once and commit themselves to unknown seas. Accordingly, near half a century elapsed ■A I ■mm BOOK i.T HISTORY OF AMERICA. 17 from the time of Giola's discovery, before navigators ventured into any seas which they had not been accus- tomed to frequent. The first appearance of a bolder spirit may be dated from the voyages of the Spaniards to the Canary or Fortunate Islands. By what accident they were led to the discovery of those small isles, which lie near five hundred miles from the Spanish coast, and above a hundred and fifty miles from the coast of Africa, con- temporary writers have not explained. But, about the middle of the fourteenth century, the people of all the diflPerent kingdoms into which Spain was then divided, were accustomed to make piratical excursions thither, in order to plunder the' inhabitants, or to carry them off as slaves. Clement VI. in virtue of the right claimed by the holy see, to dispose of all countries possessed by infidels, erected those isles into a kingdom, in the year one thousand three hundred and forty-four, and con- ferred it on Lewis de la Cerda, descended from the royal family of Castile. But that ur fortunate prince, desti- tute of power to assert his nominal title, having never visited the Canaries, John de Bethencourt, a Norman baron, obtained a grant of them from Henry III. of Castile. Bethencourt, with the valour and good for- tune which distinguished the adventurers of his country, attempted and effected the conquest, and the possession of the Canaries remained for some time in his family, as a fief held of the crown of Castile. Previous to this expedition of Bethencourt, his countrymen settled in Normandy are said to have visited the coast of Africa, iiind to have proceeded far to the south of the Canary Islands (1365). But their voyages thither seem not to have been undertaken in consequence of any public or regular plan for extending navigation and attempting new discoveries. They were either excursions suggested by that roving piratical spirit, which descended to the Normans from their ancestors, or the commercial enter- prizes of private merchants, which attracted so little notice, that hardly any memorial of them is to be found in contemporary authors. In a general survey of the progress of discovery, it is sufficient to have mentioned this event ; and leaving it among those of dubious exis- tence, or of small importance, we may conclude, that though much additional information concerning the remote regions of the east had been received by tra- vellers who visited them by land, navigation, at the be- ginning of the fifteenth century, had not advanced be- yond the state to which it had attained before the down- fal of the Roman empire. At length tiie period arrived, when Providence decreed that men were to pass tiie limits within which they had been so long confined, and open to tlicmsclves a more ample field wherein to display their talents, their cntcr- 2. prize, and courage. The first considerable efforts to- wards this were not made by any of the more powerful states of Europe, or by those who had applied to navi- gation with the greatest assiduity and success. The glory of leading the way in this new career was re- served for Portugal, one of the smallest and least pow- erful of the European kingdoms. As the attempts of the Portuguese to acquire the knowledge of those parts of the globe with which mankind were then unac- quainted, not only improved and extended the art of navig.ition, but roused such a spirit of curiosity and cnterprize, as led to the discovery of the New World, of which I propose to write the history, it is necessary to take a full view of the rise, the progress, and success of their various naval 0(>jrations. It was in this school that the discoverer of America was trained ; and unless we trace the steps by which his instructors and guides advanced, it will be impossible to comprehend the cir- cumstances which suggested the idea, or facilitated the execution of his great design. Various circumstances prompted the Portuguese to exert their activity in this new direction, and enabled them to accomplish undertakings apparently superior to the natural force of their monarchy. The kings of Portugal, having driven the Moors out of their domi- nions, had acquired power, as well as glory, by the suc- cess of their arms against the infidels. By their victo- ries over them, they had ext^iided the royal authority beyond the narrow limits within which it was originally circumscribed in Portugal, lis well as in other feudal kingdoms. They had the command of the national force, could rouse it to act with united vigour, and, after the expulsion of the Moors, could employ it with- out dread of interruption from any domestic enemy. By the perpetual hostilities carried on for several cen- turies against the Mahometans, the martial and adven- turous spirit which distinguished all the European nations during the middle ages, was improved and heightened among the Portuguese. A fierce civil war towards the close of the fourteenth century, occasioned by a disputed succession, augmented the military ardour of the nation, and formed or called forth men of such active or daring genius, as are fit for bold undertakings. The situation of tiie kingdom, bounded on every side by the donunion.s of a more powerful neighbour, did not attbrd free scope to the activity of the Portuguese by land, as the strength of their monarchy was no match for that of Castile. But Portugal was a maritime state, in which there were many commodious harbours ; the people had begun to make some progress in the know- ledge and practice of navigation ; and the sea was open to tlieni, presenting the only field of enterprise in wliicii they could distinguish themselves. F ''T^n* Tmn'n»Htnff- w~--i-r~"~" "'™"'"' ••" '^ IS HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book I. Ir? Such was tlie state of Portup;a1, and such the dispo- sition of the people, when John I. surnaincd the Bas- tard, obtained secure possession of tlie cruwn by tbe peace cnncludcd with Castile, in the year one thousand four liuiidrid and eleven. He was n prince '>f great merit, v. Uo, by superior courajre and abilities, had opened liis way to a throne, which of right did no', btlonp to him. He instantly perceived that it would be impos- sible to preserve pu'jiic order, or domestic tranquillity, without finding some employment for the restless spirit of his subjects. With this view he assembled a nu- merous fleet at Lisljon, composed of all the ships which he could fit out in his own kingdom, and of many hired from foreigners. This great armament was destined to attack the Moors settled on the coast of Barbary (Mil?). While it was equipping, a lew vessels were appointed to sail alotig the western shore of Africa bounded by the Atlantic ocean, and to discover the imknown countries situated there. From this inconsiderable attempt, we mav date the commencement of that spirit of discovery, which opened the barriers tliat had so long shut out mankind from the knowledge of one half of the ter- restrial globe. At the time when John sent forth these ships on this new voyage, the art of navigation was still very imper- fect. Though Africa lay so near to Portugal, and tlie fertility of the countries already known on that con- tinent invited men to explore it more fully, the Portu- guese had never ventured to sail beyond Cape Non, That promontory, as its name imports, was hitherto con- .sidered as a boundary which could not be p^tssed. But the nations of Europe had now acquired fis much know- ledge, a<: emboldened them to disregard the prejudices and to correct the errors of their ancestors. The long reign of ignorance, the constant e:iemy of every curious inquiry, and of every new undertakii^g, was approach- ing to its period. The light of science began to dawn. The works of the ancient Greeks and Romans began to be read with admiration and profit. The sciences cultivated by the Arabians were introJ'iccd into Furope by the Moors settled in Spain and Portugml, and by the Jews, who were very numerous in both these kingdoms. Geometry, astronomy, and geography, the sciences on which the art of navigation is founded, became objects of studious attention. The memory of the discoveries made by the ancients was revived, and the progress of their navigation and commerc*' began to be traced. Some of the causes uhich h;'V( obstructed the cultiva- tion of science in Portugal, during this century aiu! the last, did not exist, or did not operate in the same man- * The court of inquisition, wliicl effectiiully checks a .spirit of lit)crnl inquiry, and of literary imiJ-ovcinent, wherever it is established, was unknowu in Portugal in the fifteenth century. ner, in the fifteenth century ;* and the Portuguese, at that period, seem to have kept pace with other nationit nil this side the Alps in literary pursuits. As the genius of the age favoured the execution of that new undertaking, to which the peculiar state of the country invited the Portuguese, it proved success- ful. 'I'lie vessels sent on the discovery doubled that formidable cape, which had terminated the progress of former navigators, and proceeded a hundred and sixty miles beyond it, to Cape Bojador. As its rocky cliffs, which stretched a considerable way in!o the Atlantic, appeared more dreadful than the promontory which they had passed, the Portuguese commanders durst not attempt to sail round it, but returned to Lisbon, more satisfied with having'; advanced so far, than ashamed of having ventured no farther. Inconsiderable as tliis voyage was, it increased the passion for discovery, which began to arise in Portugal. The fortunate issue of the king's expedition against the Moorr of Barbary (1417), added strength to that spirit in the nation, and pushed it on to new under- takings. In order to render these successful, it was ne- cessary that they should be conducted by a person who possessed abilities capable of discerning what was at- tainable, who enjoyed leisure to form a regular system for prosecuting discovery, and who was animated with ardour that would persevere in s])ite of obstacles and repulses. Happily for Portugal, she found all those qualities in Henry duke of Viseo, the fourth son of king John by Philippa of Lamaster, sister of Henry IV. king of England. That prince, in his early youth, having accompanied his father in his expedition to Barbaty, distinguished himself by many deeds of valour. To the martial spirit, which was the characteristi of every man of noble birth at that time, he added all the accomplishments of a more enlightened and pol.shed age. He cultivated the arts and sciences, wliii h were then unknown and dispised by persons of his rank. He applied with peculiar fondness to the study of geogra- phy ; and by the instruction of able musters, as well as by the ctccounts of travellers, he early acquired such knowledge of the habitable globe, as di.scovererl the great probability of finding new and opulent countries, by sailing along the coast of Africa. Such an object was formed to awaken the enthusiasm and ariKmr of .-i youthful mind, and he espoused with the utmost zeal the patronage of a design which might prove as benefi- cial, IS it nppcared to be splendid and honourable. I'l order that lie might pursue this great scheme without interruption, he retired froni court immediately after when the people of that kingdom began their voy;iges of dis- covery. More than a century elapsed before it was intra- duced by John III. whose reign comuenced A. D. 1521. "t [book I. tuguese, at lit'r natiuDit xccution of iar state of eel success- ublfd that progress of and sixty ocky cliffs, e Atlantic, lory which s durst not sbon, more ishamed of creased the 1 Portugal. J I) against ;t)i to that :w undcr- it was ne- erson who at was at- lar system ip.tcd with tacles and ! all those th son of of Henry rly youth, dilion to of valour. tcristi. of I'd all uie pol.>iied lii h were •iink. He ( gcogra- », as will red such ered the ountrics, m object lour of a lost zeal s beneli- ble. I.J without ly after ■ ■' m » of dis- its intra- JJ. BOOK 1.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 19 his return from Africa, and fixed his residence at Sa- gres, near Cape St. Vincent, where the prospect of the Atlantic ocean invited his thoughts continually towards his favourite project, and encouraged him to execute it. In this retreat he was attended by some of the most learned men in his country, who aided him in his re- searches. He ai)plied for information to the Moors of Barbary, who were accustomed to travel by land into the interior provinces of Africa, in quest of ivory, gold dust, and other rich commodities. He consulted the Jews settled in Portugal. By promises, rewards, and marks of respect, he allured into his service several per- sons, foreigners as well as Portuguese, who were emi- nent for their skill in navigation. In taking those pre- paratory steps, the great abilities of the prince were se- conded by his private virtues. His integrity, his affa- bility, his respect for religion, his zeal for the honour of his country, engaged persons of all ranks to applaud his design, and to favour the execution of it. His schemes were allowed by the greater part of his coun- trymen to proceed neither from ambition nor the de- sire of wealth, but to flow from the warm benevolence of a heart eager to promote the happitiess of mankind, and whicli justly entitled him to assume a motto for his device, that described the quality, by which he wished to be distinguished, the tuknt of doing good. His Hrst effort, as is usual at the commencement of any new undertaking, was extremely inconsiderable. He fitted out a single ship (1418), and giving the com- mand of it to John Gonzalez Zurco and Tristan Vaz, two gentlemen of his household, who voluntarily offered to conduct the enterprise, he instructed them to use their utmost eflorts to double Ca()e Bojador, and thence to steer towards liic south. They, according .to the mode of navigation which still prevailed, held their course along the shore ; and by following that direc- tion, they must have encountered almost insuperable diiliculties in i-Ueiiipling i" pass Cape Bojador. liut fortune came in aid to llieir want of skill, and prevented the voyage from biing ultogetiier fruitless. A sudden squall of wii.d arose, drove them out to sea, and when they I'xpccted every moment to perish, landed them on an uiiknown island, wliich from their happy escape they named I'orlo Sanlo. In the infancy of navigation, the discovery of this small island appeared a matter of such mo;nent, that they instantly returned to Porrugal with the good tidings, and were received by Heiny with ihe applause and honour due to fortunate adveiilurers. This fiiint dawn of success tilled a mind ardent in the pursuit of a favourite object with such sanguine hopes as were sufficient incitements to proceed. Next year (I4I9), Henry sent out three ships under the same commanders, to whom he joined Bartholomew Pcre- strello, in order to take possession of the island which' they had discovered. When they began to settle in Porto Santo, they observed towards the south a fixed spot in the horizon like a small black cloud. By de- grees, they were led to coiijecture that it might be land, and steering towards it, they 'rrived at a considerable island, uninhabited, and covered with wood, wliich on that accou;.( they called iV/«c/eiro. As it was Henry's chief object to render his discoveries usef., lo his country, he immediately equipped a fleet to L.iiy a co- lony of Portuguese to these islands (1-120). By his provident care they were furnished not only with tlie seeds, plants, and domestic animals common in Europe, but as he foresaw that the warmth of the climate, and fertility of the soil, would prove favourable to the rear- ing of other productions, he procured slips of the vine from the island of Cyprus, the rich wines of which were then in great request, and plants of the sugar-cau' from Sicily, into which it had been lately introduced. These throve so prosperously in this new country, that the benefit of cultivating them was immediately perceived, and the sugar and wine of Madeira quickly became articles of some consequence in the commerce of Por- tugal. As soon as the advantages derived from this first settlement to the west of the European continent began to be felt, the spirit of discovery appeared less chime- rical, and became more adventurous. By their voyage* to Madeira, the Portugue-o were gradually accustomed to a bolder navigation, and instead of creeping servilely along the coast, ventured into the open sea. In con- sequence of taking this course, Gilianez, who com- manded one of Prince Henry's ships, doubled Cape Bo- jador (ld zeal with :ijty years, in died inhabi- true religion, ay by the de- oly father, to gdoms of the of Portugal ifidels, which subjects, and eated him to est penalties, this laudable tiling in any uld discover, it should be d the knuw- h the autho- stock of the )g with dex- ■quiring new illy extended ' whom this opportunity ly perceived, requf'st, he tcring in its il in its con- d, in which, : past eRbrts ) proceed in entered, he lie countries to the con- ding such a now appear he fifteenth itude of his rince Henry he derived authorised hem. The for religion, ictivity and tiuns. All uiing* into timba.ssadors lit wiiirli liR imt couDtry, BOOK 1.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. SI those countries which the Portuguese had discovered, or from interrupting the progress of their navigation and conquests. The fame of the Portuguese voyages soon spread over Europe. Men, long accustomed to circumscribe the activity and knowledge of the human mind within the limits to wliith they had been hitherto confined, were astonished to behold the sphere of navigation so sud- denly enliirged, and a prospect opened of visiting re- gions of tlie globe, the existence of which was unknown in former times. The learned and speculative reasoned and formed theories concerning those unexpected dis- coveries. The vulgar enquired and wondered ; while entt-rprising adventurers crowded from every par^ of Europe, soliciting Prince Henry to employ them in this honourable service. Many Venetians and Genoese, in particular, who were, at that time, superior to all other nations in the science of naval atfairs, entered aboard the Portuguese siiips, and acquired a more perfect and extensive knowlctige of their profession in that new school of navigation. In emulation of tliese foreigners, the Portuguese exerted their own talents. The nation seconded the designs of the prince. Private merchants formed companies (IJ-Ki), with a view to searc'.i for unknown countries. The Cape de Verd Islands, which lie oft" tJie promontory of that name, were discovered (I'l'i;)), and soon after the isles called the Azores. As the former of tiiese arc above tiirce hundred miles from the Afiican coast, and the latter nine luindred miles from any continent, it is evident, by tlieir venturing so boldly into tiie o|)en seas, tliat the Portuguese had, by this time, impntved greatly in the art of navi- gation. While the passion for engaging in new undertakings was tiius warm and active, it received an unfortunate check by tlie death of Prince Henry, whose superior knowledge had hitherto directed all the operations of the discoverers, and whose patronaj^e had encouraged and proteeled tliem. Hut notwiliistanding all the ad- vantages which they derived from tliese, the Portuguese, during ids life, did not advance, in their utmost progress towards the south, within live degrees of the equinoc- tial line ; and, after their continued exertions for half a century (from 111-' io 1'1(J3}, hardly fifteen hundred miles of the coast of Africa were discovered. To an age ae(|uainted with the ellbrtsof navigation in its state of maturity and improvement, tiiosc essays of its early years mubt necessarily appear feeble and unskilful. But, inconsiderable as they may be deemed, they were sufticient to turn the curiosity of the i^uropean nations aad to request of him to |iioiiil)it his siibjeets to proseente their intciiiled voyaj;e. Kdw art! was so iimeli satisfied \vill» the t!.\clubive title of the Portuguese, tlmt he issued his orders in 2. into a new channel, to excite an enterprising spirit, and to point the way to future discoveries. Alphonso, who possessed the throne of Portugal at the time of Prince Henry's death, was so much engaged in supporting his own pretensiotis to the crown of Cas- tile, or in carrying on his expeditions against tije Moors in Barbary, that, the force of his kingdom being exerted in other operations, he could not prosecute the disco- veries in Africa with ardour. He committed the con- duct of them to Fernando Gomez, a merchant in Lis- bon, to whom he granted an exclusive right of com- merce with all the countries of which Prince Henry had taken possession. Under the restraint and oppres- sion of a monopoly, the spirit of discovery languished. It ceased to be a national object, and became the con- cern of a private man, more attentive to his own gain, than to the glory of his country. Some progress, how- ever, was made. The Portuguese ventured at length to crtiss the line (14/1), and, to their astonishment, found that region of the torrid zone, which was sup- posed to be scorched with intolerable heat, to be not only habitable, but populous and fertile. John II. who succeeded his father Alphonso (1481), possessed talents capable both of forming and execut- ing great I'.esigns. As part of his revenues, while prince, had arisen from duties on the trade with the newly- discovered countries, this naturally turned his attention towards them, and satisfied him with respect to their utility and importance. In proportion as his know- ledge of these countries extended, the possession of them appeared to be of greater consequence. While the Portuguese proceeded along the coast of Africa, from (Jape Non to the river of Senegal, they found all that extensive tract to be sandy, barren, and thinly in- habited by a wretched people, professing the Mahome- tan religion, and subject to tlie vast empire of Morocco. But to the south of that river, the power and religion of the Mahometans were unknot n. The country was divided into small independent princi|)alities, the po- pulation was considerable, the soil fertile, and the Por- tuguese soon discovered that it produced ivory, rich gums, gold, and otlicr valuable commodities. By the acquisition of tliese, commerce was enlarged, and be- came more adventurous. Men, animated and rendered active by tiie certain prospect of gain, pursued disco- very with greater eagerness, than when they wei:eex- cited only by curiosity and hope. Tliis sipirit derived i)o small reinforcement of vigour from the countenance of such a monarch as John. De- claring himself the patron of every attempt towards the terms which they desired. — Uackluyt, Navigations, Toj-. ages, and Traffics of the I'.uclinh. vo* >» ":"i " •■ 'I G f ^"sma^ t^ HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book I. discovery, he promoted it with all the ardour of his grand- uncle Prince Henry, and with superior power. The cftects of lliis were iminediatcly felt. A powerful fleet was fitted out (148-1), which, after discovering the kingdoms of Benin and Congo, advanced ahove fifteen luindri'ii miles beyond tiie line, and the Portuguese, for the first time, bclicid a new heaven, and observed the stars of another honiispliere. John was not only soli- citous to discover, but attentive to secure the possession of those countries. He built forts on the coast of Guinea; he sent out colonies to settle tlicre ; he esta- blished a commercial intercourse with the more power- ful kingdoms ; he endeavoured to render such as were feeble tr divided, tributary to the crown of Portugal. Soil e of the petty princes voluntarily acknowledged themselves his vassals. Others were coinpelicd to do so by force of arms. A regular and well-digeslcd sys- tem was formed \vith respect to this new object of po- licy, and by firmly adiiering to it, the Portuguese power and commerce in Africa were established upon a solid foundation. By ilieir constant intercourse with the people of Africa, the Portuguese gradually acquired some know- ledge of those i)arts of that country which they had not visited. 'I'he information which they received from the natives, added to what they had observed in their own voyages, began to open prospects more extensive, and to suggest tiie idea of schemes more important, tiian those which had hitherto allured and occupied them. They had detected the error of the ancients concerning the nature of tlie torrid zone. They found, as they proceeded southwards, tliat the continent of Africa, in- stead of extending in breadth, according to the doctrine of Ptolemy, at that time the oracle and guide of the learned in the science of geography, appeared sensibly to contract itself, and to bend towards the east. This induced them to give credit to the accounts of tlie an- cient Phenician voyages round Africa, which had long been deemed fabulous, and led them to conceive hopes that by following the same route, they might arrive at the East Indies, and engross that commerce which has been the source of wealth and power to every nation possessed of it. The compreliensive genius of Prince Henry, as we may conjicture from the wo.-'Is of the pope's bull, had early formed some idea of t'lis naviga- tion. But thougli his countrymen, at that period, were incapable of conceiving the exUnt of his views and schemes, all the Portuguese mathematicians and pilots now concurred in representing them as well founded and practicable. The king entered with warmth into their sentiments, and began to concert measures for this arduous and important voyage. Before his preparations for this cxjjedition were finished, accounts were transmitted from Africa, that various nations along the coast had mentioned a mighty kingdom situated on their continent, at a great distance towards the east, the king of which, according to their description, professed the Christian religion. The Por- tuguese monarch immediately concluded, that this niutlt be the emperor of Abyssinia, to whom the I'uropeans, seduced by a mistake of Rubruquis, Marco I'olo, and other travellers to the east, absurdly gave the name of Prester or Presbyter John; and as he hoped to receive information and assistance from a Christian prince, in prosecuting a scheme that tended to propagate their common faith, he resolved to open, if possible, some intercourse with his court. With this view, he made choice of Pedro de Covillam and Alphonso de Payva, wlio were perfect masters of the Arabic language, and sent them into the east, to search fiir the residence of this unknown potentate, and to make lum proffers of friendship. They had in charge likewise to i)roeure whatever intelHirence the nations which they visited could supply, witli respect to the trade of India, and liie course of navigation to that continent. While John made this new attempt by land, to ob- tain some knowledge of the country, which he wished so ardently to discover, he did not neglect the prosecu- tion of this great design by sea. The conduct of a voy- age for this purpose (148(;), the most arduous and im- portant which the Portuguese had ever projected, was committed to Bartholomew Diaz, an officer w hose saga- city, experience, and fortitude rendered him equal to the undertaking. He stretched boldly towards the south, and proceeding beyond the utmost limits to which his countrymen had hitherto advanced, discovered near a thousand miles of new country. Neither the danger to which he was exposed, by a succession of violent tempests in unknown seas, and by tlie frequent mutinies of his crew, nor the calamities of famine which he suffered from losing his store-ship, couid deter him from prosecuting his enterprize. In recompence of his labours and perseverance, he at last descried that lofty promontory which bounds Afri "a to the south. But to descry it, was all that he had in his power to accomplish. The violence of the winds, the shattered condition of his ships, and the turbulent spirit of his sailors, compelled him to return, alter a voyage of six- teen months, in which he discovered a far greater extent of country than any former navigator. !>iaz had called the promontory which terminated hi . • >yige Cubo Tor- nu'iituno, or the Stormy Cape ; but the king, liis master, as he now entertained no doubt of having found the long desired route to India, gave ii a name more invit- ing, and of better omen, The Cape of Good Hope. Those sanguine expectations of success were con- n t ( ( ( Africa, that ed a mighty ciit distant ing to their The l»(.r- it tills riiudt l-uropeaiis, I'olo, and le name of to ri'ci'ivc prince, in ii^'iitc their Mble, sonio '■, lie made » de Payva, ua:,'(', and L'sidfnce of •iroflors of to iinieiire u'v visited India, and md, to ob- he wisl\ed e proseeu- t of a voy- iis and iin- ceted, was hose snga- II equal to rtards the limits to Jiseovered either the cession of ? frequent )f famine 311 id deter eompenec eried that le south, power to shattered lit (if his je uf six- er extent Ltd called 'ubo Tor- s inasttT, Kind the re invit- jpe, ?re con- Book II. 3 HISTORY OF AMERICA. S6 firmed by (he intelligence wliich John received over land, in consequence of his embassy to Abyssinia. Co- villam and Payva, in obedience to their master's in- structions, had repaired to Grand Cairo. From tluit city, they travelled along with a caravan of Egyptian mcrciiaiits, and embarking on the Red Sea, arrived at Aden in Arabia. There they separated ; Payva sailed directly towards Abyssinia ; Covillam embarked for the East Indies, and having visited Calecut, Cioa, and other cities on the Malabar coast, returned to Sofala, on the east side of Africa, and thence to Grand Cairo, which Payva and he had fixed upon as their place of rendez- vous. Unfortunately the former was cruelly murdered in Abyssinia, but Covillam found at Cairo two Portu- guese Jews, whom John, whose provident sagacity at- tended to every civcumstanee tliat could facilitate the was requisite to prepare their minds for this dangerous and extraordinary voyage. The courage, however, and authority of the monarch, gradually dispelled the vain fears of his subjects, or made it necessary to conceal them. As John thought himself now upon the eve of accomplishing that great design, which had been tlie principal object of his reign, his earnestness in pnxse- cuting it became so vehement, that it occupied his thoughts by day, and bereaved him of sleep through the night. Wiiilc he was taking every precaution that his wisdom and experience could suggest, in order to insure the success of the expedition, which was to de- cide concerning the fate of his favourite project, the fame of the vast discoveries which the Portuguese had already made, the reports concerning the extraordinary intelligence which they had received from the cast, and execution of his schemes, had dispatched after them, in the prospect of the voyage which they now meditated. order to receive a detail of their proceedings, and to communicate to tliem new instructions. By one of these Jews, Covillam transmitted to Portugal a journal of his travels by sea and land, his remarks upon the trade of India, together with exact maps of the coasts on which he had touched ; and from what he himself had observed, as well as from the information of skil- ful seamen in different countries, he concluded, that by drew the attention of all the European nations, and held them in suspense and expectation. By some, the maritime skill and navigations of the Portuguese were compared with those of the Phenieians and Carthagi- nians, and exalted above them. Others formed con- jectures concerning the revolutions which the success of the Portuguese schemes might occasion in the course of trade, and the political state of Europe. Tiie Vene- sailing round Africa, a passage might be found to the i tians began to be disquieted with tiie apprehension of East Indies, The happy coincidence of Covillam's opinion and re- port, with the discoveries which Diaz had lately made, left hardly any shadow of doubt with respect to the pos- sibility of sailing from Europe to India. Rut the vast losing their Indian commerce, the monopoly of which was the chief source of their power as v.cll as opulence, and the Portuguese already enjoyed in fancy, the wealth of the east. But, during this interval, which gave such scope to the various workings of curiosity, of hope and length of the voyage, and the furious storms which ! of fear, an account was brought to Europe of an event Diaz had encountered near the Cape of Good Hope, j no less extraordinary than unexpected, the discovery of alarmed and intimidated the Portuguese to such a dc- , a New World situated in the west ; and the eyes and gree, although by long experience they were now be- admiration of mankind turned immediately towards that come adventurous and skilful mariners, that some time ' great object. BOOK II. Birth and education of Columbus — acquires naval skill in the service of Portugal— conceives hopes of reaching ike East Indies by hoUUng a westerly course— his syntein founded on the ideas of the ancients, and knowledge of their navigation— and on the discoveries of the Portuguese - his mgociations tvith different courts obsta<:le* tchich he had to surmount in Spain — Voyage of discovery— di^a it ies— success— return to Spain— jtsionish- ment of mankind on this discovery of a new world— Papal grant of it- Second voyage— Colony settled Far- ther discoveries— fi'ar with the Indians— First tax imposed on them— Third voyage— He discovers tlie conti- nent—State of the Spanish colony— Errors in the first system of colonizing— Foyage of the Portuguese to tht ij JUiiifVmi'- m6tmimSm/am I »ii ' gy il I. S4 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book ir. East Indies hj the Cape of Good Hope— Effects of tliis—Diseoveries made by private adventurers in the jutu world— Name of Amenca gircn to it—M(uhi)iations against Columbus — Disgraced and sent in chains to Europe — Fourth Voyage of Columbus~His discoveries— disasters— death. Among tl-.e foreigners whom tlie fniiie of tlie disco- veries made by tlie Portupuesc had nlUired into their service, was Christopher Colon or Columbus, a subject of the republic of Genoa. Neither liie time nor place of his birth are known with certainty ;* but he was de- scended of an honourable family, (hoiic;!! reduced to in- digence by various misfortunes. His ancestors having betaken themselves for sub».istoiuc to a seafaring life, Portugal, with some Venetian cnravals, returning richlv laden from the Low-Countries, the vessel on board wliich he served took fire, together with one of the ene- my's ships, to which it was fast grappled. In this dread- ful extremity his intrepidity and presence of mind did not forsake him. He threw iiiniself into the sea, laid hold of a floating oar, and by the support of it, and hii dexterity in swimming, he reached the shore, though Columbus discovered, in his early youth, the peculiar ; above two leagues distant, and saved a life reserved for character and talents which mark out a man for that | great undertakings. profession. His parents, instead of tiiwarting this ori- ginal propensity of his mind, seem to have encouraged and confirmed it, by the education which they gave As soon as he recovered strength for the journey, he repaired to Lisbon, where ninny of his countrymen wire settled. They soon conceived such a favourable opi- him. After acquiring some knowledge of the Latin nion of his merit, as well as talenls, that they warmly tongue, the oidy language in which science was taught solicited him to remain in that kingdom, where liis at that time, he was instructed in geometry, cosmo- naval skill and exiierience could not fail of rendering praphy, astronomy, and the art of drawing. To these hiiu conspicuous. To every adventurer, animated eilher he applied with such ardour and predilection, on ac- with curiosity to visit new countries, or with ainbiiion count of their connection with navigation, his favourite . to distinguish himself, the Portuguese service was at object, that he advanced with rapid proficiency in the i that time extremely inviting. Columbus listened willi study of them. Thus qualified, he went to sea at the a favourable ear to the advice of his friends, and having age of fourteen (1461), and began his career on that j gained the esteem of a Portuguese lady, whom he mar- clement which conducted him to so much glory. His ried, fixed his residence in Lisbon. This alliance, in- carly voyages were to those ports in the Mediterranean i stead of detaching him from a seafaring life, contributed which his countrymen, the Genoese, frequented. This I to enlarge the sphere of his naval knowledge, and to being a sphere too narrow for his active mind, he made excite a desire of extending it still farther. His wife an excursion to the northern seas (1167), and visited the coasts of Iceland, to which the English and other nations had begun to resort on account of its fishery. As navigation, in every direction, was now become en- terprising, he proceeded beyond that island, the Thulc of the ancients, and advanced several degrees within the polar circle. Having satisfied his curiosity, by a voyage which tended more to enlarge his knowledge of naval affairs, than to improve his fortune, he entered into the service of a famous sea-captain, of his own name and family. This man commanded a small squadron, fitted out at his own expence, and by cruising sometimes against the Mahometans, sometimes against the Vene- tians, the rivals of his country in trade, had acquired was a daughter of Bartholomew Perestrello, one of the captains employed by Prince Henry in his early navi- gations, and who, under his protection, had discovered and planted the islands of Porto Santo and Madeira. Columbus got possessioi\ of the journals and charts of this experienced navigator, and from them he learned the course which the Portuguese had held in making their discoveries, as well us the various circumstances which guided or encouraged them in their attimi)ts. The study of these soothed and inHanied his favourite passion ; and while he contemplated tlie maps, and read the descriptions of the new countries which Perestrello had seen, his impatience to visit them became irresis- tible. In order to indulge it, he made a voyage to Ma- both wealth and reputation. \\ ith him Cidunibiis ' deira, and continued during several years to trade with continued for several years, no less distinguislied for his courage, than for his experience as a sailor. At letigth, in an obstinate engagement, off the coast of * 'I'lic tiuie of Columbas's birth may be nearly ascertained by tlie fallowing cireuinstaiices. It appears from the frag- iiiciit of a lottcr, addressed by liiin to Ferdinand and Isuhell.i, A. J-). l.'iOl, that lie had, at that time, been engaged foity years in a sea-faring life in another kllerj he iaf inns tliem, that island, with the Canaries, tiie Azores, the settle- ments in (iuinea, and all the other places which the Portuguese had discovered on the continent of Africa. tiial he went to sea at the age of foiirfeeu ; from those facts it follows, that he was iiorn A. I) I '11". — Life y. BOOK !••] HISTORY OF AMERICA. €5 By the experience which Columbus acquired, during juch a variety of voyages, to almost every part of the gl(il)e with wliich, at that time, any intercourse was carried on by sea, he was now become one of the most skilful navigators in Europe. But, not satisfied with thai praise, his ambition aimed at something more. The successful progress of the Portuguese navigators had awakened a spirit of curiosity and emulation, which set every man of science upon examining all the cir- cumstances that led to the discoveries which they had made, or that afforded a prospect of succeeding in any new and bolder undertaking. The mind of Columbus, naturally inquisitive, capable of deep reflection, and turned to speculations of this kind, was so often em- ployed in revolving the principles upon Avhich the Por- tuguese had founded their schemes of t'scovery, and the mode on which they had carried them on, that he gradually began to form an idea of improving upon their plan, and of accomplishing discoveries which hitherto they had attempted in vain. To find out a passage by sea to the East Indies, was the great object in view at that period. From the time that the Portuguese doubled Cape de Vcrd, this was the point at which they aimed in all their navigations, and, in comparison with it, all their discoveries in Africa appeared inconsiderable. The fertility and riches of India had been known for many ages ; its spices and other valuable commodities were in bigh request throughout Europe, and the vast wealth of the Vene- tians arising from their having engrossed this trade, had raised the envy of all nations. But how intent soever the Portuguese were upon discovering a new route to those desirable regions, they searched for it only by steering towards the south, in hopes of arriving at India, by turning to the east, after they had sailed round the farther extremity of Africa. This course was still unknown, and, even if discovered, was of such immense length, that a voyage from Europe to India must have appeared, at that period, an undertaking, extremely arduous, and of very uncertain issue. More than half a century had been employed in advjiiicing from Cape Non to the equator ; a much longer space of time might elapse before the more extensive navi- gation from that to India could be accomplished. These reflections upon the uncertainty, the danger and tediousness of the course which the Portuguese were pursuing, naturally led Columbus to consider whether a shorter and more direct passage to the East Indies might not be found out. After revolving long and seriously every circumstance suggested by his superior knowledge in the theory as well as practice of naviga- tion, after comparing attentively the observations of modern pilots with the hints and conjectures of ancient 3. authors, he at last concluded, that by sailing directly towards the west, across the Atlantic ocean, new coun- tries, which probalily formed a part of the great con- tinent of India, must infallibly be discovered. 1 rinc" and ai umcnts of various kinds, and derived i \ difterent sources, induced liiin to adopt this oj)inion, seemingly as chimerical as it was new and extraordinary. The sphericnl figure of the earth was known, and its magnitude ascertained with some degree of accuracy. From this it was evident, that the con- tinents of Europe, Asia, and Africa, as far as tlicy were known at that time, formed but a small portion of the terraqueous globe. It was suitable to our ideas con- cerning the wisdom and beneficence of the Author of Nature, to believe that the vast space still unexplored, was not covered entirely by a waste unprofitable ocean, but occupied by countries fit for the habitation of man. It appeared likewise extremely probable, that the con- tinent, on this side of the globe, was balanced by a proportional quantity of land in the other hemisphere. These conclusions concerning the existence of anolber continent, drawn from the figure and structure of the globe, were confirmed by the observations and conjec- tures of modern navigators. A Portuguese pilot, having stretched farther to the west than was usual at that time, took up a piece of timber artificially carved, floating upon the sea ; and as it was driven towards him by a westerly wind, he concluded that it came from some unknown land, situated in that quarter. Columbus's brother-in-law had found, to the west of the Madeira Isles, a piece of timber fashioned in the same manner, and brought by the same wind ; and had seen likewise canes of an enormous size floating upon the waves, which resembled those described by Ptolemy as productions peculiar to the East Indies. After a course of westerly winds, trees, torn up i)y the roots, were often driven upon the coasts of the Azores, and at one time the dead bodies of two men with singular features, resembling neither the inhabitants of Europe nor of Africa, were cast ashore there. As the force of this united evidence, arising from theoretical principles and practical observations, led Columbus to expect the discovery of new countries in the western ocean, other reasons induced him to be- lieve that these must be connected with the continent of India. Though the ancients hiid hardly ever pene- trated into India farther than the banks of the fiaiiffcs, yet some Greek authors had ventured to describe the provinces beyond that river. As men arc prone, and at liberty, to magnify what is remote or unknown, they represented them as regions of an immense extent. Ctesias afiirmed that India was as large as all the rest of Asia. Oncsicritus, whom Pliny the naturalist fol- II daMUMilSHl 26 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book II. lows, contended that it wns equal to a tliird part of the liabitable earth. Nearchus asserted, thut it would tuke tour months to inarch in a straight line from one extremity of India to the other. The journal of Marco Polo, who had proceeded towards the east far beyond the limits to which any European had ever advanced, acemed to confirm these exaggerated accounts of the ancients. By his mui^niticent descriptions of the kiiij,'- doms of Cuthay and Cipungo, and of many otiior countries, the names of which were unknown in Europe, India appeared to be a region of vast extent. From these accounts, which, iiowever difeclivc, were the most accurate that the pcojjle of Europe had re- ceived at that i)criod, with respect to tiic remote parts of the east, Columbus drew a just conclusion. He contended, thut, in proportion as the continent of India stretched out towards the east, it must, in con- sequence of the spherical figure of the earth, approach nearer to the islands which had lately been discovered to the west of Africa ; that the distance from the one to the other was probably not very considerable ; and that the most direct, as well as shortest course to the remote regions of the east, was to b«; found by sailing due west.* This notion concerning the vicinity of India to the western parts of our continent, was coun- tenanced by some eminent writers among the ancients, the sanction of whose authority was necessary, in that age, to procure a favourable reception to any tenet. Aristotle thought it probable that the Columns of Hercules, or Straits of Gibraltar, were not far removed from the East Indies, and that there might be a com- munication by sea between them. Seneca, in terms still more explicit, affirms, that, with a fair wind, one might sail from Spain to India, in a few days. The famous Atlantic island described by Plato, and sup- * The spfjerical figure of tlie earth was known to the an- cient geographers. Tlipy invented tlic method, still iii use, of coin[)iiting the longitude and latitude of difTerciit places. According to iheir doctrine, the eqiiiitor, or imaginary line whiih encompasses tlie eaith, contained three hundred and t;ixfy dc;,'rees ; these they divided into twenty-four parts, or hours, eaeli eciual to fil'tee.i (l«giecs. 'I'he country of the Strcs or StiKV, being tlic furthest pint of India known to'the aneients, was sii|)|Mise(l, by Maiiiuis Tyiiiis, the most eminent of the auciei.'t geograi)liers biloie I'toleniy, to be fifteen hours, or two hundred and Hventy-tive dej^iees to tlie east of the first meridian, passing »hioi!:;'i tlie Fortunate Ldamis. Pluleniat Gcogr. lib. i. c. II. If this siijjposiiion was weil-fouirded, the country of the Seres or China, was only nine hours, or one hundred aud thirty-fne degiees west fro'm the Fortunate or Canary Islands : mid Ih-.' iiavisratidu, in that direction, was much shorter than l«y the ei iiis« which the Portuguese were pursuing. Marco I'olo, in his travels, had described coun- tries, partieidarly the ishind of Cipangoor Zipaiigi, supposed to be .lapaii, considerably to the east of any part of Asia kuown to the ancients. Mairus Paidus dc Regiou. Oriental. posed by many to be a real country^ beyond which an unknown continent was situated, is re|>rcsentcd by him ns lying at no great distance from Spain. After wcigliing nil these particulars, Columbus, in whose character the modesty niul ditlidencc of true genius was united with the ardent cntiiusiusin of u projector, did not rest with such absolute assurance cither upon his own arguments or upon the authority of tiie an- cients, as not to consult such of his contemporaries ns were ca])uble of comprehending the nature of the evi- dence which he produced in support of his opinion. As early as the year one thousand four hundred and seventy-four, he connounicuted his ideas concerning the probability of discovering new countries, by sailing westward, to Paul, a physician of Florence, eminent for his knowledge of cosmography, and who, from the learning us well as candour which he discovers in his reply, appears to have been well entitled to the confi- dence which Columbus placed in him. He warmly approved of the plan, suggested several facts in con- firmation of it, and encouraged Coluinbas to persevere in an undertaking so laudable, and which must redound so much to the honour of his country, and the benefit of Europe. To a mind less capable of forming and of executing great designs than that of Columbus, all those reason- ings, and observations, and authorities, would have served only as the foundation of some plausible and fruitless theory, which might have furnished matter for ingenious discourse, or fat.ciful conjecture. But with his sanguine ond enteri,' jing temper, speculation led directly to action. Fully satisfied himself with respect to the truth of his system, he was impatient to bring it to the test of experiment, and to set out 'Jijon a voy- age of discovery. The first step towards this was to lib. ii. c. 70. lib. iii. c. 2. Of course, this country, as it extended further to tlie east, was still nearer to the Canary Islands. 'I'he conclusions of Columbus, though drawn from inapciirate observations, were just If the suppositions of Mariiius had been well founded, and if tiic countries which Marco Polo visited iiad been situated to the east of those whose Umgitude Mariniis had nseertuined, the |)r<>per and nearest course to the F.ast Indies must have been to steer directly west. Utrrera, dec. i. lib. i. c. 2. A more exten- sive knowledge of the globe has now discovered the great error of Mariiius, iu supposing China to be fifteen hours, or two bundled and twenty-five dej;rees east from tlie Canary I .lands, and tiiat even Ptolemy was mistaken, when lie re- duced the longitude of China to twelve hours, or one hundred and eighty degrees. The loiigiluile of the wesleru frontier of that vast empire is seven hours, or one hundred and fifteen (legKes from the meiidian of the Canary Islands. But Co- lumbus followed the light which his age aflforf the cvi- opiiiiun. indred and loncerning by sailing ', eminent from tlie vers ill iiis the confi- c warmly :s in con- |)ersevero 5t redound he benefit executing ie reason- ould have Jiiible and matter for But with ilafion led til respect o bring it on a voy- s was to ilry, as it lie (.V.iiaiy •awn from isitions (if ies vvliich ' of fliose i''I>er iiiid ti to strer re extcii- tlie great lioiirs, or e Canary ;n he re- liuiidrcd rontier of 1(1 fifteen Hill Co- ii'l relied time, re- s science I^H HOOK ...] HISTORY Oi AM \\\( \. tr M secure the patronage of some of the considerable powers in Europe, capable of undertaking such nn enterprise. As longabsciice had not extinguished the affection which he bore to his native country, he wished that it should reap the fruits of his labours and invention. With this view, he laid his scheme before the senate of Genoa, and making his country the first tender of his service, offered to sail under the banners of the re- public, in quest of the iiew regions which he expected to discover. But Columbus had resided for so many years in foreign parts, that his countrymen were unac- quainted witii his abilities and character ; and, though a maritime people, were so little accustomed to distant voyages, that they could form no just idea of the prin- ciples on which he founded his hopes of success. They inconsiderately rejected his proposal, as the dream of a chimerical projector, and lost for ever the opportunity of restoring their commonwealth to its ancient splen- dour. Having performed what was due to his country, Co- lumbus was so little discouraged by the repulse which he had received, that, instead of relinquishing his un- dertaking, he pursued it with fresh ardour. He made his next overture to John II. king of Portugal, in whose dominions he liad been long established, and whom he considered, on that account, as having the second claim to his service. Here every circumstance seemed to promise him a more favourable reception. He applied to a monarch of an enterprising genius, no incompetent judge in naval affairs, and proud uf pa- tronizing every attempt to discover new countries. His subjects were the most experienced navigators in Eu- rope, and the least apt to be intimidated cither by the novelty or boldness of any maritime expedition. In Portugal, the professional skill of Columbus, as well as his personal good qualities, were thoroughly known ; and as the former rendered it probable tluit his scheme was not altogether visionary, the latter exempted him from the suspicion of any sinister intention in proposing it. Accordingly, the king listened to liim in the most gracious manner, and referred the consideration of his plan to Diego Ortiz, bishop of Ceuta, and two .Jewish physicians, eminent cosmographers, whom in- wiis ac- customed to consult in matters of tliis kind, Aa in Genoa, i<:norance had opposed and disappointed Co- lumbus ; in Lisbon, he had to combat with prejudice, an enemy no less formidable. The ])crsons, according to whose decision his scheme was to be adopted or re- jected, had been the chief directors of the Portuguese navigations, and had advised to search for a passage to India, by steering a course directly opposite to that which Columbus recommended as shorter and more certain. They could ujt, therefore, approve of his pro- inu' to the double roorti%aina, vtiiheor ^md of ackt> wledm ig '^aptiAius Altn t 'g him w ■ objecf ■<, vvifti I I a particii explana- •V from him a full dis- 1 I '^in^r final judg- po"al, thout subn (if eoiidt Hilling their his si'pcrior siij^acit v (|uesti<)iis, and starting innum view of betraying him into s tion of his system, as micrht >' covery of its nature, they del( t ment with respect to it. In the mean time, they con- spired to rob him of the honour and advantages which lie expected from tlie success of his scheme, advising the king to dispatch a vessel secretly, in order to attempt the proposed discovery, by following exactly the course which Columbus seemed to point out. John, forgetting on this occasion the sentiments becoming a monarch, meanly adopted this perfidious counsel. But the pilot, chosen to execute Columbus's plan, had neither the ge- nius, nor the fortitude of its author. Contrary winds arose, no sight uf approaching land appeared, his courage failed, and he returned to Lisbon, execrating the pro- ject us equally extravagant and dangerous. Upon discovering this dishonourable transaction, Columbus felt the indignation natural to an ingenuous mind, and in the warmth of his resentment determined to break off all intercourse with a nation capable of such flagrant treachery. He instantly quitted the king- dom, and landed in Spain towards the close of the year one thousand four hundred and eighty-four. As he was now at liberty to court the protection of any pa- tron, whom he could engage to approve of his plan, and to carry it into execution, he resolved to propose it in person to Ferdinand and Isabella, whont that time governed the united kingdoms of Castile and Aragon. But as he had already experieuc<.'d the uncertain issue of applications to kings and ministers, he took the pre- caution of sending into England his brother Bartho- lomew, to whom he had fully communicated his ideas, in order that he might uegociafe, at the same time, with Henry VH. who was reputed one of the most sa- gacious as well as opulent princes in Europe. It was not without reason that Coiiunbus entertained doubts and fears with respect to the reception of his proposals in the Spanish court. Spain was, at tliat juncture, engaged in a dangerous war with Granada, the last of the Moorish kingdoms in that country. Tlie wary and suspicious temper of Ferdinand was not formed to relish bold or uncommon designs. Isabella, though more generous and enterprisinir, was under tlie influence of iier husband in all her actions. The Spa- niards had hitherto made no efforts to extend naviga- tion beyond its ancient limits, and had beiieid the amazing progress of discovery among their neighbours tiie I'ortuguese, without one attempt to imitate or to rival them. The war with the infidels utVorded an ample It 28 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [rook II. field to the national nctivity and love of glory, Under circumttunces so itnfiivourabic, it wu impossible i'or Columbus to make rapid prcMrnss with a nation, natur- ally slow and dilatory in forniiiiir all its re.iolutions. His cliarnfter, however, was admirably adapted to tli.it of till" people, whose confidence and protectnui be so- licited. He was grave, tbougli coiirteous in bis deport- ment; circumspect in bis words and actions; irre- proachable in bis morals ; ond exemplary in bis atten- tion to all the duties and functions of religion. By qua- lities so respectable, he not only gained n)any private friends, but acipiired such general esteem, that, not- withstanding the plainness of his ap|>earance, suitable to the mediocrity of bis fortune, be was not considered as a mere adventurer, to whom indigence bad suggested A visicmary project, but was received as n person to whose propositions serious attention was due. Ferdinand and Isabelbi, though fully occupied by their operations against the Moors, paid so much re- gard to Columbus, as l«, remit the consideration of bis plan to the (|ueen'!i confessor, Ferdinand de Talavera. He consulted such of bis countrymen os were supposed best qualified to decide with respect to a subject of this kind. Rut true science bad, hitherto, made so little progress in Sprnn, that the pretended philosophers, se- lected to judge in a matter of such moment, did not comprehend the first principles upon which Columbus founded bis conjectures and liojws. Some of them, from mistaken notions concerning the dimensions of the globe, contended that a voyage to those remote ])arts of tlie east, which Columbus expected to disco- ver, cDidd not be performed in less than three years. Others concluded, that either he would find the ocean to be of infinite extent, according to the opinion of some ancient philosophers ; or, if be should persist in steer- ing towards the west beyond a certain point, that the convex figure of the globe would prevent bis return, and that be must inevitably perish, in the vain attempt to open a communication between the two opposite he- mispheres, which nature had for ever disjoined. Even without deigning to enter into any particular discus- sion, many rejected the sclieme in general, upon the credit of a muxim, under which the ignorant and unen- terprising shelter themselves in every age, " That it is prtsuriiptuous in any person, to suppose that he alone possesses knowledge superior to all the rest of mankind united." They maintained, that if there were really any such countries as Columbus pretended, they could not have remained so long concealed, nor would the wisdom and sagacity of former ages have left the glory of this invention to an obscure Genoese pilot. It required all Columbus's patience and address to negociate with men capable of advancing such strar^e propositions. He had to contend not only with the obstinacy of ignorance, but with what is still more in> tractable, the pride of false knowledge. After innu- merable conferences, and wasting five years in fruitless endeavours to inform nnd to satisf) judges so little ca- pable of deciding with propriety, Talavera, at last, made such an unfavourable report to Ferdinand and Isabella, as induced them to acquaint Columbus, that until the war with the Mt^ors hbuuld he brought to a period, it would be imprudent to engage in any new and extensive enterpiise. Whatever care was taken to soften the harshness of this declaration, Columbus considered it ns a final re- jection of his proposals. Hut happily for mankind, that superiority of genius, which is capable af forming great and uncommon designs, is usually nccompanied with an ardent enthusiasm, which can neither be cooled by delays, nor damped by disappointment. Columbus was of this sanguine temper. Though be felt deeply the cruel blow given to bis hopes, and retired imme- diately from a court, where he bad been amused so long with vain expectations, bis confidence in the just- ness of his own system did not diminish, and bis impa- tience to demonstrate the truth of it by an actual ex- periment, became greater than ever. Having courted the protection of sovereign states without success, he applied, next, to persons of inferior nuik, nnd addressed successively the dukes of Medina Sidonia, and Medina Celi, who, though subjects, were possessed of power and opulence more than equal to the cntcrp.ize which he projected. His negociations with them proved as fruitless as those in which be bad been bilhorto engaged ; for these noblemen were either as little convinced by Columbus's arguments as their superiors, or they were afraid of ahirming the jealousy, and offending the pride of Ferdinand, by countenancing a scheme which he had rejected. Amid the painful lensatiuns occasioned by such a succession of disa|)pointments, Columbus had to sus- tain the additional distress, of having received no ac- countr. of bis brother, whom he had sent to the court of England, In his voyage to that country, Bartholo- mew bad been so unfortunate as to fall into the hand* of pirates, who having stripped him of every thing, de- tained him a prisoner for several years. At length, be made his escape, and arrived in London, but in such extreme indigence, that he was obliged to em- pbiy himself, during n considerable time, in drawing and selling maps, in order to pick up as much money as would purchase a decent dress, in which he might venture to appear at court. He then laid before the king the proposals, with which he had been entrusted by bis brother, and, notwithstanding Henry's excessive *m L«OOK II. n'y with the ill more in- After innu- > ill fruitleRs so little ca- i'a> at la.st, (liiiand nnil iiml)iiR, fl)ot nought to a ill any new larslincss of •i a final rc- >r mankind, of forming ceompanied er lie cooled Coluniljui felt dieply ircd ininie- amused so ill the just- id his iinpa- 1 actual ex- injf courted success, he id addressed and Medina rt of power p.izc which n proved as ;o engaged ; nvinced by r they were K the pride liich he had by such a liad to sus- ived no ac- I the court Bartholo- the hands thing, de- It length, on, but in 'd to em- 1 drawing icli money I he might )cfore the entrusted I excessive BOOK II.] HISTORY or AMrnicA. 90 caution mid pdrsiinony, which rendered him averse to new orex|>ensivi' undirtakiui^'t, lie received Col'iMibiis's overtures ui'li more approbution than any nionarcli to whom tiiey IijhI liitlicrtu been prcHenteil. Mennwhilc, t'oluinbus being unacquainted willi hi:. brother's tale, and having now no prospect of encoii- riigeinent in Spain, resolved to visit liic court til lini;- land in person, in hopes of meeting with n more favouralile riception there. lie had already nmrle jvepnraiioii for tliis purpose, ai\d taken measures for the dispoiiul of his children during; Lis alisenee, when Juan I'ere/, llie guartlian of the niontisti ly of Uabida, near I'alos, in wliicli they had been educiitod, earnestly Holieited him to defer his journey for a short time. Verez was a man of coii.>iderable learning', and of some credit with queen Isabella, to whom he was known personally. He was warmly attached to Columbus, with whose abilities as well as iiitep^^rity iie liud many opportunities of being acquainted. Prompted by cu- riosity or by friendship, he entered upon an accurate examination *>( his system, in conjunction with a phy- sician settUd ill the neighbourhood, who wus a consi- derable proficient in niatheniiitical knowledge. This investigation satisfied them so thoroughly, with respect to the solidity of the principles on which Columbus founded his opinion, and the probability uf success in executing tlie plan which he proposed, that Perez, in order to prevent his country from being deprived of tlie glory and benefit, which must accrue to the patrons of suuli a grand enterprise, ventured to write to Isabella, conjuring her to consider tlie matter anew, with the attention which it merited. Rloved by tlic representations of u person whom she respected, I.s;ibell:v desired Perez to repair immediately to the village of Santa I'V, in which, on account of the siege of Granada, the court resided at that time, that she might confer w ith him upon this important subject. The first effect of their interview was a gracious invi- tation of Columbus back to court, (ll!M), accompanied with the present of a small sum to equip him for the jouriuy. As there was now u certain prospect, that the war with tlic Moor* would speedily be brought to an h.ippy issue by the reduction of (iranada, which would leave the nation at liberty to cm jage in new un- dertakings; this, as well as the mark of royal favour, with which Columbus had been lately honoured, en- couraged his friends to appear with greater confidence than formerly in support of his scheme. The chief of tluse, Alonso de Quintanilhi, comptroller of the finances in Castile, and Luis de Santaugel, receiver of the ecclesiastical revenues in Aragon, whose merito- rious zeal in promoting this great design cntiiles their names to an honourable place in history, introduced Columhui to many persons of higli rank, and interested tlicin warmly in his Ixli.tlt'. lint it was not an easy matter to inspire IVrdinnnd willi favonnble senlinuiits. He still regirded Co- lumbus's piiijeet as extravagant and chimerical ; and ill order to veniler the efforts (d' his |)arti/:iMs inefl'ectual, he liad the aildress to employ in this mw negociiUioii with him, some of the persons who had turinerly pro- noiinied his scheme to he impractie.-.lde. To their astonishment, Culiiinlius appeared before thciii with the same eoiiddent hopes of success as fornu rly, iind insisted upon the same high rkcompence. He proposed that a small fleet should be fitted out, under his com- mand, to attempt the discovery, and demanded to he appoinltd hcredita y admiral and viceroy of all the seas and lands which he should discover, and to have the tenths of the profits arising from them, settled irre- vocably upon himself and his descendants, At die same time, he offered to advance the eighth pirt r tlio sum necessary for acconiplishing his design ■ dition that lie shouhl be entitled to a pr lOr'ir of benefit from the adventure. If the cnn Id totally niiscarry, he made no ■.tipul.ition 111 .. i' ' or emolument whatever. Instead of vie duct as the eleanst evidence of his lull p. .aio.i witli respect to tiie truth of his own system, or jcing struck with that magnanimity which, after so many delays and repulses, would stoop to nothing inferior to its original claais, the persons with whom Columbus treated, began meanly lu calculate the cxpence of the expedition, and the value of the reward which he de- manded. The expei'cc, moderate as it was, they repre- sented to be too great for Spain, in the present exhausted state of its liiianees. They contended, that the honours ai d emoluments claimed by Columbus were exorbitant, even if he should perform the utmost of what he had promised ; and if all his sanguine hopes should prove illusive, such vast ctmcessions to an ad- venturer would be deemed not only inconsiderale, hut ridiculous. In this imposing garb of caution and pru- dence, their opinion appeared so plausible, and was so warmly supported by I'eidinand, that Isabella d.-elined giving any countenance to Columbus, and abruptly broki- otf the neijociation with him which siie had begun. This was more mortifying to Columbus than ail tlie disappointments which he had hitherto met with. The invitation to court from Isabella, like an unexpected ray of light, had opened such prospects of success, as encouraged him to hope that his labours were at an end ; but now darkness and uncertainty returned, and his mind, firm as it was, could hardly su])port the shock of such an unforeseen reverse, lie withdrew iu I aMM msm ■^..R, 30 liiSTORY or AMERICA. [hook II. deep anguish from court, with an intention of prose- cuting his voyage to England, as his last resource. About that time Granada surrendered, and Ferdinand and Isabella, in triumphal pomp, took possession of a i;lty (Jan. '2, H'J2), the reduction of which extiqiuted a foreign power from the heart of their dominions, and rendered them masters of ail the provinces, extending from tl>e bottom of the Pyrenees to the frontiers of i'ortugal. As tlie flow of spirits which accompanies success elevates the mind, and renders it enterjjrising, Quintanilla and Santangel, the vigilant and discerning patrtms of Columbus, took advantage of this favourable situation, in order to make one effort more in behalf of theii friend. They addressed themselves to Isabella, and after expressing some surprise, that she, who had always been tbe munificent patroness of generous un- dertiikiiij,':. should iiesitale so long to countenance the most splciulid scli(!me that had ever been proposed to any monarch ; tlicy represented to her, that Columbus was a UKiM of a sound understanding and virtuous cha- racter, well (pialifiid, by his experience in navigation, as well as his knowledge of geometry, to form just ideas with respect to the structure of the globe and the situation of iis various regions ; that, by olTering to risk his own life and fortune in the execution of his scheme, lie gave the most satisfying evidence both of iiis integrity and hope of success ; tliat the sum recpiisite for eciui;)[)liig such an arniament as he demanded was inconsiderable, and the advantages which might accrue from Iiis iiudertaking were immense ; that he demanded no recompencc fur his invention and labour, but what was to arise from the countries which he should dis- cover ; that, as it was worthy of her niiignanimity to make this noble atten^jt to extend the splicre of human knowledge, and to open an intercourse wiih regions hitherto unknown, so it would afford the highest salis- faction to her piety and zeal, after re-establishing ihe (Christian faith in those provinces of Spain from which it had been long banished, to discover a new world, to which she might communicate the light and blessings Kii divine truth ; that if now she did not dc( ide in- stantly, tiie opportunity would be irretrievably lost ; that Columbus was on his way to foreign countries, where some prince, more fortunate or adventurous, would close with his proposals, and Spain would for ever beA-ail the fatal timidity which had excluded her from the glory and advantages that she liad once in her power to have enjoyed. 'i'hese forcible arguments, urged by persons of such authority, and at a juncture so well chosen, produced the desired effect, Tliey dispelied all Isabella's doubts and fears ; she ordered Columbus to be instantly re- called, declared licr resolution of employing him on his own terms, and regretting the low estate of her finances, generously offered to pledge her own ji'wels, in order to raise as much money as might be needed in making preparations for the voyage. Santangel, in a transport of gratitude, kissed the queen's hand, and in order to save her from having recourse to such a mor- tifying expedient for procuring money, engaged to ad- vance immediately the sum that was requisite. Columbus had proceeded some leagues on his jour- ney, when the messenger from Isabella overtook him. Lfpon receiving an account of the unexpected revolu- tion in his favour, he returned directly to Santo Ft', though some remainder of diffidence still mingled itself with his joy. But the cordial reception which he met with from Isabella, together with the near prospect of setting out upon that voyage which had so long been the object of his thoughts and wishes, soon effaced the remenjbrance of all that he had suffered in Spain, during eight tedious years of solicitation and suspense. 'I'he negoclation now went forward with facility and dispatch, and a treaty or capitulation with Columbus was signed on the seventeenth of April, one thousand four hundred and ninety-two. The chief articles of it were, 1. Ferdinand and Isabella, as sovereigns of the ocean, constituted Columbus their high admiral in all ti)c seas, islands, and continents which should be dis- covered by his industry ; and stii)ulated that he and his heirs for ever should enjoy this ofhcc, with the same powers and jjrerogatives which belonged to the high admiral of Castile, within the limits of his juris- diction. J. They appointed Columbus their viceroy in all the islands uiid continents which he should dis- cover ; but if, for the better administration of att'airs, it should hereafter be necessary to establish a separate governor in any of those countries, they authorised C olumbus to name three persons, of whouj they would choose one for that ofliee ; anil the dignity of vicerov, with all its immunities, was likewise to he heredilaiy ill the family of Columbus. 3. They granted to to- lumbus and his heirs for ever, the tenth of the free profits accruing from the productions and commerce of the countries which he should discover. 1. They de- clared, that if any controversy or law-suit should arise with respect to any mercantile transaction in the countries which should be discovered, it should be de- termined by the sole authority of Columbus, or of judges to be appointed by him. 5. They permitted Columbus to advance one-eighth part of what should be expended in preparing for the expeilition, and in carrying on commerce with the countries which he should discover, and enlilled him, in return, to an eighth part of the profit. Though the name of Ferdinand appears conjoined «R [book II. state of luT own jewels, )e needed in itaiijrel, in ;i lund, and in such H inor- ifagcd to ad- ite. on his joiir- wtook liini. L-tcd rcvolu- Santo F('<, infrled itself licli he met prospect of long been 1 effaced tlie 1 ill Spain, d suspense, facility and Columbus If tlujusand articles of f'.i^'iis of the itnirul in all >iild be (lis. Iiat he and c, with the nged to the >f his jiiris- ii'ir viceroy should dis- <>f affairs, I i« separate antlioriscd Lliey would ot viceroy, herediijtiy ed to t o- f tlic free ninicrce of They de- lould arise II in tiie id be de- US, or of permitted lat should n, and in which he HOOK n.j HISTORY OF AMERICA. SI f; with that of Isabella in this transaction, his distrust of Columbus was still so violent, that he refused to take any part in the enterprise as king of Aragon. As the whole expence of the expedition was to be defrayed by the crown of Castile, Isubella reserved for her subjects of that kingdom an exclusive right to all the benefits which might redound from its success. As soon as the treaty was signed, Isabella, by her at- tention and activity in forwarding the [ireparations for the voyage, endeavoured to make some rCjiaration to Co- lumbus for the time which he had lost in fruitless so- licitation, liy the twelfth of May, all that depended upon her was adjusted ; and Columbus waited on the king and queen, in order to receive tiicir final in- structions. Every thing respecting the destination and conduct of the voyage, they committed implicitly to the disposal of liis prudence. But that they might avoid f^iving any just cause of ofl'ence to the king of Portu- gal, they strictly enjoined him not to ajiproacli near to the Portuguese settlements on the const of Guinea, or in any of the other countries to which the Portuguese claimed right as discoverers. Isabella had ordered the ships, of whidi Columbus was to take the command, to be fitted out in the port of Palos, a small maritime tow n in the ])rovincc of Andalusia. As the guardian Juan Perez, to whom Columbus had already been so much indebted, resided in the neighbourhocHl of this place, he, by the influence of that good ecclesiastic, as well as by his own connection with the inhabitants, not only raised among them what he wanted of the sum that lie was bound by treaty to advance, but engaged several of then) to accompany him in the voyage. The chief of these associates were three brothers of the name <)f Pinzon, of considerable wealth, and of great expe- rience in naval afiiiirs, who were willing to hazard their lives and fortunes in the expedition. lUit, after all the efforts of Isabella and Columbus, the armament was not suitable, cilher to the dignity of the nation by which it was equipped, or to the import- ance of the service for which it was destined. It con- sisted (if three vessels. The largest, a ship of no con- siderable! burden, was commanded hyC'olumbus, as ad- miral, who gave it tlie name of Suitid Mntia, out of re- spect fhed t'orwanl tiie |)ieparations with such ardour, and was seconded so efi'ectually by the persons to whom Isaln-ilii committed tiie superintendance of this busi- ness, that every thing was soon in readiness for the voyage. But as Columbus was deeply impressed with sentiments of religion, he would not set out upon an expedition so arduous, and of which one great object was to extend the knowledge of the Christiao faith, without imploring publicly the guidance and protec- tion of Heaven. With this view, iie, together with all the persons under his command, marched in solemn procession to tUe monastery of Rabida. After confess- ing their sins, and obtaining absolution, they received the holy sacrament from the hands of the guardian, who joined his prayers to theirs for the success of an entcr- jirisc which he had so zealously patronised. Next morning, being Friday, the third day of August, in the year one thousand four hundred and ninety-two, ('(jlumbus set sail, a little before sun-rise, in presence of a vast crowd of spectators, who sent up their sup- plieatiims to Heaven for the prosperous issue of tlie voyage, which they wished rather than expected. Co- lumbus steered directly for the Canary Islands, and ar- rived there (August l.S) without any occurrence that would have deserved notice on any other o.\:^'oi:. But, in a voyage of such expectation and impoi, , 'ici., e'ery circumstance was the object of attention. The riuider of the Pinta broke loose, the day after she left the har- bour, and that accident alarmed the crew, no less su- perstitious than unskilful, as a certain omen of the un- fortunate destiny of the expedition. Even in the short run to the Canaries, the ships were found to he so crazy and ill appointed, as to be very improper fur a uavigation which was expected to be both long uud d«l2U»bJM '■•'^ 32 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book II, dangerous. Columbus refitted tliem, Iiowevcr, to tlic best of liis power, and having supjilied hinistlf with fresh provisions, he tool< his departure from Gomcra, one of the most westerly of tlic Canary Islands, on the sixth day of September. Here the voyage of disenvery may properly be said to begin ; for Columbus holding his course due west, left immediately the usual traek of navigjition, and stretehed into unfrequented and unknown seis. Tiie lirst day, as it was very ealm, he made hut little way ; but on tlie seeond, he lost sight of the Canaries ; and many of the sailors, dejected already and dismayed, when they eontemi)lated the boldness of the undertak- ing, began to beat their breasts, und to shed fears, as if they were never more to behold laud. Colund)Us com- forted them with assurances of success, and the prospect of vast wealth, in those opulent regions whither he was conducting them. This early discovery of tiie spirit of his followers taught Columbus that lie must prepare to struggle, not only with the unavoidable difficulties which migh b'- expected from the nature of his under- taking, but with such as were likely to arise from the ignorance and timidity of the people uiuler Ids com- mand ; and he perceived that the art of governing the minds of men woidd be no less requisite for accom- plishing the discoveries which he had in view, than naval skill and undaunted courage. Happily for him- self, and for the country by which he was employed, he joined to the ardent temper and inventive genius of a projector, virtues of another species, which are rarely united with them. He pt)ssessed a thorough know- ledge of mankindyan insinuating address, a patient per- severance in executing any plan, the perfect govern- ment of his own passions, and the talent of ac<|uiring an ascendant over those of other men. All these qua- lities, which formed him for command, were accompa- nied with that superior knowledge of his profession, which begets confidence in times of difficulty and dan ger. To unskilful Spanish sailors, accustomed oidy tc coasting voyages in the Mediterranean, the maritime science of Columbus, the fruit of thirty years expe- rience, improved by an acquaintance with all the inven- tions of the Portuguese, appeared immense. As soon as they put to sea, he regulated every thing by his sole authority ; he superintended the execution of every order J and all(>wing himself only a few hours for sleep, he was at all other times upon deck. As his course lay through seas which had not formerly been visited. the sounding-line, or instruments for observation, were continually in his hands. After the example of the Portuguese discoverers, he attended to the motion of tides and currents, watelied the flight of birds, tiie ap- pearance of fishes, of sea-wccds, and of every thing that floated on the waves, and entered every occurrence, with a minute exactness, in the journal which he kept. As the length of the voyage could not fail of alarming sailors iiabituated only to short excursions, Columbus en(ieav(ftired to conceal from them the real ])rogrcss which they made. With this view, though tlicy run ei;.-liteen leagues on the second day after they left (iomera, he gave out tliat they had advanced only fifteen, aiul he uniformly employed the same artifice of reckon- ing short during the whole voyage. By liu fourtcenlli of September, the fleet was above two hundred leagues to the west of the Canary Isles, at a greater distance from land than any Spaniard had been be " ve that time. There they were struck with an appearn; cc no less astonishing than new. They obstrvec ih it the mag- netic needle, in their comj)asses, did i, ; point exactly to the polar star, but varied towards th M.-st ; and as they proceeded, this variation iiicrcased. This appear- ance, which is now familiar, though it sllii rcmain.Tonc of the mysteries of nature, into tiie cau - of wl.ich the sagacity of man hath not been able to ]i> nctrate, filled the companions of Columbus with terror. Tiiey were now in a boundless and unknown ocean, far from the usual course of navigation ; nature itself seemed to be altered, and the only guide wliich they had left was about to fail them. Columbus, with no less quickness than ingenuity, invented a rea^.on for this appearance, which, though it did not satisfy himself, seen.ed so plausible to them, that it dispelled tlieir icars, or silenced their murmurs, lie still continued to steer due west, nearly in the same latitude witli the Canary Islands, in this course he came williin the sphere of the trade wind, which blows invariably from east to west, between the tropics and a few degrees beyond them. He advanced before this steady gale with such uniform rapidity, that it was seldou) necessary to shift a sail. When about four hundred leagues to the west of the Canaries, he found the sea so covered with weeds, that it resembled a meadow of vast extent, and in some places they were so thick, as to retard the nu)tion of tlie vessels, 'Ibis strange appearance occasiuned new alarm and disquiet. The sailors imagim d that they were now arrived at the utmost boundary of the navigable ocean ; that these floating weeds won'.. I obstruct their farther progress, and concealed dangerous rocks, or some large tract of land, \\hich had sunk, they knew not how, in that place. Columbus endeavoured to persuade them, that what had alarmed, ought rather to have encouraged them, and was to be considered as a sign of approacli- irose, a;.d ing K" carried them forward. Several birds were seen hover- ing about the ship, and directed tlicir flight towaruH WJ5 [uooK ir. occurrence, licb he kept, of alarming s, Columbus 'eal progress jh they ruu ter they left only fifteen, "e of rcekoji- - fourteenth t!red leagues fiter distance ■e that time. ■>: CO no less 't; the mag- joint exactly ^■st ; and as I'liis aj)j)ear~ rcmainr. one >f wl'.ieh the ftrate, filled 'I'hey were fur from the ecmed to be ad left was ss quickness appearance, , secii.id so *, or silenced "irly in the this course vind, which • lie tropics lat'd before tliat it was about four *> he found 'senibled a i they were iels. This id disquiet. ived at the that these • i)rogres.s, ge tract of *, in that bem, that iicouraged approaeh- irose, a.:.d en liover- t towuruM U92-] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 33 the west.* Tlie desponding rcw resumed Bome degree of spirit, and began to entertain fresh hopes. Upon tlie first of October they were, according to the admiml's reckoning, seven hundred and seventy leagues to the west of the Canaries ; but lest his men shr.nld be intimidated by the prodigious length of tlie navigation, he gave out that they had proceeded only five hundred and eighty-four leagues ; and, fortunately for Colunjbus, neither his own pilot, nor those of the other ships, had skill sufficient to correct this error, «nd discover the deceit. Tliey had now been above three weeks at sea ; they had proceeded far beyond wliat former navigators had attempted or deemed pos- sible ; all their prognostics of discovery, drawn from tlie flight of birds and other circumstances, had proved fallacious ; the appearances of land, with which their own credulity or tiie urtilice of their commander had from time to time flattered and amused them, had beea altogether illusive, and their prospect of success seemed now to be as distant as ever. These reflections occurred often to men who had no otiier object or occupation than to reason and discourse concerning tlie intention and circumstances of their expedition. They made impression, at first, upon the ignorant and timid, and extending, by degrees, to such as were better informed or more resolute, the contagion spread at length from ship to ship. From secret whispers or murmurings, they proceeded to open cabals and public complaints. They taxed their sovereign with inconsiderate credu- lity, in paying such regard to the vain promises and rash conjectures of an indigent foreigner, as to hazard the lives of so many of her own subjects, in prosecuting a chimerical scheme. They affirmed that they had fully performed their. duty, by venturing so far in an unknown and itopeless course, ai>d could incur no blame, for refusing to follow, any longer, a desperate adventurer to certain destruction. They contended, tliat it was nc.'cssary to think of returning to Spain, while their cniay vessels were still in a condition to keep the sea, but expressed their fears that the attempt would prove vnin, as the wind whicli had hitiierto been so favourable to their course, must render it impossible to sail in the opposite direction. All agreed that Co- "As th t a distance, iere/, a page eived it, and et, all three »in ()lace to >und of Uinily kept always een so often lan was now e anguibii of of day. As ,) all doubts p an island , whose flat iiid watered a deliglitful y began the tiod, and ith tears of is ollice of of justice Ives at the ndeninatioii II to pardon wliioli had and iiad so 1-eonterted uhniratioi), )ronouneed md threat- h sagacity iccomplish tion of all re manned with their ler martial iy saw ii le novelty ^ attitudes hment at 's to their o set foot red. He rd in his wn, they 5 desired ostrating (jod for ■4 Thi- fiift ,l>.^iovr t A yx 'K :h ;i (' a a v ( " ('> ;u v y\ \ ^ v ^ . # Ife .^s. S ^'% - ,^ I i * 1492. J HISTORY OF AMERICA. S5 conducting their voyage to such an happy issue. They then took solemn possession of the country for tlie crown of Ciistile and Leon, with all the formalities which the Portuguese were accustomed to observe in acts of this kind, ui their new discoveries. Tlie Spaniards, while thus employed, were surrounded by many of the natives, who gazed, in silent admira- tion, upon actions which they could not comprehend, and of which they did not foresee the consequences. The dress of the Spaniards, the whiteness of their skins, their beards, their arms, appeared strange and surpris- ing. The vast machines in which they had traversed the ocean, that seemed to move upon the walero with wings, and uttered a dreadful sound resembling thunder, accompanied with lightning and smoke, struck them with such terror, that they began to respect their new euests as a superior order of beings, and concluded that they were children of the Sun, who had descended to visit the ciirth. The Europeans were hardly less amazed at the scene now before them. Every herb, and shrub, and tree, was diH'erent from those which flourished in Europe. The soil seemed to be rich, but bore few marks of cul- tivation. The climate, even to tlie Spaniards, felt warm, though extremely delightful. The inhabitants appeared in the simple innocence of nature, entirely naked. Their black hair, long and uncurled, floated uyton their shoulders, or was bound in tresses around their heads. They had no beards, and every part of their bodies was perfectly smooth. Their complexion was of a dusky copper colour, their features singular, rather than dis- agreeable, their aspect gentle and timid. Though not tall, they were well shaped, and active. Their faces, and several parts of their body, were fantastically painted with glaring colours. They were shy at first through fear, but soon became familiar with the Spaniards, and with transports of joy received from them hawks-bells, glass beads, or other baubles, in return for which they gave such provisions as they had, and some cotton yarn, the only commodity of value that they could produce. Towards evening, Columbus returned to his ship, ac- companied by many of the islanders in their boiits, which they called canoes, and though rudely formed out rf the trunk of a single tree, tiiey rowed them with surprising dexterity. Thus, in the first interview be- tween the inhabitants of the old and new worlds, every thing was conducted amicably, and to their mutual sa- tisfaction. The former, enlightened and ambitious, formed already vast ideas with respect to the advantages which they might derive from the regions that began to open to their view. The latter, simple and undis- cerning, had no foresight of the calamities and desola- tion which were approaching their country. Columbus, who now assumed the title and authority of admiral and viceroy, called the island which he had discovered San Salvador. It is better known by the name of Gunnnhani, which the natives gave to it, and is one of that large cluster of islands called the Lucaya or Bahama isles. It is situated above three thousand miles to the west of Goniera, from which the squadron took its departure, and only four degrees to the south of it ; so little had Columbus deviated from the westerly course, which he had chosen as the most proper. Columbus employed the next day in visiting the coasts of the island ; and from the universal poverty of the inhabitants, he perceived that this was not the rich country for which he sought. But, conformably to his theory concerning the discovery of those regions of Asir which stretched towards the east, he concluded that San Salvador was one of the isles which geographers described as situated in the great ocean adjacent to India. Having observed that most of the people whom he had seen wore small plates of gold, by way of orna- ment, in their nostrils, he eagerly enquired where they got that precious metal. They pointed towards the south, and made him comprehend by signs, that gold abounded in countries situated in that quarter. Thither he immediately determined to direct his course, in fiill confidence of finding there those opulent regions which had been the object of his voyage, and would be a re- compence for all his toils and dangers. He took along with him seven of the natives of San Salvador, that, by acquiring the Spanish language, they might serve as guides and interpreters ; and those innocent people considered it as a mark of distinction when they were selected to accompany him. He saw several islands, and touched at three of the largest, on which he bestowed the names of St. Mary of the Conception, Fernandina, and Isabella. But as their soil, productions, and inhabitants, nearly resembled those of San Salvador, he made no stay in any of them. He inquired every where for gold, and the signs that were uniformly made by way of answer, confirmed him in the opinion that it was brought from the south. He followed that course, and soon discovered a country which appeared very extensive, not perfectly level, like those which he had already visited, but so diversified with rising grounds, hills, rivers, woods, and plains, that he was uncertain whether it might prove an island, or part of the continent. The natives of San Salvador, whom he had on board, called it Cuba ; Columbus gave it the name of Juanna. He entered the mouth of a large river with his squadron, and all the inhabitants fled to the mountains as he approached the shore. But as he resolved to careen his ships in that place, he sent some Spaniards, together with one of the people of San ■-V-: 56 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [ftOOK II. 4 Salvador, to view the Interiorpnrt of the country. They having advanced above sixty miles Irom tlie slu)rc, re- ported, upon their return, that the soil was richer aiul more cultivated thtin any they had hitiierto disoovcred ; that, besides many scattered cottages, they had found one village, containing above a thousand inhabitants; that the people, though naked, seemed to be more in- telligent than those of San Salvador, but had treated them with the same respectful attention, kissing their feet, and Itonouring them as sacred beings allied to Heaven ; that they had given them to eat a certain root, the taste of which resembled roasted ehesnuts, and lifctwise a singular species of corn called maize, which, either when roasted 'vholc or ground into meal, was abundantly palatable ; that there seemed to be no four- footed animals in the country, but a species of dogs, which could not bark, and a creature resembling a rabbit, but of a much smaller size ; that they had ob- served schie ornaments of gold among the people, but of no great value. These messengers had prevailed with some of the natives to accompany them, who informed Columbus, that the gold of which they made their ornaments was found in Ciihamcan. By this word they meant the middle or inland part of Cuba; but Columbus, being ignorant of their language, as well as unaccus- tomed to their pr inundation, and his thoughts running continually upon his ow.i theory concerning the disco- very of the East Indies, he was led, by the resemblance of sound, to suppose that they spoke of the Great Khan, and imagined that the opulent kingdom of Cathay, de- scribed by Marco Polo, was not very remote. This in- duced him to employ some time in viewing the country. He visited almost every harbour, from Porto del Prin- cipe, oh the north coast 6f Cuba, to the eastern extre- taity of the island : but, though delighted with the 'l>eauty of the scenes which every where presented them- selves, and amazed at the luxuriant fertility of the soil, both which, from their novelty, made a more lively 'Jndpression upon his imagination,* he did not find gold in such quantity as was sufficient to satisfy either the avarice of his followers, or the expectations of the court to which he was to return. The people of the country, as much astonished at his eagernc.*? in quest of gold, as the Europeans were at their ignorance and simplicity, •^ , * Jm a letter of the admirHl's to Ferdinand and Isabella, he describes one of the harbours in ( nba, with all the enthusias- tic admiration of a diseoverer : — " I (liscovcicd a river whicii a gsiHcy might easilv enter ; the beauty ol' it induced mc to ■outld, and I have found from five to right fathoms of water. Having proceeded a coiisiderable way npihe river, every thing, invited me to settle lliere. The beauty of the river, the clear-' "ness of the water, through which I could see the saady bottom,' the flttiltitudc of pahn trees of different kinds, the tallest and pointed towards the east, where an island which they culled Playli was situated, in which that metal was more abundant than among them. Culumbus ordered his squadron to bend its course thither ; but Martin .Alniiso I'inzon, impatient to be the first who should take possession of the treasure.; which this country was supposed to contain, quitted his companions, regard- less of all the admiral's signals to slacken sail until they should come up with him. Columbus, retarded by contrtiry winds, did not reach Hayti till the sixth of December. He called the port where he first touched St. Nicholas, and the island itself Espagnola, in honour of the kingdom by which he was employed ; and it is the only country, of those he had yet discovered, which has retained the name that he gave it. As he could neither meet with the Pinta, nor have any intercourse with the inhabitants, who fled in great consternation towards the woods, he soon quitted St. Nicholas, and sailing along the northern coast of the island, he entered another harbour, which he called Conception. Here he was more fortunate ; his people overtook a woman who was flying from them, and aft«'r treating her with great gentleness, dismissed her with a present of such toys as they knew were most valued in those regions. The description which she gave to her countrymen of the humanity and wonderful quali- ties of the strangers ; their admiration of the trinkets, which she shewed with exultation ; and their eagerness to participate of the same favours, removed all their fears, and induced many of them to repair to the har- bour. The strange objects which they beheld, and the baubles which Columbus bestowed upon them, amply gratified their curiosity and their wishes. They nearly resembled the people of Guanahani and Cuba. They were naked like them, ignorant, and simple; and seemed to be equally unacquainted with all the arts which ap- pear most necessary in polished societies: but they were gentle, credulous, and timid, to a degree which rendered it easy to acquire the ascendant over them, especially as their excessive admiration led them into the same error with the people of the other islands, in believing the Spaniards to be more than mortals, and descended immediately from Heaven. They possessed gold in greater abundance than their neighbours, which they readily exchanged for bells, beads, or pins ; and finest 1 had seen, and an infinite number of other large and flourishing trees, the birds, and the verdure pf the plains, are so wonderfully beautiful, that this country excels all others as far as the day surpasses the night in brightness and cjilcndour, so that I often said, that it would be in vain for mc to attempt to give your highnesses a full account of it, for neither my tongue nor my pen could come up to the truth j and indeed f am so much amazed at the sight of such beauty, that I know not how to describe it. " — Life of Colunb. c. 30. tU [fcOOK II. (id which they lat metal was uinbus ordered r ; but Martin st who sliuuld lis ccuntry was mions, regard- sail until they did not reach called the port ho island itself which he was f those he had name that he the Pinta, nor who fled in e soon quitted them coast of hich he called e ; his people lem, and after issed her with e most valued h she gave to nderful quali. f the trinkets, heir eagerness oved all their lir to the har- L'held, and the them, amply They nearly Cuba. They ;; and seemed rts which ap- es: but they degree which lit over them, led them into er islands, in mortals, and icy possessed hours, which >r pins ; and iier large and the plaiiiH, Are Is ail others as iiid ti])Icn(lour, me to attempt or ucitlier my and indeed J ', that I kuuw 1492.J HISTORY OF AMERICA. 57 ill this unequal traffic botli parlies were highly pleased, each coniidering themselves as gainers by the transac- tion. Here Columbus was visited by a prince or caziqtie of the country. He appeared with all the pomp known among a simple people, being carried in a sort of pa- lanquin upon the shoulders of four men, and attended by many of his subjects, who served him with great respect. His deportment wa- ^.-'.e and stately, very reserved towards his own people, but with Columbus and the Spaniards extremely courteous. Ho gave the admiral some thin plates of gold, and a girdle i>. irious workmanship, receiving in return presents of small value, but highly acceptable to him. Columbus, still intent on discovering the mines which yielded gold, continued to interrogate all the natives with whom he had any intercourse concerning their situation. They concurred in pointing out a niuuntainous country, which they called Cibao, at some distance from the sea, and farther towards the east. Struck with this sound, which appeared to him the same with Cipango, the name by which Marco Polo, and other travellers to the east, distinguished the island of Japan, he no longer doubted with respect to the vicinity of the countries which he had discovered to the remote parts of Asia ; and, in full expectation of reaching soon those regions which had been the object of his voyage, he directed his course towards the east. He put into a commodious harbour, which he called St. Thomas, and found that district to be under the government of a powerful cazique, named Guaca- iiahari, who, as he afterwards learned, was one of the five sovereigns among whom the whole island was di- vided. He immediately sent messengers to Columbus, who, in his name, delivered to him the present of a mask curiously fashioned, with the ears, nose, and mouth of beaten gold, and invited him to the place of his residence, near the harbour now called Cape Fran- cois, some leagues towards the east. Columbus dis- patched some of his officers to visit this prince, who, as he behaved himself with greater dignity, seemed to claim more attention. They returned, with such fa- vourable accounts both of the country and of the * The account which Columbus gives of the humanity and oiJerly behaviour of the natives on this occasion is very striking. " The" king (says he, in a letter to Ferdinand and Isalielia) having been informed of our misfortune, expressed great grief for our loss, and immtdiately sent aboard all the people in the place in many larg*-, canoes; we soon unloaded tlie ship of every thing that was upon deck, as the king gave us great .issiRlanre ; lie himself, with his brothers and relations, took all jiossible care that every thing should be pioprely done, liolh aboard and on shore. And, from time to time, he sent Ksome of his relations w ceping, to beg of me not to be dejected, tor he would give uie all that he had. 1 can assure your highnesses, that so much care would not have licen taken in 't. people, as made Columbus impatient for that interview with Guacanuhari to whicli he hud been invited. He sailed for this purpose from St. Thonuis, on thi twenty-fourth of December, with a fair wind, and the sea perfectly calm ; and, as amidst the multiplicity of his occupations, he had not shut his eyes for two days, he retired at midnight in order to take some repose, having committed the lielm to the pilot, with strict injunctions not to quit it for a moment. The pilot, dreading no danger, carelessly left the helm to an in- experienced cabin-boy, and the ship, carried away by u current, was dashed against a rock. The violence of the shock awakened Columbus. He ran up to tho deck. There, all was confusion and despair. He alone retained presence of mind. He ordered some of the sailors to take a boat, and carry out an anchor astern ; but, instead of obeying, they made off towards the Nigna, which was about half a league distant. He then commanded the masts to be cut down, in order to lighten the ship ; but all his endeavours were too late ; the vessel opened near the keel, r.nd filled so fast with water that its loss was inevitable. The smoothness of the sea, and the timely assistance of boats from the Nigna, enabled the crew to save their lives. As soon as the islanders heard of this disaster, they crowded to the shore,with their prince Guacanahari at their head. Instead of taking advantage of the distress in which they beheld the Spaniards, to attempt any thing to their detriment, they lamented their misfortune with tears of sincere condolence. Not satisfied with this unavailing expres- sion of their sympathy, they put to sea a number of canoes, and, under the direction of the Spaniards, as- sisted in saving whatever could be got out of the wreck ; and by the united labour of so many hands, almost every thing of value was carried ashore. As fast as the goods were landed, Guacanahari in person took charge of them. By his orders they were all deposited in one place, and armed centinels were posted, who kept the multitude at a distance, in order to prevent them not only from embezzling, but from iiispectins^ too curiously what belonged to their guests.* Next morning this prince visited Columbus, who was now securing our effects in any part of Spain, as all our property was put together in one |)iace near iiis palace, until the houses which he wonted to prepare for the custody of it, were emptied. He immediately placed a guard oi armed men, wiio watched during the whole night, and those on sliore laniKiitud as if they had been much hiterestcd in our loss. The people are so affectionate, so tractable, and so |)eaceable, that I swear to y- r highnesses, that there is not a belter race of men, nor a better country in the world. They love tlieir neighbour as themselves ; their conversation is the sweetest and mildest in the world, cheerful, and always accompanied with a smile. And althotiglt it is true that they go naked, yet your highnesses may be assured that they have many very L s ■i ! St HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book II. oil hoard the Nignn, and endeavoured to console him for l)i!i loss, by otil-ringall that lie possessed to repair it. The condition of Columbus was such, that he stood in need of consolation. He had hitherto procured no intelligence of the Pinta, and no longer doubted but that his treacherous associate had set sail for Europe, in order to have the merit of carrying the tiist tidings of the extraordinary discoveries which iiad been made, and to pre-occupy so far the ear of their sovereign, as to rob him of the glory and reward to wliich lie was justly entitled. There remained but one vessel, and that the smallest and most crazy of the squadron, to traverse such a vast ocean, and carry so msMiy men back to Europe. Each of those circumstances was alarming, and filled the mind of Columbus with the utmost solicitude. The desire of overtaking Pinzon, and of effacing the unfavourable impressions which his misrepresentations might make in Spain, made it ne- cessary to return thither without delay. The difficulty of taking such a number of persons aboard the Nigna, confirmed him in an opinion, which the fertility of the country, and the gentle temper of the people, had already induced him to form. He resolved to leave a part of his crew in the island, that, by residing there, they might learn the language of the natives, study their disposition, examine the nature of the country, search for mines, prepare for the commodious settle- ment of the colony, with which he proposed o return, and thus secure and facilitate the acquisition of those advantages which he expected from his discoveries. When he mentioned this to his men, all approved of the design ; and from impatience under the fatigue of a long voyage, from the levity natural to sailors, or from the hopes of amassing wealth in a country, which iiifordcii such promising specimens of its riches, many uifcred voluntarily to be among the number of tliosc who should remain. Nothing was now wanting towards the execution of this sclicme, but to obtaia the consent of Guacanahari; and hJ!) unsuspicious simplicity soon presented to the ailniiral a favourable opportunity of proposing it. Co- lumbus having, in the best manner he could, by broken words and sij^ns, expressed some curiosity to know the cause which had tuined the islanders to fly with such precipitation upon tiie approach of his ships, the cazique infornjid him that the country was much infested by the incursions of certain people, whom he called Carri- beans, who inhabited several islands to tiie south-east. These he described as a fierce and warlike race of men, commeudable cusioms ; the king is served wilh great state, and his ticliaviour is bo decent, iliat it is pleasant to see him, as ii is likewise to observe the vvouderlul uieinoiy which fiiesc pe.Ji)Ie have, and their desire of knowing every' thing, which who delighted in blood, and devoured the flesh of the prisoners who were so unhappv as to fall into their hands ; and us tlie Spaniards, at their first appearance, were supposed to be Carribeans, whom the natives, however numerous, durst not face in battle, they had recours*; to their usual method of securing their safety, ivy flying in;o the thickest and most im|>enetrable woods. Gu«canahari, while speaking of those dreadful invaders, discovered such symptoms of terror, as well as such consciousness of the inability of his own people U> resist tl.ein, as led Columbus to conclude that he would net be alarmed at the proposition of any scheme which afforded him the prospect of an additional secu- rity against their attacks. He instantly offered him the assistance of the Spaniards to repel his enemies ; he engaged to take him and his people under the pro- tection of the powerful monarch whom he served, and oB'ered to leave in the ialand such a number of his niea as should be sufficient, not only to defend the inhabi-' tants from future incursions, but to avenge their paat wrongs. The credulous prince closed eagerly with the pro- posal, and thought himself already saife under the pa- tronage of beings sprung from Heaven, and superior in power to mortal men. The ground was marked out for a Mnall fort, which Columbus called A'icivtdod, be- cause he had landed there on Clristmas-day. A deep ditch was drawn around it. The ramparts were fortified with pallisades, and the greal guns, saved out of the admiral's ship, were planted upon them. In ten days the work was finished ; that simple race of men labour- ing with inconsiderate assiduity in erecting this first monument of their own servitude. During this time, Columbus, by his caresses and liberality, laboured to increase the high opinion which the natives entertained of the Spaniards. Hut while he endeavoured tu inspire them with confidence in their disposition to do good, he wished likewise to giv/e them some striking idea of their power to punish and destroy such as were the objects of their indignation. With this view, in pre- sence of a vast asseinbly* he drew up his men in order of battle, and made an ostentatious but innocent display of the sharpness of the Spanish swords, of tlie force of their spears, and the oper. tion of their cross-bows. These rude people, strangers to the use of iron, and unacquainted with any hostile weapons, but arrows of reeds pointed with the bones of fishes, wooden swords, and javelins hardened in the fire, wondered and trembled. Before this surprise or fear had time to abate, he 1 1 li leads theiu to inquire into its causes and effects." Life of Co» liintbus, c. 32. It is probable, that the Spaniards were ia- lieiitcd for this officious attention to the opinion which the liidlanr cutertaiucd of them as a superior order of beiogs. h» [book II. into their appearance, tlie natives, '(-', tlicy had tlieir safety, n)|)«netrable use dreadful rror, as well own people ude that he any schem* tiunal secu- oit'ered him lis enemies ; der the pro- served, and ' of his niea the inhabi-^ ;c their patk: th the pro- idcr the pa- md superior marked out \favidad, be- ay. A deep ere fortified out of the In ten days uen lubour- g this Hrst g this time, laboured to entertained 1 tu inspire lo do Kood, iiiig idea of s were the fw, ill pre- I'o in order ent display lie force of ross-bows, f iron, and arrows of ;n swords, i trembled, abate, be 11.93.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 99 ordered tiie great guns to be fired. The sudden ex- plosion struck them witli such terror, that they fell flat to the ground, coveiing their faces with their hands ; and when they beheld the astonishing eft'ect of the bul- lets among the trees, towards which the cannon had been pointed, they concluded that it was impossible to resist men, who had the command of such destructive instruments, and who came armed with thunder and lightning against their enemies. After giving such impressions both of the beneficence and power of the Spaniards, as might have rendered it easy to preserve an ascendant over the minds of the na- tives, Columbus appointed thirty-eight of his people to remain in the island. He entrusted the command of these to Diego do Arada, a gentleman of Cordova, in- vesting him with the same powers which he himself had received from Ferdinand and Isabella; and fur- nished him with every thing requisite fur the subsis- tence ur defence of this infant colony, lie strictly en- joined them to maintain concord among themselves, to yield an unreserved obedience to their commander, tu avoid giving offence to the natives by any violence or exaction, to cultivate the friendship of Guacanahari, but not to put themselves in his power, by straggling in small parties, or marching too far from the fort. He prom' ed to revisit them soon, with such a reinforce- ment of strength as might enable them to take full possession of the country, and to reap all the fruits of their discoveries. In the mean time, he engaged to mention their names to the king and queen, and to place their merit and services in the most advautageous light. 1493.] Having thus taken every precaution for the security of the colony, he left Nnvidad on the fourth of January one thousand four hundred and ninety-three, and steering towards the east, discovered, and gave names to must of the harbours on the northern coast of the island. On the sixth, he descried the Pinta, and soon came up with her, after fa separation of more than six weeks. I'inzon endeavoured to justify his conduct, by pretending that he had been driven from his course by stress of weather, and prevented from returning by contrary winds. The admiral, though he still suspected his perfidious intentions, and knew well what he urged in his own defence to be frivolous as well as false, was so sensible that this was not a proper time for ventur- ing upon any high strain of authority, and felt such sa- tisfaction in this junction with his consort, which de- livered him from many disquieting apprehensions, that, lame as Pinzon's apology was, he admitted of it with- out difficulty, and restored him to favour. During his absence from the admiral, Pinzon had visited several ficking with the natives, but had made no discovery of any importance. From the condition of his ships, as well as the tem- per of his men, Columbu« now found it necessary to hasten his return to Europe. The former, having suf- fered much during a voynj^e of such an unusual length, were extremely leaky. The latter expressed the utmost impatience to revisit their native -ountry, from which they hud been so long absent, and where they lu.l tilings so wonderful and unheard-of to relate. Aixordingly, on the sixteenth of January, he directed his course to- wards the north-east, and soon lost sight of land. He had on board some of the natives, whom he had taken from the different islands which he discovered ; and, besides the gold, which was the chief object of research, he l)ad collected specimens of all the productions which were likely to become subjects of commerce in the se- veral countries, as well as many unknown birds, and otlier natural curiosities, which might attract the atten- tion of the learned, or excite the wonder of the people. The voyage was prosperous to the fourteenth of Fe* bruary, and he had advanced near five hundred leagues across the Atlantic ocean, when the wind began to rise, and continued to blow with increasing rage, which ter- minatetl in a furious hurricane. Every thing that the naval skill and experience of Columbus could devise was employed, in order to save the ships. But it was impossible to withstand the violence of .he storm, and, as they were still far from any land, destruction seemed inevitable. The sailors had recourse to prayers to Al- mighty God, to the invocation of saints, to vows and charms, to every thing that religion dictates, or super- stition suggests, to the affrighted mind of man. No prospect of deliverance appearing, tlicy abandoned themselves to despair, and expected every moment to be swallowed up in the waves. Besides the passions which naturally agitate and alarm the human mind in such awful situations, when certain death, in one of his most terrible forms, is before it, Columbus had to en- dure feelings of distress peculiar to himself. He dreaded that all knowledg<> of the amazing discoveries which he had made was now to perish ; mankind were to be de- prived of every benefit that might have been derived from the happy success of his schemes, and his owa name would descend to posterity as that of a rash de- luded adventurer, instead of being transmitted with the honour due to the author and rouiluctor of tlic most noble enterprize that had ever been undertaken. These reftections extinguished all sense of his own personal danger. Less affected with tlie loss of life, than solici- tous to preserve the memory of what he had attempted and achieved, he retired to his cabin, and wrote, upon harbours in the island, had acquired some gold by traf* | parchment, a short account of the voyage which he bad "^ 40 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book It. 1 made, of the cour!«« uliii-li he hud taken, of the titiin- tion and riches of the countries whu-h lie hiiil disco- vered, and of the colony that he iiarl left thi-re. Fiavin^; wrapped up till* in an oiled cloth, which he inclosed in a cake of wax, he put it into a cask carefully dtopped up, and threw it into the sea, in hopes that some for- tunate nccidcnt might preserve a deposit of so much importance to the world.* At length Frovidence interposed, to save a life re- served for other services. The wind abated, the sea became calm, and on the evening of the fifteenth, Co- lumbus and his companions discovered land , and, though uncertain what it was, they made towards it. They soon knew it ♦o be St. Mary, one of the Azores or Western isles, subject to the crown of Portugal. There, after a violent contest with the governor, in which Co- lumbus displayed no less spirit than prudence, he ob- tained a supply of fresh provisions, and whatever else he needed. One circuinsitance, however, greatly dis^ quieted him. The Pinta, «f which he had lost sight on the first day of the hurricane, did nut appear ; he dreaded for some time that she had fo-indered at sea, and that all her crew had perished; afterwards, his for- mer suspicions recurred, and he became apprehensive that Pinzon had borne away lor Spain, that he might reach it before him, and by giving the first account of his discoveries, might obtain some share of his fame. In order to prevent this, he left the Azores as soon a$ the weather would permit (Feb. 24). At no great distance from the coast of Spain, when near the end of * Erery moiiuni<:at of such a innn ns Columbus is valuable. A letter which he wroU to Ferdinand and l8ubella, describing what pusi«ch of nny dis- aster, another storm arose, little inferior to the former in violence ; and after driving before it during two days and two night:, he was forced to take shelter in the river Tagus (March 4.) Upon application to the king of Portugal, he was allowed to conie up to F^isbon ; and, notwithstanding the envy which it was natural for (be Portuguese to feel, when they beheld niiother nation entering upon that province of discovery wliiob they had hitherto deemed peculiarly their own, anil in its first essay, not only rivalling, hut eclipsing their fame, Columbus was received with all the marks of distinction due to a man who had |)crformed things so extraordinary and unexpected. The king admitted him into his presence, treated him with the highest respect, and listened to the account which he gave of his voyage with admira- tion mingled with regret. While Columbus, on his part, enjoyed the satisfaction of describing the impor- tance of his discoveries, and of being now able to pr >ve the solidity of his schemes to those very persons, \\ Im, with an ignorance disgraceful to themselves, and iil.il to their country, had lately rejected them us the I'vo- jccts of a visionary or designing adventurer. Colinibus was so impatient to return to Spain, that: he remained only five days in Lisbon. On the titet-nth of March he arrived in the port of Palos, seven m >nths and eleven days from the time when he set out thence upon his voyage.* As soon as the ship was discovere«l appi'oaching the port, all the inhabitants of Palos ran eagerly to the shore, in order to welcome their relations brought about with so much trouble, to remain imperfect, yet 1 considered, that on account of my sins, it was his will to de- prive me of that glory which I might have attainetl in this world. While in this confused state, 1 thought on the good fortune which accompanies your highnesses, and imagined, that although I should perish, and the vessel be lost, it was possible that you might somehow come to the knowledjie of my voyage, and the success with which it was attendc Spain, tlinf: the Jitenifh even m ontlis t out thenoe IS discovered if P.'ilos ran leir relations f 4 :.t,iv •■ <'» ' 'i ■■«^ v':>. imperfect, yet lis) will to (Ic- aiiiuil in tills OD the good inagincd, that was iKifiHJblfl >l' niy voyafi^e, r that rcu8on the situation promised, in had followed, racter of the 'e left in pos- ed this tvrit- lised a thoii- aled, m (hat light prevail then eaused |) the j)arcli- f wax, I put into the sea. tion. Ima» as the ship* ;ct like the if the ship iunitted^to ■'Mi' '. y ^ 111'.' • It' 4 cvj'y r;i < h ■I ! 1 ]• :..i i I ! :M il|. •■\' ^ *?- i •■ r^ ■4 ■* ■ ,^ry ■k • >' A 1! >; 1. 1. A .6 I >).- ' •I %«'. l«nF 1493.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 41 ■( .1 M m ! { ■•K- ?f and fellow-citizens, and to hear tidings of their voyage. When the prosperous issue of it was i.nown, when they beheld the strange people, the unknown animals, and singular productions brought from the countries which had been discovered, the effusion of joy was general and unbounded. The bells were rung, the cannon fired ; Columbus was received at landing with royal honours, and all the people, in solemn procession, accompanied him and his crew to the church, where they returned thanks to Heaven, which had so won- derfully conducted and crowned with success, a voyage of greater length and of more importance than had been attempted in any former age. On the evening of the same day, he had the satisfaction of seeing the Pinta, which the violence of the tempest had driven far to the north, enter the harbour. The first care of Columbus was to inform the king and queen, who were then at Barcelona, of his arrival and success. Ferdinand and Isabella, no less astonished than delighted with this unexpected event, desired Columbus, in terms the most respectful and flattering, to repair immediately to court, that from hit own mouth they might receive a full detail of his extraor- dinary services and discoveries. During his journey to Barcelona, the people crowded from the adjacent country, following him every where with admiratioD and applause. His entrance into the city was coQ-< ducted, by order of Ferdinand and Isa^^IIa, with pomp suitable to the grext event, which added such distin- guishing lustre to their reign. The people whom he brought along with him from the countries which he had discove.'ed, inarched first, and by their singular * Some Spanish authors, with the meanness of national jealousy, have endeavoured to detract from the glory of Co- lumbus, bv insinuating that he was led to tiie discovery of the New World, not by his own inventive or enterprising genius, but by information which he had received. According to their Kcconnt, a vessel having been driven from its course by easterly winds, was carried before them far to the west, and lauded on the coast of un unknown country, from which it returned with difficulty ; the pilot and three sailors being the only persons who survived the distresses which the crew sufTered, from want of provisions, and fatigue in this long voyage. In a few days after their nirival, all the four died ; but the pilot having been received into the house of Columbus, his intimate friend, disclosed to him, l)efore his death, the secret of the discovery which he had uccidentally made, and left him his papers con'- taining a journal of the voyage, which served as a guide to Colnmbus in liis undertaking. Gomara, as far as I know, is the first author who published this story. Hist. c. 13. Every circumstance is destitute of evidence to support it. Neither the name of the vessel nor its destination is known. Some ftretend that it belonged to one of the sea-port towns in Anda- usia, and was sailing either to the Canaries, or to Madeira ; others, that it was a Uiscayner in its way to England j others a Portugnese ship trading on the coast of Guinea. The name of the pilot ii alike unkaown, as well as that of the port in 4. *^ complexion, the wild peculiarity of their features, and uncouth finery, appeared like men of another species. Next to them were carried the oniaiuents of gold fa- shioned by the rude art of the natives, the grains of gold found in the mountains, and dust of the sam«>. metal gathered in the rivers. After tliese, appeared the various commodities of the new-discovered coun- tries, together with their curious productions. Colum- bus himself closed the procession, and attracted the eyes of all the spectators, who gazed with admiration on the extraordinary man, whose superior sagacity and fortitude had conducted their countrymen, by a route concealed from past ages, to the knowledge of a new world. Ferdinand and Isabella received him clad in their royal robes, and seated upon a throne, under a magnificent canopy. When he approached, they stood up, and raising him as he kneeled to kiss their hands, commanded him to take lus seat upon a chair prepared for liim, and to give a circumstantial account of hit voyage. He delivered it with a gravity and composure no less suitable to the disposition of the Spanish nation, than to the dignity of the audience in which he spoke, and with that modest simplicity which characterises men of superior minds, who, satisfied with having per- formed great actions, court not vain applause by an ostentatious display of their exploits. When he had finished his narration, the king and queen, kneeling down, offered up solemn thanks to Almighty God for the discovery of those new regions, from which they expected so many advantages to flow in upon the king- doms subject to their government.* Every mark of honour that gratitude or admiration could suggest was which he landed on his return. According to some, it was in Portugal ; according to others, in Madeira, or the Azores. The year in which this voyage was made is no less uncertain. Monson's Nav. Tracts. Churchill, iii. 371. No mention is made of this pilot or his discoveries, by And. Bernaldes, or Pet. Martyr, the contemporaries of Columbus. Herrera, with his usual judgment, passes over it in silence. Oviedo takes notice of this report, but considers it as a tale fit only to amuse the vulgar. Hist. lib. ii. c. 2. As Columbus held his course diiectly west from the Canaries, and never varied it, sonic later authors have supposed, that this uniformity is a proof of his beini; guided by some previous information. But tiicy do not recollect the principles on which he founded all his hopes of success, that by holding a westerly course, he must certainly arrive at those regions of the cast described by the ancients. His firm belief of his own system led lum to take tiiat course,^ and to pursue it without deviation. The Spaniards are not the only people who have called in question Columbus's claim to the honour of having discovered America. Some German authors ascribe this honour to Martin Behaim, their countryman. He was of the noble family of the Behaims of Schwartzbach, citizens of the first rank in the Imperial town of Nuremberg. Having studied under the celebrated John Muller, bettei' known by the n^fe of Regiomontanus, he acquired such knowledge of cosmography, M \i ■ 1 ) ; 42 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book II. conferred upon Columbus. Letters patent were issued, confirming to him and to his heirs all the privileges Hs excited a desire of exploring tliose regions, tiie situation and qualities of wliich he had beca accubtomed, under that able master, to investigate and describe. Under tiie patronage of the dutliess of nurgundy lie repaired to Lisbon, whither tlic fame of the Po'tuguese' discoveries invited all the adven- turous spirits of the age. Tlicre, as ue learn from Herman Schedel, of wliose Chronicon Mundi a German translation was printed at Nuremberg, A. D. 1493, his merit as a cosmo- grapher raised him, in conjunction with Diego Cano, to the command of a squadron fitted out for discovery in the year 1483. In that voyage, he is said to have discovered the kingdom of Congo. ' He settled in tlie island of Faval, one of the Azores, and was a particular friend of Columbus, Her- rera, dec. i. lib. i. c. 2. Magellan had a terrestrial globe made by Uehaim, on which he demonstrated the course that he purposed to hold in search of the communication with the South Sea, which he afterwards discovered. Gomara Hist. c. 1 9. Ilcrrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. c. 19. In the year 1492, Behaim visited his relations in Nuremberg, and left with theai a map drawn with iiis own hand, which is still preserved among the archives of the family. Thus far the story of Martin Behaim seems to be well authenticated ; but the iiccount of his having discovered any part of the New "W'orld appears to be merely conjectural. In the first edition, as I had at that time hardly any know- ledge of Behaim but what I derived from a frivolous Disser- tation de vera Novi Orbis Inventore, published at Frankfort, A.D. 1714, by Jo. Frid. Stuvenius, I was induced, by tht authority o,! Herrcra, to suppose that Behaim was not a native of Germany; but from more full and accurate information, communicated to me by the learned Dr. John Reinhold Forster, 1 am now satisfied that I was mistaken. Dr. Forstcr L.1S l)ccn likewise so good as to favour me with a copy of Behaim's map, as published by Dopplemaycr in his account of the Mathematicians and Artists of Nuremberg. From this map, tlu; imperfection of cosmographical knowledge at that period is manifest. Hardly one place is laid down in its true situation. Nor can I discover from it any reason to supj)ose that Behaim had the le.ist knowledge of any region in Ame- rica. He delineates, indeed, an island to which he gives the name of St. Brandon. This, it is imagined, m.iy be some part ofGuiana, supposed at first to be an island. He places it in the same latitude with the Cape Verd isles, nne an imaginary island which has been admitted into some ancient maps on no b<;tter authority than the legend of the Irish St. Brandon or Brendan, whose story is so childishly fa- bulous as to be unworthy of any notice. OirnU. Canibriemia ap. Mhsingham FlorUegium Sanctorum, p. 427. The pretensions of the Welsh to the discovery of America seem not to rest on a foundation much more solid. In the twelfth century, according to Powell, a dispute having arisen among the sons of Owen Guyneth, king of North Wales, con- verning the succession to his crown, Madoc, one of their number, weary of this contention, betook himself to sea in quest of a more quiet scttlrment. He steered due west, leav- ing Ireland to the north, and arrived in an unknown country, which appeared to him so desirable, that he returned to Wales, and carried thither several of his adherents and companions. This is said to have happened about the year 1 1 70, and after that, he and his colony were heard of no more. But it is to he observ^, thr.t Powell, on whose testimony the authenticity of tlws story rests, published his history above four centuries from the date cfthc event which he relates. Among a people contained in the capitulation concluded at Santa F^ ; his family was ennobled ; the king and queen, and, as rude and as illiterate as the Welsh at that period, the me- mory of A transaction so remote must have been very imper- fectly preserved, and would rccpiire to be confirmed by some author of greater credit, and nearer to the n-ra of Madoc's voyage than Powell. Later antiquaries have indeed appealed to the testimony of Meredith ap Khees, a Welsh bard, who died A.D. 1477. But he too lived at such a distance of lime from the event, that he cannot be considered as a witness oi much more credit than Powell. Besides, his verses, published by Ilakluyt, vol. iii. p. 1. convey no information, but that Madoe, dissatisfied with his domestic situation, employed him- self in searching the ocean for new possessious. But even if we admit the authenticity of Powell's story, it does not foU low that the unknown country which Madoe discovered by steering west, in such a course as to leave Ireland to the north, was any part of America. The naval skill of the Welsh in the twelfth century was hardly equal to such a voyat^c. If he made any discovery at all, it is more probable tliat it was Madeira, or some other of the western isles. The afllnity of the Welsh language with some dialects spoV(>n in America, has been mentioned as a circumstance which confirms the truth of Madoc's voyage. But that nflinity has been observed in si> few instances, and in some of these is so obscure, or so fan- ciful, that no conclusion can be drawn from tlieVasual resem- blance of a small nnmlwr of woriLs. There is a bird, which, as far as is yet known, is found only on the c<>.ists of SouUi America, from Port Desire to the btraits of Magellan. It is distinguished by the name of Penguin. Tliis word in the Welsh language signifies It'ldfu-hedd: Almost all the authors who favour the pretensions of the Wehh to the diiCovory of America, mention tliis as an irrefragable proof of tiic afiiAity of the \\'eUh language with '.!licd ion, but that mployed hini- Hut even if t does not fol- discovered by i to the north, ! Welsh in the )yacc. If he e that It was lie afllnity of I in Ainrrini, ii nis the truth bscrvcd in *> e, or so fi'.n- Ciisuai rcsem- binl, whieh, sis of SouUi gcllan. It is word in tlio II the aiitlmrs diicovery of 9ft Ite afliftily Ids region of scieiititic dc- 1)1 rds of this •n every hope in^ the Cana- iicl. vol. Iviii. 3 close of the lea, some rc- : have been e discovered at ion ; a pe- htII siipimso lly forgoltcti. lis Hislorii of ites coiiccrn- tcs the trurh discovery of of the Ger- ia were rc- id extent of Brians disco- thcy disco- lere. From Is the west, hose horrid ling to their asts, but in , on which Markland, vine which )f this storj' 1493.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. Ab after their example, the courtiers, treated him, on every occasion, with all the ceremonious respect paid to per- sons of the highest rank. But what pleased him most, as it gratified his active mind, bent continually upon great objects, was, an order to equip, without delay, an armament of such force, as might enable him not only to take possession of the countries which he had already discovered, but to go in search of those more opulent regions, which he still confidently expected to find. While preparations were making for this expedition, the fame of Columbus's successful voyage spread over Europe, and excited general attention. The multitude, struck with amazement wheti they heard that a new world had been found, could hardly believe an event so much above their conception. Men of science, capable of comprehending the nature, and of discerning the effects of this great discovery, received tlie account of it with admiration and joy. They spoke of his voyage with rapture, and congratulated one another upon tlieir felicity in having lived in the period when, by this extraordinary event, the boundaries of human know- ledge were so much extended, and such a new field of inquiry and observation opened, as would lead mankind • a p:rfect acquaintance with the structure and pro- o M','is of the habitable globe.* Various opinions , (. njectures were formed concerning the new- : .kl countries, and what division of the earth they belonged to. Columbus adhered tenaciously to his ori- ginal opinion, that they should be reckoned a part of those vast regions in Asia, comprehended under the general name of India. This sentiment was confirmed by the observations which he made concerning the pro- ductions of the countries he had discovered. Gold was known to abound in India, and he had met with such rests, as far as I know, on the authority of the saga, or chro- nicle of V\aa Oiaus, comiwsed by Snorro Sturlonides, or Slur- lusons, published by Perinskinid at Stockholm, A. D. !()!)"• As Snorro was born in the year 1 1 7'J, his chronicle miglit bo com- p'.liid about two centuries aftei tlje event which he relates. His account of the navigation and discoveries of Uiorn, and his companion Lirf, h a very rude confused tale, p. 104, 1 10,326, It is impossible to discover from him, what part of America it was in which the Norvvegiuos lauded. According to his ac- count of the length of the days and nights, it must have beeu as far north as the fifty-eighth degree of latitude, on some part of tiic coast of Labradorc, approaching near to tlic entry of Hudson's Straits. Grapes, certainly, are not the produc- tion of that country. Tor feus supposes that there is an error in the tci^t, by rectifying of which, the place where the Nor- wegians landed may be supposed to be situated in latitude 49°. But neither is that the region of the vine in America. From ETUsing Snorro's tale, I should think that the situation of ewfoundland corresponds best with that of the country dis- covered by the Norwegians. Grapes, however, are not the production of that barren island. Other conjectures are meu- tioned by M. Mallet, Introd. k rilist. de Dennem. 175, &c. 1 am not sufficiently acquainted with the literature of the north. promising samples of it in the islands which he visited, as led him to believe that rich mines of it might be found. Cotton, another production of the East Indies, was common there. The pimento of the islands, he imagined to be a species of the East India pepper. He mistook a root, somewhat resembling rhubarb, for that valuable drug, which was then supposed to be a plant peculiar to the East Indies. The birds brought home by him were adorned with the same rich plumage which distinguishes those of India. The alligator of the one country appeared to be the same with the crocodile of the other. After weighing all these circumstances, not only the Spaniards, but the other nations of Europe, seem to have adopted the opinion of Columbus. The countries which he had discovered were considered as a part of India. In consequence of this notion, the name of Indies is given to them by Ferdinand and Isabella, in a ratification of their former agreement, which was granted to Columbus upon his return. Even after the error which gave rise to this opinion was detected, and the true position of the New World was ascertained, the name has remained, and the appellation of West Indies is given by all the people of Europe to the coun- try, and that of Indians to its inhabitants. The name by which Columbus distinguished the countries which he had discovered was so inviting, the specimens of their riches and fertility, which he pro- duced, were so considerable, and the reports of his companions, d°livered frequently with the exaggeration natural to travellers, so favourable as to excite a won- derful spirit of enterprise among the Spaniards. Though little accustomed to naval expeditions, they were impa- tient to set out upon the voyage. Volunteers of every rank solicited to be employed. Allured by the inviting to cx.-imine them. It seems manifest, that if the Norwegians did discover any part of America at that period, their attempts to plant colonics proved unsuccessful, and all knowledge of it was soon lost. * Peter Martyr, ab Angleria, a Milanese gentleman, residing a ■. Iliat time in the court of Spain, whose letters contain au account of the transactions of tliat period, in the order wherein they occurred, describes the sentiments with which he himself and his learned correspondents were aftccted, in very striking terms, " Prre Itetitia prosiluisse te, vixqne a lachrymis pras gaudiu, temperassc, quando litcras ads]iexisti mens quibus, de antipodum orbe latcnti hactenus, tc ccrtiorem feci, mi suavis- sime Pomponi, insinunsti. E\ tuis ipse literis coUigo, quid senseris. Sensisti nntem, tantiquc rem fecisti, qnnnti viruni summa doctrina insignitum dccuit. Quls niimqnc cibus snb- limibus pr.xstari potest ingeniis, isto suiivior ? quod condi- mentum gratius ? A me facio conjecturam. Bcari sentio spi- ritus meos, quando accitos alloquor prudentes aliquos ex Ins qui ab ea redeunt nrovincia. Implicent animos pecuniarum curaulis augendis miseri avari, libidinibus ohscnr ni ; nostras nos mentes, postquam Deo pleni aliqnando fnerimus, contem* plando, hujuscemodi rerura notitiadcmuh'inmus."^£/>i«l. 152. I Pomponio Lteto, jl'j \ HISTORY OF AMERICA. [fooK n. I i I fJ prospects irhich opened to their Ambition and avarice, neither the length nor danger of the navigation intimi- dated them. Cautious as Ferdinand was, and averse to ' every thing new or adventurous, he seems to have ■ catched the same spirit with his subjects. Under its influence, preparations for a second expedition were carried on with a rapidity unusual in Spain, and to an ' extent that would be deemed not inconsiderable in the present age. The fleet consisted of seventeen ships, some of which were of good burden. It had on board fifteen hundred persons, among whom were many of noble families, who had served in honourable stations. The greater part of these being destined to remain in the country, were furnished with every thing requisite for conquest or settlement, with all kinds of European , domestic animals, with such seeds and plants as were most likely to thrive in the climate of the West Indies, with utensils and instruments of every sort, and with such artificers as might be most useful in an infant colony. But, formidable and well-provided as this fleet was, Ferdinand and Isabella did not rest their title to the possession of the newly-discovered countries upon its operations alone. The example of the Portuguese, as welt as the superstition of the age, made it ...^cessary to obtain from the Roman pontift' a grant of those terri- tories which they wished to occupy. The pope, as the vicar and representative of Jesus Christ, was supposed to have a right of dominion over all the kingdoms of the eartii. Alexander VI. a pontiflf infamous for every crime which disgraces humanity, filled the papal throne at that time. As he was born Ferdinand's subject, and very solicitous to secure the protection of Spain, in order o facilitate the execution of his ambitious schemes in favour of his own family, he was extremely willing to gratify the .Spanish monarchs. By an act of liberality which cost him nothing, and that served to establish the jurisdiction and pretensions of the papal see, he granted in full rip;Iit to Ferdinand and Isabella all the countries inhabited b;' infidels, which they had disco- vered, or should discover; and, in virtue of that power which he derived from Jesus Clirist, he conferred on the crown of Castile vast regions, to the possession of which he himself was so far from having any title, that he was unacquainted with their situation, and ignorant even of their existence. As it was necessary to prevent this grant from interfering with that, formerly made to the crown of Portugal, he appointed that a line, sup- posed to be drawn from pole to pole, a hundred leagues to the westward of the Azores, should serve us a limit between them ; and, in the pie"'' de of his power, be- stowed all to the east of this i ^ lary line upon the Portuguese, and all to the , .st of it, upoa the Spaniards. Zeal for propagating the Christian faith was the consideration employed by Ferdinand in soli- citing this bull, and is mentioned by Alexander as his chief motive for issuing it. In order to manifest some concern for this laudable object, several friars, under the direction of father Boyl, n Catalonian monk of great reputation, as apostolical vicar, were appointed to ac- company Columbus, and to devote themselves to the instruction of the natives. The Indians, whom Colum- bus had brought along with him, having received some tincture of Christian knowledge, were baptised with much solemnity, the king himself, the prince his son, and the chief persons of his court, standing as their godfathers. Those first fruits of the New World have not been followed by such an increase as pious men wished, and had reason to expect. Ferdinand and Isabella having thus acquired a title, which was then deemed completely valid, to extend their discoveries and to establish their dominion over such a considerable portion of the globe, nothing now retarded the departure of the fleet. Columbus was ex- tremely impatient to revisit the colony which he had left, and to pursue that career of glory upon which he bad entered. He set sail from the bay of Cadiz on the twenty-fifth of September, and touching again at the island of Gomera, he steered farther toward the south than in his former voyage. By holding this course, he enjoyed more steadily the benefit of the regular winds, which reign within the tropics, and was carried towards a large cluster of islands, situated considerably to the east of those which he had already discovered. On the twenty-sixth day after his departu^ <> from Gomera (Nov. 2), he made land. It was one of the Caribbee or Lee- ward islands, to which he gave the name of Deseada, on account of the impatience of his crew to discover some part of the New World. After this he visited successively Dominica, Marigalante, Guadaloupe, An- tigua, San Juan de Puerto Kico, and several other islands, scattered in his way as he advanced towards tUe north-west. All these he found to be inhabited Yj that fierce race of people whom Guacan;.hari had painted ill such friglitful colouis. His descriptions appeared not to have been ev.^^erated. The Spaniards never attempted *:, land without meeting witli such a recep- tion, as discovered the martial and daring spirit of the natives ; and in their habitations were found relics of tlw)se horrid feasts which they had made upon the bo- dies of their enemies taken in war. But as Cqlumbus was eager to know the state of the colony which he bad planted, and to supply it with the necessaries of which he supposed it to be in want, he made no stay in any of those islands, and proceeded di- rectly to HispacuQla. (Nov. 32). Wjliii^n h« ^Ayed off V n w 11 [?00K n. hristian faitli i^inand in soli- cxander as his manifest some 1 friars, under monk of great pointed to ac- nselves to the whom Colum- received some baptised with rince his son, fHng as their V World have IS pious men quired a title, id, to extend ominion over nothing now mbus was ex- which he had pon which he Cadiz on the again at the rd the south tiis course, he egular winds, rried towards erably to the ered. On the lomera (Nov. bbee or Lce- of Deseada, ' to discover lis he visited Hloupe, An- everal other towards the n habited by had painted ns appeared liards never ch a reccp- ipirit of the nd relics of ion the bo- 1493.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. iS Navidad, the station in which he had left the tliirty- e\ dies, they exclaimed against Colimbus and his com- panions in the former voyage, who, by their splendid but deceitful descriptions of Hi.spanioia, had allured them to quit Spain for a barbarous uncuitivated land, where they must either be cut off by far-.ine, or die of unknown distempers. Several of the officers and per- sons of note, instead of checking, joined in thu.se sedi- tions complaints. Father Boyl, ihe a^iostolical vicar, was one of the most turbulent and outrageous. It required all the authority and .-uldress of Columbus to re-esiublish subordination and trariquillity in the colony. Threats and promises were alleinately employed for this purpose ; but nothing contributed more to sooth the malcontents, than the prospect of finding, in the mines of Cibao, such a ricli store of treasure as would be a rccompence for all tlicir sufVerings, and cfl'acc the memory of former disappointments. When, by his unwearied endeavours, concord and order were so far restored, that he could venture to leave the island, CoUnnhus resolved to pursue his dis- coveries, that he might be able to ascertain whether those new countries with which he had opened a com- munication were connected with any region of the earth alieady known, or whether they were to be con- sidered as a separate portion of the globe hitherto 1494.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 47 unvisited. He appointed his brother Don Diego, with the Hssistancp of a council of officers, to govern the isliind in his absence; anH gave the command of a body of soldiers to Don Vcdxo Margarita, with which he was to visit the diflvrent parts of the islan'l, and endeavour to establish the autliority of the Spaniards among the inhabitants. Having left them very particular instruc- tions with respect to their conduct, he weighed anchor on the twenty- fourtii of April, with one ship and two small barks under his command. During a tedious voy- age of full five months, li«^ had a trial of almost all the numerous hardships to wtiiuh persons of his profession are exposed, without mailing any discovery of impor- tance, except the i.hni^ Jamaica. As he raM>ijed along tlie southerr ist o» ba,* he wasentanglul . a labyrintli formed by an invicdible number of small islands, to which he gave the name of the Queen's Gar- den. In tiiis unknown course, among rocks and shelves, he was retarded by contrary winds, assaulted with furions •torms, and alarmed with the terrible thunder and light- ning which is often almost incessant between the tro- pics. At length his provisions fell short ; his crew, exhausted with fatigue as well as hunger, murmured and threatened, and were ready to proceed to the most desperate extremities against him. Beset with danger in such various forms, he was obliged to keep continual watch, to observe every occurrence with his own eyes, to issue every order, and to superintend the execution of it. On no occasion was the extent of his skill and experience as a navigator so much tried. To these the squadron owed its safety. But this unremitted fatigue of body, and intense aj/plication of mind, overpowering his ci»nstilution, though naturally vigorous and robust, brought on a feverish disorder, which terminated in a lethargy, that deprived him of sense and memory, and had almost (; roved fatal to his life. But, on h'" return to Hispuniola (vSept. 27), the sudden emciion of joy which he felt upon meeting with his brolhfr Barlhcloinew at Isabella, ot cdsioned such a flow of spirits as contributed grently to his recovery. It was now thirteen years since the two brothers, whom similarity of talents united in close friendship, had separated from each other, and during tliat long period there had been no intercnuroc between them. Bartho« lomew, after finishing his ncgociation in the court of Eng'and, had set out for Spain by the way of France. At i'aris he received u\\ accoutit of tiic extraordinary discoveries which his broth>'r had made in his first voy- age, and tliat he was then preparing to embark on a second expedition. Though this naturally induced him to pursue his journey with the utmost dispatch, the admiral had sailed for Hispaniola before he reached Spain. Fcrdin-i' d and Isabella received him with the respect dr.- lo the nearest kinsman of a person whose merit ai d services rendered him so conspicuous ; and as they knew what consolation his presence would afford I I' his brother, they persuaded him to take the command of three ships, which they had appointed to carry pro- visions to the colony at Isabella. He could not have arrived at any juncture when Co- lumbus stood more in need of a friend capable of assist- ing him with his counsels, or of dividing with him the cares and burden of government. For although the provisions now brought from Kurope afforded a tempo- rary relief to the Spaniards from the calamities of fa- mine, the supply was not in such quantity as to sup- port them long, and the island did not hitherto yield what was sufficient for their sustenance. They were threatened with another danger, still more formidable than the return of scarcity, and which demanded more immediate attention. No sooner did Columbus leave the island on his voyage of discovery, than the soldiers under Margarita, as if they had been set free from dis- cipline and subordination, scorned all restraint. Instead of conforming to the prudent instructions of Columbus, they dispersed in straggling parties over the island, lived at discretion upon the natives, wasted their provisions, seized their women, and treated that inoflensive race with all the insolence of military oppression. As long as the Indians had any prospect that their sufferings might come to a period by the voluntary de- parture of the invadt rs, they submitted in silence, and dissembled their sorrow ; but tliey now perceived that the yoke would be as permanent as it was intolerable. * So firmly were incn of scici.ce, iu that age, persuaded that the countries ^ liieh roluiiilms lia'l di.scineretl were con- nected with the East Indies, that lltrniildes, tiie Cura de los Palacios, who seems to hnve been no incoiisidi'mble proficient in the knowledge of cosi;iot;raj!hy, comends that Cii!).i was not an island, hut u part of the continent, and uiuted tn the domi- nions of the Great Khan. This he delivered as his 0]iinion to ColiimKus himself, who was his giiost for some time on his re- turn from his second voyage ; and he siip])orts it by several arguments, mostly founded on the authority of Sii' John Man- devilio. MS. penes me. Antonio Uallo, who was secretary to the magistracy of (lenoa towards the close of the fifteenth cen- tury, published a short accouut of the uavigatious and disco- veries of his countryman Columbus, annexed to his Opuscula Historica de rebus populi Ger .ensis ; in which he informs us from letters of Columbus which he himself had seen, that it was his opinion, founded uymi nauticalobservations, that oneofthe islands he had discoveied was distant only two hours or thirty degrees from Cattigura, which, in the charts of the geographers of that age, was laid down, upon the authority of Ptolemy, lib. vil. c. 3. as the most easterly ,ilace in Asia. From this he con- cluded, that if some unknown continent did nc t obstruct the navigathm, there must be a short aud easy access, by holding a westerly courtc, to this extreme region of the Eust,— itfu- ratori Scriptoren Rer. Ualicarum, vol. xxiii. p. 304. 43 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book II. 'Ml I |j< The Spaniards liad built a town, and surrounded it with ramparts. Tiipy had erected forts iu diH'erent places. Thev had inclosed and sown several fields. It was aj)- parcnt tliat tliey came not to visit the country, but to settle in it. 'J'hough tlic number of those stranj^ers was inconsiderable, the state of cultivation among this rude people was so imperfect, and in such exact proportion to their own consumption, that it was with difficulty they could afford subsistence to their new guests. Their own mode of life was so indolent and inactive, the warmth of the climite so enervating, the constitution of their bodies naturally so feeble, and so unnccustomed to the laborious exertions of industry, that they were satisfied with a proportion of food amazingly sniall. A handful of maize, or a little of the insipid bread made of the cassada-root, Wiis sufficient to support men, whose strength and spirits were not exhausted by any vigorous eH'oits either of body or mind. The Spanianls, though the most abstemious of all theEuropean nations, appeared to them excessively voracious. One Spaniard consumed as much as several Indians. This keenness of appetite surprised them so much, and seemed to be eo insatiable, that they supposed the Spaniards had left their own country, because it did not produce as much as was requisite to gratify their immoderate desire jf food, and had come among them in quest of nourish- ment. Self-preservation prompted them to wish for the departure of guests who wasted so fast their slender stock of provisions. The injuries which they suffered, added to their impatience for this event. They had long expected that the Spaniards would retire of their own accord. They now perceived that in order to avert the destruction with which they were threatened, either by the slow consumption of famine, or by the violence of their opprcssv^rs, it was necessary to assume courage, to attack those formidable invaders with united force, and drive them from the settlements of which they had violently taken possession. Such were the sentiments which universally prevailed among the Indians, when Columbus returned to Isa- bella. Inflamed by the unprovoked outrages of the Spaniards, with a degree of rage of which their gentle natures, fcrnied to suffer and submit, seemed hardly susceptible, tlu'v waited oiily for a signal from tliiir leaders to fall upiii the colony. Some of the eaziques had already vuijiristU antl i;it (.i)' .stvtral stragglers. The dread of this inipcuiling danirer united the Spa- niards, and re-esta))Iished tiie authority of Cohnnbus, as they saw no prospect of safely bui in couiiiiitting themselves to his prudent guiilunce. it was now ne- * UcinalJcs, the C'lini or Utctor tie los Palacio-;, h Cdiitfi!!- porary writer, saySj that luc liandred of these eiijitives were sent to Spain, and sold pubticly in iSeville us siuvid ; but that, ccssary to have recourse to arms, the employing of which ogainst the Indians, Columbus had hitherto avoided with the greatest solicitude. Unequal as the conflict may seem, between the nuked inhabitants of the New World, armed with clubs, sticks hardened in the fire, wooden swords, and arrows pointed with bones or flints ; and troops accustomed to the disiipline, and provided with the instruments of destruction known in the Eu- ropean art of war, the situation of the Spaniards was far from being exempt from danger, 'i'he vast supe- riority of the natives in number, compensated many de- fects. An handful of men was about to encounter a whole nation. One adverse event, or even any unfore- seen delay in determining th; fate of the war, might prove fatal to the Sjianiards. Conscious thut success depended on the vigour and rapidity of his operations, Tolur/ous instantly assembled his forces. Tiiey were reduced to a very small number. Diseases, engendered by the warmtli and humidity of the country, or occa- sioned by their own lieenliousness, had rafi.d among llieni with much violence ; experience had not yet taught them the art either of curing these, or the pre- cautions requisite for guarding against them ; two- thirds of the original adventurers were dead, and many of tiiose who survived were incapable of service. The body wiiich took the field (March 24, 1495) consisted only of two hundred foot, twenty horse, and twenty large dogs ; and how strange soever it may seem, to mention the last as composing part of a military force, they were not perhaps the least formidable and de- structive of the whole, when employed against naked and timid Indians. All the eaziques of the island, Guacahanari excepted, whoretainedan inviolable attach- ment to the Spaniards, were in arms to o])pose Colum- bus, with forces amounting, if we may believe the Spanish historians, to a hundred thousand men. In- stead of attempting to draw the Spaniards into tiie fast- nesses of the woods and mountains, they were so im- prudent as to take their station in the Vega Real, the most opeii plain in the country. Columbus did not allow them time to perceive their error, or to alter their position. He attacked them during the night, when undisciplined troops are least capable of acting with union and concert, and obtained an easy aiul bloodless victory. The consternation with which the Indians were filled by the noise and havoc made hy the fire- arms, by the impetuous force of the cavalry, and the liercc onset of the dogs, was so great, that tliey threw down their weapons, atid fled without attempting re- sistance. Many were slain ; more were taken prisoners,* by tiie change of climate and their inability to hear the fatij^ue ui labour, they all died in a short time.— MS. /;c«a me. 1495.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 4P •nd reduced to servitude ; and so thoroughly werr the rest intimidated, that from that moment tiiey aban- doned themselves to despair, relinquishing all thoughts of contending with aggressors whom they deemed in- vincible. Columbus employed several months in marching through tiic island, and in subjecting it to the Spanish government, without meeting with any opposition. He- imposed a tribute upon all the inhabitants above tlic age of fourteen. Each person who lived in those dis- tricts where gold was found, was obliged to pay quat terly as much gold dust as filled a hawk's bell ; from those in other parts of the country, twenty-five pounds of cotton were demanded. This was the first regular taxation of the Indians, and served as a precedent for exactions still more intolerable. Such an imposition was extremely contrary to those maxims which Co- lumbus had hitherto inculcated, with respect to the mode of treating them. But intrigues were carrying on in the court of Spain at this juncture, in order to undermine his power, and discredit his operations, which constrained him to depart from his own system of administration. Several unfavourable accounts of his conduct, as well as of the countries discovered by him, had been transmitted to Spain. Margarita and father Boyl were now at court ; and in order to justify their own conduct, or to gratify their resentment, watched with malevolent attention for every opportu- nity of spreading insinuations to his detriment., Many of the courtiers viewed his growing reputation and power with envious eyes. Fonscca, archdeacon of Se- ville, who was entrusted with the chief direction of Indian aifairs, had conceived such an unfavourable opinion of Columbus, for some reason which the con- temporary writers have not mentioned, that he listened with partiality to every invective against him. It was not easy for an unfriended stranger, unpractised in courtly arts, to counteract the machinations of so many enemies. Columbus saw that there was but one method of supporting his own credit, and of silencing all his adversaries. He must produce such a quantity of gold as would not only justify what he had reported with respect to the ricliness of the country, but en- courage Ferdinand and Isabella to persevere in prose- cuting his plans. The necessity of obtaining it, forced him not only to impose this heavy tax U|»on the In- dians, but to exact payment of it with extreme rigour; and may be j leaded in excuse for his deviating on this occasion from the mildness and humanity with which he uniformly treated that tinhappy people. The labour, attention, and foresight, which the In- dians were obliged to employ in procuring the tribute demanded of them, appeared the most intolerable of ^1 5. evils, to men accustomed to pass their days iti a care- less, improvident indolence. They were incapable of such a regular and persevering exertion of industry, and felt it such a grievous restraint upon their liberty, that they had recourse to an expedient for obtaining deli- verance from this yoke, which demonstrates the excess of their impatience and despair. They formed a scheme of starving those oppressors whom they durst not at- tempt to expel ; and from the opinion which thvy cn> tertaincd with respect to the voracious appetite of the opaniards they concluded the execution of it to be very practicable. With this view they suspended all tiit operations of agriculture ; they sowed no maize, they pulled up the roots of the manioc or cassada which were planted, and retiring to the most inaccessible parts of the inountiuns, left the uncultivated plains to their enemies. This desperate resolution produced in some degree the effects v. lich they expected. The Spaniards were reduced to extreme want ; but they received such seasonable supplies of provisions from Europe, and found so many resources in their own ingenuity and industry, that they suffered no great loss of men. The wretched Indians were the victims of their own ill-con- certed policy. A great multitude of people, shut up in the niountuinous or wooded part of thv country, without any food but the spontaneous productions of tlic eartli, soon felt the utmost distresses of famine. This brought on contagious diseases ; and, in the course of a few months, more than a third part of the inhabi- tants of the island perished, after experiencing misery in all its various forms. But while Columbus was establishing the founda- tions of tlie Spanish grandeur in the New World, hit enemies laboured with unwearied assiduity to deprive him of the glui'y and rewards, which by his service* and sutferings he was entitletl to enjoy. The hardships unavoidable in a new settlement, the calamiti.es occa* sioncd by an unhealthy climate, the disasters attending a voyage in unknown seas, were all represented as the effects of his restless and inconsiderate ambition. Hit prudent attention to preserve discipline and subordina- tion was denominated excess ot' rigour; the punish- ments which lie inflicted upon the mutinous and dis- orderly were imputed to cruelty. These accusations gained such credit in a jealous court, that a commis- :iioner was appointed to repair to Hispaniola, and to inspect into the conduct of Columbus. By the recom- mendation of his enemies, Aguado, a groom of the bed-ciiamb«r, was the person to whom this important . trust was committed. But in tins choice they seem to have been more iufluenced by the obsequious attach- ment of the man to their interest, than by his capacity , fortbe station, Putied up with such sudd»n elevation^ O i I I <^4MHtMHM 50 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book II. !( Aguado displayed, in the rxercise of this office, all the frivolous seli'-importancr, and acted with nil the dis- gusting insolence, which are natural to little minds, when raised to unexpected dignity, or employed in functions to which they are not equal. By listening with eagerness to every accusation aijainst Columbus, and encouraging not only the malcontent Spaniards, but even the indians, to produce their grievances, real or imaginary, he fomented the spirit of dissension in the island, without establishing any regulation of public utility, or that tended to redress the many wrongs, with the odium of which he wished to load the admiral's administration. As ('ulumbus felt sensibly how hu- miliating his situation must be, if he sluiiild remain in the country while such a partial irvspector observed his motions, and controlled his jurisdiction, he took the resolution of returning to Spain, in order to lay a full account of all his transactions, partirularly witli respect to the points in disput-j between him and his adversa- ries, before Ferdinand and Isabellu, from whoso justiec and discernment he expected an equal and a favdiiralilc decision. (l-lJXi) He committed the ndiniiiivtration of afTairs, during his absence, to Don Haillnlomew liis brother, with the title of Adelaiitado, or liciiteiiaiif- governor. Hy a choice less fortunate, iuid which proved the source of many calamities *o tlie rol.)i;v, he appointed Francis Holdaii chief justiee, with vi rv extensive powers. In returning to F.urope, Colnnihus held n cmn-se different from that wliicli he had taken in his former voyage. He steered almost due east from Hispaniolri, in the parallel of twenty-two degrees of latitude ; as ex])erier.ce had not yet discovered the more certain and expeditious method of stretching to tlie north, in order to fall in witi) the south-west winds. By this ill-advised choice, which, in the infancy of navigation between tlie new and old worlds, can hardly be imputed to the ad- miral as a defect in naval skill, he was exposed to infi- nite fatigue and danger, in a perpetual struggle wttii the trade winds, which blow without variation frun the east between the tropics. Notwithstanding the almost insuperable dilficulties of such a navigation, he persisted i^i his course with his usual patience and /irmness, but made so little way, that he was three months witliearl8, the cotton, and other commodities of value which Columbus pro- duced, seemed fully tu refute what the malcontents had propagated with respect to the poverty of the country. By reducing the Indians to obedienc^^, and imposing a regular tax upon them, he hud secured to Spain a large accession of new subjects, and the establishment of a revenue that promised to be considerable. By the mines which he had found out and examined, a source of wealth still more copious was opened. Great and unexpected as those advai\lages were, Columbus repre- sented them only as preludes to future acquisittons, and as the earnest of more important discoveries, which he still meditated, and to which those he had already made would eoiuliiet him with ease and certainty. The attentive consideration of all these circumstances made siuh impression, not only upon Isabella, who was flattered wiih the idea of being the patroness of all Columbus's enterprises, but even upon Ferdinand, who, having originally expressed his disapprobation of his schemes, was still apt to doubt of their success, that they resolved to supply the colony in Hispaniola with every thing which could render it a permanent esta- blishment, aiul to furnish Columbus with such a fleet, that he might proceed to search for those new coun- tries, of whose existence he seemed to be confident. The measure? most ])ro|)erforacconii)lishing both these designs were concerted with Columbus. Discovery had been thf sole object of the first voyage to the New World; and though, in the second, settlement had been proposed, the precautious taken for that purpose had either been insulluient, or were rendered ineffec- tual by the mutinous spirit of the Spaniards, and the unforeseen calamities arising from various causes. Now a plan was to be formed of a regular colony, that might serve as a model in all future establishments. Every BOOK II. on of their ire human the same share an dissipated hod tlii-y {ht of the sufferings nodest but lot only of i«'L's. Fer- fiicility in ll- seca, the minister for Indian affairs, who was now pro- moted to the bishopric of' Badajos, they threw in so many obstacles to protract the preparations for Colum- bus's expedition, that a year elapsed before he could procure two ships to carry over a part of the supplies destined for the colony, and almost two years were spent before the small squadron w:is equipped, of which he himself was to take the command. 1498.] This squadron consisted of six ships only, of no great burdei*, and but inditt'erently provided for a long or dangerous navigation. The voyage which he now meditated was in a course ditferent from any he had undertaken. As he was fully persuaded that the fertile regions of India lay to the south-west of those countries which he had discovered, he proposed as the most certain method of finding out these, to stand di- rectly south from the Canary or Cape de Verd islands, u.itil he came under the equinoctial line, and then to stretch to the west before the favourable wind for such a course, which blows invariably between the tropics. With this idea he set sail (May SO), and touched first at the Canary, and then at the Cape de Verd islands (July 4). From the former he dispatched three of his ships with a supply of provisions for the colony in His- paniola : with the other three, he continued his voyage towards the south. No remarkable occurrence liap- pened until they arrived within five degrees of the line (July If).) There they were becalmed, and at the same time the heat became so excessive, that many of their wine casks burst, the liquor in others soured, and their provisions corrupted. The Spaniards, who had never ventured so far to the south, were afraid that the ships would take fire, and began to apprehend the reality of what the ancients had taught concerning the destructive «• HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book ri. i f 1191 ■ j ■ ! 1 iVJ t;r quaHtiei of that torrid region of the globe. They were relieved, in some measure, froni tlieir fears by n sea- •onable fall of rain. Tliis, liowcvcr, though so heavy and unintcrmitting thut the men c-( tiiiuk it strange that a person uf so much sagacity ought to be in- fluenced by the opinion or reports of sui'ii a fabulous author as llandevitie. ('oinmhus, and the other discoverers, were obliged to follow such guides as tlioy could (ind ; and it nppoars from several passages in the manuscript of Andr. iiernaldea, the friend of Columbus, that no inconsiderable degree of credit wns given to the testimony of Mandeville in that age. Oer- ualdcs frequently quotes Ui'ui, and always with respect. .■ ■■• -■ ■ J ^ , , . - , ^ ..V _,-.-. - [book n. f Parlft and liiid Rome (1 thoie of «'r of life. , and pearls exchanged [•ss H better ic inliabi- fuur-footcd variety of I delighted ■ warm cn- be the pa- ighty chose innocence on.» Thus ng to man- nadc consi- (igc of it J ' Spaniards hicf (teat of ires in this tion of his litiej, togc- 'entid him ind made it In Ills way a and Mar- ie for their liola (Aug. I'ith fatigue colony in ■t of enjoy- n need, ntry during in conse- bofore his abi-lla to a idc of the »go, wliich >wn in the urts in the •Spiuiiards delanlado, «V(; t«> tiiiuU lit tu be in> ouK author i;icrs, Hero J it app«ars iiernaides, ee of credit age. Oer- J 498.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. i9 that they might ncittier langaish in inactivity, nor have leisure to form new cabals, marclied into those part* of the island which his brother had not yet visited or re- duced to obedience. As the people were unable to resist, they submitted every where to the tribute which he impoied. But they soon found the burden to be so intolerable, that, overawed as they were by the superior power of tlieir oppressors, they took arms against them. Those insurrections, however, were not formidable. A conflict with timid and naked Indians was neither dan- gerous nor of doubtful issue. But while the adelantado was employed against them in the fleld, a mutiny, of an aspect far more alarming, broke out among the Spaidards. The ringleader of it was Francis Roldan, whom Columbus had placed in a station wliich required him to be the guardian of order and tranquillity in the colony. A turbulent and incon- siderate ambition precipitated him into this despera^ measure, so unbecoming his rank. The arguments which he employed to seduce liis countrymen were frivolous and ill-founded. He accused Columbus and his two brothers of arrogance and severity ; he pre- tended that they aimed at establishing an independent dominion in the country ; he taxed them witli an in- tention of cutting off part of the Spaniards by hunger and fatigue, that they might more easily reduce the remainder to subjection ; he represented it as unworthy of Castilians, to remain the tame and passive slaves of thron Diego Columbus. Tlie mutineers were obliged to re- tire to the province of Xaragua, where thev continued not only to disclaim the adelantado's autiiority them- selves, but excited the Indians to th :c-'7 off the yoke. Such was the distracted state of the colony when Columbus landed at St. Domingo. He was astonished to find that the three ships which lie had dispatched from the Canaries were not yet arrived. By the un- skilfulness of the pilots, and the violence of currents, they had been carried a hundred and sixty miles to the west of St. Domingo, and forced to take shelter in a harbour of the province of Xaragua, where Roldan and his seditious followers were cantoned. Roldan care- 5. fully concealed from the commnnrters of the ships hit insurrection against the adolantad'), and employing hit utmost address to gain their conHdcnce, persuaded them to set on shore a considerable part of the new settlers whom they brought over, that they might pro- ceed by land to St. Domingo. It required but few nrgumeuts to prevail witli those men to espouse his cause. They were the refuse of the jails of Spain, to whom idleness, licentiousness, and deeds of violence were familiar ; and they returned eagerly to a course of life nearly resembling that to which they had been accustomed. The commanders of the ships perceiving, when it was too late, thair imprudence in disembarking so many of their men, stood away for St. Domingo, and got safe into the port n few days after the admiral ; but their stock of provisions was so wasted during a voyage of such long continuance, that they brought little relief to the colony. By this j aiction with a band of «ucli bold ond des- perate osso^iates, Roldan became extremely formidable, and no less extravagant in his demands. Columbus, though t'u.ed with , ientmmt at his ingratitude, and highly exasperated • the insolence of his followers, made no haste ■ ake the field. He trembled at the thoughts of kinaling the fla esof a civil war, in which, whate fr ,. arty prevailed. •; power and strength of both I '.ust be so much wasted, as might encourage the common enemy to unite and complete their destruc- tion. At the some time, he observed, that the preju- dices and passions which incited the rebels to take arms, had so far infected those who still adhered to him, 'hat many of them were adverse, and all cold to the service. From such sentiments, with respect to the public interest, as well as from this view of his own situation, he chose to negociate rather than to fight. By a seasonable proclamation, offering free pardon to such as should merit it by returning to their duty, he made impression upon some of t)ie malcontents. By engaging to grant such as should desire it the liberty of returning to Spain, he allured all those unfortunate adventurers, who, from sickness and disappointment, were disgusted with tlie country. By promising to re- establish Roldan in his former office, he soothed his pride ; and, by complying with most of his demands in behalf of his followers, he satisfied their avarice. Thus, gradually and without bloodshed, but after many te- dious negociatiors, he dissolved this dangerous combi- nation which threatened thc! colony with ruin ; and restored the appearance of order, regular government, and tranquillity. In consequence of this agreement with the muti- neers, lands were allotted them in different parts of the island, and tlie Indians settled in each district were .-.TTawMMBMMWM 54 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book II. Hi ! ^; 1 appointed to cultivate a certain portion of ground for the use of those new masters. (1499) The perform- ance of this work was substituted in place of the tribute formerly imposed j and how necessary soever such a regulation might be in a sickly and feeble colony, it introduced among the Spaniards the Repartimientos, or distributions of Indians established by them in all their settlements, which brought numberless calamities upon that unhappy people, and subjected them to the most grievous oppression. This was not the only bad etfcct of the insurrection in Hispaniola; it prevented Co- lumbus from prosecuting his discoveries on the conti- nent, as self-preservation obliged him to keep near his person his brother the adclantndo, and the sailors whom he intended to have employed in that service. As soon as his aflTairs would permit, he sent some of his ships to Spain with a journal of the voyage which he had made, a descriptitm u( the new countries which lie had discovered, a chart of the coast along which he had ■ailedj and specimens of the gold, the pearls, and other curious or valuable productions which he had acquired by trafficking with the natives. At the same time he transmitted an account of the insurrection in Hispa- niola ; he accused the mutineers not only of having thrown the colony into such violent convulsions as threatened its dissolution, but of having obstructed every attempt towards discovery and improvement, by their unprovoked rebellion against their superiors, and proposed several regulations for the better government of the island, as weil as the c\ti:icSoii of that muti- nous spirit, which, though suppre'jsed at present, might toon burst out with additional rage. Roldaii and his associates did not neglect to convey to Spain, by the same ships, an apology for their own conduct, together with their reciiininations upon the admiral and his brothers. Unfortunately for tiie honour of Spain, and the happiness of Columbus, tlie latter gained most credit in the court of Ferdinand and Isabella, and prt)- duced unexpected effects. But, previous to the relating of these, it is proper to take a view of some events, which merit attention, both on account of their own importance, and their connection with the limtory of the New World. While Columbus was engagi.'d in his successive voyages to the west, the spirit of discovery did not languish in Por- tugal, the kingdom where it first acquired vigour, and became enterpri.sing. Self-condemnation and regret were not the only sentiments to which tlie success of Columbus, and reiicction upon their own imprudence in rejecting his proposals, gave rise among the I'or- tuguese. Tiiey excited a general emulation to surpass his performances, and an ardent desire to make some reparation to their country for their own error. With this view, Emanuel, who inherited the enterprising genius of his predecessors, persisted in their grand scheme of opening a passage to the East Indies by tli« Cape of Good Hope, and soon after his accession to the throne, equipped a squadron for that imp irtant voyage. He gave the command of it to Vasco de Gama, a man of noble birth, possessed of virtue, pru- dence, and courage, equal to the station. The scpia- dron, like all those fitted out for discovery, ia the in- fancy of navigation, was extremely feeble, consisting only of three vessels, of neither burden nor force ade- quate to tlie service. As the Euroiicans were at that time little acquainted with the course of the trade- winds and periodical monsoons, vvhich render navigation in the Atlantic ocean, as well as in the sea that separates Africa from India, at some seasons ensy, and at otKers not only dangerous, but almost impraclicuble, the lime chosen for Gama's departure was the most improper during the whole year. He set sail from Lisbon on the ninth of July (14 and standing towards the south, had to struggle for four months with contrary winds, before he could reach the Cape of Good Hope. Here their violence began to abate (Nov. JO); and during an interval of calm weather, Gama doubled that for- midable promontory, which had so long been the boundary of navigation, and directed his course towards the north-east, along the African coast. He touched at several ports ; and ai'ier various adventures, which the Portuguese historians relate with high but just en- comiums upon his conduct and intrepidity, he came to anchor before the city of Meliiula. Throughout all the vast countries which extend along the coast of Africa, from the river Senegal to the confines of Zan- guebar, the Portuguese had found a race of men rude and uncultivated, strangers to letters, to arts, and com- merce, and differing from the inhabitants of Europe, no less in their features and complciuon, than in their manners and institutions. As they advanced from this, they observed, to their inexpressible joy, that the hu- man form gradually altered and improved ; the Asiatic features began to predominate, marks of civilization appeared, letters were known, the Mahometan religion was established, and u c«>mmerce, far from being incon- siderable, was carried on. At that time several vessels from India were in the |)ort of Melinda. Gama now pursued his voyage with almost ubsoiutc certainty of success, and, under the conduct of a Mahometan pilot, arrived at Calecut, upon the coast of Malabar, on the twenty-second of May one thousand four ii.iiulred an*'. ninety-e'i;ht. What lie beheld of tiie wealth, the po- pulousuess, the cuUi> ation, the industry and arts of this highly civilized ro>>ntry, tar surpassed any idea that he had formed, from the imperfect accounte which l|)e I [book II. 1499.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. » lorce ade- 'ere at that the trade- navigation it separates I at others e, tlie lime t impioper 'jon oil the the south, ary winds, pe. Here uid during that for- beeii the rse towards le touched res, which it just en- le came to ighout all ■ coast of s of Zan- men rude and com- f Europe, 111 in their from this, it the hu- lie i\siatic ivilizatioii ti religion iig incon- ul vessels iuuia now I'fainty of tan pilot, ir, on the Hired ail''. , the pu- is of this 1 that he iiidt tl)e Europeans had hitherto received of it. But as he pos- sessed neither sufficient force to attempt a settlement, nor proper commodities with which he could carry on commerce of any consequence, he hastened back to Portugal, with an account of his success in performing a voyage, tlie lonj^cst, as well as most, difiicult, lliat iiad ever been made, since the first invention of navigation. He landed at Lisbon on the fourteenth of Scptenihir one thousand four hundrf'd and ninety-nine, two years tvTo months and five days from the time he left that port. Thus, during the course of the fifteenth century, mankind made greater progress in exploring the slate of the habitable globe, than in all the ages which had elapsed previous to that period. The spirit of disco- very, feeble at first and cautious, movrd within a very narrow sphere, and made its cftbrts with hesitation and timidity. Encouraged by success, it became adven- turous, and boldly extended its operations. In the course of its progression, it continued to acquire vigour, and advanced at length witii arnpidily and force which burst through all the limits within which ignorance and fear had hitherto circumscribed i\\e activity of the hu- man race. Almost fifty years were employed by the Portuguese in creeping along the toast of Africa from Cape Non to Cape de Verd, the latter of which lies only twelve degrees to the south of the former. In less than thirty years they ventured beyond the equincctial line into another hemisjihere, and penetrated to the southern extremity of Airicii, at the distance of forty- nine degrees from Capedc Verd. During the last seven years of the century, a New V^'o^ld wns discovered in the west, not inferior in extent to all tlie parts of the earth with which mankind were at that time acquainted. In the east, unknown seas and countries were found out, and a communication, long desired, but hitherto concealed, was opened between Europe and the opulent regions of India. In comparison with events so won- derful and unexpected, all that had hitherto been deemed great or splendid, faded away and disappeared. Vast objects now presented tlicmselves. Tlie human mind, roused and interested by the j)rospcct, engaged with ardour in pursuit of them, and exerted its active powers in a new direction. This spirit of enterprise, though but newly awakened in Spain, began soon to operate extensively. All the attempts towards discovery made in that kingdom, had hitherto been carried on by Columbus alone, and at the expence of the s ivcrcign. But now private adventurers, allured by the infi^iiificent descriptions he pave of the regions which he had visited, as well as by the speci- mens of their wealth which he produced, offered to fit out squadrons at their own risk, and to gu In quest of new countries. The Spanish court, whose scanty reve- nues were exhausted by the charge of its expeditions to the New World, which, though they opened alluring prospects of future benefit, yielded a very sparing re- turn of present profit, was extremely willing to devolve the burden of discovery upon its subjects. It seized with joy an opportunity of rendering the avarice, the iiigeiiiiity, and efforts of projectors, instrumental in pro- moting designs of certain advantage to the public, though of doubtful success with respect to themselves. One of the first propositions of this kind was made by Aioiiso de t^jcda, a gallant and active officer, who had accompanied Columbus in his second voyage. His rank and character procured him such credit with the merchants of Seville, that they undertook to equip four shi|)s, provided he could obtain the royal licence, autho- rising the voyage. The powerful patronage of the bishop of Badiijos easily secured success in a suit so agreeable to the court. Without consulting Colum- bus, or regarding the rights and jurisdiction which he had acquired by the capitulation in one thousand four hundred and ninety-two, Ojeda was permitted to set out for the New World. In order to direct his course, the bishop communicated to him the admiral's journal of his last voyage, and his charts of the countries which he had discovered. Ojeda struck out into no new patli of navigation, but adhering servilely to the route which Columbus had taken, arrived on the coast of Paria (May). He traded with the natives, and standing to the west,, proceeded as far as Cape de Vela, and ranged along a considerable extent of coast beyond that on which Columbus had touched. Having thus ascertained the opinion of Columbus, that this country was a part of the continent, Ojeda returned by way of Hispaniola to Spain (October), with some reputation as a disco- verer, but with little benefit to those who had raised the funds for the expedition. Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine gentleman, accom- panied Ojeda in this voyage. In what station he served, is uncertain ; but as he was an experienced hailor, and eminently skilful in all the sciences subservient to na- vigation, he seems to have acquired suclt authority umoug his companions, that they willingly allowed him to have a chief share in directing their operations during the voyage. Soon after his return, he transmitted an account of hiii adventures and discoveries to one of his countrymen; and labouring with the vanity of a tra- veller to magnify his own exploits, he had the address and confidence to frame his narrative, so as to make it appear that he had the glory of having first disc-overed the continent in the New World. Amerigo's account was drawn up not only with art, but with some ele- gance. It contained an amusing history of his voyage, 1 * i. I (; It ^If n 66 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book II. and judicious observations upon the natural pifoductidns, the inhabitants, and the customs of the countries which lie had visited. As it was the first description of any part of the New World that was published, a perform- ance so well calculated to gratify the passion of man- kind for what is new and marvellous, circulated rapidly, and was read with admiration. The country uf which Amerigo was supposed to be the discoverer, came gra- dually to be called by his name. The caprice of man- kind, often as unaccountable as unjust, has perpetuated this error. By the universal consent of nations, Amb- RicA is the name bestowed on this new quarter of the ^lobe. The bold pretensions of a fortunate impostor have robbed the discoverer of the New World of a dis- tinction which belonged to him. The name of Ame- tigo has supplanted that of Columbus ; and mankind may regret an act of injustice, which, having received the sanction of time, it is now too late to redress.** During the same year, another voyage of discovery Was undertaken. Colambus not only introduced the spirit of naval enterprise into Spain^ but all the first adventurers who distinguished themselves in thiv new career, were formed by his instructions, and acquired in his voyages the skill and information winch qualified them to imitate his example. Alonso Nigno, wiie had served under the admiral in his last expedition^ fitted T — ■ I ■ ■ II 11 * It is reniarkuble., that neither Goinara nor Ovietlo, the inost ancient Spanish historians uf America, nor Merreni, con- sider Ojeda, or his conipaiiiun Vespucci, as liie first disco- verers of the continent of America. Tticy anifornily asscribe this honottt to Coiunibus. Some have s«p|x>(ed that national resentment apainst Wspucci, for deserting the service of S|«dH, and catering into that of I'urtugal, may iiave pronipted tiiesc writers to coilceai tiie actions which he performed. But Martyr and Uen/oni, both Italians, Could not be war|)ed by the same prejudice. Martyr was a contemporary author ; he resided in the court of Spain, and had the best opportunity to be tuactly iuforiued uith rcs|>cct to all public transactions ^ and yet, nei- ther in liis Decads, the first general history published of the New World, nor in his Epistles, which contain an account of all the reinarlY the testimony of Ojeda himself, that be toodwcT at Hispii* . Biola when returning to Spuii^ from his first voyage } wheraaS Vespucci gave out that they returned directly to Cadix bNna the coast of Paria, and touched at Hispaniola only in their ucond voftft ; and that he had finiabed the iroyage la fire oloithsi eat a single ship, iii conjunction with Christopher Guerra« a merchant of Seville, and sailed to the coaat of Paria. This voyage seems tu have been conducted with greater attention to private emolument, than to any general or national object. Nigno and Guerra made no discoveries of any hnpprtauce ; but tltey brought home such a return uf gold uud pearls, as iuflumud their countrymen with the desire of engaging in similar ad- ventures. Soon after (Jan. 13, 1500), Vincent Yanez Pinzon, one of the admiral's compHuions in his first voyage, sailed from Palos with four »\\ips. He stoud boldly towards the south, and was the first Spaniard who ven- tured to cross the equinoctial line j but hi seems to have landed on no part of the coast beyoiid tin- mo;ath of the Maragnon, or river of the Amazons, Ail these navigators adopted the erroneous theory of Columbus, and believed that the countries 'yhich they had disco- vered were part of the vast con;iiieiit of India. . During the. kit year of th.' fifteenth century, that fertile district of America, oi the confines of which Pinzon had stopt short, was mere fully discovered. The successful voyage of Gama to ti>e iiast Indies having encouraged the king of Portugal to fit uia a fleet so l)owerful, as not only to carry on trade, but to attempt conquest, he gave the command uf it lu Pedro Alvarex whereas, according to Vespucci's account, he had em|)]oyeiI seventeen months in performing it,— yiageioprimo tie Aiti. yeipitcei, p. 36. yiag. secundo, p. 4A. Uerrera ^ivea a mucf full account of this inquest in another part of iiifr Deotds-, iBd to the same effect. — Hfr. dee. |. iii;. yii. p. 5v, Colaaibwhwas in Hi^paniola when Ojeda arrived there, and lisid hv t1^a( timr come to an agreement with Roldnn, who u(>|io8i\l Ojeda'W At- tempt to excite a new insarreclioif, and, of coiwtqqenee, his myage must itavu b^cn jMmterior to thut of the admiral. — L\fe ^f Cplumbut, c. 8'!. Aciordiog to W-spucci's-account, he set ont on his first voyage, May 10, 1497. — Vkg. prima, p. 6. At that time Columbns was in the court of Spain preparing for his voyage, and seems to have enjoyed a consideisible de- jjrree of favour, llie affairs of the New World were at this juncture under the direction of Antonio Torres,, a friend of Co- lambus. It is not probable, tliat at that period a commistiou would be granted to another person, to anticipate the admiral, by undertaking a voyiige which he hiniselfinteadrd to perform. Fonseca, who patronizad Ojeda, and granted the licence fur his voyage, was not recall(;d to court, and re-instated in the direction of Ittdian aflairs, until tlic death of prince John, which happened BephNnber 1497, P. Marty r,Ep. 182. several mpntha postteior to the time at wirich Vespucci pretends to have set oat upon his voyage. A life of Vespucci was pub- lished at PtoreBoe by the Abate Bandini, A. t) .1745, 4to. It i» a work of no merit, written with little judgmeitt, and less can- dour, fie contends for his coantryman's title to the discovery of the continent with all the blind. seal of national partiality, but produces no new evidence to support it. We learn from him \hat Vespucci's aocoont of his voyage was published as early as the year ISIO^and probably sooner.— Fita di Jm. ye$p. p. 52< At what tilae the name of AjiEKiCAcaine to be first giTSQ to t^ New World, is not certain. i [book h. Christopher to the coMt n conducted lent, than to Guerra made Ifey .brought iflumud llteir 1 sitniUr ad- ncz Pinzon, first voyage, stood boldly ird who ven- i>e seems to d thi' mo;ath All these f Columbus, y hud disco- ilia. . entury, that es of which overed. The idus baring H\t a fleet so t to attempt i:dfo Alvarez ' . ■ « liad eroiJoy^J primo (ie Am. (^ives a Duari- i^ DeGMl% iad [)ul«aiba»iwas I hv rhat time ■d Oje(la*rf*t- Mtqqeiice, his lie admiral.— 'ft-account, he '..^primo, p. 6. Bin pnparin^' iskkoible de- were at this /"riendof Co- a comniiMioii s the admiral, id to perform, le hcence for stated in the prince John, , I ea, several i pretends to ci was pub- ^, 4to. It is tnd less can- the discovery al partiality, e learn from published as Vita di Am. Acame tobe 1500.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 57 Cabral. In order to avoid the coast of Africa, where he was certain of meeting with variable breezes, or frequent calms, which might retard his voyage, Cabral stood out to sea, and kept so far to the west, that, to his surprise, he found himself upon the shore of an unknown country, in the tenth degree beyond the line. He imagined, at first, that it was some island in the Atlantic ocean, hitherto unobserved ; but, proceeding along its coast f«)r several days, he was led gradually to believe, that a co-'ntry so extensive formed a part of some great continent. This latter opinion was well founded. The country with which he fell in belongs to that province in South America, now known by the name of Brasil. He landed ; and having formed a very high idea of the fertility of the soil, and agreeableness of the climate, he took possession of it for the crown of Portugal, and dispatched a ship to Lisbon with an account of this event, which appeared to be no less important than it was unexpected. Columbus's dis- covery of the New Norld was the effort of an active genius, enliglitened by science, guided by experience, and acting upon a regular plan, executed with no les? courage than perseverance. But from this adventure of the Portuguese, it appears that chance might have accomplished that great design which it is now the pride of human reason to have formed and perfected. If the sagacity of Columbus had not conducted man- kind to America, Cabral, by a fortunate accident, might have led them, a few years later, to the knowledge of that extensive continent. While the Spaniards and Portuguese, by those sac- cctsive voyages, were daily acquiring more enlarged ideas of the extent and opulence of that quarter of the globe which Columbus had made known to them, he himself, far from enjoying the tranquillity and bonoars with which his services should have been recoiqpensed, was struggling with every distress in which the envy and malevolence of the people under his command, or the ingratitude of the court which he served, could involve lum. Though the pacification with Roldan broke the union and weakened the force of the muti- neers, it did not extirpate the seeds of discord out of the island. Several of the malcontents continued in arms, refusing to submit to the admiral. He and his brothers were obliged to take the field alternately, in order to check their incursions, or to punish their crimes. The perpetual occupation and disquiet which this created, prevented him from giving due attention to the dangerous machinations of hu enemi^t in the court of Spaiik. A good number of sucb as were most dissatisfied with his administration, \4,A embraced the opportunity of returning to F'^.rope with the shif.'* which he dispatched frop> ot. Deoainfo. The final 5. disappointment of all their hopes inflamed the rage of these unfortunate adventurers against Columbus to the utmost pitch. Their poverty and distress, by exciting compassion, rendered their accusations credible, and their complaints interesting. Thpy teazed Ferdinand and Isabella incessantly with memorials, containing tlie detail of their own gricvaiires, and the articles of tlieir chaige against Columbus. Whenever either the king or queen ai)peared in public, they surrounded them in a tumultuary manner, insiiting with importunate cla- mours for the payment of the arrears due to them, and demanding vengeance upon the author of their suffer- ings. They insulted the admiral's sons wherever they met them, rcpr'">aching them as the offspring of the projector, whose fatal curiosity had discovered those pernicious regions which drained Spain of its wealth, and would prove the gravo of its people. These avowed endeavours of the malcontents from America to ruin Columbus, were seconded by the secret, but more dan- gerous insinuatio'is of that party among the courtiers, which had always thwarted his schemes and envied his success and oredit. Ferdinand was, disposed to listen, not only with a willing, but with a partial ear, to these accusations. Notwithstanding the flattering accounts which Co- lumbus had given of the riches of America, the remit- tances from it had hitherto been so scanty, that they fell far short of defraying the expence of the arma- ments fitted out. The glory of the discovery, together with the prospect of remote commercial advantages, was all that Spain had yet received in return for the efforts which she had made. But time had already di- minished the first sensations of joy which the discovery of a New World occasioned, and fame alone was not an object to satisfy ;he cold interested mind of Ferdi- nand. The nature of commerce was then so little understood, that, where immediate gain was not ac- quired, the hope of distant benefit, or of slow and moderate returns, was totally disregarded. Ferdinand considered Spain, on this account, as having lost by the enterprise of Columbus, and imputed it to his miscon- duct and incapacity for government, that a country abounding in gold had yielded nothing of value to \U conquerors. Even Isabella, who, from the favourable opinion which the entertained of Columbus, had uni- formly protected him, was shaken at length by the number anu boldneu of his accusers, and began to suspect that a disaffection so general must have beea occasioned by real grievances, which called for redress. The bishop of Badajos, with his usual animosity against Columbus, encouraged these suspicions, and confirmed them. As soon as the qoeca began t« girt way to the toiieai r wmtim 58 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book II. a. i 1 V i' I 'J {- ii of calumny, a resolution fatal to Columbus was taken. Francis de Bovadilla, a knight of Calatrava, was ap- pointed to repair to Hispaniola, witli full powers to inquire into the conduct of Columbus, and, if he should find llie charge of mul-administration proved, to super- sede him, and assume the government of the island. It was impossible to escape condemnation, when this preposterous commission made it the interest of the judge to pronounce the person whom he was sent to try, guilty. Though Culunibus had now composed all tlie dissensions in the island ; though he had brought both Spaniards and Indians tu submit peaceably to his government ; though he had made such eftectual pro- vision for working the mines, and cultivating the country, as would have secured a considerable revenue to the king, as well as large profits to individuals, Bo- vadilla, without deigning to attend to the nature or merit of those services, discovered, from tlie moment that be landed in Hispaniola, a determined purpose of treating him as a criminal. He took possession of the admiral's house in St. Domingo, from which its master happened at that time to be absent, and seized his effects, as if his guilt had bctMi already fully proved ; he rendered himself master of the fort and of the king's stores by violence ; lit- required all persons to acknow- ledge him as supreme governor ; he set at liberty the prisoners confined by the admiral, and summoned iiim to appear before his tribunal, in order to answer for his conduct J transmitting (o him, together with the sum- mons, a copy of the royal mandate, by which Columbus was enjoined to yield implicit obedience to his couj- mands. Columbus, tliougI» deeply aflected with the ingra- titude and injustice of Fcrciinand and Isiibella, did not hesitate a moment about his own conduct. He sub- 0)itted to the will of his sovereigns with a respectful silence, and repaired directly to the court of that vio- lent and partial judge whom they had authorised to try lilm. Bovadilla, without admitting him into his pre- sence, ordered him in^tautIy to be arrested, to be loadt d who were mostly adventurers, whom their indigence or crimes had impelled to abandcm their native country, expressed the most indecent satisfaction with the dis- grace and imprisonment of Columbus. They flattered themselves, that now they should enjoy an uncontrolled liberty, more suitable to their disposition and former habits of life. Among persons thus prepared to cen- sure the proceedings, and to asperse the character of Columbus, Bovadilla collected materials for a charge against him. All accusations, the most improbable, as well as inconsistent, were received. No informer, however infamous, was rejected. The result of this inquest, no less indecent than partial, he transmitted to Spain. At the same time, he ordered Columbus, with his two brothers, to be carried thitlicr in fetters ; and adding cruelty to insult, he confined them in different ships, and excluded them from the comfort of that friendly intercourse which might have soothed their common distress. But while the Spaniards in His- paniola viewed the arbitrary and insolent proceedings of Bovadilla with a general approbation, which reflects dishonour upon their name and country, one man still retained a proper sense of the great actions which Co- lumbus had pert'orined, and was touched with the sen- timents of veneration and pity due to liis rank^ his age, and his merit. Alonso dc Vallejo, the captain of the vessel on board which the admiral was confined, as soon as he was clear of the island, approached his pri- soner with great respect, and offered to release him from the fetters with which he was unjustly loaded. *' No," replied Columbus, with a generous indignation, " I wear these irons in consequence of an order from my sovereigns. They shall find me as obedient to this as to their other injunctions. By their command I have been confined, and their con)mand alone shall set nie at liberty." Nov. 23.] Fortunately the voyage to Spain was ex- tremely short. As soon as Ferdinand and Isabella were informed that Columbus was brought home a prisoner, and in chains, they jjerccivcd at once what universal with chains, and hurried on hoard a ship. Even uiuler j astonishment this event must occasion, aud what an 1 I this humiliating reverse of fortune, the firmness of mind which distinguishes the character of Columbus, did not forsake him. Conscious of his own integrity, aud solacing himself with reflecting upon the great things which he had achieved, he cmlund this insult offered to his character, not only with composure, hut with dignity. Nor had he the consoiativu of sympathy to mitigate his sufferings, Bovadilhi hrul already ren'- dered himself so extremely jwpular, by granting various immunities to the colony, by liberal donntions of In. dians to all who applied for them, and by relaxing the reius of discipljn* and governmeirt, that the Sponiards, impression to their disadvantage it must make. All Europe, they foresaw, would be filled with indignation at this ungenerous requital of amnn who had performed actions worthy of the highest recompence, and would exclaim against the. injustice of the nation, to which he had been such an eminent benefactor, as well as against the ingratitude of the princes whose reign he had ren- dered illustrious, Ashamedoftheirownconduct,HnJ eager not only to make sonici reparation for this injury, but to efface the stain which it might fix upon their character, they instantly issued orders to set Columbus at liberty (Dec. 17), iu^rited hiiu to court, and remitted money 150].] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 59 to enable him to appear there in a manner suitable to his rank. When he entered the royal presence, Co- lumbus threw himself at the feet of his sovereigns. He remained for some time silent} the various passions which agitated liis mind suppreselng his power of utter- ance. At Icngti) lie recovered himself, and vindicated his conduct in a long discourse, producing the most satisfying proofs of his own integrity, as well us good intention, and evidence, no less clear, of the male- volence of his enemies, who, not satisfied with having mined his fortune, laboured to deprive him of what alone was now left, his honour and his fame. Ferdi- nand received him with decent civility, and Isabella with tenderness and respect. They both expressed their sorrow for what had happened, disavowed tlieir knowledge of it, and joined in promising him |)rotec- tion and future favour. But though they instantly degraded Bovadilla, iu order to remove from themselves any suspicion of having authorised his violent pro- ceedings, they did not restore to Columbus his juris- diction and privileges as viceroy of those countries which lie had discoi-cred. Though willing to appear the avengers of Columbus's wrongs, that illiberal jea- lousy which prompted them to invest Bovadilla with such authority as put it in his power to treat the ad- miral with indignity still subsisted. They were afraid to trnst a man to whom they iiad been so highly in- debttvi, and retaining him at court under various pre- texts, they appointed Nicholas de Ovando, a knight of the military order of Alcantara, governor of Hispaniola. Coiumbus w!is deeply affected with this new injury, which came from hands that seemed to be employed in making reparition for his past sufferings. The sensi- bility with wliieh great minds feel every thing that implies any susnioiun of their integrity, or that wears the aspect of an affront, is exquisite. Columbus had oxperienrd both from the Spaniards ; and their unge- nerous e(»nduct exasperated him to such a degree, that he eoiild no longer conceal the sentiments which it excited. Wherever he went, he carried about with him, as a memorial of tlieir ingratitude, those fetters with wliieh he had been loaded. They were constantly hung up in his chamber, and he gave orders that when he died they should be buried in his grave. 1501.] Meanwhile, the spirit of discovery, notwith- standing the severe check which it had received bv the ungenerous tre.'itment of the man who first excited it iu Spain, continued active and vigorous. (January) Ilodcrii;o de Bastidas, a person of distinction, fitted out two ships in copartnery with John de la Cosii, who having served under the admiral in tWo of his voyages, was deemwl the mosf skilful pilof in Spflhv. They steered directly towards tiie continent, arrived oft the coast of Paria, and proceeding to the west, discovered all the coast of the province now known by the name of Tierra Firmt', from Cnpe de Vela to the gulf of Darien. Not long after, Ojeda, with his former asso- ciate Amerigo Vespucci, set out upon a second voyage, and being unacquainted with the destination of Bas- tidas, held the same course, and touched at the same places. The voyage of Bastidas was prosperous and lucrative, that of Ojeda unfortunate. But both tended to increase the ardour of discovery ; for in proportion as the Spaniards acquired a more extensive knowledge of the American continent, tlieir idea of its opulence and fertility increased. Before these adventurers returned from their voyages, a fleet was equipped, at the public expence, for carrying over Ovando, the new governor, to Ilispuniola. Ilis presence there was extremely requisite, in order to stop the inconsiderate career of Bovadilla, whose imprudent administration threatened the settlement with 'Yuin. Conscious of the violence and iniquity of his proceed- ings against Columbus, he continued to make it his sole object to gain the favour and support of his coun- trymen, by accommodating himself to their passions and prejudices. With this view, he established regu- lations, in every point the reverse of those which Co- lumbus deemed essential to the prosperity of the colony. Instead of the severe discipline, necessary in order to habituate the dissolute and corrupted members of which the society was composed, to the restraints of law and subordination, he suffered them to enjoy such un- controlled licence, as encouraged tlu wildest excesses. Instead of protecting the Indians, he gp.ve a leg;d sanc- tion to the oppression of that unhappy people. He took the exact number of such as survived their past calamities, divided them into distinct classes, distributed tbem in property among his adherents, and reduced all the people of the island to a state of complete servitude. As the avarice of the Spaniards vas too rapacious and impatient to try any method of aecpiiring wealth but' that of searching for gold, tliis servitude became as grievous as it was unjust. 'I'lie Indians were driven in crowds to the mounlains, and compelled to work in the mines by masters, who imposed their tasks without mercy or diseretion. Labour, so disproportioncd to their strength and former habits of life, wasted that feeble race of men with such rapid consumption, as must have soon terminated in the utter extinction of the ancient inhabitants of the country. Tiie necessity of a[>i)lying a speedy remedy to those disorders, hastened Ovando's departure. He had the command of the most respectable armament hitherto fitted out for the New World. It consisted of thirty- two ships, on" bt)ard of which f' "'.nusand five hundred iMria I. ' J » ',] :f ■^ fit €0 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book II. persons embarked, with an intention of settling in tiie country. [1502]. Upon the arrival of the new governor, with this powerful reinforcement to the colony, Bovadilla resigned his cliarge, and was com- manded to return instantly to Spain, in order to answer for his conduct. Iloldan, and tiie other ringleaders of the mutineers, who iiad heen most active in opposing Columbus, were required to leave the island at the same time. A proclamation was issued, declaring the natives to be free subjects of Spain, of whom no ser- vice was to be exacted contrary to their own inclination, and witliout paying them an adequate price for their labour. With respect to the Spaniards themselves, various regulations were made tending to suppress the licentious spirit wiiich had been so fatal to the colony, and to establish that reverence for law and order on which society is founded, and to which it is indebted for Its increase and stability. In order to limit the exorbitant gain which private persons were supposed to make by working the mines, an ordinance was pub- lished, directing all the gold to be brought to a public smelting-lunisc, and declaring one half of it to be the property of the crown. While these steps were taking for securing the tran- quillity and welfare of the colony which Columbus had planted, he himself was engaged in the unpleasaut em- ployment of soliciting the favour of an ungrateful court, and, notwithstanding all his merit and services, be solicited in vain. H( demanded, in terms of the original capitulation in one thousand four hundred and ninety-two, to be reinstated in his office of viceroy over the countries which he had discovered. By a istrange fatality, the circumstance which he urged in support of his claim, determined a jealous monarch to reject it. The greatness of his discoveries, and the prospect of their increasing value, made Ferdinand consider the concessions in the capitulation as extra- vagant and impolitic. He was afraid of entrusting a subject with the exercise of a jurisdiction that now appeared to be so extremely extensive, and might grow to be no less formidable. He inspired Isabella with the same suspicions ; and under various pretexts equally frivolous and unjust, they eluded all Columbus's requisitions to perform that which a solemn compact bound them to accomplish. After attending the court of Spain for near two years, as an humble suitor, he fQund it impossible to remove Ferdinand's prejudices and appiehensions; and perceived, at length, that he laboured in vuin, when he urged a claim of justice or merit with an interested and unfeeling prince. But even this ungenerous return did not discourage bim from pursuing the great object which first called fof tb hi9 inventive genius, and excited him to fittiMDpt discovery. To open a new passage to the East Indies was his original and favourite scheme. This still en- grossed his thoughts ; and either from his own obser- vations in his voyage to Paria, or <"' ..n some obscure hint of the natives, or from the accounts given by Bas- tidas and de la Cosa, of their expedition, he conceived an opinion that, beyond the continent of America, there- was a sea which extended to the East Indies, and hoped to find some strait or narrow neck of land, by which a communication might be opened with it and the part of the ocean already known. By a very fortunate con- jecture, he supposed this strait or isthmus to be situated near the gulf of Darien. Full of this idea, though he was now of an advanced age, worn out with fatigue, and broken with infirmities, he offered, with the alacrity of a youthful adventurer/ to undertake a voyage which would ascertain this im- portant point, and perfect the grand scheme which from the beginning he proposed to accomplish. Se- veral circumstances concurred in disposing FerdinanA and Isabella to lend a favourable ear to this proposal. They were glad to have the |)retext of any honourable employment for removing ft-om court a man with whose demands they deemed it impolitic to comply, and whose services it was indecent to neglect. Though unwilling to reward Columbus, they were not insensible of hit merit, and from their experience of his skill and con - duct, had reason to give credit to his conjectures, and to confide in his success. To these considerations, a third must be added of still more powerful influence. About this time the Portuguese fleet, under Csbraly arrived from the Indies ; and, by the richness of its cargo, gave the people of Europe a more perfect idea than they had hitherto been able to form, of the opu- lence and fertility of the east. The Portuguese had been more fortunate in their discoveries than the Spa- niards. Tiiey had opened a communication with coun- tries where industry, arts, and elegance flourished ; and where commerce had been longer established, and carried to greater extent, than in any region of the earth. Their first voyages thither yielded immediate as well as vast returns of profit, in commodities ex- tremely precious and in great request. Lisbon became imme(Uately tbe seat of commerce and wealth ; while Spain had only the expectation of remote benefit, and of future gain, from the western world. Nothing, then, could be more acceptable to the Spaniards than Co- lumbus's offer to conduct them to the east, by a route which he expected to be shorter, as well as less dan- gerous, than that which the Portugese bad taken. Even Ferdinand was roused by such a prospect, and warmly iq>proved of the undertaking. Bi4 interesting af the object of this voyage was to 1 if \9^ [book II. E«st Indies 'his still en- own obser- >me obscure iven by Bas- ic conceived nerica, there' s, and hoped by which a d tlie part of tunate con- be situated an advanced infirmities, adventurer/ ain this ini- letne which fiplish. Se> r Ferdinand )is propoaal. ' hoQourable 1 with whose ft and whose ;h unwilling sible of hit ill and con • ' ecturn, and iderationS) a Lil influence, ider Cabral, liness of its perfect idea of the opu« tuguese had an the Spa- , with coun- rished ; and ilished, and ;ion of the i immediate lodities ex- |}on became altbj while benefit, and thing, then, s tlian Co- , by a route is less dan- bad taken, ospect, and 1502.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 61 the nation, Columbus could procure only four small barks, the largest of which did not exceed seventy tons in burden, for performing it. Accustomed to brave danger, and to engage in arduous undertakings with inadequate force, he did not hesitate to accept the com- mand of this pitiful squadron. His brother Bartholo- mew, and his second son Ferdinand, the historian of his actions, accompanied him. He sailed from Cadiz, on the 9th of May, and touched, as usual, at the Ca- nary islands ; from thence he proposed to have stood directly for the continent ; but his largest vessel was so clumsy and unfit for service as constrained him to bear away for Hispaniola, in hopes of exchanging her for some ship of the fleet tliat had carried out Ovando. When he arrived at St. Domingo (June 29), he found eighteen^ of these ships ready loaded, and on the point of departing for Spain. Columbus immediately ac- quunted the governor witji the destination of his voy- age, and the accident which had obliged him to alter his route. He requested peroxission to enter tlie harbour, not only that he might qcgociate the exchange of his ship, h\}L^^ that he might ti^ke shelter during a violent hnrric^ific;, of. ,wbi«h he discerned the approach from various -prognostics, which his experience and sagacity had flight him to observe. On that account, he ad- yi^cd jiin) likewise to put off for some days the depar- ture, of tb4^(^t bound /or Spain. But Ovando refused hi^ request^ and despised bis counsel. Under circum- stances, in which humanity would have afforded refuge tq.a stranger, Columbus was denied admittance into a couptry of which he had discovered the existence and acquirec the possession. His salutary warning, which merited the greatest attention, was regarded as the dream of a visionary prophet, who arrogantly pretended to predict an event beyond the reach of human fore- sight. The fleet set sail for Spain. Next night the hurricane came on with dreadful impetuosity. Colum- bia, aware of the danger, took precautions against it, and saved his little squadron. The fleet destined for Spain met with the fate which the rashness and obsti- nacy of its commanders deserved. Of eighteen ships twe or three only escaped. In this general wreck perished Bovadilla, Roldan, and the greater part of those who had been the most active in persecuting Colum- bus, and oppressing the Indians. Together with them- selves, all the wealth which they had acquired by their injustice and cruelty was swallowed up. It exceeded in value two hundred thousand j7e«o« ; an immense sum at that period, and suflicient not only to have screened them fropi any severe scrutiny into their conduct, but to have secured them a gracious reception in the Spa- nish court. 'Among the ships that escaped.'one had on board all the effects of ColMubus whieh hod bf en 6. ■■■■ ■ ^ ' ■■ .. -'^'A' 4^-^ recovered from the ruins'of his fortune. Historians, struck with the exact discrimination of characters, as well as the just distribution of rewards and punishments, conspicuous in those events, universally attribute them to an immediate interposition of Divine Providence in order to avenge the wrongs of an injured man, and to punish the oppress^. s of an innocent people. Upon the ignorant and superstitious race of men, who were witnesses of this occurrence, it made a different impres- "■— From an opinion which vulgar admiration is apt sion to entertain with respect to persons who have distin- guished themselves by their sagacity and inventions, they believed Columbus to be possessed of supernatural powers, and imagined that he had conjured up this dreadful storm by magical arts and incantations, in order to be avenged of his enemies. Columbus soon left Hispaniola (July 14), where he met with such an inhospitable reception, and stood to- wards the continent. After a tedious and dangerous voyage, he discovered Guanaia, an island not far distant from the coast of Honduras. There he had an interview with some inhabitants of the conti- nent, who arrived in a large canoe. They appeared to be a people more civilised, and who had made greater progress in the knowledge of useful arts, than any whom he had hitherto discovered. In return to the in- quiries which the Spaniards made, with their usual eagerness, concerning the places where the Indians got the gold which they wore by way of ornament, they di- rected them to countries situated to the west, in which gold was fouiid in such profusion, that it was applied to the most common uses. Instead of steering in quest of a country so inviting, which would have conducted him along the coast of Yucatan to the rich empire of Mexico, Columbus was so bent upon his favourite scheme of finding out the strait which he supposed to communicate with the Indian ocean, that he bore away to the cast towards the gulf of Darien. In this navi- gation he discovered all the coast of the continent, from Cape Gracias a Dios, to a harbour which, on account of its beauty and security, he called Porto Bello. He searched, in vain, for the imaginary strait, through which he expected to make his way into an unknown sea ; and though he went on shore several tiroes, and advanced into the country, he did not penetrate so far as to cross the narrow isthmus which separates the gulf of Mexico from the great southern ocean. He was so much delighted, however, with the fertility of the coun- try, and conceived such an idea of its wealth, from the specimens of gold produced by the natives, that he re- solved to leave a small colony upon the river Belem, in the provitic^ of Veragua, under the command of his brother, and toteturn himself to Spain (1503), in order ■■■' R- ■-■' - •«■ €ii HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book II. 1'-- 'J: iJ. iV I!" t I a, U to fnrocure what was requisite for rendering tlie esta' blivliment permanent. But the ungovernable spirit of the people under his command, deprived Columbus of the glory of planting the first colony on the continent of America. Their insolence and rapaciousness pro- voked the natives to take arms, and as these were a more hardy and warlilce race of men than the inhabi- tants of the islands, they cut off part of the Spaniards, and obliged the rest to abandon a station which was found to be untenable. Tin's repulse, the first that the Spaniards met with from any of the American nations, was not the only misfortune that befel Columbus ; it was followed by a succession of all the disasters to which navigation is exposed. Furious hurricanes, with violent storms of thunder and lightning, threatened his leaky vessels with destruction ; while his discontented crew, exhausted with fatigue, and destitute of provisions, was unwilling or unable to execute his eommands. One of his ships perished ; he was obliged to abandon another, as unfit for service ; and with the two which remained, he quitted that part of the continent which in his anguish he named the Coast of Vexation, and bore away for Hispaniola. New distresses awaited him in this voyage. He was driven back by a violent tempest from the coast of Cuba, his ships fell foul of one another, and were so much 8hatter after suroaoviatiog incredible dangers, and endur- ing such fatigues, that several of the Indiana who ao companied them sunk under it, and died. The atten- tion paid to them by the governor of Hispaniola waa neither such as their courage merited, nor the distreM of the persons from whom they came required. Ovando, from a mean jealousy uf Columbus, was afraid of allow- ing him to set foot in the island under his government. This ungenerous passion hardened his heart against every tender sentiment, which reflection upon the ser- vices and misfortunes of that great man, or compas- sion for his own fellow-citizens involved in the same calamities, must have excited. Mendez and Fieschi si>ent eight months in soliciting relief for their com- mander and associates, without any prospect of obtain- ing it. During this period, various passions agitated the mind of Columbus, and his companions in adversity. At first the expectation of speedy deliverance, from the success of Mendez and Fieschi 's voyage, cheered the spirits of the most desponding. After some time the more timorous began to suspect that they had miscar^ ried in their daring attempt. [1504.] At length, even the most sanguine concluded that they had perished. Tlie ray of hope which had broke in upon them, utada their condition appear now more dismal. Despair, heightened by disappointment, settled in every breast. Their last resource had* failed, and nothing remained but the prospect of ending their miserable days among naked savages, far from their country and their friends. The seamen, in a transport of rage, rose in open mu- tiny, threatened the life of Columbus, whom they re- proached as the author of all their calamities, seized ten canoes, which he had purchased from the Indians, and despibing his remonstrances and entreaties, made of)' with them to a distant part of the island. At the same time the natives murmured at the long residence of the Spaniards in their country. A i their industry was not greater than that of their neighbours in Hispaniola, like them they found the burden ot supporting so many strangers to be altogether intolerable. They began to bring in provisions with reluctance, they furnished them with a sparing hand, and threatened to withdraw those supplies altogether. Such a resolution must have been quickly fatal to the Spaniards. Their safety de- pended upon the good-will of the Indians , and unless they could revive the admiration and reverence with which that simple people had at first beheld them, de- struction was unavoidable. Though the liceotiouB pro- ceedings of the mutineers iuid, in a great measuiV, effaced those impressions which had been so favourable to the Spaniards, the ingenuity uf Coliimbua auggeitod a happy artiftee, that not only restored but heightened fbe high opinion which the Indians had ori^ally enter- al *. i I liSR [book tl. ians who ac- The atten- ispaniola wm the distreM 'cd. Ovando, raid of allow- government. leart agaiast ipon tlie ser- or compas- in the same and Fieschi • their com- eot of obtain- agitated the in adversity, lice, from the !, cheered the ome time the had miscar- length, even had perished. 1 them, uAMle il. Despair, every brea&t. ng remained e days among tlieir friends. in open mu- hom they re- ies, seized ten Indians, and ies, made oil' At the same sidence of the istry was not I Hispaniola, rtiog so many hey began to cy furnished to withdraw on must have sir safety de- , and unless vereuce with :ld them, de- :eQtiouB pro- mt measQt^, BO favourable t» suggestsd t hetghUned ^ally enter- ■1504.] '• tained o^ theta. By hit skill in astronomy he knew that there was shortly to be a total eclipse of the moon. He assembled oil the principal persons of the district around him on the day before it happened, and, after reproaching them for their fickleness in withdrawing their affection and assistance from men wl\om they had lately revered, he told them, that the Spaniards were servants of the Great Spirit who dwells in heaven, who made and governs the world ; tiiat he, offended at their re- fusing to support men who were the objects of his peculiar favour, was preparing to punish this crime with exemplary severity, and that very night the moon should withhold her light, and appear of a bloody hue, as a sign of the divine wrath, and an emblem of the vengeance ready to fall upon them. To this marvellous prediction some of them listened with the careless in- difference peculiar to the people of America ; others, ivith the credulous astonishment natural to barbarians, but when the itioon begskn gradually to be darkened, and at lengtli appeared of a red colour, all were struck with terror. They ran with consternation to their houses, and returning instantly to Columbus loaded Mrith provisions, threw them at, his feet, conjuring him 16 intercede with the Great Spirit to avert the destruc- tioh with which they were threatened. Columbus, seeming to be moved by their entreaties, promised to comply with their desire. The eclipse went off, the moon recovered its splendour, and from that day the Spaniards were not only furnished profusely witli pro- visions, but the natives, with superstitious attention, avoided every thing that could give them offence. During those transactions, the mutineers had made repeated attempts to pass over to Hispaniola in the canoes which they had seized. But, from their own misconduct, or the violence of the winds and currents, their efforts were all unsuccessful. Enraged at this disappointment, they marched towards tiiat part of the island where Columbus remained, threatening him with new insults and danger. While they were advancing, an event happened, more cruel and afflicting than any calamity which he dreaded from them. The governor of Hispaniola, ^hose mind was still filled with some dark suspicions of Columbur, sent a small bark to Jamaica, not to deliver his distressed couhtrymen, but to spy out their condition. Lest the sympathy of those whom he employed should afford them relief, contrary to his intentioti, he gave the cdmitiatid of* this vessel to Escobar, an inveteiite eiiMay of Columbus, Who ad- hering to hh instructibtlS with tflfalignaht accuracy, cast anchor at some distance frolfn the' island, iipproached the shore ih A'smAll boat, bbjetv^ the wretched plight of the Spaniards, delivered a letlt^r of empty compli HISTORY OF AMERICA. 63 When tl»e Spaniards first descried the vessel standing towards the island, every heart exulted, as if the long- expected hour of their deliverance had at length arrived ; but when it disappeared so suddenly, tlicy sunk into the deepest dejection, and all tluir hopes died away. Columbus alone, though he felt most sensibly this wanton insult which Ovando added to his past neglect, retained such composure of mind, as to be able to cheer his followers. He assured them, it Mendcz and Fieschi had reached Hispaniola in . .icty ; that they would speedily procure ships to carry them off] hut as Escobar's vessel could not take them all on board, that he had refused to go with her, because he was deter- mined never to abandon the faithful companions of his distress. Soothed with the expectation of speedy deli- verance, and delighted with his apparent generosity in attending more to their preservation than to his own safety, their spirits revived, and he regained their confidence. Without this confidence, he could not have resisted the mutineers, who were now at hand. All his endea- vours to reclaim those desperate men had no effect but to increase their frenzy. Their demands became every day more extravagant, and their intentions more violent and bloody. The common safety rendered it necessary to oppose them with open force. Columbus, who had been long afflicted with the gout, could not take the field. His brother, the adelantado, marched against them fMay 20). Tliey quickly met. The mutineers rejected with scorn terms of accommodation, which were once more offered them, and rushed on boldly to the attack. They fell not upon an enemy unprepared to receive them. In the first shock, several of their most daring leaders were slain. The adelantado, whose strength was equal to his courage, closed with their captain, wounded, disarmed, and took him prisoner. At sight of this, the rest fled with a dastardly fear, suit- able to their former insolence. Soon after, they sub- mitted in a body to Columbus, and bound themselves by the most solemn oaths to obey all his commands. Hardly was tranquillity re-established, when the ships appeared, whose arrival Columbus had promised with great address, though he could foresee it with little certainty. With transports of joy, the Spaniards quitted an island in which the unfeeling jealousy of Ovando had suffered them to languish above a year, exposed to miisery in iill its vitrious forms. When they arrived at St. Domingo (Aug. 13), the governor, with the mean artifice of a vulgar mind, that labours to atone for insolence by servility, fawned on the man whom hie envied, and had attempted to ruin. He received Columtus with the most studied respect. taaents to the adiftlt^l, deceived hi^alM^r, and departed. I lodged him ib his own house, and distinguisKed bim 64 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book iir. ! J'r ti: !i'' with every mark of honour. But amidst those over- | tion no less irksome than hopQless. In this, however, ■ ' ' ' 'J - ' • was Columbus doomeiji to employ the close of his days. As soon as his health was in some degree re-estublished, he repaired to court ; and though he was received there with civility barely decent, he plied Ferdinand with petition after petition, demanding the punishment of his oppressors, and the restitution of all the privileges bestowed upon him by the capitulation of one thousand four hundred and ninety-two. Ferdinand amused him with fair words and unmeaning promises. Instead of granting his claims, he proposed expedients in order to elude them, and spun out the affair witii such apparent art, us plainly discovered his intention that it should never be terminated. The declining healtli of Colu.iibui flattered Ferdinand with the hopes of being soon deli- vered from an importunate suitor, and encouraged him to persevere in this illiberal plan. Nor was he decived in his expectations. Disgusted with the ingratitude of u monarch whom he had served with such fidelity and success, exhausted with the fatigues and hardships which he hud endured, and broken with the infirmities whicli these had brought upon him, Columbus ended his life at Valladolid on tlie twentieth of May one thousa'^d ave Iiundrcd and six, in the fifty-ninth year of his age. He died with a composure of mind suit- acted demonstrations of regard, he could not conceal the hatred and malignity latent in his heart. He set at liberty the captain of the mutineers, whom Co- lumbus had brought over in chains, to be tried for his crimes, and threatened such as had adiiered to the ad- miral with proceeding to a judicial inquiry into their conduct. Columbus submitted in silence to what he could not redress ; but discovered an extreme impa- tience to quit a country which was under the jurisdic- tion of a man who had treated him, on every occasion, with inhumanity and injustice. His preparations were soon flnisheil, and he set sail fur Spain (Sept. 12), with two ships. Disasters similar to those which had accompanied him through life continued to pursue him to the end of his career. One of his vessels being disabled, was soon forced bark to St. Domingo ; the other, shattered by violent storms, sailed seven hundred leagues ivith jury-masts, and reached with difBpulty the port of St. Lucar (December). There he received the account of an event the most fatal that could have befallen him, and which completed his misfortunes. This was the death of his patroness queen Isabella (Nov. 9), in whose justice, humanity, and favour, he confided as his lasf resource. None now remained to redress his wrongs, or to reward him able to the magnanimity which distinguished his cha- for his services and sufterings, but Ferdinand, who had { racter, and with sentiments of piety becoming that so long opposed and so often injured him. To solicit I supreme respect for religion, which he manifested in a prince thus prejudiced against him, was an occupa- i every occurrence of his life. BOOK III. a ;? ' I ■ State of the cohny in Hispanioln—Setv tear with the Indians— Cmeity of the Spaniardt— Fatal regttlations con- cerning the condition of the Indians— Diminution of that people— Discoveries and settlements— First colony planted on tl. continait— Conquest of Cuba- Discmery of Florida— of the South Sea— Great exftectatioru raised l>y this— Causes of disappointment with re^jmt to these for some time — Controversy concerning the trcatmint of the Indians— Contrary decisions— ZcOil of the ecclesiastics, partiaUarly of Lag Casas— Singular proceedings of Ximenes— Negroes imported into America— Im Casus' idea of a new colony— permitted to at- tempt it— unsuccessful- Discoveries towards the West— Yucatan— Campeachy— New Spain- Freparations for invading it. While Columbus was employed in his last voyage, several events worthy of notice happened in Hispaniola. The colony there, the parent and nurse of all the sub- sequent estab'^shments of Spain in the New World, grailiialiy acqi.ired the form of a regular and prosperous SOI iety. The humane solicitude of Isabella to protect the. Indians from oppression, and particularly the pro- clamation by which the Spaniards were prohibited to compel them to work, retarded, it is true, for some time, the progress of improvement. The natives, who considered exemption from toil as supreme felicity, scorned every allurement and reward by which they were invited to labour. The Spaniards had not a suf- ficient number of bands either to work the mines or to 1505.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 65 cuUirate the loil. Several of the Ont coloniits, who had been accustomed lo the lervioe of the Indians, qattted the island, when deprived of tho.> w c y 1: >unds. But, barbarous as their policy was, n<..' final to the tn- habiti'nts of Hispaniola, it produced, for som^ time, very considerable effects. By calling forth the force of a whole nation, and exerting it in one direction, the working of the mines was carried on with am'izing ra- pidity and success. During several ye.irs, the gold' brought into the royal smelting-houses in l-lisp&niola, amounted annually to four hundred and sixty thousand pesos, above a hundred thousand pounds sterling; which, if we attend to the great change in the value of money since the beginning of the sixteenth century to the present times, must appear a considerable sum. Vast fortunes were created, of a sudden, by some. Others dissipated in ostentatious profusion, what they acquired with facility. Daziiled by both, new adven- turers crowded tu America, with the most eager impa- tience, to share in those treasures which had enriched their countrymen ; and, notwithstanding the mortality occasioned by the unhealthiness of the climate, the co- lony continued to increase. Ovando governed the Spaniards with wisdom and justice, not inferior to the rigour with which he treated the Indian*. He established equal laws, and, by exe- cuting them with impartiality, accustomed the peoplfc of the colony to reverence them. He founded several new towns in different parts of the island, and allured inhabitants to them, by the concession of various im- munities. He endeavoured to turn the attention of tlw Spaniards to some branch of industry mure useful than that of searching for gold in the mines. Some slips of the sugar-cane having been brought from the Ca- nary islands by way of experiment, they were found to thrive with such increase in the rich soil and warm climate to which they were transplanted, that the cul^ tivation of them soon became an object of commerce. Extensive plantations were begun ; sugar-works, which tl>c Spaniards called mgenio's, from the various machi- nery employed in them, were erected, and in a few years tlie manufacture of this commodity was the greaii occupation of the inhabitants of Hispaniola, and the most considerable source of their wealth. The prudent endeavours of Ovando, to promote tlie welfare of the colony, were powerfully seconded by Ferdinand. The large remittances which he received from the New World opened his eyes, at length, with respect to the importance of those discoveries, which lie had hitherto affected to undervalue. Fortune, and his own address, having now extricated him out of those difficulties in which lie had been involved by tl»e l^FS .\N;\CUi\N'A /./ «',■ Tjeatu '../ //-, Sr A '.V .1 .A R V : veries, which ..i n/i./ 'w/«Vi//;:/».l(/Vf''jn.. vu- ill 't:. , \M 1i ■1 if; ' "i I 4 f*' dea his lie of. deb forr whi He Cas pers coin Tl.i! inv( 1508.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 67 death of his queen [1507], and by his disputes with his son-in-law about tlie governnnent of her dominions, he had full leisure to turn his attention to the j*ffairs of America. To his ^)rovideiit sagacity, Spain is in- debted for many of those regulations which gradually formed that system of profound, but jealous policy by which she governs her dominions in the New World. He erected a court, distinguished by the title of the Cusa de Contratacion, or Board of Trade, composed of persons eminent for rank and abilities, to whom he committed the administration of American affairs. This board assembled regularly in Seville, and was invested with a distinct and extensive jurisdiction. He gave a regular form to ecclesiastical government in Ameiica, by nominating archbishops, bishops, deans, together with clergymen of subordinate ranks, to take charge of the Spaniards established there, as well as of the natives who should embrace the Christian faith. But, notwithstanding the obsequious devotion of the Spanish court to the papal see^ sujh was Ferdinand's solicitude to prevent any foreign pcwer from claiming jurisdiction, or acquiring influence, in his new domi- nions, that he reserved to the crown of Spain the sole right of patronage to the benefices in America, and stipulated that no papal bull or, mandate should be promulgated there, until it was previously examined and approved of by his council. With the same spirit of jealousy, he prohibited any goods to be exported to America, or any person to settle there, without a special licence from that council. But notwithstanding this attention to the police and welfare of the colony, a calamity impended which threatened its dissolution. The original inhabitants, un whose labour the Spaniards in Hispaniola depended for their prosperity, and even their existence, wasted so fast, that the extinction of the whole race seemed to be inevitable. When Columbus discovered Hispaniola, the number of its inhabitants was computed to be at least a million. They were now reduced ti sixty thousand in the space of fifteen years. This consump- tion of the human species, no less amazing than rapid, was the effect of several concurring causes. The na- tives of the American islands were of a more feeble constitution than tlie inhabitants of the other hemi- sphere. They could neither perform the same work, nor endure the same fatigue, with men whose organs were of a more vigorous conformation. The listless indolence in wliich they delighted to pass their days, as It was the effect of their debility, contributed like- wise to increase it, and rendered them, from habit as we!l as constitution, incapable of hard labour. The food on which they subsisted afforded little nourishment and they were accustomed to take it in small quantities, not sufficient to invigorate a languid frame, and render it equal to the efforts of active industry. The Spa- niards, without attending to those peculiarities in the constitution of the Americans, imposed tasks upon them, which, though not greater than Europeans might have performed with ease, were so disproportioned to their strength, that many sunk under the fatigue, and ended their wretched days. Others, prompted by im- patience and despair, cut short their own lives with a violent hand. Famine, brought on by compelling such numbers to abandon the culture of their lands, in order to labour in the mines, proved fatal to many. Diseases of various kinds, some occasioned by the hardships to which they were exposed, and others by their inter- course with the Europeans, who communicated to them some of their peculiar maladies, completed the desolation of the island. The Spaniards being thus deprived of the instruments which they were accustomed to employ, found it impossible to extend their improve- ments, or even to carry on the works which they had already begun. [1508] In order to provide an imme- diate remedy for an evil so alarming, Ovando proposed to transport the inhabitants of the Lucayo islands to Hispaniola, under pretence that they might be civilized with more facility, and instructed to greater advantage in the Christian religion, if they were united to the Spanish colony, and placed under the immediate in- spection of the missionaries settled there. Ferdinand, deceived by this artifice, or willing to connive at an act of violence which policy represented as necessary, gave his assent to the proposal. Several vessels were fitted out for the Lucayos, the commanders of which in- formed the natives, with whose language they were now well acquainted, that they came from a delicious country, in which the departed ancestors of the Indians resided, by whom they were sent to invite their de- scendants to resort thither, to partake of the bliss en- joyed there by happy spirits. That simple people listened with wonder and credulity ; and, fond of visit- ing their relations and friends in that happy region, followed the Spaniards with eagerness. By this arti • fice, above forty thousand were decoyed into Hispa- niola, to share in the sufferings which were the lot of the inhabitants of that island, and to mingle their groans and tears with those of that wretched race of men. The Spaniards had, for some time, carried on their operations in the mines of Hispaniola with such ardour as well as success, that these seemed to have engrossed , their whole attention. The spirit of discovery lan- guished ; and, since the last voyage of Columbus, no enterprise of any moment had been undertaken. But as the decrease of the Indians rendered it impossible to 68 HISTORV OF AMERICA. [book in. ;.. )| .*''ll t if- 11 U, ! I' iff acquire wealth in that island with the same rapidity as formerly, this urged some of the more adventurous Spaniards to search for new countries, wiiere tl»eir avarice might be gratified with more facility. Juan Ponce de Leon, who commanded under Ovando in tlie eastern district of Hispaniola, passed over to the island of St. Juan de Puerto Rico, which Columbus had dis- covered in his second voyage, and penetrated into the interior part of the country. As he found the soil to be fertile, and expected, from some symptoms, as well as from the information of the inhabitants, to discover mines of gold in the mountains, Ovando permitted him to attempt making a settlement in tlie islauJ. This was easily effected by an oflicer eminent for con- duct no less than for courage. In a few years Puerto Rico was subjected to the Spanisii government, the natives were reduced to servitude; and, being treated with the same inconsiderate rigour as their neighbours in Hispaniola, the race of original inhabitants, worn out with fatigue and sufferings, was soon exterminated. About tlie same time, Juan Diaz dc Solis, in con- junction with Vincent Yanez "inzon, one of Colum- bus's original companions, made a voyage to the con- tinent. They held the same course which Columbus had taken, as far as to the island of Guanaios ; but, standing from thence to the west, they discovered a new and extensive province, afterwards known by the name of Yucatan, and proceeded a considerable way along the coast of that country. Though nothing memorable occurred in this voyage, it deserves notice, because it led to discoveries of greater importance. For the same reason, the voyage of Sebastian de Ocampo inust be mentioned. By tlie command of Ovando, lie sailed round Cuba, and first discovered with certiiinty. that this country, which Columbus once supposes to be a part of the continent, was a large island. This voyage round Cuba was one of the last occur- rences under the administration of Ovando. Ever since the death of Columbus, his son Don Diego had been employed in soliciting Ferdinand to grant him the offices of viceroy and admiral in the New World, together with all the other immunities and profits which descended to him by inheritance, in consequence of the original capitulation with his father. But if these dignities and revenues appeared so considerable to Ferdinand, that, at the expcnce of being deemed «njust as well as ungrateful, he had wrested them from Columbus, it is not surprising that he should be un'> willing to confer them on his son. Accordingly, Don Diego wasted two years in incessant but fruitless importu .ty. Weary of this he endeavoured at length to obtain, by a legal sentence, what he could not pro- cure from the favour of an ioterested monarch. He commenced a suit against Ferdinand before the council which managed Indian affairs, and that court, with in- tegrity which reflects honour upon its proceedings, decided against the king, and sustained Don Diego's claim of the viceroyalty, together with all the other privileges stipulated in the capitulation. Even after this decree, Ferdinand's repugnance to put a subject in possession of such extensive rights, might have thrown in new obstacles, if Don Diego had not taken a step which interested very powerful persons in the success of his claims. Tl e sentence of the council of the Indies gave him a title to a rank so elevated, and a fortune so opulent, that he found no difficulty in con- cluding a marriage with Donna Maria, daughter of Don Ferdinand de Toledo, great commendator of Leon, and brother of the duke of Alva, a nobleman of tlie first rank, and nearly related to the king. The duke and his family espoused so warmly the cause of their new ally, that Ferdinand could not resist their solici- tations. [1509] He recalled Ovando, and appointed Don Diego his successor, though, even in conferring this favour, he could not conceal his jealousy ; for he allowed him to assume only the title of governor, not that of viceroy, which had been adjudged to belong to him. Don Diego quickly repaired to Hispaniola, attended by his brother, his uncles, his wife, whom the courtesy of the Spaniards honoured with the title of viee-queen, and a numerous retinue of persons of both sexes, born of good families. He lived with a splendour and mag- nificence hitherto unknown in the New Wor'd ; and the family of Columbus seemed now to enjoy the ho- nours and rewards due to his inventive genius, of which he himself had been cruelly defrauded. The colony itself acquired new lustre by the accession of so many inhabitants, of a different rank and character from most of those who had hitherto migrated to America, and many of the most illustrious families iu the Spanish settlements are descended from the persons who at that time accompanied Don Diego Columbus. No benefit accrued to the unhappy natives from this change of governors. Don Diego was not only autho- rised iiy a royal edict to continue the repartimientos, or di:,tribution of Indians, but the particular number which he might grant to every person, according to liis rank in the colony, was specified. He availed himself of that permission, and soon after he landed at St. Do- mingo, he divided such Indians as were still unappro- priated, anu .ig his relations and attendants. The next ciu-e of the new governor was to comply with an instruction which he received from the king, about settling a colony in Cubagua, a small island which Columbus liad discovered in his third voyage. HISTORY OF AMEllICA. Gr 1509.] Though this barren spot hardly yieldt-il subsistence to its wretched inhabitants, sucli quatititics of those oysters wliith produce pearls were found on its coast, that it did not long escape the inquisitive avarice of tiic Spa- niards, and became a place of considerable resort. Large fortunes were acquired by the fisliery of pearls, which v\as carried on with extraordinary ardour. 'I'he Indians, especially those from the L\icayo islands, were compelled to dive for them ; and this dangerous and unhealthy employment was an additional calamity, wliich contributed not a little to the extinction of t!iat devoted race. Ahtint this period, Juan Diaz de Solis and Pinzon set out, in conjunction, upf)n a second voyage. They stood directly south, towards the equinoctial line, whicii j ^»-J<-T ^^ give their title to those countries ^onie appear associates, who advanced the money requisite to defray the charges of tiic expedition. About the same time, Diego de Nicuessa, who had acqui.-ed a large foriun(! iu Hispaniola, formed a simihir design. Ferdinand en- couraged both ; and, though he refused to advance the smallest sum, was extremely liberal of titles and patei;ts. He erected two governments on the continent, one ex- tending from Cape de Vela to the gulf of Daricn, and the other from that to Cape Cjnieias a Dios. The for- mer was given to Ojeda, the latter to Nicuessa. Ojcda fitted out a ship and two briganlines, with three hun- dred men j Nicuessa, six vessels, witii seven hundred and eighty men. Tliey sailed about the same time from St. Domingo for their resjiective governments, lu Pin/on had formerly crossed, and advanced aj far as the fortieth degrcfe of southern latitude. They were asto- iiislied to find that the continent of America stretched on their riglit hand, through all this vast extent of ccf'iui. They huulodin diHerent places, tutakcpossesiiion in name of their sovereign ; but though the country ap- peared to be extremely fertile and inviting, their force was so small, having been fitted out rather for disco- very than making settlements, that they left no colony behind them. 'J'heir voyage served, however, to give the Spaniards more exalted and ade(|uate ideas with re- spect to the dimensions of this new quarter of the globe. Though it was about ten years since Columbus had discovered the main land of America, the Spaniards had hitherto made no settlement in any part of it. What had been so long neglected was now seriously attempted, and with considerable vigour, though the plan for tiiis purpose was neither formed by the crown, nor executed at the expenceof the nation, but carried on by the < m terprising spirit of private adventurers, 'i'i ;s sche i-e took its rise from Aloneo de Ojeda, wlio had already made two voyages as a discoverer, by which he acquired considerable reputation, but no wealth. But lus cha- racter for intrepidity and conduct easily procuri'd him * The form employed on tliis ocfasioii, served as a model to •he JSpaiiiards i» alt their sulMequi'iit conquests in Asacrv-a. • It is so extraordinary iu its nature, and gives us such an idea of (he proceedings of the Spaniards, and the prii' iples upon wliicii tliey founded their right to the extensive dominioi.s wliich they acquired in the New World, fhat it well merits the attention of the reader. " I Alon/o de Ojeila, servant of the most high and powerful kings of Castile ami I. ton, the con- querors of barbarous nations, their niesseni^er ami c.i;>tain, notify to you and declare, in as ample form as I am cajiablc, that (lod our Lord, who is one and eternal, created tliu heiven and the earth, aud cue man and one woman, of whom you nnd wc, and all the men who have been, or shall be, in the world, arc descended. But as it has come to pass, through the niim - ber of generations during more than ftvc thousand years, that ance of validity, several of the most eminiut divirics and lawyers in S])ain were employed to prescribe the mode in which they should take jiossession of them. There is not in the history of mankind any thing more singular or extravagant than the form which they de- vised for this purpose. They instructed those invaders, as soon as they landed on the continent, to declare to the natives the principal articles of the Christian faith ; to acquaint them, in particular, with the supreme juris- diction of the pope over all the kingdoms of the earth; to inform them of the grant which this holy pontift' had made of their country to the king of vSpain ; to require them to embrace the doctrines of that religion whicli the Spaniards made known to them ; and to submit to the sovereign whose authority they ]>roclaimrd. If the natives refused to comply with this requiiii'.ion, the terms of which must have been utterly incomprehensi- ble to uninstructed India. is, then Ojcda and Nicuessa were authorised to aitack them with fire and sword ; to reduce them, their wives and cliikireii, to a state of ser.- vitiide ; and to compel them by force to recognize the jurisdiction of the church, and tiie authority of thi; monarcli, to which they would not voluntarily subject then.sclves.* As the inhabitants of the continent could not readily they liave been tlispersed into liilTerciit parts of llie v.diI 1, and aio divided into various kingdoms and pio\iin'e?, beeaii(.e one loaiitry was not able to contain tlieij i or c(;mK1 thry h:ive foiiad in one the meaiisi of subsistence ;\nd priservatioii ; there- fore tiod I'ur Lord gave tlie charge of al! those jwople to one man, named St. Peter, wiioin lie consi.itulcd the lord ;!iid lieml of all the iiuman race, tli.it all men. '-n whatever place tliey are born, or mi whatever t'ailh or place lliey arc ediicateti. aiiaht yield obctlience unto liiiu. He hath snljjected the \\hrile \\orM to his jurisdiction, and c(miniauded him to establish liis resi' (lencein Uv>mc, as the most proper pLicc for the govonime'it of the world. He likewise promised and gave him power to e^itn- blish his authority in every other pail of tli: world, and to judge and govern all Christians, Moors, .lews. Gentiles, and all other people, of whatever sect or faith they may be. To T .Ml ! *■;; 70 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book III. If yield assent to doctrines too refined for their unculti- vated uiulerstandings, and explained to them by inter- preters inipcrffctly acquainted with their language; as they did not conceive how a foreign priest, of whom they had never heard, could have any rigiit to dispose of their country, or how an unknown prince should claim jurisdiction over them as his subjects; they fiercely op- posed the new invaders of their territories. Ojeda and Nicuessa endeavoured to effect by force what they could not accomplish by persuasion. The contemporary writers enter into a very minute detail in relating their transactions ; but as they made no discovery of injpor- tance, nor established any permanent settlement, their adventures are not entitled to any considerable place in the general history of a period, where romantic vjilour, strutrgling with incredible hardsliips, distinguish every effort of the Spanish arms. They found the natives in those countries of which they went to assume the go- vernment, to be of a ciiaratter very different from that , of their countrymen in the islands. They were fierce and warlike. Their arrows wer-; dipt in a poison so uoxious, that every wound was followed with certain death. In one encounter tliey slew above seventy of Ojcda's followers, and the Spaniards, for the first time, were taught t« dread the inhabitants of the New World. Kicuessa was opposed by people equally resolute in de- fence of their possessions. Nothing could soften their ferocity. Though the Spaniards employed every art to liini is piven the iiai'io of Pnpr, which sisjiiifies adiniruble, ^'leiif fatlicr and giniill;.n, because he is the father ami gover- imr of all men. 'I'liise \iho lived in the time of this holy fatlier olieycd anil a<' of (.'i)>ti!r, Don Fcrdinnrid and Donna Isaof lia, of glorious memory and their sn((iiins, and eonlinue to be so ; and his n:ajesty having reerived them Kraeion>iy under his protection, hi.;; commanded that tSey should lie treated in the suiue inan- ner ;is his other subjects and xassals. You are hound ;ind »'blige\- ment of all you |/0ssess, in the same inauneras the iuhabitauis of the islands, iiesitles this, his majesty will liestow upon you many pi'i\ileges, exemptions, and rewards. Hut if yju will not comply, or miilieiously delay to obey niv injunction, then, with the help of (ioose of them according to his majesty's Iilea.*.ure ; 1 will seize your ;;oods and do you all the mischief in mv power, as rebellious subjects, who tvill not aekuowledge or siilmiit to their- lawful sovereign. AikI 1 protest, that all the bloodshed and ealatnitics which shall follow are to be im- puted to you, and not to his majesty, or to me, or the gentle- men who serve under me ; and as i have now mutle this de- el, nation and requisition unto you, 1 retiuire the notary hero jiresent to grant me a cei titieaie of this, subscribed in pio^icr foriu,' — iierrera, dec. i. lib. vii ». 11 m J ■ t ■-■'"■ J • ■'i ^ ■> it : '4^ / , ' i ;■.*. U j' "»' _l. f' J . ' , •>-<; .." •• I.; HHMmftHmMi :'t 1 r ;>.! .' '- *H ■ ' 'i - - i ■ !i HI AT f F". ^ Bl-.H^ST AT TSa'K .HTAKl'.. ;,imi h< did nut discern the use, tumbled the gold out of the balance with indignation; and, turning to the Spaniards, " Why do you quarrel (says he) about such a trifle? If you arc so passionately fo id of gold, as to abandon your own country, and to disturb the tranquillity of distant nations for its sake, i will conduct you to a region where the metal which seems to be the chief object of your admiration and desire, is so common that the meanest utensils are formed of it.'' Trans- ported with what they heard, Balboa and his comjia- nions inquired eagerly where this happy country Jay, and how they might arrive at it. He informed them that at the distance of six suns, that is, of six days journ<'y towards the south, they should discover an- other ocean, near to which this wealthy kingdom was situated ; but if they intended to attack that powerful state, they must assemble forces far superior in number and strength to those with which they now appeared. This was the first information which the Spaniards received concerning the great southern ocean, or the opulent and extensive country known afterwards by the name of Peru. Balboa had now before him objects suited to his boundless ambition, and the enterprising 1513.] HISTOEY OF AMERICA. 70 wdoui of his genius. He immediately ooncluded tite ocean which the unziqae mentioned, to be that for tvhicli Columbus had searclied without success in tills part of America, in hopes of opening a more direct communication with the East Indies ; and he conjec- tured that the rich territory which had been described to him, must be part of that vast and opulent region of the earth. Elated with the idea of performing what so great a man had attempted in vain ; and eager to accomplish a discovery which he knew would be r.o less acceptable to the king than beneficial to his coun- try, he was impatient until he could set out upon this enterprise, in comparison of which all his former ex- ploits appeared inconsiderable. But previous arrange- ment and preparation were requisite to ensure success. He began with courting and securing the friendship of the neighbouring caziques. He sent some of his officers to Hispnniola with a large quantity of gold, as a proof of his pust success, and an earnest of his future hopes, liy a proper distribution of this, they secured the favour of the governor, and allured volunteers into the service. A considerable reinforcement from tiiat island joined him, niid he thought himself in a condition to r.ttempt the discovery. The isthmus of Darien is not above sixty miles in breadtli ; hut this neck of land, wiiich binds together the continents of North and South America, is strength- ened by a chain of lofty mountains stretching through its whole extent, which render it a barrier of solidity sutlicient to resist the impulse of two opposite oceans, i'he niountains are covered with forests almost inacces- sible. The valleys in that moist climate, where it rains during two-tiiirds of tiic year, arc marshy, and so fre- quently overflowed, that the inhabitants find it neces- sary, in many places, to build their houses upon trees, in order to be elevated at some distance from the dump Soil, and tlie odious reptiles engendered in the putrid waters. Large rivers rush down with an impetuous current from the high grounds. In a region thinly in- habited by wandering savages, the hand of industry had done nothing to mitigate or correct those natural dis- advantages. 'J'o march across this unexplored country, with no other guides but Indians, whose fidelity could be little trusted, was, on all those accounts, the boldest enterprise on which the Spaniards had hitherto ven- tured in liie New World. But the intrepidity of Bal- boa was such as distinguished him among his country- men, at a period when every adventurer was conspicu- ous for daring' courage [1513]. Nor was bravery his only nurit; he was ]>rudent in conduct, generous, aflii- hlc, and p issesscd of those popular talents which, in the most desperate undertakings, inspire confidence and secure attachment. Even after the junction of the 7-a. volunteers from Hlspaniola, he wns able to muster only an hundred and ninety men for his expedition. But they were hardy veterans, inured to the climate of Ame- rica, aiul ready to follow him through every danger. A thousand Indians attended them to carry their pro- visions ; and to complete their warlike array, they took with them several of those fierce dogs, which were no less formidable than destructive to their naked enemies. Balboa set out upon this important expedition on the first of September, about the time that the periodical rains began to abate. He proceeded by sea, and with- out any difticulty, to the territories of a cnzique whose friendship he had gained ; but no sooner dfd he begin to advance into the interior part of the country, than he was retarded by every obstacle, which he had reason to apprehend, from the nature of the territory, or the disposition of its inhabitants. Some of the caziques, at his approach, fled to the mountains with all their people, and carried oflF or destroyed wliatever could afford subsistence to his troops. Others collected their subjects, in order to oppose his progress, and he quickly perceived what an arduous undertaking it was, to con- duct such a body of men through hostile nations, across swamps and rivers, and woods, which had never been passed but by straggling Indians. But by sharing in every hardship with the meanest soldier, by appearing the foremost to meet every danger, by promising con- fidently to his troops the enjoyment of honour and riches superior to what had been attained by the most successful of their countrymen, he inspired them with such enthusiastic resolution, that they followed him without murmuring. When they had penetrated a good way into the mountains, a powerful cazique appeared in a narrow pass, with a numerous body of his subjects, to obstruct their progress. But men who had sur- mounted so many obstacles, despised the opposition of such feeble enemies. They attacked them with impe- tuosity, and having dispersed them with much ease and great slaughter, continued their march. Though their guides had represented the breadth of the isthmus to be only a journey of .six days, they had already spent twenty-five in forcing their way through the woods and mountains. Many of them were ready to sink under such uninterrupted fatigue in that sultry climate, seve- ral were taken ill of dysentery and other diseases fre- quent in that country, and all became impatient to reach the period of their labours and sufferings. At Icnytli the Indians assured them, that from the top of the next mountain they should discover the ocean which was the object of their wishes. When, with in- finite toil, they had climbed up the greater part of that steep ascent, Balboa commanded his men to halt, and advanced alone to the summit, that he might be the U ^ma - 74 HISTORY OF AJIERICA. [book III. I- I first who should enjoy a spectftLi ' which he had so long rlrsircd. As soon as he beheld tlie South Sea stretch- ing in enilless prospect below liim, he fell on his knees, nnd lifting up his hands to heaven, returned thanks to God, who had conducted him to n discovery so benefi- cial to his country, nnd so honourable to himself. His followers, observing his transports of joy, rushed for- ward to join in his wonder, exultation, nncdJtion. All the people on the coast of the South 5^c4i concurred in informing him that there wa;v a aiif-hty tutd opulent kingdom situated at a considerahle distance towards the south-east, the inhabitants of which had tat/ic animals to carry their burdens. In order to give the Spaniards an ' '< of tliese, they drew upon the sand the figure of the !. .. : or sheep, afterwards found in Peru, which the ' ' ;s had taught to perform such services as ;hey ■ ' '. As the L'ama, in its foim, nearly resembles a n.f^i, a beast of burden deemed peculiar to Asia, this clrcumstince, in conjunction with the discovery of the pearls, another noted production of that country, tendtu to confirm the Spaniards in their mistaken theory w^th respect to the vicinity of the New World to the Easi Indies. But though the information which Balboa received from the people on the coast, as well as his own con- jectures and hopes, rendered him extremely impatient to visit this unknown country, his prudence restrained him from attempting to invade it with an handful of men, exhausted by fatigue, and weakened by diseases.* * Balboa, in his letter to the king, observes, that of the hundred and ninety men whom he took with him, there were sever above eighty fit for service at one time. So much did He determined to lead back his followers, at present, to their settlement at Santa Maria in Darien, and to re- turn next season with a force more adeifuate to such an arduous enterprise. In order to acqui' a more exten- sive knowledge of the isthmus, he marched buck by a ditferent rout*, which he found to be no less dangerous and difficult than that which \\r hid formerly taken. But to men elated with success, and nn'mated with hope, nothing is insurmountable. Balboa returned to Santa Maiia [1514], from wliich he had been absent four months, with grciucr glory and more treasure than the Spaniards had acatirnd in any expedition in the New World. None ol iialboa's oihcers distinguished them- selves more in this service than Francisco Pizarro, or assisted with greater courage and ardour in opening a communication with those countries, in which he was destined to act soon a most illustrious part. Balboa's first care was to send information to Spain of the important discovery which he had made ; and to demand a reinforcement of a thousand men, in order to attempt the conquest of that opulent country, con- cerning which he had received such inviting intelli- gence. The first account cf the discovery of the New World hardly occasioned greater joy, than the unex- pected tidings that a passage was at last found to the great Southern Ocean. The communication with the East Indies, by a course to the westward of the line of demarcation, drawn by the pope, seemed now to be cer- tair.. The vast wealth which flowed into Portugal from its settlements and conquests in that country, excited the envy and called forth the emulation of other states. Ferdinand hv.pcd now to come in for a share in this li'crativc commerce, and in his eagerness to obtain it, was willing to make an effort beyond what Balboa re- quired. But even in this exertion, his jealous policy, as well as the fatal antipathy of Fonseca, now bishop of Burgos, to every man of merit who distinguished himself in the New World, were conspicuous. Not- withstanding Balboa's recent services, which marked him out as the most proper person to finish that great undertaking which he had begun, Ferdinand was so ungenerous as to overlook these, and to appoint Pedra- rias Davila governor of Darien. He gave him the command of fifteen stout vessels, and twelve hundred soldiers. These were fitted out at the public expence, witn a liberality which Ferdinand had never displayed in any former armament destined for the New World; and such was the ardour of the Spanish gentlemen to follow a leader who was about to conduct them to a country, where, as fame reported, they had only to they suffer from hunger, fatigue, and sickness.— Werrcra, dec. I. lib. X. c. 16. P. Mart, decwl. 226. w iM'. "r ' t', - S^WfP** w- , Kr.' A fw tt/ KI^^^^' mM^ ^^S^'" ■fe-- m^S^i "" "'' ^' Hrtbft*ft5'«MiWH ffHF'i pwpjmyt' «« '^ •, -ViT ■ri ;W'*4i*%v,# ■■'■? Jftifc.-*^;! ■'"'^ I Wjff 'S^F V A 1. 11 o A » i .s (• o V r. :n ■ Ti n T 31K ."^ (^ r ".• i-i :i''. h r» (.> c k ^- .•' r .^. c^ "^Sjl^ ^"V, IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) A {./ y/j^ ^4l 1.0 I.I l^|2£ |2.5 1^ 1^ 112.2 lU 1^ lllllio 11.25 III 1.4 iiiiim 1.6 V % ^ Photographic Sciences Corporation ^ ^ # <\ 4s. '^A ^ 23 WKT MAIN STRUT WnSTn,N.Y. MSSO (716)t72-4»03 .at I If M ]{ h ■ u -^,. ri?!M!> / ' ;^0!8n» ^■'lufy^iifr r» i'. id -I'll I, ,4 ., 'rf* >(.<> /(I'lirif' '-»t m I ':..'! !• I 'f R0-' •' (i< I 'liod tflj 0.) ■» rf< If'TVld ti'i/idlf * /(iT *»«l1iiW l1 I • ' !.» f «1 a 1/ •;•<•"' ;l. 'i • t.f' 'M"rfc*» , *>i *'■» 1- III I 'Vt^'f "^ r ' I €.1.1 1'. ^ U Ji'itll'C. 'I (!»■ IT' ).jCI I •>,■> • II II. I.Hi ■■I -.fit io loiM'/^'S "• ' I ,'ic« -^utifn 'till. ■ fK 1.1 .i.fi'ihiii b{ ■•■u'l <■'.*.' ,)i M.Ji't "lUl // :( I > M iH - 1 , !. w ■ ,!) (t •!;:!( •• !;U - I'l. ' /Si!« V.'IIM 1 ..1 ■/ irfl'i. 1 v.ti;u ,ji I r it:.- tiuili'Jt Ulid <'J(fj 4 ir.iJ J// ,ii .Itll I'-' .?] ;..■) .j v'l^ >!i; :ji ^-! > 1] Js-jrifif) J< tj Hi ■■ li 'i {id. .'1...' ii • 'ti'i' .h ,f ■■.■,:■'.!- IJ •i!'- I 'T ;i/ I t. u;r|' aJ i .' 3''} < #■' ifW ■M'jtt 'J ../f ti ., S' II iji;;.iii<(t'.: .U;I.' iO< i' .'. I" (I ■'■ .1 itili 3li fi'.i.l fl K «■, I ■r"»*>. i {11 *• i '•'l ■ •!' J«^ { ^. !| JIF^ /^ tun'/, ■ ■ ' />■' »'• ■'•rjib-:, t . ,. ( . ;/-,)' M nijiS -J / -•). /:.- # -^ 1 ' I ■ 1 . •' f • ' W ,-"j'(Ji ', .4. (; i,|j'.1>- o longer remain in a place where his power and conse- quence were almost annihilated. He repaired to Spain with the vain hopes of obtaining redress. Albuquerque entered upon his office with all the rapacity of an indi- gent adventurer, impatient to amass wealth. He began with taking the exact number of Indians in the island, and founil, that from sixty thousand, who, in the year one thousand five hundred and eight, survived after qucnce. Don Diego Columbus, the principal officers of the colony, and all the laymen who had been his hearers, complained of the monk to his superiors; but they, instead of condemning, applauded his doctrine, ns equally pious and seasonable. The Franciscans, in« tluenced by the spirit of opposition and rivalship which subsists between the two orders, discovered some in- clination to take part with the laity, and to espouse the defence of the repartimientos. But as they could not with decency give their avowed approbation to a system of oppression, so repugnant to the spirit of religion^ they endeavoured to palliate what they could not jus- tify, and alleged, in excuse for the conduct of their countrymen, that it was impossible to carry on any im- provement in the colony, unless the Spaniards possessed su''h dominion over the natives, that they could compel them to labour. Tlic Dominicans, regardless of such political and in- terested considerations, would not relax in any degree the rigour of their sentiments, and even refused to ab- solve, or admit to the sacraments, such of their coun- trymen as continued to hold the natives in servitude. Both parties applied to the king for his decision in a matter of such importance. Ferdinand empowered a committee of his privy-council, assisted by some of tlift most eminent civilians and divines in Spain, to hear the deputies sent from Hispaniola in support of their respective opinions. After a long discussion, the spe- culative point in controversy was determined in favour of the Dominicans, the Indians were declared to be a^ free jwople, entitled to all the natural rights of men; but, notwithstanding this decision, the repartimientot were continued upon their ancient footing. As this determination admitted the principle upon which the Dominicians founded their opinion, they renewed their efforts to obtain relief for the Indians with additional boldness and zeal. At length, in order to quiet the colony, which was alarmed by their remonstrances and censures, Ferdinand issued adecreeof his privy council [1513], declaring, that after mature consideration of the apostolic bull, and other tiiles by which the crown of Castile claimed a right to its possessions in the New World, the servitude of the Indians was warranted both by the laws of God and of man ; that unless they were subjected to the dominion of the Spaniards, and com- pelled to reside under their inspection, it would be im- possible to reclaim them from idolatry, or to instruct them in the principles of the Christian faith ; that no ?p. iggamm ; 1 i* ■ til 73 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book III. farther scruple ought to be entertained concerning the lawfulness of tlie reparHmientos,tiii the king and council Mrere willing to take the charge of that upon their own consciences ; and that therefore the Dominicans, and monks of other religious 6rders, should abstain, for the future, from those invectives, which, from an excess of charitable but ill-informed zeal, they had uttered against that practice. That his intention of adhering to this decree might be fully understood, Ferdinand conferred new grants of Indians upon several uf his courtiers.* But in order that he might not seem altogether inattentive to the rights of humanity, he i ubiished an edict, in which lie endeavoured to |)rovide for the mild treatment of the Indians under the yoke to which he subjected them ; he regulated the nature of the work which they should be required to perform, he prescribed the mode in which they should be clothed and fed, and gave di- rections with respect to their instruction in the prin- ciples of Christianity. But the Dominicans, who, from their experience of what was past, judged concerning the future, soon perceived the ineflScacy of those provisions, and fore- told, that as long as it was the interest of individuals to treat the Indians with rigour, no public regulations could render their servitude mild or tolerable. They considered it as vain to waste their own time and strength in attempting to communicate the sublime truths of religion to men, whose spirits were broken, and their faculties impaired by oppression. Some of them, in despair, requested the permission of their su- periors to remove to the continent, and to pursue the object of their mission among such of the natives as were not hitherto corrupted by the example of the Spa- niards, or alienated by their cri'.elty from the Christian faith. Such as remained in Hispaniola continued to remonstrate, with «'.ecent firmness, against the servitude of the Indians. The violent operations of Albuquerque, the new dis- tribulor of Indians, revived the zeal of the Dominicans against the repartimietitos, and called forth an advocate for that oppressed people, who possessed all the cou- rage, the talents, and activity requisite in supporting sucli a desperate cause. This was Bartholomew de las Casas, a native of Seville, and one of the clergymen sent out with Columbus in his second voyage to His- paniola, in order to settle in that island. He early adopted the opinion prevalent among ecclesiastics, with respect to the unlawfulness of reducing the natives to * Fonseca, bishop of Paltncia, tiie pi incipni director of Aaie- r'lcan afTain, iiad eijfUt hundred Indians in propeitv; the conimeDdator, Lope dc Gondiillos, his chief astsociiite in tlmt department, eleveu huadred ; and other favou;ittii hud con - servitude ; and tlut he might demonstrate the sincerity of his conviction, he relinquished all the Indians who had fallen to his owa share in the division of the inha- bitants among their conqueron, declaring that he should ever bewail his own noiafortaoe and guilt, in having exercised for a moment this impious dominion over his fellow-creatures. From that time, be became the avowed patron of the Indians; and by his bold in- terpositions in their behalf, as weU as by the respect due to his abilities and character, he had often tlie merit of setting some bounds to the exeesses of his countrymen. He did nqt fail to remonstrate warmly against the proceedings of Atbuquerquc, and, though he soon found that attentioa to his own interest ren- dered this rapacious officer deaf to admonition, he did not abandon the wretched people whose cause he had espoused. He instantly set out for Spain, with the most sanguine Itopcs of opening the eyes and softening the heart of Ferdinand, by that striking picture of the oppression of his new subjects, which he would eahibit to his view. ... , v..,,\nLi.(rA ,'.f'i -uu 151G] He easily obtained admittance to the king, whom he found in u declining state of health. With much freedom, and no less eloquence, he represented to him all the fatal elfects of the repartiinientoi in the New World, boldly charging him with the guilt of having authorised this impious measure, which had brought misery and destruction upon a numerous and innocent race of men, whom Providence lUd placed under his protection. Ferdinand, whose mind as well as body was much enfeebled by his distemper, was greatly alarmed at this charge of impiety, which at another juncture he would liave despised. He listened with deep compunction to the diMiiiurse of Las Casas, and promised to take into serious consideration the means of redressing the evil of which he complained. But death prevented hii:i from executing his resolution. Charles of Austria, to whom all his crowns devolved, resided at that time in his paternal dominions in the Low Countries. Las Casas, with his usu.il ardour, prepared immediately tu set out for Flanders, in order to occupy the ear of the young mouarch, when car- dinal Ximenes, who, as regent, a^uraed the TcImS of government in Castile, commanded him tO d«»i«t-froni the journey, and engaged to hear thM ^mp'^t" >n person. ; ^r^ » ^' He ncconlingly weighed lh9, matter with attention equal to its importance; and as bis impetuous mind delighted in schemes bold and uoisommon, he ioon siilcrnble numbers. They ^ent overseers tn the i«lai)d», and liired Out tho»c «Uvcs tu Ujc praiiters. Hun. dt;c; |. lib, ix. c. 14. p. 31ij. '■ ' """ ■"■■■ '■-- 1517] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 79 as well fixed upon a plan which astonished the ministers, trained up under the formal and cautious administrao tiou of Ferdinand. Without regarding either the rights of Don Diegd Columbus, or the regulations established by the late king, he resolved to send three persons to America as siiperintendants of all the co- lonies there, with authority, after examining all cir- cumstances on the spot, to decide finully with respect to the point in queiition. It was a matter of delibera- tion and delicacy to choose men qualified for such an important Stiition. As all the laymen settled in Ame- rica, or who bad been consulted in the administration of that department, had given their opinion that the Spaniards could not keep possession of their new settlements, unless they were allowed to retain their ilomioion over the Indians, he saw that he could not rely on their impartiality, and determined to commit the trust to ecclesiastics. As the Dominicans and Franciscans liad already espoused opposite sides in the controversy, he, from the same principle of impartiality, excluded both these fraternities from the commission. He confined his choice to the monks of St. Jerome, a small, bnt respectable order in Spain. With the assistance of their general, and in concert with Las Casas, he soon pitclied upon three persons whom he dc«med equ:il to the charge. To them he joined Zuazo, a private lander of distinguished probity, with unbounded power to regulate all judicial proceedings in the colonies. Las Casas was appointed to accom- pany them, with the title of protector of the Indians. To vest such extraordinary powers, as might at once overturn the system of government established in the New World, in foW persons, who, from their humble condition in lift-, were little entitled to possess this high authority, appeared to Zapata, and other ministers of the late king, a measure so wild and dangerous, that lliey refused to issue the dispatches necessary for carrying it into execution. But Ximencs was not of a temper patiently to brook opposition to any of his schemes. He sent for the refractory ministers, and addressed them in such a tone, that in the utmost consternaliou they obeyed his orders. The superin- tendants, with their associate Zuazo, and I^as Casns, sailed for St. Domingo. Upon their arrival, the first act of their authority was to set at liberty all the In- dians who had been granted to the Spanish courtiers, or to any person not residing in America. This, toge- ther with the information which had been received from Spain concerning the object of the commission, spread a general alarm. The colonists concluded that they were to be deprived at once of the hands with which they carried on their labour, and that, of con- sequence, rain was unavoidable. But the fathers of St. Jerome proceeded with such caution and prudence, as soon dissipated all their fears. They discovered, in every step of their conduct, a knowledge of the world, and of affairs, which is seldom acquired in a cloister ; and displayed a moderation, as well as gentleness still more rare among persons trained up in the solitude and austerity of u morastic life. Their ears were ojien to information from every quarter, they compared the different accounts which they received, and, after a mature consideration of the whole, they were fully sa- tisfied that the state of the colony rendered it impossible to adopt the plan proposed by Las Casas, and recom- mended by the cardinal. They plainly perceived that the Spaniards settled in America were so few in number, that they could neither work the mines which had been opened, nor cultivate the country ; that they depended for effecting both, upon the labour of the natives, and if deprived of it, they must instantly relinquish their conquests, or give up all the advantages which tliey derived from them ; that no allurement was so pow- erful as to surmount the natural aversion of the In- dians to any laborious effort, and that nothing but the authority of a master could compel them to work ; and if they were not kept constantly under the eye and dis- cipline of a superior, so great was their natural listlcss- ncss and indifference, that they would neither attend to religious instruction, nor observe those rites of Christianity which they had been already taught. Upon all those accounts, the supcrintendants found it neces- sary to tolerate the repartimieiitos, and to suffer the Indians to remain under subjection to their Spanish masters. They used their utmost endeavours, however, to prevent the fatal effects of this cstablishipent, and to secure to the Indians the consolation of the best treatment compatible with a state of servitude. For this purpose, they revived former regulations, they prescribed new ones, they neglected no circumstance that tended to mitigate the rigour of the yoke ; and by their authority, their example, and their exhortations, they laboured to inspire their countrymen with senti- ments of equity and gentleness towards the unhappy people upon whose industry they depended. Zuazo, in his department, seconded the endeavours of the su- pcrintendants. He reformed the courts of justice, in (iuch a manner as to render their decisions equitable as well as expeditious, and introduced various regulations which greatly improved the interior police of the colony. The satisfaction which his conduct, and that of the supcrintendants gave, was now universal among the Spaniards settled in the New World, and all admi.ed the boldness of Xiraenes, in having departed from the ordinary path of business in forming his plan, as well as bis sagacity, in pitching upon persons, whose wis- I ;.*, il H' ■ff-il «0 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book III. doin, moflorntion, nnrl disinterestedness rendered them worthy of this high trust. Las CnsHs alone wns dis.satisfied. The prudential considi'nitions which influenced the superintcndants, made no impression upon him. He regardi'd their idt-u of accommodutinfj tholr conduct to tlie state of the colony, ns the maxim of an unhallowed timid policy, which tolerated wliut whs unjust, because it was bcne- ticial. lie contended, that the Indians were by nature free, and, as their protector, he required tlie superin- tendunts not to bereave them of the common privilege of humanity. Tlicy received his most virulent rcmon- fltrances without emotion, hut adhered firmly to their own system. The Spanish planters did not bear with him so patiently, and were ready to tear liim in pieces for insisting in a requisition so odious to tiieni. Las C'asas, in order to screen himself from their rage, found it necessary to take shelter in a convent ; and perceiv- ing that all his eftbrts in America were fruitless, he soon set out for Europe, with a fixed resolution not to abandon the protection of a people whom he deemed to be cruelly oppressed. Had Ximenes retained that vigour of mind with which he usually applied to business, Las Casas must have met with no very gnicious reception upon his re- turn to Spain. But he found the cardinal languishing under a mortal distemper, and preparing to resign his authority to the young king, who was daily expected from the Low Countries. Charles a*rived, took pos- iiession of the government, and, by the deatit of Xi- menes, lust a minister, whose abilities and integrity entitled him to direct his att'airs. Many of the Flemish nobility had accompanied their sovereign to Spuin. From that warm predilection to his countrymen, which was intural at his age, he consulted them with respect to all the transactions in his new kingdom, and they with an indiscreet eagerness, intruded themselves into every business, and seized almost every department of administiaiion. The direction of American aflhirs was an object too alluring to escape tlieir attention. Las Casas observed their growing influence, and though projectors arc usually too sanguine to conduct their schemes with much dexterity, he possessed a bustling indefatigable activity, which sometimes accomplishes its purposes with greater success, than the most exqui- site discernment and address. He courted the Flemish ministers with assiduity. He represented to them the absurdity of all the maxims hitherto adopted with respect to the government of America, particularly duritig the administration of Ferdinand, and pointed out the defects of those arrangements which Ximenes had introduced. The memory of Ferdinand was odious to the Flemings. The superior virtue and abilities of Ximenes had long been the object of their envy. They fondly wished to have a plausible pretext for condemn- ing the measures, both of the monarch and of the mi- nister, and of nllecting some discredit on their political wisdom. 'J'he friends of Don Diego Columbus, as well as the Spanish courtiers, who had been dissatisfied with the cardinal's administration, joined l/is Casas in cen- suring the scheme of sending superintendants to Ame- rica. 'I'his union of so many interests and passions was irresistible; and, in consequence of it, the fathers of St. Jerome, together with their associiife Zuazo, were recalled. Kolanters could command the labour of the natives, was an insuperable objection tb his plan of treating tiiem as free subjects. In onlcr to provide some remedy for this, without which he found it was in vain to mention his scheme, Los Casas pro- posed to purchase a sufficient number of negroes from the Portuguese settlements on the coast of Africa, and to transport them to America, in order that they might be employed as slaves in working the mines and culti- vating the ground. One of the first advantages which the Portuguese had derived from their discoveries in Africa, arose from the trade in slaves. Various circum- stances concurred in reviving this odious commerce, which had been long abolished in Europe, and which is no less repugnant to the feelings of humanity, than to the principles of religion. As early as the year one thousand five hundred and three, a few negro slaves had been sent into the New World. In the year one thousand five hundred and eleven, Ferdinand permitted the importation of them in greater numbers. They were found to be a more robust and hardy race than the natives of America. They were more capable of enduring fatigue, more patient onder servitude, and the labour of one negro was computed to be equal to that of four Indians. Cardinal Ximenes, however, when solicited to encourage this commerce, peremptorily re- jected the proposition, because he perceived the iniqaity of reducing one race of men to slavery, While he vras consulting about the means of restoring liberty to an- other. But Las Casas, from the inconsistebcy natural 1518.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 81 to men who hurry with headlong impetuosity towords a favourite point, was incapable of making this distinc- tion. VVIiile he contended earnestly for the liberty of the people born in one quarter of the globe, he laboured to enslave the inhabitants of another region ; aiid in the warnath of his zeul to save the Americans from the yoke, pronounced it to be lawful and expedient to im- pose one still heavier upon the Africans. Unfortu- nately for the latter, Las Casas's plan was adopted. Charles granted a patent to one of his Flemish favour- ites, containing an exclusive right of importing four thousand negroes into America. The favourite sold his patent to some Genoese merchants for twenty-five thousand ducats, and tliey were the first who brought into a regular form that commerce for slaves between Africa and America, which has since been carried on to Buch an amazing extent. 1518.] But the Genoese merchants, conducting their operations, at first, with the rapacity of monopolists, demanded such an high price for negroes, that the num- ber imported into Hispaniola made no great change upon the state of the colony. Lus Casas, whose zeal was no less inventive than indefatigable, had recourse to unother expedient for the relief of the Indians. He observed, that most of the persons who had settled hitherto in America were sailors and soldiers employed in the discovery or conquest of the country; the younger son* of noble families, allured by the prospect of ac- quiring sudden wealth ; or desperate adventurers, whom their indigence or crimes forced to abandon their native land. Instead of such men, who were dissolute, rapa- cious, and incapable of that sober persevering industry which is requisite in forming new colonies, he proposed to supply the lettlements in Hispaniola and other parts of the New World with a sufficient number of labourers and husbandmen, who should be allured by suit;ible premiums to remove thither. These, as they wr i rc- customed to fatigue, would be able to perform the mi. >., to which the Indians, from the feebleness of their cun- ititution, were unequal, and might soon become useful and dpulent citizens. But though Hispaniola stood much in need of a recruit of inhabitants, having been visited at this time with the small-pox, which swept off almost all the natives who had survived their long-con- tinued oppression, and though Las Casas had the coun- tenance of the Flemish miniiiters, this scheme was de- feated by the bishop of Burgos, who thwarted, all his projects. Las Casas now despaired of procuring any relief for the Indians in those places where the Spaniards were already settled. The evil was become so inveterate there, as not to admit of a cure. But such discoveries were daily making in Uic continent, as gave an high idea 7-6. both of its extent and populousness. In all those vast regions there was but one feeble colony planted ; aiwi except a small spot on the isthmus of Dnrien, tlie na- tives still occupied the whole couiUry. This opened a new and more ample field for the liuiiiunity and zeul of Las Casas, who fluttered himself that ho nught prevent a pernicious system from being introduced ihere, tliougli he had failed of success in his attempts tu overturn it, where it was already established. Full of this idea, he applied for a grant of the unoccupied country, stretch- ing along the sea-coast from the gulf of l'uri:i to the western frontier of that province now kiiuwii 1)y the name of Santa Martha. He proposed to settle there with a colony composed of husbandmen, labourers, imd eccle- siastics. He engaged, in the space of two yeais, to civilize ten thousand of the natives, and to instruct them so thoroughly in the arts of social life, that, from the fruits of their industry, an annual revenue of lifieen thousand ducats should arise to the king. In ten years he expected that his improvements would be so far ad- vanced, as to yield annually sixty thousand ducats. He stipulated, that no sailor or soldier should ever he per- mitted to settle in this district ; and that no Spaniard whatever should enter it without his permission. He even projected to clothe the people whom he took along with him in some distinguishing garb, which did not resemble the Spanish dress, that they might appear to the natives to be a different race of men from those who had brought so many calamities upon their country. From this scheme, of which I have traced only the great lines, it is manifest that Las Casas had formed ideas concerning the method of treating the Indians, similar to those by which the Jesuits afterwards carried on their great operations in another part of the same continent. He supposed that the Euro^teans, by availing themselves of that ascendant which they possessed in consequence of their superior progress in science and improvement, might griidually form the minds of the Americans to relish those comforts of which they were destitute, might train them to the arts of civil life, and re^ider them capable of its functions. But to the bishop of Burgos and the council of the Indies this project appeared not only chimerical|. but dangerous in a high degree. They deemed the, facul- ties of the Americans to be naturally so limited, and their indolence so excessive, that every attempt to in- struct or to improve them would be fruitless. They contended, that it would be extremely imprudent to give the command of a country extending above a thousaiKl miles along the coast, to a fanciful presump- tuous enthusiast, a stranger to the aflfairs of the wprld, and unacquaiHted with the arts of govemqient. Las Casas, far from b^ggidiscor^aged witharepuljse,, wl^^h I •' !i'' li, 1' 82 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book III. l^ : lie liad r^^nson to expect, Imd recourse once more to tlie Flemisli fiivouriteN, who zealously pntronixed his scheme, merely because it hud been rejected by the Spanish ministers. They prevailed with their master, who had lately been raised to the imperial dignity, to refer the consideration of tiiis measure to a select number of liis privy-counsellors ; and Las Cosns havinj? exicptcd aj;;ainst the members of the counril of the Indies, as partial und interested, lliey were all excluded. The decision of men thoscn by recommendation of the Fle- mings, was perfectly tonformoble to their sentiments. They warmly Jipproved of Las C'asas's plan ; and gave orders for currying it into execution, but restricted the territory nllclted him to llirce hundred miles along the coast of Cumann, allowing him, however, to extend it as far as he pleased towards the interior part of the country. This determination did not pass uncensured. Almost every person who had been in the West Indies exclaimed against it, and supported their opinion so confidently, and with such plausible reasons, as made it advisable to pause and to review the subject more deliberately. Charles himself, though accustomed, at this early period of his life, to adopt the sentiments of his ministers, with such submissive deference as did not promise that de- cisive vigour of mind which distinguished his riper years, could not help suspecting that the eagerness with which the Flemings took part in every affair relating to America, flowed from some improper motive, atid began to discover an inclination to examine in person into the state of the question concerning the cliaracter of the Americans, and the proper manner of treating them. An opportunity of making this enquiry with great ad- vantage soon occurred (June 20). Quevedo, the bishop of Darien, who had accompanied Pedrarias to the con- tinent in the year one thousand five hundred and thir- teen, happened to land at Barcelona, where the court then resided. It was quickly knowi^ that his senti- ments concerning the talents and disposition of the Indians differed from those of Las Casas ; and Charles naturally concluded, that by confronting two respect- able persons, who, during their residence in America, had full leisure to observe the maimers of the people whom they pretended to describe, he might be able to discover which of them had formed his opinion with the greatest discernment and accuracy. I A day for this solemn audience was appointed. The emperor appeared with extraordinary pomp, and took his seat on a throne in the great hall of the palace. His principal courtiers attended. Don Diego Columbus, admiral of the Indies, was summoned to be present. The bishop of Darien was called upon first to deliver his opiaioQ. He, in a short discourse, lamented the fatal desolation of America, by the extinction of lo many of its inhabitants ; he acknowledged that this must be imputed, in some degree, to the excessive rigour and inconsiderate proceedings of the Spaniards ; but declared, that all the people of the New World, whom lie had seen either in the euntinent or in thti islands, appeared to him to be a race of men marked out, by llic inferiiirity of their talents, for servitude, ond whom it would be impossible to instruct or im- prove, unless they were kept under the continual in- spection of a master. Las Casas, at greater length, and with more fervour, defended his own system. He re- jected with indignation the idea that any race of men was born to servitude, as irreligious and inhuman. He asserted, that the faculties of the Americans were not naturally despicable, but unimproved ; that they were capable of receiving instruction in the principles of re- ligion, as well as of acquiring the industry and arts which would qualify them for the various offices of social life ; that the mildness and timidity of their nature rendered them so submissive and docile, that they might be led and formed with a gentle hand. He professed, that his intentions in proposing the scheme now under consideration were pure and disinterested ; and though, from the accomplishment of his designs, inestimable benefits would result to the crown of Castile, he never had claimed, nor ever would receive, any recompence on that account. Charles, after hearing both, and consulting with his ministers, did not think himself sufficiently informed to establish any general arrangement with respect to the state of the Indians ; but as he had perfect confidence in the integrity of Las Casas, and as even the bishop of Da- rien admitted his scheme to be of such importance, that a trial should be made of its effects, he issued a patent [1520], granting him the district in Cumana formerly mentioned, with full power to establish a colony there according to his own plan. ' ' .'',' ' '• Las Casas pushed on the preparations ("or his voyage with his usual ardour. But, either from his own inex- perience in the conduct of affairs, or from the secret opposition of the Spanish nobility, who universally dreaded the success of an institution that might rob them of the industrious and useful hands which culti- vated their estates, his progress in engaging husband- men and labourers was extremely slow, and he could not prevail on more than two hundred to accompany him to Cumana. Nothing, however, could damp his zeal. With this slender train, hardly sufficient to take possession of such a large territory, and altogetlier unequal to any efTectual attempt towards civilizing its inhabitants, he set sail. The first place at which he touched was the jife llj liSO.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 83 isUnd of Puerto ! 'co. There he received an account of a new obstacle to the execution uf his scheme, more insuperable than any he had hitherto encountered. When he left America in the year one thousand five hundred and sixteen, the Spaniards had little inter- course with any part of the continent, except the countries adjacent to the gulf of Darien. But as every ■pecies of internal industry began to stagnate in His- paniola, when, by the rapid decrease of the natives, the Spaniards were deprived of those hands with which they hud hitherto carried on their operations, this prompted them to try various expedients for supplying that loss. Considerable numbers of negroes were im- ported ; but, on account of their exorbitant price, many of the planters could not aft'urd to purchase them. In order to procure slaves at an easier rate, some of the Spaniards in Hispaniola fitted out vessels to cruize along the coast of tlie continent. In places where they found themselves inferior in strength, tlicy traded witli the natives, and gave European toys in exchange for the plates of gold worn by them as ornaments ; but, wherever they could surprise or overpower the Indians, they carried them off by force, and sold them as slaves. In those predatory excursions, such atrocious acts of violence and cruelty had been committed, that the Spanish name was held in detestation all over the con- tinent. Whenever any .Miips appeared, the inhabitants either fled to the woods, or ruslied down to the shore in arms, to repel those hated disturbers of their tran- quillity. They forced some ptu'ties of the Spaniards to retreat with precipitation ; they cut off others ; and in the violence of their resentment against the whole nation, they murdered two Dominican missionaries, whose zeal had prompted them to settle in the province of Cumana. This outrage against persons revered for their sanctity, excited such indignation among the people of Hispaniola, who, notwithstanding all their licentious and cruel proceedings, were possessed with a wonderful zeal for religion, and a superstitious respect for its ministers, that they determined to inflict exem- plary punishment, not only upon the perpetrators of that crime, but upon the whole race. With tiiis view, they gave the command of five ships and three hundred men to Diego Ocampo, with orders to lay waste the country of Cumana with fire and sword, and to trans- port all the inhabitants as slaves to Hispaniola. This rrmament Las Casas found at Puerto Rico, in its way to the continent ; and as Ocampo refused to defer his voyage, he immediately perceived that it would be im- possible to attempt the execution of his pacific plan in a country destined to be the seat of war and desolation. In order to provide against the efl'ects of this unfor- tunate incident, he set sail directly for St. Domingo (12th April), leaving his followrn cantoned out among the planters in Puerto Rico. I'roin many concurring causes, the reception which I/is Cnsiis met willi in Hispaniola was very unfuvourahlo. In h\% nrgnciations for the relief of the Indians, he had censured tlic con- duet of his countrymen settled there willi nucIi honest severity as rendered him univer^ially odious to them. They considered their own ruin as the inevltiiMc con- sequence of his success. They were now elated with the hope of receiving a large recruit of slaves from Cu- mana, which must be relinquished if Las Casas were assisted in settling his projected colony there. Fi^ueroa, in consc({ucnce of the instructions which he hud re- ceived in Spain, had made an experiment concerning the capacity of the Indians, that was represented as decisive Uf^ainst the system of Las Casus, lie collected in llispuniiila a good number of the natives, and settled them in two villages, leaving them at perfect liberty, and with the uncontrolled direction of their own ac-, tions. Rut that people, accustomed to a mode of life extremely different from that which takes place wherc- evcr civilization has made any considerable progress, were incapable of assuming new habits at once. De- jected with their own misfortunes as well as those of their country, they exerted so little industry in culti- vating the ground, appeared so devoid of solicitude or foresight in providing for their own wants, and were such strangers to arrangement in conducting their affairs, that the Spaniards pronounced them incapable of being formed to live like men in social life, and con- sidered them as children, who should be kept under, the perpetual tutelage of persons superior to them- selves in wisdom and sagacity. Notwithstanding all those circumstances, which alienated the persons in Hispaniola to whom Las Casas applied from himself and from his measures, he, by his activity and perseverance, by some concessions, and many threats, obtained at length a small body of troops to protect him and his colony at their first land- ing. But upon his return to Puerto Rico, he found that the diseases of the climate itad been fatal to several of his people ; and that others having got employment in that island, refused to follow him. With the handful that remained, he set sail and landed in Cumana. Ocampo had executed his commission in that province with such barbarous rage, having massacred many of the inhabitants, sent others in chains to Hispaniola, and forced the rest to fly for shelter to the woods, that the people of a small colony, which he had planted at a place which he named Toledo, were ready to perish for want in a desolated country. There, however. Las Casas was obliged to fix hia residence, though deserted both by the troops appointed to protect him, and by X 2 .AJ 84 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [uooK itr. Il'- .ft I iff: those under the eommftnd of Ocampo, who furesaw and tlrendcd the calumities to which he must be exposed in that wretched station. He made the best provision in his power for the safety and subsistence of his fid- lowers ; but a* his utmost efforts nvailrd little towards securinf^ either the one or the other, he returned to Mis- panioln, in order to solicit more cftectuul aid for the preservation of men, who from confidence in him liad ventured into n post of so much danger. Soon after Lis departure, tlic natives, having diNcovered tlie feeble and defenceless state of the Spaniards, assembled se- cretly, attacked them with the fury natural to men exasperated by many injuries, cut oft' a good number, and compelled tl^e rest to ily in the utmost conster- nation to the island of Cubngua. The small colony aettled there, on account of the pearl fishery, catching the panic with which their countrymen liad been •eized, abandoned the island, and not a Spaniard re- mained in any part of the continent, or adjacent islands, from the gulf of I'aria to the borders of Uiirien. Astonished at such a succession of disasters, Las Casas was ashamed to shew his face after this fatal termina- tion of all his splendid schemes. lie shut himself up in the convent of the Dominicans at St. liomingo, and aoon after assumed the habit of that order. Though the expulsion of the colony from Cuinana happened in the year one thousand five hundred and twenty-one, I have chosen to trace the progress of Las Casas's negociations from their first rise to their final issue without interruption. His system was the object of long and attentive discussion ; and though his eflbrts in behalf of the oppressed Americans, partly from his own rashness and imprudence, and partly from the malevolent opposition of his adversaries, were not at- tended with that success which he promised with too ■anguine confidence, great praise is due to his humane activity, which gave rise to various regulations that were of some benefit to that unhappy people. I return now to the history of the Spanish discoveries, as they occur in the order of time. Diego Velasquez, who conquered Cuba in the year one thousand five hundred and eleven, still retained the government of that island, as the deputy of Don Diego Columbus, though he seldom acknowledged his supe- rior, and aimed at rendering his own authority olto- gether independent. Under his prudent administration, Cuba became one of the most flourishing of the Spanish settlements. The fame of this allured thither many persons from the other colonies, in hopes of finding eivher some pei'raanent establishment or some employ- ment for their activity. As Cuba lay to the west of all the islands occupied by the Spaniards, and as the ocean, which stretches beyond it towards that quarter. had not hitherto been explored, these rirrumi(ancffi naturally invited the inhahitarts to attempt new di«cO« veries. An expedition for tlii^ purpose, in which actU vity and resolution might conduct to sudden wealth, was more suited to the geniui of the age, than th* patient induntry requisite in clearing ground, and ma« nufarturinj^ su/;ar. Instigated by this spirit, several olllcers, who had served under Fedrarias in Darien, eo' tcrrd into an af^soeiation to undertake a voyage of dis- covery. Tlioj' persuaded Francisco Hernandez. CordovBi an o])uIent planter in Cuba, and a man of distinguished courage, to join with them in the adventure, and chose him to be their commander. Velasquez not only ap- proved of the design, but assisted in carrying it on. As the veterans from |)arien were extremely indigent, he and Cordova advanced money for purchasing three small vessels, and furnishing them with every thing requisite either for traflic or for war. A hundred and ten men embarked on board of them, and sailed from St. Jiigo dc Cuba on the eighth of February one thousand five hundred and seventeen. By the advice of their chief pilot, Antonio Alaminos, who had served under the first admiral Columbus, they stood directly west* relying on the opinion of that great navigator, who uniformly maintained that a westerly course would lead to the most important discoveries. On the twenty-first day after their departure from St. Jago, they saw land, which proved to be Cope Catocitc, the eastern point of that large peninsula pro- jecting from the continent of America, which still re- tains its original name of Yucatan. As they approached the shore, five canoes came of!" full of people decently clad in cotton garments ; an astonishing spectacle to the Spaniards, who had found every other part of Ame- rica possessed by naked savages. Cordova endeavoured by small presents to gain the good-will of these people. They, though amazed at the strange objects now pre- sented to their view, invited the Spaniards to visit their habitations, with an appearance of cordiality. They landed accordingly, and as they advanced into the country, they observed with new wonder some large houses built with stone. But tlicy soon found that, if the people of Yucatan had rtiade progress in improve- ment beyond their countrymen, they were likewise more artful and warlike. For though the cazique re- ceived Cordova with many tokens of friendship, he had posted a considerable body of his subjects in ambush behind a thicket, who, upon a signal given by him rushed out and attacked the Spaniards with great bold- ness, and some degree of martial order. At the first flight of their arrows, fifteen of the Spaniards were bounded; but the Indians were struck with such terror by the stlddeD explosion of the fire-arms, and so way Ian lie Not\ cxpedi damp had dis distano by a pc known comnu broug value, related of hei, *Tli, tlian the of watei nent a I above t\ without 1518.]" »■' nrfniitd at the execution done hy them, by the cross- bowt, nt\A hy the other wetponi of their new enemiei, tlmt thi-y fl«l prePipitHtcly. Conlova quitted » country wlicrc he liml met with such a fierce reception, curry- ing off two prisoners, together with tlie ornaments of n smnll temple, which he plundered in his ntrefit. He continued his course towards the west, without losing Hifrht of the coast, and on the sixteenth day ar- rived at Campeucliy. 'Iljere the nutives received tlieni more hospitably; but the Spaniards were mucli sur- prised, that on all the extensive const along wlii'-li they had sailed, and which they imagined to be a large island, they had not observed any river.** As their water be- gnn to fail, they advanced, in hopes of finding a supply ; and at length they discovered the mouth of a river at Potonchan, some leagues beyond Campeachy. Cordova landed all his troops in order to protect the sailors while employed in filling the casks ; but not- withstanding this precaution, the natives rushed down upon tlicni with such fury, and in such numbers, that forty- seven of the Spaniards were killed upon the spot, and one man only of the whole body escaped unhurt. Their commander, though wounded in twelve different places, directed the retreat with presence of mind equal to the courage with which he had led them on in the engagement, and with much difficulty they regained their ships. After this fatal repulse, nothing remained but to hasten back to Cuba with their shattered forces. In their passage thither they suffered the most exqui- site distress for want of water, that men wounded and sickly, shut up in small vessels, and exposed to the heat of the torrid zone, can be supposed to endure. Some of them, sinking under these calamities, died by the way ; Cordova, their commander, expired soon after they hntie I in Cuba. Notwithstanding the disastrous conclusion of this expedition, it contributed rather to animate than to damp a spirit of enterprise among the Spaniards. They had discovered an extensive country, situated at no great distance from Cuba, fertile in appearance, and possessed by a people far superior in improvement to any hitherto known in America. Though they had carried on little commercial intercourse with the natives, they had brought off some ornaments of gold, not considerable in value, but of singular fabric. These circumstances, related with the exaggeration natural to men desirous of heightening tlie merit of their own exploits, were * Though America is more plentifully supplied with water than the other regions of the globe, there is no river or stream of water in Yucatan. This peninsula projects from the conti- nent a hundred leagues, but, where broadest, does not extend above twenty-five leagues. It is an extensive plain, not only without tnouutaius, but almost without any inequality of HISTORY OF AMERICA. 85 more than lufKcient to excite romantic hopM and ex- pectations. Cireat numbers offered to engage in a new expedition. Velasquez, solicitous to distinguish liim- sclf by some service so nieritoriouH iis might entitle hint to claim the government of Cuba iii(lt'|)cndent of tlic admiral, not only encouraged their ardour, but at liiH own expence fitted out four ships for the voyage. Two hundred and forty volunti'crs, among whom were seve- ral persons of rank and fortune, enibaikt d in this enter- prise. The commniid of it was given to Junn de Clrl- julvu, a young man of known merit iind courngo, with instructions to observe attentively the nature of the countries which he should discover, to barter for gold, and, if circumstances were inviting, to settle a colony in some proper station. He sailed from St. Jiigo de Cuba on the eighth of April one thousand five hundred and eighteen. The pilot Aluminos held the same course as ii> the former voyage ; but the violence of the cur- rents carrying tlie ships to the south, the first land which they made was tlie island of Cozniiwl, to the east of Yucatan. As all the inhabitants lied to the woods and mountains at the approach of the Spaniurds, they made no long stay there, and without any remarkable occurrtiuo they reached I't)tonrhaii on the opjiosite side of the Peninsula. The desire of avenging their coun- trymen who had been slain there, concurred with their ideas of good policy, in prompting them to land, that they might chastise the Indians of that district with such exemplary rigour, as would strike terror into all the people around them. But tiiougli they disembarked all tlicir troops, and carried ashore some field-pieces, the Indians fought with such courage, that the Spaniards gained the victory with difficulty, and were confirmed in their opinion that the inhabitants of this <->untry would prove more formidable enemies than any they had met with in other parts of America. From Poton- chan, they continued their voyage towards the west, keeping as near as possible to tiie shore, and casting anchor every evening, from dread of the dangerous acci- dents to which they might be exposed in an unknown sea. During the day, their eyes were turned conti- nually towards land, with a mixture of surprise and wonder at the beauty of the countiy, as well as the. novelty of the objects which they beheld. Many villages were scattered along the roast, in whicli they could distinguisli houses of stone that appeared white and lofty at a distance. In the warmth of their adnii- ground. The inhabitants are supplied witli water from pits, and wherever they dig them, find a in uliundauce. it is pro- bable, from all those circumstauees, that this country was lor- merly covered by the sea. — litrrene Detcriptiu India Occiden- talis, p. 14. llUloire Naturelk, parJU, de Bt{jfon, torn. i. p. 693. i n rnw^r -t i imi um iimimttttm ■iHi>riir | iini|| |iMiii ^V •^1 If 'f. n ■ In 86 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [Book' III. ration, they fancied these to be cities adorned witli towers and pinnacles ; and one of the soldiers happen- ing to remark that this country resembled Spain in its appearance, Grij^lva, with universal applause, called it J^ew Spain, the name whicii still distinguishes this ex- tensive and opulent province of the Spanisli empire in America.* They landed in a river which the natives called Tabasco (June J)), and the fame of tiieir victory at Potonchan having reached this place, the cazique not only received them amicably, but bestowed presents upon them of such value, as confirmed the high ideas which the Spaniards had formed with respect to the wealth and fertility of the country. These ideas were raised still higher by what occurred at the place where they next touched. This was considerably to the west of Tabasco, in the province since known by tlu* name of Guaxaca. There they were received with the respect paid to superior beings. The people perfumed them as they landed, with incense of gum copal, and pre- sented to them as offerings the choicest delicacies of their country. They were extremely fond of trading with their new visitants, and in six days the Spaniards obtained ornaments of gold, of curious workmanship, to the value of fifteen thousand pesos, in exchange for European toys of small price. The two prisoners whom Cordova had brought from Yucatan, had hitherto served as interpreters ; but as they did not understand the language of this country, tlic Spaniards learned from the natives by signs, that they were subjects of a great monarch called Montezuma, whose dominion extended over that and many other provinces. Leaving this place, with which he had so much reason to be pleased, Grijalva continued his course towards the west. He landed on a small island (June 19), which he named the Isle of Sacrifices, because there the Spaniards be- held, for the first time, the horrid spectacle of human victims, which the barbarous superstition of the natives offered to their gods. He touched at anothvT small island, which he called St. Juan de Ulua. From this place he dispatched Pedro de Alvarado, one of his ofB- cers, to Velasquez, with a full account of tlie important discoveries which he had made, and with all the trea- sure thnL he had acquired by trafhcking with the natives. * M. Clavigcro censures me for having represented the Spaniards who sailed with Cordova and Grijalva, as fancying, in the warmth of their imagination, that they saw cities on the coast of the Yucatan adorned with towers and cupolas. I know not what translation of my history he has consulted, (for bis quotation from it is not taken from the original), but I never imagined that any building erected by Americans could suggest the idea of a cupola or dome, a structure which their Utmost skill in arcliitecture was incapable of rearing. My words are, that they fancied the villages which they saw from their ships, " to be cities adorned with towers and pinnacles." After the departure of Alvarado, he himself, with the remaining vessels, proceeded along the coast as far as the river Panuco, the country still appearing to be weli peopled, fertile, and opulent. Several of Grijalva's officers contended, that it was not enough to have discovered those delightful regions, or to have performed, at their different landing-places, tiic empty ceremony of taking possession of them for the crown of Castile, and that their glory was incom- plete, unless they planted a colony in some proper sta- tion, which might not only secure the Spanish nation a footing in the country, but, with the reinforcements whicl» they were certain of receiving, might gradually subject the whole to the dominion of their sovereign. But the squadron had now been above five months at sea ; the greatest part of their provisions was exhausted, and what remained of their stores so much corrupted by the heat of the climate, as to be almost unfit for use ; they had lost some men by death ; others were sickly ; the country was crowded with people who seemed to be intelligent as well as brave ; and they were under the government of one powerful monarch, who could bring them to act against their invaders with united force. To plant a colony under so many circumstances of disadvantage, appeared a scheme too perilous to be altcniptcd. Grijalva, though possessed both of ambi- tion and couruge, was destitute of the superior talents cipable of forming or executing such a great plan. He judged it more prudent to return to Cuba, having fulfilled the purpose of his voyage, and accomplished all that the armament which he commanded enabled iiim to perform. He returned to St. Jago dc Cuba on the twenty-sixth of October, from which he had taken his departure about six months before. This was the longest as well as the most successful voyage which the Spaniards bad hitherto made in the New World. They had discovered that Yucatan was not an island as they had supposed, but part of the great continent of America. From Potonchan tiiey had pursued their course for many hundred miles along a coast formerly unexplored, stretching at first towards the west, and then turning to the north ; all the coun- try which they had discovered appeared to be no less By pinnaclet I meant some elevation above the rest of the build- ing ; and the passage is translated almost literally from Hcrrera, dec. 2. lib. iii. c. i. In almost all the accounts of new coun- tries given by the Spanish discoverers in that age, this warmth of admiration is conspicuous ; and led them to describe thesQ new objects in the most splendid terms. When Cprdova and bis companions first beheld an Indian village of greater magnitude than any they had beheld in the islands, they dignified it by the nam'eof Grand Cairo, B.Diaz.c. 2. From the same cause Grijalva and his associates thought the country along the coast of which they held their conrie, entitled to the name of New Spain, i 1518.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 87 valuable than extensive. As soon as Alvarado reached Cuba, Velasquez, transported witii success so far be- yond his most sanguine expectations, immediately dis- patched a person of confidence to carry this important intelligence to Spain, to exhibit the rich productions of the countries which had been discovered by his means, and to solicit such an increase of authority as might enable and encourage him to attempt the con- quest of them. Without waiting for the return of iiis messenger, or for the arrival of Grijalva, of wliom he was become so jealous or distrustful that he resolved no longer to employ him, he began to prepare such a powerful armament, as might prove equal to an enter- prise of so much danger and importance. But as the expedition upon which Velasquez was now intent, terminated in conquests of greater moment than what the Spaniards had hitherto achieved, and led them to the knowledge of a people, who, if compared with those tribes of America with whom they were hitherto acquainted, may be considered as highly civi- lized ; it is proper to pause before we proceed to the history of events extremely different from those which we have already related, in order to take a view of the st:\te of the New World when first discovered, and to contemplate the policy and manners of the rude uncul- tivated tribes that occupied all the parts of it with which the Spaniards were at this time acquainted. BOOK IV. Visw of America when first discovered, and of the manners and policy of its most uncivilized inhabitants — Fast extent of America — Grandeur of the ol)jects it presents to view — Its mountains — rivers — lakes — Its form fa- vourable to commerce — Temperature — predominance of cold — Causes of this — tmadlivated — unicholesomc — its animals— soil — Inquiry how America ivas peopled— various theories— ichat appears most probable — Coudilion and character of the Americans — All, the Mexicans and Peruvians excepted, in tlie jtatc of savages— Iiuiuiry coffined to the uncivilized tribes — Difficulty of obtaining information — various causes of this— Method ob- served in the inquiry — /. Tlie bodily constitution of the Americans considered — //. T/te qualities of their minds — ///. Their domestic state. TWE\TV-SIX years had elapsed since Columbus conducted the people of Europe to the New World. During that period the Spaniards had made great pro- gress in exploring its various regions. They had vi- sited all the islands scattered in difTcrent clusters through that part of the ocean which flows in between North and South America. They had sailed along the eastern coast of the continent from the river De la Plata to the bottom of the Mexican gulf, and had found that it stretched without interruption tlirough this vast portion of the globe. They had discovered the great Southern Ocean, which opened new prospects in that quarter. Tbey had acquired some knowledge of the coast of Florida, which led them to observe the continent as it extended in an opposite direction ; and though they pushed their discoveries no farther towards the north, other nations had visited those parts which they neglected. The English, in a voyage, the motives and luccess of which shall be related in another part of this History, had sailed along the coast of America from Labrador to the confines of Florida; and the Portuguese, ia quest of a shorter passage to the £ast Indies, had ventured into the northern seas, and viewed the same regions. Thus, at the period where I have chosen to take a view of the state of the New World, its extent was known almost from its northern extre- mity to thirty-five degrees south of the equator. The countries which stretch from thence to the southern boundary of America, the great empire of Peru, and the interior state of the extensive dominions subject to the sovereigns of Mexico, were still undiscovered. When T'e contemplate the New World, the first cir- cumstance that strikes us is its immense extent. It was not a small portion of the earth, so inconsiderable that it might have escaped the observation or research of former ages, which Columbus discovered. He made known a new hemisphere, larger than either Europe, or Asia, or Africa, the three noted divisions of the ancient continent, and not much inferior in dimensions to a third part of the habitable globe. America is remarkable not only for its magnitude, but for its position. It stretches from the northern polar circle to a high southern latitude, above fifteen hundred miles beyond the farthest extremity of the old /^.i % i' • 'I; (^■^ w n ll 88 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. continent on that side of the line. A country of such extent passes through all the climates capable of be- coming the hubitation of man, and fit for yielding the various productions peculiar either to the temperate or to the torrid regions of the earth. Next to the extent of tlie New World, the grandeur of tlie objects which it presents to view is most apt to strike the eye of an observer. Nature seems here to have carried on her operations upon a larger scale, and with a bolder hand, and to liave distinguisiied the fea- tures uf this country by a peculiar magnificence. The mountains of America are much superior in height to those in the other divisions of the globe. Even the plain of Quito, wltich may be considered as the base of the Andes, is elevated fartlier above the sen than the top of the Pyrenees. Tliis stupendous ridge of the Andes, no less remarkable for extent and elevation, rises in different places more than one third above the Peak of Teneriffe, ti)e highest land in tlie ancient he- mispiiere. The Andes may literally be said to hide their heads in the clouds ; the storms often roll, and the thunder bursts beluw their summits, which, tiiough exposed to the rays of the sun in the centre of the torrid zone, are covered with everlasting snows.* From these lofty mountains descend rivers, propor- tionably large, with which the streams in the ancient continent are not lu be compared, either for length of course, or the vast body of water which they roll to- , wards the ocean. The Maragnon, the Orinoco, the Plata in Soutli America, the Mississippi and St. Lau- rence in North America, flow in such spacious chan- nels, that, long before they feel the influence of the tide, they resemble arms of the sea rather than rivers of fresh watcr.f * The lifight of the most elevated point in the Pyrenees is, arcnrdiiiir to M. Cassini, six thousand six hundred and forty-six I'ect. The height of the mountain Genimi, in tlic Canton of l.'ornc, is tea thousand one hundred and ten feet. The height of tlie IVak of Teneriffe, ncording to liie mea- surement of P. renins, is thirteen tiioiisand one hundred and seventy-eight feet. The height of (^himlwrazzo, the most elevated |i(>int of the Andes, is twenty thousand two hundred and eighty feet ; no lean than seven thousand one hundred and two feet above the highest mountain in the ancient con- tinent. __^'lly(lge de D. Juan Vlloa, Observations Astron. et Phijsiq. torn. ii. p, 114. The line of congelation on Chira- boraxzo, or that part of tlie mountain which is covered per- petually with snow, is no less than two thousand four hundred feet from its summit, Prevot, Hist. Gener. des Voya/^es, vol. xiii. p. 63(3. f As a particular description mnVcs a stronger impresgion than general assertions, I shall give one of Rio de la Plata by an eye-witness, P. Cattuneo, a Modenese .lesuit, who landed at BuenoB Ayrei in 1749>and thus represents what he felt when such new objects were first presented to his view. '" While I resided in Europe, and read in books of history or geography that the month of the river De la Plata wa& an The lakes of the New World are no less conspicuous for grandeur than its mountains and rivers. There is nothing in other parts of the globe which resembles the prodigious chain of lakes in North America. They may properly be termed inland seas of fresh water ; and even those of tl)e second or third class in magni- tude, are of larger circuit (the Caspian Sea excepted) than the greatest lake of the ancient continent. The New World is of a form extremely favourable to commercial intercourse. When a continent is formed, like Africa, of one vast solid mass, unbroken by arms of the sea penetrating into its interior parts, with few large rivers, and those ut a considerable dis- tance from each other, the greater part of it seems des- tined to remain for ever uncivilized, and to be debarred from any active or enlarged communication with the rest ot mankind. When, like Europe, a continent is opened by inlets of the ocean of great extent, such as the Mediterranean and Baltic ; or when, like Asia, its coast is broken by deep bays advancing far into the country, such as the Black Sea, the gulfs of Arabia, of Persia, of Bengal, of Siam, and of Leotang ; when the surrounding seas are filled with large and fertile islands, and the continent itself watered with a variety of navi- gable rivers, those regions may be said to possess what- ever can facilitate the progress of their inhabitants in commerce and improvement. In all these respects America may bear a comparison with the other quarters of the globe. The gulf of Mexico, which flows in be- tween North and South America, may be considered as a Mediterranean sea, which opens a maritime commerce with all the fertile countries by which it is encircled. The islands scattered in it are inferior only to those in the Indian Archipelago, in number, in magnitude, and hundred and fifty miles in breadth, I considered it as an exag- geration, because in this hemisphere we have no example of such vast rivers. When I approached its mouth, i had the most vehement desire to ascertain the truth w ith my own eyes ; and I have found the matter to be exactly as it was repre- sented. This I deduce particularly from one ciroumstancf : when we took our departure from Montevideo, n fort situated more than a hundred miles from the mouth of the river, ami where its breadth is considerably dtminisUed, we sitjled a com- plete day before we discovered the land on the np|)osite bank of the river; and when we were in the middle of the channel, we could not discern land on either side, and saw nothing biii the sky and water, as if we had been in some great ocean. Indeed, we should have taken it to be sen, if the fresh water of the river, which was turbid -like the Po, had not satisfied ui that it was a river. Moreover, at Buenos Ayres, another hundred miles up the river, and where it is stdl much nar- rower, it is not only impqssibie tn discern the oppotiitA coast, which is indeed very low and flat ) but one cannot, perceive the houses or the tops of the steeples in the, Portuguese sctl,)c« ment at Colonia on the other side of the river." Letteia prima, published by' Mnratori, /( Cltrktianamo-^ Felice, Sic. I p. 257. BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 89 in value. As we stretch along the northern division of the American hemisi>here, the Bay of Chcsapeak presents a spacious inlet, which conducts the navigator far into the ir *rior parts of provinces no less fertile than ex- ftej:« and if ever the progress of culture and popu- latio. ' i.all mitigate the e\irc*ne rigour of tlie climate in the more northern districts of America, Hudson's Bay may become as subservient to commercial inter- course in that quarter of the glob'>, as the Baltic is in Europe. The other great portion of the New World is encompassed on every side by the sea, except one narrow neck, which separates the Atlantic from the Pacific Ocean ; and though it be not opened by spa- cious bays or arms of the sea, its interior parts arc ren- dered accessible by a number of large rivers, fed by so many auxiliary streams, flowing in such various direc- tions, that, almost without any aid from the hand of industry and art, an inland navigation may be carried on through all the provinces from the river De la Plata to the gulf of Paria. Nor is this bounty of Nature confined to the southern division of America; its northern continent abounds no less in rivers which are navigable almost to their sources, and by its immense chain of lakes provision is made for an inland commu- nication, more extensive and commodioiis than in any quarter of the globe. The countries stretching from the gulf of Darien on one side, to that of California on the other, which form the chain that binds the two parts of the American continent together, are not des- titute of peculiar advantages. Their coast on one side is washed by the Atlantic Ocean, on the other by the Pacific. Some of their rivers flow into the former, some into the latter, and secure to them all the com- mercial benefits that may result from a communication with both. But what most distinguishes America from otiier .parts of the earth, is the peculiar temperature of its climate, and the different laws to which it is subject with respect to the distribution of heat and cold. We cannot determine with precision the portion of heat feit in any part of the globe, raciely by measuring its distance from the equator. The climate of a country is affected, in some degree, by its elevation above the sea, by tlie extent of continent, by the nature of the soil, the height of adjacent mountains, and many other circumstances. Tjio influenc« of these, however, is, from various causes, less considerable 'n the greater * Newfomidjaiul, part of Nova Scotia and Canada, are the I'oiintries which lie in the sanio parallel of latitude with the kingdom of France ; and In every part of these the water of tlie rivers is frozen during winter to the thickacsi. of several feet; the earth is covered willi snow as dcepj idino.st all the birds fiy, daring that teaton, frou a cUuiatc where tbev could ■ 7-8. ■ • •■ ^ part of the ancient continent ; and from knowing the position of any country there, we can pronounce witfc greater certainty, what will be the warmth of its cli- mate, and the nature of its productions. Tlie maxims which are founded upon observation of our hemisphere will not apply to the other. In the New World, cold predominates. I'he rigour of the frigid zone extends over half of those regions, which should be temperate by their position. Countries where the grape and the fig should ripen, are buried under snow one half of the year ; and lands situated in the same parallel with the most fertile and best culti- vated provinces in Europe, are chilled with perpetual frosts, which almost destroy the power of vegetation.*, As we advance to those parts of America which lie in the same parallel with provinces of Asia and Africa, blessed with an uniform enjoyment of such genial warmth as is most friendly to life and to vegetation, the dominion of cold continues to be felt, and winter reigns, though during a short period, with extreme se- verity. If we proceed along the American continent into the torrid zone, we shall find the cold prevalent in the New World extending itself also to this region of the globe, and mitigating the excess of its fervour. While the negro on the coast of Africa is scorched with unremitting heat, the inhabitant of Peru breathes an air equally mild and temperate, and is perpetually shaded under a canopy of grey clouds, which intercepts the fierce beams of the sun, without obstructing his friendly influence. Along the eastern coast of Ame- rica, the climate, though more similar to that of the torrid zone in other parts of the earth, is nevertheless considerably milder than in those countries of Asia and Africa which lie in the same latitude. If from the southern tropic we continue our progress to the extre- mity of the American continent, we meet with frozen seas, and countries horrid, barren, and scarcely habitable for cold, much sooner than in the north. Various causes combine in rendering the climate of America so extremely different from that of the ancient continent. Though the utmost extent of America to- wards the north be not yet discovered, we know that it advances much nearer to the pole than either Europe or Asia. Both these have large seas to the north, which are open during part of the year ; and even when covered with ice, the wind that blows over them is less intensely cold than that which blows over land in the not live. The country of the Eskimanx, part of Labrador, and the countries on the south of Hudson's Bay, are in the same pn'-allul with Great Rrrtain j and yet in all these the cold is so intense, that even the industry of Europeans has not at- tempted cultivation, . ( •> r f! '1} •: fv| 1m ■Pt ^'3 ■ ■■'! *r f rsj r ' ■ b II SO HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. Mme high latitudes. But in America the land stretches horn the river St. Lawrence towards the pole, and spreads out Immensely to the west. A chain of enor- mous mountains, covered with snow and ice, runs through all this dreary region. The wind, in passing over such an extent of high and froxen land, becomes so impregnated with cold, that it acquires a piercing keenness, which it retains in its progress through warmer climates, and is not entirely mitigated until it reaches the Gulf of Mexico. Over all the continent of North America, a north-westerly wind and excessive cold are synonimous terms. Even in the most sultry weather, the moment that the wind veers to that quarter, its penetrating influence it felt in a transition from heat to cold, no less violent than sudden. To this powerful cause we may ascribe the extraordinary dominion of cold, and its violent inroads into the southern provinces in that part of the globe. * Acosta is the ftrst philosopher, as far as I know, who endeavoured to account for the different degrees of heat in the old and new continent, by the agency of the winds which blow in each. Hitt, Moral. Sfc, lib. ii. and iii. M. de Buffoa adopts this theory, and has not only improved it bv new ob- servations, but has employed his amazing powers of descrip- tive eloquence in embellishing and placing it in the most striking light. Some remarks may be added, which te^d to illustrate more fully a doctrine of much importance in every inquiry concerning the temperature of various climates. When a cold wind blows over land, it must in its passage rob the surface of some of its heat. By means of this, the coldness of the wind is abated. But if it continue to blow in the same direction, it will come, by degrees, to pass over a surface already cooled, and will suffer no longer any abate- ment of its own keenness. Thus as it advances over a large tract of land, it brings on all the severity of intense frost. Let the same wind blow over an extensive and deep sea ; the superficial water must be immediately cooled to a certain degree, and the wind proportionally warmed. But the super- ficial and colder water, liecoming specifically heavier than the warmer water below, it descends ; what is warmer snpplies its place, which, as it comes to be cooled in its turn, continues to warm the air which passes over it, or to diminish its cold. This change of the superficial water, and successive ascent of that which is warmer, and the consequent successive abate- ment of coldness in the air, is aided by the agitation caused in the sea by the mechanical action of the wind, and also by the motion of the tides. This will go on, and the rigour of the wind will continue to diminish until the whole water is so far cooled, that the water on the surface is no longer removed from the action of the wind, fast enough to hinder it froip. beinff arrested by frost. Whenever the surface freezes, the wind is no longer warmed by the water from below, and it goes on with undiminished cold. From those principles may be explained the severity of winter frosts in extensive continents ; their mildness in small islands } and the superior rigour of winter in those parts of North America with which we are best acquainted. In the north-west parts of Europe, the severity of winter is mitigated by the west winds, which usually blow in the months of No- vember, December, and part of Jannary. Other causes, no less remarkable, diminish the active power of heat in those parts of the American continent which lie between the tropics. In all that portion of the globe, the wind blows in an invariable direction from east to west. As this wind holds its course across the ancient continent, it arrives at the countries which stretch along the western shores of Africa, inflamed with all the flery particles which it hath collected from the sultry plains of Asia, and the burning sands in the African deserts. The coast of Africa is, accordingly, the region of the earth which feels, the most fenrest heat, and is exposed to the uq|Ditigated ardour of the torrid tone. But this sane wind which brings such an accession of warmth to the couotrics lying between the river of Senegal and Cafraria, traverses the Atbntic Ocean, before it reaches the American shore. It is cooled in its passage over this vast body of wate^, and is felt as a rtfrcsMiig gale along the coast of BrasU^f Ob the other hand, when a warn wind blow» over land, it heats the surface, which most therefore cease to abate the fervour of the wind. Bat the same wind blowing over water, agitates it, brings up the colder water from below, and thus is continniilly losing somewhat of its own heat. But the great power of the sea to mitigate the heat of the wind or air passir^ over it, pvoeeeds from the following dr- cumttance, that oa aeeoant of the transpareacy of the sea, its surface cannot be heated to a great decree by the san's rays ; whereas the ground, subjected to their inllnence, very soon acquires great heat. When, therefore, the wind blows over a torrid cootineat, it is soon raised to a heat almost intolerable : but during its passage over an extensive ocean, it is gradually cooled ; so that on its arrival at the farthest shore, it is a^ain fit for respiration. Those principles will account for the sultry heats of large continents in the torrid zone } for the mild dimate of islam in the same latitude ; and for the superior warmth in summer which large continents, situated in the temperate or colder zones of the earth, enjoy, when compared rvith that of islands. The heat of a climate depends not only upon the immediato effect of the sun's rays, but on their continued operation, on the effect wbkb they have formerly produced, and which re- mains for some time in the gronnd. This is the reason why the day is warmest about two in the afternoon, the summer warmest about the middle of July, and the winter coldest about the middle of January. The forests which cover America, and hinder the sun-beams from heating the ground, are a great cause of the temperate climate in the equatorial parU. The ground, not being heated, cannot heat the air ; ana the leaves, which receive the rays intercepted from the ground, have not a mass of matter sutt« cient to absorb heat enough for this purpose. Besides, it is a known fact, that the vegetative power of a plant occasions a perspiration from the leaves in proportion to the heat to which they are exposed ; and, from the nature of evaporation, this perspiration produces a cold in the leaf proportional to the perspiration. Thus the efliict of the leaf in heating the air in contact with \t, is prodigiously diminished. For those obser- vations, which throw much additional light on this curious subject, I am indebted to my ingenious friend, Mr. Robison, professor of natnrai philosophy in the university of Edinburgh, n 66. a simy ascribe! p. 330. than th Adanvo tTv venrin fcdfac with Terrei in latiti on the teenthi irlebe, there, < of winti landed tudc i5 thamoi ili i' BOOK IV.3 HISTORY OF AMERICA. 91 •nd Guiana, rendering these countries, though among the warmest in America, temperate, wlicn compared with those which lie opposite to them in Africa.* As this wind advances in its course across America, it ineets with immense plains, covered with impenetrable forests, or occupied by large river ., marbhcs, and stag- nating waterR, where it can recover no considerable de- gree of heat. At length it arrives at the Andes, which run fron north to south through the whole continent. In passing over (heir elevated and frozen summits, it is «o thoroughly cooled^ that the greater part of the coun- tries beyopd them hardly feel the nrdour to which they •eem exposed by their situation. In the other pro- vinoos of America, from Tiertra Firm^ westward to the Mexican empire, the heat of the climate is tempered, in some places, by the elevation of tlie land above the •eil^jin others, by their extraordinary humidity, and in ■11, by the enormous mountains scattered over this tract. Th« iskads of America in the torrid zone are either small or anountaiaous, and ore faooed altcraately by re- freshing sea and land breezes. The causes of the extraordinary co\9 towards the ' -■ ... * The climate of Braail has been described by two eaiacnt naturalists, I'iso and Margrave, who observed it with a philo- sophical accuracy, for which we search in va'n in the accounts of many other provinces in America. Both represent it as tem- perate and mild, when compared with the climate of Africa. They ascribe this chiefly to the refreshing wind which blows continually from the sea. The air is not only cool, bat chilly through the night, insomuch, that th'^ natives kindle fires every evening in their huts.— i'uo de Medicina Bratilienii, lib. i. p. 1. lie. Margrarius Histor. Rerum Natural. BraiUim, lib. vili. c. 3. p. 264. Nieuhoff, who resided long in Brasil, confirms their description.— CAMrcAi/r« Collection, vol. ii. p. 26. Gu- milla, who was a missionary many years among the Indians upon the river Oronoco, gives a similar description of the tem- peratare of the climate there. — Hi$t. de I'Orenoque, torn. i. p. 30. P. Acugna felt a very considerable degree of cold in the countries on the banks of the river Amazon. — Relat. vol. ii. p. 56. M. Biet, who lived a considerable time in Cayenne, gives a similar account of the temperature of that climate, and ascribes it to tfie same cause.— Forage de la France, Equinox, p. 330. Nothing can be more different from thi-se descriptions than that of the burning heat of the African coast given by M. Adanaon.— Foynge to Senegal, pashm. t Two French frigates were sent upon a voyage of disco- venr in the year 1739. In latitude 440 south, they began to fcei a consiaerabie degree of cold. In latitude 48°, they met with islands of floating ice. — Histoire det Navigations aux Terres Australes, torn. ii. 256, &c. Dr. Halley fell in with ice in latHnde ?»9°. — Id. tom. i. p. 47. t'ommodore Byron, when on the const of Patagonia, latitude 60'' 33' south, on the fif- teenth of December, which is midsummer in that part of the globe, the twenty-first of December being the longest day there, compares the climate to that of England in the middle o( mater.— Voyages by Hawkesworth, i. 25. Mr. Banks having Unded on Terra del Fuego, in the Bay of Good Success, lati- tude 55**, on the sixteenth of .lanuary, which corresponds to, the aoDtb of July in our hemisphere, two of bis attendanttt southern limits of America, and In the seas beyond it, cannot be ascertained in a manner equally satisfying. It was long supposed that a vast continent, distinguished by the name of Terra Jki-itralis Incognita, lay between the southern extremity of America and the Antarctic pole. The same principles which account for the extraordinary degree of cold in the northern regions of America, wei^e employed in order to explain that which is felt at Cape Horn end the adjacent countries. The immense extent of the southern continent, and the large rivers which it poured into the ocean, were mentioned and admitted by philosophers as causes sufficient to occasion the un- usual sensation of cold, and the still more uncommoa appearances of frozen seas in that region of the globe. But the imaginary continent to which such influence was ascribed, having been searched for in vain, and the space which it was supposed to occupy having been found to be an open sea, new conjectures must be formed with respect to the causes of a temperature of cUmate, so extremely different from that which we ex- perience in countries removed at the same distance from the opposite pole.f died in one night of extreme cold, and all the party were in the most imminent danger of perishing. — Id. ii. 51, 52. By the foMtecnth of March, corresponding to September in our he- misphere, winter was set in with rigour, and the mountains were covered with snow. — Ibid. 72. Captain Cook, in his voyage towards the South pole, furnishes new and striking in- stances of the extraordinary predominance of cold in this re- gion of the globe. " Who woiild have thought (says he) that an island, of no greater extent than seventy leagues in circuit, situated between the latitude of 64" and 55", should in the very height of summer be, in a manner, wholly covered, many fathoms deep, m ith frozen snow ; but more especially the S. W. coast ? The very summits of the lofty mountains were «ased with snow and.ice ; b>it the quantity that lay in the valleys is incredible ; ind at the bottom of the bays, the coast was terminated by a wall of ice of considerable height." — Vol. ii.p. 217. In some places of the ancient continent, an extraordinary degree of cold prevails in very low latitudes. Mr. Bogle, in his embassy to the court of the Delai Ijama, passed the winter of the vear 17/4 at Chamnanuing, in latitude 31" 39' N. He often found the thermometer in his room twenty-nine degrees under the freezing point by Fahrenheit's scale ; and in the middle of April the standing waters were all frozen, and heavy showers of snow frequently fell. The extraordinary elevatiou of the country seems to be the cause of this excessive cold. In travelling from Indostan to Thibet, the ascent to the sum-, mit of the Boutan Mountains is very great, but the descent on the other side is not in equal proportion. The kingdom of Thibet is an elevated region, extremely bare and desolate.— jlccount of Thibet, by Mr. Steumrt, read in the Royal Society, p. 7. The extraordinary cold in low latitudes in America cannot be accounted for by the same cause. Those regions are not remarkable for elevation. Some of them are countries depressed and level. The most obvious and probable cause of the supenor degree of cold, towards the southern extremity of America, seems t« Y2 ds HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book If, '•i] i, m if ^ [if I' i.: III. i 'i After contemplating those permanent and character- istic qualities of the American continent, which arise from the peculiarity of its situation, and the disposition of its parts, the next object that merits attention is its condition when first discovered, as far as that depended upon the industry and operations of man. The effects of human ingenuity and labour are more extensive and considerable, than even our own vanity is apt at first to imagine. When we survey the face of the habitable globe, no small part of that fertility and beauty which we ascribe to the hand of nature, is the work of man. His efforts, when continued through a succession of - ages, change the appearance and improve the qualities of the earth. As a great part of the ancient continent has long been occupied by nations far advanced in arts and industry, our eye is accustomed to view the earth in that form which it assumes when rendered fit to be the residence of a numerous race of men, and to supply them with nourishment. But in the New World, the state of mankind was ruder, and the aspect of nature extremely different. Throughout all its vast regions there were only two monarchies remarkable for extent of territory, or distin- guished by any progress in improvement. The rest of this continent was possessed by small independent tribes, destitute of arts and industry, and neither capa- ble to correct the defects, nor desirous to meliorate the condition of that part of tlie earth allotted to them for their habitation. Countries, occupied by such people, were almost in the same state as if they had been with- out inhabitants. Immense forests covered a great part of the uncultivated earth ; and as the hand of industry had not taught the rivers to run in a proper channel, or drained off the stagnating water, many of the most fertile plains were overflowed withiinundations, or con- be the form of the continent there. Its breadth gradually de- creases as it stretriies from St. Antonio sontiiuard.'s, and from the bay of St. Julian to the Straits of Magellan its dimensions arc much contracted. Ou tlie east and uciuro[)v and Asia, in a corrcs|tonding northern latitude. The north wind is the only one that reaches this part of America, after blowing over a great continent. But from an attentive survey of its (wsition, this will be found to have a tendency rather to diminish than augment the degree of heat. The southera extremity of America is properly the termination of the imiucuse ridge of the Andes, which stretches nearly io verted into marshes. In the southern provinces, where the warmth of the sun, the moisture of tlie climate, and tlie fertility of the soil, combine in calling forth the most vigorous powers of vegetation, the woods are so choked with its rank luxuriance, as to be almost im- pervious, and the surface of the ground is hid from the eye under a thick covering of shrubs and Herbs and weeds. In this state of wild unassisted nature, a great part of the large provinces in South America, which extend from the bottom of the Andes to the sea, still remain. The European colonies have cleared and cul- tivated a few spots along the coast, but the original race of inhabitants, as rude and indolent as ever, have done nothing to open or improve a country, possessing almost every advantage of situation and climate. As we advance towards the northern provinces of Americ», nature continues to wear the same uncultivated aspecf, and in proportion as the rigour of the climate increases, appears more desolate and horrid. There the forests, though not encumbered with the same exuberance of vegetation, are of immense extent ; prodigious marshes overspread the plains, and few marks appear of human activity in any attempt to cultivate or embellish the earth. No wonder that the colonies sent from Europe were astonished at their first entrance into the Vlcvr World. It appeared to them waste, solitary, and unin- viting. When the Englisli began to settle in America, they termed the countries of which -.hey took |>ossessionj T7je Wilderness. Nothing but tleir eager expectation of finding mines of gold, could have induced the Spa- niards to penetrate through tlie woods and marshes of America, where, at every step, they observed the ex- treme difference between the uncultivated face of Na- ture, and that which it acquires under the forming hand of industry and art.'*' a direct line from north to south, through the whole extent of the continent. The most sultry regions in South America, Guiana, Brasil, Paraguay, and 'lucuman, lie many degrees to the east of the Magellanic regions. The level country of Peru, which enjoys the tropical heats, is situated considerably to the west of them. The north wind then, though it blows over- hind, docs not bring to the southern extremity of America an increase of heat collected in its passage over torrid regions ; but before it arrives there, it must have swept aloug the sunv- mits of the Andes, and comes impregnated with the cold of that frozen region. Though it be now demonstrated that there is no southern continent in that region of the globe which it was supposed to occupy, it appears to be certain from Captain Cook's disco- veries, that there is a large tract of land near the s^tith polo, which is the source of most of the ice s()read over the vast southern ocean. — \'ol. ii. p. 230, 239, &c. VVhetlier the in- fluence of this remote frozen continent may reach the southern extremity of America, and afiiect its climate, is an inquiry not unworthy of attention. * M. Condamine is one of the latest and most accurate ob- servers of the interior state of South America. " After BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. W The labour and operations of man not only improve and embellish the earth, but render it more wholesome, and friendly to life. When any region lies neglected and destitute of cultivation, the air stagnates in the woeds, putrid exhalations arise from the watery ; the •urface of the earth, loaded with rank vegetation, feels not the purifying influence of the sun or of the wind ; tlie malignity of the distempers natural to the climate increases, and new maladies no less noxious arc en- gendered. Accordingly, all the provinces of America, when fiht discovered, were found to be remarkably unhealthy. This the Spaniards experienced in every expedition into the New World, whether destined for conquest or settlement. Though by the natural con~ stitution of their bodies, their habitual temperance, and the persevering vigour of their minds, they were as much formed as any people in Europe for active service in a sultry climate, they felt severely the fatal and pernicious qualities of those uncultivated regions through which they marched, or where they endea- voured to plant colonies. Great numbers were cut off by the unknown and violent diseases with which they were infected. Such as survived the destructive rage of those maladies, were not exempted from the noxious influence of the climate. They returned to Europe, according to the description of the early Spanish his- torians, feeble, emaciated, with languid looks, and complexions of such a sickly yellow colour, as indi- cated the unwholesome temperature of the countries where they had resided. | descending from tiic Andes (says he), one beholds a vast and tinirorm prospect of water and verdure, and nothinir more. One treads upon tlic earth, hut does not sec it j as it is so entirely covered with luxuriant plants, weeds, and shrubs, that it would require a consideraltic degree of labour to clear it, for the space of a foot." Relation abrege dun Voyage, Sfc. p. 48. One of the singularities in the forests is a sort of osiers, or withs, called bejucos by the Spanianls, Unties by tiie French, and nihbes by the Imiians, which are usually em- ployed as ropes in .America. 'I'his is one of the parasitical plants, Mhieii twists about the trees it meets with, and rising above their highest l)ranches, its tendiils descend perpendi- cularly, strike into the ground, take root, rise up around an- other tree, and thus mount and descend alternately. Other tendrils arc carried obliipiely Ity the wind, or some accident, and form a confusion of interwoven cordage, which resembles the rigging of a ship. Han-croft, Nitt. Hint, of Guiana, y!>. These witlis arc often as Hiick as the arm .)f a innn. lb. p. 7.'). M. Bouguer's account of the forests in I'eru perfectly resembles this description. Voyu^c au I'eru, p. Hi. Oviedo' gives a si- milar description of the forests in oIIkt parts of America. Hut. lib. ix. p. 1-14. D. The country of the Moxos is so inocb overflowed, that they arc obliged to rnsiile on the sum- mit of some rising ground during some part of the year, and have no communication with their countrymen at any distance. Lettres Edifiantes, torn, x. p. 187. Garcia gives a full and just description of the rivers, lakes, woods, and marshes in those countries of America which lie between the tropics. The uncultivated state of the New World affected not only the temperature of the air, but the qualities of its productions. The principle of life seems to have been less active and vigorous there, than in the ancient continent. Notwithstanding the vast extent of Ame- rica, and the variety of its climates, the different spe- cies of ariimals peculiar to it are much fewer in pro- portion, than those of the other hemisphere. In the islands, there were only four kinds of quadrupeds known, the largest of which did not exceed the size of a rabbit. On the continent, the variety was greater ; and though the individuals of each kind could not fail of multiply- ing exceedingly, when almost unmolested by men, who were neither so numerous, nor so united in society, as to be formidable enemies to the animal creation, the number of distinct species must still be considered as extremely small. Of two hundred different kinds of animals spread over the face of the earth, only about one third existed in America, at the time of its disco- very. Nature was not only less prolific in the New World, but she appears likewise to have been less vigorous in her productions. The animals originally belonging to this quarter of the globe appear to be of an inferior race, neither so robust, nor so fierce, as those of the other continent. America gives birth to no creature of such bulk as to be compared with the elephant or rhinoceros, or that equals the lion and tiger in strength and ferocity.* The Tupyr of Brasil, the largest quadruped of the ravenous tribe in the New World, is not larger than a calf of six months old. The Origen de los Indivs, lib. ii. c. 5. § 4, 5. The incredible hardships to which Gongalez Fizarro was exposed in attempt- ing to march into the country to the east of the Andes, convey a very striking idea of that part uf America in its original un- cultivated state. Gurcit, de la Vega, Royal Comment, of Fcrit, jjart ii. book iii. c. '2 — j. * The animals of America seem not to have been always of a size inferior to those in other (piarters of tlu; glolie. From antlers of the moose-deer which have been found in .America, it appears to have been an animal of great si/e. Near the banks of the Ohit), a considerable number of bones of an im- mense magnitude have been found. The place where this discovery has been made lies about one hundred and ninety miles below the junction of the river Scioto with the Ohio. It is about four miles distant from the banks of the latter, on the side of the marsh called the Salt Lick. The boiiis lie in vast quantities about five or six feet under ground, and the stratum is visible in the bank on the edij;e of the hick. Journal of Colonel George Croglan, MS. penen me. This spot seems to be accurately laid down by Evans in his niiip. These bones must have belonged to animals of enormous bulk ; but na- turalists being acquainted with no living creature of such size, were at first inclined to think that they were mineral suit- stances. Upon receiving a greater number of specimens, and after inspecting them more narrowly, they are now allowed to be the bones of au animal. As the elephant is the largest known quadruped, and the tusks which were found nearly re- sembled, both in form aad quality, the tusks of an elephaat, it . i Ki NiW O ii ni l l r itiO i r iH Mt«MWglMI1i mim 94, HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. [I' 11 I li- [it li'- i Ah : t I I' Puma and Jaguaft its fiercett beasts of prey, which Europeans have inaccurately denominnted lions and timers, possess neither the undaunted courage of the former, nor the ravenous cruelty of ihc latter. They are inactive and tiniid, hardly forinidabTi; toman, and often turn their backs upon tl»e least appearance of re- sistance. The same qualities in the climate of America which stinted the grbwth, and enfeebled the spirit, of its native animals, have proved [lernicious to such as have migrated into it voluntarily from the other conti- nent, or have been transported thither by the Euro- peans. The bears, the wolves, the deer of America, are not equal in size to those of the Old World. Most of the domestic animals, with which the Europeans have stored the provinces wherein they settled, have degenerated with respect either to bulk or quality, in a country wliosc temperature and soil soem to !:; less favourable to the strength and perfection of the animal creation.* The same causes, which checked the growth and the vigour of the more noble animals, were friendly to the propagation and increase of reptiles and insects. Though this is not peculiar to the New World, and those odious tribes, nourished by heat, moistute, and corruption, infest every part of the torrid zone ; they multiply faster, perhaps, in America, and grow to a more monstrous bulk. As this country is, on the whole, less cultivated, and less peopled, than the other quarters of the earth, the active principle of life wastes its force in productions of this inferior form. The air is often darkened with clouds of insects, and the ground was concluded that the carcases deposited on the Ohio were of that species. Hut Dr. Hunter, one of the persons of our age best qualified to decide with respect to this point, having accurately exaiuined several parcels of tusks, and grinders, and juw-boiies, sent from the Ohio to Jjondon, gives it as his opinion, that they did not belong to an elephant, bat to some linge carnivorous animal of an unknown species. PhU. Tran- tact. vol. Iviii. p. 34. Bones of the same kind, and as remark- able for their size, have been found near the mouths of the great rivers Oby, Jeniseia, and Lena, in Siberia. Stralhreti' berg, Descript. of North and Eait Partt of Europe and A$\a, p. 402, &c. The elephant seems to be confined in bis range to the torrid zone, and never multiplies beyond it. In such cold legions as those bordering on the frozen sea, he coold not live. The existence of such large animals in America might open a wide field for conjecture. . The more we con- template the face of nature, and consider the variety of her productions, the more we must be satisfied that astonishing changes have been made in the terraqueous globe by convul- sions and revolutions, of which no account is preserved in history. * This degeneracy of the domestic European animals in Ame- rica may be impnted to some of these causa. In the Spanish settlements, which are situated either within the torrid cone, «r in countries bordering upon it, the increase of heat, and diversity of food, prevent iheep and horned cattle from attain- covered with sltocking and noiious reptUet. The country around Porto-fiello swarms with teida in suoh multitudes, as hide the surface of the earth. At Guyaquil, snakes and vipers are hardly less numeroui. Carthagenm is infested with numerous flocks of bats, which annoy not only the cattle but the inhabitanta. In the islands, legions of ants have, at different timet, consumed every vegetable production,t and left tUe earth entirely bare, as if it had been, burnt with fire. The damp forests, and rank soil of the countries on the banks of the Orinoco and Maragnon, teem with almost every offensive and poisonous creature, which the power of a sultry sun can quicken into life. The birds of the New World are not distinguished by qualities so con^icuous and characteristical, as those wliich wc have observed in its quadrupeds. Birds are more independent of man, and less affected by tlie changes which his industry and labour make upon the state of the earth. They liave a greater propensity to migrate from one country to another, and can gratify this instinct of their nature without difficulty or danger. Hence the number of birds common to both continents is much greater than that of quadrupeds ; and even such as we peculiar to America nearly resemble those with which mankind were acquainted in similar regions of the ancient hemisphere. The American birds of the tonid zone, like those of the same climate in Asia and Africa, are decked in plumage, which dazzles the eye with the beauty of its colours ; but Nature, satisfied with clothing them in this gay dress, has denied most of them that melody of sound, and variety of notes. ing the same size as in Europe. They seldom become so Cot, and their flesh is not so inicy, or of snch delicate flavour. In North America, where the climate is mora favonrable, and si- milar to that of Europe, the quality of the grasses which spring up naturally in their pasture-grounds is not good. MitchtUi p. 151. Agriculture is still so mnch in its infancy, that artifidal food for cattle is not raised in any quantity. During a winter, long in many provinces, and rigorous in aU, no proper care is taken of their catde. The general trcat« meat of their horses and homed cattle is injudicionsand harsh in all the English colonies. These circumstances contribute more, perhaps, than any thing peculiar in the quality of the climate, to tne degeneracy of breed in the horses, cows, and sheep, of many of the North American provinces. t In the year 1518, the island of Hispaniola was aflliclod with a dreadful visitation of those destructive insects, the par- ticulars of which Herrera describes, and mentions a siqgnlar instance of the superstition of the Spanish planters. After trying various methods of exterminating the t .ts, they re> solved to implore protection of the saints ; but as the calamity was new, they were at a loss to find out the saint who could give them the most effectual aid. They cast lots in order to discover the patron whom they shoaM invoke. The lots de- cided in favour of St. Satuminus. They celebrated his fbs- tival with great solemnity, and immediately, adds the hhite- riao, the calamity began to abate. BOOK IV.J HISTORY OF AMERICA. 95 which catch and delight the ear. The birds of the temperate climates there, iit the same manner as in our continent, are less spU ndid in their appearance, but, in compensation for tliat defect, they liavc voices of greater compass, and more melodious. In some districts of America, the unwholesome temperature of the air seems to be unfavourable even tij this part of the creation. Tiie number uf birds is less than in other countries, and the traveller is struck with the amaKing solitude and silence of its forests. It is remarkable, however, that America, where the quadrupeds are so dwarfish and dastardly, should produce the Condor, which is entitled to pre-eminence over all the flying tribe, in bulk, in strength and in courage. The soil, in a continent so extensive ns America, must, of course, be extremely various. In each of its provinces, we find some distinguishing peculiarities, the description of which belongs to those who write their particular history. In general, we may observe, that the moisture and cold, which predominates so re- markably in all parts of America, must have great in- fluence upon the nature of its soil; countries lying in the same parallel with those regions which never feel the extreme rigour of winter in the ancient continent, are frozen over in America during a great part of the year. Chilled by this intense cold, the ground never acquires warmth sufficient to ripen the fruits, which are found in the corresponding parts of the other con- tinent. If we wish tu rear in America the productions which abound in any particular district of the ancient world, we must advance several degrees nearer to the line than in the other hemisphere, as it requires such an increase of heat to counterbalance the natural frigi- dity of the soil and climate.* At the Cape of Good Hope, several of the plants, and fruits peculiar to the countries within the tropics, are cultivated with success, whereas, at St. Augustine, in Florida, and Charles- town, in South Carolina, though considerably nearer * The author of Recherchet Philosophiques sur let Ameri- caitu supposes this difference in heat to be equal to twelve de- grees, and that a place thirty degrees from the equator jn the old continent, is as warm as one situated eighteen degrees from it in America, tom. i. p. II. Pr. Mitchell, after observations carried on during thirty years, contends that the difTerence is equal to fourteen or fifteen degrees of latitude.— Present State, Ac. p. 257. t January 3d, 176P, Mr. Bertram, near the head of St. John's river in East Florida, observed a frost so intense, that in one night the ground was frozen an inch thick upon the banks of the river. The limes, citron.i, and banana trees at St. Angiistin, were destroyed.— Bertram's Journal, p. 20. Other instances of the extraordinary operations of cold in the Bonthem provinces of North America are collected by Dr. Mitchell.— Preijnt State, p. 206, &c. February 7th, 1747, the frost at Charlestown was so intense^ that a person having carried two qaail bottles, of hot water to bed, la the morning the line, thty cannot Ivb brought to thrive with equal certainty .f Hut, if allowance be made for this diver- sity in the degree of heat, the soil of America is natur- ally as rich apd fertile as in any part of the earth. As the country was tltioly inhabited, and by a people uf little industry, who had none of the domestic animals which civilised nations rear in such vast numbers, the earth was not exhausted by their consumption. The vegetable productions to which the fertility of the soil gave birth, often remained untouched, and being sulfured to corrupt on its surface, returned with increase into its bosom. As trees and plants derive a great part of their nourishment from air and water, if they were not de- stroyed by man and other anintals, they would render to the earth more, perhaps, than they take from it, and feed rather than impoverish it. Thus the unoccupied soil of America may have gone on enriching for many ages. The vast number as well as enormous size of the trees in America, indicate the extraordinary vigour, of the soil in its native state. When the Euroiieans first began to cultivate the New World, they were asto< nished at the luxuriant power of vegetation in its virgin mould; and in several places the ingenuity of the planter is still employed in diminishing and wasting its superfluous fertility, in order to bring it down to a state fit for profitable cultUTC.| Having thus surveyed the state of the New World at the time of its discovery, and considered the peculiar features and qualities which distinguish and character- ise it, the next inquiry that merits attention is. How was America peopled? By what course did mankind migrate fronn the one continent to the other ? and in what quarter is it most probable that a communication was opened between them ? We know with infallible certainty, that all the ha- man rice spring from the same source, and that the descei idants of one man, under the protection, as well as in obedience, to the command of heaven, multiplied they were split to pieces, and the water converted into solid lumps of ice. In a kitchen, where there was a fire, the water in ajar in which there was a iurge live eel, was frozen to the bottom. Almost all the oranj^e ando'ive treef were destroyed. Description nf South Carolina, 8vo. Lond. 17bl. X A remarkable instance of this occurs in Dutch Guiana, a country every where level, and so low, that during the rainy seasons it 'm usually covered with water near two feet in beigiit. This renders tiie soil so rich, tliat on the surfme, for twelve inches in depth, it is a stritnm of perfect manure, and as sucb has been transported to Barbadoes. On the biiuks of the Es« sequebo, thirty crops of ratan canes have been riiibed purees- sively, whereas in the West Indian islands not moic than two is ever expected from the richest land. The expedients by which the planters tndeavoiir to diminish this excessive fer- tility of soil are various.— i/ancrq/K, Nat. Hiat. oj' Guiana, p. 10, &c. 96 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. > !l i: and replenished the etrth. But neither the aiinaU nor the traditions of nations reach bac-ii to those remote •get, in which they took possession of the difierent countries, where they arc now settled. We cannot trace the branches of this first family, or point out with cer- tainty the time and manner in which they divided and tprcad over tlie face of the globe. Kvcn among the most enlightened people, the period of authentic his- tory is extremely short, and every thing prior to that is fabulous or obscure. It is not surprising, then, that the unlettered inhabitants of America, who have no so- licitude about futurity, and little curiosity concerning what is past, should be altogether unacquainted with their own original. The people on the two opposite coasts of America, who occupy those countries in Ame- rica which approach nearest to the ancient continent, •re so remarkably rude, that it is altogether vain to ■earch among them for such information as might dis- cover tiic place from whence they came, or the ances- tors of whom they are descended. Whatever light has been thrown on this subject, is derived, not from the natives of America, but from the inquisitive genius of their conquerors. When the people of Europe unexpectedly discovered a New World, removed at a vast distance from every part of the ancient continent which was then known, and filled with inliabitnnts whose appearance and man- ners difTered remarkably from the rest of the human species, the question concerning their original became naturally an object of curiosity and attention. 'J'he theories and speculations of ingenious men with respect to this bubject, would fill many volumes ; but are often 00 wild and chimerical, that 1 should offer an insult to the understanding of my readers, if I attempted either minutely to enumerate or to refute them. Some have presumptuou>>ly imagined, that the people of America were not the offspring of the same common parent with the rest of mankind, but that they formed a separate race of men, distinguishable by peculiar features in the constitution of their bodies, as well as in the character- istic qualities of their minds. Others contend, that they are descended from some remnant of the antedilu- vian inhabitants of the earth, who survived the deluge, which swept away tl.e greatest part of the human spe- cies iu the days of Nouli ; and preposterously suppose rude, uncivilized tribes, scattered over an uncultivated continent, to he the most ancient race of people on the earth, There Is hardly any nation from the north to the south pole, to which some antiquary, in the cxtra- vaganctt of conjecture, has not ascribed the honour of peopling America. The Jews, the Canaanites, the Fhuenicians, the Carthaginians, the Creeks, the Scy- thian* in unfimnt ♦;...«. itr« supposed to have settled in this western world. The Chinece, the Swedes, the Norwegians, the Welsh, the Spaniards, are said to have sent colonies thither in later ages, at dillerent period!), and on various occasions. Zealous advocates stand fortli to support the respective claims of those people ; and though tliey rest upon no better foundation than the casual resembhince uf some customs, or the sup- posed afhuity between a few words in their different languages, much erudition and more zeal have been employed, to little purpose, in defence of the opposite systems. Those regions of conjecture and controversy belong not to the historian. His is a more limited pro- vince, confined to what is established by certain or highly probable evidence. Beyond this 1 shall not veo^ ture, in offering • few observations, which may contri- bute to throw some light upon this curious and much agitated question. 1 . There are authors who liavc endeavoured by mere conjectures to account for tlie peopling of America. Some have supposed that it was originally united to the ancient continent, and disjoined from it by the shock of an earthquake, or the irruption of a deluge. Others have imagined, that some vessel being forced from its course by the violence of a westerly wind, might be driven by accident towards the American coast, and have given a beginning to population in that deso'ate continent. But with respect to all those systems, it is vain either to reason or inquire, because it is impossible to come to any decision. Such events as they suppose are barely possible, and may have iiappened. That they ever did happen, we have no evidence, either from the clear testimony of history, or from the obscure ia- timations of tradition. ' 2. Nothing can be more frivolous or uncevtain than the attempts to discover the original of the Americans, merely by tracing the resemblance between their man> ncrs and those of any particular people in the ancient continent. If we suppose two tribes, though placed in the most remote regions of the globe, to live in • cH" mate nearly of the same temperature, to be in the sam9 state of society, and to resemble each other in the de« gree of their improvement, tliey must feel the same wants, and exert the same endeavours to supply them. The same objects will allure, the same passions will animate them, and the same ideas and sentiments wil) arise in their minds. The character and occupations of the hunter in America must be little diflcrent from tho^e of an Asiatic, who depends for subsistence on the chage. A tribe of savages on the banks of the Danube must nearly resemble one upon the plains washed by the Missisipi. Instead then of presuming from this similarity, that there is any affinity between them, we should uoly conclude, tb^t tht^ disposition »Qd (DKQQcri HOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 5)7 of men arc formed by tlieir aituation, and arise from the stute of society in whicli tliey live. The moment thnt begins to vary, the cliaracter of a people must change. In proportion as it advances in improvement, their manners refine, their powers and talents are called forth. In every part of the earth the progress of man hath been nearly the same, and we can trnci' him in his career from the rude simplicity of savage life, until he attains the industry, the arts, and the elegance of polished society. There is nothing won- derful then in the similitude between the Americans and the barbarous nations of our continent. Had La- fitau, Garcia, and many other authors, attended to this, they would not have perplexed a subject which they pretend to illustrate, by their fruitless endeavours to tstablish an affinity between various races of people in the old and new continents, upon no other evidence than such a resemblance in their manners as necessarily arises from the similarity of their condition. There arc, it is true, among every people, some customs, which, as they do not flow from any natural want or desire peculiar to their situation, may be denominated usages of arbitrary institution. If between two nations settled in remote parts of the earth, a perfect agreement with respect to any of these should be discovered, one might be led to suspect that they were connected by some affinity. If, for example, a nation were found in America that consecrated the seventh day to religious worship and rest, we might justly suppose that it had derived its knowledge of this usage, which is of arbi- trary institution, from the Jews. But, if it were dis- covered that another nation celebrated the first appear- ance of every new moon with extraordinary demonstra- tions of joy, we should not be entitled to conclude that the observation of this monthly festival was borrowed from the Jews, but ought to consider it merely as the expression of that joy which is natural to man on the return of the pliinet which guides and cheers him in the night. The instances of customs, merely arbitrary, common to the inhabitants of both hemispheres, are, indeed, so few and so equivocal, that no theory con- cerning the population of the New World ought to be founded upon them. 3. The theories which have been formed with respect to the original of the Americans, from observation of their religious rites and practices, are no less fanciful, and destitute of solid foundation. When the religious opinions of any people are neither the result of rational inquiry, nor derived from the instructions of revelation, they must needs be wild and extravagant. Barbarous nationi are incapable of the former, and have not been blessed with the advantages arising from the latter. Still, however, the human mind, even where its opera- 9-10. tions appear most wild and capricious, holds a course so regular, that in every age and country the dominion of particular passions will be utti-tided with similar ef- fects. The savage of Europe or America, when lilled with superstitious dread of invisil)!); laings, or witii in- quisitive solicitude to penetrate into tlie events of futurity, trembles alike with fear, or glows with impa- tience, lie has recourse to rites and practices of the same kind, in order to avert the vengeance which he supposes to be impending over him, or to divine the secret which is the object of his curiosity. Accordingly, the ritual of superstition, in one continent, seems, in many particulars, to be a transcript of that established in the other, and both authorise similar institutions, sometimes so frivolous as to excite pity, sometimes so bloody and barbarous as to create horror. Hut without suppo.'.ing any consanguinity between such dislaiit na- tions, or imagining tiiat their religious ccremuiiies were conveyed by tradition from the one to the otiier, we may ascribe this uniformity, which in many instances seems very amazing, to the natural operation of super- stition and enthusiasm upon the weakness of the human mind. 4. Wc may lay it down as a certain principle in this inquiry, that America was not peopled by any nation of the ancient continent, which had made consider!il)lG progress in civilization. The inhabitants of the New World were in a state of society so extremely rude, as io be unacquainted with those arts which are the first essays of human ingenuity in its advance towards im- provement. Even the most cultivated nations of Ame- rica were strangers to many of those simple inventions, which were almost coeval with society in other parts of the world, and were known in the earliest periods of civil life with which we have any acquaintance. From this it is manifest, that the tribes which originally mi- grated to America, came off from nations which must have been no less barbarous than their posterity, at the time when they were first discovered by the Europeans. For, although the elegant and refined arts may decline or perish, amidst the violent shocks of those revolu- tions and disasters to which nations arc exposed, the necessary arts of life, when once they Iwve been intro- duced among any jjcople, are never lost. None of the vicissitudes in human attuirs affect these, and they con« tinue to be practised as long as the race of men exists. If ever the use of iron had been known to the savages of America, or to their progenitors, if ever they had employed a plough, a loom, or a forge, the utility of those inventions would have preserved them, and it is impossible that they should have been abandoned or forgotten. We may conclude then, that the Americans sprunf from some people, who wore themselves in such Z 98 IIISTOllY OF AMERICA. [book IV. 1 r ■ I , J li 1 > i ■ ■'■_ 1 i. ' III ■ 1 1 '! ■ { M;! « ) i 1 '; nn early and unimproved tt&gc of socirty, as to he un- acquainted with all thoie necessary arts, which continued to be unknown among their posterity, when first visited by the Spaniards. 5. It appears no less evident that America was not peopled by any colony from the mure southern nations of the ancient continent. None of the rude tribes settled in that part of our heuiiitphere can be supposed to have visited a country so remote. They possessed neither en erprise, nor ingenuity, nor power, that could prompt them to undertake, or enable them to perform, such a distant voyage. That the more civi- lized nations in Asia or Africa are not the progenitors of the Americans is manifest, not only from the obser- vations wiiicli I have already made concerning their ignorance of the most simple and necesHSry arts, but from an additional circumstance. Whenever any people have experienced the advantages which men enjoy, by their dominion over the inferior animals, they can neither subsist without the nourishment wliich these ufTord, nor carry on any considerable ope- ration independent of their ministry and labour. Ac- cordingly, the first cure of the Spaniards, when they settled in America, was to stork it with all the do- mestic animals of Europe ; and if, prior to them, the Tyrians, the Cartliaginians, the Chinese, or any other polished people, had tukcn possession of that continent, w. should have found there the animals peculiar to those regions of the globe where they were originally seated. In all America, however, there is not one aninuil, '.ume or wild, which properly belongs to the warm, or even the more temperate countries of the ancient continent. The camel, the dromedary, the horse, the cow, were as much unknown in America, as the elephant or the lion. From which it is obvious, that the people who first settled in the western world did not issue from tlie countries where those animals abound, and where men, from having been long accus- tomed to their aid, would naturally consider it, not only as beneficial, but as indispensably necessary to the improvement, and even the preservation, of civil •orlcty. 6. From considering the animals with which Ame- rica is stored, we may conclude that the nearest point of contact between the old and new continents is to- wards the northern extremity of both, and that there the communication 'was opened, and the intercourse carried on between them. All the extensive countries in America which lie within the tropics, or approach near to them, are filled with indigenous animals of va- rious kinds, entirely different from those in the corres- ponding regions of the ancient continent. But the northern provinces of the New World abound with many of the wild animals which are common in sueli parts of our hcmis|)here as lie in a similar situation. The bear, the wolf, the fox, the hare, tlic deer, the roc- buck, tlie elk, and several other species frequent the foreuts of North America, no less than those in the north of Europe and Ania. It seems to be evident then, that the two continents approach each other in this quarter, and arc either united, or so nearly adjacent, thut these animals miglit puss from tliu one to the other. 7. The nctuul vicinity of the two continents is so clearly cKtablishcd by modern discoverico, that the chief difficulty with respect to the peopling of America is removed. While those immense regions which stretch eastward from the river Oby to the sea of Kamchatka were unknown, or imperfectly explored, the north-east extremities of our hemisphere were supposed to be so far distant from any part of the New World, that it was nut easy to conceive how any communication sliould have been carried on between them. But the Russians, having subjected the western part uf Siberia to their empire, gradually extended their knowledge of that vast country, by advancing towards tlie east into unknown provinces. These were discovered by hunters in their excuraions after game, or by soldiers employed in levy- ing the taxes, and the court of Mosco cstii lated the importance of those countries unly by the small addi- tion which they made to its revenue. At length Peter the Great ascended the Russian throne. His en- lightened, compreliensive mind, intent upon every cir- cumstance that could aggrandize his empire, or render his reign illustrious, discerned consequences of those discoveries, which had escaped the observation of his ignorant predecessors. He perceived, that in propor- tion as the regions of Asia extended towards the east, they must approach nearer to America; that the com- munication between the two continents, which had long been searched for in vain, would probubly be found in this quarter, and tliat by opening it, some part of the wealth and commerce of the western world might be made to How into his dominions by a new channel. Such an object suited a genius that delighted in grand schemes. Peter drew up instructions with his own hand for prosecuting this design, and gave orders for carrying it into execution. His successors adopted his ideas, and pursued his plan. The officers whom the Uuasian court employed in this service, hod to struggle with «d many difficulties, that their progress was extremely alow. Eucouraged by some faint traditions among the people of Liberia, concerning u successful voyage in the year one thou* sand six hundred and forty -eight, round the north-east promontory of Asia, they attempted to f(rflow the same BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. eonrie. Vciwlt Wfre fltted out, with thi« vitw, at difterrnt times, from tlie rivers Lena and Kolyma; but in a frnsen ocean, wliich nature seems not to Imve des* tined fur nnvi|fHt<»n, tliey were exposed to many dis- asters, without being able to accomplisli their purpose. No vessel fitted out by tlte Rutsiao court ever doubled this formidable cape i** we are itxiubted for what is known of thu tion of it.f It is likewise evident from recent discoveries, that an they had mistaken rocky isles for the head-land^ ofacontinent. It is probable, that the countries discovered in 1/41, towards the east, do not belong to the American continent, but are only a continuation of the chain of islands. The numtter of volcanoes in this region of the globe is remarkable. There are several in Kamchatka, and not one of the islands, great or small, as far as the Russian navigation extends, is without them. Many arc actually burning, and the mountains in all bear marks of having been once in a state of eruption. Were I disposed to admit such conjectures as have found place in other inquiries' concerning the peopling of America, 1 might suppose that this part of the earth, having manifestly suffered violent convulsions from earthquakes and volcanoes, un isthmus, which may have formerly united .A^ia to America, has been broken, and formed into a cluster of islands by the shock. It is singidar, that at the very time the Russian navigators were attempting to make discoveries in the north-west of America, the !S])aniards were prosecuting the same design from another quarter. In 1769, two small vessels sailed from Loretto in California to explore the coasts of the country to the aorth of that peninsula. They advanced no farther than the port of Monte Rey in latitude .36. But, in several suc- cessive expeditious fitted out from the port of St. Bias in New Galicia, the Spaniards have advanced as far as the latitude 58. Gazeta de Madrid, March 19, and May 14, 1776. But as the journals of those voyages have not yet been published, I can- not compare their progress with that of the Russians, or shew how near the navigators of the two nations have aiiprnached to each other. It is to be hoped, that the enlightened minister who has now the direction of American affairs in Spain, will not withhold this information from the public. f Our knowledge of the vicinity of the two continents of Asia and America, which was very imperfect when 1 published the history of America iu the year 1777, is now complete. - r I I Vil BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 101 it the I there intercourse between our continent and America might be carried on with no less facility from the north-west extremities of Europe. As early ns the ninth century [A. D. 830], the Norwegians discovered Greenland, Mr. Cox'/h Account of the Russian Discoveries betweeu Asia and America, printed in the year 1780, contains many curious and important facts with respect to the various attcmi>ts of the Russians to open a communication with the New World. Tlie history of the great voyage of discovery, iKJgun by Cap- tain Cook in 1 776, and completed by Captains Clerk aud (iiorc, published in the year 1/80, communicates all the in- formation that the curiotiity of mankind could desire with regard to this subject. At my re(|uest, my friend Mr. Playfair, professor of mathe- matics in the university of Edinburgh, has compared the nar- rative and charts of tlioie illustrious navigators, with the more imperfect relations and maps of the Russians. The re- sult of this comparison I communicate in his own words, with much greater confidence in his scientific accuracy than I could liavn ventured to place in any observations which 1 myself might have made upon the subject. " The discoveries of C'uptain Cook in his last voyage have confirnied the conclusions which Dr. Robertson had drawn, and have connected togetlier the facts from which they were deduced. They have now rendered it certain that liehring and Tschirikow touched on the coast of America in 1"41. The former discovered land in lat. 58° 28', and about '2l]6' ( ast from Ferro. He has given such a description of the bay in which he anchored, and the higli mountain to the westward of it, which he calls St. Ellas, that though the account of his voy.'ige is much abridged in the English translation. Captain (\)ui( recognized the place as he sailed along the western coast of America in the year 1778. The isle of St, Hermogene.s, near the mouth of Cook's river, Schumagins Isles on the coast of Alashku, and Foggy Isle, retain in Captain Cook's chart the nanus which they liad received from the Russian navi- gator. Ci'ok's yoy. vol. ii. p. 347- " Tschirikow came upon the same coast about 2*30' further south than Uehring, near the Mount Edgecumbc of Captain Cook. " With rt ifard to Krenitzin, we learn from Coxe's .Xccount of thr Russian Discoveries, that he suilc ! from the moiith of \\w Kanichdtka river with two ships in tlu' year I7()8. With his own ship ho readied the island Oonolaslika, in which tlu-re had been a Russian setlk-nient since tin- year I7()2, \\h<".i' he wintered probably in tiit same harbour or liay wiicrc Caiitain (.'ook afterwards anchored. The other ship wintered at Alaslika, wiiicli was supposed to be an island, thongii it be in fact a part of the American continent. Krciiilzin, accordingly, returned without knowing that cither of his ships had been on the coast of America; and this is the more surprising, be- cause Captain Cook lias informed ns that Alashka is under- stood to be a groat continent both by the Kussiuns and the natives at Oonolashka. " According to Krcuit/.in, tlic siiip which had wintered at Alashka had hardly sailed .'V.'" to the eastward of the harliour of St. Peter and St. Paul in Kamchatka; but, iiccording to the more accurate charts of Captain Cook, it liad sailed no less than 3/ " 1 V to tiic eastward of that harltour. There is nearly the same mistake of ;')" in the longitude which Krcnit/iu assiuns to Oonolasiika. It is remarkable enough, that in the chart of those seas, put into the hands of Captain Cook by the Russians on that island, there was an error of the same kind, and very nearly of the same c.\tcnt. and planted colonies there. The communication with that country, after a long interruption, was renewed in the last century. Some Lutheran and Moravii^n mis- sionaries, prompted by zeal for propagating the C iiristian "'But what is of most consequence to be remarked on this subject is, that the discoveries of Captain Cook have fully verified Dr. Robertson's conjecture, ' that it is probable that future navigators in those seas, by steering farther to the north than Behring and Tschirikow or Krenitzin luid done, may find that the continent of America approaches :till nearer to that of Asia." Vol. ii. p. 41. It has accoidingly been fonnd that these two continents, which in the parallel of .'>5«, or that of the southern extremity of .\lashka, arc ab(nit four hundred leagues asunder, approach continually to one another as they stretch together toward the north, until, within less than a degree from the polar circle, they are terminated by two capes, only thirteen leagues distant. The east Oipe of Asia is in latitude 66° 6', and in longitude 1 00* 22' east from Greenwich ; the western extremity of America, or Prince of AValesCapc, is in latitude Ci)° 4G', and in longitude IDl* 4.'»'. Nearly in the middle of the narrow strait (l>cliring's Strait) which separates these capes, are the two islands of St. Dio- mcde, from which both continents may be seen. Captain King informs us, that as he was sailing throngh this strait July 3, 1779, the fog having cleared away, he enjoyed the pleasure of seeing from the ship tiie continents of Asia and America at the same moment, together with the islands of St. Dioniedc lying between them. Cook's Voy. vol. iii. p. 24 1. " Beyond this point the strait opens towards the Arctic Sea, and the coasts of Asia and America diverge so last from one another, that in t'.i > parallel of 69" they are more than one hundred leagues asunder, lb. p. 277. To the scuth of the strait tlierearc a number of islands, Clerke's, King's, An- derson's, &c. which, as well as those of St. Diomede, may luue facilitated the migrations of the natives from the one continent to the other. Captain Cook, however, on the au- thority of the Russians at Oonolashka, and for other good reasons, has diminished the number of islands \\\v:.\ iiad been inserted in former charts of the northern Arg irsa of a few the publica- enl.^bteaed may coatri- ider it more itscovery, in etween Asia to examine ne contiaeBt t of the Rus- - Kolyma, to tbservations, adnct of this BilUngs, an abilities for ;tt he accom- render the nataraliBt is ill be rcqui- — Coxe Sup' BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 103 other inhabitants of America, there is such a striking similitude in the form of their bodies, and the qualities of their minds, that, notwithstanding the diversities occasioned by the influence of climate, or unequal progress in improvement, we must pronounce them to be descended from one source. There may be a variety in the shades, but we can every where trace the same original colour. Each tribe has something peculiar which distinguishes it, but in all of them we discern certain features common to the whole race. It is re- markable, that in every peculiarity, whether in their persons or dispositions, which characterise the Ameri- cans, they h Aa 106 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [bOOK IV. r:: I'! i riii ■Si 1 climate. Subject, however, to the general law of nature, the human body is not entirely exempt from the ope- ration of climate ; and when exposed to the extremes either of heat or cold, its size or vigour diminishes. . The first appearance of the inhabitants of the New World, filled the discoverers with such astonishment, that they were apt to imagine them a race of men dif- ferent from those of the other hemisphere. Their com- plexion is of a reddish brown, nearly resembling the colour of copper. The hair of their heads is always black, long, coarse, and uncurled. They have no beard, and every part of their body is perfectly smooth. Their persons are of a full size, extremely straight and well proportioned.* Their features are regular, though often distorted by absurd endeavours to improve the beauty of their natural form, or to render their aspect more dreadful tu their enemies. In the islands, where four-footed animals were both f'*w and small, and the earth yielded licr productions almost spontaneously, the constitution of the natives, neither braced by the active exercises of the chace, nor invigorated by the labour of cultivation, was extremely feeble and languid. On the continent^ where the forests abound with game of various kinds, and the chief occupation of many tribes was to pursue it, the human frame acquired greater firmness. Still, however, the Americans were more re- markable for agility than strength. They resembled beasts of prey, rather than animals, formed for labour.f They were not only averse to toil, but incapable of it j and when roused by force from their native indolence, and compelled to work, they sunk under tasks which the people of the other continent would have performed with ease. Tliis feebleness of constitution was univer- sal among the inhabitants of those regions in America which we are surveying, and may be considered as characteristic of ti\c species there. • - The beardless countenance and smooth skin of the * Few travollers have had such opportunity of observing the iiafivi's of Aiiieiica, in its various districts, as Don Anto"- nio lllloa. In a work lately published by him, he thus de- scrihes the chnratteristical 'features of the race : " A very sniiill ftiiohcad, covered witii hair touarHs its extremities, as far as tiie luiddle ol the rye-hrows ; little eves ; a thin nose, small and bindirif; towards the upper lip ;' the countenance broad; tho cars l:iri.f ; the hair black, lank, and coarse j the luubs well turned, tin Itxt small, the body of just proportion j and altogether smooth and free from hair, until old age, when they acquire some beard, but never on the checks."— .Vo/icia* Amerkanm, &c. p. a07. M. le chevalier de Pinto, who re- sided scvcrul yairs in a part of America which I'lloa never vip:;ed, gives a sketch of the general aspect of the Indians there. " They are all of copper colour, with some diversity of shade, not in proportion to their distance from the equator, but according to the degree of elevation of the territory which they inhabit. Those who live iua high country are fairer than American seems to indicate a defect of vigour, occa- sioned by some vice in his frame. He is destitute of one sign of manhood and of strength. This peculiarity, by which the inhabitants of the New World are distin- guished from the people of all other nations, cannot be attributed, as some travellers have supposed, to their mode of subsistence. For though the food of many Americans be extremely insipid, as they are altogether unacquainted with the use of salt, rude tribes in other parts of the earth have subsisted on aliments equally simple, without this marit of degradation, or any appar- ent symptom of a diminution in their vigour* As the external form of the Americans leads us to sus- pect that there is some natural debility in their frame, the smallness of their appetite for food has been men- tioned by many authors as a confirmation of this suspi- cion. The quantity of food which men consume varies according to the temperature of the climate in which they live, the degree of activity which they exert, and the natural vigour of their constitutions. Under the enervating heat of the tonid zone, and when men pass their days in indolence and ease, they require less nourishment than the active inhabitants of temperate or cold countries. But neither the warmth of their climate, nor their extreme laziness, will account for the uncom- mon defect of appetite among the Americans. The Spaniards were astonished with observing this, not only in the islands, but in several parts of the continent. The constitutional temperance of the natives far ex- ceeded, in their opinion, the abstinence of the most mortified hermits ; while, on the other hand, the appe- tite of the Spaniards appeared to the Americans insa- tiably voracious ; and they affirmed, that one S|)aniard devoured more food in a day than was sufficient for ten Americans. A proof of some feebleness in their frame, still more striking, is the insensibility of the Americans to the those in the marshy low lands on the coast. Their face is round, farther removed, perhaps, than that of any people from an oval shape. Their forehtiad in small, theextremitv of their ears far from the face, their lips thick, their nose flat, their eyes black, or of a chesnut colour, suiull, but capable of discerning objects at a great distance. 1'heir hair is always thick ami sleek, and without any tendency to curl. They have no hair on any part of their body but the head. At the first aspect, a southern Ameriran appears to t>e mild and innocent, but on a more attentive view, one dis«":"«'rs in his countenance some- thing wild, distrnstfid and 'tiller.. ' — MS. penes me. The two portraits drawn, by hands verv different from those of common travellers, have a near resemblance. t Amazing accounts are given of the persevering speed of the Americans. Adair relates the adventures of a Chikkasah warrior, who run through woods and over monntains, three hundred computed miles, in a day and a half and two nights.^ Huio/Amer. Ind.396. 1 ; .;! •I I bOOK IV. our, occa- estitute of )eculiarity, are distin- , cinnot be d, to their d of many altogether !9 in other its equally any appar- V I us to SU8- leir frame, been men- this suspi- ume varies e in which exert, and Under the 1 men pass (quire less mperate or eir climate, ihe uncom- :an8. The s, not only continent. 'es far ex- the most the appe- icans insa- Si>aniard ent for ten still more ans to the ""licir face is people from niu of their t, tlicir eyes f discerning thick antl ave no hair 8t aspect, a It, but on a ance some- . The two of comnon ig stwed of Chiklcasah tains, three « nights.— ' BOOK IV.*) HISTORY OF AMERICA. m charms of beauty, and the power of luve. That passion which was destined to perpetuate life, to be the bond of social union, and the source of tenderness and joy, is the most ardent in the humaa breast. Though the perils and hardships of the savage state, though exces- sive fatigue, on some occasions, and the difficulty at all times of procuring subsistence, may seem to be adverse to this passion, and to have a tendency to abate its vigour, yet the rudest nations in every other part of the globe seem to feel its influence more powerfully than the inhabitants of the Mew World. The negro glows with all the warmth of desire natural to his climate ; and the most uncultivated Asiatics discover that sensi- bility, which, from their situation on the globe, we should expect them to have felt. But the Americans are, in an amazing degree, strangers to the force of this first instinct of nature. In every part of the New World the natives treat their women with coldness and indifPerence. They are neither the objects of that tender attachment which takes place in civilized society, nor of that ardent desire conspicuous among rude nations. Even in climates where this passion usually acquires its greatest vigour, the savage of America views his female with disdain, as an animal of a less noble species. He is at no pains to win her favour by the assiduity of courtship, and still less solicitous to preserve it by indulgence and gentleness. Missionaries themselves, notwithstanding the austerity of monastic ideas, cannot refrain from expressing their astonishment at the dis- passionate coldness of the American young men in their intercourse with the other sex. Nor is this reserve to be ascribed to any opinion which they entertain with respect to the merit of female chastity. That is an idea too refined for a savage, and suggested by a delicacy of sentiment and affection to which he is a stranger. But in inquiries concerning either the bodily or mental qualities of particular races of men, there is not a more couunon or more seducing error, than that of ascribing to a single cause, those characteristic pecu- liarities, which are the effect of the combined operation of many causes. The climate and soil of America differ, in so many respects, from those of the other hemi- sphere, and this difference is so obvious and striking, that philosophers of great eminence have laid hold on this as sufficient to account for what i» peculiar in the constitution of its inhabitants. They rest on rhysioal causes alone, and consider the feeble frame and languid desire of the Americans, as consequences of the tem- perament of that portion of the globe which they occupy. But the influences of political and moral causes ought not to have been overlooked. These operate with no less effect than that on which many philosophers rest as a full explanation of the singular appearances whicii have been mentioned. Wherever the state of society is such as to create many wants and desires,- which cannot be satisfied without regular exertions of industry, the body, accustomed to labour, becomes robust and patient of fatigue. In a more simple state, where the demands of men are so few and so moderate, that they may be gratified, almost without any eifbrt, by the spontaneous productions of nature, the powers of the body are not called forth, nor can they attain their pro- sper strength. The natives of Chili and of North Ame- rica, the two temperate regions in the New World, who live by hunting, may be deemed an active and vigorous race, when compared with the inhabitants of the isles, or of those parts of the continent where hardly any labour is requisite to procure subsistence. The exer- tions of a hunter are not, however, so regular, or so continued, as those of persons employed in the culture of the earth, or in the various arts of civilized life, and though his agility may be greater than theirs, his strength is on the whole inferior. If another direction were given to the active powers of man in the New WoAd, and his force augmented by exercise, he might acquire a degree of vigour which he does not in bis present state possess. The truth of this is confirmed by experience. Wherever the Americans have been gradually accustomed to hard labour, their constitutions become robust, and they have been found capable of performing such tasks, as seemed not only to exceed the powers of such a feeble frame as has been deemed peculiar to their country, but to equal any effort of the natives, either of Africa or of Europe* The same reasoning will apply to what has been observed concerning their slender demand for food. As a proof that this should be ascribed as much to their extreme indolence, and often total want of occupation. * M. Godin le Jeune, who resided fiftccu years aofioiig the Indinns of Peru and Quito, aud twenty years in the French colony of Caycnae, in wlikU there is a constant intercourse u ith the Galitiis and other tril)e8 on the Orinoco, observes, that the vigour of coustitutiiin among the Americans is exactly in pro- portion to their habits of labour. The Indians, in warm cli- mates, such as those on the coasts of the South Sea, on the river of Amazons, and the river Orinoco, are not to be com- 'f ared in strength with those in cold countries ) and yet, says he, boats daily set out from Para, a Portuguese settlement oa the river of Amazons, to ascend that river against the rapidity of the stream, and with the same crew they proceed to San Pablo, which is eight hundred leagues distant. No crew of white people, or even of negroes, would be four-' >,qual to a t^sk of such persevering fatigue, as the Portuguese have experienced, and yet the Indians, being accustomed to this labour from their infancy, perform it. — MS. peues me, A a 2 108 HISTORY OF .AMERICA. [book IV, m M to any thing peculiar in the physical structure of their bodies, it has been observed, that in tliose dis- tricts, where tlie people of America are obliged to exert any unusual etFort of activity, in order to procure sub- sistence, or wherever they are employed in severe la- bour, their appetite is not inferior to that of other men, and, in some places, it has struck observers as remark- ably voracious. The operation of political and moral causes is still more conspicuous, in modifying the degree of attach- ment between the sexes. In a stiite of high civiliza- tion, this passion, inflamed by restraint, refined by delicacy, and cherished by fashion, occupies and en- grosses the heart. It is no longer a simple instinct of nature ; sentiment heightens the ardour of desire, and tlie most tender emotions of which our frame is sus- ceptible, sooth and agitate the soul. This description, however, applies only to those, who, by their situation, are exempted from the cares and labours of life. Among persons of inferior order, who arc doomed by their condition to incessant toil, the dominion of this passion is less violent ; tiieir solicitude to procure subsistence, and to provide for the first demand of nature, leaves little leisure for attending to its second call. But if the nature of the intercourse between the sexes varies so much in persons of different rank in polished so- cieties, the condition of man, while he remains unci- vilized, must occasion a variation still more apparent. We may well suppose, that amidst the hardships, the dangers, and the simplicity of savage life, where sub- sistence is always precarious, and often scanty, where men are almost continually engaged in the pursuit of their enemies, or in guarding against their attacks, and where neither dress nor reserve are employed as arts of female allurement, that the attention of the Americans to their women would be extremely feeble, without imputing this solely to any physical defect or degrada- tion in their i'rame. It is accordingly observed, that in those countries of America, where, from the fertility o*" the soil, the mild- ness of the climate, or some farther advances which the natives have made in improvement, the means of sub- sistence are more abundant, and the hardships of savage life are less severely felt, the animal passion of the sexes becomes more ardent. Striking examples of this occur among some tribes seated on the banks of great rivers well stored with food, among others who are masters of hunting-grounds abounding so much with game, that they have a regular and plentiful supply of nourishment with little labour. The superior degree of security and affluence which these tribes enjoy, is followed by their natural effects. The passions im- planted in the human frame by the band of Nature acquire additional force} nef«r tastes and desires are formed i the women, as they arc more valued and ad« mired, become more attentive to dress and ornament ; the men, beginning to feel how much of their uwa happiness depends upon them, no longer disdain the arts of winning their favour and affection. The inter- course of the sexes becomes very different from that which takes place among their ruder countrymen ; and as hardly any restraint is imposed on the gratification of desire, either by religion, or laws, or decency, the dissolution of their manners is excessive. Notwithstanding the feeble make of the Americans, hardly any of them are deformed, or mutilated, or de- fective in any of their senses. All travellers have been struck with this circumstance, and have celebrated the uniform symmetry and perfection of their external figure. Some authors search for the cause of this ap- pearance in their physical condition. As the parents are not exhausted or over-fatigued with hard labour, they suppose that their children are born vigorous and sound. They imagine, that in the liberty of savage life, the human body, naked and unconfined from its earliest age, preserves its natural form ; and that all its limbs and members acquire a juster proportion, than wheu fettered with artificial restraints, which stint its growth, and distort its shape. Something, without doubt, may be ascribed to the operation of these causes ; but the true reasons of this apparent advantage, which is common to all savage nations, lie deeper, and are closely interwoven with the nature and genius ot that state. Tiic infancy of man is so long and so help- less, that it is extremely difficult to rear children among rude nations. Their means of subsistence are not only scanty, but precarious. Such as live by hunting must range over extensive countries, and shift often from place to place. The care of children, as well ;is c ry other laborious task, is devolved upon the women. The distresses and hardships of the savage life, which are often such as can hardly be supported by persons in full vigour, must be fatal to those of more tender age. Afraid of undertaking a task so laborious, and of such long duration, as that of rearing their offspring, the women, in some parts of America, procure frequent abortions by the use of certain herbs, and extinguish the first sparks of that life which they are unable to cherish. Sensible that only stout and well-formed children have force of constitution to struggle through such an hard infancy, other nations abandon or destroy such of their progeny as appear feeble or defective, as unworthy of attention. Even wheu they endeavour to rear all their children without distinction, so great a proportion of the whole number perishes under the rigorous treatment which must be their lot in the sa< BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 109 vage state, tliiit few of those who laboured under any original frailty attain the age of manhood. Tiius, in polished societies, where the means of subsistence are secured with certainty, and ucquired with ease j where the talents of the mind are often of more importance than the powers of the body ; children are preserved notwithstanding tlieir defects or deformity, and grow up to be useful citizens. In rude nations, such persons arc either cut olf as soon as they are born, or becoming a burden to themselves and to the community, cannot long protract their lives. But in those provinces of the New World where, by the establishment of the Europeans, more regular provision has been made for the subsistence of its inhabitants, and they are re - strained from laying violent hands on tlieir children, the Americans are so far from be.ng eminent for any superior perfection in their form, that one should ruther suspect some peculiar imbecility in the race, from the extraordinary number of individuals who are deformed, dwarfish, mutilated, blind, or deaf. How feeble soever the constitution of the Americans may be, it .is remarkable, that there is less variety in the human form throughout the New World, than in the ancient continent. When Columbus and the other discoverers first visited the different countries of Ame- rica which lie within the torrid zone, they naturally expected to find people of the same complexion witii those in the corresponding regions of the other bemi- sphere. To their amazement, however, they discovered that America contained no negroes ; and the cause of this singular appearance became as much the object of curiosity, as the fact itself was of wonder. In what part or membrane of the body that humour resides which tinges the complezton of the negro with a deep black, it is the business of anatomists to inquire and describe. The powerful operation of heat appears ma- nifestly to be the cause which produce? this striking variety in the human species. All Europe, a great part of Asia, and the temperate countries of Africa, are inhabited by men of a white complexion. All the torrid zone in Africa, some of the warmer regions ad- * Don Antonio Ulloa, who viisittid a great part of Peru and Chili, the kingdom of New Giaiiiula, and several of the provinces bordering on the Mexican gulf, while employed in the some service with the French mathematicians during the space of ten years, and who afterwards had un opportunity of viewing the North Americans, asserts, " that if we have seen one American, we may b« said to have seen them all, their colour aadmake are so nearly the same." Notic. Americanos, p. 308. A more early r'ncrver, Pedro de (Jicca dc Leon, one of the conquerors of Pf^i, who had likewise traversed many pcovinces of America, atlirm», that the pe«plo, men and wo- men, although there is such u multitude of tribes or nations as to be almost innumerable, and such diversity of climates, ap- pear nevertheless like the children of one father and mother. jacent to it, and several countries in Asia, are filled with people of a deep black colour. If we survey the nations of our continent, making our progress from cold and temperate countries towards those parts which r~^ exposed tj the influence of vehement and unre- I. ing heat, we shall find, that the extreme whiteness of their skin soon begins to diminish ; that its colour deepens gradually as we advance ; and after passing through all the successive gradations of shade, termi- nates in an uniform unvarying black. But in America, where the agency of heat is checked and abated by va- rious causes, which 1 have already explained, the cli- mate seems to be destitute of that force which pro- duces such wonderful effects on the human frame. The colour of the natives of the torrid zone, in America, is hardly of a deeper hue than that of the people in the more temperate parts of their continent. Accurate observers, who had an opportunity of viewing the Americans in very different climates, and in provinces far removed from each other, have been struck with the amazing similarity of their figure and aspect.* But though the hand of Mature has deviated so little from one standard in fashioning the human form in America, the creation of fancy hath been various and extravagant. The same fables that were current in the ancient continent, have been revived with respect to the New World, and America too has been peopled with human beings of monstrous and fantastic appear* ance. The inhabitants of certain provinces were de- scribed to be pigmies of three feet high ; those of others to be giants of an enormous size. Some travellers published accounts of people with only one eye, others pretended to have discovered men without heads, whose eyes and mouths were planted in their breasts. The variety of Nature in her productions is indeed so great, that it is presumptuous to set bounds to her fertility, and to reject indiscriminately every relation that does not perfectly accord with our own limited observation and experience. But the other extreme, of yielding a hasty, assent, on the slightest evidence, to whatever has the appearance of being strange and marvellous, is still — i^"— .^.^-^■— — — .— ^^^— — — ««^— — •— ^.^ Chronica ileU Peru, parte i. c. 1 9. There is, no doubt, a cer- tain combination of features, and peculiarity of aspect, which forms what may be called a European or Asiatic countenance. There must likewise be one that may be denominated Ame- rican, common to the whole race. This may be supposed to strike the traveller at first sight, while not only the vaiious shades which distingaish people of different regions, but the peculiar features which discriminate individuals, escape the notice of a transient observer. But when persons who ha4 resided so long among the Americans concur in bearing testi- mony to the similarity of their appearance in evry t'limatc, we may conclude that it is more remarkable than iliat of any, other race. See likewise Garcia Origen de los Indios, p. 54^ 242. Torquemada Monarch. Indiana, ii. 571. lio HISTORY OF AMERICA. 'book IV. ik (^3 »!• ( .if tA u it, „ : li- t i \l' mure unbecoming a pliiiotophictl enquirer, ai, in every period, men are more apt to be betrayed into error, by their wenkiusii in believing too much, than by their arrogance ii> believing too little. In proportion ai scienro extends, and nature is examined with a dincern- inpr eye, the wonders which amused ages of ignorance tlisappear. The iaics of credulous travellers concerning America are forgotton ; the monsters which they de- scribe have been searched for in vain ; and thoce pro- vinces where they pretend to have found inhabitants of singular forms, are now known to be possessed by people nowise different from the other Americans. Though those relations may, without discussion, be rejected as fabulous, there arc other accounts of varieties in the human species in some parts of the New World, which rest upon better evidence, and merit more atten- tive examination. This variety has been particularly observed in three different districts. The first of these is situated in the isthmus of Darien, near the centre of America. Lionel Wafer, a traveller possessed of more curiosity and intelligence than we should have expected to find in an associate of Buccaneers, discovered there a race of men few in number, but of a singular make. They are of low stature, according to his description, of a feeble frame, incapable of enduring fatigue. Their colour is a dead milk white ; not resembling that of fair people among Europeans, but without any tincture of a blush or sanguine complexion. Their skin is covered with a fine hairy down of a chalky white, the hair of their heads, their eye-brows and eye-lashes, are of the same hue. Their eyes are of a singular form, and so weak, that they can hardly bear the light of the sun ; but they see clearly by moon-light, and are most active and gay in the night. No race similar to this has been discovered in any other part of America. Cortes, indeed, found some persons exactly resembling the white people of Darien, among the rs^e and mon- strous animals which Montezuma had collected. Hut as the power of the Mexican empire extended to the provinces bordering on the isthmus of Darien, they were probably brought thence. Singular as the appear- ance of those people may be, they cannot be considered as constituting a distinct species. Among the negroes of Africa, as well as the natives of the Indian islands, QPture sometimes produces a small number of individuals, with all the characteristic features and qualities of the white people of Darien. The former are called Albinos by the Portuguese, the latter Kackerlakcs by the Dutch. In Darien the parents of those Whites are of the same * M. le Clievalicr dc Pinto observes, that in the ijiterior parts of Brasil, lie had been informed tliat some persons re- sembling the white peo})le pf ^arien have been fouud ; but colour with the other natives of the country ; and this observation applies equally to the anomalous progeny of the negroes and Indians. The same mother who pro- duces some children of a colour that does not belong to the race, brings forth the rest with the complexion pe- culiar to her country. One conclusion may then be formed with respect to the people described by Wafer, the Albinos and the Kackerlakes ; they arc a degenerated breed, not a separate class of men ; and from some disease or defect of their parents, the peculiar colour and debility which mark their degradation are trans- mitted to them. As a decisive proof of this, it has been observed, that neither the white people of Darien, nor the Albinos of Africa, propagate their race : their chil- dren are of the colour and temperament peculiar to the natives of their respective countries.*^ The second district that is occupied by inhabitants differing in appearance from the other people of Ame- rica, is situated in a high northern latitude, extending from tlie coast of LAbrador towards the pole, as far as the country is habitable. The people scattered over those dreary regions, are Unown to the Europeans by the name of Esquimaiur. They themselves, with that idea of their own superiority, wiiich consoles the rudest and most wretched nations, assume the name of Keralit or Men. They arc of a middle size, and robust, with heads of a disproportioned bulk, and feet as remarkably small. Their complexion, though swarthy, by being continually exposed to the rigour of a cold climate, in- clines to 'ihe European white, rather than to the copper colour of .Lnerica, and the men have beards which are sometimes bushy and long. From these marks of dis- tinction, as well as from one still Icsi equivocal, the affinity of their language to that of the Greenlanders, which I have already mentioned, we may conclude, with some degree of confidence, that the Esquimaux are a race different from the rest of the Americans. We cannot decide with equal certainty concerning the inhabitants of the third district, situated at the southern extremity of America. These are the famous Patagonians, who, during two centuries and a half, have afforded a subject of controversy to the learned, and an object of wonder to the vulgar. They are supposed to be one of the wandering tribes, which occupy that vast, but least known region of America, which extends from the river De la Plata to the Straits of Magellan. Their proper station is in that part of the interior country which lies on the banks of the river Negro ; but in the hunting season they often roam as far as the straits ieii . that the breed did not continue, and their children became like otiicr Anifricaus. This race, however, is very imperfectly known. — MS. penes me. BOOK ,V.J IllhloIiV )F AaIERI :a. Ill and tliit ogeny of vho pro- iclong to ixion pe- then be y Wofer, generated om some ar colour re trans- t has been irien, nor .heir chil- iiar to the ^habitants B of Ame- extcnding ', as far as tared over opeans by with that the rudest of Keralit •bust, with rcnnarkably , by being iimate, in- the copper I which are urks of dis- livocalj the eenlanders, conclude, Esquimaux •ricans. concerning tied at the the famous H half, have led, and an apposed to ly that vast, Ktends from llan. Their ior country but in the the straits became like r imperfectly which separate TJerta del Fuego fVom the main l«n.i. The first accounts of thi^ people were brought Europe by the companions of Magellan, who describe«i them as a gigantic race, above eight feet high, and of strength in proportion to their enormous size. Among several tribes of animals, a disparity in bulk, as consi- derable, may be observed. Some lurge breeds of horses and dogs exceed the more diminutive races in stature and strengtii, as far as the PaUgonian is supposed to rise above the usual standard of the human body. But animals attain the highest perfection of their species, only ill mild elimntes, or where they find the most nu- tritive food Ml greatest abundance. It is not then in the uneultiviited waste of the Magellanic regions, and among a tribe of improvident savages, that we should expect to KikI man, posisessing the higiiest honours of his race, and dislinguislied by a superiority of si/e and vigour, far beyond what he has reached in any other part of the earth. The most explicit and unexcep- tionable evidence is requisite, in order to establish n fact repugnant to those general principles and laws, which seem to afTect the human frame in every other instance, and to decide with respect to its nature and qualities. Such evidence has not hitherto been pro- duced. Though several persons, to whose testimony great respect is due, have visited this part of America since the time of Miigellan, and have had interviews with the natives ; though some have affirmed, that such as they saw were of gigantic stature, and others have formed the same conclusion from measuring their foot- * The testimnnirs of (liffercnt travellers, concerning the Pa- tagouians, have beea collected aud stated MJth a coiisim viewing the skeletmis r>r thew lead ; yet * their aecv uta vary m rach ull t»al pulttlft, Ani are i ;i«-d with manifestly false oi luus, av ' credit. Un the oti tauad, son. r in •< n\«ny e$»cn- iwany cir' iionstancei 'tot nu,( ,1 irotn their javigatora, and those rrfer lor discernment the natives of Pata- among the most emiieat of theii and accuracy, have . '-d tli gonin, with whom they had iiiu'rcourse, though stout and well-made, are not of such extraordinary size as to he distinguished from the rest of the human species.* The existence of this gigantic race of men seems, then, to be one of those points in natural history, with re- spect to which a cautious enquirer will hesitate, and will choose to suspend his assent until more complete evi- dence shall decide, whether he ought to admit a fact, seemingly inconsistent with what reason and experience have discovered concerning the structure and condition of man, in all the various situations in which he has been observed. In order to form a complete idea with respect to the constitution of the inhabitants of this and the other hemisphere, we should attend not only to the make and vigour of their bodies, but consider what degree of health they enjoy, and to what period of longevity they usually arrive. In the simplicity of the savage state, when man is not oppressed with labour, or enervated by luxury, or disquieted with care, we are apt to imagine that his life will flow on almost untroubled by disease or suffering, until iiis days be terminated, in extreme old age, by the gradual decays of nature. We find, gonians, who arc supposed to occupy this district. I have from many eye-witnesses, who have lived anong those Indians, and traded mneh uith them, a true and accurate description of their persons. They are of the same stature with Spaniards. I never saw one who rose in height two varas and two or three inches," i. e. about 80 or 81.332 inches English, if EchnvarrI makes his computation according to the tarn of Madrid. This a;;rees nearly with the measurement of Captain Wallis. — Reyno Juiiitico '2S8. Mr. Falkner, who resided as a missionary forty years in the southern parts of America, says, " That the Pa- taponians, or I'ueUhes, are a large-bodied people ; but I never heard of that gigantic race which others have mentioned, though 1 hare seeu persons of all the different tribes of ■oulhern Indians." — Intrud. p. '-'6. M. Dobrizhoffer, a Jesuit, who resided eighteen years in Paraguay, and who had seen threat numbers of the various tribes which inhabit the countries situated upon the Straits of Magellan, confirms, in every point, the testimony of his brother-missionary Falkner. Pobriz- hoflcr enters into some detail with respect to the opinions of several authors concerning the stature of the Patagonians. Having uieutioned the reports of some early travellers with legard to the extraordinary size of some bones found on that coast, w hich were supposed to be human ; and having endea- voured to shew that these bones belonged to some large marine or land animal, lie concludes, " de hisce ossibus crede quicquid libuerit, dummodo, me suasore, Patagones pro gigantibus de* sinas habere,"— Hiitoi to de Abisionibut, vol, ij. p. 19, &c. ll lit HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. if-. 1 i i - i . ;:: II ncrnrdingtyi among the Americani, as well as umong other rudi' pL'0|tle, perions, whone decrepit end sliri- vellftl form seems tu indicate an extraordinary length of life. Hilt he(i a dissertation in the year 1765, in which he endeavours to prove, that this disease was not introduced from America, but took its rise in Europe, and was brought on by an epidemical and malignant disorder. Did I choose to enter into a disiiuiaition on this subject, which I should not have mentioned, if it had not been intimately connected with this part of mv inquiries, it would .lot be difficult to point out some mistakes with respect to the facts upon which immoderate hardships and fatigue which they endure in hunting and in war ; or owing to the Inclemency uf the seasons to which they are continually exposed. In the savage state, hardships and fatigue violently assault the constitution. In polished societies^ intemperance undermines it. It is not easy to determine which of them operates with most fatal effect, or tends most to abridge human life. The influence of the former is certainly most extensive. The pernicious consequences of luxury reach only a few members in any community, the distresses of savage life are felt by all. As far as I can judge, after very minute inquiry, the general pe- riod of human life is shorter among savages, than in well-regulated and industrious societies. One dreadful malady, the severest scourge, with which, in this life, offended Heaven chastens the indul- gence of criminal desire, seems to have been peculiar to the Americans. By communicating it to their con- querors, they have not only amply avenged their own wrongs, but by adding this calamity to those which formerly embittered human life, they have, perhaps, more than counterbalanced all the benefits which Eu- rope has derived from the discovery of the New World. This distemper, from the country in which it first raged, or from the people by whom it was supposed to have been spread over Europe, has been sometimes called the Neapolitan, and sometimes the French dis- ease. At its first appearance, the infection was so malignant, its symptoms so violent, its operalion so rapid and fatal, as to baffle all the efforts of medical skill. Astonishment and terror accompanied this un- known affliction in its progress, and men began to dread the extinction of the human race by such a cruel visitation. Experience, and the ingenuity of physicians, gradually discovered remedies of such virtue as to cure or to mitigate the evil. During the course of two cen- turies and a half, its virulence seems to have abated considerably. At length, in the same manner with the leprosy, which raged in Europe for some centuries, it may waste its force and disappear ; and in some hap- pier age, this western infection, like that from the East, may be known only by description.* II. After considering what appears to be peculiar in the bodily constitution of the Americans, our attention is naturally turned towards the powers and qualities of he founds, as well as some errors in the consequences which he draws from them. The rapid communication of this dis- ease from Spain over Europe, seems, however, to resemble the progress of an epidemic, rather than that of a disease transmitted by infection. The first mention of it is in the year 14^3, and before the year 1497 it had made its appearance in most countries of Europe, with such alarming ^rmptoms as rendered it necessary for the civil magistrate to interpose, ia order to check its career.^Since the publication of this work. ■■H OK IV. ROOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMKUICA. 113 rgc, with lie indul- leculiar to heir con- thcir own >se which pcrliaps, ihich Eu- KW World, .'h it first pposed to sometimes rench dis- aw was so eralion so of medical k1 this un- begun to ich a cruel physicians, as to cure f two cen- avc abated ■r with the utituries, it some hap- n the East, peculiar in T attention qualities of lences wliicli I of this dis- to resemble of a disease is in the year ppearance in i^^inptoins as interpose, ia )f this work, their minds. As the individual advances from the ig> noriiici' iind inihccility uf the infant state, to vigour and nittiirity uf understanding^, something similar to this may he observed in the progress of tlio species. With respect to it, too, tlicre is a period of infancy, during whieh several jiowers of the mind arc not unfolded, and all lire feeble and defective in their operation. In the early ages of society, while the condition of man is simple and rude, his reason is but little exercised, and his desires move within a very narrow sphere. Hence arise two remarkable characteristics of the human mind in this state. Its intellectual powers arc extremely limited; its emotions and efforts are few and languid. Both these distinctions are conspicuous umung the rudest and most unimproved of the American tribes, and constitute u striking part of their description. What, among polished nations, is culled speculative reusoning or research, is altogether unknown in tiic rude state uf society, and never bccunics the uccupatiun or amusement of the human faculties, until niun be so far impruved as to have secured, with certainty, the means of subsistence, as well as the possession (>f lei- sure and traiK|uillity. The thoughts and attention of a savage are confined within the small circle of objects, immediately conducive to his preservation or enjoyment. Every thing beyond thot, escapes his observation, or is perfectly indiHerent to him. Like a mere animal, what is before his eyes interests and aflccts him ; what is out of sight, or at a distance, makes little impression. There are several people in America whose limited un- derstandings seem not to be capable of forming an urrangenicni for futurity ; neither their solicitude nor their foresight extend so far. They follow blindly the impulse of the appetite which they feel, but are en- tirely regardless of distant consequences, and even of those removed in the least degree from immediate apprehension. While they highly prize such things as serve for present use, or minister to present enjoyment, they set no value upon tliose which arc not tlie object of some immediate want. When, on the approach of the evening, a Caribbce feels himself disposed to go to rest, no considention will tempt him to sell his hummoc. But, in the morning, when he is s.illying out to the business or pastime of the day, he will part with it, for the slightest toy that catches his fancy. At the close of winter, while the impression of what lie lias sufl'ered from the rigour of the climate is fresh In tjie mind of the North American, he sets himself with vigour to prepare materials for erecting u com- a second edition of Pr. Sanchez's Dissertation has been com- municated to ine. it contains several adtlitional facts in con- firmation of his opinion, which is suiipoilccl with Mich plausible &--10. d use of •teyorul the • who have count, !U':is lo enumc- Lid useless art. Ao- ,\ forlable hut to protect him against the inclemency of the succeeding season ; but as soon as the weather be- comes mild, he forgets what is past, abandons his work, and never thinks of it more, until the return of cold compels him, when too late, to resume it. If in concerns the most interesting, and seemingly the most simple, the reason of man, while rude and destitute uf culture, differs so little from the tiioughtless levity of children, or the improvident instinct of ani- mals, its exertions in other directions cannot be very considerable. The objects towards which reason turns, and the disquisitions in which it engages, must depend upon the state in which man is placed, and are sug- gested by his necessities and desires. Disquisitions, which ajipenr the most necessary and important to men in one slate of society, never occur to tho , ; in another. Among civiliaed nations, aritlimetic, c the art of numbering, is deemed an essentia' .r ' ' .iitarv science, and in our continent, ''ic inv it reaches back to a period si; • knowledge of history But ani-- no property to estimate, no hoar no variety of objects or multipii' rate, arithmetic is a supcrfluun:: cordingly, among some tribos -n America it seems to be quite unknown. Then: are many who cannot rci-l<')n farther than three; and have no denominatJoa to distinguish any number above it. Several can pro- ceed as fur as ten, others to twenty. When they would convey an idea of any number beyond these, they point to the hair of their head, intimating that it is equal to them, or with wonder declare it to be so great that it cannot be reckoned. Not only the Americans, but all nations, while extremely rude, seem to be unacquainted with the art of computation. As soon, however, as they acquire such acquaintance or connection with a variety of objects, there is frequent occasion to combine or divide them, their knowledge of numbers increases, so that the state of this art among any people may be considered as one standard, by which to estimate the degree of their improvement. The Iroquois, in North America, as they are much more civili/ed than the rude inhabitants of Brazil, Paraguay, or Guiana, have like- wise made greater advances in tliis respect ; though even their arithmetic does not extend beyond a thou- sand, as in their petty transactions they have no occa- sion for any higher number. The Cherokee, a less considerable nation on the same continent, can reckon oniy as fur as a hundred, and to that extent have names arguments, as render it a subject of inquiry well deserving the attention of learned physicians. Bb 114 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. ,1 : ) i! lit ' \l ( - for the several numbers; tiie smaller tribes in their neighbourhood can rise no higher than ten.* In other respects, tljc exercise of the understanding among rude nations is still more limited. The f?rst ideas of every human being must be such as he receives by the senses. But, in the mind of man, while in the savage state, there seem to be hardly any ideas but what enter this avenue. The objects around him arc pre- sented to his eye. Such as may be subservient to his tiso, or can gratify any of his appetites, attract his notice ; he views the rest without curiosity or attention. Satisfied witii considering them under that simple mode, in which they appear to him as separate and de- tached, he neither combines them so as to form general classes, nor contemplates their qualities apart from the subject in whicli they inhere, nor bestuws a thought upon the operations of his own mind concerning them. Thus, he is unacquainted with all the ideas which have been denominated universal, or abstract, or of reflection. The range of his understanding must, of course, be very confined, and his reasoning powers be employed merely on what is sensible. This is so remarkably the case with the ruder nations of America, that their languages (as we shall afterwards find) have not a word to express any thing but what is material or corporeal. Jlme, space, substance, and a thousand other terms which re- present abstract and universal ideas, are altogether un- known to them. A naked savage, cowering over the fire in his miserable cabin, or stretched under a few branches which afford hiin a temporary shelter, has as little inclination r.s capacity for useless speculation. His thoughts extend not beyond what relates to animal life, and when they are not directed towards some of its concerns, his mind is totally inactive. In situations where no extraordinary effort either of ingenuity or labour is requisite, in order to satisfy the simple de- mands of nature, the powers of tiie mind are so seldom roused to any exertion, that the rational faculties con- tinue almost dormant and unexercised. The numerous tribes scattered over the rich plains of South America, the inhabitants of some of the islands, and of several fertile regions on the continent, come under this descrip- tion. Their vacant countenance, their staring unex- pjressive eye, their listless inattention, and total ignor- ance of subjects, which seem to be the first which should occupy tiie thougii* ■ of rational beings, made such im- pression upon the Spaniards, when tiiey first beheld those rudo people, that they considered them as animals of an inferior order, and could not believe that they belonged to the human species. It required the autho- * Tlip people of Otalieitc have no denomination for auy riumber above two hundred, wliidi is Riifficicnt for their rity of a papal bull to counteract this opinion, and to convince them that the Americans were capable of the functions, and entitled to the privileges of humanity. Since that time, persons more enlightened and impar- tial than the discoverers or conquerors of America, have had an opportunity of contemplating tlie most savage of its inhabitants, and they have been astonished and humbled, with observing how nearly man, in this cou- dition, approaches to the brute creation. But in severer climates, where subsistence cannot be procured with the same ease, where men must unite more closely, and act with greater concert, necessity calls forth their talents, and sharpens their invention, so that the intel- lectual powers are more exercised and improved. The North American tribes and the natives of Chili, who inhabit the temperate regions in the two great districts of America, are people of cultivated and enlarged un- derstandings, when viewed in comparison with some of those seated in the islands, or on the banks of the Maragnon and Orinoco. Their occupations are more various, their system of policy, as well as of war, more complex, their arts more numerous, fiut, even among tiiem, the intellectual powers are extremely limited in their operations, and unless when turned directly to those objects which interest a savage, arc held in no estima- tion. Both the North Americans and Chilese, when not engaged in some of the functions belonging to a warrior or hunter, loiter away their ♦ime in thoughtless indolence, unacquainted with any other subject worthy of their attention, or capable of occupying their minds. If even among them, reason is so much circumscribed in its exertions, and never arrives, in its highest attain- ments, at the knowledge of those general principles and maxims, which serve as the foundation of science, we may conclude, that the intellectual powers of man in the savage state are destitute of their proper object, and cannot acquire any considerable degree of vigour and enlargement. From the same causes, the active efforts of the mind are few, and, on most occasions, languid. If we examine into the motives which rouse men to activity in civi- lized life, and prompt them to persevere in fatiguing exertions of their ingenuity or strength, we shall find that they arise chiefly from acquired wants and appe- tites. These are numerous and importunate ; they keep the mind in perpetual agitation, and, in order to gratify them, invention must be always on the stretch, and industry must be incessantly emphiyed. But the desires of simple nature are few, and where a favourable climate yields almost spontaneously wliat suffices to transactious. — See yoijages, by Jluwkesworth, vol. ii. page 228, BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMEIUCA. 115 , and to e of the imanity. 1 impar- ica, have t savage ihed and this con- n severer red with isely, and rth their the intel- ed. The hill, who I districts \rgcd un- •ith some )ks of the are more war, more -en among limited in ly to those 10 estima- lese, when ging to a loughtless ect worthy icir minds. :umscribcd test attain - iK'iples aiul icience, wc of man in object, and k'igour and if the mind tve examine ity in civi- fatiguing e shall fuiitrd by very rc.spcct«l)lc authors, it may be i)ro[)cr to produce some of the many autho- rities on which i tunnd my description. The manners of the savage tribes in America have never been viewed by persons more capal)le of observing them with discernment, than the philosophers employed by France and Spain, in the year 1 735, to determine the figure of the earth. M. Bougucr, D. Anto- nio d'Ulloa, and I). Jorge Juan, resided long among the natives of the least civilized provinces in Peru. M. de la Condamine had not only the same advantages with them for observation, but, in his voyage down the Maragnon, he had an opportunity of inspecting the state of the various nations seated on its banks, in its vast course across the continent of South America. There is a wonderful resemblance in their representation of the character of the Americans. " They arc all extremely indo- lent," says M. Bougucr, " they arc stupid, they pass whole Accordingly, among most of the American nations, espe- cially those seated in rigorous climates, some efforts are employed, and some previous precautions are taken, for securing subsistence. The career of regular industry is begun, and the laborious arm has made the fust essays of its power. Still, however, the improvident and sloth- ful genius of the savage state predominates. Even among those more improved tribes, labour is deemed ignominious and degrading. It is only to work of a certain kind that a man will deign to put his hand. The greater part is devolved entirely upon the women. One half of the community remains inactive while the other is oppressed with the multitude and variety of its occupations. Thus their industry is partial, and the foresight which regulates it, is no less limited. A re- markable instance of this occurs In the chief arrange- ment witii respect to their manner of living. They de- pend for their subsistence, during one part of the year, on fishing; during another, on hunting; during a third, on the produce of their agriculture. Though experience has taught them to foresee the return of those various seasons, and to make some provision for the respective exigencie«< of each, they either want sa- gacity to proportion this provision to their consump- tion, or are so incapable of any command over their appetites, that, from their inconsiderate waste, they often feel the calamities of famitie as severely as the rudest of the savage tribes. What they suffer one year does not augment their industry, or render them more provident to prevent similar distresses. This in- considerate thoughtlessness about futurity, the effect of ignorance and the cause of sloth, accompanies and cha- racterises man in every stage of life ; and by a capri- cious singularity in his operations, he is then least soli- citous about supplying his wants, when the means of satisfying them are most precarious, and procured with the greatest difficulty.* III. After viewing the bodily constitution of the days sitting in the same place, without moving, or speaking a single word. It is not easy to (lesciihe the degree of their in- difference for wealth, and all its .idvanlaces. One does not well know what motive to propose tc ',h""i, when one would persuade them to perform .any service. '<*■ is in vain to ofier them money ; they answer, that tlicy i.rr no' '.;: iigry." — loy age au Perou,p. 102. " If one considers ti;( m as men, tlie narrowness of their understanding seems to be incompatible with the excellence of the soul. Their imbecility is so visible, that one can hardly form an idea of them different from wliat one has of the brutes. Nothing disturbs tlie tranquillity uf their souls, equally insensible to disa>ters and to prosperity. Though half naked, they are as contented as a monarch in his most splendid array. Hiches do not attract them in the Buiallest degree, and the authority or dignities to ^\hich they may aspire, are so little tlie objects of their ambition, that an Indian will receive with the same iuditTercucc the otlicc of a judge Bb2 116 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. ;^l a J *'! rf. 'M gV~: •I" ir i ■ M r i!! » Americans, and contemplating the powers of tlieir minds, we are led, in the natural order of inquiry, to consider them as united together in society. Hitherto our researches have been confined to tlie operations of (Alcade) or that of a hangman, if (lciiri\ ed of the former and appointed to the latter. Nothing can move or change them. Interest has no power over them, and tlicy often refuse to perform a small service, though certain of a great recompeiice. Fear makes no hiipression upon them., and respect as lilile. Their disposition is so singular that there is no niethnd of iii- •flnencing them, no means of rousing them from that iiulif- ference, which is proof against all the endeavours of the wisest persons ; no expedient which can induce them to abandon that gross ignorance, or lay aside that careless negligence, which disconcert the prudence and disappoint the care of such as are attentive to their welfare." Voyage d'Vllna, torn. i. 335, 356. Of those singular qualities he produces many extraordinary instances, p. 33C — 347. " Insensibility," says M. de la Condamine, " is t'le basis of the American character. 'I leave others (o determine, whetlicr this should be dignified with the name of apathy, or disgraced with that of stupidity. It arises, without doubt, from the small number of their ideas, rvhich do not extend beyond their wants. Gluttons even to . .Oiacity, when they have wherewithal to satisfy their appe- tite. Temperate, when necessity obliges them to such a de- gree, that they can endure want without seeming to desire any thing. Pusillanimous and cowardly to excess, unless when they are rendered desperate by drunkenness. Averse to labour, indifferent to every motive of glory, honour, or gra- titude; occupied entirely by the object that is present, and always determined by it alone, without any solicitude about futurity ; incapable of foresight or of reflection ; abandoning themselves, when tinder no restraint, to a puerile joy, whicli they express by frisking about, and immoderate fits of laughter ; yilliout object or design, they pass their life without thinking, and grow old without advancing beyond childhood, of which they retain all the defects. If this liescrijition were applicable only to the Indians in some provinces of Peru, who are slaves in every resjx'ct but the name, one might believe, that this degree of degeneracy was occasioned by tiie servile dependence to uliich they arc reduced; the example of the modern (jieeks bciug (iroof how far servitude may degrade the human species. Hut the Indians in the missions of the .lesnits, and the savages who still enjoy unimpaired liberty, being as limited in their faculties, not to say as stii|,'id as the other, one cannot observe, without humiliation, that man, wiieu abandoned to sim)ile nature, and deprived of the advantnges resulting irotn education and society, differs but little from tiie brute creation." Voyage de la Rir. de Amnz. .V2, ^)'.i. M. de Chanvalon, an infeiliir'^iit and iihilosojjhical observer, who visited Martinico in 17.) I, luid resided there six years, t^ives tin' followivig de- scription of the (.'araii)s : *' it is not the red colour ol their comjilexion, il is nut the singularity of their fe.ilure.;, which constitutes the chief difference befucen theui ;ind us. It is their excessive simplicity ; it is the limited degree of their faculties. Their reas(.ii is not more edlighteiitd or more pro- vident than the instinct of brutes. Tiie reason of ttic most gross jKas.ints, that of the negroes brought up in the parts i.f Africa most remote from intercourse with Kuropeaiis, is sucti that we discover a|)pearances of intelligence, which, tlioiigh imperfect, is capable of increase. But of this the understanding of Caraibs seems to be hardly susceptible. If souiid philo- sophy and religion did n(#afford us their light, if we were to decide accor/iing to the /first impression which the view of that peo])le iiy^es upon the mind, we should be disposed to understanding respecting themselves, as individuals, now they will extend to the degree of their sensibility and atfection towards their species. The domestic state is the first and most simple form believe that they did not belong to the same .species with us. Their stupid eyes are the true mirror of their souls ; it appears to be without functions. Their indolence is extreme ; they have never the least solicitude about the moment which is to succeed that which is present." Voyage a la Martinique, p. 44, 45, 51. M. de la Bordc, Tertre, and Rochefort, confirm this description. " The characteristics of the Californians," says P. Venegas, " as well as of idl other Indians, are stupi- dity and insensibility ; waut of knowledge and reflection ; inconstancy, impetuosity, and blindness of appetite ; an excessive sloth, and abhorrence of all labour and fatigue ; an excessive love of pleasure and amusement of every kind, how- ever trifling or brutal; pusillanimity, and, in tine, a most wretched waut of every thing which constitutes the re.il man, and renders him rational, inventive, tractable, aad useful to himself and society. It is not easy for iiUropcflns, who never were out of their own country, to concci\e an adecpiate idea of those people : for, even in tiie least fiequeiiteil corners of the globe, there is not a nation so stupid, of such contracted ideas, !Hid so weak both in body and mind, :is the unha[)|)y Cali- fornians. Their understanding comprehends little more than what they see ; abstract ideas, and much less a cliain of rea- soning, being far beyond their power; so th.it they scarce ever improve their first ideas, and these are in ge u i d false, or at least inadequate. It is in vain to represent to them any future advantages which will result I' thcin fioin doing or .ibstainiug from this or that particular immcHitely present ; the relation of means and ends being beyond the -i tch of their faculties. Nor have they the least notion of puihuing such intentions as will procure themselves some fuli.e good, or guard them against future evils Their will is pK.porlional to tlieir faculties, and all their i)assioiis move in a very narrow sphere. Ambition they have none, and are more desirous of being accounted strong than valiant. The objects of nmbi- tidu with us, hoimur, fame, reputation, titles, po-ts, and dis- tinctions of "superiority, are unknown among tin in ; so that this powerful spring of action, the cause of .so much seeming gooil and real evil in the world, has no power h' r< . This disposition of mind, as it gives them up to an amazing languor and In.'.situde, their lives fleeting awa_\ in a perpetual inacti- vity and detestation of labour, so it likewise induces them to be attracted by the first olycct which their own fancy, or the persuasion of another, plates before them; anil at the same time renders them as prone to alter Ihcir resolutions with the same facility. They hiok with indifference upon any kind- ness done tliem ; nor is even the bare remembrance of it to be expected from them. In a word, these unhappy mortals may be compared to chihiren, in whon» the dcvebipcmcnt of reason is ma completed. Tin y may indeed be railed a nation who never arrive at manhood." llitt. ofCalifoin. Kngl. Tiansl. i. 64, fi7. Mr, Ellis gives a similar account of the want of foresi^dit and inconsiderate disposition of the people adjacent t.j Hudson's Hay. l'oij(if;e, p. 1!)4. 195. The in( ajiaeity of the Americans is so remarkable, that negroes from all the diffe.ent provinces of Africa are observed to he more capable of i'-ipr.^viiig by instruction. They acquire the knowledge of scveii.l p..iticular8 which the Americans ciiinot comprehend. Hence the negroes, though slaves, value themselves as a superior order of beings, and look down upon the Americans with contempt, as void of capacity and of rational discernment. Vlloa !' :l'] ;i lA. '^■ iH I 'v ; ■ ij if' ill ^i *• fit r !>■ ii *!il bpcame hunters 5 and as the occupations of the former do not cnll for equal exertions of activity, or talents, witli those of the latter, people in that state appear to possess neither the same degree of enterprise nor of injTfniilfy. The petty nations, adjacent to the Maragnon and Orinoco, are manifestly the most inactive and least infclligcnt of all the Americans. None but trihes contiguous to great rivers can sus- tain themselves in this manner. The greater part of the American nations, dispersed over the forests with whicii their country is covered, do not procure sub- sistence with the same facility. For although these forests, especially in the soutiicrn continent of America, are stored plentifully with game, considerable efforts of activity and ingenuity are requisite in pursuit of it. Necessity incited the natives to the one, and taught them the other. Hunting became their principal occu- pation ; and as it called forth strenuous exertions of courage, of force, and of invention, it was deemed no less honourable than necessary. This occupation was peculiar to the men. They were trained to it from their earliest youth. A bold and dexterous hunter ranked next in fame to the distinguished warrior, and an alliance with the former is often courted in preference to one with the latter. Hardly any device, which the inge- /luity of man has discovered for ensnaring or destroying wild animals, was unknown to the Americans. While engaged in this favourite exercise, they shake off the indolence peculiar to their nature, the latent powers and vigour of their minds are roused, and they become active; persevering, and indefatigable. Tlieir sagacity in finding their prey, and their address in killing it, are equal. Their reason and their senses being constantly directed towards this one object, the former displays such fertility of invention, and the latter acquii-e such a degree of acuteness, as appear almost incredible. They discern the footsteps of a wild beast, which escape every other eye, and can follow them with certainty through the pathless forest. If they attack their game openly, their arrow seldom errs from the mark ; if they endeavour to circumvent it by art, it is almost impossible to avoid their toils. Among several tribes, their young * Remarkable instances occur of the calamities which rude nations >uffcr by famine. Alvar Nugnez Cabeca de Vaca, one of the most gallant and virtuous of the Spanish adventnrcis, resided almost nine years among the savages of Florida. They were unacquainted with every species of agriculture. Their sutMistence was poor and precarious. " They live chiefly (says he) upon roots of different plants, which they procure with great dilficulty, wandoriug from place to place in search of them. Sometimes they kill game, sometimes they catch fish, but in such smidl quantities, that their hunger is so extreme fls compels tiicm to eat spiders, the eggs of ants, worjns, lizardi, serpents, a kind of unctuous earth, and 1 aui persuaded. men were not permitted to marry, until they had given such proofs of their skill in hunting us put it beyond doubt that they were capable of providing for a family. Their ingenuity, always on the stretch, and sharpened by emulation, as well as necessity, has struck out many inventions, which greatly facilitate success in the chase. The most singular of these is the discovery of a poison in which they dip the arrows employed in hunting. The slightest wound with those envenomed shafts is mortal. If they only pierce the skin, the blood fixes and congeals in a moment, and the strongest animal falls motionless to the ground. Nor dues tiiis poison, notwithstanding its violence and subtlety, infect the flesh of the animal which it kills. That may be eaten with perfect safety, and retains its native relish and qualities. All the nations situated upon the banks of the Maragnon and Orinoco arc acquainted with this composition, the chief ingredient in which is the juice extracted from the root of the cunuv, a species of withe. In other parts of America, they employ the juice of the manchenilk' for the same purpose, uihI it operates with no less fatal activity. To people possessed of those secrets, the bow is a more destructive weapon than the musket, and, in their skilful hands, does great execu- tion among the birds and beasts which abound in the forests of America. But the life of a hunter gradually leads man to a state more advanced. The chase, even where prey is abun- dant, and the dexterity of the hunter much improved, affords but an uncertain maintenance, and at some seasons it must be suspended altogether. If a«savage trusts to his bow alone for food, he and his family will be often reduced toextreme distress.* Hardly any region of the earth furnishes man spontaneously with what his wants require. In the mildest climates, and most fertile soils, his own industry and foresight must be exerted in some degree, to secure a regular supply of food. Their experience of this surmounts the abhor- rence of labour natural to savage nations, and compels them to have recourse to culture, as subsidiary to hunting. In particular situations, some small tribes may subsist by fishing, independent of any production that if in this country there were any stones, they would swallow these.. They preserve the bones oi tislies and serpents, which they grind into powder, and eat. Tlie only season when they do not suffer much from famine, is when a ct tain fruit, which he calls Tunas, is ripe. 'I'his is the same with the Opuutia, or prickly pear, of a reddish and yellow colour, with a sweet and insipid taste. They arc sometimes obliged to travel far from their usual place of residence, in order to lind them." — Naitf'ragias, c. xviii. p. 20, 21, 22. In another place, he observes, that they are frequently reduced to pass two or three days without food, c, xxiv. p. 27. \:i r!l t I ._J-..' ^, BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. ISl of the earth, raised by their own industry. But through- out all America, we scarcely meet with any nation of hunters, which docs not practise some species of culti- vation. The agriculture of the Americans, however, is neither extensive nor laborious. As game and fisli are their principal food, all they aim at by cultivation, is to supply any occasional defect of these. In the southern continent of America, the natives confined their in- dustry to rearing a few plants, which, in a rich soil and warm climate, were easily trained to maturity. The chief of these is Maize, weU known in Europe by the name of Turkey or Indian wheat, a grain extremely prolific, of simple culture, agreeable to the taste, and affording a strong hearty nourishment. The second is the Manioc, which grows to the size of a large s irub, or small tree, and produces roots somewhat resembling parsnips. After carefully squeezing out the juice, these roots arc grated down to a fine powder, and formed into thin cakes, called Cassada bread, which, though insipid to the taste, proves no contemptible food. As the juice of the manioc is a deadly poison, some authors have celebrated the ingenuity of the Americans, in converting a noxious plant into whole- some nourishment. But it should rather be considered as one of the desperate expedients for procuring sub- sistence, to which necessity reduces rude nations; or, perhaps, men were led to the use of it by a progress, in which there is nothing marvellous. One species of mani(x: is altogether free of any poisonous quality, and may be eaten without any preparation but that of roast- ing it in the embers. This, it is probable, was first used by the Americans as food ; and necessity having gradually taught them the art of separating its perni- cious juice from the other species, they have by expe- rience found it to be more prolific as well as more nourisiiing.** The third is the plantain, which, though it rises to the height of a tree, is of such quick growth, that in less than a year it rewards the industry of the cultivator, with its fruit. This, when roasted, supplies the place of bread, and is both palatable and nourishing.! The fourth is the potatoe, whose culture and qualities - * M. Fermin lias given an accurate description of the two Bpecics of manioc, with an account of its culture, to which he lins added some experiments, in order to ascertain the \w\- sonoiis qualities of the juice extiucted from that Rpetics which he calls the bitter cassava, . Among the Spaniards it is known by the name of Yuva brava. Descr. de Surin. torn. i. p. 66. f The plantnin is found in Asia and Africa, as \\v\l as in America. Oviedo contends, that it is not an indij^enous plant of the New World, hut w as introduced into the island of His- punioin, in the year IfilCby father Tiiomas de Berlanea, and that he transplanted it from the Canary Islands, whither the original sllj)s lind boeu brought from the East Indies. Oi'iedo, lib. viii. c. I. But the opinion of Acosta and otlier naturalists^ 11-12. are too well known to need any description. The fifth isptmenfo, a small tree, yielding a strong aromatic spice. The Americans, who, like other inhabitants of, warm climates, delight in whatever is hot and of poig- nant flavour, deem this seasoning a necessary of life, and mingle it copiously with every kind of food they take. Such are the various productions which were the chief object of culture among the hunting tribes on the continent of America, and with a moderate exertion of active and provident industry, these might have yielded a full supply to the wants of a numerous people. But men, accustomed to the free and vagrant life of hunters, are incapable of regular application to labour; and consider agriculture as a secondary and inferior occu- pation. Accordingly, the provision for subsistence, arising from cultivation, was so limited and scanty among the Americans, that, upon any accidental failure of their usual success in hunting, they were often re* duced to extreme distress. In the islands, the mode of subsisting was consi- derably ditlerent. None of the large animals which abound on the continent were known there. Only four species of quadrupeds, besides a kind of small dumb dog, existed in the islands, the biggest of which did not exceed the size of a rabbit. To hunt such dimi- nutive prey, was an occupation which required no effort either of activity or courage. The chief employment of a hunter in the isles was to kill birds, which on the continent arc deemed ignoble game, and left chiefly to the pursuit of boys. This want of animals, as well as their peculiar situation, led the islanders to depend principally upon tishing for their subsistence. Their rivers, and the sea with which they are surrounded, supplied them with this species of food. At some particular seasons, turtle, crabs, and other shell-fish, abounded in such numbers, that the natives could sup- port themselves with a facility in which their indolence delighted. At other times, they ate lizards, and various reptiles of odious forms. To fishing, the inhabitants of the islands added some degree of agriculture. Maize,| manioc, and other plants, were cultivated in the same who reckon it an American plant, seems to be l)etter founded. Acost. Hist. Nat. lib. iv 21. It was cultivated by rude tribes in America, wlio had little intercourse with the SpaiiUrds, and who were destitute of that ingenuity, which disposes men to borrow what is useful from foreign nations. Gumil. iii. 186. Wufcr's Voyage, p. 87. X It is remarkable, that Acosta, one of the most accurate and best informed writers concerning the West Indies, aflirms, that maize, though cultivated in the continent, was t;ot known in the islands, the inhabitants of which hud none but cassuda bread. Hist. Nat. lib. iv. c. 16. But V. Martyr, in the tirbt book of his first Decad, which was written in the year 1493, upon the return of Columbus from his first voyage,' .expressly Co *:l ii' M >■:•■. ; 11 t-i; .1 ■i V-.-.' m ir |;i II t; 122 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book iy. manner as on the continent. But all the fruits of tlieir industry, togctlier with what tlieir soil and climate produced spontaneously, aifordcd them but a scanty maintenance. Though their demands for food were very sparing, they hardly raised nhat was sufficient for their own consumption. If a few Spaniards settled in any district, such a small addition of supernumerary moutlis soon exhausted their scanty stores, and brought on a famine. Two circumstances, common to all tlie savage na- tions of America, concurred with those which I have already mentioned, not only in rendering their agricul- ture imiterfect, but in circumscribing their power in all their c~ rations. They had no tame animals ; and they were unacquainted with the useful metals. In other parts of the globe, man, in liis rudest state, appears ns lord of the creation, giving law to various tribes of animals, which he has tamed and reduced to flobjection. The Tartar follows his prey on the horse which he has reared ; or tends his numerous herds, which furnish him both with food and clotliing ; the Arab has rendered the camel docile, and avails liimself of its persevering strength ; the Laplander has formed the rein-deer to be subservient tu his will ; and even the people of Kamchatka have trained their dogs to labour. This command over the inferior creatures is one uf the noblest prerogatives of man, and among the greatest efforts of his wisdom and power. Without this, his dominion is incomplete. He is a monarch, who has no subjects ; a master, without servants, and must perform every operation by the strength of his own arm. Such was the condition of all the rude na- tions in America. Their reason was so little improved, or their union so incomplete, that they seem not to Lave been conscious of the superiority of their nature, and suffered all the animal creation to retain its liberty, without establishing their own authority over any one species. Most of the animals, indeed, which have been rendered domestic in our continent, do not exist in the New World ; but those peculiar to it are neither so fierce, nor so formidable, as to have exempted them from servitude. There are some animals of the same species in both continents. But the rcin-decr, which has been tamed and broken to theyuke in the unc he- misphere, runs wild in the other. The bUon of Ame- rica is manifestly of the same species with the horned cattle of the other hemisphere. The latter, even among the rudest nations in our continent, have been rendered domestic ; and, in consequence of his domi- >— ^ — .^-~ .— ^.— .».»«^— —— — .^—.1 ^^» mentions maize as a plant which the islanders cultivated, and of which they made bread, p. 7. Gouiara likewise asserts, that they were acquainted with the culture of maize. Hutor. nion over them, man can accomplish works of labour with greater facility, and Iws made a great addition to his means of subsistence. The inhabitants of many regions of the New World, where the bi<4on abounds, might have derived the same advantages from it. It is not of a nature so indocile, but that it might have been trained to be as subservient to man as our cattle. But a savage, in that uncultivated state wherein the Ame- ricans were discovered, is the enemy of the other ani- mals, not their superior. He wastes and destroys, but knows not how to multiply or to govern them. This, perhaps, is the most notable distinction between the inhabitants of the Ancient and New Worlds, and a high pre-eminence of civilized men above such as con- tinue rude. The greatest operations of man in changing and improving the face of nature, as well us his mo&t considerable efforts in cultivating the earth, are accom- plished by means of the aid which he receives from the animals whom he has tamed and employs in labour. It is by their strength that he subdues the stubborn soil, and converts the desert or marsh into a fruitful field. But man, in his civilized state, is so accustomed to the service of the domestic animals, that he seldom reflects upon the vast benefits which he derives from it. If we were to suppose him, even when most im- proved, to be deprived of their useful ministry, his em- pire over nature must in some measure cease, and he would remain a feeble animal, at a loss how to subsist, and incapable of attempting such arduous undertakings as their assistance enables him to execute with ease. It is a doubtful point, whether the dominion of man over the animal creation, or his acquiring the use of metals, has contributed most to extend his power. The ffira of this important discovery is unknown, and in our hemisphere very remote. It is only by tradition, or by digging up some rude instruments of our fore- fathers, that we learn that mankind were originally unacquainted with the use of metals, and endeavoured to supply the want of them by employing flints, shells, bones, and other hard substances, for the same pur- poses which metals serve among polished nations. Nature completes the formation of some metals. Gold, silver, and copper are found in their perfect state in the clefts of rocks, in the sides of mountains, or the chan- nels of rivers. These were accordingly the metals first known, and first applied to use. But iron, the most serviceable of all, and to which man is most indebted, is never discovered in its perfect form ; Its gross and stubborn ore must feel twice the force of fire, and go Gener. cap, 28. Oviedo describes maise without any intima*. liou of its being a plaut that was uo. natural to Hispauiola. Lib. vii. c. 1 . BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 133 through iwo laborious procesaea, before it become fit I sitlercd as dcpcndinj^ for subsistence on fishing aiuJ ;j fur use. Man wu long acquainted with the other inotuls, before ho acquired the art of fabricating iron, or attained such ingenuity as to perfect an invention, to wliich lie is indebted for tliose instruments where- with lie subdues tlie earth, and commands all its inha- bitants. But in tliis, as well as in many otiier respects, the inferiority of the ' • ericans was conspicuous. All tiie savage tribes, scattered over the continent and islands, were totally unacquainted with the metals which their soil produces in great -' »r dance, if we except some trifling quantity of gold, whi«.., they picked up in the torrents that descended from their mountains, and formed into ornaments. Their devices to supply this want of the serviceable metals, were extremely rude and awkward. The most simple operation was to them nn undertaking of immense difhculty and labour. To fell a tree with no other instruments tiran Iiatchets of stone, was employment for a month. To form a canoe into shape, and to hollow it, consumed years ; and it fre- quently began to rot before they were able to finish it. Their operations in agriculture were equally slow and defective. In a country covered with woods of the hardest timber, the clearing of a small field destined for culture required the united e&brts of a tribe, and was a work of much time and great toil. This was the busi- ness of the men, and tiieir indolence was satisfied with performing it in a very slovenly manner. The labour of cultivation was left to the women, who, after digging, or rather stirring the field, with wiioden mattocks, and stakes hardened in the fire, sowed or |)lanted it ; but they were more indebted for the increase to the fertility of the soil, than to their own rude industry. Agriculture, even when the strength of man is se- conded by that of the animals which he has subjected to the yoke, and his power augmented by the use of the various instruments with which the discovery of metals has furnished him, is still a work of great labour ; aud it is with the sweat of his brow that he renders the earth fertile. It is not wonderful, then, that people destitute of both these advantages should have made so little progress in cultivation, that they must be con- * New lloliand, a country which formerly was only known, bus lately bcva visited by intelligent observers. It lies in a reifion <>f the f;li>lie where it must enjoy a very favourable cli- mate, as it stretches fioiu the iOth to the 38th degree of nor- tliern latitude. It is of great extent, and from itr^ s<|uare form must lie much more than equal t;o all Europe, 'ilie people who inhabit the various parts of it appear to i)e of one race. They arc evidently ruder than most of the Anierirans, and have uiade sUil less progress in improvement and the arts o. life. There is not the least appearance of cultivation in nuy part of this vast region. The inhabitants are extremely few, so that the country appears almost desolate. Their triltesare still more iocoosidcrable than those of America. They depend liuntinj^, rrttlwr than on tin: fruits of tlieir own labour. From this des.jtiption of llie mode of subs.i'^^ting among tlie rude American tribo^, ilio form and genius of their political institutions may be dei'uocd, and we are enabled to trace various circumstam-t, of distinction between them and more civilised nations. 1. Tliey were divided into small indcpen-lent com- munities. While hunting is the chief source of sub- sistence, a vast extent of territory is reciuisite iti sup- porting a small number of people. In proportion as men multiply and tiiiiu, the nild animals, on which they depend for food, diniinish, or fly at a greater dis- tance from the haunts of their enemy. The increase of a society in this stote is limited by its own nature, and the members of it must either disperse, like tlie game which they pursue, or fail U|)on some better method of procuring food, than by hunting. Beasts of |)rey are by nature solitary and unsocial, they go not forth to the chase in herds, but deliglif in those recesses of the forest where they can roan and destroy undisturbed. A nation of hunters resembles them both in occupation and in genius. They cannot fomr into large commu- nities, because it would be impossible to find subsist- ence ; and they must drive to a distance every rival who may encroach on those domains, which they consider as their own. This was the state of all the American tribes, the numbers in each were inconsiderable, though scattered over countries of great extent ; they were far removed from one another, and engaged in perpetual hostilities or rivalship. In America, the word nation is not of the same import as in other parts of the globe. It is applied to small societies, not exceeding, perhaps^, two or three hundred persons, but occupying provinces greater than some kingdoms in Europe. The country of Guiana, though of laiger extent than the kingdom of France, and divided aniung a greater number of nations, did not contain above twenty-five thousand itiliubitarits. In the provinces which border on the Orinoco, one may travel several hundred miles in dif- ferent directions, without finding a single hut, or ob- serving the footsteps of a human creature.* In North for subsistence, almost entirely, on fishing. They do not settle in one place, but roam about iu' quest of food. Doth sexes f!o stark naked. Their itabitations, utensils, &e. are more simple and rude than those of the Ameneaas.— Voyages, by Hawkesworlh, iii. 622, &c. This, perhaps, is the country where man has beep discovered in theeadicststagc of his pro- gress, and it exhibits a miserable speoimen of his i?onditioa and powers in that uncultivated statu. If this country shall be more fully explored by future nav^tors, the comparison of the manners of its inhabitants witb those of the Americans will prove an instructive article in the history of the human species. 3£s: 134 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. V fi America, where the climMtc is more rigorouii, and the ■oil less fertile, tlic desolation is still greater. Tiicre, journeys of sonic hundred leagues have been made through uninhabited plains and forests. As long as hunting continues to be the chief employment a man to which he trusts for subsistence, he cun hardly be said to have occupied the earth.*' 2. Nations which depend upon hunting arc, in a great measure, strangers to the idea of property. As the animals on which the hunter feeds are not bred under his inspection, nor nourished by his care, he can claim no right to them, while they run wild in ttie forest. Where game is so plentiful that it may be catched with little trouble, men never dream of appro- priating what is of small value, or of easy acquisition. Where it is so rare, that the labour or danger of the chnse requires the united efforts of a tribe, or village, what is killed is a common stock, belonging equally to all, who, by their skill or their courage, have contri- buted to the success of the excursion. The forest, or hunting-grounds, are deemed the property of the tribe, from which it has a title to exclude every rival nation. But no individual arrogates a right to any district of these, in preference to his fellow-citizens. They belong * P. Gabriel Marest, who travelled from his statioi among the Illiuois to Macliillimakiuac, thus describes the fucu of the countrv : " We Ivave marched twlve days without meeting a single human creature. Sometimes we found ourselves in vast meadows, of which we could not see the boundaries, through which there flowed many brooks and rivers, but witliout any path to conduct us. Sometimes we were obliged to open a passage across thick forests, througlj bushes, and underwood Ailed with briars and thorns. Sometimes wc had to pass through deep marshes, i-i which wc sunk up to the middle. After being fatigued through the day, we had the earth for our bed, or a kw leaves, exposed to the wind, the rain, and all the injuries of the air." — Ledr. Etli/iantes, ii. 360. Dr. Brickcll, in an excursion from North Carolina towards ihe mountains, A. 1>. 1/30, travelled fifteen davs without meeting with a human creature.— iVat. HUt. of Nu'rih Carolina, 389. Diego lie Ordas, in attempting to make a sctdement in South America, A. D. 1532, marched fifty days through a country •without one inhabitant. — Herrera, dec. 5.__lib. i. c. 1 1. t I stroiifrly suspect that a community of goods, and an un- divided store, arc known only among the rudest tribes of hunters ; and tliatas soon as any species of agriculture or re- gular industry is known, the idea of an exclusive right of pro- perty to the fruits of them is introduced., I am confirmed in this opinion by accounts which I have received concerning the state of property among the Indians in very different regions of America. " The idea af the natives of Brasil concerning pro- perty is, thr.l if any person cultivate a field, he alone ought to enjoy the produce of it, and no other has a title to pretend to it. If an individual or family go a hunting or fishing, what is caught belongs to the individual or to the family, and they com- municate no part of it to any but to their eazique, or to such of their kindred as happen to be indisposed. If any person in the village come to their hut, he may sit down freely, and eat alike to all ; and thither, as to a general and undivided store, all repair in quest of sustenance. The same prin- ciples by which they regulate their chief occupation, extend to that which is subordinate. Even agriculture has not introduced among them a complete idea of pro. perty. As the men hunt, the women labour together, Mhu after they have shared the toils of the seed-time, they enjoy the harvest in common. Among some tribes, the increase of their cultivated lands is deposited in a public granary, and divided among them at stated times, according to their wants.f Among others, though they lay up separate stores, they do not acquire such an ex- clusive right of property, that they cun enjoy super- fluity, while those around them suffer want. Thus the distinctions arising from the inequality of possessions are unknown. The terms rich or poor enter not into their language, utid being strangers to property, they are unacquainted with what is the great object of laws and policy, us well as the chief motive which induced mankind to establish the various arrangements of regu- lar government. 3. People in this state retain a high sense of equality and independence. Wherever the idea of property is not established, there can be no distinction among men, without asking liberty. Hut this is the consequence of their general principle of hospitality j for I ne.vcr observed any par- tition of tiic increa i.- of their fields, or tlie produce of tlie chacc, which I could consider as the result of iiny iduu con- cerning a community of goods. On the contrary, they are so much attached to w hat they deem to be tlicir property, that it would be extremely dangerous to encroach upon it. As far as I have seen, or eiin leurn, there is not one tribe of Indians in South America, anmng whom tliat ronimunity of goods which has been so iiiyhiy extolled is known. The circum- stance in the government of the Jesuits, most irksome to the Indians of Paraguay, was the community of goods which those fathers introduced. This was repugnant to the original ideas of the Indians. They werj- .-u'qiiaiiited with the rights of pri- vate exclusive property, and tliey submitted with impatieiire to regulations which destroyed them." — M.le Clievul. de Pinto, MS. penes me. " Actual po.sscssion (says a missionary wl.o resided several years among the iniiians of the Five Nations) gives a right to the soil, but wlioncver a p^issessor sees fit to quit it, another has as good right to take it as he who left it. This law, or custom, re8|H'cts not only the particular spot on wliieh he erects his house, but also hU planting-ground. If a man has prepared a particular spot of ground, on which he designs in luture to build or plant, no man has a rigiit to in- commode him, much less to the fruit of his labouis, until it appears that he voluntarily gives up his views. But 1 never heard of any formal conveyance from one Indian to anotlicr in their natural state. The limits of every canton are circum- scribed ; that is, they are allowed to hunt as far as such a river on this hand, and such a mountain on the other. This area is occupied and improved by individuals and their families. Individuals, not the community, have the use and profit of their own labours, or success in hunting." — MS, of Mr. Gideon Ilawley, penes v: lOOK IV. nooK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 1S5 btit wlint nrlsfs from personiti qunl'itics. These r;ui he fonsoicuoiis only on sucli otoasioiis as coll llicin forth jnto exertion. In times of danj^cr, or in afl'nirs of intricacy, the wisdom and exiiericnce of oge are lon- snl'od, and prescribe the incusures whicl> oui;lit to he pursued. ^Vhcn a tribe of savages takes tiie field against the enemies of their country, the warrior of most approved courage leads the youtii to the coiiihat. If tliey go forth in a body to the chase, the most ex- pert and adventurous liunter is foremost, and directs their motions. But during seasons of tranquillity and inaction, when there is no occasion to display those talents, all pre-eminence ceases. Every circumstance indicates, that all the members of the community arc on a level. They are clothed in the same simple garb. Tliey feed on tlie same plain fare. Their houses and furniture ure exactly similar. No distinction can arise from the inequality of possessions. Whatever forms (U'lH-ndence on one part, or constitutes superiority on the other, is unknown. All are freemen, all feel them- selves to be such, and assert with firmness the rigiits which belong to that condition. This sentiment of independence is imprinted so deeply in their nature, tliat no change of condition can eradicate it, and bend tlieir minds to servitude. Accustomed to be absolute masters of their own conduct, they disdain to execute the orders of another ; and having never known controul, they will not submit to correction.* Many of the Americans, when they found that they were treated as slavcf jy the Spaniards, died of grief j many destroyed themselves in despair. 4. Among people in this state, government can as- sume little authority, and the sense of civil subordina- tion must remain very imperfect. While the idea of property is unknown, or incompletely conceived ; while the spontaneous productions of the earth, as well as the fruits of industry, are considered as belonging to the public stock, there can hardly be any such subject of difference or discussion among the members of the * This difTereiice of tcinpor lietwccii tlic Aaurirans and iicjrroos is so remarkable, that it is a proverbial Maying ia tiiu French islands, " Kegarder un sauvagc dc Iravers, t'est le battrc J le baltre, c'cst le tuer ; battic uu ncgre, c'est le nourir." Tertrc, ii. 490. •t The description of the political state of the people of rinaloa perl'cclly resembles that of the inhabitants of N'ui'tli America. " Tliey have neither laws nor kings (says a niis- siouary who resided long among thuai) to punish any crime. Nor is there among them any species of authority, or political government, to rcbtrain them in any part of their conduct. It is true, that they acknowledge certain caziques, who are heads of their families or villages, but their authority appears cliielly in war, and tlie expeditions against their enemies. This authority the caziques obtain not by hereditary right, but by their valour in war, or by the power and number of their same community, as will require the hand of authority to interpose in order to adjust it. Where the right of separate and exclusive jmssession is not introduced, the great object of law and jurisdiction does not exist. When the tnembers of a tribe are called into the field, either to invade the territories of their enemies, or to repel their attacks, when they arc engaged together in the toil and dangers of the chase, they then perceive tiiat they are part of a political body. They are con- .scious of their own connexiun with the companions lii conjunction with whom they act ; and they follow and reverence such as excel in conduct and valour. But, during the intervals between such common efforts, they seem scarcely to feel the ties of political union.f No visible form of government is established. The names of magistrate and mbjcrt are not in use. Every one seems to enjoy his natural independence almost entire. If a scheme of public utility be proposed, the members of the community are left at liberty to choose whether they will or will not assist in carrying it into execution. No statute imposes any service as a duty, no compul- sory laws oblige the/n to perform it. All their resolu- tions are voluntary, and flow from the impulse of their own minds. The first step towards establishing a public jurisdiction has not been taken in those rude societies. The right of revenge is left in private hands. If violence is committed, or blood is shed, the com- munity does not assume the power either of inflicting or of moderating the punishment. It belongs to the family and friends of the person injured or slain to avenge the wrong, or to accept of the reparation offered by the aggressor. If the elders interpose, it is to ad- vise, not to decide, and it is seldom their counsels are listened to ; for as it is deemed pusillanimous to suffer an otl'ender to escape with impunity, resentment is im- placable and everlasting. The object of government among savages is rather foreign than domestic. They do not aim at maintaining interior order and police by public regulations, or the exertions of any permanent families and relations. Somttimes they owe their pre-emi- nence to their eloquence in dispiayinu; their own exploits."' liibas, H'mlor. de las Triumph. 6(c. p. 1 1 . The state of the C'hiquitos in Soutii America is nearly the same. " They have no regular form of government, or civil life : but in matters of public concern they listen to the advice of their old men, and usually follow it. The dignity of Ciizi(iiie is not hereditary, but conferred according to .nerii, as the reward of valour in war. The union au!o>-.^ them is imperfect. Their society re- sembles a republic without any head, in which every man is nmstcr of himself, and upon the least disgust, separates from those with whom he seemed to be connected." Htlacion His- torical de las Missiones dc los Chiqiiilos, por F. Juan Patr, Fernandez, p. 32, 33. Thus, under very diflerent <:lim.ite8, when nations are in a similar state of society, their institutioas and civil goverameut assume the same form. IS^ HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. i H| r ' fi DUtliority, but labour to preserve mich union among the iitetiibi-rii of their tribe, that thoy may watch the motioii.s of tiieir cnemiiiM, and act uguinst thfin with coiiirrt unci vigour. Siicli WHS the form of politicni orHt-r established aiT)r>ii>; the greater part of the American nations. In this state wurc almost all the tribes spread over the provinces cxtendinfj^ eastward of the Mississippi, from thi- moiitl\ of the St. Laurence to the confines of Flo- rida. In a similar condition were the peo])le of Krasil, the inhabitants of Chili, several tribes in Paraguay and Guiana, and in the countries whicii stretch from the nioutli of the Orinoco to the peninsula of Yucatan. Amo:ig such an infinite number of petty associations, there may be peculiarities which constitute n distinc- tion, and mark the various degrees of their civilization and improvement. But an attempt to trace and enu- merate thcso would be vain, as they have not been observed by ))ers«)ns capable of discerning the minute nnd delicate eireumstances, which serve to discriminate nations resembling one another in their general cha- racter and features. The description which I have given of the jwlitiral institutions that took place among tiiose rude tribes in America, concerning wWidi we liave received most complete information, will apply, with little variation, to every people, both in its northern and southern division, who have advanced no farther in civilization, tlian to add some slender degree of agri- culture to fishing and hunting. Imjjerfect j»s those institutions may appear, several tiibes were not so far advanced in their political pro- gress. Among all those petty nations which trusted for subsistence entirely to fishing and hunting without any s|n;cies of cultivation, the union was so incomplete, and their sense of niutiinl dependence so feeble, that liardly any appearance of i^overnment or order can be disecroed in their juoeeediiiL's. Their wants are few, their objects of pursuit simple, they form into separate tribes, iitui act together, from instinct, habit, or conve- iiieiey. ratlitr tiian from any formal concert and asso- ciation. To this class belong the Culifornians, several of the small nations in the extensive country of Para- guay, some of liie people on the banks of the Orinoco, nnd on tlie river St. Mai;dalcne, in the new kingdom of Grauiidn. But t!)'nigh amonij these last mentioned tribes ilitre was Liinlly imy i-hadow of regular govirnnieiit, aiid even aniouir those uliicli i lirst described, its authority is slrnder aiiil roiili;u(i wiliiin narrow bounds, there were, liowever, sonn; places in America where govern- ment was carriei) far beyond the degree of perfection which seems natural to rude nations. In surveying tiic political operations of man, cither in his savage or civilixcd state, we discover & itgular and eccentric in- stitutitms, which start as it were from their station, nnd fly off so wide, that we labour in vain to bring (hrni within the general laws of any system, or to account for them by those principles which influence other communities in a siniilar situation. Some in- stances of this occur among those people of America, whom I have included under the common denomina- tion of savage. These are so curious and important that 1 shall describe them, and attempt to explain their origin. In the New World, as well as in other parts of the globe, cold or temperate countries appear to be the favourite seat of freedom and independence. There the mind, like the body, is firm and vigorous. There men, conscious of their own dignity, and capable of the greatest efforts in asserting it, aspire to indepen- dence, and their stubborn spirits stoop with reluctance to the yoke of servitude, in warmer climates, by whose influence the whole frame is so much enervated, that present pleasure is the supreme felicity, and mere repose is enjoyment, men acquiesce, almost withou* a struggle, in the dominion of a superior. Accordingly, if wc proceed from north to south along the continent of America, we shall find the power of those vested with authority gradually increasing, and the spirit of the people becoming more tame and passive. In Flo- rida, the authority of the sachems, caziques, or chiefs, was not only permanent but hereditary. They were distinguished by peculiar ornaments, they enjoyed pre- rogatives of various, kinds, and were treated by their subjects with that reverence, which people accustomed to subjection pay to a master. Among the Natchez, a powerful tribe now extinct, formerly situated on the banks of the Mississippi, a difference of rank took place, with which the uorthern tribes were altogether unac- quainted. Some families were reputed noble, and en- joyed hereditary dignity. The body of the people was considered as vile, and formed only for subjection. This distinction was marked by appellations which inti- mated the high elevation of the one state, and the igno- minious depression of tlie other. The former were called Respectable; the latter, the StinkurcU. The great chief, in whom the supreme authority was vested, is reputed to be a being of superior nature, the brother of the Sun, the sole object of their worship. They approach this great chief with religious veneration, and honour him as the representative of their deity. His will is a law, to which all submit with implicit obedience. The lives of his subjects arc so absolutely at li's disposal, that if any one has incurred his dis- pleasure, the ofiender comes with profound humility . aitd offers him h^ head. Nor does the dominion of the Hi ROOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 127 iTts of tlic to be the ;e. There 118. There capable ui a indepen- rcluctance iiiiintus, by eiii!rvatcil, , and mere t withou* a Lccordingly, e continent hose vested lie spirit ui e. In Flo- 18, or chiefs, They were injoyed prc- xA by their iiccustomtd he Natchez, niitcd on tlie < look place, ;ether unac- ible, and en- ! people was ■ subjection. i which inti- iiidtlieigno- foriner wore ifcurd*. 'flie y was vcstetl, ;, the brother r&hip. They i veneration, f their deity, (vith implicit so absolutely rred his dis- und humility tuiniou of the chiefs end with their lives; their principal officers, their favourite wives, together with many domestics of inferior rank, are sacrificed at their tombs, that they may be attended in the next world by the same persons who served them iu this ; and such is the reverence in which they are held, that those victims welcome death with exultation, deeming it a recompence of their fide- lity, and a mark of distinction, to be selected to accom- pany their deceased master. 'I'lius a perfect despotism, with its full train of superstition, arrogance, and cruelty, is established among the Niitchex, and by a singular fatality, that people has tnsterl of the worst ralamities incident to polished nations, though they themselves are not fur advanced beyond the tribes around them in civility and improvement. In Hisptiniola, Cuba, and the larger islands, their caziques or chiefs possessed ex- tensive power. The dignity was transmitted by here- ditary right from father to son. Its honours and pre- rogatives were considerable. Their subjects paid great respect to the caziques, and executed their orders with- out hesitation or reserve. They were distinguished by peculiar ornaments, and in order to preserve or augment the veneration of the people, they had the address to call in the aid of superstition to uphold their authority. They delivered their mandates as the oracles of heaven, and pretended to possess the power of regulating the seasons, and of dispensing rain or sunshine, according as their subjects stood in need of them. In some parts of the southern continent, the power of the caziques seems to have been as extensive as in the isles. In Bogota, which is "now a province of the new kingdom of Granada, there was settled a nation, more considerable in number and more improved in the various arts of life, than any in America except tlie Mexicans and Peruvians. The people of Bogota sub- sisted chiefly by agriculture. The idea of property was introduced among them, and its rights, secured bylaws, handed down by tradition, and observed with great care. They lived in towns which may be termed large, when comparr-J willi those in other parts of America. They were clothed in a decent manner, and tlicir houses may be termed commodious, when compared with those of the small tril)es around them. The effects of this un- common civilization were conspicuous. Government had assumt'd a repi^ular form. A jurisdiction was esta- blished, whith took cognizance of different crimes, and punished tlicm with rigour. A distinction of ranks was known ; their chief, to whom the Spaniards gave the title of monarch, and who merited that name on account of his splendour as well as power, reigned with abso- lute authority. He was attended by officers of various conditions ; he never appeared in public without a nu- merous retinue ; he was carried in a sort of palanquin with much pomp, and harblngen went before him to sweep the road and strew it with flowers. This uncom> men pomp was supported by presents or taxes recei' ej from hii subjects, to whom their prince was such au object of veneration, that none of them presumed to look him directly in the face, or ever approached him but with an averted countenance. Tiicre were olhor tribes on the same continent, among which, though far lest advanced than the people of Bogota in their pro- gress towards reflnemenl, the freedom and indepen- dence, natural to man in his savage state, was much abridged, and their caziques had assumed extensive authority. It is not easy to point out the circumstances, or to discover the causes which contributed to introduce and establish among each of those people a form of govern- ment so different from that of the tribes around them, and so repugnant to tiie genius of rude nations. If the persons who had an opportunity of observing them i.^ their original state, had been more attentive and more discerning, we might have received information from their conquerors sufficient to guide us in this inquiry. If the transactions of people, unacquainted with the use of letters, were not involved in impenetrable obscu- rity, we might have derived some information from this domestic source. But as nothing satisfactory can be gathered, either from the accounts of the Spaniards, or from their own traditions, we must iiavc recourse to conjectures, in order to explain the irregular appearances in the political state of the people whom I have men- tioned. As all those tribes which hud lost their native liberty and independence were seated in the Torrid Zone, or in countries approaching to it, the climate may be supposed to have had some influence in form- ing their minds to that servitude, which seems to be the destiny of man in tiiose regions of tlie globe. But though the influence of climate, more powerful than that of any other natural cause, is not to be overlooked ; that alone cannot be aiiniitted as a solution of the point in question. The opcriitioi^s of uicn are so complex, that we must not attribute the form which they assume, to the force of a single principle or cause. Although despotism be confim-d in America to tin; Torrid Zone, and to the warm regions bordcrinjt upon it, I have already observed that these co\intrics contain various tribes, some of which posst-ss ahigli desjreeuf fr-'-edom, and others are altogether unacquainted with the re- straints of government. The indolence and tinudity. peculiar to the inhabitants of the inlands, reiuicv them so incapable of the sentiments or cfluris necessary tov maintaining independence, that there is -.o occasion to search for any other cause of their tame subniission to the will of a superior. The subjection of the Natchez, ^*««»-- 138 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book ir. 4 ,1'- !•?•< I ^! If I and of the people of Bogota, seems to Imve been tlie consequence of a difFercnce in their state from that of the other Americans. They were settled nations, re- siding constantly in one place. Hunting was not the chief occupation of the former, and the latter seem liardiy to have trusted to it for any part of their sub- sistence. Both had made such progress in agriculture and arts, that the idea of property was introduced in some degree in the one community, and fully established in the other. Among people in this state, avarice and ambition have acquired objects, and have begun to exert their power ; views of interest allure the selfish; the desire of pre-i minence excites the enterprising; do- minion is courted by both ; and passions unknown to man in his s'l'vage state prompt the interested and am- bitious to encroach on the rights of their fellow citizens. Motives, with which rude nations are equally unac- quainted, induce the people to submit tamely to the usurped authority of their superiors. But even among nations in this state tlie spirit of subjects could not have been rendered so obsequious, or the power of rulers so unbounded, without the intervention of superstition. By its fatal iji'fluence, the human mind, in every stage of its progress, is depressed, and its native vigour and independence subdued. VViioever can acquire the direc- tion of this formidable engine, is secure of dominion over his species. Unfortunately for the people whose institutions are the subject of inquiry, this power was in the hands of their chiefs. The ca/Jques of the isles could put what responses they pleased into the mouths of their Ceniis or gods ; and it was by their interposi- tion, and in their name, that they imposed anv tribute or burden on their people. The same power and pre- rogative was exercised by the great chief of the Natciiez as the principal minister as well at the representative of the Sun, their deity. The respect which the people of Bogota paid to their monarchs was likewise inspired by religion, and the heir apparent of the kingdom was educated in the innermost recess of their ])riiuipal temple, under such austere discipline, and with such peculiar rites, as tended to fill his subjects with high sentiments concerning the sanctify of his character, and the dignity of his station. Thus superstition, which, in the rudest period of society, is eit cr altogether un- known, or wastes its force in childish unmeaning prac- tices, had acquired such an ascendant over those people of America, who iiad made some little progress towards xefinenient, that it became the chief instrument of bend- ing iheir minds to an untimely servitude, and subjected them, in the beginning of their political career, to a despotism hardly less rigorous than that which awaits nations in the last stage of their corruption and decline. V. After examining the political institutiuos uf the rude nations in America, the next object of attention is their art of war, or their provision for public security and defence. The small tribes dispersed over America are not only independent and unconnected, but engaged in perpetual hostilities with one anotlier. Though mostly strangers to the idea of separate property vested in any individual, the rudest of the American nations are well acquainted with the rights of each community to its own domains. This right they hold to be perfect and exclusive, entitling the possessor to oppose the encroachment of neighbouring tribes. As it is of the utmost consequence to prevent them from destroying or disturbing the game in their hunting-grounds, they guard this national property with a jealous attention. But as their territories are extensive, and tlie boun- daries of them not exactly ascertained, innumerable subjects of dispute arise, which seldom terminate with- out bloodshed. Even in this simple and primitive state of society, interest is a source of discord, and often prompts savage tribes to take arms in order to repel or punish such as encroach on the forests or plains to which they trust fur subsistence. But interest Is not either the most frequent or the most powerful motive of the incessant hostilities among rude nations. These must be imputed to the passion of revenge, which rages with such violence In the breast of savages, that eagerness to gratify It may be consi- dered as the distinguishing characteristic of men in their uncivilized state. Circumstances of powerful influence, both in the Interior government of rude tribes, and in their external operations against foreign enemies, concur in cherishing and adding strength to a passion fatal to the general tranquillity. When the right of re- dressing his own wrongs is left in the hands of ever/ individual, injuries are felt with exquisite sensibility, and vengeance exercised with unrelenting rancour. No time cati obliterate the memory of an offence, and it is seldom that it can be expiated but by the blood of the offender. In carrying on their public wars, savage fiations are influenced by the same ideas, and animated with the same spirit, as in prusecuting private vengeance. In small communities, every man is touched with the i.Jury or alVront offered to the body of which he is member, as if it were a personal attack upon his own honour or safety. The desire of revenge Is communi- cated from breast to breast, and soon kindles into rage. As feeble societies can take the field only In small parties, each warrior is conscious of the importance of his own arm, and feels that to it is committed a consi- derable portion of the public vengeance. War, which between < xlensive kingdoms is carried on with little animosity, is prosecuted by small tribes with all the rancour of a private quarrel. The resentment of natiuus BOOK IT, attention is lie security er America tut engaged '. Thougli >crty vested ;an nations community > be perfect oppose the it is of the destroying juiids, tlioy s attention. 1 the boun- luiumerabic linatc witii- mitive state , and often ier to repel or plains to uent or the lities among the passion n tiie breast ty be consi- of meu in )f powerful rude tribes, gn enemies, to a passion right of tti- ids of every sensibility, ancour. No ce, and it is >lood of the ars, savage tid animated e vengeance, ted with the vhich he is pon his own s communi- sms into rage, ily in small iiportancc of Ltcd a consi- War, which i with little with all the nt of natioH) BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 129 is as implacable as that of indivi|]uals. It may be dissembled or suppressed, but is never extinguished ; and often, when least expected or dreaded, it bursts out with redoubled fury. When polished nations have obtained the glory of victory, or have acquired an addi- tion of territory, they may terminate a war with ho- nour. But savages arc not satisfied until they extirpate the community which is the object of their hatred. They fight not to conquer, but to destroy. If they engage in hostilities, it is with a resclution never to see the face of thie enemy in peace, but to prosecute the quarrel with immortal enmity. The desire of vengeance is the first, and almost the only principle, which a sa- vage instils into the minds of his children. This grows up with him as he advances in life; and as his atten- tion is directed to few objects, it acquires a degree of force unknown among men, whose passions are dissi- pated and weakened by the variety of their occupations and pursuits. The desire of vengeance, which takes possession of the heart of savages, resembles the in- stinctive rage of an animal, rather tlian the passion of a man. It turns, with undiscerning fury, even against inanimate objects. If hurt accidentally by a stone, they often seize it in a transport of anger, and en- deavour to wreak their vengeance upon it. If struck with an arrow in buttle, they will tear it from the wound, break and bite it with their teeth, and dash it on the ground. With respect to their enemies, the rage of vengeance knows ;o bounds. When under the dominion of this passion, man becomes the most cruel of all animals. He neither pities, nor forgives, nor spares. The force of this passion is so well understood by the Americans themselves, that they always apply to it, in order to excite their people to take arms. If the elders of any tribe attempt to rouse their youth from sloth, if a chief wishes to allure a band of warriors to follow him in invading an enemy's country, the most persuasive topics of their martial eloquence are drawn from revenge. " The bones of our countrymen," say they, " lie uncovered ; their bloody bed has not been washed clean. Their spirits cry against us ; they must be appeased. Let us go and devour the people by whom they were slain. Sit no longer inactive upon your mats ; lift the hatchet, console the spirits of the dead, and tell them that they shall be avenged." * " I have known the Indians (says a person well ac- quainted with their mode of life) to go a thousand miles for the purpose of revenge. In patldeas woods, over hills and mountains, through huge cune Hwuinps, exposed to the extre- mities of heat and cold, the vicissituae of seaoons, to hunger apd thirst. Such is tl-:ir over-boiling revengeful temper, that tfiey utterly contemn all those things as imaginary trifles, if they are so happy as to get the scalp of the murderer, or n-12. Animated with such exhortations, the youth snatch their arms in a transport of fury, raise the song uf war, and burn with impatience to embrue their hands in the blood of their enemies. Private chiefs often as- semble small parties, and invade a hostile tribe, without consulting the rulers of the community. A single warrior, prompted by caprice or revenge, will take the field alone, and march several hundred miles to surprise and cut oJF a straggling enemy.* The exploits of a noted warrior, in such solitary excursions, often form the chief part in the history of an American campaign ;t and their elders connive at such irregular sallies, as they tend to cherish a martial spirit, and accustom their people to enterprise and danger. But when a war is national, and undertaken by public authority, the deliberations are formal and slow. The elders assemble, they deliver their opinions in solemn speeches, they weigh with maturity the nature of the enterprise, and balance its beneficial or disadvantageous consequences with no inconsiderable portion of political discernment or sagacity. Their priests and soothsayers are con- sulted, and sometimes they ask the advice even of their women. If the determination be for war, they prepare for it with much ceremony. A leader otters to conduct the expedition, and is accepted. But no man is con- strained to follow him ; the resolution of the commu- nity to commence hostilities, imposes no obligation upon any member to take part in the war. Each indi- vidual is still master of his own conduct, and his en- gagement in the service is perfectly voluntary. The maxims by which they regulate their military ojjcrations, though extremely ditlcrent from those which take place among more civilized and populous nations, arc well suited to their own political state, and the nature of the country in which they act. They never take the field in numerous bodies, as it would require a greater effort of foresight and industry, thaa is usual among savages, to provide for their subsistence, during a march of some hundred miles through dreary forests, or during a long voyage upon their lakes and rivers. Their armies are not encumbered with baggage or military stores. Each warrior, besides his arms> carries a mat and a small bag of pounded muize, and with these is completely equipped for any service. While at a distance from the enemy's frontier, they disperse througli the woods, and support themselves enemy, to satisfy the craving ghosts of their deceased rela- tions." Adair a Hist, of' Ainer, Indiuns, p. 1511. t In the account ot the great war between the Algonquins and Iroquois, the achievements of Piskaret, a famous chief ot the Algonquins, peiformcd mostly by himself ulone, or with one or two companions, make a capital figure. De la Potherie^ i. '297, &c. CoUen't Hist, of Five Nationt, V2o, &c. Dd — — ^ i nwnn i ^Biw iiip^iiaNi 130 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. f^^ if lli i '■ with the game which they kill, or the fish which they csitcli. As tliey approach nearer to the territories of the nation wliich they intend io attack, they collect their troops, and advance with greater caution. Even in their hottest and most active wars, they proceed wholly hy stratagem and ambuscade. They place not their gl^itnes8es to Ihem. t All the travellers who have visited the most Dncivilized tMO ever remark differer rida extrerai own liv die. •iccusto with h< math, Cabeca thouf;h and Th of the touch tl delCw • M DOK IV. iratcs the ■ cruelty, jose con* chief in a {patching ^ one no le tlie fell a savage, our those IS of their preserved J, who fed ew World IS familiar, eral of the America, kith which : abolished ■n so well m of their : by which against an " If they invite it to ;s.','* Nor icd tribes; pply rooted ubsisted in [iw World, ; more mild uf food, as cravings of hose horrid flesh was ry, and the reckoned it vv from the ; rancour of 'ous action, oners taken f Women mity, if not an Ikostile e effects of BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 133 !- The people of South America gratify their revenge ia a manner somewhat different, but with no less unre- lenting rancour. There prisoners, after meeting at their first entrance with the same rough reception as among the North Americans, are not only exempt from injury, but treated with the greatest kindness. They are feasted and caressed, and some beautiful young women, are appointed to attend and solace them. It is not easy to account for this part of their conduct, unless we impute it to a refinement in cruelty. For, while they seem studious to attach the captives to life, by supplying them with every enjoyment that can render it agreeable, their doom is irrevocably fixed. On a day appointed, the victorious tribe assembles, the pri- soner is brought forth with great solemnity, he views the preparations for the sacrifice with as much indif- ference as if he himself were not the victim, and meeting his fate with undaunted firmness, is dispatched with a single blow. The moment he falls, the women seize the body, and dress it for the feast. 1'hey besmear their children with the blood, in order to kindle in their bosoms a hatred of their enemies, which is never extinguished, and all join in feeding upon the flesh with amazing greediness and exultation. To devour the body of a slaughtered enemy, they deem the most complete and exquisite gratification of revenge, Where- ever this practice prevails, captives never escape death, but they are not tortured with the same cruelty as among tribes which are less accustomed to such horrid feasts.* As the constancy of every American warrior may be put to such severe proof, the great object of military education and discipline in the New World is to form the mind to sustain it. When nations carry on war with open force, defy their enemies to the combat, and vanquish them by the superiority of their skill or cou- rage, soldiers are trained to be active, vigorous, and enterprising. But in America, where the genius and maxims of war are extremely ditl'erent, passive fortitude •«t uncivilized iimcd by two remarkable circumstances, which cccuixcd in the conquest of ilifterent provinces. In tlie expedition of Narvaez into Flo- rida in the year 1528, the S)iiiuiards were reduced to such extreme distress, by famine, that, in order to preserve their own lives, they ate such of their companions as happened to (lie. This apj^eared so siiocking to tiie natives, who were accustomed to devour none but prisoners, that it filled tliem with horror and indignation against the Spaniards. Torque- mada, Monarch. Intt. ii. p. 584. NauJ'ragios de Alv. Nugiiez Cabeca de Vacn, c. xlv. p. 1.5. During the siege of Mexico, though the Mexicans devoured with greediness the Spaniuids and Tlascalans, whom they took prisoners, the utmost rigour of the famine which they sutTered could not induce them to touch the dead bodies of their own countrymen. Bern. Diaz. delCntilh ConquUt. de la N. Espagna, p. 1.56. * Many singular circumstances concerning the treatment !s the quality in highest estimation. Accordingly, it is early the study of the Americans to acquire sentiments and habits, which will enable them to behave like men, when their resolution shall be put to the proof. As the youth of other nations exercise thtmselves in feats of activity and force, those of America vie with one another in exhibitions of their patience under suffer- ings. They harden their nerves by those voluntary trials, and gradually accustom themselves to endure the sharpest pain without complaining. A boy and girl will bind their naked arms together, and place a burning coal between them, in order to try who first discovers such impatience as to shake it off. All the trials, customary in America, when a youth is admitted into the class of warriors, or when a warrior is pro- moted to the dignity of captain or chief, are accommo • dated to this idea of manliness. They are not displays of valour, but of patience ; they are not exiiibitions of their ability to offend, but of their capacity to suffer. Among the tribes on the banks of the Orinoco, if a warrior aspires to the rank of captain, his probation be- gins with a long fast, more rigid than any ever observed by the most abstemions hermit. At the close of this, the chiefs assemble, each gives him three lashes with a large whip, applied so vigorously, that his body is almost flayed, and if he betrays the least symptom of impatience or even sensibility, he is disgraced for ever, and rejected as unworthy of the honour to which he aspires. After some interval, the constancy of the candidate is proved by a more excruciating trial. He is laid in a hammoc with his hands bound fast, and an innumerable multitude of venomous ants, whose bite occasions exquisite pain, and produces a violent inflam- mation, are thrown upon him. The judges of his merit stand around the hammoc, and, while these cruel insects fasten upon the most sensible parts of his body, a sigh, a groan, an involuntary motion expressive of what he suffers, would exclude him for ever from the rank of captain. Even after this evidence of his forti- of prisoners among the people of Brasil are contained in the narrative of Stadias, a German officer in the service of the Portuguese, published in the year ii)i)G. He uas taken pri- soner by the Tuupinambos, and remained in captivity nine years. He was often present at those horritl ftalivals which he descril)es, and was destined himself to the same cruel fato with other prisoners. But he saved his life by extraordinary eft'orts of courage and address. De Bry, iii. p. ;M, fee. M. I)e Lery, who accompanied M. De Villegagnoa i.. liis exi)editioa to Brasil, in the year 1550, and who resideil some luue iu that country, agrees witli Stadias in every circunistauce of im- portance. He was frequently an eye-witness of ihc nianiier in which the Brasihans treated their prisoners. De Br^ iii. 210. Several striking particulars omitted by them ire men-, tioned by a Portugnese author. Purch. Pilgr. iv. 12114, &c. '-sstumi 134 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. I'll 'B. I: •'.I 1 • ri ■ i tude, it is not deemed to be completely ascertained, but must stand another test more dreadful than any he has hitlierto undergone. He is again suspended in his hammoc, and covered with leaves of the palmetto. A fire of stinking herbs is kindled underneath, so as he niay feel its heat, and be involved in its smoke. Though scorched and almost suffocated, he must continue to endure with the same patient insensibility. Many perish in this rude essay of their firmness and courage, but such as go through it with applause, receive tlie ensigns of their new dignity with much solemnity, and are ever after regarded as leaders of approved resolu- tion, whose oehaviour, in the most trying situations, will do honour to their country. In North America, the previous trial of a warrior is neither so formal, nor so severe. Though even there, before a youth is per- mitted to bear arms, his patience and fortitude are proved by blows, by fire, and by insults, more intole- rable to a haughty spirit than both. The amazing steadiness with which the Americans endure the most exquisite torments, has induced some authors to suppose that, from the peculiar feebleness of their frame, their sensibility is not so acute as that of other people ; as women, and persons of a relaxed habit, are observed to be less affected with pain than robust men, whose nerves are more firmly braced. But the constitution of the Americans is not so different, in its texture, from that of the rest of the human species, as to account for this diversity in their behaviour. It flows from a principle of honour, instilled early and cultivated with such care, as to inspire man in his rudest state with an heroic magnanimity, to which phi- losophy hath endeavoured, in vain, to form him, when snore highly improved and polished. This invincible constancy he has been taught to consider as the chief distinction of a nMu, and the highest attainment of a warrior. The ideas which influence his conduct, and the passions which take possession of his heart, are few. They operate of course with more decisive effect, than when the mind is crowded with a multiplicity of objects, or distracted by the variety of its pursuits ; and when every motive that acts with any force in forming the sentiments of a savage, prompts him to suffer with dignity, he will bear what might seem to be impossible for human patience to sustain. But wherever the fortitude of the Americans is not roused * Thougli I liavc followed that opinion concerning the apathy of the Aniericuns, which ajipeart'd to lue most rational, and supported by the authority of the most respectable au- thors, other theories have been formed with regard to it, by writers of great eminence, D. Ant. Ulloa, in a late work, contends, that the texture of the skin and bodily habit of the Amcricuus is such, that they are less sensible of pain thau to exertion by their ideas of honour, their feelings of pain are the same with those of the rest of mankind.*' Nor is that patience under sufferings, for which the Americans have been so justly celebrated, an universal attainment. The constancy of many of the victims is overcome by the agonies of torture. Their weakness and lamentations complete the triumph of their ene- mies, and reflect disgrace upon their own country. The perpetual hostilities carried on among the Ame- rican tribes are productive of very fatal effects. Even in seasons of public tranquillity, their imperfect in- dustry does not supply them with any superfluous store of provisions ; but when the irruption of an enemy desolates their cultivated lands, or disturbs them in their hunting excursions, such a calamity reduces a community, naturally unprovident and destitute of resources, to extreme want. All the people of the district that is invaded are frequently forced to take refuge in woods or mountains, which can afford them little subsistence, and where many of them perish. Notwithstanding their excessive caution in conducting their, military operations, and the solicitude of every leader to preserve the lives of his followers, as the rude tribes in America seldom enjoy any interval of peace, the loss of men among them is considerable in pro- portion to the degree of population. Thus famine and the sword combine in thinning their numbers. All their communities are feeble, and nothing now remains of several nations, which were ouce considerable, but the name. Sensible of this continual decay, there are tribes which endeavour to recruit their national force when exhausted, by adopting prisoners taken in war, and by this expedient prevent their total extinction. The practice, however, is not universally received. Resent- ment operates more powerfully among savages, than considerations of policy. Far the greater part of their captives was anciently sacrificed to their vengeance, and it is only since their numbers began to decline fast, that they have generally adopted milder maxims. But such as they do naturalize, renounce for ever their na- tive tribe, and assume the manners as well as passions of the people by whom they are adopted, so entirely, that they often join them in expeditions against their own countrymen. Such a sudden transition, and so repugnant to one of the most powerful instincts. the rest of mankind. He produces several proofs of this, from the manner in which they endure the most cruel chirur- gical oper«ti)n8, &c, JVoticia* ,<4«ierica«as, p, 313, 314, The same observation has been made by surgeons in Brasil, An Indian, they say, never complains under pain, and will bear the aniputatioa of a leg or arm without uttering a single groau. MS. pent* me. ^ ;l BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. i55 linplnnted by nature, would be deemed strange among innnv people ; but, among the members of small com- niunitics, wlicre national enmity is violent and deep- rootcfi, it lias the appearance of being still more unac- countable. It seems, however, to result naturally irom the principles upon which war is carried on in America. When nations aim at exterminating their enemies, no exchange of prisoners can ever take place. From the moment one is made a prisoner, his country and his friends consider him as dead.* He has incurred inde- lible disgrace by suffering himself to be surprised or to be taken by an enemy j and were he to return home, after such a stain upon his honour, his nearest relations would not receive or even acknowledge that they knew him. C ^mr 's were still more rigid, a^d if n pri- soner uneti. ^ infamy which he hi' '<-.jght on his country was expiated, by putting him instantly to dt-ath. As the unfortunate captive is thus an outcast from his own country, and the ties which bound him to it are irreparably broken, he feels less reluctance ill forming a new connection with people, wiio, as an evidence of their friendly sentiments, not only deliver him from a cruel death, but offer to admit him to all tlic rights of a fellow-citizen. The perfect similarity of manners among savage nations facilitates and com- pletes the union, and reduces a captive to transfer not only his allegiance, but his affection, to the community into the bosom of which he is received. But though war be the chief occupation of men in their rude state, and to excel in it their highest dis- tinction and pride, their inferiority is always manifest when they engage in competition with polished na- tions. Destitute of that foresight which discerns and provides for remote events, strangers to the union and mutual confidence requisite in forming any extensive plan of operations, and incapable of the subordination iTo less requisite in carrying such plans into execution, savage nations may astonish a disciplined enemy by their valour, but seldom prove formidable to him by their conduct ; and whenever the contest is of long * Tins is an idea natural to nil rude nations. Among the Romans, in theejirly perioils of their conunonwealtli, it was a maxim thiit a piisoiuT, " turn decessisse videtnr cum captus est." Diffest. lib. xlix. tit. 15. c. 18. And nl'terwards, when the progress of retinrmeiit rendered them more indulgent with Rspcct to this iiititle, they were obliged to employ two fic- tiims of law to secine the property, and permit the' return of ;\ captive, tlie one by the Lex Cornelia, and the other by the Jus Postiiminii, ileinec. Elem. Jur. Civ. sec. ord. Pand. ii. p. 294. Among tlie negroes the same ideas prevail. No ransom was ever accepted for a prisoner. As soon as one is talieu in war lie is reputed to be dead ; and he is so in effect to his country aud bis family. Toy. du Cluval. desMardiais, i. p. acD. continuance, must yield to superior art.f The ^mpire.s of Peru and Mexico, though their progress in civiliza- tion, when measured by the European or Asiatic stand- ards, was inconsiderable, acquired such an ascendancy over the rude tri\)e8 around them, that they subjected most of them with great facility to their power. When the people of Europe overran the various provinces of America, this superiority was still more conspicuous. Neither the courage nor number of the natives could repel a handful of invaders. The alienation and en- mity, prevalent among barbarians, prevented them from uniting in any common scheme of defence, and while each tribe fought separately, all were subdued. VI. The arts of rude nations unacquainted with the use of metals, hardly merit any attention on their own account, but are worthy of some notice, as far as they serve to display the genius and manners of man in this stage of his progress. The first distress a savage must feel, will arise from the manner in which his body is alleated, by the heat, or cold, or moisture, of the cli- mate under which he lives ; and his first care will be to provide some covering for his own defence. In the warmer and more mild climates of America, none of the rude tribes were clothed. To most of them Nature had not even suggested any idea of impropriety in being altogether uncovered. As under a mild climate there was little need of any defence from the injuries of the air, and their extreme indolence shunned every species of labour to which it was not urged by absolute necessity, all the inhabitants of the isles, and a consi- derable part of the people on the continent remained in this state of naked simplicity. Others were satisfied with some slight covering, such as decency required. But though naked, they were not unadorned. Tiiey dressed their hair in many diffierent forms. They fastened bits of gold, or shells, or shining stones, in their ears, their noses, and checks. They stained their skins with a great variety of figures ; and they spent much time, and submitted to great pain, in ornamenting their per- sons in this fantastic manner. Vanity, however, which t The people of Chili, the most gallant and high-spirited of all the Americans, are the only cxccf)l';<)n to this observ.-i- lion. Thty altiiok their enemies in the open field ; their troops are ranged "n regular ord or ; tiicir bat'idioiis advance to the charge nut only with courage, bnt with discipline. The \orth Aiiiiricmis^, though many of them have substituted the European liic-iirms in place of their own bows and arrows, still adhere to their aniieiit maxims of war. and carry it on according to their own pentiliiv system, lint the ("liilcse neatly resemL' the warliKe nations of Europe and Asia ia their military operations. Ovalles Relation of Chili. Church, Coll. vol. iii. p. 71. Lozanc's Histury rf Pui-nguai/, vol. i. p. 144, 145. 196 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. I ■ f1 ■ •' \ lit V ? ■ a ii •■■■ i" ^i If :! s J :! •j i t 'ii '^ finds endless occupation for ingenuity and invention, in nations where dress lias become a complex and in- tricate art, is circumscribed within so narrow bounds, and confined to. so few articles among nal; forests and marshes, especially in the warmer regions, would have been alto- gether intolerable in a state of perfect nakedness. The next object to dress that will engage the atten- tion of a savage, is to prepare some hab'tation which may afford him shelter by day, and a retreat at night. Whatever is connected with his ideas of personal dignity, whatever bears any reference to his military character, the savage warrior deems an object of importance, What- ever relates only to peaceable and inactive life, he views with indifference. Hence, though tinically attentive to dress, he is little solicitous about the elegance or dis- position of his habitation. Savage nations, far from that state of improvement, in which the mode of living is considered as a mark of distinction, and unacquainted with those wants which require a variety of accommo- dation, regulate the construction of their houses accord- ing to their limited ideas of necessity. Some of the American tribes were so extremely rude, and had advanced so little beyond the primeval simplicity (>f nature, that they had no houses at all. During tlie day, they take shelter from the scorching rays of the progress in civilization, the state of women was little improved. All the toil of cultivation and domestic work was devolved upon them, and they were not permitted to wear bracelets, or other ornaments, with which the men were fond of decking themselves. Zarata, Hist, de Peru, i. p. 1.5, 16. f I have ventured to call this mode of anointing and paint- ing their bodies, the dress of the Americans. This is agree- able to their own idiom. As they never stir abroad if they are not completely anointed ; they excuse themselves when in this situation, by saying, that they cannot appear because they are naked. GumiUa, Hist, de I'Orenoque, i. 191. i sons. * Son lifornia, in the si have no country fishing, the carti rainy sea they gat together tliera to which lil them it] form a i from the make lai Historia BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. nr if his most ress, whicli, , capricious, I sagacity in of their cli- ixcess. All I, are accus- i)c grease of of diflerent )erspiration, jour of the fe. By this me moisture I, at certain ) with tliose is plentifully bis impene< Dtected from dl the innu- to the smell A from their ind marshes, ve been alto- edness. ;e the atten- tation which reat at night, ional dignity, iry character, tance, W hat- life, he views y attentive to gance or dis- ins, far from lode of living unacquainted of accommo- ouses accord* Some of the de, and had simplicity of During tlie 5 rays of the little improved. . was devolved ar bracelets, or ond of decking 6. iting and paint- This is agree- abroad if they lemselves when appear because t. 191. ■i sun under thick trees ; at night they fo m a shed with their branches and leaves.* In the ra'my season they retire into coves, formed by the hand of nature, or hol- lowed out by their own industry. Others, who have no fixed abode, and roam through the forest in quest of game, sojourn in temporary huts, which they erect with little labour, and abandon without any concern. The inliabitants of those vast plains, which are deluged by the overflowing of rivers during the heavy rains that fall periodically between the tropics, raise houses upon piles fastened in the ground, or place them amon'r the boughs of trees, and are thus safe amidst that wiu. extended inundation which surrounds them. Such were the first essays of 'the rudest Americans towards providing them- selves with habitations. But even among tribes which are more improved, and whose residence is become alto- gether fixed, the structure of their houses is extremely mean and simple. They are wretched huts, sometimes of an oblong and sometimes of a circular form, intended merely for shelteir, with no view to elegance, and little attention to convcniency. The doors are so low, that it is necessary to bend or to creep on the hands and feet in order to enter them. They are without windows, and have a large hole in the middle of the roof to convey out the smoke. To follow travellers in other minute circumstances of their description, is not only beneath the dignity of history, but would be foreign to the ob ■ ject of my researches. One circumstance merits atten- tion, as it is singular, and illustrates the character of the people. Some of their houses are so large as to contain accommodation for fourscore or a hundred per- sons. These are built for the reception of different families, which dwell together under the same roof,t and often around a conimon fire, without separate apart- ments, or «ny kind of screen or partition between the spaces which they respectively occupy. As soon as men have acquired distinct ideas of property ; or when they are so much attached to their females, as to watch them * Some tribes in the province of Cinaloa, on the gnlf of Ca- lifornia, seem to be among the rudest people of America united in the social state. They neither cultivate nor sow; they have no houses in which they reside. Those in the inland country subsist by hunting ; those on the sea-coast chiefly by fishing. Both depend upon the spontaneous productions of the earth, fruits, plants, and roots of various kinds, la the rainy season, as they have no habitations to afford them shelter, they gather bundles of reeds, or strong grass, and binding them together at one end, they open them at the other, and fitting them to their heads, they are covered as with a large cap, wiiich like a pent-house, throws off the rain, and will keep them dry for several hours. During the warm season, tbey form a shed with the branches of trees, which profects them from the sultry rays of the sun. When exposed to cold, they make large fires, round which they ideiep in the open air. — Hisioria de los Triumphos de Nueslra Santa Fe entre Gentes U— 12. with care and jealousy ; families of course divide and settle in separate houses, where they can secure and guard whatever they wish to preserve. This singular mode of habitation among several people of America may therefore be considered not only as the effect of their imperfect notions concerning property, but as a proof of inattention and indifference towards their women. If they had not been accustomed to perfect equality, such an arrangement could not have taken place. If their sensibility had been apt to have taken alarm, they would not have trusted the virtue of their women amidst the temptations and opportunities of such a promiscuous intercourse. At tiie same time, tlie perpetual concord which reigns in habitations where so many families a^e crowded together, is surprising, and affords a striking evidence that they must be people of either a very gentle, or of a very phlegmatic temper, who, in such a situation, are unacquainted with ani- mosity, brawling, and discord. After making some provision for iiis dress and habi- tation, a savage will ptrceive the" necessity of preparing proper arms with which to assault or repel an enemy. This, accordingly, has early exercised the ingenuity and invention of all rude nations. The first offensive weapons were doubtless such as chance presented, and the first efibrts of art to improve upon these, were extremely awkward and simple. Clubs made of some heavy wood, stakes hardened in the fire, lances whose heads were armed wivh flint or the bones of some ani- mal, are weapons known to the rudest nations. All these, I'.owever, were of use only in close encounter. But men wished to annoy their enenii'.'s while at a dis- tance, and the bow and arrow is the most early inven- tibn for this purpose. This weapon is in the Imndsof people, whose advances in improvement are extremely inconsiderable, and is familiar to the inhabitants of every quarter of the globe. It is remarkable, however, that some tribes in A>nerica were so destitute of art and lat mas barbaras, &c. por P. And. Perez de Ribas, page 7. &c. + These houses resemble barns. " We have measured some which were a hundred and fifty paces long, and twenty paces broad. Above a hundred persons resiile in some of them." — fVilson's Account of Gu'uina. Purch. Pilgr. vol. iv. p. 1263, Ibid. 1291. " The Indian houses," says Mr. Baiiere, " have a most wretched appearance, and are a striking image of the rudeness of early times. Their huts arc commonly Imilt on some rising ground, or on tlie banks of a river, huddled some- times together, sometimes straggling, and always without miy order. Their aspect is melancholy and disagreeable. One sees nothing but what is hideous and savage. The unculti- vated fields have no gaiety. The silence which reigns tiiorc, unless M hen interrupted by the disagreeable notes of birds, or cries of wild beasts, is extremely dismal." — Relat. de la France Equin. p. 146. E e 198 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. \; -WM. ^f: It I :.. h ;,! 'I. 1 -M ' 1 ingenuity, that they had not attained to the discovery of this simple invention, and seem to have been unac- quainted with the use of any missive weapon. The aling, though in its construction not more complex than the bow, and among many nations of equal anti- quity, was little known to the people of North America, or the islands, but appears to have been used by a few tribes in the southern continent. The people, in some provinces of Chili, and those of Patagonia, towards the southern extremity of America, use a weapon peculiar to themselves. They fasten stones, about the size of a fist, to each end of a leather thong, of eight feet in length, and swinging these vound their heads, throw them with such dexterity, that they c^.dom miss the object at which they aim.* Among people who had liardly any occupation but war or hunting, the chief exertions of their invention,! as well as industry, were naturally directed towards these objects. Witit respect to every thing else, their wants and desires were so limited, that their invention was not upon the stretch. As their food and habita- tions are perfectly simple, tneir domestic utensils are few and rude. Some of the southern tribes had dis- covered the art of forming vessels of eartheo ware, and baking tiiem in the sun, so as they could endure the fire. In North America, they hollowed a piece of hard wood into the form of a kettle, and filling it with water, brought it to boil, by putting red hot stones into it. These vessels tliey used in preparing part of their pro- visions ; and this may be considered as a step towards refinement and luxury, for men in their rudest state were not acquainted with any method of dressing their victuals, but by roasting them on the fire ; and among several tribes in America, this is the only species of cookery yet known. t fiut the master-piece of art, * Some tribes in South America can send their arrows to a great distance, and with considerable force, without the aid of the bow. 'I'liey make use of a hollow reed, about nine feet long, and an inch thick, which is called a Sarbacane. In it they lodge a small arrow, with some unspun cotton wound about its great end ; this confines the air, so that they can blow it with astonishing rapidity, and a sure aim, to the dis- tance of above a hundred paces. These small arrows are always poisoned. — Fermin. Descr. de Surin. i. 55. Bancroft's Hut. of Guiana, p. 281 , &c. The Sarbacane is much used in some parts of the East Indies. f I miglit produce many instances of tiiis, but shall satisfy myself with one, taken hum the Eskimaux. " I'beir greatest ingenuity (says Mr. Ellis) is shewn in the structure of lueir bows, made commonly of three pieces of wood, each making part of the same arch, very nicely and exactly joined together, fhey are commonly of fir or larch ; and as this wants strength and elasticity, they supply both by bracing the back of the bow, with a kind of thread, or line, made of the sinews of their deer, and the bow-string of the same materials. To ■take tbem draw more stiffly, they dip them into water, which among the savages of America, is the construction of their canoes. An Eskimaux, shut up in his boat of whalebone, covered with the skins of seals, can brave that stormy ocean, on which the barrenness of his country compels him to depend for the chief part ul his subsistence. The people of Canada venture upon their rivers and lakes, in boats made of the bark of trees, and so light that two men can carry them, where- ever shallows or cataracts obstruct the navigation. § In these frail vessel they undertake and accomplish long voyages. The inhabitants of the isles and of the southern continent form their canoes by hollowing tlie trunk of a large tree, with infinite labour, and thou[;h in appearance they are extremely awkward and unwieldy, they paddle and steer them wUh sucli dexterity, that Europeans, well acquainted with all the improvements in the science of navigation, have been astonished at the rapidity of their motion, !>nd the quickness of their evolutions. Their pirogues, or war-boats, are so large as to carry forty or fifty men ; their canoes employed in fishing and in short voyages are less capacious. The form, as well as materials of all these various kinds of vessels, is well adapted to the service for which they are destined ; and the more minutely they are examined, the mechanism of their structure, as well as neatness of their fabric, will appear the more surprising. But, in every attempt towards industry among the Americans, one striking quality in their character is conspicuous. They apply to work without ardour, carry it on with little activity, aod, like children, arc easily diverted from it. Even in operations which seem the most interesting, and where the most powerful motives urge them to vigorous exertions, they labour with a languid listlessness. Their work advances under their hand with such slowness, that an eye-witness causies both the back of the bow and th': string to contract, and consequently gives it the greater force ; and as they practise from their youth, thev shoot with very great dexterity. "— Voyage to lludtun's Bay, p. 138. I Necessity is the great prompter and guide of mankind iu their inventions. There is, however, such inequality in suinc parts of their progr(>s», and some nations get so far the start of others in circumstances nearly similar, that we must ascrilie this to some events in their story, or to some peculiiirity in their situation with which we are unacquainted. The people in the island of Otaheite, lately discovered in the South iSeii, far excel most of the Americans in the knowledge and practicu of the arts of ingenuity, and yet they had not invented tiny method of boiling water, and having no vessel that would b(:;ii the fire, they had no more idea that water could be made iiut, tiian that it could be made sohd. — Voyages by liuwkesworlli, i. 466, 484. ' § One of these boats, which could carry nine men, weighed only sixty pounds. — Gosnol. Relat. des Voy. a la Virgin, Hei:. dt Voy. au Nord, torn. r. p. 403. ■h^ BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. I ^9 istruction of hii boat of s, can brave mess of his |)ief part ol enture upon tlie bark of hem, where, navigation. § , . accomplish .'s and of the ollowing the , and thou{;h I nd unwieldy, exterity, that mprovements astonished at (ness of their , are so large aes employed pacious. The rious kinds of r which they are examined, 1 as neatnesi -ising. ry among the character is hout ardour, children, are ations whicli most powerful s, they labour dvances under n eye-witness to contract, ami as they practise It dexterity. "— > of mankiud iu equality in soiir' t so far the st;irt we must ascribf lie peculinrity in id. The peoiili the South Sea, dge and practice lot invented any that would hciir Lild be made iiot, ()y Uawkesworlli, ne men, weighed X la yirgin. Hen. compares it to the Imperceptible progress of vegetation. They will spend so many years in forming a canoe, that it often begins to rot witii age before tliey finish it. They will suffer one part of a roof to decay and perish, before they complete the other. The slightest manual operation consumes an amazing length of time, and what in polished nations would hardly be an effort of industry, is among savages an arduous undertaking. This slowness of the Americans in executing works of every kind may be imputed to various causes. Among savages, who do not depend for subsistence upon the efforts of regular industry, time is of so little importance, that they set no value upon it ; and pro- vided they can finish a design, they never regard how long they arc employed about it. The tools which they employ are so awkward and defective, that every work in which they engage must necessarily be tedious. The hand of the most industrious and skilful artist, were it furnished with no better instrument than a stone hatchet, a shell, or the bone of some animal, would find it difficult to perfect the most simple work. It is by length of labour, that he must endeavour to supply his defect of power. But above all, the cold phlegmatic temper peculiar to the Americans renders their operations languid. It is almost impossible to rouse them from that habitual indolence it*, which they are sunk ; and, unless when engaged in war or hunt- ing, they seem incapable of exerting any vigorous effort. Their ardour of application is not so great as to call forth that inventive spirit which suggests expedients for facilitating and abridging labour. They will return to a task day after day, but all their methods of exe- cuting it are tedious and operose.* Even since the Europeans have communicated to them the knowledge of their instruments, and taught iliem to imitate their arts, the peculiar genius of the Americans is conspi- cuous in every attempt they make. They may be pa- tient and assiduous in labour, they can copy with a servile and minute accuracy, but discover little inven tion, and no talents for dispatch. In spite of instruction and example, the spirit of the race predominates j their motions are naturally tardy, and it is in vain to urge them to quicken their pace. Among the Spaniards in America, tlie work of an Indian is a phrase by which * A remarkable proof of this is prmluced by Ulloa. In weaving hammocks, coverlets, and the other coarse cloaths, which they are accustomed to manufacture, their industry has discovered no more expeditious method, than to take i p thread after thread, and after counting and sorting them each time, to pass the woof l)etwcen them, so that ra finishing x small piece of those stuffs, they frequently spend more than two years. Foyage, \. S36. Bancroft gives the same descrip ■ tion of the Indians df Guiana, p. 2ob, According to Adai; , they describe any thing, in the execution of which an immense time has been employed, and m'jch labour wasted. VII. No circumstance respecting rude nations lias been the object of greater curiosity than their religious tenets and rites ; and none, perhaps, has been so im- perfectly understood, ^^r represented with so little fide- lity. Priests and missionaries are the persons who have had the best opportunities of carrying on this inquiry, among the most uncivilized of the American tribes. Their minds, engrossed by tlte doctrines of thr-ir own religion, and habituated to its institutions, are apt In discover something which resembles those objects of their veneration, in the opinions and rites of every people. Whatever they contemplate, they view through one medium, and draw and accommodate it to their own system. They study to reconcile the institutions, which fall under their observation, to their own creed, not to explain them according to the rude notions of the people themselves. Tliey ascribe to them ideas whi^h they are incapable of forming, and suppose them to be acquainted with principles and facts, which it is impossible that they should know. Hence some mis- sionaries have been induced to believe, that even among the most barbarous naticns in America, they had dis- covered traces, no less distinct than amazing, of their acquaintance with the sublime mysteries and peculiar institutions of Christianity. From their own interpre- tation of certain expressions and ceremonies, they have concluded that these people had some knowledge of the doctrine of the Trinity, of the incarnation of the Son of God, of his expiatory sacrifice, of the virtue of the cross, and of the efhcacy of the sacraments. la such unintelligent and credulous guides, we can place little confidence. But, even when we make our choice of conductors with the greatest care, we must not follow them with implicit faith. An inquiry into the religious notions of rude nations is involved in peculiar intricacies, and we must often pause in order to separate the facts which our informers relate, from the reasonings with which they are accompanied, or the theories which they build upon them. Several pious writers, more attentive to the importance of the subject than to the condition of the ingenuity and dispatch of the North American Indians are net gr";itcr, p. 4'22. From one of the engravings of the Mexican paintings in Purchas, vol. iii. p. 1 106, I think it pro- bable that the people of Mexico were unacquainted with any better or more expeditious mode of weaving. A loom was an invention beyond the ingenuity of the most improved Ame- ricans. In all their works they advance so slowly, that one of their artists is two months at a tobacco-pipe with his knife beforti he finishes it, Adidr, p. 423. Ee2 .ism 140 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. Klfi ■M\i r|' ii. (A\ , I the people whose lentiments they were endeavouring to discover, hikve bestowed much unprofitable labour in rcsrurc'hcs o( this nature.* There arc two fundamental doctrines, tipon which the whole system of religion, as far ns it cun be dis- covered by the light of nature, is cstublishod. The one respects the btsiiig o( u (iod, the other the immortality of the soul. To discover the ideas of the uncultivated niitions under our review with regard to those important points, is not only an object of curiosity, but may afford instruction. To these two articles I shall con- fine my researches, leaving subordinate opinions, and the detail of local superstitions, to more minute in- quirers. Whoever has hod any opportunity of examin- ing into the religious opinions of persons in the inferior ranks of lite, even in the most enlightened and civilized nations, will find that their system of belief is derived from instruction, not discovered by inquiry. That numerous part of the human species, whose lot is labour, whose principal and almost sole occupation is to secure subsistence, views the arrangement and ope- rations of Nature with little reflection, atid has neither leisure nor capacity for entering into that path of re- fined and intricate speculation which conducts to the knowledge of the principles of natural religion. In the early and most rude periods of savage life, such disquisitions are altogether unknown. When the in- tellectual powers are just beginning to unfold, and their first feeble exertions arc directed towards a few objects of primary necessity and use ; when the faculties of the mind are so limited, as nut to have formed ab- stract or general ideas ; when language is so barren, as to be destitute of names to distinguish any thing that it not perceived by some of the senses ; it is prepos- terous to expect that man should be capable of tracing with accuracy the relation between cause and effect ; or to suppose that he should rise from the contempla- tion of the one to the knowledge of the other, and form jubt conceptions of a Deity, as the Creator and Governor of the universe. The idea of creation is so femiliar wherever the mind is enlarged by science, and illuminated with revelation, that we seldom reflect how profound and abstruse this idea is, or consider what progress man must have made in observation and re- * The article of religion in /'. Lafitaii's Mivurs des Saw wxget, extends to 34/ tedious pugus in quiirtn. t I have referred the reader to several of the authors who describe the most uncivilised nations in America. Their tv^r- timony is unitorm. Thiit of V. Kibas concerning the people of Cinaloa, coincides with the rest. " I was extremely atten- tive (says he) during the years I resided among theui, to ascertain whether they were to be considered its idolaters ; •ad it may be affirmed with the most perfect exactness, that search, before he could anive at any knowledge of this elementary principle in religion. Accordingly, leveral tribes have been discovered in America, which have no idea whatever of a Supreme Being, and no rites of reli. gious worship. Inattentive to that magnificent spec- tacle of beauty and order presented to their view, unaccustomed to reflect either upon what they them- selves are, or to inquire who is the author of their existence, men, in their savage state, pass their days like the animals routid them, without knowledge or veneration of any superior power. Some rude tribes have not in their langiingc any name for the Deity, nor have the most accurate observers been able to discover any practice or institution which seemed to imply that they recogniaed bis authority, or were solicitous to ob- tain his favour.f It is, however, only among men in the most uncultivated state of nature, and while their intellectual faculties are so feeble and limited as hardly to elevate them above the irrational creation, that we discover this total insensibility to the impressions of any invisible power. But the human mind, formed for religion, soon opens to the reception of ideas, wbich are destined, when corrected and refined, to be the great source of conso- lation amidst the calamities of life. Among some of the American tribes, still in the infancy of improve- ment, we discern apprehensions of some invisible and powerful beings. These apprehensions are originally indistinct and perplexed, and seem to be suggested rather by the dread of impending evils, than to flow from gratitude for blessings received. While Nature holds on her course with uniform and undisturbed re- gularity, men enjoy the benefits resulting from it, without inquiring concerning its cause. But eviry deviation from this regular course rouses and astonishes them. When they behold events to which they are not accustomed, they search for the reasons of them with eager curiosity. Their understanding is unable to penetrate into these ; but imagination, a more for- ward and ardent faculty of the mind, decides without hesitation. It ascribes the extraordinary occurrences in nature to the influence of invisible beiugs, and sup- poses that the thunder, the hurricane, and the earth- quake, are effects of their interposition. Some such thoiigli among some of them there may be traces of idolatry, yet others hiivc not the least knowledge of GotI, or even of ;iiiy falKC deity, nor pny any formal adoration to the Supreme He'ing, who exercises 'dom'inion over the world; nor h.»vc thev auv eone» plion of the providence of a Creator or Go- vernor, from whom they expect in Uie next life, the reward of their good, or the punishment of their evil deeds. Neither Ho they publicly join in any act of diviuc worship." Maty Triumi'hoa, SfC. p. [6. . } ■'i *T1 whicik other [ of relij} BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 141 ledge of this nj^ly, several lich have no riti's of relU ificeitt spec- their view, they them- \or of their s their days nowledgc or rude tribes AC Deity, nor c to discover o imply thut citous tu ob- long men in d while titeir ted as hurdly ition, that we npressions of n, soon opens estined, when irce of conso- inong some of f of improvc- : invisible nnd are originally be suggested , than to flow Wliile Nature ndisturbed re- ting from it, e. But eviry and astonishes Inch they are asons of them ling is unable m, a more for- ecides without ry occurrences iugs, and sup- and the earth- . Some such aces of idolatry, Goil, or even of I to the Supreme orlJ ; nor have Creator or (io- liff, the reward deciU. Neither worship." Hibat,. I '. confuted notion of spiritual or invisible power, super- intending over those naturui calamities which frequently desolate the earth, ond terrify its inhabitants, may b« traced anion(( many rude nations.* But besides this, the disasters and dangers of savage life are so many, and men often And themselves in situations so for- midable, that the mind, sensible of its own wealcness, has no resource but in the guidance and protection of wisdom and power superior to what is human. De- jected with calamities which oppress him, and exposed tu dangers which he cannot repel, the savage no longer relics upon himself; he feels his own impotence, and sees no prospect of being extricated, hut by the inter- position of some unseen arm. Hence, in all unen- lightened nations, the first rites or practices which bear any resemblance to acts of religion, have it for their object to avert evils which men suffer or dread. The Manitous or OkkU of the North Americans were amu- lets or charms, which they imagined to be / such vir- tue, as to preserve the persons who reposed confidence in them from every disastrous event, or they were con- sidered as tutelary spirits, whose aid they might im- plore in circumstances of distress. The Cemia of the islanders were reputed by them to be the authors of every calamity that afflicts the human race j they were repre- sented under the most frightful forms, and religiot homage was paid to them with no other view than .o appease these furious deities. Even among those trit.s whose religious system was more enlarged, and who had formed some conception of benevolent beings, which delighted in conferring benefits, as well as of malicious powers prone to inflict evil ; superstition still appears as the offspring of fear, and all its efforts were employ -d to avert calamities. They were persuaded that their good deities, prompted by the beneficence of their nature, would bestow every blessing in their power, without solicitation ur acknowledgment ; and their only anxiety was to sooth and deprecate the wrath of the powers whom they regarded as the ene^xiesof mankind. Such were the imperfect concepti'."'> m tlie greater part of the Americans with respect to the interpositions of invisible agents, and such, almost universally, was the mean and illiberal object of their superstitions. Were we to trace back the ideas of other nations to tltat rude state in which histoiy iirst presents them to our view, we should discover a surprising resemblance in their tenets and practices ; and should be convinced, that, in similar circumstances, the faculties of the human * The people of Urasil were so much affrighted by thunder, which is frequent and awful in their country, as well as in other parts of the torrid zone, that it was not only the object of relij}ious rererence ; but the most expressive uajBo in their mind hold nearly the same rourie in their progress, and arrive at almost the same conclusions. The impressions of fear are conspicuous in all the systems of supcrkti- tion formed in this situation. The most exalted notions of men rise no higher than to a perplexed appreliension of certain beings, whose power, though supernatural, is limited as well as pa/tial. But, among other tribes, \-'hich have been longer united, or have made greater proi^ress in improvement, we discern some feeble pointing w^wards more just and adequate conceptions of the power that presides in nature. They seem to perceive that there must be some universal cause to whom all things are indebted for their being. If we may judge by some of their expressions, they appear to acknowledge a divine power to be the maker of the world, and the disposer of all events. They denominate him the Great Spirit. But these ideas are faint and confused, and when they attempt tu explain them, it is manifest, that among them the word t^Arit has a meaning very different from that in which ■vr employ it, and that they have no conception of any deity but wiiat I? corporeal. They believe their gods to be of ike human form, though of a nature more ex- cellent ' 1. \ man, and retail such wild incoherent fables conct ni.ig their functions and operations, as are alto- gether unwortlp of a place in history. Even among ihese tribes, tliei\: is no established form of public wor- ship ; there are no temples erected in honour of their deities; and no ministers peculiarly consecrated to their service. They have the knowledge, however, of several superstitious ceremonies and practices handed down tn them by tradition, and to these they have re- course with a childish credulity, when roused by any emergence from their usual insensibility, and excited to acknowledge the power, and to implore the protection of superior beings. The tribe of the Natchez and the people of Bogota had advanced beyond the other uncultivated nations of America in their ideas of religion, as well as in their political institutions ; and it is no less difficult to ex- plain the cause of this distinction than of that which we have ahready considered. The Sun was the chief object of religious worship among the Natcliez. In their temples, which were constructed with some mag- nificence, and decorated with various ornair.ents, accord- ing to tlieir mode of architecture, they preserved a per- petual fire, as the purest emblem of their divinity. Ministers were appointed to watch and feed this sacred language for the Deity, was Toupan, the same by wliicii they dibtiiiguislied tiiunder. — Piio de Mtdec. Bratil, p. ti. Nieuhof. Church. Coll. n. p. 132. ' ♦ • - . ttsa 143 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. »:; ^i, iif ^f flame. The first function of the great chief of the nation, every morning, was an act of obeisance to the Sun ; and festivals rt^turned at stated seasons, which were celebrated by tlie whole community witli solemn but unbloody rites. This is the most refined species of superstition known in America, and, perhaps, one of the most natural as well as most seducing. The Sun is the apparent source of the joy, fertility, and life dif- fused through nature; and while the human mind, in its early essays towards inquiry, contemplates and ad- mires his universal and animating energy, its admira- tion is apt to stop short at what is visible, without reaching to the unseen cause ; and pays that adoration to the most glorious and beneficial work of God, whi'.-h is due only to him who formed it. As fire is the purest and most active of the elements, and in some of its qualities and effects resembles the Sun, it was, not im- properly, chosen to be the emblem of his powerful ope- ration. The ancient Persians, a people far superior, in every respect, to that rude tribe whose rites I am de- scribing, founded their religious system on similar prin- ciples, and established a form of public worship, less gross and exceptionable than that of any people desti- tute of guidance from revelation. This surprising coin- cidence in sentiment between two nations, in such different states of improvement, is one of the many singular and unaccountable circumstances which occur in the history of human affairs. Among the r-ople of Bogota, the Sun and Moon were, likewise, the chief objects of veneration. Their system of religion was more regular and complete, though less pure, than that of the Natchez. They had temples, altars, priests, sacrifices, and that long train of ceremonies, which superstition introduces wherever she has fully established her dominion over the minds of men. But the rites of their worship were cruel and bloody. They offered human victims to their deities, and many of their practices nearly resembled the bar- barous institutions of the Mexicans, the genius of which we shall have an opportunity of considering more attentively in its proper place. With respect to the other great doctrine of religion, concerning the immortality of the soul, the sentiments of the Americans were more united : the human mind, even when least improved and invigorated by culture, shrinks from the thoughts of annihilation, and looks forward witii hope and expectation to a state of future existence. This sentiment, resulting from a secret consciousness of its own dignity, from an instinctive longing after immortality, is universal, .'.id may be deemed natural. Upon this are founded the most ex. alted hopes of man in his highest state of improvement ; nor has nature withheld from him this soothing conso- lation, in the most early and rude period of his pro- gress. We can trace this opinion from one extremity of America to the other : in some regions more faint and obscure, in others more perfectly developed, but no where unknown. The most uncivilized of its savage tribes do not apprehend death as the extinction of being. All entertain hopes of a future and more happy state, where they shall be for ever exempt from the ca. lamities which imbitter human life in its present con- dition. This future state they conceive to be a delight- ful country, blessed with perpetual spring, whose forests abound with game, whose rivers swarm with fish, where famine is never felt, and uninterrupted plenty shall be enjoyed without labour or toil. But as men, in form- ing their first imperfect ideas concerning the invisible world, suppose that there they shall continue to feel the same desires, and to be engitged in the same occup;i> tions, as in the present world ; they naturally ascribe eminence and distinction, in that state, to the same qualities and talents which are here the object of their esteem. The Americans, accordingly, aliv.tted tl.e highest place, in their country of spirits, to the skilful hunter, to the adventurous and successful warrior, and to such as had tortured the greatest number of captives and devoured their flesh. These notions were so pre- valent, that they gave rise to an universal custom, which is, at once, the strongest evidence that the Americans believe in a future state, and the best illustration of what they expect there. As they imagine, that departed spirits begin tlicir career anew in the world whither they are gofie, that their friends may not enter upon it defenceless and unprovided, they bury together with the bodies of their dead the bow, their arrows, and other weapons used in hunting or war ; they deposit in their tombs the skins or stuffs of which they make garments, Indian corn, manioc, venison, domestic utensils, and whatever is reckoned among tiie necessaries in their simple mode of life. In some provinces, upon the de- cease of a cazique or chief, a certain number of his wives, of his Tavcuritcs, and of his slaves, were put to death, and interred together with him, that he miglit appear with the same dignity in hiai future station, and be waited upon by the same attendants. This persu.isiun is so deep rooted, that many of the deceased person's retainers offer themselves as voluntary victims, and court the privilege of accompa; » 'ng their departed master, as an high distinction.* It has been found * By the account which M. Dumont, an eye-witness, gives I the feelings of the persons who suffered on that occasion were uf ttie funeral of the great chief of the Natchez, it appears, that | very different. !Sonie solicited the honour with eagerness > what it^ [book IV. lie most ex- provement ; ;hing conso- l of his pro- le extremity ( more faint veloped, but of its savage :xtinction of I more happy from tiie ca- present con- be adclight- whose forests th fisi», where lenty shall be nen, in form- the invisible nue to feel the same occupa-^ turally ascribe to the same jbject of their , alutted tl.e , to the skilful il warrior, and ber of captives 5 were so pre- custom, which the Americans illustration of , that departed world whither it enter upon it gether with the ows, and other deposit in theii make garments, c utensils, and !ssaries in their s, upon the de- number of his es, were put to , that he might ure station, ami This persuasion ;ceased person's •y victims, and their departed las been found that occasion were r with eagerness > BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 143 difficult, on some occasions, to set bounds to this enthu- siasm of affectionate duty, and to reduce the train of a favourite leader to such a number as the tribe could afford to spare. Among the Americans, as well as other uncivilized nations, many of the rites and observances which bear some resemblance to acts of religion, have no con- nection with devotion, but proceed from a fond desire of prying into futurity. The human mind is most apt to feel, and to discover this vain curiosity, when its own powers are most feeble and uninformed. Asto- nished with occurrences, of which it is unable to com- prehend the cause, it naturally fancies that there is something mysterious and wonderful in their origin. Alarmed at events of which it cannot discern the issue or the consequences, it has recourse to other means of discovering them, than the exercise of its own sagacity. Wherever superstition is so established as to form a regular system, this desire of penetrating into the secrets of futurity is connected with it. Divination becomes a religious act. Priests, as the ministers of Heaven, pretend to deliver its oracles to men. They are the only soothsayers, augurs, and magicians, who profess the sacred and important art of disclosing what is hid from other eyes. But, among rude nations, who pay no veneration to any superintending power, and who have no established rites or ministers of religion, their curiosity to discover what is future and unknown is cherished by a different principle, and derives strength from another allianct'. As the diseases of men, in the savage state, ar*> (as has been already observed) like those of the animal crea- tion, few but extremely violent, their impatience under what they sufier, and solicitude for the recovery of health, soon inspired them with extraordinary reverence for such as pretended to understand the nature of their maladies, and to be possessed, of knowledge sufficient to preserve or deliver them from their sudden and fatal eflfects. These ignorant pretenders, however, were such utter strangers to the structure of the human frame, as to be equally unacquainted with the causes of its disorders, and the manner in which they will ter- minate. Superstition, mingled frequently with some portion of craft, supplied what they wanted in science. They imputed the origin of diseases to supernatural influence, and prescribed or performed a variety of mysterious rites, which they gave out to be of such efBcacy as to remove the most dangerous and inveterate maladies. The credulity and love of the marvellous, others laboared to avoid their doom, and several saved theic lives by Aying to the woods. As the Indian Bramins give an iDtoxicating draught to the women, who are to be burnt toge- ther with the bodies of their husbands, whirh renders them natural to uninformed men, favoured the deception, and prepared them to be the dupes of those impostors. Among savages, their first physicians are a kind of conjurors or wizards, who boast that they know what is past, and can foretell what is to come. Incantations, sorcery, and mummeries of divers kinds, no less strange than frivolous, are the means which they employ to expel the imaginary causes of malignity ; and relying upon the efficacy of these, they predict with confidence what will be th<> fate of their deluded patients. Thus, superstition, in its earliest form, flowed from the soli- citude of man to be delivered from present distress, not from his dread of evils awaiting him in a future life, and was originally ingrafted on medicine, not on reli- gion. One of the first, and most intelligent historians of America, was struck with this alliance between the art of divination and that of physic, among the people of Hispaniola. But this was not peculiar to them. The Alexis, the Piayas, the Autmoins, or whatever was the distinguishing name of their diviners and charmers in other parts of America, were all t'.ie physicians of their respective tribes, in the same manner as the Bu- hitos of Hispaniola. As their function led them to apply to the human mind when enfeebled by sickness, and as they found it, in that season of dejection, prune to be alarmed with imaginary fears, or amused with vain hopes, they easily induced it to rely with implicit con- fidence on the virtue of their spells, and the certainty of their predictions. Whenever men acknowledge the reality of superna- tural power and discernment in one instance, they have a propensity to admit it in others. The Americans did not long suppose the efficacy of conjuration to be con- fined to one subject. They had recourse to it in every situation of danger or distress. When the events of war were peculiarly disastrous, when they met with unforeseen disappointments in hunting, when inunda- tions or drought threatened their crops with destruc- tion, they called upon their conjurers to begin their incantations, in order to discover the causes of those calamities, or to foretell what would be their issue. Their confidence in this delusive art gradually increased, and manifested itself in all the occurrences of life. When involved in any difficulty, or about to enter upon any transaction of moment, every individual regularly consulted the sorcerer, and depended upon his instruc- tions to extricate him from the former, as well as to direct his conduct in the latter. Even among the rudest tribes in America, superstition appears in this insensible of their approaching fate, the Natchez oblii;cd their victims to swallow several large pills of tobacco, which pro- duce a similar effect. Mem. de Louu, i. 227. :r"- 144 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. m -ft' form, and divination is an art in high esteem. Long before man had acquired such knowledge of a deity as inspires reverence, and leads to adoration, we observe him stretching out a presumptuous hand to draw aside that veil with which Providence kindly conceals its purposes from human knowledge ; and we find him labouring, with fruitless anxiety, to penetrate into the mysteries of the divine administration. To discern, and to worship a superintending power, is an evidence of the enlargement and maturity of the human under- standing ; a vain desire of prying into futurity, is the error of its infancy, and a proof of its weakness. From this weakness proceeded likewise the faith of the Americans in dreams, their observation of omens, their attention to the chirping of birds, and the cries of animals, all which they suppose to be indications of future events, and if any one of these prognostics is deemed unfavourable, they instantly abandon the pur- suit of those measures on which they are most eagerly bent. VIII. Bui if we would form a complete idea of the uncultivated nations of America, we must not pass un- observed some singular customs, which, though uni- versal and characteristic, could not be reduced, with propriety, to any of the articles into which I have di- vided my inquiry concerning their manners. Among savages, in every part of the globe, the love of dancing is a favourite passion. As, during a great part of their time, they languish in a state of inactivity and indolence, without any occupation to rouse or in- terest them, they delight universally in a pastime which calls forth the active powers of their nature into exer- cise. The Spaniards when they first visited America, were astonished at the fondness of the natives for dancing, and beheld with wonder a people, cold and unanimated in most of their other pursuits, kindle into life, and exert themselves with ardour, as often as this favourite amusement recurred. Among them, indeed, dancing ought not to be denominated an amusement. It is a serious and important occupation, which mingles in every occurrence of puulic or private life. If any intercourse be necessary between two American tribes, the ambassadors of tiie one apj mach in a solemn dance, and present the calumet or emblem of peace; the sachems of the other receive it with the same ceremony. If war is denounced against an enemy, it is by a dance, expressive of the resentment which they feel, and of the vengeance which they meditate. If the wrath of their gods is to be appeased, or their beneficence to be celebrated ; if they rejoice at the birth of a child, or * On some occasions, particularly in dances instituted for the recovery of [^.ersons who are indibposed, they are ex- tremely licentious and iadeceut. De la Potherie, Hist. Ifc. mourn the death of a friend, they have dances appro, priated to each of these situations, and suited to the difTerertt sentiments with which they are tV en animated. If a person is indisposed, a dance is prescribed as the most effectual means of restoring him to health ; and if himself cannot endure the fatigue of such an exercise, the physician or conjurer performs it in his name, as if the virtue of his activity could be transferred to his patient. All their dances are imitations of some action ; and though the music by which they are regulated is ex- tremely simple and tiresome to the ear by its dull mo- notony, some of their dances appear wonderfully ex. pressive and animated. The war dance is, perhaps, the most striking. It is the representation of a com* plete American campaign. The departure of tiie warriors from their village, their march into the ene my's country, the caution with which they encamp, the address with v/bich they station some of their party in ambush, the manner of surprising the enemy, the noise and ferocity cf the combat, the scalping of those who are slain, the seizing of prisoners, the triumphant re- turn of the conv-iueiors, and the torture of the victims, are successively exhibited. The performers enter with such enthusiastic ardour into their several parts, their gestures, their countenance, their voice, ajre so wild and so well adapted to their various situations, that Euro- peans can hardly believe it to be a mimic scene, or view it without emotions of fear and horror. But however expressive some of the American dances may be, there is one circumstance in them remarkable, and connected with the character of the race. The songs, the dances, the amusements of other nations, expressive of the sentiments which animate their hearts, are often adapted to display or excite that sensibility which mutually attaches the sexes. Among some people, such is the ardour of this passion, that love is almost the sole object of festivity and joy ; and as rude nations are strangers to delicacy, and unaccustomed to disguise any emotion of their minds, their dances arc often extremely wanton and indecent. Such is the Calenda, of which the natives of Africa are so pas- sionately fond ; and such the feats of the dancing girls, which the Asiatics contemplate with so much avidity of desire. But, among the Americans, more cold and indifferent to their females, from causes which I have already explained, the passion of love mingles but little with their festivals and pastimes. Their songs and dances are mostly solemn and martial ;* they are con - nected with some of the serious and important afiairs ii. p. 42. CharUv. S. Fr. iii. p. 319. But the nature of thdr dances is^comttionly such as I iiare described. BOOK IV. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 145 s, that Euro- icene, or view y^a of life, and having no relation to love or gallantry, are seldom common to the two sexes, but executed by men and women apart. If, on some occasions, the women are permitted to join in tlie festival, the character of the entertainment is still the same, and no movement or gesture is expressive of attachment, or encourages familiarity. An immoderate love of play, especially at games of hazard, which seems to be natural to all people unac- customed to the occupations of regular industry, is iikewiaC universal among the Americans. The same causes, which so often prompt persons in civilized life, who are at their ease, to have recourse, to this pastime, rnnder it the delight of the savage. The former are independent of labour, the latter do not feel the neces- sity of it : and as both are unemployed, they run with transport to whatever is interesting enough to stir and to agitate their minds. Hence the Americans, who at other times are so indifferent, so phlegmatic, so silent, and animated with so few desires, as soon as they engage in play become rapacious, impatient, noisy, and almoJt frantic with eagerness. Their furs, their domestic utensils, their clothes, their arms, arc staked at the gaming-table, and when all is lost, high as their sense of independence is, in a wild emotion of despair or of l-.ope, they will often risk their personal liberty upon a single cast. Among several tribes, such gaming parties frequently recur, and become their most acceptable en- tertainment at every great festival. Superstition, which is apt to take hold of those passions which are most vigorous, frequently lends its aid to confirm and strengthen this favourite inclination. Their conjurers are accustomed to prescribe a solemn match at play, as one of the most cflicacious methods of appeasing their gods, or of restoring the sick to hcaltli. From causes similar to those which render them fond of play, the Americans are extremely addicted to drun- kenness. It seems to have been one of the first exer- tions of human ingenuity to discover some composition of an intoxicating quality; and there is iiardly any nation so rude, or so destitute of invention, as not to have succeeded in this fatal research. The most bar- barous of the American tribes have been so unfortunate as to attain this art ; and even those which are so defi- cient in knowledge, as to be unacquainted with the method of giving an inebriating strength to liquors by fermentation, can accomplish the same end by other means. The people of the islands of North America, lature of their * The Olhomacnas, a tribe seated on the banks of the Ori- uoco, employ for the same piirpo.e n composition, which they call Vupa, it is formed of t',e seeds of ar. unknown plant, reduced to powder, and '■.itain shells burnt and pnlverizcd. 13-U. and. of California, used, for this purpose the smoke of tobacco, drawn up with a certain instrument into the nostrils, the fumes of which ascending to the brain, they felt all the transports and frenzy of inf oxication.* In almost every other part of the New World, the natives possessed the art of extracting an intoxicating liquor from maize or the manioc root, the same sub> stances which they convert into bread. The operation by which tliey effect this, nearly resembles the common one of brev/ing, but with this difference, that in place of yesti they use a nauseous infusion of a certain quan- tity of maize or manioc chewed by their women. The saliva excites a vigorous fermentation, and in a few days the liquor becomes fit for drinking. It is not disagree- able to the taste, and when swallowed in large quantities, is of an intoxicating quality. This is the general be- verage of til'- Americans, which they distinguish by various names, and for which they feel such a violent and insatiable desire, as it is not easy either to conceive or dcicribe. Among polished nations, wlierc a suc- cession of various functions and amusements keeps the mind in continual occupation, the desire for strong diink is regulated, in a great measure, by the climate, and increases or diminishes according to the variations of its temperature. In warm regions, the delicate and sensible frame of the inhabitants does not rc«juire the stimulation of fermented liquors. In colder countiles, the constitution of the natives, more robust and more sluggish, stands in need of generous liquors to quicken and animate it. But among savages, the desire of some- thing that is of power to intoxicate, is in every situa- tion the same. All the people of \merica, if we except some small tribes near the Straits of Magellati, wiiether natives o'' the tonid zone, or inhabitants of its more temperate regions, or placed by a harder fate in the severe climates towards its northern or southern ex» tremity, appear to be equally under the dominion of this appetite. Such a similarity of taste, among people in such differ", t situations, must be ascribed to the in- fluence of some moral cause, and cannot be considered as the effect of any physical or constitutional want. While engaged in war or in the chase, the savage is often in the most interesting situations, and all the powers of his nature are roused to the most vigorous exertions, liut those animating scenes are succeeded by long intervals of repose, during which the warrior micts with nothing that he deems of sufficient dignity or importance to merit his attention. He languishes Tiio pflfrcts of litis when drawn up into the nostrils are so violent, that ihcy ivscmble madness rather than iatoxication,— Gi; ' F^ !i '^ 146 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. m M- ^1 jr: and mopes in this season of indolence. The posture of his body is an emblem of the state of his mind. In one climate, cowering over the fire in his cabin ; in another, stretched under the shade of some tree, he doses away his time in sleep, ur in an unthinking joy- less inactivity, not far removed from it. As strong liquors awake him from this torpid state, give a brisker motion to his spirits, and enliven him more thorougiiiy than either dancing or gaming, his love of them is ex- cessive. A savage, when not engaged in action, is a pensive melancholy animal ; but as soon as he tastes, or has a prospect of tasting, the intoxicating draught, he becomes gay and frolicsome. Whatever be the occasion or pretext on which the Americans assemble, the meeting always terminates in a debauch. Many of their festivals have no other object, and they welcome the return of them with transports of joy. As they are not accustomed to restrain any appetite, tiiey set no bounds to this. The riot often continues without in- termission several days ; and whatever may be the fatal effects of their excess, they never cease from drinking as long as one drop of liquor remains. The persons of fP'eatest eminence, the most distinguished warriors, and the chiefs most renowned for their wisdom, have no greater command of themselves than the most obscure member of the community. Their eagerness for pre- sent enjoyment renders them blind to its fatal conse- quences ', and those very men, who, in other situations, seem to possess a force of mind more than human, are in this instance inferior to children in foresight, as well as consideration, and mere slaves of brutal appetite. When their passions, naturally strong, are heightened and inflamed by drink, they are guilty of the most enor- mous outrages, and the festivity seldom concludes with- out deeds of violence or bloodshed. But, amidst this wild debauch, there is one circum- stance remarkable ; the women, in most of the Ame- rican tribes, arc not permitted to partake of it.* Their province is to prepare the liquor, to serve it about to the guests, and to take care of their husbands and friends, when their reason is overpowered. This ex- clusion of the women from an enjoyment so highly valued by savages, may be justly considered as a mark of their inferiority, and as an additional evidence of that contempt with which they were treated in the New World. The people of North America, when first dis- covered, were nut acquainted with any intoxicating drink ; but as tlie Europeans early found it thtir interest to supply them with spirituous liquors, drunkenness soon became as universal among them as among their * Though this observation holds true amoug the greater part of the southern tribes^ there are some iu which the in- countrymen to the south; and their women having acquired this new taste, indulge it with as little decency and moderation as the men. It were endless to enumerate all the detached customs which have excited the wonder of travellers in America; but I cannot omit one seemingly as singular as any that has been mentioned. When their parents and other relations become old, or labour under any dis- temper which their slender knowledge of the healing art cannot remove, the Americans cut short their days with a violent hand, in order to be relieved from tiie burden of supporting and tending them. This prac- tice prevailed among the ruder tribes in every part of the continent, from Hudson's Bay to the river de la Plata; and however shocking it may be to those senti- ments of tenderness and attachment, which, in civilized life, we are apt to consider as congenial with our frame, the condition of man in the savage state leads and re- conciles him to it. The same hardships and difficulty of procuring subsistence, which deter savages, in some cases, from rearing their children, prompt them to i]^.'- stroy the aged and infirm. The declining state of tiic one is as helpless as the infancy of the other. Tlu* former are no less unable than the latter to perform tiie functions that belong to a warrior or hunter, or to endure those various distresses in wliich savages are so often involved, by their own want of foresight and industry. Their relations feel this, and, incapable of attending to the wants or weaknesses of others, their impatience under an additional burden prompts them to extinguish that life which they find it difficult to sustain. This is not regarded as a deed of cruelty, but as an act of mercy. An American, broken with years and infirmities, conscious that he can no longer depend on the aid of those around him, places himself content- edly in his grave ; and it is by the hands of his chil- dren, or nearest relations, that the thong is pulled, ur the blow inflicted, which releases him for ever from the sorrows of life. IX. After contemplating the rude American tribes in such various lights, after taking a view of their customs and manners from so many difl'erent stations, nothing remains but to form a general estimate of their charac- ter, compared with that of more polished nations. A human being, as he comes originally from the hand of Nature, is every where the same. At his first appear- ance in the state of infancy, whether it be among the rudest savages, or in the most civiii7A-d nation, wc cun discern no quality which marks any distinction or supe- riority. The capacity of improvement seems to be the • * temperance of the women is ns cxceRsive as that of the men,' BancToft's Nat. Hut. of Guiana, p. 27i, BOOK IV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. U7 same ; and the talents he may afterwards acquire, as well as the virtues he may be rendered capable of exercising, dep'ind, in a great measure, upon the state of society in which he is placed. To this stale his mind naturally accommodates itself, and from it re- ceives discipline and culture. In proportion to the wants which it accustoms a human being to feel, and the functions in which these engage him, his intel- lectual powers are called forth. According to the con- nections which it establishes between him and the rest of his s])ecies, the affections of his heart are exerted. It is only by nttending to this great jmnciple, tliat we can discover what is the character of man iu every dif- ferent period of his progress. If we apply it to savage life, and measure the attain- nieuts of the human mind in that state by this standard, we shall find, according to an observation which I have already made, tliat the intellectual powers of man must be extremely limited in their operations. They are confined witiiin the narrow sphere of what he deems necessary for supplying his own wants. Whatever has not some relation to these, neither attracts his atten- tion, nor is the object of his inquiries. But however narrow the bound? may be within »vhich the knov^ ledge of a savage is circumscribed, he possesses thoroughly that small portion which he has attained. It was not communicated to him by formal instruction ; he does not attend to it as a matter of mere speculation and curiosity ; it is the result of his own observation, the fruit of his own experience, and accommodated to his condition and exigencies. While employed in the active occupations of war or of hunting, he often finds himself in difficult and perilous situations, from which the efforts of his own sagacity must'extricate him. He is frequently engaged in measures, where every step depends upon his own ability to decide, where he must rely solely upon his own penetration to discern the dangers to which he is exposed, and upon his own wisdom in providing against them. In consequence of this, he feels the knowledge which he possesses, and the efforts which he makes, and either in delibera- tion or actic.i rests on himself alone. tof tLcIncn.— * Even in the most intelligent writers cuncerning the man- ners of the Auicrlcans, one meets with inconsistent and inex- plicable circumstances. The Jesuit Charlevoix, who, in consequence of the controversy bettveeu his order and that of the Franciscans, witli respect to the talents and abilities of the Nortli Americans, is disposed to represent their intellectual us well as moral qualities in the most favourable light, asserts, that they are engaged in continual negociations with their neighbours, and conduct these with the most refined address. At the same time he odds, " that it behoves their envoys or plinipotentiaries to exert their abilities and eloqueoce, for if As the talents of individuals arc exercised and im- proved by such exertions, much political wisdom is said to be displayed in conducting the affairs of their small communities. The council of old men in an American tribe, deliberating upon its interests, and d(!termining with respect to peace or war, has been compared to the senate in more polished republics. The proceedings of the former, wc are told, are often no less formal and sag;ieious than those of the latter. Great political wisdom is exhibited in pondering the various measures proposed, and in balancing their pro- bable advantages, against the evils of which they may be productive. Much address and eloquence are em- ployed by the leaders, who aspire at acquiring such confidence with their countrymen, as to have an as- cendant in those assemblies. But, among savage tribes, the field for displaying political talents cannot be ex- tensive. Where the idea of private property is incom- plete, and no criminal jurisdiction is established, there is hardly any function of internal government to exer- cise. Where there is no commerce, and scarcely any intercourse among separate tribes ; where enmity is implacable, and hostilities are carried un almosf'ivithout intermission ; there will be few points of public con- cern to adjust with their neighbours ; and that depart- ment of their affairs which may be denominated foreign, cannot be so intricate as to require much refined policy in conducting it. Where individuals are so thoughtless and improvident as seldom to take effectual precautions for self-preservation, it is vain to expect that putilic measures and deliberations will be regulated by the contemplation of remote events. It is the genius of savages to act from the impulse of present passion. They have neither foresight nor temper to form com- plicated arrangements with respect to their future con- duct. The consultations of the Americans, indeed, are so frequent, and their negociations are so many, and so long protracted, as to give their proceedings an extraordinary aspect ox wisdom. But this is not owing so much to the depth of their schemes, as to the cold- ness and phlegm of their temper, which render them slow in determining.* If we except the celebrated the terms which they offer are not accepted of, they had need to stand on their guard. It frequently happens, that a blow with a hatchet is the only return given to their propositions. The envoy is not out of danger even if he is so fortunate as to avoid the stroke, he mav expect to be pursued, and if taken, to be burnt." Hist. N. fr.iii.231. What occurs, vol. ii. p. 161, concerning the manner in which the Tlascalans treated the ambassadors from Zempoalla, corresponds with the fact related by Charlevoix. Men capable of such acts of violence, seem to be unacquainted with the first principles upon which the intercourse between nations is founded j and instead of tlin Ff2 148 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. '^ 'if m 1 ' league, that united the Five Nations in Canada into a federal republic, wliich siiull be considered in its proper place, we can discern few such traces of political wisdom, among the rude American tribes, as discover any groat degree of foresight or extent of intellectual abilities. Even among them, we shall find public measures more frequently directed by the impetuous ferocity of tlieir youtii, than regulated by tlic experience and wisdom of their old men. As the condition of man in the savage state is un- favourable to the progress of the understanding, it has a tendency likewise, in some respects, to check the exercise of atfection, and to render the heart contracted. The strongest feeling in the mind of a savage is u sense of iiis own independence. He has sacrificed so small a portion of liis natural liberty by becoming h member of society, that he remains, in a great degree, tiie sole master oi his own actions. He often takes his resolu- tions alone, witiiout consulting, or feeling any connec- tion with the persons around him. In many of his operations, he stands as much detached from the rest of his species, as if he iiad formed no union with them. ConsciQ^ how little he depends upon other men, he is apt to view them with a careless indifference. Even the force of his mind contributes to increase this un- concern, and as he looks not beyond iiimself in deli- berating with respect to the jiart wiiich he should act, his solicitude about the consequences uf it seldom extends farther. He pursues his own career, and in- dulges his own fancy, without inquiring or regarding whether what he does be agreeable or cfi'ensive to others, whether they may derive benefit or receive hurt from it. Hence the ungovernable caprice of savages, their impatience under any species of restraint, their inabilJty to suppress or moderate any inclination, the scorn or neglect with which tlicy receive advice, their high estimation of themselves, and their contempt of other men. Among tiiem, the pride of indopendence produces almost the same cfl'ects with intcicstedness in a more advanctd state of society; it rtfcrs every thing to a man himself, it leads him to he inditl'erent about tlie manner in which his actions may all'ect other men, and renders the gratification of his own wishes the measure and end of conduct. To the same cause may be imputed the hardness of heart, and insensibility, remarkable in all savage na- perpetual negocialions which Cliarlevoix mentions, it seems almost impossible that thoie should be any correspondence whatever among tliem. * It is a remark of Tacitus concprning the Germans, " Gaudent muneribus, sed nee data imputaut, nee ntceptis obligantur." C. 21. An author who had a good opportunity of observing the principle which leads savages neither to tions. Their minds, roused only l.y strong emotions, arc little susceptible of gentle, delicate, or tender affec- tions. Their union is so incomplete, that each indi- vidual acts as if he retaiui"! all his natural rights entire and undiminished. I. > favour is conferred upon him, or any beneficial service is ]>erl(irmed on his account, he receives it with much satisfaction, because it contri- butes to his enjoyment ; hut thii> sentiment extends not beyond hinr^elf, it excites no sense of obligation, he neither feels gratitude nor thinks of making any return.* Even among persons the most closely con- nected, the exchange of t!iosu good ollices which strengthen attachment, mollify the heart, and sweeten the intercourse of life, is not frequent. The high ideas of independence among the Aincricans nourish a sullen reserve, which keeps them at n distance from each other. The nearest relations are muiualiy afraid to make any demand, or to solicit any service, lest it shouid be considered by the other as imposing a burden or laying a restraint upon his will. I have already remarked the influence of this hard unfeeling temper upon domestic life, with respect to the connection between husband and wife, as well a' known in the savnge state. Their cnmifiM, as I have observed, are implacable and immortal. 'YUc. valmir of the young men is never allowed to rust in inaction. The liatciiet is always in their hand, either for attack or defence. Even in their hunting excursions, llity must be on their guard against surprise from the hostile tribes, by which they arc surrounded. Accustomed to cotiti- iiual lilarms, they grow familiar with danger ; courage becomes an habitual virtue, resulting nalurully from their situation, and strengthened by constant exertions. The mode of displaying fortitude may not be the same in small and rude communities, as in more powerful and civilized stales. Their system of war, and standard of valour, may be formed upon different principles, but in iio situation does the human mind rise more superior to the sense of danger, or the dread of death, than in its most simple and uncultivated state. Another virtue remarkable among savages, is attach- ment to the community of which they are members. From the nature of their political union, one might expect this tie to be extremely feeble. IJut there are circumstances which render the influence, even of their loose mode of association, very powerful. The Ameri- can tribes are small; combined against their neighbours, in prosecution of ancient enmities, or in avenging re- cent injuries, their interests and operations are neither numerous nor complex. These are objects which the uncultivated understanding of a savage can comprehend. His heart is capable of forming connections, which are so little diffused. He assents with warmth to public measures, dictated by passions similar to those which direct his own conduct. Hence the ardour with which l|BdividuaIs undertake the most perilous service, when the 'community deems it necessary. Hence their fierce and deep-rooted antipathy to the public enemies. Hence their zeal for the honour of their tribe, and that love of their country, which prompts them to brave danger that it may triumph, and to endure the most exquisite torments, without a groan, that it may not be dis- graced. Thus, in every situation where a human being can be placed, even the most unfavourable, there are virtues which peculiarly belong to it ; there are affections which it calls forth ; there is a species of happiness which it yields. Nature, with most beneficent intention, con- ciliates and forms the mind to its condition ; the ideas and wishes of man extend not beyond that state of so- ciety to which he is habituated. What it presents as objects of contemplation or enjoyment fills and satisfies his mind, and he can hardly conceive any other mode of life to be pleasant, or even tolerable. The Tartar, accustomed to roam over extensive plains, and to subsist on the product of his herds, lioprecates upon his eneoty, as the greatest of all curses, that he may be condemned to reside in one place, and to be nourished with the top of a weed. The rude Americans, fond of their owu pursuits, and satisfied with their own lot, are equally unable to comprehend the intention or utility of the various accommodations which, in more polished society, are deemed essential to the comfort of life. Far front complaining of their own situation, or viewing that of men in a more improved state with admiration or envy, they regard themselves as the standard of excellence, as beings the best entitied, as well as the most perfectly qualified, to enjoy real happiness. Unaccustomed to any restraint upon their will or their actions, they behold with amazement the inequality of rank and the subor- dination which take place in civilized life, and consider the voluntary submission of one man to another as a renunciation, no less base than unaccountable, of the first distinction of humanity. Void of foresight, as well as free from care themselves, and delighted with that state of indolent security, they wonder at the anxious precautions, the unceasing industry, and complicated arrangements of Europeans, in guarding against distant evils, or providing for future wants; and they often exclaim against their preposterous folly, in thus multi- plying the troubles, and increasing the labour of life. This preference of their own manners is conspicuous on every occasion. Even the names, by which the various nations wish to he distinguished, are assumed from this idea of their own pri'-eminence. The appellation which the Iroquois give to themselves, is the chief of men. Caraibe, the original name of the fierce inhabitants of the Windward Islands, slj^nifies t perfectly ustonicd to they behold the subor- nd consider mother as u able, of the ight, as well d with that the anxiuui complicated linst distant they often 1 thus multi- hour of life, ispicuous on J the various led from this nation which hivf of men. nhabitants of •people. The )crioTity, call e, and assume people. The e other Ame- ough, at first, icir arts, and to abate their were so dif- led them the other. They of their own, to others ; or life at home, in, in order to [J, are far from habits, or to isition is too re endeavours own customs, lUihed society u familif'i" to iiini } even wliere he has been allowed to taste of those pleusurcs, and has been honoured with those distinctions, which are the chief objects of our desire, he droops and languishes under the restraint of laws and forms, he seizes the first opporl unity of brciilving loose from them, and returns with transport to the forest or the wild, where he can enjoy a careless and uncontrolled freedom. Thus I have finished a laborious (klinention of the character and manners of the uiieivilized tribes sr ittcred over the vast continent of America. In lliis, i aspire not at rivalling the great masters who have painted and adorned savage life, cither in boldness of desij,'n, or in the clow and beauty of their colourintr. I am satisfied with the more humble merit of havinir per- sisted with patient industry, in viewing my subject in many various lights, and collecting from the most accurate observers such detached, and often minute features, as might enable me to exhibit a portrait that Ci-sembles the original. Uefore I close this part of my work, one observation more is necessary, in order to justify the conelusicms which I have formed, or to prevent the mistiikes into which such as examine them may fall. In cotitemphting the inhabitants of a country so widely extended us America, great attention should be paid to the diversity of climates under which tliey are placed. The influence of this I have pointed out with respect to several im- ])ortant particulars, which have been the object of re- search ; but even where it has not been mentioned, it ought not to be overlooked. The provinces of America are of such difl'ercnt temperament, that this alone is sufBcient to constitute a distinction between their inha- bitants. In every part of the earth where man exists, the |)ower of climate operates, with decisive influence, ui>on his condition and character. In those countries which approach near to the extremes of heat or cold, this influence is so conspicuous as to strike every eye. Whether we consider man merely as an animal, or as being endowed with rational powers which fit him for activity and speculation, we shall find that he has uni- fornily attained the greatest perfection of which his nature is capable, in the temperate regions of the globe. There liis constitution is most vigorous, his organs most acute, and his form most beautiful. There, too, he possesses a superior extent of capacity, greater ferti- lity of imagination, more enterprising courage, and a sensibility of heart which gives birth to desires, not only ardent, but persevering. In this favourite situa- tion he has displayed the utmost efforts of his genius, in literature, in policy, in commerce, in war, and in all the arts which improve or embellish life. This powerful operuliun of clinutc is felt most sen- sibly by rude nations, and produces greater elTects than m societies more improved. The talents of civiliied men are continually exerted in rendering their own condition more comfortable ; and by their ingenuity and inventions, they can, in a great measure, supply the defects, and guard against the inconveniences of any climate. But the improvident savaire is afl'ectcd by every circumstance peculiar to his situation. Me takes no |)recaution either tr Mtigate or to improve it. Like a plant or an animal, h> s formed by the climate under which he is placed, and feels the full force of its in- fluence. In su'-vcying the rude nations of America, this n:;- tural distinction between the inhabitants of the tempe- rate and torrid zones is very remarkable. They may, accordingly, be divided into two great classes. The one comprehends all the North Americans, from the river St. Laurence to the Gulf of Mexico, together with the people of Chili, and a few small tribes towards the extremity of the southern coiitinent. To the other belong all the inhabitants of the islands^ and tliose settled in the various provinces which extend from the isthmus of Darien almost to the southern confines of Hrasil, along the east side of the Andes. In the former, which comprehends all the regions of the tem- perate zone that in America are inhabited, the human species appears manifestly to be more perfect. The natives are more robust, more active, more intelligent, and more courageous. They possess, in the most emi- nent degree, that force of mind and love of indepen- dence which I have pointed out as the chief virtues of man in his savage state. They have defended their liberty with persevering fortitude against the Euro.^ peans, who subdued the other rude nations of America with the greatest ease. The natives of the temperate zone are the only people in the New World who aro indebted for their freedom to their own valour. The North Americans, though long encompassed by three formidable European powers, still retain part of their original possessions, and continue to exist as indepen- dent nations. The people of C liili, though early in- vaded, still maintain a gallant contest with the Spaniards, and have set bounds to their encroaelunents ; whereas, in the warmer regions, men are more feeble in their frame, less vigorous in the cftbrts of their mind, of a gentle but dastardly spirit, more enslaved by pleasure, and more sunk in indolence. Accordingly, it is in the torrid zone that the Europeans have most completely established their dominion over America; the most fertile and desirable provinces in it are subjected to their yoke ; and if several tribes there still enjoy inde- pendence, it is either because they have never been attacked by an enemy already satiated with conquest, ]52 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IV. f; " ,^ and possessed of hrger territories than he waa able to occupy, or because they have hcen saved from oppres- sion I)}' tlirii' remote and iiuiccessiblc situation. Cons|)icuous as this distinction ntuy appear between the inhabitants of tliose clillerent regions, it iu not, howt'viT, universal. Moral and political causes, as I have formerly observed, atlect the (li>position and cha- racter of individuals iw well as natiunb, still more power- fully than the influence of climate, 'liiere arc, accord- ingly, some tribes, in various parts of the torrid zone, possessed of courage, high spirit, and the love of inde- pendence, in !i degree hardly inferior to the natives of more temperate cliiBJitcs. \Vearctoo little acquainted n-ith the history of those people, to be able to trace the several circumstances in their progress and condi- tion, to which they are indebted for this remarkable pre-tinineiKi'. The fact, nevertheless, is certain. As early as the first voyage of Clolumbus, he received in- formation that several of the islands were inhabited by the Caribbtrs, a fierce race of men, nowise resembling their feeble and timid neighbours. In his second expe- dition to the New World, he found this information to be just, and was himself a witness of their intrepid valour.* The same character they have maintained invariably in all subsequent contests with the people of Europe ; and, even in our own times, we have seen them make a gallant stand in defence of the lust terri- tory whicli the rapacity of their invaders had left in their possess! in. t Some nations in Urasil were no less eminent fur vigour of mind, and bravery in war. The people of the isthmus of Daricn boldly met the Spaniards in the field, and frequently repelled those formidable invaders. Other instances might be pro- duced. It is not attending to any single cause or prin- ciple, how powerful and cxti^nsive soever its influence may appear, that we can explain the actions, or account for the character of men. Even the law of climate, more universal, perhaps, in its operation than any that afl'ects the human species, cannot be applied, in judging of their conduct, without many exceptions. BOOK V. I HI jif Mi History of the Conquest of tievo Sjxiin, by Cortes, 1518.] VV HEN Cirijaiva returned to Cuba, he found j rich country which he had discovered, almost complete, the armament destined to attempt the conquest of that Not only ambition, but avarice, had urged Velasquez * And. lieriialdes, the contemporary and friend of Co- lumbus, has preserved some circumstances concerning tlie bravery of the Caribhees, wbicli are not mentioned by Don Ferdinand f ohnnl us, or the other historians of that period, whose works have lieen published. A Cariibbean canoe, with four men, two women, and a boy, fell in unexpectedly with the fleet of (!olumbu8 in his second voyage, as it was stceiing through their islands. At first they were struck almost stiiHd will) astonishment at £lieh a strange spectacle, and hardly moved from the spot for above an hour. A Spanish bark with twenty-five men, advanced towards them, and the fleet grndually surroundcl them, so as to cut off their com- Hiunication wi^li the shore. 'M\ hen they saw thut it was impossible tc c«raj) (says the historian,) they schf.d their arms with undaunted resolution, and began the attack. " I use the expression, ii'/"i undaunted resolution, for they vrcre few, and beheld a vast number ready to assault them. They wounded several of the Spaniards, although they had targets, as well as other defensive armour ; and even after their canoe \vas overset, it was with no little difficulty and danger that part of them were taken, as they continued to defend themselves, tind to use their bows with great dexterity while swimming in the sea." Hist, de D. Fern, y Ysab. MSS. c. 119. t A probable conjecture may be formed with respect to the cause of the distinctioo in character between the Caribbccs and the inhabitants of the larger islands. The former appear manifestly to be a separate race. Their language is totally ditTerent from that of their neighbours in the large islands. They themselves have a tradition, that their ancestors came originally from some part of the continent, and having con- quered and exterminated the ancient inhabitants, took pos- session of their lands, and of their women, lluchefort, .'58 1. Ttrtre, 360. Heme they call themselves liaiiun.c, which signifies a man C()ine from beyond tea. Lahnt. vi. 1.11. Ac- cordingly, the Caribhees still use two distinct languages, one jiecuDar to the men, and the other to the women, fertrc, 'Mi I . The liuiguagc uf the men has nothing conuuon witik that spoken in the larj^c islands. The dialect of the women consi- derably resembles it. Labat. 129. Tliis strongl\i confirms the tradition which I have mentioned. The Caribbees themselves imagine, that they were a colony from the Galibis, a powerful nation of Guiana, in Soath America. Terlre, 361. Roctief'ort, 3'IB, But us their fierce mannersapproach nearer to those of the people in the northern continent, than to those of the natives of South America ; and as their lan|;nagc has likewise some alhnity to that spoken in Florida, their origin should ba de- duced rather from the former than from the latter. Labat. 128, Ac. Ilerrera, dec. i. lib. ix. c, 4, In their wars, they still observe their ancient practice of destroying all the males, and preserving the women either for servitude or^for breeding. 1518.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 15,1 5 J to hiMten liii prepnratinns ; and having such a prospect of gratifying both, he had advanced considerable sumt out of his private fortune towardk defraying thcexpence of the expiedition. At tbe same time, he exerted his * Our knowledge of the events which happened in the con- qucdt of New Spain, is derived from sources of information innreoiif;innl and autliciitic than tliat of any transaction in the history of America. The letters of Cortes to the emperor CbarlfS V. mv an hiiitorical monument, not only first in order of tiitic, but of the greatest nuthenticity and value. As Cortes early nssuini'il a command independent of Velasquez, it bcrume necf S!*ury to convey such an account of his operations to Madrid, ns mif{ht {ironirc hinthe approbation of his sovereign. The firsl of iiis dispniches has never been made public. It wax sent from Vera ('ruz, July IGth, 1519. As I imagined that it might not rencli the emperor, until he arrived in Gcr- in-iny, for which he set out early in the year 1520, in order to receive the Imperinl crown ; I made diligenl 'arch for a copy of this dispatch, both iti Spain and in Germany, but without success. This, however, is of less consequence, as it could nut contain any thing very material, being written so soon after forten arrived in New Spain. But, in senrdiing for the letter from Cortes, a copy of one from the colony of Vera Crui to the emperor has been discovered in the Imperial library at Vienna. Of this I shall give some account iu its proper place. The srcond dispatch, dated October 30th, I.'i20, was published at Seville, A.D. 1522, and the third and f.^urth soon after they wrrc received. A Latin translation of them appeared in Ger- many, A. D. 1532. Rarausio soon after made them more ge- iierally known, by inserting them in his valuable collection. They contain a regular and minute history of the expedition, vtith uiany curious particulars concerning the policy and man- ners of the Mexicans. The work does honour to Cortes ; the style is simple and perspicuous ; but as it was manifestly his interest to represent his own actions in the fairest light, his victoiifs are probably exaggerated, his losses diminished, and his acts of rigour and violence softened. The next in order is the Chronica de la \aeva Espai^na, by Francisco Lo|)ex de Gomara, published A. D. 1554. Gomara's historical merit is considerable. His mode of narration is clear, flowing, always a{,'recable, and sometimes elegant. But he is frequently inaccurate and credulous ; and as he was the domestic chaplain of Cortes after his return from New Spain, and probably composed his work at his desire, it is manifest that he labours to magnify the merit of his hero, and to con- ceal or extenuate such transactions as were unfavourable to his character. Of this Herrera accuses him in one instance. — Dec. ii. lib. iii. c. 2. and it is not once only that this is con- spicuous. He writes, however, with so much freedom con- cerning several measures of the Spanish court, that the copies both of his Historia de las Indi.ns, and of his Chroaii n, were called in by a decree of the council of the Indies, and they were long considered as prohibited books in Spain ; it is only of late that licence to print them has been granted. — Pinelo, BMioth. 589. The Chronicle of Gomara induced Bemal Diaz del Castillo to compose his Historia Verdadera de la Conqnistik de la Nueva Espngna. He had been an adventurer in CHch of the expedi- tions to New Spain, and was the companion of Cortes in all his battles and perils. When he found that neither ho himself, nor many of his fellow- ■soldiers, were once mentioned by Go- mara, but that the fame of all their exploits was osrrihed to Cortes ; the gall.int veteran laid hold of his pen with indigna- tion, and composed his True Histors*. It contains a prolix, minute, confused narrative of all Cortes's operatious, in such a 13-H. influence as governor, in engaging the most distingiiished persons in the colony to undertake the service* At a time when the spirit of the Spanish natiof. wm advcn* turous to excess, a number of soldiers, eager to embark rude vulgar style ns might Ih! expected from un iilite rate soldier. But as he relates transactions of which lie was witness, and in which he performed a considerable part, his accounf bears all the marks of authenticity, and is acconipanicr, gives some account of Cortes's expedition. But he procTd,-* no farther than to relate what happened after his first landiii;,'. This work, which is brief and slight, seems to contain the in- formation transmitted by ('ortes in his first dispatches, emix ■- lisiied with several particulars communicated to tiic author by the officers who brought the letters from Cortes. But the book to which the greater part of modem historintis have had recourse fur information concerning the conquest of New Spain, is Historia de la Conquista de Mexico, p* . 1>. Antonio de Soils, first published A.D. 1684. I know no author in any language whose literary fame has risen so far beyond his real merit. De Soils is reckoned by his countrymen ou'^ of the purest writers in the Castilian tongue ; and if a foreigner may venture to give his opinion concerning a matter of whi'-h Spaniards alone are qualified to iudgc, he is entitled to that praise. But, though his language be correct, his taste in com- position is far from being just. His periods are so much laboured as to be often stiff", and sometimes tumid ; the figures which he employs by way of ornament, arc frequently trite or improper, and his observations superficial. These blemisiirs, however, might easily be overlooked, if he were not defective with res|)ect to all the great qualities of an historian. Destitute of that pitient industry in research, which conducts to the knowledge of truth ; a stranger to that impartiality which weighs e^ idence with cool attention ; and ever eager to establish his favoi rite system of exalting the character of Cortes into that of t. perfect hero, exempt from error, and adorned m ith every v'.rtne ; he is less solicitous to discover what was true, than to relate what might appear splendid. When he attempts any critical discussion, his reasonings are fallacious, and founded upon an imperfect view of facts. Though be sometimes quotes the dispatches of Cortes, '-c seems not to have consulted them j and though he sets out una some censure on Gomara, he fre- quently prefers his authority, the most dovbtfulof any, to that of the other contemporary historians. But of all the Spanish writers, Herrera furnishes the fullest and most' accurate information concerning the conquest of Mexico, as well as every other transaction of America. The industry and attention with which he consulted not only the books, but the original papers and public records, which tended to throw any light upon the subject of his inquiries, were so great, and he usually judges of the evidence before him with so much impartiality and candour, that his dccads may be ranked among the most judicious and useful historical collections. If, by attempting to relate the various occurrences in the New World in a strict chronological order, the arrangement of events in his work had not been rendered so pcrjiTexcd, disconnected, and obscure, that it is an unpleasant task to collect from dif- ferent p.irta of his book, and piece together the detached shreds of a stons he might justly have been ranked among the mo*i IS'I IIISTOUY OF AMERICA. [book r. 4 ill any dmng enterprisr, aoon appeared. But it was not SI) ei\sy to find a pcrxon qualified to take the coin- itiaiid in >in expedition of to much importance ; and the i-liara(-t).-r of Velasquez, who hud the ri^ht of noininii- tiuii, {greatly iiirreased the difliculty of the c-lioice. 'i hough uf most uspii'iiig and)itiun, and not deiititute of taicntii for goveriinu-nt, he pos.M-tiscd neither sucli onirnge, nor bucii vigour and activity o^ mind, as to undertake in person the conduct of tliearniiune.it which lie WHS preparing. In this einbiirrassing situation, he formed the chimerical scheme, not only of uchieving grout exploits by a deputy, but of securing to himself the glory of conquests which were to be made by ano- ther. In the execution of this plan, he fondly aimed at reconciling contradictions. He was solicitous to choose a commander of intrepid resolution, and of su- periiir abilities, because he knew these to be requisite in order to ensure success ; but, at the same time, from the jealousy natural to little minds> he wished this per- son to be of a spiiit so tame ond obsequious, as to be entirely dependent on his will. But when he came to apply those ideas in forming an opinion concerning the tevcral officers who occurred to his thoughts as worthy of being entrusted with the command, he soon perceived that it was impossible to find such incompatible quali- ties united in one character. Such as were distinguished for courage and talents were too high-spirited to be passive instruments in his hand. Those who appeared more gentle and tractable, were destitute of capacity, and unequal to the charge. This augmented his per- plexity and his fears. He deliberated long, and with much solicitude, and was still wavering in his choice, when Amador de Lares, the royal treasurer in Cuba, and Andres Duero, his owti secretary, the two persons in whom he chiefly confided, were encouraged by this irre- solution to propose a new candidate, and they :>upported their recommendation with such assiduity and address, that, no less fatally for Velasquez than happil) for their country, it proved successful. The man whom they pointed out to him was Fer- nando Cortes. He was born at Medellin, a sniall town in Estrcniadura, in the year one tiiousund four hundred and eighty-five, and descended from u family of noble blood, but of very moderate fortune. Being originally destined by his parents to the study of law, us tlie most likely method of bettering his condition, he was sent early to the university of Salamanca, where he imbibed eminent bisturiiifls of his country. He gives an account of tic mateiiuls from which he cuuipu^ed lils work, Dec. vi. iit>. iii. c. 19. * Cortes pa rposed to havegoncin the train of OvanJo when be set nut for his government in the year ir>02, but was de- tained by an aceideot As ba was attempting ia a dark uight [ some tincture of lenrti'iig. fi'it he was soon ditgu«te4 with an academl.. Ti -, "iiioh did not suit his ardent and restless genius, ai>'^ '^*ired in Medellin, where he gave himself up entirely to ..ive kpotis and martial exercisei. At this period of lii'e, he was so impetuous, so over- bearing, and so dissipated, that his father was glad to comply with his inclination, and send him abroad as nit adventurer in arms. There were in that age two con< spicuous theatres, on which such of the Spanish youth as courted military glory might display their valour j one in Italy, under the command of tiie (ireat Captain ; the other in the New World. Cortes preferred the former, but was prevented by indisposition from erobarkiujj with a reinforcement of troops sent to Naples. Upon this disappointment he turned his views towards America, whither he was allured by the prospect of tlie advantages which he might derive from the patronage of Ovando,* the governor of Hispaniola, who was his kinsman. When he landed at St. Domingo in one thousand five hundred and four, his reception was sucii as equalled his most sanguine hopes, and he was em- ployed by the governor in several honourable and lucra- tive stations. These, however, did not satisfy his ambition ; and in the year one thousand five hundred and eleven, he obtained permission to accompany Diego Velasquez in his expedition to Cuba. In this serviee he distinguished himself so much, that, notwithstanding some violent contests with Velasquez, occasioned hy trivial events, unworthy of remembrance, he was at length taken into favour, and received an ample conees. sion of lands and of Indians, the recompence usually bestowed upon adventurers in the New World. Thou,';h Cortes had not hitherto acted in high com- mand, he had displayed such qualities in several scenes of difficulty and danger, as raised universal expectutiun, and turned the eyes of his countrymen towards him, us one capable of performing great things. The turbu- lence of youth, as soon as he found objects and oeeu- pations suited to the ardour of his mind, gradually subsided, and settled into a habit of regular indefatigable activity. The impetuosity of his temper, when he eanic to act with his equals, insensibly abated, by being kept under restraint, and mellowed into a cordial soldierly frankness. These qualities were accompanied with culm prudence in concerting his schemes, with perse- vering vigour in executing them, and with what i« peculiar to superior genius, the art of gaining tin to seruiiible up to tlie window of a lady's l>ed-chaml>er, wilh wliiim he curried on «n intrigue, an ohi wall, on liie top nl wliieli he had mounted, gave way, and he was so mueli iiiui^ol liy the fall as to be unfit for the voyage. — Gvmara, Cronku d% la ^'ueoa Espagna, cup, 1. I I W I5II eonfid which ■trike gracej in ma astol As his tw length man w jealous as he I depend readinc well as vonrs, I and ho| fidence, interest Cort( warmes governo own ho all the < ence am friends I the proi togethei his lant military wants < themsel fensive, disappo give it I him as blishinj endeavd ostental Velasqi whom told th the po putting reciuite such in that Cc alicnati vised » Co Ducro, about e( as the I 1518.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 155 confidenM tnd governing the minds of men. To all which were added the inferior accomplishmentt that itrilce the vulgar, and command their respect; a nnceiul person, a winning aspect, extraordinary address in martial exercises, and a constitution of such vigour M to be capable of enduring any fatigue. As soon as Cortes was mentioned to Velasquez by his two confidents, he flattered himself that he hod at length found what he had hitherto sought in vain, a man with talents for command, but not an ohjrct for jealousy. Neither the ranic nor the fortune of Cortes, as he imagined, were such that he could aspire at in- dependence. He had reason to believe that by hia own readiness to bury ancient animosities in oblivion, as well as his liberality in conferring several recent fa- vours, he had already gained the good-will of Cortes, and hoped, by this new and unexpected mark of con- fidence, that he might attach him for ever to his interest. Cortes, receiving his commission (Oct. 23) with tlie warmest expressions of respect and gratitude to the governor, immediately erected his standard before his own house, appeared in a military dress, and assumed before these should become so confirmed, as to brcnk out with open violence. Fully sciisiblf of this diuifjer, he urged forward hii preparatiuns with such rnpidity, that he set sail from St. JagodeCubaon thecightcentli of November, Velasquez accompanying him tu the shore, and taking leave of him with an upppHrnnce of perfect friendship and confidence, thotigli he hud secretly given it in charge to some of Cortes's oflUers, to keep a watchful eye upon every part of their com- mander's conduct. Cortes proceeded to Trinidad, a small setttint on the same side of the island, where he was joined by several adventurers, and received a supply of provisit)ii!i and military stores, of which his stuck was still very incomplete. He had hardly left St. Jugo, when the jealousy which had been working in tlie breast of Ve- lasquez, grew so violent, that it was impossible to suppress it. The armament was no longer under his own eye and direction } and he felt, that as his power over it ceased, that of Cortes would become more abso- lute. Imagination now aggravated every circumstance which had formerly excited suspicion : the rivals of Cortes industriously threw in reflections which increused all the ensigns of his new dignity. His utmost influ- I his fears; and with no less art than malice they culled ence and activity were exerted in persuading many of his friends to engage in the service, and in urging forward the preparations for the voyage. All his own funds, together with what money he could raise by mortgaging his lands and Indians, were expended in purchasing military stores and provisions, or in supplying the wants of such of his officers as were unable to equip themselves in a manner suited to their rank.* Inof- fensive, and even laudable as this conduct was, his disappointed competitors were malicious enough to give it a turn to his disadvantage. They represented him as aiming already, with little disguise, at esta- blishing an independent authority over his troops, and endeavouring to secure their respect or love by his ostentatious and interested liberality. They reminded Velasquez of his former dissensions with the man in whom he now reposed so much confidence, and fore- told that Cortes would be more apt to avail himself of the power, which the governor wss inconsiderately putting in his hands, to avenge ppst injurier^ than to requite recent obligations. There insinuations made such impression upon the suspicious mind of Velasquez, that Cortes soon observed some symptoms of a growing alienation and distrust in his behaviour, and was ad- vised by Lares and Duero, to hasten his departure, * (fortes Lad two thousand |>C8os in the hands of Andrew Duero, and he borrowed four thousand. These sums are Hbout e(|ual in value to fifteen hundred pounds sterling ; but us tliu (.rice of every thing was extremely high in America, superstition to their aid, employing the picdictions of an astrologer in order to complete the alarm. All these, by their united operation, produced the desired effect. Velasquez repented bitterly of his own impru- dence, in having committed a trust of so much import- ance to a person whose fidelity appeared so doubtful, and hastily dispatched instructions to Trinidad, em- powering Verdugo, the cliief magistrate there, to de- prive Cortes of his commission. But Cortes had already made such progress in gaining tlie esteem and confidence of his troops, that, finding officers as well as soldiers equally zealous to support his authority, he soothed or intimidated Verdugo, and was permitted to depart from Trinidad without molestation. From Trinidad Cortes sailed for the Havana, in order to raise more soldiers, and to complete the vic- tualling of his fleet. Tliere several persons of distinction entered into the service, and engaged to supply what provisions were still wanting; but as it was necessary to allow them some time for performing what they had promised, Velasquez, sensible that he ought no longer to rely on a man of whom he had so openly discovered his distrust, availed himself of the interval which this unavoidable delay afforded, in order to make one at- tempt more to wrest the command out of the hands of they luade but u scanty stock when applied towards Uic equipment of a military expedition. Uerrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. c. 2. li Vim, c. 20. Gg2 156 HISTORY OF AMERICA: [book v. :|1 J) ■ ■I 4/ U fiv t il 5' ^ Cortes. He loudly complained of Verdugo's conduct, accusing him cither of childish facih'ty, or of manifest treaiiiery, in suffering Cortes to escape from Trinidad. An:;iuus to guard against a second disappointment, he sent a person of confidence to tlie Havana, with pe- remptory injunctions to Pedro Barba, his lirut;*nant- governu'- in thut colony, instantly to arrest Cortes, to send him prisoner to St. Jago under a stnmg guard, and to countermand the sailing of the armament until he should receive farther orders. He wrote likewise to the principal officers, requiring them to assist Barba in executing what he had given him in charge. But before the arrival of his messenger, a Franciscan friar of St. Jago had secretly conveyed an account of this interesting transaction to Bartholomew de Olmedo, a monk of the same order, who acted as chaplain to the expedition. Cortes, forewarned of the danger, had time to take precautions for his own safety. His first step was to find some pretext for removing from the Havana Diego de Ordaz, an officer of great merit, but in whom, on account of his known attachment to Velasquez, he could not confide in this trying and delicate juncture. He gave him the command of ave .^^i, destined to take on board some provisions in a small harbour beyond Cape Antonio, and thus miMle sure of his absence, without seeming to suspect his fidelity. When he was gone, Cortes no longer concealed the intentions of Velasquez from his troops ; and as officers and soldiers were equally imptient to set out on an expedition, in preparing for which most of them had expended all their fortunes, they expressed their astonishment and indignation at that illiberal jealousy to which the governor was about to sacrifice, not only the honour of their general, but all their scnguine hopes of glory and wealth. With one voice they intreated that he would not abandon the important station to which he had such a good title. They conjured him not to depiive them of a leader whom they followed with such well- founded confidence, and offered to shed the last drop of their blood in maintaining his authority. Cortet was easily induced to comply with what he himself so ar- dently desired. He swore that he would never desert soldiers who had given him such a signal proof of their aUachment, and promised instantly to conduct them to that rich country, which had been so long the object of their thoughts and wishes. This dechiration was received with transports of military appluu&e, ai-com- ^i*^»^— i^— — ■■ ' ■ * The names of those gallant afficers which will often occur in the tubscquent story, were Juno Velasqutz dc ! con, Aiouso Hernandez Portocarrero, Francisco dc Muntejo, Cliribtoval de Olid, Joan de Escalante, Francisco de Morla, Pedro dc Alvaradoj Frauc;sco de Saiceda, Juau dc Escobar^ Gincs de panied with threats and imprecations against all who should presume to call in question the jurisdiction of their general, or to obstruct the execution of his designs. Every thing was now ready for their departure ; but though this expedition was fitted out by the unilfd effort of the Spanish power in Cuba ; though every settlement had contributed its quota of men and pro- visions ; though the governor had laid out considerable sums, and each adventurer had exhausted his stock, or strained his credit, the poverty of the preparations was such as must astonish the present age, and bore, indeed, no resemblance to an armament destined for the con- quest of a great empire. The fleet consisted of eleven vessels; the largest of a hundred tons, which was dig. nified by the name of Admiral ; three of seventy or eighty tons, and the rest small open barks. On board of thes.. 'ere six hundred and seventeen men ; of which \'.*e hundred and eight belonged to the land service, and a hundred and nine were seamen or arti- ficers. The soldiers were divided Into eleven compa- nies, according to the number of the ships ; to each of which Cortes a])pointed a captain, and committed tu him the command of the vessel while at sea, and of the men when on shore.* As the use of fire-arms among the nations of Europe was hitherto confined to a IVw battalions of regularly disciplined infantry, only thir- teen soldiers were armed with muskets, thirty-two wore cross-bow men, and the rest had swords and speari. Instead of the usual defensive armour, which must have'been cumbersome in a hot climate, the soldier;. wore jackets quilted with cotton, which experieuct: had taught the Spaniards to be a sufficient proteeliuu against the weapons of the Americans. They ImJ only sixteen horses, ten small field-pieces, and four falconets. With this slender and ill-provided train did Cortes set sail (Feb. 10, 151S), to make war upon amonarcii whose dominions were more extensive tiian all the kingdoms subject to the Spanish crown. As religious enthusiasm always mingled with the spirit of adven- ture in the New World, and, by a combination stiil mure strange, united with avarice, in prompting the Spaniards to all their enterprises, a large cross was dis- played in their standards, with this inscription. Let ui follow the cross, for under this sign vie shall coiiquir. So powerfully were Cortes and his followers animated with both these passions, thut, no lest eager tu plunder Nortcs. Cortes himself commanded the Cnpitana, or Admiral. Francisco d« Drozco, au officer formed in the wars of It.iy, had the command of the artillery. The vxpericaced Aluuioua acted as chief pilot. i:k, lii If- [book v. inst all who jurisdiction ution of his larture; but the united lough every len and pro- considerable his stoclc, or aratioDS was bore, indeed, for the con- tcd of eleven lich was dig- >f seventy or On board len men ; of to the laad imen or arti- even conipa- s ; to each of committed tu ca, and of the -arms among fined to a iVw try, only thir- lirty-two were is and speari. , wlkich must e, tlie soldier>i L-h experieucd cnt protectiou IS. They had sees, and four rain did Cortes pon a monarcik ; than all the , As religi()u> lirit of advcii- mbination still prompting the ; cross was dis- ription, Ltt us lall COHqlUT. }wers animated iger to plunder tana, or Admiral. ic wars of ii.^iy, ricaccd Al;u.iiuu» 1.518.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 157 the opulent country wliither they were bound, than zealous to propacatc liif Christian faitti aitionjjf its in- habitants, fhey .set out, not with the solicitude natural to men going upon ciringfrous services, but with that confidence which arises from security of success, and certainty of the divine protection. As Corles had determinod to touch at every place whicii Grijalva had visited, he steered directly towards the isUinS of Cozumel : there he had the good fortune to redeem Jerome dc Aguilar, a Spaniard, who had been eight years a prisoner among the Jndiuns. This man was perfectly acquainted with a dialect of their hiiiguagCj understood through a large extent of country, and possessing besides a considerable share of pru- dence and sagacity, proved extremely useful as an in- t rpreter. From Cozumel, Cortes proceeded to the river of Tabasco (March 4), in hopes of u reception as friendly as Grijalva had met with there, and of finding gold in the same abundance ; but the dis])()sition of the natives, from some unknown cause, was totally changed. After repeated endeavcurs to conciliate their good-will, he was constrained to have recourse to violence. Though the forces of the enemy were numerous, and advanced with extraordinary courage, they were routed, with great slaughter, in several successive actions. The Itiss which they sustained, and still more the astonish- niept and terror excited by tlie destructive efl'ect of the fire-arms, and the dreadful appearance of the horses, humbled their fierce spirits, and induced them to sue for peace. They acknowledged the king of Castile as their sovereign, and granted Cortes a supply of pro- visions, with a present of cotton garments, some gold, and twenty female slaves.* Cortes continued his course to the westward, keep- ing as near the shore as possible, in order to observe the country ; but could discover no proper place for landing, until he arrived at St. Juan de Uluu. As he entered this harbour (April 2) a large canoe, full of |)eoplc, among whom were two w^o seenu-d to be per- sons of distinction, approached his ship witl» signs of peace and amfty. They came on board without fear or * In tliose diflferent conflicts, tiie (Spaniards lost only two niuii, but had a considerable number wounded. Though there be no oeeusion for recourse to any supernatural cause to uc- t()unt either fur the greatness of their victories, or the sniall- ness of their loss; the Spanish historians fail not to ascribe bi)li> to the patronage of St. Jago, the tutelar saint of their KHtntry, who, as they relate, fought at the head of their «'nii!;tryniin, and by his prowess gave a turn to tlie fate of the battle. is Iiorses, and ar- tillery ; and having chosen proper ground, began to erect huts for his men, and to fortify his camp. The natives, instead of opposing the entrance of those fatal guests into their country, assisted them in all their operations, with an alacrity of which they had ere long good reason to repent. Next day Teutile and Pilpatoe entered the Spanish camp with a numerous retinue, and Cortes considering them as the ministers of a great monarch, entitled to a degree of attention very different from that which the Spaniards were accustomed to pay to the pctly caziques, with whom they had intercourse in the isles, received them with much formal ceremony. He informed them, that he came as ambassador from Don Carlos of Austria, king of Castile, the greatest monarch of the East, and was intrusted with propositions of such moment that he could impart them to none but the emperor Mon- tezuma himself, and therefore required them to con- duct him, without loss of time, into the presence of their master. The Mexican officers could not conceal their uneasiness at a request whicK they knew would be disagreeable, and which they foresaw might prove extremely embarrassing to their sovereign, whose mind had been filled with many disquieting apprehensions, ever since the former appearance of the Spaniards on his coasts. But before they attempted to dissuade Cortes from insisting on this demand, they endea- voured to conciliate his good-will, by intreating him to accept of certain presents, which, as humble slaves of Montezuma, they laid at his ftet. They were in- troduced with great parade, and consisted of fine cotton cloth, of plumes of various colours, and of ornaments of gold anil silver, to a considerable value ; the work manship of wliieh appeared to be as curious as the materials were rich. The display of these produced an eH'eet very dill'crent from what the Mexiea>iS in- tended. Instead of satisfying, it increased the avidity of the Spaniards, and rendered them so eager and iin- putient to become masters of a country which abouiidcd with such precious productions, that Cortis could hardly listen with patience to the ar^jumcnts which Pilpatoe and Teutile employed to dissuade him from visiting the capital, and in a haughty determined tone he insisted on his demand, of being admitted to a per- sonal audience of their sovereign. During this inter- view, some painters, in the train of the Mexican chiefs, had been diligently employed in delineating, upon white cotton cloths, figures of the ships, the horses, the artiU lery, the soldiers, and whatever else attracted their eyes, as singular. When Cortes observed this, and wa J informed that these pictures were to be sent to Montezuma, in order to convey to him a more lively idea of the strange and wonderful objects now presented to their view, than any words could communicate, he resolved to render the representation still more animated and interesting, by exhibiting such a spectacle as might give both them and their monarch an awful impression of tlie extraordinary prowess of his followers, and tiie irre>ome natural calamity wliich had afflicted that part of the globe, and impressed the ■linds ofthcinhiihitants with superstitious fears and fore- bodings, ur wlietlur it was an imagination accidentally sugjrested by tiie astonishment which the first sight of a new race of men occasioned, it is impossible to deter- mine. But as tiie Mexicans were more prone to super- stition than any people in the New World, they were more deeply affected by the appearance of the Spaniards, whom their credulity inctantly represented as the instru- ment destined to bring about this fatal revolution which they dreaded. Ihider tliose circumstances, it ceases to be incredible that a handtul of adventurers should alarm the monarch of a great empire, and all his subjects. Notwithstanding the influence of tliis impression, when the messenger arrived from the Spanish camp with an account that the leaderof the strangers, adhering to his original demand, refused to obey the order enjoin- ing iiini to leave the country, Montezuma assumed oomc degree of resolution, and, in a transport of r ge natural to a fierce prince unaccustomed to meet with any opi>o- sition to his will, he threatened to sacrifice liiosc pre- ' sumptuous men to his gods. But his doabts and fears quickly returned, and instead of Issuing orders to carry his threats into execution, he again called his ministers to confer and offer their advice. Feeble and temporising measures will always be the result when men assemble to deliberate in u situation where they ought to act. The Mexican counsellors took no effectual measure for expelling such troublesome intruders, and were satisfied with issuing a more positive injunction, requiring them to leave the country ; but this they preposterously accompanied with a present of such value, as proved fresh inducement to remain there. Meanwhile, the Spaniards were not without solici- tude or a variety of sentiments, in deliberating concern- ing their own future conduct. From what they had already seen, many of them formed such exti'avagant ideas concerning the opulence of the country, that despising danger or hardships, when they had in view treasures whiclk appeared to be inexhaustible, they were eager to attempt the conquest.. Othefs, estimating the power of the Mexican empin by its wealth, and enume- rating the various proofs which had occurred of its being under a well-regulated administration, contended, that it would be an act of tlie wildest frenzy to attack such a state with a small body of men, in want of pro- visions, unconnected with any ally, and already enfeebled by the diseases peculiar to the climate, and the loss of several of their number. Cortes secretly applauded tiie advocates for bold measures, and cherished their ro- mantic hopes, as sucii ideas corresponded with his own, and favoured the execution of the schemes which hr had formetl. From the time that the suspicions of Velasquez broke out with open violence in the attempts to deprive him of the command, Cortes saw the necessity of dissolving a connection which would obstruct ami embarrass all his operations, and watched for a pnipir opportunity of coming to a final rupture with liiin, Having this in view, he had laboured by every art to secure the esteem and affection of his soldiers. With his abilities for command, it was easy to gain tlicir esteem ; and his followers were quickly satisfied tliat they might rely, with perfect confidence, on the conduct and courage of their leader. Nor was It more difficult to acquire their affection. Among adventurers, nearly of the same rank, and M^rving at their own expence, the dignity of command did not elevate a general above mingling willi those who acted under him. Cortes availed himself of tiiis freedom of intercourse, to insi- nuate himself into their favour, and by his affable uiaii- iiers, by well-timed acts of liberality to some, by inspir- iuj.^ all with vast lioj)cs, and by allowing them to trade privately with the natives, he attached tlie greater part of his soldiers so firndy to hinit-elf, that they almost ■I '■* m. ] in op^ their when, their they the CJ of dai tioiis ol by traf appear 1j19.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 161 s and fears ers to carry is ministers emporising m assemble tglit to act. measure for ere satisfied uiring them ;posterously e, as proved ;hout sollei- ing concern- lat they had exti-avagant rountry, tliat had iu view le, they were itimating the , and cnuine- icurred of its n, contended, 'nzy to attad , want of pro- ■ady enfeebled ,nd the loss of applauded the shed their ro- 1 with his own, oies which he suspicions of in the attempts w the necessity I obstruct and :d for a proper lure with him. by every art to oldiers. With r to gain tlieir y satisfied thut on the conduct it more diflitult cnlurers, nearly wn expence, tiie I general above T him. Cortes rcourse, to insi- his atiuble inaii- some, by inspir- )g them to trade tlie greater [wtt hat they almoit 1 J J forgot that the armament had been fitted out by the authority, and at the expence, of another. During those intrigues, Teutile arrived with the pre- sent from Montezuma, and, together with it, delivered the ultimate order of that monarch to depart instantly oirt of his dominions ; and when Cortes, instead of roniplying, renewed his request of an audience, the Mexican turned from him abruptly, and quitted the cpmp with looks and gestures which strongly expr^^'cd his surprise and resentment. Next morninfT] noue of the natives, who used to frequent the camp in great numbers, in order to barter with the soldiei-s, and to bring in provisions, appeared. All friendly correspon- dence seemed now to be at an end, and it was exoected every moment that hostilities would commence. This, though an event that might have been foreseen, occa- sioned a sudden consternation among the Spaniards, which emboldened the adherents of Velasquez not only to murmur and cabal against their general, but to ap- point one of their number to remonstrate openly against his imprudence in attempting the conquest of a mighty empire with such inadequate force, and to urge llie necessity of returning to Cuba, in order to refit the fleet and augment the army. Diego dc Ojdaz, one of his principal officers, whom the malcoutents charged with this commission, delivered it with a soldierly freedom and bluntness, assuring Cortes that he spoke the sentiments of the whole army. He listened to this remonstrance without any appearance of emo- tion, and as he well knew the temper and wishes of his soldiers, and foresaw how they would receive & pro- position fatal at once io all the splendid hopes and schemes which they had been forming with such com- placency, he carried his dis simulation so far as to seem to relinquish his own measures in compliance with the request of Ordaz, and issued orders that the army should be in readiness next day to re-embark for Cuba. As soon as this was known, the disappointed adven- turers exclaimed and threatened; the emissaries of Cortes, mingling with them, inflamed their rage ; the ferment became general ; ti.e whole camp was almost in open mutiny; all demanding with eagerness to see their commander. Cortes was not slow in appeariiii:; when, with one voice, officers and soldic»> expressed their astonishment and indignation at the orders which they had received. It was unworthy, they cried, ot the Castilian courage, to be daunted at the first aspecl of danger, and infamous to fly before any enemy ap- peared. For their parts, they wete determined not to * This private traffic was directly contrary to the instruc- tions of Vcias(|uez, who enjoined, that whatever was acquired by trade should lie thrown hito the comuion stock. But it appears, that tli« soidieis had eucii a private avsurtmeat of 13-M. relinquish an enterprise, that had hitherto been sue* cessful, and which tended so visibly to spread the knowledge of true religion, and to advance the glory and interest of their country. Happy under his com- mand, they woald follow him with alacrity through every danger, in quest of those settlements and trea- sures which he had ao long held out to their view ; but if he chose rather to return to Cuba, and tamely give up all his hopes of distinction and opulence to an envious rival, they would instantly choose another ge- neral to conduct them in that path of glory, which he had not spirit to enter. Cortes, delighted with their ardour, took no offence at the boldness with which it was uttered. The senti- ments were what he himself had inspired, and the warmth of expression satisfied him that his followers had imbibed them thoroughly. He affected, however, to be surprised at what he heard, declaring that his orders to prepare for embarking were issued from a persuasion that this was agreeable to his troops ; that, from deference to what he had been informed was their inclination, he had sacrificed his own private opi- nion, which was firmly bent on establishing immedi> ately a settlement on the sea-coast, and then on endea- vouring to penetrate intd the interior part of the country ; that now he was convinced of his error; and as he perceived that they were animated with the gene- rous spirit which breathed in every true Spaniard, he would resume, with fresh ardour, his original plan of operation, and doubted not to conduct them, in the career of victory, to such independent fortunes as their valour merited. Upon this declaration, shouts of ap« plause testified the excess of their joy. The measure seemed to be taken with unanimous consent ; such as secretly condemned it being obliged to join iti the acclamations, partly to conceal their disaffection frotn their genera), and partly to avoid the imputation of cowardice from their fellow-soldiers. Witliout allowing his men time to cool or to reflect, Cortes set about carrying his design into execution. In order to give a beginning to a colony, he assembled the principal persons in his army, and by their suffrage elected a council and magistrates in whom llie govern- ment was to be vested. As men naturally transplant the institutions and forms of th. mother-country into their new settlements, this was f£«..3ed upon the model of a Spanish corporation. The magistrates were dis- tinguished by the same names and ensigns of office, and were to exercise a similar jurisdiction. All the toys, uad other goods proper for the Indian trade, aad Cortes gained their favour by encouraging this under-hand barter. — B. Diaz, c. 41. n h I m HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book v. .H:i person* choien were most firmly ^v«ted to Cortes, «ik1 the instrument of tlieit election Was framed m the •king's name, without any meotion of their deperMlence on Velasquez. The tn\'u prH)ci{>lefi of avarice ^nd en- thusiaMi", which prompted Uie Spaniards to all their enterprises in the New World, seem to have concurred in »u)fgesting the name which Cortes bestowed on his infant settlement. He caUed it, Tlie rich toicn of the trite Cn>ss. (Villa rica de la vera Cruz). The first meeting of tifc new council was distin- guished by a transaction of great momiAt. As soon as it assembled, Cortes applied for leave to enter ; and ■approaching with many marks of profound respect, which added dignity to the tribunal, and set am example ■of reverence for its autbority, he began it long harangue, in whicli, with much art, and in terms extremHy flat- tering- to persons just entering upon their new fiHic- ti(>i.> lie observed, that as the supreme jurisdiction •ov:'? the colony whicl) tliey had planted was now vested hi !!i.:s oourt, he considered them as clothed with the ■autlji 'ity, and representing the person of their sove- reign ; that accordingly he would communicate to Ujini vvhat he deemed essential to the public safety, *'it!i tije same dutiful fidelity as if he were addressing •his royal master ; that the security of a colony f^ettlexl •in :. ^ eat emj)ire, wiiosp sovereign had already disco- vered his hostile intentions, depended upon arms, and the efficacy of these npon the subordination and disci- i])line preserved among the troops ; that his right to command was derived from a commission granted by the i,'overnor of Cuba ; and as that had been long since •revoked, the lawfulness of his jurisdiction might well ■be questioned ; that he might be thought to act upon a defective, or even a dubious title ; nor could they trust an army which might dispute the powers of its general, at a juncture when it ought implicitly to obey his orders; that, moved by those considerations, he now resigned all his authority to tliem, that they,, having both rigItT, to choose, and power to confer full jurisdiction, might appoint one, in the king's name, to command the army in its future operations ; and as for his own part, such was his zeal '• ■ the ■ • -vice in which they were engaged, that he woui; most cheerfully take tjp a pike with the same hand tlirtt laid down the r' - ■neral's truncheon, and conviiec his fellow-soldiers, that though accustomed to command, he had not for- gotten how to obey. Having finished his discourse, 'he laid the commission from Velasquez upon the table, and after kissing his truncheon, delivered it to the chief magistrate, and withdrew. The deliberations of the council were not long, as Cortes had concerted this important measure with his confidents, and had prepared tlie other members with ] great address, for (he piatt wbich ke wished them to take. His resignation was Accepted ; and as the unin- terrupted tenor of their prosperity under hii conduce afforded the most satisfying evidence of hrs abilities for command, they, by their unanimous suffrage, elected him chief justice of the colony, and captain-general of its army, and appointed his commission to be made out in the king's name, with most ample powers, wliich were to continue in force until the royal pleasure should be farther known. That this deed might not be deemed the machination o*f n junto, the council called together the troops, and neqOuinted them with what had been resolved. The soldiers, with eager applause, ratified the choice which the council h$A made ; the »ir resounded with tiie 'nmnc of Cortes, and all vowed to shed 'titeir blootl in support of his authority. Cortes having now brought his intrigties to the de- sired issue, and sltuken off his mortifying dependenee on the governor of Cuba, accepted of the commission which vested in him supreme jurisdiction, civil as well as militarj-, over the colony, with nrnny professions of respect to the council, and gratitude 4othe«rmy. To- gether with his new cumninnd, he assumed greater dignity, and began to exercise more extensive powers. Formerly he liad felt himself to be oo>y the deputy of a subject ; now 1»e acted as the representative of his sovereign. The adherents of Velasquex, fully aware of what would be the eflect of this change in the situation of Cortes, could -no longer continue silent awl jMtssive spectators of his actions. They exclaimed upcnly against the proceedings of the council as illegal, and against those of the army v.t mirtinous. CorU's, in- stantly perceiving the necessity of giving « timely check to such seditious discourse by some vigorous measure, arrested Ordaz, Escudero, and Velasquez de Lcoi,, the ringleaders of this faction, and fcent them priso lers aboard the fleet, loaded with chains. Their (!• ;,cndents, astonished and overawed, remained quiet; and Cortes, more desirous to reclaim than to punish itis prisoners, who were officers of great n»erit, courted tlieir friendship with such assiduity and address, that the reconciliation was perfectly cordial ; and, on the most trying occasions, neither their connection with the governor of Cuba, nor the memory of the indignity with which they had been treated, tempted them to swerve from an inviolable attachment to his interest. In this, as well as his other negociations at this critical coTijuDcturc, which decided with respect to his future fame and fortune, Cortes owed much of hia success to the Mexican gold, which he distributed with a liberal hand both among his friends and his opponents. Cortes, having thus rendered the union between himself and his army tndiisoluble, by engaging it to ■1 [book v. d them to I tlie unin* ii conduce abilities tor ge, elock'd i-genertl of >e matle out wers, wliicli More »houlJ rht not he puncil called with wimt er Rpplaine, moAe ; the id all vowed rity. ;8 to th« de* depemlenfe commission civil as well ■ofessions of lurmy. To- imed greater jsive powers. he deputy of Dtative of his utly ftwnre of •lie sitHHtion rt Uliil |H(8sive limed openly ks illegal, and Curli'Si in- ing a timely ame vigorous Velasquez de id fccnt them haius. Their laiiied quiet; lan to puuish iierit, courted address, that and, oil tiie onectioii with the indignity pted thcni to ) his interest, at this critical ', to hit future hia succeitii to with a liberal punents. niun between ngagiog it to 1519-] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 163 1 ■« join him in disclaiming any dependence on the go- vernor of Cuba, and in repeated acts of disobedience to his authority, thouglit he might now venture to quit the camp in vi\ui:\\ he had hitherto remained, und ad- vance into the country. To this he was encouraged by an event no less fortunate than seasonable. Some Indians having approached his camp in a mysterious manner, were introduced into his presence. He found that they were sent with a proffer of friendship fl-om the cazique of Zempoalla, a considerable town at no great distance ; and from their answers to a variety of questions which he put to them, according to his usual practice in every interview with the people of the country, he gathered, that their master, though subject to the Mexican empire, was impatient of the yoke, and filled with such dread and hatred of Montezuma, tliut nothing could be more acceptable to him than any pro- spect of deliverance from the oppression under which he groaned. On hearing this, a ray of light and hope broke in upon the mind of Cortes. He saw that the great empire which he intended to attack was neither per- fectly united, nor its sovereign universally beloved. He concluded, that the causes of disaH'cction could not be confined to one province, but that in other corners there must be malcontents, so weary of subjection, or so de- sirous of chat jc, as to be ready to follow the standard of any protector. Full of those ideas, on which he began to form a scheme, that time, and more perfect information concerning the state of the country, enabled him to mature, he gave a most gracious reception to the Zempoallans, and promised soon to visit their cazique. In order to perform tliis promise, it was not necessary to vary the route which he had already fixed for his march. Some officers, whom he had employed to sur- vey the coast, having discovered a village named Quia- bislan, about forty miles to the northward, which, both on account of the fertility of the soil, and commodious- ness of the harbour, seemed to be a more proper station for a settlement than that where he was encamped, Cortes determined to remove thither. Zempoalla lay in his way, where the cazique received him in the manner which he had reason to expect • with gifts and caresses, like a man solicitous to gain his good-will ; with respect approaching almost to adoration, like one who looked up to him as a deliverer. From him he learned many particulars with respect to the cliaracterof Montezuma, and the circumstances which rendered his dominion odious. He was a tyrant, as the cazique told him with tears, haughty, cruel, and suspicions ; who treated his own subjects with arrogance, ruined the conquered pro- vinces by excessive exactions, and often tore their sons and daughters from them by violence ; the former to be oli'ered as victims to his gods j tlie latter to be reserved as concubines for himself or favourites. Cortes, in reply to him, artfully inslnuiiled, that one great object of the Spaniards in visiting a country so remote from their own, was to redress grievances, arc' to relieve the op- pressed ; and having encouraged him to hope for this interposition in due time, he conlinui.a his march to. QuiabisUm. The spot which his officers !iad recommended as a proper situation, appeared to him to Le so well chosen, that he immediately marked out ground for a tow n. The houses to be erected were only huts ; but llies<' were to be surrounded with fortifications, of sullicient stien<'th to resist the assaults of an Indian army. As the finisii- ing of those fortifications was essential to the existence of a colony, and of no less importance in prosecuting the designs which the leader und his followers meditated, both in order to secure a place of retreat, and to pre- serve their communication with the sea, every man in the army, officers as well as soldiers, put his hand to the Wv/rk, Cortes himself setting them an example of activity and perseverance in labour. The Indians of Zempoalla and Quiabislan lent their aid ; and this petty station, the parent of so many mighty settlements, was soon in a state of defence. While engaged in this necessary work, Cortes had several interviews with the ca/.iques of Zempoalla and Quiabislan ; and availing himself of their wonder and astonishment at the new objects which they daily beheld, he gradually inspired them with such an high opinion of the Spaniards, as beings of si superior order, and irresistible in arms, that, relying on their protectipn, they ventured to insult the Mexican power, iit the very name of which they were accustomed to tremble. Some of Montezuma's officers having appeared to levy the usual tribute, and to demand a certain number of humaa victims, as an expiation for their guilt in presuming to hold intercourse with those strangers whom the emperor had commanded to leave his dominions, instead of obey- ing the order, the caziques made them prisoners, treated th:m with great indignity, and, as tlieir superstition was no less barbarous than that of the Mexicans, they pre- pared to sacrifice them to their gods. From this last danger they were delivered by the interposition of Cortes, who manifested the utmost horror at the mention of such a deed. The two caziques having now been pushed to an act of such open rebellion, as left them no hope of safety but in attaching themselves inviolably to the Spaniards, they soon completcu *l>eir union with them, by formally acknowledging themselves to be vassals of the same monarch. Their example was followed by the Totonaques, a fierce people who inhabited the moun- tainous part of th^ country. They willingly subjected themselves to the crown of Castile, and offered to accum-« Hh2 l64 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [BOOK IV. .1 I 1- pnny Cortes^ with all their forces, in his march towarcis IVIexico. Cortes had now been above three months in New Spain ; and though this period had not been dis- tinguiiihed by martial exploits, every moment had been employed in operations, which, though less splendid, were more important. By his address in conducting his intrigues with his own army, as well as his sagarity in carrying on his negociations with the natives, he had already laid the foundations of his future success. But whatever confidence he miglit place in the plan which lie had formed, he could not but perceive, that as his title to command was derived from a doubtful authority, he held it by a precarious tenure. The injuries tvhich Velasquez had received, were such as would naturally ])rompt him to apply for redress to their common sovc- leign ; and such a representation, he foresaw, might be fiver of his conduct, that he had reason to apprehend, not only that he might be crijilioii of each, which is curious, as it conveys some idea of the proi;rcss wli?fh the Mexicans had made in several arts of elegance. De Inmlk nuptr imenti^'Liker, p. 364, &c. , J ,j y-j ^^ ,v*'; v.... fc-v Us..". BOOK IV. ' relate the txing sume )a9t to the which they ntertaint'd, tes himself IV that tlie lited reprc- [ligcoverrrs, ftccounts of with tu(.-h a ;ite an ItigU rs to reliu- ot' the trcii* 1 or(J«r thitt ch was tlic luiuiLs, and ture wcallli, ;iiturcT> was ■ed to their itherto bcfu ocarrcro ami uy, were ap- rtith txpicbs ^e thitlier. lei>arturc, an arm. Sutue 'elastjucz, or uiiavuidublv t of a great the design naking tli'u- jvernor sutli ejjt the ship ispavciies to y persons ct secrecy; but y for execu- sociatcs. nterjjosed so of this coii- etiug appre- L'liemc wliiiU e been copied articles in his •arious articles F. Martyr :ib g\)t to Spttiii, 'cat attention^ as it conveys ( had mndp in imenttf-ldcT, \5\9-] HISTORY OF AMERICA.' 165 he liad long revolved. Ifc perceived that the spirit of disaffection still lurked among his troops ; that, tiiough hitherto checked by the uniform success of his schemes^ or suppressed by the hand of authority, various events might occur which would encourage and call it forth. He observed, that many of liis men, weary of the fa- tii^ue of service, longed to revisit their settlements iu Cuba ; and that upon any appearance of extraordinary danger, or any reverse of fortune, it would be impos- sible to restrain them from returning thither. He was sensible that his forces^ already too feeble, could bear no diminution, and that a very small defection of his followers wonid oblige him to abandon the enterprise. After ruminating often, and with much solicitudcj upon those particulars, he saw no hope of success, but in cutting off all possibility of retreat, and in reducing his men to the necessity of adopting the sarnc resolu- tion with which he himself was animated, either to conquer or to perish. With this view, he determined to destroy his fleet; but as he durst not venture to execute such a bold resolution by his single authority, lie laboured to bring his soldiers to adopt his ideas with respect to the propriety of this measure. His address in accomplishing this was not inferior to the arduous occasion in which it was employed. He persuaded some, that the ships had sufTcred so mucli by having been long at sea, as to be altogether unfit for service ; to others he pointed out what a seasonable reinforce- ment of strength they would derive from the junction of an hundred men, now unprofitably employed as sailors ; and to all, he represented the necessity of fixing their eyes and wishes upon what was before tliem, without allowing the idea of a retreat once to enter their thoughts. With universal consent the ihips were drawn asliore, and after stripping them of their sails, rigging, iron-works, and whatever else might be of use, they were broke in pieces. Thu:i, from an effort of magnanimity, to which there is no- thing parallel in history, five hundred men voluntarily consented tfl' be shut up in a hostile country, filled with powerful and unknown nations; and having pre- cluded every means of escape, left themselves without any resource but their own valour and perseverance. Nothing now retarded Cortes ; the alacrity of his troops and the disposition of his allies were equally favourable. All the advantages, however, derived from the latter, though procured by much assiduity and ad- dress, were well nigh lost in a monient, by an indiscreet sally of religious zeal, which, on many occasions, pre- cipitated Cortes into actions inconsistent with the pru- dence that distinguishes his character. Though hi- therto be had neither time nor opportunity to explain to the natives the errors of their own superstition, or to instruct them in the principles of theChrlstion faith, he commanded his soldiers to overturn the altars and to destroy the idols in the chief temple of Zcmpoalla, and in their place to erect a crucifix and an image of the Virgin Mary. The pepple beheld this with asto- nishment and horror ; the pfiests excited thcni to arms ; but such was the authority of Cortes, and so greqt the ascendant which the Spaniards had acquired, that the commotion was appeased without bloodshed, and con- cord perfectly re-established. Cortes began his march from Zcmpoalla on the six- teenth of August, with five hundred men, fifteen horse, and six field-pieces. The rest of his troops, consisting chiefly of such asi from age or infirmity were less fit for active service he luft as a garrison in Villa Uica, undec the command of Escaiantc, an officer of merit, and warmly attached to hi8 interest. Tlu- ca/iquu of ^gm-, poalla supplied him with provisions, and with tvv,o, hundred of those Indians, called Tamcntcs, whose ofh'ce^ in a country where tame animals were unknown, was to carry burdens, and to perform all servile labour., They were a great relief to the Spanish soldiers, who, hitherto had been obliged, not only to carry their own baggage, but to drag along the artillery by main force. He oftcrcd likewise a oonsiderabie body of his troops, but Cortes was satisfied with four hundred ; takinjf care, however, to choose persons of such note as might prove hostages for the fidelity of their master. Nothing memorable happened in his progress, until he arrived, on the confines of TIascala. The inhabitants of that province, a warlike people, were implacable enemies of the Mexicans, and had becu united in an ancient alli- ance with the caziques of Zcmpoalla. Though less civilized than the subjects of Montezuma, they were advanced in improvement far beyond the rude nations of America, whose manners we have described. They had made considerable progress in agriculture; they dwelt in large towns ; they were not strangers to some species of commerce ; and in the imperfect accounts of their institutions and laws, transmitted to us by the early Spanish writers, we discern traces both of distri- butive justice and of criminal jurisdiction, iu their in- terior police. But still, as the degree of their civiliza- tion was incomplete, and as they depended for sub- sistence not on agriculture alone, but trusted for it, ia a great measure, to hunting, they retained many of the qualities natural to men in this state. Like them, they were fierce and revengeful ; like them, too, tliey were high-spirited and independent. In consequence of the fbrmer, they were involved in perpetual hostilities, and had but a slender and occasional intercourse with neigh- bouring states. The latter inspired them with such detestation of servitude, that they not only refused to 166 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book v. y t|j- 1^ ?!f \l^ stoop to n foreign yoke, and maintained an obstinate and sucrtssful contest in defence of their liberty against the sujn nor power of the Mexican empire, but tiu-y guarded witii equal solicitude again.^t domestic tyranny ; and dis(h»iiiing to acknowledge any master, they lived under the mild and limited jurisdiction of a council elected by their several tribes. Cortes, though he had received information con- ccrr.ing the martial charucler of this ptM)ple, flattered himself that his professions of delivering tlu o|)pressed from the tyranny of Monitzuma, their inveterate enmity to the MexicJins, and the example of their ancient allies the Zenii-oallans, might induce the Tlnscrxlans to grant him a tricni'ly rcirptiun. In order to dispose them to this, four Zimpoallans of great eminence were sent ambassadors, lo icque-', in his name, and in that Cf the ' cazique, that tiicy wuild permit the Spaniards to pas- tlirougii the territories of the republic in their way to Mexico. But instead uf tiie favourable answer which was e.vpectcd, the Tlasi ilans seized the ambas- sadors, and, without any regurd to their public cha- racter, made preparations for sacrificing them to their pods. At the same time, they assembled their troops, in order to oppose those unknown invaders, if they should attempt to muke their psssage good by force of arms. Various motives concurred in precipitating the TIascalans into tliis resolution. A fierce people, shut up within its own narrow preciiicts, and little accus- tomril to any intercourse i,i»'i> ioreigners, is apt to con- siiier every !iii anger as an evieniy, and is easily excited to arms. They coiR-ludcil from Cortes's proposal of visiting Monteiuma in hi t cnpltal, that, notwithstand'ng all his professions, he eouifi-d the friendship of a mo- narch whom they both i:alt>d and feared. The impru- dent zeal of Cortes in viclating the temples in Zem- ])oalla, filled the TIascalans with horror; and as they : 1., f his fellow-con- querors, in the most advantageous point of light, had not the sam« temptation to ex.iggerate ; und it is probable, that lil> account of the numbi-rs approaches nearer to the truth. The assembling of an army of 150,000 men requires many pre- vious arrangements, and such provision for their subsistiMuc as seems to be beyond the foresight of Amer'cans. The ilc- gree of cuUivatinn in TlaitcHhi does not seem to have luin so great, as to have furnished such a vast army with provi- sions, iliough this jirovince was so much better cultivatetl than other regions of New Spain, that it was called tlic country of bread ; yet the i^paniarda in their march snfTereil such want, that they were obl^^ed to subsist upon Tiuuit, a species of fruit which grows wild iu tbc fields. Htrraa, Dec. ii. lib. vi. C.5. p. 182. ' 151^1 HISTORY or AMERICA. 167 than the itient to merit of ous men mti-mned y had not of those ity which it the re- I) into the leople who •omptitudc the fifhl with great nded sonu' ss, in then irreparable, tcs saw the His army ions, where f camp witli he was cx- B TIascalaiis newing the valour and ecn nothii',;; u historians ,t pomp, i"»* ngling many » with such vet of words sting, where the narrative n on the one le other, the exploits. For jirices, that lie ill assmniiig ;'» ibundantly tlis- his fellow-con- ht, had not the nhablc, that liii lie truth. Tlie ires many pre- icir sobsisfeiue ifans. The ) niont, commtHiilno nltention. T'herc arc »onie circumstaiiccB, lio«"cvcr, in t'is war, which arc mcmornblf, %\tA merit notice, ns they throw lijflit upon the character hoth of tlte pec pie of New Spain, and of their ■conquci-ors. Though the Tlascn- lans bruug'Wt iii4o tiie ificld such numerous armies ns appear suflicient to 4iave ovcrwiiclmed the SpuniarH.s, tliey were never able to make any imprcNsiun upon their «mail battalion. Singulnr us tliis may seem, it is not inexplicHbie. TlicTlascalans, tlioui^h addicted to war, were, like all unpoHslied nations, strangers to military order and discipline, and lost in a great niea-sure the advantage v\hirli tlicy niiglit Iih"- dcrixfd fronitlulr numbers, and tiie in)petu«iity '>' .leir attack, by their constartt solicitude to carry o*' Uie diad and wounded. Tliis point of honour, foundi . • a si ntiment of tcn- dc'^ncss natural to the human n ^nd strengthened by anxiety to preserve the ' 'xi . i.,cir countrymen from being devoured by t cir enemies, was universal ninong the people of New Spain. Attention to this ])ious oflicc occupied them even during the heat of combat, broke their union, and diminished the force of tlic impression which they might have made by a joint effort. Not only was their superiority in number of little avail, but tlie imperfection of their military weapons rendered their valour in a great measure inofilnsivc. Alter three battlci, and many skirmishes and assaults, not one Spaniard wa» killed in the field. Arrows and spears, headed \vith flint or the bones of fii>heii, stakes hardened in the fire, and wooden bwords, though de- structive weapons among naked Indians, were easily turned aside by the Spanibh bucklers, and could hardly jH iietrate the escanpilcs, or quilted jackets, which the soldiers wore. The Tlascalans advanced boldly to the charge, and often fought hand to hand. Many of the Spaniards were wounded, though all slightly, which cannot be imputed to any want of courage or strength in their enemies, but to the defect of the arms with which they assailed them. Notwithstanding tlie fury with which the Tlascalans attacked tlie Spaniards, they seem to have conducted their hostilities with some degree of barbarous genero- sity. They gave the Spaniards warning of their hostile intentions, and as they knew that their invaders wanted provisions, ana .magined, perhaps, like the other Ame- ricans, that they had left their own country because it did not afl'ord them subsistence, they sent to their camp a large supply of poultry and mai/c, desiring them to eat plentifully, because they scorned to attack an enemy enfeebled by hunger, aad it would be an affront to theiir gods to offer them famished victimi, M well m diMgrec- able to tiieinsclve* to feed on such emitciated prey. When they were taught by the first encounter with their new enemies, that it waH not easy to execute thii threat ; when they perceived, in the tubciequent engBge- ments, that notwithstanding all the efforts of their own valour, of which tl>ey had a very high opinion, not one of the Spanianis was slain or taken, they began to con- ceive them to be a superior order of beings, against whom human power could not avail. In this extre- mity, they had recourse to their priests, requiring them to reveal the mysterious causes of such extraordinary events, and to declare what new means they should employ in order to repulse Hiose formidable invaders. 'I'hc priests, after many 8Hcr.?>.;-Ti .fid incantations, de- livered this response : TliiU Avi,> strangers were the oil'spring of the sun, pr rated Vy Lis animating energy ill the regions of the east j that, l.y day, while cherished with the influence of his parental beams, they were in- vincible; but hy night, vlien his reviving heat was withdrawn, tlieir vigour declined and faded like the herbs in the field, and tliey dwindled down into mortal men. Theories less plausible have gained credit with more enlightened nations, and have influenced their conduct. In consequence of this, the Tlascalans, with the implicit confidence of men who fancy themselves to be under the guidance of Heaven, acted in contradic- tion to one of their most established maxims in war, and ventured to attack the enemy, with u strong body, in the night-time, in hopes of destroying them when enfeebled and surprised. Dut L'ortes had greater vigi- lance and discernment than to be deceived by the rude stratagems of an Indian army. The centinels at his out- posts, observing some extraordinary movement amorg the Tlascalans, gave the alarm. In a moment tl\e troops were under arms, and sallying out, dispelled the party with great slaughter, without allowing it to uppruuch the camp. The Tlascalans, convinced, by sad expe- rience, that their priests had deluded them, and satiaiied that they attempted in vain, either to deceive or to van- quish their enemies, their fierceness abated, and tl»ey began to incline seriously tu peace. They were at a loss, however, in what manner to address the strangers, what idea to form of their character, and whether to consider them as beings of a gentle or of a malevolent nature. There were circum- stances in their conduct wiiich seemed to favour each opinion. On the one hand, as the Spaniards constantly dismissed the prisoners whom they took, not only with- out injury, but often with presents of Euroj .an toys, and renewed their offers of peace* after evti j victory j this lenity amazed people, who, according to the exter- minating system of war known in America, were IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) .o'*^ ^^ f^.^ 1.0 I.I 11.25 ■ 50 1^ l^ i2£ 12.2 i Mm ^1^ V] % / Photogrdphic Sdences Corporation 33 WKT MAIN STRUT WIBSTIR.N.Y. MSM ( 71* ) 172-4503 4^ 4' lM m * M> i i ;» > . i i^.; 108 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book v. actiustomed to Mcrlfice and devour without mercy all the captives taken in battle, and disposed them to en- tertain favourable sentiments of the humanity of their new enemies. But, on the other hand, as Cortes had leized fifty of tlieir countrymen who brought pro- vision^ to his camp, and, supposing them to be spies, had cut off their hands ; this bloody spectacle, added to the terror occasioned by the fire-arms and horses, filled them with dreadful impressions of the ferocity of their invaders.* This uncertainty was apparent in the mode of addressing the Spaniards. '* If," said they, *' you art divinities of a cruel and savage nature, we present to you five slaves, that you may drink their blood, and eat their flesh. If you are mild deities, accept an offering of incense and variegated -plumes. If you are men, here is meat, and bread, and fruit to nourish you." The peace, which both parties now desired with equal ardour, was soon concluded. The Tlascalans yielded themselves as vassals to the; crown of Castile, and engaged to assist Cortes in all his future operations. He took the republic under 'us r ratection, and promised to defend their persons and possessions from injury or violence. This treaty was concluded at a seasonable juncture fur the Spaniards. The fatigue uf service among a •mall body of men, surrounded by such a multitude of tnemies, was incredible. Half the army was on duty tvery night, and even they whose turn it was to rest, slept always upon their arms, that they might be ready to run to their posts on a luwincr.t': warning. Many of them were wounded, a good number, and among these Cortes himself, laboured under the distempers prevalent in hot climates, and several had died since they set out from Vera Cruz. Notwithstanding the supplies which they received from the Tlascalans, they were often in want of provisions, and so destitute of tht necessaries most requisite in dangerous service, that they had no salve to dress their wounds, but what was composed with the fat of the Indians whom they liad slain. Worn out with such intolerable toil and bardahips, many of the soldiers began to murmur, and. * These unhappy vktims are said to be persons of distinc- tion. It sfems improbable that so great a nnnit)er as fifty should be employed as spies. 80 many prisoners had been taken and dismissed, ana the Tlascalans had sent so many nessages to the Spanish c^aarters, that there appears to be no reason for hazarding the hves of so many eoasiderable people, in order to procure Information about the position and^state of their camp. The barbarons manner ta vliieii Cortes ' treated a people unaoiuMBted with the laws of wa • aslabHshed among polished nations, afpears so locking t* the later Spanish writers, that thev dinhiish the nnnber of those whom Iw poaished so cruelly. Rerrera says, that be cat off the hands of seven, and tlhnsM 4§mm» man, Dae. n. Hb. H. c. 8. De Mm reUtes, that the haads «f tonttm or fiftesa when they reflected on the multitude and boldness of their enemies, more were ready to despair. It requirad the utmost exertion of Cortes's authority and address to check (Ills spirit of despondency in its progress, and to re-animate his followers with their wonted sense of their own superiority over the enemies with whom they had to contend. The submission of the Tlascalans, and their own triumphant entry into the capital city, where they were received with the reve- rence paid to beings of a superior order, banished, at once, from the minds of the Spaniards, all memory of past suferings, dispelled every anxious thought with respect to their future operations, and fully satisfied them that there was not now any power in America able to withstand their arms. Cortes remained twenty days in TIascala, in order to allow his troops a short interval of repose after sucli hard service. During that time, he was employed in transactions and inquiries of great moment with respect to his future schemes. In his daily conferences witii the TIascalan chiefs, he received information concern- ing every particular relative to the state of the Mexican empire, or to the qualities of its sovereign, which could be of use in regulating hb conduct, whether he should be obliged to act as a friend or as an enemy. As lie found that the antipathy of his new allies to the Mexi- can nation was no less implacable than had been repre- sented, and perceived what benefit he might derive from the aid of such powerful confederates, he em- ployed all his powers of insinuation in order to gain their confidence. Nor was any extraordinary exertion of these necessary. The Tlascahins, with the levity of mind natural to unpolished men, were, of their own accord, disposed to run from the extreme of hatred to that of fondness. Every thing in tlie appearance and conduct of their guests, was to them matter of wonder.f They gazed with admirstion at whatever the Spaniards did, and fancying them to be of heavenly origin, were eager not only to comply with their demands, but to anticipate their wishes. Tliey offered, accordingly, to accompany Cortes in his march to Mexico, with all the were cut off, and the tbaabs of all the rest. Lib. ii. c. 20. But Cortes himself, Relat. p. 228, b. and after him (iomara, c. 46. affirm, that the hands of all the fifty were cut off. t The horses wer« objects of the greatest astonishment to all the people of New Spain . At first they imagined the horse and bis riaer, like the Centaurs of the ancients, to be some monstrous animal of a terrible form ; and supposing that thfir food was the same as that of men, broaght flesh and hssad to noarish then. Evan after they dSscovend tlisir nislahe, tb«y believed the horses devoured men in battle, and when tkcy neighed, thought that they were demanding their prey. It was not the Interest of ttut 0paaiatds to Mde«slv« th^a, iferrera, dec. U. lib. fit c Ui^ UJ.i U. 1519.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. i69 forces of the republic, under the command of their most experienced captains. But, after bestowing 80 much pains on cementing tliis union, all the beneficial fruits of it were on the point of being lost, by a new effusion of that intem- perate religious zeal with which Cortes was animated, nO'l«ss than the other adventurers of the age. They all considered themsehes as instruments employed by Heaven to propagate the Christian faith, and the less they were qualified, eitherby their knowledge or morals, for such a function, they .were more eager to discharge it. The profound, veneration of the TIascalans for the Spaniards, having jeocouraged Cortes to explain ^o some of their chiefs the doctrines of the Christian reli- gion, and to insist, j^het they should abandon their own superstitions, and 'embrace the faith of their new friends, th«y,|ic(:o(d)pg tft^V idea universal among bar* barous nations, .fie^dUy^ acknowledged the truth and excellence of wh^t hfi taught ; but contended, that the Tcules of Tlascala were divinities no less than the God in whom the. Spqj^tgrds, believed; and as that Being was entitledtto the homage qf Europeans, ^o they were bound to r«vc^,th9 same, pgtwcrs which tl>cir.aiicestors bad worshipped. Cortes . continued, nevertheless, to urge his demand in a tone of authority, mingling threats with bis arguments, untjl the . Tlascalatis could bear it no longer, and confuted hiip never to mention this again, lest tliegods shoujld. avenge on their heads the guilt of having listened to such a proposition. Cortes, astonished and enraged at their obstinacy,, prepared to execute by force, what he«ouId,not accomplish by per- suasion, and was going : to . overturn th^ir altars, and east down their idols with the same violent hand as at Zempoalla, if father Bartholomew de Olmedo, chaplain to the expedition, had not checl(|d hjs inconsiderate impetuosity. He represented the mprud^nce of such an attempt in a large city newly reconciled, and filled witii people no less superstitious than warlike ; he de- clared, that the proceeding at Zempoalla had always appeared to him precipitate and unjust ; that religion was not to be propagated by the sword, or infidels to be converted by violence. ; that pther weapons were to be employed in this ministry : patient instruction mu&t enlighten the understanding, and pious example capti- vate the heart, before men could be induced to abandon error, and embrace the truth. Amidst scenes, #here a narrow-minded bigotry appears in such Hose union with oppression and cruelty, sentiments so jiberal and humane sooth the mind with unexpected' pleasere;' and at a time when the rights- of conscience were little' understood in the Cbri#.tian.wor1'l,..]iud tite idea o^ toleration unknown, one is flstonished' to find a Spin nish nonk of the sixteenth century, among the first 15-lG. advocates against persecution, and in behalf of reli- gious liberty.' The remonstrances of an ecclesiastic, no less respectable for wisdom than virtue, had their proper weight with Cortes. He left the TIascalans in the undisturbed exercise of' their own rites, rcquiriug only that they should desist from their horrid practice of offering human victims in sacrifice. Cortes, as soon as his troops Were fit for service, re- solved to continue his march towards Mexico, notwitli- standii:^ the earnest dissuasives of the TIascalans, who represented his destruction as unavoidable, if he put himself in the power of a prince so faithless and cruel as Montezuma. As he »v^s accompanied by six thou- s^d TIascalans, he had now the command of forces which resembled a regular army. They directed their course towards Cholula (Oct. 13)j Montezuma, who had at length consented to admit the Spaniards into his presence, having informed Cortes, that he had given orders for his friendly reception, there. Cholula was a considerable town, and though only five leagues distant from Tlascala, was formerly ah independent state, but had been lately subjected to the Mexican empire; This was considered by all the people of New Spain as a holy place, the sanctuary and chief seat of their gods, to which pilgrims resorted from every province, and a greater number of human victims were ofi'ered in its principle temple than even in that of Mexico. Mon- tezuma seems to have invited the Spaniards thither, either from superstitious hope that the gods would not suffer this sacred mansion to be defiled, without pouring down their wrath upon those impious strangers, who ventured to insult their power in the place of its peculiar residence ; or from a belief that he himself might there attempt to cut them oif with more cer- tain success, under the immediate protection of his divinities. Cortes had been warned by the TIascalans, before he set out on his march, to keep a watchful eye over the Cholulans. He himself, though received into the town with much seeming respect and cordiality, ob- served several circumstances in their conduct which excited suspicion. Two of the^ TIascalans, who were encamped at some distance from the town, as the Cho- lulans refused to admit their ancient enemies within its precincts, having found means to enter in disguise, acquainted Cortes, that they observed the women and children of the principal citizens retiring in great hurry every night ; and that six children had been sacrificed in the 'ohief temple, a rite which indicated the exccu* 'tfon. of some warlitte enterprise to be approaching. At . tiip" Sainc .Jtiaic, Martina the interpreter received infor- mation .from an Indian .woman of -.distinction, whose ^confidence «he hed^'giHQer this purpose, the Spa- niards and Zempoallans were drawn up in a large court, which had been allotted for their quarters, near the centre of the town ; the TIascalans had orders' to ad- vance ; the magistrates and several of the chief citizens were sent for, unacr various pretexts, and seized. On a signal given, ik i jops rushed out, and fell upon the multitude, destitute of leaders, and so much astonished, that the weapons dropping from their hands, they stood motionless, and incapable of defence. While ,the Spaniards pressed them in front, the TIascalans attacked them in the rear. The streets were filled with bloodshed and death. The temples, which afforded a retreat to the priests and some of the Icadfng men, were set on fire, and they perished in the flames. This •cene of horror continued two days ; during which, the wr (itched inhabitants suffered all that the destructive rfge of the Spaniards, or the implacable revenge of their Indian allies, could inflict. At length the carnage ceased, after the slaughter of six thousand Chotulans, without the loss of a single Spaniard. Cortes then re- leafed the magistrates, and reproaching them bitterly for their intended treachery, declared, that as justice was now appeased, he forgave the offence, but required them torecal the citizens who had fled, and re-establish order in the town. Such was the ascendant which the Spaniards had acquired over this superstitious race of men, and so deeply were they impressed with an opi- * According to Bart, dc las Casat, there was no reaaon for this luassacrc, and it was an aut of wanton cruelty, perpe- trated merely to strike terror into the people of New Spain. Relac. We la Destruyc. p. 17, &c. But the zeal of Las Casas often leads him to exaggerate. In opposition to him, Bern. I>i4iz, c. 83, asserts, that the tirst missionaries sent into New Spain by the emperor, made a judicial inquiry into this trans- action ; and having examined the priests and elders of Cho- Ittla, foDBd that there was a real conspiracy to cut off the Spaniards, and that the acconnt given by Cortes was exactly true. As it was the object of Cortes at that time, and mani- festly his interest, to gain the good-will of Montezuma, it is Improbable, that he liioaid hare takea a Mep which tended so nion of their superior diiceraaient, ai well aa power, that, in obedience to this command, the city was in a few days filled again with people, who, amidst the ruins of their sacred buildings, yielded respectful service to men, whose hands were stained with the blood of their relations and fellow-citizens.* From Cholula, Cortes advanced directly towards Mexico (Oct. 29), which was only twenty leagues dis- tant. In every place through which he passed, he wsi received as a person possessed of sufficient power to deliver the empire from the oppression under which it groaned ; and the caziques or governors communicated to him all the grievances which they felt under the tyrannical government of Montezuma, with that unie> served confidence which men naturally repose in supe>- rior beings. When Cortes first observed the seeds of discontent in the remote provinces of the empire, hope dawned upon his mind ; but when he now discovered such symptoms of alienation from their monarch near the seat of government, he concluded that the vitsi parts of the constitution were affected, and conceived the most sanguine expectations of overturning a state, whose natural strength was thus divided and impaired. While those reflections encouraged the general to per- sist in his arduous undertaking, the soldiers were no less animated by observations mure obvious to their capacity. In descet>ding from the mountains of Chalco, across which the road lay, the vaat plain of Mexico opened gradually to their view. When they first be- held this prospect, one of the most striking and beau- tiful on the faee of the earth y when they observed fertile and cultivated fields, stretching farther than tiie eye could reach ; when they saw a lake resembling tiic sea in extent, encompassed with large towns, and dis- covered the capil^city rising upon an island in' the middle, adorned wreh its temples aird turrets; the scene so far exceeded their imaginittion, that some believed the fanciful descriptions of romance were realized, and that its eiichanted palaces and gilded domes were pre- sented to their sight ; otiiers could hardly persuade themselves that this wonderful spect&< ^s any thing more than a dream. f As tliey advani heir doubts visibly to alienate hitn from the Spaniards, if he had not be- lieved it to be necessary for his '^vt i. preset valion. At the same time, the Spaniards who served in America had such contempt for the natives, and thought tliem so little entitled to the common rights of men, that Cortes might hold the Choluhtns to be guilty upon slight and imperfect evidence. The severity of the punishment was certainly exccsnive and atrocious. t This description is taken almost literally from Benal Diaz del Castillo, who was so unacquainted with the art of compo- sition, as to be incajiable of embellishing his narrative. He relates in a simple and rude style what pas.sed in his own mind, and that oi his fellow-soldiers, on that occasion : " Aud persons, to meet of fine cot Cortes, most resp announce! soon after peared fin with larg ing two their eyes by a com apparel, chair or Jit of various c&rried hi canopy of bim marc hands, w and at and hid t monarch. let it nut 1 dils maane lidcred, thi 1519.] neie M«H>ved, but their amazement increased. They irere now fully sittisfied that the country was rich be- yond any conception which they had formed of it, and flattered themselves that at length they should obtain, an ample recompence for all their services and sufferings. Hitherto they had met with qo enemy to oppose tlieir progress, though several circumstances occurred which led them to suspect that some design was formed to surprise and cut them off. Many messengers nrrived successively from Montezuma, permitting tiiem one day to advance, requiring them on the next to re- tire, as his hopes or fears alternately prevailed ; and so wonderful was thU infatuation, i^hich seems to be un- accountable on any supposition btit that of a supersti- tious dread of the Spaniards, asi beings of a superior nature, that Cprtes.was almost at the gates of the ca- pital, before the monarch had determined whether to receive him as a friend, or to oppose him as an enemy. But as no sign of open hostility appeared, tlie Spa- niards, without regarding the fluctuations of Monte- tuma's sentiments, continued their march along the causeway which led to Mexico through the lake, with great circumspection and the strictest discipline, though without seeming to suspect the prince whom they were about to visit. When they drew near the city, about a thousand persons, who appeared to be of distinction, came forth to meet them, adorned with plumes, and clad in mantles of fine cotton. £ach of these, in his order, passed by Cortes, and saluted him according to the mode deemed most respectful and submissive in their country. They announced the approach of Montezuma himself, and ioon after his harbingers came in sight. There ap- peared first two hundred persons in an uniform dress, with large plumes of feathers, alike in fashion, march- ing two and two, in deep silence, bare-footed, with their eyes fixed on the ground. These were followed by a company of higher rank, in their most shewy apparel, in the midst of whom was Montezuma, in a chair or litter richly ornamented with gold and feathers of various colours. Four of his principal favourites cutied him on their shoulders, others supported a canopy of curious workmanship over his head. Before bim marched three officers with rods of gold in their hands, which they lifted up on high at certain intervals, and at that signal all the people bowed their heads, and hid their faces, as unworthy to look on so great a monarch. When he drew near, Cortes dismounted^ let it not be thonght strange, says he, that I shonkl write in tills maaner of what then tiappencd, for it ought to be con- ridcred, that it is one thhig to relate, another to have beheld ■# HISTORY OF AMERICA. in advancing towards him nith officious haste, and in a respectful posture. At the same time Montezuma ■lighted from hb chairi aod leaning on the arms of two of his near relatipnsi approached with a slow and stately pace, his attendants covering the street with cotton cloths, that he might not touch, the ground. Cortes accosted him with profound reverence, after the European fashion. He returned the salutation, accord- ing to the mode of his country, by touching the earth with his hand, and then kissing it. This ceremony, the customary expression of veneration from inferiors towards those who were above them in rank, appeared such amazing condescension in a proud monarch, who scarcely deigned to consider the rest of mankind as of 'i the same species with himself, that all his subjects firmly believed tliosc persons, before whom he humbled himself in this manner, to be something more than human. Accordingly, as they marched through the crowd, the Spaniards frequently, and with much satis- faction, heard themselves denominated Teulet, or divi- nities. Nothing material passed in this first interview. Montezuma conducted Cortes to the quarters which he had ; epared for his reception, and immediately took leave of him, with a politeness not unworthy of a court more refined. " You are now," says he, *< with your brothers in your own house ; refresh yourselves after your fatigue, and be happy until I return." The place allotted to the Spaniards for their lodging was a house built by the father of Montezuma. It was surrounded by a stone wall, with towers at proper distances, which served for defence as well as for ornament, and its apartments and courts were so large, as to accommo- date both the Spaniards and their Indian allies. The first care of Cortes was to take precautions for his se- curity, by planting the artillery so as to command the different avenues which led to it, by appointing a large division uf his troops to be always on guard, and by posting centinels at proper stations with injunctions to observe the same vigilant discipline as if they were within sight of an enemy's camp. In the evening, Montezuma returned to visit his guests with the same pomp as in their first interview, and brought presents of such value, not only to Cortes and to his officers, but even to' the private men, as proved the liberality of the monarch to be suitable to the opulence of his kingdom. A long conference en- sued, in «hich Cortes learned what whs the opinion of Montezuma with respect to the Spaniards. It was an established tradition, he told him, among the Mexicans, tilings that were never before seen, or heurd, or spokea of' among men." Cap, 8fi, p. C4, b. ,.:.,. ii2 : ' 'I: I-.- ">**** >»w " S M 'i rt^ ii r i i it inn wa m ira HISTORY OF AMERIGAv [book V. that their ahcestors oftine originally from a remote re- gion, and conquered the provinces now subject to his duniinion ; that after they were settled there, the great ciiptain wiiu conducted this colony returned to his own country, jTromising, that at some future period his descendants should visit them, assume the government, and reform thdr constitution and laws ; that, from what he li»d heard and seen of Cortes and his followers, he was convinced that they were the very persons whose appearance the Mexican traditions and prophe- cies taught them to expect ; that accordingly he had received them, not as strangers, but as relations of the same blood arul parentage, and desired that they might consider themselves as masters in his dominions, for both himself and his subjects should be ready to comply with their will, and even to prevent their wishes. Cortes made a reply in his usua^ stile with respect to the dignity and power of his sovereign, and his inten- tion in sending him into that counti^ ; artfully endea- vouring so to fnime his discourse, that it might coin- cide as much as possible with the idea which Montezuma had formed concerning the origin of the Spaniards. Next morning, Gortes and sortjc of his principal at- tendants were admitted to a public audience of the emperor. The three subsequent dhys were employed in viewing the city ; the .-fjlpearafice of which, so far superior in the order of its buildings and the number of its inhabitants to any place the Spaniards had be- held in America, and yet so little resembling the struc- ture of an Europenn city, filled them with surprise and admiration. Mexico, or Tcnnchlitla^i, as it was anciently called by the natives, h situated in a large plain, environed by mountains of such hdglit, dmt, though within the torrid zone, the temperature of its climate is mild and healthful. All the moisture which descends frdin the high grounds is collected in several lakes, the two largest of which, of about ninety miles in circuit, com- municate with each other. The waters of the one are fresh, those of the other brackish. On the banks of the latter, and on some small islands adjoining to tiiem, the capi»al of Montezuma's empire was built. The access to the city was by artificial causeways or streets formed of stones and earth, about thirty feet in breadth. As the waters of the lake during the rainy season over- flowed tlie flat country, these causeways were of con- siderable length. That of Tacuba, on the west, ex- tended a mile and a half; that of Tepeaca,* on the north-west, three miles ; that of CuojTJcan, towards * I am indebted to M. Clavigero for ODnccting an error of Importance in my description of Mexico. From the cast, where Tezeuco was situated, there was no causeMay, as I have observed, aad yet by s«me inatteatiou on iny part/ or on that the south, six miles. On the eust there waa no cause- way, and the city could be approached only by etinoesw In each of these causeways were openings at proper intervals, through which the waters flowed, and over these beams of timber were laid, which being covered with earth, the causeway or street had every where an uniform appearance. As the approaches tb the city were singular, its construction was remarkable. Not only the temples of their gods, but the houses beloiif^- ing to the monarch, and to persons of distinction, were of such dimensions', that, in comparison with any otiicr bui}dings which had been hitherto discovered in Ame- rica, they might be termed magnificent. The habita- tions of the common people were mean, resembling; the huts of other Indians. But they were all placed in a regular manner, on the banks of U>e canals wiiieli passed through the city, in some of its districts, or on the sides of the streets which intersected it in other quarters. In several placet were large openings or squares, one of which, allotted for the great market, is said to have been so spacious, that forty or fifty thou- sand persons carried on traflic there. In this city, the pride of the New World, and the noblest monument of the industry and art of man, while unacquainted with the use of iron, and destitute of aid from any do- mestic animal, the Spaniards, who arc most moderutc in their c<»n1putations, reckon that there were at least .sixty thousand inhabitants. But hoW' much soever the novelty of those objects mij^U amuse or astonish the Spaniards, they felt the utmost solicitude with respect to their own situation. From u concurrence of circumstances, no iess unex- pected tha« favourable to teir progress, they had been allowed to penetrate into tlio heart of a i)owcrful king- dom, aiid were now lodged in its capital, witiiout havini,^ or.ce met with open opposition from its monarch. The TIascalans, however, hud earnestly dissuaded them from placing such confidence in Montezuma, as to enter a city of sueh a peculiar situation as Mexico, where that prince would have them at mercy, shut up as it were in a snave, from which it was impossible to escape. They iissured him that the Mexican priests had, in the name of the godti, counselled their suvjrcign ti.> admit the Spaniards into the capital, that he might cut them otf tliere at one blow with perfect security. They now per- ceived, too plainly, that the apprehensions of their allies were not destitute of foundation ; that, by breaking the bridges placed at certain intervals on the causeways, c by destroying jmrt of the causeways themselves, their of the printer, in all of tlie former editions one of the cause- ways was said to lead to Tezenco. M. Cluvigeru's mensjurc- incnt of the length of these causeways differs somewhat tVotn that which Ihave adopted from F. Torribio. Clavig. if p. 72. I5lf).] III8T0RY OF AMERICA. 173 retreat would be rendered impracticable, and they must remain cooped up in the centre of a hostile city, sur- rounded by multitudes sufficient to overwhelm them, and without a possibility of receiving aid from their allies. Montezuma had, indeed, received them with distinguished respect. But ought they to reckon upon this as real, or to consider it as feigned ? Even if it were sincere, could they promise on its continrance ? Their safety depended upon the will of a monarch in whose attachment they had no reason to confide; and an order flowing from his caprice, or a word uttered by liim in passion, might decide irrevocably concerning their fate. These reflections, so obvious as to occur to the meanest soldier, did not escape the vigilant sagacity of their general. Before he set out from Cholula, Cortes had received advice from Villa Rica, that Qualpopoca, one of the Mexican generals on the frontiers, having assembled an army in order to attack some of the people whom the Spaniards had encouraged to throw off the Mexican yoke, Bscalante had marched out with {^art of the garrison to support his allies ; that an engagement had ensued, in which, though the Spaniards were vic- torious, Escalante, with seven of his men, had been mortally wounded, his horse killed, and one Spaniard hiul been surrounded by the enemy, and taken alive } tliiit the head of this unfortunate captive, after being carried in triumph to different cities, in order to con- vince the people that their invaders were not immortal, had been sent to Mexico. Cortes, though alarmed with tliis iirteingcnce,as an indication of Montezuma's hostile intentions, had continued his march. But as soon as he entered Mexico, he became sensible, that, from an c'xi'CiS of confidence in the superior valour and disrip- ii'ic of his troops, as well as from the disadvantage of liiving nothing to guide him in an unknown country, liut the defective intelligence which he had received fiuin people with whom his mode of communication was >Try iniperfict, he haa pushed forward into a situatioij^ wiicre it wus diflicult to continue, and from which it was dangerous to retire. Disgrace, and perhaps ruin, wus the cci'tain consequence of attempting ,the latter. The success of his enterprise depended upon support- ing the high opinion which the people of New Spain hud formed with respect to the irresistible power of his arms. Upon the first symptom "of timidity on his part, tlieir veneration would cease, and Montezuma, whom fear alone restrained at present, would let loose upon him the whole force of his empire. At the same time, lie kiiew that the countenance of his own sovereign was to be obtained only by a series of victories, and that nothing but the merit of extraordinary success could serccn his conduct from the censure of irregularity. From all these considerations, it was necessary to main- tain his station, and to extricate himself out of the difli- culties in which one bold step had involved him, by venturing upon another still bolder. The situation was trying, b;\t his mind was equal to it ; and after revolving the matter with deep attention, he fixed upon a plan no less extraordinary than daring. He determined to seize- Montezuma in his palace, and to carry him as a pri- soner to the S])anish quarters. From the superstitious veneration of the Mexicans for tl>e person of their monarch, as well as their implicit submission to his willj he hoped, by having Montezuma in his power, to acquire the supreme direction of their affairs ; or, at least, with such a sacred pledge in his hands, he made no doubt of being secure from any effort of their violence. This he .'mmediately proposed to his officers. The timid startled at a measure so audacious, and raised ob- jections. The more intelligent and resolute, conscious that it was the only resource in which there api)eared any prospect of safety, warmly approved of it, and brought over their companions so cordially to the same opinion, that it was agreed instantly to make the attempt. At his usual hour of visiting Montezuma, Cortes went to the palace, accompanied by Alvarado, Sandoval, Lugo, Vclnstjuez de Leon, and Davila, five of his principal officers, and as many trusty soldiers. Thirty chosen mea followed, not in regular order, but sauntering at some distance, as if they had no object but curiosity ; small parties were posted at proper intervals, in all the streets lending from the Spanish quarters to the court; and the remainder of his troops, with the Tlasca'.r.n allies, were under arms, ready to sally out on the first alarm. Cortes and his attendants were admitted without suspicion ; the Mexicans retiring, as usual, out of respect. He addressed the monarch in a tone very difTerent from that which he had employed in former conferences, reproaching him bitterly as the author of the violent assault made upon the Spaniards by one of his officers, and demar\dcd public reparation for the loss which they had sustained by the death of some of their conipanions, us well .is for the insult offered to the great prince whose servants they were. Montezuma, con- founded at this unexpected accusation, and changing colour, either from consciousness of guilt, orfiom feel- ing the indignity with which he was treated, asserted his own innocence with great earnestness, and, as a proof of it, gave orders instantly to bring Qualpopoca and his accomplices prisoners to Mexico. Cortes replied, with seeming complaisance, that a declaration so re- spectable left no doubt remaining in his own inind, but that something more was requisite to satisfy his fol- lowers, who would never be convinced that Montezuma ! 1 I ;' i f r 174 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book v. did not harbour hostile intentions against them, unless, as an evidence of liis confidence and attachment, he removed from his own palace, and took up his residence in the Spanish quarters, where he should be served and honoured as became a great monarch. The first men- tion of so strange a proposal bereaved Montezuma of speech, and almost of motion. At length, indignation gave him utterance, and he haughtily answered, *' That persons of his rank were not accustomed voluntarily to give up themselves as prisoners; and were he mean enough to do so, his subjects would not permit such an affront to be oflTered to their sovereign." Cortes, un- willing to employ force, endeavoured alternately to sooth and to intimidate him. The altercation became warm ; and having continued above three hours, Velasquez de Leon, an impetuous and gallant young man, exclaimed with impatience, " Why waste more time in vain ? Let us either seize him instantly, or stab him to the heart." The threatening voice and fierce gestures with which these words were uttered, struck Montezuma. The Spaniards, he was sensible, 'Itad now proceeded so far, as left him no hope that th<'y would recede. His own danger was imminent, the recessity unavoidable. He ^aw both, and abandoning himself to his fate, complied with their request. ' His officers were called. He communicated to them tiis resolution. Though astonished and afflicted, they pre- sumed not to question the will of their master, but car- iied him in silent pomp, all bathed in tears, to the l^panisli quarters. When it was known that the strangers were conveying aw^y the emperor, the people broke out into the wildest transports of grief and rage, threatening the Spaniards with immediate destruction, as the punish- ment justly due to their impious audacity. But as toon as Montezuma appeared with a seeming gaiety of coun- tenance,, and waved his hand, the tumult was hushed, aodupoH his decladng it to be of his own choice that he went to raside-for.some time among his new friends, the multitude, taught to revere every intimation of their sovereign's pleasure, :quictly dispersed. Thus was a powerful-pninoe seized by a few strangers in the midst of his capital, at noonday, and carried off as a prisoner without opposition or bloodshed. History contains nothing parallel to this eveDt,'eiUier with rer spect to the temerity of the attempt, or the success uf the execution j and were not. all the circumstances of this * B. Diss del CastiUo gives us some idea of the fatigue and hardships they «nderwent in perforniiDg tiiis, and other parts of duty. During the nine moqths that they remained in Mexico, every man, without any distinction between officers and sol- aifei%) slept on hb arms in bis qailted jacliet and giwget. They Uy on inata, or straw spread on tlie floor, and each was obliged ^ bold hifBself as alert as if he had beea on guard. " This," extraordinary transaction authenticated by the most unquestionable evidence, they would appear so wild and extravagant, as to go far beyond the bounds of that pro- bability which must be preserved even in fictitious nar . rations. Montezuma was received in the Spanish quarters with all the ceremonious respect which Cortes had promised. He was attended by his own domestics, and served with his usual state. His principal officers had free access to him, and he carried on every function of government as if he had been at perfect liberty. The Spaniards, however, watched him with the scrupulous vigilance which was natural in guarding such an important prize,* endeavouring at the same time to sooth and reconcile him to his situation, by every external demonstration of regard and attachment. But from captive princes tlic hour of humiliation and suffering is never far distant. Qualpopoca, his son, and five of the principal officers who served under him, were brought prisoners to the capital (Dec. 4), in consequence of the orders which Monte- zuma had issued. The emperor gave them up to Cortes, that he might enquire into the nature of their crime, and determine their punishment. They were formally tried by a Spanish court-martial ; and though they had acted no other part than what became loyal subjects and brave men, in obeying the orders of their lawful sovereign, and in opposing the invaders of their country, they were condemned to be burnt alive. The execution of su..'h atrocious deeds is seldom long suspended. The unhappy victims were instantly led forth. The pile on which they were laid was composed of the weapons collected in the royal magazine for the public defence. An innumerable multitude of Mexi- cans bclicld, in si'cnt astonishment, the double insult offered to the majesty of their empire, an officer of dis- tinction committed to the flames by the authority of strangers, for having done what he owed in duty to his natural sovereign ; and the arms provided by the fore- sight of their ancestors for avenging public wrongs, consumed before their eyes. But these were not the most shocking indignities which the Mexicans had to bear. The Spaniards, con- vinced that Qualpopoca would not have ventured to attack Escalante without orders from his master, were not satisfied with inflicting vengeance on the instru- qnent employed in committing that crime, while the adds he, " became so habitual to me, that even now in my udrancMl age, 1 always sleep in my clothes, and never in any bed. When 1 visit my £ncomienis jea- lousy, and substituted in their place persons less capable or more obsequious. One thing still was wanting to complete his security. He wished to have sach command of the Iivke as might ensure a retreat, if, cither from levity or disgust, the "Mexicans should take arms against him, and break _ down tiic bridges or causeways. This, too, his own ' address, and the facility of Montezuma, enabled him to accomplish. Having frequently entertained his pri- soner with pompous accounts of the European marine t De Solis asserts, lib, iv. c. 3, tbnt the propositlim of doing hoaiiige to the King of Spain, came from Montezuma biiubclf, aud was made in order to iuducu the SpauiatcJs lo and art of navigation, he awakened his curiosity to see those moving palaces which made their way through the water without oars. Under pretext of gratifyin . this desire, Cortes persuaded Montezuma to appuihi some of his subjects to fetch part of the naval stum which the Spaniards had deposited at Vera Cruz u, Mexico, and to employ others in cutting down and preparing timber. Witii their assistance, the Spunisi, carpenters soon completed two brigantines, which af- forded a frivolous amusement to the monarch, and were considered by Cortes as a certain resource, if he should be obliged to retire^ Encouraged by so many instances of the monurcli's tame submission tu his will, Cortes ventured to put it to a proof still more trying. He urged Montezuniu to acknowledge himself a vassal of (he king of Castik-, tu hold his crown of him as superior, and to subject liis dominions to the payment of an annual tribute. Witu this requisitioD, the last and most humbling that i:m\ be made to one possessed of sovereign autliority, Mun- tezuma was so obsequious as to comply. He callid together the chief men of his empire, and in a solemn harangue, reminding them of the traditions and pro- phecies which led them tu expect the arrival of a people sprung from the same stock with themselves, in order to tNke possession of the supreme power, he declun-d his belief that the Spaniards were this promised race ; that therefore he recognijced the right of their monarcli to govern the Mexican empire ; that he would lay liis crown at his feet, and obey him as a tributary. When uttering these words, Montezuma discovered hovi deeply he was a&ected in making such a sacrifice. Tears and groans frequently interrupted his discouriic. Overawed and broken as his spirit was, it still retained such a sense of dignity, as to feel that pang which pierces the heart of princes when constrained to resign independent power. The first mention of such a resu- lution struck the assembly dumb with astonishment, This was followed by a sullen murmur of sorrow, mingled with indignation, which indicated some violent eruption of rage to be near at hand. This Curtts foresaw, and seasonably interposed tu prevent it, liy declaring that his master had no intention to deprive Montezuma of the royal dignity, or to make any inno- vation upon the constitution and laws of the Mexiciui empire. This assurance, added to their dread of tiie Spanish power, and to the authority of their monarcli's example, extorted a reluctant consent from the as- sembly.* The act of submission and homage was depart out of his tlomiuians. He describes his conduct on | this occasion, us it' it had been fuuoded upon a scheme of juo found policy, aud executed with such jefiucd address, as t^ I 1530.] IIISTOllY or AMERICA. 177 executed with all the formalities wliich the Spaniards were pleased to prescribe. Montetuma, at tlie desire of Cortes, accompanied this profession of fealty and homage with a magnificent present to his new sovereign j and, after his example, his subjects brought in very liberal contributions. The Spaniards now collected all the treasure which had been citlier voluntarily bestowed upon them at different times by Montezuma, or had been extorted from his people under various pretexts ; and having melted the gold and silver, the value of these, without including jewels and ornaments of various kinds, which were preserved on account of their curious workmanship, amounted to six hundred thousand pesos. The soldiers were impa- tient to have it divided, and Cortes complied with their desire. A fifth of the whole was first set Kput as the tax due to the king. Another fifth was allotted to Curtcs, as commander in chief. The sums advanced by Velasquez, by Cortes, and by some of the officers, towards defraying the expence of fitting out the arma- ment, were then deducted. The remainder was divided among the army, including the garrison of Vera Cruz, in proportion to their diflferent ranks. After so many defalcations, the share of a private man did not exceed a hundred pesos. This sum fell so far below their san- guine expectations, that some soldiers rejected it with scorn, and others murmured so loudly at this cruel disap- pointment of their hojKs, that it required all the address of Cortes, and no small exertion of his liberality, to ap|)easc them. The complaints of the army were not altogether destitute of foundation. As the crown had contributed nothing towards the equipment or success of the armament, it was not without regret that the soldiers beheld it sweep away so great a proportion of the treasure purchased by their blood and toil. What fell to the share of the general appeared, according to the ideas of wealth in the sixteenth century, an enor- mous sum. Some of Cortes's favourites had secretly appropriated to their own use several ornaments of gold, which neither paid the royal fifth, nor were brought into account as part of the common stock. It was, however, so manifestly the interest of Cortes at this period to make a large remittance to the king, that it deceive Cortes himself. But there is no hint or circamatance in the coBtcuiporary historians, Cortes, Diaz, or Gomara, to justify this theory. Montezuma on other occasions discovered no such extent of art and abilities. The anguish which he felt in perfomiug this humbling ceremony is natural, if we suppose it to have been involuntary. But, according to the theory of De Solis, which supposes that Montezuma was exe- cuting what he himself had proposed, to have assumed an ap- pearance of sorrow, would have been preposterous and incon- sistent with his own design of deceiving the Spaniards. * In several of the provinces, the S|mniards, with all their industry and influence, could collect uo gold, lu others, they 15—16. is highly orobable those concealments were not of great consequence. The total sum amassed by the .Spaniards bears no proportion to the ideas which might be formed, either by reflecting on the descriptions given by historians of the ancient splendour of Mexico, or by considering the productions of its mines in modern times. But, among the ancient Mexicans, gold and silver were not the standards by which the worthof other commodities was estimated ; and destitute of the artificial value derived from this circumstance, were no farther in request than OS they furnished materials for ornaments and trinkets. These were either consecrated to the gods in their temples, or were worn as marks of distinction by their princes and some of their most eminent chiefs. As the consumption of the precious metals was inconsiderable, the demand for them was not such as to put cither the ingenuity or industry of the Mexicans on the stretch, in order to augment their store. They were filtogether unacquainted with the art of working the rich mines with which their country abounded. What gold they had was gathered in the beds of rivers, native, and ripened into a pure metallic state. The utmost effort of their labour in search of it was to wash the earth carried down by torrents from the mountains, and to pick out the grains of gold which subsided ; and even this simple operation, according to the report of the persons whom Cortes appointed to survey the provinces where there was a prospect of finding mines, they per- formed very unskilfully. From all those causes, the wliole mass of gold in possession of the Mexicaps was not great. As silver is rarely found pare, and the Mexican art was too rude to conduct the process for refining it in a proper manner, the quantity of this metal was still less considerable. Thus, though the Spaniards had exerted all the power which they pos- sessed in Mexico, and often with indecent rapacity, in order to gratify their predominant passion, and though Montezuma had fondly exhausted his treasures, in hopes of satiating their thirst for gold, the product of both, which probably included a great part of the bullion in the empire, did not rise in value above what has been mentioned.* procured only a few trinkets of small value. Montezuma assured Cortes, that the present which he offered to the king of Castile, after doing homage, consisted of all the treasure amassed by his father j and told him that he had already dis- tributed the rest of his gold and jewels among the Spaniards.-^ B. Diaz, c. 1U4. Gomara relates, that all the silvvr collected amounted to 500 marks. — Cron. c. 93. This agrees with the account given by Cortes, that the royal fifth of silver was 100 marks. — Relat. 239, B. So that the sum total of silver was only 4000 ounres, at the rate of eifht ounces a mark, Which demonstrates the proportion of silver to gold to have b*eQ exceedingly small Kk 'i': ( I 5 i' if I f.i ^*: J ir« HISTORY OP AMERICA. [book v. But howerer pliant Montfiuma might be in other matters, with rcipect to urif point he wu inflexible. Though Cortet often urged him, with the importunate zeal of a miisionary, to renounce hit ftilte godit, and to embrace the Chriitian faith, he always rejected the pro- position with horror. Superstition, among tlie Mexi- cans, was formed into such a regular and complete sys- tem, that its institutions naturally took foKt hold of the mind ; and while the rude tribes in other parts of America were easily induced to relinquish a few notions and rites, so loose and arbitrary as hardly to merit the name of a public religion, the Mexicans adhered tena« ciously to their mode of worship, which, however barbarous, was accompanied with such order and •olemuity as to render it an object of the highest venera- tion. Cortes, finding all his attempts ineffectual to shake the constancy of Montezuma, was so much enraged •t his obstinacy, that in a transport of zeal he led out his soldiers to throw down the idols in the great temple by force. But the priests taking arms in defence of their altars, and tlic people crowding with great ardour to support them, Cortes's prudence overruled his zeal, and induced him to desist from his rash attempt, after dislodging the idols from one of the shrines, and placing in their stead an image of the Virgin Mnry.* From that moment the Mexicans, who had permitted the imprisonment of their sovereign, and suffered the exactions of strangers, without a struggle, began to me- ditate how they might expel or destroy the Spaniards, and thought themselves called upon to avenge their insulted deities. The piests and leading men held fre- quent consultations with Montezuma for this purpose. hill aubjecti. He quickly perceived that he might derive more advantage from a seeming compliance with the monarch's inclination, than from an ill-timed attempt to change or to oppose it ; and replied, with great com- posure, that he had olready begun to prepare for return- ing to his own country ; but ns he had destroyed the vessels in which he arrived, some time was requisite for building other ships. This appeared reasonable. A number of Mexicona were sent to Vera Cruz to cut down timber, and some Spanish carpenters were ap pointed to superintend the work. Cortes flattered him- self, that during this interval be miglit either find means to avert the threatened danger, or receive such reiuforce- ments as would enable him to despise it. Almost nine months were elapsed since Portocar- rero and Montejo had sailed with his dispatches to Spain ; and he daily expected their return with a con- firmation of his authority from the king. Without this, his condition was insecure and precarious, and after nil the great things which he had done, it might be his doom to bear the name and suffer the punibhment of a traitor. Rapid and extensive as his progress had been, he could not hope to complete the reductiua of a great empire with so smuU a body of men, which by this time diseases of various kinds considcrnbly thinned; nor could he apply for recruits to the Spanish settlements in the islands until he received tlie royal approbation of his proceediiigs. While he remained in this cruel situation, anxious about what was past, uncertain with respect to the future, and, by the late declaration of Montezuma, op- pressed with a new addition of cares, a Mexican courier But as it might prove fatal to the captive monarch to I arrived with an account of some ships having appeared attempt either the one or the other by violence, he was willing to try more gentle means. Having called Cortes into his presence, he observed, that now, as all the pur- poses of his embassy were fully accomplished, the gods had declared their will, and the people signified their desire that he and his followers should instantly depart out of the empire. With this he required them to com- ply, or unavoidable destruction would fall suddenly on their heads. The tenor of this unexpected requisition, as well as the determined tone in which it was uttered, left Cortes no room to doubt that it was the result of gome deep scheme concerted between Montezuma and * De Soils, lib. iv. c. 1 . calls in question the truth of this transaction, from no better reason than that it was inconsistent with that prudence which distinguiglies the character of Cortes. But he ought to hiive recollected tiie impetuosity of his zeal at Tlascula, which was no less imprudent. He asserts, timt the evidence for it rests upon the testimony of B. Diaz del Cas- tillo, of Gomara, and of If errera. They all concur, indeed, in mentioning this inconsiderate step which Cortes took j and I r- — ""o -I'l".— v« on the coast. Cortes, with fond credulity, imagining that his messengers were returned from Sp.-)in, and that the completion of all his wishes and hopes was at hand, imparted the glad tidings to his companions, who re- ceived them with transports of mutual gratulation. Their joy was not of long continuance. A courier from Sandoval, whom Cortes had appointed to succeed £sca- lante in command at Vera Cruz, brought certain infor- mation that the armament was fitted out by Velasquez, governor of Cuba, and instead of bringing the aid which they expected, threatened them with .immediate de.. struction. they had Kood reason to do so, for Cortes himself relates this exploit in his second dispatch to the emperor, and seems to glory in it.— Cor«. Relat. Ramus, iii, 140, D. This is one instance, among many, of Dc Soits's having consulted with little attention the letters of Corte* to Charles V. from which the mo.st authentic information with respect to his operations must be derived. accounts tion of th warmth his ioten Htrrera, chronolof tocarrero Berrera, October, attended occurrenc tlAns the cember, i the histoi andieace OK V. derive th the Itempt kt i'om<- retiirn« ed the isitc for \ih. A to cut were ap ed him- (I nieuns iiuforce« *ortocar- iclte« tu h s con- lout this, i after hU it be his hment uf liad been, of a great r this time i)ed} nor ittlements obation uf ]5iO.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 179 anxious ct to the uma, op- an courier ^ appeareil iniagimi>g , and that lu at hand, who le- ratulation. urier from ced Esca- taia infor- Velasquez, ; aid which ediate de- r relates this nd seems to Tliis is one nsulted witli from wUicl* is operations L'l The motives whivli prompted Velasquez to this vio« lent measure arc obvious. From the circumstances of Cortes's departure, it was impossible not to suspect hi« intention of throwing ofTail dependence upon him. His neglecting to transmit any account of iiis opera* tions to Cuba, strengtiicned this suspicion, which was at last confirmed beyond doubt, by the indiscretion of the ofiicers whom Cortes tent to Spain. They, from tome motive which ia not clearly explained by the contemporary historians, touched at the island of Cuba, contrary to the peremptory orders of their general. By this means Velasquez not only learned that Cortes and his followers, after formally renouncing all connection with him, hod established on independent colony in New Spain, and were soliciting the king to confirm their proceedings by his authority; but he obtained particular information concerning the opulence of the country, the valuable presents which Cortes had re- ceived, and the inviting prospects of success that opened to his view. Every passion which can agitate ait ambitious mind ; shame, at having been so grossly overreached; indignation, at being betrayed by the man whom he had selected as the object of his favour and confidence ; grief, for having wasted his fortune to aggrandize an enemy ; and despair of recovering so fair an opportunity of establishing his fame and extend- ing his power, now raged in the bosom of Velasquez. All these, with united force, excited him to make an extraordinary effort in order to be avenged on the au- thor of his wrongs, and to wrest from him his usurped authority and conquests. Nor did he want the appear* ance of a good title to justify such an attempt. The agent whom he sent to Spain with an account of Gri- jalva's voyage, had met with a most favourable recep- tion ; and from the specimens which he produced, such high expectations were formed concerning the opulence of New Spain, that Velasquez was authorised to pro- secute the discovery of the country, and appointed * Herrcra and De Solis suppose, that Velusqaez was en- couraged to equip this armamcat against Cortes, by the accounts wliicli he received from Spain concerning the recep- tion of the atrt-ntt sent by the colony of Vera Cruz, and the warmth with which Ponseca, biiiiop of Durgos, had espoused his intereitt, and condemned the proceedings of Cortes. — Herreru, dec. ii. lib. ix. c. 18. De Solis, lib. iv. c. 5. But the chronolojOfical order ot events refutes this supposition. Por- tocarrero aod Monteju sailed from Vera Ci uz, July 26, 151 9.— Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. c. 4. They landed at 8t. Lucar in October, according to Herrera, ibid. But P. Martyr, who attended the court at that time, and communicated every occurrence of moment to his correspondents day by day, men- tions the arrival of these atcents for the first time, in De- cember, and speaks of it as a recent event. Epist. 660. All the historians a((ree, that the agents of Cortes had their first andieace of the Emperor at Tordesillas, when he went to that governor of it during life, with more extensive power and privileges than had been granted in any adventurer from the time of Columbus. Eiatud by tliis distin- guishing mark of favour, and warrnntcd to consider Cortes not only as intruding upon his jurisdiction, but as disobedient to the royal mandate, he determined to vindicate his own rights and the honour of his sove ■ reign by force of arms.* His ardour in carrying on his preparations, was such as might have been expected from the violence of the passions with which he was animated ; and in a short time an armament was com- pleted, consisting of eighteen ships, which had on board fourscore horsemen, eight hundred foot soldiers, of which eighty were musketeers, and an hundred and twenty cross-bow men, together with a train of twelve pieces of cannon. As Velasquez's experience of the fatal consequence of committing to another what he ought to have executed himself, had not rendered him more enterprising, he vested the command of tliis for« midable body, which, in the infancy of the Spanish power in America, merits the appellation of an army, in Pamphilo de Narvnez, with instruc<..ons to seize Cortes and his principal officers, to send them prisoners to him, and then to complete the discovery and conquest of the country in his name. After a prosperous voyage, Narvaez landed his men without opposition near St. Juan de Ullua (April). Three soldiers, whom Cortes hod sent to search for mines in that district, immediately joined him. By this accident, he not only received information con- cerning the progress and situation of Cortes, but as these soldiers had made some progress in the know* ledge of the Mexican language, he acquired interpre- ters, by whose means he was enabled to hold some intercourse with the people of the country. But, according to the low cunning of deserters, they framed their intelligence witli more attention to what they thought would be agreeable, than to what they knew town to visit his mother in his way to St. Jago de Compos- tella. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. c. 4. De SoUm, lib. iv. c. 5. But the emperor set out from Valiadolid for Tordesillas, on the 1 1th of March 1520 ; and P. Martyr mentions his having seen at that time the presents made to Charles, Epitt. 1665. Thearmament under Narvaez sailed from Cuba in April, 1520. It is manifest then, that Velaoquez could not receive any ac- count of what passed in this interview at Tordesillas, previous to his hostile preparations against Cortes. His real motives seem to be those which I have mentioned. The patent ap- pointing bim Adelantado of New Spain, with such extensive powers, bears date November 13, 1519. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. c. 1 1 . He might receive it about the beginning of Ja- nuary. Gomara takes notice, that as soon as this patent was delivered to him, be began to equip a fleet and levy forces. Crvn, c. 96. Kk2 Ii- 180 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book v. I I fi Jl to be true ; and represented the situation of Cortes to be so desperate, and the disaffection of his followers to be so general, as increased tlie natural confidence und pre'iumption cif Narvaez. His first operation, however, might have taught him not to rely on their partial accounts. Having sent to summon the governor of Vera Cruz to surrend<>r, Guevara, a priest whom he employed in that service, made the requisition with such insolence, that Sandoval, an officer of high spirit, and zealously attached to Cortes, instead of complying with his demands, seized him and his attendants, and sent them in chains to Mexico. Cortes received them not like enemies, but as friends, and condemning the severity of Sandoval, set them immediately at liberty. By this well-timed clemency, seconded by caresses and presents, he gained their confidence, and drew from them such particulars con- cerning the force and intentions of Narvaez, as gave him a view of the impending danger in its full extent. He had not to contend now with half-naked Indians, no match for him in war, and still more inferior in the arts of policy, but to take the field against an army in courage and martial discipline equal to his own, in number far superior, acting under the sanction of royal authority, and commanded by an officer of known bravery. He was informed that Narvaez, more soli- citous to gratify the resentment of Velasquez, than at- tentive to the honour or interest of his country, had begun his intercourse with the natives, by representing him and his followers as fugitives and outlaws, guilty of rebellion against their own sovereign, and of injus- tice in invading the Mexican empire; and had declared that his chief object in visiting the country was to punish the Spaniards who had committed these crimes, and to rescue the Mexicans from oppression. He soon perceived that the same unfavourable representations of his character and actions had been conveyed to * De SoUs contends, that as Narvaez liad no interpreters, ,he could hold uo intercourse nitli the people of the provinces, nor converse with them iu any way but by signs, and that it was equally imposbible fur him to carry on any communication with Montezuma. Lib. iv c. vii. but it is upon the autho- rity ef Cortes himself that, I relate all the particuL 'S of Narvaez's correspondence both with Montezuma and y.iu his subjects in the maritime provinces. Relat. Ramus, iii. i'42, A. C. Cortes affirms, that there was a mode of inter- course between Narvaez and the Mc.vicans, but does not ex- plain how it was carried on. Bernul Uiuz sup[>lies this defect, aud informs us, that the thiee deserters who joined Narvaez acted as interpictcrs, !iavin|r acquired a competent knowledge of the language, c. II U. \\'ith iiis usual miuuteaess, he men- tions their names and chaiacters, and refutes, in chapter 122, how they were punished for tht-ir perfidy. The Spaniards bad now resided above a yeur among the Mexicans ; and it is not surprising, that several among them should have made Montezuma, and that Narvaez had found means to assure him, that as the conduct of those who kept him under restraint was highly displeasing to the king his master, he had it in charge not only to rescue an in- jured monarch from confinement, but to reinstate him in the possession of his ancient power and indepen- dence. Animated with this prospect of being set free from subjection to strangers, the Mexicans in several provinces began openly to revolt from Cortes, and to regard Narvaez as a deliverer no less able than willing to save them. Montezuma himself kept up a secret intercourse with the new commander, and seemed to court him as a person superior in power and dignity to those Spaniards whom he had hitherto revered as the first of men.* Such were the various aspects of danger and difficulty which presented themselves to the view of Cortes. No situation can be conceived more trying to the capacity and firmness of a general, or where the choice of the plan which ought to be adopted was more difficult. If he should wait the approach of Narvaez in Mexico, de- struction seemed to be unavoidable; for while the Spaniards pressed him from without, the inhabitants, whose turbulent spirit he could hardly restrain with all his authority and attention, would eagerly lay hold on such a favourable opportunity of avenging all their wrongs. If he should abandon tiie capital, set the cap- tive monarch at liberty, and march out to meet the enemy, he must at once forego the fruits of all his toils and victories, and relinquish advantages which could not be recovered without extraordinary efforts, and in- finite danger. If, instead of employing force, he should have recourse to conciliating measures, and attempt an accommodation with Narvaez ; the natural haughtiness of that officer, augmented by consciousness of his pre- sent superiority, forbad him to cherish any sanguine hope of success. After revolving every scheme with some proficiency in s^xiaking their language. This seems to have been the case. Verrera, dec. ii. lib. x. c. 1. Both B. Diaz, who was present, and Herrera, the most accurate and best informed of all the Spanish writers, agree with Cortes in his account of the secret correspondence carried on with Mon- tezuma. Dec. ii. lib. ix. c. IW, \9. De^^Solis seems to con- slibr it as a discredit to Cortes, his hero, that Montezuma should liavo been ready to engage in a correspondence with Narvaez. Me supposes that monarch to have contracted such a wonderful affection for the Spaniards, that he was not soli- citous to be delivered from them. After the indignity with whicU he had been treated, such an afiection is incredible ; and even Dc Soils is obliged to acknowledge, that it must be looked upon as one of the miracles which God had wrought to facilitate the conquest, lib. iv. c. 7. The truth is, Montezuma, however much overawed by his dread of the Spaniards, was extremely impalieut to recover his liberty. t ' < 1520.") HISTORY OF AMERICA. 181 i deep attention, Cortes fixed upon that which in exe- cution was most hazardous, but, if successful, would prove most beneficial to himself and to his country ; and with the decisive intrepidity suited to desperate situa- tions, determined to make one bold effort for victory under every disadvantage, rather than sacrifice his own conquests and the Spanish interest in Mexico. But though he foresaw tliat the contest must be ter- minated finally by arms, it would have been not only indecent but criminal, to have marched against his countrymen, without attempting to adjust matters by an amicable negociation. In this service he employed Olmedo, his chaplain, to whose character the function was well suited, and who possessed, besides, such pru- dence and address as qualified him to carry on the secret intrigues in which Cortes placed his chief confidence. Narvaez rejected, with scorn, every scheme of accom- modation that Olmedo proposed, and v/as with difficulty restrained from laying violent htiods on him and his attendants. He met, however, with a more favourable reception among the followers of Narvaez, to many of whom he delivered letters, either from Cortes or his officers, their ancient friends and companions. Cortes artfully accompanied these with presents of rings, chains of gold, and other trinkets of value, which inspired those needy adventurers with high ideas of the wealth that he had acquired, and with envy of their good fortune who were engaged in his service. Some, from hopes of be- coming sharers in those rich spoils, declared for an im- mediate accommodation with Cortes. Others, from public spirit, laboured to prevent a civil war, which, whatever party should prevail, must shake, and perhaps subvert the Spanish power, in a country where it was 60 imperfectly established. Narvaez disregarded both, and by a public proclamation denounced Cottes and his adherents rebels and enemies to their country. Cortes, it is probable, was not much surprised at the untractable arrogance of Narvaez ; and, after having given such a proof of his own pacific disposition as might justify his I'ecourse to other means, he determined to advance towards an enemy whom he had laboured in vain to appease. He left a hundred and fifty men in the capital (May), under the command of Pedro de Alvarado, an officer of distinguished courage, for whom tlie Mexicans had con- ceived a singular degree of respect. To the custody of this slender garrison he committed a great city, with all the wealth he had amassed, and, what was still of greater importance, the person of the imprisoned monarch. His utmost art was employed in concealing from Moii- tczumu tlie real cause of his march. He laboured to persuade him, that the strangers who had lately arrived were his friends and fellow-subjects j and that, after a short interview with them, they would depart together, and return to their own country. The captive prince, unable to comprehend the designs of the Spaniards, or to reconcile what he now heard with the declarations of Nar- vaez, and afraid to discover any symptom of suspicion or distrust of Cortes, promised to remain quietly in the Sp»« nish quarters, and to cultivate the same friendship witk Alvarado which he had uniformly maintained with him. Cortes, with seeming confidence in this promise, but relying principally upon the injunctions which he had given Alvarado to guard his prisoner with the most scrupulous vigilance, set out from Mexico. His strength, even after it was reinforced by the junc* tion of Sandoval and the garrison of Vera Cruz, did not exceed two hundred and fifty men. As he hoped for success chiefly from the rapidity of his motions, his troops were not incumbered either with baggage of artillery. But as he dreaded extremely the impression which the enemy might make with their cavalry, he had provided against this danger with the foresight and sagacity which distinguish a great comniander. Having observed that the Indians in the province of Chinantia used spears of extraordinary length and force, he armed his soldiers with these, and accustomed them to that deep and compact arrangement which the use of this formidable weapon, the best perhaps that ever was in- vented for defence, enabled them to assume. With this small but firm battalion, Cortes advanced towards Zempoalla, of which Narvaez had taken pos- session. During his march, he made repeated attempts towards some accommodation with his opponent. But Narvaez requiring that Cortes and his foUo^vers should instantly recognize his title to be governor of New Spain, in virtue of the powers which he derived from Velasquez ; and Cortes refusing to submit to any autho- rity which was not founded on a commission from the emperor himself, under whose immediate protection he and his adherents had placed their infant colony ; all these attempts proved fruitless. The intercourse, how* ever, which this occasioned between the two parties, proved of no small advantage to Cortes, as it afforded liim an opportunity of gaining some of Narvaez's officers by liberal presents, of softening others by a semblance of moderation, and of dazzling all by the appearance of Wi^alth among the troops, most of his soldiers having converted their share of the Mexican gold into chains, bracelets, and other ornaments, which they displayed with military ostentation. Narvaez and a little junto of his creatures excepted, all the army leaned towards an accommodation with their countrymen. This discovery of their inclination irritated his violent temper almost to madness. In a transport of rage, lie set a. price upon the head of Cortes, and of his principal officers : and J ' iNHN 182 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book v. ^f having learned that he was now advanced within a league of Zempualla with his small body of men, he considered tliis as an insult which merited immediate chastisement, and marched out with all his troops to oiler him battle. But Cortes was a leader of greater abilities and expe- rience than, on equal ground, to fight an enemy so far superior in number, and so much better appointed. Having taiiuns, and carried on hostilities with such fury, that, though Alvarado and his men defended themselves with undaunted resolution, they must either be soon cut off by famine, or sink under the multitude of their enemies. This revolt was excited by motives which rendered it still more akirming. On the departure jof Cortes for Zempoalla, the Mexicans flattered them- selves, tliat the long-expected opportunity of restoring their sovereign to liberty, and of vindicating their country from the odious dominion of strangers, was at length arrived ; that while the forces of their oppres- sors were divided, and the arms of one .party turned against the other, they might triumph with greater fa- cility over both. Consultations were held, and schemes formed with this intention. The Spaniards in Mexico, conscious of their own feebleness, suspected and dreaded those machinations. Alvarado, though a gal- lant officer, possessed neither that extent of capacity, nor dignity of manners, by which Cortes had acquired such an ascendant over the minds of the Mexicans, as never allowed them to form a just estimate of his weak- ness or of their own strength. Alvarado knew no mode of supporting his authority but force. Instead of employing address to disconcert the plans or to sooth the spirits of the Mexicans, he waited the return of one of their solemn festivals, when the principal persons in the empire were dancing, according to cus- tom, in the court of the great temple ; he seized all the avenues which led to it, and, allured partly by the rich ornaments which they wore in honour of their gods, and partly by the facility of cutting off at once tiie authors of that conspiracy which he dreaded, he fell upon them, unarmed and unsuspicious of any danger, and massacred a great number, none escaping but such as made their way over the battlements of the temple. An action so cruel and treacherous filled not only the city, but the whole empire, with indignation and rage. All called aloud for vengeance; and re- gardless of the safety of their monarch, whose life was at the mercy of the Spaniards, or of their own danger in assaulting an enemy who had been so long the ob- ject of their terror, they committed all those acts of violence of which Cortes received an account. To him the danger appeared so imminent, as to ad-^ mit neither of deliberation nor delay. He set out in- stantly with all his forces, and returned from Zempo- alla with no less rapiditv than he had advanced thither. At Tlaacala he was joined by two thousand chosen warriors. On entering the Mexican territories he found that disaffection to the Spaniards was not confined to the capital. The principal inhabitants had deserted the towns through which he passed ; no person of note appearing to meet him with the usual respect ; no pro- vision was made for the subsiitence of his troops ; and though he was permitted to advance without opposition, the solitude and silence which reigned in every place, and the horror with which the people avoided all in- tercourse with him, discovered a Qv°p-rooted antipathy, that excited the most just alarm. But, implacable as the enmity of the Mexicans was, they were so unac- quainted with the science of war, that they knew not I % aiiffattiitliiitf •iiiinitiifii in-ii - o-^" i.wi;^deM|K4lWviuJ»m 184 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book v. if '■'If m how to take the proper measures, either for their own safety or the destruction of the Spaniards. Unin- structed by their former error in admitting a formidable enemy into their capital, instead of breaking down the causeways and bridges, by which tliey might have inclosed Alvarado and his party, and have effec- tually stopt the career of Cortes, they again suffered him to march into the city (June 24) without mo- lestation, and to take quiet possession of his ancient station. The transports of joy witli which Alvarado and his soldiers received their companions cannot be expressed. Both parties were so much elated, the one with their seasonable deliverance, and the other with the great exploits which they had achieved, that this intoxica- tion of success seems to have reached Cortes himself; and he behaved on this occasion neither with his usual sagacity nor attention. He not only neglected to visit Montezuma^ but embittered the insult by expressions full of contempt for that unfortunate prince and his people. The forces of which he had now the com- mand, appeared to him so irresistible, that he might assume an higher tone, and lay aside the mask of mo- deration under which he had hitherto concealed his designs. Some Mexicans, who understood the Spanish language, heard the contemptuous words which Cortes uttered, and reporting them to their countrymen, kindled their rage anew. They were now convinced that the intentions of the general were equally bloody with those of Alvarado, and that his original purpose in visiting their country, had not been, as he pretended, to court the alliance of their sovereign, but to attempt the conquest of his dominions. They resumed their arms with the additional fury which this discovery in- spired, attacked a considerable body of Spaniards who were marching towards the great square in which the public market was held, and compelled them to retire with some loss. Emboldened by this success, and de- lighted to find that their oppressors were not invin- cible, they advanced next day with extraordinary mar- tial pomp to assault the Spaniards in their quarters. Their number was formidable, and their undaunted courage still more so. Though the artillery pointed against their numerous battalions, crowded together in narrow streets, swept off multitudes at every discharge; though every blow of the Spanish weapons fell with mortal effect upon their naked bodies, the impetuosity of the assault did not abate. Fresh men rushed for- ward to occupy the places of the slain, and meeting with the same fate, were succeeded by others no less intrepid and eager for vengeance. The utmost effort of Cortes's abilities and experience, seconded by the disciplined valour of his troops, were hardly sufficient to defend the fortifications that surrounded the post where the Spaniards were stationed, into which the enemy were more than once on the point of forcing their way. Cortes .beheld, with wonder, the implacable ferocity of a people who seemed at first to submit tamely to the yoke, and had continued so long passive under it. The soldiers of Narvaez, who fondly imagined that they followed Cortes to share in the spoils of a conquered empire, were astonished to find that they were involved in a dangerous war, with an enemy whose vigour was still unbroken, and loudly execrated their own weak- ness, in giving such easy credit to the delusivt pro- mises of their new leader. But surprise and complaints were of no avail. Some immediate and extraordinary effort was requisite to extricate themselves out of their present situation. As soon as the approach of evening induced the Mexicans to retire, in compliance with their national custom of ceasing from hostilities with the setting sun, Cortes began to prepare for a sally, next day, with such a considerable force, as might either drive the enemy out of the city, or compel them to listen to terms of accommodation. He conducted, in person, the troops destined for this important service. Every invention known in the European art of war, as well as every precaution, sug- gested by his long acquaintance with the Indian mode of fighting, were employed to ensure success. But he found an enemy prepared and determined to oppose him. The force of the Mexicans was greatly aug- mented by fresh troops, which poured in continually from the country, and their animosity was in no degree abated. They were led by their nobles, inflamed by the exhortations of their priests, and fought in defence of their temples and families, uftder the eye of their gods, and in presence of their wives and children. Not- withstanding their numbers, and enthusiastic contempt of danger and death, wherever the Spaniards could close with them, the superiority of their discipline and arms obliged the Mexicans to give way. But in narrow streets, and where many of the bridges of communica- tion were broken down, the Spaniards could seldom come to a fair rencounter with the enemy, and as they advanced, were exposed to showers of arrows and stones from the tops uf houses. After u day of inces- sant exertion, though vast numbers of the Mexicans fell, and part of the city was burnt, the Spaniards, weary with the slaughter, and harassed by multitudes which successively relieved each other, were obliged at length to retire, with the mortification of having accon- plUhed nothing so decisive as to compensate the un- usual calamity of having twelve soldiers killed, and above sixty wounded. Another sally, made with greater :*) 1320.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 165 force, was not more effectual, and in it the general himself was wounded in the hand. Cortes now perceived, too late, the fatal error into which he had been betrayed by his own contempt of the Mexicans, and wjm satisfied that he could neither main- tain his present station in the centre of an hostile city, nor retire from it without the most imminent danger. One resource still remained, to try what effisct the inter- position of Montezuma might have to sooth or over> awe his subjects. When the Mexicans ajlprcached next morning to tenew the assault, that unfortunate prince, at the mercy of the Spaniards, and reduced to the sad necessity of becoming the instrument of his own dis- grace, and of the slavery of his people,* advanced to tlie battlements in his royal robes, and with all the pomp in which he used to appear on solemn occasions. At sight of their sovereign, whom they bad long been accustomed to honour, and almost revere as a god, the weapons dropt from their hands, every tongue was silent, all bowed their heads, and many prostrau d themselves on the ground. Montezuma addressed them with every argument that could mitigate their tf ge, or persuade them to cease from hostilities. When he ended his discourse, a sullen murmur of disapprobation run through the ranks ; to this succeeded reproaches and threats ; and the fury of the multitude rising in a mo- ment above every restraint of decency or respect, flights of arrows and volleys of stones poured in so violently upon the ramparts, that before the Spanish soldiers, appointed to cover Montezu|»a with their bucklers, had time to lift them in his defence, two arrows wounded the unhappy monarch, and the blow of a stone on his temple struck him Ito the ground. On seeing him fall, the Mexicans were so much astonished, that, with a transition not uiicommon in popular tumults, they passed in a moment from one extreme to the other, re- morse succeeded to insult, and they fled with horror, as if the vengeance of Heaven were pursuing the crime which they had committed. The Spaniards, without molestation, carried Montezuma to his apartments, and Cortes hastened thither to console him under his mis- fortune. But the unhappy monarch now perceived how low he was sunk, and the haughty spirit which seemed to haye been so long extinct, returning, he scorned to survive this last humiliation, and to protract an ignomi- nious life, not pain the Solis, alu hia counti lit), iv. c. that only Isfbx, bis! into the with grei "espect to ' I 1520.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 187 nerlslied, and among these Velusqiiez de Leon, who having forsaken the party of his 1?lter for which he wished, but, what was no less wanted, some provisions to refresh his men ; and though the enemy did not intermit their attacks throughout the day, they were with less difficulty pre- vented from making any .%ipressi9n. During this time Cortes was engaged in deep consultation with his officers, concerning the route which they ought to take in their retreat. They were now on the west side of the lake. Tlascala, the only place where they could hope for a friendly reception, lay about sixty-four miles to the east of Mexico ; go that they were obliged to go round the north end of the lake before they could fall into the road which led thither. A Tlascalan soldier undertook to be their guide, and conducted th^m through a country, in some places marshy, in others mountainous, in all ill-cultivated and thinly peopled. They marched for six Ays with little respite, and ills second dispatch to the emperor, makes the number only 150. Relat. ap Ramus, lit. p. 249, A. But it was manifestly Ills interesj, at that junctorc, to conceal from the court of t»pain the full extent criT the loss which he had lostaiiied. De Sulis, always studious to diminish every misfortune that befel his countrymen, rates their Ions at atiout two hundred men, lib. iv, c. I9i B. Diaz affirms, that they lost 870 men, and that only 440 escaped from Mexico, c. 128, p. 108, B. Pa- lafnx, bishop of Los Angeles, who seems to have enquired into the early transactions of his countrymen in New Spain with great attention, confirms the account of B. Diaa, with "ciipect to the extent of their loss. Firtudes del Ii"*''^ n. 22. under continual alarms, numerous ^udi A of the Mexi- cans hovering around them, sometimes harassing them at a distance with their missile weapons, and sometimes attacking them clusely in front, in rear, iu flank, with great boldness, as they now knew that they were not invincible. Nor were the fatigue and danger of those incessant conflicts the wors't evils tu wliicli they were exposed. As the barren country through whicli they passed afforded hardly any provisions, they were re- duced to feed on berries, roots, and the stalks of green maize; and at the very time that famine was depress! nir their spirits and wasting their strength, their situation required the most vigorous and unremitting exertious of courage and activity. Amidst those complicated dis- tresses, one circumstance supported and animated the Spaniards. Their commander sustained this sad re- verse of fortune with unshaken magnanimity. His presence of mind never forsook him ; his sagacity fore- saw every event, and his vigilance provided for it. He was foremost in every danger, and endured every hardship with cheerfulness. The difticulties with which he was surrounded .seemed to call forth new ta- lents ; and his soldiers, though despairing themselves, continued to follow him with encreasiiig confidence in his abilities. On the sixth day they arrived near to Otumba, not far from the road between Mexico and Tlascala. Early next morning they began to advance towards it, flying parties of the enemy still hanging on their rear ; and, amidst the insults with which they accompanied their hostilities, Marina remarked that they often exclaimed with exultation, « Go on, robbers ; go to the place where you ^vxW quickly meet the vengeance due to your crimes." The meanhi'g of this threat the Spa« 'niards did not- comprehend, until they reached the sum- mit of an eminence before them. There a spacious valley opened to their view, covered with a vast army, extending as far as the eye could reach. The Mexicans, while with one body of their troops ihcy harassed the Spaniards in their retreat, had assembled their principal force on thither Hide of the lake ; and marching along the totA \tWcii led directly tu Tlascala, posted it in the Gomara states their loss at 450 men. Cron. c. IOS|. Some months afterwards, when Cortes had received several tein- foroements, he mustered his troops, aud found them to be only 590. Btlat. ap Ramus, iii. p. 25.^, £. Now, as Nar- vaez brougAt 880 men into New Spain, and about 400 of Cortes's soldiers were then alive, it is evident, that his loss, in the retreat from MexicOj, must have been naich more con- siderable than what he mentions. B. Diaz, solicitous to mag- nify the dangers and sufferings to which he and his fellow- conquerors were exposed, may have exaggerated their loss ; but, in my opinion, it cannot well be estimated at less titan 600 men. Ll2 t >^ s "^'-^ 188 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book V. plain of Otumba, through which they knew Cortes must pass. At the sight of this incredible multitude, which tiiey could survey at once from the rising ground, the Spaniards were nstoni&hed, and even the boldest began to despair. But Cortes, without allowing lei- sure for their fears to acquire strength by reflection, after warning them briefly that no alternative now re- mained but to conquer or to die, led them instantly to tlie charu:c. Tlie Mexicans waited their approach with unusual fortitude. Such, liowevcr, was the superiority of the Spanish discipline and arms, that tho impression of this sniall body was irresistible ; and whichever way its force was directed, it penetrated and dispersed the mos numerous battalions. But while these gave way in one quarter, new combatants advanced from another, and the Spaniards, though successful in every attack, were ready to siiilc under those repeated efforts, without seeing any end of their toil, or any hope of victory. At that time Cortes observed the great standard of the empire,, which was carried before the Mexican general, advancing ; and fortunately recol- lecting to have heard, that on the fate of it depended the event of every battle, he assembled a few of his bravest «fliccrs, whose horses were still capable of ser- vice, and placing himself at their head, pushed forward towards tlie standard with an impetuosity which bore down every thing before it. A chosen body of nobles, whr guarded the standard, made some resistance, but were soon broken. Cortes, with a stroke of hb lance, wounded the Mexican general, and threw him to the ground. One of the Spanish officers alighting, put an end to his life, and laid hold of the imperial standard. The moment that their leader fell, and the standard, towards which all directed their eyes, disappeared,, an universal panic struck the Mexicans, and, as if the bond which held them together had been dissolved,, every ensign was lowered, each soldier threw away his weapons, and all fled with precipitation to the moun- tains. The Spa4i«ards, unable to pursue them far, re- turned to collect the spoils of the field, which were so valuable, as to be some compensation for the wealth which they had lost in Mexico; for in^lhe enemy's army were most of their principal warriurs, dressed out in their richest ornaments, as if tliey had been marching to assured victory. Next day (July 8), to their great joy, they entered the TIascaian territories. But, amidst their satisfuctiun in having got beyond the precincts of an hostile country, they could not look forward without solicitude, as they were still un- certain what reception they might meet with from allies, to whom they returned in a condition very different from that in which they had lately set out from their idomiiuons. Happily for them, the enmity of the TIascalans to the Mexican name woa to inveterate, their desire to avenge the death of their countrymen •o vehement, and the ascendant which Cortes hnd acquired over the chiefs of the republic so complete, that, far from entertaining a thought of taking any ad- vantage of the distressed situation in which they be- held the Spaniards, they received them with a tender- ness and cordiality which quickly dissipated all their suspicions. Some interval of tranquillity and indulgence was now absolutely necessary j not only that the Spaniards might give attention to the cure of their wounds, which had been too long neglected, but in order to recruit their strength, exhausted by such a long succes- sion of fatigue and hardships. During this, Cortes learned that he and his companions were not the only Spaniards who had felt the effects of the Mexican en- mity. A considerable detachment, which was march- ing from Zempoalla towards the capital, had been cut off by the people of Tepeaca. A smaller party, re- turning from TIascala to Vera Cruz, with the share of the Mexican gold allotted to the garrison, had been surprised and destroyed in the mountains. At a junc- ture when the life of every Spaniard was of importance, such losses were deeply felt. The schemes which Cortes was meditating rendered them peculiarly afflic- tive to him. While his enemies, and even many of his own followers considered the disasters which had be- fallen him as fatal to the progress of his arms, and imagined that nothing now remained but speedily to abandon a country which he had invaded with unequal force, his mind, as eminent for perseverance as for en- terprise, was still bent on accomplishing his original purpose, of subjecting the Mexican empire to the crown of Castile. Severe and ui|«xpected as the check was which he had received, it did not appear to him a sufficient reason for relinquishing the conquests which he had already made, or against resuming his opera- tions with better hopes of success. The colony ar Vera Cruz was not only safe, but had remained unmolested. The people of Zempoalla and the adjacent districts had discovered no symptoms of defection^ The Tlasculans continued faithful to their alliance. On their martial spirit, easily roused to arms, and inflamed with impla- cable hatred of the Mexicans, Cortes depen Spaniards eir woundi, in order to long lucces- this, Cortes not the only Mexican en- was niarch- lad been cut •r party, rc- the sliare of on, had been . At a junc- f importance, hemes which culiarly afflic- I) many of his >hich had be- his arms, and it speedily to with unequal ice as for tv.- g his original itipire to the as the clieck )car to him a iqucsts which ig his opcra- :olony at Vera d unmolested, t districts had 'be Tlasciilaiis their martial d with iinpla- depeniKd for tl of a 1)i;dy of which he had ipirc, and had ith the benefit icrfeet know- of quickly re- by untoward 4» •• 'A ^J* •«>«« .^ ;B a "" T ;u :k (.) y i.i ':: 'i ' :>:i b a . • r .■..^.t.\.l.W'A.'." 5.'.W.rf-'/".*v,' :-';f.v-t.vt»r'.5.* . I- • ..' ,» • . i ( i ! wiJ^' I f WI Mr I i WI WiMjliBlijMi % * *. \m' #; '■'m- M iW •.■#»i>:^j|' »./' i-iSilH' n.^-< I- it f. « ) *f?^ ■«•' '>? ■^-*; IV, <\!- ^ |!! K H i'.Lt ' t: « • * 1520.] HISTORY OP AMEKICA. 189 Full of this idea, he coorted the TImcrUh chiefs with such attention, find distributed among them so libernlly the rich spoils of Otumba, that he was secure of ob- taining whatever he should require of the republic. He drrvv a small supply of ammunition, and two or three field-pieces, from his stores at Vera Cruz. He dis- pntcheH nn officer of confidence with four ithips uf Nar- vaez's fleet to Hispanioia and Jamaica, to engage ad- venturers, and to purchase horses, gun|M>wder, and other military stores. As he knew that it would be vain tn attempt the reduction of Mexico, unless he could secure the command of the lake, he gave orders to prepare, in the mountains of TIascaia, materials for builrling twelve brigantines, so as they might be ciirrii^d thither in pieces ready to he put together, and launched when he stood in need of their service. But while, with provident attention, he was taking those necessary steps towards the execution of his measures, nn obstacle arose in a quarter where it was least expected, but most formidable. The spirit of discontent atid mutiny broke out in his own army. Many of Nurvaez's followers were planters rather than soldiers, and had accompanied him to New Sp quest which animated every Spaniard settled in Ame- rica, had long aimed at intruding into some district of New Spain, and dividing with Cortes the glory and gain of annexing that empire to the crown of c'ahcw and son-in-law of Montezuma, a young nwn of iudi high reputation for abilities and valour, that in this dangerous crisis, his countrymen, with one voice, called him to the supreme command. '. . • ^t 1521.] As soon as Cortes entered the enemy's terri- tories, he discovered various preparationa to obstruct his progress. But his troops forced their way with little difficulty, nnd took possession of Tereuco, the se- ttond city of the empire, situated on the banks of the lake about twenty miles from Mexico. Here he deter- mined to establish his head-quarters, as the most | 15'JI.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. J91 proper »tntion for launchinft his brigantines, an well ai ' camp with proviiSoni, and to strengtheo ttli army with for makinff his npproiichts to the rnpita). In unh'r to ; auxiliary troopi. Guati1n07.ii), on the fir»t app<-HrntK-e render his resiileiiet- thrrr more necure, he depuH« prevent or to punish their revolt ; hut in iiitv, under pretext of lome defect in hi« title, and »iib- spile «»f liis cflbrts, the spirit continued to spread. The ititutfld in his place a prrioii whom a fiiclion of the nobles pointed out as the right heir of that dif;nity. Attached to him hy thix benefit, the new oazique and his adherent! served the Spaniards with inviolable fidelity. As the preparations for censtructinf^ the brifantines sdvHnced slowly under the unskilful hands of soldiers and Indians, whom Cortes was obliged to employ in assisting three or four carpenters who happened fortu- nately to be in his service, and as he had not yet re- ceived the reinforcement which he expected from His- paniola, he was not in a condition to turn his arms directly against the capital. To have attacked, at this period, a city so populous, so well prepared for defence, and in a situation of such peculiar strength, must have exposed his truopa to inevitable destruction. Three months elapsed before the materials for tlie brigantines were finished, and before he henrd any thing with respect to the success of the officer whom he had sent to Hitpaniola. This, however, was not a season of inaction to Cortes. He attacked successivdy several of tlie towns situated around the lake ; and though all the Mexican power was exerted to obstruct his opera- tions, he either compelled them to submit to the Spa- nish crown, or reduced them to ruins. The inhabitants of other towns he endeavoured to conciliate by more gentle means, and though he could not iiold any inter- course with them but by the intervention of inter- preters, yet under all the disadvantage of that tedious and imperfect mode of communication, he had acquired such thorough knowledge of the state of the country, as well as of the dispositions of the people, that he conducted his negociations and intrigues with astonish- ing dexterity and success. Most of the cities adjacent to Mexico were originally the capitals of small inde- pendent states ; and some of them having been but lately annexed to the Mexican empire, still retained the remembrance of the>r ancient liberty, and bore witli impatience the rigor u» yol.e of their new masters. Cortes having early <^' tirming against his empire tlio^e very hands t^hlch might to have been active in its del '^fit ; and ready to advance ag:iinst the capital at the head of a numerous body vf his own subjects. While, by those various methods, Cortes was gra- dually circumscribing the Mexican power in such a manner that his prospect of overturning it seemed neither to be uncertain nor remote, all his schemes were well nigh defeated, hy a conspiracy no less unex- pected than dangerous. The soldiers of Narvaez had never united perfectly with tliu original companions of Cortes, nor did they enter into his measures with the same cordial zeal. Upon every occasion that required any extraordinary effort of courage or of patience, their spirits were apt to sink ; and now, on a near view of what they hud to encounter, in attempting t.i reduce a city so inaccessible as Mexico, and defended by a nu- merous army, the resolution even of tliose among them who had adhered to Cortes when he was deserted by their associates, began to fail. Their fears led them to presumptuous and unsoldier-like discussions concern- ing the propriety of their general's measures, and the improbability of their success. From these they pro- ceeded to censure and invectives, and at last began to deliberate how they might provide for their own safety, of which they deemed their commander to be totally negligeat. Antonio Villefagna, a private soldier, but bold, intriguing, and strongly attached to Velasquei, artfully fomented tliis growing spirit of disaffection. His quarters became the rendezvous of the malcon- tents, wlkere, after many consultations, they could dis- cover no method of dtecking Cortes in his career, but by assassluAting him and his moat euasiderable officers, and conferring the command upon some person who would relinquish his wild plans, and adopt measures more consistent with the general security. Despair in- spired thoca with courage. The hour for perpetrating the crime, the persons whom they destined as victims, the officers to succeed them in oonnuiuid, were all named ; .and the conspirators signed an association, by which tWy bound themselves with most solemn oatUs to mututd iiclelity. But on the evehing before the ap- poioted day, one of Cortes's ancient followers, who had been seduced into the conspiracy, touched with com- punction at the immiueot danger of » man whom be had long been accustomed to revere, or struck with horror at his own treachery, went privately to bis 192 HISTORY OF AMERICA. I^BOOK V. fi"' I f general, and rrvpslcd to him all that he kneiv. Cortes, thouirh deeply alarmed, discerned at once what conduct WHS proper in a situation so critical. He repaired in- stantly to Villcfagna's quarters, accompanied by aome of his most trusty officers. The astonishment and con- fusion of the man at tliis unexpected visit anticipated the confession of his guilt. Cortes, while his atten- dants seized the traitor^ snatched from his bosom a paper containing the association, signed by the con- spirators. Impatient to know how far the defection extended, he retired to read it, and found there names which filled liini with surprise and sorrow. But, aware how dangerous a strict scrutiny miglit prove at such a juncture, lie confined his judicial inquiries to ViHefagna alone. As the proofs of his guilt were manifest, he was condemned after a short trial, and next morning he was seen hanging before the door of the house in which he had lodged. Cortes called his troops together, and having explained to them the atrocious purpose of the conspirators, as well as the justice of the punishment inflicted on Villefagna, he added, with an appearance of satisfaction, that lie was entirely ignorant with respect to all the circumstances of this dark transaction, as the traitor, when arrested, had suddenly torn and swallowed a paper which probably contained an account of it, and under the severest tortures possessed such constancy as to conceal the names of his accomplices. This artful declaration restored tranquillity to many a breast that was throbbing, while he spoke, with con- st iousncss of guilt and dread of detection ; and by this prudent moderation, Cortes had the advantage of having discovered, and of being able to observe such of his followers as were disaffected ; while they, flattering themselves that their past crime was unknown, endea- voured to avert any suspicion of it, by redoubling their activity and zeal in his service. Cortes did not allow them leisure to ruminate on what had happened ; and as the most effectual means of preventing the return of a mutinous spirit, he deter- mined to call forth his troops immediately to action. Fortunately, a proper occasion for this occurred with- out ills seeming to court it. He received intelligence that the materials for building the brigantines were at length completely finished, and waited only for a body of Spaniards to conduct them to Tezeuco. The com- mand of this convoy, consisting of two hundred foot soldiers, fifteen horsemen, and two field-pieces, he gave to Sandoval, who, by the vigilance, activity, and courage, which he manifested on every occasion, was growing daily in his confidence, and in the estimation * Some remains of this great vork are still visible, and the spot wbcr« the brigantines were built and launched, is still of his fellow-soldiers. The service was no less sin- gular than' important; the beams, the planks, the masts, the cordage, the sails, the iron-work, and all the infinite variety of articles requisite for the construction of thirteen brigantines, were to be carried sixty miles over land, through a mountainous country, by people who were unacquainted with the ministry of domestic animals, or the aid of machines to facilitate any work of labour. The Tlascalans furnished eight thousand Tamenes, an inferior order of men destined for servile tasks, to carry the materials on their shoulders, and appointed fifteen thousand warriors to accompany and defend them. Sandoval made the disposition for their progress with great propriety, placing the Tamenes in the centre, one body of warriors in the front, another in the rear, with considerable parties to cover the flanks. To each of these he joined some Spaniards, not only to assist them in danger, but to accustom them to re> gularity and subordination. A body so numerous, and so much encumbered, advanced leisurely, but in excel. lent order ; and in some places, where it was confined by the woods or mountains, the line of march extended above six miles. Parties of Mexicans frequently ap- peared hovering around them on the high grounds; but perceiving no prospect of success in attacking an enemy continually on his guard, and prepared to receive them, they did not venture to molest him ; and San- doval had the glory of conducting safely to Tezeuco, a convoy on which all the future operations of his coun- trymen depended. This was followed by another event of no less mo- ment. Four ships arrived at Vera Cruz from Hispa- niola, with two hundred soldiers, eighty horses, two battering cannon, and a considerable supply of ammu- nition and arms. Elevated with observing that all his ])reparatory schemes, either for recruiting his own army, or ini])airing the force of the enemy, had no^v produced their full effect, Cortes, impatient to begin the siege in form, hastened the launching of the brigantines. To facilitate this, he had employed a vast number of Indians for two months in deepening the small rivulet which runs by Tezeuco into the lake, and in forming it into a canal near two miles in length ;* and though the Mexi- cans, aware of his intentions, as well as of the danger which threatened them, endeavoured frequently to in- terrupt the labourers, or to burn the brigantines, the work was at last completed. On the twenty-eighth of April, all the Spanish troops, together with the auxiliary Indians, were drawn up on the banks of the canal j and with extraordinary military pomp, rendered more solemn pointed out to strangers. Torquemoda viewed tliem. JUonarq. Indiana, yol. I. f, i>3l. , J531.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 193 'wcdUiem. Uonarq. by the celebration of the toost sscred rites of religion, the brigaiitines were launched. As they fell down the canal in order. Father Olmedo blessed them, and gave each its name. Every eye fuUowed them with wonder and hope, until they entered the lake, when they hoisted tlicir sails, and bore away before the wind. A general ^l]outof joy v/as raised ; all admiring that bold inventive genius, which, by means so extraordinary that their success almost exceeded belief, had acquired the com- niandof a fleet, without the aid of which Mexico would have continued to set the Spanish power and arms at defiance. ^^^,tj;^;,-i ^;^^..:.--Ht ei;s were situated on the principal causeways which led to the capital, and intended for tlicir defence. He appointed Sandoval to command in the first, Pedro de Alvarado in the second, and Chris- toval de Olid in the third ; allotting to each u numerous body of Indian auxiliaries, together with an equal divi- sion of .Spwiiards, who, by the junction of the troops from Uispaoiola, amounted now to eighty-six horsemen, and eight hundred and eighteen foot soldiers ; of whom one hundred and eighteen were armed with muskets or cross-bows. The train of artillery consisted of three battering cannon, and fifteen field-pieces. He reserved for himself, as the station of greatest importance and danger, the conduct of the brigantines, each armed with one of his small cannon, and manned with twenty-five Spaniards. .1^;,; ;,.i As Alvarado and Olid proceeded towards the posts assigned them (May 10), they broke down the aqueducts which the ingenuity of the Mexicans had erected for conveying water into the capital, and by the distress to which this reduced the inhabitants, gave a beginning to tlie calamities which they were destined to suffer. Alva- rado and Olid found the towns of which they were ordered to take possession deserted by their inhabitants, who had fled for safety to the capital, where Guatimo- ain had collected the chief force of his empire, as there alone he could hope to make a successful stand against the formidable enemies who were approaching to assault him. . , It .' . The first effort of the Mexicans was to destroy the fleet of brigantines, the fatal effects of whose opeftktions they foresaw and dreaded. Though the brigantines, after hII the labour and merit of Cortes in forming them, were of inconsiderable bulk, rudely constructed, and manned chiefly with landmen, hardly possessed of skill enough to conduct them, they must have been objects of terror to a people unacquainted with any navigation but that of their lake, tnd possessed of no vessel larger 17—18. than a canoe. Necessity, however, urged Guatimozin to hazard the attack ; and hoping to supply by numbers what he wanted in force, he assembled such a multitude of canoes as covered the face of the lake. Thiey rowed on boldly to tlie charge, while the brigantines, retarded by a dead calm, could scarcely advance to meet them^ But as the enemy drev/ near, a breeze suddenly sprung up ; in u moment tiie sails were spread, the brigantines, with the utmost case, broke through their feeble oppo- nents, overset many canoes, and dissipated the whole armament with such slaughter, as convinced the Mexi- cans, that the progress of the Europeans in knowledge and arts rendered their superiority greater on this new element, tlian they had hitherto found it by land. From tiiat time Cortes remained master of the hike, and the brigantines not only preserved a communica- tion between the Spaniards in their different stations, though at considerable distance from each other, but were enij Icyed to db'ver the causeways on each side, and keep uiF the canoes, when they attempted to annoy the troops as they advanced towards the city. Cortes formed the brigantines in three divisions, appointing one to cover each of the stations from which an attack was to be carried on against the city, with orders to second the operations of the officer who commanded there. From all the three stations he pushed on the attack against the city with equal vigour; but in a manner so very diffierent from th j conduct of sieges in regular war, that he himself see;ns afraid it would appear no less improper than singular, to persons unacquainted with his situation. Each morning his troops assaulted the barricades which the enemy had erected on the causeways, forced their way over the trenches which they had dug, and through the canals where the bridges were broken down, ami endeavoured to penetrate into the heart of the city, in hopes of obtaining some deci- sive advantage, which might force the enemy to sur- render, and terminate the war at onee ; but wIkmi the obstinate valour of the Mexicans rendered the eflorts of theday ineffectual, the Spaniards retired in the evening to their former quarters. Thus their toil and danger were, in some measure, continually renewed 5 tin; Mexicans repairing in the night what the Spaniurds hiul destroyed through tlie day, and recovering the pohis from which they had driven them. But necessity piw scribed this slow and untoward mode of operalion. The number of his troops was so small, that Cortes dul^t not, with a handful of men, attempt to make a lodg- ment in a city where he might be surrounded ami an- noyed by such a multitude of enemies. Tiic nniem- brance of what he had already sutt'ered b} the ii). judged confidence with which lie liad ventured into such a dangerous situation, was still fresh in his mind. The M m ..,-rili Ml 134 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book i3 '4 P: Ml SpMUurdst, exhausted with fatigue, were unable to guard til* Tarioufl posts whidi they daily gained ; and though their camp was filled with Indian auxiliaries, they durst not devolve this charge upon them, because they were so little accustomed to discipline, that no confidence could be placed in their vigilance. Besides this, Cortes was extremely solicitous to preserve the city as much as possible from being destroyed, both because he destined it to be the capital of his conquests, and wished that it might remain as a monument of his glory. From all these considerations, he adhered obstinately, for a month after tb* siege was opened, to the system which he had adopted. The Mexiciins, in their own defence, dis- played valour which was hardly inferior to that with which the Spaniards attacked them. On land, on water, by night and by day, one furious conflict succeeded to another. Several Spaniards were killed, more wounded, and all were ready to sink under the toils of uninter- Biitting service, which were rendered more intolerable by the injuries of the season, tlie periodical rains being now set in with their usual violence. Astonished and disconcerted with the length and dif- ficulties of the siege, Cortes determined to make one great effort to get possession of the city, before he re- linquished the plan which he bad hitherto f(jllowed, and had recourse to any other mode of attack. With this view, he sent instructions to Alvarodo and Sandoval to advance with their divisions to s general assault, and took the command in person (July 3) of that posted on the causeway of Cuyocan. Animated by his presence, and the expectation of some decisive event, the Spaniards pushed forward with irresistible impetuosity. They broke through one barricade after another, forced their way over the ditches and canals, and having entered the city, gained ground incessantly, in spite of the multi- tude and ferocity of their opponents. Cortes, though delighted with the rapidity of his progress, did not forget that he might still find it necessary to retreat ; and in order to secure it, appointed Julien de Alderete, a cap- tain of chief note in the troops which he had received from Hispaniola, to fill up the canals and gaps in the causeway as the main body advanced. That officer, deeming it inglorious to be thus employed, while his compai.ions were in the heat of action and the career of victory, neglected the important charge committed to bim, and hurried on, inconsiderately, to mingle with the combatants. The Mexicans, whose military atten- tion and skill wer<* daily improving, no sooner observed this, than they carried an account of it to their monarch. GuatiflBOzin instantly discerned the consequence of the error which the Spaniards had committed, and, with admirable presence of mind, prepared to take advantage of it. He commanded the troops posted in the front to slacken their efforts, in order to allure the Spaniards to push forward, while he dispatclied a large body of chosea warriors through different streets, some by land, and others by water, towards the great breach in the cause- way, which had been left open. On a signal which he gave, the priests in the principal temple struck thfgreat drum consecrated to the god of war. No sooner did the Mexicans hear its doleful solemn sound, calculated to inspire them with contempt of death and enthusiastic ardour, than they rushed upon the enemy with frantic rage. The Spaniards, unable to resist men urged on no less by religious fury than hope of success, began to retire, at first leisurely, and with a good countenance ; but as the enemy pressed on, and their own impatience to escape increased, the terror and confusion became so general, that when they arrived at the gap in the cause- way, Spaniards and TIascalans, horsemen and infantry, plunged in promiscuously, while the Mexicans rushed upon them fiercely from every side, their light canoes carrying them through shoals which the brigantines could not approach. In vain did Cortes attempt to stop and rally his flying troops ; fear rendered them regard- less of his entreaties or commands. Finding all his endeavours to renew the combat fruitless, his next care was to save some of those who had thrown themselves into the water ; but while thus employed, with more attention to their situation than to his own, six Mexi- can captains suddenly laid hold of him, and were hurry- ing him off in triumph ; and though two of his officers rescued him at the expence of their own lives, he re- cciv.'d several dangerous wounds before he could break loose. Above sixty Spaniards perished in the rout ; and what retidered the disaster more afflicting, forty of these fell alive into the hands of an enemy never known to shew mercy to a captive. The approach of night, though it delivered the de- jected Spaniards from the attacks uf the enemy, ushered in, what was hardly less grievous, the noise of their bar- barous triumph, and of the horrid festival with which they celebrated their victory. Every quarter of the city was illuminated ; the preat temple shone with such peculiar splendour, that the Spaniards could plainly see the people in motion, and the priests busy in hastening the preparations for the death of the prisoners. Through the gloom, they fancied that they discerned their com- panions by the whiteness of their skins, as they were stript naked and compelled to dance before the image of the god to whom they were to be oft'ered. They heard the shrieks of those who were sacrificed, aud thought that they could distinguish each unhappy victim, by the well-known sound of his voice. Imagination added to what tbey really saw or heard, aad aiogmented its ! I' ' I I lOOK V. e front to Miiards to ofchosea land, and ;he cause- which he k thrgreat ler did the cuUted to nthusiastic ith frantic rged on no I, began to intenance ; impatience I became so 1 the cause- td infantry, lans rushed ight canoes brigantines impt to stop lem regard- ding all his lis next care themselves with more , six Mexi- were hurry- f his officers lives, he re- could brealc e rout ; and orty of these er known to ered the de- my, ushered of their bar- with which r of the city with such d plainly see in hastening Through their com- as they were the image of They heard aud thought y victim, by lation added cmcnted its 1531.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 195 rs. liOtTOT. The most unfeeling melted into tears of com- passion, and the stoutest heart trembled at the dreadful spectacle which they beheld.* Cortes, who, besides all that he felt in common with Iiis soldiers, was oppressed with the additional load of anxious reflections natural to a general on such an unexpected calamity, could not, like them, relieve his mind by giving vent to its anguish. He was obliged to assume an air of tranquillity, in order to revive the spirits and hopes of his followers. The juncture, indeed, required an extraordinary exertion of fortitude. The Mexicans, elated with their victory, sallied out next morning to attack him in his quarters. But they did not rely on the efforts of their own arms alone. They sent the heads of the Spaniards whom they had sacri- ficed, to the leading men in the adjacent provinces, and assured them that the god of war, appeased by the blood of their invaders, which had been shed so plen- tifully on his altars, had declared with an audible voice, that in eight days time those hated enemies should be finally destroyed, and peace and prosperity re-established in the empire. A prediction uttered with such confidence, and in terms so void of ambiguity, gained universal credit among a people prone to superstition. The zeal of the provinces, which had already declared again 't the Spa- niards, augmented; and several which had hitherto remained inactive, took arms, with enthusiastic ardour, to execute the decree of the gods. The Indian auxili- aries who had joined Cortes, accustomed to venerate the same deities with the Mexicans, and to receive the responses of their priests with the same implicit faith, abandoned i. i- Spaniards as a race of men devoted to certain destruction. Even the fidelity of the Tlascalans was shaken, and the Spanish troops were left almost alone in their stations. Cortes, finding that he at- tempted in vain to dispel the superstitious fears of his confederates by argument, took advantage, from the imprudence of those who had framed the prophecy, in fixing its accomplishment so near at hand, to give a striking demonstration of its falsity. He suspended all military operations during the period marked out by the oracle. Under cover of the brigantines, which * The station of Alvarado on the causeway of Tacuba was tlic nearest to the city. Cortes observes, that there thev could distinctly observe what passed when their countrymen were sacrificed. Relat. ap Ramus, iii. p. 273, E. B. Diaz, who belonged to Alvarado's division, relates what he beheld with his own eyes. C. 152, p. 148. b. 149, a. Like a man whose courage was so clear as to be above suspicion, he de- scribes with his usual simplicity the impression which this spectacle made upon him. " Before," says he, " I saw the breasts of my oonpaaions opened, tbair hearts, yet fluttering. kept the enemy at a distance, his troops lay in safety, and the fatal term expired without any disaster. Many of his allies, ashamed of their own credulity, returned to their station. Other tribes, judging that the gods who had now deceived the Mexicans, had de- creed finally to withdraw their protection from them, joined his standard ; and such wa( the levity of a simple people, moved by every slight impression, that in a short time after such a general defection of his confe- derates, Cortes saw himself, if we may believe his own account, at the head of a hundred and fifty thous^ Indians. Even with such a numerous army, he found it necessary to adopt a new and more wary system of operation. Instead of renewing his attempts to be- come master of the city at once, by SJich bold but dan- gerous efforts of valour as he had already tried, he made his advances gradually, and with every possible precau- tion against exposing his men to any calamity similar to that which they still bewailed. As the Spaniards pushed forward, the Indians regularly repaired the causeways behind them. As soon as they got posses- sion of any part of the town, the houses were instantly levelled with the ground. Day by day, the Mexicans, forced to retire as their enemies gained ground, wera hemmed in within more narrow limits. Guatimozin, though unable to stop the career of the enemy, conti- nued to defend his capital with obstinate resolution, and disputed every inch of ground. The Spaniard* not only varied their mode of attack, but by orders of Cortes changed the weapons with which they fought. They were again armed with the long Chinantlan spears, which they had employed with such success against Narvaez ; and, by the firm array in which this enabled them to range themselves, they repelled, with little danger, the loose assault of the Mexicans : incre* . dible lumbers of them fell in the conflicts which thef renewed every day. While war lasted without, famioe began to consume them within the city. The Spanish brigantines, having the entire command of the lake^ rendered it almost impossible to convey to the besieged any supply of provisions by water. The immense number of his Indian auxiliaries enabled Cortes to shut up the avenues to the city by land. The stores which offered to an accursed idol, and their flesh devoured by their exulting enemies ; I was accastomed to enter a battle not only without fear, but with high spirit. But from that time I never advanced to fight the Nlexicans without a secret horror and anxiety ; my heart trembled at the thoughts of the death which I had seen them suffer," He takes care to add, that as soon as the combat began, his terror went off; and, indeed, his ad- venturous bravery on every occasion is full evidence of this. B. Diaz, c. 156, p. 157, a. Mm!? t f I II < BaBanMi 196 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [BOd^K V. rl ill Guatimozin had laid up were exhausted, by the multi- tudes which had crowded into the capital, to defend their sovereign and the temples of their gods. Not only the people, but persons of the highest rank, felt the utmost distresses of famine. What they suffered, brought on infectious and mortal distempers, the last calamity that visits besieged cities, and which filled up the measure of their woes. But, under the pressure of so many and such various evils, the spirit of Guatimozin remained Hrm and un- sjbdued. He rejected, with scorn, every overture of peace from Cortes ; and disdaining the idea of sub- mitting to the oppressors of his countrj', determined not to survive its ruin. The Spaniards continued their progress. At length ail the three divisions penetrated into the ^reat square in the centre of the city, and made a secure lodgment there (July 27). Three- fourths of the city were now reduced, and laid in ruins. The remaining quarter was so closely pressed, that it could not long withstand assailants, who attacked it from their new station with superior advantage, and more assured expectation of success. The Mexican nobles, solicitous to save the life of a monarch whom they revered, prevailed on Guatimozin to retire from a place where resistance was now vain, that he might rouse the more distant provinces of the empire to arms, and maintain there a more successful struggle with the public enemy. In order to facilitate the execution of this measure, they endeavoured to amuse Curtes with overtures of submission, that, while his attention was employed in adjusting the articles of pacification, Gua- timozin might escape unperceived. But they made this attempt upon a leader of greater sagacity and dis- cernment than to be deceived by their arts. Cortes suspecting their intention, and aware of what moment it was to defeat it, appointed Sandoval, the officer on whose vigilance he could most perfectly rely, to take the command of the brigantincs, with strict injunctions to watch every motion of the enemy. Sandoval, atten- tive to the cliarge, observing some large canoes crowded with people rowing across tlic lake witii extraordinary rapidity, instantly gave the signal to chace. Garcia Holguin, who commanded the swiflest-sailing brigau- tiue, soon overtook them, and was preparing to fire on the loreniobt canoe, which seemed to carry some person whom all the rest followed and obeyed. At ence the rowers dropt their oars, and all on bo^fd, * Ooe circumstance lu this siege merits particular notice. Tliu account which tlic Spanish writers give of the numerous armie:> employed in the attack or defence of Mexico, teems to be ii credible. Accordiog to Cortes himself, he had at one time 160,0U0 auxiliary Indians in his service. Relat. Ramus. iii, 27 i>, £. Gomara asserts, that they were above 200^000. throwing down their arms, conjured him with cries and tears to forbear, as the emperor was there. Holguia eagerly seized his prize, and Guatimozin, with a dig. nified composure, gave himself up into his hands, re- questing only that no insult might be offered to the empress or his children. When conducted to Cortes, he appeared neither with the sullen fierceness of a barr barian, nor with the dejection of a supplicant. " I have done," said he, addressing himseif to the Spanish general, " what became a monarch. I have defended my people to the last extremity. Nothing now remains but to die. Take this dagger," laying his hand on one which Cortes wore, *' plant it in my breast, and put an end to a life which can no longer be of use." As soon as the fate of their sovereign was known, the resistance of the Mexicans ceased ; and Cortes took possession of that small part of the capital (August 13) which yet remained undestroyed. Thus terminated the siege of Mexico, the most memorable event in the conquest of America. It continued seventy-five days, hardly one of which passed without some extraordinary effort of one party in the attack, or of the other in the defence of a city, on the fate of which both knew that the fortune of Xht empire depended, .^s the struggle here was more obstinate, it was likewise more equal, than any between the inhabitants of the Old and New Worlds. The great abilities of Guatimozin, the number of his t.'oops, the peculiar situation of his capital, so far counterbalanced the superiority of the Spaniards in arms and discipline, that they must have relinquished the enterprise, if they had trusted for success to them- selves alone. But Mexico was overturned by the jea- lousy of neighbours who dreaded its power, and by the revolt of subjects impatient to shake off its yoke. By their elTectaal aid, Cortes was enabled to accomplish what, without such support, he would hardly have ven- tured to attempt. How much soever this account of the reduction of Mexico may detract, on the one hand, from the marvellous relations of some Spanish writers, by ascribing that to simple and obvious causes which they attribute t^j the romantic valour of their country- men, it adds, on the other, to tlie merit and abilities of Cortes, who, under every disadvantage, acquired such an ascendant over unknown nations, as to render them instruments towards carrying his schemes into execution.* The exultation of the Spaniards, on accomplishing Cron. c. 13G. Ilerrcru, au author of higher authority, says, they were about 200,000. Dec. lib. i. c. 19. None of the cunteniporary writers ascertain explicitly the number of per- sons in Mexicj during the siege. But Cortes ou several occa- sions m'totioiit the number of Mexicans who were slain, or who perished 'for j^ant of food ; and, if we may rely on tboia OOK V. cries and Holguin th a dig- ands, re- ed to the Cortes, of a baiv ant. " I e Spanish defended w remains nd on one md put an as known, iJortcs took August 13) ninatcd the ent in the r-five days, traordinary )ther in the 1 knew that the struggle more equal. Id and New the number pitul, so far laniards in ■elinquishcd Iss to them- by the jea- and hy the yoke. By accomplish y have ven- account of le one hand, ish writers, luses which tir country- abilities of uired such to render hemes into IcompUshing lithority, says, None of the iinber of per- severalocca- Iwete slain, or rely on those isai.l HISTORY OP AMERICA. 197 this arduous enterprise, was at first excessive. But this was quickly damped by the cruel disappointment of those sanguiiic hopes, which had animated them amidst so many hardships and dangers. Instead of the inexhaustible wealth which they expected from be- coming niHstrrs of Montezuma's treasures, and the ornaments of so many temples, their rapaciousness could collect only an inconsiderable booty amidst ruins and desolai.DP.* Guatimozin, aware of his impending fate, had ordered what remained of the riches amassed by his ancestors to be thrown into the lake. The In- dian auxiliaries, while the Spaniards were engaged in conflict with ttie enemy, had carried of)' the most valu- able part of the spoil. The sum to be divided among the conquerors was so small, that many of them dis- dained to accept of tlie pittance which fell to their share, and all murmured and exclaimed; some, against Cortes and his confidents, whom they suspected of having secretly appropriated to their own use a large portion of the riches which should have been brought into the common stock ; others, against Guatimozin, whom they accused of obstinacy, in refusing to discover the place where lie had hidden his treasure. Arguments, iutreaties, and promises, were employed in order to soothe them, but with so little effect, that Cortes, from solicitude to check this growing spirit of discontent, gave way to a deed which stains the glory of circumstances, it is probable that above two hundred thousand must have been shut up in the town. But the quantity of pro- Tiitions necessary for the subsistence of such viist multitudes assembled in one place daring three months, is so great, and it requires so much foresight and arrangement to collect these, and lay them up in magazines, so as to be certain of a regular supply, that ooe'can hardly believe that this could be accom- plished in a country where agriculture was so imperfect as in the Mexican empire, where there were no tame animals, and by a people naturally so improvident, aud so incapable of exe- cuting a complicated plan as the mokt improved Americans. The Spaniards, with all their cnrc and attention, fared very poorly, and were often reduced to extreme distress for want of provisions. — B. Diaz, p. 142. Curies, Helat. 271, I>. Cortes on one occasion roentiuns slightly the suhsistenee of his army ) and after acknowledging that they were often in great want, adds, that they received supplies from the people of the country, of fish, and of some fruit, which he oailM the cherries of the country. — Ibid. H. Diaz says, that they had cakes of maize, and serasas de la tierra ; and when the season of these was over, another fruit, which he calls Tunas ; but their most comfortable subsistence was a root which the Indians use as food, to which he gives the name of Quilites,p. 142. The Indian nuxilinrics hud one means of subsistence more than the Spaniards. 'Hiey fed upon the bodies of the Mexicans whom they killed iu battle. — Cor. Relat. 176, C. B. Diaz confirms his relation, und adds, that when the Indians returned from Mexico to their own country, they carried with them large qnantitics of the flesh of the Mexicans Suited or dried, as a most acceptable present to their friends, that they might have the pleasure of feeding upon the bodies of their enemies iu their all his great actions. Without regarding the former dignity of Guatimozin, or feeling any reverence for those virtues which he had displayed, he subjected the un- happy mucarcb, together with his chief favourite, to torture, in order to force from them a discovery of the royal treasures, which it was supposed they had con- cealed. Guatimozin bore whatever the refined cruelty of his tormentors could inflict, with the invincible for- titude of an American warrior. His fellow-suficrcr, overcome by the violence of the rnguish, turned a de- jected eye towards his master, which seemed to implo|re his permission to reveal all that he knew. But the high- spirited prince, darting on him a look of authority mingled with scorn, checked his weakness by asking, " Am I DOW reposing on a bed of flowers ?" Overawed by the reproach, the favourite persevered in his dutiful silence, and expired. Cortes, ashamed of a scene so horrid, rescued the royal victim from the hands of his torturers, and prolonged a life reserved for new indig- nities and sufferings. The fate of the capital, as both parties had foreseen, decided that of the empire. The provinces submitted one after another to the conquerors. Small detachments of Spaniards marching through them without interrup- tion, penetrated in differcnt,quarters to the great Southern Ocean, which, according to the ideas of Columbus, they imagined would open a short as well as easy passage to festivals, p. 157. De Soils, who seems to consider it as an im- putation of discredit to his countrymen, that tliey should act in concert with auxiliaries who fed upon human flesh, is solicitous to prove, thitt the Spaniards endeavoured to prevent their asso- ciates from eating the bodies of the Mexicans, lib. v. c. 24. But he has uo authority for this from the original historians. Neither Cortes himself, nor B. Diaz, seem to have had any, such scruple ; and, on many occasions, mention the Indian repasts, which were become familiar to them, without any mark of abhorreuce. Even with this additional stock of ibod for the Indians, it was hardly po^isible to procure subsistence for armies amounting to such numbers as we find in the Spanisl^ writers. Perhaps the best solution of the difficulty is, to adopt the opinion of B. Diaz del Castillo, the most artless of all the Historiadores primitivos. " When Gomara (says he) on some occasion relates, that there were so many thousand Indians our auxiliaries, and on others, that there were so many thousand houses in this or that town, no regard is to be paid to his enu- meration, as he has no authority for it, the numbers not being iu reality the fifth of what he relates. If we add together the different numbers which he mentions, that country would con- tain more millions than there are in Castile." — C. 129. But though some considerable deduction should certainly be made from the Spanish accounts of the Mexican forces, they must have been very numerous ; for nothing but an immense supe- riority in number could hove euablcd them to withstand u body of nine hundred Spaniards, conducted by a leader of such abi- lities as Cortes. * The gold and silver, according to Cortes, amounted only to 120,1)1)0 pesos — Helat, 2ti0, A, a sum much inferior to that u hicii tlie Spaniards hud formerly divided in Mexico, 1 19R HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book t-'V ul^i 1 1 i Hi 'i the East Indies, and secure to the crown of Castile nU the envied wealth of those fertile regions } and the active mind of Cortes began already to form schcnaes for attemptinp this important discovery. He did not know, tliat during the progress of his vic- torious arms at Mexico, the very scheme, of which he began to form some idea, had been undertaken and accomplished. As this is one of tlie roost splendid events in the history of the Spanish discoveries, and lias been productive of effects peculiarly interesting to those extensive provinces which Cortes had now sub- jected to the crown of Castile, the account of its rise and progress merits a particular detail. Ferdinand Magalhaens, or Magellan, a Portuguese gentleman of honourable birth, having served several years in the East Indies, M'ith distinguished valour, under the famous Albuquerque, demanded the recont- pence which he thought due to his services, with the boldness natural to a high-spirited soldier. But as his general would not grant his suit, and he expected greater justice from his sovereign, whom he knew to be a good judge and a generous rewarder of merit, he quitted India abruptly, and returned to Lisbon. In order to induce Emanuel to listen more favourably to his claim, he not only stated his past services, but offered to add to them by conducting his countrymen to the Molucca or Spice Islands, by holding a westerly course ; which he contended would be both shorter and less hazardous than that which the Portuguese now followed by the Cape of Good Hope, through the immense extent of the Eastern Ocean. This was the original and favourite project of Columbus, and Magellan founded his hopes of success on the ideas of that great navigator, confirmed by many observations, the result of his own naval expe- rience, as well as that of his countrymen in their inter- eoarse with the East. But though the Portuguese monarchs had the merit of having first awakened and encouraged the spirit of discovery in that age, it was their destiny, in the course of a few years, to reject two grand schemes for this purpose, the execution of which would have been attended with a great accession of glory to themselves, and of power to their kingdom. In con- I sequence of some ill-founded prejudice against Magellan, or of some dark intrigue which contemporary historians have not explained, Emanuel would neither bestow the recompence which he claimed, nor approve of the scheme which he proposed ; and dismissed him with a disdain- ful coldaess intolerable to a man conscious of what he deserved, and animated with the sangair^ hopes of success peculiar to those who are capable of forming or of cooducting new and great undertakings. In a trans- port at resentment [1517], Magellan formally renounced his allegiance to an ungrateful master, and fled to the court of Castile, where he expected that bis talents would be move justly estinated. He endeavoored to recommend himself by offering to execute, under the patronage of Spain, that scheme, which he had laid before the court of Portugal, the aocomplishnent of which, he knew, would wound the monarch against whom he was exasperated in the most tender ])art. In order to establish the justness of his theory, he pro- duced the same arguments which he had employed at Lisbon ; acknowledging, at the same time, that the un- dertaking was both arduous and expensive, as it could not be attempted but with a squadron of considerable force, and victualled for at least two years. Fortunately, he applied to a minister who was not apt to be deterred either by Uie boldness of a design, or the expeoce of canying it into execution. Cardinal Ximenes, who at that time directed the afiairs of Spain, discerning at onee what au increase of wealth and glory would accrue to his country by the success of Magtllai^'s proposal, listened to it with a most favourable ear. Charles V. on his arrival in his Spanish dominions, entered into the measure with no less ardour, and orders were issued fur equipping a proper squadron at the public charge, of which the command was given to Magellan, whom the king honoured with the habit of St. Jago and the title of Captain-General. On the tenth of August one thousand five hundred and nineteen, Magellan sailed from Seville with fire ships, which, according to the klcas of the age, were deemed to be of considerable force, thougli the burden of the largest did not exceed one hundred and twenty tons. The crews of the whole amounted to two hundred and thirty-four men, among whom were soom of the must skilful pilots in Spain, and several Portuguese sailors, in whose experience, as more extensive, Ma- gellan placed still greater confidence. After touching at the Canaries, he stood directly south towards the equinoctial line along the coast of America, but was so long retarded by tedious calms, and spent so much time in searching ever}' bay and inlet for that communica- tion with the Southern Ocean which he wished to dis- cover, that he did not reach the river De la Plata till the twelfth of January [1520]. That spacious open- ing through which its vast body of water pours into the Atlantic allured him to enter ; but after sailing up it for some days, be concluded, from the shallowness of the stream and the freshness of the water, that the wished-for strait was not situated there, and continued his course towards the south. On the thirty-first of March he arrived io the port of St. Julian, about forty- eight degrees south of the line, vrhere he resolved to winter. In this uncomfortable station he lost one of his squadron, and the Spaniards aaffiered so much from 1522.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 199 tboK r. s talents voared to under the had laid hnent of :h againit ])art. In y, he pro- nployed at lat the Un- as it could jnaiderable ortonately, te deterred, es pence of nes, who at iscerning at rould accrue I's proposal, Charles V. entered into } were issued iblic charge, ;ellan, whom fago and the five hundred lie with five ie age, were 1 the burden 1 and twenty two hundred som* of the . Portuguese .tensive, Ma- ker touching towards the A, but was so |so much time coramunica- ished to dis- [e la Plata till lacious open- ours into the , sailing up it Ihallowness of attar, that the md continued thirty-first of ,, about forty- le resolved to |he lost one of so much from the excessive rigotnr of the climate, that the crewt of three of his ships, headed by their officers, rose in open motiny, and insisted on relinquiihing the visionary pntjeet of a desperate adventurer, and returning directly to Spain. This dangerous insurrection Magellan sup- pressed by an effort of courage no less prompt than in- trepid, and inflicted exemplary punishment on the ringleaders. With 'the remainder of his followers, overawed but not reconeilcd to hit seheme, he continued his voyage towards the south, and at length discovered, near the fifty-third degree of latitude, the mouth of a strait, into which be entered, notwithstanding the oiurmurs and remonstrances of the people ander his command. After sailing twenty days in that winding dangerous channel, to which he gave his own name, and where one of his ships deserted him, the great Southern Ocean opened to his view, and with tears of joy he returned thanks to Heaven for having thus far crowned his endeavours with success. But he was still at a greater distance than he ima- gined from the object of hi« wishes. He sailed during three months and twenty days in an uniform direction towards the north-west, without discovering land. In this voyage, the longest that bad ever been made in the vnbounded ocean, he suflered incredible distress. His stuck of provisions was almost exhausted, the water became putrid, the men were reduced to the shortest allowimce with which it was possible to sustain life, and the scurvy, the most dreadful of all the maladies with which sea-faring people are afflicted, began to spread among the erew. One circumstance alone af- forded them some consolation ; they enjoyed an unin- terrupted coarse of flair weather, with such favourable winds, that Magellan bestowed on that ocean the name of Paoi/Sc, which it still retains. When reduced to such extremity that they must have sunk under their sufferings, they fell in with a cluster of small but fertile islands (March 6), which afforded them refreshments in such abundance, that their health was soon re-esta- blished. From these isles, which he called De los Ladrones, he proceeded on his voyage, and soon made a more important discovery of the islands now known by the name of the Philippines. In one of these he got into an unfortunate quarrel with the natives, who attached him with a numerous body of troops well armed ; and while he fought at the head of his men witi) his usual valour, he fell (April 26) by the hands 'J thjse barbarians, together with several of his prin- cipal officers. The expedition was prosecuted under other com- naaders. After visiting many of the smaller isles scattered in the eastern part of the Indian ocean, they tMifihed at (h« great island of Borneo (Nov. 8), aud at length landed in Tidore, one of the Moluccas, to the astonishment of the Portuguese, who could not com- prehend how the Spaniards, by holding a westerly course, had anived at that sequestered seat of their most valuable commerce, which they themselves had. discovered by sailing in an opposite direction. There, and in the adjacent isles, the Spaniards found a people acquainted with the benefits of extensive trade, and willing to open an intercourse with a new nation. They took in a cargo of the precious spices, which are the distinguished production of those islands ; and with that, as well as with specimens of the rich commodities yielded by the other countries which they had visited, the Victory, which, of the two ships that remained of the squadron, was most fit for a long voyage, set sail for Europe (Jan. 1522), under the command of Juan Sebastion del Cano. He followed the course of the Portuguese, by the Cape of Good Hope, and, after many disasters and sufferings, he arrived at St. Lucar on the seventh of September one thousand five hundred and twenty-two, having sailed round the globe in the space of three years and twenty-eight days. Though an untimely fate deprived Magellan of the satisfaction of accomplishing this great undertaking, his contemporaries, just to his memory and talents, ascribed to him not only the honour of having formed the plan, but of having surmounted almost every ob^ stacle to the completion of it ; and in the present age his name is still ranked among the highest in the roll of eminent and successful navigators. The naval glory of Spain now eclipsed that of every other nation ; and by a singular felicity she had the merit, in the course of a few years, of discovering a new continent almost as large as that part of the earth which was formerly known, and of ascertaining by experience the form and extent of the whole terraqueous globe. The Spaniards were not satisfied with the glory of having first e -ompassed the earth ; they expected to derive great commercial advantages from this new and boldest effort of their maritime skill. The men of science among them contended, that the spice islands, and several of the richest countries in the East, were so situated as to belong of right to the crown of Castile, in consequence of the partition made by Alexander VI. The merchants, without attending to this discussion, engaged eagerly in that lucrative and alluring com- merce, which was now opened to them. The Portu- guese, alarmed at the intrusion of such formidable rivals, remonstrated and negociated in Europe, whilfe in Asia they obstructed the trade of the Spaniards by foree of arms. Charles V. not sufficiently instructed with respect to the importance of this valuable branch I of commerce, or distracted by the multiplicity of hi| f '■ ! ioo HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book v. J i': Hi ll 1." "" h i n •chemes and operations, did not afford his subjects proper protection. At last, the low state of his finances, exhausted, by the efforts of his arms in every part of £uro])c, together with the dreacf of adding a new war witii Portugal to those in which he was already en- gaged, induced him to make over his claim of the Mo> luccas to the Portuguese for three hundred and fifty thousand ducats. He reserved, however, to the crown of Castile the right of reviving its pretensions on repay- ment of that sum ; but other objects engrossed his at- tention and that of his successors ; and Spain was finally excluded from a branch of commerce in which it was engaging with sanguine expectations of profit. Thoagh the tfade with the Moluccas was relin- quished, the voyage of Magellan was followed by «ommerciaI effects of great moment to Spain. Philip II. in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty- four, reduced those islands which he discovered in the Eastern Ocean to subjection, and established settle- ments there ; between which and the kingdom of New Spain, a regular intercourse, the nature of which shall be explained in its proper place, is still carried on. I return now to the transactions in New Spain. At the time that Cortes was acquiring such extensive territories for his native country, and preparing the tray for future conquests, it was his singular fate not only to be destitute of any commission or authority from the sovereign whom he was serving with such successful zeal, but to be regarded as an undutiful and seditious subject. By the influence of Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, his conduct in assuming the government of New Spain was declared to be an irregular usurpation, in contempt of the royal authority ; and Christoval de Tapia received a commission, empowering him to su- persede Cortes, to seize his person, to confiscate his effects, to make a strict scrutiny into his proceedings, and to transmit the result of all the enquiries carried on in New Spain to the council of the Indies, of which the bishop of Burgos was president. A few weeks after the reduction of Mexico, Tapia landed at Vera Cruz with the royal mandate to strip its conqueror of his power, and to treat him as a criminal. But Fon- seca had chosen a very improper instrument to wreak his vengeance on Cortes. Tapia had neither the repu- tation nor the talentj that suited the high* command to which he was appointed. Cortes, while he publicly lexpressed the most respectful veneration for the em- peror's authority, secretly took measures to defeat the effect of h^ commission ; and having involved Tapia and his followers in a multiplicity of negociations and conferences, in which he sometimes had recourse to threats, but more frequently employed bribes and promises, he at length prevailed on that weak man to abandon a province which he was unworthy of go. verning. But notwithstanding the fortunate dexterity with which he had eluded this danger, Cortes was so sen- sible of the precarious tenure by which he held his power, that he dispatched deputies to Spnin (May 15), with a pompous account of the success of his arms, with farther specimens of the productions of the country, and with rich presents to the emperor, as the earnest of future contributions from his new conquest; requesting, in recompence for all his services, the ap- probation of his proceedings, and that he might be entrusted with the government of those dominions, which his conduct, and the valour of his followers, had added to the crown of Castik. The juncture in which his deputies reached the court was favourable. The internal commotions in Spain, which had disquieted the beginning of Charles's reign, were just appeased. The ministers had leisure to turn their attention to- wards foreign afiairs. The account of Cortes's victories filled his countrymen with admiration. The extent and value of his conquests became the object of vast and interesting hopes. Whatever stain he might have contracted, by the irregularity of the sttops which, he took in order to attain power, was so fully eifiaced by the splendour and merit of the great actions which this had enabled him to perform, that every heart revolted at the thought of inflicting any ensure on a man, whose services entitled him to the highest marks of dis- tinction. The public voice declared warmly in favour of his pretensions, and Charles arriving in Spain about this time, adopted the sentiitients of his subjects with a youthful ardour. Notwithstanding the claims of Ve- lasquez, and the partial representations of the bishop of Burgos, the emperor appointed Cortes captain-general and governor of New Spain, judging that no person was so capable of maintaining the royal authority, or of establishing good order both among his Spanish and In- dian subjects, as the victorious leader whom the former had long been accustomed to obey, and the latter hid beeci taught to fear and to respect. Even before his jurisdiction received this legal sane tion, Cortes ventured to exercise all the powers of a governor, and by various arrangements, endeavoured to render his conquest a secure and beneficial acquisition to his country. He determined to establish the seat of government in its ancient station, and to raise Mexico again from its ruins ; and having conceived high ideas concerning the future grandeur of the state of which he was laying the foundation, he began to rebuild its capital on a plan which hath gradually formed the most magnificent city in the New World. At the same time, he employed skilful persons to sevch for mines * In re conqueror as Diy guii 18, &c. is <'oitcs hu 1 have tal and they i trary to hi 16:'. Hei 'if liis cour luen of no tbirty onl' V. c. 7. ■ 1592.1 HISTORY OF AMERICA. L'Ol in different parts of the couQtry,^and opened some which were found to be richer than any which the Spaniards had hitherto discovered in America. He detached his principal officers into the remote provinces, and en- couraged tliem to settle there, not only by bestowing upon them large tracts of land, but by grunting them the same dominion over the Indians, and Uic same righ* to their service, which the Spaniards had assumed in the islands. It was not, however, without difficulty that tlic Mexi- can empire could be entirely reduced into the form of a S|Ninish colony. Enraged and rendered desperate by oppression, the natives often forgot the superiority of their enemies, and ran to arms in defence of their liber- ties. In every contest, however, the European valour and discipline prevailed. But fatally for the honour of their country, the Spaniards sullied the glory redound- ing from these repeated victories by their mode of treat- ing the vanquished people. After taking Gualimozin, and becoming masters of his capital, they supposed that the king of Castile entered on possession of all the rights of the captive monarch, and affected to consider every eiTort of the Mexicans to assert their own inde- pendence, as the rebellion of vassals against their sove- reign, -or the mutiny of slaves agtinst their master. Under the sanction of those ill-founded maxims, they violated every right that sboald be held sacred between hostile nations. After each iniurreetlon, they reduced the commun people in the provinces which they sub- dued, to the most humiliating of all conditions, that of personal scrvitade. Their chiefs, supposed to be more criminal, were punished with greater severity, and put to death in the most igiKNninious or the most excTu- ciating mod** that the inaolence or the cruelty of their conquerors could devise. In almost every district of the Mexican empire, the progress of the Spanish arms is marked with blood, and with deeds so atrocious, as disgrace the enterprising valour that conducted them to •iuccess. In the country of Panuco, sixty caziques or leaders, and four hundred nobles, were burnt at one time. Nor was this shocking barbarity perpetrated in any sudden sally of rage, or by a cotiimander of inferior * In relating t!ie oppressive and cruel procccdiugii of the rnnquerors of New Spain, 1 have not followed B. de lasCaiias ■At my guide. Hi)> account of them, Relat^ de la Dettruyc. p. 18, ^c. is manifestly exaggerated. It is from the testimony of ('uttcs himself and of (jomara, who wrote under his eye, that I have taken my account of the punishment of the Pauucans, and they relate it without any disapprobation. B. Diaz, con* trary to his usual custom, mentions it only in general terms, c. \(i'i. Herrera, solicitous to extcQuate this barbarous action of his countrymen, though he mentions 63 caziques, and 4U0 men of note, as being condemned to the flames, asserts that tbirty only were burnt, and the rest pardoned. — Dec, iii. lib, V. c. 7. But this is contrary to the testimony of the original J7-18. note. It was the act of Sandoval, an officer whose naine is entitled to the second rank in the annals of New Spain, and executed after a solemn consultation with Cortes ; and to complete the horror of the -tne, the children and relations of the wretched vit s were assembled, and compelled to be spectators of their dying agonies. It seems hardly possible to exceed in horror this dreadful example of severity ; but it was followed by another, which affected the Mexicans still more sen- sibly, as it gave them a most feeling proof of their own degradation, and of the small regard which their haughty masters retained for the ancient dignity and splendour of their state. On a slight suspicitm, confirmed by very imperfect evidence, that Guatimozin had formed a scheme to shake ofl' the yoke, and to excite his former subjects to take arms, Cortes, without the formality of a trial, ordered the unhappy monarch, together with the caziques of Tezeuco and Tacuba, the two persons of greatest eminence in the empire, to be hanged ; and the Mexicans, with astonishment and liorrur, beheld this disi^raceful punishment inflicted upon persons, to whom they were accustomed to look up with reverence, hardly inferior to that which they paid to the gods themselves.* The example of Cortes and his principal officers en- couraged and justified persons of subordinate rank to venture upon committing greater excesses. Nuno de Guzman, in particular, stained an illustrious name by deeds ofpeculiar enormity and rigour, in various expe- ditions which he conducted. One circumstance, however, saved the Mexicans from farther consumption, perhaps from one as complete as that which had depopulated the islands. The first con- querors did not attempt to search for the precious metals in the bowels of the earth. They were neither suffi- ciently wealthy to carry on the expensive works which are requisite for opening tho.sc deep recesses where nature has concealed the vcios of gold and silver, nor sufficiently skilful to perform tltu ingenious operations by which those precious metals arc separated from their respective ores. They were sriti-sficd with the more simple method, practised by 'tlic liuJians, of washini; the earth carried down rivers uiul torrents from the historians, particularly of Goniara, wtioni it appears he had con- sulted, as he adopts several of liis expressions ip this passttgc. The punishment of Guatimozin is related by the most authejiUc of the Spanish writers. Torqueniada has extracted from a his- tory of Tezeuco, composed in the Mexican tongue, an account of this transaction, more favourable to Guatimozin than that of the Spanish authors. — Mim. Indiana, i. .5/5. According to the Mexican account, Cortes had scarcely a shadow of evidence to justify such a wanton act of cruelty. B. Piaz aflirms, that Guatimozin and Lis felluw-sufferers asserted their innocence with their last breath, and tiiat many of the S|)Hnish soldiers condemned this action of Cortes as equally unnecessary and unjust, p. 200, b. 201, a. N 4i; f SOS IJISTOUY OF AMERICi^. BOOK V. mountains, nnd collecting the grains of native metal deposited tiiere. The rich mines of New Spain, which have poured forth their treasures with sucli profusion on every quarter of the globe, were not discovered for several years after the conquest. By that time (1552, &c.), a more orderly government and police were intro- duced into the colony ; experience, derived from former errors, had suggested many useful and humane regula> tions for the protection and preservation of the Indians j and though it then became necessary to increase the number of those employed in the mines, and they were engaged in a species of labour more pernicious to the human constitution, they suffered less hardship or di- minution than from the ill-judged, but less extensive, schemes of the first conquerors. While it was the lot of the Indians to suffer, their new masters seem not to have derived any considerable wealth from their ill-conducted researches. According to the usual fate of first settlers in new colonies, it was their lot to encounter danger, and to struggle with difli- cultics ; the fruits of tlu'ir victories and toils were re- served for times of tranquillity, and reaped by successors of greater industry, but of inferior merit. The early historians of America abound with accounts of the suf- ferings and of the poverty of its conquerors. In New Spain, their condition was rendered more grievous by a peculiar arrangement. When Charles V. advanced Cortes to the government of that country, he at the same time appointed certain commissioners to receive and administer the royal revenue there, with indepen- dent jurisdiction. These men, chosen from inferior stations in various departments of public business at Madrid, were so much elevated with their promotion, that they thought they were called to act a part of the first consequence. But being accustomed to the minute formalities of office, and having contracted the narrow ideas suited to the sphere in which they had hitherto moved, they were astonished, on arriving in Mexico (I.')24), at the high authority which Cortes exercised, and could not conceive that the mode of administration, in a country recently subdued and settled, roust be dif- fer* nt from what took place in one where tranquillity '* The motive for undertakingtliis expedition was to punish Christivul de Olid, one of hisoHicers, who had revolted against hiiri, and .liined at cstublisliing an independent jurisdiction. Co. >es reuiirded this insurrection as of such dangerous example, anil drcH'U'd so uiiieli the abilities and popularity of its author, that in person he led the body of troops destined to suppress it. He marched, accordin); to Goinara, three thousand miles, through a country abouiidiiig with thick forests, rugged moun- talii!., deep rivers, thii^ly inhabited, and cultivated only in a few pli.iTs. What he suftercd from famine, from the hostility of the natives, from the climate, and fron» Iiardsliips of every species, has nothing in history parallel to it, bnt what occurs and regular government had been long established. In their letters, they represented Cortes as ao ambitious tyrant, who having usurped a jurisdiction superior to law, aspired at independence, and by his exorbitant wealth, and extensive influence, might accomplish those disloyal schemes which he apparently meditated. These insinuations made such deep impression upon the Spanish ministers, most of whoro had been formed to business under the jealous and rigid administration of Ferdinand, that, unmindful of hII Cortes's past services, and regardless of what he was then suffering in eon- ducting that extraordinary expedition, in which he ad- vanced from the lake of Mexico to the western extre- mities of Honduras,'''* they infused the same suspicions into the mind of their master, and prevailed on him tu order a solemn inquest to be made into his conduct (1525), with powers to the licentiate Ponce de Leon, entrusted with that commission, to seize liis person, if he should find that expedient, and send him prisoner to Spain. The sudden death of Ponce de Leon, a few days after his arrival in New Spain, prevented the execution of this commission. But as the object of his appointment was known, the mind of Cortes was deeply wounded with this unexpected return for services which far exceeded whatever any subject of Spain had rendered to his sovereign. He endeavoured, however, to maintain his station, and to recover the confidence of the court. But every person in office, who Iwd arrived from Spain since the conquest, was a spy upon his conduct, r.nd with malicious ingenuity gave an unfavourable rep, i; sentation of all his actions. The apprehensions of Charles and his ministers increased. A new conmiission of enquiry was issued (1528), with more txlensivc powers, and various precautions were taken in order to prevent or to punish him, if he should be so presuni|j- tuous as to attempt what was inconsistent with tlif fidelity of a subject. Cortes beheld the approaching crisis of his fortune with ail the violent emotions natural to a haughty mind, conscious of high desert, and receiving unworthy treatment. But though some of his desperate followers urged him to assert his own in the adventures of the other discoverers and conquerors oi the New World. Cortes was employed in this dreadful strviic above two years, and though it was ni>t distinguished by iiny splendid event, he exhibited, during the course of it, greatn personal courage, more fortitude of mind, more persevenintc and patience, than in any other i)eriod or i',i~ 1 67. B. Diaz, 1 74— 1 90. Curtes, MS. ptnes me. Wvre. one to write a life of Cortes, Uic account of this expedition should occupy a splendid place in it. In a general history of Amcrito, as the ex]iphs; but without waiting for the arrival of Ids jii(lge«i, to repair directly to C A'llc, and commit himself and his cause to the jum'ci! and generosity of his sovereign. Cortes appciired in his native country with the ^pieniK'Ur th;it suited (!ie conqueror of a mighty king- (jni 1. He bi ought with him a great pari of his wealth, iiiiiiv jewels nnd oriraaieiitv of great value, several cu- rii.iis productions of the country,* and was attended 1)\ some Mcxieuns of the lirst r;iiiU, us well as by the most ccnsiderable of his own officers. His arrival in Spain nmoveii at once every suspicion and fear that Ik:(1 been entertained with respect to his intentions. Tlie Miperor, having now nothing to apprehend from tlie lU signs of Cortes, received him like a person whom consriousncss of his own innocence had brought into the presence of his master, and who was entitled, by tlie eminence of his services, to the highest marks of distinction and respect. The order of St. Jago, the title of Marquis del Valle de Guaxaca, the grant of an am]de territory in New Spain, were successively )k towed upon him; and us his manners were correct nnd elegant, although he had passed the greater part nf his life among rough adventurers, the emperor ad- mitted him to the same familiar intercourse with him- self that was enjoyed by noblemen oif the first rank. liut, amidst those external proofs of regard, syinp- oms of remainint^ distrust appeared. Though Cortes jarnestly solicited to be reinstated in the govcrninent i)f New Spain, Charles, too sagacious to commit such an important charge to a man whom he had once sus- pected, peremptorily refused to invest him again with powers which he might find it impossible to control. Cortes, though dignified with new titles, returned to Mexico with diminished authority. The military de- * Accorillng to Herrcin, the treasure which Cortes brought Willi hiin, consisted of fittecn hundred marks of wrought jilate, two hnntlrcd thousand pesos of fine gold, and ten thou- MUid of inforior stundmd, many rich jewels, one in partiealar, Morth fdrty thon^riiul pesos, nnd several trinkets and orna- ments of value. Dec. iv. Ub. iii. c. 8. lib. iv. c. 1. He oftcr- H aids ■ engagiul to give a portion with his daughter of a liimdrcd lluiusand pesos. Gomara, Cron, c. 2'A7. The for- tune which lie left his sons was very considerable. But, as we have before I'felated, the sum (Kvided among Uw conquerors oil the first reduction of Mexico was very small. 'ITierc partment, with powers to attempt new din -rxts, w;is left in his hands ; but the supreme direci ' ^f civil affairs was placed in a board, culled T7te Audieucc of New Spain. At a subsequent period, wlicn, upon the increase of the colony, the exertion of authority more united and extensive became necessary, Antonio de Mendoza, a nobleman of high rank, was scut thither us Ficeroy, to take the govenmient into his hands. This division of power in New Spain, proved, as was unavoidable, the source of perpetual dissciisiou, which embittered the life of Cortes, and thwarted all his schemes. As he liad now no opportunity to di!>play his active talents but in attempting new discoveries, hu formed various schemes for that purpose, all of wliieli bear impressions of a genius that delighted in what was bold and splendid. He early entertained an idea, that, either by steering through the gulf of Florida along the east coast of North America, some strait would be found that communicated with the western ocean ; or that, by examining the isthmus of Darien, some passage would be discovered between the North and South Seas. But having been disappointed in his expectations with respect to both, he now confined his views to such voyages of discovery as he could make from the ports of New Spain in the South Sea. There he fitted out successively several small squadrons, which either perished in the attempt, or returned with- out making any discovery of moment. Cortes, weary of entrusting the conduct of his operations to others, took the command of a new armament in person (153G), and, after enduring incredible hardships, and encoun- tering dangers of every species, he discovered the large peninsula of California, and surveyed the greater part of the gulf which separates it from New Spain, Tin; discovery of a country of sucli extent would have re- flected credit on a common adventurer; but it couKl add little new honour to the name of Cortes, and w is far from satisfying the sanguine expectations which lio had formed. Disgusted with ill -success, to which In- ! .id not been accustomed, and weary of contesting with adversaries to whom he considered it as a disgrace to ii(> opposed, he once more souglit for redress in his nii- 'ive country ''154'!). apjiears then to he some reason fi>r suspecting that the nciii- vitions of Cortes s enemies \reie not altogether destitute oi" foi'i'dation. They charged liim with having applied to his oivn use a disproportionate share of the Mexican spoils ; with hi'ving concealed the royal treasures of Montezuma and Oiia- tiinozm ; with defrauding i he kinft of his fifth; and rohbi 'g his follow crs of what was due to them. Herrera, dec. iii. lili. viii. e. I;'). dec. iv. lib. iii. c. 8. Some of the con(|iii.;ois themsel'is entertained suspicions of the same kind, witli respect to this part of his conduct. U Diaz^ c, i^Z- JJ n 2 ?' k 804 IIISTORV OF AMEUICA. [book VI. But hts reception there was very (liR'erent from tliat which gratitude, and even decnncy, ought to have le* cured for him. The merit of his ancient exploits was already, in a great measure, forgotten, or eclipsed by the fume of recent and more valuable cunquests in an- other quarter of America. No service of moment was now expected from a man of declining years, and who began to be unfortunate. The emperor behaved to him with cold civility ; his ministers treated him, sometimes with neglect> sometimes with insolence. His grievances received no redress } his claims were urged without effect ; and after several years spent in fruitless application to ministers and judges, an occu- pation the most irksome and mortlfyirg to • man of high spirit, who had moved in a sphere where he was more accustomed to command than to solicit, Cortei ended his days on the second of December one thou- sand 6ve hundred and forty-seven, in the sixty-scconil year of his age. His fitlc wai the suine with that uf all the persons who distinguished themselvef in th« discovery or conquest of the New World. Envied by his contemporaries, and ill requited by the court which he served, he has been udmired and celebrated by sue* eeeding ages. Which has formed the most just estl- mate of his character, an impartial cousideration of hit actions must determine, ' BOOK VI. History of the conquext qf Peru, by Pixarro—and 2.'i.] From the time that Nugiwz de Balboa dis- covered the grcut Southern Ocean, and received the first obscure hints concerning the opulent countries with which it might open a communication, the wishes and schemes of every enterprising person in the colo- nies of Darien and Panama were turned towards the \vealth of those unknown regions. In an age when '* In tracing the progress of the Spanish arms in New S|ialn, ive have followed Curtes liiinseif as our most certain fHihle. His dispatches to the emperor contain a minute ac- rount uf his operations. Rut the unlettered conq-ieror of Peru wnti incnpal)lu of relating his own exploits. Our in- formation with rcsjiect to them, and other transactions in fVnt, is derived hotvever from contemporary and respectable authors. The most early account of Pizarro's transactions in Peru, was pul'iishcd by Francisco dc Xcrez, his secretary. It is a «iui|>ic iiiiadnrued narrative, carried down no farther than the death of Atahnalpa, in 1533; for the author returned to Spain in 1.534, and soon after he landed, printed at Seville his short History of the Conquest of Peru, addressed to the emperor. Don Pedro Sanclio, an officer who served under Pi«arro, drew up an account of his expedition, which was translated into Italian by Ramusio, and inserted in his valuable collec- tion, but has never been published in its original language. Sancho returned to Spain at the same time with Xerez. Great credit is due to what both these authors relate concerning the progress and operations of Pizarro ; but the residence of the Spaniards in Peru had been so short, at the time when they left it, and their intercourse with the natives so slender, that their kaowledge of the Peruvian manners aod customs is very imperfect. the spirit of adventure was- so ardent and vigorous, that large fortunes were wasted, and the most aUrming dangers braved, in pursuit of discoveries merely pos- sible, the faintest ray of hope was followed with au eager expectation, and the slightest information was suflicieat to inspire such perfect confidence, as con- ducted men to the most arduous undertakings.* • The next contemtMrary historian is Pedro Cieza He Leou, who published his Cronica del Peru, at Seville, in 15.'i3. Il he had finished all that be proposes in the general division of his work, it would have been the most complete history which had been published of any region in the New World. He was well qualified to execute it, having served during seventeen years in America, and having visited in person most of the provinces concerning which he had occasion to write, But only the first part of his Chronicle has been printed. It con- tains a description of Peru, and several of the adjacent pro- vinces, with ao account of the institutions and customs of the natives, and is written with so little art, and such an apparent regard for truth, that one must regret the loss of the other parts of his work. This loss is amply supplied by Don Augustine Zarati, who published, in 1555, his llitloria del Dcscubrimienlo y Con- questa de la Provincia del Peru. Zarat^ was a man of rank and education, and employed iu Peru as comptroller-general of the public revenue. His history, whether wc aUend to its matter or composition, is a book of considerable merit ; as lie had an opportunity to Im well informed, and seems to have been inquisitive with respect to the manners and transactions of the Peruvians, great credit is due to his testimony. Don Diego Fernandcs published his H'utoria del Peru ia 1571. His sole object is to relate the'dissensions and civil wart of the Spaniards in that empire. As he served in s public station country, and w Mhich hedescr gr««t impartial historians most their capacity rddte. The last auti rnry historiani Vega, Inca. CommenlariM was not publish after the death Iwrn in Peru, a the Spanish cor on account of v was master oft! with the traditi wry high, and nans. His woi m»n of lie wu ("o»tei e ihou> -second tliat uf in the ivied by t which by sue- lit csU- >n of hik Zarati, wlio ^enlo y Con- man of rank jr-goneralof tUend to its uerit; ailie .•ms to have transact'kOD* lony. del P«rtt '!» ons and civil lerved in » W34.] ] Accordingly, icverul trmamenU were fittad out in order to explore Knd tuk« poaaetsiun of the countries tu the eMt of Punania, but under the conduct of Iradtrs whoM tklenta Md.retourcei were unequal to the attempt. At the excurtiont of ihuRe adventurera did nut extriid beyond the liinita of the province to which the Spaniards have given the name of Tierra Firmt, a mountainous region covered with woods, thinly inhabited, mid ox- trrmely unhealthy, thi*y returned with dismal accounts concerningthedi^tressestowhich they hid beenex) ased, and the unpromixiiig aspect of the places which tliey had visited. Damped by these tidings, the rage for disco- very in that direction nliated ; and it became the general opinion, tiiat Balboa had founded visionary ho|)es, on the tnle of on ignorant Indian, ill understood, or calcu- lated to deceive. 15:.' i.] But there were three persons settled in Panama on whom the cirrumstaoce* which deterred others made so little impression, that at the very moment when all considered Balboa's expectations of discovering a rich country, by steering towards the east, as chimerical, they resolved to attempt the execution of his scheme. The names of those extraordinary men were Francisco I'iicurro, Diego de Alntagro, and Hernando Luque. Fizarro was the natural son- of a gentleman of an ho- nourable family by n very low woman, and, according to the cruel fate which often attends the offspring of un- htwrul love, had been so totally neglected in his youth by the author of his birth, that he seems to have destined him never to rise beyond the condition of his mother. In conscquer.ce of this ungenerous idea, he set him, when bordering on manhood^ to keep hogs. But the aspiring mind of young Pizarro disdaining that ignoble occupation, he abruptly abandoned his charge, enlisted as a 5oldicr, and, after serving some years in Italy, em- barked for America, which, by opening such a bound- public station iu Peru, and was well acquainted both with the country, and with the principal actors in those singular scenes w hicii he describes, as he possessed sonnd understanding and i;rt!»t impartiality, his work nay be ranked among those of the historians most (iistinguisbed for their industry in research, or their capacity in judging with respect to the eveats which they relate. '1 lie last autlior who can be reckoned among the contempo- riiry historians of the conquest of Peru, is Garcilasso de la \'ega, Inca. For though the first part of his work, intitled, Commenlarm Rtalts del Origen de lot Incas Rekt del Peru, was not published sooner than the year 1609, seventy-six years after the death of AtahuaJpa the last emperor, yet as k? was born in Peru, and was the son of an officer of distinction among the Spanish conquerors, by a Coya, or lady of the royal race, on account of vf'aich he always took the naoic uf Inca ; as he wa« master of the language spoken by the Incas, and acquainted with the traditions of \»i countrymen, his authority is rated very high, and often placed above that of all the other histo- rians. His woTK, however, is little more than a commentary HISTORY OF AMEUICA. Soj less range to active talenta, allured every adventurer whose fortune was not equal to his ambitious thoughts. There IMzarro early distinguished himself. With a temper of mind no lest daring than the constitution of hi* body was robust, he was foremost in every danger, patient under the greatest hardships, and unsubdued by any fatigue. Though so illiterate that he could not ifvcn read, he r/as toon considered as a man formed to command. Every operation committed to his conduct proved successful, as, by a happy but rare conjunction, he united perseverance with ardour, and was as cautious in executing, at he wnt bold in forming his plans. By engaging eurly in active life, without any resource but his own talents and industry, and by depending on him- self alone in his struggles tu emerge from obscurity, he acquired such a thorough knowledge of affairs, and of men, that he waa fitted to assume a superior part in conducting the former, and in governing the latter. Almagru had as little to boast of his descent as Pizarro. The one was a bastard, the other a foundling. Bred, like his companion, in the camp, he yielded not to him in any of the soldierly qualities of intrepid valour, in- defatigable activity, or insurmountable constancy in enduring the hardships inseparable from military service in the New World. But in Almagro these virtues were accompanied with the openness, generosity, and can- dour, natural to men whose profession is arms; in Pizarro, they were united with the address, the emit, and the dissimulation of a politician, with the art of con- cealing his own purposes, and with sagacity to pene- trate into those of other men. Hernando dc Luque was an ecclesiastic, who acted both as priest and schoolmaster at Panama, and, by means which the cotemporary writers have not described, had amassed riches that inspired him with thoughts of rising to greater eminence. upon the Hpanish writers of the Peruvian story, and composed of quotations taken from the authors whom I have mentioned. This is the idea which he himself gives of it. — Lib. i. c. 10. Nor is it in the account of facts only that lie follows them ser- vilely. Even in expixining the institutions and rites of his ancestors, his information seems not to be more perfect than theirs. His explanation uf the Qiiipos is almost the same with that of Acosta. He proiliices no specimen of Peruvian poetry, but that wretched one which he borrows from Ulas V'alera, an early missionary, whose memoirs have never been published.— Lib. ii. c. 15. As for composition, arrangement, or a capacity of distinguishing between what is fabulous, what is probable, and what is true, one searclies for them in vain in the commen- taries of the inca. His work, however, notwithstanding its great defects, is not altogether destitute of use. Some tradi- tions which he received from his countrymen are preserved in it. His knowledge of the Peruvian language has enabled him to correct some errors of the Spanish writers, and he has in- serted in it some curious facts, taken from authors whose works were never published, and are now lost. 206 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book VI. t I if ill Suc'li were the men destined to overturn one of the most extensive empires on the face of the earth. Their confederacy for this purpose was aiilhorised bjr Pcdra- riasj the governor of P.inania. Each engaged to em- ploy ills whole fortune in the adventure. Pizarro, tlie least wealtliy of the three, as he could not throw so large a sum as his associates into the common stock, engaged to take the department of greatest fatigue and danger, and to command in person the armament which was to go fii it upon discovery. Ahnagro offered to conduct the supplies of provisions and reinforcements of troops, of which Pizarro might stand in need. Luque was to remain at Panama to ncgooiate with the governor, and superintend whatever was carrying on for the general interest. As the spirit of enthusiajjjm uniformly accompanied tiiat of adventure in the New World, and by tliat strange unlt)ti both acquired an increase of force, this confederacy, formed by ambition and avarice, was confirmed by tlie most solemn act of religion. Luque celebrated mass, divided a consecrated host into tliree, and reserving one part to himself, gave the other two to his associates, of which they partook ; and thus, in the name of tiie Prince of Peace, ratified a contract of which plunder and bloodshed were the objects. The attempt was begun with a force more suited to the humble condition of the three associates, than to the greatness of the enterprise in which they were engaged. Pizarro set sail from Panama with a single vessel (Nov. 14), of small burden, and a hundred and twelve men. But in that age, so little were the Spa- niards acquainted with the peculiarities of climate in America, that the time which Pizarro chose for his de- parture was the most improper in the whole year ; the periodical winds, which were then set in, being directly adverse to the course which he purposed to steer. After beating about for seventy days, with much danger and incessant fatigue, Pi/arro's progress towards the south- east was not greater than what a skilful navigator will now make in as many hours. [152.5.] He touched at several places on the coast of Tierra Firm^, but found every where the same uninviting country which former adventurers had described ; the low grounds converted into swamps by an overflowing of rivers; the higher, covered with impervious woods j few inhabitants, and those lierce and hostile. Famine, fatigue, frequent ren- counters with the natives, and above all, the distempers of a moist, sultry climate, combined in wasting his slen* der band of followers. The undaunted resolution of their leader continued, Lowever, for some time, to * One uiHy form an idea bol!' of the hardships which they endiiicd, iinti of the unhealtiifiil climate in the regions which they visited, from ilin extraordinary mortality that prerailed sustain their spirits, although no sign had yet appeared of discovering those golden regions to which he had pro- mised to conduct them. At length he was obliged to abundon that inhospitable coast, and retire toChnelmma opposite to the pearl islands, where he hoped to receive a supi>ly of provisions and troops from Panama. But Almagro having sailed'from that port withseventv men, stood directly towards that port of the contiiicni where he hoped to meet with his associate. Not findin r him there, he landed his soldiers, who, in searchinir for their companions, underwent the same distresses, am; were elcposed to the same dangers, which had drivn. them out of the country. Kepulsed at length by tJK Indians in a sharp conflict, in which their leader lost oik of his eyes by the wound of an arrow, they likewise were compelled to reimbark. Chance' k-d them to the place of Pizarro's rcfeat, where they found some con- solation in recounting to each other tlreir adventures and comparing their suttttings. As Almagro had :id vniiccd as far -as the rivor St. Jaan (.June 24), in the province of Popayan, w here both the country and inha- bitants appeared with a more promising aspect, that dawn of better fortune was sufRcient to determine such sanguine projectors not to abandon their scheme notwithstanding all that they had suffered in prose- cuting it.* 152«.] Almagro repaired to Panama, in hopes of re- cruiting their shattered troops. But what he and Pizarro had suffered, gave his countrymen such an un- favourable idea of the service, that it was with difticultv he could levy fourscore men. Feeble as this reinforce- ment was, Almagro took the command of it, and having joined Pizarro, they did not hesitate about resumini: their operations. • After a long series of disasters anli disappointments, not inferior to those which th^y had already experienced, part of the armament reached tie Bay of St. Matthew, on the coast' of Quito, and hmdi: ,- at Tacamez, to the south of the river of Emcrauidv, they beheld a country more champaign and ft rtile ll.n: any they had yet discovered in the Southern Ocean, in natives clad in garments of woollen or cotton stutl, un i adorned with several trinkets of gold and silver. But, notwithstanding those favourable Hppciiraiict<, magnified beyond the truth, both by the vanity of ti c persdns who brought the report from Tacamez, and !'. the fond imagination of those who listened to theti . Piaarro and Almagro durst not venture to- invade i country so populous with a handful of men enfeebled 1;. fatigue and diseases. They retired to the smull i&iu! :. among them. Pizarro carried out 112 BieCi Almagro 70. In I less than nioe uonths 1^0 of these died. Fttw full by tin sword) auwt of them Mere cutotV by discuses,-— ^ier''z,p, Iboj * niij by the uv iis MigBecl lilis, thiitT is eiiiployl tlieic, tiuq I5t6.] ^>«J HISTORY OF AMERICA. 207 of Gnllo, where Piaarro remained with part of the I troops, and his associate returned to Panama, iiv hopes ' •of bringing such a reinforcement as might enable them j to take possession of the opulent territories^ whose existetice seemed to be no longer doubtful. But some of the adventurers, less enterprising, or less hardy than their leaders, having -secretly conveyed lamentable accounts of their sutlecings and losses to their friends at Panama, Almigro met with an unfa- vourable reception from Pedro de los Rios, who had succeeded Pedrarias in the government o£ that settle-^ nient. After weighing the matter with that cold oeco- iiomicid prudence which appears the first of all virtues to persoiLS whose limited faculties are incapable of conceiving or executing great designs, he concluded nn expedition, attended with such certain waste of men, to be so detrimental to on infant and feeble colony, that he not only prohibited ih« raising of new levies, but dispatched a vessel to bring home Ptzarro and his coinpaniona from the island of Gallo. Almagro and Lucjue, though deeply al]«cted with those measures, whiuh they oould not prevent, and durst not oppose, found means of communicating their sentiments pri- vately to Pizarro, and exhorted hira not to relinquish an rnterprisR that was the foundation of all tlieir hopes, and the only means of re-estHblishing their reputation and fortune, which were both on the decline. Pizarru's mind, bent with inflexible obstinacy on ail its pur- poses, needed no incentiw to persist in the scheme. \\t pcroinptorily refused to ©bey the governor of P»- nnma's orders, and employed all his address and elo- f|U('noe in persuading his men not to abandon him. Hut the incredible cnlatiitie^ to which they had been ('\pos«d wore still so recent in their memories, and ilie thoughts of revisiting their, families and friend* niter a long absence, rushed with such juy into their minds, that when Pizarro drew a line upon the sand \\',i\\ his sword, permitting such as wished to return iininc to pass over it, only thirteen of all Uie daring vi'tcrans in his service hadresolutiuu to rentain with llieir curomander. This small, but determined band, w^os? names the Spnntsh historians record with de^ei v«hI pif^^i^t;, as the persons to whose persevering fortitude tlieir country is iadebted for the most valuable of all its American pos- sessions, fixed their residence in the island of Ciocguna. This, as it was farther removed from the coast than * 'Phis island, says Herrera, is rendered so lutcotnfortublr by the uuwholesoiueuess of its cliinatv, its iu)|M:ueUi»ble woods, iis rugffed inuunlMins, and the multitude of insjeets and rep- lilts, that it is sehloai any softer epithet than Ihiit of iiifvrnal. is employed in describing it. The sun is almost never seen there, bud throughout the year it hardly ever censes to I'aiD. Gallo, and uninhabited, they considered as a more se- cure retreat, where, unmolested, they might wait for supplies from Panama, which they trusted that the ac- tivity of their associates would be able to procure. Almagro and Luque were not inattentive or culd soli- citors, and their uicessant importunity was seconded by the general voice of the culociy, whiuh cxchiimcd loudly against the infamy of exposing brave men, en- gaged in the public service, and chargeable with no error but what flowed from an excess of zeal and cou- rage, to n>>risb like the most odious criminals in a desert island. Overcome by those entreaties and expostula- tions, the governor at last consented to send a small vessel to their relief. Uut that he might not seem to encourage Piaarro to any new enterprise, he would not permit one landman to embark on board of it. By this time, Piziurro and his companions had re- mained five months in an island, infamous for the most unhealthy climate in that region of America.*' During all this {teriod, their eyes were turned towards Panama, in hopes of succour from their countiymen ; but worn out at length with fruitless expectations, and dispirited with suffering hardships of whicli they saw no end, they, in despair, came to a resolution of committing^ themselves to the ocean on a float, rather tlian continue in that detestable abode. But, on the arrival of the vessel from Panama, they were transported with such joy, that all their sufl'erings were forgotten. Their hopes revived, and, with a rapid transition, not unnOi- tural among men accustomed by their mode of life to sudden vicissitudes of fortune, high confidence suc- ceeding to extreme dejection. Pi/.arro easily induced not only his own followers, but the crew of the vessel from Panama, to resume his former scheme with fresh ardour. Instead of returning to PanauKi, they stood towards the south-east, and more fortunate in tliis than in uuy of thiir past clVorts, they, on tlie twentieth day after their departure from Gurgona, discovered the coast of Peru. After touching at several villages near tlje shore, which they found to be nowise invituig, they landed at Tuml>ei£, a place of same note, about three degrees south of the line, distinguished for its stately temple and a palace of tlic Incus or sovereigns gf the country. There the Spaniards feasted their eyes with the first view ^f the opulence and civilization of the Peruvian empire. They beheld a country fully pcopUd, and cultivated with ftn appearance of regular Dec. 3. lib. x. c. {i. Danipier tonehed at this islaml in the year Itibf) ; and his account of the cliuiate it> uot uiire t'avonr- ablc. Vol. i. p. 1 7-. lie, during h\s crniso on liic <'(lc>^t, visited most (.f tlie places \i liere Pizarro landcil, and Lis i',-- seription of them tlirows lijjht on the narrations of ihe cacly Spanish historians. ; *..>':> i.-j.-i'^ _ . . -r LI I Mttr n w S08 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book VI. % I industry ; the natives decently clothed, and possessed of ingenuity so far suq>assing the other inhabitants of the New World, as to have the use of tame domestic animals. But what chiefly attracted their notice, was such a shew of gold and silver, not only in the orna- ments of their persons and temples, but in several vessels and utensils for common use, formed of those precious metals, as left no room to doubt that they abounded with profusion iu the country. Pizarro and his companions seemed now to have attained to the completion of their most sanguine hopes, and fancied that all their wishes and dreams of rich domains, and inexhaustible treasures, would soon be realized. But with the slender force then under bis command, Pizarro could only view the rich country of which he Hoped liereiiftcr to obtain possession. He ranged, however, for some time along the coast, maintaining every wliere u peaceable intercourse, with the natives, no less astonished at their new visitants, than the Spaniards were with the uniform appearance of opu- lence and cultivation which they beheld. [1527]. Having explored the country as far as was requisite to ascertain the importance of the discovery, Pizarro pro- cured from the inhabitants some of their Llamas or tame cattle, tn which the Spaniards gave the name of sheep, some vessels of gold and silver, as well as some specimens of their other works of ingenuity, and two young men, whom he proposed to instruct in the Cas- tilian language, that they might serve as interpreters in the expedition which he meditated. With these he arrived at Panama, towards the close of the third year irom the time of his dv^^.^'rture thence. No adventurer of the age suffered hardships or encountered dangers which equalled those to which he was exposed during this lor.g period. The patience with which he endured the one, and the fortitude with which he surmounted the other exceed whatever is recorded in the history of the New World, where ao many romantic displays of those virtues occi'". 1538.] Neither the splendid relation that Pizarro gave of the incrediblt opulence of the country which he had discovered, nor his bitter complaints on account nf that unseasonable recal of his forces, which had put it out of his power to attempt making any settlement there, could move tha governor of Panama to swerve from his former plan of conduct. He still contended, that the colony was not in a condition to invade such a mighty empire, and refuted to authorise an expedi- tion which he foresaw would be so alluring that it might ruin the province in which he presided, by an effort beyond its strength. His coldness, however, did not in any degree abate the ardour of the three as- sociates ; but the^ perceived that thev could not carry their scheme into execution without the countenance of superior authority, and must solicit their sovereign to grant that permission which they could not extort from his delegate. With this view, after adjusting among themselves that Pizarro should claim the sta- tion of governor, Almagro that of lieutenant-governor, and Luque the dignity of bishop in the country which they purposed to conquer, they sent Pizarro as their agent to Spain, though their fortunes were now so much exhausted by the repeated efforts which they had n\ade, that they found some difliculty in borrowing the small sum requisite towards equipping him for the voyage. Pizarro lost no time in repairing to court, and new as the scene might be to him, he appeared before the emperor with the unembarrassed dignity of a man con- scious of what his services merited ; and he conducted his negociations with an insinuating dexterity of ad- dress, which could not have been expected either from his education or former habits of life. His feeling description of his own sufferings, and his pompous ac- count of the country which he had discovered, con- firmed by the specimens of its productions which he exhibited, made such an impression both on Charles and his ministers, that they not only approved of the intended expedition, but seemed to be interested in the success of its leader. Presuming on those dispositions in his favour, Pizarro paid little attention to the inte- rest of his associates. As the pretensions of Luque did not interfere with his own, he obtained for him the ecclesiastical dignity to which he aspired. For Al- magro, he claimed only the command of the fortress which should be erected at Tumbec. To himself he secured whatever his boundless ambition could desirr. He was appointed (July 26) governor, captain -general, and adelantado of all the country which he had disco- vered, and hoped to conquer, with supreme authority, civil as well as military ; and with full right to all the privileges and emoluments usually granted to adven- turers in the New World. His jurisdiction was de- clared to extend two hundred leagues along the coast to the south of the river St. Jago ; to be independent of the governor of Panama ; and he had power to no- minate all the ofhcers who were to serve under him. In return for those concessions, which cost the court of Spain nothing, as the enjoyment of them depended upon the success of Pizarro's own ejfforts, he engaged to raise two hundred and fifty men, and to provide the ships, arms, and warlike stores requisite towards sub- jecting, to the crown of Castile, the country of which the government was allotted him. 1529]. Inconsiderable as the body of men was which Pizarro had undertaken to raise, his funds and credit 1531.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 509 were so low that he could hardly complete half the num- \,et ; and after obtaining his patents from tlie crown, he nus obliged to steal privately out of the port of Seville, in order to elude the scrutiny of the officers who had it in charge to examine whether he had ful- filled the stipulations in his contract. Before his de- parture, however, he received some supply of money from Cortes, who having returned to Spain about this time, was willing to contribute his aid towards enabling an ancient companion, with whose talents and courage he was well acquainted, to begin a career of glory simi- lar to that which he himself had finished. He landed at Nombre de Dius, and marched across the isthmus to Panama, accompanied by his three bro- thers, Ferdinand, Juan, and Gonzala, of whom the first was born in lawful wedlock, the two latter, like him- self, were of illegitimate birth, and by Francisco de Al- cantani, his mother's brother. They were all in the prime of life, and of such abilities and courage, as fitted them to take a distinguished part in his subsequent transactions. 1530.] On his arrival at Panama, Pizarro found Al- magro so much exasperated at the manner in which he had conducted his negociatiun, that he not only refused to act any longer in concert with a man, by whose per- fidy he had been excluded from the power and honours to which he had a just claim, but laboured to form a new association, in order to thwart or to rival his former confederate in his discoveries. Pizarro, however, had more wisdom and address than to suffer a rupture so fatal to all his schemes, to become irreparable. By offering voluntarily to relinquish th^ office of adelan- tado, and promising to concur in soliciting that title, with an independent government, for Almagro, he gra- dually mitigated the rage of an open-hearted soldier, which had been violent, but was not implacable. Luque, highly satisfied with having been successful in all his own pretensions, cordially seconded Pizarro's endeavours. A reconciliation was effected ; and the confederacy re- newed on its original terms, that the enterpri$e should be carried on at the common expence of the associates, and the profits accruing from it should be equally divided among them. Even after their re -union, and the utmost efforts of their interest, three small vessels, with a hundred and eighty soldiers, thirty-six of whom were horsemen, com- posed the armament which they were able to fit out. But the astonishing progress of the Spaniards in Ame- rica had inspired them with such ideas of their own superiority, that Pizarro did not hesitate to sail with th<8 cont(ii!ptibIe force to invade a great empire. [153 1, jpebruary.] Almagro was left at Panama, as formerly, to follow him with what reinforcemeat of men he should 17-18. be ab^e to muster. As the season for embarking was properly chosen, and the course of navigation between Panama and Peru was now bettcir known, Pizarro com- pleted the voyage in thirteen days ; though, by the force of the winds and currents, he was carried above a hundred leagues to the north of Tumbc/, the place of his destination, and obliged to land his troops in the bay of St. Matthew. Without losing a moment, he began to advance towards the south, taking care, however, not to depart far from the sea-shore, both that he might easily effect a junction with the supplies which he ex- pected from Panama, and secure a retreat in case of any disaster, by keeping as near as possible to his ships. But as the country in several parts on the coast of Peru is barren, unhealthful, and thinly peopled ; as the Spa- niards had to pass all the rivers near their mouth, where the body of water is greatest ; and as the imprudence of Pizarro, in attacking the natives when he should have studied to gain their confidence, had forced them to abandon their habitations ; famine, fatigue, and diseases of various kinds, brought upon him and his followers calamities hardly inferior to those which they had en- dured in their former expedition. What they now ex- perienced corresponded so ill with the alluring descrip- tion of the country given by Pizarro, that many began to reproach him, and every soldier must have become cold to the service, if even in this unfertile region of Peru, they had not met with some appearances of wealth and cultivation which seemed to justify the report of their leader. At lengti. ^hey reached the province of Coaque (April 14); and, having surprised the principal settlement of the natives, they seized their vessels and ornaments of gold and silver, to the amount of thirty thousand pesos, with other booty of such value, as dis- pelled all their doubts, and inspired the most despond- ing with sanguine hopes. Pizarro himself was so much delighted with this rich spoil, which he considered as the first-fruits of a land abounding with treasure, that he instantly dispatched one of his ships to Panama with a large remittance to Almagro ; and another to Nicaragua with a considerable sum to several persons of influence in that province, in hopes of alluring adventurers, by this early display of the wealth which he had acquired. Meanwhile, he con- tinued his march along the coast, and disdaining to cm- ploy any means of reducing the natives but force, he attacked them with such violence in their scattered ha- bitations, as compelled them either to retire into the interior country, or to submit to his yoke. I'liis sudden appearance of invaders, whose aspect and niani.ers were so strange, and whose power seemed to be so irreiiiistible, made the same dreadful impression as in other parts of America. Pizarro hardly met with resistance until he O o issaammm 910 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book VI. . * ■• ■■: . ^' I %k attacked the island of Puna in the bay of Guayquil. As that was better peopled than the country through which he had passed, and its inhabitants fiercer and less civi- lized than those of the continent, they defended them- selves with such obstinate valour, that Pizarro spent six months in reducing them to subjection. From Puna he proceeded to Tumbez, where the distempers which raged among his men compelled him to remain for three months. While he was thus employed, he began to reap ad- vantage from his attention, to spread the fame of his .first success at Coaque. Two different detachments arrived from Nica agua (1532), which, though neither exceeded thirty men, he considered as a reinforcement of great consequence to his feeble band, especially a» the one was under the command of Sebastian Benal- cazar, and the other of Hernando Soto, officers not in- ferior in merit and reputation to any who had served in America. From Tumbez he proceeded to the river Piura (May ]6), and in an advantageous station near the mouth of it, he established t^e first Spanish colony in Peru; to which he gave the name uf St. Michael. As Pizarro continued to advance, towards the centre of the Peruvian empire, he gradually received more full information concerning its extent and policy, as well as the situation of its affairs at that juncture. Without some knowledge of these, he could not have conducted his operations with propriety ; and without a suitable attention to tiiem, it is impossible to account for the progress which the Spaniards had already made, or to unfold the causes of their subsequent success. At the time when the Spaniards invaded Peru, the dominions of its sovereigns extended in length, from north to south, above fifteen hundred miles along the Pacific Ocean. Its breadth, from east to west, was much less considerable ; being uniformly bounded by the vast ridge of the Andes, stretching from its one extremity to the other. Peru, like the rest of the New World, was originally possessed by small independent tribes, differing from each other in manners, and in their forms of rude policy. All, however, were so little civilized, that, if the traditions concerning their mode of life, preserved among their descendants, deserve credit, they must be classed among the most unimproved savages uf America. Strangers to every species of cul- tivation or regular industry, without any fixed residence, and unacquainted with those sentiments and obligations which furm the first bonds of sociu union, they are said to have romued about naked in iae forests, with which the country was then covered, more like wild beasts than like men. After they had struggled for several ages with the hardships and calamities which are inevitable in such a state, and wheo no circunstance seeiDed to indicate the approach of any uncommon effort towards improvement, we are told that there appeared on the banks of the lake Titiaca, a man and woman of majestic form, and clothed in decent garments. They declared themselves to be children of the Sun, sent by their beneficent parent, who beheld with pity the miseries of the human race, to instruct and to reclaim them. At their persuasion, enforced by- reverence for the divinity in whose name they were supposed to speak, several of the dispersed savages united together, and receiving their commands as heavenly injunctions, followed them to Cuzco, where they settled, aud began to lay the foun- dations of a city. Manco Capac, and Mama Ocollo, for such were the names of those extraordinary personages, having thus collected some wandering tribes, formed that social union, which, by multiplying the desires, and uniting the efforts of the human species, excites industry, and leads to improvement. Manco Capac instructed the men in agriculture, and other useful arts. Mama Ocollo taught the women to spin and to weave. By the labour of the one sex, subsistence became less precarious ; by that of the other, life was rendered more comfortable. After securing the objects of first necessity in an infant state, by providing food, raiment, and habitations, fur the rude people of whom he took charge, Manco Capac turned his attention towards introducing such laws aud policy as might perpetuate their happiness. By his institutions, which shall be more particularly explained hereafter, the various relations in private life were established, and tlie duties resulting frum them pre- scribed with such propriety, as gradually formed a bar- barous people to decency of manners. In public admi- nistration, the functions uf persons in authority were so precisely defined, and the subordinatiun of those under their jurisdiction maintained with such a steady hand, that the society in which he presided, soon assumed the aspect of a regular and well-governed state. Thus, according to the Indian tradition, was founded the empire of the Inccu or Lords of Peru. At first its extent was small. The territory of Manco Capac did not reach above eight leagues from Cuzco. But within its narrow precincts he exercised absolute and uncon- trolled authority. His successors, as their dominions extended, arrogated a similar jurisdiction over the new subjects which they acquired ; the despotism of Asia was not more complete. The lucas were not only obeyed as monarchs, but revered as divinities. Their blood was held to be sacred, and, by prohibiting inter- marriages with the people, was never contaniinated by mixing with that of any other race. '1 he family, thus separated from the rest of the nation, was distinguished 1532.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 211 by peculiarities in dress and ornaments, which it was I unlawful for others to assume. The monarch himself appeared with ensigns of royalty reserved for him alone ; and received from his subjects marks of obse- quious homage and respect, which approached almost to adoration. But, among the Peruvians, this unbounded power of their monarchs seems to have been uniformly accom- panied with attention to the good of their subjects. it was not the rage of conquest, if we may believe the accounts of their countrymen, that prompted the Incas to extend their dominions, but the desird of diffusing the blessings of civilization, and the knowledge of the arts which they possessed, among the barbarous people whom they reduced. During a succession of twelve monnrchs, it is said that not one deviated from this beneficent character. When the Spaniards first visited the coast of Peru, in the year one thousand five hundred and twenty-six, Huana Capac, the twelfth monarch fVom the founder of the state, was seated on the throne. He is repre- sented as a prince distinguished not only for the pacific virtues peculiar to the race, but eminent for his martial talents. By his victorious arms the kingdom of Quito was subjected, a conquest of such extent and impor- tance as almost doubled the power of the Peruvian empire. He was fond of residing in the capital of that valuable province which he had added to his dominions; and, notwithstanding the ancient and fundamental law of the monarchy against polluting the royal blood by any foreign alliance, he married the daughter of the vanquished monarch of Quito. She bore him a son named Atahualpa, whom, on his death at Quito, which seems to have happened about the year one thousand five hundred and twenty-nine, he appointed his suc- cessor in that kingdom, leaving the rest of his domi- nions to Huascar, his eldest son, by a mother of the royal race. Greatly as the Peruvians revered the me- mory of a monarch who had reigned with greater repu- tation and splendour than any of his predecessors, the destination of Huaha Capac concerning the succession, appeared so repugnant to a maxim coeval with the em- pire, and founded on authority deemed sacred, that it was no sooner known at Cuzco than it excited general disgust. Encouraged by those sentiments of his sub- jects, Huascar required his brother to renounce the government of Quito, and to acknowledge him as his lawful superior. But it had been the first care of Atahualpa to gain a large body of troops which had accompanied his father to Quito. These were the flower of the Peruvian warriors, to whose valour Huana Capac had been indebted for all his victories. Re- lying on their support, Atahualpa first eluded his bto- ther's demand, and then marched against him in hostile array. Thus the ambition of two young men, the title of the one founded on ancient usage, and that of the other asserted by the veteran troops, involved Peru in civil war, a calamity to which, under a succession of virtuous princes, it had hitherto been a stranger. In such a contest the issue was obvious. The force of arms triumphed over the authority of laws. Atahualpa re- mained victorious, and made a cruel use of his vic- tory. Conscious of the defect in his own title to the crown, he attempted to exterminate the royal race, by putting to death all the children of the Sun descended from Manco Capac, whom he could seize either by force or stratagem. From a political motive, the life of his unfortunate rival Huascar, who had been taken pri- soner in a battle which decided the fate of the empire, was prolonged for some time, that, by issuing orders in his name, the usurper might more easily establish his own authority. When Pizarro landed in the bay of St. Matthew, this civil war raged between the two brothers in its greatest fury. Had he made any hostile attempt in his former visit to Peru in the year one thousand five hun« dred and twenty-seven, he must then have encountered the force of a powerful state, united under a monarchy possessed of capacity as well as courage, and unem« barrassed with any care that could divert him from opposing his progress. But at this time, the two competitors, though they received early accounts of the arrival and violent proceedings of the Spaniards, were so intent upon the operations of a war, which they deemed more interesting, that they paid no attention to the motions of an enemy, too inconsiderable in number to excite any great alarta, and to whom, it would be easy, as they imagined, to give a check when more at leisure. By this fortunate coincidence of events, whereof Pizarro could have no foresight, and ,of which, from his defective mode of intercourse with the people of the country, he remained long ignorant, he was permitted to carry on his operations unmolested, and advanced to the centre of a great empire before one effort of its power was exerted to stop his career. During their progress, the Spaniards had acquired some imperfect knowledge of this struggle between the two contending factions. The first complete information with respect to it, they received from messengers whom Huascar sent to Pizarro, in order to solicit his aid against Ata- hualpa, whom he represented as a rebel and an usurper. Pizarro perceived at once the importance of this intel- ligence, and foresaw so clearly all the advantages which might be derived from this divided state of the king- Oo2 ■><--■ r' I ■I iin HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book VI. dom, winch he had invnded, tliat, without waiting for the reinforcement which he expected from Panama, he determined to push forward, while intestine discord put it out of the power of the Peruvians to attacl{ hirn with their whole force, and while, by talcing part, as circumstances should incline him, with one of the competitors, he might be enabled with greater ease to crusli both. Enterprising as the Spaniards of that age were in all their operations against Americans, and dis- tinguished as Pizarro was among his countrymen for daring courage, we can hardly suppose, tliat after having proceeded hitherto slowly, and witii much caur tion, he would have changed at once his system of operation, and have ventured upon a measure so hazardous, without some new motive or prospect to justify it. As he was obliged to divide his troops, in order to leave a garrison in St. Michael, sufficient to defend a station of equnl importance as a place of retreat in case of any disnsttr, and as a port for receiving any supplies which should come from Panama, he began his march with a very slender and ill-accoutred train of followers. Tiicy consisted of sixty-two horsemen,* and a hundred and two foot soldiers, of whom twenty were armed with cross-bows, and three with muskets. He directed his course towards Cuxamalca, a small iown at the dis- tance of twelve days march from St. Michael, where Atahualpa was encamped with a considerable body of troops. Before he had proceeded far, an officer dis- patched by the Inca met him with a valuable present from that prince, accompanied with a proffer of his alliance, and assurances of a friendly reception at Caxamalca. Pizarro, according to the usual artifice of his countrymen in America, pretended to come as the ambassador of a very powerful monarch, and declared that he was now advancing with an intention to ofTei Atahualpa his aid against those enemies who disputed his tititt to the throne. As the object of the Spaniards in entering their country was altogether incomprehensible to the Peru- vians, they h.ad formed various conjectures concerning it^ without being able to decide whether they should con- sider their new guests as beings of a superior nature, who had visited them from some beneficent motive, or as formidable avengers of their crimes, and enemies to their repose and liberty. The continual professions * By this time horses had multiplied greatly in the Spanish settlements on the continent. When Cortes began his expe- dition in the year J 518, tliough his armament was more con- siderable than that of Pizarro, and composed of persons superior in rank to those who invaded Peru, he could procure no more than sixteen horsos. t in the year 1740, D. Ant. Ulloa, and D. George Juan, I of the Spaniards, that they came to enlighten them with the knowledge of truth, and lead them in the way of happiness, favoured the former opinion ; the outrages which they committed, their rapaciousness and cruelty, were awful confirmations of the latter. While in this state of uncertainty, Pizarro's declaration of his pacific intentions so far removed all the Inca's fears, tliat he determined to give him a friendly reception. In con- sequence of this resolution, the Spaniards were allowed to march in tranquillity across the sandy desert be- tween St. Michael and Motup^, where the most feeble eflPort of an enemy, added to the unavoidable distresses which they sufifered in passing through that comfortless region, must have proved fatal to them.f From Mo- tupd they advanced towards the mountains which en- compassed the low country of Peru, and passed through a defile so nanow and inaccessible, that a few men might have defended it against a numerous army. But here likewise, from the same inconsiderate credulity of the Inca, the Spaniards met with no opposition, and took quiet possession of a fort erected for the security of that important station. As they now approached near to Caxamalca, Atahualpa renewed his professions of friendship ; and as an evidence of their sincerity, sent them presents of greater value thpn the former. - On entering Caxamalca, Pizarro .took possession of a large court, on one side of which was a house which the Spanish historians call a palace of the Inca, and on the other a temple of the Sun, the whole surrounded with a strong rampart or wall of earth When he had posted his troops in this advantageous station, he dis- patched his brother Ferdinand and Hernando Soto to the camp of Atahualpa, which was about a league dis- tant from the town. He instructed them to confirm the declaration which he had formerly made of his pa- cific disposition, and to desire an interview with the Inca, that he might explain more fully the intention of the Spaniards in visiting his country. They were treated with all the respectful hospitality usual among the Peruvians in the reception of their most cordial friends, and Atahualpa promised to visit the Spanish commander next day in his quarters. The decent de- portment of the Peruvian monarch, the order of his court, and the rcTerence with which his subjects ap- proached his person and obeyed his commands, asto- nished those Spaniards, who had never met in America travelled from Guayqiiil to Motiip*, by the same route which Pizarro took. From the dcscri|ition ot tlieir journey, one may form an idea of the difficulty of his march. The sandy plains between St. Michael dc Fiuura and Motupd extend 90 miles, without water, without a tree, a plant, or any green thing, on a dreary stretch of burning sand. Voyage, torn. i. p. 399« &c. P,l M OK VI. en them the way outrages cruelty, le in this is pacific I, that he In con- e allowed csert be- ost feeble distresses imfortless •"rom Mo- which en- id through I few men rmy. But redulity of sition, and he security spproached professions r sincerity, ; former. - session of a ouse which 1C8, and on surrounded hen he had ion, he dis- do Soto to league dis- to confirm e of his pa- ew with the intention of They were isual among nost cordial the Spanish decent de- arder of his ubjects ap- nands, asto- t in America e route which riiey, one may e sandy plains tend 9U miles, rreen thing, on ,.i.p.399,&c. 1532.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 313 with any thing more dignified than the petty cnzique of a barbarous tribe. But their eyes were still more powerfully attracted by the vast profusion of wealth which they observed in the Incii's camp. The rich or- naments worn by him and his attendants, the vessels of gold and silver in which the repast offered to them was served up, the muUilude of utensils of every kind formed of those precious metals, opened prospects far exceed- ing any idea of opulence that a £i pose he advanced with such a numerous body of attendants, who had arms concealed under their garments to execute this scheme. This is the account given by Xerei and Zarate, and adopted by Herrera. But if it had been the plan of the Inca to destroy the Spaniards, one can hardly imagine that he would hare permitted them to march uiunolested through the desert and dismayed with the destructive effect of the fire< arms, and the irresistible impression of the cavalry, fled with universal consternation on every side, without at> tempting either to annoy the enemy, or to defend them, selves. Pizarro, at the head of his chosen band, ud. vanced directly towards the Incu ; and though his nobles crowded around him with ofllicious zeal, and fell in numbers at his feet, while they vied one with rinothcr in sacrificing their own lives, that they might cover the sacred person of their sovereign, the Spaniards soun penetrated to the royal seat ; and Pizarro seizing tlu* Inca by the arm, dragged him to the ground, and carri, monarch increased the pr-'cipitate flight of his foUowcis. The Spaniards pursued them towards every quarter, and with deliberate and unrelenting barbarity continued co slaughter wretched fugitives, who never once offered to resist. The carnage did not cease until the close of day. Above four thousand Peruvians were killed. Nut a •ingle 'Spaniard fell, nor was one wounded but Pixarro himself, whose hand was slightly hurt by one of his own soldiers, while struggling eagerly to lay hold on the Inca.t of Motupi, or have neglected to defend the passes in tlie mountains, where they might have been attacked with so much advantage. If the Peruvians marched to Caxamalca with an intention to fall opou the Spaniards, it is inconceivable, that of so great a body of men, prepared for action, not one siiould attempt to make resistance, but all tamely suffer themselves to be butchered by an enemy whom they were armed to attack. Atahualpa's mode of advancing to the interview, has the aspect of a peaceable procession, not of a military enterprise. He, himself, and his followers, were, in their habits of ceremony, preceded, as on days of solemnity, by unarmed harbingers. Though rude nations are frequently cunning and false, yet, if a scheme of deception and treachery must be imputed either to a monarch, that had no great reason to be alarmed at a visit from strangers who solicited admission into his presence as friends, or to an adventurer so daring, and so little scrnpulous as Piaarro, one cannot hesitate in determining where to fix the presumption of guilt. Even amidst the endeavours of the Spanish writers to palliate the proceedings of Pizarro, one plainly perceives, that it was his intention, as well as his interest, to seize the Inca, and that he bad taken mea!>ures for that purpose previous to any suspicion of that monarcli's designs. Gaiilasso de la Vega, extremely solicitous to vindicate his countrymen, the Peruvians, from the crime of having con- certed the destruction of Pizarro and his followers, and no less afraid to charge the Spaniards with improper conduct towards the Inca, has framed another system. He relates, that a man of majestic form, with a long beard, and garments reaching to the ground, having appeared in a vision to Viracocha, the eighth Inca, and declared that he was a child of the Sun, that monarch built a temple in honour of bis person, and erected an image of him, resembling as nearly as possible the singular form in which he had exhibited himself to his view. In this temple, divine honours were paid to him, by the name of Viracocha. — P. i. lib. It. c. 21. lib. ▼. t. 22. When the Spaniards &r»t ^^ lOOK VI. the fire- ivalry, fled ,'it)iout at- end theiii- band, ud- his nobles ind fell in another in t cover tlic liards soun seizing the and carri.d fate of tl\f> is foUowcis. [quarter, and ontinued co :e offered to close of day. led. Not ;i but Pi/arro ^ one of his ^ hold on the t»as8cs ill the A with so much imalcu with an Bceivable, that uot one sliould r themidves to med to attacic, , has the aspect terprise. He, s of ceremony, ed harbingers, id false, vet, if iputed either to rmed at a visit \m presence as ittle scrupulous vhere to fix the eavours of the of Pizarro, one as well as his •n measures for that monarch's to vindicate his of having con- fers, and no less :onduct towards ttes, that a man —jnts reaching to »cha, the eighth n, that monarch :ted an image of ingular form in In this temple, ofViracocha.— Spaniards firtt .\T.\ iir.VM'.N ttv..iKrTi;vr. 'rni B K K, v I A KV, /\.M.*rt/ K H F.>* -A- 1 1 1: mm nd intentions of the Spaniards. Mutual suspicion and distrust ac- cordingly took place between them. The strict atten- tion with which it was necessary to guard a captive of such importance, greatly increased the fatigue of mili- tary duty. The utility of keeping him appeared incon- siderable ; and Pizarro felt iiim as an incumbrance, from which he wished to be delivered. Almagro and his followers had made a demand of an equal share in the Inca's ransom ; and though Pizarro had bestowed upon the private men the large gratuity which I have mentioned, and endeavoured to soothe their leader by presents of great value, they still continued diftsatisfied. They were apprehensive, that as long as Atahualpa remained a prisoner, Pizarro's soldiers would apply whatever treasure should be acquired, to make up what was wanting of the quantity stipulated for his ransom, and under that pretext exclude them from any part of it. They insisted eagerly on putting the Inca to death, that all the adventurers in Peru mi^ht there- after be on an equal footing. Pizarro himself began to be alarmed with accounts of forces assembling in the remote provinces of the empire, and suspected Atahualpa of having issued orders for that purpose. These fears and suspicions were artfully increased by Philippillo, one of the Indians whom Pi- KUTo had carried off from Tumbez in the year one thousand five hundred and twenty-seven, and whom he employed as an interpreter. The function which he performed admitting this. man to familiar intercourse with the captive monarch, he presumed, notwithstand- ing the meanness uf his birth, to raise his affections to 19—20. a Coya, or descendant of the Sun, one of Atahitnipa's wives ; and xeeing no pro be parcelled out among a greater number of adventurers, this dividend did not excite the same sur- prise, either from novelty, or the largeness of the sum that fell to the share of each individual. During the n)arch to Cuzco, that son of Ataluialpa, whom Pizarro treated as Inca, died ; and as the Spa- niards substituted no person in his place, the title of Manco Capac seems to have been miiversally recog- nized.* While his fellow-soldiers were thus employed, Be- nnlcazar, governor of St. Michael, an abie and enter- prising officer, was ashamed of remaining inactive, and impatient to have his name distinguislied among the discoverers and cony Zaratc or Herrera, may form some idea of the nature of their inarch from the sea-coast to Quito, by consulting the account which D. Ant. UUoa gives of his own journey in 1736, nearly in the same route.— foy. torn, i. p. 17N, &c. or that of M. Bouguer, who proceeded from Puerto Viejo, to Quito, by the same road which Alvarado took. He compares bis own journey with that of the Spanish leader, and by the comparisou, gives a most striking ideaoi th« bold- imperial residence of the Incas, lay within its boundaries, he attempted to render himself master of that impor- tant station. Juan and Gonzalez Pizarro prepared to oppose him. £ach of the'contending parties was sup- ported by powerful adherents, and the dispute was on the point of being terminated by the sword, when Francis Pizarro arrived in the capital. The reconcilia- tion between him and Almagro had never been cordial. The treachery of Pizarro in engrossing to himself all the honours and emoluments which ought to have been divided with his associate, was always present in both their thoughts. The former, conscious of his own per- fidy, did not expect forgiveness ; the latter, feeling tiiat he had been deceived, was imputient to be avenged ; and though avarice and ambition had induced them not only to dissemble their sentiments^ but even to act in concert while in pursuit of wealth and power, no sooner did they obtain possession of these, than the same pas- sions which had formed this temporary union, gave rise to jealousy and discord. To each of them was attached a small band of interested dependants, who, with the malicious art peculiar to such men, heightened their suspicions, and magnified every appearance of oifence. But with all those seeds of enmity in their minds, and thus assiduously cherished, each was so thoroughly ac- quainted with the abilities and courage of his rival, that they equally dreaded the consequences of an open rup- ture. The fortunate arrival of Pizarro at Cuzco, and the address mingled wiLh firmness which he manifested in his expostulations with Almagro and his partisans, averted that evil for the present. A new reconciliation took place ; the chief article of which was, that Alma- gro should attempt the conquest of Chili ; and if he did not find in that province an establishment adequate to his merit and expectations, Pizarro, by way of indem- nification, should yield up to him a part of Peru. This new agreement, though confirmed (June 12) with the same sacred solemnities as their first contract, was observed with as little fidelity. Soon after he concluded this important transaction, Pizarro marched back to the countries on the sca-cor^t, and as he now enjoyed an interval of tranquillity, un- disturbed by any enemy, either Spanish or Indian, he applied himself with that persevering ardour, which distinguishes his character, to introduce a form of ncss and patience of Alvarado, in forcing his way through so many obstacles. — Voyage de I'crou, p. 28, &c, * According to Herrera, there were entered on account of the king in gold, 155,300 pesos, and 5400 marks (each eight ounces) of silver, besides several vessels and ornainents, some of gold, and others of silver ; on account of private i)orsons, in gold 499,000 pesos, and 54,000 murks of silver.— i>ec. 5. hb. vi. c. 13. OOK VI. iindaries, '. impor- >parcd to was sup- ;e was on rd, when econcilia- n cordial. iinself all have been it in both own per- :eling that avenged ; i them not n to act in , no sooner same pas- 1, gave rise as attached J, with the tened their of oflFencc. minds, and roughly ac- is rival, that 1 open rup- Cuzco, and manifested s partisans, conciliation that Alma- ,nd if he did adequate to y of indem- of Peru. inc 12) with outract, was transaction, »e sea-corDt, quillity, un- Indian, he dour, which a form of ay through so on account of kg (each eight laments, some ivatc jicrsons, Iver.— I>ec. &. 15^4.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 231 rcfciilar itovcrnmnnt into thocTttonsivc provinces subject to hi'< iuiihority. Thou :V. ill-(|uaiifiiu by his education tofpter into any distiuisitioii roiiccrning the principles of civil policy, and little accusKimed by his former habits of life to attend to its arrang<'nienti>, his n»t»ral sagacity snjjplicd th** want both of science and expe- rience. He distributed the country ii\to various dis- tricts ; he appointed proper magistrates to preside in each ; and estHhli'hcd reeulations concerning the admi- nistration of justice, the collection of the royal revenue, the working of the mines, and the treatment of the Indians, extremely sim|)le, but well calculated to pro- mote the public prosperity. But though, for the pre- sent, he adapted his i)lan to the infant state of his colony, his aspiring mind looked forward to its future grandeur. He considered himself as laying the foun- dation of a great empire, and deliberated long, and with much solicitude, in what place he should fix the seat of government. Cuzco, the imperial city of the Incas, was situated in a corner of the empire, above four hun- dred miles from the sea, and much farther from Quito, a province of whose value he had formed an high idea. No other settlement of the Peruvians was so consider- able as to merit the name of a . v^n, or to allure the Spaniards to fix their residenct h\ , ut, in marching tlirougli the country, Pizarro ha* > n struck with the beau ty and ferti 1 i ty of the valley ol .L .oac, one of the most extensive and best cultivated in Peru. There, on the banks of a small river, of the same name with the vale which it waters and enriches, at the distance of six miles from Callao, the most commodious harbour in the Pacific Ocean, he founded a city which he destined to be the capital of his government. He gave it the name of Ciudad de los Reyes, either from the circumstance of having laid the first stone (Jan. 18, 1535), at that sea- son when the diurch celebrates the festival of the Three Kings, or, as is more probable, in honour of Juana and Charles, the joint sovereigns of Castile. This name it still retains among the Spaniards, in all legal and' for- mal deeds ; but it is belter known to foreigners by that of LinMy a corruption of the ancient appellation of the valley in which it is situated. Under his inspection, the buildings advanced with such rapidity, that it soon assumed the form of a city, which, by a magnificent palace that he erecli.d for himself, and by the stately houses built by several of his ofliccrs, gave, even in its infancy, some ind!...'.t!'jn of its subsequent grandeur. In consequence of what had been agreed with Pizarro, Almagro began his march towards Chili ; and as he possessed in an eminent degree the virtues must admired by soldiers, boundless liberality and fearless courage, his standard was followed by five hundred and seventy men, the greatest body of Eurrpeans that had hitlierto been assembled in Peru. From impatience to finish th^ expedition, or from that contempt of hardship an4 itaciger acquired by all the Spaniards who had served long in America, Almagro, instead of advancing along tlie level country on the coast, chose to march across the mountains by a route that was shorter indeed, but almost impracticable. In this attempt his troops were exposed to every calamity which men can sutler, from fatigue, from famine, and from the rigour of tiie climate in those elevated regions of the torrid zone, where the degree of cold is hardly inferior to what is felt within the polar circle. Many of them perished ; and the sur. vivors, when they descended into the fertile plains of Chili, had new difficulties to encounter. They found there a race of men very different from the people of Peru, intrepid, hardy, independent, and in their bodily constitution, as well as vigour of spirit, nearly resem- bling the warlike tribes in North America. Though filled with wonder at the first appearance of the Spa- niards, and still more astonished at the operations of their cavalry and the effects of their fire-arms, the Chi- lese soon recovered so far from their surprise, as not only to defend themselves with obstinacy, but to attack their new enemies with more determined fierceness thaa any American nation had hitherto discovered. The Spaniards, however, continued to penetrate into the country, and collected some considerable quantities of gold ; but were so far from thinking of making any settlement amidst such formidable neighbours, that, in spite of all the experience and valoui of their leader, the final issue of the expedition still remained extremely dubious, when they were re-called from it by an unex- pected revolution in Peru. The causes of this im- portant event 1 shall endeavour to trace to their source. So many adventurers had flocked to Peru from every Spanish colony in AiTTica, and all with such high ex- pectations of eccumuUting independent fortunes at once, that, to men possessed with notions so extrava- gant, any mention of acquiring wealth gradually, and by schemes of patient industry, would have been not only a disappointment, but an insult, in order to find occu- pation for men who could not with safety be allowed to remain inactive, Pizarro encouraged some of the most distinguished officers who had lately joined him, to invade different provinces of the empire, which the Spaniards had not hitherto visited. Several large bodies were formed for this purpose ; and about the time that Almagro set out for Chili, they marched into remote districts of the Country. No sooner did Manco Capac, the Inca, observe the inconsiderate security of the Spa- niards in thus dispersing their troops, and that only a handful of soldiers remained in Cuzco, under Juan and Gonzaleis Pizarro, than he thought that the happy Ife; T^ iro ni a» 233 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book VI. 4 •- If* ■ 1 f ■ -6 K'i^ ii k i V.' ;]-i ^ -r^" jK-rioil was nt length come for vindicating his own rights, ior a. fiitciiig tlie wrongs of his country, and extirpating is ii|)])rcs^;ors. Though strictly watched by the Spa- iiiartls, who allowed him to reside in the palace of his ancestors at Cuzco, ho found means of communicating Ills scheme to tiie persons who were to be entrusted with the execution of it. Among people accustomed to re- vere tiieir sovereign as a divinity, every hint of his will carries the authority of a command; and they them- selves were now convinced, by the daily increase in the number of their invaders, that the fond hopes which they had long entertained of their voluntary departure were altogether vain. All perceived that a vigorous effort of the whole nation was requisite to expel them, and the preparations for it, were carried on with the secrecy and silence peculiar to Americans. After some unsuccessful attempts of the Inca to make his escape, Ferdinand Pizarro happening to arrive at that time in Cuz<'o ( ISStJ), he obtained permission from him to attend a great festival which was to be celebrated a few leagues from the capital. Under pretext of that solemnity, the great men of the empire were assembled. As soon as the Inca joined thero, the standard of war was erected; and in a short time all the figliting men, from the confines of Quito to the frontier of Chili, were in arms. Many Spaniards, living securely on the set- tlements allotted them, were massacred. Several de- tachments, as they marched carelessly through a country which S':emed to be t;imely submissive to their dominion, were cut off to a man. An army amounting (if we may believe the Spanish writers) to two hundred thousand men, attacked Cuzco, which the three brotiiers endea- voured to defend with only one J. ndred and seventy Spaniards. Another formidable body invested Lima, and kept the governor closely shut up. There was no longer any communication between the two cities; the numerous forces of tlie Peruvians spreading over the country, intercepted every messenger; and as the parties in Cuzco and Lima were equally unacquainted with the fate vf their countrymen, each boded the worst con- cerning the otiier, and imagined that they themselves were the only persons who had survived the general «xtji)ction of tlic Spanish name in Peru. It was at Cuzco, where the Inca commanded in per- * Till' Peruvians not only iiiiitatcd llie military arts of the Spaniiirtls, tun h:iU recourse to devices ol" lln'ir own. As the cavalry were the chief olijuct of thfir terror, they endeuvoiu'cil to render lliejn iiicHpiihlc of acting, by mv.um of a loug thon^ with a btonc fasleucd t«» cuLh end. I'liis, w.'ieii llirown by a bkiifui hand, twisted about liie horse and its rider, and cn- taiij^ied them so as to oiistruci their inotionH, Herreru men- tions this Hs tin iuvcutioii of their own.— /iec. b. lib, vUi, c. 4. but, as 1 lm\c formerly olweived, thiu weupoit is common iiuioug several barbaruuti tribes tuwardu the cUrcmity of South I son, that the Peruvians made their chief eiFort. During nine months they carried on tlje siege with incessant ardour, in various forms; and though they displayed not the same undaunted ferocity as the Mexican warriors, they conducted some of their operations in a manner which discovered greater sagacity, and a genius more susceptible of improvement in the military art. They not only observed the advantages which the Spaniards derived from their discipline and their weapons, but they endeavoured to imitate the lormer, and turn the latter against them. They armed a considerable body of their bravest warriors with the swords, ti.e spears, and bucklers, which they had taken from tiie Spanish soldiers whom they had cut off in different parts of the country. These they endeavoured to marshid in that regular compact order, to which experience liad taught them that the Spaniards were indebted forthrir irresis- tible force in action. Some appeared in the tield with Spanish muskets, and had acquired skill and resolution enough to use them. A few of the boldest, among whom was the Inca himself, were mounted on the horses which they had taken, and advanced briskly to the charge like Spanish cavaliers, with their lances in tiie rest. It was mi- . by their numbers, however, than by those imperfect essays to imitate European arts and tu employ European arms, that the Peruvians annoyed tiie Spaniards,*' In spite of the valour, heightened by despair, with which the three brothers defended Cuzco, Maiico Capac recovered possession of one half of his capital ; and in their various eti'orts to drive him out of it, the Spaniards lost Juan Pizarro, the best beloved of all the brothers, together with some other persons of note. Worn out with the fatigue of incessant duty, dis- tressed with want of provisions, and despairing of being able any longer to resist an enemy whose jjumbers daily increased, the lioldicrs became impatient to ubanduu Cuzco, in hopes either of joining their countrymen, if any of them yet s,urvived, or of forcing their way to the sea, and, finding some means of escaping from a country which had been so fatal to tiiv Spanish name. While they were brooding over those desponding thoughts, wiiich their ollicers laboured in vain tu dispel, Almagro appeared suddenly in the neighbourhood of Cu'"':. The accounts transmitted toAln'^gioooncerningthe America ; and it ib more probable, that the Peruvians had observed the dexterity witii which they used it in hunting, and ou this occasion adopted it themselves. Tiic Spaiiiurdi* »cre considerably annoyed by it, — Herrera, ibiU, Another iusunce of the ingenuity of the I'eruviautt deserves mentiuu : Uy tuniinif a river out of its ciianuel, they overflovvcd u valley, i 'cU a body of the enemy was posted, so suddenly, that it a tlieutuioBt difficulty the Spaniards made their escApe.— t. era, dec. i, lib. viii, c, 5. against wards tl his entr both p: against enemies Differcn Eflch en )0K VI. . During incessant layed not warriors, I manner lius more t. Tliey Spaniards pons, but I turn the ible body le spears, c Spaniiih irts of the ml 10 that lad taught !>ir irresis- field with resolution ;st, among the horses tly to the net's in the er, than by arts and to luioycd the jhtcned by ilcd Cuzeo, uilf of his him out of beloved of persons of t duty, dis- ngof heiiig lubera daily tdmnduu ntrymeii, if : way to tlie in a country le. While p tlioughts, ;l, Almagro cerning the uruvians hud in huntiiigi le SpaiiiurOs id, Another ves nteutiou : rtcd u valley, deidy, that it >eire«c«pe.— 1537.1 HISTORY OF AMERICA. 223 t general insurrection of the Peruvian's, were such as would have induced him, without hesitation, to relin- quish the conquest of Chili, and hasten to the aid of his countrymen. But in this resolution he was con- firmed by a motive less generous, but more interesting. By the same messenger who brought him intelligence of the Inca's revolt, he received the royal patent creat- ing him governor of Chili, and defining the limits of his jurisdiction. Upon considering the tenor of it, he deemed it manifest beyond contradiction, that Cuzco lay within the boundaries of his government, and he was equally solicitous to prevent the Peruvians from recovering possession of their capital, and to wrest it out of the hands of the Pizarros. From impatience to accomplish both, he ventured to return by a new route ; and in marching through the sandy plains on the coast, he suffered, from heat and drought, calamities of a new species, hardly inferior to those in which he hud been involved by cold and famine on the summits of the Andes. His arrival at Cuzco (1537) was in a critical moment. The Spaniards and Peruvians fixed their eyes upon him with equal solicitude. The former, ns he did not study to conceal his pretensions, were at a loss whether to welcome him as a deliverer, or to take precautions against him as an enemy. The latter, knowing the points in contest between him and his countrymen, flat- tered themselves that they had more to hope than to dread from his operations. Almagro himself, unac- quainted with the detail of the events which had hap- pened in his absence, and solicitous tu learn the precise posture of atfuirs, advanceu towards the capital slowly, and with great circumspection. Various negociations with both parties were set on foot. The Inca conducted them on his part with much address. At first he en- deavoured to g;iin t!»e friendship of Almagro; and after many fruitless overtures, despairing of .any cordial union with a Spaniard, he attacked him by surprise with a numerous body of chosen troops. But the Spanisli discipline and valour maintained their wonted supe- riority. The Peruvians were repulsed with such slaugjiter, that a great part of their army dispersed, and Almagro proceeded to the gates of Cuzco without inter- ruption. The Pizarros, as they had no longer to make head against the Peruvians, directed all their attention to- wards their new em my, and took measures to obstruct his entry Into the ca| ital. Prudence, however, restrained both parties lur some time from turning their arms against one another, while surrounded by common enemies, who would rejoice in the mutual slaughter. Different schemes of accommodation were proposed. Each endeavoured to deceive the other, or to corrupt his followers. The generous, open, affable temper of Almagro gained many adherents of the Pizarros, who were disgusted with their harsh domineering manners. Encouraged by this defection, he advanced towards the city by night, surprised the centinels, or was admitted by them, and investing the house where the twobrothers resided, compelled them, after an obstinate defence, to surrender at discretion. Almagro's claim of jurisdiction over Cuzco was universally acknowledged, and a form of administration established in his name. Two or three persons only were killed in this first act of civil hostility ; but it was soon followed by scenes more bloody. Francis Pizarro having dispersed the Peruvians who had invested Lima, and received some considerable reinforeenients from Hispaniola and Nica- ragua, ordered five hundred men, under the conunand of Alonso de Alvarado, to march to Cuzco, in hopes of relieving his brothers, if they and their garrison were not already cut off by the Peruvians. This body, which, at that period of the Spanish power in America, must be deemed a considerable force, advanced near to the capital bcl'ore they knew that they had any enemy more formidable than Indians to encounter. It was with astonishment that they beheld their countrymen posted tin the banks of the river Abancay to oppose their pro- gress. Almagro, however, wished rather to gain than to conquer them, and by bribes and promises endea- voured to seduce their leader. The fidelity of Alvarado remained unshaken ; but his talents for war were not equal to his virtue. Almagro amused him with various movements, of which he did not comprehend the mean- ing, while a large detachment of chosen soldiers passed the river by night (July 12), fell upon his camp by surprise, broke his troops before they had time to form, and took him prisoner, together with his principal ollicers. By the sudden rout of this body, the contest between the two rivals must have been decided, if Almagro had known as well how to im|)rove as how to gain a victory. Rodrigo Orgognez, an oflicer of great abilities, who having served under the constable Bourbon, when he led the Imperial army to Rome, had been accustomed to bold and decisive measures, advised him instantly to issue orders foi* putting to death Ferdinand and Gon- zalo Pizarros, Alvarado, and a few other persons whom he could not hope to gain, and to march directly with his victorious troops to Lima, before the governor had time to prepare for his defence. But Almagro, though he discerned at once the utility of the counsel, and though he had courage to have carried it into execu- tion, suffered himself to be influenced by sentiments unlike those of a soldier of fortune grown olti in service, and by scruples which suited not the chief of a party I' 224 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book VI. t-t ^if-:-iW '\.ii It '}'■ 'ir who had drawn his sword in civil war. Feelings of humanity restrained him from shedding the blood of his opponents ; and the dread of being deemed a rebel, de- terred liim from entering a province which the king had allotted to another. Though he knew that arms must terminate the dispute between him and Pizarro, and re- solved not to shun thnt mode of decision, yet, with a timid delic ,y preposterous at such a juncture, he was •o solicitous that his rival should be considered as the aggressor, that he marched quietly back to Cuzco, to wait his approach. Pizarro was still unacquainted with all the interesting events which had happened near Cuzco. Accounts of Almagro's return, of the loss of the capital, of the death of one brother, of the imprisonment of the other two, and of the defeat of Alvarado, were brought to him at once. Such a tide of misfortunes almost over>vheImed a spirit which had continued firm and erect under the rudest shocks of adversity. But the necessity of attend- ing to his own safety, as weft as the desire of revenge, preserved him from sinking under it. He took measures for both with his wonted sagacity. As he had the com- mand of the sea-coast, and expected considerable sup- plies both of men and military stores, it was no less his interest to gain time, and to avoid action, than it was that of Almagro to precipitate operations, and bring the contest to a speedy issue. He had recourse to arts which he had formerly practised with success, and Al- magro was again weak enough to suffer himself to be amused witli a prospect of terminating their differences by some amicable accommodation. By varying his overtures, and siiifting his ground as often as it suited his purpose, sometimes seeming to yield every thing which his rival could desire, and then retracting all that he had granted, Pizarro dexterously protracted the nego- ciation to such a length, that though every day was pre- cious to Almagro, several months elapsed witliout com- ing to any final agreement. While the attention of Almagro, and of the ofhcers with whom he consulted, was occupied in detecting and eluding the fraudulent intentions of the governor, Gonzalo Pizarro and Alva- rado found means to corrupt the soldiers to whose cus- tody they were committed, and not only made their escape themselves, but persuaded sixty of the men who formerly guarded them to accompany their flight. For- tune having thus delivered one of his brothers, the go* vernor scrupled not at one act of perfidy more to pro- ure the release of the other. He proposed, that every point in controversy between Almagro and himself should be submitted to the decision of their sovereign ; that until his award was known, each should retjiin undisturbed possession of whatever part of the country be now occupied } that Ferdinand Pizarro should be set at liberty, and return instantly to Spain, together with the oflicers, whom Almagro purposed to tend thither to represent the justice of his claims. Obvious as the design of Pizarro was in those prupovitions, and familiar as his artifices might now have been to his op. ponent, Almagro, with a credulity approaching to infa. tuation, relied on his sincerity, and concluded an agree- ment on these terms. The moment that Ferdinand Pizarro recovered his liberty, the governor, no longer fettered in his opera- tions by anxiety about his brother's life, threw oft' every disguise which his concern for it had obliged him to assume. The treaty was forgotten ; pacific and conci- liating measures were no more mentioned ; it was in the field, he openly declared, and not in the cabinet ; by arms, and not by negociation ; that it must now be determined who should be master of Peru. The rapi- dity of his preparations suited such a decisive resolution. Seven hundred men were soon ready to march towards Cuzco. [1538.] The command of these was given to his two brothers, in whom he could perfectly confide for the execution of his most violent schemes, as they were urged on, not only by the enmity flowing from the rivalship between their family and Almagro, but ani- mated with the desire of vengeance, excited by recol- lection of their own recent disgrace and sufferings. After an unsuccessful attempt to cross the mountains in the direct road between Lima and Cuzco, they marched towards the south along the coast as far as Nasca, and then turning to the left, penetrated through the defiles in that branch of the Andes which lay between them and the capital. Almagro, instead of hearkening to some of his officers, who advised him to attempt the defence of those difficult passes, waited the approach uf the enemy in the plain of Cuzcu. Two reasons seem to have induced him to take this resolution. His fol- lowers amounted hardly to five hundred, and he was afraid of weakening such a feeble body by sending any detachment towards the mountains. His cavalry fur exceeded that of the adverse party, both in number and discipline, and it was only in an open country that he could avail himself of that advantage. The Pizarros advanced without any obstruction, but what arose from the nature of the desert and horrid regions through which they marched. As soon as they reached the plain, both factions were equally impatient to bring this long-protracted contest to an issue. Though countrymen and friends, the subjects of the same sovereign, and each with the royal standard dis- played; and though they beheld the mountains that surrounded the plain in which they were drawn up, covered with a vast multitude of Indians, assembled tu enjoy the spectacle of their n^ututil carnage, and motion litter t battle, lie view at Inst all the accusto self by the strii 'i'be I tliey ha over : )OR VI. together to tend Ubviuus ions, and ;u his up* . g to itifa* an agree- >vered his [lis opera- V off every ed him to and cunci- ; it was in abinet ; by st now be The rapi- resolution. rcii towards as given to ;tly confide es, as they ng from the TO, but ani- ed by recol- l sufferings. b mountains liey marched Nasca, and 1 the defiles twecn them arkening to attempt tiie approach uf casons seem His fol- and he was sending any cavalry far number and intry tliat he truction, but t and horrid soon as they dly impatient an issue. >jeots of the tandavd dis- mntains that ;re drawn up, assembled to carnage, and 1538.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 22.5 to prepared to attack whatever party remained ma«tpr of not a more striking instance of the wonderful ascrndnnt which the Spaniards had acquired over its inha')ilanls, than that after seeinf^ one of the contending parties ruined and dispersed, and tlie other weakened and fatigued, they had not courage to fail upon their ene- mies, when fortune presented an opportunity of, altaclt- inp them with such advantage. Cuzco was pillaged by the victorious troops, wlio found there a considerable booty, conslsliiig partly of the gleanings of the Indian treasures, and partly of the wealth amassed by their antagonists from the spoils of Peru and Chili. But so far did this, and whatever the bounty of Iheir leader n-nld add to it, fall below the high ■' s of the recompence wliich tliey conceived to be due :iir merit, that Ferdiiia i i- irro, unable to gratify su- .. extravagant expectations, had recourse t; the same expedient which his brothei* had employed on a similar occasion, and endeavoured to find occupation for this turbulent assuming spirit, in order to preveiU it from breaking out into open mutiny. With this view, he encouraged his most active ofticcrs to attempt the dis- covery and reduction of various provinces wiiich had not hitherto suhmiticd to tlie Spaniards. To every standard erected by the leaders who undertook any of those new expeditions, volunteers resorted with the ardour and hope peculiar to the ago. Several of Alma- gro's soldiers joined them, and thus Pizarro had the satisfaction of being delivered both from the importu- nity of his discontented friends, and tlie dread of his ancient enemies. Alniagro himself remained for several months in custody, under all the anguish of suspence. For although his doom was determined by the Pizarros from the moment that he fell into their hands, prudence con- strained them to defer gratifying their vengeance, until the soldiers who had served under him, as well as several of their own followers in whom they could not perfectly confide, had left Cu'/co. As soon as they set out upon different expeditions, Almagro was impeached of treason j, formally tried, and condemned to die. The sentence astonished him ; and though he had often braved death with undaunted spirit in the field, its approach under this ignominious form appalled him so much, that lie had recourse to abject supplications, unworthy of hi* former fame. He besought the Pizarros to remember the ancient friendship between their brother and him, and how much he had contributed to the prosperity of their family ; he reminded them of the humanity with which, in opposition to the repeated remonstrances of his own most attached friends, he had spared their lives when he had them in his power; he conjured them to pity his age and infirmities, and to suffer him to pass the wretched remainder of his days in bewailing his the field ; so fell and implacable was the rancour which had taken possession of every brejist, that not one pa- cific counsel, not a single overture towards accommo- dation proceeded from either side. Unfortunately for Almagro, he was so worn out with the fatigues of ser- vice, to which his advanced age was unequal, that, at this crisis of his fate, he could not cxc^t his wonted nclivity ; and he was obliged to commit the leading of his trooi)s to Orgogncz, who, though an oiliccr of great merit, did not possess the same ascendant either over the spirit' or affections of the soldiers, as the chief whom they had long been accustomed to follow and revere. The conflict was fierce, and maintained by each . y with equal courage (April 26). On the side of Almagro were more veteran soldiers, and a" larger proportion of cavalry; but these were counterbalanccil by Pizarro's superiority in numbers, and by two companies of well- disciplined musketeers, which, on receiving an account of the insurrection of the Indians, the emperor had sent from Spain. As the use of fire-arms was not frequent among the adventurers in America, hastily equipped for gervice, at their own expencc, this small band of soldiers, regularly trained and armed, was a novelty in Peru, and decided the fate of the day. Wherever it advanced, the weight of a heavy and well-sustained fire bore down horse and foot before it ; and Orgognez, while he en- deavoured to rally and animate his troops, having re- ceived a dangerous wound, the rout became general. The barbarity of the conquerors stained the glory which tliey acquired by this complete victory. The violence of civil rage hurried on some to slaughter their coun- trymen with indiscriminate cruelty; the meanness of private revenge instigated others to single out indivi- duals as the objects of their vengeance. Orgogncz and several officers of distinction were massacred in cold blood ; above a hundred and forty soldiers fell in the field; a large proportion, where the number of comba- tants were few, and the heat of the contest soon over. Almagro, though so feeble that he could not bear the motion of a horse, had insisted on being carried in a litter to an eminence which overlooked the field of battle. From thence, in the utmost agitation of mind, he viewed the various movements of both parlies, and at last beheld the total defeat of his own troops, with all the passionate indignation of a veteran leader long accustomed to victory. He endeavoured to save him- self by fligbt, but was taken prisoner, and guarded with the strictest vigilance. The Indians, instead of executing the resolution w hich they had formed, retired quietly after the battle was over ; and in the historv of the New World, there is iy-20. f 22d HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book vr. r^ V I! B "I !^1' crimes, and in making hii peace with Heaven. The entreaties, says a Spanish historian, of a man so mucli beloved, touciied many an unfeeling heart, and drew tears from many a stern eye. But the brothers remained inflexible. As soon as Almagro knew his fate to be inevitable, he met it with the dignity and fortitude of a veteran. He was strangled in prison, and afterwards publicly beheaded. He suffered in the seventy-fifth year of his i^o, and left one son by an Indian woman of Panani. whom, though at that time a prisoner in Lima, he named as successor to his government, pur- suant to a power which the emperor had granted him. 153i).] As, during the civil dissentions in Peru, all intercourse with Spain was suspended, the detail of the extraordinary transactions there did not soon reach the court. Unfortunately for the victorious faction, the first intelligence was brought thither by some of Alma- gro's officers, who left the country upon the ruin of their cause ; and they related what had happened, with every circumstance unfavourable to Pizarro and his brothers. Their ambition, their breach of the most solemn engagements, their violence and cruelty, were painted wit'.i all the malignity and exaggeration of party-hatred. Ferdinand Pizarro, who arrived soon after, and appeared in court with extraordinary splen- dour, endeavoured to ciface the impression which their accusations had made, and to justify his brother and himself by representing Almngro as the aggressor. The ttfmperor and his ministers, though they could not pro- nounce which of the contending factions was most criminal, clearly discerned the fatal tendency of their dissentions. It was obvious, that while tiie leaders, entrusted with the conduct of two infant colonies, employed the arms which should have been turned against the common enemy in destroying one another, all attention to the public good must cease, and there was reason to dread that the Indians might improve the advantage which the disunion of the Spaniards presented to them, and extirpate both the victors and vanquished. But the evil was more apparent than the remedy. Where the information which had been received was so defec- tive and suspicious, and the scene of action so remote, it was almost impossible to chalk out the line of conduct that ought to be followed ; and before any plan that should be approved of in Spain could be carried into execution, the situation of the parties, and the circumstances of affairs, might alter so entirely as to render its effects extremely pernicious. Nothing therefore remained but to send a person to Peru, vested with extensive and discretionary power, •who, after viewing deliberately the |)osture of aflfairs with his own <:yes, and enquiring upon the spot into the conduct of the different leaders, should be authorised to establish the government in that form which he deemed most conducive to the interest of the parent state, p.nd the welfare of the colony. The man selected for this important charge was Christoval Vaca dc Castro, a judge in the court of royal audience at Valladolidj and his abilities, integrity, and firmness, justified the choice. His instructions, though ample, were not such as to fetter him in his operations. According to the different aspect of affairs, he had power to take upon hitn different characters. If he found the governor still alive, he was to assume only the title of judge, to m'tintain the appearance of acting in concert with him, and to guard against giving any just cause of offence to a man who had merited so highly of his country. But if Pizarro were dead, he was entrusted with a commission that he might then produce, by which he was appointed his successor in the governr.a'nt of Peru. This atten- tion to Pizarro, however, seems to have flowed rather from dread of his power, thiin from any approbation of his measures ; for at the very time that the court seemed so solicitous not to irritate hiu), his brother Ferdinand was arrested at Madrid, and confined to a prison, where he remained above twenty years. 1540.] While Vaca de Castro was preparing for his voyage, events of great moment happened in Peru. The governor, considering himself, upon the death of Alma- gro, as the unrivalled possessor of that vast empire, pro- ceeded to parcel out its territories among the con- querors; and had this division been made with any degree of impartiality, the extent of country which he had to bestow, was sufficient to have gratified his friends, and to have gained his enemies. But Pizarro conducted this transaction, not with the equity and can- dour of a judge attentive to discover and reward merit, but with the illiberal spirit of a party-leader. Large districts, in parts of the country most cultivated and populous, were set apart as his own property, or granted to his brothers, his adherents, and favourites. To others, lots less valuable and inviting were assigned. The followers of Almagro, amongst whom were many of the original adventurers to whose valour and perse- verance Pizarro was indebted for his success, were totally excluded from any portion in those lands, to- wards the acquisition of which they had contributed so largely. As the vanity of every individual set an immo- derate value upon his own services, and the idea of each concerning the recompence due to them rose gradually to a more exorbitant height in proportion us their con- quests extended, all who were disappointed in their expectations exclaimed loudly against the rapaciousness and partiality of the governor. The partisans of Alma- gro murmured in secret, and meditated revenge. Rapid as the progress of the Spaniards in South diers, Ihous their Andc! they of till more fered descei Durir interv The i ing, e by th ^Vorl( ad van or ma *II and aj) tliejou tinctly lOOK VI. vhich he he parent n selected Jc Castro, alladnlid ; stitied the ; not such iiig tu the > upon hitn r still ulive, J nv.iintuiu lim, and tu :e to a man •y. But if :ommission is appointed Tl\is atten- owcd rather trobation of ourt seemed r Ferdinand rison, where aring for his n Peru. The ith of Alma- enipire, pro. [\g the con- ic with any try wliich he gratified his fiut Pizano uity and can- eward merit, ader. Large ultivated and ;y, or granted rourites. To ?ere assigned. in were many jr and perse- uccess, were DSC lands, to- ontributed so set an immo- e idea of each osc gradually as tlK'ir con- nted in their rapaciousness ians of Alma- :venge. irds in South 1540.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 237 America had been since Pizarro landed in Peru, their avidity of dominion was not yet satisfied. The officers to whom Ferdinand Pizarro gave the command of dif- ferent detachments, penetrated into several new pro- vinces ; and though some of them were exposed to great hardships in the cold and barren regions of the Andes, and others suffered distress not inferior amidst the woods and ninrshcs of the plains, they made discoveries and conquests which not only extended their knowledge of tlie country, but added considerably to the territories of Spain in the New World. Pedro de Valdivia re-as- sumed Almagro's scheme of invading Chili, and not- withstanding the fortitude of the natives in defending their possessions, made such progress in the conquest of the country, that he founded the city of St. Jago, and gave a beginning to the establishment of the Spanish dominion in that province. But of all the enter|)rises undertaken about this period, that of Gonzalo Pizarro was the most remarkable. The governor, who seems to have resolved that no person in Peru should possess any station of distinguished eminence or authority but those of his own family, had deprived Benalcazar, the conqueror of Quito, of his command in that kingdom, and appointed his brother Gonzalo to take the govern- ment of it. He instructed him to attempt the disco- very and conquest of the country to the east of the ?\ndes, which, according to the informaiiun of the In- dians, abounded with cinnamon and otiier valuable spices. Gonsalo, not inferior to any of his brothers in courage, and no less ambitious of acquiring distinction, eagerly engaged in this difficult service. He set out from Quito at the head of three hundred and forty sol- diers, near one half of whom were horsemen, with four thousand Indians to carry their provisions. In forcing their '.vay through the defiles, or over the ridges of the Andes, excess of cold and fatigue, to ncitlier of which tliey were accustomed, proved fatal to the greater part of their wretched attendants. The Spaniards, though more robust, and inured to a variety of climates, suf- fered considerably, and lost some men ; but when they descended into the low country tluir distress increased. During two months it rained incessantly, without any interval of fair weather long enough to dry their clothes. Tiie immense plains upon which they were now enter- ing, either altogether without inhabitants, or occupied by thL' rudest and least industrious tribes in the New World, yielded little subsistence. They could not advance a stt-p but as they cut a road through woods, or made it through marshes. Such incessant toil, and * llencia's account of OitllaiiuV voyage is the most minute, and uiipaicatly the most uci-urute. It was pt'ubably taielf. liut the dates are not diis- tinctly marked. His r.a\igi'ion down llic Coca, or Napo, continual scarcity of food, seem more than sufiTicient to have exhausted and di :pirltcd any troops. But the for- titude and perseverance of tlie Spaniards in the sixteenth century were insuperable. Allured by frequent but false accounts of rich countries before them, they per- sisted in struggling on, until they reached the bunks of the Coca or Napo, one of the large rivers whose waters pour into the Marugnon, and contribute to its grandeur. There, with infinite labour, they built a bark, which they expected would prove of great utility, in conveying them over ri' y, in procuring provisions, and in exploring the country. This was manned witli fifty soldiers, under the command of Francis Orelliuin, the oflicer next in rank to Pizarro. The stream carried them down with such rapidity, that they were soon far a-head of their countrymen, who followed slowly ai.d with difliculty by land. At this distance from his commander, Ort!!ana, a young man of an aspiring mind, began to fancy himself independent, and transported with t'.ie prcdominaut passion of the age, he formed the scheme of distin- guishing himself as a discoverer, by following the course of the Muragnou, until it joined ihu ocean, and by sur- veying the vast regions through which it flows. This scheme of Orcllanu's was as bold as it was treacherous. For, if he be chargeable witii the guilt of having vio- lated his duty to his commander, and with having aban- doned his fellow-soldiers in a pathless desert, where they had hardly any hopes of success, or even of safety, but what were founded on the service which they ex- pected from the bark ; his crime is, in some measure, balanced by the glory of having ventured upon a navi- gation of near two thousand leagues, through unknown nations, in a vessel hastily constructed, with green timber, and by very unskilful liauds, without provisions, without a compass, or a pilot. But his courage and alacrity supplied every defect. Committing hiroself fearlessly to the guidance of the stream, the Napo bore him along to the south, until he reached the great channel of the Maragnon. 'i'urning with it towards the coast, he held on his course in that direction. He made frequent descents on both sides of the river, sometimes seizing by force of arms the provisions of the fierce savages seated on its banks ; and sometimes procuring a supply of food by a friendly intercourse with more gentle tribes. After a long series of dangers, which he encountered with amazing fortitude, and of distresses which he supported with no less magnanimity, he reached the ocean,* where new perils awaited him. began early in February, 1341 ; and lie arrived at the mouth of the river on the 26lh of August, having spent near seven months iu the voyage. M. de la Coudumiue, in tlie year 1743, sailed from Cuenca, to Para, a settlement of the Portuguese at Qq2 ii t, 99fe HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book V!. t 'V S,' •'t- ' iiUi 0; -III These lie likewise surmounted, and got safe to the Spanish settlement in the island Cubagua; from thence lie snilcd to Spain. Ti:c vanity natural to travellers who visit regions unknown to the rest of mankind, and the art of an adventurer, solicitous to magnify his own merit, concurred in prompting him to mingle an extra- ordinary proportion of the marvellous in tlic narrative of his voyiige. He pretended to have discovered nations so rich, that the roofs of their temples were covered XV. th plates of geld ; and described a republic of vVomen so warlike and powerful, as to have extended their do- minion over a considerable tract of the fertile plains which he had visited. Extravagant as those tales were, they give rise to an opinion, that u region abounding with gold, distinguished by the name of El Dorado, and a community of Amazons, were to be found in this part of the New World ; and such is the propensity of man- kind to believe what is wonderful, that it has been slowly and with difficulty tiiat reason and observation have exploded those fables. The voyage, however, even when stripped of every romantic embellishment, deserves to be recorded, not only as one of the most memorable occurrences in that adventurous ago, but as the first event which led to any certain knowledge of tiie exten- sive countries that stretch eastward from the Andes to the ocean. No words can describe the consternation of I'izarro, %vhen he did not find the bark at the confluence of the Napo and Maragnon, where he had ordered Orellana to wait for him. He would not allow himself to sus- pect that a man, whom he had entrusted with such an important command, could be so base and so unfeeling, as to desert him at such a juncture. But imputing his absence from the place of rendezvous to some unknown accident, he advanced above fifty leagues along the banks of the Maragnon, expecting every moment to see the bark appear with a supply of provisions. [1541.] At length he came up with an ollicer whom Orellana had left to perish in the desert, because he had the courage to re- monstrate against his perfidy. From him he learned the extent of Orellana's crime, and his followers per- ceived at once their own desperate situation, when de- prived of their only resource. The spirit of the stoutest hearted veteran sunk within him, and all demanded to be led back instantly. I'izarro, though he assumed an appearance of tranquillity, did not oppose their incli- tlie mouth of tiie rivor, a navigation much longer than that of Orellana, in less than four months. — I'oyage, p. 179. Dutthc tWL» adventurers were voiy ilifTcrenily provided for'the voy.ige. 'iliis hazardous untlertakiiig, to whicfi amt)ition prompted Orel- lana, and to whicii liie lovo of science led M. dc laCondaminc, nas undertaken in the year 1 769, by Madame Godin des Odo- uais, from conjugal ufTcctiou. The narrative of the hardships nation. Kut he was now twelve hundred miles from Quito ; and iu that long march the Spaniards eneoun* tcred hardships greater than those which they had en- dured in their jiriujrcss outward, without the alluring h«]'cs whicli then soothed and animated them under their NUtrerings, Hunger compelled them to feed or roots and berries, to eat all their dogs and horses, to devour the moi't loathsome reptiles, and even to gnaw the leather of their saddles and sword-belts. Four thousand Indians, and two hundred and ten Spaniards, perished in this wild disastrous expedition, which con- tinucd near two years; and as fifty men were aboard the bark with Orellana, only fourscore got back to Quito. These were nakjd like savages, and so ema- ci tied with famine, or worn out with fatigue, that they had more the appearance of spectres than of men. liut, instead of returning to enjoy the repose which his condition required, Pizarro, mi entering Quito, re- ceived accounts of a fatal event that tljreatened calanli- ties more dri'wlful to him than those through which lie had passed. I'rom the time that his brotlier made that partial division of his conquests which has been nun- tioned, the aillurcnts of Almagro, considering thcin- sclves as proscribed by the party in power, no longer cnterlaitied any hope of bettering their condition, (^rcat numbers in despair resorted to Lima, where the houic of young Almngro was always open to them, and the slender portion of his father's fortune whicli the gover- nor allowed him to enjoy, was spent in aUording liiem subsistence. The warm attachment with which every person who had served under the elder Almagro devott d himself to his interest, was quickly transferred to his son, who was now grown up to the age of manhood, and possessed all the qualities which captivate the atlec- tions of soldiers. Of a graceful appearance, dexterous at all martial exercises, bold, open, generous, beseemed to be formed for command j and as his father, conscious of his own inferiority, from the total want of cducaticin, had been extremeiy at>etltive to have him instructed in every science becoming a gentleman ; the accomplish- ments which he had acquired heightened the respect of his followers, as they gave him distinction and eminence among illiterate adventurers. In this young man the Almagrians found a point of union which they wanted, and looking up to him as their head, were ready to undertake any thing for '.lis advanjement. Nor was which she sutTcred, of the dangers to which she was i>;posc(!, and of the disasters whicli befel her, is one of the niohi >\nm- lar and afTccting stories in any language, exhibiting in lur kii- duct a puiking iiicture of tlie fortitude which distinguishes lii.' one sex, mingici with the sensibility and tenderness pceuli,,i' to the other. — Letlre de M. Godin, a M. de la Condamini:. OK \X. les frum encoun* had cn- alluTing in under feed OP. lorscs, to to gnaw ,8. i'oiir ipniards, Inch con. re aboard back to i so cma- tliat tliey iicn. lose which Quito, ic- ed calanli- 1 wbith lie made llmt been imn- [iiig llicm- , no Ioniser lion, (.-reat c ilie liouie rm, and tlie 1 the govci- ird'mji liit-'in which every igro devott d erred to liis if manhood, itc the allcc- e, dexterous s, he socuied er, conscious )f education, instructed iu accomplisli- le respect of nd eminence ung man tlie they wanted, ere ready to t. Nor wn'' ; was o^posii., he niohi hitiL'ii- liug ill lii'' ^'""" istiiigiii'*!'^''* 'li' lerucss pcciili.ii' Condamiiu. 1541.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 229 affection for Almagro their only incitement ; they were urged on by their own distresses. Many of them, des- titute of common necessaries,* and weary of loitering away life, u burden to their cliicf, or to such of their associates as had saved some remnant of their fortune from pillage and confiscation, longed impatiently for an occasion to exert tlicir activity and courage, and b .-gan to dcliberite how tliry might be avenged on the author of all their misery. Their frequent cabals did not pass unobserved ; and the governor was warned to be on his guard against men who meditated some desperate deed, and had resolution to execute it. But cither from the native intrepidity of his mind, or from contempt of per- sons whose poverty seemed to nnder their macliina- tions of little consequence, he disregarded the adniuiii- tions of his friends. " Be in no pain," said he care- lessly, " about my life ; it is perfectly safe, as long as evr'y man in Peru knows that 1 can in a moment cut oft any head which dares to harbour a thought against it." This security gave tlie Almagrians full leisure to digest and ripen every part of tiieir scheme ; and Juan de Herrada, an officer of great abilities, who had the charge of Alniagro's education, took the direction of their consultations, with all the /eul which this con- nection inspired, and with all the authority which tlie ascendant that he was known to have over the mind of his pupil gave him. On Sunday, the twenty-sixth of June, at mid-day, the season of tranquillity and repose in all sultry climates, Hcrrada, at the head of eighteen of the most determined conspirators, sallied out of Almagro's house in complete armour ; and drawing tlieir swords as they advanced hastily towards the governor's palace, cried out, " Long live the king, but let the tyrant die !" Their associates, warned of their motions by a signal, were in arms at diiferent stations ready to support them. Though Pizarro was usually surrounded by such a numerous train of attendants as suited the magnificence of the most opulent subject of the age in which l.e lived, yet as he was just risen from tabic, and most of hi: doniesiics had retired to their own apartments, the co.ispirators passed through the two outer courts of the p; lace un- observed. They were at the bottom of the stair-case, before u page in waiting could give the alarm to his master, who was conversing witb a few friends in a large hall. The governor, whose steady mind no form of * Hcrrera gives a striking picture of their indigene j. Twelve gentlciucu who had been olBccrs of distinction unUe ' Almagro, lodged in the same house, and having but one c'uak among tlicm, it was worn alternately by him who had occasion to ap- pear io public, while the rest, from the want of a recent dress, iture obliged to keep within doors. Their former friends and companions were so much afraid of giving oU'eacc to Pizarro, danger could appal, starting' up, called for armi, and commanded Francisco de Chaves to make fait the door. But that ofiiccr, who did not retain so much presence of mind as to obey this prudent order, running to the top of the stair-case, wildly asked the conspirators what they meant, and whither they were going ? Instead of answering, they stabbed him to the heart, and burst into the hall. Some of the per- sons who were there threw themselves from the win- dows; others attempted to fly; and a few drawing their swwrds, followed tlieir leader into an inner apart- ment. The conspirators, animated vNitli having the ob- ject of their vengeance now In view, rushed forward after them. Pizarro, with no other arms than his sword and buckler, defended the entry, and supported by his hulf-brothcr Alcantara, and his little. knot of friends, he maintained the unequal contest witli intrepidity worthy of his past exploits, and with the vigour of a youthful combatant, " Courage !" cried he, " companions, we are yet enow to make those traitors repent of their audacity!" But the armour of the conspirators pro- tected them, wiiile every thrust they made took eftect. 'Alcantara lell dead at hh brother's feet ; his other de- fenders were mortally wounded. The governor, so weary that he could liardly wield his sword, and no longer able to parry the many weapons furiously aimed at him, received a deadly thrust full in his throat, sunk ^to thu ground, and expired. As soon as he was slain, the assassins ran out into the streets, iuid waving their bloody swords, proclaimed the death of the tyrant.^ Above two hundred of tlieir asso- ciates having joined them, they conducted young Alma- gro in solemn procession through the city, and assem- bling the magistrates and principal citizens, compelled them to acknowledge him as lawful successor to his father in his government. The palace of Pizarro, to- gether with the houses of several of his adherents, were pillaged by the soldiers, who had the satisfaction at once of being avenged on their enemies^ and of enrich- ing themselves by the spoils of those through whose hands all the wealth of Peru had passed. The bbldn.^ss and success of the conspiracy, as well as the name and popular qualities of Almagro, drew many soldiers to his standard. Every adventurer of desperate fortune, ail who were dissatisfied witli i^izarro, and from the rapaciousness of his government in the . that they durst not entertain or even coiivtMse with them. One may conceive what was the condition ami «hal tlic indignation of men once accustomed to power and opulence, wlien tlicy felt themselves poor and despised, without a root under whu li to shelter their heads, while they beheld others, uhose ineiit and services were not equal to tlieiis, iiviug wilii splendour iu sumptuous edifices.— I>£c. 6. lib. viii. c. C. P 930 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book VI. ■A fli i .f! latter years of his li^e, the number of malcontents was considrrublc, declared without hesitation in favour of Almurro, and he was soon at tlie heud of ei^ht hundred of the iriost gallant veterans in Peru. As his youth and inexperience disqualified him from takinff the command of them himself, he appointed Herrada to act as gene- ral. But though Almagro speedily collected such a respcctiible force, tlie n((|uiescence in his government was far from being genernl. Pizarro hud left many friends to whom his nu*nHiry was dear; the barbarous assassination of a man to whom his country was so highly indebted, filled evory impartial pcrsoM with horror. The ignominious birth of Almagro, as well 0:^ the doubtful title on which he founded his jiretensions, led others to consider him as an usurper. The oflicers who commanded in some provinces .rfused to recognize his authority, until it was confirmed by tlic emperor. In others, particularly at Cuzco, the royal standard was erected, and preparations were begun in order to revenge the murder of their ancient leader. Those seeds of discord, which could not have lain long dormant, acquired great vigour and activity, when the arrival of Vaca de Custro was known. After a long and disastrous voyage, he was driven by stress of weather into a small harbour in the province of Popayan ; und proceeding from thence by land, after a journey no less tedious tliuii difhcult, he reached Quito. In his way he received accounts of Pizarro's death, and of the events which followed upon it. Me immediately produced the royal commission appointing him governor of Peru, with the same privileges and authority ; and his jurisdiction was acknowledged without hesitation by Uenulcazur, adelantado, or lieutenant-general, for the emperor in Popayan, and by Pc'ro de Puelles, who, in tlie absence of Gunzalo Pizarro, had the command of the troops left in Quito. Vaca de Castro not only assumed the supreme authuriiy, but shewed that he possessed the talents whicii the exercise of it at that juncture required. Uy his influence and address he soon assembled such a body of troops, as not only set him above all fear of being exposed to any insult from the adverse party, but ena- bled l.im to advance from Quito with tlie dignity that became his character. By dispatching persons of con- fidence to tlie ditl'erent settlements in Peru, with a for- mal notification of his arrival and of his commission, he comuuinicated to his countrymen the royal pleasure with respect to the government of the country. By private emissaries, he excited such officers as had dis- covered their disapprobation of Almagro's proceedings, to manifest their duty to their sovereign by supporting the person honoured with his commission. Those measures were productive of great effects. Encouraged by the approach of the new governor, or prepared by { ber of the combatants. Mauy of the vanquished his machinations, the lojral were confirmed in their prin. ciples, and avowed tlicm with greater boldness ; the timid ventured to declare their sentiments } the neutral and wavering, finding it necessary to choose a side, be. gan to lean to that whicli now appeared to be the safest, as well as the most just. Almagro observed the rapid progress of this spirit of disail'ection to his cause, and in order to give an effec- tual check to it before the arrival of Vaca de Castro, he set out at the head of his troops for Cuzco [1642], where the most considerable body of opponents had erected the royal standard, under the command of Pedro Alvarev! Holguin. During his march thither, Herruds, the skilful guide of his youth and of his counsels, died ; and from that time his measures were conspicuous fur their violence, but concerted with little sagacity, and executed with no address. Holguin, who, with forces far inferior to those of the opposite party, was descending towards the coast at the very time that Almagro was uu his way to Cuzco, deceived his unexperienced adversary by a very simple stratagem, avoided an engagement, and effected a junction with Alvarado, an officer of note, who had been the first tu declare igaiust Almagro as an usurper. Soon after, Vaca de Castro entered their cf^mp with the troops which he brought from Quito, and erecting the royal standard before his own tent, he declared, that, as governor, he would discharge in person all tiiu functions of general of their combined forces. Though formed by the tenor of his past life to the habits of a sedentary and pacific profession, he at once assumed the activity, and discovered the decision, of an officer long accustomed to command. Knowing his strength to be now far superior to that of the enemy, he was im- patient to terminate the contest by a battle. Nor did tlie followers of Almagro, who had no hopes of obtaiu- ing a pardon for a crime so atrocious as the murder of the governor, decline that mode of decision. They met at Chupaz (Sept. \(>), obout two hundred miles from Cuzco, and fought with all the fierce onimosity inspired by the violence of civil rage, the rancour of private enmity, the eagerness of revenge, and the last efibrts of despair. Victory, after remaining long doubt- ful, declared at last for Vaca de Castro. The supe- rior number of his troops, his own intrepidity, und the martial talents of Francisco de Carvajal, a veteran offi- cer formed under the great captain in the wars of Italy, and who on that day laid the foundation of his future fame in Peru, triumphed over the bravery of his oppo- nents, though led on by young Almagro with a gallant spirit, worthy of a better cause, and deserving anoilicr fate. The carnage was great in proportion to the nmn- OOK Vt. 1.442.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. S3 1 heir prin. iiesfl ; the lie neutral i side, bc- tlie tafeit, 8 spirit of > an eifec. Castro, he :o [1542], tnents had id of Pedru r, Herr&da, iseU, died ; picuous for igucity, and l\\ forces far descending igro was uii ed adversary ingagenient, icer of note, inagro as an r ci^mp with and erecting he declared, erson all tliu :es. Thouf,'h e habits of a nee assumed of an officer his strength y, he was ini- e. Nor did )es -ii obtuiii- lie murder of lision. They lundred miles irce animosity ic rancour ot and tlie last long doubt- . The sin)e- lidity, and tlie a veteran offi- wars of Italy, I of his tutuvc y of his opiio- with a galliiiit erving anoilicr 11 to the nuin- vanquishcd, ) e eipccially luch as wrre eonsdous that they might be chnrged with being accessary to the assassination of I'izarro, rushing on tlie swords of the enemy, chose to full like soldiers, nither than wait an ignominious doom. Of fourteen hundred men, the total amount of comba- tants on both sides, five hundred lay (lead on the field, niid the number of the wounded was still greater. If the military talents displayed by Vaca de Cnstro, both in the council and in the field, surprised the adven- turers in Peru, they were still more astonished at his conduct after the victory. As he was by nrtture a rigid dispenser of justice, and persuaded that it required ex- amples of extraordinary severity to restrain the licen- tious spirit of soldiers so far removed from the seat of jtovrrnmcnt, he proceeded directly to try his prisoners M rebels. Forty were condenmed to suffer the death of traitors, othen were banished from Peru. Their leader, who made his escape from the battle, being be- triiycd by some of his ofTicers, was publicly beheaded in Cuzcn; and in him the name of Almagro, and the spirit of the party, was extinct. - -' ^ During those violent convulsions in Peru, the em- peror and his ministers were intently employed in pre- paring regulations, by which they hoped not only to re-estahtish tranquillity there, but to introduce n more perfect system of internal policy into all their settle- ments in the New World. It is manifest from all the events recorded in the history of America, that rapid and extensive as the Spanish oonquests there had been, tlity were not carried on by any regular exoition of the national force, but by the occasional eftorts of private adventurers. After fitting out a few of the first arma- ments for discovering new regions, the court of Spuin, during the busy reigns of Ferdinand and Charles V,, the former the most intriguing prince of the age, and the latter the most ambitious, was encumbered with such a multiplicity of schemes, and involved in war with so many nations of Europe, that it had not leisure to attend to distant and less interesting objects. The care of prosecuting discovery, or of attempting conquest, was abandoned to individuals ; and with such ardour did men push forward in this new career, on which novelty, the spirit of adventure, avarice, ambition, and the hojie of meriting heaven, prompted them with combined in- fluence to enter, that in less than half a century almost the whole of that extensive empire which Spain now possesses in the New World, was subjected to its domi- nion. As the Spanish court contributed nothing towards the various expeditions undertaken in America, it was not entitled to claim much from their success. The sovereignty of the conquered provinces, with the fifth of the gold and silver, was reserved for the crown; every thing else was seized by the associates in each expedition as their own right. The plunder of the coun- tries which they invaded, served to indemnify them for what they had expended in equipping tiiemselves for the service, and the conquered territory was divided among them, according to rules whieh custom had in- troduced, as permanent establishments which their suc- cessful valour merited. In the infancy of those settle- ments, when their extent as well as ihcir value were unknown, many irregularities escaped observation, and it was found necessary to connive at many excesses. The conquered people were frequently pillaged Willi destructive rapacity, and their country parcelled out among its new masters in exorbitant shares, far exceed- ing the highest recompence due to their services. The rude conquerors of America, incapable of forming their establishments upon any general or extensive plan of policy, attentive only to private interest, unwilling to forego present gain from tlic j -ospect of remote ov public benefit, seem to have had no object but to amass sudden wealth, without regarding what might be the conse- quences of the means by which thc^ acqtrcdit. But when time at length discover..! to the Spanish r urt the importance of its American possessions, the n "es- sity of new-modelling their whole frame became <^\ oas, and in place of the maxims and practices prevalent among military adventurers, it was f' , .(! requisite to substitute the institutions of regular g aver* meut. One evil in particular called for an immediate remedy. The conquerors of Mexico and Peru imitated the fatal example of their countrymen settled in the islands, and employed themselves in searching for gold and silver with tlie same inconsiderate eagerness. Similar eif'ecti followed, 'i'he natives, employed in this labour by masters w ho, in imposing tasks, had no regard either to what they felt, or to what they were able to perform, pined away and perished so fast, that there was reason to apprehend that Spain, instead of possessing countries peopled to such a degree as to be susceptible of progres- sive improvement, wol!,' ^oon remain proprietor only of a vast uninhabited dcv/.'.. The emperor and his ministers were so sensible of this, and so solicitous to prevent the extinction of the Indian race, which tlireatened to render their acquisi- tions of no value, lii.tt from time to time various laws, which I have mentioned, had been made for securing to that unhuppy people more gentle and equitable treat- met' t. But llie distance of America from the seat of empire, the ietblcness of government in the new colo- nies, the aviirice and audacity of soldiers unaccustomed to restraint, prevented these salutary regulations from operating with any considerable influence. 'Ihe evil continued to grow, and at this time the emperor found an interval of leisure from the affairs of Europe to lake a>^i^. fart.f«...n«..d. I . ■-■-„■ Tili l (j | j.i i ii 232 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book vr. ti r-' %4 ' ' !^l if m it into attentive consideration. He consulted not only with his ministers and the members of the council of the Indies, but called upon several persons who had resided long in the New World, to aid them with the result of their experience and observation. Fortunately for the people of America, among these was Bartholo- mew de las Casas, who happened to be then at Madrid on a mission from a chapter of his order at Chiapa. Though, since the miscarriage of his former schemes for the relief of the Indians, he had continued shut up in his cloister, or occupied in religious functions, his zeal in behalf of the former objects of his pity was so far from abating, that, from an increased knowledge of their sufferings, its ardour had augmented. He seized eagerly this opportunity of reviving his favourite maxims concerning the treatment of the Indians. With the moving eloquence natural to a man on whose mind tlie scenes which he had beheld had made a deep impression, he described the irreparable waste of the human species in the New World, the Indian race almost totally swept away in the islands in less than fifty years, and hasten- ing to extinction on the continent witii the same rapid decay. With the decisive tone of one strongly jircpos- sesscd with the truth of his own system, he imputed all this to a single cause, to the exactions and cruelty of his countrymen, and contended that nothing could pre- vent the depopulation of America, but the declaring of its natives to be freemen, and treating them as subjects, not as slaves. Nor did he confide for tiie success of this proposal in the powers of his oratory alone. In order to enforce them, he composed his famous treatise concerning the destruction of America, in which he relates, with many horrid circumstances, but with appa- rent marks of exaggerated description, the devastation of every province which had been visited by tiie Spa- niards. The emperor was deeply afflicted with the recital of so many actions shocking to humanity. But as his views extended far beyond those of Las Casas, he perceived that relieving the Indians from oppression was but one step towards rendering his possessions in the New World a valuable acquisition, and would be of little avail, unless he could circumscribe the power and usur- pations of his own subjects there. The conquerors of America, however great their merit had been towards tlieir country, were mostly persons of such mean birth, and of such' an abject rank in society, as gavu no dis- tinction in the eye of a monarch. The exorbitant wealth with which some of tliem returned, gave umbrage IL li. * Herrera, wiiose acciiracy entitles him to great credit, asserts, that Goiiz.do I'izarro possessed domains in the neigh- bourhood of Chucjuisaca dc la I'lata, which yielded him an to an age not accustomed to see men in inferior condi- tion elevated above their level, and rising to emulate or to surpass the ancient nobility in splendour. The ter- ritories which their leaders had appropriated to them- selves were of such enormous extent,*^ that if the country should ever be improved in proportion to the fertility of the soil, they must grow too wealthy and too power- ful for subjects. It appeared to Charles that liiis abuse required a remedy no less than the other, and that the regulations concerning both must be jnforced by a mode of government more vigorous than had yet been introduced into America. With this view he framed a body of laws, containing many salutary appointments with respect to tlie con- stitution and powers of the supreme council of llic Indies ; concerning the station and jurisdiction of tlu- royal audiences in different parts of America; the ad- ministration of justice; the order of government, both ecclesiastical and civil. These were approved of by all ranks of men. But together with them were issued the following regulations, which excited universal alarm, and occasioned the most violent convulsions : " That as the reparliniicntos or shares of laud seized by several persons .ippeared to be excessive, the royal audiences arc empowered to reduce them to a moderate extent : That upon the death of any conqueror or planter, the lands and Indians granted to him shall not descend to his widow or children, but return to the crown : That the Indians shall henceforth be exempt from personal servi' e, and shall not be compelled to carry the baggnge of travellers, to labour in the mines, or to dive in tlie pearl fisheries : That the stated tribute due by them to their superior shall be ascertained, and they shall be paid as servants for any work they voluntarily perform : That all persons who are, or have been, in public ufliccs, all ecclesiastics of every denomination, all hospitals and monasteries, shall be deprived of llie lands and Indians allotted to them, and these be annexed to the crown . That every person in Peru, who had any criminal con- cern in the contests between I'izarro and Alniagro, should forfeit his lands and Indians." All the Spanish ministers who had hitherto been en- trusted with the direction of American aOairs, and who were best acquainted with the state of the country, re- monstrated against those regulations as ruinous to their infant colonies. They represented, that t!ic number of Spaniards who had hitherto emigrated to the New World was so extremely small, that nothing could be expected from any effort of theirs towards improving annual revenue greater than that ol the archbishop uf Toledo, the best endowed sec in Europe.— Dec. 7. lib. vi. c. 3. BOOK VI. Tior condi- cniulatc or . The tcr- d to ihctn- the country the fertility I too power- it this abuse and that the creed by a iiad yet bccu I, containing ; to the con- luncil of the liction of the rica ; tlic ad- rmneiU, both jved of by all I were issued liversal alarn;, IS : " That as xd by several jyal audiences leratc extent : ,r planter, the lot descend to crown : That from personal ry the baggn«;e to dive ill the uc by them to ;y shall be paid )crform : That blic offices, all hospitals and ds and Indians to the crown, (.riminal con- and Mmagro, herto been cn- lilairs, and who lie country, rc- ruinous to their t!ie number of to the New .thing could be ards improving 1543.J HISTORY OF AMERICA. :233 bishop of Toledo. ». vi. c. 3. the vast regions over which they were scattered j that the success of every scheme for this purpose must de- pend upon the ministry and service of the Indians, whose native indolence and aversion to labour, no pro- spect of benefit or promise of reward could surmount ; that the momenta right of imposing a task, and exact- ing the performance of it, was takerj from their mas- ters, every work of industry must cease, and all the sources from vviiich wealth begun to pour in upon Spain must be stopt for ever. But Charles, tenacious at all times of his own opinions, and so much impressed at present with the view of the disorders which reigned in America, that he was willing to hazard the applica- tion even of a dangerous remedy, persisted in his re- solution of publishing the laws. That they might be carried into execution with greater vigour and authority, he authorised Francisco Tello de Sandoval to repair to Mexico as Visitador or superintendant of that country, gnu to co-operate with Antonio de Mendoza, the vice- roy, in enforcing them. He appointed Blasco Nugnez Vela to be governor of Peru, with the title of Viceroy ; and in order to strengthen his administration, he esta- blished a court of royal audience in Lima [1543], in which four lawyers of eminence were to preside as judges. The viceroy and superintendant sailed at the same time ; and an account of the laws which they were to enforce reached America before them. The entry of Sandoval into Mexico was viewed as the prelude of general ruin. The unlimited grant of liberty to the Indians affected every Spaniard in America without dis- tinction, and there was hardly one who might not on some pretext be included under the other regulations, and suffer by them. But the colony in New Spain had now been so long accustomed to the restraints of law and authority under the steady and prudent administra- tion of Mendoza, that how much soever the spirit of the new statutes was detested and dreaded, no attempt was made to obstruct the publication of them by any act of violence unbecoming subjects. The magistrates and principal inhabitants, however, presented dutiful addresses to the viceroy and superintendant, represent- ing the fatal consequences of enforcing them. Hap- pily for them, Mendo/.a, by long ' residence iu the country, was so thoroughly acquainted with its state, that he knew what was for its interest as well as what it could bear ; and Sandoval, though new in office, dis- played a degree of moderation seldom possessed by per- sons just entering upon the exercise of power. They engaged to sus^ <_ id, for some time, the execution of what was offensive in the new laws, and not dtily con- sented that a deputation of citizens ^rhould be sent to Europe to lay before the emperor the apprehensions of 19—20. his subjects in New Spain with respect to their tendency and effects, but they concurred with them in support- ing their sentiments. Cliarles, moved by the opinion of men whose abilities and integrity entitled them to decide concerning what fell immediately under their own view, granted such a relaxation of the rigour of the laws as re-established the colony in its former tran- quillity. In Peru the storm gathered with an aspect still more fierce and threatening, and was not so soon dispelled. The conquerors of Peru, of a rank much inferior to those who had subjected Mexico to tht Spanish crown, farther removed from the inspection of the parent-state, and intoxicated with the sudden acquisition of wealth, carried on all their operations with greater licence and irregularity than any body of adventurers in the New World. Amidst the general subversion of law and order, occasioned by two successive civil wars, when each individual was at liberty to decide for himself, without any guide but his own interest or passions, this turbulent spirit arose above all sense of subordina- tion. To men thus corrupted by anarchy, the intro- duction of regular government, the power of a viceroy, and the authority of a respectable court of judicature, would of themselves have appeared formidable restraints, to which they would have submitted with reluctance. But they revolted with indignation against the idea of complying with laws by which they were to be stripped at once of all they had earned so hardly during many years of service and suffering. As Ihe account of the new laws spread successively through the different settlements, the inhabitants ran together, the women in tears, and the men exclaiming against the injustice and ingratitude of their sovereign in depriving them, unheard and unconvicted, of their possessions. " Is this," cried they, " the recompence due to persons, who, without public aid, at their own cxpence, and by their own valour, have subjected to the crown of Castile territories of such immense extent and opulence ? Are these the rewards bestowed for having endured unparalleled dis- tress, for having encountered every species of danger in the service of their country ? Whose merit is so great, whose conduct has been so irreproachable, that he may not be condemned by some penal clause in regulations, conceived in terms as loose and comprehensive, as if it had been intended that all should be entangled in their snare ? Every Spaniard of note in Peru has held some public office, and all, without distinction, have been constrained to take an active part in the contest between the two rival chiefs. Were the former to be robbed of their property because they had done their duty ? Were the latter to be punished on account of what they could not avoid ? Shidl the conquerors of this great empire, Rr 234 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book VI. Ill if M i. ? I ; .. •I K ill iusteftd of receiving marks of distinction, be deprived of the natural consolation of providing for their widows and children, and leave them to depend for subsistence «n the scanty supply they can extort from unfeeling courtiers ? We are not able now, continued they, to explore unknown regions in quest of more secure settlements ; our constitutions debilitated with age, and our bodies covered with wounds, are no longer fit for active service ; but still we possess vigour sufficient to assert our just rights, and we will not tamely suffer them to be wrested from us." By discourses of this sort, uttered with vehemence, and listened to with universii! approbation, their pas- sions were inflamed to such a pitch, that they were pre- pared for the most violent measures; and began to hold consultations in different places, how they might oppose the entrance of the viceroy and judges, and prevent not only the execution but the promulgation of the new laws. From thi*, however, they were di- verted by the address of Vaca de Castro, who flattered them with hopes, tliat, as soon as the vic?roy and judges should arrive, and had leisure to examine their petitions and remotist ranees, tlii-y would concur with them in endeavouring to procure some mitigation in the rigour of laws whicli had been framed without due attention cither to the state of the country, or to the sentiments of the people. A greato.- degree of accom- modation to these, and even stmie concessions on the part of government, were now become requisite to compose the present ferment, and to soothe the colo- nists into submission, by inspiring them with confi- dence in their superiors. But without profound dis- cernment, conciliating manners, and flexibility of temper, such a plan could not be carried on. The viceroy possessed none of these. Of all the qualities that fit men for hig'i command, he wiis endowed only with integrity and courage ; the former, harsh and un- complying, the latter, bordering so frequently on rash- ness or obstinacy, that in his situation they were defects rather than virtues. From the moment that he landed at Tumbez (March 4), Nugnez Vela seems to have considered himself merely as an executive officer, with- out any discretionary power ; and, regardless of what- ever he observed or heard concerning the state of the country, he adhered to the letter of the regulations with unrelenting ri;rnur. In all the towns through wliich he passed, the natives were declared to be free, everv person in pulilic ollice was deprived of his iaiicls ai;d servants; and as an example of obedience tootliers, i,c would not suffer a single Indian to he employed in carrying his own baggage in his march towards Lima. Amazement and consternation went before him as he approached ; and so little solicitous woii he to prevent these from augmenting, that, on entering the capital, he openly avowed that he came to obey the orders of his sovereign, not to dispense with his laws. This harsh declaration was accompanied with what rendered it still more intolerable, haughtiness in deportment, a tone of arrogance and decision in discourse, and an in- solence of office grievous to men little accustomed to hold civil authority in high respect. Every attempt to procure a suspension or mitigation of the new laws, the viceroy considered as flowing from a spirit of disaffec- tion that tended to rebellion. Several persons of rank were confined, and some put to dealli, without any form of trial. Vaoa de Castro was arrested, and not- withstanding the dignity of his former rank, and his merit, in having prevented a general insurrection in the colony, lie was loaded with chains, and shut up iu the common jail. Hut however general the indignation was against such ])rocecdiiig.>, it is probable the hand of authority would have been strong enough to suppress it, or to prevent it bursting out with open violence, if the mil- contents had not been provided with a leader of credit and eminence to unite and to direct their efforts. From the time that the purport of the new regulations was known in Peru, every Spaniard there turned his eyes towards Gonzalo Pizarro, as the only person able to avert the ruin with which they threatened the co- lony. From all quarters, letters and addresses were sent to him, conjuring him to stand forth as their common protecf-ir, and ottering to support him in the attempt with their lives and fortunes. Cionzalo, though infe- rior in talents to his other brothers, was equally ambi- tious, and of courage no less daring. The behaviour of an ungrateful court towards his brotiicrs and him- self, dwelt continually on his mind. Ferdinand a state prisoner in Europe, the children of the governor in custody of tlie viceroy, and sent aboard his fleet, him- self reduced to the condition of a private citizen in a country, for the discovery and conquest of which Spain was indebted to his family. These thoughts prompttl him to seel' for vengeance, and to assert the rights of his family, of which he now considered himself as the guardian and t'p luir. Hut as no Spaniard can easily surmount that veneration for his sovereign which seems to be interwoven in his frame, the idea of marching in arms against the royal standard filled him with horror. He hesitated long, and was still unresolved, when the violence of tiie viceroy, the universal call of his country- men, and the certainty of becoming soon a victim hiniseli to the severity of the new laws, moved him to (juit his residence at Chuquisaca de la Plata, and repair to Cuzco. All the inhabitants went out to meet him, and received him with transports of joy as the deliverer lOOK VI. tie ca]ntal, ; orders of ws. This t rendered oTtment, a and nn in- istomed to attempt to IV laws, tlie )f disnffec- ms of rank •itliout any i, and iiot- ink, and his irrection in I shut u\> ill 1544.1 HISTORY OF AMERICA. 235 ider of credit ;heir efforts, V rt'gulations ■e turned his Y person ahle pned the co- ses were sent leir common the attempt though infe- iqually ambi- le behaviour rs and hini- dinand a state governor in is fleet, him- e citizen in a whicli Spain its prompti' the rights ot limsoll as tlie ard can easily which seems (f marching in with liorror. ved, wlien the if his country- oon a victim moved liim to ata, and repair to meet him, IS the deliverer 1 n of the colony. In the fervour of their zeal, they elected him procurator-general of the Spanish nation in Peru, to solicit the repeal of the late regulations. They empowered liiin to lay their remonstrances before tiie royal audience in Lima, and upon pretext of danger from the Indians, autiiorised him to march thither in arms. [154-1.] Under sanction of this nomination Vizitro took possession of the royal treasure, appointed officers, levied soldiers, seized a large train of artillery wiiicii Vaca de (Justro had deposited in Gumanga, and set out fur Lima, as if he iiad been advancin? against ii public enemy. Disaffection having now assumed a rejrular form, and being united under a chief of such distingulslicd name, many persons of note resorted to his standard ; and a considerable part of the troops, raised by the viceroy to oppose his progress, deserted to iiim in a body. Before Pizarro reached Lima, a revolution had hap- pened there, wiiich encouraged him to proceed with almost certainty of success. The violence of the vice- roy s administration was nut mure formidable to the Spaniards of Peru, than his overbearing haughtiness wa: odious to his associates, the judges of the royal audic.ice. During their voyage from Spain, some symptoms of coldness between the viceroy and them began to appear. But as soon us they cnterer' upon the exercise of their respective oihces, both parties were 8u much exasperated by frequent contests, arising from interference of jurisdiction, and contrariety of opinion, that their mutual disgust soon grew into open enmity. The judges thwarted the viceroy in every measure, set at liberty prisoners whom he had confined, justified the malcontents, uiid applauikd their remonstrances. At a time when both departments of government shuuld have united ugaintt the approaching enemy, they were contending with each other for superiority. The judges at length prevailed. The viceroy, univer- sally odious, and abandoned even by his own guards, was seized in his palace (Sept. 18), and carried to a desert Island on the coast, to be kept there until he could be sent home to Spain. The judges, in consequence of this, having assumed the supreme direction of uflairs into their own hands, issued a proclamation suspending the execution of the obnoxious laws, und sent u message lu Pizarro, requir- ing him, as they had already granted whatever he could request, to dismiss his troops, and to repair to Lima with fifteen or twenty attendants. They could hardly expect that a man so daring and uiubitious would tamely com])ly with this requisition. It was made, probably, with no such intention, but on.ly to throw a decent veil over their own conduct ; for Cepeda, the president of the cnirt of audience, a pragmatical and aspiring lawyer, seems to have held a secret correspon- dence with Pizano, and had already formed the plan> which he afterwards executed, of devoting himself to his service. The imprisonment of the viceroy, the usurpation of the judges, together with the universal confusion and anarchy consequent upon events so sin- gular and unexpected, opened new and vast prospects to Pizarro. He now beheld the supreme power withia his reach. Nor did he want courage to push on to- wards the object which fortune presented to his view. Carvajal, the prompter of his resolutions, and guide of all his actions, had long fixed his eye upon It as the only end at which Pizarro ought to aim. Instead of the in- ferior function of procurator for the Spanish settle- ments in Peru, he openly demanded to be governor and captain-general of the whole province, and required the court of audience to grant him a commission to that effect. At the head of twelve hundred men, within a mile of Lima, where there was neither leader nor army to oppose him, such a request carried with it the authority of a command. But the judges, cither from unwillingn<>s3 to relinquish power, or from a de- sire of preserving some attention to appearauces, hesi- tated, or seemed to hesitate, about complying with what he demanded. Carvajal, impatient of delay, and impetuous in all his operations, marched into the city by night, seized several officers of distinction obnoxious to Pizarro, and hanged them without the formality of a trial. Next morning the court of aut'Iencc Issued a commission in tiie emperor's name, appointing Pizarro governor of Peru, with full powers, civil as well as mi- litary, and he entered the town tliat day with extraor- dlntiry pomp, to take possession of his new dignity. Oct. 28.] But amidst the disorder and turbulence which accompanied this total dissolution of tiic f ime of government, the minds of men, set loose from the ordinary restraints of law and authority, acted with such capricious irregularity, that events no less extra- ordinary than unexpected followed in a rapid succession. Pizarro had scarcely begun to exercise tlie new powers with which he was invested, when he beheld formidable enemies rise up to oppose him. The viceroy having been put on board a vessel by the judges of the audi- ence, in order that lij might be carried to Spain under custody of Juau Alvarez, one of their own number ; as soon as tliey were out at sea, Alvarez, cither touched with remorse or moved by fear, kneeled down to iiis prisoner, declaring him from that moment to be free, and that he himself, and every person in the ship, would obey him as tUe legal representative of their sovereign. Nuf^iicz Vela ordered the pilot of the vessel to shape hi** course tuwiirds Tumbez, and as soon as he landed titere, erected the royal standard, and resumed Rr2 f 236 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book VI. 16 : l ■>■'/ i 1 1 ' 'i ■ .' !: Iiis functions of viceroy. Several persons of note, to whom the contagion of the seditious spirit which reigned at Cuzco and Lima had not reached, instantly avowed their resolution to support his authority. The violence of Pizarro's government, who observed every individual with the jealousy natural to usurpers, and who punished every appearance of disaffection with unforgiving seve- rity, soon augmented the number of the viceroy's adhe- rents, as it forced some leading men in the colony to fly to him for refuge. While he was gathering such strength at Tumbez, that his forces began to assume the.ippcar- ance of what was considered as an army in America, Diego Centeno, a bold and active officer, exasperated by the cruelty and oppression of Pizarro's lieutenant- governor in the province of Charcas, formed a conspi- racy against his life, cut him off, and declared for the viceroy. 1545.] Pizarro, though alarmed witli those appear- ances of hostility in the opposite extremes of the empire, was not disconcerted. He prepared to assert tiie autho- rity to which he had attained, with the spirit and con- duct of an officer accustomed to command, and marched directly against the viceroy as the enemy wiio was nearest as well ns most formidable. As he was master of the public revenues in Peru, and most of the military men were attaclied to his family, his troops were so immerous, that the viceroy, unable to face them, retreated towards Quito. Pizarro followed him ; and in that long march, through a wild mountainous country, suffered hard- ships and encountered difficulties, which no troops but those accustomed to serve in America could have en- dured or surmounted.* The viceroy had scarcely reached Quito, when the van-guard of Pizarro's forces appeared, led by Carvajal, who, though near fourscore, was as hardy and active as any young soldier under his com- mand. Nugnez Vela instantly abandoned a town in- capable of defence, and with a rapidity more resembling a fligiit tlian a retreat, marched into the province of Popayan. Pizarro continued to pursue ; but finding it impossible to overtake him, returned to Quito. From thence he dispatched Carvajiil to oppose Centeno, who wa3 growing foiniiduble in the southern provinces of the empire, and he himself remained there to malte head against the viceroy. liy Ills own activity, and the assistance of Benalcazar, Nugnrz Vela soon assembled four hundred men in Po- payan. As lie retained, amidst all his disasters, the same elevation of mind, and the same high sense of his own dignity, he rejected with disdain the advice of some of * All tl.c Spanisli writers pcct his followers, who urged him to make overtures of ac- commodation to Pizarro, declaring that it was only by the sword that a contest with rebels could be decided. With this intention he marched back to Quito. [1546.] Pizarro, relying on the superior number, and still more on the discipline and valour of his troops, advanced re- solutely to meet him (January 18). The battle was fierce and bloody, both parties fighting like men who knew tliat the possession of a great empire, the fate of their leaders, and their own future fortune, depended upon the issue of that day. But Pizarro's veterans pushed forward with such regular and well-directed force, that they soon began to make impression on their enemies. The viceroy, by extraordinary exertions, in which the abilities of a commander, and the courage of a soldier, were equally displayed, held victory for some time in suspense. At length he fell, pierced with many wounds ; and the rout of his followers became general. 'They were hotly pursued. His head was cut off, and placed on the public gibbet in Quito, which Pizarro entered in triumph. The troops assembled by Centt no were dis- persed soon after by Carvajal, and he !ii -.iself compelled to Hy to the mountains, where he remained for several months concealed in a cave. Every person in Peru, from the frontiers of Popayan to those of Chili, sub- mitted to Pizarro; and by his fleet, under Pedro de Hinojosa, he had not only the unrivalled command of the bouth Sea, but had taken possession of Panama, and placed a garrison in Nonibre de Dios, on the oppo- site side of the isthmus, which rendered him master of the only avenue of communication between Spain and Peru, that was used at that period. After this decisive victory, Pizarro and his followers remained tor some time at Quito, and during the first transports of their exultation, they ran into every excess of licentious indulgence, with the riotous spirit usual among low adventurers upon extraordinary success. But amidst this dissipation, their chief and his confi- dents were obliged to turn their thoughts sometimes to what was serious, and deliberated witii much solicitude concerning the part that he ought now to take. Car- vajal, no less bold and decisive in counsel than in the field, had from the beginning warned Pizarro, that ia the career on which he was entering, it was vain to think of holding a middle course ; that he must either boldly aim at all, or attempt nothing. From the time that Pizarro obtained possession of the government of i'eru, he inculcated the same maxim with greater eagernek.". Upon receiving an account of the victory at Quito, he to the length of the retreat, or the ardour of the purgnit. Pi- zarro, .leeurding to his computation, followed the viceroy up- wards of three Utwusand miles.— i.>6. v. c. 16. 26. . )0K VI. t» of ac- only by decided. , [1546.] till more iinced re- lattle was men who 16 fate of depended , ns pushed Force, that r enemies, which the f a soldier, ne time iu y wounds ; ral. -They and placed > entered in were dis- t' compelled 1 for several m in Peru, Chili, sub- er Pedro de command of of Panama, jn the oppo- m master of Spain and lis followers ing the lirst every excess spirit usual ary success, nd his confi- oroetimcs to ch solicitude take, tar- thaa in the ^arro, that in vain to think either boldly he lime that lent of Peru, ter eagerneix. at Quito, he e pursuit. I'i- the viceroy up- 26. . 1546.] HISTORY OP AMERICA. 237 remonstrated with him in a tone still more peremptory. « You have usurped (said he, in a letter written to Pizarro on that occasion) the supreme power in this country, in contempt of the emperor's commission to the viceroy. You have marched, in hostile array, against the royal standard ; you have attacked the repre- sentative of your sovereign in the field, have defeated him, and cut off his head. Think not that ever a monarch will forgive such insults on his dignity, or that any reconciliation with him can be cordial or sin- cere. Depend no longer on the precarious favour of another. Assume yourself the sovereignty over a country, to the dominion of which your family has a title founded on the rights both of discovery and con- quest. It is in your power to attach every Spaniard in Peru of any consequence inviolably to your interest by liberal grants of lands and of Indians, or by instituting ranks of nobility, and creating titles of honour similar to those which are courted with so much eagerness in Europe. By establishing orders of knighthood, with privileges and distinctions resembling those in Spain, you may bestow a gratification upon the officers in your service, suited to the ideas of military men. Nor is it to your countrymen only that you ought to attend j endeavour to gain the natives. By marrying the Coya, or daughter of the Sun next in succession to tlie crown, you will induce the Indians, out of veneration for the blood of their ancient princes, to unite with the Spa- niards in support of your authority. Thus, at the head Oi the ancient inhabitants of Peru, as well as of the new settlers there, you may set at defiance the power of Spain, and repel with ease any feeble force which it can send at such a distance." Cepeda, the lawyer, who was now Pizarro's confidential counsellor, warmly seconded Carvajal's exhortations, and employed whatever learning he possessed in demonstrating, that all the founders of great monarchies had been raised to pre-eminence, not by tlie antiquity of their lineage, or the validity of their rights, but by their own aspiring valour and personal merit. Pizarro listened attentively to both, and could not conceal the satisfaction with which he contemplated the object that they presenti-d to his view. But happily for the tranquillity of the world, few men possess that supe- rior strength of mind, and extent of abilities, which are capable of forming and executing such daring schemes, as cannot be accomplished without overturning the established order of society, and violating those maxims of duty which men are accustomed to hold sacred. The mediocrity of Pi/arro's talents circumscribed his ambi- tion within more narrow limits. Instead of aspiring at independent power, he confined his views to the obtain- ing from the court of Spain a coufirmation of the authority which he now'possessed ; and for that par- pose he sent an officer of distinction thither, to give such a representation of his conduct, and of the state of the country, as might induce the emperor and his minis- ters, either from inclination or from necessity, to con- tinue him in his present station. While Pizarro was deliberating with respect to the part which he should take, consultations were held in Spain, with no less solicitude, concerning the measures which ought to be pursued in order to re-establish the emperor's authority in Peru. Though unacquainted with the last excesses of outrage to which the malcon- tents had proceeded in that country, the court had received an account of the insurrection against the viceroy, of his imprisonment, and the usurpation of the government by Pizarro. A revolution so alarming called for an immediate interposition of the emperor's abilities and authority. But as he was fully occupied at that time in Germany, in conducting the war against the famous league of Smalkalde, one of the most in« teresting and arduous enterprises in his reign, the care of providing a remedy for the disorders in Peru devolved upon his son Philip, and the counsellors whom Charles had '.ppointed to assist him In the government of Spain during his absence. At first view, the actions of Pizarro and his adherents appeared so repugnant to the duty of subjects towards their sovereign, that the greater part of the ministers Insisted on declaring them instantly to be guilty of rebellion, and on proceeding to punish them with exemplary rigour. But when the fervour of their zeal and indignation began to abate, innumerable ob- stacles to the execution of this measure presented them- selves. The veteran bands of infantry, the strength and glory of the Spanish armies, were then employed in Germany. Spain, exhausted of men and money by a lung series of wars, in which she had been involved by the restless ambition of two successive monarchs, could not easily equip an armament of sufficient force to re- duce Pizarro. To transport any respectable body of troops to a country so remote as Peru, appeared almost impossible. While Pizarro continued master of the South Sea, the direct route by Nombre de Dios and Panama wiis impracticuble. An attempt to march to Quito by land through the new kingdom of Granada, and the province of Popayan, across regions of prodi- gious extent, desolate, unhealthy, or iiihabitod by fierce and hostile tribes, would be attended with unsurmount- ablc danger and hardships. The passage to the South Sea by the Straits of Magellan wun so tedious, so un- certain, and so little known in that age, that no confi- dence could be placed in any effort carried un in a course of navigation so remote and precarious. Nothing then remained but to relinquish the system which the ardour 238 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book vr. il ) -s ' r -'4 i of their loyalty had first suggested, and to attempt by lenient measures what could not be effected by force. It was manifest, from PIzarro's solicitude to represent his conduct in a favourable light to the em|)eror, that, notwithstanding the excesses of which he had been guilty, he still retained sentiments of veneration for his sovereign. By a proper application to these, to- gether with some ^uch concessions as should discover a spirit of moderation and forbearance io government, there was still room to hope that he might be yet reclaimed, or the ideas of loyalty natural to Spaniards might so far revive among his followers, that they V'ould no longer lend their aid to uphold his usurped authority. The success, however, of this negociation, no less delicate than it was important, depended entirely on the abilities and address of the person to whom it should be committed. After weighing with much at- tention the comparative merit of various persons, the Spanish ministers fixed with unanimity of choice upon Pedro de la Gasca, a priest in no higher station than that of counsellor to the Inquisition. Though in no public office, he had been occasionally employed by government in affairs of trust and consequence, and had conducted them with no less skill than success ; displaying a gentle and insinuating temper, accompa- nied with much firmness ; probity, superior to any feel- ing of private interest ; and a cautious circumipection in concerting measures, followed by such vigour in executing them, as is rarely found in alliance with the other. These qualities marked him out for the func- tion to which he was destined. The emperor, to whom Gasca was not unknown, warmly approved of the choice, and comnmnicuted it to him in a letter containing expressions of goodwill and confidence, no less honourable to the prince who wrote, than to the subject who received it. Gasca, notwithstanding his advanced age and feeble constitution, and though, from the apprehensions natural to a man, who, during the course of his life, had never been out of his own country, he dreaded the effects of a long voyage, and of an unhealthy climate, did not hesitate a moment about complying with the will of his sovereign. But as a proof that it was from this principle alone he acted, lie refused a bishopric which was ofFercd to him, in order that he might appear in Peru with a more dig- nified charr uji , he would accept of no higher title than that of |. ident of the court of audience in Lima; and declared that he would receive no salary on ac- count of his diseharging the duties of that oflice. All he required was, that the expence of supporting his family should be defrayed by the public, and at he was to go like a minister of peace, with his gown and bre- viary, and without any retinae but a few domestiei, this would not load the revenue with any enormous burden. But while he discovered such disinterested modera- tion with respect to whatever related personally to him- self, he demanded his official powers io a very different tone. He insisted, as he was to be employed in a country so remote from the seat of government, where he could not have recourse to his sovereign for new instructions on every emergence ; and as the whole success of his negociations must depend upon the con- fidence which the people with whom he had to treat could place in the extent of his powers, that he ought to be invested with unlimited authority ; that his juris- diction must reach to uU persons and to all causes ; that he must be empowered to pardon, to punish, or to reward, as circumstances and the behaviour of diffc-reiit men might require ; that in case of resistance from the malcontents, he might be authorised to reduce them to obedience by force of arms, to levy troops fur that purpose, and to call for assistance from the go- vernors of all the Spanish settlements in America. These powers, though manifestly conducive to the great objects of his mission, appeared to the Spanish mi- nisters to be inalienable prerogatives of royalty, whicii ought not to be delegated to a subject, and they re- fused to grant them. But the emperor's views were more enlarged. As, from the nature of his employ. ment, Gasca must be entrusted with discretionary power in several points, and all his efforts mi^riit prove ineffectual if he was circumscribed in any one parti- cular, Charles scrupled not to invest him with autliority to the full extent that he demanded. Highly satisfied with this fresh proof of his master's confidence, Cinsca hastened his departure, and, without either money or troops, set out to quell a formidable rebellion. -~ On his arrival at Nombre de Dios (July 27), he found Herman Mcxia, an officer of note, posted there, by order of Pizarro, with a considerable body of men tu oppose the landing of any hostile forces. But Gasca appeared in such pacific guise, with a train so little formidable, and with a title of no such dignity as to excite terror, that he was received with much respect. From Nombre de Dios he advanced to Panama, and met with a similar reception from Hinojosa, whom Pizarro had entrusted with the government of thiit town, and the command of his fleet stationed thirc. In both places he held the same language, declaring that he was sent by their sovereign as a messenger of peace, not as a minister of vengeance ; that he came to redress all their grievances, to revoke the laws whicli had excited alarm, to pardon past oflences, and to re- establish order and justice in the government of Peru. )0K VI. >mc8tici, normous inodera« ly to him- f different tyed in a :nt, where n for new the wliule n the con- id to treat tt he ought it hUjuris- all causes ; inish, or to of different stance from 1 to reduce y troops for om the go- In America, to the great Spanish mi- )yalty, whidi and they re- g views were his employ- discretionary mijrht prove ny one parti- rtth autliorlty ighly satisfied idence, (If^scu ler money or ion. \" (July 27), he losted tlicre, ody of in en to But Gasca train so little dignity as to much respect. Panama, ami nojosa, whom imcnt of tliiit tationcd there, lage, deolarinj messenger of hut he came to le laws which :es, and to re- jment of Peru. 1547.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. S39 His mild deportment, the simplicity of his manners, the sanctity of his profession, and a winning appear- ance of candour, gained credit to his declarations. The veneration due to a person clothed with legal authority, and acting in virtue of a royal commission, began to revive among men accustomed for some time to no- thing more fespectnble liian an usurped jurisdiction. Hinojosa, Mexia, and several other officers of distinc- tion, to each of whom Gasca applied separately, were gained over to his interest, ard waited only for some decent occasion of declaring openly in his favour. This the violence of Pizarro soon afforded them. As soon as lie heard of Gasca's arrival at Panama, though he received, at the same time, an account of the nature of his commission, and was informed of his offers not only to render every Spaniard in Peru easy concerning what was past, by an act of general oblivion ; but se- cure with rr"pect to the fpture, by repealing the ob- noxious laws ; instead of accepting with gratitude his sovereign's gracious concessions, he was so much exas- perated on finding that he was not to be continued in his station as governor of the country, that he instantly resolved to oppose the president's entry into Peru, and to prevent his exercising any jurisdiction there. To this desperate resolution he added another highly pre- posterous. He sent a new deputation to Spain to jus- tify this conduct, and to insist, in name of ail the communities in Peru, for a confirmation of the govern- ment to himself during life, as the only means of pre- serving tranquillity there. The persons entrusted with tliis strange commission, intimated the intention of Pizarro to the president, and required him, in his name, to depart from Panama and return to Spain. They carried likewise secret instructions to Hinojosa, directing him to offer Gasca a present of fifty thousand pesos, if he would comply voluntarily with what was demanded of him ; and if he should continue obstinate, to cut him off either by assassination or poison. Many circumstances concurred in pushing on Pizarro to those wild measures. Having been once accustomed to supreme command, lie could not bear the thoughts of descending to a private station. Conscious of his own demerit, he suspected that the emperor studied only to deceive him, and would never pardon the out- rages which he had committed. His chief confidents, no less guilty, entertained the same apprehensions. The approach of Gasca without any military force excited no terror. There were now above six thousand Sjianiards settled in Peru ; and at the head of these he doubted not to maintain his own independence, if the court of Spain should refuse to grant what he required. But he knew not that a spirit of defection had already begua to spread among those whom he trusted most. Hinojosa, amazed at Pizarro's precipitate resolution of setting himself in opposition to the emperor's commis- sion, and disdaining to be his instrument in perpetrating the odious crimes pointed out in his secret instructions, publicly recognized the title of the president to the su- preme authority in Peru. The officers under his com- mand did the same. Such was the contagious induence of the example, that it reached even the deputies who had been sent from Peru; and at the time when Pi- zarro expected to hear either of Gasca's return to Spain, or of his death, he received an account of his being master of the fleet, of Panama, and of the troops stationed there. 1547.] Irritated almost to madness by events so un- expected, he openly prepared for war ; and in order to give some colour of justice to his arms, appointed the court of audience in Lima to proceed to the trial of Gasca, for the crimes of having seized his ships, se- duced his officers, and prevented his deputies from proceeding in their voyage to Spain. Cepeda, though acting as a judge in virtue of the royal commission, did not scruple to prostitute the dignity of his function by finding Gasca guilty of treason, and condemning him to death on that account. Wild, and even ridi- culous as this proceeding was, it imposed on the low illiterate adventurers, with whom Peru was filled, by the semblance of a legal sanction warranting Pizarro to carry on' hostilities against a convicted traitor. Sol- diers accordingly resorted from every quarter to his standard, and he was soon at the head of a thousand men, the best equipped that had ever taken the field in Peru. Gasca, on his part, perceiving that force must be employed in order to accomplish the purpose of his mission, was no less assiduous in collecting troops from Nicaragua, Carthagena, and other settlements on the continent ; and with such success, that ho was soon in a condition to detach a squadron of his fleet, with a considerable body of soldiers, to the coast of Peru (April). Their appearance excited a dreadful alarm ; and though they did not attempt for sorr^ time to make any descen'., they did more effectual service, by setting ashore in different places persons who dis- persed copies of the act of general indemnity, and the revocation of the late edicts ; and who made known everywhere the pacific intentions, as well as mild temper, of the president. The effect of spreading this information was wonderful. All who were dissatisfied with Pizarro's violent administration, all who retained any sentiments of fidelity to lliiir sovi' reign, began to meditate revolt. Some openly deserted a cause whicl* they now deemed to be unjust. Centeno, leaving the cave in which he lay concealed, assembled about fifty j240 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [hook VI. i I ■■ar i - J* m of hU former adherents, and with this feeble half>armed band advanced boldly to Cuzco. By a sudden attack in he night-time, in which he displayed no less military >kill than valour, he rendered himself master of that capital, though defended by a garrison of five hundred n)en. Most of these having ranged themselves under his banners, he had soon the command of a respectable body of troops. Pizarro, though astonished at beholding one enemy approaching by sea, and another by land, at a time when he trusted to tlie union of all Peru in his favour, was of a spirit more undaunted, and more accustomed to the vicissitudes of fortune, than to be disconcerted or ap- palled. As the danger from Centeno's operations was the most urgent, he instantly set out to oppose him. Having provided horses for all his soldiers, he marched with amazing rapidity. But every morning he found his force diminished, by numbers who had left him during the night ; and though he became suspicious to excess, and punished without mercy all whom he sus- pected, the rage of desertion was too violent to be checked. Before he got within sight of the enemy at Huarina, near the lake Titiaca, he could not muster more than four hundred soldiers. But these he justly considered as men of tried attachment, on whom he might depend. They were indeed the boldest and most desperate of his followers, conscious, like himself, of crimes for which they could hardly expect forgiveness, and without any hope but in the success of their arms. With these he did not hesitate to attack Centeno's troops (October 20), though double to his own in number. The royalists did not decline the combat. It was the most obstinate and bloody that had hitherto been fought in Peru. At length the intrepid valour of Pizarro, and the superiority of Carvajal's military talents, triumphed over numbers, and obtained a complete victory. Tiie booty was immense,* and the treatment of the van- quished cruel. By this signal success the reputation of Pizarro was re-established, and being now deemed invincible in the field, his army increased daily in number. But events happened in other parts of Peru, which more than counterbalanced the splendid victory at Hua- rina. Pizarro had scarcely left Lima, when the cilizins, weary of his oppressive dominion, erected the royal standard, ai.d Aldana, with a detachment of soldiers from * It amounted, according to Fernandez, the best informed historian ot tlmt jieriod, to one million four hundred thousand pesos. — Lib. ii. c. 79. t Carvajal, from the beginning, had been an advocate for an accommopointed the general rendezvous of his troops in the fertile valley of Xauxa, on the road to Cuzco. There he remained fur some months, not only that lie might have time to make another attempt towards an accommodation with I'i- zarro, but that he might train his new soldiers to the use of arms, and accustom them to the discipline of a camp, before he led them against a body of victorious veterans. Pizarro, intoxicated with the success which iiad hitherto accompanied his arms, and elated with liaving again near a thousand men under his command, refused to listen to any terms, althougli Ccpeda, toge- ther with several of his officers, and even Carvajal him- sclf,t gave it as their advice to close with the president's ofler of a general indemnity, and the revocation of tiie obnoxious laws. Gasca having tried in vain every ex- pedient to avoid erobruing his hands in tiic bluod of his countrymen, began to move towards Cuzco (Dec. 19), at the iieud of sixteen hundred men. Pijarro, confident of victory, suft'ered the royalists to puss uil the rivers which lie between Guanianga and Cuzco without opposition [1348], and to advance wiUiin four leagues of that capital, flattering himself that a defeat ill such a situation us rendered escii[)c impracti- cable would at once terminate the war. He tiu-a marched out to meet the enemy (April i>), and Carvajal chose his ground, and made the disposition of the troups with the discerning eye, and profound knowledge in the art of war, conspicuous in ail his operations. As the two armies moved forward slowly to the charge, safest measure. When the president's offers were first com- municated to Carvajal, " Uy our Lady, (said he, in that strain of buffoonery which was familiar to him,) the piiest issucii gracious bulls. He gives tiiem both good and cliea|i ; let us n«>t only accept them, but wear them as reliques about our Decks."*-/'ernaRdez, lib. ii. c. 63. lOK VI. the same red men. nt in the uation of /uzco and snrro ; all , ncknow- his num- le interior liinued to very occa- st witliout to punisli, civcd them rning to a »ce, he did jointed the le valley of :maincd for me to make )n with l*i- diers to the iciijline of a f victorious iccess which elated xvith IS command, cpcda, togc- arvajal him- e president's :alion of the in every ex- blood of his (Dec. 19), e royalists to laaianga and vantc wiUiin msclf that a pe impraeti- Me tlieu and Carvajal of the troops mowledge in rations. As the charge, were fHi.t coiii- e, in that strain le jiiiest issiu'ii cheni) ; let us ques about our the appearance of each was singular. In ihat of Pizano, composed of men enriched with the spoils of the most opnicnt country in America, every officer, and almost all the private men, were clothed in stufl's of silk, or brocade, embroidered with gold and silver ; and their hor.ics, their arms, their standards, were adorned with all the pride of military pomp. That of Gasca, though not so splendid, exhibited what was no less striking. He himself, accompanied by the archbishop of Lima, the bishops of Quito and Cuzco, and a great number of crclesiastics, marching along the lines, blessing the men, and encouraging them to a resolute discharge of their duty. \V hen both armies were just ready to engage, Ccpcda set spurs to his horse, galloped otf, and surrendered liiuiself to tlie president. Garcilasso de la Vega, and otlur oflicers of note, followed his example. The revolt vf persons in such high rank struck all with amaze- ment. The mutual contidencc on which the union and strength of armies depend, ceased at once. Distrust and consternation spread from rank to rank. Some silently slipped away, others threw down their arms, the greatest number went over to the royalists. Pizarro, I'arvajal, and some leaders, employed authority, threats, and entreaties, to stop them, but in vain. In less than half an hour, a body of men, which might have decided the fate of the Peruvian empire, was totally dispersed. Pizarro, seeing all irretrievably lost, cried out in amaze- ment to a few oflicers who still faithfully adhered to him, " What remains for us to do?" — " Let us rush," replied one of them, " upon the enemy's firmest bat- talion, and die like Romans." Dejected with such a reverse of fortune, he had not spirit to follow this sol- dierly counsel, and with u tameness disgraceful to his former fame, he surrendered to one of Gasca's officers. Carvajal, endeavouring to escape, was overtaken and seized. Gasca, happy in this bloodless victory, did not stain It with cruelty. Pizarro, Carvajal, and a small number of the most distinguished or notorious offendery, were punished capitally. Pizarro was beheaded on the day after he surrendered. He submitted to his fate with a composed dignity, and seemed desirous to atone by re- pentance for the crimes which he had committed. The end of Carvajal was suitable to his life. On his trial he offered no defence. When the sentence adjudging him .0 be hanged was pronounced, he carelessly replied, ■' One can die but once." During the interval between the sentence and execution, he discovered no sign either ■if remorse for the past, or of solicitude about the future ; scoffing at all who visited him^ in his usual sarcastic vein of mirth, with the same qaickness of repartee and ,;ross pleasantry a« at any other period of his life. 21—22. HISTORY OF AMERICA. ^41 Cepeda, more criminal than either, ought to have shared the same fate ; but the merit of having deserted his associates at such a critical moment, and with such de- cisive ciTect, saved him from immediate punishment. He was sent, however, as a prisoner to Spain, and died in confinement. In the minute detail which the contemporary histo- rians have given of the civil dissensions that raged in Peru, with little interruption, during ten years, many circumstances occur so striking, and which indicate such an uncommon state of manners, as to merit particular attention. Though the Spaniards who first invaded Peru were of the lowest order of society, and the greater part of those who afterwards joined them were persons of des- perate fortune, yet in all the bodies of troops brought into the field by the different leaders who contended for superiority, not one man acted as a hired soldier, that follows his standard for pay. Every adventurer in Peru considered himself as a conqueror, entitled, by his services, to an establishment in that country which had been acquired by his valour. In the contests between the rival chiefs, each chose his side as he was directed by his own judgment or afl'ections. He joined his com- mander as a companion of his fortune, ^d disdained to degrade himself by receiving the wages of a mercenary. It was to their sword, not to pre-eminence in ofhce, or nobility of birth, that most of the leaders whom they followed were indebted for their elevation ; and each of their adherents hoped, by the same means, to open a way for himself to the possession of power and wealth. But though the troops in Peru ser^'cd without any regular pay, they were raised at immense expcnce. Among men accustomed to divide the spoils of an opu- lent country, the desire of obtaining wealtli acquired incredible force. The ardour of pursuit augmented in proportion to the hope of success. \\ here all were intent on the same object, and under the dominion of the same passion, there was but one mode of gaining men, or of securing their attachment. OlTiccrs of name and influence, besides the promise of future establish- ments, received in hand large gratuities from the chief with whom they engaged. Gonzalo Pizarro, in order to raise a thousand men, advanced five hundred thou- sand pesos. Gasca expended in levying the troops which he led against Pizarro nine hundred thousand pesos. The distribution of property, bestowed as the reward of services, was still more exorbitant. Cepeda, as the recompence of his perfidy and address, in per- suading the court of royal audience to give the sanction of its authority to the usurped jurisdiction of Pizarro, received a grant of lands which yielded an annual income S s S41J HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book VI. ?' il^..' ^: r of a liiindrod and fifty thousand pesos. Hinojosa, Tvlu), by his curly defection from Pizarro, and surrender of the fleet to (iiise.i, decided the fiitecjf Peru, obtained a district of country alVording two hundred tiiousand pesos of yearly value. While such rewards were dealt out to the principal oflicers, with more than royal mu- nificence, proportional shares were conferred upon those of inferior rank. Such a rapid chauijc of fortune produced its natural effects. It gave birth to new wants, and new desires. Veterans long iiccusloined to hardship and toil, acquired of a sudden a taste r>r profuse and incon>idcrate dissi- pation, and indulged in all the excesses of military licentiousness. The riot ol low debauchery occupied some; a relish for expensive luxuies spread among others. The meanest soldier in Peru would have thoiiirht himself dejj^raded by nirirehini^ on foot; and at a time when the prices of horses in that country were exor- bitant, each insisted on !»cinj furnished with one be- fore he would take the field. Rut though less patient nr.der the fali^^ue and hardships of «ervice, they were ready to face uu;iu:('r and deatli with as much intrepidity as ever ; and animated by the hope of new rewards, they .tvcv failed, on flie day of battle, to display all their ancient vi.'iMir. Tcgether with their courage, they retained all the f Tocity by which tiicy were originally distinguished. Civil discord never raged with a more fell spirit than among the Spaniards in Peru. To all the passions which usually envenom contests among countrymen, avarice was added, and rendered their enmity more rancorous. Eagerness to seize the valuable forfeitures expected upon the death of every opponent, shut the door against mercy. To be wealthy, \va, of itself suf- ficient to expose a man to act 'sation, or to subject him to punishment. On the slightest suspicions, Pi- zarro condemned many of the most opulent inhabitants in Peru to death. C arvajal, without searching for any pretext to justify his cruelty, cut off many more. The number of those who suffered by the hand of th»' exe- cutioner, was not much inferior to what fell in the field ;* and the greater part was condemned without the formality of any legal trial. Tlic violence with which the contending parties treated their opponents was not accompanied with its usual attendants, attaciiment and fidelity to those with whom they acted. The ties of honour which ought to be held sacred among soldiers, and the principle of in- tegrity, interwoven as thoroughly in the Spanish cha- fX- '*§! * During the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro, seven hundred men were killed in battle, and three hundred and eighty were hanged or beheaded. Herrera, dec. 8. lib. iv, c. 4. Above raeter as in that of any nation, seem to have been equally forgotten. Even regard for decency, and the sense of shame, were totally lost. During their dis- sensions, there was hardly a Spaniard in Peru who did not abandon the party which he had orijrinally espoused, betray the associates with whom he had united, atul violate the engagement'* under which he had eonie. The viceroy \ugncz \'ela was ruined by the treachery of C'epcda and the other judges of the royal audience, who were bound by the duties of their function t(» have supported his authority. The chief advisers and companions of Gcnzalo Pizarro's revolt were the first to forsake him, and submit to his enemies. His fleet was given up to Gasea, by the man whom he had singled out among his oflicers to entrust with that important command. On the day that was to decide his fate, an army of veterans, in sight of the enemy, threw down their arms without striking a blow, and deserted a leader who had often conducted them to victory. In- stances of such general anc llieir ilis- u who (lid espoused, nitud, and had come. ; treachi'ry audience, unction to Jviscrs and e tl»e first His fleet had singled t important his fate, an threw down deserted a ictory. In- empt of the nan to man, cly occur in moved from s of law and gain is un- »y cover tl\e can find any the perfidy, %paniRrds in ents in every tranquillity ut two very py the pvesi- immedliitely Lirbulciit iuul was lilled, as commotions, upon those indebted for in some mea- Ic Valdivia to y empowering y of the vast The rcpu- ; hopes of ac- aence in some most indigent dards, drained njal. rcrnande:, i«e put to a vio- off no inconaidcrnbic portion of that mutinous spirit which Gasca dreaded. The latter was an affair of greater difficulty, and to be adjusted with a more attentive and delicate hand. The repariimientos, or allotments of lands and Indians which fell to be distributed, in consequence of the death or forfeiture of the former possessors, exceeded two millions of pesos of yearly rent. Gasca, when now absolute master of this immense property, re- tained the same disinterested sentiments which he had originally professed,. and refused to reserve the smallest portion of it for himself. But the number of claim- ants was great ; and whilst the vanity or avarii e of every individual fixed the value of his own services, and estimated the recompence which he thought due to him, the pretensions of each were so extravagant, that it was impossible to satisfy all. Gasca listened to tlicm one by one, with the most patient attention ; and that he might have leisure to weigh the comparative merit of their several claims with accuracy, he retired, with the archbishop of Lima and a single secretary, tu a village twelve leagues from Cuzco. There he spent several days in allotting to each p district of lands and number of Indians, in proportion to his idea of their past services and future importance. But that he might get beyond the reach of the tierce storm of cla- mour and rage, which he foresaw vould burst out on the publication of his decree, notwithstanding the im- partial equity with which he had framed it, he set out lor Lima, leaving the instrument of partition sealed up, with orders not to open it for some days after his departure. The indignation excited by publishing the decree of partition (Aug. 24) was not less than Gasca had ex- pected. Vanity, avarice, emulation, envy, shame, rage, and all the other passions which most vehemently agitate the minds of men when both their honour and their interest are deeply afi'ected, conspired in adding to its violence. It broke out with all the fury of mi- litary insolence. Calumny, threats, and curses, were poured out openly upon the president. He was ac- cused of ingratitude, of partiality, and of injustice. Among soldiers prompt to action, such seditious dis- course would have been soon followed by deeds no less violent, and they already began to turn their eyes to- wards somo discontented leaders, expecting them to stand forth in redress of their wrongs. By some vigo- rous interpositions of government, a timely clicck was given fo this mutinous spirit, and the danger of An- other civil war was averted for the present. 154;).] Gasca, however, perceiving that the flame was suppressed rather than extinguished, laboured with the utmost assiduity to soothe the malcontents, by promising rcpartimientos, wlicn they fell vacnnt, tu others, and by caressing and flattering all. But that the public security might rest on a foundation more stftbic than their good affection, he cndcnvonnd to strengthen the hands of his successors in olVice, by re- establishing the regular administration of justice in every part of the empire. He introduced order and simplicity into the mode of collecting; the royal n-vcnuc. He issued regulations concerning the treatment of the Indians, well calculated to protect them from oppres- sion, and to provide for their instruction in tiie ])rin- ciplcs of religion, without depriving the Spaniards of the benefit accruing from their labour. Havioff now accomplished every object of his mission [1530], (iiisca, longing to return again to a private station, commiited the government of Pexu ) the court of audience, nnd set out for Spain (Feb 1). As, during the annroliy and turbulence of the four last years, there had besn no remittance made of the royal revenue, he carried with hiui thirteen hundred thousand pesos of public numey, which the ceconomy and order of his adniinislralion enabled him to save, after paying all the cxpcnces of the war. He was received in his native country with universal admiration of his abilities, and of his virtue. Both were, indeed, highly conspicuous. Witliout army, *ir fleet, or public funds ; with a train so simple, that only three thousand ducats were expended in eqnippin;; him, he set out to oppose a formidable rebellion. By his address and talents he supplie ic- tory had hitherto attended, and in place of anriU-K; r I'l usurpation, he established tlie government of laws, iid the authority of the rightful sovereign. But the priise hrsto-.ved on his abilities was exceeded by that wli'ch his viilue merited. Ai'tor residing in a coun'ry ulicre wealth presented allurements which had seduced every person who had hitherto posscssc ! jower there, he re- lumed frsini tluit trying stal..in v,ith integvity not o'.ly untainted but unsuspected. Alter distributing anmiifj his countrymen possessions of greater extent ani value than had ever been in the disposal of a subject in any age fT nation, lie himself remained in his original st ite of poverty ; and at the very time when he b.'juglit such a large recruit to the royal treasury, he was obliged t » apply by petition for a small .sum to dischavire some petty debts which he had contracted during the course of his service. Cliarles was not insensible to such dis- interested merit. Gasca wa.^ received by him with the S s 2 #;> f 944 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book vu. most lUstin^uishinp mnrks of pstecin, and being pro- moted to the bishopric of Pnlunrin, he passed tiic re- nuiindcr of his days in the tranquillity uf retirement, respected by his country, honoured by his sovereign, and beloved by all. Notwitiistanding nil Gascn's wise regulations, the tranquillity of Peru \tas not of lonf^ continuance. In a country, where the authority of ptivi'inincnt iiad been alnnost forgotten during the long" prevalence of anarchy and misrule, where there were disappointed leaders ripe for revolt, and seditious soldiers ready to follow them, it was not difficult to niisc combustion. Several suc- cessive insurrections dcsoliited the country for tome years. But as those, tliou^'h fierce, were only transient atorms, excited rather by the ambition and turbulence of particular men, than by general or public motives, the detail of them h not the object of this history. These commotions in Peru, like every thing of extreme . violence either in the natural or political budy, were not of long duration, and by carrying ofl° the corrupted humours which had given rise to the disorders, thejr contributed in the end to strengthen the society wliieh ut first they threatened to destroy. During their tierce coutests, several of the first invaders of Peru, and many of those licentious adventurers whom the fame of their success had allured thither, fell by each other's hands. Each of the parties, as they alternately prevailed in the struggle, gradually cleared the country of a number of turbulent spirits, by executing, proscribing, or banish- ing their opponents. Men less enterprising, less des- perate, and more accustomed to move in the path ot sober. and peaceable industry, settled in Peru; and the roynl authority was gradually established as iirmly there as in the other Spanish colonies. BOOK VII. l>t:- j;- View qfthe iiistitutiuns and manners of the Mexicans and Peruvians — Civilized shiles in comparison of oilier Ame- ricans — Recent origin of the Mexicans— Facts tchicli prove their progress in civilization— Fiew of their polinj in its various branches — of their arts — Facts ivhich indicate a small progress in civilization — H'hnt opinion should be formed in comparing those contradictory facts — Genius of their religion — Peruvian monarchy more ancient— Its policy foumltd on religion— Singular effects of this— Peculiar state of property among the Pcm- vians — Thvir public works and arts — roads— bridges — buildings — Their wiicarlike spirit — f'iew of other domi- nions of Spain in Amiricu—Cmaloa and Sonora — California — Vucatan and Honduras — Chili — Tucuman— Kingdom if Tierra Firmc — New kingdom of Grenada, J\.S the conquest of the two great ::mplres of Mexico and Peru forms the most splendid and interesting period in the history of America, a view of their political in- stitutions, and a description of their national manners, * In my enquiries concerning the manners and policy of tlie Mexicans, 1 have received much iiitorrnation froai a \m^c ma- nuscript of Don Alonso de Coiita, one of tiie jii(I(it's in the Court of Audience of Mexico. In tlic year \^>y,\, I'iiilip II. in order to discover the mode of levying trlhiilc fioin liis Indian subjects, that would be most liencficin! to the rrown, and least rppressive tothcni, addressed a mandate to all the (.'ourl* of Auiliencc in America, enjoiurug them to ansu er certain queries whitli Lc proposed to them, coiiCcrning the ancient form of government established among the various nations of Indians, and the mode in which they had been accustomed to pay taxes to their krugs or chiefs. In obedience to thi.H mandate, Corita, who hud rebidcd nineteen years in America, fourteen of which he passed in New Spain, composed the work of which I have a copy. lie acquaints his sovereign, that he had made it an object during his residence in America, and in all its provinces wLicb he bad visited, to inquire diligently into the maa&cw will exhibit the human species to the contemplation of intelligent observers in a very singular stage of its pro- gress When compared with other parts of the New World, and customs of the natives ; that he had conversed for this purpose with many aged and intelligent Indians, and consulted several of the Spanish ecclesiastics, who understood the Indian lunguagcs most perfectly, particularly some of those who landed in New Spain soon after the conquest. Corita appears fo be a man of some learning, and to have earricil on his inquiries with the d'digenee and accuracy to which he pretends. (Jreatcr credit is duo to his testimony from one ciicumstancc. His work was not composed with a view to publication, or in sup- port of any particular theory, but contains simple, though full answers, to queries proposed to him offieinliy. Though Her- rera does not mention him among the authors whom he had followed as guides ia his history, 1 should suppose, from seve- ral facts of which he takes notice, as well as Irom several ex- pressions which he uses^ thtt this memorial of Corita was not oDknowB to bim. BOOK VII'] HISTORY OF AMERICA. !:45 Hflioo Mid Peru m%j be eonildered m polished state*. Instead of email independent, hostile tribes, jiru(tgling for subsistence amidst wuods and marshes, t\"">f!;er% to industry aud arts, unacquainted with sub- ,,:dination, and almost without the appcaraiico of re- gular frovernment, wc find countries of great extent subjected to the dominion of one sovereign, tlic inha- bitants collected together in cities, the wisdom and foresight of rulers employed in providing for the main- tcnunce and security of the people, the empire of luws in some measure established, the authority of religion recognized, many of the arts esscntiiil to life brought to some degree of maturity, and the dawn of such as are ornamental beginning to oppear. But If the comparison be made with the people of the sncient continent, the inferiority of America in iniprovc- iiivnt will be conspicuous, and neither the Mexicans nor Peruvians will be entitled to rank with those nations which merit the name uf civilized. The people of both the great empires in America, like the rude tribes around them, were totally unacquainted with the useful metals, and the progress which they hiid made in extending tlieir dominion over the animal creation was inconsi- derable. The Mexicans had gone no farther than to tume and rear turkeys, ducks, a species of small dogs, and rabbits. By this feeble essay of ingenuity, the means of subsistence were rendered somewhat mure plentiful and secure, than when mm depend solely on hunting ; but they had no idea of attempting to subdue the more robust animals, or of deriving any aid from tJK'ir ministry in currying on works of labour. The Peruvians seem to have neglected the inferior animals, and had not rendered any of thcili domestic except the liuck ; but they were more fortunate in taming the Llama, an animal peculiar to their country, of u form which bears some resemblance to a deer, and some to a c;\iiiel, aud is of a si/o soiiiewiuit larger than a sheep. Under the protection of man, this species ntultiplicd greatly. Its wool furnished the I'eriiviuns with cloth- ing, its flesh with food. It was even employed as a bi-nst of burden, and carried a moderate load with much patience and duciiity. It was never used for draught ; and the breed bcini^ contined to the mountainous coun- try, its service, if we may judge by incidents which occur in tlie early Spanish writers, was not very exten- sive among the IVruvuiiis in their original state. In tracing the line by whiel) nations proceed towards civilization, the discovery of the useful metals, and the acquisition of dominion over the animal creation, have been marked as steps of capital importance in tlicir pro- gress. In our continent, long after men had attained both, society continued in that state which is denomi- nated barbarous. Even with all that command over nature which these confer, many ages elapse, before industry becomes to regular as to render subkistence secure, before the arts which aupply the wants and fur- nish the accommodations of life are brou<(iit to any con- siderable degree of perfection, nnd bet ore any idea is conceived of various institutions requisite in a well- ordered society. The Mexicans and i'eiuviuns, without knowledge of the useful metals, or the aid of domestic uiiimuU, laboured under disadvantages which must have greatly retarded their progress, and in their higliest state of improvement their power was so limited, and their operations so feeble, that they can hardly be con- sidered as having advanced beyond the infancy of civil life. After this general observation concerning the most singulttr and distinguishing circumstance in the state of both the great empires in America, I shall endeavour to give such a view of the constitution and interior police of each, as may enable us to ascertain tlieir place in the political scale, to allot 'them tlieir proper station between the rude tribes in the New World, and the polished states of the ancient, and to determine how far they had risen above the former, as well as how much they fell below the latter. Mexico was first subjected to the Spanish crown. But our ocquuintancc with its laws and uianners is not, from that circumstance, more complete. What I have re- marked concerning the defective and inaccurate infor- mation on which we must rely with respect to the con- dition and customs of the savage tribes in Ameriva, may be applied likewise to our knowledge of the Mexicau empire. Cortes, and the rapacious adventurers who accompanied him, had not leisure or capacity to enrich either civil or natural history with new observations. They undertook their expedition in quest of one object, and seemed hardly to have turned their eyes towards any other. Or, if during some short interval of tran- quillity, when the occupations of war ceased, and the ardour of plunder was suspended, the institutions and manners of the people whom they had invaded drew their attention, the inquiries of illiterate soldiers were conducted with so little sagacity and precision, that the accounts given by them of the policy and order esta- blished in the Mexican monarchy are superficial, con- fused, nnd incx;>ltcable. It is rather from incidents which they rela;o occasionally, than from their own deductions and remarks, that we are enabled to form some idea of the genius and manners of that people.. The obscurity in which the ignorance of its conquerors involved the annals of Mexico, was augmented by the superstition of those who succeeded them. As the memory of past events was preserved among the Mexi- cans by figures paintc4 ou skins^ on cottou cloth, on a t ■ ( 245 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book vh. •!■ , ■ : ?■ Lf ■,ij . -■ '■■.i i' '^' ' .: i„;i 1 -4 ■ - ^ i H' r ■ i '4 1. : •■ It- I: il ^1. ki'iil of pasteboard, or on the bark of trees, the early >'Ms-ionaries, unable to comprehciul their meaning, and struek with their uncouth forms, conceived them to be monuments of idolatry which ougiit to be destroyed, in order to facilitate the conversion of the Indians. In obedience to an edict issued by Juan de Zummaraga, a Franciscan monk, the first bishop of Mexico, as many records of the ancient Mexican story as could be col- lected were committed to the flames. In consequence of this fanatical zeal of the monks who first visited New Spain (which tlicir successors soon began to la- ment), whatever knowledge of remote events such rude monuments contained was almost entirely lost, and no information remained concerning the jmcient rev9lutions and policy of the empire, but what was de- rived from tradition, or from some fragments of their historical paintings that escaped the barbarous re- searches of Zummaraga. From the experience of all nations it is manifest, that the memory of past trans- actions can neither be long preserved, nor be trans- mitted with any fidelity, by tradition. The Mexican paintings, which arc supposed to have served as annals of their empire, are few in number, and of ambiguous meaning. Thus, amidst the uncertainty of the former, and the obscurity of the latter, we must glean what intelligence can be collected fronj the scanty materials scattered in the Spanish writers.* According to the account of the Mexicans them- selves, their empire w;is not of long duration. Their country, as they relate, was originally possessed, rather * fn the first edition, I observed that in consequence of the de«vriiction of the iincicnt Mexican (wintiiigs, occasioned by the zeal of Zunuiiarag.i, whatever knowledge tliey might have coaveyrd was titlut'ly lust. Every candid reader must have perceived lliiit llio cx|)rcssi()u w.is inaccurate; as in a few lines afterwards I ineiitioii some ancient paintings to he still extant. M. Clavim'jo, not satisfied with laying hold of tills inaccurary, "hicli I collected in the Bubse1, I AaoHtil (:/ Hiittis, p. xxvi. V. II. 'AiH). My words, however, ave uliiiost the same with those of ronineinada, who seems to have been lu'iter acijnainteil with the ancient monuinents of the Mesirans than any S|ianiili author wh^ise works I liave Been. I/ih. xlv. e. fi. M. ( la^igero himself gives a descrip- tion of tlie destnietiou of ancient painti!it,'s in allno^t t!ie same tei'ms I liavo used; and nientiun-s, as .in additional reason of there Iniiig so sit. .11 a numhci' of ancient jiaiiititigs known to the Spaniards, tliat the natives have l)ei-OMR' S'.» solicitous to preserve and conceal tliem, thi'.t it is " tlillieult, if not iin- fossil)le, to make them part with one ol thorn." Vol. 1. 41)7. I. IU4. \o point tan he more asrertuined than that few of the Mexican historical paintings have been preserved. Though ueveral Spmiiauk Iiave carried on impiirles into the antiquities of the Mexican empire, no engravings from Mexican paintings than peopled, by small independent tribes, whose mode of life and manners resembled those of the rudest sa. vages which we have described. But about a period corresponding to the beginning of the tenth century ia the Christian sera, several tribes moved in successive migrations from unknown regions towards the north and north-west, and settled in diffiereut provinces of Anahuac, the ancient name of New Spain. These, more civilized than the original inhabitants, began to form them to the arts of social life. At length, towards the commencement of the thirteenth century, the Mexicans, a people more polished than any of the former, advanced from the border of the Californian gulf, and took possession of the plains adjiicent to the great lake near the centre of the country. After re- siding there about fifty years, they founded a town, since distinguished by the name of Mexico, whicli from humble beginnings soon grew to be the most consider- able city in the New World. The Mexicans, long al\ they were established in their new posscssiotis, coiuc nuctl, like other martial tribes in America, unacquainted with regal dominion, and were governed in peace, and conducted in war, by such as were entitled to pre-emi- nence by their wisdom or their valour. But among them, as in other sta»- ., whose power and territories become extensive, the supreme authority centered at last in a single person ; and when the Spaniards; under Cortes invaded the country, Montezuma was the ninth monarch in order who had swayed the Mexi- can sceptre, not by hereditary right, but by election. have been communicated to the ])iihlic, except those by Pi'v- chas, Geinelli Carreri, 'ind Iiorenzana. It afl'ords me some satisfaction, that in the course of my researches, I have dis- covered two collections of Mexican paintings which were un- known to former inquireis. The cut which I published is ai, exact copy of the o-iginal, and gives no high idea of the pro- gress which the Mexicans had made in the art of p.-iiiiliiit;. I eaunot conjecture what could induce M. t'lavigero to express some dLssatisfuction with me fcr haviiiu; published it without the same colour it has in the original |)uiiiting, p. xxix. He migiit hive rceollev'tid, that neither I'nrchas, nor (icmcUi t'arreii, nor I.orenziuia, thoiiLt'''- it necessary to colour the prints which they have pi'.biislied, and they have never hcca censured on that accouiu. He may rest assured, that thoui^h the colours in the [)ain'ings in the Im[)orial Library are re- markahlv bright, they are laid on Hithout art, and withoiil " any of that rei^ard to lij^'it niid shade, or the rules of per - spccfive," whieli M. ( lavigtre, requires. V. II. 3rH. If the public cxjiress any uesire to have the seven paintings still iu my possession engraved, I am ready to communicate theiii. The print pnhirshed hy Genielli Carreri, of tiie route of the nneietit Mexicans when they travelled towards the lake on which they built the capilal of their empire, ChurcliUl, \\>\. 1\', p. 4H1, is the !VOst finished monuiuent of art brought front tlie New World, and yet a very slit;}.* inspection of it Hill s.i- ilsfy every one, thi.t the annals of a nation conveyed in this manner must be very meagre and imperfect. BOOK VH. BOOK VII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 247 Such is the traditional tale of tlie Mexicans con- cerning the protrrt'ss of their ( people in the proviiicfs and towns of Aniericn, liiat it Is inipossililo to a^ccitain that of Mexico Itself witli any det'iv .tf [jrccision. ('ortc- ili';;i.ril)cs the extent and populousncss Me\'i'o in u'ericral 'criiis, wliich imply that it was not info i lo tiic ^ii-nti'st citi'S in Europe, iio- mara is more cxniuit, and afilrnis, that there were (iO.OOO houses or fartjilies in Mexico. — (V"M. 7ii. llfrrera adopts his opinion. Drc 2. 1;1). vii.c, 1,'i. ; iim. henencraiity of writers follow them implicitly without imjjiry or scruple. According which they employed. Their various productions were brought into commerce ; and by the exchange of them in the stated markets held in the cities, not only were their mutual wants supplied, in such orderly intercourse as chaiacterises ^ improved state of society, but their industry was daily rendered persevering and inventive. The distinction of ranks established in the Mexican em])ire is tlic next circumstance that merits attention. In surveying the savage tribes of America, we observed that consciousness of equality, and impatience of subor- dination, are sei.timents natural to man in the infancy of civil life. During peace, the authority of a sujurior is hardly felt among th.m, and even in war it is but little acknowledged. Strangers to the idea of pro- perty, the difference in condition resulting from the inequality of it is unknown. Birth or titles confer no pre-eminence ; it is oidy by personal merit and accom- pli-shments that distinction can be acquired. The form of society was very different among the Mexicans. The great bodv of the people was in a most humiliating state. A considerable number, known by tlic name of Muye- quvs, ne.T-ly resembling in condition those peasant* who, under various denominations, were considered, during the prevalence of the feudal system, as instruments of labour attached to the soil. The Mayeques could not change their place of residence without permission of th^ superior on whom they depended. They were con- veyed, together with the lands on which they were settled, from one proprietor to another ; and were bound to cultivate the ground, and to perform several kinds of servile work. Others were reduced to the lowest form of subjection, that of domestic servitude, and felt the utmost rigour of that wretched state. Their condition was held to be so vile, and their lives deemed to be of so little value, that a r^rson who killed one of these slaves was not subjected to any punishment. Even those considered as freemen were treated by their haughty lords as beings of an inferior species. The nobles, possessed of ample territories, were divided into various classes, to each of which peculiar titles of honour belonged. Some of these titles, like their lands, de- scended from father to son in perpetual succession. Others were annexed to particular offices, or conferred to this account, the inhabitants of Mexico must have been about 300,000. Torqucmada, with his usual propensity to the marvel- lous, asserts, that there were a hundred and twenty thousand houses or families in Mcxieo,and consequently about six hundred thousand inhabitants. — Lib. iii. c.23. Hut in a very jndii ions account of the Mexican empire, by one of Cortes"s officers, tlie population is fixed at 60,000 people.— iuimusio, iii. 30!), A. liven by this account, which probably is much nearer the truth than any of the foregoing, Mexico was a great city. i:iiu k >OK VII. BOOK Vll.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 24,9 ions were ; of them )nly were itcrcourse but their nventive. ' Mexican attention, : observed ;of subor- le iiifiiiicy a suiHTior r it is but :a of pro- ; from the I confer no mil accom- The form icans. The iatiiig state. c of Muye- itsant* who, ;red, duriiiji trumcnts of $ could not ermission of ;y were con- l tliey were were bound ernl kinds of owest form and felt the ir condition ncd to be of one of these nent. Even ;ed by tlieir )ecies. The divided into es of honour ir lands, de- succession. or conferred rtvc been about tothemarvel- _cnty thousiuid Dut six hundred very judicious I's officers, the sio, iii. 30!), A. learer the truth ity. ititiRg life ta marks of personal distinction. The monarch, exalted above all, enjoyed extensive power, and supreme dignity. Thus the distinction of ranks was completely established, in a line of regular subor- dination, reaching from the highest to the 'owest mem- ber of the community. Each of these .vocw what he could claim, and what he owed. The people, who were not allowed to wear a dress of the same fashion, or to dwell in houses of a form similar to those of the nobles, accosted them with the most submissive reverence. In the presence of their sovereign, they durst not lift their eyes from the ground, or look him in the face. The nobles themselves, when admitted to an audience of their sovereign, entered bare-footed, in mean garments, and, as his slaves, paid him homage approaching to ado- ration. This respect due from inferiors to those above them in rank, was prescribed with such ceremonious accuracy, tliat it incorporated with the language, and in- fluenced its genius and idiom. The Mexican tongue abounded in expressions of reverence and courtesy. The style and appellations, used in the intercourse be- tween equals, would have been so unbecoming in the mouth of one in a lower sphere, when he accosted a per- son in higher rank, as to be deemed an insult.* It is only in societies, which time and the institution of re- gular government have moulded into form, that we find sucli an orderly arrangement of men into different ranks, and such nice attention paid to their various rights. The spirit of tlie Mexicans, thus familiarized and bended to subordination, was prepared for submitting to monarchical government. But the descriptions of their policy and laws, by the Spaniards who overturned tlieni, are so inaccurate and contradictory, that it is dif- ficult to delineate the form of their consiitution with any precision. Sometimes they represent the monarchs of Mexico as absolute, deciding according to their plea- sure, with respect to every operation of the state. On other occasions, we discover the traces of established customs and laws, framed in order to circumscribe the power of the crown, and wc meet with rights and privi- leges of the nobles whicli seem to be opposed as barriers against its encroachments. Tiiis appearance of incon- sistency has arisen from inattention to the innovations of MontozuuKi upon the Mexican policy. His aspiring * It \i t.) v. T(.iril>io de Uinavouto that I am iudebted for this curious oliMivalfcn. ralai'ox, bishop of Ciudad de la I'lii'ljla Los Aiijfoie.s, eontw ins and illustrates it more fully. The Mexican (says he) is llni only laii^uuKe in which a terumiation iiulicatijig respect, mlm-nn rtirrvnlutles y de ivrleiia, may be iillixtd to eveiy word. i)y adding the liual syllabic zin or azm !<■ any word, it becomes a proper expression of venerulioii in the mouth of an inferior, if, in spealiing to an equal, the word Father is to jje used, it ib Tull, but uu inferior says Tat- 21 -.22. ambition subverted the original system of government, and introduced a pure despotism. He disregarded the ancient laws, violated the privileges held most sacred, and reduced 'lis subjects of every order to the level of slaves. The chiefs, or nobles of the first rank, sub- mitted to the yoke with such reluctance, that, from im- patience to shake it off, and hope of recovering their rights, many of them courted the protection of Cortes, and joined a foreign power against their domestic op- pressor. It is not then under the dominion of Monte- zuma, but under the government of his predecessors,lIiat we can discover what was the original form and genius of Mexican policy. From the foundation of the mo- narchy to the election of Montezuma, it seems to have subsisted with little variation. That body of citizens, which may be distinguished by the name of nobility, formed the chief and most respectable order in the state. They were of various ranks, as has been already ob- served, and their honours were acquired and transmitted in different manners. Their number seems to have been great. According to an author accustomed to examine with attention what he relates, there were in the Mexi- can empire thirty of this order, each of whom had in his territories about an hundred thousand people, and subordinate to these, there were about three Itiousand nobles of a lower class. The territories belonging to the chiefs of Tezeuco and Tacuba were hardly inferior in extent to those of the Mexican monarch. Each of these possessed complete territorial jurisdiction, and levied taxes from their own vassals, liut all followed the standard of Mexico in war, serving witii a number of men in proportion to their domain, and most of them paid tribute to its monarch as their superior lord. In tracing those great lines of the Mexican constit'i- tion, an image of fcudttl po'-.y, in its most rigid form, rises to view, and we disce ;; its three distinguishing characteristics, a notiiiity i I'ssesaiiig almost indc,)en- dcnt authority, a people dcjiicsocd into tlie lov\est state of subjection, and i\ kint^ entrusted witli the executive power of the state, 'is spirit and princii'les seem to have operated iu the iSew World in the sunie manner as in the ancient. The Jarlsdictiou of liie crown was extremely limited. All real and cllectlve antliorlty was retained by the Mexican nobles in tl\elr own hands, and the shadow of it onl left to the kiu^'. ,Je:ilo'..s lo excess zin. OiR'pri'st speal. ti."). 'I'lic Mexicans had not oidy ri\ereniial nui.n.,, but reve- rential xeib.-.. 'Ihc manner iu which tllt!!^c are lo^nifii irom the vorl)s in common n«,e, it; explained by I), .los. .\wg. Aldaiua y (Juevara iu his Mexican (jiramniar, No. l.'v-'. T t ^' S50 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book vn. •' I? ;:-,s ■' ? ■;P 'it ; ; ■ i -' t ,1.1- of their own rights, they guarded with the most vigilant anxiety against the eneroachments of their sovereigns. By a fundamental law of tlie empire, it was provided that the king should not determine concerning any point of general importance, without the approbation of a council composed of the prime nobility. Unless he obtuined their consent lie could not engage the na- tion in war, nor could he dispose of tlic most consi- derable branch of the public revenue at pleasure ; it was appropriated to certain purposes from which it could not be diverted by the regi.l authority alone. In order to secure full ellect to those constitutional re- straints, tlie Mexican nobles did not permit their crown to descend by inheritance, but disposed of it by election. The right of election seems to have been originally vested in the whole body of nobility, but was afterwards committed to six electors, of whom the chiefs of Tezeuco and Tacuba were always two. From respect for the family of their monarchs, the choice fell generally upon some person sprung from it. But as the activity and valour of their prince were of greater moment to a people perpetually engaged in war, than a strict adherence to the order of birth, collaterals of ma- ture age or of distinguisiied merit were often preferred to those who were nearer the throne in direct descent. To this maxim in their policy, tlie Mexicans appear to he indebted for such a succession of able and warlike princes, us raised their empire in a short period to that extraordinary height of power which it had attained when Cortes landed in New Spain. While the jurisdiction of the Mexican monarchs continued to be limited, it is probable that it was exer- cised with little ostentation. But as their authority became more extensive, tie splendour of their govern- ment augmented. It was in this last state that the Spaniards beheld itj and struck with the appearance of Montezuma's court, they describe its pomp at great length, and with much admiration. The number of his attendants, the order, the silence, and the reverence with wliich they served him ; the extent of his royal mansion, the variety of its apartments allotted to dif- * From comparing several passage!* in ( oritn and Herrcra, wc may collect, with some (U-^n'ti: .if acciwacy, the various modes in which the Mexicans c.)iitiibiitrt order seem to have been exempted from the payment of any tribute, and, as their only duty to the pnblic, were bound to personal service in war, and to follow the banner of tlieir sovereign with their vass.ila. U. The immediate v.issuk of the crown were bound not only to personal military service, but paid a certain proportion of the produce of their lands in kind. 3. Those who hvld offices of honour or trusty paid a certain share of what they received in consequence of holding these. 4. Each Capullte, or as- sociation^ cultivated some part of the common field allotted it, ferent officers, and the ostentation with which his grandeur was displayed, whenever he permitted his subjects to behold him, seem to reiemble the magni- ficence of the ancient monarchies ia Asia, rather than the simplicity of the infant states in the New World. But it was not in the mere parade of royalty that the Mexican potentates exhibited their power; they mani- fested it more beneficially in the order and regularity with which they conducted the internal administration and police of their dominions. Complete jurisdiction, civil as well as criminal, over its own immediate vas- sals, was vested in the crown. Judges were appointed for eacii department, and if we may rely on the account which the Spanish writers give of the maxims and laws upon which they founded their decisions with respect to the distribution of property and the punishment of crimes, justice was administered in the Mexican empire with a degree of order and equity resembling what takes place in societies highly civilized. Their attention in providing for the support of government was not less sagacious. Taxes were laid iipon land, upon the acquisitions of industry, and upon commodities of every kind exposed to sale in the public markets. These duties were considerable, but not ar- bitrary or unequal. They were imposed according to established rules, and each knew what share of the coniinon burden he had to bear. As the use of money was unknown, all the taxes were paid in kind, and thus not only the natural productions of all the different provinces in the empire, but every species of manufac- ture, and every work of ingenuity and art, were col- locteu in the public storehouses. From those tlie emperor supplied his numerous train of attendants in peace, and his armies during war, with food, with clothes, and ornaments. People of inferior condition, neither possessing land nor engaged in commerce, were bound to the performance of various services. By their stated labour the crown lands were cultivated, public works were carried on, and the various houses belonging to the emperor were built and kept in repair.* for the behoof of the crown, .ind deposited the produce in the royal granaries. 5. Some part of wiiatever was broiigiit to the public markets, whether fruits of the earth, or the various productions of their artists and manufacturers, was (lemiiiidid for the public use, and t!ie merchants who paid this wn.- exempted from every other tax. G. 'I'he Mii[icii>t ••'"'■'' ut, seems to liii' « BOOK VII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. S51 The improved state of government among the Mexi- cans is conspicuous, not only in points essential to the being of a well-ordered society, but in several regula- tions of inferior consequence with respect to police. The institution which I have already mentioned, of public couriers, stationed at proper intervals, to convey intelligence from one part of the empire to the other, was a refinement in police not introduced into any kingdom of Europe at that period. The structure of the capital city in a lake, with artificial dykes, and causeways of great length, which served as avenues to it from different quarters, erected in the water, vvitli no less ingenuity than labour, seems to be an idea tliat could not have occurred to any but a civilized people, 'i'hc same observation may be applied to the structure of the aqueducts, or conduits, by which they con- veyed a stream of frcsli water, from a considerable distance, into tlie city, along one of the causeways.* The appointment uf a number of persons to clean the streets, to iiglit tiiem by fires kindled in different places, and to patrole as watchmen during the night, discovers a degree of attention which even polished nations are late in acquiring. Tlie progress of the Mexicans in various arts, is coiisidered as the most decisive proof of their superior refinement. Cortes, and the early Spanish autliors, describe this with rapture, and maintain, that the most celebrated European artists could not surpass or even equal them in ingenuity and neatness of workmanship. They represented men, animals, and otlier objects, by su'>l> a disposition of various coloured feathers, as is said to have produced all the effects of light and siiadc, and to have imitated nature with truth a.id delicacy. Their ornaments of gold and silver have been described to be of a fabric no less curious. But in forming any been inconsiderable. Corita, in answer to one of the queries put to the Audience of Mexico by Philip II. endeavours to es- timate in money the value of what each t i;izen might be sup- posed to pay, and does not reckon it at more than three or four reals, about eighteen pence or two shillings a head. * Cortes, who seems to have been as much astonislicdwith this, as witli any instance of Mexican ingenuity, gives a par- ticular description of it. Along one of the causeways, says he, liy which they enter the city, are conducted two conduits, niiiiposed of clay tempered with mortar, about two paces in breadth, and raised about six feet. In one of them is con- veyed a stream of excellent water, as large as the body of a man, into the centre of the city, and it supplies all the inha- bitants plentifully. The other is empty, that wiien it is ne- cessary to clean, or repair the former, the stream of water may be turned into it. As this conduit passes along two of the bridges, where there are bridges in the causeways, tlirongh which the salt water of the lake flows, it is conveyed over them in pipes as large as the body of an ox, then carried from the conduit to the remote quarters of the city in canoes, and sold to the inhabitants. Rclat. ap. Ramus. 241^ A. idea, from general descriptions, concerning the state of arts among nations imperfectly polished, we are ex- tremely ready to err. In examining the works of people whose advances in improvement arc nearly the same with our own, wc view thcu> with a critical, and often with a jealous eye. Whereas, when conscious of our own superiority, we survey ll)e arts of nations compa- ratively rude, we arc astonished 'U works executed by them under such manifest disadv.ii.tages, and, in the warmth of our admiration, arc upf to rcprosLMit tlicm as productions more finished, tliun they really are. To the influence of tliis illusion, without supijosing any intention to deceive, we may imunte the exaggeration of some Spanish authors, in t)'cir accounts of the Mexican their sove- reign prompted them to hand down an ;c>. ;iit c^ his beneficent deeds to posterity; the firsi jjethod of accomplishing this, which seems to have Oct jrs ■; to thenr, was to delineate, in the best manner they id, figures representing the action of which they were soli- citous to preserve the memory. Of this, which has coiiiinand, and is now in the possession of his grandson. Lord Areher. I :iin indebted for liiis information (o oiy respectable and ingenious friend Mr. Hiirringr(*n — In the sixth volume of the Archaooldgia, p. 107, i* piiblislied an account of some masks of Terra ('()l:i, brouglit from a burying-ground on the American continent, about seventy miles from the British settlement on the iMo.squito shore. They arc said to be likenesses of chiefs, or other eminent persons. From the description and engrav- ings of them, we have additional proof of the imperfect state of arts among the Americans. * As a specimen of the spirit and stile in which M. Clavigero makes his strictures upon my History of America, 1 shall pub- lish his remarks upon this passage : " Thus far Kobertson ; " to whom we answer, first. That there is no reason to be- " lieve that thoae rude works were really Mexican ; secondly, " That neither do wa know whether those persons in whose " judgment he confides, may be persons fit to merit our faith, " because we have observed that Robertson trusts frequently " to the testimony of Gage, Correal, Ibagnez, and other such " authors, who are entirely undeserving of credit. — Thirdly, It " is more probable that the arms of copper, believed by those " intelligent judges to be certainly Oriental, are really Mexi- *' can." V. II. 391. When an author, not entirely destitute of integrity or discernment, and who has some solicitude about his own character, asserts that he received his information concerning any particular point from persons " on whose judg- ment and taste he can rely ;" a very slender degree of candour, one should think, might induce the reader to believe that he does not endeavour to impose upon the public by an appeal to testimony altogether unworthy of credit. My information very properly been called picturtifDriting, we find traces among some of tlie most savage tribes of Anoerica. When a leader returns from the field, he strips a tree bf its bark, and with red paint scratches upon it some uncoutii figures which represent the order of his march the number of his followers, the enemy whom he attacked, the scalps and captives which he brought home. To those simple annals he trusts for renown and soothes himself with hope that by their means he shall receive praise from the warriors of future times. Compared with those awkv.'ard essays of their savage countrymen, the paintings of the Mexicans may be con- sidered as works ol composition and design. They were not acquainted, it is true, with any other method of recording transactions, than that of delineating the objects which they wished to represent. But they could exhibit a more complex series of events in progressive order, and describe, by a proper disposition of figures, the occurrences of a king's reign from his accession to his deatli ; the progress of an infant's education fror.i its birth until it attain to the years of maturity ; tlie different recompences and marks of distinction con- ferred upon warriors, in proportion to the exploits which they had performed. Some singular specimens of this picture-writing have been preserved, which are justly considered as the most curious monuments of art brought from the New World. The most valuable of these was published by Purchas in sixty-six plates. It concerning the Mexican works of art deposited in the king of Spain's cabinet, was received from the late Lord Grantham, ambassador extraordinary from the court of London to that of Madrid, and from Mr. Archdeacon Waddilove, chaplain to the embassy; and it was upon their authority that 1 pronounced the <;oat of armour, mentioned in the note, to be of Oriental fabric. As they were both at Madrid in their public character when the first edition of the History of America was published, 1 thought it improper at that time to mention their names. Did their decision concerning a matter of taste, or their testi- mony concerning a pvintof fact, stand in need of confirmation, I might produce the evidence of an intelligent traveller, wh^ , in describing the royal cabinet of Madrid, takes notice tl.at it contains" specimens of Mexican and Peruvian utensils, vases, " &c. in earthen-ware, wretched both in taste and execution." Dillon's Travels through Spain, p, 77. As Gage compo-scd his Survey of' New Spa i vith • iJ the zeal and acrimony of a new convert, I have pu'd little icgard to his testimony with respect to points relatir;; to religion. But as h' resided in se- veral provinces in Ne v -Spain, which traveiicia seldom visit, and as he seems to have observed their manners iuul laws with an intelligent eye, I htve availed myselfof his information with res|iect to matters where religious opinion could have little in- duence, Correal I have seldom quoted, and never rested upon his evidence alone. The station in which Ibagnez was em- ployed in America, as well as the credit given to his veracity by printing his Regno Jesuitico among the large collection of documents published (as 1 believe by authority) at Madrid, A. D. 17G7; justifies mc for appealing to his authority. >K VII. id traces America. I a tree bf it some is march, whom he brought p renown, means he e times, leir savage ay be con- ;n. They er method leating the they could progressive of figures, ccession to ;ation from turity ; the ictiou con- lie exploits ' specimens I, which are nents of avt valuable of plates. It in the king ■dGranthum, loD to that of haplnin to the 1 pronounced > of Oriental blic cliaraitcr as published, their names, or their testi- conhrmatioD, raveller, wh' , notice t!..it it tensils, vases, id execution." nge composed acrimony of a estimony wilii resided in sc- , seldom visit, iuid laws with formation with have little in- cr rested upou gnez was em- to his veracity ^ collection of y) at Madrid, ithority. ' ft r^uttAmJf .V* :'.. lLK/.;i?y. * OF MMii.K 3 .vv,i|.f»-K Tu:im;K,.i :k;bi'o:h-'1'.i II hi,-! V;nn to H ;.;■•..') o;-' ..,'..' k K >: ^.» Aj:;^v f A. kc-J- • '■■■ w\. ;; ^••-.' fi- f %»* ■ttfn »*v f.^J ^.- indebt of Glfl the hu erudit know, the vii the vi Motes added gent Langi As cxtaD togiv ■eoK VII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 353 is divided into three ftrtt. The first contnins the his- tory of the Mexican empire under its ten monarchs. The second is a tribute roll, representing whnt each conquered town paid into the royal treasury. The third is a code of their institutions, domestic, political, and military. Another sptcimen of Mexican painting has been published in thirty-two plates, by the present archbishop of Toledo. To both are annexed a full ex- planation of what the figures were intended to repre- sent, which was obtained by the Spaniards from Indians well acquainted with their own arts. The style of painting in all these is the same. They represent things, not iford*. They exhibit images to the eye, not ideas to the understanding. They may, therefore, be considered as the earliest and most imperfect essay of men in their progress towards discovering the art of writing. The defects in this mode of recording trans- actions must have been early felt. To paint every occurrence was, from its nature, a very tedious opera- tion ; and as affairs became more complicated, and events multiplied in any society, its annals must have swelled to an enormous bulk. Besides this, no objects could be delineated but those of sense ; the conceptions of the mind had no corporeal form, and as long as pic- ture-writing could not convey an idea of these, it must have been a very imperfect art. The necessity of im- proving it must have routed and sharpened invention ; and the human mind holding the same course in the New World as in the Old, might have advanced by the same successive steps, first, from an actual picture to the plain hieroglyphic ; next, to the allegorical symbol ; then to the arbitrary character } until, at length, an alphabet of letters was discovered, capable of ocpressing ail the various combinations of sound employed in speech. In the paintings of the Mexicans wc, accord- ingly, perceive, that this progress was begun among them. Upon un attentive inspection of the plates, which 1 have mentioned, we may observe some approach to tlu i A. I). 1C83. The second specimen of Mexican picture-writing, was pub- lished by Dr. Francis fJemclli Carrerl, in two copper-plates. The first is a map, or representation of the progress of the ancient Mexicans on their hrttt arrival in Die country, and of the various stations in which they settled, before they founded the capital of their empire in tdc lake of Mexico. The second ia u Chronological Wheel, or Circle, representing the raann' r in which they computed and n\i.rke(l their cycle of fifty-two years. He received both from Don Carlos dc Siguenza y C'ongorra, a diligent collector of ancient Mc\ican documents. But ail it seems now to be a received opinion (founded, as far as 1 know, on no pood evidence) that Carrcri was never out of Italy, and that ills famous Giro del Mundo is an .'><-count of a fictitious voyage, 1 have not mentioned these pai tings in tlic text. They have, however, manifestly the appc.irauce of being Mexican productions, and are allowed to be so by Bo- tariiii, who was well qualified to determine whether they were genitine or supposititious. M.CIavigero, likewise admits them to be genuine paintings of the ancient Mexicans. To mc they always appeared to he so, though, from my desire to rest no part of my narrative upon questionable authority, I did not refer to thera. The style of painting in the former is considerably more perfect than any oihcr s|)ecimen of Mexi- can design ; but as the original is said to have been much defaced by time, I suspect that it has been improved by some touches from thehand of an European artist. Carreri, Churchill, iv. \<. 487. The chronological wheel is a just delineation of the Mexican mode of computing time, as described by Acosta, lib. vi. c. 2. It seems to resemble one which that U;arned Jesuit had seen ; and if it be admitted as a genuine monu- ment, it proves that the Mexicans had artifical or arbitrary characters, which represented several things besides numbers. Each month is the" ••epresented by a symbol expressive of sonic work '^'- . "' 'o it. The thii in painting was discovered by another I' : .i '. nzo Boturini Benaduci set out for New ipai i several incidents to study the languag', of the .\ .o collect the remains of their histor cal monu.iic ^lersisted nine years in his researches, with the euthut asw of a projector, and the pa- tience of an intiquary. In 1746. he publi.shed at Madrid, Idea de una Vwem Hisloria General de ia America Septen- trional, containing an account of the result of his inquiries ; and he added to it a catalogue of his American Historical Museum, arranged nnder thirty six diflferent heads. His idea of a New History appears to me the work of a whimsical cre- dulous man. But his catalogue of Mexican maps, paintings, tribute-rolls, calendars, &c. is much larger than one could Lave expected. Unfortunately a shiji, in which he had sent a considerable part of them to Europe, was taken by an English privateer during the war between Great Britain and Spain which commenced in the year 1739; and it is probable that they perished by falling into the hands of ignorant captors. Boturini himself incurred the displeasure of the Spanish court, and died in an hcjspital at Madrid. The history, of which the Idea, &c. was only a prospectus, was never pnb- lisiicd. The remainder of his Museum seems to have been , the coarse of the (un wu not eempleted in tbM time tliey added five days to the year. These, which were properly intercalary days,* they termed mpemumerary or wa$te} and as they did not belong to any month, no dispersed. Some part of it came into the possession of the present archbishop of Toledo, when he was primate of New Spain, and he published from it that curious tnbute-roU which I have mentioned. I'he only other collection of Mexican paintings, as far as I ran learn, is in the Imperial Library at Vienna. By order of their Imperial Majesties, I have obtained such a sperimca of these as I desired, in eight paintings, made wi so much fi- delity, that f am informed the copies could hardly be distin* guishpiu Emmanuel King of r< I tugal to Pope Clement VII. who died A. D. 1533. Arti:r passing through the hands of several illastrious pro- pri' tiir it fell into those of the cardinal of Saxe Eisenach, w]u> present' d it to the emperor Leopold. These paintings are manifestly Mexican, but they are m a style very different from niiv of the former. An engraving has been made of one of theui, in onh'T to gratify such of my readers, as may deem this an object m orthy of their attention. Were it an object of siilVicient importance, it might, perhaps, be possible, by recourse to the plates of I'urchas, and the archbishop of To* Icdo, as a key, to form plausible conjectures concerning the meaning of this picture. Many of the figures are evidently similar. A. A. are targets and darts, almost in the same form with those published by Furchas, p. 1070, 1071, &c. B.B. are figures of temples, nearly resembling those in Purchas, p. 1 109 and 1 1 13, and in Lorenzana, Plate II. C. is a bale of mantles, or cotton cloths, the figure of which iKCurs in almost evrry plate of Purchas and liorenzana. E.E.E. seems to be Me>:ican captains iii their war dress, the fantastic ornaments of which esomble the figures in Purchas, p. 1110, 1111, 21 n. (' IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) A 1.0 I.I 125 |5o "^^ H^H ■^ 1^ 12.2 110 2.0 U 11.6 1 ^ X // ^1 U ^\ Photographic Sciences Corporation '^V 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WiBSTM,N.Y. 14910 (716)172-4903 -4^ lA fe ^ !^'ft^' ^ * y *' :^ ! ? * ' !* . ** .'!?y!y " '! f *" *' iPHiTIUluuc i i ilwBWMI ^66 HISTORY OF AMERICA. fBOOK VII. ».' 1" V t % made with respect to any people furnished plentifully with the necessaries of life. The difficulty which Cortes found in procuring subsistence for his small body of soldiers, whd were often constrained to live on the spontaneous productions of the earth, seems to confirm the remark of the Spanish writers, and gives no high idea of the state of cultivation in the Mexican empire. A practice that was universal in New Spain appears to favour this opinion. The Mexican women gave suck to their children for several years, and during that time they did not cohabit with their husbands. This pre- caution against a burdensome increase of progeny, though necessary, as I have already observed, among savages, who, from the hardships of their condition, and the precariousness of their s'lbsistence, find it impos- sible to rear a numerous family, can hardly be supposed to have continued among a people who lived at ease and in abundance. The vast extent of the Mexican empire, which has been considered, and with justice, as the most decisive proof of a considerable progress in regular government and police, is one of those facts in the history of the New World which seems to iiave been admitted with- out due examination or sufficient evidence. The Spanish historians, in order to magnify the valour of their coun- trymen, are accustomed to represent the dominion of Montezuma as stretching over all the provinces of New Spain from the Northern to the Southern Ocean. But a great part of the mountainous country was possessed by the Otomies, a fierce uncivilized people, who seem to have been the residue ot tiie uiijjinal inhabitants. The provinces towards the north and west of Mexico were occupied by the Chkliemecas, and other tribes of hunters. None of tliesc recognized the Mexican mo- narch as tikeir superior. Even in the interior and more level country, there were several cities and provinces which had never submitted to the Mexican yoke. Tlas- cala, though only twenty-one leagues from the capital of the empire, was an independent and hostile republic. Choluin, though still nearer, had been subjected only a short time before the arrival of the Spaniards. Tepeaca, at the distance of thirty leagues from Mexico, seems to have been a separate state governed by its own laws. Mechoacan, the frontier of which extended within forty leagues of Mexico, was a powerful kingdom, remarkable for its implacable enmity to the Mexican name. By these hostile powers the Mexican empire was circum- scribed on every quarter, and the high ideas which we are apt to form of it from the description of the Spanish historians, should be considerably moderated. In consequence of this independence of several states in New Spain upon the Mcxicaa empire, there was not any considerable intercoorse between its varioas pro- vinces. Even in the interior country not far distant from the capital, there seem to have been n« roads to facilitate the communication of one district with ano- ther ; and when the Spaniards first attempted to pene- trate into its several provinces, they had to open their way through forests and marshes. Cortes, in his adven- turous march from Mexico to Honduras in 1525, met with obstructions, and endured hardships, little inferior to those with which he must have struggled in the roost uncivilized regions of America. In some places he could hardly force a passage through impervious woods, and plains overflowed with water. In others he found so little cultivation, that his troops were frequently in danger of perisliing by famine. Such facts conespond ill with the pompous description which tl ir. Spanish writers give of Mexican police and industry, and con- vey an idea of .a country nearly similar to that possessed by the Indian tribes in North America. Here and there a trading or a war path, as they are called in North America, led from one settlement to another, but gene- rally there appeared no sign of any established com- munication, few marks of industry, and fewer monu- ments of art. A proof of this imperfection in their commercial in- tercourse no less striking, is their want of money, or some universal standard by which to estimate the value of commodities. The discovery of this is among the steps of greatest consequence in the progress of nations. Until it has been made, all their transactions must be so awkward, so operose, and so limited, that we may boldly pronounce that they have advanced but a little way in their career. The invention of such a commer- cial standard is of such high antiquity in our hemisphere, and rises so far beyond the era of authentic history, as to appear almost coeval with the existence of society. The precious metals seem to have been early employed for this purpose, and from their permanent value, their divisibility, and many other qualities, they are better adapted to serve as a common standard than any other substance of which nature has given us the command. But in the New World, where these metals abound most, this use of them was not known. The exigencies of rude tribes, or of monarchies imperfectly civilized, did not call for it. All their commercial intercourse was carried on by barter, and their ignorance of any common standard by which to facilitate that exchange of com- modities which contributes so much towards the com- fort of life, may be justly mentioned as an evidence of the infant state of their policy. But even in the New World the inconvenience of wanting some general in- strument of commerce began to be felt, and tome efforts were made towards supplying that defect. The Mexicans, fBOOK VII. vuioaa pro- lot far distant tn no roads to rict with ano- pted to pene- to open their I, in his adven- } in 1525, met I, little inferior led in the moit places he could lus woods, and t he found so > freqaently in acts conespond h tit Spanish ustry, and con- that possessed Here and there tailed in North other, but gene- stablished com- id fewer monu- ■ commercial in- int of money, or jtimate the value is is among the gress of nations, actions must be ed, that we may meed but a little such a commer> 1 our hemisphere, lentic history, as Uence of society. J early employed inent value, their , they are better I than any other IS the command, e metals abound . The exigencies trfectly civilized, kl intercourse was :c of any common [change of com- towards the com- is an evidence of even in the New some general in- ky and some eiForts ct. The Mexicans, BOOK VII.J HISTORY OF AMERICA. 257 among whom the number and greatness of their cities gave rise to a more extended commerce than in any other part of America, had begun to employ a com- mon standard of value, which rendered smaller transac- tions much more easy. As chocolate was the favourite drink of persons in every rank of life, the nuts or almonds of cacao, of which it is composed, were of such universal consumption, that, in their stated markets, these were willingly received in return for commodities of small price. Thus they came to be considered as the instru- nient of commerce, and the value of what one wished to dispose of was estimated by the number of nuts of the cacao, which he might expect in exchange for it. This seems to be the utmost length which the Ameri- cans had advanced towards the discovery of any expe- dient for supplying the use of money. And if the want of it is to be held, on one hand, as a proof of their bar- barity, this expedient for supplying that want should be admitted, on liie other, as an evidence no less satis- fying, of some progress which the Mexicans had made in refinement and civilization, beyond the savage tribes around them. In such a rude state were many of the Mexican pro- vinces when first visited by their conquerors. Even their cit-es, extensive and populous as they were, seem more fit to be the habitation of men just emerging from barbarity, than the residence of a polished people. The description cf Tlascala nearly resembles that of an In- dian village. A number oT low straggling huts, scattered about irregularly, according to the caprice of each pro- prietor, built with turf and stone, and thatched with reeds, without any light but what they received by a door, so low that it could not be entered upright, fn Mexico, though, from the peculiarity of its situation, the disposition of the houses was mure orderly, the structure of the greater part was equally mean. Nor does theiabricof their temples, and other public edifices, appear to have been such as entitled them to the high praises bestowed upon them by many Spanish authors. As fur as one can gather from their obscure and inac- curate descriptions, the great temple of Mexico, the most famous in New Spain, which has been represented as a magnificent building, raised to such a height, that the ascent to it was by a flight of a hundred and four- teen steps, was a solid mass of earth of a square form, * The Temple of Cholula, which was deemed more holy than any ia New Spiiin, was likewise the most coiisiili'ral)ie. liut it was nothi' •' more thun u immnt of solid earth. According to TorquemBcTa, it was above a quarter of a league in circuit at tiie base, uud rose to the height of forty fathom. — Mon. Ind. Lib. ill, c. 19. Even M. Clavigero acknowledges that all the Mexican temples were solid structures, or carthon mounts, and of consequence cauaot be considered as uuy evideoce of their 21—22. faced partly with stone. Its base on each side extended ninety feet, and decreasing gradually as it advanced in height, it terminated in a quadrangle of about tiiirty feet, where were placed n shrine of the deity, and two altars on which the victims were sacrificed. All the other celebrated temples of New Spain exactly resem- bled that of Mexico.* Such structures convey no high idea of progress in art and ingenuity; and one can hardly conceive that a form more rude and simple cuuld have occurred to a nation in its first cflbrts towards erecting any great work. Greater skill and ingenuity were displayed, if we may believe the Spanish historians, in the houses of the emperor and in those of the principal nobility. There, some elegance of design was visible, and a commodious arrangement of the apartments was attended to. But if buildings corresponding to such descriptions had ever existed in the Mexican cities, it is probable that some remains of them would still be visible. From the man- ner in which Cortes conducted the siege of Mexico, we can indeed easily account for the total destruction of whatever had any appearance of splendour in that capi- tal. But as only two centuries and a half have elapsed since the conquest of New Spain, it seems altogether incredible that in a period so short, every vestige of this boasted elegance and grandeur should have disappearied ; and that in the other cities,, particularly in those, which did not suffer by the destructive hand of the conquerors, there are any ruins, which can be considered as monu- ments of their ancient magnificence. Even in a village of the rudest Indians, there arc build- ings of greater extent and elevation than common-dwell, ing-houses. Such as are destined for holding the council of the tribe, and in which all assemble on occa- sions of public festivity, may be called stately edifices, when compared with the rest. As among the Mexicans the distinction of ranks was established, and property was unequally divided, the number of distinguished structures in their towns would of cours ; be ijrcater than in other parts of America. But these seem not to have been either so solid or magnificent as to merit the pom- pous epithets which some Spanish authors employ in describing them. It is probable that, though more ornamented, and built on a larger scale, they were erected with the same slight materialsf which the Iindians having made any considerable progress in the art of buihliug.— Clavtg. 11. 207. From inspecting various figures of temples in the paintint!;s engraved by I'urcttas, tliere seems to be some reason tor sus- pecting itiat all their temples were constructed ia the same manner. — See vol. iii. p. 1 109, i 110, 1 1 13. f Not only in Tlascala, and Tepcaca, but even in Mexico itself], the houses of the people were mere huts built with tur^ Uu li 5J58 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book VII. employed in tlicir comm6n buildings, and Time, in a J apace much less tlian two hundred and fifty years, may have swept away all remains of them.* From this enumeration of facts, it seems, upon the whole, to be evident, that the state of society in iVfexico was considerably advanced beyond that of the savage tribes which we have delineated. But it is no less manifest, that with respect to many particulars, the Spanish accounts of their progress appear to be highly embellished. There is not a more frequent or a more fertile source of deception in describing the manners and arts of savage nations, or of such as are imperfectly civilized, than that of applying to them the names and phrases appropriated to the institutions and refinements of polished life. When the Iciider of a small tribe, or the head of a rude community, is dignified with the name of king or emptror, the place of his residence can receive no other name but that of his palace ; and whatever his attendants may be, they must be called liis court. Under such appellations they acquire, in our estim.'ition. an 'm^'irtance and dignity which does not belong to tlicm. 'iht; illusion spreads, and giving a false colour to every part of the narrative, tiic ima- gination is so much carried away with the resemblance, that it becomes diflicult to discern objects as they really are. The Spaniards, when they first touched on the or mud, or the branches of trees. Thcr were extremely low, aiid slight, and without any furniture bnt a few earthen ves- sels. Like the rudest Indians, cevcral families resided under the same roof, without having any separate apartments. 'Herreia, Dec. 2. lib. vii. c. 13. lib. x. c. 22. Dec. 3. lib. iv. C. 17 Torquem. lib. iii. c. 23. * i am informed by a person who resided long in New Spain, and visited almost every province of it, that there is not, in al! the extent of that vast empire, any monument, or vestige of any building more ancient than the conquest, nor of any bridge or highway, e&cept some remains of the causeway from Guadaloiipc to that gate of Mexico by which Cortes en- tered tlie city. MS. penes me. Tlie author of another account iii manuscript observes, " That at this day there does not remain even the smallest vestige of the existence of any sncient Indian btiihiing public or private, either in Mexico or in any province of New Spain, i have travelled," says he, " throinrli all the countries adjacent to them, viz. New Galicia, Now Biscay, N( \v Mtv.ico, Sonora, Cinaloa, the New King- dom of Leon, and New Santandero, without having observed any monument worth notice, except some ruins near an an- cient village in the valley de Casus Grandes, in lat. N. 30». 46'. longlt. 2 JH». 24'. from the island of Teneriffe, or 460 leagues N.N.VV. from Mexico." He describes these ruins minutely, and they appear to be the remains of a palti y building in turf and stunc, plastered over with white earth or lime. A mis- ,sionary informed that gcnto.'niau, that he had discovered the ruiub of r.iiothcr cdihoe similar to the former, about an hun- dred leagiif s towards N. VV. on the banks of the River St. Pedro. MS. penes me. These testimonies derive great credit from one circum- ■tauce, that they were not given in support of any particular Mexican coast, were ao much atruck with *He appear- ance of attainments in policy and in the ::Us of life, far nuperior to those of the rude tribes with wbicl. it.ry were hitherto acquainted, that they fancied they had at length discovered a civilized people in the New World. This comparison between the people of Mexico and their uncultivated neighbours, they appear to have kept constantly in view, and observing with admiration many things which marked the pre-eminence of the former, they employ in describing their imper- fect policy and infant arts, such terms as are applicable to the institutions of men far beyond them in improve- ment. Both these circumstances concur in detracting from the credit due to the descriptions of Mexican manners by the early Spanish writers. By drawing a parallel between them and those of people so much less civilized, they raised their own ideas too high. By their mode of describing Ihem, they conveyed ideas to others no less exalted above truth. Later writers have adopted the style of the original historians, and im- proved upon it. The colours with which De Solis de- lineates the character, and describes the actions of Montezuma, the splendour of his courts the laws and policy of his empire, arc the same that be must have employed in exhibiting to view the monarch and insti- tutions of an highly polished people. system or theory, but as simple answers to queries wiiich I had proposed. It is probable, however, that v hen these gen- tlemen assert, that no ruins or monuments of any ancient work whatever are now to be discovered in the Mexican em- pire, they meant that there were no such ruins or monnuent) as conveyed any idea of grandeur or magnificeiice, in the works of its ancient inhabitants. For it appears from the tes- timony of several Spanish authors, that in Otumbq, Ttascala, Cholula, &c. some vestiges of ancient buildings are still visible Villa Segnor Theatro Amer. p. 143, 308, 353. D. Fran. Ant. Lorenzana, formerly archbishop of Mexico, and now of To- ledo, in his introduction to that edition of the Cartas de lUh- cion of Cortes, witirh he published at Mexico, mentions some ruins which are still visible in several of the towns through which Cortes passed in his wr.y to the capital, p. 4. &c. But neither of these authors give any description of them ; and they seem to be so very inconsiderable, as to shew only that some buildings had once been there. The > mount of earth at Cholula, which the Spaniards dignificu the name of temple, still remains, but without any step. which to ascend, or any facing of stone. It npi)car9 now like a nat-iral mount, covered with grass and shrubs, and (KKsibly it was never any thing more. Torquem. lib. iii. c. 19. I have re- ceived a minute description of the reroaius of a temple near Cueruavaca, on the road from Mexico to Acapulco. It is composed of large stones, fitted to each other as nicely as those in the buildings of the Peruvians, which are hereafter mentioned. At the foundation it forms a square of 25 yards ; but as it rises in height, it diminishes in extent, not gradually, but by being contracted suddenly at regular distances, so that it must have resembled the figure B in the plate. It termi- nated, it is said, la a spire. wen the: for ling to w ture its nisir comi the of itj thos^ pride in a pire,| exciti BOOK VII. i;i» of life, I wbic\. ii.fy sd they had n the New people of they appear serving with )re-ctnhieiice their imper- ire applicable I in improve- in detracting i of Mcxicaa By drawing a )ple so much too high. By iveyed ideas to ^r writers have •ians, and im- h De Soils de- [|,e actions of t, the laws and .t he must have larch and insti- queries wltich I ; V hen these gen- ts of any ancient the Mexican tm- ins or moiiniuont» irnifcceiice, in the Sar. from the tcs- 3tuinba, TUscala, ufi are stiil visible X P. Fran. Ant. , nnd now of To- I'le Cartas de Rtk- CO, mentions son* the towns throngli tal,p.4.«ic. But tion of them ; anU to shew only that lie . mount of if,cu the naine step. *»''«^'' *" '^ now like a nnfjral «(1 iiobsibly it was g 19. Ihavc rc- ui of a temple near o Acaptilco. It 11 other as nicely m vhich are hereafter square of 25 yards; xU'nt.notgradnaly, u distancea, so that he pUte. It termi- BOOK VII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 939 But though we may admit, that the warm imagina- tion of the Spanish writers has added some embellish- ment to their descriptions, this will not justify the decisive and peremptory tone witii whicli several iiu- thors pronounce all their accounts of the Mexican power, policy, and laws, to be the fictions of men who wished to deceive, or who delighted in the marvellous. There are few historical facts that can be ascertained by evidence more unexceptionable, than may be produced in support of the material articles, in the description of the Mexican constitution and manners. Eye-witnesses relate what they beheld. Men who had resided among the Mexicans, both before and after the conquest, describe institutions and customs which were familiar to them. Persons of professions so different that ob- jects must have presented themselves to their view under every various aspect; soldiers, priests, and lawyers, all concur in their testimony. Had Cortes ventured to impose upon his sovereign, by exhibiting to him a picture of imaginary manners, there wanted not enemies and rivals who were qualified to detect his deceit, and who would have rejoiced in exposing it. But according to the just remark of ^^n author, whose ingenuity has illustrated, and whose eloquence has adorned the history of America, this supposition is in itself as improbable, as the attempt would have been audacious. Who among the destroyers of this great empire was so enlightened by science, or so attentive to the progress and operations of men in social life, as to frame a fictitious system of policy so well combined and so consistent, as that which they delineate, in their accounts of the Mexican government ? Where could they have borrowed the idea of many institutions in legislation and police, to which, at that period, there was nothing parallel in the nations with which they were acquainted ? There was not, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, a regular establishment of posts for conveying intelligence to the sovereign of any Ifingdom in Europe. The same observation will apply to what the Spaniards relate, with respect to the struc- ture of the city of Mexico, the regulations concerning its police, and various laws established for tlie admi- nistration of justice, or securing the happiness of the community. Whoever is accustomed to contemplate the progress of nations, will often, at very early stages of it, discover a premature and unexpected dawn of those ideas, which give rise to institutions that are the pride and ornament of its most advanced jieriod. Even in a state as imperfectly polished as the Mexican em- pire, the happy genius of some sagacious observer, excited or aided by circumstances unknown to us, may * The exaggeration of the Spanish historians^ with respect have introduced institutions which are seldom found but in societies highly refined. Dut it is almost im- possible that the illiterate conquerors of the New World should have formed in any one instance, a conception of customs end laws, beyond the standard of improve- ment in their own age and country. Or if Cortes had been capable of this, what inducement had those by whom he wns superseded to continue the deception ? Why should Corita, or Motolinea, or Aco^ta, have amused their sovereign or their fellow-citizens with a tale purely fabulous ? In one particular, however, the guides wliom we must follow have represented the Mexicans to be more bar- barous, perhaps, than they really were. Their religious tenets, and the rites of their worship, are described by them as wild and cruel in an extreme degree. Reli- gion, which occupies no considerable place in the thoughts of a savage, whose conceptions of any supe- rior power are obscure, and his sacred rites few as well as simple, was formed, among the Mexicans, into a regular system, with its complete train of priests, temples, victims, and festivals. This, of itself, is a clear proof that the state of the Mexicans was very different from that of the ruder American tribes. But from the extravagance of their religious notions, or the barbarity of their rites, no conclusion can be drawn with certainty concerning the degree of their civiliza- tion. For nations, long after their ideas begin to enlarge, and their manners to refine, adhere to systems of <;uperstition founded on the crude conceptions of early ages. From the genius of the Mexican religioi:^ we may, however, form a most just conclusion with respect to its influence upon the character of the people. The aspect of superstition in Mexico was gloomy and atrocious. Its divinities were clothed with terror, and delighted in vengeance. They were exhibited to the people under detestable forms, which created horror. The figures of serpents, of tygers, and of other destruc- tive animals, decorated their temples. Fear was the only principle that inspired their votaries. *^asts, mor- tifications, and penances, all rigid, and many of them excruciating to an extreme degree, were the means employed to appease the wrath of their gods, and the Mexicans never approached their altars without sprink- ling them with blood drawn from their own bodies. But, of all offerings, human sacrifices were deemed the most acceptable. This religious belief, mingling with the implacable spirit of vengeance, and adding new force to it, every captive taken in war was brought to the temple, was devoted as a victim to the deity, and sacrificed with rites no less solemn than cruel.* The to the number of human victims »acriticed in MexicOj appears Uu2 260 mSTORY OF AMERICA. [book VII. ; r heart and Iieftd were the portion consecrated to the gods ; the warrior, by whose prowess the prisoner had been seized, carried off the body to feast upon it with liis friends. Under the impression of ideas so dreary and terrible, and accustomed daily to scenes of bloodshed rendered awful by religion, the hecrt of man must harden and be steeled to every sentiment of humanity. The spirit of the Mexicans was accordingly unfeeling, and the genius of their religion so far counterbalanced the influence of policy and arts, that notwithstanding their progress in both, their manners, instead of sof- tening, became more lierce. To what circumstances it was owing that supersitition assumed such a dreadful form among the Mexicans, we have not sufficient know- ledge of their history to determine. But its influence is visible, and produced an effect that is singular in the history of the human species. The manners of the people in tlie New World who had made tiie greatest progress in the arts of policy, were, in several respects, the most ferocious, and the barbarity of some of their customs exceeded even those of the savage state. The en)pire of Peru boasts of an higher antiquity than that of Mexico, According to the traditionary accounts collected by the Spaniards, it had subsisted four hun- dred years, under twelve successive monarchs. But the knowledge of their ancient story, which the Peruvians could communicate to their conquerors, must have been both imperfect acd uncertain.* Like the other American to be very great. According to Gomara, there was no year in whicli twenty thoasand human victims were not offered to the Mexican Divinities, and in some years they amounted to fifty thousand. — Cron. c. 229. Tfie skulls of those unhappy per- sons were ranged in order in a building erected for tli.-tt pur- pose, and two of Cortes's oilicers wlio had counted them, informed Gomara thatthcir number was an hundred and thirty- six thousand. — Ibid. c. 82. Herrerii's account is still more incredible, that the number of victims is so great, that five thousand have been sacrificed in one day, nay, on some occa- sions, no less than twenty thousand. — Dec. iii. lib. ii.c. Ifi. Torquemada go<;s beyond both in extravagance, for he asserts, that twenty thousand children, exclusive of other victims, vtere slaughtered annually. — .Von. Ind. lib. vii. c. 21. The most respectable authority in favour of such high numbers is that of Zumiirrag i, the first bishop of Mexico, who, in a letter to the chapter generid of his order, A. 1). 1G3I, asserts that the Mexicanssacrificcdannuallytwenty thousand victims. — Daiila. Teatro EccUi. 126. In opposition to ail these accounts, B. de las CasBS observes, that if there had been such an annual waste of the human sf^cies, the country could never have arrived at that degree of populousness, for which it was remarkable when the Spaniards first landed there. This reasoning is just. If the number of victims in all the provinces of New Spain had been so great, not only must population have been prevented Irom increasing, but the human race must have been extcnui- Dated in a short time. For besides the watte of the species by such numerous sacrifices, it is observable that wherever the fate of captives taken in wax- is either certain death or perpetuiJ nations, they were totally unacquainted with the art of writing, and destitute of the only means by which the memory of past transactions can be perserved with any degree of accuracy. Even among people to whom the use of letters is known, the sera where the authen- ticity of history commences, is much posterior to the introduction of writing. That noble invention con- tinued, every where, to be long subservient to the com- mon business and wants of life, before it was employed in recording events, with a view of conveying informa- tion from one age to another. But in no country did ever tradition alone carry down historical knowledge, in any full continued stream, during a period of half the length that the monarchy of Peru is said to have subsisted. The Quipos, or knots on corda of ditlercnt colour.", which are celebrated by authors fond of the marvellous, as if they had been regular annals of the empire, ini- perfectly supplied the place of writing. According to the obscure description of them by Acosta, which Gar- cilasso dc la Vega has adopted with little variation and no improvement, the quipos seem to have been a de- vice- for rendering calculation more expeditious and accurate. By the various colours different objects were denoted, and by each knot a distinct number. Thus an account was taken, and a kind of register kept, of the inhabitants in each province, or of the several produc- tions collected there for public use. But as by these knots, however varied or combined, no moral or abstract slavery, as men can gain nothing by submitting speedily to an enemy, they ahvavs resist to the uttermost, and war becomes bloody and destructive to the last degree. Las Casas positively asserts, that tlie Mexicans never sacrificed more than fiftv or a hundred persons in a year.— See his dispute with Sepulvcda, subjoined to his Brctiitima helacion, p. 105. Cortes does not specify what number of victims was sacrificed annually, but B. Diaz del Castello relates, that an inquiry having been miule, with respect to this, by the Friinciscan Mcmks, who were sent into New Spain immediately after the conquest, it was found that about two thousand five hundred were sacrificed every year in Mexico. — C. 207. * It is hardly necessary to observe, that the Peruvian Chro- nology is not only obscure, but repugnant to conclusions de- duced from the most accurate and extensive observations, con- cerning the time that elapses during each reign, in any given succession of princes. The medium has bcin found not to ex- ceed twenty years. According to Acosta and Garcilasso dc la Vega, Iluana Capac, who died about the ytsr 1527, was the twelfth Inca. According to this nile of computing, the dura- tion of the Peruvian monarchy ought not to have been reckoned above two hundred and forty years ; but they aflSrm that it had subsisted four hundred years. — Acotta.l'ib. vi. c. 19. ^ej«. lib. i. c. 9. Uy this account each reign is extended at a medium to thirty-three years, instead of twenty, the number ascer- tained by Sir Isaac Newton's observations } but so imperfect were the Peruvian traditions, that though the total is boldly marked, the number of years in each reiga is vaknowo. BOOK VII. with the IS by which served with le to whuin the authen- erior to tlie ention con- to tlie com- as employed iig informa- :jtry did ever edge, in any If tlic leiigtli mbsistcd. rent colours, J marvellous, empire, im- According to , which Gar- variation and ^e been a de- peditious and t objects were ber. Thus an r kept, of the Everal produc- |ut as by these jral or abstract g speedily to an iid war becomes CasttS positively re than fifty or a with Sepulveda, -<, wtTf ill-d !>))o!itd, iind uD'ordt-d little iutomiiiio- diitioii. 'riiiTi' was not it sin^'li* window in any part of tlic huildin^^; iind as no lifi^lit could i-ntir hut by the door, all tlie apiirtnitnts of lar);est dinu-nsion must citlicr liHvc l)cfn |>crli'ctly dark, or illuniinati'd liy some otlur nitaiis. iiut witli all tlifsf, and nutny otiii'r iinperfii- tioiis that might be mcntioni'd in thtir art of huildiuL', the works «)f till" Peruvians which still remain, must he cull^idL>rcd asstu|ifndou!icH'ortsuf apcople iinacqiiaintt'd witli the use of iron, and convey tu us an high idea til the power possessed by their ancient monarchs. 'i liese, Innever, were not the noblest or most useful works of the Incas. 'J'he two great roads from Cuzco tdU'iito, cMending in an uninterrupted stretch above filu (11 hundred miles, are entitled to still higher praise. The one was conducted through the interior and moun- tainous country, the other through the plains on the sia-coast. From the language of admiration in which some of the early writers express their astonishment when they first viewed those roads, and from the more ♦ The teiapli- of Cayaiiilm, flu- pul.u'c of the liica at (Jalio ill llii.> plain of l.acHlnii^a, and lliat of Alaii-Cannar, are ile- Si'iiltfil by IJlliia, toin. i. '.'Mti, ^c, who iiispi-cleil Ihciii v\illi gri'.il care. M. de (.'niKhiiiiiiie piililiAheil a cinioiis iiieiiiiiir CDiicciaiiig tiie mills of Aliiii-Caiiiiar. — Mini, dv I' .Ivuilniiie lie lliihii, A. I). I7-I(i, p. -Ili,"). Atdsla desirilirs the ruins of t'li/co, uliieii he had examined. — l.ih. vi. e. II (iiircihisso, ill Ins usual stile, gives pompous anil roiit'uscil (icscripiioiis of several temples, and oilier piililic edil'iees. — I/il». iii.c. I.e. '2 1. lili. vi. e, 1. Don Zapala, in a larije t^eati.'^e cou- cei'iiiiig Peru, vthicii lias not liitlieitu iieeii pulilislied, cuiiiinii- liie.iles some inl'ormalioii v\itli respeet to veveial inoiiiiiiieiits of ihe aiu'ient IVrnviaiis, wliitli have not lieeii mentioned hj other aathors. — MS. /^Nt.v h/c, AiUiiiI'j xx. I'lloa desciilies some of llic aiicieiil IVruxiaii foMilicilimis, wliieli were like- wiNe works of great extent iiinl snliility. — Tom. i. ;i!)l. Three cireiiiiislaiices struck all lhoi,i.' oIisiimts : the vast size of the st iliey !•■ i;ld not lorni a centre, they were totally unacquainted pompous descriptions of later writers, wlio hilioiir to support some favourite tlieory concerning America, one might be led to compare this work of the Incas to the famous military ways which n main as monuments of the Komaii power : but in a country where there was no tame animal except the Llama, which was never used for draught, and but little as ii beast of biirilen, where the high roads were seldom trod by any but a human foot, no great degree of labour or art was reijuisite iu forming them. 'I'he i'eruvian roads were only Kfteen feet in breadth, and in many places so slightly formed, that time has cllaced every vestige of the course in which they ran. In the low country little more Hceins to have been done, than to plant trees or to fix posts at certain intervals, in order to mark the proper rout to travellers. To open a path tlirougli the mountainous country was a more arduous task. Imminences were levelled, and hollows filled up, and for the preservation of the road it was fenced with a bank of turf. At pro- per distances, Tambos, or storehouses, were erected for the accommodation of the Inca and bis attendants, in their progress through his dominions. IVom the manner in v\lii(h the road was originally formed in this higher and more impervious region, it has proved more durable ; and though, from the inattention of the Spaniards tu every object but that of working their mines, nothing with the use of arches in building, nor can Spanish authors conceive how tliey were able to iVuine a roof for those ample structures whielillicy raised. 'I'ne third cncuinstance is a striking proof, which all the inoiiumeiits of tlic I'eruviiins lurnijli, ol llieii want of ingeniiily and invention, accompanieii v.itli patience no less asloiiisliing. .None ol the stones eiii|)loyed in those works were loiiueil iaio any particular or unilorni shape, wliieli eoiild lender them tit lor being eom|iaeted tof;etlier in biiildiiig. Thf Indians look iheiii as lliey fell froiii llic mountains, or ncrc rai.'assed in U':!siis, or floats ; in the con. struction, as well as navigation of which, the ingenuity of the Peruvians ap|)ears to be far superior to that of any people in .America. These bad advanced nu far- ther in naval skill than the use of the |)addle, or oar ; the Peruvians ventured to raise u mast, und spread a sail, l)y means of which their balzas not only went nimbly before the wind, but could veer and tack witli great celerity. Nor were the ingenuity and art of the Peruvians conlined solely to objects of essential utility. They had made some progress in arts, which may be called elegant. They possessed the precious metals in greater abundance than any people of America. They obtained gold in the same manner with the Mexicans, by searching in the channels of rivers, or washing the earth in which particles of it were contained. Rut in order to procure silver, they exerted no inconsiderable degree of skill and invention. They hud not, indeed, attained the art of sinking a shaft into the bowels of the earth, ami penetrating to the riches concealed there; but tliey hollowed deep < averns on the banks of rivers and the sides of mountains, and emptied such veins as did not dip suddenly beyond tluir reacli. In other places, where the vein lay near the surface, they dug pits to such a depth, that tlie person who worked below could throw out the ore, or hand it up in baskets. They bad discovered the art of smelting and refiidng this, either by the simple application of fire, or where the ore diviiion of the spoil. j 111 other works of mere curiosity or ornammt, tlieir ingenuity lias heen highly ceiehrated. Many speci- | mens of those have been dug out of the (imuas, or mounds of earth, witli which the Peruvians covered the bodies of the dead. Among these arc mirrors of various dimensions, of hard ^billing stones highly po- lished ; vessels of eartiien ware of diflerent forms; hatchets and other instruments, some destined for war and others for labour. Some were of flint, some of copper, hardened to such a degree by an unknown pro- cess, as to supply the ))laec of iron on severd occasions. Had the use of those tools formed of copper been ge- neral, the progress of the Peruvians in the arts might have heen such, as to emulate that of more cultivated nations. Hut either the metal was so rare, or the | operation by wiiieh it wa*: hardened so tedious, that their instruments of copper were few, and so extremely smull, that they seem to have been employt^d only in sligliter works. Hul even to such a circumscribed use of (his imperfeet metal, the Peruvians were indebted for their superiority to the other people of America in various arts. The same observation, however, may be applied to them, which I formerly made with respect to the arts of the Mexicans. From several specimens of Peruvian utensils and ornaments, which are depo- sited in the royal cabinet of Mas HISTORY OF AMERICA. Lhook vu. i, -5i 111 armies, wliich they led to victory and conquest ; few symptoms of such a Ui^rtial spirit appear in any of their <)|)fn;tions suhsequent to the invasion of tlie Spa^ niards. The influence, perhaps, of those institutions whicii rendered their manners gentle, gave their minds tliis unmanly softness ; perhi.ps, the constant serenity and mildness of the climate may have enervated the vigour of their frame; perhaps, some principle in their government, unknown to us, was the occasion of this political dehility. Whatever may liavc heen the cause, the fact is certain, and there is not an instance in his- tory of atiy people so little advanced in refinement, so totally destitute of military enterprise. This character hath descended to their jiosterity. The Indians of Feiu are now more tame and depressed than any people of America. Their feehle spirits, relaxed in lifeless inac- tion, seem hiirdly capable of any bold or manly exertion. But, besides those ca]»tal defects in the p>ilitieai state of Peru, some detached circumstiincesand facts occur in the Spatiish writers, whicli discover a considerable re- mainder of barbarity in llieir manners. A cruel custom, that prevailed in some of the most savau'c tribes, sub- sisted among the Peruvians. On the death of the Incas, and of other eminent persons, a considerable num- ber of their attendants was put to death, and interred around their Guacas, that they might appear in the next world with their former dignity, and be served with the same respect. On the death of Huana-Capae, the most powerful of their monarchs, above a thousand viclin)s were doomed to accompany lum to the tomb. In one particular, their manners appear to have been more bar- barous than those of most rude tribes. Though acquainted with the use of (ire in preparing maize, and other vegetables for food ; they devoured both flesh and fish peifeclly raw, and astonished the Spaniards, with a practice repugnant to the ideas of all civilized people. But lliDUgh Mexico and Peru are the possessions of Spain in the New World, which on account both of their ancient and present state, have attracted tlieir greatest attention ; her other dominions there are far from being inconsiderable, either in extent or value. The greater part of them was reduced to subjection during the tirst part of the sixteenth century, by priva'o adventurers, who fitted out their small armaments either in tii>paniula or in Old Spain; and were we to follow each leader in his progress, we should discover the same daring courage, the same persevering ardour^ the same rapacious desire of wealth, and the same capacity of enduring and surmounting every thing in order to attain it, whicti uislinguished the operations of the Spaniards ill their greater American conquests. But, instead of entering into a detail, which, from the similarity of the transactiiins, would appear almost a repetition of what has been already related, I shall satisfy myself with such a view of those provinces of the Spanish empire in America, which have not hitherto been mentioned, as may convey to my readers an adequate idea of its great- ness, fertility, and opulence. I begin with the countries contiguous to the two great monarchies, of whose history and institutions I have given some account, and shall then briefly describe the other districts of Spanish America. The jurisdic- tion of the viceroy of New Spain extends over seve- ral provinces, which were not subject to the dominion of the Mexicans. The countries of Cinaloa and Sonora, that stretch along the east side of the Vermilion sea, or gulf of Califoriiio, as well as the immense kingdoms of New Navarre and New Mexico, which bend towards the west and north, did not acknowledge the sovereignty of Montezuma, or his predecessors. 'I'iiese regions, not inferior in magnitude to all the Mexican empire, are reduced some to a greater, others to a less degree of siilijeclion to the Spanish yoke. They extend through the mi.st deliuhiful part of the temperate zone; their soil is, in general, remarkably fertile, and all their pro- ductions, ulictlier animal or vegetable, are most perfect in their kind. Tiny have all a communication either with the Paciiic Ocean, or with the Gulph of Mexico, and are watered by rivers which not only enrich them, but may become subservient to commerce. The num. ber of Spaniards settled in those vast countries, is indeed extremely small. They may be said to have subdued rather than to have occupied them. But if the popu- lation in their ancient establishments in America shall continue to increase, tliey may gradually spread over those provinces, of which, however inviting, they have not hitherto been able to take full possession. One circumstance may contribute to the speedy popu- lation of some districts. Very rich mines both of gold and silver have been discovered in many of the regions whicii I have mentioned. Wherever these are opened, and worked with success, a multitude of people resort. In order to supply them with the necessaries of life, cultivation must be increased, artisans of various kinds must assemble, and industry as well as wealth will be gradually diffused. Many examples of this have occurred in ditt'eirnt parts of America since they fell under the dominion of the Spaniards. Populous villages and large towns have suddenly arisen amidst uninhabited uilds and mountains; and the working of mines, thougli lar from being the most proper object towaids which the attention of an infant society should be turned, may become the means both of promoting useful activity, and of augmenting the number of people. A recent and singular initance uf this has happened, which, us it is but little known in Europe, and may be prout.< ive HOOK VII. BJOK VII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. a()9 !' ;lf with such of great effects, merits attention. The Spaniards settled in the provinces of Cinah)a and Sonora, had been long disturbed by the depredations of sonic fierce tribes of Indians. In tlie year I7C5, the incursions of tliose savages became so frequent, and so destructive, that the Spanisli inhabitants, in despair, applied to the Alarquis of Cineguilla, have been discovered, botii in Sonora and Cinaloa,* it is probable that these neglected and thinly inhabited provinces, may soon become as populous and valuable »« any part of the Spanish empire in America. The peninsula of California, on tlie other side of the Vermilion sen, seems to have been less known to the de Croix, viceroy of Mexico, for such a body of troops , ancient Mexicans, than the |)rovinces which I have men- as might enable them todrive those formidable invaders j tioned. It was discovered by Cortos in the year 1536. from their places of retreat in the mountains. But the I During a long period it continued to be so little fre- treasury of Mexico was so much exhausted by the larcc i quented, that even its form was unknown, and in most sums drawn from it, in order to support the late war | ciiarts it was represented as an island, not as a penin« against Great Britain, that the viceroy could aHord sula.f Though the climate of this country, if we may tliem no aid. The respect due to his virtues, accom- plished what his oflicial power could not eR'ect. He judge from its situation, must be very desirable, the Spaniards have made small progress in peopling it. 'i'o- prevailed with the merchants of New Spain to advance I wards the close of the last century, the Jesuits, who had abi>ut two hundred thousand pesos fordefrtiying the ex- ' great merit in exploring this neglected province, and in pence of the expedition. The war was conducted by civilizing its rude inhabitants, imperceptibly acquired a an ofTicer of abilities; and after being protracted for dominion over it as complete as that which they possessed three years, chiefly by the difficulty of pursuing the fugi- | in their missions in Paraguay, and they laboured, to in- tives over mountains and through defiles which were troduce into it the same policy, and to govern the natives almost impassable, it terminated in the year I77l> >" ^y t'**^ same maxims. In order to prevent the court the final submission of the tribes, which had been so '• of Spain from conceiving any jealousy of their designs long the object of terror to the two provinces. In the j and operations, they seem studiously to have depre- course of this service, the Spaniards marched through ciatcd the country, by representing the climate as countries into which they seem not to have penetrated I so disagreeable and unwholesome, and the soil as before that time, and discovered mines of such value, I so barren, that nothing but a zealous desire of as was astonishing even to men acquainted with the i converting the natives, could have induced them to riches contained in the mountains of the New World. '■ settle there. Several public-spirited citizens endeavoured At Cineguilla, in the province of Sonora, they entered a plain of fourteen leagues in extent, in which, at the depth of only sixteen inches, they found gold in grains of such a size, that some of them weighed nine marks, and in such quantities, that in a short time, with a few labourers, tliey collected a thousand marks of gold in to undeceive their sovereigns, and to give them a better view of California ; but in vain. At length, on the ex- pulsion of the Jesuits from the Spanish dominions, the court of Madrid, as prone at that juncture to suspect the purity of the Order's intentions, as formerly to con- fide in them with implicit trust, appointed Don Joseph grains, even without taking time to wujsh the earth that Galvez, whose abilities have since raised him to the high had been dug, which appeared to he so rich, that per- rank of minister for the Indies, to visit that peninsula, fons of skill computed that it might yield what would His account of the country was favourable ; he found be equal in value to a million of pesos. Before the end the pearl fisliery on its coasts to be valuable, and he of the year l//'. above two thousand persons were discovered n>incs of gold of a very promising appear- settled in Cineguilla, under the government of proper ance. From its vicinity to Cinaloa and Sonora, it is magistrates, and the inspection of several ecclesiastics, i probable, that if the population of these provinces shall As several other mines, not inferior in richness to that increase in the manner which I have supposed, Califori ia * My inforrnutioi) with reupcct to those events is taken from ^olicM breve ile la expediciun mitHar de Sonora y Cinaloa, $u tiUo J'eliz, y lantujosu estudo, en que par conaecuentia de cllo, w htm puitto umbas pTovinctas, publiiihed ut Mexico, June. l"ili. 1771, in order to smisl'y the cuiiosity of the merchants, who had furnished the viceroy with money for defrnying the expeuce of the armament. Tlie copies of tbi:* Noticia are very rare ia Madrid ; but 1 have obtained one, which has enabled pic to Communicate these curious facts to the public. Accord- ing to this account, there uas found in the mine Yccorato in Cinaloa, a grain of gold of twenty-two carats, which weighed tixiecn marks four ounces four ochavas ; this' was lent to Spain as a present fit for the king, and is now deposited in the royal cabinet at Mudiid. t The uncertainty of geographers with respect to this point is remarkable, for Cortes seems to have surveyed its coasts with great accuracy. The archbishop of Toledo has published, from the original, in the possession of the Marquis del Valle, the descendant of Cortes, a map drawn in 1541, by the pilot Domingo Castillo, in which Califoruio is laid down as a penin- sula, stretching out nearly in the same direction which is now given to it in the best maps, and the point where Rio Colo» rado enters the gulf is marked with precision. — Hi$t, de Hueva E*pagna,327. I I ' I li 11-- 270 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book VII. may by degrees, receive from them such a recruit of inh»hit.ints, as to be no longer reckoned among the desolate and useless districts of tiie Spanish empire. Oil the east of Mexico, Yucatan and Honduras are coin|)rehended in the government of New Spain, though anciently tiicy can hardly be said to have formed a part of the Mexican empire. These large ))rovinces, stretching from the Bay of Campeachy beyond Cape Gracias a Dios, do not, like the other territories of Spain in the New World, derive their value either from the fertility of their soil or the richness of their mines ; but they produce in greater abundance, than any part of America, the logwood tree, which, in dying some c( lours, is so far preferable to any other material that the consumption of it in Europe is considerable, and it has become an article in commerce of great value. During a long period, no European nation in- truded upon the Spaniards in those provinces, or at- tempted to obtain any share in this branch of trade. But after the conquest of Jamaica by the English, it soon appeared what a formidable rival was now seated in the neighbourhood of the Spanish territories. One of the first objects which tempted the English settled in that island, was the great profit arising from the logwood trade, and the facility of wresting some por- tion of it from the Spaniards. Some adventurers from Jamaica made the first attempt at Cape Catoche, the south-east promontory of Yucatan, and by cutting log- wood there, carried on a gainful traffic. When most of the trees near the coast in that place were felled, they removed to the island of Trist, in the Bay of Campeachy ; and in later times, their principal station lias been in the Bay of Honduras. The Spaniards, alarmed at this encroachment, ende'ivoured by nego- ciation, remonstrances, and open force, to prevent the English from obtaining any footing on that part of the American continent. But after struggling against it for more than a century, the disasters of last war ex- torted from the court of Madrid a reluctant consent to tolerate this settlement of foreigners in the lieart of its territories. The pain which this humbling concession occasioned, seems to have prompted the Spaniards to devise a method of rendering it of little consequence, more eltectual than all the etforts of negociation or violence. The logwood produced on the west coast of Yucatan, where the soil is drier, is in quality far supe- rior to that which grows on the marshy grounds wiiere the English are settled. By encouraging the cutting * I am indebted for this fact to M. L'Abb^ Raynal, torn, iii. lOS, and upon consulting au intelligent person, ionff settled on the Mos(|uito shore, and who has been engaged in the logwood trade, I find that ingenious author hat been well in< of this, and permitting the Importation of it into Spain without paying any duty, such vigour has been given to this branch of commerce, and the logwood which the English bring to market has sunk so much in value, that their trade to the Bay of Honduras has gradually declined* since it obtained a legal sanction ; and, it is probable, will soon be finally abandoned. In that event, Yucatan and Honduras will become possessions of considerable importance to Spain. Still farther east than Honduras lie the two provinces of Costa Riga and Veragua, which likewise belong to the viceroyalty of New Spain ; but both have been so much neglected by the Spaniards, and are apparently of such small value, that they merit no particular attention. The most important province depending on the vice- royalty of Peru, is Chili. The Incas had established their dominion in some of its northern districts ; but in the greater part of the country, its gallant and high- spirited inhabitants maintained their independence. The Spaniards, allured by the fame of its opulence^ early attempted the conquest of it under Diego Alina- gro ; and, after his death, Pedro de Valdivia resumed the design. Both met with fierce opposition. The former relinquished the enterprise in the manner which I have mentioned. The latter, after having given many displays, both of courage and military skill, was cut oft', together with a considerable body of troops under his command. Francisco de Villagra, Valdivia's lieute- nant, by his spirited conduct, checked the natives in their career, and saved the remainder of the Spaniards from destruction. By degrees, all the champaign country along the coast was subjected to the Spanish dominion. The mountainous country is still possessed by the Puelches, Araucos, and other tribes of its ori- ginal inhabitants, formidable neighbours to the Spa- niards ; with whom, during the course of two centuries, they have been obliged to maintain almost perpetual hostility, suspended only by a few intervals of insecure peace. That part of Chili then, which may properly be deemeil a Spanish province, is a narrow district, ex- tended aloiisr the coast from the desert of Atacamas to the ishiiid of Chiloe, above nine hundred miles. Its climate is the most delicious in the New World, and is hardly equalled by that of any region on the face of the earth. Though bordering on tht' Torrid Zone, it never feels the extremity of heat, being screened on the east by the Andes, and refreshed from the west by cooling formed. Tlie logwood, cut near the town of St. Francis of Campeachy, is of much better qualitv, than that on the other side of Yucatan, and the English trade in the Bay of tionduru is almost at an end. >K VII. :o Spain >n given d which in vulue, rradually laA, it is In that ssessions provinces )elong to e been so larently of attention, n the vice- ;stablished Iricts; but and liigh- epcndence. opulence, iego Alma- ria resumed tion. Tlic inner which given many was cut off, Ls under his ,ia's lieute- ; natives in le Spaniards cl>ampaign tiie Spanish till possessed s of its ori- to the Spa- kvo centuries, asl perpetual s of insecure properly be , district, ex- f Atacamas to cd miles. Its World, and is the face of the Zone, it never ed on the east rest by cooling »f St. Francis of liBt on the other Bay of Honduras BOOK vn.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. a'; I sea breezes. The temperature of the air is so mild and equable, that the Spaniards give it the preference to that of tlie southern provinces in their native country. The fertility of the soil corresponds with the benign!' ■ of the climate, and is wonderfully accomniodat..d European productions. The most valuable of i!k corn, wine, and oil, abound in Chili, as if they had been native to the country. All the fruits imported from Europe attain to full maturity there. The animals of cur hemisphere n6t only multiply, but improve in this delightful region. The horned cattle are of larger size tlutn those of Spain. Its breed of horses surpasses, both in beauty and in spirit, the famous Andalusian race, from which they sprung. Nor has nature exhausted her bounty on tiie surface of the earth ; she has stored its bowels with riches. Valuable mines of gold, of silver, of copper, and of lead, have been discovered in various parts of it. A country distinguished by so many blessings, we may be apt to conclude, would early become a favourite station of tlie Spaniards, and must have been cultivalt-d with peculiar predilection and care.* Instead of this, a great part of it remains unoccupied. In ail this extent of country, there are not above eighty tiiousand white iiiliabitants, and about three times that number of ne- grues and people of a mixed race. The most tertile soil in America lies uncultivated, and some of its most promising mines remain unwrought. Strantrc us this iiej,'lect of the Spaniards to avail themselves ol advan- tages, which seemed to court tlieir acctptaiiee, may appear, the causes of it can be traced. The only inter- course of Spain with its colonies in the Soutli Sea, was carried on during two centuries by the annual fleet to Porto Bello. All the produce of these colonies was sliippi'd in the ports of C'allao, or Arica in I'eru, for I'an.iina, and carried from thence across the isthmus. All the commoilities which tliey received from the mother country, were conveyed from Panama to the same harbours. Thus both the exports and imports of Chili passed through the hands of merchants settled in IVrii. These had of course a profit on each ; and in both transactions the Chilese felt their own subordina- tion ; and having no direct intercourse with the parent state, tlicy depended upon another province for the disposal of their productions, as well as for the supply of tliiir wants. Under such discouragements, popula- tion could not increase, and industry was destitute of one chief incitement. Hut now that Spain, from mo- tives which I shall mention hereafter, has adopted a new system, and carries on her commerce with the colonies in the South Sea, by ships which go round (ape Horn, a direct intercourse is opened between Cliili and the mother country. The gold, the silver, and the other commodities of the province will be ex- changed in its own harbours for the manufactures of Europe. Chili may speedily rise into that importance among the Spanish settlements to which it is entitled by its natural advantages. It may become the granary of Peru, and the nther provinces along the Pacific Ocean. It may supply tiiem with wine, with cattle, with horses, with hemp, and many other articles for which they now depend upon Europe. Though the new system has been establislied only a few years, those effects of it begin already to be observed. If it shall be adhered to with any steadiness for half a cen- tury, one may venture to foretel, tiiat population, in- dustry, and opulence will advance in this province with rapid progress. To the cast of the Andes, the provinces of Tucuman and Rio de la Plata border on Chili, and like it were dependent on the viceroyalty of Peru. These regions of immense extent stretch in length from north to south above thirteen hundred miles, and in breadth more than a thousand. This country, which is larger than most European kingdoms, naturally forms itself into two great divisions, one on the north, and the other on the south of Rio de la Plata. The former cn Mi» n i m i » ,ii I of my work. To the east of Vcragua, the last province subject to the viceroy of Mexico, lies the isthmus of Darien. Though it was in this part of the continent that the Spaniards first began to plant colonies, they have made no considerable progress in peopling it. As the country is extremely mountainous, deluged with rain during a good part of the year, remarkably unhealthful, and contains no mines of great value, the Spaniards would ])robably have abandoned it altogether, if they had not been allured to continue by the excellence of the harbour of F*orto Bello on the one sea, and that of I'anama on the other. These have been called the keys to the commuidcation between the North and South Sea, between Spain and her most valuable colonies. In consequence of this advantage, Panama has become a considerable and thriving town. The peculiar noxious- ness of its climate lias prevented Porto Bello from in- creasing in the same proportion. As the intercourse with the settlements in the Pacific Ocean is now carried on by another channel, it is probable that both Porto Hello and I'anama will decline, when no longer nourished and enriched by that commerce to which they were indebted for their prosperity, and even their existence. The provinces of Carthagena and Santa M a.tha stretcli to tiie eastwanl of the isthmus of Darien. The country still continues niountainous, but its vallies hei;in to expand, are well watered, and extremely fer- tile. I'edro de llercdia subjected this part of America to the crown of Spain, about t!ic year I'lSiJ. It is thinlv peopled, and of conr>e ill cultivated. It pro- duces, however, a viriety of v,dual)le drugs, and some precious stones, particularly emeralds. Hut its chict importance is derived from the harbour of ( arlhagcna, the safest and best fortified of any in the American do- minions of Spain. In a situation so favourable, com- merce soon began to (lomish. As «arly as the year ir»l I, it seems to have been a town of some note. Hut when Carthagena was chosen as ihe port in which tiie galeons should first begin to trade on their arrival from Ivirope, and to which they were directed to return, in t)rder to ])reparc for their voyagi- homeward, the coin- merce of its inhabitants was so much fivourcd by this arrangement, that it soon became t)ne of tlie most po- pulous, opulent, and beautiful cities in America, There is, however, reason to apprehend, that it has reached its highest point of exaltation, and that it vvill be so far affected by the change in the S|)anisli system of trade with America, which has withdrawn from it the desi- rable visits of the galeons, as to feel at least a tem- porary decline. But the wealth now collected there, will soon find or create employment for itself, and may be turned with advantage into some new channel. Its I HOOK V!1.J HISTORY OF AMERICA. G/.i ii' Imrboiir is so safe, and so conveniently "situated for re- [ agents left tlicm no liopeof rver deriving any ndvimtn^'c. ceiviiif^ torn nuxl it it's from Europe, its mcrciiants luive , When tiie wretched renuiiiuler of tlii« Germans ilt strud been so long aecustonied to convey these into all the Venezuela, the Spaniards again took jxisst ssioii of it ; adj.ieentprovinees, that it is probable they will still retain , but notwithstanding many natural advtiD'.iigcs, ii is (nie this branch of trade, and Carthngena continue to be a of their most languishing and uninodiKtive seltle- city of great importance. The province « li variety and I Santa Martha on the north. As the original inhabitants extent, that his revenues were not sufficient to defray i of this region were farther advance'", in improvement, the expence of carrying them into execution. Among than any people in America but the Mexicans and Pe- other expedients for supplying the deficiency of his ruvians, they defended themselves with great resolution funds, he had borrowed large sums from the Velsers of j and good conduct. The abilities and perseverance of Augsburgh, the most opulent merchants at that time in Benalcaziir and Quesada surmounted all op|)osition, Europe. By way of retribution for these, or in hopes, though not without encountering many dangers, and pcrliapsjof obtaining a new loan, he bestowed upon iheni reduced the country into the form of a Spanish pro- the province of Venezuela, to be held as an hereditary vince. fief from the crown of Castile, on condition that within a lindted time they should render themselves masters of the country, and establish a colony there. Under the direction of such |)ersons, it might have been ex- pected, that a settlement would have been established on maxims very different from those of the Spaniards, and better calculated to encourage such useful industry, as mercantile proprietors migitt have known to be tlie must certain source of prosperity and opulence. But unlortunatily they committed the execution of their plan to some of those soldiers of fortune with which Germany abounded in the sixteenth century. These adventurers, impatient to amass riches, that they niight speedily abandon a station which they soon discovered to be very uncomfortable, instead of planting a colony in order to cultivate and improve the country, wandered from district to district in search of mines, plundering the natives with unfeeling rapacity, or oppressing them by the imposition of intolerable tasks. In the course of a few years, their avarice and exactions, in comparison with which those of the Spaniards were moderate, de- solated the province so completely, that it could hardly afford tlicm subsistence, and the Velsers relinquished a pro|)erty from which the inconsiderate conduct of their The New Kingdom of Granada is so far elevated above the level of the sea, that though it approaches almost to the equator, the climate is remarkably tem- perate. The fertility of its valleys is not inferior to that of the richest districts in America, and its higiicr grounds yield gold and precious stones of various kinds. It is not by digging into the bowels of the earth that this gold is found ; it is mingled with the soil near the surface, and separated from it by repeated washing witjj water. This operation is carried on wholly by negro slaves ; for though the chill subterranean air has been discovered, by experience, to I .; so fatal to them, that they cannot be employed with advantage in the deep silver mines, they are more capable of performing the other species of labour than Indians. As the natives in the New Kingdom of Granada are exenii)t from that service, which has wasted their race so rapidly in other parts of America, the country is still remarkably popu- lous. Some districts yield gold with a profusion no less wonderful than that in the vale of Cincguilla, which 1 liavc formerly mentioned, and it is often found in large pepitai, or grains, which manifest the abundance in which it is produced. On a rising ground near Pam- plona, single labourers have collected in u day what was Yy ii •JJi HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book VIII. equal iu vnluc to a thousand pesos. A late governor of baiitti I'b orouglit witli him to Spain a lump of pure gc!(J, estiriialcd lo be worth seven hundred and forty pounds sttiling. This, wliich is, perhaps, tlic larf^est and finest specimen ever found in the New \Vorld, is now deposited in liie royal eabinet of Madrid. Kut without founding any ealeuiation on what is rare and ex- traordinary, the value of the gold usually collected in this country, particularly in tlie provinces of Popayan and Choco, is of considerable amount. Its towns are po- pulous and flourishing. The number of inhabitants in almost every part of the country daily incicascs. Cul- tivation and industry of various kinds begin to be en- couraged, and to prosper. A coiiiidernble tradi; ig carried on witli Cnrtiiagena, the produce of the mines, and other commodities, being conveyed down the great river of St. Magdalen to that city. (Jn anotlier quarter, the New Kingdom of Granada has a comniui'ication with the Atlantic by the river Orinoco ; but the country which stretches along its banks towards the cast, is little known, and imperfectly occupied by the Spa- niards. BOOK VIII. View of the interior government, commerce, tfc. of the Spanish colonies — Depopulation of America— first effect of their settlements — not the consequence of any system of policy — nor to be imputed to religion — Number of Indians still remaining — Fundamental maxims on which tlie Spanish system of colonization is founded— Condition of different orders of men in their colonies — Chapetones — Creoles — Negroes — Indians — Ecclesiastical state and policy — Character of secular and regular clergy — Small progress of Christianity among the natives — Mines the chief object of their attention — Mode of working these— their produce— Effects of encouraging this species of industry — 0//ier commodities of Spanish America — First effects (f this new commerce with America on Sjmin — tVhy the Spanish colonies have not been tw ben^cial to the parent-stale as those of other nations — Errors in tlie Spanish system of regulating this commerce— conjined to one port— carried on by annual Jleels — Contraband trade— Decline of Spain both in population and wealth — Remedies proposed — ^'iew of the wise regulations of the lionrboii princes— A new and more liberal system introduced— Jieneficial effects of this— Probable conse- quences—Trade between Neiu Spain and the Philippines— Revenue nf Spain from America — wherce it arises— to what it amounts. ♦ /\FTKR tracing the progress of tlic Spaniards in their discoveries and conquests during more than half a century, I liave conducted them to that period when their authority was established over almost all the vast regions in the New World still subject to their domi- nion. The effect of their settlements upon the coun- tries of which they look possession, the maxims which they adopted in forming their new colonies, the interior structure and policy of these, together with the in- fluence of their progressive improvement upon the parent-state, and upon the commercial intercourse of nations, are the objects to which we now turn our attenM'on. The first visible consequence of the establishments made by the Spaniards in America, was the diminution of the ancient inhabitants, to a degree equally astonish- ing and dei)Iorable. I liave already, on different occa- sions, mentioned l!ic disastrous influence under which the connection of the Americans with the people of our hemisphere commenced, both in the islands, and in se- veral parts of the continent, and have touched upon various causes of their rapid consumption. Wherever the inhabitants of America had resolution to take arms in defence of t^ieir liberty and rights, many perished in the unequal contest, and were cut off by their fierce in- vaders. But the greatest desolation followed after the sword was sheathed, and the conquerors were settled in tranquillity. U was in the islands, and in those pro- vinces of the continent which stretch from the Gulf of Trinidad to the confines of Mexico, that tlie fatal cDects of the Spanish dominion were first and most sensibly felt. All these were occupied either by wandering tribes of hun- ters, or by such as had made but small progress in culti- vation and industry. When they were con)pelled by their new masters to take up a fixed residence, and to api>!y to regular labour j when tasks were imposed upon them BOOK VIII.J HISTORY OF AMERICA. 275 disproportioned to tlitir strongtii, and were exsicted with unrelenting severity, tliey possessed not vigour either of mind or of body tu sustain this unusual loiid of oppression. Dejection and despair drove many to end their lives by violence. Fat'gue and famine de- stroyed more. In all tiiosu extensive regions, the original race of inhabitants wasted away ; in some it was totally extinguished. In Mexico, where a power- ful and martial )/ ople distinguished their opposition to the Spaniards by efT'orts of courage worthy of a better fate, gnat numbers fell in the field ; and there, as well as in Peru, still greater numbers perished under the hardships of attending tlie Spanish armies in their various expeditions and civil wars, worn out with the incessant toil of carrying their baggage, provisions, and military stores. lUit neither the rage nor cruelty of the Spaniards were so destructive to the people of Mexico and Peru, as tlie inconsiderate policy with which they established their new settlements. The former were temporary calamities, fatal to individuals ; the latter was a ]>er- mancnt evil, which, with gradual consumption, wasted the nation. When the provinces of Mexico and Peru were divided among the conquerors, each was eager to obtain a district, from which he might expect an in- stantaneous rccompence for all his services. Soldiers, accustomed :o the carelessness and dissipation of a mi- litary life, had neither industry to carry on any plan of regular cultivation, nor patience to wait for its slow but certain returns. Instead of settling in the valleys * v. Torribio de Bciicvciite, or Motolinea, lias enumerated ten ciiust'S of the ruj)iil depopulation of Mexico, to wiiieli he gives the riHinc of tlic Ten Pliiffiics. Many "f these are not. peculiar to that province. I. 'I'lie introduction of the sinidl- pox. This disease was fo'St brOHt;ht iiito New Spain in the year l;»'20, by a ncfjro slave «hi» attondcil Narvacz in his expedition iigiiiii'^t Cortes. Torrihio allirinr., that one half of the people in the |)rovinccs, visited with (his di>tcniper, fiied. To tliis mortality oceusioned by the >ni«ll-pox, Tonpicinada adds the destructive effects of twocoiitafjious disteuipers uiiich raged in the years 1545 and 157C. In tlio fciniier 800,000; in the latter, ahovc two millions perished, according to an exact account taken by order of the viceroys. Man. Ind. i. 642. The small-pox was not introduced into Peru for several years after the invasion of the Spaniards, but tlierc too ili;it distemper proved very fatal to the natives. Gnrtin Ongeii, p. H8. 2. The nninhers who were killed or djed of faiiiine in their war with the Spaniards, purticninrly during the siege of Mexico. 3. The great famine that followed after the reduc- tion of Mexico, as all the people engaged, either on one side or the other, had neglected the cultivation of their lands. Something similar to this happened in all the other countries conipiercd by the Spaniards. 4. The grievous tasks imposed by tlie Spaniards ii|H>n the people belonging to their Repar- tiu)ientos. .5. The oppressive burden of taxes which they were unable to pay, and from which they could hope for no exemption. 6. The numbers employed in collecting the gold, occupied by the natives, where the fertility of the soil would have amply rewarded the diligence of the planter, they chose to fix their stations in some of tlic moun- tainous regions, frequent both in New Spain and in Peru. To search for mines of gold and silver, was the chief object of tlieir activity. The prospects which this opens, and the alluring hopes which it continually presents, correspond wonderfully with the spirit of en- terprise and adventure that animated tlic lirst emigrants to America in every part of their conduct. In order to push forward those favourite projects, so many hands were wanted, that the service of the natives became in- dispensably requisite. They were accordingly com- pelled to abandon their ancient habitations in the plains, and driven in crowds to the mountains. This sudden transition from the sultry climate of the valleys, to the chill penetrating air peculiar to high lands in the torrid zone; exorbitant labour, scanty or unwholesome nourishment, and the despondency occasioned by a species of oppression to which they were not accus- tomed, and of which they saw no end, alfccted them nearly as much as their less industrious countrymen in the islands. They sunk under the iMiited pressure of those calamities, and melted away with almost equal rapidity. In consequence of this, together with the in- troduction of the small-pox, a malady unknown in America, and extremely fatal to the natives, the num- ber of people both in New Spain and Peru was so much reduced, that in a few years the accounts of their ancient population appeared almost incredible.* curried down l»y the torrents from the nioiintuins, who were forced from their own habitations, without any provision made for their suhsistcnee, iuui subjected to all the rigour of cold in tlioay form sonic idea of what they Buffered in similar services, nnn, liave aseiil)ed tliis unexampled event to a system of |)()licy no less profound tlian alrotious. Tlie Spa- niards, us tbey pretend, conscious of tiieir own inabi- lity to occupy the vast retji'ins wliieli lliey bad disro- vered, and foresceini' the impossibility of maintaining their authority over a people infinitely superior to till insclves in number, in ordir tu preserve the jxisses- sion of America, resolved to cslcnMiiMte tlie inhabi- tants, and by c iivirtiiiir a ,i,'reat part ot the cimntry into a desert, endeavoured to secure their own domi- , nion over it.* Hut natirnis seldom extend their views to objects so remote, or lay their plans so dre|) ; and, for the honour of humanity we may observe, that no nation ever deliberately iornied such an execrable selieme. 'I'hc Spanish monarchs, far from actiuf; upon any such system of destruction, were uniformly soli- citous for the preservation of their new subjects. With Isabella, zeal for propagating the Christian faith, toge- ther \\ith the desire of communicating the knowledge of truth, and the consolations of religion, to people destitute of spiritual light, were more than ostensible motives for encouraging Columbus to attempt his dis- coveries. Tpon his success, she endeavoured to fulfil iier pious purpose, and mauifesled the most tender concern to secure not only religious instruction, but mild treatiiiciit, to that inoHensive race of men sub- jected to her crown. t Her successors adopted the sauie ideas ; and, on many occasions, which I have nienti^nied, tluir authority was interposed in the most vigorous exertions, to protect the people of America from the opjiression of the ir Spanish subjects. 'J'heir regulations for this |)urpose were numerous, and often repe.ited. They were framed with wisdom, and dic- tated by humanity. After their |)ossessiuns in the Ni-w \\'()rld bei'ame so extensive, as might have ex- cil<'d s(jnic apprehensi(/iis of dilliculty in retaining tiielr diiniiiiIn tlifir fuiiL'ti'jii. Tlicy \vt viiiisteis (jf iicaco, •aIio I'lidcuvoiired to wrest tlie ruvi 'ioiii the Ii.ukIs ui oppri'ssors. To tlifir powerful :iithips and exactions to which they are too often exposed.* ISut, notwithstanding the rapid depopulation of Amo- liia, f» very consideriihle nuniherof the native race still remains hotli in Mexico and I'eru, especially in those * III llie si'\enlli '/';//(' id' t lie fir>t liouk ol'llic lt> rnpdiiiiiiii, ulileli eoiiliiiiis the l.iu.s ei)i.ei'iiiiijg llie pinters iiiiil liineii lis ot tir('liliisli .tiler) <>M', ill order to (IlI'l'ikI iIk'mi ffitii) opprisMoii, ( iilicr \\illi roncel to tlicir persons or propeity. .Not oidy dii tlic l.m.s coliiiiiit to tlieiii lliis lioiioiir.djie uiid iiuiiiaue ollicCj h.it llie teelesiahlies of Aiiieriea atUialiv exerei>L' il. Iniiiniieralile |iioi';.i of llii.< iniglit he prodaeed from l^jianisli Riltli'irs. i'lit I riillier refer to tiiif.:!', as lie was not disposid to ll^erii)e any merit to tlie p"|)isli eleigy, to wliieli tliey «eie lint fully eiilitled. — Sinifj, p. I 12, I!)-', &e. Henry Hawks, an Lii((lisii iiK'reliaiit \t lio rcsidei! hve yaisia Neu Spain pie- vions to llie year l."»7-, tiive.^ the sanit^ I'avourable account of tlic popish clergy. — llaliltiijl, iii. IlKi. IJy a law of (Jluales V, not only bishops, but olliir (cele.^ia^ties are iiiipov\ered to in- form iMiil iidiroiiisli the end iiiagislr.ite.'i, if any lntrates ia the several districts, as well as from his own observations, a:.d Imig acqiiaiiilaiice with most of the pro- vinces, Villa Segnor |iublished the result of his inipiiries in bis Ti:iilru Amvfkwiit. His n-port, lii.wevcr, is inip< r.'eet. Ol the nine dioceses, into whieli the Mexican einpirc has been dn'ided, lie lias published aa account of bve only, \i/. the ai'chbislinprie of Mexico, tlie bislioprics of Puebia de los Aii- i^eles, Meclioucaa, Oaxacu, and Nova Guiicia. The bishopries parts which were not exposed to tlic lirit fury of tlie Spanish arms, «/r desolated hy liie lirst cll'urls o;' liicir industry, still more ruinous, in duatiniaia, ( hiapa, Nicaragua, and the other deliglitful provinces of t!;'; Mexican empiic, which strclili along liio Soulii-sea, liic race of Indians is r.'.ill niiii.i'roiis. 'Ihclr bettleiucnts in sonic places are so populous, as to ii.erit tlie iiamu of cities. t 111 the three audiencts into which \ew Spain is divided, there are at least tu o nuirKii:s uf Indians ; a pitiful remnant, indeed, of its ancient popu« lalioii, but such as still forms u bi ;!y of peofile sujierior in number to that of ail the other inl<.abilatils uf tiii!i (.xtciisive country.! In I'eru several districts, particu- of Yiicalan, W'rnyv/,, ('liiapa, and (I'liatinialii, are entirely oiiiiiiid, thoni{h the Xwtt latter coinprelieKil countries in whicli the liidiaa laee is more ntimeri.iis than in any part of New Sp;ir!i. Ill his survey of the extensive diocese of Ni>va (ialicia, ihe siination of the dilVerent Indi.iii villages is deserilied, lint lie >'p.'('il'i(s the nnmlier of peoph- only in a small |iait of it. The Indians of tliiit extensive province, in which thi' Spanisli d.iniiiiioii is imjieileelly eslabilshed, are not registered with the sime i.eenracy as in other parts of New Spain. According to \'illa Sej^nor, the aeliial state of population in the ti\e dioceses aliove mentioned is of Spaniards, neyroes, iiiulattoes, and ines- tiitos, in the dioceses of i'liinilifs, 10;.,'J02 ."0,1)00 ;5;),nu) 7,'Ji)r. Hi, 770 Mexico lios Angeles Mechoacau Oaxaca Nova Gullcia 100,708 At the rate of five to a family the total number is !).'i.i,jJ(.» Indian families in the diocese of Mexico liOs Angeles . - . - Meehoacan ...... Oaxaca . . . . . Nova Galicia . . - - - I1'J,JI1 - H8;J40 - .'ui.ioe - 4 '.222 - ti,222 2iM,;i9l At the rate of five to a family, the total puniber is 1,171 ,'Ji>5 We may rely with greater certainty on this comiunation of the nnmlM.'r of Indians, as it is taken from the Miitiiiiila, or register, according to wliieli the tribute paid by theni is col- lected. As four dioceses of nine are totally emitted, iind in that of Nova (laliciH the nninbers are imperfectly recorded, we may c inelnde, that the number of Indians in the Mexican empire exceeds two millions. 'I'he acconiit of the number of Spanianis, i\.c. seems not to be c'pially complete. Of many places, \illa Segnoi observes in general terms, that several Spaniards, negroes, and people of mixed race, reside there, without speeihing their m;;nlicr. If, therefore, we make allowance for these, and for all who reside in the four dioceses omitted, the niimfcr oi' .Spaninids, and of those of a mixed race, may |)robalily anioniit loaniiilioii a! il a half. In some places, X'iUa Segn.ir disiinguishes lu ' ecu Spaniards and the three inferior races of neiirccs, nuih.' les, and mesti/os, and marks their number separately. I ' lie C7H IIISTOKV OF AMEUICA. [hook VIII. larly in tlic kitif^'dnm of Quito, arc oji-iipicd almost <>iitirc!y hy Indiaii!). In otlier provinces they are mingled wilii tlie Spiiiiiurds, and in many of tlieir settlements nre almost tlic only persons who practise the mechanic arts, aid fill most of the inferior stations in society. As the ihiialiitants both of Mexico and Peru were accus- tomed to a f'xcd re^idcnce, and to a certain degree of regular industry, less violence was requisite in bringing tlieni to sonic cotifurnilty with the European modes of civil life. Hut wherever the Spaniards settled among the savage tribes of America, their attempts to incorpo- rate with them have been always fruitless, and often fatal to the natives. Impatient of restraint, and dis- daining labour as a mark of servility, tliey either aban- doned their original seats, and sought for independence in mountains and forests inaccessible to their oppres- sors, or jierished when reduced to a state repugnant to their ancient ideas and habits. In the districts adjacent 4o Cartliagcna, to Panama, and to Buenos .Ayres, the generally blends tlicai tDgctlicr. But from tlic jirojiorlion obstrvabjp in lliose jiiatcs, ulicrc fiie iiuiiibi.'r of racli isi luarkeil, as uell as I'ruiii llic neconiit ul' the btate uf populalion in New S|)aia l)y uthtT authors, it ix nianil'cst tlial the number of iK-grofs u.i'l ptrsiMis ol' a mixcil iMce far excecdit tliut of Spa- niards. I'crli;ij)s tlie latter ought not to be reckoned above 50(1/(00 to a niillioa of the former. Defective as tiiis account ni.iy he, I have not been able to procure siieli inlelligeaee coaceraiiig the iiiiMihei- of |ieo|ile iu Pern, as niiglit enuhle in;' to rorinanv et)nj(cluie erjiiiillv satis- fying \vith re.-|i'.'tl to tiie d' grie of its |)()j,ul.itioa. 1 ha.e been informeij, that in the ye;ir I7<'1, the luoleclor if the Indians in the \ie hnlli, ami that they are .sold chiefly to the Sjianinli in!i:,|.itants, and tliosc of mixed laer, so that the number of Sp:ltlia;^!^, and peojile of a mixed race, will amuui.t by lliis riiMie of conipiilation to at Ie:ist tlirce millions. 'I'lie nunil.cr of inhabitants in many of the towns in S|)airish Ainciica, may give lis some idea of the extent of population, and correct tiic inaccui.-ite, but popular notion entertained in Great ISritain, cineeniiiifi the wiak and desolate st.ite of th'..'ir colonies. The ( ity of Mexico e:)nlains at least 150,000 peoj)le. It is reinarkalil.' thai 'lonpieinada, who wrote his Monuiquia Imimna whitni the year IlilJ, reckons the inhahitant.s of Mexico at that time to be oidy 70(;0 Spaniards and HOOO Indians. — Lib, iii. c. 20. Pueblu dc los Angeles contains above 60,000 Sjianiards, and people of a mixed race. — A i/Zu .ScijHor, p. '1\7 ■ Guadalaxara contains above .'50,000, exclusive c)f indians. — Id li.'JOIJ. f/ima contains ;V1,000. — I). Cvmiie Uueno Deter, de Peiu, l7fJJ. Carthagena contains '2j,0(;0. I'otcjsi con- tains "25,000. — I'utni), 1707. Popayan contains above '20,000. ^-UU(ja, i. 287. Towns of a second class are still more uuuie- desolation is more general than even in tliose parts of Mexico and Peru, uf which the Spaniards have taken most full possession. Hut the estublishnienti uf the Spaniards in the New World, though fatal to its ancient inhabitants, were made at a jieriod when that monarcliy was capable of forming tliein to best advantage. ISy the union of all its ])etty kingdoms, Spain was become a powerful state, equal to so great an undertaking. Its munarchs, iinving extended their prerogative far beyund the limits which once circumscribed the regal power in every kingdom of Europe, were hardly subject to controul, either in concerting or in executing their measures. In every wide extended empire, tiie form of government must be simple, and the sovereign authority such, that iti resolutions may be taken with promptitude, and may pervade the whole with suflicient force. Such was the power uf the Spanish munarchs, when tiiey were called to deliberate concerning the mode of establishing their rous. 'i'hc cities in the most thriving KCttlements r,f other Hnro[)eaii nations in Amciica cannot be compared viitli these. Siieh are the detached accounts of the number of |)eople ia several towns, which I found scattered in niilhors whom I thought worthy of credit, liut 1 have obtained an cnuni?ra- tion of the inhabitants of the towns in the province of (juilo, on the accuracy of which 1 can rely ; and 1 communicate it to the |)ublic, botli to gratify cuiiosily, and tct rectify the mistaken notion which 1 have niiMitioned. St. Francisco de (jiiito con- tains between 60 and 6tl, 000 people of all the ditfercnt races. Hebides the city, there are in the ('uire^ini.tiitu 2'J ci(»u» or |)arishes established in the princi|ial villages, each of which lias smaller hamlets depending upon it. The inhabitants of these aie lu stiy Indians and Mestizos. St. Juan de Pasto has between 6 and t depending villages, 'i'he district of (Jhimbo between 6 and 8001/. The city of (iuyacpiil from Iti to '20,000 inhabi- tants, and I 'I depending villages, 'i'he district of Atuasi be- tween 5 and 61)00, and 4 depending villages, 'i'he city of ('iienza between '25 and .'30,000 inhabitants, and lic f,'overnnieiif, nnd tlie ^'iMiiTiil in- (IciiliiTfiliori, tliey telt tlieinselves umii r no (onslilu- j terest, the will ol tlie (iovirei;,'n ii \.i\v. \o |)(-lilie;il tional restriiint, mid tliut, as iiidepeiiderit masters of l power originates from tiie people. .\li centers in tlie tlicir own resolves, tiiey ininlit issue tin; ediils re(iui- ' ciMwn, (iini in tlie odieirs cif its iioinin.'Miun. tiite fur nio(lellin>{ llie ^overnineiil yj' llic new colunie", 1 When the concpiests i)( the .Spiiniiirds in .America by It mer«J ael of prero.»;i»live. j were completed, their moiiixrchs, in fumiln^,' the plan This emly interposition of the Sp.inish crown, in of int'Tn.il policy fur their new doinihion , divided order to reguluti- the pt)licy and trade «)f its colunics, is u pfcniiirity which distinguishes their p|-o;,'iess from ihat of the colonies of .my other ICuropean n.itioii. When the Portuguese, the Kiij,'lish, and French, took poNsessi<»n of the regions in Amerii.'.'i vvliich they now occupy, the advanluges v^hicli these promised to yield \ttMe so remote and uncertain, that their colonies were guHercd to slrugt^le through a hard infancy, almost without guidance or protection from the parent state. IJul ;,'old and silver, the first productions of the Spanish settlements in the New World, were more alluring, and immediately attracted the uttention of their mo- narchs. 'I'hougli they had contributed little to the discovery, and almost nothing to the con(]ucst of the New World, they instantly assumed the function of its legislators ; and having acquired a species of dominion formerly unknown, they formed a plan for exercising it, to which nothing similar occurs in the history of liuinan afl'airs. 'I'lic fundamental maxim of Spanish jurisprudence witii respect to America, is to consider what has been aeiiuircd there as vested in the crown, rather than in the stale. liy the hull of Alexander VI. on which, as its great charter, Spain founded its right, all the regions that had been, or should be discovered, were bestowed as a free gift upon Ferdinand and Isabella. They and their successors were uniformly held to be the universal proprietors of the vast territories, which the arms of their subjects conquered in the New World. From them, all grants of land there (lowed, and to them thev finally returned. The leaders who conducted the va- rious expeditions, the governors who presided over the dill'erent colonies, the officers of justice, and the mini- j sters of religion, were all appointed by their atitliDritv, ' and removable at their pleasure. The people who composed infant settlements were entitled to no privi- leges independent of their sovereign, or that servi d as a barrier against the power of the crown. It is line, that when towns were built, and formed into hoilles corporate, the citizens were permitted Uj 'Uct their own magistrates, who governed them by laws which the community enacted. Even in the most despotic stales, this feeble spark of liberty is not extinguished. But in the cities of S|)anisli America, this jurisdiction is merely municipal, and is confined to the regulation them into two immense governments, one subject to the viceroy of New Spain, the «jtlier to the viceroy of Peru. 'J'he jurisdielion of the former extended over all the provinces belonging to Spain in the northern division of the American continent. Under tiint of the latter, was comprehended whatever she ))ossessed in South America. This arrangement, which, from the beginning, was attended with many inconveniencies, became iiitoh-rable when the remote provinces of each viceroyally began to im|)rovc in industry and popula- tion. The people complained of their subjection to a superior, whose place of residence was so distant, or so inaccessible, as almost excluded them from any inter- course with the seat of government. The authority of the viceroy over districts so far removed from his own eye and observation, was unavoidably both feeble and ill directed. As a remedy for those evils, a third vice- royalty has been established in the present century, at Sanlo Fe de Bogota, the capital of the New kingdom of Ciranada, the jurisdiction of which extends over the whole kingdom of Tierra Firmd, and the province of Quito. Those viceroys not only represent the person of their sovereign, but possess his regal prerogatives within the precincts of their own governments, in their utmost extent. Like him, they exercise supreme au- thority in every department of government, civil, mili- tary, anc! criminal. They have the sole right of nomi- nating the persons who hold many offices of the highest importance, and the occasional privilege of supplying those, w liich when they become vacant by death, are in the royal gill, until the successor appointed by the king shall arrive. The external pomp of their go- vernment is suited to its real dignity and power. Their courts are formed upon the model of that at Madrid, with horse and foot guards, a household regularly es- taijjished, numerous attendants, and ensigns of com- mand, displaying such magnificence, as hardly retains the apjiearance of delegated authority. Hut as the viceroys cannot discharge in person the functitms of a supreme magistrate in every part of their extensive jurisdiction, they are aided in their govern- ment by officers and tribunals similar to those in Spain. The conduct of civil affairs in the various provinces and districts, into which the Spanish dominions in America are divided, is committed to magistrates of f SM'. IIISTOUV OK AMKIIICA. jnnoK VIII. villi lus orders niifl dtMioniliiations ; some appniiitfd liy till' kiiijj, otlicrs liy tlic vict'roy, Ixit ull Kul»jf( t Id llif {.■oiiMiiiiiil i>r the lutter, and ainiMiuble to liin jtiriiidir- tioii. 'I'I't' a(llllilli^truti<)^ of justice is vested in tri- bunils, known by tlie name of .Indie lu ex, and formed ii|)uii tlic inudvl of tlie court of Clmncery in S|)ain. Tlu.se ure clevi'i< in number, and dispense ju.stice to us niniiy d' iiicls, into wbicli tiie Spanisii dominions in Aiiu rica are divided.* The number of judges in tbe court (if Audience \s various, according to tlie extent and importance of their jurisdiction. The station is no less iionourabic than lucrative, and is commonly filled by persons of such abilities and mcfit as renders this tril)unal extremely respectable. Koth civil and crimiiiiti causes come under their cognizance, and for each peculiar judges are set apart. Though it is only in the most despotic governments, tlint the sovereign exercises in person the formidable prerogative of admi- nistering justice to his s ihjects, and in absolving, or condemning, consults no law but what is deposited in Iiis own breast ; though, in all the monarchies of Eu- rope, judicial authority is committed to magistrates, wlmsc decisions arc regulated by known laws and es- tablished furiiis, the Sjianish viceroys have often ut- tciiipted to intrude thcniselves into the seat of justice, and with an ambition which their «ii>taiice fn'iii the controul of a superior rendered iiohl, have aspir. I to a power which their m;ister does not venture to a:.siinie. In order to chcci; an usurpalion which must li.ive aiini- liiiated justice and security in the Spiuiisli < oloniis, hv subjecting llu' lives and property of all l.i llic will (,| a single man, the viceroys have licin |)in|.il)ii,(l, in tin- most cxpliilt terms, by repealed laws, iVoni inteiliTing in the jiKJiiial proceedings of ilic court-, of Aiulience, or from deliveriiii,' an opinion, or givintj a vnicv with resjjcct to any point litigated before them. In some particular cases, in which any (jueslii)n of civil right is involved, even the political reguiatloiis of the viceroy may be brought under the review of tlie court of Au- dience, which, ill tiiose instances, may be deemed an intcriiiediale jiowcr placed between him and the people, as a constitutional l.'arrier to circuiiiseiibe his jurisdic- tion. J{ut as legal restraints on a person who repre- sents the sovereign, and is clothed with his aulhorit), are little suited to the genius of Spanish policy ; the liesitatioii and reserve with which it confers this power on the courts of Audience arc rcmarkupble. 'I'hey may * Tlicsc are cslahlislied nt the following places, St. Do- mingo in the island of Hispaniola, Mexico in New Spain, Lima in Peru, Panama in Tieria Firing, Santiago in Guati- mnla, (luadahixara in New Gatieia, Santa F^ in the New Kingdom of Granada, La Plata in the country of Los Oiarcas, St, I'rnncisco do Quito, St. Jago de C'liili, I'uenos Ayrcs. To advise, they may remonstrate; but, in the event of i direct collision between their o|>iiiir)n and the will of the viceroy, what he determines must bo carried into executi.in, and nothing remains for them, but to lay the matter before the king and the council t,{ tjic In- dies. Itut to be entitled to remonstrate, and inform against a person, before wbum all others must be silent, and tamely submit to bis decrees, is u |)rivilege which adds dignity tu the courts of Audience. This is farther augmented by another circumstance. Opun the death of a viceroy, without any provision of a successor by tbe king, the supreme power is vested in the court uf Audience resident in the capital of the viceroyalty, and the senior judge, assisted by his brethren, exercises ull the functions of tbe viceroy while the olfice continues vacant. In matters which come under the cogni/.ancc of the Audiences, in the course of their ordinary juris- diction, as courts of justice, their sentences are final iu every litigation concerning property of less value than six thousand pesos ; but when the subject in disputes exceeds that sum, their decisions are subject to review, and may be carried by npjK'al before the royal council of the Indies. In this council, one of the most considerable in the monarchy for dignity and power is vestpd the supreme government of all the Spanish dominions in .America. It was first established by Ferdinand, in the year l.'ill, and brought into a more perfect form by Charles V. in the year irr.'l. Its jurisdiction extends to every de- partment, ecclesiastical, civil, militaiy, and commercial. All laws and ordinances relative to the government and police of the colonies originate there, and must be apjirtived of by two-thirds of the members, before they are issued in the name of the king. All the offices, of whieli the nomination is reserved to the crown, are conferred in this council. To it each person employed in America, from the viceroy downwards, is uecouiit- altle. It reviews their conduct, rewards their services, and inflicts the punishments due to their malversations. Before it, is laid whatever intelligence, either publii; or secret, is received from America, and every scheme of improving the administration, the police, or the commerce of the colonies, is submitted to its conside- ration. From Mie first institution of the council of the Indies, it has been the constant object of the ca- tholic monarchs to maintain its authority, and to make such additions from time to time, both to its power each of tlirse are sulijceted several large provinces, and some so far removed froia the cities v\here the courts are fixed, that they can derive little benefit from thiir jnrisdietiou. Tii« Spaninh' writers commonly reckon up twelve courts of Au- dience, but they include that of Manila in the Pliilip|iine Island*. ItDOK VIII.] HISTORY OF AMKUICA. '^Nl ainl Us s|)k'i>(l«)ur, ai inifrlit rt'iidcr it forinidiililc to sill tlifir nubjt'ct^ ill llif New World. Wlintrver ilcgroi- of pulilic order and virtue Ntill remains in tliut country, V liiri* so many circuinntaiircM conspire to relax tlif t'or- liii r, nnd to corru|it the latter, iiiny hv aseril)e(l in a grvut measure to the wise rcfrulutions and vigilant in- sjn-etion uf this reit|>ectalile triltunal. As tlie king is su|>|josed to be always present in liis council of the Indien, its meetings are held in the p|;ire where lie resides. Another tribunal has been inslitntcd, in order to regulate such eominercial aHiiirs as re(juiii(l the immediate and persuiiul inspection of those ap- |)(iinted to superintend them. This is called Casa de la ( oiitnilddofi, or the liouse of trade, nnd was esta- hlislied in Seville, the port to which commerce with the Kew World was coiitined, as early m the year 1.501, Jt iniiy be considered both as a boftrd of trade, and as a toiirl of judicature. In the former capacity, it t;ikes cogiii/unce «)f whatever relates to the intercourse of jS|Min with America, it regulates what commodities should be exported thither, and has the inspection of Midi as are received in return. It ilccides concerning the departure of the Heels for the V\ ist Indies, the freight and burden of the ships, their c(|uipniciit and destinatiim. In the latter capacity, it judges with respect to every question, civil, commercial, or criminal, arising in clete, the dependance continued. In their American settlements, the Spanish monarchs took what was |ieculiar to each, and studied to unite them. Hy sending colonies to regions so remote, by establishing in each a form of interior policy and admi- nistration, under ilislinct governors, and with pecnlinr laws, they «lisjoined them from the mother-country. By relainiiii,' in their own hands the rights of legislation, as will us that of imposing taxes, together wilh the power of iioniiiialing the persons who filled every de. ,'rtment of executive government, civil or military, they securM their dependance upon the parent-state. Happily for Spain, the situation of her colonic^ was such, as rendered it pussilde to reduce this new idea into practice. Almost all tlie countries which she had discovered and occupied, l.iy within the tropics. The productions of that large portion of the globe are dilVerent from those of I'.urope, even III its most southern provinces. The (|ualities of ihe climate and of the soil naturally turn the iiulustry of sneh as settle there into new channels. When the Spaniards tirst took possession of their dominion ia America, the |)recioUs metals whicli they yielded, were the only object that attraeled their atlcntion. Even when their etiorls began to take a better direellon, they employed themselves almost wholly in rearing sucii peculiar produciioiis of the eiimate, as, froMi their rarity or value, were of chief demand in the inother-couiitry. Allured by vast prospects of immediate wealth, they disdained to waste their iiulustry on what was less lucrative, but of superior moment. In order to render it impossible to correct this error, and to prevent them from making any eiVorts in industry which might inter- fere with those of the mother-country, the cslablish- nicnt of several species of manufacluies,* and even the and tlic difliculty of carrying coainiodities ol »uch bulk us v» iuu Zz ii '2H\ HISTORY OF AMERICA. [WOOK viir. l!' I' Si itture vessel of any foreign nation i.. received into their har- bours ; and the jjains of death, with contiscation of liiovea hies, are denouncet ag:' linst every inhabitant who ry Thus th e colonies are presumes to trade with them, kept in a state of perpetual pupillage ; and hy the intro- duction of this cull', inerciai dependence, a relinement in policy of which Spain set the first example to the Euro- pean nations, liie supremacy of the parent-state hath been maintained over remote colonies during two cen- turies and a l.alf. Such arc the capital maxims to wliicii the Spanish some provinces, and tlie slow reward of industry in all unless where the siccidehtal discovery of mines eiiri( lied a few fortunate adventurers, were evils universally felt and Miagnilied, Discouraged by the view of these, the spirit of migration was so nuicii damped, that sixtv years after the discovery of the New ^Vorl(l, the numhir of Spaniards in all its provinces is compute*! not to luivc cxceetled fifteen thousand.* 'JMie mode in wliieh property was distributed in the Spanish colonies, and tlie regulations established with respect to the transmission of it, whether by descent or by sale, were extremely unfavourable to population, [n order to promote a rapid increase of |)e()ple in any new seltlement, properly in land ought tc be divided into small shares, and the alienation of it should he rendered extremely easy. But the rapaciousness of the Spanish coiKinerors of the New World paid no regard to tliis fundamental maxim of |)olicy ; and, as tliey poss'ssed power, which enabled them to gratify tlic utmost extra- vagance oi llieir wishes, many seized districts of greut extent, and held them as i'iUi)i)ii('ii({ in America. Hut they could not |)lant witii Spaniards ae(|uired, was originally estimated according the same rapidity that they had destroyid; ard liom to the number ol Indians which lived upon them, .\ine- has been e.s- rica was in general so thinly peopled, that only disiriets man y concurring causes, their progress tremcly slow II til up the immense void «liich their of great extent could atlord such a number of labourers ticvaslalions had occasioned. As soon as ilie rage lur as niiglu lie iinployed in the mines with any prospect of disc()\ery and adventure began to abate, the Spaniards considerable gain. 'I he pernieioes eti'ects t)f those ni- opened their eyes to tlangers and distresses, which at liical errors in the distribution and nature of |)roperty iirsl they did iiut |)ercei\e, or had despised. The nu- in tlie Spanish setllements, are felt through every dejirt- nierous liarilsliips with which the members of inlant nu nl if industry, and may be considered as one gn-at colonies have to struggle, the diseases of uin^holesume cause of a progress in population so much slower tinii climatis, laial to the constitution of Ei iironeaiis the that which has taken place in better cunstituied tiifliculty of bringing a counlry, covered «ith forests, colonies. f into culture; the want of bands necessary for labour in To this we may add, that tlie support of the enor aiid oil across the isthmus of Panama, the Sfianiards in those eiglit years alter llie discovery of Aiiieiiea. — Hist. A'oiv ihbis, pioviiiees have been permitted to plant vines and olives. But ''ii. die. '21. IJut as henzoiii Miote «illi the .s|)iril of h mal- they aie stnelly |)roliil>iled I'roin exporting wine or oil to any Cd.ileiit, (lisp setl to detract from the Spaniards in every par- of the iiioviiiees in the I'aeitic Ocean, «liitli are in such a licnlar, it is probable that his tultululion is consideral)i\ too situation as to receive llieiu from Spain. — Htfcup. lib. i. tit.xvii. lo»'- i. 15 — 18. I t My information with respect to the division and tiaiis- ^' 1 Ills computation was made by Beiizoni, A.D. 1550, fifty- I mission of property in the Spuniith colouieu, is iuiperfeci I he (|!«^ ooK vm. BOOK VIII. I HISTORY OF A^IERICA. 28:3 )ort of llic fiior mcius and expensive fabvic of their ecclesiastical esta- blisliincnt, lias been a burden on the Spanish colonies, \vl ich has greatly retarded the progress of poj)ulation and ind^stiy. Tlie payment of tithes is a heavy tax on industry; and if the exaction of them be not regu- latcii the contrary, there are many Ciihilua which recomnicud the eoiiferriog places of trust iudiserimi- the first in rank and power. From the jealous atten- tion of the Spanish court to secure the dependence ol the colonies on the jiarent state, all departments of consequence are filled by persons sent from Europe; and, in order to prevent any of du'nious lidelity from being employed, each must bring |)roof of a clear de- scent from a family of Old Cltristiuns, untainted with any mixture of Jewish or Mahometan blood, iuul never disgraced by any censure of the inquisition. In such pure hands, power is deemed to be safely lodged, and almost every public function, from the vieeroyulty downwards, is committed to tlicm alone. I'^very per- son, who by his birth, or residence iu Anieriea, may be suspected of any attachment or interest adverse to the mother-country, is the object of distrust to such a de- gree, as amounts nearly to an exclusion from all offices o( conlidence or authority.* By this consjiieuous pre- dilection of the court, the Chapetones are raised to such pre-eminence in America, that they look down with disdain on every other order of men. 'I'lie cliaracter and state of the Creoles, or descen- dants of J:^uropeans s'Mtled in America, the second class of sub)ects in tiie Si)anish colonies, have enabled the Clinpeloiics ti) acquire otlier advantages, hardly less c.in>iileral)Ie than tliose wliich they derive from the inriial favour of government. Though some of the Clrenlian race are descended from tiie conquerors of the New World ; though others can trace up their pedigree to the noblest families in Spain ; though matiy are possessed of ample fortunes, yet, by the enervating in- lluence of a sultry climate, by the rigour of a jealous government, and by their despair of attaining that dis- tinction to which maid:urnrt y FiL.'iino.: l>.-ra-!i!>, &i'. |>. .">. (i- Ihit iiotwitlistaielinj; sneli repeateil reeoniim niLiiinns, prerermeiit in aliuivM every line is eont'errLiron unlive SjiaiiiaiiN. .\ r.-iiiarkaMe proof of this is pn ilneeil bv tlie aiitiior last qm.teil. Fruii tlu- (Vi^oycvy of Anieriea to" the year 1 (i;!;, llnee liumlnd :iik! sixl>-nin(5 liishops, or arel'.bisli'ops, have i»een apiieiatnl lo tiic iliiVei'Mit iliiieeses ia liiat connlrv, ami of all that immlir or.lv fveiv-.' were I'leoles. p. 40. this |)reilileetioa for iMiropeans^seciiis siill to contuuie. Hv a royal mamlate issiie.l in irTti. Hie eiiiipter of the c.uheilral of'.NTexiio is liireeted to noniliiave Iviropean eeeh-si.islics of knouii merit ami abilities, that 'be kins; may appoint them to .supply vacMit benefices. MS. pene^ ntc. Zz 2 11 ■ -^■ i lW Wl l w «i«lnM^HW higher classes of citi/;ns, from pride or from in- dolence, ilisd.ii.i to c\ercise. The negioes hold the fourth rank among the inha- bitants of the Spanish colonies. The introduclioii of that unhappy part of the human species into America together with their services and suflcrings there, Siiall be fully explained in another place ; here they are mentioned chiefly, fn order to point out a peculiarity ia their situation under the Spanish dominion. In se- veral of their settlements, particularly in New Spain negroes are mostly employed in domestic service. They form a principal part in the train of luxury, and arc cherished .and caressed by their superiors, to whose va- nity and pleasures they are equally subservient. Their dress and appearance are hardly less splendid than that of their masters, whose manners they imitate, and whose passions they imbibe. Elevated by this distinc- tion, they have assumed such a tone of superiority over the Indians, and treat them with such insolence and scorn, that the antipathy between the two races has become implacable. Even in Peru, where negroes seem to be more numerous, and are employed in field- work as wi'll as domestic service, they maintain their ascendant over the Indians, .and the mutual hatred of one to the other subsists with e(jual violence. The laws have industriously fomented tliis aversion, to which accident gave rise, and, by most rigorous injunc- tions, have endeavoured to prevent every intercourse that might form a bond of union between the two races. Thus, by an artful pol'cy, the Spaniards derive strength from that circumstance in population which is the weakness of other European colonics, and have secured as associates and defenders, those very persons who elsewhere are objects of jealousy and terror. The Indians form the last, and the most depressed order of nen in the country, wliicli belonged to their ancestors. I have already traced the progress of the Spanish ide.s with respect to the condition and treat- ment of that jieople, and have mentioned the most im- portant of tlieir more early regulations, concerning a matter o( .so mucii consequence in the administration of their new dominions. But since tlie period to which 1 have brought down the history of .America, the infor- mation and experience actpiired during two centuries, have enaliled the court of Spain to make sucii improve- ments in this part of its American system, that a short view of the present condition of the Indians may prove !)otli curious and interesting. liv the ("anions regulations of Charles V. in 1:')4.', which have been so often mcntioiifd, tiie high preten- sions of the coiHjuerors of the New World, who con- sidered its iiihahitants as slaves, to whose service they had acquired u full right of property, were finally aino- gited. From that period, the Indians have been reputed freemen, and entitled to the privileges of siio- jects. When admitted into this rank, it was deemed just, that they should contribute towards the suppori BOOK vm.] HISTORY OF AjNIERICA. S85 and improvement of the society which had adopted them as members. But as no considerable benefit could be expected from the voluntary eflbrts of men unacquainted \vitli regular industry, and averse to hdiour, the court (if S|»ain found it necessary to fix and secure, by proper regulations, v.hat it tiiouglit reasonable to exact from i tiiem. With tlil.s view, an annual tax was imi)osid upon every male, from the age of eighteen to fifty; and at the same time, die nature as well as the extent of the ser- vices wiiich they might be required to perfdrm, were ascertained with precision. This tribute varies in tlif- fcient provinces ; but if we take tliiit paid in New Spain as a inediuui, its annual amount is nearly four sliillings u head; no exorbitant sum in countries where, as at tiic source of wealth, tlie value of money is ex- tremely low.* The rigiu of levying tiiis tribute like- \vise varies. In America, every Indian is tilher an im- iiH'diate vassal of the crown, or depends upon some suiiject to whom the district in which he resides has been granted for a limited time, under liie denomination of an ciuoniietulu. In the former case, about three- fiiurlhs of the tax is paid into the royal treasury ; in the latter, the same |)roporti()n of it belongs to the holder ol the grant. When Sjja!!! first took possession of America, the greater part of it was parcelled out among its conquerors, or those who first settled tliere, and but a small portion reserved for tiie crown. As those grants which were made for two lives only, revertt 1 succes- sively to the sovereign, he had it in his power either to (lilluse his favours by grants to new proprietors, or tn augment his own revenue by valuable annexations. f Of these, the latter has been frequently chosen ; the num- ber (,f Indians now depending immediately on the crown, is much greati than in the first age after the conquest, and this branch of the royal revenue continues to extend. * Moderate as this Irilmte may i\iii)ear, such is the extreme |i(iveity of tlie Indians in many ('idviiiees ol' America, tliat the exacting of it is intolerably oi)|irchsi\e. Piijnu Iliner.pur I'linnluis lie Indius, p. \\)'2. I In New Spain, oa aeeomit of tlie extra'idinary iii 'rit .iiiil services of the first cotuiuerors, as uell iis tiic mimU re-' vemie arising from l!ie country previous to the (ii.veovery of the mines of Sacatccas, the {niconuuitus » ere granted for three, and sometimes for four lives. Hccupil. lib. vi. fit. ii. e II, (v. ^ 1). Ant. I'lloa contends, that working in mines is not noMous.nnd as a proof of this informs us, tli.it many Mestizos and Indians, who do not belong to any Ucp.irtimieato, \ohia- liuily hire themselves as miners ; and several of the Indians, \\\\vi\ the legal term of tlieir service expires, continue to work ill the mines of choice.— ivi/re/rn, p. '26it. Ihit his opinion eoneerniag the wliolesoaieness of this occupation is contrary to the esperience of all ages ; and wherever men arc allured by high wages, they will engage in any species of labour, however The benefit arising from the services of the Iiulians accrues either to the crown, or to the holder of tlie eU' comienda, according to the same rule observed in tlte ])ayment of tribute. Those services, however, whicii can now be legally exacted, are very diiVerent from tlie tasks originally imjKised ujion the Indians. The nature of the work which they niu.st perform is defined, and ati equitable r^ compence is granted for their labour. The staled services demanded of the Indians may be divided into two branches. They are either cinidoytd in works of |)riinary necessity, without which society cannot sub- sist comfortably, or are compelled to labour in tlie mines, from which the Spanish colonies derive their chief value and importance. In consequence of the former, they are obliged to assist in the culture of maize, and otlier grain of necessary consuiDption ; in tending cattle ; in erecting edifices of public utility; in building bridges; and in forming high roads; but they cannot be con- strained to labour in raising vi'iics, olives, and sugar- canes, or any species of cultlvi'tion, wlucli has for its object tl'.e gratification of luxury, or commercial profit. In conseiiucnce of the latter, the Indians are compelled to un(lert;il:e the more unpleasant task, of extracting ore from the bowe'.s of the earth, and of refining it by suc- cessive processes, no less unwholesoiiie than operose.J The nuule of exacting both these services is the same, and is under regulations framed with a view of render- ing it as little oppressive as possible to the Indians. They are called out successively in divisions, termed Milas, and no person can be compelled to go but In his turn. In Peru, the number called out must not exceed the seventh part of the inhabitants in any district. In New Sj;aiii, where the Indians are more numerous, it is fixed at four in the hundred. During what lime the labour oi such Indians, as are employed in agriculture, continues, 1 have not been able to learn. § But in Peru, I'atiguiiig or pernicious it may be. D. Hern. Carillo Altemi- rauo rtluteis a euiious fact incompatible with tiiis opinion. Wherever mines are wroufflit, says he, the number of Indians i!ecre;ises ; but in the provineeor (^ampeachy, where there are no mines, the numlier of Iiulians has increased more than a third siace tiie coaipiest of Aeieiiea, though neither the soil nor cli- mate t)e s.) lavonr;ilde as in I'eni or Mexico. — Colbert Collect. In another ii eaiorial presented to I'liilip 111. in the year 1C09, ('ap,t;.ia .Iiiaii (ion/alez de Azevcdo asserts, that in every dis- tiiet ()t I'eru, where the Indians are eompelletl to labour in the mines, their niuidiers \\ere reduced to tlie half, and in some places to the third, of « hat it was nnderlhc viceroyalty of Doa Fran. Toledo in loSl .— Cu/6. Collect. § As lationr of this kind cannot be prescribed with legal accuracy, the tasks seem to he in a great measure abitrary, and like the services exacted by feudal superiors, in vinea prato nut tuvssc, from their vassals, are extremely burdensome, and ofteu wantonly oppressive. — I'e^na Itincr. pur Parochos de Indies. * msmmama ..Hi fi I |. 28 d" HISTORY OF AMERICA. ilJOOK VIII. end A/(7rt, or division, destined for tlie mines, remains tion of Indians. Such liospitals have accordin>,'iy been tlKit six niontlis; and while engaged in tliis service, a erected, botii for the indigent and infirm, in Lima, in laluMirer never receives less than tv.o sliiilings a day, i Cu/eo, and in Mexico, wiiere the Indians are treated and otteii earns more than double that sum. Mo Indian, i with tenderness and humanity. resi(iiiig Ht a greater distance than thirty mile:, from a - Such are the leading principles in tlie jurisprudence mill:', is included in tiic AJita, or division cmphived in | and policy l)y which the Indians are now governed in working it ; nor are the inhabitants of the low country tlic |)rovinces belonging to Spain. In those regulations expi.ifd now to certain destruction, as «hcy were at first, when under the dominion of the con(|uerors, by com- pelling llicm to remove from that v\arm climate, to the cold elevated regions where minerals abound,* of the Spanish monarchs, we discover no traces of that cruel system of extermination, which they have bt-en ciiarged with adopting ; and if we admit, that the ne- ceshily of securing subsistence from their colonies, or 'i'lie Indians who live in the principal towns, are j ll'c advantages derived from working the mines, give entirely subject to the Spanish laws and magistrates; tlu ni aright to avail themselves *)f the labour of the l)ul in their own vilb.gcs, they are governed by Ca/iipics, sonii' ol w honi are tlic descendants of tiieir ancient lords, Indians, we must allow, that tiie attention with whieli they regulate and recompense that labour, is provident others aie liamed by the Spanish viceroys. These rtgu- j and sairacious. In no code of laws is greater solicitude late the petty all;iirs of the peojjle under them, accord- i displayed, or precautions multiplied with more prudent jr;g to UKixims of justice-, tninsinitted to them by trasli- I concern for the |)resirvation, the security, and the iiap- tion from tlicir ancestors. To the Indians, ihis juris- ' piness of the suliject, than we discover in Uie collection diction, lodged in sucii friendly iiands, aiFords some | f'f tlie Spanish laws for the Indies. I)Ut those later consolation ; and so little formidable is this dignity to '. regulations, like llie more etnly edicts which have beta their new masters, tliiit they often allow It to discend i)y i ^drciidy mentioned, have loo td'ten proved ined'e"tual hereditary right. Tor the farther nlief of men so much \ remedies against the evils which they were intended to exjiosed to oppression, the Siiiinish conn has tippointed an oHiccr in every district, with tlie title of Protector of the indi.iiis. It is his funetioii, as tlic name implies, to assert the rights of the liidimis; to appear as their defei.der in llie eocits of justice ; and, by the interpo- sition of i^is authority, to set b.unds to the encroach- nients aiul ixartii.ns (f his C(.:int;ynien, A certain poriioii of t!ie riM r\id fiiurlb of the annual tribute, is destined fur the s ilary ol the ca/.iijues and protectors ; another is ajjpliv li to the niainteniince of the clergv eni- plo\e(! In the instruclioii tif the Indians, Another part seems to bj aj.pnipiiatcd for the benefit of ihc Indians themselves, and is a| |)'itcl for the |>aymint of tbiir tii- Lute in years of famine, or \\lun ii particular district is afl'ect.d by any extraordinary local tal.imity. litsides this, pi(nision is made by various laws, that hospitals shall lie .'".Hinded in eery new setllemeiiL for the reecp- * 'I lie tarn of service known in Peru l)y the name of Mild, isenlu'il Titiida in New Spain. 'I'licri' ii louliiuics no h.nuer tli::n a \'. ttk at a liaie. No j i rsoa is ciilk',] !<; s(i\e at a grt alcr di:;t inec \.om liis lial)ltatii)n tliiia 21 a.ilis. 'i'..is aM',i;i;;e- nient is less o|ijiicssive to the ludiuns ilia;, tli;it c.'t.il.hsln ::.-^d.ed, a liuiidreil ai.:l lot), iiinl e\en two liinidieil leai.ui r horn llieir liahitali n. — Culijtri i'ullfit. .Many mines aie silnateil in jiai isol llie eiuiiiUi, so hai.eii, and so ilistant Iruni ihe oiiiinaiy iialnlatiolis ol the liiuiaii.-., that the neeessily ol proem iiig lilioiiieis to work iheie, has oM.yed the Spaiiisli i: onaiehs to tll^j,en; c with then' own legnlaliotis ia seveiai instaiiecs, and to |ieimil llie Met' i(._\s to eoinj el the people ol more remote provinces to resort to those mines. — l.naUiiia (iiizi'i'iliyl. J\ru!i. lib. i.e. J(i, liiiii ill Justice lo them il should he oh.Nerxeil, that lliey have been stniiions to alleviate this ojipie.-si n as iniiili as possible, oy eijoining the vieero\s to employ every method, in order lo induce the iiidiaus to «ettle in bome part of tticeouutry udja- eent lo tlie mines. — Id, ibid. 1 1 BOOK VIII.] HISTORY or AMERICA. K VIII. ^ly been Llnr.i, in ; tri'iitcd jirudenie k'trni'd in gulations us of lllJlt mve bi'on lit llu- iie- jlouit's, or incs, give [)ur ot llic villi wliiih i proviili'iit ■ solicitude ire prudi-nt 111 tlie luip- e coUcetion tliusc liiter I liavc bi'eii , inelVo'-tual iiUciidod lo continue to rom tiie iiii- tfd willi the rity tiiey iire lute guvirii- r, too leiimlc ith (lisi)Utcli, lie luiineroiis ludiiiii^ sliil ivuriec of iii- ^isliule^, \'ii'i> ible liii!*^ 'U'^' )iig^'d beyuiid iiiU-r niiiuy uf t iidiijeiidciit licb 1 i.:u» (if- I'cru lliaii ill a Iniudriil ai.l 1 li;ilillali II.— Mil Uiccoun'.r.<. il.lli.Ui)"'' "J' '''^ oiatis to "<)''' j,iu;o «i>l> ''"•■"' |, 11 mil Uic Mi^'- miiees lo r^ort il). 1. 1. 11). I'l"- iiicy li;»\i' I'"" ah possible, uy liod, ill "I'der W lie couuiry atiyi- any other colony. But it is not general. According t,) tlie accounts, even of tbosc authors who are most disposed to exaggerate the s-fferings of the Indians, tlu-y, in several provinces, enjoy not only ease but af- The liierai'chy is cstabli.slicd in Anierlc;i in tlu form as in Spain, with its full tiain of archlj:- bisliops, deans, and other dignitaries. 'J'iie iii clergy arc divided into three classes, under the dn il nonce; they possess large farms ; tliey are masters of j nation of Cunts, Doctrineros, and Missioiia niiincrous herds and flocks ; and, by the knowledge \vliieh they have acquired of European arts and in- dustry, are supplied not only with the necessaries, but witii many luxuries of life. After explaining the form of civil government in the Spanish colonies, and the state of the various orders ..S7 ' line -:- ps, !:■. rior l.;.')li- rhe first are parish-priests in tliose parts of the cmintry where the Spaniards have settled. The second iiave the charge of such districts as are inhahited'by Iiulians sul)jected to the Spanisii government, and liviii;;; imder its protection. The third are employed in ins'.i luiing and converting those fiercer tribes, which disdain -ub- us. of persons subject to it, the peculiarities in tlieir eccle- i mission to the Spanish yoke, and live in remote .n in- siaslieal constitution merit consideration. Ni.twitii- aceessilde regions, to which the Spanisii arms have not btaiidimr the superstitious veneration with which the Siruiiards are devoted to the Holy See, the vigilant anil jealous policy of Ferdinand early prom|)led him to penetrated. So numerous are the ecclesiastics of all tlios ■ various orders, and sucli the profuse libeiidity with wliich many of them are endowed, that the reve- take precautions against the introduction of the papal ; mus of the cluiich in America are immense. The doiniiiion into America. With this view, he solieiud : Hi.inish superstition appears with its utmost pomp in Alexander VT. for a grant to the crown of the tithes in , the New World. Chinches and convents tlu re are n\\ the newly discovered countries, which he o'jt mud ; ni:iui;:ficent, and richly adorned ; and ou high festivals, (111 condition of his making provision for the religiuus i the display of gold and silver, and precious stones, is instruction of the natives. Soon after Julius II. eon- i such as exceeds the conception of an Kurrtpeaii. An ferred on him, and his successors, the right of pa- ecclesiastical establishment su splendid and expensive. tioiiage, and the absolute disposal of all ecclesiastical lieiiefices there. But these |)ontiirs, unacquainted with the value of what he demanded, bestowed those dona- tions with an inconsiderate liberality, which their suc- cessors have often lamented, and wished to recal. In CDiisequence of those grants, the Spanish monarchs have becimie in efVect t!ic heads of the American ;liurch. In them tlie administration of its revenues is vested. 'Ih.eir nomination of persons to sup()ly va- cant benefices is instantly conlirmed by the pope. Thus, in all Spanish America, authority of every species centers in tlie ciovvn. There no collision is known ix'tvvecn spiritual and temporal jurisdiction, 'iiie king is the only superior, liis name alone is heard of, and lui dependence upon any foreign pov.er has been intro- duced. I'apal Itnlls cannot be admitted into America, nor are they of any force there, until ihev have been previously J'xa'niiied, and appro\ed ;ingular, whether wc consider the age and nation in whicli it wa^ devised, or the jealous attention with which I'erdinand and his successt)rs l-.ave studied to maintain it in full force, Spain is indehted, in a ureat nieasur'-, for I tie uniform tranquillity wiiicli has reigned in her Aniericun dominions. is unfavourable, as has been formerly observed, to the progress of rising colonies ; but in countries where riches abound, and the people are so delighted with pa- rade, that religion must assume if, in order to attract their veneration, liiis propensity to ostentation has been indulged, and becotiics less pernicious. The early institution of monasteries in the Spanish colonies, and the inconsiderate .zeal in multiplying tiiein, have been attended with consequences more fatal. In every new settlement, the first object siiould be to encouiage |)opulation, and to incite every citizen to conlrilnile towards auri.ienling the number and sircngtii of till! community. During the youth and vigour of society, while tliere is room to sjiread, and susten nice is prsicurcd with facility, mankind increase with ama/.ing rapidity. l)ut the Siiaiiiards had hardly taken possession of Amerija, when, with a riiost jire- posterous policy, they began to trcct convents, where persons of both sexes were sliiil up, under a vow to defeat the purpose of nature, and to counteract the lirst of her laws. Inlluenced by a misguided piety, whicli ascribes transcetid;i'.it merit to a stale of celibacy, or allured by the prospect of that listless ease, whicli, in sultrv diniates, is deemed su|)reme felicity, numbers crowded into iho,se mansions of sloth and superstition, and are lost to society. -As none but persons of Soa- nish extract arc admitted into the monasteries of the New Word, the evil is more sensibly felt, and evoa withdrawn from civil life. The impropriety of •- eh i ^%l»^- 2^s HISTORY OF AMERICA. [hook VIII. i fo'Jiitliilioiis ill any situation where tlic extent of terri- tory icfjiiires additional hands to im|)rovc it, is so ol)- viou>, tiiiit sijine callioiic states liave expressly prolii- bitid any pcr.ion in llieir colonies from taking the monastic vows. Ji^ven the Spanish nionarehs, on some oceiisions, seem to have lie'-n alarmed with the spread- int? of a spirit so adverse to the inerease and prosperity of their colonies, iliat tliey iiave endeavoured to cheek it. Hut the Spaniards in America, more thorou{,'hly under the influence of sup' rstilion than their country- men in Europe, and directed by ecclesiastics more bigoted and illiterate, Iiave conceived such an high opinion of monastic sanctity, that no regulations can restrain their zeal ; and, by the excess of their ill- judged bounty, religious iiouses have multiplied to a degree no less amazing than pernicious to society.* In viewing the state of colonies, where not only the number but influence of ecclesiastics is so great, the chara'.'ter of this powerful body is an object that merits particular attention. A considerable part of the secular clergy in Mexico and I'cru are natives of Spain. As persons long accustomed, by their educa- tion, to the retirement and indolence of academic life, are more inca])able of active enterprise, and less dis- ])osed to strike into new jiaths, than any order of nien, the ecclesiastical adventurers by whom the American church is recruited, are commonly such as, from merit or rank in life, have little prospect of success in their own country. Accordingly, the secular |)riests in the New VV^orld, are still less distinguished than their brethren in Spain, fur literary accomplishments of any species ; and though, by the an)ple provision which lias been made for the American cliiuch, many of its members enjoy the ease and independence which are favourable to llie cultivation of science, the body of se- cular clergy lias hardly, during two centuries and a * 'J'orijiiiiiiaili), alter a long ciiiiincriition, uliicli has tliO a])|):'.'uaiice of aieiiraey, coiu'liides tin- liumiIht ot' iiioi;iisteri("s in .Ni'iv Sjiaiii to he four liiiiidicil. Mun. liid. Jili. \i\. c. ;>_'. Till iiuiiiher of iiiODusferips in tiic rily of Mexico alone; wus, in the year 17-1.'), ''ifty-five. y'llld Sepnnr. 'J'hrat. Aiiiir. i. ,'t I lllloa reckons up forty convents in Lima ; and nicnlioninf; tho^e for nuns, lie says, tiiat a small town niiylit bu pioplcil out of llicni, tlie number of persons !>hut n|) there is so (.Teat. Vvy. i. 4Jf). I'hilip III. in a letter to the viceroy of Pern, A. I>. l(i'-'l), observes, liiat the niiinber of convents in Lima was so trieat, that they com i eil more ground tli.in all llie rest of th(; city. Si:Uirz. lib, iii. c. 23, n. ^>7 . Lil>. iii. e Hi Torijuim. lit). XV. c. .'i. 'i'he first monastery in Xew Spain was founded A.I). LJiTi, four years only after the conquest. Torij. lib. XV. c IC. According to (;il (Jonz.dcz Davila, the e .niplete stablish- nieiit of the Aiueriean chureli ia all the S|ianisli settlemerts Wa , in the year Ifi-)!), i patriarch, G archbishojis, [VJ, bisho|is, 8-1' I rebends, 2 abbots, .O royal chaplains, 810 convents. 'JV(/ ■, Ecvlesiaslwo cle lus Iml. Occident, vol. i. I'ref. When half, produced om author whose works convey such useful information, or possess such a degree of merit, as to be ranked among those which attract llie atten- tion of enlightened nations. Hut tlie greatest part of the ecclesiastics in the Spanish settlements are regu- lars. On the discovery of America, a new field opened to the pious zeal of the monastic orders ; aiul, with a becoming alacrity, they immediately sent forth missionaries to labour in it. 'J'lie first attempt to in- struct and convert the Americans, was made by monks; and, as soon as the con(juest of any [irovinec was com- pleted, and its ecclesiastical cstablisliment began to as- sume some form, the popes permitted the missionaries of the four mendicant orders, as a reward for their ser- vices, to accept of parochial charges in America, to perform all spiritual functions, and to receive the tithes and other emoluments of the benefice, without depend- ing on the jurisdiction of the bishop of the diocese, or being s.ub)'-"t to his censures. In consequence of this, a new career of usefulness, as well as new objects of ambition presented themselves. Whenever a call is made for a fresh supply of missionaries, men of the most ardent and aspiring minds, impatient under tin; restraint of a cloister, weary of its insipid uniformitv, and fatigued with the irksome repetition of its frivo- lous functions, otter their service with eagerness, and repair to the New World in quest of liberty and dis- tinction. Nor do tbey pursue distinction without success. Tlie highest ecclesiastical honours, as well as the most lucrative preferments in Mexico and Peru, are often in the hands of regulars ; and it is chiefly to the monastic orders that the Americans are indebted for any portion of science which is cultivated among them. They are almost the only Spanish ecclesiastics, from whom we have received any accounts, either of the civil or natural history of the various provinces in liir .iiilcr of Jesuits was expelled from all the S|ianiih (i.'.ui- ni'.ns, the c. .lieges, jjiofi-yicil houses, and residences, which it pipv-essed ill the pio\iiice of New Spain, v.ere lliirty, in tjnilo siMicii, ill the .\ew Kingdom of (Jranada thiileeii, in I'eiu seventeen, in Chili eigliteeii, in l'aiaj;iiay ei(,'hleen ; in all a liiiii(ired and twehe. Cullarvn (icnci nl lic Pioiii tiiii Ml liiai goo, I ul III. Ikci tin the ])<■ 1 c, dels tl>. aiivdil ticb fr,e t(),ic I ag.on nies, OK VIM. rivey sucli ; t)t' merit, Vlie iiltcn- csl p:irt of are ngu- new fald (Uts ; ami, sent forth ■nipt to iii- by monks; c was com- ji'gan to as- luissionarics "or tlieir scr- Amcrica, to ve the tithes i\()utdo|)end- le diocese, or lence of this, :w objects of ver a t'"*" '^ , men of tlie nt under the id uniformity, of its fiivo- eai^erness, and bcrty and dis- clion without lours, as wi:U xico and IVru, it is cliielly to arc indobU'd itivated among ,h ecclesiastics junts, either of Is provinces ia li- S|i!ini4h (li'uii- idfiiccs. ulii'li it \c lliirty, in Q'ii"> Itlililfni, ill IV'U lij^litrfn i in uU a I'loi-ulera-M)' /i'i^';» (■om/iii,;;'''". I''''' (• ](\ iiovici'", i-i '"' Isciiteil a iK'liticin Liiilillie loiinil"''!. [iliiihhfil mit{lii I'l" 'I'lii' iii'iitii'ii'T^ ,iini umltT lo'ri^- (. at thill til"'' '" litliiiiil liny liMiii.'. j'liornious iiiil'''''i [ids was hliuckcJ, BOOK VIII. I HISTORY OF AMEFIICA. 2H9 America. Some of them, tliou^;!) deeply tinged witii till- indelible snperstiticn of their profession, liave pub- lished books which give a favoural>lc idea of their abi- lities. The natural and moral history of the New World, by the Jesuit Acosta, contains more accmate observations, perhaps, and more sound scictice, than arc to be found in any description of remote countries pul)- hslied in the sixteenth century. But the same disgust with monastic life, to which America is indebted for some instructors of worth and iibililies, filled it with others of u very dili'cri'nt clia- racier. 'I'lie giiidy, the profligate, tiic avaricious, to wiioni the poverty and rigid discipline of a convent are intolerable, consider a mission to America as a release from mortification and bondage. 'Inhere they soon ob- tain some parochiu! charge, and far removed, by their situation, from the insDcction of their monastic su|)e- riors, and exempt, by their character, from the jurisdic- tion of their diocesan, they are hardly subjiit to any controul. According to the testimony of the niobt /(•mIous catholics, many of the regular clergy in the S|i;inish settlements are not only destitute of the virtues becoming their profession, but regardless of that exter- nal decorum ai.d respect for the opinion of m;uiKii;d, wliiih pieserve a semblance of worth vilicrc the reality ' 1 liiri ii('M'rl,ili,iii ol llic iii.iiiiii.'i's ol llie .'S|i.iiii>li ik'iiix, I sli lild not li|iitlcd nl pi cjiu:!!.'!.' 01 r>Liij;f;i'r.inon. (iiij-e, in jiarlii nhir, nlioli.iil a liclur hjijiim - Inn It \ lli.iii :iiiy jiioti-sl jnl , to vii \v llx' iiitci ior :ikrll, \will >t) lllUl'll Ui tllL- ill'IIUIOIlN 01 .1 iicii coiucrl, tliul IviKiiild !.'a\e dlNtiii.ited liis evidence', tlmii^li ii coiiiniiiiiicaUs smiie M ry eurii'iis iiiid stnkiiijr lacls. liiil iiiii/nni iiiiiilioiis 111! I rnliiniify of itrit'Niasli<'> in Amciiia at a \vi\ I'.iilx |.i.mioiI alur llien stlliL'iiirnt lliire. — Hi.\t. liii. li. c Ii), :.U. »>l. Fic- zicr, an inli I.ii^clI olisci icr, anil /. alnn-, ;,n i\\> own rili^io.i, paints lliu iii>M'iiil(' iiiaiinirs ol llii; >S|i,iiii.-.|i mli siasliCN in IViii, pai 111 111. Ills II. I- jigii.ais, ill ^U•olly^■. km ins llia.i I li.iM' (•ii.| l.ijud. — f • 1/ |j. ,") I , _'l.'), itc. M. (icniil toiiliriuM this ;ari)iiiit. — I •ii i .. I. t'oirfai coneiii.-. uiili liolii, and adds many ii'iiiarivalili.' riMuiiistaniTs. — Idi/. i (il, l.'),'(, iGl. I liuvu gODii ii.isoii lo 1)1 lii'Vi-, lii.il llie inaiiiii 1 j ol u.f iiL;iniir ik'igv , I uliciilaily in IVrii, are slid caieniely in'ii'ccnl. .Aci).--ta liii. mIi ackiion I. il^es Ih.it gnat Ciiriii)]lioii ul' inaiiaers liad bieii the co'iM'iiiii llie . I (.n iiiiltin^ ni.inks lo lor>alxu tin- iv- tilt'. c, (111 anil diM.ij.liiR' of tlif liiiislti , and lo iniiigk- ag.iiii \\ itii till' vioild, liy II..1II ri.iki..j,' t .e cliar-i' ol tne limia.i p,iiisnr>, — l)e iiioiiir. hill. Siilulf, ii.i. ii. c. I.i, 6.c. IK; lai'iilioii^ j.ar- I c.liny lliiiM- viits, ol' iiliica I li.ive la -.in iioliiL', and consi- ders llie Iriiipt ilioiia loiiii'iii as so l'(.nnid.ild( , llial he leans to till -.j'.. ion ol tliusc who hofl lliat the Ki;nlai- cltMgy should ... i.', laipliiyid as |aii isii prii'sts. — Lib. \. i. I'D. i'JvtU ti.e adioi'ates lin tlie r;'gul:irs ailiiiit, liial many and i^reat cnoinii- ties ai)iiundi:d anions; llu iiniiiks of dill'eriiil oidcjs, uliiii >tt fneli'oiii till.; resiraiiil ol ino.i.islic ilinei|iliiie j and lioiiillii* to.ii-ol tlieir dfleiite, one mas coiaiudi' llial Ihr iliaij^c linmglii n^Miiist them was not dt'slilute oi tnilh. In iliu t''ri'iicli eom- Dies, the state ol tlic regular clergy is nearly llic suaie us in the is wanting. Secure of impunity, some rcguhirs, in con- tempt of their vow of poverty, engage openly in com- merce ; and arc so rapacimisly eager in nmassing wealth, that they become the most grievous oppressors of the Indians, whom it was their duty to liiive protected. Others, with no less flagrant violation of their vow of chastity, inihilge with little disguise in the imst disso- lute licentiousness.*^ Various schemes have been proposed lor redressing enormities so manifest iind so offensive. Several per- sons, no less eininent for piety than diseernment, intve contended, that the legtilars, in conformity to the canon;) of the church, ought lo be confined within the walls of their cloisters, and should no longer be permitted to cncroaeh on the functions of the ^ecuhir clergv. Some public-spirited magistrates, from conviction of its being necess;iry to (le|)rive the regulars of a privilege bestowed at first with good intention, but of winch lime ami ex- |)crieiiee had diseoxcrcd tiie pernicious eli'eets, openly conntenaneed the secnl.ir clergy in their a'iteni|)ls to assi-rt their own rights. 'i'lie prince J)'l''^Mjiiilaeh6, viceroy of I'eru under I'hiliplll. took measures so deci- si\e and ellecliial for circumsci ihiiig the ri-gulais uithiii their jToper spliere, as struek them with general enii- sternatioii.t They had recourse to their usual arts. S)..iiii>ii sellleineiit>, and the same eon>ei|iieiees have loll .ned. M. Ihet, sii|H'iiiii oi' llie seeiiliii- |l|•ie^ts iii (auMiiie, iininiiis, with lit les:< a|.|>eai.iiiee nl jiitiy tliaii ot eaiKloiii, inlci ilie eaiiM> of lli.s ecii I iiiiliim, and iiii|)iite> it eliielly lo llie e\eni|)- tioii ol'ui;iilars lioiii the jnriMlielioii and eeiiaiiie> III tiieirino- eesaiis ; to tlif leni| talioiis to wliieh they are tA|iose(li and to their eii>;.ii;in!; in eoinnieree — / iiy. \t. ',i\10. It is leii.ark.iole tli.it ail the i,iilli.r.>, mIio censure the liecalioasne^.s ol the S|i..iii..i refill. ii> Mitli the jiieatest seveiity, loneiir in viiiui- eaiim; the eondiRt of the ,le>iiiis. Formed iii.iler a (ii>ei|iii.iu inoie |itie order*, or a.ii- iiiaiiil li\ llial eonceiii h)i' lli< honoiii ol llie >.eiel\, mIikIi lake> Mieli lull |ii shession ol every ineniher ol llii' or..er, llie .le.>iiil>, he due lo llie liisaopN and nlo^t ol'llie difjiiihed clefjiy. — t'n:. ilnd. A voliiiae ol llie (.lazelte de Mexico ha- the \ears 17-S, l/lii), \7'M), haviii|f lieen eommiuiieated to me, 1 hlid tlieie a stiikiiiiie nhriiiiitnin ot' what i haie adiaiieed roiieei iiiii-j; the s|iii it oi low illdiei al snper^ti: ion piei alenl in Spanish Amt i lea. l-'i'om the iii'vi>|iapers ol aiiv iiatina, one max learn w iial are olijiels wliieli ehielly eiijiioss ils allenlioii, and idiiili .ip'pear lo It niosl int''re>liiij;. i he (iazetti: ol .Mexico e- iiileil aim. st entiielv willi aeeonnls ol'ulinioui liinetiims, with deserijilions of prictSMoii.s, c^)n^eclalioi^•» of ehinehes, liealilie.itioii> <•( sainis, festivals, aiilos de \h, &c. C^ivd or conimerei.d iili.o.>, and e\en Ilie Iransaclioiis of Luiope, oeenpy Inil a small eni.er 111 this iiiajiazine of monthly intelligence, Fioni the lilies of new liooks, which are regularly inserted in this (ia/elle, it api '.'.iih that tuo-tliirds of I hem are treatises of sehol.istic ihe.i- iOi(\, or of monkish devotion. i Solerzaiio, afier nienlioning lliecorrnpt moialsof some of the jCj^iihir cleigy, with that cautious reserve which Lecautc a 3 A il 2.qo IIIS'JOUV (;r AMKUICA. I !MJ(IK VJU, ■<■! Tlic'v alarmed the supiTstltidiis, by rfprosi'iilliicr tin- j)ri)i'ti'iliiii;s of llie viciTuy as iniiDVutions latul to re li j,'i(iii. Tliry c'iii|)l()yi'M'ssi(in on a liij^oled prince, and a wenl; niinisdy. 'I'lic ancient prac'tiee was tolerated. The aliuscs whicli it oceasioiud continned to increase, and tiie eorrujition of monks, c\eni|)t Iron) ihc restraints of disci|)line, and tlu- insj)cc- tion of any superior, hecanie a disgrace to religion. .\t last, as the veneration of the Sjjaniards for tlii' monastic orders began to aliate, and the power of the Jesuits was on the decline, I'\rdinand VI. ventured to apply tlu' only ellectual remedy by issiiii g an edict, prohibiting regulars of cM'ry rienominalion from taking the ihar;4c of any |)arish with the cure of souls ; and declaring, tliat on the demise of the present incumbents, ntnie but secular priests, subject to the jurisdiction of their dio- cesans, shall be presented to vacant beneticcs. If this regulation is carried into execution with steadiness in any degree projjortional to the wisdom with which it is framed, a very considerable reformation mav take p!;ic<> in the ecclesiastical state of Spanish America, and the secular clergy may gradually become a respectable bodv of men. The deportment of many ecclesiastics, even at present, seems to be decent and exemplary, other- wise we can hardly suppose that they would be held in .such high estimation, and possess such a wonderful ascendant over the minds of their countrymen through- out all the Spiinish settlements. Hut whatever meiit the Spanish ecclesiastics in Ame- rica may possess, the success of their endeavours in communicaling the knowledge of true religion to tiie Indians, has been more imperfect than might have been expected, either from the degree of tiieir zeal, or from the dominion which they had acquired over that people. Tor this, viuious reasons may l)e assigned. The first missionaries, in their ardour to make proselytes, admitted the people of America into the Christian church, with- out pri'vious instruction in the doctrines of religion, and even befiire they thenn.elves had ac(|uire{l such knowledge of the Indian language, as to be able to ex- plain to the natives the msslcries of fiutti, or the pre- cepts of duty. Resting upon a subtle distincli(;n in scholastic ihecdogy, between thai degree of assent wliicli Sp:iiii>li liiuiiiiii ia toiiehiiig on a sidijett so delicate, gives his i)(iiiiH)n \ery ex|ilieitly, and with anieli fnaiiiess, iigaiiist t'lin- IiiiltiiigpaiDelniileliiir^es to aioaks. lie prodiiees the Icstiiiioiiy kI several resj)eelal)le autliois of lii.s eoiuitry, hotli divines and lawyers., in eonliraialion ot liis opinion. — Dc ,liii,t Imi. ii. lilj. is lounderf on a complete knowledge and eonvicllon <. f duty, and tir.t wliicli may be yielded when botli li'esc are imperfect, they adopted Miis strange piaciiie, no less inconsistent with the spirit -if a religion which ;.d- dresses itself to the understanding of men, than repi,:^. mint to the dictates of reason. ,\s soon as any hois of people, overawed by dri'ad of the Spanish power, iin.Nid hy the exain[de (d their own chiefs, incited by levitv, or yielding from mere ignorance, expressi'd the slightest desire of ciidiraeing the religion of their coiujueiors, ihev were instantly ba|)li/.ed. While tliis rage ot eon- vtrsion continued, a single clergunaii baptized in one day abo\e five thousand Mexicans, and did not desist until he was so exhausted hy fatigue, that he was unable to lilt his hands. In the course of a few years, after the reduction of the Mexican empire, the sacrament of ba|)- tism was administered to more than four millions. I'ru- selytes adopted with such inconsiderate haste, and whu were neither instructt-d in the nature of liiu tenets to which it was supposed they Inid given assent, in)r taught the absurdity of tiiose which they were recjuired to re- linijuish, retained their veneration for their ancient su- perstitions in full force, or mingled an attachment to its doctrines and rites w ith that slender knowleilge of i'hristianil) which they liad accpiired. These senti- ments llie new converts transmitted to their posterilv, into wIk'SC minds they have sunk so deep, that llie Spanish ciclesiastics, with all their industry, have not been able to eradicate them. The religious instiliitiuiis of their aniestors are still rememl)«'re(l, and iicid ia homur liv many of the Indians, both in Mexico and I'eru ; and whenever they think themselves out of reach of inspection by the Spaniards, they assemble and cele- brate their idolatrous rites. lint this is not the most unsurmountable obstacle to llie progress of Christianity among the Indians. Theiujwers (jf their uncultivated understandings are so liimled, their observations and reflections reach so little beyoiul the mere objects of sense, that they seem hardly to \\mx the ca|)acitv of forming abstract ideas, and |)ossess not language to express them. To such men, the sublime and spiritual doctrines of Christianity must be, in a great measure, incomprehensible. The numerous ami splendid ceremonies of the popish worship catch tiio eye, jilease and interest them ; hut when their instuie- tors attempt to explain the arliides id" faith, with uhuli those external observances arc connected, though the of the prince d'i-^s>|' ill iiaiiie ot'tliy atiid.ir elerj^y. An eager, and even raiu.oi ,i-. in. e. Id. A striking pi oof td the alarm cxeiludby the alleinpt | sjiiril is iiiaailest on both bides, iu the eonuutl ot tins lii-i'M'.e (IK Vlll. Br,.»K VMI.| HISTORY OF AMKHICA. 291 vlctinil < f Nsl u'U m1- \\i\\\ I'v'i'i.jr- ,nv lui'ly ot wtr, iniAiil ly li'vity, or C(llll|lH'l"l~', li/.(d ill - lillioiis. I'ro- isti', mill wlio tiic Ui.its l(> ut.iior tiiuclit .(juircd to ic- ir uiii'ifil sii- utl;ifliiiii.'iit to kiiowlfdi^i' *il' TllCSl! sciiti- litir jxistiritv, ;U.i.|), tlr.il 111'- fislvy, liiivu luit us insliliilii""> I, and hfhl in n Mi^ii'" and cs out of rriiih •AwhW and ct!c- r obstacle til till- 'llicpDWirs so liiiiili'd) „ little bcyoiul liiiidly toluve id jiossi'ss not „, Uie subHiiie inUMt l)f, i" ■' niiiiH-rDU'^ and .i,!,-,,, catch tli<-> n llifir iiibtiiK- illi, wilii \\l'ii'> ltd, tliougli ll'^' jiidars fniiii | "■»- luttiim o( |i^>i"'>'- i„i, by llic l.i""i- ,,.,c iiiadi; to u..- 11(1 LVCll laiii"! .1-. licl ol tUla ''''i ■ • Indiain nmy listen willi jmtionce, tlicy so littli" ooiictivt' tlie nifaniiifj of wliiit llioy licar, tliiit llwir ac((iiic'sccMce doi's not im-rit the nnmc of hflief, Tlicir iiidilVfri'ncc is still f^ri'iiter than their incaiiacity. Atti-ntive only to the jirescnt niDinont, and engrossed by tiie objects be- fore thcni, the Indians so seldom rellect upon what is jia^t, <;r take thouicht for wliat is to eotne, that neither the promises nor threats of relijrion, make much im- pression upon them ; and while their foresii^lit rarely extends so far as the next day, it is almost impossible to ins|)ire them with solicitude about the concerns of a future world. Astonished eijually at their slowness of comprehension, and at their insensibility, some of the ei'.rly missionaries pronounced them a race of men so hriitish, as to be iiicapai)le of understanding^ the first prii;ii|iles of relijjion. A council held at Lima decreed, thai, on account of this inca|)a(ity, they oiiirlit to be excluded from the sacrament of the I'ucharist. 'riicuf^h I'aul III. by his famous bull, issued in the year \f)'.i7, * Not only tiie native Inili.itis, but tlie Misliztis, or cliildri'ii (if a Spaniard and ln, I'liilip \'. «.i- ei'. ii. lib. ii. c. I.")), that Ihe In- dians were not peil'ecl or rational men, and were not pos- sessed of such capacity as (pialilied them to partake of the sail anient of the altar, oi of anv other benefit of our relij;ioii." It was a;{ain>t this opinion that Las (Ja -as contended v\ith the. laudable xeal w liicli 1 have deseribeil in liooks 111 and \'l. lint as the Ihshop of D.irien, Doctor SepnUida, and other respetta'de ei a IcM.istics, \igiiroa^ly suppuried t!ie eommim o|ii ioa concerning the iiic.ipacilv of the Indians, ii bceaine necessarv, in oiiiei to deteiiniiie the point, thai the authority of the Holy See should be interposeri ; and aeeoidingly Paul III issued a brill, \. 1). I.*);<7> in which, alter eondenirrirrg the opinion of tho.-ie who held that the Indians, as being on a level uilh lirrrte beasts, should be reduced to servitude, he declares, that they weie really men, and as such were capable of em- braeiiii; the ('liii:tiari reliirion, and partieipalini;' of all its blessings. My aeeoiurt of this bull, notwithstanding the cavils of M. ( lavigero, must appear just to every peisoii who takes the tiDulle ol' pernsirrg it ; aid inv account is the same with that adoptid by Toripieniada, lib. x\i. e. '_'.">, and by (Jareia, 0;ii,'. p. ;{ll. Hut even iil'tc,' this decision, so low did the Spaniards re. idiiiy in America late the capacity of the na- tives, tlisit the fust council of Lima (I call it by that name on the authority of llii! best Spanish authors) disconiiteiianeed the admission of Indians to the liidy cominunion. 7'i»(/»e»i. lib. xvi. e. "20. In New Spain, the exelusiim of liidi.ms tVoai the saerament was still inor'c explicit. Itnd. MU'V two cen- turies have elapsed, and notwithstanding all the improvement that the Indians may be supposed to have derived iVoiu tluir intercmrse v. ith tlie Sjianiards during that period, we are in- formed by l>. Ant. IMIoa, that in I'ern, where, a.s will ajipear in the seipiel of this note, they are srip|)ose(l to be better- in- structed than in New Spain, their ignorance is so iirodigioiis that very few are permitted to coininunieate, as being alto- gether destitute of the reipiisite capacity. I'oy. I.34l,&c. Snlorz. I'olit. Ind. I. 'J0;{. With rc.-peet to the exclusion of Indians from the priest- hood, either as Seculars or Kegulars, we may observe, that 3 A 2 HISTORY OF AMKUICA. [mook viir. U9'i ['roiii tills liricf Murvcy, soino Idcn may bt* fornu'd of i iii^inf;- iii'i^lit have been uttciKlfd with the sunif liciu-fit tlu- iiiieriui- statr of the S|iiiiii.sh culoiiiis. Thi; various as lluit of otiier iinlioiis. Itut wlu'ii, in k-ss thuii lialf a prudiKlioiis with which ihi-y su|)|)ly and i iirii'h llii.- fcntiiry, her iiicoii«*i(h'rat'.' rapacity liad si-i/.i'd on foini- iiiotlKT-Loiiulry, Mild the systoni of c'niniiuic'i.il 'iitfC- tries lai/;»'r lliaii all l'^iro|u', her iiiahiiiiy to (ill siu'h i.4i:m' bit\vi'i.'ii thi'rn, ((line iicKt in onhr to he ( x- vast rifrions with a nuiiihcr of illlla!lit:l!lt^ sunk'icnt for jil liiii'd. If tlic (loniiiiioiis ofSjiaiii in the New World llic ciillivalion of ihciii, vms so o!)vioiis, as to >,'ivi' u had hci'ii id' Mich iiiodciatc cNtciil, as l)(iic a due pro- vvr ha I asseit'il, " II' the Indi.ins reallj pos>es> all the e\eclleiit (piiilitics MJiicli \oii have (lexrilied, hIiv aic they imI pi'rtnitteil to assiiine the religions lialii! ? Why are they not ordained priests and l)i>hnps, as the Jewish ami (ieiilih' converts were in the pii- lnili\e church, espieiiilly as tlu y might he eniployd with siieli superior aihaiiliii;'' to other persons in the iiistruetiun of iheir tiMintryiiien r" Lilt. wii. c. I,'{. Ill ansvver to this olijcction, which cstnhlislics, in the most liiKipiivocal inaniier, what was the >;eiieral practice nl that period, 'riii(|iieiiiada observes, that although hy llieir natural (li.s|Misilio!is the Indians are well fitted for a hid)ordiiiate situa- tion, they are destitute of all the (pialilies re(piisite in any station of dignity and aiithoiity ; and that they are in general so addicted lo drnnkenness, that, upon the slightest leinpta- tioii, one c.innot pidmisf on their hehaving with the dccenev Miilalde to the clerical (haracler. 'I'iie prnpiifiy of excluding tl.ciii tioni it, on llicse accoiiuls, was, he ohservcd, so well jiistit'icd hy experience, tliat h hen a foreigner of great erudi- tion, who came from Spain, condeiiinid tlic prad'ce of the Mexican church, la- was cninineed of his mistake in a pniilie disputation with the learned and most religions Father 1>. .luaii lie (iaoiia, and his ictrndion is stid exiaiil. Toiqiiciiiada, indeed, acknow Icilges, as M. (,')avigcro observes, wiili a de- gree of (xiiltalion, that, in his lime, some Inilians had Iteen admitted into nioij.i ii'ries; but, wiili the art of a dispiilaiit, he forgets lo niciiT;..ii that ToKiuemada s|iicilies only two examples of tliis, and fakes notice that in both instances those Indians had been adnnlled by mistake. RcUiiig upon llie aiitlioiily of Toripiemaila with regard to New .Spain, and of Ulloawitli regard to I'erii, and considci'ng the linmdiaiing depression of i!ic Indians in all the S anisli stillemenls, I concluded that they were not adiiiilted into the ecclesiaslieal order, which is held in the highest \eneration all over liie New \Vo:ld. Hut when M. ('l.nigero, upon his own knowledge, asserted facts so repngiiaiil lo ilie co. elusion I had foiiiad, I began to distiust it, and to wish for linlher infrmation. In order to obtain this, I applied lo a Spanish iioblenian, high in otlice, and eminent for lii> abilities, who, on diflerent eec.isions, has permitted me to have the liniionr and benefit of corresponding with him. I have liecn favomt'd willi the foUovviiiij answer: " What you have written c nteruiiig the admission of Indians did iKJt form eoiiipaet setlleiiieiits, where industry, into holy orders, or into inM'S MH'l' Mli;>, 1111(1 llie )/. //;■(. I'll", ii. |ii(>|)ri(l\ ot MIS ilit'ii 'lie tin; toiilraiV, he ((i(h(iiiiiit5 iiinpli'^ ' f "•'- w at .Miiil(i(l 111' IN I). .Iiiitii (li'd of a I'li- plKjUl'Sl. Ml". „t I'licMii de l.ir li'ii yi'.trs, wd'dd loi- )f llllfMl'll- 11 comiic'i'' t IK' IMUIt' s il'J vifw el' .■^',cs iiiid M'liii- iislfutlfd ii«d , tin' iCcli'M- ■ ts fuUftldllS wllnlll iliiy olitaiiu'd v.i- iddiirly ti-il luiiif s*". (llll'S llis(ll(ii:i ot I'fi- ,111. Wl.t'llii'r ilili-iii ddVicidl NL'ial (listiiii;- ,((K)k v'in. HISTOKY Ol' AMERICA. ;9.1 ,((i ct, ii^tic, mid tho ill tlic S|)i\iiisli ill ill till! i >siiin to a proper use, iind dtrives tlitiict' the j^rea.'est iiiUantafre. Instead of this, the Spaniards, .seduced hy till' lidiindlcss prospeet v\hicli opened to iheni, divided Ihiir possessions in Anieriea into jjoverninenls of p;reat I stent. As their number was tuu small to attempt the reirnlar culture of the immense provinces, which they oeeiipied rather than peo|)le(l, they hent their attention to a lew (dijects, that allured them with hopes of sudden iiiii! exorhitant gain, and turned uway with contempt tidiii the humbler paths of industry, which lead nujre sJoM ly, hut with greater certainty, to wealth und increase ol national strength. Ol all the methods by which riches may beae(|uired, that of searching fur the precious metaU is one of the most iiniting to men, who are either unaccustomed to the regular assiduity with which the culture of the earlb and the operations uf commerce must be carried uii, VI who are su enterprising and ra]>aeious as not to be salislied with the gradual returns of proHt wliieh they yield. Accordingly, as soon as the several coun- tries in America were suhjected to the dominion of .Spain, this was almost the only method of uccjuiring wealth which occurred to the adventurers, by whom they were contiuereJ. Such provinces of the continent as did not allure them to settle, hy the irospect ot their atfording gold and silver, v.ere totally neglected. 'I'hose ill uhicli tiiey met witli u disappointment of the san- guine cNpeelations they had formed, were abandoned. K\en tlie value of the islands, the (irst fruits of llieir discoveries, ami tiie lirst (dijcct of their attention, sunk so much in their estimation, when the mines Mhicb had heen opuit-d in lliein were exhausted, that thev Wire deserted by many cf the planters, and kit to be oecupit'd hy more industrious pos.sessors. All erovulcd to Mexico and I'eru, where the i)uantities of gold and silvir found among the natives, who searched for them with little industry and le'>s skill, premised an iiiicx- liiusted .strre, as the ricompence of uore intelligent and persevering eltorts. During several years, the ardour of tiuir reseanlies was kept up hy hope, nillier than sueeiss. At length, the silver mines »,f I'uidsi, in I'ern, were aeeideiitallv discovered in the vear 154.), hy an India , as he was ehniibering uj) the n.oiihtain, in pursuit t.f a Llama Hhich liad stiayed iVoin his llcck. boon alter the mines * I y.lariz, uii Mem- le and e.iiitioiis e:ileiilaloi', seems to mil, lliut I lie (|aaiilil\ oi mIv. r w iiieli does not j.iu (iiilv iiiav slated tlia-. i.ii,h Aieoidiiifi to llener.i, I lieie v\as not uliovea third of w nat w.is tMiatted from I'olusi that paid the of Sacoteetis, in New Spnin, little inferi" 'he other in value, were opened. From that time, ■.u arc separated from the substances with wliieh they arc imngled, either hy the action of lire, or the allraetivc powers of mercury, is the province of tiie natnral phi- losopher or ehyinist, rather than of the historiiui. 'I'lie exuberant profusion with whieh the inuunlitins of the New World poured forth their treasures, asto- nished nninkind, who had been accustomed liiil.erto to receive a penurious supply of the precious iiielais, Irom the more scanty stores contained in the iniius ot the ancient hemisphere. According to |)rinciples of com- putation, which appear to be extremely moderate, the quantity of gold and silver that has been regularly entered ill the ports of S|)ain, is eijual in value to four millions sterling tmnually, reckoning from the year I l!)2, in which America was discovered, to tlie |)resent time. This, in two hundred and eighty-three years, amounts to eleven hundred and thirty-two milliotis. Immense as this sum is, the Spanish writers contend, that us iiiueb more ought to be added to it, in consider- ation of treasure which has heen extracted frjin tiie mines, and imported fraudulently into Spain, without paying duty to the king. By this account, Spain lias drawn frmn the New \^'orld a supply of wealth, amounting at le;ist to two ihousainl millions of pounds sterling.* 'i'he minis, which have yielded this itiiia/.ing quan- tity of treasure, are not worked at tlie ex|)etice of the crown, or uf tl e piihlie. In older to encourage private adventuiers, the person w!io diseuvers and wmks a new vein, i.s entitled to the propeily ol it. I |>on laying his claim to suili a tiiseiviiy helore the governor of the provinie, a etrlain cstenl of hiitl is measured off, aii. v. p. ^4i II 2' I iiisToiiY or A^rmlrcA. [hook vrii. strikinij rxiiiiiph'S of succcm in this line of ndvrntiiri- ; no; only the sunfruiiio and tin- lioUl, hut tin- timid uiul dillidiiit niliT u|i()ii it with iistoiiishiiif,' iirdour. VVitii vnst ohj.tts always in view, fed roiitinui'lly willi Ikpjic, niid tx|.(ilini,' fv»ry niDnicrrt that fcirtiinc will unveil hi r Mcnt storcri, and /;ivc up the wealth which they contain to their wishes, they deem every otiier necupa- tion insipid nnd uninterestinf)r. The ciuirms of tliis pur- suit, like the ra^e for deep play, are so l)ewiti'hiiiu, and take such lull possession of the mind, as even to j;ivea iHw hint to the natural temper. Under its influence, tin.' cautious lieeome entciprisinu', arid the covetous pro- fuse. I'uwerful as thi> eharm naturally i^, its force is nuemented hy llie arts of an order of men known in I'lru hy the cant name of stioiis peculiar to projectors, addres- the weidtliy aiid the cic- diilous. Hy plausihle descriptions of the appearances whiih they have discuMred of rivdi veins hllherto un- explored ; hy |)ro(liicinu', wUiw ie(|i]i.site, spniniens of promising ore; hy allirmiiii:, with an iniposinir assur- ance, that success is certain, and llal the t N|k nee must he tritlintr, they sclih m \.u\ to ptrNiiailc. An ass. ela- tion is formed ; a small MJin is miIxmhiiI h\ liuli eo- ])artner; the mine is o|)ene(l ; the .ttnnlur is intrusted with the sole direction of eveiy op. riiiioii ; imtoresien diliiculties occur ; new deu'amls of momy aie n.ade ; but, amidst a suci'i'ssiun of disappoinlnnius ;ir>d d j.ixs, liope is never extinguished, and ti e iird'nr ol ( Xjiciti- tion hardly ahatis. |-'or it i> nhsirMil, lliat it ;.i.\ pcr- ion once enter this seducini; path, it is .(hm st iinjios- sihle to return ; his ideas alter, he stems tn l)e j-osMssid withanollur spirit, visions uf iiiiat'inary wcallli are con- tinually hclorc his eyes, aiid he thinks, ^ind spiaks, ;iiid dreams of notliing else. Such is the spirit that must he formed, wlnnvcr the active exertions of ai;v socie v are cl.ieHv iiniiluvcd in working mines of gold and silver. No spirit is more adverse to sucii i;!ipr<)\ements in a,;r:ci;lture and coin- merce, as render a nation really opulent. If the sys- tem of administration in the S^muisIi colonivs had heen founded upon principles ()fs;>und puliey, the power and ingenuity of the legislature would have heen exerted with ni much nrdour, in restraining its nuhjeels from such pernicious imiustry, as is now employed in allur- ing them towards it. " I'rojects of mininj^," (says a gii(,(J judge of the ixdilical i-onduet of nations,) •' instead of " replacing the capital employed in them, togetlier with " the ordinary prolit of stock, eomnmnly ahsorh hoth •' capital and profit. Tley are llie projects, iherehre " to which, of all others, a prudent lawgiver, who di-. " sired to increase the capital of his luitioii, would hast " choose to give any extraordinary encouragi ment, or *' to turn towards them a greater share of that capital •' that) would go to them of its own accord. Such, in " reality, is the ahsurd lonlidence which all men have •' in their own good fortune, that wherever there is tin; " least prohahiliiy of success, too great u share of it U " apt to go to them of its own accord." JJiit in ihc i Spanish colonies, government is studious to cherish u sp.ril which it .should have hil)oured to depress, and,liv ^ the sanction of its approhation, augments that ineon- Mill ate credulity, which has turned the active indmiiy ol Alexico and I'erti into such an improper channel, 'Jo this may lie imputed the slender proijrc* wliiili S|'aiiish .Annriea has made uuring two centuries anil n I half, either in uselul manulaetnres, or in those hierii- tive hranclies of cultivation, which furnish the colonics , of other nations with their staple commodities. Im I comparison with the precious metals every hounty (,f I nature is so much despised, that this extravagant iiie.i 1 of IJitir \alue has mingled with the iciom ol langu.i.'c I in America, and the Spaniards settled there deiiominalc I a country rirli, not from liie fertility of its soil, the • almndiiiice ot its crops, or the exuherance of its j),is- inrcs, hut on account of the minerals whiih its nioiii;- lains eoi.tain. In (piest ol' tin se, thev ahandiMi the d". I;;.;lillui plains i,l I'eru and Mexico, and resort toharnii ! and nneoiiitortahle regions, where tiicy have built suiiii.' >i( till,' largest towns whieh they possess in the New I \Nt.ild. .Vs the activity and enterprise of the Spanianii I originally took this direction, it is now so dillieiill I to Iji'iid them u dillerent way, tl:at although, Iriuii I various causes, the gain of working mines is nuuh dc- \ creased ; tiie fascihalioa continues, and almost every person, who takes any active part in the I'omiuerie nf New Spain or I'eru, is still engaged in some adviniurc of this kind.^ * \\'hen tlic iiiiiies iif I'otosl wi-ro discovered ia the year I,)!.'), tlif veins were so aeiu' tlie surfjcc^ that llu; ore w;is ca.-il» eyfriicted, and mi ricli lli.-.t it was refined with little troiilile and at a small expeiKc, iiienly hy the action ol' fi;c. The .-iiiiplo mode of iTl'mieg hy fii>ioa alone continued aiilil the year l.')71, when the use of iiiereiiry in refining silver, iis well .as gold, e. us discovered. 'I'hosc mines having hcea wn.iij^ht Hitliiat iateiriijiiion for two ee::turics, the veins arc now sank si> deep, lliat the expeiiee of i-Nlraelinij the ore is i;ieatl\ increased, iicsides thi.<, the lieliiiess of the ore, enii- tiaiv to what happens in most other niii.es, li.is heioiin' lr«s, as th<; Mill eoatiiiiieil to oij). 'I'Ik' M-iii li:ts like« isc iliiiiiiiisliiil to such u dcgice, that one is ainaziil tliiit llie Spaniards >lioiiul persist ill wiirhiiig it. Othei rli ii nmiis have hcea sueeessiMly itiseovi-red, hat in g'-iieral the value ol' the ores has tleereincd SI) iinicli, wliili' the e\penee of extraelingtheai his aagiaeiilcd, HOOK VIII.] III.STOIIY OF AMKUICA. 395 Mut thoufrh iniiicH arc tlic chief Dbjftt of llie Spa- iii;irt mich (liinaiid ill eommerce, that the sale is always certain, jiiid it yiehls such prolit, as amply rewards the lutMiur and care employed in rcnriiip the cuiious insects ul' wliich this valiialile dru),' is i.'oniposed, and preparing,' it l.pi the market. Qnini|uina, or Jesiiils liark, the m(;st sidiitary simple, perhaps, and of most restorative virtue, tliat I'rovidence, in coinpasMoii to iMiniaii inlirmitv, has mide known nnto man, is found only in I'erii, to whieli il aH'ords a lucrative hraneh of commerce. 'I'lie Indiuo III (iiiatimala is superior in (jnality to that of any pr.<- viine in America, and cullivated to a considri.dile ex- tcnl. C'aeiia, though not peculiar to lli.' Npanisli jolo- iiiis, attains to its hii,'hest state of perleclioii tlieic, and Irian the j^real consumpiion of cliocolale in Europe, as well as in America, is a valuahle conunodily. The 'I i.- Imcci) of Cuha, of more eN(|uisite llcUoiir llian any liiuuf:lit from the New World ; the Suuar laiMil in iluit island, in llispaniola, and in New Sjiaiii, to,i;ellier witn ilrut;s e unlucky traveller who uncc fulls ill iimoiig llicin, may piocecd several days l)v« fore ho can ilibcntangte himsilf Iroiii anioii^ the crowd thnl coNers the face of tiie caith, and seems to hu\e no end. '1 hey are hardly less numerous in New .Spain, und in seviial other provinces ; they are killed merely fur the sake of tin ir hides ; and the slaiij^htei at certain seasons is su great, thut tlic stench of their carcases, which arc left in the Held, would infect the air, il fnge |iacks of wild dogs, and vast Hocks of ^uUiiuizuK, or Amirieaii vniiuies, the most voracious of all the leatlu red kind, did not instantly devour them. The nunilur of lliose hides expoiled in every licet to luirope is very gieal, aid is a lucrative branch (d' coiiyiierce. .\lmosl all these may lie considered as staple comiiio- (iiiKs picuhar t < America, and dillerent, il we cMept : Ih.ii I isi iiicni uiiKU, liom tiie prt^dueliuiis ol the iiuUiiet- coui.tls. \paiii was one ol the most industrious countries in Lurope. Her manulaetures in wool, and ilax, and silk, w .re so ixtensive, as not only to lurnish what wiis suiii- cienl tor her own consumption, but to athird a surplus lor exportation. \\ ben a market for them, tormerly unknown, and to which she aloi.e had access, opened in America, she had recourse to her domestic store, and luund there an abundant supply.* This new employ- ment must naturally have added vivacity lu tlie spirit lli.it the eotirt of Spain, \n tlie \ear 173(3, redaeed the duly |iii)iilil ■ to liic kiiiij; liiiiii ayi///i t'l a tvnili. All the (|iiiekbilver iiMil ill I'era, is extracted Iroiii the l'aiiiiiil:i iiiiiiu of diiaiieabe- lii.i, (lisenveicd in llie vcar l.jlij. The eiow a lias reser\<(l tlie propeuy of tliis mine to itself ; and the perxnis who pin- cliase (lie ( tlif Siiiiii-.li niarint at liiis period loss nDuri.siiing tlian that of its niaiuifacturcs. In tlie l)C,i,nniiiiiir of liic sixtocntii Cfiilury, Spain is said to iiavc pusscsM-d aboxc a thou- sand inercliant ships, a nuinb.,r proltalily far sii|)L'rior to tiiat of any nation in L'ui"o|)t' in tin-.t aj;o. By the aid vviiicli forcitrn trade and domes' ic industry ^Ivc re- ciprocally to (Mcli other in their proi^ress, the augment- ation of both must liuve i)efn rapid and extensive, and Spain might have received the same accession of o|)U- lence and vigour from lier acquisitions in tiie New World, that other powers liavc derived from their colo- nies there. throne, with talents far inferior to those of his |,,i|p r and remittances from the colonies liecame a icgi l;ir and considerable branch of revenue, the fatal npcintjon of this rapid change in the stitte of the kingdom, l)..th on the nionareh and his people, was at once conspi- enoiis. riiili)), possessing that spirit of unceasing as- siduity, which often characterises the ambition of men of nniderate talents, entertained such an iiigh opinion of his on II resources, that he thought notiiing too arduous for hiin to undertake. Shut up himself in the .•■olitude of the Escurial, lie troubled and annoyed all the nations around him. He waged open war with the Dutch and English ; he encouraged and aided a rii)illi(ius faction in France ; he conquered I'ortugal, and n^aint.iincd armies and garrisons in Italy, Africa, and both the Indies, IJy such a multiplicity of great liut various causes prevented this. The same thing | an! '■iinpliiiited operations, pursued with ardour during liap|)ens to nations as to individuals. Wealth, which tlie c.Mlr^e of a long reign, Spain was drained both of flows in gradually, and with moderate increase, feeds nu ii and nmnev. I'ndcr the weak administration of and nourishes that activity which is friendly to com- ' his si:ci'('ssor, I'hilip 111. the vigour of the nation con- incrce, and calls it forth into vigorous and well- tinned to decrease, and sunk into tlie lowest decline, conducted exertions; but when opulence pours in' [A. I). l(jll.] when the inconsiderate bigotiv of that su'Ulenly, and v.ith too full a stream, it overturns all monarch expelled at once near a million of his most sober plans of indusl:y, and brings along with it a ta' te for wliat is wild and extravagant, and daring in busi- industrious subjects, at the very time when the ex- hausted state of the kingdom recjiiired some (-xtraor- ness or in action. Such was the great and su. der.ilile time, however, the Mip|)ly of treasure from the Her flourishing maniilat tnre> were fallen into (Ke.iy. New World was scanty and pri.'cari :us, and the genius Her fleets, wiiich had been the terror of all Eniope, t;f Charles V. coiuiueted public measures uilh such "^TC ruined. Her extensive f.ueign commerce was prudence, t!iat the ellerts of this inlluence were litde h>st. The traile between dJHcrenl parts of her o\va perceived. But when I'hilip II. ascended the Spanish tiMiIc i:i );i\ in:;- a(ti\ iiy to tlioc is iii:i ilVsl, rnnii a singuhu- dominions was interrupted, and the ships which at- tlu: rei^jiis el' ( Inirle.t \'. ami I'hilip II." s;us he, " (lie iiia- faet. Ill the \<;ii I.') I."(, \' liilc Spain ((iiiliiiiicil Ik depeiiil on I liutielincs ol Sp.uii iuiil i>l llic L^m C'i)iliilru's siilijeet li l»r ils o'.Mi ia'iiisiiy, lur ine sii| [ |\ ..l iis eoloiiiiv-, so iiiiieh \\i>ik liieie «illi llie |ii(>iliieli(ins of lier iii\ii Mill, Uie l.iiiius Hrntijlil ii\ llie liaiids of tier own was liespoKe ;ioa they could liarilly fimsii it in l( >s llian 5. -lOG. Such a (le- aad iiiiisl lia\<' | n; iiiiiea iailiis'i\ in n.o lion, and have e\eilel e\li aoiiiii.ai \ ifi'ml^. .Ve oruiiiglv , we are inriiiiied, lli.il in llie tii':_iiiiiiiii; n- ' aili/.ius, aail ,ill slie lu'euea i.i reliiru lor lliese liiionged In t(red, gave eiii| Jo\ nu lit to no I'eAer Ihaii Ki.l.OU loon.s ui lier.sell aione. I iiiii Ihe eseliision oi loieij;n iii.anulaeliiics cilk or HOollcii \»()i k ami lii..l a om' |;iil,(ii)i) | cis ms hail | «ai, projKT, Ikimum' iI noi;iil lie iiinKi.il etfeetiial. 'I lien oceiipali'ii in eanving on the i- iiianiitat liin.s C in pa in li , Sjiain ini^iil l,i\ lu ,n \ ilulus ii(iiai f;oiMis e\p"ileil to .Ameriea, 47-. But so rapid and |,cn.ieioiis \\;is the epciario i of Ihe <>r imp i ;nl lioni ii, a al iiii(;lit iai| o-e » liul re.straints slie causes «liie!i I sli.ill ciiuiiier.ile, lliat befoii' i'.nlip III. ended oinlanis ji.id oeeasioncd aa tpain l)ep:aii to deeliin', and tne neinaaiis of Aineiica uin^ faiiioii lo find my ideas eoiieei niiig the earlv eoiii'iieieial in- siippiied by foiemn lalines, tne oiigiii.d inaxims and rij;iila- leiioiirse lietween Sp.iin and her eoloiiiis confiinied and tioiis i.i' Sjiain should have Iteeii iiecoiniiioihited lo llie eiian.e illustrated In 1>. liernurdo Ward, of tne Junta dc Coineieia in her situation, 'llie |M)lie) that Has wise al one jienoo, m- at Madrid, in his Pruyecio Lconumico, Fart ii. c i. " Under j came absuid iu the oilier. lOOK VUI. f his I'liili'i-, I' ;i it!;i l.ir ;tl (i|n'i;itiiM> ij;(l()in, l)"th wcc con>[)i- nceasiii!!; ;>!>- Uion of ituMi liigli opinion notiiing loo imsL'lf ill tlie annoyed all )i'n war with il and aidfd a ■vcd ForlUfful, Uidy, Alrifa, dicity of great ardour diiriui^ rained both of iiini"»Ualli>n of 1k' nation eoii- owcst docrnic, |(li;oti y of tl'''t L)u of lii> nio.st when Vhc ex- l some exlraor- o aiiirnu'iit its Karly in U'C ('.iiniiuition ill ibilily to reiiuit lllT oiHiatioiis. 11 into (Ue.iy. of all linvojie, iMiiinierc-e was ts of her own ijis wliieh at- BOOK VIII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. ':97 a\S lif, till' lUiV [\\ > Mll.jtlt t > iHt ■nio>L- of riaiue n-|,ul.lic of ll'i" BiiO'lieaii li""«'f ^^.^v \N orUl. 5>l'''in ,. |H»iluetioii> of ,;,:..is of tier .ami iiicm; IhIohuiiI 10 i.,,.M iiiaiiufiiiUiiTS I aUitu.ii. 'iii'tt q„,ile(lt...^i'Hriii. hal rv■^^•■l>llt^ sUn i„ I,,.,- „«ii liaiuls. , liail (He.i>i"iieil an 1, ilic iiiainifacHiicS >, of Aineiiia u«re lo.x'niis auil r.(;iila- .latc'il to I lie ei..iH.e c at oae ire powerful than any statute, defeated its operations, and constrained the Spaniards themselves to concur in eluding it. The English, the French, and Dutch, relying on the fidelity and honour of Spanish merchants, who lend their names to cover the deceit, send out their manufactures to America, and receiv*! the exorbitant price for which they are sold there, either in specie, or in the rich commodities of the New World. Neither the dread of danger, nor the allurement of profit, ever induced a Spanish factor to betray or defraud tlii; person who confided in him ; and that probity, which is the pride and distinction of the nation, contributes to its ruin. In a short time, not above a twentieth part of the commodities exported to America was of Spanish growth or fabric. All the rest was the property of foreign merchants, though en- tered in the name of Spaniards. The treasure of the New World may be said henceforward not to have 2;) -26. belonged to Spain. Before it reached Europe, it was anticii)ated as the price of goods purcliased from fo- reigners. That wealth which, by an internal circula- tion, would have spread through eaeli vein of industry, and have conveyed life and movement to every branch of manufacture, (lowed out of the kingdom with such a rapid course, ;is neiliier enriched nor animated it. On the oilier hand, the artisans of rival nations, encouraged by this quick sale of their commodities, improved so much in skill and industry, as to he able to alford them at a rate so low, that the manufactures of Spain, whicli could not vie with theirs, either in quality or cheap- ness of work, were still farther depressed. This de- structive commerce drained off the riches of the nation faster and more comj)letely, than even the extravagant schemes of ambition carried on by its nionarchs. Spain was so much astonished and distressed, at be- holding her American treasures vanisli almost as soon as they were imported, that Philip III. unable to supply what was requisite in circulation, issued an edict, by which he endeavoured to raise copjjcr money to a value in currency nearly equal to that of silver ; and the lord of the Peruvian and Mexican mines was reduced to a .vretched expedient, which is the last resource of petty impoverished states. Thus the possessions of Spain in America have not proved a source of population and of wealth to her, in the same manner as those of other nations. In the countries of Europe, where t!ic spirit of industry sub- sists in full vigour, every person settled in such colo- nies as are similar in tlieir situation to those of Spain is supposed to give employment to three or four at home in supplying his wants. But wherever the mo- ther-country cannot afford this supply, every emigrant mav be considered as aciti/.en lost to the community, an(i strangers must reap all the benefit of answering his demands. Such has been the internal state of Spain from the close of the sixteenth century, and such her inability t» suppiv the gr+)wing wants of her colonics. The fatal effects of this disjiroporlion between their demands, and her capacity of answering them, have been much increa>ed by the mode in which Spain has endeavoured to regulate the intercourse between the mother-country and the colonics. It is from her idea of monopolizing the trade with America, and debarring her subjects therefrom any communication with foreigners, that all her jealous and systematic arrangements have arisen. These are so singular in their nature and consequences as to merit a particular explanation. In order to se- cure the monopoly at which she aimed, Spain did not vest the trade with her colonies in an exclusive com- pany, a plan which has been adopted by nations more 3B II rii ! 2«)8 HISTORY OF AMERICA. fuOOK VIII. l.'Ji co;nnicicial, and at a period when mercantile policy was ati object of greater attention, and ought to have been better uiulerstood. The Dutch gave up tiie whole trade with their colonies, both in the East and West Jiulles, to exclusive companies. The English, the French, the Danes, have imitated their example with respect to the East Indian coninierce ; and the two former have laid u similar restraint upon some branches of their trade wilii the New World. Tlie wit of man cannut, perlKijJS, de\ise i< method for checking the progress of induitiy and population in a new colony more cll'ectual than this. The interest of the colony, and of the exclusive com- pany, must in every point he diametrically opi)osite ; and as tlie latter possesses such atlvantages in this une- qual contest, tliat it can prescribe at pleasure the terms of intercourse, tiie former n\ast not only buy dear and sell cheap, but must sniVer tiie morlilication of having the increase of its surplus stock discouraged by those very jiersons to whom alone it can dispose of its productions. Spain, it is |)robable, was preserved from failing into tliis error in policy, by the high itltas which she i iirly formed concerning the riches of the New \\'oriil. (iold and silver were commodities of (no high value to ve^^t a mono])idy of tlui:' in private hands. 'I'lie er/*(( (U' I'uiitTiitiuion in Se\ille, before it could receive a licence to make the voyage ; and that on its return, a report of the commotliti'*s \\hieh it brought should be made to the same ':■ jarii, bef(jre it could be j)crmittee aiiidte aicil, and to be mingled witii a fifth part of base metal. found more commodious, they have sailed from it since the year 17-'0. The Galeons destined to supply Tierra Firmii", and the kingdoms of Peru and Chili, with almost every article of luxury, or necessary consumption, that an opulent people can demand, touch first at Carthagenn, and then at I'orto-bello. To the former, the merchants of Santa Martha, Caracas, the New Kingdom of (iia- nada, and several other provinces, resort. The latter is the great mart for tiie rich commerce of Peru imd Chili. At the seas(}n when the Galeons are expeeted, the product of all the mines in these two kingdonis, together with their other valuable commodities, is trans- ported by sea to Panama. Prom thence, as soon as the appearance of the licet from Europe is announced, they arc conveyed across the islhnuis, |)artly on mules, imd jiartly down the river Cliagre to Porlo-bello. This paltry village, the elimatc of which, from the pernicious uni(jn tjf excessive heat, continual moisture, and the putrid exhalations arising from ii rank soil, is more fatal to life than any |>erha|)s in the known world, is imme- diately hllcd with pe(i|/le. I'rom being the residence of a few negroes and nuilattoes, and of a ndserable gar- rison, relieved every tiirce months, Porto-bello assumes suddenly a \cry iliderent aspect, and its streets are erowded with opulent merchants from every corner of Peru, and the adjacent provinces. A fair is opened, the we.ilth of America is exchanged for the manufactures of Europe ; and, duiing its prescribed term of forty days, the richest ti;.hic on the face of the earth is begun and (ini.shed, with that simplicity of transaction and that unbounded conhdi nee, whidi accompany extensive commerce.* 'I he I'hjta iiolds its course to Vera Cm/. 'l"he treasures and eommtKlities of New Spain, and the depending pro\inees, w iiich were deposited at Pueblade los Angeles in expectation of its arrival, are carried thither, and the commercial operations of Vera C ru/, conducted in tiie same manner with those of Porto- bello, are inferior to them only in importance and value. lioth fleets, as soon as they have ct)!np'.eted their car- L'oes from America, rendezvous at the llavanna, and return in company to JCurope. 'l"he trade of Spain with her colonies, while thus fet- tered ;uul restricted, came necessarily to be conducted with the same sjiirit, and tqion the same principles, as that of an exclusive company, lieing confined to a '("lie Spanish merchants, with sentiiiienls snitahle to their usual integritv, sustained the whole loss, and indeiunihed the fortii;ri- ers by whom they were employed. The frand was deteetcd, and the treasurer of the revenue in Peru, the author of il, »ai publicly burnt. — li. Ultoa HvUtblis. de Muniif. Ke. liv. ii. p. 10-'. JK VIII. m it since Hint, and ost every 1, tUut :ui iiitlui;j:i'na, nievcluinls in ol' (Jia- The liiUcr f IVrii ;i\ul e expected, Uiiigdouis, ics, is triuis- soon as tlie junced, liiey iiuilos, and lello. Tliis le jicrnieious irc, and Uic is move laUl rid, is inune- tl\e residence uiserable gar- bello iissnuies Ls btreets are very corner of is opened, ll»c anulactures of i)f forty days, is begun and lion and tl.at ;j,)y extensive lo' Vera Cm/.. ijiuln, and tlie ■d at I'uebla do ;il, are carried of Vera t ra/., Ihose of I'oilo- liiice and value. I'.eted llie'ir c%ir- llavanna, and kshile lluisl'et- Ij) be conducted L princii)les, as [r confined to a lalde to tlielr aMiid Lulled the forc^ii- liuKl was detected, |c author of 't,N»;>;» BOOK VIII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. ^9.9 sini,'lo port, it was of course thrown into a few hands, and almost the whole of it was gradually engrossed by a small number of wealthy houses, formerly in Seville, and now in Cadiz. These by combinations, which they can easily form, may allogctiicr prevent that competi- tion wliieh preserves commodities at tlieir natural price ; and by acting in concert, to which they are prompted by their mutual interest, they may raise or lower the vnUic of them at pleasure. In conscrjucnce of this, the price of European goods in America is always high, and often exorbitant. A hundred, two hundred, and even three hundred per cent, are profits not uncommon in the commerce of Spain with her colonics. From the same engrossing spirit it frniuenlly happens, that traders of the second order; whose warehouses do not contain a complete assortment of conmiodities for the American market, cannot purchase from the more opulent merchants such gin)ds as tliey want, at a lower price than that for which they are sold in the colonies. With the same vigilant jealousy that an ex- fhisive company guards against the intrusion of the free trader, those overgrown monojudists endeavour to check tlie jirogress of every one whose cncroaciiinents they dread. This restraint of the American commerce to one port, not only affects its domestic slate, but limits its foreign operations. A mmiopolist may ac(|nire more, and certainly will hazard less, by a confined trade which yields exorbitant profit, than by an extensive commerce in which he receives only a moderate return of gain. It is often his interest not to enlarge, but to circum- scribe the sphere of his activity ; and, instead of calling fortli more vigorous exertions of commercial industry, it may be the object of his attention to check and set bounds to them, liy some such maxim, the merc;in- tilc policy of Spain seems to have regulated its inter- eoinse with America. Instead of furnishing the colo- nies with liluropean goods in sticb quantity as might render both the price and the profit moderate ; the nurchants of Seville and Cadi/ seem to have supplied them with a sparing hand, that the eagerness of com- petition amongst customers oblig'^d to purchase in a scanty market, might enable the Spanish factors to dis- pose of their cargoes with exorbitant gain. About the middle o( the last century, when the exclusive trade to .\inerica from Seville was in its most flourishing state, the bnrden of the two united scjuadrons of the (jaleons * Many striking proofs occur of the scarcity "f iiioncy in (^piiiii. ()f all the iiMiiiensc sums which have been imported from Ainerieii, the nmoiint of which 1 slndl iil't< rwards li.ive occisica fi) nioutioM, Moiieada asserts, that there did not re- niiiiii ill Spiiin, in Kilif, above two hinidred milliiiiiH of jivnos, one ai; ill eouied money, the oilier in plate and je«<'ls. — Ri. .iiir. l/( I'.spagua. Dae. iii. c. I. ViUiA/., who publibhcd and Flota, did not exceed twenty-seven thousand five hundrer tons. The supply which such a fleet could carry, must have been very inadctiuate to the demands of tliose populous and extensive colonics, wliicli de- pended upon it for all the luxuries, and many of l!ie necessaries of life. Spain early became sensible of her declension from her former prosperity, and matiy respectable und vir- tuous citizens emi)loyed their thoughts in devising methods for reviving the decaying industry and com- merce of their country. From tiie violence of llie re- medies proposed, wc may judge how desjierale and fatal the malady ap|)cared. Some, confounding a violation of police v.ith criminality against the state, contended, that in order to check illicit commerce, every person convicted of ciwrying it on, should be punished with death and confiscation of all his etVects. Others, for- gcttini: the distinction between civil olVences and acts of imiiietv, insisted, that contraband trade should be ranked among the crimes reserved for the cognizance of the Inquisition ; that such as were guilty of it might be tried and punished, according to the secret and summary form in which that dreadful tribunal exercises its jnrisdiction. Others, uninstructcd by observing the pernicious efVects of monopolies in every country where they have been established, have proposed to vest the trade with America in exclusive companies, which interest would render the most vigilant guardians of the Spanish commerce against the encroachment of the interlo])ers. Hesides these wild projects, many schemes, better digested and more beneficial, were suggested. But under the feeble nionarchs, with whom the reign of the Austrian line in .Spain dosed, incapacity and indecision are conspicuous in every department of government. Instead of taking for their model the active admi- nistration of Charles V. they affected to imitate the cautious procrastinating wisdoni of Piiilip II. and des- titute of his talents, they deliberated perpetually, but determined nothing. No remedy was applied to the evils under which the national commerce, domestic as well as foreign, languislied. These evils continued to increase, and Spain, with dominions more extensive and more opulent than ;my European state possessed neither vigour, nor money,* nor in.e sums to .*"p 'J' I esc were (I Si )ain (li'sired uitli e(|ual ardour .«peiil in the pi ;>•. iiici's w hiili lu'came the theatre of war. conveyed to (ireat IJritaiii the .■isslt'iilo, or contrael lor V irt oi the drained tlie »*ra, line (• t! Ill treaMire, of uiiich foreigners had sup])lying the Spanish colonies with negn-es, which h nl U'diim, (!oweition of a British factories were esla!)li.slied at Curthagcna, 1' lenos Ayres, and other Spa ml ot circnlatiiiL'' >i)ecie, in some nuasure adecinate to naina le exigencies ot tlie puniu f th lit nisli As soon the v. lurlions ohtaiiied ( hti d ;|uiet I lossession settlemenls. 'I'hc viil w itli which Spain had hitherto covered the state and transactit>ns of her colonies was if the throne, liny discerned this change in the spirit renu. veil. The agents of a rival nation, residing in the f)f the |)eople, and in the state of the nation, and took | towns of most extensive trade, and of chief resort, had advantaire of it ; for although that family has not given ^ the best opportunities of becoming acquainted with the inonarehs to Spain remarkable for superiority of genius, ' interior condition of the American iirovinces, ol observ- tliey have all been benelieent princes, attentive to the ' ing their stated and occasional wants, and of knowing f tluir subiects, and sidicitons to promote i what lommodities might be imported into them with laiininess o ipi t. It as. trdinglv, the first object of Philip V. to ; the greatest advantage. In consequence of informal loll suppress an innovation w li ronr>e i f tl le war. and ieh had crept in during the so authentic and expeditious, the merchants of Jamaiia had overturned the whole sv>tem and other English colonies who traded to the Spanish if ll le -Spanisii e-, innieree w i th America, The l^nciish main, were enabled to assort and proportion their and Dutch, bv their superiority in nav.il p.ower, having cargoes so exactly to the demands of the market, that 1 h .South Sea C'cnnpany, under their treasure, deparicd so far from the usual rigour of t ition which they were anllu)rised to make by the slop its n tiie 1 laxiins, as to open the trade with I'ern to heralliis seit annually \o I'orto-bello, jioured in their comm ri'iicii. Th lerchants of St. Malo, to whom Louis XIV. granted the jirivihge tif this lucrative eom- rcc, engaged in it with vigour, and carried it on upon nic principle'^ v dillerent Irom those o if th 'Jl ley supp lied I I ru Willi 1 uro pean laniards. ties at a tl'. Ill tl >panisb continent, without limitation or re- siiaint. Iiisti ad of a ship of live hundred tons, as ^li- pulal-d in the treaty, they usually employeil one whieh d nine hundred tons in burd en. !ie was coinpaiiied twi> or three smaller vessels, whieh. moderate price, a IK 1 not 11 stinted q.iant' i Th gO( moorin which tiiey imported were conveyed to every province c ,1, g in some neighbouring creek, supplied her ■ilini Iv with fresh liales of goocU, to rephuesu.h jf Sj iriiiisli Linerica, in such abundance as had never as were s., lalfii lU'f ol" lliis, uigiiwi, I'ii- icr Spaiii^li iiad liill'.iilo ■uloiiii's was iidiiig ill llii: I' n>ort, li;id ilcd willi tlic [■S, »)t ollMTV- iit' kiiowliii; llicin v.illi iitonii:''-'"" o( Jaiir.iHii )rlion tl'iir mavlM't, Ui;it ih a r,iiilily, )triod. 'lliis I'lice of Hi: :;eiits of tlic f till' imi"'- i- hy thir sliip • ir i-oiiiuiodi- lalion or vi- 1 tons, as -ti- ed Dili' wl'i'i* S'.ic was ;-■- smIs, wl'.uli, Mijijiru'd liff ) rti)l'>i'-' "•''''' and iilViii'Vs ot iits, C()lllli^"l LialioiiH of li"' ,,1 I'liitii-i'iii"' BOOK Vlil.J lilSTOlvY Ol- AMERICA. •JQ] c-oiiipiiiiy, and partly by tlie uitivity of private inttir- IcjiiiMs, almost the whole trade of Spiiuish Atiierica was cn{,'rossed by foreigners. The iiiiinense eoninieree of till' u;ak'ons, formerly tiie pride of Spain, and the envy of other mttions, suidt to nothing, [17«17j) '"i^l the squadron itself redue- d from fifteen thousand to two tiiousand ti-ns, serveil hardly any [)urpose but to feteh liiiiiu" the royal revenue arising frinn t!ie liftli on silver. While Spain observed those encroachments, and felt so sensibly their pernicious elleets, it was impossible not to make some elVort to restrain them. Her first expedient was to station shi|)s of force, under the ap- pellation of Giianld Catitan, n|)on the coasts of those provinces, to which interlopers nuist ficiincnlly re- sorted. As private interest concurred with the duty wliith they owed to the |)uhlic, in reiideriiig the oirieers who commanded those vessel.; vigilant and active, some cheek was given to the ])rogress of the contraband trade, though in dominions so extensive, and so acces- sible by sea, hardly any number of cruisers was sufH- cient to guard against its inroads in every quarter. This interruption of an intercourse, whic'n had been carried on with so much facility, th;it tlie merchants in the British colt)nies were aeciislomeil to consider it almost as an allowed branch of ccmimerce, excited niurmurs and complaints. These authoiised, in some nieasiire, and rendered more interesting, by several un- jiisliliable acts of violence committed by the captains of the S])anish Gnarila Costas, precipitated Great Bri- tiin into a war with Spain [IJ-i'.'Ji in eonseijuence of wliieh the latter obtained a liiial release from the As- s:( iitii, and was left at liberty lo regulate the commerce of her colonies, witliout being reslraineil by any eii- L' i.'emeiit with a foreign power. .\s t!ic formidalile encroiiehments of the |-'n^lisli on fhi'ir Americin trade, had disCi.vvr.'d to the S;ianiards the vast consumption of llur^ipe i;i goods in their eo- Idiiies, and taui^iit them the advantage of acconimi- ilating their importatiims to the oecasinnal deaiand of the various provinces, they pv'reeived of supplying tlieir coUuiies, (litlerent from their luicient one, of sendinLT thither \\li'eh vvii> opi'Mi'd to tlieai liy tlie A'-siriito. I lia\'' taken Imin Doll Diim. Aleedo v llerier.i. president nf llie court ol .All liniee in (^iiilo, and g '.eriior of iliat |)io\niee. J)oii llioiiysi 1 \\ as a jiersou ol siieli respeetatde eliaraeler for pi-..- iiilv and diseeriiMieiil , tliat liis tes:iiiio:iv, ill aiiv p 'int, uoidd li' ol iniieli weif^lit ; liiil greater t'n (lit is ilap to il in t!iis 111', as Ik- was an eve-wilness of the lrar.s:ietioi.s wiiieli lie r. Iites, and was (n'leii eiii|'loy<'d in detecting and inillii iili- I'aii L' the frauds wirnli lie des('ri''ps. It is piolialle, h.iw- "M'r, lliiil liis repiese italioii, lieiiej; composed at the eoni- nenn'nieiit of tli'' «;ir wliicii brol,.' cut lielweeii (of, it H.-i- i.iin mid Spain, in llie year 17^9, may, in some iiistaiieesi, periodical fleets. That mode of communication had been found not only to be uncertain, as the depariura of the galeons and liota was sometimes retarded hv va- rious accidents, and often prevented by the wars wliieit raged in I'^urope ; but long e.\perience had shewn it to be ill adapted to atliird America a regular and timely sup|ily td' wiiat it wanted. 'I'he seari'ity of i'^^uropeaii gooils in the Spanish settlements fretj'.ientiv became excessive; their price rose to an enormous height ; the vigilant eye uf loercai^'Jle alteiilion did not fail to obsi'rve this favourable o[)portniiity, an ample supply was poured in by interlopers from the English, the French, and J)utch Islands ; and when the galeons at length arrived, they found the markets so glutted by this illicit commerce, thiit there was no demand for the commodities with which they were loaded. In e)rder to remedy this, Spain has jjcrmitted a cmisiderable part of her commerce with Amerii-a, to be carried on by ri'gi.^lir ships. These are litted out, during the inter- vals between the stated seasons when the galeons and flotii sail, by merchants in Seville or Cadiz, upon ob- taining a licence from the council of the Indies, for which they pay a very high premium, and are destined for those poits in America where any extraordinary demiiid is I'orrsecn or ex])eeted. By this expedient, such a regular supply of the commodities, for which there is the greatest demand, is conveyed to the Ame- rican market, that the interloper is no longer allured by the same |)rospect of excessive gain, or the pojile in the . ulonies urged by the same necessity to engage in the hazardous adventures of contraband Iride. In ])roporlion as experience ni;inlfesled the advan- tages of carrving on trade in this mode, t!ie iiuiulu r of register ships increased ; and at lengtli, in tiie year 17 IH, the galeons, after having been eniplo"ed upwards of two cenfnvies, were lin illy laid aside. From that pi'iiod there has been no inlereourse with t'hili and I'eru but hv single ships, dis|)ateheil from time to time as occasion require;, and when the inerchanls expect a protitable mar'et will open. 'I'liese ships sail round C':i|)e Horn, and convey directly lo the purls of tlie Sn'utli Sea the productions and in?.;Mit'actures of Eu- di'i (i>er a ])ortioa of the aerliin nioiis spirit, iiater.il at tliat jiiiictiiie. Ills detail of I'.iets is ciiioiis •, .'ind even Kn^li-li aniliois eontinii it in some degree, liy ailiiiiiting both that vaiio's frauds were prnelised in liie liansaetior.s of the aarieal sl.ip, and that ll:'.' eoiitidiand trade from .laiiiaie!, and other Hiitisli eoloiii.s, w,i> lieeoau' euDriiioiisly great. Bui for llie credit of liie Liiglish nation it may he oliserved, that tli'-se iVauiiilent operations are not lo be eoiisidereil as dieds of the eoini'anv, hut as the disliouoiiralile arts of their t.rc'.ors ;i.al ai'i'iiis. 'Pill- conipauv itself sustained a e ^iisiderable li)s» >y the .A^sieiito trade. Sh'.iiy of its seriaiils nequired iiuiiii ase fortinies. Aiutvrson Cliioitul. diducl. ii. iibS. '^ftsagqg 'J' ^t ^itlti k iti' mm dimmi iMim m 30'2 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book VIII. rope, for which the pcoiile settled in those countries were formerly obliged to repair to Porto-bello or I'ii- nama. Tliese towns, as has been formerly observed, must gradually decline, when deprived of tiiat com- merce to which they owed tiieir prosperity. Tliis dis- advantage however is more than compensated by the beneiieial ellects of this new arrangement, as tiic whole continent of South America receives new sup- plies of European commodities, with so much regula- rity, and in sucli abundance, as must not only contri- bute greatly to the ha])piness, but increase tlie popula- tion of all the colonies settled there. But as all the register sliips destined for the South Seas. n)ust still take their departure from Cadiz, and are obliged to re- turn thither, this branch of tlie American commerce, even in its new and improved form, continues sub- ject to t!ie restraints of a species of nu)ni)|)(ily, and feels those pernicious elFects of it, which 1 have already described. Nor has tiie attention of Spain been conlined to re- gulating the ti'adc with its more flourishing colonies ; it has extended likewise to the reviving comnuTce in those settlements where it was neglected or di-cayeil. Among the new tastes which the peo])le of J^urcpe have acquired, in consequence of importing iIm- |)1c)- ductions of tiuise countries which tliey cuiKpu'red in America, that for chocolate is one of the most ui iviT'-al. The use of this liquor made with a paste, forincvl ol the nut, or almond of the cacao-tree, coniponn !i'd with various ingredients, the Spaniards first learned fiom the Mexicans ; and it has appeared to tlieni, and to the other European nations, so palatable, so nourisliing, and so wholesome, that it has become a coninK-reial article of considerable importance. The eacao-tiee grows s|iontaneously in several parts of tiie torrid zone; but the nuts of the best quality, next to those of Ciua- timala, on the South Sea, are produced in the rich plains of Caraccas, a province of Tierra Firim'. In consequence of this acknowledged superiority in the quality of cacao in that province, and its communica- tion with the Atlantic, which facilitates the conveyance to Europe, the culture of the cacao there is m^re ex- tensive than in any district of America. But the Dutch, by the vicinity of their settlements in the small islands of Curazoa and JJucn-Ayre, to the coast of Ca- raccas, gradually engrossed the greatest part of the * Scvend facts with respect to the institution, tlie pri)j,'res?, and the effect!., of this eoini)any, are ciiriou«, and f)ut little known to English readers. Tlioiigti the province of Vene- zuela, or Caraccas, extends four tiundred miles along the coast, ami is one of tlie most fertile in America ; it wa.'S so mrcli neglected by the Spaniards, that during the tv\enty years prior to the estal)lishment of the company, only five cacao trade. The traffic with the mother-country for this valuable commodity ceased almost entirely; and such was the supine negligence of the Spaniards, or the defects of their commercial arrangements, that they were obliged to receive from the hands of foreigners this production of their own colonies, at an exorbitant price. In order to remedy an evil no less disgraceful, than pernicious to liis subjects, I'hilip V. in the year 17-8, granted to a body of merchants, an exclusive rigiit to the commerce with Caraccas and Cumana, on conilit!t)n of their employing at their own cxpence, a sullicient number of armed vessels to clear the coast of interlopers. This society, distinguished sometinu's by the name of the Company of Guipuscoa, from the pro- vince of Spain in which it is established, and sometimes by that of the Company of Caraccas, from the district of America to which it trades, has carried on its opera- tions with such vigour and success, that Spain has re- covered an important branch of commerce, which siie had suffered to be wrested from her, ahd is ])lentifully sup])lied with an article of extensive consumption at a niod'.'rate price. Not only tlie parent state, but the colony of Caraccas, has derived great advantages from tliis institution ; for althougli, at the first aspect, it iiKiv appear to iic one of those mon.ipolics, whose ten- dency is to check the spirit of industry, instead of call- ing it fortli to new exertions, it has been inevented from operating in this manner by several salutary regu- lations, framed upon foresight of sueli bad ellVcts, and of purpose to obviate them. 'J'he planters in the Ca- raccas are not left to depend entirely on the company, either for the importation of European commodities, or the sale of their own produ^ions. The inhabitants of the Canary islands have the privilege of sending tiiither aniuially a register ship of considerable burden; and from Vera Cruz in New Spain, a free trade is per- mitted in every port comprehended in the charter of the company. In consequence of this, there is such a competition, that both with respect to what the colo- nies purchase, and what they sell, the price seems to be fixed at its natural and equitable rate. The com- pany lias not the power of raising the fornur, or of degrading the latter at pleasure ; and accordingly, since it was established, tiie increase of culture, of po- pulation, and of live stock, in the province of Caraccas, has been very considerable.* ships sailed from Spain to that provinec ; and during IG years, from 170(i to l7'2~, imt a single ship arrived from the Ca- raccas in Spain. Nollcias de Ileal Cumpunia tie (.'aritccui, p. 'J8. During this |)eriod, Spain must have been supplied almost entirely with the large quantity of cacao, which it consumes, by foreigners. Before the erection of the eou'- pany, neither tobacco nor hides were imported from Caraeciis BOOK VIII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 303 But as it is slowly that nations relinquish any system which time has rendered venerable, and as it is still more shmly tiiat conimercc can he diverted from the cliiimul in which it iiris joiif^ been accustomed to flow; I'liilip V. in his new rigulations concerning the Aine- ricMii Inide, |):ii(l such (Icfcrcnce to the ancient maxim of S;;;;in, ciiiiccnii'iic llic liniitulion of all inii)ortation from tiie \cw World to one iKuhonr, as to oblige iioth the rt-L'ister ships whicii returned from I'eru, and those of tin' (iuipiiscoiiii I'oinpany from Caraecas, to deliver fluir cargoes in the port of Cadiz. Sini'c his reign, sentiments more liberal and enlarged begin (o spread in Sp;iin. The spirit of pliilosopiiical incpiiry, which it is tlie glcry of the present age lo have turned from frivo- liiiis or abstruse speculations, to the business and !ilV;iirs of men, has extended its influence beyond the I'yitnces. In tlic researches of ingenious authors, con- cerning tlie police or commerce of nations, the errors and defects of the Spanish system with respect to both met every eye, and have not ordy been exposed with severity, but are held up as u warning to other states. 'I'he Spaniards, stung with the reproaches of these authors, or convinced by their arguments, and admo- nished by several enlightened writers of their own country, seem at length to iiave discovered the destruc- tive tendency of ihuse narrow maxims, which, by cramping commerce in all its operations, have so long retarded its progress. It is to the monarch now on the throne, that Spain is indebted for the first pnblic re- g;dati()n formed in coiisetiuence of such enlarged ideas. While Spain adhered with rigour to her ancient maxims concerning her commerce with America, she was so much afraid of opening any channel, by which an illicit trade might find admission into the colonies, that she almost shut herself out from any intercourse into Spam — /,/. ,,. 1 |;. since the commercial operations of thccoini.any Ivgan in tlic year I7.il. the iiiiportatioa of cacao into S|);un h;.s iiKieii.ctl aniaziimlv. During thirty Nc.irs sab- Sfiiient to 1701, the miii.ber of l-\,nr^as of cacao (e.'.ch a hun- dred a -ul te:; pounds) iniporte.l frosa Carac.Hs, was iU:\:>\:>. J)nnnir eighteen years sul.se(iuent lo 17;U, the niiniher of l-'u- negus imported was H0i),2.J7 ; and if we suppose the importa- tion to l.eeontmue.l in ti,e same proportion ihirinir the remain- (ler ot thirty ye.-irs. it will amount to 1 .4 18,7 l(j Huui^tn. which IS an inerei.se ol SO.-,. .-i3 1 K-m-a.-,-/./. ,,. MM. Dnring ciyht years suhse.pient to l7.-.(i, tiieie has heen iiniv.rted into Spain liy the company, HS,W2 urruluis (e.ui. tneiitv-hve |.„ui,.|s| of tohacco: and hules to the number of 177,:i.Vi;-;j. Kil Since t.ie publication of the A'u^rws ,lt Cam/mnui, in I7(i:., its trade MTiiis to be on the increase. During hve vcars snhseinicnt to /(..,.t has imported 179,15(5 i-;-«ei;,,s of cacao into Spain, .10,-UM airohus of tobacco. 7.'"),-4'JG hides, and '.'21,432 pesos i„ specie.— r,/m/)omn«o-, ii. 162. The last article is a proof I'i ilie grownig wealth of tliu colony. It receives cash from .\l. xico in return for the cacao, with which it supplies that p'uviiicc, and this it remits to Spain, or lays out in nurchasinir with them, but that whicli was carried on by her annual fleets. There was no establishment for a regular com- munication of cither public or private intelligence, be- tween the mother-country and its American settlements. From the want of this necessary institution, the opera- tions of the state, as well as the business of individuals, were retarded or conducted unskilfully, and Spain often received from foreigners her first information willi re- spect to very interesting events In her own colonies. But though this defect in police was sensibly fcli, and the remedy for it was obvious, that jealous spirit with which the Spanish nionarchs guarded the exclusive trade, restrained them from applying it. At length Charles III. surmounted those considerations which hud deterred his predecessors, and in the year 17()1 appointed packet- boats to be dispatched on the first d ly of each month, from Corugna to the Havanna or l*orto-Uico. From tlience letters are conveyed in smaller vessels to Vera Cruz and Porto-bello, and transmitled by post through the kingdoms iif Ticrra Firni(\ Granada, I'eru, and New Spain. V\ ith no less regularity packet-boats sail once in two months to Rio de la I'lata, for the accommoda- tion of the provinces to the cast of the Andes. Thus provision is made for a speedy and certain circulation of iiilelligence throughout the vast dominions of Spain, from whicli eipial advantages must redound to the poli- tical and mercantile interest of the kingdom. With this new arrangement, a scheme of extending commerce has been more immediately connected. Each of the packet-boats, which are vessels of some considerable burden, is allowed to take in half a loading of such com- modities as are the product of Spain, and most in de- mand in the ports whither they are bound. In return for these they may bring home to Corugna an equal quantity of American productions. This may be con- F^iiropean goods. Hut, besides this, the most explicit evidence is produced, that the (piantity of cacao raiscil in the province is double lo what it yielded in 1731 ; the number of its live btiick is more than tretilc, and its inliabitants mii<:!: augmented. Tlie revenue of the bishop, which arises wholly from ti'hes^ has increased from eight to twenty thousand pesos. — Notic p. 6\). In consequence of the augmentation of the quantity of cacao imported into Spain, its price has decreased from eighty pesos for the I'anega to forty. — /(/. Gl. Since the publication of (lie first edition. 1 have learned that Guyana, iucluding all the extensive provinces situated on the banks of the Drinoko, the islaniis of Trinidad and Margarita arc added to the coun- tries iiilh which the company of (.'araceas had liberty of trade by tlicir former charters. — Real Ccdula, Nov. 19, 177G. Hut 1 have likewise been informed, that the institution of this com- pany has not been attended with all the beneficial eflects w Inch 1 have ascribed to it. In many of it.^ operations the illiberal and oppressive spirit of monopoly is still couspieuuus. Hut ia order lo explain this, it wuuld be necessary to enter into minute details, which arc not suited to the nature of this work. » IMM 3' HISTORY or AMKUICA. HOOK \(u. "« k si(l M'll IIS llu- first ri'l:ix;ilion of lliose riffid laws, wlilcli Cdifincd t!u' liink' will) llu- New \\'i)rl(l to n siiij^le port, ;in(l tlif (list altciupl to admit the rest of tlic king- dom to siiiiic sliari- in it. It was siioii I'ollowt'd liy one more decisive. In tlic yeiir I7'>">. Cliarles III. laid open tlie trade to tlie wind- ward islands, Cnlia, Ilis]>iini(da, I'orto-Uic-o, Marga- rita, and Trinidad, to liis subjects in every jirovince of Spain. lie permitted them to sail from certain port* in each province, wliich are s|)eeified in tlic edict, at any season, and with whatever earu'o they deemed most proper, without any other warrant tlian a simple clear- ance from the custom-house of the place whence they to(d{ their departure. He released them from the numerous and oppressive duties imposed on goods exported to America, and in place of the whole, substi- tute. reigncrs, and had the mortification to see their country drained annually of great sums on that account. I5ut if that spirit, which the permission of free trade lias ])ut in motion, shall persevere in its efforts with the satno vigour, the cultivation of sugar in Cuba and Porto- Hico may increase so much, that in a few years, i( is probable, that their growth of sugars may be equal to the dtniaiid of tlie kingdom. Spain has been induced, by her experience of the bc- netieial consequences resulting from having relaxed somewhat of the rigour «)f her ancient laws witli respect to the cumnierce of the mother-country witli the colo- nies, to permit a nn re liberal intercourse of one colony with another, liy one of the jealous maxims of the old system, all the provinces situated in the South Seas were prohibited, under the most severe penalties, from holding any conmiunication with one another. Thou^di each of these yield peculiar productions, the reciprocal exchange of which might have added to the happiness of their respective inhabitants, or have facilitated their progress in industry, so solicitous was the Council of the Indies to prevent their receiving any sujiply of their wants, but by the periodical fleets from Europe, that in order to guard against this, it cruelly debarred the Spa- niards in Peru, in the southern provinces of New Spain, in Guatimala, and the New Kingdom of Granada, from such a coi.espondence with their fellow-subjects, as tended manifestly to their mutual prosperity. Of all the numerous restrictions devised by Spain for securing the exclusive trade with her American settlements, none perhaps was more illiberal, none seems to have been more sensibly felt, or to have produced more hurt- ful effects. This grievance, coeval with the settlements of Spain in the cou!>tries situated on tlie Pacific Ocean, industry of the farmer and artificer. Nor does the | is at last redressed. In tlie year 1774, Charles III, OK VIll. il (iiru's ■t'.un, ii'id itsclt u i' !\ , fur « liicli isiimiitinii ipoition ti) itiiy I'll- couiitviis e an' nuist 11' (lomolic )m of (ii;i- • 11 tlif liitiil •a, iiMfl ^ave ced more hurt- lie selllements Paeitic Ocean, 1. Cliarlc> III. Hf.OK \ IH.] HISTORY or AMKllICA. J().5 i)iil>li^h\ lieiiig h;Mieiiciid and extensive. 'I'lic niolives for ura .'iiii; tills periuissiiMi are iiiiniifeilly no le>s landilile, llian tlu' nrineipic ini wliicli il is fminded is Ii1);'rai ; and l),illi disi'over ihe prouri's. of a i-piril in S|)iiiii, lar tle- valed ahovi' the n arrow pn judics and inaxiius on wliicli iier system for regnlalitii'; llie Irale, and eon- dactiui; the government ol her colonic!., w as (triginally founded. At the bamc lime that Spain lias heen intent on in- troducing regulations, suggested hy more enlarged views of policy, into her system of American commerce, she has not l)een inattentive lo the inttrior govcrn- iiiciit of her colonies. Here too tlirre was much ro(.m fi,r reformation and improvement; and Don J..s(i)li (iiilvc/, who has now the dire«-lion of the department fur Indian alVairs in Spain, lias enjoyed the htst oppor- t(ihitie>, not only id' ohsiTviiig the defects and conuii- tioii ill the poliiieal franc of the coloniis, but of dis- ... .\ . I'i II ..■ 1 1 1. 1 .:. Ill I />.-..• . iC ill...... ..... I .. \ r* 1 . Alter h.ini; (•o\iriiig the souicis of tlioM." evils _ tiii|iloyed seven years in the New \\ Hrld on an extia- (ini'n iry mission, and with very extensive powers, as alter visiting in iiiv|:'e'.or-..;eneiai of New ]ir;^oli the reiiiot ^ p 1 1 1 1 provinces of C'inaloa, Sonor.i, and C lilo-.nia, and miking several ii s , i.ii.. i.iiniiii; -.1111,11 iinpoitMiit allciMlions in III >t lU' 1 ! t!ie |ioliee and revenue ; he began bis nii- IP-lry Willi a general reform. ilion of tin- tribunals of jiislicc ill .Aineric.i. In conseijiiciicc of ibe progicss of p.ijMil ition and wealth in tiiC coluiiics, the business of the C'lnirts ol .Vudience has increased so much, that the nuniiicr <.l judges id' \vi icb tliev were ( riginallv CuiiiiHisid lia. Ik en found in;ii!ei|uale to the urowing labouis and duties of the ofiice, and the salarii s settUil ii|iwii them have been deemed inferior to the dignilv of tiic slaiioii. .\s a remedy for both, he obtained a roval edict, establishing an additional number of judges in each c-iuit of .Audience, with lii;.;lier titles, and more o i« ........:..> ample appointments. To li'.c saiii'" intelligent minister Spain is indt iitrd for a new distribution of goMriinccl in its .Xiiuiieaii l)rovillces. Kven since the e>la!iliilunci.l of a Ihiid vicerovally in the New hingdoni of (iraii.ida, so gical is the extent tif the .Spanish dominii.ns in llie N'c.v \\'olld, that severrd places siilijcct to t'l ■■ jiuisdii r,o;i~.d' each vici'rov, were iit such an iiiorinoiis ili,; uice from the capil' ■ 111 which they rcsiih (I, tb.it iiciiiicr their aitention, nor ihcir anlhorily, lould ie;;cb so f.ir. Some provinces subordinate to the viceroy n( New .Spain, lav above i ''misiuid tniles fro ::i Mexico. Tbi re wire coinlries sunjeet to tlu! vici roy id' I'cru still ftrllier from Lima. The people in those remote distiicts eoiild hardly he said to enjoy the hem lit of civil irovernnieul. 'I'lic ojipression and insolci.ce of its ihfirior ministers they often feel, and rather ;.ubinit to thcM' in silence, than involve themselves in the cKp.'iice and tr.inlile of resorting to llit: distant capitals, where rdoiie I'.iev can find redress. .As a rcme"t. C'rn/ (h- la Sierra, (liarehas, a d tlie towns i o! ,\ic'..(h)/. I and St. Juan. 15y this v, elhjiidg.al ar- 1 r ingiVMciit, t'.No ai!\ alliances are galiiei. All t!i<.' ii!c;c.i- vrnicnces ociM^ioiied by tiie remote sitinition of those i provinces, which had been l.nig felt, and long cmii- pliiiicd of, are, in a great ine.iscrc, rcmmed. The ^ countries most distimt from Lim i are separated from I the vieeroynlty of Peru, and united iitiiKa" a superior, whose sell of goveriuiient at i>iicnos-.\-i\'s, will be I Commodious a'ld accessible. 'l"he contraband trade , w til lie PorliKVuese, which was become so extensive, as must lia>c put a llnal stop to t!;c ex i)or;.itioii of commodities fi-o;ii .Spain to her southern coloiics, niay be (ducked more thorouuhlv, and wit!; ;rri;t.r fuilitv, when the supreme maristrate, by his vicinilv to the places in which it is e-inied on, cm view its piir^ress and eil'ects with his own eyes. Don Pi li; o Zev,iil,;s, who has been raised to ih.is new digniti , \.l'.h appoint- ments e((ual to thos.? of the (illicr vieerovs, is well ae(|nainted both with the state and the int. rest of tile countries over which he is to preside, having served in * Tills first experiiiienl made by Spiiui i<\ (ipcuiiig a fie tiaile with iiiiy of her e lo: irs, !i:is |)riiiliired e:T,els S'l re- ln;iil< ddci US toi'.ie.il m-iiic fiu tliia' dhhti iilinti. Tlic towns til iiliidi this libeitv Ini.-i been granted, are ("adl/. .mid Seville, fur llie I riiv nee of And^ihisia -, Aliriint luid (.'arlli.-imiia, for Valemia-aiid .Mmihi ; li.irei Imia, lor ('atalimia ami .\iragon ; Sialaailer, fur Castile ; CDrnuiia, for (Jalieia j and Cijnii, for Astiirias. Apptnd. ii, i.'i'.OllO. Ill Ilisiianiipla, from '_',.".0'd ■> :,,6W. Ia P , o Kiiv. from 1,200 to 7,000. The total vdm' of y,led \villi this eoinmand, is in.t dii,'nilied with the title of vieernv, nor «hns he enjoy the .i|)|)oiiitMients heloiiLriiu' to that rank, hilt his jnrisdieliiM) is altoirelher inde|ieii, entirely engrossed hv what related to the more re- people seem to second the provident care of their innte puts of their dominions, as to render them neg- ! monarchs, and to give it greater etteet. Tht nation lecifnl of what was sti.l more im|)orlmt, the reforina- eslic errors and defects in policy. Fully II'. n f d om sensible of the causes to which the declension of Spain, Iroio iicr former prosperity, ought to be imputed; they liave made it a great o ject of their policy, to revive a s,, rit of industry ai extent and perfection to their manufactures, as may ei able them to supply the demand- of America from no iig their subjects, and to give sucii lit; i.> . iiiaiisC' of Dun Pedro Kodriguez Caaipuuiaiie:>, has adopted more liberal ideas, not only with respect to commerce, but dmnestic policy. In all the later Spanish writers, defects in the arrangements of tliiir country concerning both are ackmtwiedged, and reme- 1 lb. (ties |)ropose(l, wincli ignorance rendered their anees, as incapable of discerning, and pride would mil have allowed them to confess.* Hut after all tliat tlie Sp i- niards have done, inucli remains tu do. Many periiic imei Fiscal del real cuimejo y Suprtmo (uii otUcc in rank aaJ p'Ii|i1inIi, lUrii'lil. umi'iil if cii'il llie ;.!r.'.,il.(l, I'ir i>« n ; kllll.'Kl llf llllMlilS llf .)!' S|)!i'm, ♦ lioy l.iive ,' I'lnnnirr- iv'ing llifir kIIkt nii- ice to tx- iiid flViils. rdiiiius, no ill) atlt'ivipt i»s «Kclii'i':it nliii^ tli''i», hies, iiiid he V of ))roiluc- svilli ll'iil of urhs of tlic rollsilliTillllf, to ciiM t"it'i now in |)os- );ini;ir(ls ii'nn i; may n-ndiT ,10 serious iit- I'lu'V are not ,f il'ie trowii spirit ot lilt care of lln'ir I'he nation t»: |ii>lilulionR and mIiu.hcs, deeply ineorponitfd witli tlic gysleiii of inlenial |iolii-y and taxation, wliieli has li>>en loni; estabiislied in Spain, must lie ati<)li>lieil, liefi re industry an Bdnitv. d manufiictiires violittf its statutes, and proposing an liii^li preniiuin to encourage illicit trallic. 'I lie S|iaiiiaids, hoth in I'^inope aiiii America, being circumscrilied in tluir mutual inii r course by the jealousy of the crown, or oppressed h) its exiictiuns, have their iiivenliim conlinuiilly on the stn ich how to elude its cdicls. '1 he vigilance and ingenuity ot private interest discover means of effecting this, which pill. lie wisdom cannot foresee, nor public authoiity pie- vent. This spirit, counteracting that of the laws, per- vades the comuierce of Spain with Aiiiericu in all its branches ; and from the highest departments in govern- m ent, descends to the lowest. 'II le verv licers a|>poiiited to check contraband trade, are often enploxtd ns instruments in carrying it on ; and the hoards ii.vn. tuted to restrain and punish it, are thechanm K tin. i.^h wliii-h it Hows. The king is supposed, lo the inosi i. - telligent Spanish writers, to be defrauded, hv viiii,,ii> artifices, of more than one lialfof the revenue whirl, nc ouL'ht to receive from America ; and as long as it is the interest of so many persons to screen those artifices from detection, the knowledge of them will never reach the throne. " How many ordinances," says Corita, " liow n.any instructions, how many letters from our " vovereign, arc sent in order to correct abuses, and how •' little are they observed, and what small advantage is " derived from them ! To nie the idd observation M|)piars •'jii-t, that where there are many phjsiciai.s, and inai-y " medicines, there is a want ot health ; where there are " many la«s, aiid in.oiy jurlges, iheieis want of justice. " We have viceroys, presidents, governors, oydors, cor- " .imidors, alcalde^, and tlionsaiids of alguazils abound " very where; but nolw iihslandiiig all these, public " muses continue to multiply." Time has increased ne ily siiniliir to tliiit of Attoney (ieneiai in Eii-ilniai), aiid I)i dor Ol Hie Royal AtMileiny of I listory, tlie li.ie iulilled 1) iimu iiibif el Fuiiii iitii lie In liii(ii»liiii I'ltjiulur i the oilier D.-ntiio Miliirlii Eiiiicmion t'li/iiiliir ile lii> .4i ir.uiHas ii »u Fo- fiuitit; the f riiier pnlnislied ia 177-1, nml iln' l.itter In 177j, afl id a sirikiiig pi«M>f aud there are not uiany llie evils wliici) he lainent.d as early us the n igii ni IMiilip II. A spirit of corru|itioii has infected all llie colonies of Spain in America. Mm far rrmoxed lioni the seat of go\ ertinieiit ; iuipatinit lo arijuire wealth, tliat thev may return speedilv lr< in > hat they are apt Iu considir as a stale of exile in a remote niilie:illlifiil eoiiii- Irv ; iilliirul li\ >|M'('t of gain, settled in the I'hilippine islands under tlic S|i;inisli protection. '1 hey supplied the colony so amply v< lib all the valuable productions and manufactures of the Ivisl, as enabled it lo (ipen a trade with .America, by u iiiise of naviuation, the longest from land to land oil our elobe. In the infancy of this trade, it was carried on with Callao, on the coast of I'eni ; but experienci'? I iiviiig (liscovercd the iiiipropriet v of (ixing upon tliat Hs the port of commuircation with Manila, the staple of the commerce bet»veen the east and west w;is removed Iroin Callao to Acapuico, on tiie coa>t of New Spain. After various arrangements, il has been hrmiglit into a regular form. One or two ships depart annuiilly from Acapuico, which are pi'rmitted to carry out silver to the amount of H*e buiulred thousand pesos, but they have har'llv anv thing else of value on board ; in return for which, thev bring baik spiets, drugs, china, and ia|ian wans, calicoes, ehini/., niiislins, silks, and every precious ai tide, with wldcii ihe benignity of the climate, iiiiliiors, even in the iiatioiis iiuist einiiieut lor eoniinerciitl kmi«leili;e. m lio liave carried on llieir iii,|uiries willi a more iiiorougli knowle.lge ol those various sulijeets, ami a more per- leet luedoiii hoiii vulgar and iialioiiid prejudiees, or who have united more liaiipily the calm leseaiehes ol' philosophy, wiiU the ardent zeal of a'puhlie-opirited citizen. These hooks are ill lli^h estimation among the Spaniards, ami it is a decisive evidence of the progress of their own ideas, ilmt they are capable of relishing an author rtliose »eatiu' l:iasl l(ii.l'\t(l Mill ly l(ir iln' i(iiiMiiii|lniii I.I \i« ^l liii. Ill i'iii; iii.i.nim n in 'lico'iliir S|iui!>li c'iili. 'Mil' iii.iiiiil.u lull N (li(<\\ \ tl .ih liiiisf ol' Iviiupr, lull tail Ik- miIiI ;ii a luu i r |a ,< .■ ; VN 1. ill, al tlif .saiiii* liiii , ill' |i. ( III -< ii|iliw IMC . |ii i mil in lie iuijui ird, f;ii;'a (|ii:iiililiis (iC India t,'i nd.s ai i' puiii i il ml;) ! hi' ii;ar- l.i'.s of \f\v Simiii,"' and ulun tlic lluti hiums ;il Vii.i Ciii/ hiiiii Iv.ii'i |)i', it tifU'M liiiiK till' waiils >.l lil^ |H'ii|di' nlicady Mi|i|iiii.'d hy i'lii.ti|)i.r and iiidic affcjUalilc coiii- iiii.ditii's. 'riii'ic is i;iit, ill tiic c'oniiii('r(.'ial ariaiigi'iiu'iits uf S|'aiii, any ciri'Uiiistani'c iiinu' iiir>.jiiic.ildL' tliiii the |ii i- 11 i-sii)ii ul l:;is U .lii' lirlwitn Niw .Sjiaiii and llu- I'lii- lijij i::(S, or inure rr|iiiL'iiaiit in iu f'und.iiiu-nlal iiiaNim id l.dlciiiit,' tl.i' c'll.. nil's in |ii'r|n'lual (li'|)i'ndi'iu'f on llu- riilhir-ciiinir} , liy |)iuliiljiiin:^ any I'liiniiu'rcia! inlir- toMbi.' tliat iii:j;l'.i su^'j;i'sl to ll.ciii till' idi'a ul ri'ciivini; ii >i"li| ly ol tliir walils trom any nllur i|nui U'r. 'I Ins I < iiiii>-.iiiii II ii.st a|i| far still iiiuU' iMrnuidinaiy, Innii t-'iiMili I ii}^ thai >>| .i;ii liirsc'lf I'aniis un no diiii'. lia iiriiriiuilly ti.uk piisvcssiDii of the I'lii- iip|)ini's, ha>iii[r hccii siiit out Irum New .Spiiin, lii'L'nii this inUrciiiirsi' wilh a cnnntry wliiili lliry ((insidrrid, ii. sciiu' nil aMirc, as tiiiir part'. it stale, bt'lurc the cuurl ol Madrid «rs aw are of ils eiiiisi'i|iu'iKes, or eouid tsta- lilisli rct^iilatioiis in order to prevent it. M;iiiy remoii- slr.inces iiave luiii piesenlrd against this trade, as ' 'llie gideoii eiiiplini'd in that triiiic, instead (if llio six h iKlred tuns, to wliicli it is limited tiy law, Riiop. lili. \lv. I, 1'' IS roiniiii'iily frn.ii lielve liiiiulred lo two llioiis.ind tons hiirdrii. The ship from Acipulio, taken by Lurd Anson, (le'i iiiii nial to Sjiaiii, hy (;ii( itin^ into am Iher thniiiu-| ii huge purl ion ol lliRltriasurt uhieii oiiLht lo llnw into llie l;inudiini, at li ndiii;; to i:i\e rise ti> u »pirit id indv. pi'iilleiii'i' ill ihr coll. III. s, i.nd lo iiiei>til::;;i' inlilliiiriii. Iili' Ir.u.ils, airaiiist «hiili i s iii;p"s..ili|,. to |,;iiuiil, in liaiisin ih'iis so lir r. moM'd Irmn ihr in-pri'li..n of ^ro. \ rl niiit'lit. 1 1 II I as it II (piiii's no si lull I I j.ol t id pi>litir,t| II i'.iU'iii aid ^ iiiutir lo al'olish !in\ prueliee whieli lu.in- liiis nil' iit:ii'Ud III SI |.|i. r'.iii;:, and lo whiiliinnc his {idih'd ihe s,nii'l!(iii ol ils iililtit.'i it \ , ll r I'liiiiiiii ice h twit'li Ni'iv Npain and .Munihi siini-. i>i he n . miM. di I aide lis I'M r, and in ii he i iiisiJiu d ;i\ i ic chit f eausu d ihe elieanee and s|.i.i (hair i i)ii> pii luiis in this p.irt III the .Spii. isli domiiiioiik. lint iii'lw ilhsiiuidiiifi: this ^11 (rai iii luptii.n in the I'idi nil s 1. 1 >paii>, and t lu" dim in ill ion ol im uiiii' lieloiii;'- ih^' to ihr pnldii', (K'l'iislunrd h\ liie lllii il iiiipoi laliuiis 11: idc h\ ll I t'li: 111 rs, aN wi II as hy tne Miiimis liamls ol' v. li, h ihe eolonislh themsilvis are uiiiily in their ei.iii- iiKiii' N'. itli I lie parent stale, the .Spanish monaieh;, re- r(i\i' a \eiv ( imsidcralde revenue lloni their ;\iiit'i ii aii ilominioiis. 'I'liis arises from taxes of \aiious hinds, v. lieh mav heiliviihd \u\f> thice eapilal hraneiies. 'Ihe liivt luii'iins what is paid to the kinj;, bs sovereign, or -ujuiior imd i.f the New World: to this elass helniigs llu' duty oil the t;idd and silver lai.sed from the mines, and the irihiite eMietid from the Indians; thefoiiiur is litimd liv ihe .Spaiiiartis the r'l^ht dj .w'^'nion/, the htltir is the ilittij (in vti.'Sdla^e. The .seeoiul liraneh e.iin- prtiunds the nnineroii'. dnlies upon eomiiieree, whiili aei'oinp.inv and uppiiss it in every step ol its progress, from the t;riatrsl transaelions of ihe wholisaii' inerehant 111 the i(tt\ liafre of llie xendir hy retail. 'Ihe ihird iiuii.ih s w hal aeei iiis lo llie kiln:, as head of the eiiiui h, iind ailn.inislia'.or of eeeie^iasile.d funds i i the Neiv Woilil. In eonsei|iii nee ol this he reeeives tiieliist I. mis, am. alls, spoils, and olin r spiritual rtveiiuts, levied l)v the apo.slolit thamher in I'^urope ; and is en- titled, lil^evvise, lo li e profit aiising trom ihesaleof the liiill ot Crii/ado. Tiiis Indl, wliieli is published ev ry I'.io \iars, eonlains an al)»olulioii from past otleiiees hy ihe pope, and, uiiiong oilier immunities, a periiiissiun to eat seviral luiids of prohihiled food, dining Lent, and on nil agre davs. The monks employed in dispersing those hulls, extol their virtues with all the fervour of interest', d eloc|Ueiiee ; the jieople, ignorant aiidiniiu- lous, listen wiili implieit assent; and every peruon m the Spanish eolonies, of European, Creolian, or mixed iiisle.id of the ;'i(JO,()()K VI I.J IIISTOUV OK AMKIUCA. <'!> it'u.ii ill tlic lijiol ttilidhS t> 1 1 II III !^ «il' I llicii- lom- lOHilll'll!. If- ir Amti'i'i" I'miis Iviiids, ll'llfN, 'I'lic i)V( irii;;", >ir l,l^^ lifliiUf^S II ilu- niiias, llif I'uiniiT hiMiu'li I'lim- IllM-Cl', \\lilili its iiri>^n".S ill' IhC'lcllllUt 'llio Uiiril I' till' cliuii li, i , ihc Ni w i\i's liiL- tirit lul IIVIIUIIS, ;ilill is I II- llu-buU'til tlie lilislii'd I'wry isi otU'iKc-. liy niTlliiN^i*"* '" iiiu; Li'iili '""l ill (lisiiiisiiiij; llic IcIVlllll llf ricv, |ii rcliuics a bull, wiilcli is (Iccmiil cssoiitial l(» liii « iK;itiiMi, nt tin- rate set upon it l)y ^incriiiiwnl.' VV'li it iii.'iy liir ilu- iiiiiiiiiiit (if llioM' v.'iiii)iiN I'uiitls, it t> iliiii>>t iiii|)oi«Hilili.' Ill iK-tci'ininc willi pri'iisiuii. 'Ilu- tKt'iil t'l' lilt' .S|i!iiiiili tloiniiiiiMis ill Aitu'iii'.i, tin* ji-i- jiiiisy (it f-dvi'iimii'iit, wiiiili li'iidiT-, (liciii iiiiici'i'ssilili' t,. ^.l|'l'ilrllt•r^, till- lliystiTioUS silciU-.' vvlllcil lilU .S|i;|. I, ill. It art- ai'distdiiii'd In oiisfi'vi- willi ii'spirl In iJu' iiiUTiiir (•tail- llll'll" L'llllinil'S, t'lllllllllll' III I'llM'llll'' tl Mllljl'lt \Mtll il VC il, nl ikIi It IS not I'asv in ri'iintvc * 'I'l.c piiii' I'liid I'lir till' I'uli Mir'icv a'cuiiliui; Id tlic lu.k (if ilillVirlil |K'rsinis, 'rilOU' III till' Icniisl iiiiin , m liii iii'<' mi- Villi's 111' .v|,ivf<, |iiiy tM'ii ri'iils nf (ilalc, or one sliilliii^ ; > llirr Spiiiiiai'ds piiy i-i|{lit Mills, /mil lliosi' in piililic olVlcf, or wlio liiilil I'lii'oiiiii'iid.iH, sixic'cii rciils. Suloi z. iliJiiiv Iml \>\ ii. Iili. iii. ('.'.'.'). Ai'i''>r(liii|; to ( liilloii, ill! I'.'iii:li>li iiit'itliiiiii (liio rc'.iili'd loni; in Ihc ^|iiiMi>li sclllciiiciils. llic liiill nrCiii- jiiilo lioi'c an liii^lii r price in iIk' \riir I.'i7lli ' < in^ tli'ii ''"Id |.ir lonr iraU iil llic Iium'sI. Ilnklmjt. iii. Kil. 'I'lic pi ict M'l'llll to I ia\o Xui'icil at dilVi rent pri ioil 'i'li.it fMutrd lor till' liidK i'.>iu'ii ill llic IiinI l',i(ltciiti(''i, »iii appt.ii tii'in tin' c'ii>iiiin,' talilc, wliicli util i'\\v soiiii; idea id" llic pi'ii| nrlicMi d iiiiiiiiicrs of till' diUVri'iil (lasses oi' liii/A ,.. in New Sjniin and I'.'MI. 'riieie were issued for New Spain, HiiIk at 10 p<: at '_ pes(i- iiieli III I pI'Mi ( lull at '.' reals eaeli I'or Pern, at I (I pesos Ij reals eiieli ut it pesos .'< I ('ids cai'li at I pe^o ,■» J leids at •» leuls at :t leal-. I '-'■J, (id I 1(1 I. ■-'■.'( I 2, l(i.',..(l I But nil account, ap|iuri>ntly im less iircuriito tli iii it it c'liiii'iis, lias lately lieeii piiliiislied tif tlic ruMil revenue in New .Spain, Irniii wliieli we may i'linii sdiiic idea witli respect III vv at Is euili'i'tiil in Uie otiier pro- \iiices, Acciirdiii^ tl) tliat aecniint, the cr(i>vii dues not reicivc Innii all tlie di p.irliiieiiis uf taMitiun in New Spain r.lioM' il lliilli r< id our liiiiiicy, liuiii u liiell inc hall iiiiiNt di (liieti 11 ic esiieiiee viiieial sliihlis il.l I' (I'll, i1 !■> pr dial I'l till' pro- dc, \ii. IcU u mil iH'i inii'iinr t.i this ; ,111(1 if v\c suppusr tlial all ditti III ("pICl' o I M. loin iliKo o I iililiii ,1 I- loin iliilo I 11 ,liii){o (le Ins ijidl >it Fioni llie liiil( of ee(lesiasli(>il iiniititii I'loni rovil iiiiiils of liislloiii-lioiise :i,N /.> I'loiii llie aunt 'III ;i.>7,.ii)ti .'^.^^'.'.(.SO III iiiiioiiiits to SlO.Kil/. slerliiii; i and if «'e add to it llie pi.ifit iieeiilini; iVoiii llii,' sale of .'tltdO (|iiiiitiils of ipiick- -ilver, iinpiPited lioiii llie mines of Alin.ideii, in Sp liii, on t^C ki, it. and \\ lull fioiii tliu Arcrui, and sonic ,(ill>,;V.Vi I l.'.'d'J r.s.S'.".' •lid,;v.','. otln r t.iM''. Hliiili \'iila Si tiuor does not e:>tiiiiale, tlie pii lie S|iiiiii iiiav «ell lie reckoned aho\c a million Ac- ieiiii re\('lii|e III .>e\> pounds >l('ii,ii',' money. Tliml. Mti. vi I. i, p. iiH, &c. eorihiin 111 Villa Se}{i!or, the total prodiicu of llio Mes iiiino ainoiiiiis at a nieilinin tociuht iiiillioii: s of iiesos ill silver Iv, and to i)e of winch there \mis no oi Tl CiisKiii ot men- uht to tlio le liihis in (he New Win Id, is vcteil in the crown ol Spain, hy (itiS GDI I ;, (,|||| ,,(' Ah'Minder \l. Cliarlo N". appoinlcd them to lie .\> \ lo \\ lioin »'• lire iiidehled for this ii liiniiiili'iii ciintaineij in Ills '/'(odfn .-///k i irdic*. piihli'.in'il — ~ i api lied III the lollouiiii; iiiniiiier : One fonilh i> idlolteil In llie •'' ' d'.'i.'l I h sliop of the ilioeese, aiiolher fniirth to the deaii and ehajJer, il otlicr ortieers of the ealhedral. The reniainiiiiC half isoi- \ iiUnI iiiIo iiiiil' ei|iiiil I d I arts wo ol llicM", under the deii.)- \ieo, A I). i;i(i, was iiceonipMiil-ueneriil in oin' of ilu. | iiiiiiiili..n ol /lo ilos Somios rialcs, aic paid lo the crown, and Ml iiiii>l cniisrileridjle dcpiirliiieiils of the ro\id re\eiiiie. mid hv . eni'liinte a Inaiicii of the royal revenue lli.it ineiiiis ii.iil access li Till uilli ic-ieel lo lliis point nieiil> ureal eiedil rale ill l.iil of llie SpiiiiiNli rev piopei liiloriiiarniii. Ins te>liiiioii\ ' |.a!is nre applied t . (he mainlen nice of the pin Vo Mich aieii- ' ihi- Imiidin eiiiieN III aiiv | nil i if .\iii I'liii u> h.is hillieilo lii'en piilili>li('.l in the Kiii:li-li liiiit.'iiai;<' aii'l Hie ' /„ {liii III idars if it m.n iippiareinii il. Ill) other seven ochi.il cli i}iy, PI ort ol c nil III"-, .mil other [limis uses. r/lr. ml lull re^llll. lit. \M. IHI. Li (III s.ill •ll,(idll Tl II. lit-rtipil. lili. viii. lit \iv. Ley. I. Avtiulu lii\ paid on iKCoiint of eniiVoys to i;iiiiid l.'t,.Vj'_' llie s'.iips s;i liiii; 'o mid torn .1, M as hist inniosed adO Fra ('is Drake filleil the New Woill with tiii'nr hv Ins iiried u|) l,3o;i,."i/2 7 1 .."i.'jI) (Apediii'ii to t'.ie .S.mlh Sea. It innonnts to iwii per eeni. mi ;>'-,(lt)0 the value ot goods. AventUtnit, vol. i. p. 18!). Riiopil liii. ix. lit. ix. Ley. i;!, -M 1 have not heeii able to prnrnrc any accurate detail of the ^/-i ' ^^te^*' - ■;' ' --!.^ JJJii* ^' w**'W»*' ii nrr i i^ ii ^inn^^ ,, SM) HISTORY OF AMERICA. I HOOK VIII. n tlie other reirioiis of America, inc-luding tlie islnnds, furnisli a tliird share t)f equal vahie, we shall not per- liaps he far wide from tlic truth, if we conclude, that tlu' net public revenue of Spain, rais'.-d in America, does not exceed a million and a half sitrling. 'I his falls far short of the immense sums to which su|>posi- ticiis, founded upon conjecture, have raised the Spunish revenue in America.* It is reMiarkal)le, however, upun one account. Spain and Portugal ;ire the only (Cn- ropean powers, who derive a direct revenue fripiu ihiir colonies. All the advantage that ac< ruis to other na- tions, from their American dominionN, iirises from tlie ex. 'usive enjoyment of their trade ; hut beside this, Spain lias brought her colonies to contribute towards increasing the power of the state ; and in return for protection, to bear a proportional share of the common burden. severid branches of revenue in Peru, later than the year 1614 From a curious ninnuseript, eoiiliriiiin^ a >l.itu ofil>Hl vice- royalty in all its de|iartnieiit.-<, presenteil lo the niaii|iii9 ol Monies Claros liy Fian. Lopez (Jaravames, aeeoiii|itaiit- general in the tril>unal of Liinu. it appeals that ilie piililie reve.iue, as nearly as I can eniripute tlie \ahie ot'ilie iiionev in wliii'li (Jaravantes states Ills ace uuIn. aiiioiinteil in ilinatN m 4i. Il(/. to - - - - '.'..i/JriiS Expences of goveriiiiitnt - I ,'_' V.',!l!)J Net fi ee revenue I , I :.'!<. 77() The total in steriinu iiioney Lspeiices of giiMtiniiciit Net lice revenue L .")^.i,an,< J77 . ".'<.> Dm several articles anpear to ht umiMeil in tliis < iilii- ti'Mi, such as the (lut\ on siiiin|i<ia>- tiial aiinats, &c mi lh.it the re\eniii- nt' iViu iiiav lie well 6lifi|>osed equal Id iIi.iI nl Mevico. In ioni|iiitiiii.' iiie e\| enr'e of (,'(ivcniinent in Ne» S|.ain, I m.iv lake tliiil o I'fi'i a>. a staiiciaiil. 'I'licie the annual e>- taiilisiiinenl fur ijeliav iny llie cliarue of inhninistraiion, exrcni!. One lialf of tin- revenue enllfcted. and there is no rea>on fir ltn|i|iosiiii; it tn he le>N in New S|)iiin. I have olitaincil a caleuiation oi the total iinionnt of the pniilit revenue OI Spai I fmni Aiiieriea aiMJ the l'hili|i|iiiies, Wlieli, as the reader nill perceive from the two last aiiieles, is more recent Ilia i any of the former. A. aviilas (lixeix) and Aduanas (Customs), &c. in pi'vos Mertes I) ties on f;olil iunl silver h M ol' Criizado - . . 'i 1 1 'Utc III' tlie liidi.iMS ... H- "ale of (jiiieksiUer ... V er ex|Miittd on the king's account, and sold in 'lie rojal warehouses ... S' .iiped jiajier, toliaeco, and other small duties 1» y on Coinage of, at the rate of one real de la 'lata for each mark ... '2,.'»lt(),(l()0 :{,I)I)I),()(HI 1 ,000,11110 2,000,000 300,000 300,000 1,000,000 300,000 Carried up 10,400,000 Accordingly, the sum which I have computed to be tlie amount of the Spanish revenue, from America, arises wholly from the taxes c«dlecled there, and is far from being the wliole of what accrues to the king fu>ii\ his dominions in the New World. The heavy duties imposed on the commodities exported from Spain to Americi.t as well as what is paid by tluise which she sends home in return ; the tax upim the negro slaves, with wliich Africa supplies the New World, together with several smaller branches of finance, bring large sums into the treasury, the precise extent of which I cannot pretend to ascertain. Bi'i if the revenue which Spain draws from America be great, the expence of administration in her colonies bears propo't'.on to it. In every department, even of her domestic police and finances, Spain has adopted a system more complex, and more encumbered with Brought up .10,400,000 Pioin the trade of Acapuleo, and the coasting trade I'riiui province to province - - .')00,(lOfl Assienio of negroes ... 1200,000 From the trade nf Mil I lie, aiii alone, the kiiii; receives annually, as his (il'th, the sum ot luo millioiiN nf iiiii- inniii.v. Iliiiiin ('iillfil. (if I'liji. \\. \i. \Ct-i Aceordiui; to this ealenlation, the toliil prndnce ot the mines must be tea nMllioii> strrling ; a Mini so exoiliilaiit, ami so little cone- spoiiiling \i ith all acc'inntK of the annual iiiij ortatioii Inini America, that the inroi niaiioii on vt Inch it is I'ouuded ninst evideiitlv lie erioneoiis. Aceordiiij; to Campomaiii's, the IoIhI prndnct of the American mines may lie compiited at thiity millions of pesos, which, ar t'our sliiHinus am! sixpence a pe.«o, anioiinis lo 7,42.1,000/, sterling, the king's tilth of which (if that were regularly paid) would he 1 ,4S.'),ii(IO/. Hill from I his siiiii must lie deducted what is lost liy a fraudu- leiil w itlilioiiiinu 'il tlie filth due lo the crown, as well as the sum iu'( r r del'raviui; the expeiiie «if ailministraliipii. Eiliir. I'li/iiihir. vol. ii. p. 11. note. IJolli tluse sums iire consideralih . t Acciirdiiig lo Bern, de Hlloa, all foreign uooils expi-rlei! from Spain to America pay duties of various kinds, amount ini; ill all to more than 2.'< per cent. As most of the goods wiiii which Spain .supplies her colonies are foreign; such a ihi upon a trade so extensive nnist vield a consiilerahle leve RetaUit. dc Miiniif. et ilu Ciimiiierie d' Esfi p. !;"»((. Me roiii- pntes ihe value of gon«ls ex|Mirled aiinuaily from Spain iii America, to b« about two uiillioiis and a half sterling, p. D7. BOOK VIM. mputctl to he •iiin Auierii'ii, iT«', smil is t;ir tlic- king fi'iiii) .• lu'uvy (hitii's from Spiiiii to ose wliifli slie ; lU'gro sliivfs, ^)rl(J, togftliiT :t, bring large lit of which [ from America in her colonies iment, even of has iulopted a L'umbered with np ,10.400,000 istiiiK .100,1)00 •200,000 giiav, 500.000 o thnt 400,000 'otul I '2,000.000 cy L. 2,700,000 ition, i,3:)0,oo() prriHl spefiilatiiiii, S|iiiiii hIkiu', tlif lit t\K> iiiilli'iii'' of C>\ Acconlini; to lines must he leu il M> little cone- inij ortiilioii li'niii js liininled iiiiist |.(>iiiiiin's. tlie KitM ciiipiled Ht thirty iiiiil sixpeiiti' it 111- kiiifs's li'th "i 1,1 |,c I,4S.').I100/. s lost hy a fraiiilu- i\Mi, as well as t'lU of :i(lliiilli>tr»Vi•"- div lioiil Spain in ulf sterling, p 1>7 li OOK Vlll. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 311 ty of trifiuiiiiis, and n multitude of officers, tlian til, it of any liuropeaii nation, in which the sovereig a vane i)(issfsses such extensive |)ower From the jeal m lous rii with whieli Spain watclies over her American sfltlements, and her endeavours to guard against fraud ill provinces so remote from inspection, boards and lucrative offices, aRbrd them many opportunities of accumulating wealth. To these, which may he consi- dered as legal and allowed emoluments, large sums are often added by exactions, which in countries so f.ir re- moved from the seat of government, it is not easy to discover, and impossihie to restrain. Hy iiionopoliidng ilVurrs have been multiplied there with still more i some branches of commerce, by a lucrative concern it ixious altention. In a country where the expence of | olliers, by conniving at the frauds of merchants, a vice- living is great, the salaries allotted to every person in st he high, and must load the revi-iitie public office mil witii an immiiise burden. T e parade tif government L'l' eallv augments the weight of it. The viceroys of Mexi CO, V eru, ani presenlalivcs o I tl f til le K t c; [New l\ing(lom ot i.iranaila, as cing\ person, among people fund of ostentation, maintain all the state and dit;nily of royalty. Their courts are foniied upon the modi I of tliat at Madrid, with iiorse ami foot gnarils, a Innist- liold regularly established, numerous attendants, and ensigns of power, displaying sncii pomp, as hanlly re- tains tlie appearance of a delegated authority. .All llu- I bv supporting the cxtirii d and per- fspence incurrec iiianen Tl) t ordt if gii " I vernmeiil is ilclraved l> >v til V crown. e viceroys have besides jieculiar appmntineiits sui l.d to tlicir I'xalled station. The salaries fixed hy law are leed extremely moderate : that of the viierov of IV rn liic is only thirty thousand ducat«, ; and that of the vii'crnv of .Mexico, twenty tllou^aml ducats. Of late they have been raised to forty thoustiiid. roy may raise such an annual revenue, as no subject of any European monarch enjoys.* From the single article of presents made to him on ^ the anniversary of his Sunie dny (which is always observed as an high festival) I am informed that a viceroy has been known to receive sixty thousand pesos. According to a S|)aiiisli saying, the legal revenues of a viceroy are known, his real profits depend upon his i>pporlunilics and his con- science. Sensible of this, the kings of Spain, as 1 have fuimerly observed, griitil a commission to their viceroys »)iily lor a few years. This circumstJUice, however, ren- ders them often more nipacious, and adds to the inge- nuity and ardour wherewitli they labour to improve e^ery moment of piiwer which they know is hastening f.isi lo a period ; and short as its duration is, il usually atb'rds suihciiiil time lor repairing a shattered fortune. ir lor crt'aiiiiL' a new one. Hut even in situations so tivinic 'o Itiiiiian frailty, there are instances of virtue that uniiih nnseducid. In the year 177-S tl't.- Mar(|uis df Cioix III isl ed the term of his vicerovidty in New These salaries, however, lonstitute but a small part ' Spain vviti isfccted integrity ; and instead «)f bring- of the revtiiiie enjoyed by the viceroys. I he txi reisi- i miu honu t xorbitant wealth, returned witli the admira- linii and ,ip|lause of a grateful people, whom liisgovern- ment had r« ndered hapjiv. of an absiilule authority extending to every depart inent of government, and the power of disposing of mam riie iiiHiipiis (le Sarralvo, according to (iage, I IV a iiioiio- p,ilv of sail, and hv eiiiharking deeply in the .Manil.i iraili- a i\('ll :is ill that to Sp.iii,, tiailied aniitiMlly a iiiiilion of diie,it« ill one yeai he iciiiitteii a iiiillion of ducats to S|.'aiii, ui urdei ' iiMial lime PI' I nielKiNe iidiii the CoikI^ Olivares, and his creatures, a •.>- ■ iiU,itl in I Mis ^ovcriillieiil. p. U ill. II e was siieeessliii i , lis sail, and ( i'liiiud i,i his utlice from IG24 to lG;(5,>i ae C 3i2 J TIIK HISTORY OF AMERICA. HOOIvS IX. AMJ X. Cont(nm,);. It w.is his iuliMitioii not to have ])ul)lisl)f{l any |)art of tlu- \Vdrl< unlil tin- ulmli- was ciMipiitid. In iIil- Preface to liis llislory of America, he lias stated the leasoi.s which iiidnced iiini to (lc|iart ficni tiiat icsohition, and to piihiisli the Two Voiiinies wliicli contain an account ol the disco\ciy of Jie New W'oi Id, and of the |)rojrress of the Spanish arms anil coh)iii(s iti that (juaiter of tiie u'hii)e. He. says, " lie had n'ade some proirress in liu" History of Hritisl) An)erica;" ai.d lie announces his intention to rclnn\ to that part of his \\'orI<, as soon as the ferment wiiich at that time pre- vailed in the Hrilisii colonies in America slionld sui)side, and reifular govermneiit he re-established. Vario's causes coiicmMed in j)rcventing him frouj fullillinj^ his intention. Dnrin;! the course of a tedious illness, which he early fores iw would liave a fatil ferni!ii'\li;>n. Dr. Roherlson at dilJ'erent t-nies (le^troyed many of iiis j)ap,rs. Hut a'ter his death, 1 found that ])art of the History of liritish America w hicli lie had wrote many years liefore, and wl.icl: is now olVered to the Puhlii-. It is written wiili his own hand, as all his Works were; it is as carefully corri'cted as any part of his manuscripts which I have ever seen ; and he had thoiiirht it worthy of heinij preserved, as it escaped the ilames to v.hii-h io many other papers jiad hei n committed. I read it witli the utmost attention ; hut, helore I came to any res./hition about the pub- lication, 1 put the MS. into tiie hands t)f some of those friends whom my father used to consult on such occa- sions, as it would h ive been rashness ami presumption in nu- to hav.- trusted to my own partial decision. It was i)^"rised bv some other |)ersons also, in whose taste and judLTi'.ient I ha\othe L'realest contidenee : by all of thenj I was encourau'ed t>> offer it to the I'uhlii', as a fragment lurious and interesting in itself, and not inferior to any of my father's worlo. When 1 (letermli > follow tlu'.t advice, it was u circumstance of great weight with nie, that as I never could tliink mvself at lib li. to destroy thos;' |)apers which my father ha I thought worthy of being |)reserved, and as 1 could not know into whose haiuls they might hereafter fall, I consideied it ascertain that they would be -puli- lislicd at some future period, when they might meet with an editor, who not being actuated by the sum' si.rcil regard for the re))utalioii ot the Author which 1 feel, might make alli'ralions and additions, and obtrude i!,e wiiole on the Public as a genuine and authentic work. 'I'he MS. is now published, such as it was left by ttie Author; tujr have 1 presumed to nnke any addition, alteration, or correction whatever. WILLIAM KOBEirrsON. Quecn-strcct, Edinburgh, April, 1/96. i^lanil, to , t»1"' ■«;•(*, 18 inpri'lirnilcd ilif M'ltli;- iidt to liiive Aim-iifii, ho wo Voiunics and colonics iciicu ;" iir.il Hit time prc- ■d. Various 'i.*. ■ i ' r. Roboilsoii •TV of liiiti^li Itcii with his li I have ever otlicr jiiiinis loul llic puh- .n\ such octa sion. It was l)y all of thcin iiiVrior to any 1 never could served, and as Aovild lie ;)uh- (• s line s i.red id ohlrude the vas Kit hy tlie (UKllTSON. Jrt vu n- ns ed as he is- on K^t« %r*:i fits ,x y :^ll 1*^ ""mi W« »r i ||i Mj ll j i |ii ..l . „ Ba ...« ■> « •• t 4 Z *■«*■•■ ./ J '/ of't/h' STATES t IT A, (€ tlie vttnxcKs t .tutfkirilif*. AMihv. .»•«• I.v BOOK IX."] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 313 V i<*'<>.- BOOK IX. THE HISTORY OF VIRGINIA TO THE YEAR 1(188. Spirit of adventure nicakencd in England by Cohimbux'n discoveries —Cliecked by iinskiJfulness in navigation- Expedition from Bristol under tlie command of Cubot—wlio discovers Neufoitndland, and sails along the coast to Virginia — Expedition to South America under the command of Sebastian Cabot — C/nsuecessful attempts to d'uicover a iwrth-tvest passage to India — Sir Hugh fl'ilbug]d)y sails in search of a north-east j)assage — fFii- hughby perishes — One of his ships anchor at Archangel — The raplain visits Moscow — Trade opened ivith Russia — Commtinication ici!h India by land — Fr'wdition to the coasi of Africa — Frobisher makes three attempts to discover the north-icest passay^ Si ncis Drake ,s(nls rotnu ' ^fivhl — Enthusiasm of dis- covery — First project of a colony in Aoi ... Inier Charter granted hy qi. i Elixcd)cth— First expedition fails — The plan resumed by Ralegh — Discovery of Virginia— Colony established there by Sir Richard Green- villc — In danger of perishing by famine, returns to England — i\se of tonacco introduced in England — Ralegh's second attempt to settle u colony in f'irginia—Colo)iy perishes by famine— Ralegh abandons the design of settling a colony in Virginia — Direct courst from England !o North America Jirst attempted by Gosnold — Consequences of Gosnold's voyage — Ilakluyt improves the commercial and naval skill of the age — James divides the coast of America into two parts— and grants charters to two com panics —Colonies of Virginia and Neiv England — Neicport sails for Virginia — Discovers the Clusapeak — Sails up James river — Founds James Toivn— Suffers from scarcity and the itnhealihine.ss of tlw climate— Smith called to the command — He is taken prisoner by the Indians— Smith undertakes a survey (f Ih,: coiailry — A new charter granted — Lord Delaware appointed governor — Gales and Summer appoiii!ed lu c()ni:)iun(l till Lord Delaware's arrival — Their ship stranded on tiie coast of Bermuda — Tlie colony reduced by famine— Lord Delaware arrives — His wise admi- nistration — His health obliges him to return to E)tg!and~Sir Thomas Dale appointed governor — New Charter issued— Treaty ivith the natives— liolfe marries the dauglUer of an Indian chief— Land in Firginiafirst becomes property— Culture of tobacco introduced— Voung women emigrate from England to Virginia—First general assendily of representatives —General inassacre of the English planned by tlie Indians— Bloody war witl^Jhe Indians — Company at home divided by factions — Company required to surrender its clinrter, and refuses — Dis- solution of the company— Temporary council appointed for the government of Virginia — Accession of Charles I. — His arbitrary government of the colony — Colonists seize on Harvey their governor, and send liim prisoner to Englatul—He is released by the king, and reinstated in his government— Sir IV. Berkeley appointed governor — P'irginiafourishes under tlie new government — Farliameut makes war on Virginia, ivhich is forced to acknow- ledge the commomveal I h — Restraints on the colony — Tlie colonists dissatisfied— Are the first to acknowledge Charles II. — Insurrectisn in Vi'-ginia headed by N. Bacon— ivho forces Sir IV. Berkeley and the council to f.y — Death of Bacon terminates the rebciiion — State vj the colony at the revolution in i(Je8. 1 HE doniliilons of Great Britiiin in America arc next in extent to those of Si):iiii. Its acquisitions tliero ;irc a recompcucc due to tl.ose enterprising talents wliicli prompted the Knglisli to enter early on the career ol' discovery, and to pursue it witii persevering ardour. Eniil.uul wiis the second nation that ventured to visit the Xtw World. 'Ihc account of Columbus's success- ful voyage liiled all Europe with astonishment and ad- miration. Hut in England it did something more; it excited a vehement desire of emulating the glory of Spain, nud of aiming to obtain some share in those ad- vantages which were expected in this new field opened -i -2S. to national activity. The attention of the English court had been turned towards the discovery of unknown countries, by its negociatiun with Bartliolemew Colum- bus. Henry VII. having listened to his propositions with a more favourable ear than could have been expected from a cautions, distrustful prince, averse by habit as well as by temper to new and hazardous project?, he was more easily induced to approve of a voyage for '"s- covery, proposed by some of his own subjects, soon after the return of Christoj)her Colunibu.';. But though the English had spirit to form this scheme, they had not, at that period, attained to such 3 D ^. //.: 311 HISTORY OF AMKIIICA. [hook IX. I' : 1 skill ill iKuitralloij ns (jualificd tlicni for carrying it into [ cxaniple, wcic guided by ideas derived from ids superior execution. Fcun llii; inconsiderate ambition of its ' kiiowiedire and experience, Cabot liad adopted liu' syg. monurclis, the nation i>nd luni; wasted its genius and ' teni of that great man, concerning the probabiliiy of activity in pernicious and inell'eetual efHirts to contiuer opening a new and shorter passage to tlie East indies Franc;'. U'lien tliis ill-direited ardour began to .-ihate, l)y luilding a western course, 'I'hc upinion whicli Co- the fatal contes' between tiic houses of Vorii and ]>an- I lunil)us had formed, with respect to the islands which caster turned the arms u( one half of the lilngdom j lie had discovered, was universally received. They were against tl-.e otiicr, and exhausted the vigour of both. ! supposed to lie contiguous to the great continent of During tlic course of two centuries, while industry and commerce were making gradual progress, both in the south anu ortii of Europe, tlie l^igiisli continued so blind to the advantages of their own situation, that they India, and to constitute a part of the vast countries compreiiciHled under that general name. Cabot, accord- ingly, deemed it probable, that by steering to the north- west, he might reach India by a shorter course ilian that jects and pursuits, to wiiich they are iiulebted for their present opulence and power. \Vhile the trading vessels of Italy, Sjjain, and Portugal, as well as tiu)se of the Hans Towns, visited the nu)st remote ports in Europe, and carried on an active intercourse witii its various nations, the English did little more tluui creep along liardly began to bend their thoughts towards those oh- which Columbus had taken, and iioped to fall in with their own coasts, in small barks, wiiich conveyed the ! and in a few days he descried u smaller isle, to wliicli productions of one county to another. Tiieir commerce ■was almost wlioily passive. Their wants were supplied by strangers ; and whatever necessary or luxury of life their own country did not yield, was imported in foreign bottoms. The cross of St. George was seldom displayed beyond tiie precincts of the narrow seas. Hardly any English ship traded with Spain or Portugal, before the beginning of the fifteenth century ; and half a century more elapsed before the l^nglisli nuirincrs became so adventurous as to enter the Mediterranean. In this infancy of navigation, Henry could not com- mit the conduct of an armament, destined to explore unknown regions, to his own subjects. He in- vested (iiovanni (laboto, a Venetian adventurer, who the coast of Cathay, or China, of whose fertility and opulence the descriptions of Marco P(do had excited high ideas. After sailing for some weeks due west, and nearly on the parallel of the port from whicii he took his departure, he discovered a large island, which he called Prhna /'(A'(a, and his sailors i\ci«;/ti((iid/(i»(/; he gave the name of St. John. He landed on both these (.lune '2'\), made some observations on their soil and productions, and brought ofl" three of the natives. Continuing his course westward, he soon reached the continent of North America, and sailed along it from the fifty-sixth to the thirty-eighth degree of latitude, from the coast of Labrador to that of Virginia. As his chief object was to discover som*; inlet that might open a passage to the west, it does not appear that he landed any where during this extensive run ; and he returned to England, without attempting either settlement or conquest in any part of that continent. If it had been Henry's purpose to prosecute the object of the commission given by him to Cabot, and to take bad settled in Bristol, with the chief command ; and possession of the countries which he had discovered, issued a commission to him aiul his three sons, cmpow- j the success of this voyage must have answered his most cring them to sail, under the banner of England, to- ! sanguine expectations. His subjects were, undoubtedly, wards the cast, north, or west, in order to discover ] the first Europeans who had visited that part of the countries unoccupied by any Christian slate j to take j)os- i American continent, and were entitled to whatever right session of them in his name, and to carry on an exclu- ' of property prior discovery is supposed to confer, sive trade witli the inhabitants, under condition of pay- Countries which stretched in an uninterrupted course ing a fil'lh part of the free j)ro(it on every voyage to the through such a large portion of the temperate zone, crown. This commission was granted on March 5th, opened a prospect of settling to advantage under mild 14!);", in less than two years after the return of C(dum- bus from America. But Cabot (for that is the name he assumed in England, and by which he is best known), did not set out on his voyage for two years. He, to- gether with his second son Sebastian, embarked at Bristol, (May M'^/), on board a ship furnished by the liing, and was accompanied by four small barks, fitted out by the merchants of that city. As in that age the most eminent navigators, formed climates, and in a fertile soil. But by the lime that Cabot returned to England, be found both the state of afl'airs and the king's inclination unfavourable to any scheme the execution of which would have required tranquillity and leisure. Henry was involved in a war with Scotland, and his kingdom was not yet fully com- posed after the commotion excited by a formidable in- surrection of his own subjects in the west. An ambas- sador from Eerdinand of Arragon was then in London ; by the instrujtions of Columbus, or animated by his ] and as Henry set a high value upon the friendship of HOOK IX. DOO K IX.] HISTORY 01< AMERICA. 315 thai iionarcli, for whose cliaractcr he professed mueli ndiiii atlon, perhn|)s from its similarity to liis own, and was rndeavourinfj to strengthen their union hy nego- ciati 1^ the marriage which al'terwards toolv jil;iec be- twet n liis eldest son and tlic princess C'aliicMine, lie was cautious of giving any olVence to n prince, jealous to excels of all his rigiits. From the position of tiie islands and continent which Cabot had discovered, it was evident that they lay within the limits of the ample donative which the bounty of Alexander VI. had con- ferred upon Ferdinand and Isabella. No person, in that age, questioned the validity of a papal grant; and Ferdinand was not of a temjier tt) relin(|uisli any claim to which he iiad a shadow of title. Submission to the authority of the I'ope, and deference for an ally whom lie courted, seem to have concurred with Henry's own situation, in determining him to al)andon a scheme, in which he had engaged with some degree of ardour and expectation. No attempt towards discovery was made in England during the remainder of his reign ; and Se- bastian Cabot, finding no encouragement for his active talents there, entered into the service of Sjiain.* 'lliis is the most probable account of the sudden ces- sation of Henry's activity, after such success in his lirst essay as might have encouraged him to persevere. The advantages of commerce, as well as its nature, were so little understood in England about this period, that hy an act of parliament in the year 1188, the taking of interest for the Ujc of money was prohibited under severe penalties. And by another law, the profit arising from dealing in bills of exchange was condemned as savouring of usury. It is not surprising, then, that no great effort should be made to extend trade, by a nation whose eommei:eial ideas were still so crude and illiberal. But it is nu)re dilheult to discover what prevented this scheme of Henry VII. from being resumed during the reigns of his son and grandson ; and to give any reason why no attempt was made, cither to explore the nor- thern continent of America more fully, or to settle in it. Henry Vill. was frequently at open enmity with Spain : the value of tiic Spanish acquisitions in America had become so well known, as might have excited his desire to obtain some footing in those oijulent regions ; and during a considerable part of his reign, the prohi- bitions in a pupal bull would not have restrained him from making encroachments upon the Spanisii domi- ^ * SoHie sehonies of discovery seem to have been formed in Engliiiul towards the beginning of the sixteeulli century. ])ut as iticrc is no otliir uieniorial of them, than what remains in a patent granted by the king to the adventurers, it is probable that they were feeble or abortive projects. If any attempt liad been made in consequeuce of this patent, it would not have nions. But the reign of Henry was not favourable to the progress of discovery. During one jierlod of it, tlie active part which he took in the all'airs of the continent, and the vigour with which he engaged in the contest between the two miglity rivals, Charles V. and Francis I. gave full occupation to the enterprit-ing spirit both of the king and of his nobility. IJuring another |)erlod of his administration, his famous controversy with the court of Home kept the nation in perpetual agitation and suspense. Engrossed by those objects, neither the king nor the nobles had inclination or leisure to turn their attention to . pursuits; and without their patronage and aid, the commercial part (jf the nation was too inconsiderable to make any eflbrt of consequence. Though England, hy its total separation from the church of Home, soon after the accession of Edward VI. dis- claimed that authority, which, by its presumptuous par- tition of tlic globe between two favourite nations, cir- cumscribed the activity of every other stati within very narrow limits, yet a feeble minority, distracted with faction, was not a juncture for forming schemes of doubtful success and remote utility. The bigotry of Mary, and her marriage with Philip, disposed her to pay a sacred regard to that grant of the Holy Sec, which vested in a husbaiul, on whom she doated, an exclusive rigiit to every part of the New World. Thus, through a singular succession of various causes, sixty-one years elapsed from the time that the English discovered North America, during which their monarchs gave little atten- tion to tliat country which was dcitined to be annexed to their crown, and to be a chief source of its opulence and power. But though the public contributed little towards the progress of discovery, naval skill, knowledge of com- merce, aiul a spirit of enterprise, began to spread among the English. During the reign of Henry Vlll. several new channels of trade were opened, and private adven- turers visited remote countries with wiiich England had formerly no intercourse. Some merchants of Bristol having fitted out two ships for the soulliern regions of America, committed the conduct of them to Sebastian Cabot, who had quitted the service of Spain (151G). He visited the luiists of Brazil, and touched at the isliiuds of Hispaniola and Puerto llico ; and though this voyage seems nut to have been beneficial to the adven- turers, it extended the sphere of English navigation. escaped the kiiowlcilge of a compiler so industrious and inqui- sitive as Hakliiyt. In his patent, Henry restricts the miven- tiirers from eneroaeliing on the countries discovered by the kings of I'ortngal, or any other prince in confederacy w".th Knglaud. — lii/iuir's Fivdera, vol.xiii. p. 37. / D 2 ^ii SJtf HISTORY OF AMERICA. [hook IX. ^■r and aiUltd to the natioiml stock of nautical science. Tliough disajipointud in tlicir expectations of profit in this first essay, the merchants were not discounir'i d. They sent, successively, several vessels from diHereiit ports towards tiie same quarter, and sctni to liavc carried on an intcrlopinj,' trade in the I'ortuguesc settlements with success. Nor was it only towards the west, that tlie activity of tlie [''nsclisli was directed. Other nicr- cliants begun to extend tliclr connncrcial views to tlie cast; and by establishing an intercourse with several isl„iu!s in the Ariliipehigo, and with some of tiie towns on the coast of Syria, tliey found a new market for wooiU-n clotiis, (the only manufacture wliicii the nation had begun to cultivate), and supplied their countrymen with various productions of the cast, formerly utdaiown, or received from the Venetians at an exorbitant price. IJut llie discovery of a shorter passage to the East It'dic;, by the north-west, was still the favourite project Dominions, Islands, and Places unknown. Cnbot, who was appointed governor of this company, (1553), soon litted cut two ships and a bark, furnished with instruc- tions in his own hand, which discover the great extent bolli of his naval skill and mercantile sagacity. Sir Hugh VVillonghliy, wiio was entrusted with the comnnind, stood directly northwards along the coast of Norway, (May 10), and doubled the North Cape. Hut in that teniju'sUious ocean, his small .si|ua(lr(ni was se- parated in a violent storm. Willoughby's ship and the bark took refuge in an obscure harbour in a desert part of Uussiiin La])land, where he and all his companions were fro/en to death. Richard Cliancelour, the captain of the other vessel, was more fortunate ; he entered the U'hite Sea, and w intered ni safety at Archangel. Though no vessel of any foreign iintion had ever visited that (juartcr of the globe before, the inhaliitants received their new visitors with an hospitality which would have of the nation, which beheld, with envy, the vast wealth ' ie hoiiour to a more polished people. The English that flowed info l\)rliigal, from its cjitmierce with those j learned llierc, thut tliis was a province ofii vast empire, regions. 'I'hc scheme was accordingly twice resumed subject to tiic (Jreat Duke or (.'zar of Muscovy, who under tlie long administration of Henry VIH. (I.'>_'7 and \'>:U')) ; (irst, v, itli some slender aid froni the king, and then by private nu'rehants. IJotli vovages were disastrous ami iinsueeessful. In the former, one of the ships was lost. In the latter, the stock of provi- sions was so ill-proportioned to the nundier of the crew, that although they were but six months at sea, mail) jicrished with hunger, and the survivors were con- strained to su|)port life by feeding on the bodies of their dead companions. The vigour of the commercial spirit did not relax in the reign of Edward VI. The great fishery on the banks of Newfoundland beiamc an object of attention ; and from some regulations for the encouragement of that branch of trade, it seems to have been prosecuted with activity and success. Hut the prospect «if open- ing a communication with Cliina and the Spice Islands, by some other rcmte than round the Cape of Ciood Hope, still continued to allure the English more than any sdieme of ath-enture, Cabot, whose opinion was deservedly of high authority in whatever related to naval enterprise, warmly urged the English to nuike another attempt to discover this ])assage. As it had been thrice searched for in vain, by steering towards the north- west, he proposed that a trial should now be made by the north-east ; and supported this advice by such plau- sible reasons and ccmjccturcs, as excited sanguine ex- pectations of success. Several noblemen and persons of rank, together with some principal merchants, having associated for this purpose, were incorporated, by a charter from the king, under the title of The Company of Merchant Adventurers for the Discovery of Regions, nsided in a gn it city twelve hundred niiies from Arch- imgrl. Chaucelour, with a sjiirit becoming an oflicer employed in an espedition for disco\erv, did not hesi- tate a moment about the part which he ought to take and set out for that distant capital. On his arrival in Moscow, he was admitted to audience, and delivered a letter which the captain of each ship had received from I'dward VI. for the sovereign of whatever country they should discover, to .John Vasilowitz, wdio at that time lilled the Russian liirone. John, though he ruled over his subjects with the cruelty and caprice of a barbarous despot, was not ts to open a communication with India made only in this channel. They appointed some of their factors to accompany the Russian cara- vans, which travelled into Persia by the way of Astracan and the Caspian Sea, instructing them to penetrate as far as ])os--ib!e towards the east, and to endeavour, not only to cslablisli a trade with t'nose countries, but to acquire every inlDrmation that might all'ord any light towards the discovery of a pass;ige to China by the north-east. Notwithstanding a variety of dangers to which they were exposed in travelling through so many provinces, inhabited by iieree and liccnticuis nations, some .f these factors reached Hokara, in tiie province of Cliorasan j and though prevented from advancing f;irtlicr by the civil wars whieh desolated the ccuintry, they returned to Kuropc with some hopes of extending the commerce of the C(/nipany into I'ersia, ami with much intelligence concerning the stale of those remote regions of the east. The successful progress of the Merchant Adventurers in discovery, rouzed the emulation of their countrynun, and turned their activity into new channei.. A coni- nicrcial intercourse, hitherto unatteinpted l)y the English, having been opened with the coast of l?inli:,i\-, the spe- cimens which that alVorded of the valuable productions of Africa, invited some enterprising navigators to vi^it the more remote provinces of that quarter of theghi!)c. They sailed along its western shore, traded in diH'erent ports on both sides of the Line, and after acquiring considerable knowledge of those countries, returned with a cargo of gcdd dust, ivory, atul othtr rich com- modities, little kiunvn at that time in ICngland. This commerce with Africa seems to have been pursued with vigour, and was at that time no less innocent than lucrative ; for as the English had then no demand for slaves, they carried it on for many years, without vio- lating the ri;rhts of humanity. Thus far did the English advance during a period which may be considered as the infant state of their navigation and commerce ; and feeble us its steps at that time may appear to us, we trace them wilii an intcrestin;.; curiosity, and look back witii saMslaction to the early essays of that spirit wiiich we now behold in the full maturity of its strength. Even in those lir77> 'ind K'i7S) he explored the inhosi)itabIe coast of Labradore, and that of (irecnland, (to which Klizabeth gave the name of Alctii IiHOi^iiita), without iliscovcring any probable ap- pearance of that ])assagc to India for wliicli he sought. This new disa]>[)oiiitment was sensibly felt, and might have damped the spirit of naval enterprise among the English, if it had not resumed fresh vigour, amidst the general exultation of the nation, upon the successful expedition of Francis Drake. That bold navigator, emulous of liie glory which Magellan had acquired by sailing round the globe, formed a scheme of attempting a voyage, which all J:^urope had admired for sixty years, without venturing to follow the Portuguese discoverer in his adventurous course. l)nd ers. But his success was not suited either to the sanguine hopes of his countrymen, or to the expence of his preparations. Two expeditions, both of whicii be conducted in per- son, ended disastrously (ir)8()). In the last, he hiniseU" perished, without having ell'ected his intended sdtlc- ment on the continent of America, or performing any thing more worthy of mtice, than the enpty formality of taking possession '.; the island of Newfoundhuid, iu the mime of his sovereign. The dissensions among liis oflicers ; the licentious and ungoveii.ible sj)irit of some of his crew; his total ig.orance o. the coun? ies wi. eli he purposed to occupy ; his misfortune in proaehing the continent too far towards the north, " h-irc the in- hospitable coast of Cape Breton did not .nvite them *o settle; the shipwreck of his hr. ..' vessel j and al . >; all, the scanty provision which the ♦'unds of a private man could make of what was requisite for establishing a new colony, were the true causes to which the failure of tl e enterprise must be imputed, not to any deficiency of abilities or resolution in its leader. iiut the miscarriage of u scheme, in wiiieh Gilbert had wasted his fortune, did not discourage Ralegh. He adojjtcd all his brother's ideas; and applying to the queen, in whose favour hu stood high at that time, he procured a patent (March 2G, \'^H4), with jurisdiction and prerogatives as ample as had been granted unto (iiibert. Halegli, no less eager to execute than to un- dertake the sehen.-. "nfitanlly dispatched two small ves- sels, (April i7)» w '■ vhe conunand of Amadas and Bar- low, two oflicers of trust, to visit the countries in which he intended to settle, and to acquire some previous knowledge o ibeir coasts, their soil, and productions. In order to avoid Gilbert's error, in holding too far north, they took their course by the Canaries and the West India islands, and approached the North American continent by the Gulph of Florida. Unfortunately their chief researches were made in that part of the country now known by the name of North Carolina, the province in America most destitute of commodious harbours. They touched first at an island, which they call Wokocon (probably Ocakoke), situated on the inlet into Pamplicoe Sound, and then at Ilaonoke, near the \ 380 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IX. r| mouth of Albemarle Sound. In both they had some in- tercourse with the natives, whom they found to be savnt^cs, with all the characteristic qualities of uncivi- lized life, bravery, aversion to labour, hospitality, a propensity to admire, and a willingness to exchange tbi'ir rude productions for English commodities, esjw- cia ly for iron, or any of the useful mctnis of which they \v« re destitute. After spending a few weeks in this tntflSc, and in visiting some parts of the adjacent conti- nent, Amadas and Bnrlow returned to England (Sept. 15) with two of the natives, and gave sudi splendid descri|)tions of the beauty of theeountty, the fertility of the soil, and the tnildness of the climate, that Elizabeth, delighted with the idea of occupying a territory, supe- rior, so far, to the barren regions toward^ the north liitherto visited by her subjects, bestowed on it the name of Virginia; as a memorial that this hnppy disco- very had been made under a virgin queen. Their report encouraged Ralegh to liastcn his prepa- rations for taking possession of sueh an inviting ])ro- peity. He fitted out a squadron of seven sniTill ships, under the command of Sir Itithnrd (jrecnvillc, a nan of honourable birth, and of ooura^'c so ui'launlcd m to be conspicuous even in that gallant nge. Ksit the spirit of that predatory war which the Englisli ciirricfl on , against Spain, mingled with this scheme of settlejnei.t ; and on this account, as well as from unacqniiiuttince with a more direct and sliortcr course to North Americii, ) 'is nothing as worthy of attention but mines of gold and stiver. These they sbught foir, wherever they came ; these they inquired after with unwearied eagerness. The tavRgm sooi» discovered the favourite objects which allured them, and artfully angused them with so many tales concerning' pearl fisheries, and rich mines of various metals, that Lane and his companions wasted their time and activity in the diimenical pursuit of these, instead of labouring to raise provisions for their own sub- sistence. On discovering the deceit of the Indians, theyLWcrc so muth exasperated, that from expostula- tions and reproaches, they proceeded to open hostility (1586). Tlie supplies of provisions which they had been accustomed to receive from Uie' natives were of course withdrawn. Through their own negligence, no otiiec precaution had. been taken for their support. Halegh, having engaged in a scheme too expensive for his narrow funds,. had not been able to aend them that recruit ef stores with which Greenville had promised to furuisU them early in tiie spring. The colony, reduced to the iitmost distress, and on the point of perishing wi(h iHinine, was preparing to disperse into ditlercnt di-Stricts of the country in quest of food, (June 1), when Sir Francis. Druicie apjK'an^ with his fleet, returning fniiii a su.cessful expedition against Uie Sjianiards in \hc West indies. A sehemc which he formed, of fur- iiibhing I^aite and his associates with such supplies ini^ht ciiabk tlicm to remain with comfort in Greenville sailed by the West India islands. lie spent t'lijii s>lHlJon, was disappointed by a sudden "storm, in some time in cruising among these, and in taking prizes; j wiii.liij small Vessel that he destined for their service so flint it was towards the close of June before he arrived j wjs dat^hcd to pieces ; and as he could not supply them on tbe coast of North An^erica. He toucliet! at both j with aiuHhir, at their joint request, as they were worn the islands where Amadas and Barlow had landed, and made some e.\cursions into diHerent |)arts of the conti- nent round Pamplicoe and Albemarle Sounds. But as, unfortunately, lie did not advance far enough towards the north, to discover the rioble Bay of Ohesapcak, he established the colony (Au!;ust 25) which he left on thi island of Kaonoke, an incomniodions station, witii- outany safe harbour, and almost uninlmbitedw < This colony consisted only of one luiiidrcdand einhtv pcr.Mins, under the con»mand of ( njitiiin Lmie, assistt'd by some men of note, the mo^t disti«giii.sliid f)rwhom was ilariol, au'enincnt niaLhcn.atitiaitj. 'iiicir chief employmcni, during' a icsidencc of xane monthn, was to obtain a n;orc extensive ku( wledcrc. uf tiic country; and their resi arches were cnrricd on wit'i greater spirit, and reached faitlur than could have bcenicxperttd from aclony so fcclJc, and in n station so disadvantageous,' j But from the same Impatien»o of indijSCHt udAonturers to acquire sudden weal tk/ which ^asire >o%trotgi^i'ection to the industry of the Spanionls in titoir. »utblemcnt6^.i the greater part of the English seem to have considered out with fatigAie and famine, he carried them home to l^ngkind (June li>). JS^eh was tiie inauspicious beginning of the Englisji settlements 14). the New World ; and after exciting high expectations, this first attempt produced no cd'ect but thiit of afVocding. a more complete knowledge of tlie luiuUryt as U «iiauled iiartot, u man ot scienec ana obscEvat<«>u, tu describe its soil, climate, pruducticnus, and the manners of its inhabitants, with a degree of iiccuraey which merits no inconsiderable praise, when compared vilh the childish and murveilous talcs puh- lis^^e('. by soveral of the early visitants of tl»c .Nliv World. There it* another consequence of this abortive colony iiuportaut enough to entitle il to a )>lace in his- tii^jryt .I»|ic and his associatett, Ity ihcir consltwU initi- cwuffe; with the Indians, had ao(;utr<(l a rcli^li forthdr {■of the gods, for the solace of iiumttn kind, and the must acceptable \ [book IX. of gold and they came ; >d eagerness, objects which with so many ines of various ited their time these, instead leir own sub- '' the Indians, om espostula- open hostility hich tiiey liad lotives were of negligence, no tlicir support, o expensive for send them tliat lad promised to colony, reduced int of pcrisliing le into ditVcrLMit , (June \),whi'u Iket, returning he Spaniards in ; formed, of fur- i such supplits villi comfort in iudden' storm, ia for their service not supply them they wore wniu ed them home to >g of the Englisli ifter exciting higli ctd no effect but tuowledge of ll>e in ot science una late, productions, with a tlcjirce ot ublc praise, ulien clluus talcs puli- iiiils of ti.e Ntw e ol' this uboflive lo a plai-* »" '•'*" Ir coiisluut iiiU'i- ilarcliih lorl'niir jpo ; to the. use of utjl.vwly ascvibeil a superstition con- , gift» uf the gods, lie most acceptable BOOK IX.] History of America. Sit offering which man can presrent to htf&ven. They brought with them a specimen of this new commodity to England, and taught their countrymen the method of using it ; which Ralegh, and some young men of fashion, fondly adopted. From imitation of them, from love of novelty, and from the favourable opinion of its snlutary qualities entertained by several physicians, the ])ractice spread among the English. The Spaniards and Portuguese had, previous to this, introduced it in other ports of Europe. Tiiis habit of taking tobacco gradually extended from the extremities of the north to tiiose of the south, and in one form or other seems to be equally grateful to the inhabitants of every climate ; and by a sirgulttr caprice of the human species, no less inexpli- cable than unexampled, (so bewitcliing is the acquired taste for a weed of no nranifest utility, and at first not only unpleasant, but nauseous,) that it has become almost as universal as the demands of those appetites originally implanted in our nature. Smoking was the frst mode of taking tobacco in England ; and we learn from the comic writers towards the close of the six- teenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth, that this was deemed one of the accomplishments of a man of fashion and «nirit. A few days after Drake departed from Roanoke, a small hark, dispatched by Ralegh with a supply of stores for the colony, landed at the place where the English liad settled ; hjit on finding it deserted by their coun- trymen, they returned to England. The bark was h^irdlygone, when Sir Richard Greenville appeared with three ships. After searching in vain for the colony which he had planted, without being able to learn what had befallen it, he left fifteen of his crew to keep pos- session of the island. This handful of men was soon overpowered and cut in pieces by the savages. Though all Ralegh's efforts to establish a colony in Virginia had hitherto proved abortive, and had been defeated by a succession of disasters and disappoint- ments, neither his hopes nor resources were exhausted. Early in the following year (1587) he fitted out three ships, under the command of Captain John White, who carried thither a colony more numerous than that which had been settled linder Lane. On their arrival in Vir- ginia, after viewing the face of the country covered with one continued forest, which to them appeared an uninhabited wild, as it was occupied only by a few scattered tribes of savages, they discovered that they uerc destitute of many things which they deemed essential!y necessary towards their subsistence in such aa uncomforw;; jle situation ; and, with one voice, re- quested White, their commander, to return to Eng- land, OS the person among them most likely to solicit, with efficacy, the supply on which depended the 27—28, existence of the colony. White landed in his native country at a most unfavourable season for the negocia-' tion which he had undertaken. He found the nation in universal alarm at the formidable preparations of Philip II. to invade England, and collecting all its force to oppose the fleet to which he had arrogantly g'veo the name of the Invincible Armada. Ralegh, Greenville, and all the most zealous patrons of the new settlement, were called to act a distinguished part in the operations of a year (1588) equally interesting and glorious lo England. Amidst danger so imminent, and during a contest for the honour of their sovereign and the inde- pendence of their country, it was impossible to attend to a less important' and remote object. The unfortu- nate colony in Roanoke received no supply, and perished miserably by famine, or by the unrelenting cruelty of those barbarians by whom they were surrounded. During the remainder of Elizabeth's reign, the scheme of establishing a colony in Virginia was not resumed. Ralegh, with a most aspiring mind and extraordinary talents, enlightened by knowledge no less uncorhmon, had the spirit and the defects of a projector. Allured by new objects, and always giving the preference to such as were most splendid and arduous, he was apt to engage in undertakings so vast and so various, as to be far beyond his power of accomplishing. He was noW intent on peopling and improving a large district of country in Ireland, of which he had obtained a grant from the Queen. He was a deep adventurer in the sclieme of fitting out a powerful armament against Spain, in order to establish Don Antonio on the throne of Portugal. He had begun to form his favourite, but visionary plan, of penetrating into the province of Guiana, where he fondly dreamed of taking possession of inexhaustible wealth, flowing from the richest mines in the New World. Amidst this multiplicity of pro- ' jects, of such promising appearance, and recommended ; by novelty, he naturally became cold towards his ancient I and hitherto unprofitable scheme of settling a colony in Virginia, and was easily induced to assign his right ! of property in that country, which he had never visited, i together with all the privileges contained in his patent, to Sir Thomas Smith, and a company of merchants in London (March 1596). This company, satisfied with a paltry traffic carried on by a few small barks, made no attempt to take possession of the country. Thus, after a neriodof • hundred and six years from the time timt Cabot discovered North America, in the name of Henry VII.. and of twenty years from the time that Ralegh planted the first colony, there was not a single English- man settled Uiere nt the demise of Queen Elizabeth, iu the year one thousand six hundred and three. I have already explMi.ed the causes of this, during 3 E <" ■'M t ^^•* ' i ' »» culty ttiat tiipse slender bands of planters were collected, on which the writers of that age bestow the name of the first and second Virginian colonies. The fulness of time for English colonization was not yet arrived. But the succession of the Scottish line to the croim of Engtuiid hastened its approach. James was hardly seated on the throne before he discoverfed hl» puwrtc iiitentiunsj and he Soon terminated the long war u'hich had been carried on between Spain and England, by an uUiicable (i-eaty. From that period, uninterrupted tfan* quilitty coiitinned during his reign. Many persons of higli raniy and of ardent aihbltiuif, tdwh^m the war With Spaiii haJaff6rfledci)iistiirrtempl6yiii»nt,and pre* sei»t«^d anurihg [irbSp«"ts, uof ditif of 'feaiA but of wealth, soon btvikhie ?o 'iii(i])utie>nt df tahgai«king lat home wi>ridut oi^bplitiort Of Object, that their in v4:ntiinp<;nfre to th^ir industry, lu its interior pr9viivi;i;s;Ui)f,\pevted sources of wealth might open, <y'knf)gt)l»,Ki!ntiloffieti^ «nd!mtiiohanta«f Bristol, PlynMtithi iM other ^rli ii> tiie wast of England, wltli W similar grant of territory. Neither the monarch who issued this charter, uor his subjects who reeeilred \t, had any conception that they were pro.- ceedlog to lay the foundation of mij^hty and opulent states. What James granted was nothing more ihiin a simple charter df corporation to a trading coitfocinyt empowering the members of it to have a common seal, and to act as a body politic. But as the object for which' they associated was new, the plan esiHblislicd for tlic administration of their affairs \v;is uucumnioh. Instead of the power usually granted to conH)Valiu'nsi of electing officers and framing by-l!\ws for liie con- duct of their own operations, the supreme government of the colonies to be settled was vested in a council rf:,i- deot in England, to be named by the U'm;^, according to such laws^ tind ordinances as should be given und;er his sign manual ; ^nd the subordinate jurisdiction was committed to a council resident in Amcricu. which ts likewise to be nominated by the king, and to act cou- forbiablyto his instructions. To this important clause, which- regulated the form of their consliaitinn, was iiddcd the conop^sion of several immunities, to eikoib- rage pvrrons to settle in the intended ct'onies. Some of these were the same which had been granted to Gilr bert and Ralegh ; such as the securing to tlie emi- grants and their descendants all the rights of denizens, in the same manner as if they hal remained or ha4 been bom in England ; and granting them the privi- lege of holding their lands in America by the freest and least burdensome . tenure. Others.' were more fa- vourable titan those granted by Eli/abcih. He per- mitted whatever was necessary for the sustenance or commerce of the new colonics to be exported from England, during the space of seven years, without pny- ing any duty ; and as a farther incitement to i^iustfry, he granted them' liberty of trade with tther nation^, and:appropriated the duty to be levied on foreign coin- moditiet, for twenty-one years, as a fund for i^e (be- nefit' of the colaoy^ In this singular charter, the contents of which htive been little attended to by the historians uf America, some articles arc as unfavourable to the rights of the colonists, as others are to flie interest of the pareut istate. By placing the legislative and eucutive powers in a council nominated by the crown, and guided by its instructions^ ev^ry person settliiig in America seems to be bereavitd of the noblest privilege of a free pian.; iby the anltmiMrdi permission of trade with foreigners, itlie parent state ift deprived of that exclusive coiiuuerce which hu'heefi i4^as pf men with res|iect 3 E 2 \ 324 HISTORY OF AUmiGA. l^flOOK IX. to the mode pf forming new fettleiaents, were not f^lly upfuldcd, or properly arniiged. At a period ^hen they pould not foresee the future grandeur and importance of the communities v'hich they were Vbout to cull into existence, they were ill qualified to concert th^ best plan for governing them. Besides, tlie English of ti)9t tige, accustomed to tiie higli pre- rogative and arbitrary rule of their monarchs, were not Animated with such liberal seotiments, either con- cerning their own personal or political rights, as have become familiar in the more mature and improred 8t»te of tbetr constitution. Without hcsitatioa or reluctance the proprietors of both colo>Qies prepared to execute their respeotire plans i and under the authority of a charter, which :|^puld pow he rejected with disdain, as s violent inva- 4JiM) of the sacred and inalienable rights of liberty, the ^st permanent settlements of the English in America were estiJjUshed. From tlits period, the progress of t}}e two provinces of Virginia and New England form qb regular and connected story. The former in the soj^^tlv >^n,tatc, is less interesting. .1 shall tbcrefose relate thf; history of the two original volowies. in detail. W^th. rej^pect, to the subsequent settUiQcnis, some m(^e ^ejieral observations concerning the time, the mottfi{e9» and circumstances of their est«blisluaea|t,iwill be sufficient. I begin with the history of Virginia^ the most ancient apd mos( viiliiablc of the Btxti^fa' colonies in North Americti, . j,,^ ^^,,..1-^.,^^ ♦^.u ^. I Thoiigh many perHons of dittinctida became pro. prietors in the company which undertook to plant a colony in Virginia, its fui)ds seem not to have been considerable, and its first effort was certainly ex- tremely feeble. A small vessel of a hundred tons, and two barks, under the command ;pf Captain Xcwport, sailed (Dec. 19.) with a hundrt-d and five men, des* tined to remain {n the country. Some of these were of respectable families, particularly a brother of tlie earl of Northumberland, and several ofHccrs wlio had served with reputation in the reign of Elizabeth. New- port, i know not for what reason, followed the ancient coarse by the West Indies, and did not reach the cou;>t of North America fui four mouths (April 26, WJO/.; But he approached it with better fortune than any former navigator; for haviug been driven, by tliu violence of a storm, to the northward of Roanoke, the ptaee of his destination, the , first land he discovered was a promontory which he called Cai>c Henry, the southern boundary of the Bay of Chesaijeak. Tiio English stood directly into that spacious inlet, wliicii seemed to invite them to enter; and a' they advaneed, contemplated, with a mixture of delight and admira- tion, that grand reservoir, into which are poured the waters of all the vast rivers, which not only ditfusc fertility through that district of America, but open tiic interior parts of the country to navigation, and render a commercial intercourse more extensive and com- modtous than in any other region of the globe. New- port, keeping along the southern shore, sailed up a river, which the natives called Powhatan, and to .which he g-Ave the name of James-River. After viewing its banks, during a run of above forty miles from its ^outh, they all concluded that a eoun^ry, where *afe t^iid convenient Ijarboyrs seemed tp be UMmerous, would be a more suitable station for a trfiding coloov, ittian the shoally and dangerous coast tp the south, on ^which theit countrymen had formerly settled. H< re then they determined to abide J and having chosen a proper spot for their residence, they gave this infant >«pttleiiient the name of James-Town, which it still 'T^toit^j and though it has never become either jjo- pul«UB «r opulent, it can boast of being Uie most ancient habitation of the English in the ^cw World. J^ut however weW-choaen the situation might be, the h|embars of ttie colony were far from availipg tliera- selves of its advantages. Violent animosities had broke out among some of their leaders, during their voyage to Virginia. These did nut subside on tiicir arrival there. The fir»t deed of tl»e c^incil, wliieh assumed the government in virtue of f^ commission bcoaght from England under tlie seal of the company, a^d opened< on the day after they lauded, wa? an aet \ )0K IX. me pro- plant a ave been linly ex- tons, and Newport, men, des« hesv were icr of tlie i wlu) liiul ih. New- he ancient \ the coast •2(J, U'Oti \\\Wi any n, by the )afloke, the discovered Henry, the peak. Tlic iulet, which •y advanced, ind adniir.i- poureU ti\e only diffuse but open the f, and render and com- be. New- sailed up u itnd to.whiclk viewing its «s from it^ where «afc nmnerous, dini; culoDv, te toutb, on tUed. H< re Dg chosen a e this infant irhich it still ■e eitber po- ng Uie ^lo^t I^cw World. \fi\\l be, the uiltpg tlwin- inositics had during their side on tlieir unpil, which coiBipission ,he coB»paDy> yit^ an act BOOK IX.] Hl^TO'liY 0^1^ AMERICA. S25 of injustice. CaptHini Snnitfi, Who )iad been appointed a ' able to maintain them in that happy sta^fe, uhtil tMi member of the council, was etcldded from his scat at the board, by the mean jealousy of his colleagucB, and not only reduced to the condition of a private man, b^t of one suspected and watclicd by his superiors. This diminution of his influence, .m captive a mariner's compatie5 nnd tears, prevailed on her father to spare his life. Tlie beneficervce of his deltverer, whbm the early English writers dignify with the title of the Princess Pocahuntas, did not terminate here ; she soon after procured his liberty, and sent him from time to time seasonable presents of provisions. Smith, on his return to James-Town, found the colony reduced to thirty-eight persons, who, in despair, rcfin^ gold." \yitU this iini|gi- nary wealth the iirst vessel fcturniiig to Engiand vvas loatled^ while the cwUufe of the land, and c\ cry useful occiij)ation, were totally neglected. .' The dTeots^ of this fatal delusion were soon felt. Notwithttandiog all the provident activity uf Smith, io procuring corn ftom the native* by traflic or by force, iht colony began to suiTer as much as formerly from scarcity of food> and was wasted by the same distem- pers. In hojies of obtaining some relief, Smith pro* p«>sed, «• they had not hitherto extended tlieir re- searches beyond the countritiS contiguous to Jaoics- River, to open an intercourse with the more rc0)oto tribe% and to examine into the state of culture and po- pula^hm among them. The execution of this arduous design he undertook himself, in a small open boat, with a feeble erew, and a very scanty stock of provi- tioos. He began bis survey at Cape Charles, and i^ two diffcKnt excursions, which continued above, four Bioaths»,he advanced a6 far as the reiver Susquehannah, which Auwa into th« bottont of tlie Bay. He visited all the countries both on the east and west shores ; he •titcrcd uM>st of the considerable creekjs ; Itc sailed uji nany of the great rivers as far as their falls. He traded with some tribes; he fought with others; he observ.ed the oature of the territory which they occujiiicd,^ their mode «f subsistence, the peculiarities i^ ^hejf iqat^nc^sj^ a«id FcftABioog all a wonderful admiration either of tU^ bentficence or vaJour of the English. Aft«r sailing above thrne thousand miles in a paltry wf^e}, iii^^cfl for such an ««(ensave navigation, during wVlcb p\\^ hardslrips ta which he was exposed, as wel| af(,t()e; patiunuo with wkich he endured, and the fpr^|t,i^d^ with winch he.sunnoaBted tbcm, equal whatever js icMql of .the celebrated Spanish discoverers ia |beir pi^osj^ daring enterprises, he returned to Jaines-Towo ; h^ Itroogbt with him ap account of that large portion of the^ American caittinent now coniprchfnded i{ij,t(ff.i)WQ provinces, of Virginia and Maryland) so full ^d ejf^pt,, «Mt after the progicss of information ^4 fi^*r(^.fpr« a'(ieitlury>''^ "half, his,, map exbibit$,jnp f|D\^ci|r^t$, vi«w of bt. "^ countries, and is the originn) upon vvbi^j^, all sabsequenc delineations. wddj^W^MBtioQIijJliftv^.jb^i;;) formed. i< -^ (.,.., ^,1 L-.^j;;,; ,, But whatever pleading prospect pf futufc. b^n^fit sigbtopen upoa this complete discovery of a country formed by naUv^ to be the i^j^ of an exclusive ^om-~ merce, it afforded but little reUef ifer |t%ijr p^fi^^'/ajt' wagMf,,, 1'be colony stil) , depended for subsistence phieily on supplies from the. natives ; as, after hII the efforts of their pwn industry, hardly thirty acres of ground wfWie yet cleared so as to be capable of culture. ^y $mitb's ajttention, however,, the stores uf the JCiig. Ufh werc.soxegnlaily filled,, tlintf/^r sgme time tlicy (clt fio considerable diMfcss ; and nt, this juncture a clian^^i^ was made in the constitutiqa of the cunipauy, wiiiilt scfmt-'d to promise an incriease. of l|jvir security wnl happiness. Tltat supreme^ di,rec^ivii, of all. live cg|ii„ paiiy's operations, which thy .king by his charter hud reserved to hixniji'lf, disf.'ourog<:44'*rs<>i)soi" rank or pro- perly from becou'iiiy nicnibfr* of a kqcicty so (Juki:- dcpt on the arbitrary will ci" the crown. IJpou a rt- {jrcsentalion of ihis to James, .li^e, granted Ibcm {Kivj, 4ay,23) a pew cluu;tu, witli moi^c aini'lj; i>iiYiku<.s Bej^^largcd the boundaries, of the ci^Lvfi/,; \w \^nd>:\cu the powers of the company, ;^ a cv) pt'raluni, mere explicit an4 complete; he abuU^iicd liicjurlsdicUou ut the council fesidcut iu Yirgi"ia ; he vcalx.'d tlw goytii.- ment entirely in a council riiiding in Lonoon ; he granted tp th^^proprictors of the company ilic riglu ut electing the peifsons .>vlp ,werc to compose this.couucii, by a niajority of vojccp ; ,1/1? aulhorised, this cymnjil tg establish sncl|law;s^jprd^rs, and forms of gpycrumeiU and magistracy, for the colony and plantation, as tiny in theii: dis(f e^ipn should tbink to be fittest for tin- tjo94 o('t(fe,ady{;nturvrs and inhabitants there; he ^lu- P,9wffe|(j,f|»^Pi;to Miotijinpte a governor to hav^e^ {lie adminisjtrHtiqn,,of a^tl^irs in the colony,, and to oajry their ordprs into^ ejteci^tion. In consequence of thtsc cotfces^ionsi, the C9;H|paiiy having acquired |he power «?/';sl^ivlfi,ting all ibi own transactions, t|>q number uf projinetors increased, and among ^heip wc find lite inosj; rcfjp^cta.ble ,oi^mes 19 the natipi). J ,'f.!^P ^,'?* 4*'?^ 9f Mie new cpnncil was to appoint tiOTfi JDyJflwar^ goverpor, and captain- general of their colony in Virginia. To a pers^ou pf h's rankj thosi.' high-sounding, titles qould be no allurement; and In hi^ thorough, ^^a.^quaintance with the progress and state of the settlement, Jiq k^^w fjn^oughjpf ihe iahour and dijQ&^ulty witl^ ^bicb ^q iqfant .cplony is reared, tu ^liiPS^ ""y *iMpg, but anxiety m}^ care in discharging t^^, duties pf that delicate office. Jiut, front /eal i> pjrpfuot^ an establishment wjiich h^ expected to prove so higbly beneficial tp his putiUy, he, was willing tu relinquish all the comforts of a^ i)pnpurab](; station, to undertake a long voyage ^o settle in an uncultivated regiqn destitute of teve^y ^ccomipodi'tipi}. to which he l^i^^bcen aci;us^ome4^,ai)fi where. hie foresaw that toil and trouble and danger awaited him. But as he " " tfje council f could not immediately leave England, the di^patpLed Sir 'l!l)ooias. ^'^peif an^ $^r George iSu miuers, I HOOK IX. subsistence flcr hU the ,y acres of of culture. if il»c Kiig- UL" U»cy IcU irc a cliuiigc |j;uiy, wliith ccuiity a»(i 11 , ilii: catnti chatUT liad raiilior pio- ly so (it-nvii- IJpou u re- ihcw (Kio;^, i \\\^ ^HiiilKVtd Dtutiou, iiiurc urisdicUou vi Luitui'ii i he ly tUc riji'^'' ^^ ,ti tUij-coyucU, this cyuiHjil ly jI" gqycruuitiU tation, as tlicy iiltest fov iIk' ihvrc} lie«;|»- li» have, Uie uud to aapy ncc of thtsc cd t,l|e powct tjje puuibcr of we fiikd the was to appoint cncral oC their lis rapkj those cruentj and by ;rcs^ and state ,l>c ^aUuur and is rcwed, to in discharging ^t, froili iceal to lected, to prove was wiiiii'g to an ungultivatc'i iop, to which he oresaw that toil J. But as he a, tfje council corgeSwifliucrs, irook IJC.5 'Hl^mWYOF AWfimfeK. d^f thefdmer of tvhom hM bciti a|i|id{t)ted rteuteiWftt- gcni-ral and the hitter adiniral.'tvith itirte' ships and f5vi hundred phmters. They carri*d tvUh thtthicomrtifs- sions, by which they were cnfi)d\V*rfd td'sotibfsedV thi jurisdicth)n of the fornicr ttttinwl;* to pWjclhim Loi*'0 profligate or desperate, that tlieir c^un(h' vv'as ,liAppj( to thrtiw them out as nuisances in soci'cty. '8 ocli per- sons were little capable of the rcguhir wdibrdlniitloh, the strict econoniy, and persevering indusllry', whk'h ilieir <:ituation 're<^uircd. The Indians observing" tlieiir misconduct, and that every precaution for sustetiaiicc or safety was neglected, not' only withheld the suppKt's of provisicTns whlirh thtry xVcTe accustomed tofuriilih, l)ut harassed them with conlrii'nal libstilitics. AH thdir •iiibsiiitence was derivcid frdni the stores Avhidh they itud broiiglit from Englat\d : these were sooh coASUAidd; tlien the domestic 'k'^itr/fels sttit out 'to btvctf in ihe (ounlry were deVoiiVcd j iindi)y tlHs ltrcort*ide^t<^ waste, they wert fellUt'cd ib s«f<^Kt*tTcttrity't><"fi»mltie, ns notonl^to eat the md^l nrtu«etitrs ktM tiiiitrlib{iiyo^ rbbis and berries, but to feed on (he bodiM of the In- diarli ^htim they slew, and even on thoseof their«{»m>> panions- who iunk under the oppression of Mclk eowi p4i)*ated distress.. In \e»i Ihiin six months, vf fivti hundred persohs whom Smith left in Virginia, Mtly 8?iMy remained; and thesifr s6 <\eebte ut)* dejet-tedj thflt they could not have survives! for tei< days, if tvm* cbur had not arriVekl from a cjuarter wlhence they'dMl not expect it. > When GuteA and Summers were thrown .ashorcion Bermudas, fortunately not n siuglc peiiou Mk boaiid their ship perished. A eonsidorftble ptiit ut their pr^^ visions and stores too was saved, and in thiit'deUghtftil) spot, Nature, with spo presented to them such a variety uf her prod'tfciions, thai atkundied a)nd fifty |)«op)e subsitited in aiHuenue tor tcaiubBllKi on' «n- uhinhablt«d island. Impatient, hcKwevelr,i>:tM escape from a place where they were cat otlVfryjn-aH intercourse with niankind,Uhey set about >buHding>tWiJ barks With ^uch tools «ind materials as- tlusy Uadj aa^ by tmiaxiitg effbrls of persevemnc* and ingenuity the^ finished theni. In thefie tlteyembHrkod, and's«ef*reil dfribtly tbHVat-rfs Vtr^inb, in hopes) of t|ndiii^ an ampl* consolation for all their tolls' undidawgew in 4hfc enr4 braces of their compftriibns, and ^ami«lst tltu'cAOvfovta of a flourishing tolony. After n more pro>{Msit>ub'iitw vigation than they could haVe cxpectediw their ill* constructed vessels,' they fended at JaTnes-Towii {Mtut *3>. But instead of that joyful interview ft)r>>wbic>h they fbtidty looked; A spectacle preseirted itsetf whirW struck thenS With hbrhrr.' They beheld the niiseoablD remainder of thrfr rountrymen emaciated witlnliartiinB and sickness, snhk in despairi fti»d in their- figure ^nd looks rather resembling spectres thfrti Irtimanbdw^ As Gates arid Sumtilers, in flill- ccmfidencc of findiiijf plenty bf pnivisions ih ViTgitrfa/, had broKghtwitUAlionBi Hb l.TTger stock than was deemed necessaiy for. their oH4'd'si!»^ft during the voyftge, their irtwbility to aScJid relief t*) their cbnntrytrten, added to the anguish wilU' wliich they viewed this unexpected icene of diaittsSi. Nothing now remained hut instantly to abandon. y/ai^phtf^'m^ accompanied them, and JOS. 388 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IX. liii: But it was not tlie will of Heaven that all the labour of tiie Englisl), iti planting this colony, as well ait all ^heir hop«ii of beni-tit fruni its future posterity, should be fcr ever lost. Before Gates, and the melancholy companions of his voyage, had reached the mouth of Jauies-Rirer, tlicy were met by Lord Delaware, with three ships, that brought a large recruit of provisions, a considerable number of new settlers, and every thing requisite for defence or cultivation. By persuasion und authority he prev;iiled on them to return to Junies- Town, where they found their fort, their magazines, and houses entire, which Sir Thomas Gates, by some happy chance, had preserved from being set on fire at the time of their departure. A society so feeble and dis- ordered in its frame required a tender and skilful hand to cherish it, and restore its vigour. This it found in Lord Delaware : he searched into the causes of their misfortunes, as fur as he could discover them, amidat the violence of their mutual accusations ; but instead of exerting his power in punishing criuies that were past, he employed his prudence in healing their dissen- sions, and iu guarding against a repetition of the same fatal errors. By unwearied assiduity, by the respect due to an amiable and beneficent character, by knowing how to mingle severity with indulgence, and when to assume the dignity of his office, as well as when to dis- play the gentleness natural tu his own temper, he gra- dually reconciled men corrupted by anarchy to subor- dination and discipline, he turned the attention of the idle and profligate to industry, and taught the Indians again to reverence and dread the English name. Under such an administration, the colony began once mure to assume a promising appearance; when unhappily for it, a complication of diseases brought on by the climate obliged Lord Delaware to quit the country (1^11, March 28 ;) the government of which he committed to Mr. Percy. He was soon superseded by the arrival of Sir Thomas Dale (May 10 ;) in whom the company had vested more absolute authority than in any of his predecessors, im* powering him to rule by martial law ; a short code of ivhich, founded on the practice of the armies in the Jiow Countries, the most rigid military school at that time iu Europe, they sent out with him. This system of government is so violent and arbitrary, that even the Spaniards thenselves had not ventured to introduce it Into their settlements ; for among them, as soon as a plantation began, and the arts of peace succeeded t0 the operations of war, the j urisdiction of the civil ma- gistrate was unifuriiily established. Bat however un- constitutional or oppressive this may appear, it was adopted by the advice of Sir Francis Bacon, the most jCulightened philosopher, and one of the most emittcut lawyers of the age. The company, well acquainted with the ineflicacy of every method which they had hitherto employed for restraining the unruly mutinous spirits which they had to govern, eagerly adopted a plan tliat had the snnctioo of such high authority to recommend it. Happily for the colony, Sir Thomas Dale, who was entrusted with this dangerous power, exercised it with prudence and moderation. By the vigour which tlie summary mode of military punishment gave to his administration, he introduced into the colony mure perfect order than had ever been established there ; and at the same time he tempered its vigour with so mucli discretion, that no alarm seems to have been given by this formidable innovation. The regular form which the colony now began to assume, induced the king to issue a new charter for the. encouragement of the adventurers (1612, March 12), by which he not only confirmed all their former privi. leges, and prolonged the term of exemption from pay> ment of duties on the commodities exported by them, but granted them more extensive property, as well as more ample jurisdiction. All the islands lying within three hundred leagues of the coast were annexed to the province of Virginia. In consequence of tliis, the com- pany took possession of Bermudas, and the ollter small isles discovered by Gates and Summers ; and al the same time prepared tu send out a considerable rein- forcement to the colony of Jnmes-Town. The expence of those extraordinary efTorts was defrayed by the profits of a lottery, which amounted nearly to thirty thousand pounds. This expedient, they were authorized to employ by their new charter; and it is remarkable, as the first instance, in the English history, of any public countenance given to this pernicious seducing mode of levying money. But the House of Commons, which towards the close of this reign began to observe every measure of government with jealous attention, haviut,' remonstrated against the institution as unconstitutional and impolitic, James recalled the licence under the sanction of which it had been csttblished. By the severe discipline of martial law, the activity of the colonists was forced into a proper direction, imd exerted itself in useful industry. Tliis, aided hy n fertile soil and favourable climate, soon enabled tlioni to raise such a large stock of provisions, that they weu^ no longer obliged to trust for subsistence to the pre- carious supplies which tliey obtained or extorted from the Indians. In proportion as the English became more iudependent, the natives courted their friendship upon more equal terms. The happy effects of this were quickly felt. Sir Thomas Dale concluded a treaty with one of their most powerful and warlike tribes, situated 00 the river Chickahomioy, in which they consented to BOOK IX. unted with )m1 hitherto lous spirits a plan that recotnmentl le, who was ised it with which the ;ave to his olony more I there ; unil ith so much ten given by ow began to hatter for tlie !, March 12), former privi- on from pay- rted by them, ty, as well as I lying within nnexcd to the his, the corn- he oilier small ; ; and ak the lidorabie rciii- The expence I by the profits jiirty thousand lauthnri/ed to •markable, as of any public lucing mode of inmons, which observe every |ention, having iconstitutional ince under the BOOK IX.] lusxouv or A^ir;uicA. 329 acknowledge themselves subjects of the king of Great Britain, to assume henceforth tlie name of £nglish- nien, to send a body of tlicir warriors to the assistance of tlie English, as often as they took the fiehl against any enemy, and to deposit annually a stipulated cjuan- tity of Indian corn iu the store-houses of the colony. An event, which the early historians of Virginia relate with peculiar satisfaction, prepared the way for this union, Pocahuntas, the favourite daughter of the great chief Powhatan, to whose intercession Captain Smith was indebted foe his life, persevered in her partial attachment to the English} and as she frcc^ucntly visited their settlements, where she was always received with respectful hospitality, her admiration of their arts and mannejrs contini\ed to increase. During this inter- course, her beauty, which is represented as far superior to that 9f ,her country womcuj ma4csuch an impression on the heart of Mr. Kolfc, a young man of rank in the colony, that lip warmly solicited her to accept of him as a husband. Where manners arc simple, courtship is not tedious. Neither artifice prevents, nor ceremony forbids the heart from declaring its sentiments. Poca- iiuiitRs readily gave her conbcflt ; Dale enco|uraged the alliance, and Powhatan did not disapprove U. The marriage was celebrated with extraordinary pomp ; and from that period a friendly correspondence subsisted between the colony and all the tribes subject to Pow- hatan, or that stood in awe of his powpr. jRolfc and his princess, (for by that naioe the writers of the last age always distinguish her), set o\ti for Eoglik|id,.w|u:re^i)e was received by James and his queen witb- the reapect suited to her birth. Being carefully instr.yct^d in the principles of the Christian faith, she was piiiblJcly bap- tized, but died a few years after, on her ceturn to Ame- rica, leaving one son ; from whon^ ^re spr^n^ soine of the most respectable families in Virgii^, who Ijoast of their descent from the race of the ancient rulers of tjieir country. But notwithstanding tl>e visible good ejects' of that alliance, none of Rolfe's couptryn^cn seem to have imitated the example which hesettherof of inte^r- Diarrying with the natives. Of all tb.e Europeans who have settled in America, the English have availed them- selves leMt of this obvious method of conciliaAing the affection of its original LohabitaiUs ; apd, eitlicr from the shyness conspicuous in their national character, or from the want of that pliant facility of manners which accommodates itself to every situation, they liare been more averse than the French and Portuguese, or even the Spaniards, from incorporating with the native Ame- ricans. The Indians, courting such an union, offered their daughters in marriage to their new guests : and naturally imputed it to pride and to their contempt of them as an inferior order of beings. During the interval of tranquillity procured by the alliance with Powhatan, an important change was maue in the state of the colony. Hitherto no right of pri- vate property in land had been establliahed. The fields that were cleared had been cultivated by the joint labour of the colonists ; their product was carried to the com- mon store>houscs, and distributed weekly to every family, according to its number and exigencies. A society, destitute of the fir/)t advantage resulting from social union, was not forro^ to prosper. Industry, when not excited by the i4ea of property iu wli;i), was acquired by its own efforts^ made no vigorous exertion. The head had no inducement to contrive, nor the h^nd to labour. The idle and improvJident trusted entirely to what was issued from the common store ; the assi- duity even of the sober and attentive rel.axed, when they perceived that others, were to reap the fruit of their toil ; and it was computed, that tlie united industry ^f the colony did not accomplish fls much work in a wpejc as might have been performed in a day, if each indivi- dual had laboured on bis owji account. In ojder ifl remedy this, Sir Thomas Dale divided a cotiisidsrable portion of the land into small lots, and granted one of these to each individual in full property. From the momei^ that industry had the certain prospect of a rt- compence, it advanced with rapid progress. The avticles of primary necessity were cultivated with so much attention as secured the means of subsistence ; and such schemes of improvement were formed as pre- pared the i^aySott^c iptr^dttcf ion qf opuleii^e ifltothe colony. .,„,, „%_ , ,.^.. ,..,',,, .•...,•,.- . ■.•-.rwi* The industrious spirit, which began to rise among the planters, was soon directed towards a new object ; and they, applied to it for some time with such incon- siderate ardour as was productive of fatal consequences. The.ct^tuireof tobacco, which has since become the staple of Virgima and the source of its prosperity, was introduced about this time into the colony (1616). As the taste for that weed continued to increase in Eng- land, notwithstajiding tlic zealous declamations of James against it, the tobacco imported from Viiginia came to a ready market ; and though it was so much inferior in quality or estimation to that raised by the Spaniards in the West Indian islands, that a pound of, the latter sold for eighteen shillings, and of the former for no more than three shillings, it yielded a consider-' able profit. Allured by the prospect of such a certain aud quick retitto, every other species of industry was neglected. The laud whieh ought to have been reserved when they did not accegt of the proffered alliance, thej | for msiog £rovj^ipn||u«Bd. even the streets of tFunes* 27—28. •; i • :♦ trii t- 'K^iMf If: If mmm 330 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book ix. Town, were planted with tobacco. Vnrious regulations I spirit uf its members became more independent. Tu 'i^ ■\ were frnmed to restrain tliis ill-directed activity. But from cngerness for present gain, tlie planters disre- garded i-vcry admonition. The means uf subsistence became so scanty as forced them to renew their de- mands upon the Indians, who, seeing no end of those exactions, their antipathy to the English name revived with additional rancour, and they began to form schemes of vengeance, with the secrecy and silence peculiar to Americans. Meanwhile the colony, notwithstanding this error in its operations, and the cloud that was gathering over its head, continued to wear an aspect of prosperity. Its numbers increased by successive migrations ; the quan- tity of tobacco exported became every year more con- siderable, and several of the planters were not only in an easy situation, but advancing fast to opulence ; and by two events, which happened nearly at the same time, both population and industry were greatly promoted. As few women had hitherto ventured to encounter the hardships which were unavoidable in an unknown and uncultivated country, most of the colonists, constrained to live single, considered themselves as no more than .sojourners in a land to which they were not attached by the tender ties of a family and children. In order to induce t.n'.n to settle there, the company took advan- tage of the apparent tranquillity in the country, to send out a considerable number of young women, of humble birth, indeed, but of unexceptionable character, and encouraged the planters, by premiums and immunities, to marry them. These new companions were received Avith such fondness, and many uf them so comfortably established, as invited others to follow their example, and by degrees thoughtless adventun , assuming the sentiments of virtuous citizens and of provident fathers of families, became solicitous about the prosperity uf a country, which they now considered as their own. As tlic colonists began to form more extensive plans of in- dustry, they were unexpectedly furnished with means of execiiting them with greater facility. A Dutch ship from the coast of Guiuea, having sailed up James- River, sold a part of her cargo of negroes to the plan- ters ; and as that hardy race was found more capable of enduring fatigue under a sultry climate than Euro- peans, their number has been Increased by continual importation ; their aid seems now to be essential to the existence of the colony, and the greater part of field labour in Virginia is performed by servile hands. But as the condition of the colony improved, the * It is a matter of some cariosity to trace the i ogress of the coosumption of this unnecessary commodity. The use of to- bacco seems to bare been first introduced into Eoglaod about Knglishmen the summary aud severe decisions of mar- tial law, however tempered by the mildness of their go- vernors, appeared intolerably oppressive ; and they lunged to recover the privileges to which they had been accustomed under the liberal form of government in their native country. In compliance with this spirit, Sir George Yeardly, in the yenr J6l9 (June), called the first general assembly that was ever held in Virgi. nia; and the numbers of the people were now so increased, and their settlements so dispersed, that eleven corporations appeared by their representatives iu this convention, where they were permitted to assume legislutive power, and to exercise the noblest function of free men. The laws enacted in it seem neither to have been many, nor of great importance; but the meeting was highly acceptable to the people, as tliey now beheld among themselves an image of the Knglisli constitution, which they reverenced as the most per- fect model of free government. In order to render this resemblance more complete, and the rights of the plan- ters more certain, the company issued a charter or ordi- nance (July S4), which gave a legal and permanent form to the government of the colony. The supreme legislative authority in Virginia, in ir^taiiur. of that in Great Britain, was divided and lodged partly in the go- vernor, who held the place of the sovereign ; partly in a council of state named by the company, which pos- sessed some of the distinctions, and exercised some of the functions belonging to the peerage ; partly in a general council or assembly composed of the represent, atives of the people, in which were vested powers and privileges similar to those of the House of Commons. In both these councils all questions were to be deter- mined by the majority of voices, and a negative wus resi rved to the governor; but no law or ordinance, though approved of by all the three members of tite the legislature, was to be of force, until it was ratified in England by a general court of the company, and re- turned under its seal. Thus the constitution of the colony was fixed, and the members of it are henceforth to be considered, not merely as servants of a commer- cial company^ dependent on the will and orders of their superior, but as free men and citizens. The natural effect of that happy change in their condition wa an increase of their industry. The pro- duct of tobacco iu Virginia was now equal, out only tu the consumption of it in Great Britain,* but could furnish some quantity for a foreign market. The tiie year 1.580. Possibly a fe«v nea-faring persons may have acquired a relish for it by their intercourse with tUeSpauiaiiis previous to that period j but the use of it cannot be deuouil. [book IX. ndent. Tu ons of innr- of thuir go- ; and tliuy ley had been ivernmcnt in ) this spirit, [une), called eld in Virgi- verc now so ipericd, tliat esentulives in ted to assume ttlust function ;eiQ neither to ince ; but tlie leople, as they jf the English the roost pcr- r to render this its of the plun- chartcr or ordi- ind permanent The supreme Buu.. of that in artly in the go- rign } partly in ny, which pos- erciscd some of ge ; partly in a the represent- ited powers and of Commons. ere to be dcter- a negative was or ordinance, icmhcrs of tlte it was ratified mpany, and re- ttitution of the are henceforth ,s of a commer- d orders of their change in their stry. Tin- pi'i- ual, not only to ain,* but could market. Tlu' persons may Imvc with the SpaiiiJiiJs caunol be deuom.. BOOK IX.] IliSTORY OF AJIERICA. U3l (•ompany opened a trade for it with Holland, and csta- ] blished warehouses in Middleburgh and Flushing. James, and his privy council, alarmed at seeing the commerce of a commodity, for which the demand was daily increasing, turned into a channel that tended to the diminution of the revenue, by depriving it of a con- siderable duty imposed on the importation of tobacco, interposed with vigour to check this innovation. Some expedient was found, by which the matter was adjusted for the present ; but it is remarkable as the first instance of a difference in sentiment between the parent state and the colony, concerning their respective rights. The former concluded^ that the trade of the colony should be confined to England, and all its productions be landed there. The latter claimed, not only the general privilege of Englishmen to carry their commodities to the bert market, but pleaded the particular concessions in their charter, by which an unlimited freedom of com- merce seemed to be granted to thcni. 'i'he time for a mure full discussion of this important question was not yet arrived. ..;».- But while the colony continued to incretise so fast, that settlements were scatten 1, not only along the banks of James and York Rivers, but began to extend tu the Kapahannock, and even to the Potowmack, the English, relying on their own numbers and deceived by this appearance of prosperity, lived in full security. They neither attended to the movements of the Indians, nor suspected their machinations, and though surrounded by a people whom they might have known from expe- rience to be both artful and vindictive, they neglected every precaution for their own safety that was requisite in such a situation. Like the peaceful inhabitants of a society completely established, they were no longer soldiers but citizens, and were so intent on what was subservient to the comfort or embellishment of civil life, that every martial exercise began to be laid aside as unnecessary. The Indians, whom they commonly employed as hunters, were furnished with fire-arms, and taught to use them with dexterity. They were permitted to frequent the habitations of the English at all hours, and received as innocent visitants whom there was no reason to dread. This inconsiderate security enabled the Indians to prepare for the execution of that plan of vengeance, which they meditated with all the deliberate forethought which is agreeable to their tem- per. Nor did they want a leader capable of conducting their schemes with address. On the dcatli of Pow- h.itan, in the year 1618, Opechancanough succeeded him, not only as wirownnre or chief of his own (lihr, but in that extensive iuHuciice over all the Indian nations of Virginia, which induced tlic English writers to distinguish them by the name of Kmporor. Accord- ing to the Indian tradition, he was not a native of Vir- ginia, but came from a distant country to the south- west, possibly from some province «)f il;c Mexican empire. But as he was conspicuous for all the <{uali- ties of highest estimation among savages, a fearless courage, great strength and agility of body, and crafty policy, he quickly rose to eminence and power. Soon after his elevation to the supreme command, a general massacre of the English seems to have been resolved upon ; and during four years, the means of perpetrat- ing it with the greatc * facility and success were con- certed with amazing secrecy. All the tribes contiguous to the English settlements were successively gained, except those on the eastern shore, from whom, on account of their peculiar attachment to their new neighbours, every circumstance that might discover what they intended was carefully concealed. To each tribe its station was allotted, and the part it was to act prescribed. On the morning of the day consecrated to vengeance (March 22), each wa.s at the place of ren- dezvous appointed, while the English were so little aware of the impending destruction, that they received with unsuspicious hospitality, several persons sent by Opechancanough, under pretext of delivering presents of venison and fruits, but in reality to observe their motions. Finding them perfectly secure, at mid-day, the moment that was previously fixed for this deed of horror, the Indians rushed at once upon them in all their different settlements, and murdered men, women, and children, with undistinguishing rage, and tVat ran- corous cruelty with which savages treat their e.iemies. In one hour, nearly a fourth part of the whole colony was cut off, almost without knowing by whose hands they fell. The slaughter would have been universal, if compassion, or a sense of duty, had not moved a con- verted Indian, to whom the secret was conimunicated the night before the massacre, to revtal it to his master in such time as to save James-'ro\/n, aid son)e adja- cent settlements ; and if the English, in other districts, had not run to their arms with resolution prompted by despair, and defended themselves so bravely as to repulse their assailants, who, in the execution «)f their plan, did not discover courage equal to t'le sagacity and art with which they had concerted it. But though the blow was thus prevented from inted a national habit sooner than the time I have mentioned. Upon au average of the seven years immediately preceding the vear Idi'i, the whole import of tobacco into FaiKlund amounted to a hundred and forty-two thousand and eighty-five pound* weight. — fiitUh, p. 246. Froju this it aiipeurs, that the taste had spread with a rapidity which is remaikuble. IJnt how in- considerable is that qpaatity to what is now consumed iu I Great Britain ! 3 F 2 m HISTORY OF AMERICA. [■60K IX. dcicending with iu full effect, it proved very grievoui to an infnnt colony. In some settlements not a single Englishman escuperl. Many persons of prime note in the colony, and among these several members of the council, were slain. The survivors, overwhelmed with grief, astonishment, and terror, abundoned all their re* mote settlements, and, crowding together for safety to James-Town, did not occupy a territory of greater ex- tent than had been planted soon after the arrival of their countrymen in Virginia. Confined within those narrow boundaries, they were less intent on schemes of industry than on thoughts of revenge. Every man took arms. A bloody war against the Indians com- menced ; and, bent on exterminating the whole race, neither old nor young were spared. The conduct of the Spaniards in the Southern regions of America was openly proposed as the most proper model to imitate 5 ftnd, regardless like them of those principles of faith, honour, and humanity, which regulate hostility among civilized nations and set bounds to its rage, the English deemed every thing allowable that tended to accomplish :^ their design. They hunted the Indians like wild beasts, rather than enemies ; and as the pursuit of them to their places of retreat in the woods, which covered their country, was both difficult and dangerous, they endeavoured to allure them from their inaccessible fastnesses, by offers of peace iind promises of oblivion, made with such an artful a])pearance of sincerity as de- ceived their crafty leader, and induced theoi to return to their former settlements, and resume their usual peaceful occupations (1623). The behaviour of the two people seemed now to be perfectly reversed. The Indians, like men acquainted with the principles of integrity and good faith, on which the intercourse be- tween nations is founded, confided in the reconciliation, and lived in absolute security without suspicion of dan/?er ; while the English, with perfidious craft, were preparing to imitate savages in their revenge and cruelty. On the approach of han-est, when they knew an hostile attack would be most formidable and fatal, they fell suddenly upon all the Indian plantations, mur- dered every person on whom they could lay hold, and drove the rest to the woods, where so many perished with hunger, that some of the tribes nearest to the "^ English were totally extirpated. This atrocious deed, which the perpetrators laboured to represent as a neces- sary act of retaliation, was followed by some happy effects. It delivered the colony so entirely from any dread of the Indians, that its settlements began again to extend, and its industry to revive. But unfortunately at this juncture the state of the company in England, in which the property of Virginia and the government of the colony settled there were vetted, prevented it from Wcondin|^ the cffbrli of the planters, by such a reinforcement of men, and lueh a supply of ncceisariei, as were requisite to replace what they had lost. The company was originally composed of many adventurers, and increased so fast by the junc- tion of n«w members, allured by the prospect of gain, or the desire of promoting a scheme of public utility, thai its goneml courts formed a numerous assembly. The operation of every political principle and passion, that spread through the kingdom, was felt in those po. pular meetings, and influenced their decisions. As towards the close of James's reign more just and en- larged sentiments with respect to constitutional liberty were diffused among the people, they cttme to under- stand their rights better, and to assert them with greater boldness ; a distinction formerly little known, but now familiar in English policy, began to be established be- tween the court and the country parties, and the leaders of each endeavoured to derive power and consequence from every quarter. Both exerted themselves with emulation, in order to obtain the direction of a body so numerous and respectable as the Company of Virginian adventurers. In consequence of this, business had been conducted In every general court for some years, not with the temperate spirit of merchants deliberating concerning their mutual interest, but with the animo- sity and violence natural to numerous assemblies, by which rival factions contend for stiperiority. As the king did not often assemble the great council of the nation in parliament, the gen^tnl courts of the company became a theatre, on %hich popular oratois displayed their talents ; the proclamations of the cmwii, and acts of thv? privy council, with rcspett to the com- merce and police of the colony, Were canvassed there With freedom, and censured with severity, ill-suited to the lofty ideas which James entertained of his own wis- dom, and the extent of his prerogative. In order to clieck v'his growing spirit of discussion, the ministers employed all their address arid influence to gain ns many members of the company as might give them ll:i; direction of their deliberations. But so unsuccessful were they in this attempt, that every measure-proposed by them was reprobated by a vast majority, and sonic- times without any reason, but because they were tlio proposers of it. James, little favourable to the power of any popular assembly, and weary of contending with one over which he had laboured in vain to obtain an ascendant, began to entertain thoughts of dissolving the company, and of new-modelling its constitution. Pretexts, neither unpluusible, nor destitute of some foundation, seemed to justify this measure. The slow progress of the colony, the large sums of money ex- pended, and great number of men who had perished in #' • BOOK IX. Fori! of the and such a !plKce what f com posed sy the junc- ect of gain, bl'ic utility, s assembly. mid passion, in those po- L'isions. As ust and cn- tionnl liherty tie to undcr- I with greater wn, but now ituhlishcd be- nd the leiulers consequence itiselves with [lof a body so r of Virginian business had jr some years, :8 deliberating ith the nnimo- isscmblics, by e great council courts of the opuiur orutDis ofthecn)wn, ft to the coin- anvnsscd there y, ill-suited to ,f his own wis- In order to the ministers ice to gain as give them lie unsiiecessfiil isufd-prorosid ity, and sonie- they were tlic e to the power ntending with n to obtain an of dissolving constitution, itute of some ire. The slow of money ex- lad perished in < '• * > r THK >;.M11,1SII I'l 1(.S( !>• I> THKIH V] ITOHT * IT f NT] >' l> Til K 1 >' U I A ?! S , hUlJ.M Mil KIK r(,AIK.t r.K KKM-KKAT, (,.-/irf«M». /%•>*'*«•'.* *' Jli^V,'*i.iiM^ i'-*^rrti,-jfrr Jtrw i IBgl .«!!*•■ i:^«'-V -.}<. j ^ '.J* A.;}. *-t t4.-.. -v-Vs^ ■(f *.<_ BOOK IX.] HiSrOIlY OF AMERICA. o33 attempting to plant it, tlie late massacre by the Indians, and every disaster that bad befallen the English from their first migration to America, were imputed solely to the inability of a numci'ous company to conduct an en- terprise so complex and arduous. The nation felt sen- sibly its disappointment in a scheme in which it had engaged with sanguine expectations of advantage, and wished impatiently for such an impartial scrutiny into former proceedings as might suggest more salutary measures in the future administration of the colony. The present state of its affairs, as well as the wishes of tiie people, seemed to call for the interposition of the crown ; and James, eager to display the superiority of his royal wisdom, in correcting those errors into which the company had been betrayed by inexperience in the arts of government, boldly undertook the work of re- formation (1C23, May y). Without regarding the rights conveyed to the company by their charter, and without the formality of any judicial proceeding for annulling it, he, by virtue of his prerogative, issued a commission, empowering some of the judges, and other persons of note, to examine into all the transactions of the company from its first establishment, and to lay the result of their inquiries, together with their opinion concerr.;ng the most cfl'ectual means of rendering the colony more prosperous, before the privy council. At the same time, by a strain of authority still higher, he ordered all the records and papers of the company to be seized, and two of its principal officers to be arrested. Violent and arbitrary as these acts of authority may now appear, the commissioners carried on their inquiry with- out any obstruction but what arose from some feeble and ineffectual remonstrances of the company. The commissioners, though they conducted their scrutiny with much activity and vigour, did not communicate any of their proceedings to the company ; but their report, with respect to its operations, seems to have been very unfavourable, as the king, in consequence of it, signified to the company his intention of vesting the supreme government of the company in a governor and twelve assistants, to be resident in HBngland, and the executive power in a council of twelve, which should reside in Virginia (Oct. 8). The governor and assis- tants were to be originally appointed by the king. Fu- ture vacancies were to be supplied by the governor and his assistants^ but their nomination was not to take effect until it should be ratified by the privy council. The twelve counsellors in Virginia were to be chosen by the governor and assistants ; and this choice was likewise subjected to the review of the privy council. With »n intention to quiet the minds of the colonists, it was declared, that private property should be deemed sacred ; and for the more effectual security of it, all grants of lands from the former company were to be confirmed by the new one. In order to facilitate the execution of this plan, the king required the company instantly to surrender its charter into his hands. But here James and his ministers encountered a spirit, of which they seem not to have been aware. They found the members of the company unwilling tamely to relinquish rights of franchises conveyed to them with such legal formality, that upon faith in their validity they had expended considerable sums ; and still more averse to the abolition of a popular form of govern- ment, in which every proprietor had a voice, in order to subject a colony, in which they were deeply in- terested, to the dominion of a small junto absolutely dependant on the crown. Neither promises nor threats could induce them to depart from these sentiments; and in a general court (Oct. SO) the king's proposal was almost unanimously rejected, and a resolution taken to defend to the utmost their chartered rights, if these should be called in question in any court of justice, James, highly offended at their presumption in daring to oppose his will, directed (Nov. 10) a writ of quo warranto to be issued against the company, that the validity of its charter might be tried in the Court of King's Bench ; and in order to aggravate the charge by collecting additional proofs of mal-administration, he appointed some persons, in whom he could confide, to repair to Virginia to inspect tiie state of the colony, and inquire into the conduct of the company, and of its officers there. The law-suit in the King's Bench did not hang long in suspense. It terminated, as was usual in that reign, in a decision perfectly consonant to the wishes of the monarch. The charter was forfeited (June IG24), the company was dissolved, and all the rights and priviloges conferred upon it returned to the king, from whom they flowed. Some writers, particularly Stith, the most intelli- gent and best informed historian of Virginia, mention the dissolution uf the company as a most disastrous event to the colony. Animated with liberal sentiments, imbibed in an age when the principles of liberty were more fully unfolded than under the reign of James, they viewed his violent and arbitrary proceed- ings on this occasion with such indignation, that their abhorrence of the means which he employed to accom- plish his design seems to have rendered them incapa- ble of contemplating its effects with discernmetit and candour. There is not perhaps any mode of govern- ing an infant colony less friendly to its liberty, than the dominion of an exclusive corporation, |)ossesi»'' r-.^pect to commerce or to policy, were very considerable, and conducted with astonishing per- jevcrance. Above an hundred and fifty thousand pounds were expended in this fir&t attempt to plant an English co- lony in America ; and more than nine thousand persons were sent out from the mother country to people this new settlement. At the dissolution of the company, the nation, in jturn for this waste of treasure and of people, did r . receive from Virginia an annual im- portation of commodities exccding twenty thousand pounds in value; aiidthecolo / was so far from having added strength to the state by an increase of popula- tion, that, in the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-four, scarcely two thousand persons survived, a wretched remnant of the namerous emigrants who had flocked thither, with sanguine expectations of a very diffwent fate. The company, like all unprosperous societies, felt unpitied. The violent hand with which prerogative had invaded its rights was forgotten, and new prospects of success opened, under a form of government exempt from all the defects to which past disasters were im- puted. The king and the nation concurred with equal ardour in resolving to encourage the colony. Soon after the final judgment in the Court of Kin,-»'s Bench against the company. James appointed a (.ouncil of twelve persons to take the temporary direction of affairs in Virginia (Aug. 26), that he might have leisure to frame with deliberate consideration proper regulations for the permanent government of the colony. Pleased with such an opportunity of exercising his talents as a legislator, he began to turn his attention towards the subject ; but death prevented him from completing his plan. Charles I. on his accession to the throne (1625, March 27), adopted all his father's maxims witli respect to the colony in Virginia. He declared it to be a j)art of the empire annexed to the crown, and immediately subordinate to its jurisdiction : he conferred the title of Governor on bir George Yardcly, and appointed him, in conjunction with a council of twelve, and a se- cretary, to exercise supreme authority there, and en- joined them to conform in every point to such instruc- tions as from time lo time they might receive from him. From the tenor of the king's commission, as well as from the known spirit of his |K»licy, it is appa- rent, that he intended to vest every power of govern- ment, both legisltttiv- and executive, in the governor and council, withe .t recourse to the representatives of the people, as possessing a right to enact laws for the con:munity, or to impose taxes upon it. Yardely and his council, who seem to have been fit instruments for carrying this system of arbitrary rule into execution, did not fait to put such a construction on the words uf their commission as was most favourable t(» their own jurisdiction. During a great part of Charles's reign, Virginia knew no o-her law than the will of the sove- reign. Statutes were published, and taxes imposed, without once calling the representatives of the people to authorize them by their sanction. At the same time that the colonists were bereaved of political rights, which they deemed essential to freemen and citizens, their private property was violei !y invadtfd. A pro- clamation was issued, by which, under pretexts «quHUy absurd and frivolous, they were prohibited from selling tobacco to any person but certain commissioners appointed by the king to purchase it on his account j BOOK IX.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 335 and tbey had the cruel mortification to behold the so- vereign, who should liave afforded them protection, engross all the profits of their industry, by seizing the only valuable commodity which they had to vend, and retiiining the monopoly of it in his own hands. While the staple of the colony in Virginia sui . in value under the oppression and restraints of monopoly, property in land was rendered insecure hy various grants of it, whicii Charles inconsiderately bestowed upon his fa- vourites. These were not only of such exorbitant ex- tent as to be unfavourable to the progress of cultiva- tion 3 but from inattention, or imperfect acquaintance with the geography of the country, their boundaries were so inaccurately defined, that large tracts already occupied and planted were often included in them. The murmurs and complaints which such a system of administration excited, were augmented by the rigour with which Sir John Harvey, who succeeded Yardely in the government of the colony, enforced every act of power. (1627) Rapacious, unfeeling, and liaughty, he added insolence to oppression, and neither regarded the sentiments, nor listened to the remon- strances of the people under his command. The colo- rists, far from the seat of government, and overawed by authority derived from a royal commission, sub- mitted long to his tyranny and exactions. Their patience was at last exhausted, and in a transport of po- pular rage and indignation, they seized their governor, and sent him a prisoner to England, accouipanied by two of their number, whom they deputed to prefer their accusations against him to tiie king. But this attempt to redress their own wron^^s, by a proceeding so summary and violent as is hardly consistent with any idea of regular government, and can be justified only in cases of such urgent necessity as rarely occur in civil society, was altogether repugnant to every notion which Charles entertained with respect to the obedience due by subjects to their sovereign. To him the conduct of the colonists appeared to be not only an usurpation of his right to judge and to punish one of his own offi- cers, but an open and audacious act of rebellion against his authority. Without deigning to admit their depu- ties into liis presence, or to hear one article of tiieir charge against Plarvey, the king instantly sent him back to his former station, with an ample renewal of all the powers belonging to it. But though Charles deemed this vigorous step necessary in order to assert his own authority, and to testify his displeasure with those who hud presumed to offer such an insult to it, he seems to have been so sensible of the grievances under which the colonists groaned, and of the chief source from which they flowed, that soon after (1G.39) he not only removed a governor so justly odious to them, but named as a successor Sir William Berkeley, a person far superior to Harvey in rank and abilities, and still more distin- guished by possessing all the popular virtues to which the other was a stranger. Under iiis government the colony in Virginia re- mained, with some short intervals of interruption, almost forty years, and to his mild and prudent admini- stration its increase and prosperity is in a great measure to be ascribed. It was indebted, however, to the king himself for such a reform of its constitution and policy, as gave a different aspect to the colony, and animated all its operations with new spirit. Though the tenor of Sir William Berkeley's commission was the same with that of his predecessor, he received instructions under tiie great seal, by which he was empowered to declare, that in all its concerns, civil as well as eccle- siastical, the colony was to be governed according to the laws of England : he was directed to issue writs for electing representatives of the people, who, in con- junction with the governor and council, were to form a general assembly, and to possess supreme legislative authority in the community ; he was ordered to esta- blish courts of justice, in which all questions, whether civil or criminal, were to be decided agi oeably to the forms of judicial procedure in the mother country. It is not easy to discover what were the motives which induced a monarch tenacious in adhering to any opi- nion or system which he had once adopted, jealous to excess of his own rights, and adverse on every occasion to any extension of the privileges claimed by his people, to relinquish his original plan of administration in the colony, and to grant such immunities to his subjects, settled there. Fror.i the historians of Virginia, no less superficial than ill-ir.formed, no light can be derived with respect to tliis po^nt. It is most probable, that dread of the spiri* then "• ..ig in Great Britain extorted from Charles conccnsit us so Javourable to Virginia. After an intermissicin 1 1 ainiost twelve years, the state of his affairs compelled him to have recourse to the great council of ''i*^ nation. There his subjects would find a jurisdiction iiidependeiu of the -jcown, and able to control its authority. There tley hoped for legal redress of all their grievances. As the colonists in Virginia had applied for relief to a former purlianvent, it might becxpi ted with certainty, that they would lay their case before the first meeting of an assembly, in which t'aey were secure of a favourable audience. Charles knew, that if tlie spirit of his administration in Virginia were to be tried by the maxims of the English consti- tution, it must be severely reprehcndtnl. He was aware that many measures of greater moment in his govern- ment would be brought under a strict review in parlia- ment j and unwilling to givemal-contents the advantage 936 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book IX. ;S' T' ^. • v ■ ' f ! i of adding a charge of oppression In the remote parts of his dominions to a catalogue of domestic grievances, he artfully endeavoured to take the merit of having granted voluntarily to his people in Virginia such privileges as he foresaw would be extorted from him. But though Charles established the internal govern- ment of Virginia on a model similar to that of the English constitution, and conferred on his subjects there all the rights of freemen and citizens, he waj ex- tremely solicitous to maintain its connection with the parent state. With this view he instructed Sir William Berkeley strictly to prohibit any commerce of the co- lony with foreign nations ; and in order more certainly to secure exclusive possession of all the advantages arising from the sale of its productions, he was re- quired to take a bund from the master of each vessel that sailed from Virgitiin, to land his cargo in some part of the king's dominions in Europe. Even under this restraint, such is the kindly influence of free govern- ment on society, the colony advanced so rsipidly in in- dustry and population, that at the beginning of the civil war, the English settled in it exceeded twenty thousand. Gratitude towards a monarch, from whose hands they had received immunities which they had long wished, but hardly expected to enjoy, the influence and exam- ple of a popular governor, passionptely devoted to the 'nterests of his master, concurred in preserving invio- lated loyalty among the colonists. Even after monarchy was abolished, after one king had been beheaded, and another driven into exile, the authority of the crown continued to be aeknowi'fdgcd and revered in Virginia. (I(i5(i) Irritated at tiiis open defiance of its power, the j)arliament issmd an ordinance, declaring, that as the settlement in Virginia had been made at the cost and by the people of England, it ought to be subordinate to and dependant upon tiie English commonwealth, and subject to such laws and regulations as are or shall be made in ])arliament : that, instead of this dutiful sib- mission, the colonists had disclaimed the authority of the state, and audacii)iisly rebelled against it; that on this account they were denouncet" notorious traitors, and not only all vessels belonging to natives of England, but those of foreign nations, were prohibited to enter their ports, or to carry on any commerce with them. It was not the mode of that age to wage a war of words alone. The efforts of an high-spirited govern- ment in asserting its own dignity were prompt and vigorous. A powcifiii squadron, with a considerable body of land forces, was dispatched to reduce the Vir- ginians to obedience. After compelling the colonies in Uarbadoes and the other islands to submit to the commonwealth, the scjuadron entered the Bay of Ch«- sapeak (1651). Berkeley, with more courage than pru- dence, took arms to oppose this for.nidablc armament ; but he could not long maintain SLch an unequal eon- test. His gallant resistance, however, procured favour, able terms to the people under .'tis government. A general indemnity for all past offences was granted; they acknowledged the authority of the commonwealth, and were admitted to a participation of all the rights enjoyed by citizens. Berkeley, firm to his prineipRs of loyalty, disdained to make any stipulation for him- self; and choosing to pass his days far removed from the seat of a government which he detested, continued to reside in Virginia as a private man, beloved and re- spected by all over whom he had formerly presided. Not satisfied with taking measures to subject the co- lonics, the commonwealth turned its attention towar(i<; the most effectual mode of retaining them in drpcn- dancc on the parent state, and of securing to it the benefit of their increasing conmiercc. \\ ith this vie\Y the parliament framed two laws (IG51), one of wliidi expressly prohibited all mercantile intercourse betwcLu th.e colonics and foreign states, and the other ordained, that no production of Asia, Africa, or America, sluiuld be imported into the dominions of the commonwealth, but in vessels belonging to English owners, or to tiic people of the colonies settled there, and navigated by an English commander, and by crews of which tlie greater part must be Englishmen. But while the wis- dom of the commonwealth prescribed the channel in which the trade of the colonies was to be carried on, it was solicitous to encourage the cultivation of the staple commodity of Virginia by an act of parliament (1652), which gave legal force to all the injunctions of Janio and Charles against planting tobacco in England. lender governors appointed by the commonwcaltii, or by Cromwell, when he usurped the supreme power, Virginia remained almost nine years in perfect tranr|uil- lity. During that period, many adherents to the royal party, and among these some gentlemen of good fami- lies, in order to avoid danger and oppression, to which they were exposed in England, or in hopes of repairing thv"ir ruined fortunes, resorted thither. Warmly at- tached to the cause for which they had fought and suffered, and animated with all the passions natural t» men recently engaged in a fierce and long protracted civil war, they, by their intercourse with the colonists, confirmed them in principles of loyalty, and added to their impatience and indignatiou under the restraints imposed on tlieir commerce by their licw masters. On the death of Mathews, the last governor named by Cromwell, the sentiments and inclination of the people, no longer under the coi\trol of authority, burst on; with violence. They forced bir William Berkeley lo BOOK IX. : than \nu- urinament ; lequal con- ned favour- riiment. A is granted; imonwealth, I the ri^lits lis priuciijk's .ion for him- L'moved from :d, continuctl lovL'd and rc- / presided, ibject the to- ntion towards em ill dcpen- ling to it tlic i\ith this view oii'j of which ■ourse between )tlter ordivined, merica, sliould :oramouwcaitli, ners, or to the d navigated by k of which tlic ^ wliile the wis- the channel in [)C carried on, it ion of the staple lianient (165-'), ictions of JamcJ u England, commonwealth, supreme power, perfect tranciuil- ■nts to the royal n of good lami- ession, to which npes of repairing ■r. Warmly at- liid fought and ssions natural to long protracted lib the colonists, ty, and added to [ler the restraints cw masters. On ■rnor named by ion of the peoplf , lority, burst out Uiam' Berkeley to SOOK IX.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 33> quit his retirement ; they unanimously elected him governor of the colony : and as he refused to act under an usurped authority, they boldly erected the royal standard, and, acknowledging Charles II. to be their lawful sovereign, proclaimed him with all his titles ; and the Virginians long boasted, that as they were the last of the king's subjects who renounced their alle- giance, they were the first who returned to their duty. Happily for the people of Virginia, a revolution in England, no less sudden and unexpected, seated Charles on the throne of his ancestors, and saved them from the severe chastisement, to which their prema- ture declaration ia his favour must have exposed them. On receiving the first account of this event, the joy and exultation of the colony were unfversal and un- bountiod. These, however, were not of long conti- nuance. Gracious, hut unproductive professions of esteem and g.iod-will were the only return made by Charles to loyalty and services, which in their own estimation were so distinguished that no recompence was beyoi\d what they nught claim. If the king's ne- glect and ingratitude disappointed all the sanguine hopes which their vanity bad founded on the merit of their past conduct, the spirit which influenced parlia- ment in its conmiercial deliberations opened a prospect that alarmed them with respect to their future situa- tion. In framing regulations for the encouragement of trade, which, during the convulsions of civil war, and amidst continual fluctuations in government, had met with such obstruction that it declined in overy quarter ; the House of Commons, instead of granting the colonies that relief which they expected from the restraints in their commerce imposed by the common- wealth and Cromwell, not only adopted all their ideas concerning this branch of legislation, but extended them farther. This produced the act of navigation, the most important and memorable of uny in the sta- tute book with respect to the history of English com- merce. By it, besides several :.;omentous articles foreign to the subject of this work, it was enacted, that no commodities should be imported into any settle- ment in Asia, Africa, or America, or exported from tl. ui, but in vessels of English or plantation built, whereof the master and three fourths of the mariners shall be lunglish subjects, under pain of forfeiting ship and goods ; that none but natural-born subjects, or sucli as have been naturalized, shall exercise the occu- pation of merchant or factor in any English settlement, under pain of torfeiting their goods and chattels j that no sugar, tobacco, cotton, wool, indigo, ginger, or woods used in dyinp, of the growth or manufacture of the colonies, shall be shipped from them to any other country bui England; and in order to secure the ^et- 29— SO. fc>.T.auce of this, a sufficient bond, with one surety, shall be given, before sailing, by the owners, for a specific sum proportional to the rate of the vessel em* ployed by them. The productions subjected to this restriction are distinguished, in the lanmage of com* merce and finance, by the name of cnmnerated commo- dities ; and as industry' in its progress furnished new articles of value, these have been successively added to the roll, and subjected to the same restraint. Soon after (16G3), tl\e act of navigation was exti.'ided, and additional restraints \vt 'ein >?osed. Hy a new law, which prohibited the imporlation of any Li ropean commodity into the colonies, bat what was laden in Ei gland in vessels navijjati J and manned as the act of navigation required. More ettectual provision was made by ibis law f )r exactitig the penalties to which the transgres- sors ot the act of navigation were subjected ; and the principles of policy, on which the various regulations contained in both statutes are founded, were openly avow'd in a declaration, that as the plantations beyond seas are inhabited and peopled by subjects of England, they may he kept in a firmer dependance upon it, and rendered yet more beneficial imd advantageous unto it, in the further employment and increase of English shipping and seamen, as well as in the vent of English woollen and other manufactures and commodities; and in making England a staple, not only of the com- modities of those plantations, but also of the conmio- dities of other countries and places, for the supjilying of them ; and it being the usage of other nations to kecj) the trade of their plantations to themselves. In prosecution of those favourite maxims, the English le- gislature proceeded a step farther. As the act of navi- gation had left the people of the colonics at liberty to export the enumerated commodities from one plant- ation to another without paying any duty (Kj/S), it subjected them to a tax equivalent to what was paid by the consumers of these commodities in England. By these successive regulations, the plan of securing to England a monopoly of the commerce with its colo- nies, and of shutting up every other channel into which it might 'oe diverted, was perfected and icduced into complete system. On one side of the Atlantic, these regulations have been extolled as an extraordinary effort of political sagacity, and h:\ve been considered as tiie great charter of national commerce, to which the pre- sent state is indebted for all its opulence and power. On the other, they have been execrated as a code of oppression, more suited to the illiberality of mercantile ideas, than to extensive views of legislative wisdom. Which of these opinions is best founded, i shall exa- mine at large in another part of this worli. But in writing the history of the English settlements in .3 G 336 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book I3f. America, It was necessary to trace the progress of those restraining laws with accuracy, as in every subsequent transaction we may observe a perpetual exertion, on the part of the mothern settled in by popular onsidcration 1 in England cem, that lie was regarded 1 the colony. nd prompted ic wrongs, or stinction and 9, and hy '>;>> ' removing ail t to madness, idians was the e, he accused oper measurrt^ , and cshiinod , and to exter- ers assembled, applied to the his election of y against tlic by long pDs- deas of the re- lis tumultiuuy Drity, and sus- s, Bacon cou- Tnig, however, s<(l mullilutle, ed, he thouu'iit \ time ; and it t(- sooth ihciii t",)n, recjuiriii': in of being *!' - ;)\v advanceii k> with honour iv n that reniaiiiod isen body ti hi* Town, and sliv- nor and couned ssion for wliiclv with the proud BOOK IX.'] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 339 indignant spirit of a cavalier, disdaining the requisi- tions of a rebel, peremptorily refused to comply, and calmly presented his nailed breast to the weapons which were pointed against it. The council, however, fore- seeing the fatal consequences of driving an enraged multitude, in whose power they were, to the last extre- mities of violence, prepared a commission, constituting Bacon general of uU the forces in Virginia, and by their entreaties prevailed on the governor to sign it. Bacon with his troops retired in triumph. Hardly was the council delivered by his departure from the dread of present danger, when, by a transition not unusual in feeble minds, presumptuous boldness succeeded to ex- cessive fear. The commission granted to Bacon was declared to be null, having been extorted by force; he was proclaimed a rebel, his followers were required to abandon his standaid, and the nulitia ordered to arm, and to join the governor.' Enraged at conduct which he branded with the name of base and treacherous, Bacon, instead of continuing his march towards the Indian country, instantly wheeled about, and advanced with all his forces to James-Town. The governor, unable to resist such a numerous body, made his escape, and fled across the bay to Acomack on the Eastern shore. Sonic of the counsellors accom- panied him thither, others ret'red to their own planta- tions. Upon the flight of Sir William Berkeley, and dbpersion of the council, the frame of civil government in the colony seemed to be dissolved, and Bacon be- came possessed of supreme and uncontrolled power. But as he was sensible that his countrymen would not long submit with patience to authority acquired and held merely by force of arms, he endeavc .red to found it on a more constitutional basis, by obtaining the sanc- tion of the people's approbation. With this view he called together the most considerable gentlemen in the colony, and having prevailed on them to bind them- selves by oath to maintain his authority, and . to resist every enemy that should op,)ose it, he from that time considered his jurisdiction as legally established. Berkeley, u;eanwhile, having collected some forces, made inroads into different parts of the colony, where Bacon's authority was recognized. Several sharp con- fiiets happened with various success. James-Town was reduced to ashes, and the best cultivated districts in the province were laid waste, sometimes by one party, and sometimes by the other. But it was not by his own exertions that the governor hoped to terminate the contest. He bad early transmitted an account of the transactions in Virginia to the king, and demanded such a body of soldiers as would enable him to quell the insurgents, whom lie represented as so exasperated by the restraints imposed on their trade, that they were impatient to shake off all dependance on the parent state. Charles, alarmed at a commotion no less dangerous than unexpected, and solicitous to maintain his autho- rity over a colony, the value of which was daily increas- ing, and more fully understood, speedily dispatched a small squadron, with such a number of regular troops as Berkeley had required. Bacon and his followers received information of this armament, but they were not intimidated at its approach. They boldly deter- mined to oppose it with open force, and declared it to be consistent with their duty and allegiance, to treat all who should aid Sir William Berkeley as enemies, until they should have an opportunity of laying tiieir griev- ances before their sovereign. But while both parties prepared, with equal animo- sity, to involve their country in the horrors of civil war, an event happened (1677), which quieted the commo- tion almost as suddenly as it had been excited. Bacon, when ready to take the field, sickened and died. None of his followers possessed such talents, or veresomuch objects of the people's confidence, as entitled them to aspire to the supreme command. Destitute of a leader to conduct and animate them, their sanguine hopes of success subsided ; mutual distrust accompanied this universal despondency: all began to wish for an accom- modation ; and after a short negociation with Sir Wil- iiam Berkeley, they laid down their arms, and submitted to !)i^i government, on obtaining a promise of general pardon. Thus terminated an insurrection, which, in the annals of Virginia, is distinguished by the name of Bacon's rebellion. During seven months this daring leader was master of the colony, while the royal governor was ^hut up in a remote und ill-peopled corner of it. What were the real motives that prompted him to take arms, and to what length he intended to carry his plans of reformation, either in commerce or government, it is not easy to discover, in the scanty materials from which we derive our information with respect to this transac- tion. It is probable, that his conduct, like thut of other adventurers in faction, would have been regulated chiefly by events j and accordingly as these proved fa- vourable or adverse, his views and requisitions would have been extended or circumscribed. Sir William Berkeley, as soon as he was reinstated in his office, called together the representatives of the people, that by their advice and authority ptiblic tran- quillity and order might be perfectly established. Though this assembly met a few weeks after the death of Bacon, while the memory of reciprocal injuries was still recent, and when the passions excited by such a fierce contest had but little time to subside, its pro- ceedings were conducted with a moderation seldom 3 G 3 340 HISTORY OF AMERICA. exercised by the succesiful party in a civil war. No man suffered capitally ; a small number were subjected to fines ; others were declared incapable of holding any office of trust ; and with those exceptions^ the promise pf general indemnity was confirmed by law. Soon after, Berkeley was recalled, and Colonel JefTerys was appointed his successor. From that period to the Revolution in 1688, there is scarcely any memorable occurrence in the hi&tory of Virginia. A peace was concluded with the Indians. Under several successive governors, administration was carried on in the colony with the same arbitrary spirit that distinguished the latter years of Charles II. and the precipitate counsels of James II. The Virginians, with a constitution which, in form, resembled that of Eng- land, enjoyed hardly any portion of the liberty which that udmirabie system of policy is framed to secure. They were deprived even of the last consolation of the [llOOK J4* oppressed, the power of complaining, by a law which, under severe penalties, prohibited them from speaking disrespectfully of the governor, or defaming, either bv words or writing, the administration of the colony. Stilly however, the laws restraining their commerce were felt as an intolerable grievance, and nourished in secret a spirit of discontent, which from the necessity of concealing it, acquired a greater degree of acrimony. But notwithstanding those unfavourabie circumstances, the colony continued to increase. The use of tobacco was now become general in Europe ; and though it had fallen considerably in price, the extent of demand com- pensated that diminution, and by giving constant em- ployment to the industry of the planters diffused wealth among them. At the Revolution the number of inha- bitants in the colony exceeded sixty thousand, and in the course of twenty-eight years its population had been more than doubled. i 'H s ; Ih BOOK X. THE IIlSTOllY or NEW ENGLAND TO THE YEAR 1652. First attempts to fetHe on the northern coast— Smith surveys that coast, and calls it New England— Religious (lis- • putes give rise to ihc Scui England colony— Religious perseaition by Mary— Queen Elizabeth— Priritans— Intolerant spirit of tlu- church— Entire scparatiua of the Puritans from the church— Brounists— take refuge iu Holland— Remove from thence to America— First attempt to seftle in Massachusets Bay—Settle at AVu,- I'ly- mouth— Plan of government— Grand council of Plymouth appointed— Project of a new colony— Charter to the new colony of Mcsiachusets Buy— Settlement in conseqwnce of this charter— Begin with establishing a chtrcli— Intolerance of the neio church— Emigrations from England increased by the intoUrance of Laud— Charter of the company transferred to the colonists — Colony extcjided—None but members of the church admitted as freemen— Indian territories depopulated by the small-pox— Settlements of the colonUts extended— Freemen meet by .cpre- sentatives—E^itent of political liberty assumed by the cssembly—Neiv settlcrs—Antinomian sect — Their 'loc- trines condemned by a gem ral synod— The sectaries settle iu Providence and Rhode Island— Colony of Con- necticut—of Nnc Hampshire and Main—H'ar with the Pequod tribes — Defeat of the Indians— Cruelties exer- cised ai^ainst the Indiuns— Emigrations from England— Prohibited by royal proclamation -Colony of Massachusets Bay sued at law, and found to have forfeited its rights— Exemption from certain ditties granttd to the colonies — Confederacy of the AVic England states — Right of coining assumed by tlie colonists- Croniwcll patronises the New E)igland colonies — Proposes to transport the colonists to Jamaica — Colonists declimt accepting this offer. ;-i 4i:o. When James I. in the year one thousand six hun- ' in tlie northern part of this territory, then distinguished dred and six, made that magnificent partition, which i by the general name of Virginia. This arrangement lias been mentioned, of a vast region in North America, ' seems to have been formed upon the idea of sonic sne- cxtending from the thirty-fourth to the forty-fifth culativc refiner, who aimed at diffusing the spirit of degree of latitude, between two trading companies of industiy, by fixing the seat of one branch of the trade his subjects, he established the residence of the one iu that was now to be opened, on the east coast ot titc London, and of the other in Plymouth. The former island, and the other on the west. But London pos- was authorized to setiie in the suuttiero, and the latter , sesses sudi advantages of 8ituattoD,that the cofflfflcrciul ij «. 1 . ,/, [llUUK X/ law wliick, n speaking f, eilher by ,he colony, contmercc ourishcd ia e necessity f acrimony. :uinstuncc8, ! of tobacco loughit l\ad ^mand coni- jnstant cm- Fused wealtli iber of iuha- sand, and in }ulatiun had ■ReUgious dii' h— Pnrituus— ■take refuge in at Nt'it- Ply- ■Charter to the dug a chinfi— -Charter of the 'das freemen— I meet by > que- ct— Their 'loc- Colmiy of Om- -Cruelties exer- \un— Colony of n duties granttd lists— Cronivciil. 'oUjiiista decline a distinguished lis arrangement ea of some spe- ig tlic spirit of ich of the trade ast coast of the ut London jjos- l the cpQuaef ^'^^ ^m^f--eitL- tVKfcJ-x ,f ••p'qif^'ttit.' r,M ;jiL,Usii. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 lASiM |2.5 ■ T5 I.I 1 itt 1^ |2.2 IM \J5 ir-^ IV'' y /; t ^Wy '^IV'^' Photographic Sciences Corporation «F \\ V v\ <\ 33 WHT mam STRflT WiBSTII,N.Y. 14910 (7U) 173-4903 ^V^ > H ^>C^5iiiIi exei Dial tofi offi< afte api } is I Vii Un cai thi pri .,*V.«^' ■:,■? i-i "i'V^T^* VjuifM^rWV- f*-. /-'»*yWi»^* «J(i,i..-.t.; n $00K X.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 341 wealth ati their origin to this spirit, as in the course of our narra- tive we shall discern its influence mingling in all their transpctions, and giving a peculiar tincture to the cha- racter of the people, as well as to their institutions, both civil and ecclesiastical, it becomes necessary to trace its rise and progress with attention and accuracy. When the superstitions and corruptions of the Ro- mish church prompted different nations of Europe to throw off its yoke, and to withdraw from its commu- nion, the mode as well as degree of their separation was various. Wherever reformation was sudden, and carried on by the people without authority from their rulers, or in opposition to it, the rupture was violent and total. Every part of the ancient fabric was overturned, and a different system, not only with respect to doctrine, but to church government, and the external rites of wor^ ship, was established. Calvin, who, by his abilities, learning, and austerity of manners, had acquired high reputation and authority in the Protestant churches, was a zealous advocate for this plan of thorough refor- mation. He exhibited a model of that pure form of ecckfciustical policy, which he approved in the consti- tution of the church of Geneva. The simplicity of its institutions, and still mure their repugnancy to those of the Popish ciiurcli, were so much admired by all the stricter reformers, tiiat it was copied, with some small variations, in Scotland, in the Hcpublic of the United Provinces, in the dominions of the House of Brandcn- burgh, in those of the Elector Palatine, and in the churches of the Hugonots in France. vJ But in Uiose countries where the steps of departure from the church of Rome were taken with greater de- liberation, and regulated by the wisdom or policy of the supreme magistrate, the separation was not so wide. Of all the reformed churches, that of England has de- viated least from the ancient institutions. The violent but capricious spirit of Henry Vlll. who, though he disclaimed the supremacy, revered the tenets of the papal see, checked innovations in doctrine or worship during his reign. When his son ascended the throne, and the Protestant religion was established by law, the cautious prudence of Archbishop Cranmer moderated the zeal of those who had espoused the new opinions. Though the articles to be recognized as the system of nati(inal faith were framed conformably to the doctrines of Calvin, his notions with respect to church govern- ment and the mode of worship were not adopted. At 't:\ : 1 H I-. > ^i: •4] I 11 -I m\ ; { 342 HISTdRY OF AMEUICA. [book X. the hierarchy in England was incori)orated with the civil policy of tlie kingdom, and constituted a member of tlie legislature, archbisiiopsHud bishops, with all the subordinate runlcs of ecclesiastics subject to them, were continued according to aocientform, and with the same dignity and jurisdiction. The peculiar vestments in which the clergy performed their sacred functions, bowing at the name of Jesus, kneeling at receiving the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, the sign of the Cross in Baptism, the use of the Ring in Marriage, with se- veral other rites to which long, usage had accustomed the people, and which time had rendered venerable, were still retained. Bui though parliament enjoined the observance of these ceremonies under very severe pe- nalties, several of the more zealous clergy entertained scruples with respect to the lawfulness of complying with this injunction ; and the vigilance and authority of Cranmer and Ridley with difficulty saved their infant church from the disgrace of a sdiisui on this account. On the accession of Mary, the furious zeal with which she persecuted all who had adopted the tenets of the reformers forced many eminent Protestants, laymen as well as ecclesiastics, to seek an asylum on the con- tinent, f rancfort, Geneva, Basil, and Strasburgh, re- ceived them with aflectionate hospitality as suiferers in the cause of truth, and the magistrates permitted them to assemble by themselves for religious worship. The exiles who took up their residence in the two former cities modelled their little congregations according to the ideas of Calvin, and, with a spirit natural to men in their situation, eagerly adopted institutions which appeared to be farther removed from the superstitions of Popery than those of their own church. They re- turned to England as soon as Elizabeth re-established the Protestant religion, not only with more violent antipathy to the opinions and practices of that church by which they had been oppressed, but with a strong attachment to that mode of worship to which they had been for some years accustomed. As they were received by their countrymen with the veneration due to con- t ' . ' ' " ' ■ ■ ■ ■ * 01 the higli idea uhicb ElizalK'th fy -ned with re- spect to hci- own superior skill in tlitioli s well as the hanehty tone in whicn she dictated to her .i. ^eils what they ought to believe, we have a Ktriking picture in lue inclinations of the one, or the sentiments of the other. Fond of pomp and ceremony accustomed, according to the mode of that age, to study religious controversy, and possessing, like her father, such confidence in her own understanding that she never doubted her capacity to judge and decide with respect to every point in dispute between contending sects,* she chose to act according to her own ideas, which led her rather to approach nearer to the church of Rome, in the parade of external worship, than to widen the breach by abolishing any rite already estnblished. An act of parliament, in the first year of her reign, not only required an exact conformity to the mode ot wor- ship prescribed in the service book, under the most ri- gorous penalties, but empowered the queen to enjoin the observance of such additional ceremonies as might tend, in her opinion, to render the public exercises of devotion more decent and eUifying. The advocates for a farther reformation, notwith- standing this cruel disappointment of the sanguine hopes with which they returned to tiieir native country, did not relinquish their design. They disseminated their opinions with great industry among the people. They extolled the purity of foreign churches, and in- veighed against the superstitious practices with which religion was defiled in their own church. In vain did the defenders of the established system represent that these forms and ceremonies were, in themselves, things perfectly indifferent, which, from long usage, were viewed with reverence ; and, by their impression upon the senses and imagination, tended not only to fix the attention, but to afiect the heart, and to warm it with devout and worthy sentiments. The Puritans (for by that name such as scrupled to comply with what was enjoined by the act of uniformity were distinguished), my lords of the clergy do not amend, I mean to depose you. Look ye, therefore, well to your charges. This may be amended without needless or open exclamations. I am sup- |M)8ed to have many studies, but most philosophical. I muHt yield this to be true, that I suppose few, (that be not profes* sors) have read more. And 1 need not tell you, that I am not so uiniplc that I understand not, nor so forgetful that I remem- ber not i and yet, amidst my many volumes, I hope G id's hook hath not been my seldonictt lectures, in which wr find that which by reason all ought to believe. I sec many over* gwuvv v......^. ^ v<».M»vu, .. ou; Dvu.au» VI ciivio MCI ciiuii bold wlth God Almiithty, making too mauy subile scannings were suffered. Thus much, I must say, that some faults and I of his bletned will. The presumption is so great that I Bivf negligences must grow and be, as in all other great charges it I not Sfifltr it," &c.<^I>'£wei'« Journal, p. 328. lifippeaetb j and what yocatioa without 1 All whieb, if yoa I [book X. hooK x;] HrSTDRY OP AMERICA. 343 lo depose you. This may be B. I am sup- ihical. 1 mu»t be not profes* that I am not that I remcm- I hope G id'i which we find ee many over* ibile scannings :e«t that I may maintAiued, that the rit«^ in qoeftion were inventions «f men, nupersdded to the limplt and reasonable service required iu the word of God ; that from the excessive folicitude with which conforiAity to them was exacted, the multitude must conceive such an high opinion of tlieir value and importance, as miglit induce them tu rest satisfied with tlie mere form and shadow of religioti, and to iiQagiue that external observances may compen- sate fur the want of inward sanctity ; that ceremonies which had been long employed by a society manifestly corrupt, to veil its own defects, and tu seduce and fas- cinate mankind, ought now to be rejected as relicts uf superstition unworthy of a place in a cliurch whicli gloried in the name of Reformed. The people, to whom in every religious controversy the final appeal is made, listened to the arguments of the contending parties ; and it is obvious to which of them, men who had lately beheld the superstitious spirit of Popery, and felt its persecuting rage, would lend the most favourable ear. The desire ol a farther separation from the church of Rome spread wide through the nation. The preachers who contended for tliis, and who refused to wear the surplice, and other vestments peculiar to their order, or to observe the ce- renionies enjoined by law, were followed and admired, while the ministry of the zealous advocates for coufor- Diity was desertcii, and their persons often exposed to insult. For some time the non-conformists were con- nived at; but as their number and boldness increased, the interposition both of spiritual and civil iiuthority was deemed necessary in order to check their progress. Tu tiie disgrace of Christians, tlic sncred' rights of con- science and private judgment, as well as the charity and mutual forbearance suitable to tlie mild spirit of tite religion which they professed, were in that ngc little miderstood. Not only the idea of tolerutiun, but even the word itself in the sense now aihxed to it, was then unknown. Every church claimed a right to employ the hand of power for the protection of truth and the extirpiil'on of error. The laws of her kingdom armed Eli/abcth with ample authority for this purpose, and >lie was abundantly disposed tc erercise it with full vigour. Many of the most eminent among the Puri- tuii clergy were deprived of their benefices, others were imprisoned, several were fined, and some put to death. liut persecution, as usually happens, instead of cxtin- guisiiing, inflamed their zeal to such a height, tiiat the jurisdiction of the ordinary courts of law was deemed insuflicient to suppress it, and a new tribunal was esta- blished under the title of the high commission for ecck- siaistical affairs, whose powers and mode of procedure were hardly less odious or less hostile to the principles of justice than those of the Spanish inquisition, bcveral attempts were made in the House of Commons to check these arbitrary proceedings, and to moderate the r;igc of persecution ; but the queen always imposed silence upon those who presumed to deliver any opinion with respect to a matter appertaining solely to her preroga- tive, in a tone as imperious and arrogant as was ever used by Henry VIII. in addressing his parliaments ; and so tamely obsequious were the guardians of the people's rights, that they not only obeyed those uncon- stitutional commands, but consented to an act, by which every person who should absent himself from church during a month was subjected to punishment by fine and imprisonment; and if after conviction he did not, within three months, renounce his erroneous opinions and conform to the laws, he was then obligee to abjure the realm ; but if he either refused to comply with this condition, or returned from banishment, he should be put to death as a felon without hencht of clergy. By this iniquitous statute, equally repugnant to ideas of civil and of religious liberty, the Puritans were cut off from any hope of obtaining either reformation in the church or indulgence to themselves. Exasperated by this rigorous tn utnient, their antipathy to the esta- blished religion increased, and, with the progress na- tural to violent passions, carried them far beyond what was their original aim. The first Puritans did not en- tertain any scru[)ies with respect to the lawfulness of Episcopal government, and seem to have been very unwilling to withdraw from communion with the church of which tbey were members. But when they were thrown out of her bosom, and constrained to hold separate assemblies for the worship of God, their fol- lowers no longer viewed a society by which they were oppressed with reverence or affection. Her goverty- meut, her discipline, her ritual, were examined witli minute attention. Every error was pointed out, and every defect magnified. The more boldly any teacher inveighed against the corruptions of the church, he was listened to with greater approbation ; and the far- ther he urged his disciples to depart from such an im- pure community, the more eagerly did they follow him. By degrees, ideas of ecclesiastical policy, altogether, repugnant to those of the established church, gained footing in the nation. The more sober and learned Puritans inclined to that form which is known by the name of Presbyterian. Such as were more thoroughly possessed with the spirit of innovation, however much they might approve the equality of pastors which that system establishes, reprobated the authority which it vests in various judicatories, descending from one to another in regular subordination, as inconsistent with Christian liberty. These wild notions floated for some time in the minds ^^ .1 1! 344 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book X. of the people, and arauied them with oiany ideal schemes ot ecclesiastical policy. At length Robert Brown (1580), a popular decluimcr in high estimation, reduced them to a system, on which he modelled his own congregation. He taught, that the church of Enj^land was corrupt, and autichristiuns, its ministers nut lawfully ordained, its ordinances and sacraments invalid ; and tiierefore he prohibited his people to hold communion with it in any religious function. He maintained, that a society of Christians, uniting toge- ther to worship God, constituted a church, possessed of complete jurisdiction in the conduct of its own affairs, independent of any other society, and unaccount- able to any superior ; that the priesthood was neither a distinct order in church, nor conferred an indelible character ; but that every man qualified to teach might be set apart for that uflice by the election of the bre- thren, and by imposition of their hands ; in like man- ner, by their authority, he might be dischurgfd from that function, and reduced to the rank of a private Oiristian ; that every person when admitted a member of a church ought to make a public confession of his faith, and give evidence of his being in a state of favour with God ; and that all the afiairs of a church were to be regulated by the decision of the majority of its members. This democrat ical form of government, which abo- lished all distinction of ranks in the church, and con- ferred an equal portion of power on every individual, accorded so perfectly with the levelling genius of fana- ticism, that it was fondly adopted by many as a com- plete model of Christian policy. From their founder, they were denominated Urownists ; and as their tenets were more hostile to the established religion than those of other separatists, the fiercest storm of persecution fell ipon their heads. Many of them were fined or impri- soned, and some put to death ; and though Brown, with a levity of which there are few examples among enthu- siasts whose vanity has ^een soothed by being recog- nized as heads of a party, abandoned Itis disciples, con- formed to the established religion, nnd accepted of a benefice in the church, the sect not only subsisted, but continued to spread, especially among persons in the middle and lower ranks of life. But as all their motions were carefully watched, both by the ecclesiastical and civil courts, which, as often as they were detected, punished them with the utmost rigour, a body of them, weary of living in a state of continual danger and alarm, fled lu lioUuud, and settled in Leyden, under the tare of Mr. John Robinson, their pastor. There they resided fur several years unmolested and obscure. But many of their aged members dying, and tome of the younger mairyiug into Dutch families. while their church rectifed no increase, cither by re- cruits from KngUnd, or by proselytes gained in the country, they began to be afraid, that all their high at. taiuments in spiritual knowledge would be lost, and that perfect fabric if policy, which they had erected, would be dissolvfci! and consigned, to oblivion, if they remained longer in a strange land. Deeply aHected with the prospect of an event, which to them appeared fatal to the interests of truth, they thought thcuiselves called, in order to prevent it, to remove to some other place, where they might profess and propai^ate their opinions with greater success. America, in which their eountrymen were at thitt time intent on pliiiiting colonies, presented itself to llieir thoughts. They fluttered themselves with hopes ol being permitted, in that remote region, to follow their own idcits in religion without disturbance. The ilun- ^cis and hardships to which all former emigraut^ to America had been exposed, did not deter them. " Tht-y were well weaned (according to their own descrijitioii) from the delicate milk of their mother countiy, and enured lu the d'ifacuUies of a strange land. They were knii together in a strict and ^acred band, by virtue of which they held lliemselves obliged to take care of tlie good of each other, and of the whole. It was not with tliem, as with other men, whoqi small things could cis- courage, or small discontents cause to wish themselves at home again." The first object of their solicitude was to secure the free exercise of their rcligioii (KilH). For this purpose they applied to the king ; ai;d tlwugli James refused to give them any explicit iissuiuccc of toleration, they seemed to have obtained frum him suine promise of his connivance, as long as they continui-J to demean themselves quietly. So eager were they tu accomplish their favourite scheme, that, relying on tl is precarious security, they bejjan to negociate willi the Virginian company for a tract of land within tlio limits 'ji their patent. This they easily procured from a so- ciety desirous of encouraging migration to a vast country, of which tliey had hitherto occupied only a few spots. After tiie utmost efforts, their preparations fell fur short of what was requi.->iic for beginning the settle- ment of anew colony. A hundred and twenty persons sailed from England (1G20, Sept. G), in a single ship on this arduous undertaking. The place of their iles> tination was Hudson's River, where they intended to settle; but their captain having been bribed, as issaul, by tlie Dutch, who had then formed a scheme, wliich they afterwards accomplished, of planting a colony there, carried them so far towards the north, that the first land in America which they made (Nov. 11), wns Cape Cod. Tltey were now, not only beyond the ■OOK X.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 94» precincts of the territory which had been crantcd them, but beyond those of the company from which they derived their right. The season^ however, was so far advanced, and 8iclS7, Mar. li>,) all the territory, extending in length from three miles north of the river Merrimack, to three miles south of Charles lliver, and in breadth, from the Atlantic to the Southern Ocean. Zealous as these proprietors were to accomplish their favourite purpose, they quickly perceived their own in- ability to attempt the population of such an immense region, and deemed it necessary to call in the aid of more opulent co-partners. Of tliese they found, without difficulty, a sufficient number, chiefly in the capital, and among persons in the conmiercial and other industrious walks of life, who had openly joined the sect of the Puritans, or secretly favoured their opinions. These new adventurers, with the caution natural to men conversant in business, en- tertained doubts concerning the propriety of founding a colony on the basis of a grant from a private com- pany of patentees, who might convey a right of property in the soil, but could not confer jurisdiction, or the pri- vilege of governing that society which they had. in c^'"- temptation to establish. As it was only from royal authority that such powers could be derived, they applied for these ; and Charles granted their request, with a facility which appears astonishing, when we cou- sider the principles and views of the men who were suitors for the favour. Time has been considered as the parent of pol'lical wisdom, but its instructions arc communicated slowly. * Hutchmon's Collect, of Oiig, Papers, p. 18. — It is sur- prising, that Mr. Neul, an industrious, and generally a well- informed writer, ehould allirm, that " free liberty of conscience was granted by this charter to all who should settle in those the government of settlements in America, to exclusive corporations resident in Europe, neither the king nor his subjects hud profited so much by what passed before their eyes, ns to have extended their ideas beyond tjiose adopted by James, in his first attempts towards coloni. zation, Tiic charter of Charles I. to the adventurers associated for planting the province of Massuchusets Bay, was j)erfeetly similar to those granted by hisfitilier to the two Virginian companies and to the council of Plymouth. The new adventurers were incorporated ax a body ptditic, and their right to the territory, which they had purchased from the council of Plymouth, be- ing confirmed by the king, they were empowered to dispose of the lands, and to govern the people who should settle upon them. The first governor of the company, and his assistants, were named by the crown : the right of electing their successors was vested in the members of the corporation. 'I'lie executive power was committed to the governor and as.sistants ; that of legislation to the body oi proprietors, who might make statutes and orders fur the good of the community, not inconsistent with the laws of England, and enforce the observance of them, according to the course of otiier corporations within the realm, 'i'heir lands were to be held by the same liberal tenure with those granted to the Virginian company, 'i'bey obtained the same tem- porary exemption from internal taxes, and from duties on goods exported or inported ; am' notwithstanding their migration to America, they and their descendants were declared to be intitlea to all the rights of nutuiaU born subjects. The manifest object of this charter was to confer on the adventurers who undertook to people the territory on Massacluisets JJay, all the corporate rights possessed by the council of Plymouth, from which they hadpur* chased it, and to form them into a public body, resem- bling other great trading companies, which the spirit of monarchy had at that tinte multiplied in the kingdom. The king seems not to have foreseen, or to have sus- pected, the secret intentions of those who projected the measure ; for so far was he from alluring en)igrants, by any hopes of indulgence with respect to their religious scruples, or from promising any relaxation from tlie rigour of the penal statutes against non-conformist'!, that lie expressly provides for having the oath of supre- macy administered to every person who shall pass to tlie colony, or inhabit there.* parts, to worship God in their way." — Hist, ofN. England, i I2 i!* to laws mnde witlinut thriruwn conient,and framed hy a soc'itty wliicli miiiil always be iiii|ierfectly aujuaiiiU'd with tlirir situutiuii, tliry iiiKi^tU'd that the corporate powers of the coni|)any should he transferred from Kng- land to America, and the government of the colony he vested entirely in tlionc who, by settling; in tlic latter country, became members of it. The tompiiny hud already expended considerable sums !n proseeutinfr the design of their institution, without having reioived almost any return, and had no prospect of gain, or even of reimbursement, but what was too remote mid uncer- tain to be suitable to the ideas of merchants, the most numerous class of its members. They iicsitiilrd, how- ever, with respect to the legality of grunlin^' the de- mand of the intended emigrants. Itut such was their eagerness to be disengaged from an unpromising adven- ture, that, " by general consent, it was determined, that the charter should he transftrreil, and the govern- ment be settled in New Enf^laiul." To the members of tiic corporation who chose to remain at home, was reserved a siiare in the trading stocl< and [irofils of the company during seven years. In this singular transaction, to which there is no- thing similar in the history of English colonization, two circumstances merit ])nrticular attention : one is the power of the conipaiiy to make tliis transference ; the other is the silent acfjuicsccnte with which the king permitted it to take jiliue. If tlie validity of this de- termination of the iDuipaiiy he tried by the charter which constituted it a body politic, and conveyed to it all the corporate j>owers with which it was invested, it is evident tirat it lould neither exercise those pf)wers in any mode ditFerent from what the charter prescril)ed, nor alienate thcni in such a manner as to convert the jurisdiction of a tr idit\g «orporation in England into a provincial government in America. Rut from the first institution of tiie company of Massacliuscts Bay, its members seem to have been animated with a spirit of innovation in civil j;olicy, as well as in religion ; and by the luihit f freemen who shoulil settle in New England (l<;.U);, were vested all the corporate rights ul the company. With sucli zeal and activity did they prepare for emigration, that in the course of the ensu- ing year seventeen ships sailed for New England, nml aboard these above five hundred persons, among whuin were several of res|>cctable families, and in easy circum- stances. On their arrival in New England, many weir so ill-satistied with the situation of ^)alenl, that they explored the country in (|uest of some belter stutiin; and settling in dtHerent places around the JJay, acconl- ing to their various fancies, kid the foundatioi s m Boston, Charlcstuwn, Dorchester, Koxborougli, nuv other towns, which have since become couMderuLle ii, the ]irovince. In each of these a church wascstabli^lini on the same model with that of Salem. This, te>gethei with the care of making provision for their subsistencr during winter, occupied them entirely during sonir months. But in the first general court (Oct. lU), tin a disposition to consider themselves as members ol ui. inde])endent society, unconhned hy the regulations m their charter, began to appear. The election ul tiu governor and deputy-governor, the appointment ol ail other oilicers, and even the power of making laws, all which were granted by the charter to the freemen, were taken from them, and vested in the council uf assistants. But the aristocratical spirit of this resolu- tion did not accord with the ideas of equality prevalent among the people, who had been surprised into an ap- probation of it. Next year (1G31) the freemen, whose numbers had been greatly augmented by the admissiou of new members, resumed their former rights. But, at the same time, they ventured to deviate from 1 ' BOOK X.] HISTORY OF .AMLUICA. 349 till- cimrtrr in n innttrr of grriit moment, whicli deeply | condition of nn infaitt ((iloiiy. 'J'his l«d to uu innova« ntlcrU'd ail tlic future o|)«riitirtii>iiedi A law was |>asked, dicluiiii{; tluit none klmli licteafter be luliiiitted freriiien, or be eiilillid to any sliaru ill the govcriiiiient, or be eupublu ol blin^ elioseu iiiii^i''ti'*(t out of the society, and stripped of all llic privile(ce» of ii citi/en. An uncontrolled power of H|i|r this aMeiidant, which was ac(|uired chiefly by the wildest eiiihusiasts among the clergy, thcirnotions be- ( line a standard to which all studied to conform, and tlie singularities characteristic of tlu^ Puritans in that :i;re increased, of which many remarkable instances will I'.eur in the course of our narrative. 'I'hough a considerable number of planters was cut oft" by the dis^-ases prevalent in a country so imperfectly ciitlivatcd by its original inhabitants as to be still almost one continued forest, and several, discouraged by the hardships to w hich they were exposed, returned to Eng- iaiiil, rccriHts sufficient to replace them arrived (H>3-i). /U the same time the small-pox, a distemper fatal to the people of the New World, swept away such multi- tudes of the natives that some whole tribes disappeared ; and Heaven, by thus evacuating a country in which the English might settle without molestation, was su|)posed to declare its intention that they should occupy it. As several of llic vacant Indian stations were well cliosen, such was the eagerness of the English to take ill tlie year onc thousand six hundred and thirty-four, the freemen, instead of attending it in person as tho charter prescribed, electexl reprekentnlives in their dif- ferent districts, authorizing them to upptai in their name, with full power to deliberate and decide concern- ing every point that fell under the cognizance of the general court. Whether this intusure was suggested by some designing leaders, or whether they found it piudeiit to sooth the people by complying with their inclinatiun, is uncertain, 'i'he representatives were admitted ; and considered themselves, in conjunction with the governor and usbistants, as the supreme legis- lative assembly of the colony. In assertion of their own rif^lils they enacted, that no law should be passed, no tii\ should be imposed, and no public oilicer should be appointed, but in the general ussenibly. The pre- texts tor making this new arrungcmeiit were plausible. The number of freemen was greatly increased ; many resided ut a distance from the places w here the supreme courts were held ; personal attendance became incon- venient ; the form of government in their own country had rendered familiar the idea of delegating their rights, a'ld committing the guardianship of their liberties, to representatives of their own choice, and the experience of ages hud taught them that this important trust might with safety be lodged in their hands. Thus did the company of Massachuscts Uay, in less than six years from its incorporation by the king, mature and perfect a scheme which, 1 have already observed, some of its more artful and aspiring leaders seem to have had in viesv when the association for peopling New England was first funned. The colony must henceforward be considered, not as a corporation whose powers were defined, and its mode of procedure regulated by its charier, but as a society, which, having acquired or assumed political liberty, had, by its own voluntary deed, adopted a constitution or government framed on the model of that in England. But however liberal their system of civil policy might be, as their religious opinions were no longer under any restraint of authority, the spirit of fanaticism con- tinued to fapread, and became every day wilder and more extravagant. Williams, a minister of Salem, in high estimation, having conceived an antipathy to the cross of St. George in the standard of England, declaimed against it with so much vehemence as a relic of super- stition and idolatry which ought not to be retained among a people so pure and sanctitied, that Endieott, possessionof them, that their settlements became more j one of the members of the court of assistants, in a numerous and more widely dispersed than suited the I transport of zeal, publicly cut out the cross from tlie 9^0 HISTORY OP AMERICA. [hook X. I eniign displayed before the governor's gate. Tliii fri- I to the doctrine contaiited in them. Mrs. Ilutcliiiiion, voluua matter interested and divided tlie colony. Some of the militiii scrupled to follow colours in which there was a cross, Lst they should do honour to un idol : others refused to serve under a mutilated hnnner, lest thry iihould bt* su!>|)ected of having renounced their allegiance to the crown of England. After a long con- troversy, curried on by both parties with that hcut and zeal which in triviul disputes supply the want of argu- ment, the contest was terminated by a compromise. The cross was retained in the ensigns of forts and ships, but erased from the colours of the militia. Williams, OD account of tliis, as well as of some other doctrines deemed unsound, was banished out of the colony. The prosperous state of New England was now to highly extolled, and the simple frame of its ecclesias- tical policy was so much admired by all whose affec- tions were estranged from the church of England, that crowds of new settlers flocked thither (1635). Among these were two persons, whose names have been ren- dered memorable by the appearance which they after- ivards made on a more conspicuous theatre : one was Hugh Peters, the enthusiastic and intriguing chaplain of Oliver Cromwell ; the other Mr. Henry Vane, son of Sir Henry Vane, a privy counsellor, high in oflice, and of great credit with the king ; a young man of a noble family, animated with such zeal for pure religion and such love of liberty as induced him to relinquish all liis hopes in England, and to settle in a colony hitherto no farther advanced in improvement than barely to afford subsistence to its members, was received with the fondest admiration. His mortified appearance, his de- mure look, and rigid manners, carried even beyond the standard of preciseness in that society which he joined, teemed to indicate a man of high spiritual attainments, while his abilities and address in business pointed him out as worthy of the highest station in the community. With universal consent, and high expectations of ad' vantage from his administration, he was elected gover- nor in the year subsequent to his arrival (1636). Rut as the affairs of an infant colony afforded not objects adequate to the talents of Vane, his busy pragmatical spirit occupied itself with theological subtilties and apeculations unworthy of his attention. These were excited by a woman, whose reveries produced such effects both within the colony and beyond its precincts, that, frivolous as they may now appear, they must be mentioned as an occurrence of importance in its history. It was the custom at that time !n New England, among the chief men in every congregation, to meet once a week, in order to repeat the sermons which they had heardf and to hold religious conference with respect whose husband was among the most respectable niem< bers of the culony, regretting that persons of her jcx were excluded from the benefit of those meetings, as- sembled statedly in her house a number of women, who employed themselves in pious exerLisex similar to ilio.i. of the men. At first she satisfied herself with r('i)cat. ing what she could recollect o*' ttie discourses delivered by their teachers. She beg.i. ..» wards to odd illns. trations, and at length proictded to censure some of the clergy as unsound, and to vent opu.ions and taiu ics of her own. These were all foun led on the system which is denominated Antinoniiai. by divines, and tinged with the deepest enthusiasm. She taught, tliut sanctity of life is no evidence o** justification, or nf u state of favour with God ; ai< tliut such as iiicul. cated the necessity of manit' ing the reality of our fuith by obedience, preached ,ily a covenant of worLv she contended that the s|i°'iit of God dwelt persnimlly in good men, and by inwind revelations and impressiiM.'t they received tiic fullc^^t discoveries of the divine will, The fluency and cctihdence with which she delivered these notions gained her many admirers and proselytes, not only among the vulgar, but among the principal inhabitants. The whole colony was interested and agitated. Vane, whose sagacity and acuteness sceiiicd to forsake him whenever they were turned towards re. ligion, espoused and defended her wildest tenets. Many conferences were held, days of fasting ond humiliation were appointed, a general synod was called, and, after dissensions so violent as threatened the dissolution of the colony, Mrs. Hutchinson's opinions were con- demned as erroneous, and she herself banished (l(i37). Several of her disciples withdrew from the province of their own accord. Vane quitted America in disgust, unlamented even by those who hud l&tely admired him ; some of whom now regarded him as a mere visionary, and others as one of those dark turbulent spirits doomed to embroil every society into which they enter. However much these theological contests might dis- quiet the colony of Massachuscts Bay, they contributed to the more speedy population of America. When Williams was banished from Salem in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-four, such was the attachment of his hearers to a pastor whose piety tliey revered, that a good number of them voluntarily accom- panied him in his exile. They directed their march towards the south ; and having purchased from the natives a considerable tract of land, to which Williams gave the name of Providence, they settled there. They were joined soon after by some of those to whom the proceedings against Mrs. Hutchinson gave disgust; and by a transaction with the Indians they obtained a I* BOOK X ■1 HISTORY OP AMERICA. 3^1 rit'lit to ft ftrtilc UhnA in N»rnp:ainpt Bay, which »c- nuireil tlu" tiitine of llliodf Island. Willittin* reniaiited ninoiig tlx-m npwnnU of forty years, respifLd n% the father ami the giiitiewf tlie colony which lie had plairfd. His sp'rii dilVcrcd from that of the Turitans in Mntia- chuset-t; it wiw mild aiid tolerating; and htt\iiig vci.- tured liimst If to rcj- cl cstahlislud oi)inionM, lie tMnU-ij- vourcd to .'irurc tlic same lihcrty to oll.tr men, hy tii!iii'lai>'>"K. ••'■'' '•'« i-xercise of private jiidfrmcnt wns anatuial and sacrid right ; that the civil majcistrate has „(, (loiiipulsive jurisditlioii in the concerns of religion; tliaf tlic imnislimeiit of any person on account of hi^ opiiiiims, was an encnpachment on conscience, and an act of persecution. Tliese hnnume principles he in- Illll.d into his followers ; and all who ftlt or dreaded opiiression in otlier settlements, resorted to u comniu- iiilv in whicli universal toleration was known to he a fundamental maxim. In tlie pinnlationsof Providence and Kliode Island, polilieal union was estahlished hy voluntary association, and the eciuality of condition nmong ihe numbers, as well as their religious opinions ; their form of government was purely ''cmocratical, the supreme powrer being lodgid in the freemen personally assembled. In this stale they remained until they were incorporated by charter. To similar causes the colony of Connecticut is in- (lcl)tcd for its origin. The livalship betvtcen Mr. C.itton and Mr. Hooker, two favourite minibters in the settlement of Mn8>acliusets Hay, disposed the latter, wiio was least successful in this eontt st ♦'or fame and power, to wish f(»r some settlement at a distance from a competitor hy whom his reputation was eclipsed. A (;ood number of those who had imbibed Mrs. Hutchin- son's notions, and were oHendcd at such as comhated them, oflered to ueioni|.any him. Having employed proper persons to explore the country, they pitched upon the west side of the great river Connecticut as the must inviting station ; and in the y( iir one thousand six hundred and thirty-six, about an hundred persons, with their wives and families, after a fatiguing march of many days through woods and swnmps, arrived there, ;ii:d laid the foundation of tlie towns of Hartford, Springfield, and VVeatherfield. This .settlement was ii'tended with peculiar irregularities. I'art of the dis- trict now occupied lay beyond tlie limits of the terri- tory granted to the colony of Massachusets Uay, and yet the emigrants took a commission from the gover- nor and court of assistants, empowering them to exer- cise jurisdiction in that country. The Dutch from Manhados or New York, having discovered the river Connecticut, and eslahlished some trading houses u]n)n it, had acquired all the right that prior possession con- fers. Lord Say and Sele and Lord Brook, the beads of two illustrious families, were no mach alarmrd at the arbitrary measures t.l Charles I. both in his civil and ecctesia>ticaladminisimlion,that they took a r« solution, not unbecoming young men of nchle hirth and liiieral sentiments, of retiriiiij to the New Wurhi, in oidrr to enjoy such a form of religion as they approved of, and tliose liberties which they deeme< stential to the welU being of society. They, too, fiki-d on '.iir hanks of the Connecticut as their place of setllemei ' and h.i'l takea possission, by building a fort at the mo' thof the river, which, from their united names, was called Say Urook. The emigrants from Massachusets, without regarding either the defects in their own right or the pretensions of other claimants, kept possession, and proceeded w itii vigour to clear and cultivate the country. By degrees they got rid of every competitor. The Dutch, recently settled in America, and too feeble to engage in a war, peaceably withdrew from Connecticut. Lord Say and Sele and Lord Brook made over to the colony whatever title they might have to any lands in that region. So> ciety was estublished hy a voluntary compact of the freemen ; nnu though they soon disclaimed all depen- dence on the colony of Massachusets Bay, they retained such veneration for its legislative wisdom, as to adopt a form ot government nearly resembling its institutions, with respect both to civil and ecclesiastical policy. At a subsequent period, the colony of Connecticut was likewise incorporated hy royal charter. The history of the first attempts to people the pro« vinces of New Hampshire and Main, which form the fourth and most extensive division in New England, is obscure and perplexed, by the interfering claims of various pro|)rietors. 'J'he company of IMymouth had inconsiderately parcelled out the northern part of the territory contained in its grant among ditlerent persons : of these only Mir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain Mason seem to have had any serious intention to occu|)y the lands allotted tc them. Their efforts to accom|)lish this were meritorious and persevering, but unsuccess- ful. The expence of settling colonies in an uncultivated country must necessarily be great and immediate ; the prospect of a return is often uncertain and always re- mote. The funds of two private adventurers were not adequate to such an undertaking. Nor did the planters whom they sent out possess that principle of enthu- siasm, which animated their neiglibours of Massachu- sets with vigour, to struggle through nil the hardships and dangers to which society, in its infancy, is exposed in a savage land. Gorges and Muson, it is probable, must have abandoned their desi};ii, if, from the same motives that settlements had been made in Rhode Island and Connecticut, colonists had not unexpectedly migrated into New Hampshire and Main. Mr. Wheel- £S9 HISTORY OF AMERICA. {book x. IS. I m ..'X ' w U ^r. \v wriglit, a minister of some no^?, nearly related to Mrs. Hiitcliitisoii, and one of her most k-rvent admirers »nd partisans, had, on this account, been banished from the province of Massachusets Bay. In quest of a new sta- tion, he took a course opposite to tiie other exiles ; and advancing towards the north, founded the town of Exeter, on a small river flowing into Piskataqua Bay. His followers, few in number, but fimily united, were of such rigid principles, that even the churches of Mas- sachusets did not appear to them sufficiently pure. From time to time they received some recruits, whom love of novelty, or dissatisfaction with the ecclesiastical institutions of the other colonies, prompted to join them. Their plantations were widely dispersed, but the country was thinly peopled, and its political state extremely unsettled. The colony of Massachusets Bay claimed jurisdiction over them, as occupying lands situated within the limits of tlieir grant. Gorges and Mason asserted the rigiits conveyed to them as pro* prietors by their charter. In several districts, the planters, without regarding the pretensions of either party, governed themselves by maxims and laws copied from those of their brethren in the adjacent colonies. The first reduction of the political constitution in the provinces of New Hampshire and Main into a regular and permanent form, was subsequent to the revolution. By extending their settlements, the English becunic exposed to new danger. The tribes of Indians around Massachusets Bay were feeble and unwarlike ; yet from regard to justice, as well as motives of prudence, tlie first colonists were studious to obtain the consent of the natives before they ventured to occupy any of tlieir lands ; and though in such transactions the considera- tion given was often very inadequate to the value of tiic territory acquired, it was sufficient to satisfy the de- mands of the proprietors. The English took quiet pos- session of the lands thus conveyed to them, and no open hostility broke out between them and the ancient possessors. But the colonies of Providence and Con- necticut soon found that they were surrounded by more powerf'.'l and martial nations. Among thtse the most considerable were the Naragansets and Pcquods j the former seated on the Bay which bears their name, and the latter occupyir.pr the territory which stretches from thi; rixcr i'c(juo(l along the banks of the Connecticut. The Pequods were a furmidable people, who could bring into the field a thousand warriors, not inferior in courage to any in the New World. They foresaw, not only that the extermination of the Indian race must be the consequence of pcrn)itting the English to spread over the continent of Anuiicu, but that if measures were rot spet-dily concerted to prevent it, the calamity would be unavoidable. With tliis view they applied to the Nargansets, requesting them to forget ancient animo- sities for a moment, and to co-operate^ with them in expelling a common enemy who tlircutcucd both with destruction. They represented tiiat, when those strangers first landed, the object of their visit was not suspected, and no proper precautions were taken to check their progress ; that now, by sending out colonies in one year towards three different quarters, their inten- tions were manifest, and the people of America must abandon their native seats to make way for unjust intruders. But the Naragansets and Pequods, like most of tite contiguous tribes in America, were rivals, and there subsisted between them an hereditary and impiacuhle enmity. Uevenge is the darling passion of savages; la order to secure the indulgence of which there is nu |ire- sent advantage that they will not sacrifice, and no future consequence which they do not totally disregard. Tim Naragaiiset.s, instead of closing with the prudent pro- posal ;)t their neighbours, discovered their hosliie in. tentions to the governor of Massachusets Bay ; and, eager to lay huld on such a favourable opportunity of wreaking their vengeance on their ancient foes, entered into an alliance with tiic Ei ets Bay ; and, opportunity of it foes, entered st them. The luraged by tl\e intrymen, took • usual mode of i, and scalped te settlements; iuctess, though leii the English astncsses which nt colonies had uemy, each fur- to its numbers, nost exposed to narch of tliose lost considerable cause that ever force. When eparture, it was as of the private works ; and that orcd or expected leii with success, iigemcnts neces- lod to render this the battles of a leir own sanctity, reinforced by a und it necessary were posted on amp towards the head of tlie river Mistick, which they had surrounded with palisadoes, the best defence that their sUnder skill in the art of fortification had discovered. Though tlicy knew that the English were in motion, yet, with the usual improvidence and security of savages, they took no ineasures either to observe their progress, or to guard •gainst being surprised themselves. The enemy (May iO), unperceived, reached the palisadoes, and if a dog bad not given the alarm by barking, the Indians must have been maasacretl without resistance. In a moment, however, they started to arms, and raising the war-cry, prepared to repel the assailants. But at that early period of their intercourse with the Europeans, the Americans were little acquainted with the use of gun- powder, and dreaded its effects extremely. While some of the English galled them with an incessant fire through the intervals between the palisadoes, others forced their way by the entries into the fort, filled only with branches of trees ; and setting fire to the huts which were covered with reeds, the confusion and terror quickly became general. Many of the women and chil- dren perished in the flumes ; and the warriors, in en- deavouring to escape, were either slaiij by the English, or falling into the hands of their Indian allies, who sur- rounded the fort at a distance, were reserved for a more cruel fate. After the junction of the troops from Mas- lachusets, the English resolved to pursue their victory ; and hunting the Indians from one place of retreat to another, some subsequent encounters were hardly less fatal to them than the action on the Mistick. In less than three months the tribe of Pequods was extirputed : a few miserable fugitives who took refuge among the neighbouring Indians, being incorporated by them, lost their name as a distinct people. In this first essay of thiirarms, the colonists of Nevy England seem to have been conducted by skilful and enterprising ofticers, and displayed both conrape and perseverance as soldiers. l?ut they stained their laurels by the use which they made of victory. Instead of treating the IVquods as an independent people, who made a gallant cfl'ort to defend tlie property, the rights, and the freedom of their nation, they retnliated upon them all the barbarities of Ame- rican war. Some they massacred in cold blood, others they pave up to be tortured by th-ir Indian allies, a considerable number they sold as sl,-\vcs in Bermudas, tlie rest were reduced to servitude among themselves. But reprehensible as this conduct of the English must be deemed, their vigorous cflurts in this decisive rampaipn filled nil the surrounding tribes of Indians with such nn high opinion of their valour as secured a long trancpi'llily to all their settlements. At the s:»mc lime the violence of administration in England conli- oueJ to increase their population and strength, by 2S»— 30. forcing many respectable subjects to tear themselves from all the tender connections that bind men to their native country, and to fly for refuge to u region of the New World, which hitherto presented to them nothing that could allure them thither but exemption from op- pression. The number of those emigrants drew the attention of government, and appeared so formidable^ that a proclamation was issued, prohibiting masters of ships from carrying passengers to New England with- out special permission. On many occasions this in* junction was eluded or disregarded. Fatally for the king-, it operated with full effect in one instance. Sir Arthur Haslerig, John Hampden, Oliver Cromwell, and some other persons whose principles and views coin- cided with theirs, impatient to enjoy those civil and religious liberties which they struggled in vain to obtain in Great Britain, hired some ships to carry them and their atteiulants to New England. By order of council, an embargo was laid on these when on the point of sailing ; and Charles, far from suspecting that the fu- ture revolutions in his kingdoms were to be excited and directed by persons in such an humble sphere of life, forcibly detained the men destined to overturn his throne, and to terminate his days by a violent death. But, in spite of all the efforts of government to check this spirit of migration, the measures of the king and his ministers were considered by a great body of the pcojjlc ns so hostile to those rights which they deemed most valuable, that in the course of the year one thou- sand six hundred and thirty-eight, above three thousand persons embarked for New England, choosing rather to expose themselves to all the consequences of disregard- ing the royal proclamation, than to remain longer under oppression. Exasperated at this contempt of his autho- rity, Charles had recourse to a violent but cflectual mode of accomplishing what he had in view. A writ of quo uarravio was issued against the corporation of iNIassachusets Bay. The colonists had confurmed so little to the terms of their charter, that judgment was given against them without difficulty. Tlioy were found to liave forfeited all their rights as a corjxiratidn, which of course returned to the crown, and Charles began to take measures for new modelling the political frantr of the colony, and vesting the administration of its aft'aiia in other hands. But his plans were never carried irto execution. In every corner of his dominions, tl"- btorin now began to gather, which soon burst out with such fatal violence, that Charles, during the rciiiaiiuler ersuadcd men to lay out, on the uncertain prospect of obtaining an establish- ment in a remote uncultivated region, which, from its situation and climate, could allure them with no hope but that of finding subsistence and enjoying freedom. For some years, even subsistence was procured with difficulty } and u was towards the close of the period to which our narrative is arrived, before the product of the settlement yielded the planters any return for their stock. About that time they began to export corn in small quantities to the West Indies, and made some feeble attempts to extend the fishery, and to open the trade in lumber, which have since proved the staple articles of commerce in the colony. Since the year one thousand six hundred and forty, the number of people with which New England has recruited the po- pulation of the parent state, is supposed at least to cjual what may have been drained from it by occasional mi- grations tliitlicr. But though the sudden change of system in Great Britain stopt entirtiy the influx of settlers into New England, the principles of the colonists coincided so perfectly with those of the popular leaders in parlia- ment, that they were soon distinguished by peculiar marks of their brotlierly affection. By a vote of the House of Commons in the year one tliousand six hun- dred and forty-two, the people in all the diU'ercnt plan- tations of Xcw England were exempted from jiaymetit of any duties, either upon goods exported thither, or upon those which tlicy iiriported into the mother country, until tiic House shall take farther order to the contrary. This was afterwards confirmed (1646) by the authority of both Houses. Encouraged by such an extraordinary privilege, industry made rapid progress in all the districts of New England, and population in- creased along with it. In return for those favours, the colonists applauded the measures of parliament, cele- brated its generous efforts to vindicate the rights and liberties of the nation, prayed for the success of its arms and framed regulations in order to prevent any exertion in favour of the king on the other side of the Atlantic. Relying on the indulgent partiality with which all their proceedings were viewed by jpen thus closely united with them in sentiments and wishes, the people of New England ventured on a measure^ which not only increased their security and power, but may be regarded as a considerable step towards independence. Under the impression or pretext of the danger to which they were exposed from the surrounding tribes of Indians, the four colonies of Massachuscts, Plymouth Connecticut, and Newhaven, entered into a league of perpetual confederacy, offensive and defensive {HiVi, May ID) ; an idea familiar to several leading men in the colonies, as it was framed In imitation of the famous bond of union among the Dutch provinces, in whose dominions the Brownists had long resided. It was stipulated, that the confederates should henceforth be distinguished by the name of the United Colonies of New £ngland j that each colony shall refnain separate and distinct, and have exclusive.jurisdictiou within its own territory j that in every war offensive or defensive, eacli of the confederates shall furnish its quota of men, provisions, and money, at a rate to be fixed from time to time, in proportion to the numhe> of people in each settlement; that an assembly composed of two eom- niissioucrs froni ej^ch c(dony shall be held annually, with power to deliberate and decide in all points of connuon concern to the confederacy ; and every determination, in which six of their number concur, shall be binding on the wliole. In this transaction the colonies of Ntiv England seem to have considered themselves as inde- pendent societies, possessing all the rights of sovereignty and free from the coiitroul of any superior power. Tiie governing party in England, occupied with affairs of more urgent concern, and no wise disposed to observe the conduct of their brethren in America with any jealous attention, sud'cred the measure to pass without animadversion. Emboldened by this connivance, the spirit of inde- pendence gathered strength, and soon displayed itself more openly : some persons of note in the colony of Massachuscts, averse to the system of ecclesiastical polity established there, and preferring to it the govern- ment and discipline of the churches of England or j' BOOK ^ MM^ c* A4i!ftJiiciA. 335 Scotland, having remonstrated to the general court against the injustice of depriving them of their rights as freemen, and of tlieir privileges as Christians (1646), because they could not join as members with any of the congregational churches, petitioned that they might no longer be bound to obey laws to which they had not assented, t-or be subject to taxes imposed by an assembly in which they were not represented. Their demands were not only rejected, but they were im- prisoned and fined us disturbers of the public peace ; and when they appointed some of their liumber to lay their grievances before parliament, the annual court, in order to prevent this appeal to the supreme power, attempted first to seize their papers, and then to obstruct their embarkation for England. But though neither of these could be accomplished, such was the address and influence of the colonies' agents in England, that no inquiry seems to have been made into this transaction. This was followed by an indication, still less ambiguous, of the aspiring spirit prevalent among the people of Bfassachusets. Uiider every form of government the right of coining money has been considered as a pTero- gative peculiar to sovereignty, and which no subordi- nate member in any state is entitled to claim. Re- gardless of this established maxim, the general court ordered a coinage of silver money at Boston (1652), (tamped with the name of the colony, and a tree as an apt symbol of its progressive vigour. Even this usurp- ation escaped withoCtt notice. The Independents, having now humbled all rival sects, engprossed the whole direction of affairs in Great Britain; and long accus- tomed to admire the government of New England, framed agreeably to those principles which they had adopted as the most perfect model of civil and eccle- siiistical polity, they were unwilling to stain its reputa- tion, by censuring any part of its conduct. When Cromwell usurped the supreme power, the colonies of New England continued to stand as high in his estimation. As he had deeply imbibed all the fann« tical notions of the Independents, and was perpetually surrounded by the most eminent and artful teachers of that sect, he Ic^pt a constant correspondence with tlie leading men in the American settlements, who seem to have looked up to him as a zealous patron. He in return considered them as his most devoted adherents, attached to him no less by affection than by principle. He soon gave a striking proof of this. On the conquest of Jamaica, he formed a scheme for the security and im-, provement of the acquisition made by his victorious arms, suited to the ardour of an impetuous spirit that delighted in accomplishing its ends by extraordinary means. He proposed to transport the people of New England to that island, and employed every argument calculated to make Impression upon them, in order to obtain their consent. He endeavoured to rouse their religious zeal by representing what a fatal blow it would- be to the man of sin, if a colony of the faithful were settled in the midst of his territories in the New World. He allured them with prospects of immense wealth in a fertile region, which would reward the industry of those who cultivated it; with all the precious produc- tions of the torrid zone, and expressed his fervent wish that they might take possession of it, in order to fulfil God's promise of making his people the head and not' the tail. He assured them of being supported by ihe whole iorce of his authority, and of vesting all the powers of governmellt entirely in their hands. But by this time the colonists were attached to a country in which they had resided for many years, and wliere, though they did not obtain opulence, they enjoyed tlie comforts of life in great abundance ; and they dreaded so much the noxious climate of the West Indies, which had proved fatal to a great number of the English who first settled in Jamaica, that they declined, though in the most respectful terms, closing with the Protector'* proposition. .••-iq . .i jr. ^ I.' -tXlJ, 3l2 >«w mSIS hiiA'iUy Hu /JriOTiilH [f^ii Xi.'vj IX f!n<^?T !.vi-»->i;;.j.?ti/;'./j 3Jtlv 'io /itn anr .-v/^aa PREFACE TO THE CONTINUATION; ".;::' "i" ((. y. A-- I. IH: JtOBERTSON'S History of North Amskica terminates the transactions of New England vith the coininencemcnt of the protectorate, and those of Virginia with our Revolution. He had projected some further account of these provinces, and of the colonics in general ; hut did not live to execute liis design. We must regret that he did not, as well on account of the research and judgment wiili which he pursued historical subjects, as the perspicuity and elegance of his diction. The Editor of this Continuation docs not aspire to rival that great Buthor in those qualities which nature has circumscrihed to a few ; he trusts, notwithstanding, to be found faithful in his narrations and diligent in tracing the origin and progress of events. No trouble nor cxpencc has been spared iu procuring the works of greatcml authenticity relative to American affair* — these works have been minutely examined and carefully compared ; nor has preference been given to any, upon other grounds than those of impartiality and truth. Tlmt the whole might be uniform, the language of the different authors has been, in general, designedly forsaken, and the compiler has been studious to render his own clear and easy to be understood. He has lulled asleep the passions of party prejudice, rejected the guidance of wild imagination, and followed (or endeavoured to follow) the sober dictates of equity, and rational discussion. And in the hope of it proving not altogether unworthy some portion of favour, he presents his Work to the public acceptance. ■ 1 1- >m-yj D. WI. Vi l,i , i j I, .< . tf,. ••, :>■- ,.• '.,■ I'l \i I' ' !{','t~ ■;•■■ BOOK XI.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 3J7 BOOK XL [BEING THE FIRST BOOK OF THE CONTINUATION.] /ffairs of Massachusets and Comicctltttt at the Rcstoration--CaroUna~^Colony from Barbadoes—Tlie Bahama islands — Arrival of commissioners in New England — Settlement between the Aihley and Cooper rivers — ff'ar with Philip's Indians —Accession of James II. — His arbitrary measures — Some account of Maryland — Harsk proceedings cf Sir Edmund Andros—The English revolution — Its effects on Massachusets— Pennsylvania'^ Superstitious cast of the people in New England — Progress of the French— Restless spirit of the Indians. Charles II. was not proclaimed in MnSsacliusets till a year had elapsed after his resMration toilie realms of his fatiier. About that time, complaints against the province having been made to the king, the governor and council were commanded to send persons to Kng- iand to answer these various accusations. Upon iiitel> ligcnce of what was takitig place in England to the prejudice of the colony, the governor deemed it expe- dient to delay no longer the solemnity. A court being summoned, a form of proclamation was agreed upon, acknowledging Charle: to be the sovereign lord and king of all the territories appeftainihg to the British crown. An address was likewise di^awn up; ntid drdered to be sent to England, The court published an order on the same day, forbidding di.sorderly behaviour, de- claring that no man might exi)ect indulgence for the breach of any law ; and that it was his majesty's espe- cial desire for none to drink his health upon tliat occa- liuD. The last prohibition was certainly prudential; had what was forbidden been enjoined, it might have proved too severe a test of loyalty to the colonists, sin c no great cordiality could subsist between the king ami New England, whilst the one suspected the prin- ciples of attachment, tiie other feared un invasion of privileges. The court received a royal mandate, signifying the liing's pleasure that there should be no farther prose- cution of the quakers, whether already condemned to luffcr death or other punishment, or imprisoned and ob- noxious to such condemnation ; but that they should be forthwith sent, for trial, to the mother country. And, accordingly, the laws in force ajrainst the quiikers, so far as they respected corporal punislimeiit or death, were straightways suspended. Twcnty-ci^'ht quakers were released from prison, and conducted out of the jurisdiction of Massachusets, which did not, however, . -' V ; .J i i.'i ■■';,} i , stand alone, nor merit all the censure to its fullest ex-' tent which these persecuting measures excited. If no execution took place in Virginia, it was not owing to' the moderation of its church or the spirit of its legis- lature. The prevalent opinion among all sects of christians, in these days, held toleration sinful ; and,' it should be remembered, that the first quakers in New" England, besides speaking and writing what was legally blasphemous, reviled magistrates and ministers, and disturbed religious assemblies ; and indeed the general' tendency of their tenets and practice was to the sub<- version of the commonwealth in that period of its infancy. But a severe and rigorous treatment of sec-; taries only serves to increase their zeal and their nam* bers ; it is, therefore, as repugnant to sound policy at ■ it is to the benevolence of the christian spirit. And,, in the present times, the deportment of no society it more suited than that of the quakers to awaken seuti- ' ments of respect and conciliate esteem. i The charter granted to Connecticut, under the greats seal of England, had annexed the most ample privileges.!, It ordained, amoi\g other provisions, that there should be annually two general assemblies, consisting of the' governor, deputy-governor, and twelve assistants, to- gether with two delegates from every town. The go- ' vcrnor and company were authorised to establish lawSj to impose fines, to assemble the inliabilants for the common defence, and to exercise other powers in all necessary cases. The general court of Connecticut had, in l(j»jl, prepared a petition to the king for a charter, and John Winthrop, at that time governor of the colony, went to England to obtain it. It is said that Mr. Winthrop presented to Charles a very curious rinp,"- given to his grandfather by Charles I. ; and the gift was supposed to have been influential in procuring the iroyal favour. The colony of New Haven was included ^SSSSUiSi*"*'^ ^'f^'^'-' -"f^'^'rittiiiiwimtm 358 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XI. Hi -I in the charter of Connecticut, but remonstrated against its jurisdiction ; nor did they become united for some time : when, suKpcctiiig the designs of the king's go- vernors, tiicy but I), in common cause, coalesced, nur afterwards sought a separation. Such was {he igno- rinc-e ofEuropeans respecting the geography of America, that their patents extended they knew not where ; many; of them were of doubtful construction, and frequently covered each other in part, and hereby endless disputes were produced, and mischiefs in the colonies. Thus the people of Connecticut construed their charter as authorizing thciri to pass over New York, which was then in tiie poscession of the subjects belonging to a christian prince, and claimed in latitude to the South Sea. Accordingly purchases were made of the Indians on the river Delaware, to the west of New York, and lettlementfi were made by persons under the jurisdic- tion of Connecticut. Nearly twenty years afterwards the charter of Pennsylvania covered the same tracts ; hence originated an altercation warmly maintained by either side. The matter was at length submitted to arbiters, who decided in favour of Pennsylvania. But there are many who still support the justice of the Connecticut clai..i. The immense territory lying southward of Virginia, although granted to Sir Robert Heath by Cliaries 1. remained unsettled. He never, it seems, made an establibhment, and hia patent became void, because the conditions upon which it was granted were nut ful- filled. £dward, earl of Clarendon, and several others, apprised of the excellent soil of that country, formed a project for planting a colony there. They made a])pli- cation for a charter, excited, it appears, by a laudable and pious zeal for the propagation of the gospel ; they begged (to use their own words), for a certain portion of land in the parts of America not yet cultivated and planted, and only inhabited by some barbarous people who had no knowledge of God. The king granted to them territories including what afterwards constituted North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. He re- served to himself the sovereign dominion ; but em- powered them to enact and publish any laws which they should judge necessary, with the approbation of the freemen of the colony. They also possessed the disposal of all high appointments, the erection of forts and cities ; and, if not contrary to the will of the free- men, an imposition on goods shipped or unloaded. One provision of the charter is peculiarly worthy of notice. Authority was granted to the proprietors for allowing the inhabitants of the province such indulgencies and dispensations in religious affairs as they might think reasonable and proper ; and no person to whom this liberty had been granted, was to undergo molestation. punishment, or scrutiny, for any differences in specula- tive opinions relative to religion, provided he did not disturb the civil order and peace of the community. The reason assigned for this dispensing power was, tiiat several of the inhabitants might not be able, with the concurrence of their private judgments, to exercise worship in conformity with the liturgy and ceremonies of the church of England. The proprietors scenied animated in the enterprise, and lost nu time to hold a meeting for the arrangements preparatory to the trans- portation of colonists, and fur the discharge of vurinus expeoces, and immediately publiblied proposals to u|| who would plant in Carolina. These proposals ofttuil to emigrants the privilege of presenting to tlie propiiu. taries thirteen persons, in orjlfr that they might appoint a governor, and council of six, for three ycaih ; that every one slrouhi enjoy the most jjerftct freedom m religion j and that the same exemption from customs which had been restrictedly allowed by the royal charter should be conceded to every one. Several gentlemen of Barbadoes, dis.'tatisficd with their situation upon that island, obtained pcrmissluu to settle in the county of Clarendun, recently laid out by the proprietaries of Carolina. Mr. Veauians, a respect- able planter of Barbadoes, was appointed its commander- in-chief. He was instructed to grant lands accuidiug to the conditions agreed on with the adventurers, re- serving one halfiienny sterling for every aire. The king, in aid of 'he laudable exertions of Uia courtiers, gave them twelve pieces of ordnaiice, which wt re sent to Charles river, with a considerable quantity of siores. Veamans landed, in the autumn, with a budy «t tmi. grants, on the bank of Cape Fear j and, by his afialnlity and courteous manners^ gained the esteem of tlie natives, and insured tranquillity for seven years. It was directed that the people of New England sliould receive every indulgence, because the southern colonies being now drained, the greatest emigration was ex- pected from that quarter. The planters, in opening the forest to make way for the operation of husbandry, necessarily prepared timber for tii;* service of the cooper and builder, which they transmitted to the island from whence they had come as a partial object of feeble com- merce, sufficient however to kindle the spark of mer- cantile industry, which soon gave auimation to more extensive dealings. The proprietaries having received intelligence respect- ing the Bahama islands, were induced to make appli- cation for a grant of them, and a patent was given entitling them to all those islands lying between the twenty-second and twenty-seventh degrees of North latitude. They had fitted out a ship, and sent Captain Sayle to bring them some account of the Caroliniua HOOK XjO IIIJtTQRy Of AMERICA. 359 coast. Sayle wat driven by • atorm among the Ba- ],aoia islands, of which (particularly the island of Pro- vidence) he acquired some knowledge. After exploring the coasts, apd the mouths of the rivers of Carolina^ he returned to ^E^ngland, and reported the result. He is the first Englishman whom history states tu have landed on tlie Bahamas, of which St. Salvador was the island to wliich he had been waited. Upon these islands Co- lumbus made no settlement. Tlicy arc in number five hundred ; but, in quality and extent, mere rucks and thelvea, which afterwards furnished a harbour for those buccaneers, or pirates, who infested tlic American navigation. The proprietaries having procured two ships for the transportation of adventurers to their projected settle- ment; Sayle, appointed their first governor, embarked a colony, with provisions, arms, and utensils for build- ing and cultivation. On his arrival at Port Royal, he began to carry his instructions into e.\ecution. He issued writs to the freeholders for the election of the complement required for the grand council, and of twiMity delegates, the two bodies composing the parlia- luetit, which was invested with legislative power. As an encouragement to settle at Port Royal, one hundred and fifty acres of land were given to every emigrant, at an easy quit-rent ; clothes and provisions were distri- buted froni the proprietaries' store to those who could not provide for themselves ; and to secure the good- nill of the nciglibourinf; tribes, considerable presents were made to the Indian princes. The expence of equipment was estimated at 1*2,000/. West, a man of active habits, und acquainted with affairs of this nature, managed the commercial interests of the proprietaries, wiiosc aim indeed seems to have been, at the beginning, dlrcctid more to supply the wants of the colonists than to aaiuirc riclie70; a bloody war raged in Carolina, with such fury, between two Indian nations, the Westues and Seiaunas, as to tcnnioHte in their mutual destruction. (lovernor Sayle, dissatisfied with the situation of Port Royal, removed northward, and took possession of a neck of land between Ashley and Cooper rivers. Deputies, authorized to assist, soon after arrived, and brought with them twenty-three articles of instruction, called Teniporary Agrarian Laws, intended for the equitable division of lands among the people. They also had directions for building a magnificent town on tlic neck of land between the rivers^ to be called, in honour of the king, Charlettown. In the meantime, the owners, displeased with every system previously framed for their province, signed a body of fundamental constitutions which had been drawn up by Mr. Locke. The object was to establish a government agreeable to the monarchy, lest, as they declared, the democratical states should grow too numerous. By this scheme, a palatine was to be chosen for life amongst the proprie- taries, who was empowered to act as president of the palatine court, composed of them all. A body of he- reditary nobility was created, and styled landgraves and caciques, because they were to be in name unlike those of England. The provincial legislature, dignified with the name of parliament, was to be biennial, and to consist of the proprietors or their deputies of the nobility ; of tlie representatives of the freeholders of every district ; and, like the ancient Scottish parliament, they were all to meet in one apartment. Every mem- ber possesfcd an equal vote ; no business, however, was to be proposed until it had been debated in the grand council, to be composed of the governor, the nobility, and the deputies. The church of England was alone to be allowed a maintenance by parliament ; but every congregation might tax its own members for the support of its own minister ; and to each was allowed unbridled freedom in religion. The most de- grading slavery was nevertheless introduced, by invest- ing the freemen with the property of their negroes. This government was intended to be the miniature of the old Saxon constitution. These fundamentals, con- sisting of 120 articles, though declared to be the sacred and unalterable rule of government for ever in Carolina, were discovered to be wholly inapplicable to the cir- cumstances of a small colony, and in many respects to be incapable of practice ; and they were therefore very soon thrown aside. Mr. Locke was not long after created a landgrave in return for his services. But were it not for his other writings by which his name is immortalized, he, like other Carolinian noblvs, had been consigned to oblivion. Governor Sayle falling a victim to the damps of the cliniate, the command of Sir John Yeamans, who had hitherto discreetly ruled tlic pliuitation around Cape Fear, was now extended over that lying soulliward of Cape Carteret. The shores, the streams, and the country, having been accurately surveyed, the planters resorted to the banks of Ashley river, as furnisiiing the most eligible situa- tion for settlement with regard to pasturage and general convenience. From Clarendon, and the opposite di- rection, the planters repaired to participate in these advantages. The province was now divided into four counties, Berkeley, Colleton, Craven, and Carteret; and the people^ who had hitherto lived under a sort of j^i.iii 966 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xr. i?! v' HI military government, n« we mny easily infi-r from the very title of tluir ruler, commfrndcr-iii-chief, began to form a It'giiiluturL- and establish civil ngulatiuns. Ten members were electee} as representatives for Colleton county, und ten for Berkeley. A toinniittee appointed to enact certain ordinances, produced these tiirec : — First, that no emigrations should take place ; secondly, that all men sliould be prohibited from disposinp* of arms and ammunition to Indians; and, tiiiidly, for the . regular building of Charlcstown. 'i'i'.e king issued a commission, empowering Colonel Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr, and two more, to hear and determine appeals in all causes, ns well military as cri- minal and civil, witliin New Kngland, and to take mea- sures fur settling the peace and security of the country. Arriving at BostDii, they laid before the council tjic Instructions with which they were furnished, requiring assistance for the reduction of New Netherlands. Re- ference being made to the general court, it was deter- mined to testify allegiance to his majesty, and to adhere to a patent lo dearly obtained ; two hundred men were raised accordingly for the king's service, but these did not join the expedition, which had been crowned with •uccess bcfi-re they eiiibodied. For NicolV , who had been fitted out from England with four frigates and three hundred soldiers, proceeded directly to Man- hattan, without waiting for auxiliaries. No sooner had the frigates entered the harbour, than a letter was sent to the English commanders to desire the motive of their aj)proach, and reasons for continuance, without intimation to the Dutch. The letter was answered by a summons to surrender; but the governor refused, and determined on a defence. W hilst messages con- tinued to be reciprocally interclianged, the English commissioners circulated a proclamation encouraging the inhabitants to subniit. They sent officers to raise volunteers upon Long Island, and issued a warrant to the person coinnianding the squadron, to prosecute the reduetion of tl.e fort. These preparations, with the refusal of Nicolls to treat about any thing but a sur- render, induced the Dutch governor to accede to the demand. Articles of capitiil ition were signed, by which the fort and town oi New Amsterdam were sur- rendered lo the English. The Dutch were to continue free denizens ; to possess their estates utidiniinishcd, to enjoy tlieir ancient customs with regard to their modes of worship and church discipline. They were allowed besides a freedom of trade to Holland ; but this privilege Nicolls had no riglit to confer, for a king of England could not dispense with the laws by per- mlttiig a commerce which they h:id prohibited. New Amsterdam now took the name of New Yorl:, in honour of the king's brother. A mouth afterwards the Dutcli garrison at Fort Orange capitulated to the English and, in compliment to the Duke also, was culled Albany While at that place, the commissioner ! an inter- view with the lt)duins of the Five Nation.-, n.d entered into a league of friendship with them, which continued inviolate for u century. 'I'he subjugation of New Ne- therlands was scTon after completed, by articles of cani. tulatiun, signed on the Delaware, between the English and the Dutch, and Swedes. The history ot New Ne. therlands, indeed, contains little more than tluir scttle< ment, their constant turmoils, ai.d their extinction • and it ought to teach a lesson to nations, and to men how they admit others to invade their riirht.s, because continued possession at length forms a title, specious if not just. A court of assizes was erected at New York by Nicolls, composed of the governor, the cuuneil, and the justices of peace, and invested with every |)Ower in the colony, legislative, judicial, und executive. They coN lected into one code the ancient customs, with such additional improvements as the great change of things required, regarding the laws of England as the supreme rule, 'i'hese ordinances were transmitted to England, and confirmed by the Duke of- V'ork the following ycur, It was enacted, thai no purchase from the Indians should be valid, unless executed with the governor's license and under his inspection. Nicolls found the town composed of u few miserable houses, occupied by men who were extremely poor, and the whole in a mean condition. But he foretold its greatness it it were eii< couraged by the immunities Mhicli he recommended. In a letter to the Duke of York, he says, " such is the low estate of the town, that not one soldier to this day has lain in sheets, or upon any other bed than canvas and straw." Some, however, of the houses were built very neatly of brick and stone, and covered in part with red and black tiles ; and the land being high, it pre* sented an agreeable prospect from the sea. The inha< bitants were incorporated in the year 1GG.5, under the care of a mayor, aldermen, and a sheritf. New Jersey, as well as New Yoik, was under the direction of Ni- colls ; and it was with reluctance that he resigned the government of the latter to Carteret, one of the other commissioners, who took possession oi Elizabeth Town, the cajjital, now consisting of four families, just scltlid in the wilderness. The commissioners returning to Massachusets from the reduction of the Dutch colony, began to execute their important trust ; but meeting with opposition from the jealous and spirited colonists, they left tli« country with menaces of vindictive punishment. A conference had been held between them and the gene- ral court, but it soon degeucratediutoaltercattou. The POOK Xl.*] HISTOilY OF AMERICA. sei tommissionert at length aslced that body, ** "Do you acknowledge the royal commission to be of full force to all the purposes contained in it ?" To this decisive and embarr.issing question, tlie general court excused (tscif from giving a direct answer, and chose rather to plead his majesty's charter. Attempting, however, to hear a complaint against the governor and company, the general court, with ehi>ractcri«lic vigour, published, by sound of trumpet, its disapprobation of this pro- ceeding, and prohibited every one from abetting a con- duct so inconsistent with their duty to God and their allegiance to the king. The commissioners therefore departed, and threatened their opponents with the chas- tisement inflicted upon so many concerned with the late rebellion in England. About this time tlie militia of Massachusets consisted of four thousand foot, and four hundred horse. 'J'he colony maintained a fort at the entrance of Boston harbour, with five or six guns ; two batteries were in the haven, and one at Charles- town. The number of its ships and vessels amounted to one hundred and thirty, forty of which were about fighty tons. As soon as the royal commissioners had returned to England, the general court appointed four to settle all affairs for the government of the people in the province of Maine. These entered the place, accom- panied by a troop of horse, and easily re-established the colonial authority, on the ruins of a feeble proprietary government. It seems to have been in a confused state, and some of the principal persons applied to the general court to re-assume the jurisdiction over them. The friendly Indians in New England having raised in army of six or seven hundred men, marched into the country of the Mohawks, to take revenge for their ii - juries. After besieging one of their forts for several days, their provisi;«us becoming spent, with all their ammunition, and some of their number being taken sick, they abando&cd the siege and retreated towards home ; but they were pursued and intercepted by the Mohawks ; and though they fought with great valour, their commander and about fifty of their cliief men were slain. This was the last and most falal battle fought between the Mohawks and New England Indians, the number of whom, from a census made a short time afterwards, exceeded two thousand. A great body of them had the appellation of Philip's Indians. This Philip was formerly named Mctacom ; and had, in the year one thousand six hundred and sixty-two, appeared at the court of Plymouth, and solicited the continuance of the friendship which had subsisted between that government and his father and brother ; vouching for himself and successors to remain subject to the king of England. The court gave him a favourable answer ; and upon his wish for an English name, coofenred that 31-82, of Philip, by which he was thenceforward called. But his subsequent proceedings ill accorded with these pro- fessions of attachment and amity. A friendly Indian having made known a conspiracy formed by Philip's adherents against the English, was soon after murdered. Three Indians, of whom one was a counsellor, and the particular friend of Philip, were charged with the per-< petration before the Plymouth court, and were con- victed. Philip had been previously cxuiiiiiied; and although he would own nothing, yet he did nut entirely clear himself from all grounds of suspicion. Appre- hensive of personal dangc;', he used nu furtlier means to exculpate himself either from the charge of conspi- racy, or concern in the death of the informant, but had recourse to arms. Finding his strcnglli daily increased by the accession of neighbouring Indians, he made vigorous preparations for war. They sent their wives and children to the Naragansets for security, and began to alarm the colonists. At Swanzcy they oilcred inso- lent menaces, and proceeded to kill the cattle and rifle the houses of the inhabitants. Provoked by these abuses, an Englishman discharged his gun at an Indian, and gave him a mortal wound. Hereupon they attacked and killed all the English in their power. Eight or nine were slain in Swanzey or its vicinity ; and on the same day the terrors of war spread throughout the set- tlement of Plymouth. A company of foot, and a troop of horse, with a hundred and ten volunteers, marched from Boston and joined the Plymouth forces at Swan- zey. Twelve men of the cavalry passing over a bridge that led into Philip's lands for the purpose of discovery, were fired on by the Indians from the bushes ; one was killed and another wounded. The next morning the shout of war was heard at half a mileS distance, and nine or ten Indians shewed themselves on the English side of the bridge. The challenge was instantly accepted ; all the horse, with the entire body of volunteers, chased them precipitately over the bridge, and pursued them a mile and a quarter beyond it. Wken the advanced soldiers were just retreating to the main ground, they discharged their guns on the Indians, who were Hying into a swamp, and kHled five or six of their number. This resolute c'large of the English made great im- pression on the enemy j and Philip, with all his forces, left Mount Hope that very night, abandoning the country to his opponents. A commissioner arriving from the Massachusets government, instructed to treat with the Naragansets, it was resolved to march the next morning with all the forces, and make the negotiation sword in hand, which was concluded with little difficulty. This tribe was still very numerous, and had promised Philip to rise the following spring with a muster of four thousand 3 K '^- '-'- 963 HISTOEV OF AMERICA. [«»00K xu ir. I ^\'' Hi I men ; but this number myit be underatood to contain •11 the Indians within the boundi of Rhode Island, who being subject to the authority of the great Naraganset •achem, were often called by this general name. While the treaty above was pending, a captain, with fifty men, was dispatched to Pocasset to conclude a peace with the Indians, if pacific and friendly, or if hostile, to give them battle. They found Uie Indians on Pocasset Neck | but such were their numbers, that after some skirmishing, in which the English exhausted their ammunition, they were taken off by water to Rhode Island. Three files having been detached from the Musachusets forces, another engagement took place, and fifteen of the enemy were slain. Philip was sei/cd ^vith such terror by the loss, that he betook himself to the swamps about Pucusset, where he secreted himself until the arrival of the other English companies from Naraganset. When they arrived, a resolute charge was mnde upon the Indians in their recesses; but, taking advantage of the thick underwood, they fired on those who first entered, and killed five, uiid deserting their wigwams, retired deeper into the swamp, wliicli is seven miles long. Here they hud mnde about a hundred wigwams of green bark, which they now left ; but the materials would not admit of being burnt. The English pursued them in vain till night approached, when the commander ordered a retreat. Most of the Massachuscts soldiers were now drawn of}'; a hundred foot only, and the Plymouth forces, remained to watch the motions of the enemy. It being impossible for the English to fight in the swamp, but to the greatest disadvantage, they resolved to starve the Indians into submission; but Philip, aware of the design, contrived means to escape with the greatest |)art of his followers. The swamp happened to be contiguous to an arm of the sea, and either taking advantage of a low tide, they waded across, or were wafted over upon rafts of timber before break of day. About one hundred women and children, left behind, resigned themselves soon after to the mercy of tlie English. This ferocious and vindic- tive prince fleeing into the country of tlie Nipmucks, kindled the fiames of war in the western plantations of Mnssachusc-ts. Previously, however, the Nipmuck Indians had given indications of a hostile disposition towards the English settlers. Four or five persons had been killed at Mendon a fortnight before, but that was the first blood ever shed by them in the way of hostility. The governor and council, in the hope of reclaiming the Nipmucks, sent a captain with twenty horsemen to Quabaog, (Brookfieid), near which there was to have been a general rendezvous, and they there promised to hold a conference with the inhabitants of Brookfieid. Some of the principal people of the town weut, with the captain, to the place appointed ; but not finding them, they proceeded five niilei toward their chief town until they were ambuscaded by two or three hundred' who shot eight of the company dead upon the spot, and mortally wounded eight more. The rest escaped by « bye-path to Quabaog. They were closely pursued, the town was violently assaulted, several persons were killed, and every house was set on fire except one into which all th« inhabitants assembled for security. Tliis house was soou encompassed, and after repeated at* tempts to set it on fire, they filled a cart with Imup flax, and other combustible mutter, which having liglited' they thrust towords it with long poles. But ut tlii« critical moment forty-eight dragoons happily arrived and fllspcrsed them. They retired to a swamp ten niiiei distant, where Philip joined them, with forty men, fur. nished with guns or bows and arrows. On Connecticut river, about the same time, the In- dians near Hatfield and Hadley, and those of Panieook and other neighbouring parts, began their attacks ; and presently the whole colony was thrown into the utinoit consternation. During divine worship the people of Madley were suddenly assaulted; but the enemy, with' out accomplishing much havock, were repelled by the va- lour and good conduct of an aged, venerable man, who, appearing in the midst of the aftrighted inhabilaiitj, put himself at their head, led them to the onset, and after the dispersion of the assailants, was no where to be found. An angel was at that tiuie supposed to be their deliverer, but he proved to be General GoflTe, one of the judges of Charles I. who was then concealed in the town. Two months afterwards Hadley was most fu- riously invaded again. But by the timely aid of the Massachusets and Connecticut forces, thcdetigu of the Indians was rendered abortive. The commissioners of the three united colonies, Massachusets, Connecticut, and Plyniouth, having agreed upon the justice and necessity of the war, had already concluded that it should be prosecuted con- jointly. Finding that the Naragunsets, in violation of tlieir engagements, were accessary to the hostilities of the enemy, they now determined that one thousand soldiers should be raised to march into the Naraganset country/ to obtain satisfaction of those Indians, or to treat them as enemies. The forces, cousisting of twelve hundred men, having formed a junction ulPetyquams- cot, commenced their march through a deep snow to- wards the enemy, who were about fifteen miles distant in a swamp, at tlie edge of which they arrived at one in the afternoon. The Indians, apprized of an arma- ment intended against them, had fortified themselves iis strongly as possible within the swamp. The others, not stopping to draw up in order of battle, advauced iu ■OOK XI.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 963 que^t of the IndUn cnmp. Some Indians appearing, were nttncked, these returned the fire and fled. The whole army immediately entered and folluwrd the fugi« tivrs to their fortress. It stood on u rising ground, and was compoted of palisitdcs, wliich wrre encon-passed by a hedge nearly a rod thick. It had but one prac- ticable entrance, which was over a log or tree, four or five feet from the ground, and that aperture was guarded by a bloik f)v flyintf parties to iliflerent (jiuiitirs and all with the ulniost suceess, no that tlic Nuraganset Indians were iiitirely expelled, excepting tliose of Ninnigret. He h;«(l t'tirmerly given the colonics much trouble, but Tefusefl, in this war, to join the other Naraganset sncheiit% and those of that tribe whoaFdcdthe Coiinec« ticiit volunteers, were his own subjects. liy the assembly of Connecticut a vote was passed for a sfandinj; army of three hundred and fifty men, to pr. 'ect the country from these troublesome hordes, whose energies, however, will not seem so formidable, if cri'dit he given to the achievement of Major Talcot, who is said to have repelled a furious attack of seven hundred, with the assistance of three men. As the troop* were on their inarch toward Naraganset, tliey surprised the main body of the enemy by the side of a large cedar swiimp, and attacked tliem so suddenly, that a ccnsidemble number was killed and taken on the spot. Anri returning to Connecticut, they made prisoners on their way, upwards of a hundred. The Indians, thus pursued, and hunted from one lurking place to another, straitened for provisions and debilitated by hunger and disease, became divided, scattered and disheartened, and began to come in to the English, and to surrender themselves to the mercy of their conquerors. Philij), who had fled to the Mohawks, having provoked, instead of conciliated that warlike nation, had been obliged to abandon their country. It was reported, that, with the design of drawing the ,Mo- hawks into the war, he had killed some of that nation in the woods, and imputed their death to the English, but that one of the Indians, who was left for dead, re« vived and informed his countrymen of the truth. A large body of Indians still attended him, lurking about Mount Hope. The Massachusets and Plymouth sol- diers were vigilant and intrepid in their pursuit uf him ; and • captain, with thirty English soldiers, and twenty * The BSinrancc, however, that an equivalent was given to the natives for their land must begralifyiog to the feelings of those Americans who are desceuiled from the early settlers. Governor Winslow, a man of great integrity and approved bonoar, uses, in a letter written in the year 1 076, these words : <' 1 Utiak 1 cao clearly say, tLat before tliese present trouble! confederate ludians, surprised him in hit quartcn, kill, ing a hundred and thirty of his men, and taking hit wife and son prisoners. I'hilip himself t)ar«ly cicaped with his life. Ten days afterwards information was brought by an Indian deserter, that I'hilip wa« in Mount Hope neck, and oflercd to guide to the place and lend his arm to kill him, declaring that his brother, just before he cume away, had otlered some advice displeasiug to the chieftain, and had atoned by death for his disagree- able iiincerity, and that he hin):.ilf had just escaped in time to avoid suilcring for the otience of his bruihcr. A small band went out accordingly in pursuit of hitn. On their arrival at the place, an ambuscade was funned, an Englishman and an Indian bein^ suituncd togvtlier behind such coverts as were found, and the compuuy commenced a tire on the enemy's sliwlter, wliich was discovered on the margin of the swamp, next to which it was open, after the Indian manner to favour a sudden flight. Philip, at the instant of the lire, seizing his gun, tied toward the thickets, but ran in a direction to- ward one of the stations ; when within shot, the Eng. lishman snapped his gun, but it missed Are, the Indian discharged his musket and shot Philip through the heart. His death, u|>on a retrospective consideration, makes different impressions in America front what were made at the time of the event. It was then regarded as the extinction of a virulent and implacable enemy ; it is now rather viewed aa tl e fall of a great warrior, a penetrating statesman, and a mighty prince. It then excited universal joy and congratulation, as a prelude to the close of a oicrdless war ; it now awakens sober reflections on the instability of empire, the peculiar destiny of the aboriginal race, and the inscrutable de- crees of heaven. The patriotism of the man was tlieu overlooked in tlie cruelty of the savage; and little allowance was made for the natural jealousy of the so- vereign on account of the barbarities of the warrior, Philip, in the progress of the English settlements, l'ure« saw the loss of his territory, and the extinction of his tribe, and made one huge efl'ort to avert those calami- ties. Uur pity for his misfortunes would be still heightened, if we could entirely rely on the tradition, that Pliilip and his chief old men were at the first op- posed to the war ; that he wept with grief at the news of the flr&t English who were killed, and that he was pressed into these measures by the irresistible importu- nity of the young men.* broke out, the English did not possess one foot of land in this colony, but what nas fairly obtained by honest purchase of the Indian proprietors. We first made a law, that none should purchase or receive of gift any land of the Indians, without the knowledge and allowance of our court. And lest yet they should be streighteucd^ wc ordered thatMouat Hope, Pocossct, ^< lOOK XI.] lirSTOUY OP AMERICA. 365 Th* Indiam lo«t tliftr palrtotie rnprfpifi nt the unmf tiinr with thehr leiidrr j tli.y rtdijfwl no morr, pitlicr lubmiltiiift to tite Kn^lisli, or (lying tlic rouiitry iinH jQcorpnrntinir tiiriii*rl\i** will* iitrnitgc iihmiiii<). In lh\% ihort but trcmrndoun wiit, 'ilitMitHix Itlinilrt'ii of the in* likbil intl of Nrw l'',ngl.iiiri, comitojxing its |iriii).ii>nl strenftlli, *"« fithcr killcil in bullle, or murden-rl hy \\\e enemy ; f wclve or thirtrr n towns were i-ntircly »Ip- ,lro;f(l, andaboul six huiidn-d huildings, cliirfly dwel- linn-lioustx, were burnt. Added to thffc citlumitirn, tlie oloniei coniracted an rnormoun debtj while, by (he iu • «f tl'cir •ubstunrr, through the mvnges of the enemy, their resourtos were essentially diminished. The New KngUnd culon!e impoverished nnd ctlimitous state, were destined to a new scene of trouble, which closed at length very inauspiciously to tiicir liberties. Coinplnints having been brought ngninst tliein the preceding year by tlie merchants and rnnnu- facturers of Kngland, for their disregard to the acts of navigiition, the governors of these colonies were now com- niiinded, by royal authority, to enforce ■ Mrict obedience to tiie laws of trude. Conmiissioners were transmitted, rmpowering proper persons to administer an oath, fraaied to secure a strict observance of tliosc laws. To M weight to these measures, it was determined, *' that no Mediternmean passes should be granted to New England to protect its vessels against the Turks, till ita is lecn what dependence it will acknowled)^'* on his luiijesty, or whetlter his custom-house officers are re- ceived IIS in other colonies." Although the appointment uf ii custom-house officer had been made at this time, it was deemed advisable to suspend his mission j and ulun, after the lapse of a year, the officer was sent, he was opposed with the utmost zeal, as an invader of the ciiarlercd privileges. He made a second attempt to execute his vOni-v as collector of Boston, but he here also proved unsuccessful. By a letter to the governor, be demanded the final resolution of the general court, wliillicr it could iK'uiit his commission to be in force or not, that he might know how to regulate his con- duct. 'I'he court remained silent, shewing equally its contempt for the man and the embarrassment of its own situation. The collector having written home that \x was in danger of being punished with death, by vir- tue uf an ancient law, as a subverter of the constitution, ami Severn! other neeks of t!ie best land in the colony, becaiisr inuiit suitable nnd couvcuieut to tlieu, should never be bought out cC their hands," • He wa» knJL'hted by .fames I. in 1617, aodt wo years after was ui«de one ofthe principal secretaries of state, whicli offuo he (Ii charged with great industry und fidclily, and « us re- warded by the king with a pension of a thousand pounds a year. Having enjoyed the oflice about five ycais, h« resigaed was ordered to withdraw to England. MatsachusctI wfis thri'utened with a writ of ijito ttarraiito i aitd her rtcrmts in Knglano npreiinted to the genenti court the case of the cohmy us desperate. They desired the ge- neral court to detrrmine, since many cities and planto* ti( MS had submitted, whether it wire morcexpediri : t'7 resign itself to the king's pleasure, or to suT' > .v. 4 to issue. After consideruble debate and consideration* it was concluded by the court, und hy the inhabitanta generally, that it were better to perish by the hands of others than their own. It is not surprising, therefore, that articles of impeachment were presented to the com« mittee of plantations against the corporation. Aa order of council was nccordin^'ly passed for issuing • f/tio uarruulo uguiiist the charter of Mussachusets, witb a declaration from tlie king, ihul their privileges should, notwithstanding, be regulated for their benefit, and receive such alterations only as might tend to the sup* port of his government, provided a full and perfect sub- mission were made to the royal authority. The officer, wliose powers had been so tirmly resisted, came with the writ to Massachuscts, to which his arrival always seemed the visitation of an evil genius. And that no accompaniment of superstitious rites should be want- ing, a tremendous fire broke out in Boston the day after he reached it. Their charter having been declared for- feited in the chancery court of England, the liberties of Massachusets were consigned to the disposal of the sovereign. Colonel Kirk was now appointed governor of the colonies of Massachusets, New Hampshire, Maine, and Plymouth ; but before his commission and instructions could be tinally settled, the king's 'iemise annulled his appointment. In sixteen hundred and eighty-five, Charles II. died, and was succeeded by his brother James II. who was proclaimed at Boston two months alter his accession to the throne. He began his reign with bustling activity, and made way for his arbitrary measures by u wantoa - disfranchisement of almost every colony. Heligiuus ~ prejudice itself ottered a feeble barrier to his tyrannical administration ; for Maryland, the seat uf the catholio - (ioctrine, was prosecuted, at his instance, by the attor- ney-general. Against Maryland, however, no judg- ment was obtained. 'I'liis province had been granted by Charles I. to Getirge Culvert,* baron of Baltimore, it, freely ownini; to his iniijcstv that he was become a Koiuaa c.itliolie. This honest eoiil'essioa so alieeted the king, that he continued liini privy cuunsellor during his reign, and created him baron of Httitiniore, in Ireland. tVhile suretary, he oh- tuined a patent of tlu- ji;f>vinee of Avalon, in Ni'wf niidland, where he built a hou.'-e, and expended '-*r),000/. In advancing this Di'w plantation ; but finding it exposed to the FicucL, hi) was obliged at last to relinquish his iutcutiotis, SfiliiTlHWMWfMwu 366 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [■OOKXI. !'•: .1 '■ J, !' . (•.• *- ! ^ ^li ■-■-*f- t 'II end its government WM by charter vested In the pro- prietary ; but it appears that he cither never exercised these powers alone, or but for a sliort time ; for we Had, that in the year sixteen hundred and tliirty-sevun, %\ie freemen rejected a body of laws drawn up in £ng> land, and transmitted by his lordship in order to be passed for the direction of the province. In the place «f these, they proposed forty-two bills to be enacted ivith the proprietary's consent : but these were never TQtified } at least they are not to be found on tlie re- cords. The year following, the first regular house of assembly was constituted, which was to consist of such ifepresentatives as should be elected pursuant to writs issued by the governor. These burgesses possessed the Cull powers of the persons electing them; but any other freemen who did not assent to the election, might ^e their seats in person. Twelve representatives, together with the lieutenant-general and secretary, fiormcd the legislature. Their scat was in St. Mary's, one of the southern counties, and the first settled part vf Maryland. But the tranquillity of the state was in i( short time disturbed by a rebellion, of which one Ingle was at the head, who forced the governor (Lord Baltimore's brother) to Ay to Virginia for aid and pro- tection, and seized the records and the great seal ; and this, with most of the public papers, was destroyed. It was long before order was restored, and till that period the proceedings of the colonists are involved in obscu- rity. During ihe usurpation of Cromwell an act was passed restraining the exercise of the catholic religion. The mere terror of Cromwell's power must have efl'ected this, since the first and principiil inhabitants belonged to the Romish church. Jndeed his authority was not established here without force and bloodshed. His friends and opponents came to an open rupture; a battle ensued, and Governor Stone was taken prisoner, and condemned to be shot ; a sentence, however, not put into execution, but he was kept in a tedious confine- ment. Upon the restoration, the old form of govern- ment was renewed, and its presidency committed to one of the Calvert family.' Sir Edmund Andros went with more than sixty regular troops to Hartford, where the assembly of Connecticut was then sitting, and demanded the ^ Upon this he came over to Virginia, an«i having taken a viewof tlif country, returned to England, and olitainrd from Charles II. with whom he was a favourite, a patent to him and his lieirs for Mnryhind. Though he was a Roman catholic, he kept himself sincere and disengaged from all interests, and was the only statesman that, being engaged to decry a party, managed his business with that great respect for all sides, that no one knew, but applauded him. He was a man of great abilities and candour. Judge Popham, and Lord Baltimore, agreed in the public design of foreign plantations, but differed charter, declaring the government to be dissolved The assembly, reluctant to part with the charter, was •low to produce it. The subject was debated and kept in suspense till the evening ; it was then brought and laid on the table. The lights were immediately extin. guished, but without any appearance of disorder. 'W^ candles were re-lightcd, but the patent was gone ! Sir Edmund resumed the government, and the records of the colony were closed. He had been previously foileii by the peopleof Cor necticut, when in the life of Charles II. he was governor of New York. His utmost etforts to acquire the country lying westward of Connecticut river, were efiectually frustrated by the spirited conduct of the colony. That country had been attached for twenty-five years to Connecticut, and its annexaiioti confirmed by u royal charter ; but was nevertheless con- ferred upon the duke of York. When it was under- stood that Andros was preparing to demand u surrender of its most important posts, the mi'itia of Connecticut was dispatched to New Loudon and l^nybrouk. Andros arriving at Sayferook, peremptorily asked the surrender of the town and fortress ; but Captain Bull, of HarU ford, reaching it at this juncture witii a strong party, raised the king's colours, and made an instant shon- of readine.ss for resistance, which stopped tlie hostile pro- cedure. The assembly, then sitting, forthwith drew up % protest, and sent it by an express to Saybrook, with instructions to Captain Bull to propuse to Major n sliuuld be read. Bull, in his majesty's name, cdninianded him to forbear reading, When his clerk attempted to persist in reading, Bull repeated his prohibition with energy and effect. He then read the assembly's protest. And thus despairing of success, the governor abandoned his design and re* turned to New York. But his failure in this instance did not generate laxity in his utiier measures. The in- habitants of several towns in the county of Essex, (in Massachusets) refused to lay the assessments, witiiout which tiie taxes imposed by the grand legislative coun- cil, under bis administration, could not be collected. in thtf manner of their management. The former was for cx« tirputbg the original inhabitants, the tatter for eonvcrtiiii; tbem ; the one sent the vicious and profligate, the other liie sober and virtuous ; the one was for present profit, the otiier for reasonable expectation, wishing to have but few governors, and those not interested mercliants, but lilteral genlUmeu j granting exemptions with great caution, and leaving every one to provide for himself by his owa industry, and not out of a conuBou stock. BOOK Xt.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 36^7 The feeble but magnanimous eflforts of expiring freedom were cunsidered •» seditious, and punishments were inflicted in proportion to tlie aggravations of the sup- posed crime. Sir Edmund caused imprisonments to be Diade, and fines levied, some to tlie amount of 201. lome sol. and some 50l. as the judges, instructed by hiiD> should see fit to determine. So great already did the colonists deem their oppressions, that an agent was sent to England to represent their grievances to the king. The old custom-house officer, who had proved be. {ore so troublesome to the repose of Massachusets, hav- ing tailed in one action of defamation against the agent, wss bringing forward another against him. To avoid the service of the writ, he lay concealtd ; and some of bis friends carried him privately aboard ship in the night. James, before the expiration of four years, abandoned his kingdom and withdrew to France ; and the chief government of England was vested in the liands of William, the Prince of Orange, and Mary, (the son-in- law and daughter of James), who were invited for that purpose by such as were solicitous to protect the pro- testant interests. A report of the landing of the Prince of Orange had reached America ; but before the news of the entire revolution arrived, a most daring one was (ft'ei'ted in Ntw England. The colonists had borne the impositions of the new administration about thre^ years. Their patience was now exhausted. A rumour that a. massacre was intended in Boston by the gover- nor's guards was sufficient to kindle their resentment into rage. This rumour might have been the more easily credited on account of the military orders given out on the reception of a copy of the Prince of Orange's declaration. All persons were charged to be in readi- ness for the prevention of forces debarking, which might be sent into those parts for the establishment of tlie new dynasty. This proclamation alarmed and in- censed the public mind, and the report which has been mentioned having spit ad amongst the country people, they poured in from nil sides to the protection of the copital. The governor, and about fifty others, w ho had been the most obnoxious, were seized and confined ; and the old magistrates were reinstated. William and Mury were procliumed, and nddresses were ordered felicitating the royal pair upon the occasion. Similar joy was expressed in other places, and James was no where regretted. While at New York the governor and council were waiting with anxiety for directions to announce the alteration, and just as they were assembled tu consult for the public safety, Leisler, with forty men, i-eiied the garrison, and held it for the Prince of Orange. His loyalty and zeal were recjuited soon afterwards by the partizansof the prince, who having formed thcm- lelves into a committee of safety, placed Leisler at the head. But his services wtire not equally talued by his master, for the king having appointed a new governor to supersede him, and Leisler having refused to sur- render the fort, he was convicted of high treason and condemned to suffer death. The effects of the revolution *n England were the most sensibly felt in Massachusets. When the co« lonists resumed their charter, they earnestly solicited the addition of some necessary powers ; but the king could not be prevailed on to consent. A new charter was framed and brought by Sir William Phips to Bos- ton, who was himself constituted governor. Whereas all the officers hud been chosen annually by the general assembly, their appointment was now settled by the crown. Under the old charter, the governor had little more share in the administration than any one of the assistants. He had the power of calling the general court ; but he could not adjourn, prorogue, or dissolve it ; and although civil and military officers were com- missioned by the governor, yet the court possessed the power of election. According to the new constitution, an annual meeting was to take place on the last Wed-* nesday of May, but the governor might summon an assembly at any other time, and continue it as occasion seemed to require. The prerogative extended to various articles besides, and rendered his authority much more influential than it had ever been. Nor was the charter inattentive to the ecclesiastical regulations of the colony } liberty of conscience, which in the first charter was entirely omitted, was by this guaranteed to all without any exception. Writs were issued immediately after the governor's arrival, and a meeting of the general court was convened, which passed an act, declaring that all the laws of the colony of Massachusets Bay, and of New Plymouth, which were not repugnant to those of England, nor inconsistent with the charter, should con- tinue in force for five months. By this nteut-ure the inconvenience and perplexity which attend innovation were entirely prevented. Proceeding, however, in it* legislative duty, the gf>neral court passed such arlieles as might be said to form uMagnaCharta. Among the privileges which were asserted, it was declared, that no aid, tax, custom, or iniposilion whatsoever, should be assessed on any of their majesties* svitijects or their estates, but by the consent of the governor, council, and representatives of the people, assembled in the usual manner for determining their propriety and jus- tice. The other parts were copied from the English Magna Charta, but being found not allogetlicr adapted to the condition of the colony, several clauses were in- troduced, and in other resp^jts altevation.'- were made, which changed materially the original plan. Six years after the revolution, William Penn waf n -r^ ii i I t I i 968 HISTORY OF AMERICA. 1.: i 4'. j 1 '^tl^ „ :«^^ 1 [book XI. restored to the government of Pennsylvania, of which lie had been deprived at its commencement. Since the affairs of this province may, for a time, be considered as the private concern of that eminent person, we shall not, it is presumed, entirely forsake the purpose in liand, by contemplating liis character and the leading occurrences of his life. To confine all merit to a par- ticular persuasion, is certainly the property of a little mind — 'Of a niind neither illumined by reason, nor in- fluenced by Christianity. The bigot looks at principles •lone, and condemns without mercy those that do not exactly tally with his own. The man of virtue and tii:derstanding allows for the prejudices of education, or the fallibility of the human judgment, and in right practices from whatever source they spring, sees much to love and to admire. The former, in his narrow zeal, clisregards good actions, the only incontestibic proof of good principles j the latter, without suffering any im- proper bias to mislead him, judges of the tree accord- ing to its fruit. Had Penn lived in the age of Solon or Lycurgus, his name would have deserved to float down the stream of time with theirs. As a legislator, it is impossible to deny him the tribute of unmixed ap- plause, and in this light we shall principally consider him ; as a religionist he followed the dictates of con- science, regardless of fortune and fame, and therefore ia entitled to respect and veneration from such as may not, however, approve of his particular tenets. This extraordinary man, one of the original bulwarks of the society called quakers, and the founder and legislator of Pennsylvania, was the son of Admiral Sir William Penn, tlie fortunate conqueror of Jamaica. He was Lorn in London, and was partly educated under a do- mestic tutor, and partly at a school at Chigwell, in Essex. He appears to have had early and deep impres- fions of religion, and to have experienced, or fancied, diNinc comii.unications, between the twelfth and fif- teenth year of liis age. About this period, too, it seems probable, he had been a hearer of one Thomas Loe, a quaker, who afterwards fixed him in the prin- ciples of that sect ; and that the impression lie then received was never effaced from his iieart. The ductile mind of youth, like the warm wax, is susceptible of any form ; and first principles and prepossessions are well known to be with difficulty erailicalcd. This was strongly exemplified in Penn, who, in the year one thousand six hundred and sixty, was admitted a gen- tleman commoner of Christ Church, Oxford ; but soon withdrawing from the nalionul worsliip, and performing rrligious exercises in private, with some other students of a serious way of tliinking, was first fined for non- conf( rrnity, though but sixteen years of age, and after- wards expelled. His father was so much inccosed at this conduct, which hi eonaideVed M a bar to his future prospects, that, when expostulation proved ineffectual to alter his sentiments, he turned him out of doors. On mature reflection, relenting, he tried the effects of a journey to the continent; in hopes that the peculiar religious impressions of the young man would yield to the attractions of company, and a more enlarged know, ledge of the world. After a considerable stay in France young Penn returned the accomplished gentleman, and was received with joy by his father, whose affection for him seems to have been ardent and sincere. It is said that during bis residence in Paris, being assaulted one evening in the streets by a person with a drawn sword, he was so well skilled in fencing, that he disarmed his antagonist. This barbarous practice, however, he strongly reprobates in his writings ; and to shew its absurdity, puts in the balance a trifling insult, with tlic ])robable loss of life and the crime of murder. In the twenty-second year of his age, his father committed to his superintendance a considerable estate in Ireland. Flere he accidentally found the same Thomas Loe, whose preaching had made such an early and lasting impression on his tender mind ; and joining the society of quakers, who were then under persecution, he was confined in prison with some others, but soon released by the interposition of his father. Being ordered back to England, paternal regard was again excited to reclaim him, but in vain. He felt the strongest principles of duty to a fond parent ; but his opinions were now so rooted, that he was absolutely inflexible to liis reinon. strances. In consequence he was again cast on the wide world ; and taking up the vocation of a public preacher among the quakers, he suftered various perse- cutions with a firmness and patience which claim our admiration. . le cause for which he suftiered, became endeared to him by every trial he underwent. Opposi- tion has made as many martyrs as conscience. The admiral again attempted to compronuse matters with his son. He requested only that he would consent to be uncovered in presence of the king and the duke of York. This external mark of respect violated one of the j)rincip!es he had adopted, and was waved as incon- sistent with his duty. His father, at last, finding his perseverance in the tenets of quakerism was the cfloct of pure principles, received him into the bosom of liis family without any concessions ; and, departing this life soon after, left him his benediction and a plentiful for- tune Notwithstanding the opposition he had given to his son's religious conduct, with his dying breath, he adjured hin> not to do any thing contrary to his coin science : — " So will you keep peace at home, which will be a comfort in the day of trouble." After enduring another imprisonment for attending a quaker w^etiug, ■OOK XI.] h« visited Holland and Germany ; and met with a very fatlering reception from the Princess Elizabeth of £0- hemia, grand-daughter of James I. His writings, his Ubours, and his sufferings, for some years, were various ; but we now come to an epoch in his life which changed the complexion of his fortune, and gave a full display to bis wisdom and his virtues. Charles II. in the year one thousand six hundred and sixty' 'ine, as a compensation for services and sums due to his deceased father, conferred by patent, on Mr. Penn •nd his heirs, the province of Pennsylvania, so called from the name of the subordinate grantee. The pro- prietor immediately drew up an impartial account of the climate and produce, and proposed very easy terms to settlers. But considering the royal grant as conferring a title, not a right, he wrote in the most affectionate terms to the Indians, explaining his peaceable inten- tions, and expressing his wish to hold the lands which had been ceded him, not only by the king's patent, but also by their consent and love. Commissioners were accordingly named to carry his just and benevolent views into execution ; while the natives, unaccustomed to be treated like men, listened with pleasure to the propo- sals made them, and entered into an amicable treaty which was never broken. The disqualificutions under which some sects laboured at this period, and the per- secution of others, served to people the new colutiy. The city of Pliiladelphia was laid out according to a ju- dicious and regular plan, and rapidly encreased. Penii himself drew up the fundamental constitution of his pro- vince in twenty>-fuur articles; and in the following year the frame of its government. Had he never written any thing besides, this would have suihced to render his fame immortal. In his code, he not only displayed the soundest wisdom, but also tlie most amiable modera- tion and the warmest philanthropy. Though perse- cuted for his own religion, he shews his detestation of intolerance, not only from its moral turpitude, but his inherent love of justice. All persons who acknowledged a supreme governor of the universe, and who held themselves obliged in conscience to live peaceably and justly in civil society, were in nowise to be molested or prejudiced for their religious persuasion. The same amiable disposition was displayed in settling the civil government, and establishing courts of justice. To prevent expensive law suits, he ordered three peace- makers to be chosen by every county court, in quality of common arbitrators. In short, during the two yenrs that he resided in his province, he settled its govern- ment on tlic firmest basis of justice; he ingratiated liinisdf with the Indians to a most extraordinary degree, and taught his people by example, as well as precept, the advantage of diligence and economy, and the hnp- 31-3-', HISTORY OF AMERICA. 369 piness of sobriety and order. He left Pennaylvania three years afterwards, with the affection of the settlers, and the veneration of the Indians, and returned to Eng- land with his wife and family. On the accession of James II. he was treated with much distinction at court, and therefore lay under theimputation of being inclined to po- pery, from which he fully exonerated himself ; but on the revolution, he was arrested on suspicion of correspond- ing with the abdicated king, examined before the coun- cil, and obliged to give security for his appearance the first' day of term. Again and again, he underwent this vexation from false allegations, which induced him at last to abscond; but, after some time, being permitted to appear before the king and council, he vindicated hie innocence with such spirit and effect, that his calum- niators shrunk from the charge. After various pere- grinations as a public preacher, he revisited Pennsyl- vania with his wife and family, where it is said he in- tended to spend the remainder of his days ; but he was recalled to defend his proprietary right, which had been attacked in his absence. However, he supported his legal claims ; and was highly respected by Queen Anne, whose court he often visited. Here persecution dosed ; and here his active labours ceased. Age advancing with its concomitant infirmities, he quitted the vicinity of London, and settled at Ruscombe, in Berkshire, where he gradually declined ; and at length quitted this sublu- nary scene in the seventy-fourth year of his age. As a writer, he evinced great good sense, except where it was obscured by mysticism or the peculiaritv of his creed. As a mild and beneficent man, of the purest integrity and conscience, he is an honour to any reli- gious society ; as a legislator, he is inferior to none in the country that produced him or in any other. Though possessed of an ample fortune, he reduced it by his charity to his brethren ; the impositions he sutiercd from ill-disposed persons, and the disinterestedness he shewed in raising a revenue from his province. When offered an impost on certain goods, he returned thanks for this mark of affection, but declined its acceptance. He seemed to consider the settlers as his children, and that it was unbecoming a father to fleece them of their property. At times his affairs were so deranged that he was afraid of his creditors. A pleasant anecdote is rc<'ordcd on an occasion of this nature : lie had con trived an aperture by which he could sec without being seen. A creditor having sent in his name, waited a long time for admission, " Will not thy master see me ?" said he, at last, to the servant. " Friend," replied the servant, " he has seen thee, and Joes not like thy face." By the first system of government all powers were vested in the provincial council and general assembly, S L *'4^MteHL 370 illSTORY OP AMERICA. [book xf. i \ 4'i i ; t ; :i fi 'i|^ : i i . I under the superlntendarice of the proprietor's reprcsen- I of a considerable number of innocent people w tative. The general assembly consisted of the freemen ; and the council, of members elected by them, one third of these vacated their seats every year, and the deficiency was supplied by new nominations. Anotlicr plan was proposed by Mr. Penn, differing but little from that which was already in use,, and was supported by such arguments as secured its adoption. The last po- litical arrangements which were established by the pro- prietor, continued unaltered till the American revolu- tion, and were indeed so calculated for the benefit and liberties of the people th;it they were designated by Tfie Charter of Privileges. The province, under cir- cumstiuices so auspicious, soon became a most promis- ing settlement ; and the unlimited toleration granted to all religious sectaries could not fail to encreasc the number uf its inhabitants. The soil of Pennsylvania is remarkably fertile, and yields crops, in many parts, of uncommon luxuriance. Nor is it a region without en- joyment for the antiquary, whose curiosity cannot be dormant in surveying the face of this engaging country. Th»re stands upon a lofty hill,near the Tyoga river, some- what southward of the line which divides New York from Pennsylvania, an ancient fortification of a circular form, and exhibiting the traces of former strength to which nature had contributed by its choice situation. The entrenchment has not suffered much from the changes of time, and is of great dimensions. No ac- count of the origin of this work can be gathered from the Indians themselves. Similar ruins are to be found interspersed through the western counties. Three oaves, or grottos, are of singular appearance, especially that lying about two miles above the conlluencc of the Svvetara river with the Susquehannah. Its aperture is under a high bank, exceeding eighteen feet in width. and descending by a gradual declination below the surface of the water : and in its passage are various apartments of difl'ercnt dimensions, some low and nar- row, others very high and si)acious, vaulted by magni- ficent canopies, fretted witli a variety of depending pe- trifactions, some of which are drawn to a great length by the constant exudation of new matter. Pillars are thus concreted, which sc^ni like supporters to the roof. The resemblances of monuments are indented in the sides of the cave, and present to imagination the tombs of de|)arted heroes. Suspended from tiie ceiling is the ** bell," vvliicli is a stone projected in an unusual form, and is so called from the sound it produces when struck, which ^^ similar to that of a bell. A strange inf;itualion had licgun to produce misery in private families, and disorder throughout the com- munity. The imputation of witchcraft was accompa- nied with a prevalent belief of its reality ; and the lives ere sacrificed to blind zeal and superstitious crcduHtv The mischief commenced at Salem, in Massachusets • and soon extended into various pjn-ts of the colony' The contagion, howeVer, was principally spread over the county of Essex. In the course of seven months nineteen persons were executed, ahd one pressed to death, all of whom died in the asseveration of their in. nocence. But the only instance of the barbarous punishment of pressing to death, which occurs in the history of New England, is that to which we have already alluded. The unfortunate victim, re- fusing to plead, was tortured in that manner, and ex- pired under the severity of this inhuman usage. More than a hundred women, many of them of fiur characters, and of the most reputable families, were apprehended and committed to prison. None were safe, for all were liable to be accused ; and, as Man, tesquieu says upon a similar occasion, a person ought to have been a magician to be able to clear him.tcif of the imputation of magic. Such was the excess of their stupidity, that to the most dubious crime in the world, they joined the most uncertain proofs. The justices of Salem issued their warrants to apprehend the indivj. duals that were charged by the afllicted children, as they used to be called ; the justices asked the apprehended, who were confronted by their accusers, why they afflicted the poor children, to which the others replied, that they did not afflict them. Hereupon they were ordered to look at the said children, and immediately these were surt> to fall into a fit. They were then blindfolded, and commanded to touch them j the ciiil- drcn were no sooner touched than they recovered ; and thereby proved the identity of their tormentors, who, although of great reputation and respectable alliances, were forthwith immured on the grounds of sorcery. This part of our history furnishes an affecting proof of the imbecility of the human mind, and of the potent influence of the passions. The culture of sound phi- losophy, and the dissemination of useful knowledge, have a happy tendency to repress chimerical theories, with their delusive and miserable effects. Men looked upon nature with more revctence and horror before the world was enlightened by learning and science, and loved to astonish tlicmsclves with the apprehensions of witchcraft, j)rodigics, charms, and enchantments. 'Mure was not a village that had not a ghost in it; the church-yards were all haunted ; every large common had a circle of faiiics belonging to it ; and there \v;is scarce a shepherd to be met with who hud not seen a spirit. The era of English literature could hardly be sai ticularly for the cargoes of morses, which were plenti- fully supplied by the bay of St. Laurence. The teeth of these sea animals are more prized than the tusks of elephants, possessing a superior degree of susceptibility to receive lustre. They are otherwise called sea-horses, and by the Dutch and French are named (according to interpretation), sea-cows. And as their skins, too, were estimated for their utility in many cases, the French carried forward no inconsiderable trade in them } and by the profits arising from such speculations, were often induced to visit the New World. In the year one thousand five hundred and thirty-four, James Cartier, of St. Malo, by royal commission, sailed from that part with two small ships and one hundred and twenty-two men, in search of the advantages which the admiral of France had represented would accrue from colonizing a region in America. He made a very speedy voyage, but the earth being covered with snow, and the coast encompassed with great quantities of ice along all tlie tracts of Newfoundland, he sailed towards the south ; but returning again, he entered the Gulf of St. Lau« rence, which he so named in honour of the Saint, pn whose festival day he first navigated its waters. After sailing to the fifty-first degree of latitude, in the success^ less expectation of finding a passage to China, he re- turned to France without making a settlement. Under the king's commission he started again, attended by a number of young gentlemen, who anticipated the ac- quisition of wealth and renown under his guidance. He spent more time and care in examining the objects of his enterprise; he discovered the river of Canada, now called the St. Laurence, and sailed up that noble stream three hundred leagues, hi his course he formed .illiances with the natives, took possession of the ter- ritory, and wintered in the district of New France. It is said that Donnaconna, a chieftain of the country, being invited to a banquet aboard one of the French ships, (of which Cartier had three) was detained, and afterwards forced away, with other natives, into Fraiice.t conviction i>f its absurdity. I'oor Judire Sewall, who con- curred ill the sentences ol condemnation, has this entry in iiis journal : — " Went to Salcin, where in the uieeling-house tlie persons accused of witchcraft were csaniined ; was a very great assembly — 't«as awful to .see how the afflicted persons were agitated." Hut a tremulous hand wrote in tlie margin, of course uj)on a bubscciueni review, the Latin iuteriectious, Vsd, Vir, \m ! t He lived four years iu Fiance, and died a ChriBtiaa there, —Uakluyt. 8 L 2 378 HISTOnY OF AMERICA. [iJooK xr. , » ti i 7\ I i An Indian canton, Hocliclega, vim visited by tbe I tion. But after intestine broils had ceased, and tnin. French, but they were obliged to retire from the preva- lent distemper of the place, after losing twenty-five men. This Canton is tht; original Montreal ; a moun- tain there was honoured by the captain with the name of Mount Royal, which afterwards extended to the whole island, under tlic iictcronomy of Montreal. The following spring he set sail for home, after establish- ing the tii'st sittlement niadeby the French in America. Cartier suggested the great prospects of commrrcial benefit afturded by the fur productions of the new ter- ritory ; but gold and silver had gained so firm a hold upon the views of men at that day, and excluded so far from reirard the more rational means of national pros- perity, that bis proposals were treated with neglect, and no more encouragement given to the colony. But not- t^itlistanfiini^ the general opposition made to the ad- vances of Cartier, more just sentiments on the subject Wercontcrtiiini'd by individuals. A nobleman of Picardy, Count Hohcrv.il, more zealous than any of his country- men ill ))rosocuting such designs, fitted out two ships at his own exijcncc; and, when prepared for the expe- dition himsrlf, he dispatched Cartier before him, with the n]i[)()intment of Captain-general of the country, of \pany of one hun- thc most eminent ves in the list of its lowever rich, do not e same ultimate be- tion of powerful mi- cnable them to for- ay choose to adopt, but their views are lo confined by selfish advantage and temporary profit, that their accomplishment never tends to general prosperity. The French did not remain undisturbed in Uiieir new acquisitions, nor were their prospects afforded time for ordinary trial. Charles I. granted authority to one Kirk, a native of Dieppe, who bad craved the protection of the British laws, obliged to leave his own country for protesting against the doc- trines of the Roman church, to subdue all the American lettlements which hud been made by the rival nation. His fust attempts on Quebec were foiled by the spirited inswer sent from the governor, when summoned to de- liver up the town to the possession of the English. Kirk was ignorant of the actual condition of the gar- rison, which was at that time extremely low, straitened by want cf sustenance and ammunition. But he was fortunate in his next application, and Quebec was sur- rendered upon very favourable terms, which were so punctually and honourably fulfilled, that many of the French preferred a continuance in the place, to the re- turn, which had been stipulated in the capitulation. The governor was a man of consummate address, for consider- ing the miserable state to which the people were re- duced, no imlulgcnce could have been attained without the most admirable dexterity. The conquest of Quebec seems to have been unknown when the treaty of St. Germain was concluded, by which the property of France in America was guaranteed, including New France, Acadie and Canada. It were didicult otherwise to conceive the reason why Charles restored without limit those territories; and particularly Quebec and Cnpe Breton. From their restitution may be dated tlic evils which assailed the colonics and made England herself repent the donation. Cape Breton, however, was re taken afterwards by an army raised in New Eng- land ; and we pleased ourselves so much with its pos- session that we could not think of giving it back. Among the arguments used to iniiame the people against Charles StiiMrt, it was very clamorously urged, that if he gained tue kingdom, he would restore Cape Breton tu the French. But the French had a more easy expe- dient to regain Cape Breton than by exalting Charles Stuart to the English throne. They took in their turn Fort St. George, and had our Eastlndia company wholly in their power, whom they restored at the peace to their former possessions, that they might continue to export our silver. Cape Breton, tlurefore, was restored, and the French were re-established in America, with equal power and greater spirit, having lost nothing by the war which they had before gained. The commerce of tlic French with the western nations was greatly ob- ^truoted by the incursions of the Mohawks. To repel cr subdue this ferocious enemy, u regiment had becu lately seat over from France. Tbe viceroy and the Civ^ nadian governor, with twenty-eight companies of footi and all the militia, marched fro'n Quebec above st ven hundred miles into the Mohawk country, int«*iit on de« stroying its inhabitants. But us they avpioaclicd, th^ Mohawks retired into the woods with llicir wo(i.'erhaps, or tlicir firmness in maintaining the law of perfect freedom, may be found in their supposed origin from the Hebrews, who after their captivity by the Babylonians were fired witli the special zeal for liberty, ind utterly avrrse to servitude. There arc not many Instances of desertion, for they fight for no hire but the Welfare of their country, and are satisfied with a wreath bf swan feathers in recompcnce of tlie most daring and difficult services. Honour is seldom violated among wen wlio have been known to undergo with alacrity the 'most trjing tortures rather than betray it. Equality bmong the Indians, and the justness observed in award- ing honorary distinctions, give additional force to the inherent love of their country, with which they are ac- tuated. When a community have the like privileges, and all commingle in familiar intercourse, cheerfulness of doing anticipates the cold sense of duty, by which alone in tlic best regulated states we find the actions of most men directed. But, notwithstanding their apti- tude for military enterprise, they do not seem forward to wage war among themselves, unless prompted by the intervention of a third party; and even tlien, all the circumstances attending hostile measures are carefully weighed. Should any of the young warriors, through forwardness or passion, violate the treaty of peace, the aggressing party usually send by some neutral Indians, a friendly embassy to the other, praying them to accept of equal retribution, and to continue their friendship, assuring ihcm that the rash unfriendly action did not meet with the approbation but displeasure of the chief men. If the proposal be accepted, compensation is Ujade by the sacrifice of one of the culprits, who corn- XT. monly is a member of the weakest family, or of some unfortunate captive, ingrafted in a wasted tribe. 'ri,g offended party do not await this overture from the otiier, in the case of a chieftain's murder, but imme. diatcly, of their own accord, take the (utisfuetion of a human life, and if disposed to a reconciliation they send an embassy, who report the steps aireudv adopted, and that the crying blood of the deceased beinr quenched, his soul is at peace, and express a wish lor the continuance of amity ; but when disinclined to friendship, they exclaim mattle .' matlle.' inipoiiii)» tlieir determination to exact punishment. A war can. tain, hereupon, announces his intention of wiii^jng ^ar against the common enemy, who are declared to be such by the voice of all his people. He then beats a drum three times round his winter house, with the bloody colours flying, marked in streaks of crimson and sable, emblematic of mourning and bloodshed. Num. bers of warlike men assemble around him, and pmvide themselves with bags of parched corn flour for tlieir war stores. They repair to his winter house, and fur three days and nights, without any other rcfreshnient drink decoctions of ttie consecrated herbs and r(juts. That the utmost precision should be observed, the young men, or those recently initiated, are under the view uf elder persons, whose business it is to ^ee the difjerent parts of the ceremony exactly performed. They expect from such holiness and sanctity the favour and aid of the deity, and in consequence success to their under- takings. If any violation of the prescribed rites nud observances should be committed, they, no longer con- sidering the assistance of heaven, await the vengeance and resentment of the holy fire, and desist from tie execution of their designs. But when they have fmi.'-hed their purifications, they set ofl'at the fixed time, he it fair or foul, firing their guns- whooping and hallooing as they march. The war leai'.cr goes first carrying the holy ark ; he begins the solemn song of war, which is now and again seconded by the followers with tlie cry of the whoo-whoop, rendering the lay more awful and impressive. They proceed in this nianner until lliey enter the wpods, and after that the most profound silence is observed, in order to give due attention to the first sounds of the enemy ; their eyes are cast in all di- rections with the quickness of glance and sensaliou which belongs to the lynx, while they resemble tlie wild cat or cunning panther crawling to the prey. Thus tiicy proceed as long as good success seems to await them, but if an unfavourable dream disturb the repose of any, they all relinquish their object, and re- turn home, without suffering the least stain upon their glory or courage. They reckon an obedience to the divine impulse more incumbent than a prosecution of »0OX XI. 3 lIISTOIiy OF AMERICA. H8 whatever their own witliet Rnd opinions mi^^ltt dictate for tilt benefit of the country. As tht-ir dnainN are |-e- mrdcd with revrrcnce, so is a small bird, tin- imrne of ^'hii'h im|)lii's a kind messenger of evil, always dcenicd X\\c sure oruvle of filial events. If it sings near to them, tlicy nre geniTully intimidated ; but if i'- ocrchcs and sings over the wur-camp, they speedily bi up. 'I'iiis fupcr&titious custom prevailed with the early heathens, who pretended tu prophesy by the flight uf birds, and it reached to the times of the Uomans. Every captain selects a noted warrior to attend upon him and the coin|>any. He is culled Elissa, or the divine waiter; and from his hands alone nourishment is accounted safe. Although they carry their war stores respectively, yet none dare eat or drink, however urged by appetite, unless the food be administered from his hands, which usually deal it with rigid parsimony. Such a regimen would prove very mortifying to the white people, how- ever dangerous they might conceive its violation. It is very astonishing to an European observer, to sec with what regard they attend to their ancient traditions, and tlie patience they exercise under abstemious rules, for the attainment of their deity's favour. The com- panies who go on an expedition consist of ditlercnt numbers ; sometimes only two or three undertake an enterprise, but these proceed with the utmost caution and dexterity. A couple of Mohawk Indians came once against the lower towns of the Checrake, and so cun- iogly ambuscaded themselves through most part of the t^Ting and summer, as to kill above twenty in diti'erent attacks before they were discovered by any party of the enrflgcd and dejected people. They had a thorough knowledge of the most convenient ground for their pur- pose, and were extremely swift and long-winded. When- ever they killed any and got the scalps, they instantly retired to the neighbouring mountains, and ran over the broad ledges of rocks, in contrary courses, as occa- sion offered, and so the pursuers were unable to trace them. In this manner did these two gallant savages perplex and intimidate their foes for the space of four tnunths in the most complete security, although they were often forced to kill what they lived upon in the midst of their enemies. Having suiliciehtly revenged tlie blood of their relatives, and gratified their own am- bition by the many scalps they had obtained, it was determined that tl\ey should take one of the Ciieerake alive, that lie might be a proof to their tribe of having dealt their slaughtering arms upon those oi\l y who were enemies, to their nation. Accordingly they approached very near to Keeowhcc, advancing with circumspection and care; one creeped forward, in secret, about a hundred yards before the other, who passed from tree to tree, lookiug sharply on every side. Au old oiau, who was waUiing thexcabouls, observed the two Mo> hawlfs, and recognized them from the cut of t^e hair and the lightness of the dress. He returned to the towOf and opened his discovery to one of our traders, whom, however, he enjoined to keep the afl'air from the know- ledge of all, lest the people should set oil' against them without success before tlie tracks were discovered. The trader communicated the matter to the head men of the town, who directed the youth to continue their noisy diversions, that the Mohawks ought apprehend no sua>- picions of their danger. Meantime runners were dis- patched tu the neighbouring inhabitants, who coming to the place, advanced in profound silence, and forming a semi-circle, enclosed them between their own bodj and the river. They then drew a narrower compass, and finding the two unfortunate men, raised the signal of war. The Mohawks bounded up, bravely re-echoed the sound ; but overcome, after prodigious carnage, they were taken, and sufl'ered death under the most ex- quisite tortures. About fouryears before the Shawano Indians were forced to remove from Savaiiah town, they took a Mubkohgc warrior, known by the name of Old Scrany ; they bas- tinadoed him in the usual manner, and condemned him to the fiery torments. lie underwent a great deal with- out indicating the least concern ; his countenance ex- hibited no expression of pain, and seemed formed ano- malous to the rules of nature. He told them, with a daring aspect and intrepid voice, that he was a noted warrior, that his preferments and honours had been numerous, and most of them gained by his triumphs over their nation, and that now in the manner of his death he could evince the superiority which whs already so conspicuous. That in consecjucnce of his impurity, while conducting the sacred ark, he had excited the anger of heaven, yet he sliil possessed sulhcient forti- tude and virtue to make atonement, by voluntarily un- dergoing more excruciating pains than it was in the power of their ignorant rabble to inflict. He desired to be untied, and thai they would permit him to use the heated gun-barrels. His air was so noble and deter- mined that his request was not refused. He grasped one end of a red barrel, and brandisiiing it, with a vii-age of terrific fury, swept away tiie opposing ranks, leapt down a tremendous precipice, dived into the adjacent river, bounded over an island, and arriving upon a bramble swamp, amidst showers of bullets from the enemy, and pursued by his most inveterate and active foes, reached his own region, and livid to devour with his weapon many Sliawano Indians. A party of the Senekaii Indians came to war against the Katahba, bitter enemi» s tu eiieh i.ther. In the woods, a sprightly vyanior Lciunging to the Iva.tabba mBm S76 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [»00K XI. r i 1 , J i!' :h I i was aeen by the former, hit flight homewuds being intercrpted, he tprung to a hollow rock four or five miles distant. He WM so extremely swift, and dex- terous with the gon, that he killed seven of liis pur- ■uers before they could take and secure liiui. They brought him to their country, in mournful triumph, grieved for the loss of their frit'nds, yet they treated liim with more respect and civility than if his valour liad been less displsyed. According to their laws of retributive justice he was met, at entering the towns, by the women and children, mIio inflicted witli their greatest severity the lash of the whip, and he was finally condemned to suiter capitni punishment by (ire. It might reasonably be supposed, that what he had un- dergone from scanty nourishment, and the castigution which he endured from the women, added to other mcdes of torments, would have conquered his consti- tution, and rid him of farther suft'erings. But he was not unmindful of tlie martial virtue's of his race, nor did his body seem unequal to the spirit which gave it animation. Wiien they hionf^lit him to the place ap- pointed for his torture, he suddertly dashed down tiiosc who stood in his way, sprung oft', and plunged into the water, swimming underneath like uii otter, and rising only to inhale breath, till at last he reached in safety the opposite bank. He had now to ascend a shelving steep, and did not want a motive for hurry ; yet, loth to leave his enemies abruptly, he determined to show, by his manner of parting, his sense of the favours which they had intended to tlo him. And altli(>nj,'li Ww pur- suers were some of liiem ur^'ing llir(Uif,'h thv- ,vater, others, like blood-lioiinds, turning to all quarters, ard bullets were poured around him, which had never ceased to thicken his atiiiosphtre from the first moment he touched the stream, yet liis heart could not let him re- treat without contemptuous ceremony, which he ex- pressed by every position of defiance and scorn. His last adieu was the shrill cry of the whoo-whoop; and, darting auay, he continued his speed till midnight. Then he rested ; till having discovered five of his pursuers, he l;iy concealed at a short distance from their camp, and anxiously waited the season of their repose. They fell asleep. Every circumstance of his condition occurred to his mind, iind s\\ i lied his breast already big with the heav- ings of indignation and revenge. IJc was naked, man- gled, exhau->tLd, and hungry, and his enraged enemies were at hand. The relief of his wants, and the gratifi- cation of his revenge were now within his power; and the accomplishment of tiicse objects would besides re- dound to his glory. Accordingly he crceped towards them, took one of the toniuhawks, and killed them all on the spot. He then chopped them in pieces in as horrid a manner as savage fury could ^xcitv', both through national and personal resentment ; he stripped off tbcir scalps, clothed himself, took a choice gun, and as much ammunition and provisions as he was able to carry. His heart was eased ; and for threa succctkive nights bo took no repose, reclining only against a trei a little before the day. When he found himielf (rtt from the pursuit of the enemy, he made directly to the very place where he had killed tiie seven Senekah In. dians, and been taken fur the fiery torture. He digirej up the bodies, scalped and burned them to ashes, and then returned home in cheerful triumph. Others, o^ the following day, came to the tent of their dead people where they found the lacerated carcases, and, struck with horror, thought not of pursuing any longer but how to retreat with security. When the Chikkasah were engaged in war with the Muskohgc Indians, one of their young warriors hast. encd alone to avenge the blood of u near relation ; I,;, burning ardour would sufler no delay ; he neither waited for the company , nor the purification ordained to con. ciliatc the bestower of triumph. He was replete with ninrtia. fire, and revenge prompted him to out-run jiig virtue ; he pursued, however, as mortifying a diet as if fed (jy the hand of the religious waiter, liul as he would not stop a few days, nor accompany the holy ark, the* reckoned him irreligious, depending upon the power of his own arms, instead of the assistance of the supreme fathcrchieftain,whoalwBys confers success upon the more virtuous. He went through the most unfrequented and thick parts of the woods at such a dangerous enterprise required, till arriving near the residence of the foe, he lay in wait for his prey. He concealed himself under the top of a fallen pine tree, in view of a ford, over which the enemy often parsed in light poplar canotj. All hi:; war-store of provisions consisted in three ttwdi of barbicued venison, till he had an opportunity to satisfy his resentment and return home. He stayed with watchfulness and patience nearly three days, when a young man, a woman, and a girl, passed the ford, a little before sun-set. The first he shot, tomohawked the other two, and scalped each in a trice under the eyes of their tribe. By way of bravado, be shook the scalps before them, sounded the awful death-whoop, and set olT" along the trading path, trusting to his speed, while numbers of the Muskoglie ran to tlieir arms and chased the invader. At the distance of seven miles he entered the blue ridge of Apalache mountains, and had an hour before day-light run seventy miles over that moun- tainous tract ; then, after sleeping two hours in a sitting posture, with his back reclined against a tree, he de- parted with renewed activity. As he threw away hit venison when he found himself pursued by the enemy, be was obliged to 8^pport nature with such roots ur jiOOK XI.j IJ1J>J )UV )F AMERICA. V7 herbs M hit sharp eye directed him U asU I up h< )< , iiiipetuout cuuriie. And lliuiit place, ip I the cri-Ment form, i^nd ^) ities .y wait it .. .lole day aud fiiglit i| I'leeni'ii run 1.0 't; und in such case tluj victi' > usuall) mdcd I ' a single effort. When tliry 9«cr ho»< tracks i' Uieir hunting-ground, or in ti etuote we 40, it is surprising to see the caution and tliry use, lUi to secure themselves and take adviut* i^c I tilt' nMfmy. If a small company be out at war, they crawl, m the day-time, through thickets and swamps in the manner of wolves ; now and then they climb trees, and run to the tops of hills, to discover the smoke of fire, or hear the report of guns , and when they cross over the open woods, one of them stands be- hind a tree while the rest advance about a hundred yards, looking out sharply on every quarter. In this manner they proceed, und on tijjtue peep every where around ; they walk on trees which have been blown down, and take an oblique course till they enswamp themselves again, in order to avoid making tracks or provohtng pursuit. As nothing is to be acquired by force from such enemies, it is wiser in the white people to conciliate their affections than to foment their ani- mosity, since in an Indian war nothing can be gained by conquest, and still less by defeat. When the in- vaders extend themselves across the woods in quest of their prey, if they make a plain discovery either of fresh tracks or of the enemy, tliey forthwith pass the war- signal to each other, aud contract their force to a centre. If tracks only are seen, they set forward in pursuit, and by their methods of crawling, commonly surround and surprise the.j)ursued. When enemies discern one ano- ther, and find no advantage can be taken, they make themselves known ; and, in bravado, speak aloud all the barbarities they ever reciprocally committed. In the mean time, they strip naked, and paint their faces red, intermingled with black streaks. Every one at the signal of the shrill sounding wa;'-cry, instantly covers himself behind a tree, or in some cavity of the ground where safety is most probable. The leader, on each side, immediately blows the small whistle he carries for the occasion, in imitation of the ancient trumpet, M the last signal of engagement. Now hot work begins — the guns are fired ; chewed bullets are showered ; the strong hiccory bows twang ; the barbed arrows whiz as they fly; the javelin strikes death wherever it reaches ; and the tomohawk kills or disables an enemy. Nothing is any where to be heard but the echo and the sound of the dismal whoo-whoop ; every ono furiously pursues his adversary from tree to tree, striving to encircle him for his prey, and the greedy jitws of death gape on all sides to devour them. One foe falls into the hateful and quivering arms of auuther, and each party desperately S M 979 HISTORY OF AMERICA. t"OOK VI. il \t t CK h i A.) rn „ i f csinyi both to Htftnd lU detA and ^rouniied from scalp* ' punishing their foes itill more severely, they t\vnh\ (mm ation, Slid to gain tho scalps of the other. On this the fight cotnincncea with mnewed animoflity ; but rasli uttempls are for the most part unsuccessful, for their >vary spirit hinders them from coming to a general close engagement. Now ihey iall back} then tliey draw up in various iigurcs, still keeping the dead and wounded under their eye. Now they lie flat on the ground, loading their pieces; tlien thry arc up, firing behind trees, and inimcdiHtely spring oft' in an obliciue direc- tion in order to recruit : and in this manner they act till winged victory dc;.r. If the battle be gained near liomc, one hero runs bff with this member, another with that, as joyful trophies of a decisive victory. The Spa- nish historians aver their practice of devouring human flesh, but this ap])earanee alone of returning loaded with it, is the only foundation for their report. Their first aim is to take oiF the scalp when they perceive the eneiDy in a proper situation, and likely to moke a dan- gerous resistance. Euch is so emulous of this iionour, that the pursuit is not unfrequently intermitted for its attainment. The mode of operation is, first, a seizure of the hair, while the feet of the scalpatorsire placed on the neck of the person disabled or dead ; then twisting the huir with one hand, he extends it as far as he can ; with tiie other hand he draws the sharp scalping knife from a sheatii on tlie breast, and slashes round the top uf the skull, and making a few dexterous scoops, soon strips it off. Tiiey are so expeditious as to complete these dreadful performances in the lapse of two minutes. When the operation is finished, in order to preserve the proof of their martial virtue, the scalp is fastened to a small hoop with bark, or the sinews of deer, and is painted on the inside with red, a colour emblematic of the sanguinary achievement. The blood of the enemy has now satiated their cruel desires, nnd they return home to purify by fasting, and sanctify through the priest of war their woeful proceedings. Tradition, or natural instinct, seems to deem the shedding of man's blood an act of impurity ; and we find a law existing among the Indians, requiring an ablution for such oH'ences : they themselves do not regard their persons untainted or free from the curse of their great god, un- til the forms prescribed are duly discharged ; insomuch, that althougli t^iey might have the oppoftuuity of carnage, and repair to the war-chieftnin, who performs tlie sacerdotal function, to the great satisfaction of atl their people. They liave no such phrase us *• the for. tune of war ;" but attribute their miscarriage to their leader's impiety } nnd if his company undergo ^Tent loss, they cither put him to death for the supiMsed tnult or degrade him to the condition of his boy, ironi tvlijch he can only emerge by fresh exhibitions of military merit. This measure renders them cautious and averse to bold attempts in war, and satisfied witli a ])risoi r and two or three scalps. Instead of observing tlie Ge- nerous and hospitabit! jiarts of martial law, and sparinfr the lives of their unfortunate captives, no enemy fa||t into their hands but lie is reserved for death, and tliat to be suft'ered through the most agonizing torture. No representation can be given in words adequate to the shocking manner in which they afflict an unhappy pri. soncr. When the company return from tlie action, they follow their leader in n direct line, five or tliree yards asunder to magnify the triumphal procession. They fire the platoon, whilst they whoop and insult tlie |>ersons they have taken. They encamp near the town over night, and the prisoners are made fast to a high pole placed in the centre. Next day they proceed to the mansion of the leader, but stay without, assembird around his red war-pole, until they have determined the fate of the captives. If any of them should be fortu- nate enough to get loose, and run into the house of an arche-magus, or to a town of refuge, by ancient cus- tom, he is reueemed from the fiery punishment, pro< vided he was no invader ; but all invaders are doomed without mercy to the pains of fire. Should they omit to devote the prisoners, while sanctifying themselves for the expedition, the younger men are spared. Hut those who are advanced in life do not come within this provisional pardon, neither do the warriors uf high gradations, who are easily known by the blue marks which cover their bosoms and arms. (The ink used for making such characters is a composition uf the soot of pitch pine ; delineating the parts with their stroiige hieroglyphics, they perforate the skin with the teeth uf gair fish, and rubbing over it the ink, the impression is a lasting register of what has been achieved). When the sentence is passed, whoever are condemned approucii a stake, one at a time. The miserable coiiiricts are l\M stripped quite naked, and a pair of bear t>liiii niacca- seenes arc put upon their feet, with tlie black hairy part outwards ; then a burning firebrand is fastetied to the pole a little above the reach of their heads. They are no longer in suspense, they know their doom ;— deep black and burning fire are fixed seals of an irre- versible death-warrant. The first process uf punishnieut BOOK »h^ mSTOUY OF AMERICA. 379 U left to the women, wliom nature, by a more ildicate fpriiiation of norves, would aeem to havi- iinfittwl for tliat barbaroui ofliev ( but education wnrpii the piirpost! uf nature, and thny a|>pcar forward to undertake tiic tnkk asNigned tbcm. A long bundle of dry ciincs, or the jirart uf fat pitch pine, ii prepared, and they and the children beat the miterable victims with relrntlest leverity. The pain which arises must be most cxcru- ciatinfi^, but it only forms n prelude to sufferings still more terrible. The deatlwsignal being made, prepara- tions for u horrible scene immediately follow. They pinion the arms, and fasten the neck by a grape vine to the pol", allowing the sufferer a circumference of fifteen yards to track round it. 'J'ough clay is stuck to his head, that the scnlp may be saved from the blaaing torches. Unspeakable pleasure now seems to pervade the circle of the merciless executioners ; whilst he, generally, remains undismayed, trampling with haughty indiflerencc the rattling gourd, and chanting with manly voice the song of wnr. The women make a furious onset with their burning torches ; his |)ain be- comes at length so keen, that with more rage than the lAvnge beast of prey he rushes from the pule, biting, trampling, and tearing all before him. The circle is completed again, and he is attacked as before, now running for shelter to the pole, but the flames pursue him. Then with champing teeth, and glaring eye-balls, he rushes forth with acquired vigour, and plays all the parts of mischief to which despair and madnes'^ can im- pel him. But he is overpowered, and by thi:> time the hre affects his vitals ; cold water is hereupon poured over him, and some respite is allowed for the recovery of his spirit, and till he can be sensible of new torment. Xlie like cruelties are then repeated, and exhausted he sinks to be pained no more. They immediately scalp and demember him, and each is eager to obtain some piece of his body, which is borne in exulting triumph. This treatment is not the most doleful which captives receive at the hands of their ruthless captors, but it were revolting to enter more fully into the particulars of such a tragical description, or detail the variations of an litdian execution. No being discovers the least symptom of pity during the sufferings of the victim. The women sing with religious joy ; and if any token of fear is betrayed, the whole assemblage rings with laughter. A warrior always carries the firmest coun- tenance, and outbraves death, whooping as long as his strength endures, and narrating his gallant exploits against his executioners, describing the modes of tor- ture which he had seen exercised upon their country- men by his own, and threatening a return for all the evils inflicted on himself. Although with regard to the conduits uf seusution^ the same things may bu sup- posed to operate in the same ilegre^i' |lf»t)rmlly apofi tlio humau frame, yet steadiness or coiistnncy of mind materially abates or mitigates the pain. By this habit« the iifUicted party displays an unconcern truly wonder* ful. To education ond custom may likewise be attri* buted the unfeeling conduct of the women ; and tbU will appear the less unreasonable by considering hoy many females, in other respects not destitute of human emotions, can sit in Europe to witness the tortures off devoted martyrs, when the iuculvatiuns of priests have made them reputed as the service of God. When the Indians have finished their captive tragedies, they re- turn to the neighbouring town in triumph, with the wild shrieking noise of destroying demons } there they cut the scalps into several pieces, (ix them ou diUerent twigs of the green leaved p-'^e, aud place thera on the tops of the circular -•»iuter Jiouses of their deceased le- lutiuns, whose deaths they esteem uurevenged till then ) and thus the ghosts ure eu uled to goto their interrae^ diate state of rest, and dwell for ever in tlmi most while am 'C *' i liglous duty with uf rcjuicing won i, grateful song of . . a rertam time return to ..id ivhich pleased them J,. They perfurm this re- ituity, Mttended by a traia villi soft voices their the conquerors resound the pruiiies of t!,' •river of victory, in awful notes, in* termixcd with t lie cry uf the whoo-whuop. They re- juice with dix ic ng before the divine presence fur three days and nights. In their dance, they represent all the wild-cat movements which they made in crawling to surprise the enemy; and their wolfish conduct in killing with security, or the whole engagement when they could not attack by an advantageous onset. They lift one foot, then gently kt it drop on tiptoe, while they look charply every way. Thus they proceed from tree to tree, till the supposed enemy is defeated citber. by stratagem, or in o,>eu buttle. Then they strut about in parade, and the chief will tell the peuple, that he did not behave like a blind white man, who would have rushed on with his eyes shut, improvident of danger) but having wisely considered that his bare breast was not bullet proof, he cunningly covered himself from tree to tree, and by his skilful conduct vanquished the odious foe without exposing his own life to danger. All ])eop1e praise or censure another's conduct in pro- portion to tlie purity or disparity it bears to their owa standard and notions of virtue. In the time of their rejoicing, they fix a certain day for the warriors to be crowned, for they cannot sleep easy under an old title, while one higher is due. On that long wished for day they all appear upon parade, as cheerful and gay as the birds in spring. Their martial drums beat, tiieir bloody colours are displayed, aud most of the young peoplo 9S0 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XL 4^ I A- dunce and exult for tlie prosperity of their nation, and .the safe return of tlieir friends and relatives. Every txpectant warrior upon that joyful occasion wears deer skin maccaseenes, painted red, his body is anointed with bear's oil, h young softened otter's skin is tied to each leg, a loni,' collar of fine swan feathers hangs round his neck, and his face is painted with tlic various streaks of the rainbow. Thus they B|>pcar, when two of the old tnagi come fortli, holding as many whitecrowns and wands as tl ere are warriors to be graduated ; and, in a statiuing posture, tlicy alternately deliver a long oration, with great Tehemence, chiefly commending their strict ob- servance of the law of purity, while they accompanied the holy ark of war, which induced the supreme chief- tain to give them the victory ; and they encourage the rest to continue to pant after glory in imitation of their brave ancestors. When the orations are concluded, one of the magi calls three times with a loud voice a warrior by his new name or war title, and holds up the white crown and the sceptre or wand. The other gladly answers, and runs whooping three times round them. A white crown is placed upon his head, and a sceptre br Wand Is delivered to him, upon which he returns to his place, exulting with joy. And having in the same manner distinguished all the graduate warriors, they dismiss them with this caution, " Remember who you are ;'* which reminds one of the bold lessons of virtue ^iven iit Rome, and in Greece, before their corruption. The crown Is formed, in the lower pari, of long swan feathers, which is curiously wrought with white down to make it sit easy and appear more beautiful. To the part that wreathes the brows, a ringlet is attached of the longest feathers of the swan, which the ingenious artist warps close together, and turning them up in an uniform position, ties them with the sinews of deer, so that the bandage cannot be discerned. It is a little open at top, and about fifteen inches high. The crowns they use in constituting war leaders arc always wrought with feathers of the tail of the cherubic eagle, whicli causes them to be three or four inches higher than the others. I'his custom bears strong si- tnilitude to the practice of the ancients upon similar ocitnsions. By education, precept, and custom, as well as strong example, the Indians have learned to shew an external acqiiiescence in every tiling that befalls them. There- fore they reckon it a scaiidiil to the character of a steady m — ■ — ^»— ~.— .^— .*M.^_ * 'J'liisi game requirt-s vei y great ixertion ami iiiU.ciilar force, and was iiileiiikHJ lir iiilm lianlv as the Sparliiiis. Tlic l)ail '»■ made of (leer .skin, stuffed with deer Imir, and sewed with deer Mnews. Tlie liall sticks are aliont two feet Inif, ex- pHudiii); »t one end, and ti^litly laced with tiifings. Beiweuii ^e^c the ball is caught, uud pitched to a great dislaacu. warrior to be ruffled by anjraceidents ; their virtue, thev think should prevent it. Their conduct tallies with their principles. Previous to engaging in the amuse- ment, or rather their exercise of the ball,* they most devoutly supplicate their deity fur success. And to move its benign influence, they mortify themselves in a most surprising manner ; and, with very little inter mission, the female relations dauce out of duurs all the preceding night, chanting hymns for the victorv of their kindred on the morrow The men fast and wake from sun-set till the ball play is ended the follow. ing day, which commonly it is in the early part of the afternoon. During the whole night they are lu forbear sleeping under the penalty of reproaches and shame- which would light very heavily upon them if thtir side should prove defeated, for the failure would he assigned to that unmanly and vicious conduct. I'hey turn out upon the play-ground, painted white, and whooping as if the prisoners of Piuto had escaped from their eon- finement. When the first transports of enthusiasm are over, the leader of the company begins a religiouj invocation. The twentieth ball is supposed to be the special mark of divine favour. A stranger, when he ii informed of the season of the year, and state of their bodies, in which thry perform these severe exercises could hardly credit the possibility. Itisinthe very heat of summer, when the sim has scorched the animal juices, already weakened by the purgative root of button snake, and want of repose, that they celebrate the games. But the constancy with which they are endued and the conscientious-discharge of theirduties to virtue enable them to continue throughout firm and ardent however briskly the pby is pursued. A body of the French, and about fourteen hundred Choktah, their red allies, attacked a town of the Chik- kasah, when sixty warriors only were at home ; hut these fought so desperately as to secure themselves their women and children, till some of the hunters who had been immediately sent for, came to their assistance. However inferior in numerical strength, they repelled the assault with complete success. I pou another occasion they displayed equal spirit against the French invaders, who with a large body of auxiliaries attempted all their towns except one which stood at a considerable distance from the rest. The doors were closely beset, and the few who ventured abroad were killed on the spot; and the French, sure of the prey, uuicss some ot the opp»&iic party intercept ; and so very dex- lLrou>lj do they generally play, the bull is seldoui but on tlio wing from one ^uul to ll'ie other, itepurated about a huiulicd yuruh; nor is it alloued to be tnken by the hand, but by the piayiiig bticks. lu eflccuu^ which thcj shew aslouishiug quick- Ucab Ot tiiuUt. ',. BOOK XI.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 381 gave a loose to their joyful anticipations. But at dawn tlicy were suddenly attacked by the inhabitants of the otlier town, who, painted all over red and black, charged them with dreadful fury, and were joined by their bre- thren, still cncreasing as they went forward, till in their turn they encircled their enemies who now gave up all hopes of effecting their purpose; and being abandoned by their red allies, the French were utterly destroyed, excepting one officer, who was preserved by the fide- lity of his negro, l^ie officer was pursued and over- taken, but dismissed with a message to his friends, im- porting their determination to do the French all possi- ble iiijuries. Thus the whole country remained in the most distressing apprehension of the Chikkasah, to whose rage and fury every prisoner was sacrificed by tlic pains of the fiery torture. Flushed with iheir vic- tory, many parties formed themselves for the express design of extending llieir depredations and mischief to the French. Some repaired to the Mississippi to watch for the trading boats, and when they found any, put the crew to death ; so that a number of ships only would hazard the dangers of these attacks, and the Chikkasah side of the country was even then cautiously avoided. Tiie men carried with them swivel guns, and so much alive were they to their perilous situation, that a wild beast roaring in the night was sufficient to supersede their slumbers. But by a finished policy, eflecting a confederacy of the Canada and Mississippi Indians against the Chikkasah, the French saved their settle- ments from annihilation. The Choktah Indians surpass the other tribes in the intellectual powers of the mind, but do not possess so much manly sj)irit. They have great strength of nie- iiiory and a graceful flow of language, but their senti- ments are poor and grovelling. A favuur is solicited by them with tiie most winning address and softness of manner, against which it is liard to make resistance. But they do not seem themselves proprietors of any mine of charity, and frequently exert the same skill in refusing a friendly office which they employ in craving the kindness of others. If a Choktah be implored to give any thing away, he instantly begins to tell some- thing new and strange, and makes his stury hold out till the petitioner has ended his prayer. Conscious, perhaps, of this faculty to persuade, and finding it so convenient for the repose and incrtion of their own bodies, they in a great measure subsist upon contribu- tion, and make tluir intelligence useful in the arts of mendicity. In stealing, too, they exhibit wonderful in},'enuity, often taking the article in presence of its owner, and while they keep him in discourse ; and they consider it no disgrace to have imposed upon u trader, but on the contrary they arrogate to themselves no small 33—34. share of credit and reputation for deceiving him. They seem not animated with any high qualities at all, save an attachment to their own nation, and this they have in no inconsiderable degree. At times they commit great barbarities, but indolence renders their vicious propensities, less hurtful than if ihcy were of active persevering habits. The women influence the mea- sures of the Choktah, as they do thoSe of other Indians, and by raising the lay of war, add much to their martial spirits. A hunting party of the Chikkasah, having reached the extremity of their limits, were desirous of extend- ing their chase. Being ignorant of tlie country, they sent a young warrior to explore it to the distance of thirty miles, directing him by the course of the suu. He came up with an encamped body of the Choktah, who treated him with every mark of kiiidiiess and hos- pitality, invited him to partake of their repast, and ex- pressed their satisfaction in being able to show him civility. IJut while he was engaged in refreshing him- self, one of them crept behind, and sunk his toii.ohawk into his skull. His associates helped to curry him away, and dcjiositing the unfortunate youth in a hollow trunk, presently removed to another spot. When the time of his expected return had elapsed, the Chikkasah left their women and children under the protection of a few warriors, and went in questof their missing kins- man. They had no other direction than that which they had given to him on his departure; according to which they bent their course, and arrived in a lew hours at the very place where the Clfoktah were encamped when the young warrior was killed. They looked about with great care and attention, and found some drops of blood upon fallen trees over whicli the body had been dragged, and foUov/ing the traces, discovered ti>e re- mains of their friend inclosed in the cavity of the tree. They repressed their emotions of sorrow, declaring tears fit only for women, but revenge the proper attribute of men. Having brought the corpse to the opposite side of an adjoining swamp, and placed it beyond the reach of wild beasts, they set forward in pursuit of the Chok- tah. It was not yet day when they arrived at their camp, which tiiey instantly attacked, killed one and wounded many, \vhoo|)ing, and shouting aloud that they were the Chikkas.'., ' ,'\er the first to break the knot of friendship, nor ^» . !asc u take vengeance for kindred blood ; that the Choktan were base, worse than wolves, for the wolves killed in order to eat, but the Choktah gave food in order to kill. As their kinsman was left unscal|)ed, so they left the object of their rage, and satisfied with what they had already done, returned to their own country. Froui all the accounts that appear of the manners and disposition of the Indians, we may 3 N j^ HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XI. conclude the Clioktah character below tliat of the other tribes ill generosity, courage, principle, not in every attracting grace which adorns humanity, but in all the higher qualities by which it is ennobled. Before the Indians enter upon any hostile expedition, we have seen with what exactness and solicitude they make their persons sanctified and fit for the divine pro- tection. When tlie leader has assembled around him the daring volunteers, and duly perfurnicd his circuits about his winter house, ind in a direction opposite to the solar course, he inflames their minds with an oration, exalts them to the Im-e of glory, and inspires the desire of expiating the crying blood of their murdered friends. No trader, however respected, is permitted to come witliin tlie circumference of the holy ground while tiiey are engaged in tlie oflice of purification ; and, although procpcding against the same enemy, he is obliged to keep apart from the camp, until he has been made holy by the sacred things of tiie ark. The ark is of very simple construction ; it has four sides of equal perime- ter, one side is flat for the convenicncy of being carried on a man's back, the other sides project in the middle ; there is a cover formed of liiccory splinters, and the whole maciiine is thereby secured from the pollution of vulgar eyes. Various figures, of the most fantastic de- scription, fashioned by the hands of religious women, are placed within it, and constitute tiie vehicle of com- munication from their god. So awful is their regard for the holy ark that none dare touch it except the war- chieftain or the waiter, who carry it alternately on their shoulders. Even enemies refrain to contaminate its holiness, and conceive the greatest guilt would be in- curred if they should ; nor does the w.ir-chieftain, or the sacred waiter, ever cease to gain by ritual perform- ances additional grace to render him fit for the service of bearing so revered a burden. The greatest absti- nence is oliservcd by all while preparing for the war, and for three days before they commence their journey, they have no intercourse whatever witii the sex, and deny themselves every domestic indulgence. If their enterprise has proved successless, they never murmur at the dispensation of the deity, but ascribe tlie mis- carriage to his merited displeasure, their own neglect and unworthiness ; but if they return victorious, they chant the hymn of praise and thanksgiving. When they come witliin one day's niMrcii of home, a courier is dispatched with the glad tidings, and orders the leader's winder house to ho carefully swept and cleaned against his arrival. By ancient custom, while the warriors arc gone, the women brush the house with the utmost care, and place tiie sweepings beliind the door, leaving them there till the bearer of the ark commands them to be removed. He likewise orders them to carry out every thing used during his absence for fear of incurring evil by pollution. The band appear next day painted red and black, their heads are covered with swan down, and to the top of each is fastened a tuft of long white feathers. Thus they approach, carrying the scalps on branches of the evergreen pine, singing the song of conquest in a solemn air. When they arrive, tiie chief- tain advances to his house, and encompassing it three times, contrary to the course of the sun, utters the nio. nosyllable Yo for five seconds, on a tenor key ; again. He, He, short, on a bass key ; then Wah, Wali, gut- turally, on the treble. The sacred notes are in like manner repeated by all ; and Yo, He He, Wah Wall, are thrice delivered in profound reverence, vi'hile they form a circle to indicate the everlasting existence of him to whom they assign the merit of their victory. The duplication of the second and last syllables seems to be made in order to avoid profaneness, or through the sacred awe, which, we may suppose, to possess them. The Etissa places a couple of new blocks of wood near the war-pole, opposite the door of the cir- cular hot-house, in the middle of which the fire stands, and the sacred ark is rested upon the blocks that it and the rire may face each other. The assembly continue silent for a considerable time, till at length the leader arises, demanding in a grave and formal tone, whetlicr his house has been prejiared agreeably to his orders the day before, and the sanctity of the occasion ; and when answer is made in the aflirniative, they all get up, sound the death whoo-whoop, and walk around the pole of war. Then they invoke, and solemnize in song, the great Yo, He He, Wah Wah, in the manner already stated. After this they enter the hot-liouse with ail the holy things, and remain there apart from the rest of the people for three days, performing the rites neces- sary for perfect sanctification. The women stand i.t the door in two rows, facing each other, and dressed ia their finest attire. With the softest accents they chant Ha Ha, Ha He, accompanying the lay with slow and solemn motion ; and, after doing so for one minute, tliey pause ten minutes arid begin again. However mistaken the Indians may be in the proper modes of addressing heaven, or corrupt in their religious opinions, they seem to possess great sincerity and zeal in dis- charging their heavenly duties. It may on tliis accoiint be thought, that if they were initiated into the ceremo- nies of Christianity, and made fully acquainted with true piety and holiness, they must surpass many, or most of those whose minds are irradiated with tlie light of revelation, and who have had the good fortune to he irsti'.icted in the doctrines of true religion. Such a supposition may perhaps he rasli, for the most ritual forms of worship are generally the most calculated to ItOOK XI t.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 383 liold the nttcntion and engage the interest of the a iiing ; superstition, besides, sohices the conscience more than strict orthodoxy, and while men are in the out exception, for some arc as steady as they are furious. Their faculties of understanding are exceedingly quick, and being conversant about few objects, are quite world, and subject to the grossness of their senses, adapted for liie pui poses to which they -are applied- spiritual emotions, unattended by external aids, will ever labour under difficulties which divine grace alone can conquer or remove. The same nature wliieh operates so powerfully in their observance of prescribed rites, is displayed in their mode of prosecuting war. Wiiile they fancy success is destined to attend tiiem, or wlien driven to desperation, their bra\'ery is undaunted and their resolution inflexible. But if they apprehend a failure, their cowardice and weakness exceed belief when compared with their behaviour on other occasions. Tliis indeed is national, but does not apply to all with- hunling, dancing, invading or repelling an enemy, tilings in wliich the mind acts conjointly with the body. They are cunning and cautious, yet hasty in taking an advantage when it is oiVcred, and shrew d to perceive when and how it is ; they arc loth to give oll'ence to any of their own tribes, probably because they know reprisals would be made, but seek all o] [loituiiities of doing their christian neighbours secret injurj', of whose encroachments they are jealous and eager to resent them. BOOK XII. Stale of Florida from Us discovery till ils division into East and lf'est,and the eslahUshment of the Britinh govern- ment—Carolina; attacked by the French and Spaniards— Its diiision into North and South— Affairs of Vir- ginia till the American revolution— Line between Massachisets and iVeii- Hampshire determined— Mission from these provinces to Canada, which is entirely reduced by the English — General fermentation throughout the provinces. Florida was discorered by Juan Ponce de Leon, a Spaniard, as he was sailing northward from Puerto Rico ; and from Palm Sunday, upon which day it was discovered, he named it Florida, that festival being so styled on account of the flowers used in its celebration. Tlie governor of Cuba, whom Charles V. honoured with the title of Marquis of Florida, was appointed to sub- due the country, and justify his title by conquest. He made his invasion with a strong force, which he landed, encamped, and fortified, but deterred from a longer stay by the formidable appearance of a great concourse of natives, he departed the morning after his debarka- tion. In Spain, too, vast preparations were made for the subjection of Florida, and some persons of the highest quality were forward to present their services j the project, however, was dropped after some time. During the civil war between the protestant and ca- tholic parties in France, the illustrious, but unfortu- nate statesman. Admiral Coligny, formed a plan for carrying a colony of protestants to America, to secure for them an asylum, and at the same time promote the intereiti of his country. Having obtained permission from the king of France, Charles IX. who was anxious to get rid of his Huguenot subjects, he fitted out two ships, and sent over the protestanc believers to America, entrusting the command with a person of approved in- tegrity. The first land which he descried on the Flori- dan coast, he called Cape Francois, and coasting to the. North he arrived at the river May. Here he was greeted by an assemblage of the natives, and in the warmth of his national zeal erected a pillar, on which he inscribed the arms of France. Continuing his nor- thern course, he reached that place, afterwards known by Fort Charles, and left his colony there, promising to return as soon as possible with reinforcements and provisions. The settlers mutinied not long after, and put their captain to death for his severity. Reduced at length to insupportable extremities, by extraordinary efforts they built and rigged out a vessel, and embark- ing with their artillery and munitions of war, they put to sea. Their turpentine was procured from the pine trees, and they gathered a sort of moss, with which they caulked their ship, and their sails were made from their shirts and sheets. After sailing a third part of S N 2 384 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xn. d hH I? I i. .;;■ n their voyage, tlicy were so becalmed, that in three weeks they did not advance above twenty-five leagues. By this time the provisions were so far spent, that every dantly supplied with artillery and ammunition. Gour> gues, though informed of their strength, proceeded re- solutely forward, and with the assistance of the natives man was constrained to limit his food to " twelve grains j made a vigorous and desperate assault. Their forts of mill" in the day, which do not import more than twelve pease. When tiieir mill was exhausted, they eat their shoes and leather jerkins. The pinching fa- mine continued so long that several of them died with hunger. A boisterous liead-wind now springing up, and their vessel becoming suddenly half filled with water, as men resolved to die, every one fell down and gave himself over to the mercy of the waves. They were persuaded, however, to clear the pinnace of water by the encouragement of one, who declared his convic- tion of seeing land in the space of three days. But no land appeared at the end of the three days, which they liad passed witii no other nourishment than the water of the sea. In this extreme distress it was suggested tiiat it were better for one to die tlian that all should perish. The direful e.xj)edient was adopted, and exe- cuted, piteous to relate, upon one Lachau, who, it Is .'5aid, became a voluntary victim, and his flesh was equally divided amongst his fellows. An English ship relieved the crew soon after and brought them to Eng- land. Ribault, who had conducted to Florida the ill-fated emigration, which I have noticed above, was now ap- pointed its governor, and arriving there with seven ships took the choice men of Fo»t Carolina for an ex- pedition against the Spanish fleet, and left the place in care of the person whom he succeeded, but did not fur- nisii him wilh the means of defence. At this juncture Philip II. had given commission to one of his most daring admirals to repair to Florida, and extirpating all those who professed protestantism, make a settlement of good calliolics. A few, conscious of their inability to make a steady resistance, abandoned their charge to the Spaniards before the arrival of Kibault, who was suddenly surprised, and after losing, in a bloody con- llict, the greater number of his men, contrived to escape to sea with a fev.- followers ; but a stortn over- took him, and wrecked his vessel, which threw him and his attendants into the power of tiie Spanish, by whom they were massacred without compunction. Several forts were constructed for the further security of the new inhiihitants. liut De (iourgurs, a soldier of for- tune, licaring of tlie harbaiilies committed, took the determination to avenge the death of his countrymen, and vindicate tiie honour of liis nation, by driving the Spaniards from Florida. Upon this enterprise he sailed with three frigates and two hundred and thirty men, provided at liis own expcnce. The Spaniards had for- tJIied themselves along the river May, and were abun- being stormed, all the Spaniards except sixty were put to the sword. These were brought to the place where the Frenchmen had suffered, and being upbraided with the iniquity of their conduct, the same boughs, which were used for hanging the Frenchmen, were applied to them for the like purpose. A label in the Spanish lan- guage had been suspended, to shew the occasion of executing the French protcstants, attributing the act to no national antipathy but an abhorrence to their re- ligious creed. Gourgues imprinted with a searing iron upon a fir tablet, by way of correspondence :— " I do not this, as to Spaniards nor as to mariners, but as to villains and murderers." He seems to have been a brave man, and deserves credit, perhaps for resenting the wrongs done to his countrymen, still our admiration is abated by the cruelty of the retaliation. When a citizen of ALginA proposed to the celebrated Pausanias, king of Sparta, to hang upon a tree the corpse of Mar- donius, in return for similar indignity done to Leonidas by that general, the hero replied, •' Thou hast a false idea of the true path to glory, to suppose I could arrive to it by an imitation of barbarians." The king of France did not avow the behaviour of his subject, and the French, receiving no royal protection, were obligtj to quit the country. But had the first settlements been firmly supported by the crown, long possession might have furnished a stronger claim to the country than prior discovery, and France might have had nii empire in America before the authority of Britain was known beyond the Atlantic. The Spaniards seemed now undisturbed and undis- puted masters of Florida, but they encountered consi- derable opposition from the natives, who were hard i> be won by the nioroseness and austerity of Spaiii:,ii manners. They imagined the people of Carolina in- dustrious in exciting the aversion of the savage tribes, and therefore laid waste its most «uuthern fronlurs. 'llic otiiers ])repared to attack, in their turn, St. Augus- tine, but were restrained by the remonstrance of the j)roprictaries, and relinquished the jjroiect. '1 he limits of (Carolina and Florida were long the object of viiriaiue, and remained unsettled till the year one thousand bcvtu hundred and twenty-five, while the Indians, who had been gained over to the Spanish interest, continued to harass the llritisb possessions by frequent inroaiis. Colonel Palmer at kngtii determined to make reprisals, and collected for that purpose three hundred men, con- sisting of militia and friendly natives. He entered Florida, and appearing before the gates of bt. Augustine, \ BOOK xn. BOOK XII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. dSJ tion. GouN proceeded re- )f the natives, Their forU lixty were put ,e place wliere pbraided with boughs, wliich vere applied to e Spanish lan- le occasion of buting the act nee to their rc- 1 a searing iron dencc :— " I do iners, but as to io have been a )s for resenting I our admiration ition. When a rated Pausanias, ; corpse of Mar- lone to Leouidas [lou hast a false 3SC 1 could arrive " The king of his subject, and on, were obliged first settlements long possession J to the country ght have had au y of Uritain was urbcd and undis- icountercd coiisi- who were hard l> tcrity of Spanish of Carolina in- the savaj^c tribes, ulhcru Ironliiib. rturn, St. Augus- nonstrance »>i liif olect. 1 he limits object of viirianii-, |)ne llioiisanil bcveii Indians, wlio liad ircsl, continued to Irtijucnt inroads. 1 iw make itpni>als, lundrcd men, cnn- ives. He entered Es of t>l. Augustine, u compelled the inhabitants to take refuge in the castle. In this expedition he destroyed their provisions in the fields ; drove off their cattle, killed some Indians, and made others prisoners, and burned almost every house in tlie colony, leaving the Floridana little property bc» yond what was protected by the guns of the fort. In the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty- tlircc, preliminary articles of peace were signed between Ills Britannic majesty and the kings of France and Spain. The English, who had acquired, during the war, considerable additions to their territorial dominion in North America, had these accessions properly gua- ranteed. Amongst tlie alterations introduced into the system of American administration, was the division of Florida into East Florida and West Florida, separated from each other by tlie Gulf of Mexico, and the river Catahouche, and both became now subject to the Bri- tish government. I'pon the first establishment of Carolina, the pro- prietaries had instructed the settlers to cultivate the friendship of the natives, and similar orders were re- peated, it was not long, however, till a misunder- standing arose, and the VVcstoes, a powerful tribe on the southern skirts of Carolina, commenced hostilities and threatened the ntfer ruin of that proniisimr eolony. Injuries n-iUtuaily ijlven and received by individuals were at first overlooked by the general body, but they insensibly weakened the confidence that subsisted, and led to the disunion of both parties. But a peace was lought about in a year's time, and commissioners were appointed to make all arrangements necessary to pre- vent the recurrence of similar mischief. The southern Indians entered into a war among themselves, and the colonists adopted the policy of fomenting such disputes, and procuring th. ir own safety, by setting one tribe to vent its uneasiness against another. Besides purchasing the friendship of some nations, which they might em- ploy against others, they encouraged them to bring their captives to Charlestown for transportation to the West Indies. Twenty Cherokee chiefs waited upon our go- vernor with presents and proposals of frienrisiiip ; crav- ing assistance against two tribes who had ransacked se- vtral of their towns and taken prisoners many of their rcoplf. They also eompkiincd of the severities whicii llicy endured from Indians in the Ihitisli alliance, and implored the restitution of their relations, who being taken by those, had been delivered into the power of the Uritish. The governor expressed his cordial de- fire of retaining their friendship, lamented that their friends, being already sent away, conid not be restored, hut assured them that none should tiienccforward be forced from the country. With respect to its government, Carolina was still in an unfixed and troubled state, five years after the re« volution. The proprietaries determined, therefore, that as the people had rather be governed by the powers ex- pressed in the charter, than according to the tcnour of the fundamental constitution, drawn up by Mr. Locke, their wishes should be met in that respect. And thus, in three and twenty years, perished the labours of Locke; thus was abrogated a system of laws which were intended to remain for ever sacred ; but, far from answering their end, or affording the governed any real enjoyment, they only produced dissatisfaction and dis- orders, and the dissolution of the proprietary admini- stration was alone adequate to remedy them. Tlie abortion of that frame of government may shew tiie vanity of projectors who attempt to ordain laws without consulting the voice of the people, which proceeding from their nature and principles should "Iways be allowed to dictate the forms of their own constitution. The proprietors, anxious to prevent the desertion and ruin of their settlement, whicli was yet subject to dis- sentions and tumult, resolved to send one of their own number with full powers to redress the grievances, and compose the troubled spirits, of the colony. Lord Ashley, the celebrated author of the Characteristics, was chosen for this purpose, and invested with the requisite authority. But cither unwilling to undergo the labour and trouble of the commission, or called away by mat- ters of more importance, he declined the task. The service was engaged by John Archdalc, a qirakcr, one of the proprietors in whom great trust was rej)osed, and much was expected from his negoeiaiions. Cpon his arrival in Carolina the settlers received him with joy; and private animosities and civil discord seemed for a while to be buried iu oblivion. The assembly was con- vened, and the governor by a wise and prudent exercise of his powers, gave to the colony general satisfaction. The price of lands, and the form of conveyances were fixed by law. Many favours were granted by the i)ro- prietors, who now seemed anxious to rivet the adections of their tenantry by the indulgence whith they extended, and to .urt the ingress of new adventurers. Public roads Wiic ordered to be made, and water conununica- tions were formed, for facilitating and quickening in- ternal commerce. Some former laws were altered, and such new regulations were introduced as the good go- vernment and peace of the colony seemed to require. Public allairs now assumed an agreeable asiieet, and excited just iiopes of the future progress and prosperity of the settlement. About tiiis time the planting of rice was first begun in Carolina. Ineidciits apparently of little consequence are often productive of great re- sults : a brigantinc, from Madagascar, anchored at Sullivan's Island j tlie governor, paying a visit to the U Jliiii 986 HISTORY OF A:MEftICA. [book xri. I'''''' ! .i' iiJ'fc captain, received a present of a bag of seed rice, which he was told grew in eastern countries most abundantly, and afforded very excellent nourishment. The governor divided his rice among some of his friends, who, agree- ing to make the experiment, planted their parcels in different soils. The success outdid expectation ; and from this small beginning arose the staple commodity of Carolina, which soon became the chief support of the colony and the great source of its opulence. In the year one thousand seven hundred and two, a rupture having taken place between England and Spain, the governor proposed to the assembly an expe- dition against the Spanish settlement at St. Augustine. A great majority declaring for the measure, the sum of two thousand pounds was voted for the service of the war. Six hundred Indians were engaged, and an equal number of militia was raised. The forces assembling at Port Royal embarked under the direction of tlic go- vernor, whilst the Indians, naturally fond of warlike ex- ploits, seemed mightily pleased with the arms and am- munition with which tliey were possessed, and went aboard with the greatest alacrity. The Spaniards, ap- prized of the design, had made preparations for a de- fence. While the governor, with the main body, was proceeding by sea to block up the harbour, Colonel Daniel going by the inland passage with a party of mi- litia and Indians was to make a descent upon the town from the land. Before the governor had arrived to his assistance, Daniel entered and plundered the place, whilst the inhabitants wisely withdrew t(» the castle, carrying with them their most valuable effects, and ail their money. The governor having readied St. Augus- tine, found it impossible to storm the fortress without the aid of artillery ; for the purpose of bringing Ordnance, therefore, as he had none, he sent the colonel to Jamaica; but he was intimidated, during Daniel's absence, by two Spanish ships which appeared at the mouth of the harbour, and so much had his fears got the better of hi.s judgment, that he indiscreetly left the town and hastened with precipitation back to Carolina. By this inglorious retreat, the Spaniards in the castle became relieved ; and, to add to the calamitous issue of the expedition, Daniel narrowly escaped the enemy, and entered the harb'-'ur only to fall, with all he carried, into the hands of the Spanish forces, who were now enabled to act freely. This ill managi'dex[)edition tn- tailed a debt of six tiiousand puunds on the colony, for the discharge cf whicli tlie assembly passed a bill for stamping notes of credit, which wire to be sunk in three years by a duty laid upon liquors, skins, and furs, which was the first paper currency in Carolina, and for five or six years alter its emission, it passed with the colonists at the same rate with the sterling money of England. Not long before the province had suffered too severely to be fit for additional hardships, the trade was greatly interrupted by pirates who infested the coast along Charlestown. This association of maritime de- predators was composed of members from various coun- tries, from Spain, Portugal, France, and England ; tliey took several ships, but commonly suffered the crew to go ashore. Some misunderstanding, however, occurred among the freebooters themselves, and ended in the dissolution of their confederacy. A dreadful hurricane too, did great injury to Charlestown, and threatened its total destruction. The sea rushing in with amazinij impetuosity did considerable damage to the houses, and forced the inhabitants to take refuge in the upper stories A fire also broke out, and that another element might not seem behind the two former, an infected atino- sphere spread contagion in every quarter, and brougiit to the grave many most valuable 'lersons. Never, iti- deed, was the colony visited by sucli general distress and mortality. Eight and twenty years afterwards a malignant distemper set in, known to he baleful ill its effects, but its nature and prevention were entirely concealed from all the physicians. IMuIti- tudes of peojjlc fell victims to the influence of tliis disease, termed the yellow fever ; so great indcid was the ravage it made, that scarcely a sufficient num- ber was to be found of the whites for burying the dead, being themselves either ready for interment or suffering the attack. It was likewise preceded by a terrible storm and inundation, during which twenty- three vessels were dashed to pieces or irreparably in- jured. Before this, so intense a heat and continued drought prevailed, that the earth was rjuitc parched, the pools dried, and ihe cattle labouring under the severest distress. The Spaniards considering Carolina as a part of Florida, to which they laid claim on the ground ot prior discovery, determined to maintain their pretensions by (orcc of arms. Sir Nathaniel Johnson, at that time governor of Carolina, receiving advice of the project for invading the colony, with instructions to put the coun- try in the best posture of defence, performed ids trust with such skill and vii,'our as were etjuully becoming a military commander and a civil magistrate. He set ail hands to work on the fortifications ; appointed a num- ber of gunners to each bastion, and held frecjuent mus- ters to train the men to the use of arms. A store- house, with ammunition, was prepared, and a small fort was erected upon James Island, and on bullivan's Island a guard was stationed, directed to make as many tires a« there appeared ships on the coast. When a lew months had elapsed, the captain of a Dutch privateer, formerly belonging to New York, that had been fitted [book XII. BOOK XII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 387 Una as a part of he ground ot prior cir pretensions by ,son, at tliiit time c of the project for ,s to put the coun- lerfornied his trust Huully becoming a [btrute. Ht" sit all appointed a num- held trenuiMit luus- of arms. A store- •il, iu>d a small tort ,„ bulUvan's hhni ,i»kc as many tires oast. VVl>eu a iVw a Dutch privateir, that bad been fitted nu out from Charlestown for cruising on the coast, returned with advice that he engaged a French sloop oil' the bar of St. Augustine, but that on seeing four ships ad- vancing to her aisistancc he had made all possible sail for Charlestown. Scarcely had he delivered the news, when five separate smokes appeared on Sullivan's Island. The drums were instantly ordered to beat, and all the inhabitants to be put under arms. Letters were sent to all the captains of militia in the country to fire the alarm guns, raise their companies, and march with all possible expedition to the assistance of the town. The enemy's fleet coming to Charlestown bar in the evening, did not venture to attempt a passage intricate and dangerous to strangers, but liovered all night on the coast. Anchoring the next morning near James Island, they employed their boats all that day in sound- ing the south bar, and this d :lay gave time to the mi- litia of the country to march into the town. The go- vernor, in the mean time, proclaimed martial law at the head of the niilitin^ and gave the necessary orders. He also sent to the Indian tribes that were in alliance with the colony, and procured a number of them to his assistance. The next morning the whole force of the province was collectcck together, with the governor at its head. The day follotving the enemy's ships, and a galley, went over the bar, with all their boats out for landing their men, and with a fair wind and strong tide stood directly for the town. Having come in sight of the fortifications, they cast anchor a little above Sulli- van's Island. The governor convened a council of war, in v.hich it was determined to put some cannon on board such ships as were lying in the harbour, and to employ the sailors on their natural element. A man of ability and spirit received a commission to be vice- admiral of this little fleet, and hoisted his flag aboard the Crown galley. The enemy at this juncture sent uy them in a st termincd to try their iortune on the sea. The little fleet, consisting only of six small ships, siiiltd accord> ingly, but the French perceivihg their motion toward them, weighed anchor forthwith, and precipitately crossed the bar. Some days afterwards, on advice that a ship of force was seen in Scwec liay, end that a num- ber of armed men had landed from her, with informa- tion also from some prisoners, that the French expected a ship of war with two hundred men to their assistance, the governor ordered u captain to pass the river and march against them by land, while the admiral, with the Dutch privateer, and u Bermuda sloop armed, hhouUl sail round by sea that he might meet them at the bay. The captain came up with the enemy, and briskly charged them, and though they were advanta- geously jiosted, they gave way after a few vollies and retired to their ship. The admiral arriving presently, the French ship struck without firing a gun, and the prize was brought to Carlestown followed by ninety prisoners. Of eight hundred men who had engaged in this expedition, nearly three hundred were killed and captured. The French commander-in-chief offered, together with several naval ofbccrs, who were amongst the captives, ten thousand pieces of eight for their ran- som. The loss sustained by the provincial militia was very inconsiderable. The expences incurred by the in- vasion fell heavily upon the invaded colony. No taxes had yet been laid on real or personal estates. The funi of eight thousand pounds was now issued for de- fraying the expenditure, and the act laying an imposi- ion upon furs, skins, and liquors, was continued for a flag of truce to the governor to summon him to sur- the purpose of cancelling these bills of credit. From this time there was a gradual rise in exchange and pro- duce, and soon after the emission, 50/. per cent, as advance was given for the English money, that is, 150J. paper currency of Carolina for 100/. English coin. Several Indian tribes, the Corecs and others, planned, in l/l-j a deep plot for the utter extermination of the l^nglish settlers. Having, for the security of their own families, enclosed the chief town in the Tuscorora nation with a wooden breast-work, the dift'erent tribes assem- bled there, and devised the horrible plot, which was executed as well as conceived with extreme subtlety and profound secretness. From this place of rendez- vous they sent out small parlies, which, under the mask of friendship, entered the seltlements by different I roads. \Yhen the night agreed on had arrived, they render. The messenger, on being asked the purport of his errand, told the governor that he was sent by t'.e admiral of the French fleet to demun^ a surrender of the town and country, and their persons prisoners of war, and that his orders allowed him no more than one hour for his answer. Governor Johnson replied, that tliere was not occasion for more than one minute to answer that message, and returned word that his fixed resolution was to defend the province to the last drop of his blood. The next day a party of the enemy burned some houses on James Island, and another party burned two vessels in the creek. A body which landed on Wando Neck, having begun to kill hogs and cattle, a captain, with a hundred men, was ordered to pass the liver quietly in the night, and watch their motions Cuming up with them before break of day, and fiading I entered the houses of the plautcri» and demanded pro- iMMB 988 HISTORY OF AMERICi\. ■ k ■ ->. [hook Xll. visions ; and feigning displeasure, tliey fell upon them, murdering all men, women, and children, witliout dis- tinction. Upon one of these occasions, one hundred and tiiirty settlers were massacred.* A few having escaped, spread alarm amongst their neighbours, and thereby saved the province from utter destruction. All the families were collected to one spot, and guarded night and day by a party of militia, till news of the disaster was widely disseminated. The governor of South Carolina no sooner received intelligence of what had happened in North Carolina, than he dispatched colonel Barnwell, with six hundred militia, and more than one half of that number of Indians, to its relief. After a most difficult and dangerous march through a hideous wilderness, Barnwell came up with the enemy and attacked them with great effect. In the first battle he killed three hundred, and took prisoners about one hundred. Hereupon the Tuscorora tribe retreated to their town, and Barnwell pursued them. A consider- able number having been killed, the rest were obliged to sue for peace. So great indeed was the loss sus- tained by the Tuscorora, that one thousand are said to have been killed or captured. But notwithstanding the slaughter of the Indians, Barnwell did not suffer any material damage. Never was an expedition against the Indians more beset with difficulty and obstruction, and seldom was any crowned with more signal success. Most of the Tuscorora who survived th's defeat fled to the Five Nations, by whom they were taken into con- federacy, and so formed the body called the Six Nations. Three years afterwards an Indian war broke out in South Carolina, and threatened the total ruin of the province. The numerous and powerful tribe of the Yamassecs, possessing a large territory behind Tort Royal Island, were the most active in this conspiracy. About day-break the cries of war diffused terror and consternation, and in a few hours ninety persons were butchered in Pocataligo and the neighbouring planta- tions. A captain of the militia escaping to Port Royal alarmed the town, and a vessel ha])pening to be in the harbour, the inhabitants hastened on board her, and sailing for Charlestown, escaped the massacre. But a few families of planters on the island, not having timely notice of their danger, fell into the hands of the savages. While some Indian tribes were thus advancing * Among these were a Swiss baron, and almost all the poor palatines who iiad Jatciy come info the country. The palatines, who had been arreatly harassed, in Germany, applied for lands against the southern frontiers, and spreading desolation through the province, formidable parties from the oilier tribes were penetrating into the sultKnients on the norlhern borders, for every tribe from Florida to Cape Fear was concerntJ in the insurrection. The cfipiial trembled for its own perilous situ;ition. In this gene- ral amazement and fright, although the muster-roll of those able to bear arms did not exceed one thous;ind two hundred men, yet the governor determined to mi.rch against the enemy, lie proclaimed martial law; laid an embargo on ull ships to prevent men or provisions leaving the country, and obtained an act of assembly empowering him to seize arms, ammunition, and stores wherever they were to be found, and also to iuipriss hands for the service ; to arm trusty negroes, and to prosecute the war with the utmost vigour. Agents were .sent to Virginia and England to solicit assislance and bills were stamped for the payment of the army, and the discharge of other needful cxpences. 'J'hc Indians in the northern quarter, about fifteen miles from Charlestown, having murdered a family on a plan- tation, captain Barker receiving intelligence of their approach, collected a party of ninety horsemen, and advanced against them. Trusting, however, to an Indian guide, he was led into an ambuscade, and was slain with several of his men. The rest retreated in confusion. A party of four hundred Indians came down as low as Goose Creek, where seventy men and forty negroes had surrounded themselves with a breast- work, determined to maintain their post. Discouraged, notwithstanding, on the first attack, they rashly agreed to terms of peace; but on admitting the enemy within their works they were barbarously murdered. The Indians now advanced still nearer to Charlestown, but were repulsed by the militia. In the mean time the Yamassee8,"with their confederates, had spread destruc- tion through the parish of St. Bartholomew, and pro- ceeded down to Stono. Governor Craven advancing toward the wily enemy with cautious steps dispersed their straggling parties, until he reached the place of their encampment. Here a severe and bloody battle was fought from behind trees and hushes ; the Indians, with tiicir terrible war-whoops, alternately retreating and returning with redoubled fury and vigour to the charge. The governor, undismayed, pressed closely on them with his provincials} drove them from their tcr- quit-rcnts during the first ten years, but from the cxpiratioB of thut time tu charge one penny an acre annually, according to the custom of the province. Scarcely, however, were the in Carolina. The proprietors fiirnislied them with ships for , poor people settled, wbep they all fell a prey to the rage of their transportation, and instructed the governor to^nint 100 i the tavages,— //etie/. acres of land for every man, woman, and child, unclogged with | 1 1 lOOK XII.3 HISTORY OF AMERICA. 389 ritory, pursued them over Savannah river, and thuo expelled them from the whole district. Nearly four hundred of the inhahitants of Carolina fell in this san- guinary war. The Yamassccs, after this cxiiulsion,** went directly to the Spanish territories, where they were most hospitably received. An act was passed next year for the erection of three forts to prevent the future incursions of the Ya.nissecs, whose intrusion was ■' ded deservedly from the calamities which thry luu already b/ought upon the colony. The proprietors had not yet formed a settled recon- ciliation with '^e people, but seemed to yield and re- ,-tssume with all i.., severity and caprice of arbitrary lords. They had now repealed several important acts nf the assembly ; and a commissioner, who was sent to England to complain of the infraction of privilege, re- turned without effecting the object of his legation. A union was established of several leading men to oppose the measures of the proprietors. Their immediate view was to form a coalition of all the inhabitants in fur- therance of the grand object. Little difficulty impeded their progress ; for in a situation of general discontent, even those who might not otherwise be loud in the murmuring, catch the infection of t)\e universal spirit, and become active in he cause. The whole popula- tion readily subscribed the system, and hailed the l>roposals with rapture, as a prospective remedy for their sufferings. Governor Johnson contested the matter very warmly with the house of assembly, and after issuing a proclamation to dissolve it, retired to his country residence. The representatives ordered the proclamation to be torn from the marshal's hands, and proceeded to open defiance. Meeting, on their own authority, they chose a governor, and declared him duly elected. They next appointed twelve councillors, and assigning by their votes one of these for president, fashioned a mode of governance agreeably to their own wishes. Some efforts were made by governor Johnson to disconcert their measures and produce embarrass- ment, but at length he made a bold and final attempt to bring them to his authority. He ordered the shij s of war to be drawn up against Charlestown, and threat- ened to lay the city in ashes if further resistance were made, and demanded the alternative of implicit sub- jection. The people, however, having arms in their hands, and forts in their possession, despised the * It was afterwards decided by the assembly, that the lands gained from the Yamassees should be appropriated to the ser- vice of such British subjects as might choose to come over and (cttle upon them. Five hundred men transported themselves from Ireland to embrace this overture; but presently, in breach of the provincial faith, and to the rni f the poor Irish emij;rants, the proprietors ordered the lands to be surveyed for 88—84. menaces, and firmly resolved to maintain their first in- tentions. And thus he found himself ul'''ged to rrlin- quish his designs of bringing tde colonists to a cum- pliancc with the proprietary governmi'iit. During this contest tho Spaniurds suilt-d from Ha- vunnah with a fleet of fourteen sliips, and a force con- sisting of twelve hundred men against tsoutli Carolina and the island of New Providence. The governor re- l)resented to the people the di\ngprous consequences of military operations under illegal direction ; hut thoy continued stcdfast in their purpose, and the cohv< iititn continued to transact business with the guvcmor of their choice. Martial law was proclaimed, ar.d all the inhabitants of the province were ordtii> CliMUsiown to defend the capital. Happily for CuroliiKi, the Spa- niards, to acquire possession of iheUuli oi llorida, and secure the navigation through this, had resohtd first to attack New Providence. At iliut i.sland tliey wtre vigorously repulsed by Governor Rogers, and soon after lost the greatest part, of their fleet in a storni. The agent for Carolina obtained a hearing from the lords of the regency and council in England, (the king being in Hanover), who gave it as their opinion, that the proprietors had forfeited their charter. In confor- mity with this decision, they instructed the attorney- general to issue a icirti/atias against it ; and appointed General Nicholson provincial governor, with a commis- sion from the king for that purpose. Thus the colo- nists, after many struggles and convulsions, by one bold and irregular exercise of their independent spirit, shook off entirely the shackles of the proprietary government, and threw themselves under the immediate protection of the crown of Great Britain. When Governor Nicholson arrived in South Caro- lina, he sent forth writs for the election of a new assembly. When this assembly was convened, they recognised the king of England as their lawful sove- reign, and proceeded with cheerfulness and harmony to the regulation of the aflairs of the province. Before the governor had left London, a suspension of arms between Great Britain and Spain was published ; and, by the treaty of peace which succeeded, it was agreed, that all subjects and Indians, living under their dif- ferent jurisdictions, should cease from acts of hostility. Orders were sent to the Spanis '1 governor of Florida to forbear molesting the inhabitants of Carolina, and their own use, and formed into baronies. The old settlers thus losing the protection of the new comers, deserted tlie plantations, and left the frontiers again open to the enemy. Many of the unfortunate Irish, reduced to thu ixfrcincst misery, perished, and the remainder rtmuved to the nurihcrn colonics. s o 390 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xn. the governor of Carolinn was under similar instructions witli r»7j:inl to tliost- of Floridu, Tlie first object, tlicrc- fori', uliiili cngigtd llic altenlioii of liie f^ovcriior was to fix till' limits between the two territories, and then to forbid rncroaeluuents. \\'itb tliis intent he sent a ii.ts.siige to tlu' t liirokecs, proposinij to ho d a general congress with them, in ordei- to treat of mutual friend- iliip and connneree. I'L-ased witb tiie oiler, the liend men of tliirty-seven diP'erent towns set forward to meet him. At this interview the govern ir made tiicm pre- sents, smoked with lliem the jiipe of peace, marked the boundaries of the lands between them and the Dnglisii settlers, regulated weights and measures, and appointed an agent to siiperinteml their atVairs. ile after this proceeded to conclude a treaty of commerce and peace ^vith the Creeks ; gave a commissioner to reside among them, and lixed on Savannah river as the boundary of their hunting grounds, beyond which no settlements were to exteiul. Having rendered the province secure by these prudent and pacific measures, he in the next place directed liis care to the internal regulations. He left no useful object unregarded ; lie particularly attended to the education of the youth, and the promo- tion of piety J botii of which he greatly forwarded, as well by his inivate liberality as public inlluence. It was through his interposilion that the society for pro- pagating the gospel supplied the province with clergy- men, allotting to each an aiuiual allowance in .nddition to the prL .ncial salary. IJesidc general contributions, several legacies were bcijuealhcd for founding f^ec scliools, and seminaiios for religious education. During (jovernor Nicholson's administration many public schools were built in Charlestown, and in the country. Hitherto we have considered Carolina as divided into two di>tinLt provinces, but that has been done to give a clearer oonccijtion of the scenes in which the matters recorded have lain. Nortli Carolina had its own go- vernor indeed, and so liad South Carolina; but the whole provime was under one uniform system of juris- diction, and had identical interests. The complete legal distinction diil not take place till the year one thousand seven liundred and twenty-nine. The pro- prietors were of course dissatisfied with the forfeiture of their title, wliich they still might claim with some shadow of justice. IJut the parliament pass hI an act for coming to an agreement with the proprietors for tlie surrender of their interests, which were to be vested in the crown, upon compensation being made, :uul tiiat compensation was fixed ut seventeen thousand pounds. In virtue of the compact, the right of api)ointiiig go- vernors was settled in the king, who formed a council also similar to the provincial councils established in the other regal governments of America. An additional sum was given in lieu of the quit-rents, and each ac> cepted his due portion, except Lord Carteret, who reserved his eighth share, and thus seven-eight hs (,f the proj)erty, and all the powers of administration, were gained by tlie crown. From this period the province began to flourish. It was protected by a government formed on the plan of the luiglish constitution, and under the fostering care of the mother-countr}, its growth was uncommonly rapid. Nor were any indi. viduals inclined for a political change ; nor did they express indications of the least discontent, till the me- morable stamp act passed, iu the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-five. In the flat country near the sea-coast, the inhabi- tants during the summer and autumn are subject to intermitting fevers, which prove fatal, as bilious or ner- vous symptoms prevail. To natives who indulge in no debauch, and to prudent strangers, these fevers are not so much to be dreaded, liut if they be neglected, other diseases are likely to be brought on, enfeebling ihi; faculties of the mind and debilitating the vigour of tlic body, till the constitution is impaired, and death at last overtakes the invalids. Through these seasons, the countenances of the people arc of a pale yellowish cast, owing to the bilious disorder forcing its admission into the system. And very little of that bloom which suf- fuses the cheeks in more northern states, is here to Ije found. It is observed that more of tl' inhabitanl.s, of the males csjiecially, die in the winter by [ileurisics and pcripneumonies, than during the wan \ months fall victims to bilious alVections. I'Icurlsies arc incurred liv intemperate living, and imprudent exposure to tix weather. The physicians allege, that if more caution were used, such fatal distempers might lie escaped ; and they recommend the use of flannel next the skin as a good prevention against the unfriendliness of tlie climate. The western tracts, abounding in hills, arc however very wholesome, blessed with a pure .itmo- splierc, and generally n serene sky ; and the face of liie country is varied with heights and valleys which rivu- lets pass over ; and if to this be added the fragrant herb- age, which exhale their delicious odours in the autumn, we may consider the western district a very cngafring residence. Tlie wheat harvest commences in June, and that of the Indian corn early in September. At the head of each of the four great rivers in Vir- ginia, it was found expedient to employ some means of security; and accordingly, in the year one thousand six hundred and ninety-seven, the assembly appointed four lieutenants and forty-eight troopers for that pur- pose, whom they maintained in constant pay, and gave them the name of Rangers. The seat uf tbc Vir|jiQian assembly, and the courts BOOK XII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 35 i of judicaturr, had been formerly in James Town ; but in the reign of William, ;i new lity calh'd V\'illianis- burg, in honour of the king, wns fixed as a more con- venient spot, ^^'iilianlsburg is rrinarkahic for the figure of its streets, which form a \V, in compliment also, no doubt, to the royul person whose name it was assigned. Owing, indeed, to the numerous streams whicii intersect Virginia, there are very few towns of any consideration, for by the easy methods of carriage those things are brought home to the doors of the in- habitants, which in places less favoured by navigable communications, must be procured at a distance. The peace which subsisted between France and Great Britain for some years after the treaty of Aix la Clia- pelle, was apparently but a truce for digesting and ma- turing an extensive plan with respect to an important territory of America. The French, excluded from all the frontier coast of North America, aimed at repairing this disadvantage by possessing the rivers St. Laurence and Mississippi, and then by connecting their provinces of Canada and Louisiana through the intermediate lakes and waters. To the English this project would na- turally appear as prejudicial in its operation, as it was in their view unjust in its principle. The claims of the two nations were founded on different pretensions. The French had their right from prior settlement ; but the English placed against this plea the limits of their American possession when the grant of the Plymouth company was made, long previous to the discovery of Louisiana, which did not take place till sixty years afterwards ; and also the treaties settled with the na- tives. They insisted, moreover, that the country of the Six Nations was ceded to them by the French in the stipulations, as well at Utrecht as Aix la Chapellc. On the supposition that the English title was good, twenty forts, erected by the French, beside block-houses or stockade trading places, were unaccountable encroach- ments. While the disputed territory of Acadie fur- nished one field for hostility, the country along the lakes and intermediate rivers furnished another. The grant of lands to the Ohio company had alarmed the governor of Canada with the apprehension, that the English were pursuing a scheme which might deprive the French of tlie advantages arising from the trade with the Indians, and cut off the communication between Canada and Louisiana. He had written to the governors cf New York and Pennsylvania, acquainting them that the English traders liad intruded into the French territories by trading with their Indians ; and that if ly, and the courts The cold was so very keen and piercing, that the fingers and some toes of his companion, (Mr. Gist, the surveyor), were rendered stiff and motionless j and from the firmness of tiiey did not desist, he should be obliged to seize them wherever found. Hut tin- Ohio conipaiiy were fmt di- verted by this menace from following their intended iurvcy of flic country lus far as the fall in the Ohio river. \N hilc Mr. Gist was making that survey for the company, some French parties with tlu ir Indians seized three iJritish traders, and carried tluni to Fresque Isle, on Lake Erie, where a strong fort was in progress to be cr< jted. The British, alarmed at this capiuir, repaired to the Indian towns fcr shelter; the towns lo wiiich they came, exhibited strong resentment lur llie violence done to their allies, and accordingly the Indians assem- bled to the number of five or six luindrci), scoured the woods, and finding three French traders, brought ihcia to Pennsylvania. The French, however, deterinintd to persist, built a second fort about fifteen niik-s south of the former, on one of the branches of the Ohio, and another on the confluence of the Ohio and Wabache, and thus completed Ihiir long projected communica- tion between the mouth of the Mississippi and the river St. Laurence. The Ohio company conipiaining loudly of these aggressions on the country, which had been granted to it as part of the territory of Virginia, the lieutenant-governor considered the encroachnients as an invasion of his province, and judged it his duty to demand, in the name of the king, that the French should desist from the prosecution of designs which he considered as a violation of the treaties subsisting be- tween the two crowns. This service, it was foreseen, would be rendered very fatiguing and hazardous by the very extensive tract of country, almost entirely unex- plored, through which an envoy must pass, as well as by the hostile dispositions of some of the Indian inha- bitants, and the doubtful attachment of others. Un- inviting, however, and even formidable as it was, a regard to the intrinsic importance o." the measure, and extensive views into the future interests of the American colonies, incited an enterprizing and public spirited young man to undertake it. George Washington, then in his twenty-second year, en- gaged in the difficult and perilous service with the utmost alacrity. He left Williamsburg, attended by a single person, on the thirty-first of October, one thousand seven hundred and fifty-three. The season was unusually severe ;* and his journey, requiring four hundred miles, was half of it stretched through a track- less region inhabited by Indians only. On the four- teen*!. 01 November he arrived at Wills' Creek, then t'.te exterior settlement of the English, where lie the ice, they found no difficulty in crossing the water.— H''uf/i> inglon't Journal. S O 2 S9i procured gui'<•■ These duties were to be paid into the exchequer, and all penalties incurred, were to be recovered in the courts of vice- admiralty, by the determination of a single judge, with- four, was the first innovation that gave a general alarm throughout the continent. The novelty of the procedure, and the boldness of spirit that marked the resolutions of the Virginian as- sembly, at once astonished and disconcerted the officers of the crown, and the supporters of the measures of administration. These resolves* were ushered into the house, on the 30th of May, one thousand seven hundred and sixty-five, by Patrick Henry, a young gentleman of the law, till then unknown in political life. He was possessed of strong powers, much professional know- ledge, and of such abilities as qualified him for the ex- igencies of the day. Fearless of the cry of " Ireason," echoed against him from several quarters, he justified the measure, and supported the resolutions in a speech that did honour both to his understanding and his pa- triotism. The governor, to check the progress of such daring principles, immediately dissolved the assembly. But the disposition of the people was discovered, when, on a new election, those gentlemen were every where re-chosen who had shewn the most firmness and zeal in opposition to the stamp act. Indeed, from New Hampshire to the Carolinas, a general aversion appeared against this experiment of administration. Nor was the flame confined to the continent ; it had spread to the insular regions, whose inhabitants, constitutionally more sanguine than those born in colder climates, dis- covered stronger marks of resentment, and prouder tokens of disobedience to ministerial authority. Thus several of the West India islands shewed equal violence * On the twenty-ninth of May the house of burgesses of Virginia came to the following resolutions : " Whereas the honourable house of commons in England, have of late drawn into question, how fnr the general assen)i)ly of this colony hath power to enact laws for laying taxes and im- posing duties, payable by the people of this his majesty's most wicient colony — For settling and ascertaining the same to all future times, tiie house of burgesses of this present general assembly, have cnme to the several following resolutions : " Resolved, That the first adventurers and settlers of this his majesty's colony and dominion of Virginia, brought with them, and transmitted to their posterity, and all others, his majesty's subjects since inhabiting in tliis his majesty's colony, all the privileges and immunities that have at any time been held, enjoyed, and possessed, by the people of Oreat Britain. " Resolved, That by the two royal charters granted by king James I. tlic colonists aforesaid are declared entitled to all privileges of faitliful, liege, and natural born subjects to all in- tents and pur|>os(.'8, as if they had been abiding and born within the realm of England. " Resolved, That his majesty's liege people of this his most ancient colony have enjoyed the right of being thus governed by their own assembly^ia the article of taxes and internal po. lioe ; and that the same have never been forfeited^ or any other way yielded up, but have been constantly recognized hv the king and people of Great Britain. • Resolved therefore, That the general assembly of the criony, together with his majesty or his substitute, have in their repre- sentative capacity, the only exclusive right and power, to levy faxes and impositions upon the inhabitants of this colony , and that every attempt to vest such a |>ower in any person or per- sons whatsoever, other than the general assembly aforesaid, is illegal, unronstitutional, and unjust, and has a manifest ten- dency to destroy British, as well as American freedom." The following resolves were not passed, though drawn up by the committee. They are inserted as a specimen of the fust and t.irly energies of the Old Dominion, as Virginia is Usually called. " Resolved, That his majesty's liege people, the inhabitants of this colony, are not bound to yield obedience to any law or ordinance whatsoever, designed to imjKjRe any taxation wiiat- soever upon them, other than the la»vs and ordinances of the geiK^ral assembly aforesaid. " Resolved, That any person whoshall, by speakingor writing, maintain that any persoa or persons, other than the general assembly of this colony, have any right or power, to impose or lay any taxation whafso.-ver pn the people here, shall k deemed an enemy to this his majesty's colony." fiOOK XIII.J HISTORY OF AMERICA. 397 antly recognized by out trial by juryt and the judge's salary was to be pnid out of the fruits of the forfeiture. All remonstrances against this innovating system had hitherto been with- out effect ; and in tliis period of suspense, apprehension, and anxiety, a general congress of delegates from the several provinces was proposed by the honourable James Otis, of Barnstable, in the Massachusets. He was a gentleman of great probity, experience, and parliamen- tary abilities, whose religious adherence to the rights of his country had distinguished him through a long coiTse of years, in which he had sustained some of the first offices in government. This proposal, from a man of his acknowledged judgment, discretion, and firm- ness, was universally pleasing. The measure was com- municated to some of the principal members of the two houses of assembly, and immediately adopted, not only by the Mussachusets, but very soon after by most of the other colonies. Thus originated the first congress ever convened in America by the united voice of the people, in Older to justify their claims to the rights of English- men, and the privileges of the British constitution. It has been observed that Virginia and the Massachu- sets made the first opposition to parliamentary measures on different grounds. The Virginians, in their resolves, came forward, conscious of their own independence, and at once asserted their rights as men. The Massachu- sets generally founded their claims on the rights of British subjects, and the privileges of their English ancestors ; but the fera was not far distant, when the united colonics took the same ground, tlie claim of native independence, regardless of charters or foreign restrictions. At a period when the taste and opinions of the Ame- ricans were comparatively pure and simple, while they possessed that independence and dignity of mind which is lost only by a multiplicity of wants and interests, new scenes were opening beyond the reach of human calculation. At this important crisis, tiic delegates ap- pointed from sevral of the colonies to deliberate on the lowering aspect of political afl'uirs, met at New V'ork on the first Tuesday of October, one thousand seven hundred and sixty-five. The moderate demands of this body, and the short period of its existence, dis- covered at once the affvctiunatc attachment of its mem- bers to the parent state, and their dread of a general rujjture, which at that time universally prevailed. They stated their claims as subjects to the crown of Great Britain ; appointed agents to enforce them in the na- tional councils ; and agreed on petitions for the repeal of the stamp act, which had sown the seeds of discord throughout the colonics. The prayer of their consti- tuents was in a spirited, yet respectful manner, offered through them to the king, lords, and commons of 33—34. Great Britain : they : n separated to wait the event. A majority of the principal merchants of the city of London, the opulent West India proprietors who re- sided in England, and most of the manufacturing towns through the kingdom, accompanied with similar peti- tions, those offered by the congress convened at New York. In consequence of the general aversion to the stamp act, the British ministry were changed in appear- ance, though the same men who had fabricated the American system, still retained their influence on the mind of the king, and in the councils of the Ucation. The parliamentary debates of the winter of one thou sand seven hundred and sixty-six, evinced the impor- tant consequences expected from the decision of the question relative to an American taxation. Warm and spirited arguments in favour of the measure, energetic reasonings against it, with many sarcastic strokes on administration, from some of the orators in parliament, interested |the hearers of every rank and description. Finally, in order to quiet the public mind, the execu- tion of the stamp act was pronounced inexpedient by a majority of the house of commons, and a bill passed for its repeal on March the eighteenth, one thousand seven hundred and sixty-six. But a clause was inserted therein, holding up a parliamentary right to make laws binding on the colonics in all cases whatsoever; and a kind of condition was tacked to the repeal that com- pensation should be made to all who had suffered, either in person or property, by the late riotous pro- ceedings. A short-lived joy was diffused throughout America, even by this delusive appearance of lenity ; the people of every description manifested the strongest desire tint harmony might be re-established between Great T'ri- tain and the colonics. Bonfires, illuniinatiotis, iukI ;iI1 the usual expressions of popular satisfaction wen dis- played on the joyful occasion ; yet, amidst the diti'dn- strations of this lively gratitude, there wcic sonic v\ lio had sagacity enough to see that the Ikitiih ministry was not so much instigated by principles of cH|ui'y as impelled by necessity. Tiiese deemed any relaxation in parliament an act of justice rather than favour; and felt more resentment for the manner, than obligation for the design, of this partial repeal. Their opinion was fully justifie4 by the subsequent conduct of admini- stration. When the assembly of Massachusets met the suc- ceeding winter, there seemed to prevail a general dis- position fur peace ; the seuse of injury was checked ; and such a spirit of aftcction and loyalty iippeared, tiiat the two houses agreed to a bill for conipeiisalion to all sufferers in the late times of confusion and riot. But ;i P 398 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xih. they were careful not to recognize a right in parliament to make such a requisition ; they ordered it to be en- tered on the journals of the house, that " for the sake " of internal peace they waved all debate and contro- « versy, though persuaded the delinquent sufl'ercrs had *• no just claim on the province : that, influenced by a ** loyal regard to his majesty's reconuncndation, (not " considering it as a requisition ;) and that from a de- ** ference to the opinions of some illustrious patrons of ** America, in the house of commons, who had urged " them to a compliance j they therefore acceded to tlie " proposal ; though at tlie same time they considered " it a very reprehensible step in those who had suffered " to apply for relief to the parliament of Britain, in- " stead of submitting to the justice and clemency of ** their own legislature." They made several other just and severe observations on the high toned speech of tiic governor, who had said, " that the requisition of the " ministry was founded on so much justice and huma- *' nity, that it could not be controverted." They en- quired if the authority with whicli he introduced the ministerial demand, precluded all disputation about complying with it, what freedom of choice they had left in the case? They said, " With regard to the rest ** of your excellency's speech we are constrained to ob- " serve, tl.-t tlie general air and style of it savours much ** more of an act of free grace and pardon than of a par- " liamentary address to tlie two houses of assembly ; " and we most sincerely wish your excellency had been ** pleased to reserve it, if needful, for a proclamation. In the bill for compensation by the assembly of Mas- sachusets was added a very oflensive clause. A general pardon and oblivion was granted to all oft'enders in the late confusion, tumults, and riots. An exact detail Oi these proceedings was transmitted to England. The king and council disallowed the act, as comprising in it a bill of indemnity to the Boston rioters; and ordered com- pensation made to the late sufferers without any sup- plementary conditions. No notice was taken of this order, nor any alteration made in the act. The money was drawn from the treasury of the province to satisfy the claimants for compensation; and no farther en- quiries were made relative to the authors of the late tu- multuary proceedings of the times, wiicn the minds of men i:ud been wrought up to a ferment beyond the reach of all legal restraint. The year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-six had passed over without any other remarkable political events. Ail colonial measures agitated in lingiand were regularly trans- mitted by the minister for the American depart- ment to the several plantation governors ; who, on every communiration, endeavoured to enforce the ope- ration of parliamentary authority by the most sanguine injunctions of their own, and a magnificent display of royal resentment on the smallest token of disobedience to ministerial requisitions. But it would appear, tliat through a long series of resolves and messages, letters and petitions, which passed between the parties, previous to the commencement of hostilities, the watchful guar- dians of American freedom never lost sight of the iV. trigues of their enemies, or the designs of sueli as were under the influence of the crown on either side tl:e Atlantic. It may be observed, that the tranquillity of the pro- vinces had for some time been interrupted by tlie inno- vating spirit of the British ministry, instigated by a IV^v prostitutes of power, nurtured in tlie lap of America and bound by every tie of honour and gratitude, to be faitliful to the interests of their country. Tlie suiial enjoyments of life had long been disturbed, the iiiind fretted, and the people rendered suspicious, when tlicy saw some of their fellow-citizens, who did rot liesitate at a junction with the accumulated swarms of hirelinirs sent from Great Britain to ravish from the colonies tiie rights they claimed both by nature and by coiTii)act. That the judges of admiralty, and the crowd of revenue oflicers that hovered about the custom-houses, should seldom be actuated by the principles of justice, is not strange. Peculation was generally the prime objott c f this class ; and the oaths they administered, ami the habits they encouraged, were favourable to every specits of bribery and corruption. The rapacity which insti- gated these descriptions of men had little check, wliile they saw themselves upheld even by some governors of provinces. In this class, which ought ever to be the protectors of the rights of the people, there were sonic who were total strangers to all ideasof equity, free dum, or urbanity. It wfis observed at this time, in a sjiicii before the house of tonimons, by colonel Barrc, tint " to his certain knowledge some were promoted to ihc " highest scats of honour in America, who were ulad " to fly to a foreign country to escape being brought " to the bar of justice in their own." However injudicious the appointments to Amciican departments might be, the darling punt of an Ameri- can revenue was an object too consequential to be re- linquished either by the court at St. James's, the iilinta- tion governors, or their mercenary adherents dispersed through the continent. Besides these, there were se- veral classes in America who were at first exceedingly opposed to measures that niilitated with the designs of administration. Some, impressed by long connection, were intimidated by licr power, and attached by nflec. tion to Britain ; others, the true disciples of passive obedience, had real scruples of conscience with regard to any resistance to the powers that be; these, whether BOOK Kill.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 399 sctuated by afTection or fear, by principle or interest, formed a close combination with tlie colonial governors, custom-bouse officers, and all in subordinate depart- ments, who hung on the court for subsistence. By the ^cnour of the writings of some of these, and the in- solent behaviour of others, they became equally ob- noxious in the eyes of the people, with the officers of the crown and the danglers for place ; who, disappointed of their prey by the repeal of the stamp act, and restless for some new project that might enable them to rise into importance on the spoils of America, were conti- nually ^vhispcring malicious insinuations into the ears of the financiers and ministers of colonial departments. They represented the mercantile body in America as a set of smugglers, for ever breaking over the laws of trade and of society ; the people in general as factious, turbulent, and aiming at independence ; the legislatures in the several provinces as marked with the same f:pirit ; and government every where in so lax a state, that the civil autliority was insufficient to prevent tlio fatal cilccts of popular discontent. It is indeed true, thi>t resentment had in several instances arisen to outrage; and that tiie most unwarrantable excesses had been committed on some occasions, which gave grounds for unfavourable representations. Yet it must be acknow- ledged, that tlie voice of the people seldom breathes uni- versal murmur, but when the insolence or the oi)pres- sion of their rulers extorts tlie bitter complaiiit. On the contrary, there is a certain supinencss which gene- rally overspreads the multitude, and disposes mankind to submit quietly to any form of government, rather til an to be at the expence and hazard of resistance. Tlicy become attached to ancient modes by habits of obedience, though the reins of authority are sometimes held by the most rigorous hand. Thus we have seen, in all ages, the many become the slaves of tlie few : preferring the wretched tranquillity of inglorious ease, they patiently yield to despotic masters, until awakened by multiplied wrongs to the feelings of human nature; which, when once aroused to a consciousness of the native freedom and equal rights of man, ever revolts at the idea of servitude. Perhaps the story of political revolution never exhi- bited a more general enthusiasm in the cause of liberty, than that which for several years pervaded all ranks in America, and brought forward events little expected by the most sanguine spirits in the beginning of the con- troversy. A contest now pushed with so much vigour, that the intelligent yeomanry of the country, as well as those educated in the higher walks, became convinced that nothing less than a systematical plan of slavery was designed against them. They viewed the chains as al- ready forged to mannacle the unborn millions j and though every one seemed to dread any new interruption of public tranquillity, the impetuosity of some led them into excesses which could not be restrained by those of more cool and discreet deportment. To the most moderate and judicious it soon became apparent, that unless a timely and bold resistance prevented, the colo- nists must in a few years sink into the siime wretched thraldom that marks the miserable Asiatic. Few of the executive oflicers employed by the king of Great Britain, and fewer of their adherents, were qualified either by education, principle, or inclination, to allay the ferment of the times, or to eradicate the sus- picions of men, who, from an hereditary love of free- dom, were tenderly touched by the smallest attempt to undermine the invaluable possession. Vet, perhaps few of the colonies, at this period, sufi'ercd equal em- barrassments with the Massachusets. The inhabitants of that province were considered as the prime leaders of faction, the disturbers of public tranquillity, and Boston the seat of sedition. Vengeance was continually de- nounced against that capital, and indeed the whole pro- vince, through letters, messages, and speeches. Unhappily for both parties, governor Bernard was very ill calculated to promote the interest of the people, or support the honour of his master. He was a man of little genius, but some learning. He was by educa- tion strongly impressed with high ideas of canon and feudal law, and fond of a system of government that had been long obsolete in England, and had never had an existence in America. His disposition was clipleric and sanguine, obstinate and designing, yet too open and frank to disguise his intrigues, and too precipitant to bring them to maturity. A revision of colony char- ters, a resumption of former privileges, and an Ame- rican revenue, were the constant topics of his letters to administration. To prove the necessity of these mea- sures, the most trivial disturbance was magnified to a riot ; and to give a pretext to these wicked insinuations, it was thought by many that tumults were frequently excited by the indiscretion or malignancy of his own partizans. The declaratory bill still hung suspended over the heads of the Americans, nor was it suffered to remain long without trying its operative eftects. The clause holding up a right to tax America at pleasure, and " to biud them in all causes whatsoever," was comprehen- sive and alarming. Yet it was not generally expected that the ministry would soon endeavour to avail them- selves of the dangerous experiment ; but in this the public were mistaken. It has already been observed, that the disposition of the king ; the system of polury adopted in conformity to his principles, and a paxliameuiary majority ut the 3 P 2 «■« 400 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XI If. command of the ministry, rendered it not difficult to vnforce any measures that might tend to an accession to the powers of the crown. It was a just sentiment of an elegant writer, that " almost all the vices of royalty " have been principally occasioned by a slavish adula- '* tion in the language of their subjects ; and to the ** shame of the English it must be said, that none of " the enslaved nations in the world have iiddressed the *♦ throne in a more fulsome and hyperbolical style." — Mrg. Macaulcifs Letter to Earl Stanhope. The dignity i>t the crown, the supremacy of parlia- ment, and the disloyalty of the colonics, were the theme of the court, and the echo of its creatures ; nor was it thought good policy to let the high claims of govern- nunt lie long in a dormant state. Accordingly, not many munths after the repeal of the stamp act, the chancellor of tlie exchequer, Mr. Charles Townshend, came forward and pawned his character on the success of a new attempt to tax the American colonies. He was a gentleman of conspicuous abilities, and much pro- fcssiopiil knowledge; endowed with more boldness than discretion ; he had " the talent of bringing toge- " thcr at once all that was necessary to establish, to " illustrate, and to decorate the side of the question he ** »vas on." He introduced several bills in support of his designs, which without much difficulty obtained the sanction of parliament, and the royal assent. The purport of th» new project for revenue was to levy certain duties on paper, glass, painters* colours, and several other articles usually imported into America. It was also directed that the duties on India teas, which had been a pro- ductive source of revenue in England, should be taken off there, and three pence per pound levied on all kinds that should in future be purchased in the colonies. This inconsiderable duty on teas finally became an ob- ject of high importance and altercation j it was not the sum, but the principle tiiat was contested ; it mani- festly appeared that this was only a financiering expe- dient to raise a revenue from the colonies by impercep- tible taxes. The defenders of the privikges, and the freedom of the colonies, denied all parliamentary right to tax them in any way whatever. They asserted that if the collection of this duty was permitted, it would establish a precedent, and strengthen the claim parlia- ment had assumed, to tax them at pleasure. To do it by the secret modes of imposts and excises would ruin their trade, corrupt the morals of the people, and was more abhorrent in their eyes than a direct demand. The most judicious and intelligent Americans at this boundless chaos of fiscal demands that this practice in. troduees. In consequence of the new system, a board of customs was instituted, and commissioners appointed, in Bus- ton, to collect the duties; which were, besides other pur- poses, to supply a fund for the payment of the large salaries annexed to their office. A civil list was soon after established, and the governors of the Massacliu- sets, judges of the superior court, and such otlicr ulli, cers as had heretofore depended on the free grunts of the representative body, were to be paid out of tlie re- venue chest. Thus rendered wholly independent of the general assembly, there was no check left on the wanton exer- cise of power in the crown officers, however disposed they might be to abuse their trust. The distance from the throne, it was said, must delay, if not wholly pre- vent, all relief under any oppressions the people might suffer from the servants of government ; and to crown the long list of grievances, specified by the patriots of the day, the extension of the courts of vice-adniiriilty was none of the least. They were vested with certain powers that dispensed with the mode of trial by jury, anniiiilated the privileges of Englishmen, and placed the liberty of every man in the hand of a petty officer of the customs. By warrant of a writ of assistance from the governor or lieutenant-governor, any officer of the re- venue was authorized to enter the dwelling of the must respectable inhiibitant on the smallest suspicion ot a concealment of contraband goods, and to insult, search, or seize, with impunity. An attorney at law, of some professional abilities am! ingenuity, but without either property or principle, was, by the instigation of Mr. Bernard, appointed sole judge of admiralty in the Massaehusets. The dangerous aspect of this court, particularly when aided by writs ot assistance, was opposed with peculiar euergy and strength of argument, by James Otis, of Boston, who, by the exertion of his talents and the sacrifice of in- terest, may justly claim the honour of laying the found- ation of a revolution, which has been productive uf the happiest effects to the civil and political interests of mankind. He was the first champion of American freedom, who had the courage to put his signature to the contest between Great Britain and the colonies. He had in a clear, concise, and nervous manner, stated and vindicated the rights of the American colonies, and published his observations in Boston, while the stamp act hung suspended. This tract was written with such aspiritof liberality, loyalty, and impartiality, that though time considered all imperceptible taxes fraught with J at the time some were ready to pronounce it treasonable, evils, that tended to en»lave any country plunged in the | yet, when opposition run higher, many of tlie most BOOK XI tl.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 401 judicious partiz&ns of the crown were \villin|r to admit it as a just criterion of {lulitical truth. But the author was abused and vilillid by tlie scribblers of the court, and threatened with an arrest from the crown for the boldness of his opinions. Yet he continued to advo- cate the rights of ti\e people, and in liic course of his argument against tlic iniquitous consequences of writs of assistance, he observed, that " his engaging in this " cause had raised the resentment of its abettors ; but " that he argued it from principle, uiid with pccuiiar " pleasure, as it was in favour of British liberty, and in " opposition to the exercise of a power, that in former " periods of English history, had cost one king of Eng- " land his head, and another his crown." — He added, " 1 o«n sincerely declare, that 1 submit myself to every " opprobrious name fur conscience sake, and despise all those, whom guilt* follv. or malice, has made my ■.les." It was on thi ■ i sion that Mr. Otis re- signed the office of judge-advocate, and renounced all employment under so corrupt an administration, boldly declaring in the face of the supreme court, at this dan- gerous crisis, that •' the only principle of public con- *' duct worthy a gentleman or a man, was the sacrifice " of health, ease, applause, estate, or even life, to the " sacred calls of his country ; that these manly senti- " mcnts in private life made the good citizen, in pub- " lie, the patriot and the hero." Thus was verified in Ills conduct the observation of a writer of merit and celebrity, that " it was as difficult for Great Britain to " frighten as to cheat Americans into servitude ; that " she ought to leave them in the peaceable possession " of that liberty which they received at their birth, and « were resolved to retain to their death." When the new parliamentary regulations reached America, all the colonies in their several departments petitioned in the most strenuous manner against any American taxation, and all other recent innovations re- lative to the government of the British provinces. These petitions were, when received by the ministry, treated by them with the utmost contempt. But they were supported by a respectable party in the parliament of Britain, who did not neglect to warn the administra- tion of the danger of precipitating measures, that niiglit require before the termination of a contest thus hurried on, " more virtue and abilities than the ministry pos- sessed." By some steps taken by administration previous to the present period, there was reason to suppose that tliey were themselves apprehensive, that their s) stem for governing the colonies in a more arbitrary manner would give great offence, and create disturbances of so * At the late peace Spain relinquished her claim to the pos- alarming a nature, that perhaps the aid of military power might become necessary to enforce the comple- tion of their designs. DoubtKss it was with a view of facilitating the new projects, that an extraordinary bill had. been passed in parliament, n)akingit lawful for the officers of tiie British arniy to quarlir their troops in private houses tliroujrhout the colonies. Thus while mixed in every family it miglit become more easy to awe the people into submission, and compel them by military terrors to the basest compliances. But the colony agents residing in London, and the merchants concerned in the American trade, rcmoiustrated so warmly against the injustice and cruelty of such a pro- cedure, that a part ol llie bill was dropped. Yet it was too important a point wholly to relinquish; of conse- quence a clause was left, obliging the several legislative assemblies to provide quarters for the king's marching regiments, and to furnish a number of specified articles at the expcn«.e of the province, wherever they might be stationed. This act continued in full force after the stamp act was repealed, though it equally militated with that part of tlie British constitution which provides that no monies should be raised on tlie subject without his consent. Yet rather than enter on a new dispute, the colonists in general chose to evade it for tiie present ; and without many observations thereon, had occasion- ally made some voluntary provisions for the support of the king's troops. It was hoped the act might be only a temporary expedient to hold up the authority of par- liament, and tliat in a short time the claim might die of itself without any attempt to revive such an unrea- sonable demand. But New York, more explicit in her refusal to obey, was suspended from nil powers of legis- lation until the quartering act should be complied with in the fullest extent. By this unprecedented treat- ment of one of the colonies, and the innumerable ex- actions and restrictions on all, a general apprehension prevailed, that nothing but a iirm, vigorous, and united resistance could shield from the attacks that threat- ened tiie total extinction of civil liberty through the continent. The British colonies at this period through the American continent contained, exclusive of Cunudaand Nova Scotia, the provinces of New Hampshire and Massachusets Bay, of Khode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Delaware eoun- ies, Virginia, Maryland, the two Carolinas, and Geor- gia, besides the Floridas,* and an unbounded tract of wilderness not yet explored. These several provinces had been always governed by their own distinct Icj^is- latures. It is true there was some variety in their sesj!- ,.• i,„ I nal measures will be come into as are proper. It seems to be ne- cessary that all possible care should be taken tlial tlie repre- sentations of the several assemblies, upon so delicate a point, should harmonize with each other ; the house ilRielore hope that this letter will be candidly considered, in no other light than as expressing a disposition freely to eomiuunieate their niiod to a sister colony, upon a common coneeni, in the same manner as they would be glad t« receive the seutinients of your, or any other huisc of assembly, on the coiilintnt. " 'I'he house have humbly represented to the mini:\try their 'own sentiments; that his majesty's high court of imrliament is the supreme legislative power over the w hole eiiijiire ; that in all free states the constitution is fixed ; aud as the supreme legislative derives its power and aulliority from the constitu- tion, it cannot overleap the bonds of it wiihout de.slioyiiig its foundation. That the constitution ascertains and limits both sovereignty and allegiance; and therefore his majesty's Ame- rican sahjects, who ueknowledge themselves bound by the ties of allegiance, have an equitable claim to the full enjoyment of the fundamental rules of the British constitution. That it is an essential, unalterable right in nature, engrafted into the British constitution as a fundamental law, and ever held sacred and irrevocable by the subjects within the realm, that what a man hath honestly acquired is absolutely his own, which he may freely ^ivc, but cannot he taken from him with- out his consent. Tliatthe American subjects may therefore, exclusive of any consideration of charter rights, with a decent firmness, adapted to the character of freemen and subjects, assert this natural, constitutional right. " It is, moreover, their humble opinion, which they express with the greatest deference to the wisdom of the parliament, that the acts made there, imposing duties on the people of this province for the sole and express purpose of raising a re- venue, are infringements of their natural and constitutional nghts. Because as they are not represented in the British complained of, to so little purpose. Yet there was no bond of connection by which a similarity of sentiment and concord in action might appear, whether they were again disposed t* revert to the hitherto fruitless mode of petition and remonstrance, or to leave that humi- liating path for a line of conduct more cogent and in- fluential in the contests of nations. A circular letter, dated February the eleventh, one thousand seven hun. dred and sixty-eight, by the legislature of Massachu. sets, directed to the representatives and burgesses of the people through the continent, was a measure well calculated for this salutary purpose.* This letter painted in the strongest colours the difficulties they apprehended, the embarrassments they felt, and the steps already taken to obtain relief. It contained the parliament, his majesty's commons in Britain, by those acts grant their property without their consent. " The house further are of opinion, that their constituenti:, considering their local circumstances, cannotby any possibility be represented in the parliament ; and that it wdl for ever be iinpractieat)le that they should be equally represented there, and conse(|aently not at all, being se))arated by an ocean ul'a thousand lea^'ues. That his majesty's royal predecessor!) foi this reason ttere graciously pleased to form a subordinate le- gislative here, that tlieir subjects might enjoy the unaliinnble right of a rei)resentution. Also that considering the utter iui. practicability of their ever being fully and equally represrnted in parliament, and the great cxpeiicc that must unavoidably attend even a partial representation there, this houic think that a taxation of their constituent.'*, even without their ciin- sent, grievous as it is, wouhl be preferable to any repreaenla- tion that could be admitted for them there. " Upon these principles, and also considering that were the rigiit in the ])arlianieiit ever six'lear, yet for obvious reasons it would be bevond the rule of equity, that their conslituentj should be taxed on the manufactures of (Jreat Britain here, in addiiioii to tlie duties they pay for theui in l>iigland, and othec advantages arising to Uieut Britain Iroui the acts of tudej this house have preferred a liuudile, dutiful, and loyal peti- tion to our most gracious sovereign, anin- tations to bis majesty's miuisters, as they apprehend would tend to obtain redress. " They have also submitted to consideration, whether any people can be said to enjoy any degree of fi eedvtn, if the crown, in addition to its undoubted authority of constituting a guveriior, should appoint him such a stipend us it should judge pnptr, without the consent of the people, and at their expeuce ; aud whether, while the judges oi the land and other civil olViiers, hold not their commissions during good behaviour, their li.iv- ing salaries aj)|)oiiited for them by the crown, independent of the people, hath not a tendency to subvert the principles of equitv, and endanger the happiness and security of the suliject. " iu addition to these measures, the house have written a letter to their agent, Mr. De Berdt, the sentiments of which he is directed to lay before the ministry } wherein they take no- tice of the hardship of the act for preventing mutiny and de- sertion, which requires the governor and council to provide enumerated articles for the king's marching troops, and the people to pay the cxpence ; and also the commission of the gentlemen appointed commissioners of the customs, m reside in America, which authorises them to make as many appoiut- BOOK XIII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 403 itain, by those acts full opinion of that Msembly relative to the late acts of parliament; while at the same time they expiitiatcd on their duty and attac'imeiit to the king, and detailed in term* of respect the representations that had been made to his ministers, tiiey expressed th: boldest determina- tion to continue a free but ti loynl people. Indeed there were few, if any, who indulged an idea uf a final sepa- ration from Britain at so early u period ; or that even wished for more than an equal participation of the pri- vileges of the British constitution. Independence was a plant of a later growth. Though the soil might be congeniiil, and the boundaries of nature pointed out th '.jiit, yet every one chose to view it at a distai...-c, rather than wished to witness the convulsions that such a diiimcmberment of the empire must necessarily occasion. After the circulation of this alarming letter, wherc- ever any of the governors hod permitted the legislative bodies to meet, an answer was returned by t'le assem- blies replete with encomiums on the exertio, and the zeal of the Massachusets. They observed that the spirit that dictated that letter was out a transcript of their own feelings; and that though equally impressed with every sentiment of respect to the prince on the throne of Britain, and feeling the strongest attachment to the house of Hanover, they could not but reject with disdain the late measures, so repugnant to the dignity of the crown and the true interest of the realm ; and that at every hazard they were determined to resist all acts of parliament for the injurious purpose of raising a revenue in America. They also added, that they had respectively offered the most humble supplications to the king ; that tliey hi'd remonstrated to both houses of parliament, and had directed their agents at the Bri- tish court to leave no effort untried to obtain relief, without being compelled to what might be decnaed by royalty an illegal mode of opposition. In consequence of the spirited proceedings of the house of representatives, the general assembly of Mas- sachusets was dissolved, nor were they suffered to mc.:t mcnts as they thhik fit, and to pay the appointees what sums they please, for whose nial-comluct tlu y are uot nccoHntable. From whence it may happen that officeis of the crown may be mnltiplied to such a degree, as to become dangerous to the liberty of the people, by virtue of a commission wiiich doth not appear to this house to give any such advantages to trade as many have been led to expect. " These arc the sentiments and proceedings of Mils honse ; and as they have too much reason to believe that the enemies of the colonies have represented them to his majesty's ministers, and the parliament, as factious, disloyal, and having a dispo- hition to make themselves independent of the mother country, they have taken occasion in the most humble terms, to assure his majesty and bis ministers^ that with regard to the people again until a new election. These traniactions were, carefully transmitted to administration by several of the plantation governors, and particularly Mr. Bernard with inflammatory observations of his own, interlarded with the most illiberal abuse of ihe principal leaders of the late measures in the assembly of Massachusets. Their charter, which still provided for the election of the legislature, obliged the governor to summon a new assembly to meet May the twenty-fourth, one thousand seven hundred and sixty eight. The first communica- tion laid before the house by the governor contained a requisition from the British minister, directing in his majesty's name that the present house should immediately rescind th>^ resolutions of a former one, which had produced the celebrated circular letter. Go- vernor Bernard also intimatcJ that it was his majcr.ty's pleasure, that on a non-compliance with this mandate, the present assembly should be dissolved without delay. VVIiat heightened the resentment to the manner of this singular order, signed by lord Hillsborough, Tre- tary of slate for the American department, was, that he therein intimated to the governor ti.at he need not fear the most unqualified obedience on his part to the high measures of administration, assuring him that it would not operate to his disadvantage, as care would be taken in future to provide for his interest, and to support the dignity of government, without the interpositions or existence of a provincial legislature. These messages were received by the representative body with a steadi- ness and resolution becoming the defenders of therightf of a free people. After appointing a committee to con- sider and prepare an answer to them, they proceeded with great coolness to the usual business of the sessionj without further notice of what had passed. Within a day or two they received a second message from the governor, purporting that he expected an im- mediate and an explicit answer to the requisition ; and that if they longer postponed their resolutions, he should consider tucir ^ehiy as un " oppugnation to his of this province, and as they doubt not of all the colonies, that tlie charge is unjust. " The house is fully satisfied that your assembly is too ge- nerous, and enlarged in sentiment, to believe that tliis letter proceeds from an ambition of taking tiie lead, or dictating to the other assemblies; they freely sutjmit their opinion to the judgment of others, and shall take it kind in your house to point out to them any thing further that may be thought neces- sary. " This house cannot conclude without expressing tlicir firm confidence in the kiiig, our common head and taihcr, that the united and dutiful supplications of his distressed American subjects will meet with bis royal aud favourable acceptance." (Signed by the b^iMakerJ 404 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [BOOK xni. " majesty's authority, and a negative to the command, " by nn explrin;; faction." On this the house desired time to consult their constituents on sucli an extraor- dinary question. This being peremptorily and petu- lently refused, the house ordered the board of council to be informed, that they were entering on a debate of importance, that they should give tliem notice when it was over, and directed the door-keeper to call no mem- ber out on any pretence whatever. The committee appointed to answer the governor's several messages, were gentlemen of known attachment to the cause of their country, who on every occasion had rejected aM servile compliances with ministerial requisi- tions. They were •\>t long on the business. When they returned to the house, the galleries were imme- diately cleared, and they reported an answer bold and determined, yet decent and loyal. In the course of their reply, they observed that it was not an " expiring faction," that the governor had charged with " oppug- nation to his majesty's authority," that it was the best blood of the colony who opposed the ministerial mea- sures, men of reputation, fortune, and rank, equal to any who enjoyed the smiles of government ; that their exertions were from a conscious sense of duty to their God, to llieir king, to their country, and to pos- terity. 'J'his consmittee at the same time reported a very spirited letter to lord Hillsborough, which they bad prepared to lay before the house. In this they re- monstrated on the injustice, as well as absurdity, of a requisition, when a c<>n>pliancc was impracticable, even had they the inclination to rescind tlie doings of a for- mer house. This letter was approved by the house, and on a division for rescinding the vote of a former assembly, it was negatived by a majority of ninety-two to seventeen. The same committee was immediately nominated to prepare a petition to the king to remove Mr. Benifird from the government of Massachusets. They drew up a petition for this purpose without leav- ing the house, and immediately reported it. They alleged a long list of accusations against the governor, and requested his majesty that one more worthy to re- present the king might be sent to preside in the pro- vince. Till- same minority that had appeared ready to rescind the circular letter, declared themselves against the impeachment of governor Bernard. Their servility was marked with peculiar odiini: tliey were stigma- tized by the appellation of the tnjumovs atnuteeti, until their names were lost in a succession of great events and more important cliaraclers. W hen tie doors of the house were opened, the secre- tary who had been long in waiting for admission, in- formed tiie house that the governor was in the chair, and desired their attendance in the council chamber. They complied without hesitation, but were received in a most ungracious manner. With much ill humour the governor reprimanded them in the language of an angry pedagogue, instead of tlie manner becoming the first magistrate when addressing the representatives of a free people : he concluded his harangue by proroguinir the assembly, which withia a few days he dissolved by proclamation. In the mean time by warm and virulent letters from this indiscreet governor; by others full of invective from the commissioners of the customs, and by the secret influence of some, who yet concealed themselves within the vizard of moderation, who lield the language of patriotism, but trod in the footsteps of tyranny, leave was obtained from administration to apply to the coir mander in chief of the king's troops, then at New York to send several regiments to Boston, as a necessary aid to civil government, which they represented as too weak to suppn s the disorders of the times. It was urged that this step was absolutely necessary to enable the officers of the crown to carry into execution the laws of the supreme legislature. A new pretext had been recently given to the roalig. nant party, to urge with a show of plausibility the im- mediate necessity of the military arm to quell the rio- tous proceedings of the town of Boston, to strengthen the hands of government, and restore order and tran- quillity to the province. The seizure of a vessel be- longing to a popular man, ui.der suspicion of a breach of the acts of trade, raised a sudden resentment among the citizens of Boston. The conduct of the owner was indeed reprehensible in permitting a part of the cargo to be unladen in a clandestine manner; but the mudc of the seizure appeared like a design to raise a sudden ferment, that might be improved to corroborate the ar- guments for the necessity of standing troops to he sta- tioned williin the town. On a certain signal, a number of boats, nian.ied and armed, rowed up to the wharf, cut the fasts of the suspected vessel, carried her off, and placed her under the stern of a ship of war, as if apprehensive of a rescue. This was executed in the edge of the evening, when apprentices and the younger classes were usually in the streets. It hud what was thought to be the desired effect ; the inconsiderate rabble, unapprehensive of the snare, and thoughtless of consequences, pelted some of the custom-house oflieers with brick-bats, broke their windows, drew one of their boats before the door of the merchant they thought injured, and set it on fire ; after which they dispersed without further mischief. This trivial disturbance was exaggerated until it wore the complexion of a riot of the first magnitude. By the insinuations of the party, and their malignant conduct, it was not strange that in \^ 1768.1 HISTORY or AMERICA. 405 liJiiglaiui It wiis consulerotl ns a London mob collected in the strrots of Uo»ton, with some formidable dospe- rmlo ut their licnd. After tliis J'raait, the euNtum-huuse ofTiecrs repaired immediately to Cnstlc William, as did tlic board of commissioners. This fortress was about a league from the town. From thence they expressed their apprehensions of |)ersonal danger in strong lan- guage. Fresh applications were made to general Gage, to hasten on his forces from New York, assuring him tliat the lives of the officers of the crown were insecure, unless placed beyond tlic reach of popular resentn.ent, liy an immediate military aid. In consequence of these representations, several detachments from Halifax, and t«'o regiments lately from Ireland, were directed to re- pair to lloston witli all possible dispatch. The exiicriencc of all ages, and the observations both of tlie historian and the piiilosopher, agree that a stand- ing army is tlic most ready engine in the hand of des- potism, to debase the powers of the human mind, and ciadieate the manly spirit of freedom. The people have certainly every thing to fear from a government, when the springs of its authority arc fortified only by a stand- ing military force. Wherever an army is established, it introduces a revolution in manners, corrupts the n orals, p.'opapates every species of vice, and degrades {\\c human character. Threatened with the immediate introduction of tlii.i dread calamity, deprived by the dissolution of their Icr/.slaturc of all power to make any lo;;al opposition ; neglected by their soTcreign, and in- sulted by the governor he had set over them, much the largest part of the community was convinced, that they had 110 resource but in the strength of their virtues, the energy of their resolutions, and the justice of their cause. In this state of general apprehension, confusion, and suspense, the inhabitants of Boston again requested governor B^-rnard to convoke an assembly, and suffer the representatives of the whob; people to consult and advise at this critical conjuncture. He rejected this application with nn air of insult, and no time was to be lost. Letters were instantly forwarded from the capi- tal, requesting a delegation of suitable persons to meet in convention from every town in the province before the arrival of the troops, and if possible to take some steps to prevent the fatal effects of these dangerous and unprecedented measures. The whole country felt them- selves interested, and readily complied with the pro- posal. The most respectable persons from an hundred and ninety-six towns were chosen delegates to assemble at Boston, on the twenty-second of September. They accordingly met at tliat time and place] as soon as they were convened, the governor sent them an angry mes- sage, admonishing them immediately to disperse^ as- suring them " the king was dcternnined to maintain •' his entire sovereignty o\er the province— that tiicir " present meeting might be in coiiicqucn e of their igno- " ranee — but that if after this aduKJuinon, lliey conti- '♦ nued their usurpation, they niiglii leptiu tiair temc- '• rity, as he was determined to assert the auiliority of *' the crown in a more public manner, it they couiiuuuil " to disregard tiiis authoritative warning." lie however found he had nut men to deal with, either ignorant of law, regardless of its sanctions, or terrified by the frowns of power. The cunvention inude him a spirited but decent answer, containing the rea- sons of their assembling, and the line of conduct they were determined to ])ur.sue in spite uf every ii tnaee. The governor refused to receive liieir reply } he urged the illegality of the assembly, and iiiitde use of every subterfuge to interrupt their proceedings. 'I'lii ir situa- tion was indeed truly delicate, as well as dangerous. The convention wf.s u body not known in the c()nslili>- tion of their government, and in the strict sense of law it might be styled a treasonable meeting. They slill professed fealty to the crown of Britain ; and though the principle had been shaken by injuries that might have justified a more sudden renunciation of loyalty, yet their's was cherished by a degree of religious scruple amidst every species of insult. Thus while they wished to si'pport this temper, and to cherish their former af- fect! jii, they felt with poignancy the invasion of their rights, and hourly expected the arrival of an armed force to back the thrcatenings of their first magislnile. Great prudence and moderation, however, marked the transactions of an assembly of men thus circumstanced ; they could in their present situation only recapitulate their sufferings, felt and feared. This they did in a pointed and nervous style, in a letter addressed to Mr. Dc Berdt, the agent of the province, residing in Lon- don. They stated the circumstances that occasioned their meeting, and a full detail of their pioceedings. They enclosed their agent a petition to the king, and ordered him to deliver it with his own hand. The con- vention then separated, and returned to their respective towns, where they imprcised on their constituents the same perseverance, forbearance, and magnanimity, that had marked their own resolutions. Within a few days after their separation, the troops arrived from Halifax. This was indeed a painful u;ia, The American war may be dated from the hostile parade of this day. At this period the inhabitants of the colonics almost universally breathed an unshaken loy- alty to the king of England, and the strongest attach- ment to a country whence they derived their origin. Thus was the astonishment of the whole province ex- cited, when to the grief and conttcruation of the town 5 Q i06 HISTORY or AMERICA. [book xiit. of Boston, srvprnl rcRinirnts wore landed, nnd itiarclicd sword ill li.iiul tliroiit'li tlu priiiciiml strt'cts of tlicircity, tlicn in profiuind ju-aoi*. The (lisi'mbjirkntiiiii of tlic king's troops, which took pl.uT on tlie lir.st of Ortobcr, o w tliousand seven iiun- dred und sixty-ei);iit, was viewed by ii vast crowd of spectators, wlio bclieid tlic solemn prelude to devasta- tion and bi(Hi(Uiied witit n kind of sullen silence, that denoted the deepest resentment. Yet whatever might be the feelings of the citizens, not one among the gaz- ing multitude discovered any disposition to resist by arms tlie p()wer and authority of the king of Great Britain. This appearance of decent submission and order was very unexpected to some, whose guilty fears had led them to expect a violent and tumultuous resist- ance to the landing of a large body of armed soldiers in the town. The peaceable demeanour of the people was construed, by the party who had brought this evil on tiie city, as a mark of abject submission. As they supposed from the present acquiescent deportment, that the spirit of the inhabitants wcs totally subdued on tlie first appear'Micc of military power, they conse- quently rose in their demands. General Gage arrived from New York soon after the king's troojjs reached Boston. \\"n\i the aid of tiic governor, the chief jus- tice of the province, and the sherirt of the county ol Surtolk, he forced quarters for his soldiers ir\ all the unoccupied houses in the town. The counlc of the most respcilulli' characters. In consequence of these determinations, the claiiKuiu of the British manufa-turers arose to tumult in many purls of the kingdom; but no artifice was neglected to (juict the trading part of the nation. 'J'here were son,^; Amerii aiis, who by letters encouraged ailniinistrat'.i a to persevere in their measures relative to the col.irt;., assuring them in the strongest terms, that the intniu])- tioM of conmierce w;as but a temporary struggle, or ratl.cr an ellurt of despair. No one in the country urccd his ojiinion with more indiscreet zeal than Air. Anditw Oliver, then secretary in the Massachusets. He sug- gested, that government should stipulate with the mir- chants in ICiiglantl to purchase large quantities of guods proper for the American market ; agreeing bcforeliand to allow them a premium equal to the advance of tlitir stoik in trade, if the \mcc of their goods was not sul- lieiently enhanced by a tenfold demand in future, even though the goods might lay on hand, till this ttaqu)- rary stagnation of business should cease, lie con- cluded his political rha| sody with this inhuman boast to his correspondent, " by such a step the game will be up with my countrymen." The prediction on both sides the Atlantic, that this 17Ci).] IIISTOllY OF AMERICA. 407 jiuviititics (jf fiioih Atlantic, that this conibiiiiitioi), ivliidi tjependod wholly on thf conmier- ci.il pirt ol the coiniiiuiiity, c-oiilil not hi- ot lon„' tlura- (!oii, provid iiidctd too true. A reffiird t»i |iriviitir interest rvcr o|inMtt's more t'orcibly on the liulU of iiiaiikiiid tliiui till- ticst of honour, or the priiii'i|ilcs of nairiotisin ; and wiien the latter are intoui|)atil»le wil'i the former, tlic halunee seldom hangs loni; in ecpii ■ lihrium. Thus it is not uncommon to sue virtue, jibrrly, love of country, and regard to cljaractcr, sa- crificed at the shrine of wealth. The winter following this salutary combination, a partial repeal of thi- act inijiosing duties on certain articles of British manufacture took place. On this it immediately appeared that some in New York had pre- viously given conditional orders to their correspondents, that if the measures of parliament should in any degree be relaxed, thai without fanlur application they should furnish them with large quantities of goods. Several in the other colonies had discovered as much avidity for an early importati.Mi as the Yorkers. They had given similar orders, ai; ' both received lar jer supplies than usual, of llritisli .kicrchandizc, early in the spring one thousand seven hundred and sixty-nine. The peo- ple of course considered the aL;;eeme it nullified by the conduct of the mcrcharts, and >')c intercourse wi'h England for a time went on as usual, wiiiout any check. Thus, by breaking through tlw- ,, .-cement within the limited time of restriction, a jKnsurc was defeated, which, had it been relig'- -sly observed, mig' have prevented the tragical cons< 4U<.i;ces which ensueil. After this event, a series of akercation and abuse, of recrimination and suspense, was kept up on both sides the Atlantic, without much appearance of lenity on the one side, or decision on tlic other. There appeared little disposition in parliament to relax the reins of go- vernment, and less in the Ame, -cans to yield implicit obedience. But whether from an opinion that they had taken the lead in opposition, or wiiether from their having a greater proportion of British sycophants among themselves, whose artful insinuations operated against their country, or from other concurring circumstances, the Massachiiset' was still the principal butt of minis- terial resentment. »' is therefore necessary yet to con- tinue a more particular detail of the situation of that province. As their fV.artcr was not yet annihilated, governor Bernard fcund himself under a necessity, as the period of aniiu.il election approached, to issue writs to convene a general Hsscmhly. Accordingly a new house of re- presentatives met at Boston as usual on the thirty-first of May, one thousand seven hundred antl sixty-nine. They immediately petitioned the governor to remove the military parade that surrounded the state-house, urging, that su«;h a hostile appcamnce might ovrr-awe their proceedings, and |»revent the freedom of elcrlion and debate. .\ unanimous resolve patseil, •• that it was the " opinion of the house, that placing an armed force in " the nictropolii. while the gener.il a->seniljly is there " convened, was a breach of privilege, and totally in- " (onsistent with the dignity and fn edoin \vith which " they ouglit to deliberate and determine •."—adding, " that they meant ever to suppt'tt their constitutiimal " t'ightti, that they should never voluntarily recede from " theirjust claims, c(ntaincd both in llic letter and s[ilrit " of the constitution." After several messages both from the council and house of representatives, the governor, c\cr obstinate in error, declared he had no authority over the king's troops, nor should he use any infiuencc to have them removed. Thus, by express acknowledgment of the first magistrate, it appeared that tlic military was set so far above the civil authority, that the last was totally unable to check the wanton exercise of this newly esta- blished power in the i)rovincc. But the assen\bly pe- remptorily determined to do no business while thus insulted by the planting of cannon at the doors of the statc-liousc, and interrupted in their solemn delibera- tions by the noisy evolutions of military discipline. The royal charter required that they should proceed to the choice of a speaker, and the election of it council, the first day of the meeting of the assembly. They had conformed to this as usual, but protested against its being considered as a precedent on any future emer- gency. Thus amidst the warmest expressions of rc- sentm at from all classes, for the indignity offered a free people by this haughty treatment to their legisla- ture, the governor suflered them to sit several weeks without doing business; and at last compelled them to give way to an armed force, by adjourning the general assembly to Cambridge. The internal state of the pro- vince required the attention of the house at thii critical exigence of affairs. They therefore on their first meet- ing at Cambridge, resolved, " That it was their opinion " that the British constitution admits no armed force " within the realm, but for the jjurpose of offensive or " defensive war. That placing troops in the colony in " the midst of profound peace was a breach of privilege, '* an infraction on the natural rights of the pc( jile, " and manifestly subversive of that happy form of go- " vernmcnt they had hitherto enjoyed. That the ho- " nour, dignity, and service of the sovereign should he " attended to by that assembly, so far as was consistent " with the just rights of the people, their own dignity, *' and the freedom of debate; but that proceeding to " business while an armed force was quartered in the " province, was not a dereliction of the privileges 3 Q 2 '•^^BJIJMJ^NS^ ^ 408 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XITI. " legally claimefl by the colony, but from necessity, " and tliat no undue advantage should be taken from " their compli:ince." After this, tlicy had not time to do any other business, before two ni< ssages of a very extraordinary nature, in tluir opinion, were laid before them. The first was an ordi'r under the sign-manual of the king, that Mr. Bernard should repair to England to lay the state of the province before him. To this message was tacked a request from the governor, that as he attended ids majesty's pleasure as commander in chief of the pro- vince, his salary might be continued, though absent. Tlic substance of the oilier message was an account of general Gage's expenditures in quartering his troops in the town of Boston ; accompanied by an unqualified demand for the establishment of funds for the dis- charge thereof. The governor also added, that he was requested by general Ciage to make requisition for futuie provision to quarter his troops within the town. The subsequent resolves of the house on these mes- sages were conformable to the usual s|>irit of that as- sembly. They warmly censured both governor Ber- nard and general (iage for wantonly acting against the constitution ; charged them witli making false and in- jurious representations against his majesty's faithful subjects, and discovering on all occasions a most inimi- cal disposition towards the colonies. They observed that general Gage had rashly and impertinently inter- mcddltd with ailairs altogether out of his line, and that he had betrayed a degree of ignorance ecjual to his ma- lice, wlii'ii he presumed to touch on the civil policy of the province. They complained heavily of the arbitrary designs of government, the introduction of a standing army, andtlie encroachments on civil liberty ; and con- cluded with a declaration replete with sentiments of men conscious of tiieir own freedom and integrity, and deeply aH'ected with the injuries oftered their country. They observed, that to the utmost of their power they should vi[idicatc the rights of human nature and the privileges of Englishmen, and explicitly declared that duty to their constituents forbade a compliance with cither of these messages. This clear, decided answer being delivered, the governor summoned the house to attend, and after a short, angry, and threatening speech, he prorogued the assembly to January, one thousand seven hundred and seventy. Governor liernard immediately embarked for Europe, from whence he never more returned to a country, he hail, by his arbitrary disposition and indiscreet conduct, inflamed to a degree, that required both judgment and prudence to cool, perhaps beyond the abilities, and certainly incompatible with the views, of the adminis- tration in being. The province had little reason to suppose, that considerations of the interest of the peoi)le had any part in the recall or detention of this governor His reception at court, the summary proceedings witi* regard to his impeachment and trial, and the charaetor of the man appointed to succeed him, strongly counter-. acted such a flattering opinion. Notwithstanding the high charges that had been alleged against Bernaid \\c was acquitted by the king and council, without allow- ing time to the assembly to support their accusations honoured with a title, and rewarded with a jjension of one thousand pounds sterling per annum on the Iri^l, establishment. He had reason to be perfectly satisliod with the success of his ap])ointment to thegovernnu-iit of Massachuscts, as it related to his jjcrsonal interest. His conduct there procured him tiie smiles of the British court, an honorary title, and a pension for i;iv. Besides this, the legislature of that province had in the early part of his administration, in a moment of cnm. placencv, or perhaps digested policy, with a hope of bribing him to his duty and stimulating him to defend their invaded rights, made him a grant of a very larce tract of land, the whole of the island of Mount Desert. This was afterwards reclaimed by a Madame Grcoir;' in right of her ancestors, who had obtained a patent of some part of that country in the early days of European emigration. But as governor Bernard's property in America had never been confiscated, the general as- sembly of Massachuscts afterwards granted to his son Sir John Bernard, who still possesses this territorv two townships of land near the river Kennebeck, in iiii of the valuable isle recovered by Madame Gregoire. It is ever painful to a candid mind to exhibit the deformed features of its own species ; yet truth requires a just portrait of the public delinquent, though he mav possess such a share of private virtue as would leail us to esteem tlie man in his domestic character, while we detest his political, and execrate his public transactions. The barriers of the British constitution now broken over, the ministry determined to pursue their system against the colonies to the most alarming extremities; and they probably judged it a prudent expedient, in order to curb the refractory spirit of the Massachuscts, jrt- haps bolder in sentiment and earlier in opposition than some of the other colonies, to appoint a man to pre- side over them who had sacrihced so largely on the altar of ambition. Soon after the recall of Mr. Bernard, Mr. Tliomas Hutchinson, a native of Boston, was appointed to llie government of Massachuscts. All who yet remember his administration, and the fatal consequences that ensued, agree, tli^' few ages have produced a more fit instrument for the purposes of a court. His abilities 1769.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 409 L's this tcrriioiv. xi/ere not elevated above tlie line of mediocrity ; yet, by (iiiit of industry, exact temperance, and indefatiga- ble labour, he bctame n)aster of the accomplishments necessary to acquire popular fame. Tliough bred a nuri'hant, he liad looked into the origin and the prin- cipU's of tlie British constitution, and made himself acciiiaiiited with the several forms of government esta- blished in the colonies ; he had acquired some know- Icdu't of t'"^ common law of England, diligently studied the intricacies of Machiavelian policy, and never failed to recommend the Italian master ins a model to his ad- licri'uts. Raised and distinguished by every honour the people could hestow, he supported for several years the reputation of integrity, and decided with equity in his oHice of judge of probate for the county of Suttolk, and chief justice of the supreme court, and by the ap- pearance of a tenacious regard to the religious institu- tions of his country, he courted the public echit with the mosi profound dissimulation, while he engaged the nftVctions of the lower classes by an amiable civility ;ind condescension, without departing from a certain gravity of deportment mistaken by the vulgar for >:anctihj. The inhabitants of the Massachusets were the lineal descendants of the puritans, who had struggled in England for liberty as early as the reign of Edward the sixth; and though obscured in the subsequent bloudy persecutions, even Mr. Hume has acknowledged that to them England is indebted for the liberty she enjoys. Attached to the religious forms of their ancestors, equally disgusted with the hierarchy of the church of England, and prejudiced by the severities their fathers had experienced before their emigration, they had, both by education and principle, been always led to consider tiie religious as well as the political characters of thos.> they deputed to the highest trust. Thus a profession of their own religious mode of worship, and sometimes a tincture of superstition, was with many, a higher reconnnendation than brilliant talents. This accounts in some measure for the unlimited confidence long placed in the specious accomplishments of Mr.Hutchin- son, whose character was not thoroughly investigated until some time after governor IJcrnard left the pro- vince. But it was known at St. James's that in proportion as Mr. Hutchinson gained the confidence of administra- tion, he lost the esteem of the best of his countrymen ; for this reason, his advancement to the chair of govern- ment was for a time postponed or concesiled, lest the people should consider themselves insulted by such an appointment, and become too suddenly irritated. Ap- praraiiees had for several years been strong against him, though it was not then fully known that he had seized the opportunity to undermine the happiness of the people, while he had their fullest confidence, and to barter the liberties of his country by the most shameless duplicity. This was soon after displayed beyond all contradiction, by the recovery of sundry letters to ad- ministration under his signature. Mr. Hutchinson was one of the first in America who felt the full weight of popular resentment. His furni- ture was destroy«'d.and his house levelled to the ground, in the tumults occasioned by the news of the stamp act. Ample compensation was indeed afterwards made him for the loss of property, but the strong prejudices excited against his political character were never eradi- cated. All pretences to moderation on the part of the British government being now laid aside, the full appointment of Mr. Hutchinson to the government of the Massachu- sets was jiublicly announced at the close of the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-nine. On his promotion the new govcriH)r uniformly observed a more high-handed and haughty tone than his prede- cessor. He immediately, by an explicit declaration, avowed his independence on the people, and informed the legislative that 'lis majesty had made ample provi. sion for his support without their aid or sufiFrages. The vigilant guardians of the rights of the people di- rectly called upon him to relinquish the unconstitutional stipend, and to accept the free grants of the general assembly for his subsistence, as usually practised. He replied, that an acceptance of this offer would be a breach of his instructions from the king. This was his constant apology for every arbitrary step. Secure of the favour of his sovereign, and now re- gardless of the popularity he had formerly courted witli such avidity, he decidedly rejected the idea of responsi- bility to, or dependence on, the people. With equal inflexibility he disregarded ail arguments used for the removal of the troops from the capital, and permission to the council and house of representatives to return to the usual scat of government. He silently heard their solicitations for this purpose, and, as if with a design to pour contempt on their supplications and complaints, he within a few days after withdrew a garrison, in the pay of the province, from a strong fortress in the har- bour of Boston ; placed two rci;iments of the king's troops in their stead, and delivered the keys of tiie castle to colonel Dalrympli', wlm then commanded the king's troops through the province. These steps, which seemed to bid defiance to com- plaint, created new fears in the minds of the |.i'oj)Ic. It required the utmost vigilance to quiet the murmurs and prevent the fatal consequences apprehended fioui the ebullitions of popular reseutDiCnt. But cool, deli- 4!0 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xiiy. berate, and persevering, the two houses continued to i of his country sometimes betrayed him into iinguiirded resolve, remonstrate, and protest, against the infrac- ' epithets that gave his foes an iidvanlagc, without bc- tions on tlicir charter, and every dangerous innovation on their rigiits and privileges. Indeed the intrepid and spirited conduct of those, who stood forth undaunted at this early crisis of liazaid, will dignify their names so long as the public records shall remain to witness their patriotic firmness. Many circumslances rendered it evident that the mi- nisterial party wished a spirit of opposition to the de- signs of the court might break out into violence, even at the expense of blood. This they thought would in some degree have sanctioned a measure suggested by one of the party in America, devoted to the arbitrary system, that some method sliould be devised to take off the original iiicind'uuics whose writings instilled the spirit of opposition through the vehicle of the Boston Gazette*. Had this advice been followed, and a few gentlemen of integrity and ability, who had sjjirit suflioient to make an effort in favour of tiieir country in eacli colony, liavc been seized at the same moment, and im^.Tolated early in the contest on the altar of power, ])erhaps Great Britain might have held the continent in sub- jection a few years longer, 'i'hat they had mci:<:iues of this nature in contemplation there is not a ' „i civilization, where humanity is cherished, and politeiicis is become a scienie, for the dark assassin then to level bis blow at superior i)ierit, puts human nature to tin blush. 'I'hough the wounds did not prove mortal, tl.c consequences were tenfold worse than death. I'lic future usefulness of this distinguished friend of liis c(juntry was destroyed, reason was shaken from itj throne, genius obscured, and the great man in ruin? lived several years for his friends to weep over, and his country to lament the deprivation of talents admirably adapted to promote the highest interests of society. This catastrophe shocked the feelings of the virtuous not less than it raised llie indignation of the brave, Yet a remarkable spirit of forbearance continued for a time, owing to the res|)ect still [)aid to the opinions of this unfortunate gentleman, whose voice, though always ojiposed to tlie strides of despotism, was ever loud against all tumultuous and illegal proceedings, lie Urst essays to the public tlirouyli the nicdiuiii of the [Jii»t<>Q (iazette, on wliicli aeeoiiiit the jiaper became odious to tlie friends of prerogative, liut not uioie di.sgusting to the torii.!i aud high chuichiucu tliuu it was pkasiug to the wliigs. 1770.J HISTORY OF AMERICA. 411 m, was ever loud piDCCcdiiigs. lie Y!is, after a partial recovery, sensible himself of his in- • magistrate. But tlieir vigilance was soon- called into ex- capacity for the exercise of talents that had shone with ercise by tlie nial-aclininistratiuii of a succeeding go- peculiar lustre, and often invt ked tiie messenger of vcrnor, ihougli llie fortitude of this patriotic colony (ieatii to give him a sudden release from a life become was never shaken by the frown of any despotic masters, burdensome in every view but when the calm interval , Some of the otlier colonies had listened to tiie soothing of a moment permitted iiim the recollection of his own i language of moderation used by their cliief executive integrity. In one of those intervals of beclouded rea- i oflicers, and were for a s!i >rt time inliiienccd by that, son, he forgave the murderous band, after the principal I and the flattering liopes held up by the governor of ruffian had asked pardun in a court of justice ;* and at the intercession of the gentleman whom he had so grossly abused, the people forebore inflicting that sum- mary vengeance which was generally thought due to so black a crime. Mr. Otis lived to sec the independence of America, though in a state of mind incapable of eijoying fully the great event which his own exertions had hast- ened. After several years of mental dt.angemcnt, as if in consequence of his own prayers, his great soul was instantly set free by a flash of lightning, from the evils in which the love of his country had involv (1 Iiim. His death took place in May, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, the same year the |)cace was concluded between Great Britain and America, Tlioug'j the parliamentary system of colonial regula- tions was in many instances similar, and eqoally aimed to curtail the privileges of each jjrovince, ye!, no mili- tiiry force liad been expressly called in aid of civil au- thority in any of them, except the Massachusets. From this circumstance some began to flatter themselves that mc re lenient dispositions w ere operating in the parliament iiiul the people, towards America in general. They had [grounded these hopes on the strong assurances of seve- ral of the plantation governors, particularly lord Bote- tourt, who then presided in Virginia. He hul, in a •speech to the assembly of the colony in the winter of (lie thousand seven hundred and sixty-nine, I'eclarcd himself so confident that full satisfaction wo.ild he given to the provinces in the future conduct of admi- nistration, that he pledged his f;iith to support to the last hour of his life the interest of America. Ue ob- served, that he grounded his own opinions and h's assurances to them, on the intimations of the confiden- tial servants of the king, wliich aulliorised him to pro- mise redress. He added, that to his certain knowledge his sovereign would raliier part with his crown tli.iii preserve it by decoplit)n. The Virginians, however steady and systematic in opposition, were for a time highly gratilied by those assurances from their first "On a civil |iioe('ss eoriiiuciieeil against liiiii, lie was ad- judged to pay five •.lu.iisiiiKl iiouiuls slciiiiig, damages ; Itiit Mr. Otis, de»pi':!jg all pecuniary eoiiipeiisation, relimiuished Viiginia. But before the period to which we have arrived in the narration of events, these flattering appearances had cva|)oratcd with the breatii of the courtier. Tiie sub- sequent conduct of administration bailled tlie expecta- tions of the credulous. The hand of government was more heavily felt through the continent ; and from South Carolina to Virginia, and from Virginia to New Hampshire, tlie mandate of a minist^-f was the signal for the dissolution of tiieir assemblies. The people w ere compelled to resort to conventions and committees to transact all public business, to unite in petitions for relief, or-to take the necessary preparatory steps, if finally obliged, to resist by arms. In the mean time the inhabitants of the town of Boston had suffered .almost every species of insult from the British soldiery, who had generally found means to screen themselves from the hand of the civil officers. Thus all authority rested on the point of the sword ; and the partizans of the crown triumphed for a time in the plenitude of power. Yet the measure and the manner of posting troops in the c.pit?! of the province, had roused such jealousy and disgust, as could not be subdued by the scourge tliat hung over ti.eir heads. Continual bickerings took place in the streets between the soldiers and the citizens ; tlie insolence of the first, which had been carried so far, and the indiicretion of the last, was often productive of tumults '.nd disorder tliat led the most cool and temperate to be apprehen- sive- of consc(iuences of the most serious .mature. No previous outrage had given such a general alarm as tii«^ commotion on the fifth of March, one thousand sever, hundred and seventy. Yet tiie accident that created a resentment, which emboldened the timid, de- termined the wavering, and awakened an energy and decision tliat neither the artifices of the courtier, nor the terror of the sword, could easily overcome, arose from a trivial circumstance ; a circumstance which but from llie consideration that these minute accidents fre- quently lead to the most important events, would be beneath the dignity of history to record, it oa the cr.lprit's askinnj pardon, and setting his signature to a very humble hckuowledgiueut. ^*- — ^ 412 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [hook xrii. A centinel posted at the door of the custom-house | premeditated or wilful murder, by a jury of tlie had seized and abused a boy for casting some oppro- brious reflections on an officer of rank ; his cries col- lected a number of other lads, wlio took the childish revenge of pelting the soldier with snow-balls. The main-guard, stationed in the neighbourhood of the custoiri-house, was informed by some persons from thence, of the rising tumult. They immediately turned out under the command of a captain Preston, and beat to arms. Several fracas of little moment had taken place between the soldiery and some of the lower class of inhabitants, and probably both were in a temper to avenge their own private wrongs. The cry of fire was raised in all parts of tlie town, the mob collected, and the soldiery from all quarters ran through the streets, sword in hand, threatening and wounding the people, and with every apjiearance of iiostility, they rushed fu- riously to the centre of the town. The soldiers thus ready for execution, and the populous grown outra- geous, the whole town was justly terrified by the unu- sual alarm. 'I'his naturally drew out persons of higher condition, and more peaceably disposed, to inquire the cause. Their consternation can scarcely be described, when they found orders wire given to fire promiscuously among the unarmed multitude. Tive or six persons fell at the first lire, and several more were dangerously wounded at their own doors. These sudden popular commotions arc seldom to be justified, and their consequences are ever to be dreaded. It is needless to make any observations on the assumed right, in a time of peace, to disperse by the military the disorderly and riotous assemblage of a thoughtless multitude. The question ha^ frequently been can- vassed ; and was on this occasion thoroughly dis- cussed, by gentlemen of the first professional abilities. The remains of loyalty to the sovereign of Britain were not yet extinguished in American bosoms, neither were the feelings of compassion, whicl'. shrunk at the idea of luunan carnage, obliterated. Yet this outrage kindled a general resentment that could not be dis- guised ; but e^ery method that prudence could dictate was used by k number of influential getitlemen tu cool the sudden terment, to prevent the populace from at- tempting immediate vengeance, and to prevail on the multitude to retire quietly to their own houses, and wait the decisions of law and equity. They ellected their humane purposes ; the people dispersed ; and captain I'rcston, and his party, were taken into custody of the civil miigi^trate. A judicial inquiry was after- wards made into tiicir conduct ; and so far from being actuated by any inq^artial or undue bias, some of the first counsellors at law engaged in their defence; and, after a fair uud legal trial, they were acquitted of of Suffolk, ^ The people determined no longer to submit to tlie insolence of military power. Colonel Dalrymplc, who commanded in Boston, was informed the day after tl > riot in King-street, " that he must withdraw his troon, " from the town within a limited term, or hazard the " consequences," The inhabitants of the town asscm, bled in Faneuil Hall, where the subject was diseusstj with becoming spirit, and it was unanimously resolved that no armed force should be suffered longer to rcsid. in the capital ; that if the king's troo])s were not imme- diately withdrawn by tlieir own oflicers, the governor should be requested to give orders for their removal and thereby prevent the necessity of more rigorous steps. A committee from the body was deputnl 1^ wait on the governor, and request him to exert that authority which the exigencies of the times reijuirwi from the supreme magistrate. Mr. Samuel Adaiiis. th,. chairman of the committee, with a pathos and iuidress jjcculiar to himself, exposed the illegality of Castle Island. This concession was by no means si- tisfactory ; the people, inflexible in their demands, in- sisted that not one British soldier should be left within the town ; their requisition was reluctantly complied with, and within four days the whole army decampcil. It is not to be supposed that this compliance of British veterans originated in their fears of an injured and in- censed people, who were not yet prepared to resist hv arms. Tiiey were undoubtedly sensible they had ex- cecded their orders ; they had rashly begun the slaughter of Americans, and kindled the flames of civil war in a country where allegiance had not yet been renounced. After the retreat of the king's troops, Boston enjuyid fur a time a degree of tranquillity to which it had been a stranger for many months. The commissioncr'i ef the customs, and several other obnoxious charaeltrs, retired with the army to Castle William, and their, go- vernor affected much moderation and tenderness to his country ; at the same time he neglected no opportu- nity to ripen the present measures of administration, or to secure his own interest, closely interwoven therewith. The duplicity of Mr. Uutchiusou was soon after luid 1770-] HISTORY OF AMERICA. open by the discovery of a number of letters under his signature, written to some individuals in the British cabinet. These letters, detected by the vigilance of gome agents in England, were procured and sent to America.* Previous to this event, there were many persons in the province who could not be fully convinced, that at the same period when he had put on the guise of com- passion to his country, when he had promised all his influence to obtain some relaxation of the coercive sys- tem, that at that moment Mr. Hutchinson should be so lost to the iJeas of sincerity, as to be artfully plot- ting new embarrassments to the colonies in general, and the most mischievous projects against the province he was entrusted to govern. Thus convicted as the grand incendiary who had sown the seeds of discord, and cherished the dispute between Great Britain and the colonies, his friends blushed at the discovery, his enemies triumphed, and his partizans were confounded. In these letters, he had expressed his doubt of the pro- priety of suffering the colonies to enjoy all the privi- leges of the parent state ; he observed, that " there must be an abridgment of English liberties in colonial administration," and urged the necessity of the resump- tion of the charter of Massachusets. Through this, and the succeeding year, the British * The orifi'iiial letters were procured by Doctor Franklin, AiiJ pul)lished in a pamphlet at Boston, They may also be seen in the AnnwU Register, and in a large collection of historical {'apers printed in London, entitled the Remem- brancer. The agitation into which many were thrown by the trans- mission of tliese letters, produced important consequences. Doctor Franklin was shamefully vilified and abused in an out- rageous philippic pronounced by Mr. Wedderburne, after- wards Lord Lou4;)il)orough. Threats, challenges, and duels took place, but it was not discovered by what means these letters fell into the hands of Doctor Franklin, who soon after repaired to America, where he was eminently serviceable in forwarding the measures of his native country. An extract of a letter from Mr. Hutchinson to Mr. Bollan :— " DEAR SIR, " Roiton, January, 1769. " I sent you, nndcr a blank cover, by way of Bristol and Glasgow, the account of proceedings in New York assembly, which you will find equal to those of the Massachusets. Per- haps if they had no troops, the people too would have run riot as we did. Five or six men of war, and three or four regi- ments, disturb nobody but some of our grave people, who do not love assemblies and concerts, and cannot bear the noise of drums upon a Sunday. I know 1 have not slept in town any three months these two years in so much tranqaillity as 1 have done the three months since the troops came." An extract of a letter from Mr. Bollan to Mr. Hutchinson :— " Henrietta-street, August 11, 1767. " Mr. Paxton has several times told me, that you and some Wher of my friends were of opinion, that standing troops were Kweisary to support the authority of the goyernmcnt at Bos- 35—36. nation were much divided In opinion relative to public measures, both at home and abro.ad. Debutes and ani- mosities ran high in both houses of parliament. Many of their best orators came forward iti defence of Ame- rica, with that eloquence and precision wiiich proved their ancestry, and marked the spirit of a nation that had long boasted their own freedom. But n ascn and argument are feeble barriers against will or determi- nation. Thus the system was fixed, the nieasuren were ripening, and the minister declared publicly, that " America should be brought to the footstoo' of parliament." — Lord iS'orili's speech in tlw huuae of commons. The inhabitants of the whole American continent ap- peared even at this period nearly ready for the last appeal, rather than longer to submit to the mandates of an overbearing minister of state, or tlic execution of his designs. The masterly writers of this enlightened age, had so clearly defined the nature and origin of go- vernmcnt, the claims and natural rights of man, tlie principles of the British constitution, and the freedom the subject had a right to enjoy tliereby ; that it had become a prevailing opinion, that government and le- gislation were instituted for the benefit of society at large, and not for the emolument of a few ; and that whenever prerogative began to stretch its arm beyond ton, and that he was authorised to inform nie this was your and their opinion, i need not say that I hold in the greatest abomination tlic outrages that have taken place among you, and am sensible it is the duly of all tliarter, or other Milwr- diuate governments, to take due care and punish siith pro- ceedings ; and that all governments iuust be supported by force, when necessary ; yet we must reiueniber how often standinjr forces have introduced greater mischiefs than they retrieved, and I am apprehensive that your distant situation from the centre of all civil and military [wwer, might in this case sooner or latter subject you to j)eeuliar difficulties. " When Malcolm's bad behaviour made a stir here, a mi- nister who seemed inclined to make use of standing forces, supposing this might'not be agreeable to me, i avoided giving an opinion, which then appeared needless and improper, but afterwards, when it was confidently said that preparations wer'' making to send a considerable number of standing troops in order to compel obedience, 1 endeavoured to prevtul it." Mr. Bollan goes on to observe, that" he had informed some influential gentlemen in England, that he had the highest reason to believe, that whoever should be instrumi^ntal in send- ing over standing troops to America, would be cursed to all jwsterity." An extract from governor Hutchinson's letter to governor Pownal :— " Boston, June 22, 1/72. " The union of the colonies is pretty well broke ; 1 hope 1 shall never see it renewed. Indeed our sons of liberty aro hated and despised by their former brethren in New York and Pennsylvania, and it must be something very extraordiuary ever to reconcile them." S R 414 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XIII. certain bounds, it was an indispensable duty to resist. Strongly attached to Great Britain, not only by the impression of ancient forms, and the habits of submis- sion to government, but by religion, manners, language, and consanguinity, the colonics still stood suspended in the pacific hope, that a change of ministry, or a ncv parliament, might operate in their favour, and restore tranquillity by the removal of the causes and the instru- ments of their sufferings. Not yet conscious of her own strengtii, and scarcely ambitious of taking an independent rank among the nations, America still cherished the flattering ideas of reconciliation. But thcic expectations were finally dis- sipated, by the repeated attempts to reduce the colo- nies to unlimited submission to the supreme jurisdic- tion of parliament, and the exactions of the crown, until by degrees all parliamentary decisions became as indifferent to an American car, as the rescripts of a Turkish divan. The tame acquiescence of tlic colonics would doubtless have given great advantages to the mi- nisterial party, while their assiduous atroiits on the other side of the Atlantic, did not revolt at the nu'uncst compliances to facilitate the designs of their employers, or to gratify their own inordinate passion for power and wealth. Thus for a considerable time a struggle was kept up between tlie power of one country, and the perseverance of the other, without a possibility of cal- culating consequences. A particular detail of the altercations between the representatives, the burgesses, and the provincial go- vernors, the remonstrances of the people, the resolves of tlieir legislative bodies, and the dissolution of their assemblies by the ,fint of a governor, the prayers of corporate and occupational societies, or the petitions of more public and respectable bodies ; the provoca- tions on the side of government, and the riotous, unjustifiable jiroceedings of the populace, in almost every town on the continent, would be rather tedious than entertaining. It may therefore be well to pass over a year or two, tliat produced nothing but a sameness of complaint, and a similarity of opposition, on the one side ; nnd on the otlicr, a systematic effort to pusii the measure of an American taxUion, while neithir party had njucli reason to promise themselves a speedy dccibion. It has already been observed, that tlie revenue acts wliich had occasioned a ^reiieral murmur had been re- pealed, except a small duly on all India teas, by which a claim was kept up to tax the colonies at pleasure wlici.ever it should be thought expedient. This was an irttiele used by all ranks in America; a luxury of such universal consumption, that administration was led to believe, that a monopoly of the sales of tea might be so managed, as to become a productive source of revenue. It was generally believed that governor Hutchinson had stipulated for the agency for his sons as they were the first in commission ; and that he had solicited for them, and obtained this odious employ- ment, by a promise, that if they were appointed sole agents to the East India company, the sales should be so executed as to give perfect satisfaction both to tlieni and to administration. Thus, in consequence of (|,.> insinuations of those interested in the success of tlic measure, a number of ships were c.iploycd by govern- ment, to transport a large quantity of teas into each of the American colonies. The people throughout tjic continent, apprized of the design, and consideiinjj at that time teas a pernicious article of commerce, sum- moned meetings in all the cajjilal towns, and unani- mously resolved to resist the dangerous project by every legal opposition, before they proceeded to any extre- mities. The first step taken in Boston was to request tlic consignees to refuse the commission. The inhabit;iiiis warmly remonstrated against llic teas being landed in any of tiieir ports, and urged tlic return of the sliips, without permitting them to break bulk. The commis- sioners at New York, riiiladclphia, and in several to!u. nies besides, were applied to with similar requests; most of them complied. In some places the teasuiro stored on proper conditions, in others sent back withuut injury. But, in RIassachuscts, their didiculties wort accumulated by the restless ambition of some of lit; ow;i inhabitants. Not the smallest impression wk made on the feelings of their governor by the united supplications of the inhabitants of Boston and its en- virons. Mr. Hutchinson, who very »vell knew tint virtue is seldom a sufficient restraint to the passions, but that, in spite of patriotism, reason, or religion, il s scale too frequently preponderates in favour of interest or appetite, persisted in the execution of his favourite project. As by force of habit, this drug had become almost a necessary article of diet, the demand for teas in America was astonishingly great, and the agents in Boston, sure of finding purchasers, if once it were deposited in their stores, declined a resignation of oflice, and determined when the shipii arrived, to receive and dispose of their cargoes at every hazard. Before either time or discretion had cooled the ge- neral disgust at the interested behaviour of these agents, the long expected ships arrived, which were to establish a precedent, thought dangerously consequential. Uc- solvcd not to yield to the smallest vestige of i)arliamcn- tary taxation, however disguised, a numerous assembly of the must respectable people of Boston and its 1773.] IIISMORV OF AMERICA. 41i nciglibourliood, repaired to the public liall, and drew lip a remonstrance to the governor, unking tlic neces- sity of his order, to send i)aci< tlie sliips without suf- fering any part of tiieir cargoes to be landed. His answer confirmed tlie opinion, that ho was the insti- gator of the measure ; it irritated the spirits of the people, and tended more to increase, than allay the rising ferment. A few days after this the factors had the precaution to apply to the governor and council for protection, to enable them to receive and dispose of their consign- ments. As the council refused to act in the affair, the governor called on colonel Hancock, who commanded a company of cadets, to hold himself in readiness to assist tiic civil magistrates, if a tumult should arise in consequence of any attempt to land the teas. This gentleman, though professedly in opposition to the court, had oscillated between the parties until neither of them at that time, had much confidence in his ex- ertions. It did not however appear, that he had any inclination to obey the summons; neither did he ex- plicitly refuse ; but he soon after resigned his com- mission, and continued in future, unequivocally op- posed to the ministerial system. On the appearance of this persevering spirit among the people, governor Hutchinson again resorted to his usual arts; he af- fected a mildness of deportment, and by many equivo- cal delays detained the ships, and endeavoured to disarm Ms countrymen of that resolution which was their cha- racteristic. The storage or detention of a few cargoes of teas is not an object in itself sufficient to justify a detail j but as tlie sii!)se(iuent seventies towards the Massachusets were LTouiidod on what the ministry termed their refractory bdiaiiour on this occasion ; and as those measures were followed by consequences of tlio highest magni- tuile both to Great Britain and the colonies, a particu- lar narration of the transactions of the town of Boston is indispensable. There the sword of civil discord was first drawn, which was not re-sheathed until the secession of the thirteen colonies from the crown of England was acknowledged by the diplomatic scal;> of the first powers in Europe. This may apologize, if necessary, for the appearance of locality in regard to a colony, on wh'ch the bitterest cup of ministerial wrath was poured for a time, and where the energies of the human mind were earlier called forth, than in several of the otlier states. Not intimidated by the frowns of greatness, nor allured by the smiles of intrigue, the vigilance of the people was equal to the importance of the event. Though expectation was equally awake in both parties, yet three or four weeks elapsed in a kind of inertia ; the one side flattered themselves with hopes, that, as the ships were suflfcrcd to be, so long unmo- lested, with their cargoes entire, the point might yet be obtained ; the other tiiought it possible, that some impression might yet be made on the governor, by the strong voice of the people. Amidst this suspense a rumour was circulated, that admiral Montague was about to seize the shijis, and dis|)ose of their cargoes at public auction, within twenty-four hours. This step would as cli'cctually have secured the duties, as if sold in the shops of the consignees, and was judged to be only a linesse, to placu them there on their own terms. On this report, con- vinced of the necessity of preventing so bold an at- tempt, a vast body of people convened suddenly and repaired to one of the largest and must commodious churches in Boston ; where, previous to any other steps, many fruitless messages were sent botli to tlie governor and the consignees, whose timidity had l)rompted them to a seclusion from the public eye. Yet they continued to refuse any satisfactory answer ; and while the assembled multitude were in quiet con- sultation on the safest mode to prevent the sale and consumption of an herb, noxious at least to the poli- tical constitution, the debates were interrupted by the entrance of the sheriff with an order from the gover- nor, styling them an illegal assembly, and directing their immediate dispersion. This mandate was treated with great contempt, and the sheriff instantly hissed out of the house. A confused murmur ensued, both within and without the walls ; but in a few moments all was again quiet, and tlie leaders of ti^c people re- turned calmly to the point in question. Yet every expedient seemed fraught with insurmountable difljcul- ties ; and evening approaching without any decided reso- lutions, the meeting was adjourned. Within an hour after this was known iibroad, there appeared a great number of persons, cliid like the aborigines of the wilderness, with tonsahawks in their hands, and clubs on their shoulders, who without the least molestation marched through the streets with silent solemnity, and amidst innumerable spectators, proceeded to the wharfs, boarded the ships, demanded the keys, and with much deliberation knocked open the chests, and emptied several thousand weight of the finest teas into the ocean. No opposition was made, though surrounded by the king's ships; all was silence and dismay. This done, the procession returned through the town in the same order and solemnity as observed in the outset of their attempt. No other disorder took place and it was observed, the .stillest night ensued that Boston had enjoyed for many months. This unex- pected event struck the ministerial party with rage aod 3 R 2 416 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book Xlli. astonishment; while, ns it seemed to be an attack upon private property, many who wished well to the public oiiuse could not fully approve of the measure. Yet perhaps the laws of self-preservation might justify the deed, as the exigencies of the times required ex- tratirdinary exertions, and every other method had been tried in vain, to avoid this disagreeable alternative. Besides, it was ulle^'ed, the people were ready to make ample cumpeI)^ation for all damages sustained, when- ever the unconstitutional duty should be taken oiT, and other grievances radically redressed. But there ap- peared liitle prospect that any conciliatory advances would soon be made. The officers of government dis- co- ered themselves more vindictive than ever : ani- mosities daily increased, and the spirits of the people were irrit ited to a degree uf alienation, even from their tendere.st connections, when they happened to differ in political opinion. By the frequent dissolution of the general assemblies, all public debate had been precluded, and the usual regular intercourse between the colonies cut oft". The modes uf legislative communication thus obstructed, at a period when the necessity uf harmony and concert was obvious to every eye, no systematical opposition to Great Britain was to be expected. Perhaps no single step contributed so much to cement the union of the colonies, and the final acquisition of independence, as the establishment of committees of correspondence. This supported a chain of communication fr<;m New Hampshire to Georgia, that produced unanimity and energy throughout the continent. At an early period ut the contest, when the public mind was agitated by unex|>ected events, and remarka- bly pervaded with perplexity and anxiety, Mr. James Warren, uf Plymouth, tirst proposed this institution to a private friend, on a visit to his own house. Mr. War- ren had been an active and influential member of the general assembly from the beginning of the troubles in America, which commenced soon after the demise of George the Second. The principles and firnmess of this gentlemen were well known, and the uprightness of his character had sufficient weight to recommend the measure. As soon as the proposal was communi- cated to a number of gentlemen in Boston, it was adopted witii zeal, and spread with the rapidity of en- thusiasm, from town to town, and from province to province. Thus an intercourse was established, by which a similarity of opinion, a connexion of interest, and a union of action appeared. The plan suggested was clear and methodical; it i)roposed that a public meeting should be called in every town ; that a number of persons should be selected by a plurality of voices ; that they should be uieii of respectable characters, whose attachment to the great cause of America had been uniform ; that they should be vested by a niajo- rity of suffrages with power to take cognizance of the state of commerce, of litigious ruptures that mieht create disturbances, and every thing else that might be thought to militate with the rights of the people, and to promote every thing that tended to general utility. The business was not tardily executed. Committees were every where chosen, who were directed to keep up a regular correspondence with each other, and to give information of all intelligence received, relative to the proceedings of administration, so far as they affected the interest ( the British colonics throughout America. The trust was faithfully and diligently discharged, and when afterwards all legislative authority was suspended, the courts of justice shut up, and the last traits of British government annihilated in the colonies, this new institution became a kind of juridical tribunal. Its injunctions were influential beyond the hopes of its most sanguine friends, and the recommendations of committees of correspondence had the force of law. The institution had given such a general alarm to the adherents of Great Britain, and had been replete with such important consequences through the union that it was justly dreaded by those who opposed it. A representation of this establishment, and its effects, had been transmitted to England, and laid before the king and parliament, and Mr. Hutchinson had received hij majesty's disapprobation of the measure. With the hope of impeding its farther operation, and for the dis- cussion of some other important questions, the gover- nor had thought proper to convene the council and house of representatives, to meet in January, one thou- sand seven hundred and seventy-three. The assembly of the preceding year had passed a number of very severe resolves, when the original letters mentiontd above, written bygu\ernor Hutchinson, were detected, sent back to the Massachusets, and laid before the house. They had observed that " the letters contained " wicked and injurious misrepresentations, designed " to influence the ministry and the nation, and to excite *' jealousies in the breast uf the king, against his faith- " ful subjects." They had proceeded to an impeaeii- ment, and unanimously requested, that his majesty would be pleased to remove both Mr. Thomas liut< cliinson and Mr. Andrew Oliver from their public functions in the province, for ever. But before they had tinu" to complete their spirited measures, the go- vernor dissolvi-d the assembly. This was a stretch of power, and a manitestatioti of resentment, tliat had been so frequently exercised both by Mr. Hutchinson and his predecessur, that it was never unexpected, and now totally disregarded. This mode of conduct wat 1773.] JIISTORY JF AMERICA. 417 not confined to the Massacliuspts ; it was indeed the | opening of the new session, the first communication common siijiinl of resentment exhibited by most of the '. from tlie governor was, that he had received his majesty'i colonial governors : they immediately dissolved the , express disapprobation of all romnii((eeir of correspon' legislative assemblies on tl>e discovery of energy, en- i denie ; and to enforce the displeasure of the crown, tcrprise. or opposition, among the members. he very indiscreetly ventured himself to censure with When the new house of assembly met at Boston, much warmth this institution, and every other stiuid it appeared to be composed of the principal gentlemen that the colonies had unitedly made to ministerial ami and Inndholders in the province ; men of education | parliamentary invasions. To complete the climux of and ability, of fortune and family, of integrity and , liis own ])rcsumption,lic in a lon^ iuid Inhourcd speech honour; jealous of the infringement of their rights, ' > •' •- . i .. i and the faithful guardians of a free people. 'I'lieir in- dependency of mind was soon put to the test. On the * Extracts from Mr. Hiitcliinson's letters ti> Mr. .lackson and Mr. I'uwnal, urging the adoption of those principles : — Boston, August 27, \','2. " But before America is settled in peace, it would be nc- " ccssnry to go to the bottom of all the disorder, which hus " been so long neglected already. The opinion that every " colony has a legislature within itself, the acts and doingr, of " which arc not to he controlled by parliament, and tliat no " legislative power ought to be exercised over the colonies, " except by their respective legislatures, gains ground every " day, and it has an influence on all the executive parts of " government. Grand juries will not present ; petit juries " will not convict the highest oflTendcrs against acts of parlia- " ment : our newspapers publicly announce this independence " every week ; and, what is much more, there is scarce an " nssemlily that has not done it at one time or another. The " assembly of this province has done as much the last session " hy their private voles and resolves, and by an address which " tiiey have sent to Doctor Franklin, to be presented to the " king ; so tiiere is sutTicieat grounds for parliament to pro- " cced, if thi^re is a disposition. What, it will be said, can " be done ) A lest as KcncrnI as the oaths required instead of " the oaths of iiiiegiance and supremacy, would be most ef- " fcctual ; but this liiere is reason to fear would throw Ame- " riea into a general confusion, and I doubt the expediency. " nut ciia less he done tlian affixing i)etialties, and disquali- " ficiitioiis or incapacities, u|)on all who by word or writing " shall deny or call in question the supreme authority of par- " liamcut over all parts of the British dominions ? (Jan it be " mnili- neces>ary for all judges to be under oath, to observe " ill acts of parliament in their judgments ? And may not the ' oaths of all jurors, grand and petit, be so framed as to in- " chide acts of parliament as the rule of law, as well as law " in general terms ? And for assemblies or bodies of men, " who shall deny the authority of parliament, may not all " tlieir subsequent proceedings lie rfeiting, by any " »'•'■»«"■"••'"" ■"•— - If uothing more can be done, there ' treasonable measures. nprudently agitated the grand question of a parliii- mcntui ight of taxation without rcp.'cui-ntulioii ;* he endeuvc ed to justify, both by law and precedent. " must l)e further provisions for carrying the net of trade into " execution, which 1 am informed adnilnistration are very " sensible of, and have measures in coutetnplatioii. Thus " you have a few of my sudden thuuglits, which I must pray " you not to communicate as coming from me, lest I sliouid be " supposed hire to have contributed to any future proceedings " respecting America. I have only room to .idd that I am, " w ith sincere respect and estec:.i, " Your's, &c " " TO MR. .lACKSON. [Private:] •• Boston, December 8. 1772. " n«AR sia, " They succeed in their unwearied endeavours to propa- " gate the doctrine of independence upon parliament, and the " niisLhii-fs of it every day increase. 1 believe I have re<* " pe.itedly mentioned to yon my opinion of the necessity of " parliament's taking some measures to prevent the spread of " this doctrine, as well as to guard against the mischiefs of it. " It is more difficult now, than it was the last year, and it " will become more and more so every year it is neglected, " until it is utterly impracticable. If I consulted nothing " but my own ease and quiet, I would propose neglect and " contempt of every affront offered to parliament by the little " American assemblies, but I should be false to the king, and " betray the trust he has re{)osed in me. * * • «• • • 4«« * • • " ♦ * You sec no difference between the case of " the colonies and that of Ireland. I care not in how favour- " able a light you look upon the colonies, if it does not sepa- " rate us from you. You will ccituinly hnd it more ditfieult " to retain the colonies than you do Ireland. Ireland is near " and under your constant inspection. All officers are de- " pendent, and removable at pleasure. The colonies are " remote, and the officers generally more ilis()osed to please " the people than the king, or his representative. In the one, " you have always the «//im(j ratio ; in the other, you are " either destitute of it, or y(m have no civil magistrate to " direct the use of it. Indeed, to prevent a general revolt, " the naval power may for a long course of years be sufficient, •• but to preserve the peace of llie colonies, and to continue " them beneficial to the mother country, this will be to little " purpose : but I am writing to a gentleman who knows those " things better than 1 do." " JOHN l'OWN.\L, Esa. " MY DEAR SIK, " Boston, January, 1773. " I have answered your very kind and confidential letter " of the 6th of October. Nothing couhl confirm me more in " my own plan of measures for tlie colonies, than finding it to '• agree with your sentiments. You know I have been beg- ?<'• '!i' 418 HISTORY OF AMKUICA. LnooK XIII. every arbitrary step that had been taken for ten years past to reduce the colonics. Tliis gave a fair opening to the friends of their country which they did not neg- lect, to discuss the illegality, injustice, and impolicy of the late innovations. Tliey entered on the debate with freedom of inquiry, stati'd their claims with clearness and precision, and supported them with such reasoning and perspicuity, that a man of less hardiness than Mr. Hutchinson would not have made a second attempt to justify so odious a cause, or to gain such an unpopular point by dint of argument. But whether owing to his own intemperate zeal, or whether instigated by his superiors on the other side the Atlantic, to bring on tiie dispute previous to the disclosure of some measures then in agitation, is uncertain. However this was, he supported his opinions with industry and ingoiiuity, and not discouraged by strong opposition, he spun out the debate to a tedious and ridiculous length. Far from terminating to the honour of the governor, !iis ctVicious defence of administration served only to indicate the necessity of the most guarded watclifiiliu'ss agdnst the machinations of powerful and designing men ; and fanned, rather than checked the nmar pdtriir nf tlie times. Soon after this altercation c\ '*?'' the representative body took cognizance of an affair that had given great disgust, and created much uneasiness througli the pro- vince. iJy the royal charter granted by William and Mary, the governor, lieutenant-governor, and secretary were appointed by the king; the council were chosen by the rti)rcsentatives of the people, the governor being allowed a negative voice j the judges, justices, and all other oflicers, civil and military, were left to his nomi- nation, and appointed by him, with the advice and con- " girig for iiieusuros to maintain the supremacy of parliament. " Whilst it is suflTercd to be denied, all is confusiun, and the " oppositiuu to government is continually gaining strength." • JOHN POWNAL, Es«. " DEAR SIB, " Boston, April 19, 177.3. " Our patriots say that the votes of the town of Boston, " uliich tliey sent to Virginia, have produced the resolves of " the assenilily tiiere, appointing a committee of correspon- " dt-iice ; aud I have no douht it is their expectation, that a ■' cunimitti r for the same purpose will be appointed by n>ost " of the other .assemblies or. the continent. If any thing '• therefore be done by parliament respecting America, it " no'" seems necessary that it should be general, and not " contined tu purtlcular colonies, as tiie same spirit prevails " every where, tiiuugli not iu the like degree." " .lOHN POWNAL. Esa. [Pr\mte.'\ •' Boston, October 18, 1773. " DEAR SIR, " The leaders of the party give aut openly that they must " have aaotber convention of all the colonies ^ and the speaker sent of a board of counsellors. But as it is always necessary in a free government, that the people should retain some means in their own hands, to cheek any unwarrantable exercise of power in the executive, the legislature of Massachusets hud always enjoyed thr reasonable privilege of paying their own officers ac. cording to their ability, and the services rendered to the public. It was at this time well known that Mr. Hutchinson had so far ingratiated himself as to entitle himself t,, peculiar favour from the crown ; .md by a handsome salary from the king, he was rendered entirely indepcn, dent of the people. His brother-in-law also, the iiiMj. tenant-governor, had obtained a pension which he ha,] long solicited, but chagrin at the detection of his lettti , and the diseoveiy of his duplicity, soon put a period to a life th.tt might have been useful and cxempbry, had he confined his pursuits only to the domestic walks of life. A strong family as well as political connection, had for some time been forming among those who had been writing in favour of colonial regulations, and urgitii; the creation of a p»trician rank, from which all officers of government should in future be selected. Intfr- marriages among their children in ;he near degree ot consanguinity before the parties were of age for ma- turity of choice, had strengthened the union of interest* among the cmdidates for preferment. Thus, by a kind of compact, almost every departmciu of high trust as it became vacant by resignation, suspension, or death, was filled by some relation or dependent of governor Hu!- chirison ; and no other qualification was required except a suppleness of opinion and principle that could readily bend to the measures of the court. But it was more " has made it known to several of the mcmbi-rs, that ll:» " agent in England recommends it as a measure necessary " to be engaged in without delay, aud proposes, in ordti " to bring the di^pute to a crisis, that the rights of the colo. " Dies should be there solemnly and fully asserted and dr " dared ; that there should be a firm engagement with eacii " other, that they will never grant any aid to the crown, tvui " in case of war, unless the king and the two houses of jinr- " liauient first reeogniae those rights ; and that the residuii :; " should be iramedietely communicated to the crown , ar ! " assures them, that in this way they will finally obtain then "end. " I am not fond of conveying this sort of intelligence ; I i;i " as 1 have the fullest evidence of the fact, I do not scr Iuvt " lean be faithful to my trust and neglect it; therefor'- " though I consider this as a private letter, yet I leave it )itv'. idiwn of hope from time, If not from his imme- majority to enforce them. An abstract of an act fc . <> t*- Miocetnor. Chagrined by the loss of pluce, nior- the more impartial iidministrution of justice in the pro- 1 , iici! by the neglect of some, and apprehensive from t bill, the resentment of others, he retired to a small villu.,; vince of Massac'husets, accompanied the port Thus, by one of those severe and arbitrary acts, many thousands of the best and most loyal subjects of the house of Brunswick were at once cut off from the means of subsistence ; poverty stared in the face of affluence, and a long train of evils threatened every rank. No discriminations were made ; the innocent were equally involved with the real or imputed guilty, and reduced to such distresses afterwards, that, but from the chari- table donations of the other colonies, multitudes must have inevitably perished. The other bill directed, that on an indictment for riot, resistance of the magistrate, or impeding the laws of revenue in the smallest degree, any person, at the option of the governor, or in his absence, the lieutenant- governor, might be transported to Great Britain for trial, and there be ordered to wait the decisions of strangers unacquainted with the character of the pri- soner, or the turpitude of a crime, that should subject him to be transported a thousand leagues from his own vicinity, for a final decision on the charges exhibited against him. Several of the southern colonies re.iion- strated warmly against those novel proceedings towards the Mussachusets, and considered it as a common cause. The house of burgesses in Virginia vigorously opposed this measure, and passed resolutions eipressing " their *' exclusive right to tax their constituents, and their *' right to petition their sovereign for redress of grie- " vances, and the lawfulness of procuring the concur- •* rence of the other colonics in praying for the royal *' interposition in favour of the violated rights of Ame- ** rica ; and that all trials for treasons, or for any crime •' whatsoever, committed in that coiony, ought to be •* before his majesty's courts within the said colony ; ** and that the seizing any person residing in the said •' c(dony, suspected of any crime whatsoever, committed " therein, and sending such persons to places beyond " the se;i to be tried, was highly derogatory of the rights ♦* of British subjects." These acts were to continue in full force until satis- faction should be made to the East India company for the loss of their teas ; nor were any assurances given, that in case of submission and compliance, they should be repealed. The indignation which arose in the minds of the people on these unexpected and accumulated grievances, was truly inexpressible. It was frequently observed^ that tiie only melioration of the present evils in the nei;,'hbourhood of Boston, and secluded hin.stlf from observation until he embarked for lopular; John VVinthrop, Hollisian professor of mathe- matics and natural philosophy at Canil too well kaowa to need any «n< comium. 3 S 4S2 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XIM. wm through forbidden, as the 'composition contained some strictures on administration, and censured rather too freely the conduct of some of his predecessors. This was the last compliment of the kind ever offered by eititcr lirancli of the legislature of the Massachusets to a British governor. No marks of ministerial resent- ment had either humbled or intimidated the spirits, nor shook the intrepidity of mind necessary for tiic times; and though it was first called into action in the Massa- chusets, it breathed its inflticnce through all the colo- nies. TIkv all seem«'d e(|ualiy prepared to suil'er, and eor.aily cietevmiiied to resist, in unison, absolute i>ub- iiiissioti. The first day of .Tune, one thousand seven hundred and scvLnty-fonr, liic day when the Boston port bill b'-giiM to (ijicr.ile, was ob.strvid in most of tiie colonics willi luiforiinion solemnity as a day of fasting and ])r;'vcr. In a'l of tlu ni, sympathy and indignation, coupiriic ri ;'.iul rf.seiitment, alternately arose in every bcsiiin. A /tal to lelieve, and an alacrity to pport tlic ^H)stoniiln^, seemed to ])crv;;de the wiiole eo.ilinent. '] i.iif wire inilted a few others in every colony led to un.'e with, and to think favoniably of the n)easures of adInilli^lratit)n, frimi their attachment to monarchy, in which they had been educated ; and some there were who justilied a I 'Mngs done, either from fear, ignorance, or imbecility. 'J'lie session at Salem was of short dnration, but it was a busy and an important period. The leading cha- racters in the house of represtnlalives coiitempiatcd the presen; moment, replete with eonscijin nees of tiie ut- most nu'yniti.de ; they judged it a cri>is that reijuiicd measures b Id and deei-iivc, thougii liMzardous ; and tliat lUe extrication of their country depenticd much on the conduct of tiie pres.nt assembly. Their charier was on ll'.'' pi'iiit of annihilatiitn ; a military governor had ji'.^^ irrivKl, with troops on the spot, to su 'port whatevir mtasurts uiight ne in eoi\teniplalion. These apjieainnees had a disagri-eubic etlect on some who hud before eu-(iu rated with the jiatriots ; they began to tremble at the pc wer and the severity of liiiiain, at a time when fiiUintbS was n ost ri', bciore they were iiitonned iii the resolutions of Massuehiisels. Some of the oilier toloiiies had ciiilciuplaltil the suiue uieusaic wilUout any previous coubultuliuu. 1774.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 4i3 L'gutes for fi congri'ss chosen, topplles for their support voted, and Jeltcrs to tlie other colonics requesting ihein to iiccord in these measures, signtd by the sj.'oal.i.r, tiic nunibcrs dispersed, and returned to their coiu;tent, spirited, and systematical. Most of them had prtviously laid aside many of their local prejudices, and by public resolves, and various other modes, had expressed their disgust at the sum- mary proceedings of parliament against the Massachu- sets. They reprobated the port bill in terms of detes- tation, rsiised liberal contributions for the suffering inhabitants of Boston, and continued their determina- tions to support that province at every hazard, through the conflict in which they were involved. The governors, to counteract these intentions, dissolved most of the colonifd assemblies. But this did not retard the re- solutions of the people ; they assembled in parishes, and selected persons from almost every town to meet in provincial conventions, and there to make choii-e of suitable delegates for a general congress. The be- ginning of autumn, one thousand seven hundred and jifventy-four, was the time appointed, and tlie city of Pliiladelphia chosen as the most central and convenient phice for this body to meet and deliberate. America was then little known, her character, ability, and police, less understood abroad ; but she soon be- came the object of attention among the European po- tentates. Her principles were disseminated ; the seeds sown in America ripened in the more cultivated grounds of Europe, and inspired ideas among the nations that long trembled at the name of the bastile and the basti- vadu. Through the summer previous to the meeting of congress, no expressions of loyalty to the sovereign, or atVcetion to the parent state, were neglected in their public declarations. Yet the colonies seemed to be animated, as it were, by one soul, and each eoloiiy be- held, with a fiiendly and compassionate eye, the severe struggles of the -Mas'^achusets, where the arm of power was principally levelled, and the ebullitions of minis- terial resentment were poured forth, as if to terrify the sister provinces into submission. Not long after the dissolution of the last assembly ever convened in that province on the principles of their former charter, admiral Graves arrived in Boston, with several ships ot the line, and a number of trans- ports, laden with troops, military stores, and all warlike accoutrements. Tiic troops landed peaceably, look possession of the o{>cn grounds, and tormed'several encampments within the town. At the same time arrived the bill for new modelling the government of the Wassachusets. By this bill their former charter was entirely vacated ; a council of thirty-six members was appointed by mandamus, to hold their places during the king'.s pleasure; all judges, justices, sherilFs, &c. were to be appointed by the governor, without the advice of council, and to be removed at his sole option. Jurors in future were to be named by the sherifJ, in- stead of the usual mode of drawing them by lot. All town-meetings, without express leave from the gover- nor, were forbidden, .except those annually held in the spring for the choice of representatives and town-oflS- cers. This new mode of government, though it had been for some time expected, occasioned such loud complaints, such universal murmurs, that several of tlie newly appointed counsellors had not the courage to accept places. But most of them, selected by Mr. Hutchinson, took the qualifying oaths. The people assembled in multitudes, and repaired to the houses of the obnoxious counsellors. They demanded an imme- diate resignation of their appointments, and a solemn assurance that they would never accept any office in- compatible with the former privileges enjoyed by their country. Some of them, terrified by the determined spirit of the people, complied, and remained afterwards quiet and unmolested in their own houses. Others who were hardy enough to go every length, were obliged to fly into Boston to gain the protection of the British troojjs. Indeed that unhappy town soon became the receptacle of all the devotees to ministerial measures from every part of the province ; they there consoled themselves with the hope, that parliament would taki: steps to enforce their own acts ; nor were these hopes unfounded. It has been observed, that by the late edict for the ad- ministration of justice in thcMassachusets, any man was. liaDle, on suspicion of treason, ornnsprisionof tveaMin,t(j be dragged from his own family, or vicinity, to any part of the Briiish dominions, lor trial. It was now reported that general Gage, had orders to arrest the leading characters in opposition, and transport ihem beyond sea, and that a reinforcement of troops niiijht be 424 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xiir. hourly expected sufficient to enable liim to execute all I surcd the authors of those mischiefs, which filled ail the projects of the ministry. Though tlu- operation of America with complaint. They drew up an afrection- this system, in its utmost latitude, was daily threatened and expected, it made little impression on a ])cople de- termined to withhold even a tacit consent to any in- fractions on their charter. They considered the pre- sent measures as a breach of a solemn covenant, \vliicl), at the same time that it subjected them to the autiiu- rity of the king of Engli id, stipulated to them tlic equal enjoyment of all the rights and privileges of free and natural born subjects. While matters hung in tliis suspense, the people in all the shire towns collected in prodigious numbers to prevent thesittinjof the courts of common law ; forbidding the justices to meet, or the jurors to inipannel, and obliging all civil magistrates to bind themselves by oath not to conform to the late acts of parliament in any judiciary proceedings ; and all mi- litary officers were called upon to resign their com- missions. Thus were the bands of society relaxed, law set at defiance, and government unhinged throughout the province. Nothing is more difficult than to restrain the provoked multitude, when once aroused from that supineness which generally overspreads the common class of mankind. Ignorant and fierce, they know not in the first ebullitions of resentment how to repel with safety. It is a work of time to establish a regular op- position to a long established power. A celebrated writer has observed, " that men bear with the defects •' in their police, as they do with their inconveniences and *' hardships in living." Trade had long been embarrassed throughout the colonies by the restraints of parliament and the rapacity of revenue officers; the shutting up the port of Boston was felt in every villa of the New England colonies ; Uie bill for altering the constitution of Massachusets prevented all legislative proceedings ; and the executi* i.- officers were rendered inca|)able of acting in theii several departments. But expectation was anxiously turned to the continental congress. This assembly, convened by the suH'rages of twelve colonies, met at the time proposed, on the fourth of September, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-four. Peyton Randolph, a gentleman from Virginia, whose integrity, and political abilities, qualified him for the important station, was unanimously chosen to preside. Their first wish was a reconciliation on terms of reci- procity, justice, and honour. After a thorough dis- cussion of the civil, ]iolitical, and commercial interests of both countries, the natural ties, and the mutual be- nefits resulting from the strictest amity, and the un- happy consequences that must ensue, if driven to the last appeal, they resolved on . dutiful and loyal petition to the throne, recapitulating their grievances, and im- ploring redress : they remonstrated, and ublic^uely cea- ate memorial to the people of England, reminding them that they held tlieir own boasted liberties on a precarious tenure, if government, under the sanction of parliamentary authority, might enforce their cdiets hv the sword. They concluded their proceedinr-s wiii, an address to the several American colonies, v .hortinff them to union and perseverance in the modes of oppo. sition they had pointed out. Among the most impor- tant of these, was a strong recommendation to encouraire the improvement of arts and manufactures among theiii- selves. They exhorted all ranks and orders of men to a strict adherence to industry, frugality, and sobriety of manners ; they agreed on a declaration of rights, and entered into an association, to which the signature of every member of congress was affixed ; in which tliev bound themselves to suspend all farther intercourse witii Great Britain, to import no merchandize from that country, and to abstain from the use of all India tens. To these recommendations were added several sun\ii. tuary resolves ; after which they advised their musii. tuents to a new choice of deUgates, to meet in cmiuRss on the tenth of May, one thousand seven hundred aid seventy-five ; they judged it probable that, by tha; tiiiii' they should hear the success of their petitions. Tiny then |)rudently dissolved themselves, and returned to their private occupations in their several provinces, there to wait the operation of their resolutions and addresses. It is scarcely possible to describe the influence of ilie transactions and resolves of congress on the generality of the people throughout the wide extended contiiuu! of America. History records no injunctions of niiii that were ever more religiously obstrvcd ; or any human laws more readily and universally obeyed, then wm the reconiiuendatioiis of this body. N\) one, whalevi i might be his wishes, presumed to cross the general voice by an avowed importation of a single article ut British merchandize, after the first day of Februarv, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five. Tiio cargoes of all vessels that happened to arrive ali'-r tliis limited period were punctually delivered to the coiii- nutlecs of correspondence, in the first port of their ar- rival, and sold at public auction. The prime cost mid charges, and the half of one per cent, was paid to the owners, and the surplus of the profits was appropriated to the relief of the distressed inhabitants of Boston, agreeable to the seventh article in the association of the continental congress. The voice of the multitude is as the rushing down of a torrent. In the course of the arduous struggle, there were many irregularities that cuuid not be jufitiiiedj and some violences in consequence ■ 1 ■ \ 1774.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 425 of the general discontent, that will not stand the test, I governors, a stroke of jiolicy to depress the militia of when examined at the bai'^f equity; yetperliaps fewer timn ever took place in any country under similar cir- cumstances. Many other instances of the dread effects of popular commotion, might be adduced from the history o*" nations,* and the ferocity of human nature, when not governed by interest or fear. Considering the country. All military discipline had for several years been totally neglected j thus untrained to arms, whenever there had been an occasional call in aid of British operations in America, the militia were consi- dered as a rustic set of auxiliaries, and employed not only in t!ic least lionouruble, but tlie most menial ser- the right of personal liberty, which every one justly vices. A certain quota of hardy youth were now drawn (liilms, the tenacious regard to property, and tlic pride of opinion, whicli sometimes operates to the dissolution (if the teiiderest ties of nature, it is wonderful, when tbe miiul was elevated by these powerful springs, and tlie passions whetted by opposition, that riot and con- fusion, desolation and hloodsiied, was not the fatal con- sequence of the long interregnum of law and govern- ment throui^lumt the colonies. America was now a fair field for a transcript of all the virtues and vices that have illumined or darkened, liisgrated and reigned triumphant in their turn over all tiie other quarters of the habitable globe, 'llie pro- gress of every thing had there been remarkab'y rapid, from the first settlement of the country. Learning was cultivated, knowledge disseminated, politeness and morals improved, and valour and patriotism clierished, ill proportion to the rapidity of her population. This i-xtraordinary cultivatiDU of arts and mainers may be accounted for, from the stage of society and improve- ment in which the first planters of America were edu- cated before they left their native clime. The minds of the peojjle at this period, though not dismayed, were generally si)lcmnized., in expectation (jf events, de- cisive both to political and private liappiuess, and every brow appeared expressive of sober anxiety. Tiie peo- ple trembled for their liberties, the niercliant for his from the train-bands in every town. They voluntarily devoted a daily portion of their time to improve them- selves in the military art, under officers of their own choice. Tims when hostilities commenced, every dis- trict could furnish a number of soldiers, who wanted nothing but experience in the operations of war, to make them a match for any troops. This niilitary ardour wore an unpleasant asjjcct in the eyes of admi- nistration. By a letter from lord Dartmouth to general Gage, soon alter he was appointed governor of the Massachuscts, it appeared that a project for disarming certain provinces was seriously contcmjilated in the cabinet. t The parliament actually prohibited the ex- portation of arms, ammunition, and military stores to any part of America, except for their own fleets and armies employed in the colonies ; and the king's troops were frequently sent out in small parties to dismantle the forts, and ^eize the powder magazines or other military stores wherever they could be found. The people throughout ttie colonies took similir measures to secure to themselves whatever warlike stores were already in the country. Thus a kind of predatory struggle almost universally took place ; every rnK^-ar- ance of hostilities was discoverable in the occasional rencontres, except the drawing of blood, which was for a time suspended; delayed on one side from an interest, the tnries for th.eir places, the whigs for their apprehension that they were not quite ripe for the country, and the virtuous .'or the manners of soci.'ty. conflict ; on the other, from an cxpeci.tion of rciu- It must be allowed that the genius of Ai:i'.Tii.'a wus i fi'ieemcnts that might insure victory on tlie easiest bold, resolute and em. i ; rising ; tenacious of the rights their fathers h^l endricd sue'i liardshi))s to purchase, they determined to d. te!.;t to tiie last breath the inva- luable possession. To check this ardent characteristic it had, previous to ihe time wc arc upon, been consi- dered, as if by timmon consent among the plantation * France miglit be nirationed, as a rein.irkrilile confirmalinn ot the truth of these obsr.-vutions, Every one will observe tiic astonisliiiK? ditTerfjiiee in the conduct of the people of America and of Frniiec, i the two revolutioiis which took place within a few years of each other. In the one, all was horror, rob- bery, Pssassin;itioii, murder, devastation, and massacre ; in the terms ; and perhaps by both, from the rcejlleclioii of former connexion and attachment. A disuiiiijn of the colonies had long been zealously wislied for, and vaii.ly attempted by administratis.! ; as tlint could nut be elfccted, it was deemed a wise and politic it.easure, to make an example of one they judged the most refractory. roiiiitries, prcvion-; to Ihe'C great (.'v.Mits ; not ': •■:iy ( '.'Virtnee in the iialiire of man , in similar circuiiist,.nc!.s, reveoiii , cruel' y. (onfusion, and ov'ry e\il work operate eciuiiiiy on the uiigo\ernt'il [lassions of nun in all nation ■;. t (Jcneiul (iago in his reply to the miuister iq on t!ie >il' 'iinaii blood wiUiiald ■m'l safety ; but it neither is, nor has 'leen i>iartiiabie, witli- for a time the hand of party, even wlien the passions were out haviiii; recourse to f'urcv : wc must first become masters irritated to the cctreme. This must l)e attiilmted to the dif- I of tiie country." ferent religion, government, laws, and inauners of the two I 37—38. ?, T 436 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xiir. I^l^^ i^ -■ Thus resentment seemed part'culariy aimed at the Massachusets ; cons.-qucntly that colony first measured the sword witli British vcterani'.. The proceedings of the county of Suffolk, soon after the arrival of governor Gage, and his hasty dissolution ol' tlic general assembly, in son;e measure damped the expectation of the ministry, who had flattered them- selves thai the depression of the Massachusets would strike terror through the other provinces. But the decision and energy of this convention, composed of men.liers from the principal towns in the county, dis- covered that the spirit of Americans at that time was not to be coerced ; and that if one colony, under the immediate frov.ns of government, with an army in their capital, were thus bold and determined, new calcula- tions must be made for the subjugation of all. The assembly of Suffolk, at once unanimously renounced the authority if the new legislature, and engaged to bear harmless all officers who should refuse to act under it. They pronounced all those who had accepted seats at the board of council by mandamus, enemies of their country. These and several other resolves in the same style and manner, were considered by government as the most overt acts that had yet taken place ; but their doings were but a specimen of the spirit which actuated the whole province. Every town, with the utmost alacrity, chose one or more of the most respectable persons to meet the provincial congress, agreeable to the recommendation on the fifteenth of October, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-four. In the mean time, to preclude the appearance of necessity for such a convention, governor Guge, issued precepts, summoning a new general assembly to meet at Salem, the week preceding the time appointed for the meeting of the convention. The people obeyed the order of the governor, and every where chose their representatives ; but they all chose the same persons they had recently delegated to meet in convention ; but from whatever cause it arose, he discovered his embarrassment by a proclamation, dated the day before he was to meet them at Salem, to dissolve the new house of representatives. This extraordinary dissolution only precipitated the pre-determination of the delegates ; they had taken their line of conduct, and their determination was not easily shaken. The council chosen by the house on the day of their last election liad also, as requested, repaired to Salem, riic desijrn was to proceed to business as usual, with- out any mticT ot the annihilation of their chatter, .md if the governor retuscd to meet or countenance them, lo consider him as absent from the province. It had bceu usual under t!ie old liiartcr, when the governor's signature could not be obtuincd, by reason of death or absence, that by the names of fifteen coun- sellors affi.xed thereto, all the acts of assenjbly were equally valid, as when signed by the governor. As it was not thought prudent to assume all the powers of an organized government, they chose a president and acted as a provincial congress, as previously proposed They recommended to the militia to choose their owii officers, and submit to regular discipline at least thrice a week, and that a fourth part of them should be draughted, and hold themselves in readiness to march at a moment's warning to any part of tiie provitict; They recommended to the several counties to adhere to their own resolves, and to keep the courts of conundu law shut till some future period, when justice could be legally administered. They appointed a conimittee ut supplies, and placed at its head Mr. Gerry, a gentle- man of independent principles and great industrv, A committee of safety was also formed, consistiiii' of nine members, vested witli powers to act as tliey should see fit for the public service in the recess, and a new set of delegates were chosen to meet in general con- gress the ensuing spring. Though the inhabitants of Boston were shut up ji, garrison, and in many respects felt the evils of a mili, tary government ; yet the difticulty of removing tliou- sands from their residence in the capital, to seek an asylum in the country on the eve of winter, appearal fraught with inconveniences too great to be atleniptcd ; they were of consequence, the most of them obliged tu continue amidst an army, and wait patiently the event- of the ensuing spring. The principal inhabitants of the town, though more immedia'cly under the eye of tlicii opponents, lost no part of their determined spirit, bin still acted in unison with their frieui':; more at libcrlv without the city. A bold in:itance of this appeared. when Mr. Oliver, the chief justice, regardless oC the impeachment that lay against him, attempted with his associates to open the superior court, and tniiisaii business according to the new regulations. Both iht grand and petit-jurors refused attetis' uice, and filially the court was obliged to adjourn uitlivut day. '1 Ikh circumstances greatly alarmed the party, more espc( ialiy those natives of the country who had taken santuiary under the banners of an officer, who iiad iTilers to en- force the acts of administration, even at the point ot the bayonet. Apprehensive they might be dragged from their asylum within the gates, they were conti- nually urg'ug general Gage to more vigorous measures without. J'hey assured him, that it vould be easy for 'lim to execute the designs of government, provided he would by law-martial seize, try, or transport to Eng- land, such persons as were most particularly obnoxious ; and that if tlie people once saw him thus dt:termincd. 1775.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 427 they would sacrifice their leaders and submit quietly. They associated, and bound themselves by covenant, to go all lengths in support of the projects of admini- stration ; but the general had not the inclination to try the dangerous experiment, till he felt himself stronger. He was also sensible of the striking similarity of genius, manners, and conduct of the colonies in union. It was observable to every one, that local prejudices, either in religion or government, taste or politics, were sus- pended, and that every distinction was sunk, in the consideration of the necessity of connexion and vigour in one general system. He therefore proceeded no far- ther, during the winter, then publishing proclamations against congresses, committees, and coventions, styling all associations of the kind unlawful combinations, and forbidding all persons to pay the smallest regard to their recosimendations, on penalty of his majesty's dis- jjeasure. The only active movement of the season was that of a party commanded by colonel Leslie, who departed from Castle William on the evening of Saturday, Fe- bruary twenty-seventh, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, on a secret expedition to Salem. The design was principally to seize a few cannon on the ensuing morning. The people apprized of his approach, drew up a bridge over which his troops were to pass. Leslie, finding his passage would be disputed, and hav- ing no orders to proceed to blows, after much expostu- lation engaged, that if he might be permitted to go on the ground, he would molest neither public nor private property. The bridge was immediately let down, and he only marched to the extreme part of the town, and then returned to Boston, to the mortification of him- self and of his friends. This incident discovered the disposition of the Americans, carefully to avoid every appearance of beginning hostilities on tlieir part ; nor iTideed were they prepared to precipitate a conflict, the termination of which no human calculation could reach. It showed, besides, that the people of the country were not deficient in courage or resolution, but determined to maintain with a firm hand what they had conceived with a daring spirit. BOOK XIV, Parliammtary divisions on American affair s— Measures /or raising an army of observation by the four New Eng- land governments— Battle of Lexint^ton— Ticonderoga taken — Arrival of reinforcements from England— Battle qf Bunker Hill— A continental army— General Gage recalled— Succeeded by Sir tyUliam Howe— Falmouth burnt— Canadian affairs— Petition of governor Penn rejected— Attack on Sullivan's Island— Declaration of independence — Lord Hoice's arrival in America — Action on Long Island— Retreat of the Americans through the Jerseys— General Howe quits them — Arrives at the river Elk — Tlie battle of Brandywine — General Washington defeated, retreats to Philadelphia — Obliged to draw off his army — Lord Cornwallis takes jw ■ iessioK of the city— Action at Germantovn, Rid Bank, ifc. — Ticonderoga abandoned by general St. Clair— Tlie ineffectual efforts of the commissioners sent to America in pursuance of Lord North's conciliatory biU— Manifesto published by the commissioners— Counter declaration by congress— Battle of MonmoHth—Tlw Count VEstaing repairs to Rhode Island—Expedition unsuccessful— French fleet rendezvous at Boston to refit after the damages sttstained by a storm— Lord Howe leaves the American seas— Destruction of Wyoming— Expedi- tion into the Indian territories — Dissensions among the American commissioners—Sir George Collier's expedi- tion to Virgiyiia — Destruction of the American navy — Affairs in Georgia — Savannah closely besieged by the combined forces of France and Ah, erica — Repulsed by gewral Prevost — Charlestown invested ; it capitulates to Sir Henry Clinton— Much opposition to British authority in both the Carolinas—The armed neutrality— Cur- sory observations. We have seen several years pass off in doubtful anxiety, in repression and repulsion, while many yet indulged the pleasing hope, that some able genius might irise, that would devise measures to he»! the breacii, to revive the languishing comroerce of both countries, and restore the blessings of peace, by removing the causes of complaint. The earliest accounts from Eng- land, after the beginning of the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, announced the ferments of the British nation, jirincipally on account of Americaa 3 T 2 f ! 428 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XIV. U^ * If measures. Administration had triumphed through the late pnrliament over the liberal feelings of individuals, and the interest of the nation. Notwithstanding the noble and spirited opposition of several distinguished eharaeters in both houses, it soon appeared that the influence of the ministry over the old parliament was not depreciated, or that more lenient principles per- vaded the counsels of the new one. The petition of the continental congress to the king, llieir address to tlie people of England, with general G;igc's letters, and all pajjcrs relative to America, were introduced early in the session of tiie new house. Warm debates ensued, and the cause of the colonies was advocated with ability and energy by the most admired orators among the com- mops, and by several very illustrious names in the house of lords. 'J'liey descanted largely t)n the injus- tice and impolicy of the present system, and tiie im- practicability of its execution, 'i'hcy urged tliat the immediate repeal of the revenue acts, the recall of the troops, and the opening the port of Boston, wi-re ne- cessary prelimin.iry stej)s to any hope of rec(»nciliation. The ministerial party insisted that coercion only could insure obedience, an:irl of the people of their " liberties, which to him ap|)eaied the best security of *' their lidelity and obedience; llurefore, without tlit " severcbt reproaches of const ieuce, he couUl not eo». " sent to bear arms against tlu- Americans," A treaty was made with the Dutch antl several otiior nations, to prevent ihtir aiding the colonies by supply, in;' 'hem with any kiiul of warlike stores. Every thing within and without wore the most hostile appearance, even while tlie commercial interest of Great Britain was closely interwoven with that of America; and the treasures of the colonies, which had been cuntinuallv pouring into the lap of the mother country, in txeli;ui;'c lor iier ma lufaetures, were still held ready for her uie in any advance lo harmony. When the news arri\i(l in the colonies that tlie British army in Boston was to be reinforced, that the coercive system was It) be pni. secuted, though astonished at the persevering se\erity, deepiv atVeeted with the calamities that threatened the whole empire, and shocked at the prtisiuct of the uiii- vwlsions and the cruellies ever attendant on civil wur, yet lew bahmeed on the part they were to act. Tht alternative held up was a bold resistance, or submissi.u, to the terms demanded by administration. Arnial with resolution, united by all'ection, and a remark.iij'c conlormity of opinion, the whole |)eople through tiie wide extended continent seemed determined, Iliipiiiiy for America, the inhabitants in general possessed nut only the virtues of native courage, and a spiritof eiitiT- |)rise, but minds generally devoted to the best alUc- tions. Many of them retained this character to the end of the conthet, by the dereliction of interest, and tlic costly sacrifices of health, fortune, and life. But the painful period hastened on, when the ctmnexion wlmh nature and interest had long maintained between Great Britain, and the colonies, must be broken ofi ; the sword drawn, and the scabbard thrown down the gulf of time, 'I'he authority of congresses and committees of correspondence, and the spirit which pervaded tiie united colonies in their preparations for war, during the las'. six months previous to the conwnencement of hostilities, Ocuerul Buigoyue, afterwards captured at ISaratoga, 1775.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 429 Lore such a resemblance, that the detail of the transac- tic ns of one province is an cpitonle of the story of all. The particular rcseiitinent of Great Britain levelled at the Massachusets, made it necessary for that province to act a more decided part, that they might he in some readiness to repel the storm which it appeared probable would first hurst upon tliem. Their provincial con- gress was sitting wlien the news first arrived, that all hope of reconciliiilioii was precluded by the lu)stile re- solutions of ])arlianient. This nitiier quickened than retarded the important step, which was then tlie sub- ject (if their deliberations. Persuaded that the unliappy contest could not terminate without liloodslied, they were consulting on the expediency of riiisiiig an army of observation, from the four New linglaiid govern- nients, tliat they might be prepared for defence in case of an attack, before the continental congress could again meet, and make proper arrangements for farther operations. They proceeded to name their own com- nianding ofhcers, anda|>pointed delegates to confer with New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Khodc Llaiid, on the proportion of men they would furnih, and their quota of exptnce for tiie equipment of such an arma- ment. Connecticut and New Hampshire readily acceded to tiie proposal, but in Rhode Island several embarrassments were thrcjwii in the way. .Some time before this period, a number of men in disguise, had riotously assembled, and set fire to a sloop of war in the harbour.* When tiiey iiad thus discovered tiieir re- sentment by this illegal proceediiig, ihey dispersed without farther violence. For this criuic tiie whole * Extracts from Governor Hutchinson's letters relative to tills atViiir: — "Boston, June:W, J 7/2. " DLAR SIR, " (hit lust ships rniriod vdii tlic news of the binning the (iasi)ec schooner :it I'rov idriicc. I hope if liu re slionUI lie another like a1te:ii|it, some loiiei ruei lio «eie unarmed in the leiiellion, anil yet eaiinot be I'lovculed, uill certainly rouse tlie Hriti.di lum. « Inch has lu.ii asleep these lour oi live years. Admiral M.mli.mie s,i\s, that Liid Saiuluich will never leave pursuing llie col ny uunl it is dis- Iramiiiscd. if it is passed over, the other tolonies \.ill loilovv the CAauiple." 430 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XIV. now appeared a necessity, not only for defensive but for offensive operatitms ; lie urged his reHsuns with such address, that an immediate convention of the assembly was obtained. They met at Providence the ensuing day, where the business laboured in the upper house for several days, liut the representative branch, impatient of delay, determined to act without any consideration of their governor, and to unite, by authority of their own body, in vigorous measures with their sister colo- nies. A majority of the council, however, at last im- pelled the governor to agree to the determinations of the luwer house, who had voted u niimbcr of luen to be raised with the utmost disjiatch ; accordingly a large detachment was sent forward to the Massochusets within three days. In the course of the preceding winter, a single regi- ment at a time had frequently made excurfiions from the army at Boston, and reconnoitered the environs of the town, without committing any hostilities in the coun- try, except picking up cannon, powder, and warlike stores, wherever they could find and seize them. Id the spring, as they daily expected fresh auxiliaries, the\ grew more active. On the evening of the eighteenth of April, the grenadiers and light inf^intry of the army stationed at Boston, embarked under the command of lieutenant-colonel Smith, and were ordered to land at Cambridge before tlie dawn of the ensuing day. This order was executed with such secrecy and dispatch, that the troops reached Lexington, a small village nine miles beyond Cambridge, just as the sun rose. An advanced guard of ofHeers had been sent out by land, to seize and secure all travellers who nii_i;ht be sus- pected as going forward with intelligence of the hostile aspect of the troops. But notwithstanding tlie vigi- lance to prevent notice, a veport reached the neighbour- ing towns very early, llwit a large body of troojis were moving with design to destroy tl>e ]>rovincial magazine at Concord, and take into custody the principal persons belonging to the committee of saf<'fy. Few suspected there was a real intention to attack the pe'.ple of Lex- ington. But it biing reduced to a certainty, tliat a considerable armament might be immediately expected in the vicinity, captain I'arker, who commanded a com- pany of militia, ordered his men to appear at beat of diuin on the parade at Lexington, on the nineteenth. They accordingly obeyed, and were embodied before sunrise. Colonel Smith, who commanded about eight hundred soldiers, came suddenly upon them within a few minutes after, and ordered them to Jay down their arms, and disperse immediately. He branded them with the epithets of rebels and traitors ; and before the party had time to resist, he ordered his troops to fire. Eight men were killed on the spot; and, without any concern for hi« rashnew, or molestation from the inhabitants. Smith proceeded on his route. By the time he reached Concord, and had destroyed n part of the stores deposited there, the country <'ontiguous an. peared in arms. Two or three hundred men assembled under the command of colonel Barrett. He ordered them to begin no onset against the troops of their lo. vereign, till farther provocation ; this order was punc- tually obeyed. Colonel Smith had desired a bridge be- yond the town to be taken up, to prevent the |)eop1e ori the other side from coming to their assistance. Bar- rett advanced to take possession before the party reached it, and a smart skirmish ensued } several were killed and a number wounded on both sides. The troops under colonel Smith were finally obliged to retreat. \ dispatch had been sent by colonel Smith to inform gc- neral Gage that the country was arming, and his troops in danger. A battalion under the command of lord Percy was sent to succour him, and arrived in time to save his corps. A scene like this had never before been exhibited on the peaceful plains of America. Had the militia of Salem and JVlarblrhead come on, as it was thought tliey might have done, they would undoubtedly have pre. vented the routed uriny from reaching the advantageous po't of CliarU>towii. But the tardiness of colond Pickering, who conimiinded the Salem regiment, gave tlieiu an opportunity to make good their retreat. VVhelhor Mr. I'ltkiring's delay wan owing to timiditv, or t<» a ])r« dileclioii in favour of Britain, remains uiicer- tain. OtiiiT parts of the couiilry were in motion ; but tiie retrcul ot the British army was so rapid, that tiny got under t-over of their own ships, und many of llum made tliL'ir escape into Boston. Others, too niueli ex- hausted by a quick march and unreniitting exercise, witiiout time for relresiinient from suniise lo sunset, were unable, bolii from wouiuU and lutigue, to cross tiie river. These wcie ohiiged to rest li.e niglit, nor were ti.ey miatuken in the coiitidciice they placed in ilie hospitality of the inhabitants otCharlestovvn ; this they reasonably enough expected, butii from motives of com- passion and fear, intimidated by the appearance of such a formidable body of troops within their town, and touched with humanity on seeing the famished coii« dition of the king's oHicers and soldiers, several of whom, from their wounds and their suttering.i, expired before the next morning ; the people every where opened their doors, received tlem, dressed their wounds, and contributed every reliet ; nothing was neglected that could aisist, refresh, or comfort the defeated. The victorious party were sensible they could gain little advantage by a farther pur&uit, as the British were within reach of their own ship^ au4 at the same time 1775.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 431 under the protection of Charlestown ; they therefore retreated a few miles to take care of tlieir own wounded men, and to refresh tiienisrlves. The action at Lexington, detached from its conse- quences, was but a trivial occurrence, when compared witli the records of vvar and slaughter that have dis- graced the page of history througli all generations of men ; but a circumstitntiul ilt-tail of lesser events, when antecedent to the convulsions of empire, and national revolution, are not only excusable, but necessary. The provincials lost in this memorable action, including those who fell, who were not in arms, upwards of four- score persons. It was not easy to ascertain how many uf their opponents perished. liy the best information, it was judged, including those who died soon after of wounds and fatigue, that their loss was greater than tiiat of the Americans. Thus the colonies, under all the disadvantages of an infant country, without discip- line, without allies, and without resources, resorted to the last appeal, the preiririous decision of the sword, against the power of Britain. The four New England governments now thought proper to make this last essay, and resolved to stand or fall together. They cheerfully engaged, sure of the support of the other colonies, as soon as congress should have lime to meet, deliberate, and resolve ; aware that the middle and southern colonies were generally preparing themselves with industry. As soon as intelligence was spread that the first blow was struck, and that the shrill clarion of war actually resounded in the capital of the eastern states, the whole country rose in arms. Thousands collected within twenty-four hours, in the vicinity of Boston ; and the colonies of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire, seemed all to be in mo- tion. Such was the resentment of the people, and the ardour of enterprise, that it was with difficulty they were restrained from rushing into Boston, and involving their friends iu all the calamities of a town taken by storm. The day after the battle of Lexington, the congress of Massachusets met at Watertown. They imme- diately determined on the number of men necessary to be kept on the ground, appointed and made establish- ments for the officers of each regiment, agreed on re- gulations for all military movements, and struck off a currency of paper for the payment of the sohli(!rs, mak- ing the bills a tender for the payment of debts, to pre- vent depreciation. They drew up a set of judicious rules and orders for the army, to be observed by both officers and soldiers, until ihcy should be embodied on a larger scale, under the general direction of the con- j tinental congress. General Gage had known little of the country, and less of the disposition and bravery of its inhabitants. He had formed his opinions entirely f on the misrepresentations of men, who, judging from their own feelings more than from the general conduct of mankind, had themselves no idea that the valour of their countrymen could be roused to hazard life and property for the sake of the common weal. Struck with hstonishment at the intrepidity of a people he had been led to despise, and stung with vexation at the de- feat of some of his best troops, he ordered the gates of the town to be shut, and every avenue guarded, to pre- vent the inhabitants, whom he now considered as his best security, from making their escape into the coun- try. He had before caused entrenchments to be thrown up across a narrow isthmus, then the only entrance by land : still apprehensive of an attempt to storm the town, he now ordered the environs to be fortified ; and soon made an entrance impracticable, but at too great an expence of blood. The Bostonians thus unexpect- edly made prisoners, and all intercourse with the coun- try from wlience they usually received their daily sup- plies, cut off, famit.ie stared them in the face. Yet, with firmness, the principal citizens assembled, and after consultation, determined on a bold and free re- monstrance to their military governor. They reminded him of liis repeated assurances of personal liberty, safety, and protection, if they would not evacuate the town, as they had long been solicited to do by their friends in the country. Had this been done, the Americans would have reduced the gairison by withholding provi- sions. The inhabitants of the town now earnestly re- quested, that the gates might be opened, that none who chose to retire with their wives, families, and property, might be impeded. Whether moved by feelings of compassion, of which he was not destitute, or whether it was a deception, yet remains uncertain j however, general Gage pligiited his faith in the strongest terms, that if the inhabitants would deliver up their arms, and suffer them to be deposited in the city hall, they should depart at pleasure, and be assisted by the king's troops in removing their property. The people of Boston, after performing the conditions of the contract, were not permitted to depart, until after sevcial months of atisiety had elapsed, when the scarcity and badness of provi- sions had brought on a pestilential disorder, both among the inhabitants and the soldiers. He was then obligetl to a partial compliance, by the dilLculty of ob- taining food for the subsistence of his own army. On certain stipulated gratuities to some of bis othcer., a permit was granted them, to leave their houses Miid goods, and to depart naked front the capital, to .sfxk an asylum and support from the hospitality of tiieir friends in the country. The islands within the harbour of Boston were so plentifully stocked with sheep, cattle, and poultry, that 438 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [hook XIV, they would Iiavt* aflbnlcd an ample supply to tin- Bri- " liberties of America." Altliougli tlic governor w(i« tl l .#. Ji !■ f M tUh army tor u long time, had tliey been .iulVcred quietly to jiossess fliem. Cienerul Putnam, defeated this ex- peeliition by taking oil' every tiling from one of the principal islands, under tlio fire of the Britisii ships : at tiie same time he burnt several of their tenders. His example was followed ; and from Chelsea to I'oint Al- derton, the islands were stripped of wheat and other grain, of cattle and forage; and whatever lliey cm, hi not Liirry off, the Americans jrtl) Carolina. His rigour was principally exercised towards a set of disorderly, ignorant people, who had fell lliomselves ojipressed, had embodied, and styling t .cDiselves " Regulators," opposed -the authority of ''he liws. After they had been subdued, and several of iht ringleaders executed, governor Tryon returned to Eni^iaiid, but was jigain sent out as governor of the province of New York. He was received with cor- diality, treated with great respect, and was for a time much esteemed by many of the iiiliubitants of the city and the ncigliboiiring country. Very soon after the con- test beiame warm between Ciieat Britain and the in- habitants II America, lie laid aside that spirit of lenity he had previously niaintained. On th« determination of the jHovincial congress to arrest the crown officers, and (Ijsarni tic persons of those who were denomiiiDtetl tories, governok- Tryon began to be ai)prehensive for his own safety. The congress of New York hid resolved, " That it be rccomineiidi d to the several provincial as- *' seniblies, oi conventions, and councils, or comtnittees " of safety, to arrest and secure every person in their " respective colonies, whose going at large may, in their ** opitiion, endanger the safety of the colony, or the not particularly named, hcap|)reliended himself u prin- cipal person |)ointe(l at in this resolve. 'I'his awakened his fears to such a dci^ree, that he left the seat of govern. ment, and wen' on board the Halifax packet ; from " enee he wrot ■ the mayor of the city, that he wiij iicre ready to execute any such business as thecireiun. stances of th.e times would permit. The governors, in- deed, of the several colonies, as if hurried by a con- sciousness of llirir danger, were eager to screen them selves from the resentment of the people on board the king's ships. The iicii hbouring govemment of New Jersey was for some time ecjually einbiirrassed with that of New York. They felt the eHecls of the impressions made hy jtq. vernor Franklin in favour of the measures of adniiiii- strution ; but not so generally as to preclude many of the inhabitants from uniting wit i the other colonit's in vigorous steps to preserve tin r civil freedom, (i, vernor Franklin had, among many other expressiuu^ which discovered his opinions, observed in a 1 Iter In Mr. secretary Conway, " it gives me great pleasure " that I have been able, through all the late distur- " bailees, to preserve the traii(|iiillity of this province, " notwithstanding the endeavours oi some to stimulate " the populace to such acts as have «li.-.graced the eolo- '* nies.'* But he was also deprived by the people o| his command ; and New .'t rsey, by the authority ot eonimitlces, seized all the money in the publii' treasury, ai;d appropriated it to the pay of the troo|)s. I'ennsyl- vania, though immediately unu 'r the eye of the eon- gress, had some peculiar difiieulties to struggle with, from a proprietary g IS, observed in a hltcr to gives me great jiUasun. )U};h all the late di^lur- luiiiiUity of this proviiue, oins ol some to stimulate i have graced the eolo- eprived by the people ol •sey, by the authority of ney in the public IreaMiry, y of the troops. I'ennsyl- and -r the eye of the eon- iiulties to struggle with, lit, and the great body oi opposed to the Americaa general were vigilant, ami t necessary steps. In \ir- rolinus, where they hiid llic I sl.ives, their embarrass- d the dangers which hung ravated. From their l.Mig y with foreis^n slaves, tlu'y of domestic enemies, fnim liiid nothing to fear. Tiie ied in general to treat tlicir iiid his family, with every lot his zeal in the service d splcasuve he might iiave re- u. However qualiiied lie le in any of the colonies, ia •as little calculated for the ;y, imd toiulescenbion, cool- cy in execution, were highly ,c struggling with tiie sword in thrir hand, against the invaders of their privileges •nd claims. He early intimated his design, if opposi* tion ran high, to declare freedom to the blacks, and on any appearance of hostile resistance to the king's autho* rity, to nrm them against their masters. Neither the house of burgesses, nor the people at Urge, were dis> posed to recede from their determinations in conse- quence, nor tu submit to any authority that demanded implicit obedience, on pain of devastation and ruin. Irritated by opposition, lord Dunmore dismantled the fort in Williamsburg, and threatened to lay the city in ashes. When his lordship found the resolution of the house of burgesses, of committees, and conventions, was no where to be sliakcn, he immediately proclaimed emancipation to the blacks, and put arms into their hands. (le excited disturbances in the back settle- ments, and ' ouraged the natives bordering on the southern e ..^es to rush from the wilderness, and make inn .1 . on rhe frontiers. By this conduct, the ferments n "rimu daily increased. All respect to- vrards the >r was lost. After much altercatioti and dis| itc, wuh eve^v thing irritating on the one side, and no marks of submission on the other, his lordship left his scat, and with his family and a few friends re- tired on board the Fowey man of war. The administration of lord William Campbell, and Mr. Martin, the governors of the two Carolinas, had no distinguished trait from that of most of the other rolonial governors. They held up the supreme autho- rity of parliament in the same style of dignity, and an- nounced the severe punishment that would be inflicted on congresses, conventions, and committees, and the miserable situation to which the people of America would be reduced, if they continued refractory. Sir Robert Eden, governor of Maryland, a man of social manners, jovial temper, and humane disposition, had been more disposed to lenity and forbearance than any of the great officers in the Americin department. Hut to high wrought was the opposition to British autho- rity, and the jealousies entertained of all magistrates appointed by the crown, that it was not long aftpr the ileprture of the neighbouring governors, before he was ordered by congress to quit his government, and repair to England. He was obliged to couiply, though with much reluctance; He had been in danger of very rough usage before his departure, from general Lee, who had intercepted t^ confidential letter from lord George Germaine to governor Eden. Lee threatened to seize and confine him, but by the interference of the committee of safety, and some military officers at An- * On the surprise of Ticondcroga, the commanding officer there enquired by whose authority this was done? Colonel S7— S8. napolis, the order was not executed. They thought it wrung to consider him as responsible for the sentiments contained in the letters of his correspondents ; and only desired Mr.. Eden to give his word of honour that he would not leave the province before the r-< ' .i>^g of n general congress of that state ; nor did tht .urie; Sim to be farther molested. He was perm' '1 quietly tu take leave ul hia friends and his provii > , after he had received the order of the continental congress for his departure ; and in ho|>e8 of returning in more tranquil times, he left his property behind him, and sailed for England in the summer, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six. The influence of sir James Wright the governor of Georgia, prevented that state from ac- ceding to the measure of a general congress, in one thousand ;.>ven hundred and scventy.four. Yet the peopk' »' '!f;ce ;vere equally disaffected, and soon after, in an ^luvtvis iv i>isexccllency,acknowledged themselves the .:iiy Viuk in the great American chain that had not publicly united with the other colonics in their opposi- tion tv the claims of parliament. They called a pro- vincial congress, who resolved in the name of their con- stituents, that they would receive no merchandize whatever from Great Britain or Ireland after the seventh day of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy- five ; that they fully approved and adopted the Ameri- can declaration and bill of rights, published by the late continental congress ; that they should now join with the other colonies, choose delegates to meet in general congress ; and that they meant invariably to adhere to tiie public cause, and that they would no longer lie under the suspicion of being unconcerned for t' c rights and freedom of America. Indeed the torch of war seemed already to have reached the most distant corner of the continent, the flame had spread and penetrated to the last province in America held by Great Britain, and a way opened to the gates of Quebec, before administration had dreamed of the smallest danger in that quarter. Soon after the action at Lexington, a number of enterprising young men, principally from Connecticut, proposed to each other a sudden march towards the lakes, and a bold at- tempt to surprise Ticondcroga, garrisoned by the king's troops. These young adventurers applied to governor Trumbull, and obtained lekve of the assembly of Con- necticut to pursue their project j and so secretly, judi- ciously, and rapidly was the expedition conducted, that they entered the garrison, and saluted the principal officer as their prisoner, before he had any reason to apprehend an enemy was near.* This enterprise was Allen replied, " I demand your surrender in the name of tbo great Jeiiovuh, and of the coutineutal cuugrets." s u ,Lii;ty IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I ^U^ MIS |5o "^^ H^H 12.2 lU 2.0 m 1= 1— 1^ M 6" » Hx)lDgraphic Sciences Corporation SJ N> -i ci^ ^^^' 33 VMST MUm STIHT WnSTII,N.Y. UStO (71*)t73-4S03 '<^ 434 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xjv. conducted by the colonels Gaston, Arnold, and Allen ; the invaders possessed themselves of a considerable number of brass and iron cannon, and many warlike stores, without suffering any loss of life. This achieve- ment was deemed a very important step. Ticonderoga commanded all the passes between Canada and the other provinces. The possession of this important for- tress on the Laiearance of hostility, if not * Congress had about this tiiue adopted the resolutioa to advise each of the colonies exolicitly to renounce the govern- meiit of Great Britain, and to form constitutions of government for themselves, adequate to their exigencies, and agreeable to tUeir own modes of thinking, where any variation of seoti- ineut prevailed. This was acted upoo, and a representative Soverument, coosistiog of one or uore braachtif^ was adopted I each colony. ! I with the avowed design of independence; they ob> served, that such a measure would be an inevitable bar to the restoration of harmony. Some, who had warmly opposed the measures of administration, and ably advo- cated the rights of the colonies, were of this opinion. The idea of dissevering the empire, shocked their feelings; they still ardently wished, both from the principles of humanity, and what they judged the soundest policy, to continue if possible, the nuturul connection with Britain. Others of a more yielding temper, readily united with these gentlemen, and urged that even, if their late i>etition should be rejected, they should yet make one effort more for conciliation and relief, by the hitherto fruitless mode of prayer and re- monstrance. After a long debate on the subject, a most humble and loyal petition directly to the king of Great Britain, was again agreed to by the delegated powers of the United States. At the same time, it was stipu. lated by all parties, that military prepanitions should be made, and an army raised without farther hesitation. A decided majority in congress, voted, that twenty thou- sand men should be immediately equipped and sup- ported at tlie expense of the United States of America. The honourable William Penn, late governor of Penn- sylvania, was chosen agent to the court of Britain, and directed to deliver the petition to the king himself, and to endeavour by his personal influence, to procure a favourable reception to this address. The command of the army, by the unanimous voice of congress, was vested in Mr. George Washington, then a delegate from the State of Virginia. He received this mark of confidence from his country, with becoming modestv and declined all compensation for his services, more than should be sufficient to defray his expenditures, for which be would regularly account. Mr. Washington was a gentleman of family and fortune, of a polite, but not a learned education ; he appeared to possess a coolness of temper, and a degree of moderation and judgment, that qualified him for the elevated station in which he was now placed - vith some considerable knowledge of mankind, he sl ed the reserve of the statesman, with the occasiuui. ability of the courtier. In his character was blended a certain dignity, united with the appearance of good humour; he possessed courage without rashness, patriotism and zeal without acrimony, and retained with universal applause the first t The state of Massachusets continued tills mode of legiiiiu- tion until the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty, when a convention ww called for the purpose, and a rooie stable form adopted. By the plan struck out accordingly, a governor, lieuteuuDt governor, senate, and house of representa- tives were to be elected by the free suffrages of the peuplc; a council of nine were to l>e chosen by the legislative, eiilier from the senate or the people at large. . fSS'"' tnce ; they ob> in inevitable bar who had warmly , and ably advo- of this opinion, shocked their both from the hey judged the ble, tlie natural a more yielding emcn, and urged be rejected, they conciliation and »f prayer and n- le subject, a most lie king of Great Iclegated powers me, it was stipu- piirations should ai ther hesitation, that twenty thou- |uipped and sup- tates uf America, overnor of Penn- rt of Britain, and king himself, and ice, to procure a The command of congress, was tlieu a delegate :ived this mark of ;conung modesty, lis services, more s expenditures, for Mr. Washington le, of u polite, but ired to possess a if moderation and le elevated station some considerable I the reserve of the lity of the courtier, lin dignity, united our; he possessed n and zeal without il applause the first I this mode of legisla- hundred and eighty, purpose, and a raorc :k out accordingly, a (I house of represeiita- Fragf s of the people ; the legislative, either ■# (VK>"KK.\L, VN'a.s 11 |:v CT'DIX .'.■«. /.'I ruhhah.-J bv f(t. 'i-'A-.m. .//■.if<-r/...«/..r-Aj, .1 ™ I" ■■V Vy-.i _; ■ . rj .: ''f- ..'. ■< .^> I *■ * Si ■* t^' 1775.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 437 niilUary command, until the establishment of inde- pendence. Through the various changes of fortune in th subsequent conflict, though the slowness of his niiivements was censured by some, his character suffered little diminution to the conclusion of a war, that from tlie extraordinary exigencies of an infant republic, re- quired at times, the caution of Fubius, the energy of Caesar, and the happy facility of expedient in dis- tress, so remarkable in the military operations of the illustrious Frederick, king of Prussia. With the first of these qualities, he was endowed by nature ; the se- cond was awakened by necessity; and the third he acquired by experience in the field of danger, which extended his fame through half the globe. In the late war between England and France, Mr. Washington had been in several military rencounters, and had par- ticularly signalized himself in the unfortunate expedi- tion under general Braddock, in the wilderness on the borders of the Ohio, in the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-five. His conduct on that occasion raised an eclat of his valour and prudence ; in conse- quence of which many young gentlemen from all parts of the continent, allured by the name of major Wash- ington, voluntarily entered the service, proud of being enrolled in the list of officers under one esteemed so gallant a commander. General Washington arrived at the camp at Cam- bridge in the neighbourhood of Boston, the beginning of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five. He was accompanied by several officers of distinction from the southern states, and by Charles Lee and Horatio Gates, both natives of Great Britain, appointed now to high rank in the American army. There ap- peared much expectation from his abilitiefi, and a ge- neral satisfaction in the appointment of Mr. Wash- ington to the chief command. A congratulatory address, expressive of their esteem, with the strongest assurances of their aid and support, to enable him to discharge the duties of his arduous and exalted station, was pre- sented him from the provincial congress of Massachu- tets, throug"^ Ihe hand of their president. In his reply to this address, general Washington observed, " That " in leaving the enjoyments of domestic life, he had " only emulated the virtue and public spirit of the " whole province of Massachusets Bay j who with " a firmness and patriotism without example in history, " had sacrificed the comforts of social and private feli- " city, in support of the rights of mankind, and the " welfare of their country." Indeed all ranks were emulous to manifest their respect to the commander of the army. Multitudes flocked from every quarter to the American standard, and within a few weeks the environs of Boston exhibited a high-spirited army, which formed to order, discipline, and subordination, more rapidly than could have been expected from their former habits. Fired with an enthusiasm, ardent, healthy, and vigorous ; they were eager for action, and impatient to be led to an attack on the town of Boston, where the British army was encamped. But they were still ignorant that both private and political adventu- rers, had been so negligent of their own and the public safety as to pay little attention to the importation of powder, arms, and other warlike stores, previous to the prohibition of Britain, restricting the shipment of those articles to America, but for the immediate use of the British troops. Thus when hostilities commenced, and a war was denounced against the colonies, they had innumerable difficulties to surmount. When ge- neral Washington became fully apprized of the asto- nishing deficiency in the article of powder, having been led into a misapprehension of the stock on hand, by irregular returns, his embarrassment was great ; he immediately applied for advice to the speaker of the house of representatives, who judged that the most prompt measures were indispensably necessary. They agreed that the speaker should communicate the cir- cumstance to a few members who might be confi- dentially entrusted : the result was, that committees were immediately sent by the assembly to many towns in the province, in a cautious, guarded manner, to re- quire the stocks of powder on hand in their several ma- gazines. This was expeditiously effected, and with little difficulty; but the collection was very inadequate, yet sufficient to relieve the anxiety of the present mo- ment. They were not apprized within the walls of Boston, of the poverty of their antagonists without, particularly in this article, until they had time to collect the small stocks from the neighbouring towns, and to receive some, though far from an ample supply, from the southern colonies. At this crisis, had general Gage ventured without his entrenchments, the American army must have been involved in extreme distress. Several vessels had been privately sent both to the Dutch and English islands to procure arms and ammunition; but so narrowly were they watched by the British cruisers, that they had returned with little success. The naked state of the magazines had been kept as secret as possible, and every preparation for attack or defence, had been made, as if no de ficiency was felt, while there were not three rounds of powder in the American camp. Lines of circum- vallation had been formed from Mystic river to Iloxbury and Dorchester. But, notwithstanding the appearance of strength, the collection of numbers, and the hostile disposition of both parties, nothing of consequence was attempted by either, after the action of the seventeenth ; « j'. 498 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XIV. of June, (luring the remainder uf Gnge's administra- tion. Governor Gage obtained leave to repair. U) England in the autumn of one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five. It was indeed unfortunate for him, that he had been appointed to tlie command of an ar.my and the government of a province, without the talents that qualified for the times. He was naturally a man of a humane disposition, nor had his courage ever been impeached ; but he hud not tiic intrigue of tiie states- man to balance the parties, nor the sagacity necessary to defeat their designs ; nor was he possessed of the promptitude that leaves no interval between the deter- mination and the execution of his projects. Glad to quit the thorny field, he bade adieu to a country he had not the ability, and perhaps not the inclination to subdue, and the command of the army devolved on Sir William Howe. General Oglethorpe, his senior in office, an experienced rcteran, grown old in military fame, had the prit r oH'cr of this command. He agreed to accept the appomtment on condition the ministry would authorize him to assure the colonies, that justice should be done them. He declared, that '' he knew " the people of America well ; that they never would " be subdued by arms, but that their obedience would " be ever secured by doing them justice."* On declin- ing the appointment, the important and hazardous command was given to general Howe. In the begin- ning of his administration, he published a proclama- tion condemning to military execution amy of the re- maining inhabitants of Boston, who should attempt to leave the town ; he compelled them to form themselves into bodies under officers he should appoint, and to take arms in cnse of an attack. But the most memora- ble event that took place, while he presided in the province, previous to the evacuation of Boston, was tiie cannonade and destruction of Falmouth, a flourish- ing and well-built town in tne eastern parts of the Mas- sachusets. One captain Mowatt, who had recently been a prisoner there, notified the town, that '* he would *' give them two hours to remove the human species, " at the period of which term, a red pendant would be ** hoisted at the main-top-gallant-mast head, and that " on the least resistance he should be freed from all ** humanity dictated by his orders or his inclination."t Three gentlemen repaired on board his ship to in- quire the reason of this extraordinary summons. Mowatt replied, that " he had orders to set on fire all * General Oglethorpe had been distinguislied for the bene- volence of his disposition through all his transactions in Ame- rica, where he had resided several years. His mildness and equity towards the natives in the early settlement of the sUte of Georgia, and his conduct both in a civil and military capa- " the seaport towns from Boston to Halifax, and that " he supposed New York was already in ashes." Ho said, *' he could dispense with his orders on no ternta " but the compliance of the inhabitants to deliver " up their arms and ammunition, and their sending *' on board a supply of provisions, four carriage. '* guns, and the same number of the principal per. " sons in the town, as hostages, that they should en. " gage not to unite with their country in any kind of " opposition to Britain." He assured them that on a refusal of these conditions, he should lay the town in ashes within three hours. Unprepared for such un attack, and intimidated by the roar of cannon, wlildt began to play on the town, the people supplicated a suspension till the morning before they replied to tlie proposal. They improved the short reprieve, wliitli with difficulty they obtained, in removing their fumi. lies and effects ; after which they made no furtlier re- sistance. New York, Stonington, Newport, and ninny other places were threatened, but did not experience a similar fate. The lust, situated on an island, wai obliged to stipulate for a weekly supply, to save their town from the fury of the ships which surrounded them. While things remained in this situation in Boston, and along the Atlantic shore, a very busy and important scene was acting in another quarter of America. The conquest of Quebec by the immortal Wolfe, in con- junction with the bold and hardy New Englanders, has been already noticed. On the peace concluded with France at Fontainbleau, in the duke of Bed- ford's administration, the whole province of Canada was ceded to the crown of England, in lieu of ac- quisitions relinquished to France. Most of the in- habitants of the country were French, some of them noblesse, and all of them attached to their former master. The Roman CathoKc faith was the established religion of the country, yet the Canadians were in all respects to be governed according to the laws of Eng- land, until the Quebec bill, the subject of much political disunion in England, passed into an act, in one thou- sand seven hundred and seventy-four. This act cut the Canadians off from the privileges of English sub- jects, denied them an assembly of their own on the principles of the British constitution, deprived them of the trial by jury in civil processes ; the laws of France were restored, and the boundaries of the province were extended far beyond the just limits : the Roman city, had won the esteem and affection of the inhabitants of the southern colonies, the approbation of his sovereign, aud the applause of his native country. t The above is an exact copy of Mowatt's letter BritUh RemenibraHcer^ 1775.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 439 [owatt's letter Briti$h CatliuHc religion also was not only to be tolerated, but was established by net of parliament. This was very oftVnsive both to tlie French and the English inha- bitants, who found their interests inseparably con« nected. These new regulations were made with a view of fixing the Canadians more firmly in the interest of the ministry ; but as they had tasted the advantages of the common government, the people in general had adopted more liberal modes of thinking, both in civil and religious matters ; and most of the inhabitants were equally dissatisfied with the late parliamentary regulations. The Quebec act, unpopular in England, .ind alarming in America, was particularly disgusting to all the English settlers in Canada, except a few in- dividuals. Neither the authority of administration, nor the address of governor Carleton, was sufRcient to quiet the disorders that arose, or to induce the Ca- nadians in this early stnge of the dispute, to take arms to assist in the subjugation of the other colonics. 'JMiey murmured loudly at the measures of the British go- vernment ; they refused peremptorily to act against the United States, and several of the principal English in- habitants corres|)onded with some of the members of congress, and encouraged the measures that were taken to bring the province of Canada into an union with the thirteen colonies. Congress, apprized of the situation of affairs there, judged it prudent to endeavour to engage the people of all descriptions in that quarter, more firmly to the in- terest of the union. It was thought a favourable crisis for this purpose, when the flower of the British troops then in America were shut up in Boston ; and when the governors of the southern provinces, interrupted in their negociations with the Indians, had taken refuge on board the king's ships, either from real or imagined personal danger. This was an important business, as whoever possesses Canada will in a great measure com- mand the numerous tribes beyond the lakes. A re- spectable delegation was sent to Montreal to treat with the white inhabitants, and as far as possible to conci- liate or secure the copper-coloured nations. The im- portance of possessing Canada, strongly impressed the minds at this time of gentlemen of the first penetra- tion. A very respectable committee was sent by con- gress into the country, with Dr. Franklin at the head of the mission ; whose talents as a statesman, perfect knowledge of the French language, extensive literary acquaintance with that nation, urbanity of manners, courteous deportment, united with a prudent reserve, marked him as a suitable character to negociate with, and endeavour to attach the Canadians of all descrip- tions to the American union. Mr. Carrol, of Mary- land, a clergyman of the Roman Catholic profession, was sent on with the delegation, to administer the or- dinances of religion, baptism, absolution, &c. which they had been denied for some time by their clergy under British influence ; who, instead of bestowing the blessings of the church, had denounced their ana- themas, to the great grievance of many tender con- sciences, and threatened the vengeance of heaven, ns well as earth, on failure of due submission. Tiiese efforts to engage and fix the Canadians to a certain point failed ; the committee returned with little suc- cess. Words and professions are of little avail when the sword is, or is about to be, lifted for decision. Con- gress now found that a force sufficient to strengthen the. hands of their friends in that province, was the only mode to be relied on. In consequence, they directed two regiments of New York militia, and a body of New Englanders, consisting in the whole of about three thousand men, to proceed under the command of the generals Schuyler and Montgomery, by the lake Champlain to the river Sorel, which empties itself into the St. Lawrence, and immediately attempt the reduc- tion of Quebec. They arrived at tiic Isle Noix, which lies at the entrance of that river, in the autumn of one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five. The com- mander there published a declaration announcing the reasons of this movement, and inviting the inhabitants of every description to unite in the common cause of America. After this, they immediately pushed on through woods, swamps, and morasses, to a fort about twelve miles distant ; here, an unexpected attack from a large body of Indians, obliged them to retreat to their former post, and wait tiie arrival of reinforcements. On this retreat to the Isle Nuix, general Schuyler inime« diately returned to Albany ; the ostensible reason was, the broken state of his healtl , wiiich indeed was so impaired, as to render him unfiv for the fatigue of such a service. Thus the v •. ')•■-. weight of the war in that quarter, was left to Moi 'gomery ; who though qualified by his courage, capacity, and mililary expe- rience, was not in force sulbcient for so great an under- taking. He, however, notwithstanding the vigilance of general Carleton, made himself master of the forts of Chamblee and St. John's, and with various other successes, arrived at Montreal about the middle of No- vember. General Carleton had arrived there sometime before, and had made every exertion for the preserva- tion of all the posts in the neighbourhood, as well us those above mentioned ; but the people disatl'ected, and his army weak, his efforts were blasted, and he thought himself happy to escape the vigilance of Montgomery ; who had placed guards at every post for his intercep- tion : he, however, in a dark night, in an open boat, passed them all, and iirrivcd at Quebec in safety. 440 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [hook XfV. Wlien general Montgomery arrived at l^fontreal, the inhabitants, both French and English, wislied to sur- render by capitulation ; but he refused this, though at the same time he gave them the strongMt assurances of justice, security, and personal safety. He pledged his honour for t)peir peaceable possession of their pro- perty, and the free exercise of their religion : he ex- pressed in liberal terms, his disposition to protect the inhabitants on the same footing with the other Ame- rican colonics. He then demanded the possession of the gates, and tlie keys of all the public stores, and ordered them to be delivered by nine o'clock the en- auing morning. Accordingly the gates were thrown open, and his troops entered at the appointed hour : thus withoat the smallest resistance, he took posses- sion of this important post. When he had made all proper arrangements for the security and peace of Montreal, he prepared immediately to go forward and invest Quebec, then in a weak, defenceless condition, their governor absent, the inhabitants disaflectcd, and but a handful of troops in the garrison. VVIicn gene- ral Carleton, left the neighbourhood of Montreal, he made the utmost dispatch to reach and put the capital of Canada in a proper state of defence ; but he found Quebec in the greatest consternation and danger, from a quarter not apprehended, and scarcely conceived pos- sible, from the novelty and haaard of the undertaking. A detachment of upwards of ono thousand men had been marched from the army near Boston. The com- mand of this little bund had been given to colonel Arnold, a young soldier of fortune, who held in equal contempt both danger and party. They took passage at Merrimack, and arrived at the mouth of the Kcnne- beck on the twenty-second of September. There, finding it probable their provisions might fall short, when there could be no possibility of a fresh supply, Arnold sent back three hundred of hia men. Most of the remainder embarked in batteaux prepared fur the purpose : a small division of th( troops marched slowly, and kept the banks of the river. They encamped to. gether every night, though frequently interrupted in their progress, by rocks, falls, rapids, and carrying- places, where they were obliged to bear their boats for several miles together oa their shoulders. With in- credible perseverance they traversed woods, mountains, swamps, and precipices, and were obliged alternately to cut their way where no human foot bad trodden, to ford shallows, or attempt the navigation of a rapid stream, with a rocky bottom, which seemed not de- signed as a passage for any human being to attempt. At the same time their provisions were so reduced, that they were obliged to eat their own dogs, and convert their ihoe-leather iuto food. But, with astonishing resolution, they surmounted every obstacle, and near two-thirds of the detachment completed a route of se- veral hundred miles, through an hideous wilderness unexplored before but by the beasts and savages of the forest. It was at the time thought, that if the histo- rian did justice to the heroic firmness of this little party, that it would be as honourable a testimony of the exertions of human intrepidity, as the celebrated march of the renowned Hannibal. Colonel Arnold with his little army, almost exhausted by hunger and fatigue, reached the Canadian settlements on the third of November. He was received in a friendly manner, and a liberal supply of provisions was collected for his relief. By the alacrity of the inhabitants he was in a few days furnished with boats to cross the St. Lawrence, and by favour of the night he effected his |mssage, in spite of the vigilance of several frigates that lay in the river. When he sut down before Quebec, he found all the batteries manned from the shipping; but having no artillery, he could do little more than parade before the city, and wait the arrival of general Montgomery, In the mean time, general Carleton was not idle ; every preparation that courage or vigilance could dictate, was made for the reception of Montgomery. He ordered by proclamation, all who refused to take arms, irainc- diately to quit the city with their wives and children, on peril of being treated with the utmost severity, ai rebels and traitors to their king. Many of them obeyed and abandoned their residence and property. The Scotch inhabitants and the French noblesse, he could at that time firmly rely on ; all others, disgusted witk the Quebec act, and alienated by the severity of the governor, were in a temper to join the Americans. Yel the fear of losing their pro|)erty in the confusion thai might ensue, if the city was obliged to change its masters, operated on some, and caused them to nrm, though with great reluctance. The consideration of pecuniary losses will always have a powerful influence on the minds of men. Both English and Canadians, actuated by the principle of immediate self-interest, concealed , their former defection to the British go- vernment. Many of them were wealthy, and became daily more disposed to unite in defence of the town, which contained more families in opulent circumstances, than all the province besides. After placing a garrison in Montreal, new cIoth« ing his troops, and stationing some small detach. mants in the out-posts in the neighbourhood, general Montgomery sent a few men to different parts of die province, to expedite farther supplies of provisions, clothing, and other necessaries. He then pushed' on his march beneath the falls of snow, embarrassed with bad roads, a severe winter, an inhospitable climate, and, 1775. J HISTORY OF AMERICA. 4tl the murmur of his army. TJic term of their enlistment J |ower town, iomc time before Montjjomery had ireachcd wsH nearly expired ; but by the address of the com- mander, they arrived at Quebec, notwithstanding. The soldiers in gnrrison, with the marines from the king's frigates, that had been placed therein, and the armed niilitia, both French and English, did not amount to more than two thousand men wlicn the army arrived from Montreal ; but by the intrt'pidity of general Carle- ton, and the activity of his officers, they had prepared for defence witli spirit. They rejected with disdain a summons from Montgomery to surrender the town, to prevent the fatal consequences of its being taken by storm ; fired on the flag that offered to convey letters with proposals for capitulation, obliged it to retire, and all communication was forbidden by Caileton. General Montgomery after this, sent a second letter by colonel Arnold and Mr. Macpherson, his aid-de- camp, to general Carleton.* He upbraided him with personal ill-treatment, with the cruelty exercised to- wards the prisoners that had fallen into his hands, and with Kring at a flag of truce. He warned him not to destroy either public or private stores, as he had done at Montreal, and kept up a tone of superiority as if sure of success. The messengers reached the walls of Que- bec, but were ordered to decamp with speed, and in- formed that the governor would receive no letters or hold any intercourse with rebels. Thus circumstanced, general Montgomery, depending too much on his own good fortune, and too little acquainted with the ar- rangement and vigour within the walls, resolved on the dangerous and desperate measure of an effort to take the city by escalade. He made his dispositions accord- ingly, and under the cover uf a violent snow-storm, his army in four separate divisions, began the arduous work at the same moment, early on-the morning of the thirty- first of December. But the British had gained intelli- gence of his movements, the alarm had been given, and a signal made fur a general engagement in the it. He however pushed on through :i narrow passage, with a hanging rock on the one !>idi-, and a dangeruuN precipice of the banks of tiic river on the other, nnd gained the first barrier. But to the regret uf his ainiy, Montgomery fell at tlie gates by a random shot from the walls. The death of general Motitgomery decided the fate of the day, though colonel Arnold nnd his party with great bravery kept up the attack ; nor did they quit the field until Arnold was obliged to retire, having received a dangerous wound. Notwithstanding this accident, added to tiie loss of their commander, this re- solute body held their ground, until galled on every side, attacked in the rear, and their escape cut off by a British party, who found means to secure a passage that prevented, in a great measure, the attempt; yet they maintained an obstinate defence for several hours, but at last many surrendered themselves prisoners of war. Arnold, however, effected a retreat, and with the broken forces made a kind of blockade through the winter, preventing additional recruits and supplies for the relief of the city. While as above related, a busy and important scene was exhibited at the northward, the southern colonies were parrying the embarrassments created by the go- vernors, some of whom hud recently left America. The people were gradually laying aside the attachment which mankind generally imbibe for old established governments, and were preparing themselves for new modes, if necessity should impel, whenever the dele- gates with whom they hud entrusted their rights, should judge affairs fully ripened for a declaration of indepen- dence, and a final separation from Britain. The Ame- rican congress was yet waiting the result of their late petition to the throne, with temper and moderation, possessing the unlimited confidence of their country on the one side, and on the other irritated by neglect and contempt. Thus suspended on the wing of expectation, * Copy of general Montgomery's last letter to Ciirlcton : — " SIB, " Ilolliind-hoiise, December 6, 1775. " Notwithstanding the personal ill treatment I have received at your hands, notwithstanding the cruelty you have shewn to the unhappy prisoners you have taken, the feelings of huma- nity induce mc to have recourse to this expedient, to save you from the destruction which hang8 over your wretched garrison. Give me leave to inform you, that I am well acquainted with your situation ; a great extent of works, in their nature inca- pable of defence, manned with a motley crew of sailors, most of them our friends and citizens, who wish to see us within their walls.^a few of the worst troops that call themselves soldiers,— the impossibility of relief, and the certain prospect of wanting every necessary of life, should your opponents con- fine their operations to a single blockade,— point out the ab- surdity of resistance ; such is your situation. S;— 58. " I am at the head of troops accustomed to success, confi- dent of the righteous cause they are engaged iu, inured to danger and fatigue, nnd so highly incensed at your inhumanity, illiberal abuse, and the ungenerous means employed to preju- dice them in the minds of the Canadians, that it is witk dilfi- culty I restrain them till my batteries are ready, from insult- ing your works, which would afford them the fair o])|)ortunity of ample vengeance and just n-taliation. Firing upon a flag uf truce, hitherto unprecedented even among savages, jtrevents my following the ordinary mode of conveying my sentimeuts ; however, I will at any rate acquit my conscieuce : should you persist in an unwarrantable defence, the consequence be upon J oat own head. Beware of destroying stores of any sort, pub* ic or private, as you did at Montreal or in the river : if you do, by heavens, there will be no mercy shewn." 3X 44S HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XIV. every tiling rctiwtiiiiMi quiet nt licntKqunrters tlirougli the winter of one tiiousuiid seven Imndrcd and seventy- six. Nu a(teni|)t wan miide agitinst Uoston by tiic Amcrii'un nriny, nor did general Howe shew any dispo- sition to sally from tlie town, and interrupt the tran- quillity of the cnmp. ]n short, the Hritish nrmy, en- grossed by tlie pleasures of the town, and the exhibition of J'urvvs composed by one of their gcnerol oflieers,* became so inactive, and appeared so inoHensive, that the Americans (little less disposed to indulge in the pleasures of peace) enjoyed at Cambridge the convi- viality of the season. The ladies of the principal American officers repaired to the camp. Harmony and hospitality, united with that simplicity which had hitherto been characteristic of the domestic taste, style, and manners of the most respectable Americans, reigned among them for several months, without the smallest interruption. Civility and mutual forbearance appeared between the officers of the two armies, and a frequent interchange of flags was indulged, for tlie gratification of the ditlerent partisans. But notwithstanding the reluctance to action, ob- servable in two powerful and contiguous armies, the wheels of revolution were rolling »)n in swift progres- sion. The approach of spring lowered with the fate of empire, the birth of nations, and the painful convul- sions experienced by every state, struggling to retrieve nnd permanently secure their claims. Through the lost ten years, llie ministry had been repeatedly changed, and though none of them, except the duke of Grafton Olid the marquis of Uockinghanif, who had figured at the head of ndministration, had shewn any disposition to deal L'race to America, yet the counsels of the cabi- net had been kept in continual fluctuation. From the retirement of lord JUite, ii! one thousand seven hundred and sixty-six, there had i)i'(.ii an extraordinary variety and success!. )n of characters iit the colonial department. The lords tirenville, Kockiiigliani, North, Hillsborough, and Dartmouth, liad alternately taken tlic lead in this thorny path : several others had laboured in the road for a time, and retired equally successless and chagrined ; particularly the duke of Grafton. From the religious dejiortnient of lord Dartmouth, he had secured the par- tiality (if a party ; but it soon appeared from the ineffi- cacy of his measures, and the want of stability in his conduct, that he was a very unfit person for a place that required deeper intrigue, more energy, and stronger abilities than he possessed. Tired of the burthen him- self, and his employers weary of his administration, he * lieutral Burgoyne, uhosc genius for fliose literary yito- iTuttions was alterwarils displayed to his honour. -f 'i'lie iiiJiifi'iis of Koekidgliain was tliroiigh his wliolc life resigned his oflRce in the summer of one thousand seven hundred and seventy«five. On his resignation, lord George Cermaine, « the hero of Minden," entered the field. Zealous for the honour of his sovereign, the in- terest and superiority of his nation, the dignity and su- premacy of parliament, he underttMik the conduct of the American war, and the subjugation of the colonies, with a temper nnd resolution more sanguine than dis- creet. Karly in his administration, and through the whole course of this eventful year, proposals for an ae- commodfition with the colonies, were offered from various quarters ; but conciliation with America, had no place in the system of the new minister. The first bill that appeared for this purpose, was from the hand of lord Chatham, whose energetic abilities and dignified policy had recently rescued the empire. But not even the talents of a man who had been courted by his s,i- vereign, admired by his enemies, and adored by the nation, had any influence on a ministry, deaf to every thing but an American revenue, nnd the supremacy uf parliament. After the failure of the efforts of this dis- tinguished statesman, Burke, Franklin, Fothergill, Hartley, and others, anxious to prevent the wanton waste of human blood, brought forward their propusnls to procure a reconciliation with the colonies, either on the terms of equity or ]>artial concession. But tenii- eious of their power, and the right to alter, or resume at pleasure all colonial charters, and to regulate and tax as consistent with the convenience of the parent state, the late petition from congress, met in parliament the neglect that had been shewn to every former ap- plication. Before it was totally rejected, the duke ui Richmond suggested the propriety of questionini; (;o. vernor Penn, who presented the petition, relative to the strength, the resources, the disposition, and the designs of America. Mr. Penn was a gentleman whose talents were equal to the business he was sent to negociatv. When called on the floor of the house of commons lor examination, he gave a clear and decided statement ot the situation and the views, the expectations, the wishcared on the protests against these summary |)roceeding8. Their opinions were supported even by some of the royal family : the efforts of the duke of Cumberland were strenuous ; he repro- bated in the most explicit terms, the whole American system; he lamented in pathetic language, the employ- ing of foreigners ; he observed, that he much regretted " that Brunswickers, who once to their honour, had " been employed in defence of the liberties of the * Their favourable disposition towards the Americans ia the early part of the contest, was t'vinced by nanii>erl('ss ciroumstanees ; a crimination of the measures of adminis- tration against the colonies, existed ua both sides of the Tweed, and indeed throughout ihc kingdom. Many letters and writings, on the subject of civil and religious liberty, were transmitted from England to America, from the year one thoosand seven hundred and sixty-five, until the period when hostilities commenced. Among the instances that might be adduced, of the spirit and disposition of the writers of those times, we will here only give the following extract of a letter from the eurl of Buchan to Mr. Otis ; this was ac- companied by some very excellent essays on the subject of liberty, and by several portraits of his person, " SIB, " London, January 26, 1768. " I take the liberty of transmitting to you the inclosed re- " presentations of a man strongly attached to the principles of '* that iavalaable liberty, without which no real happiness can " subsist any where. " My fanily has often bled in the support of it> and de- " subject, should now be sent to subjugate a distant " part of the British empire." Towards tlie clo.sc nf the year, all trade with America whs iiitmlictcd, flu- rulo- ni''s wiTC «lcclariiiu d \)y soui'- niciii- bers of the first consequence in the hoitsc of commons. They pronounced it the last degree of wretcliedness und indignity to which human nature could bt- subju- gated. Tliey observed that •* this was an instance of " tyranny worse than death, thus to compel ilir unf«)r- " tiinalc ciiptlNcs wlko might full into their hands, after ** being plundcrid themselves, to assist tlirir enemies '* in plundering their brethren." They asserted " that " such nuidcs of severity were without example, except " among pirates, outlaws, and the common enemies of " civil society." Yet, notwithstanding these remon- strances, there were some ot (.le most distinguished characters, so heated by party spirit, and the claims of purliumentary dignity and superiority, ns to avow the necessity of leaping over the boundaries of equitable consideration. Even the great lord Munsfield, whose superior talents, profound erudition, law knowledge, and philosophicul abilities, sliould have elevated him above all local or party prejudices, declared publicly, " that " the original question of right ought no longer to be " considered; that the justice of the cause must give " way to the present situation ; that they were engaged " in a war, and must use every effort to obtain the end " proposed thereby."! The passions of some were irritated by this e^trtiordinary speech of lord Mansfield, " sccndi-d as I uni from the Lu^lish Henrys and Edwards, I " glory more iu the banishment of inv^rieat-grandfatlier, lord " CardrosH, to Curuliua, and the stand laade by lord Hulifux, " my ancestor, tliitn in all that title and descent ran give me. " You may dispose of the other prints to the lovers of my " principles ; and I beg you will be so good as to transmit " four of them to Messrs. * « « • " • * * as eminent defenders of those " doctrines in the church, which are so intimately conuected " with liberty in the state. • • • * " Lord Chatham' has forsaken you, having loved this world; " but his favourite, your humble servant, will not, 1 trust, ever " follow his steps. " 1 am, sir, with great regard, " Your most obedient, humble servant, " BUCHAV." t Debates in parliament, and lord Man&iield's speech iu the house of lords, December, l77o. ' Lord Chatham afterwards totally reprobated the condunl t very little concerned them. There was indeed some clamour among the great body of the merchants, on tlie total destruction of the Ame- rican trade, and some of the manufacturing towns were disposed to be riotous on the occasion r but the danger of a foreign war, or a linal disuaniberment of the em- pire, was not generally apprehended by the people, though these const quentes were predicted by some sa- gacious heads, and the luarts of the patriotic were hurt by tlie anticipation of tlie inipinding evils. • I'he debates in parliament relative to colonial mea- sures, and the rejection of the late petition of the con- tinental congress, arrived in America before the month ot March, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six. These were accompanied with the intelligence of the Hessian treaty, and that foreign auxiliaries from va- rious other nations were to be employed, that strangers were to assist in the entire subjugation of the colonies, If not otherwise reduced. On this information, vigor- ous action was the line of conduct determined upon through every department. Previous to any other movement. It was judged important that the liritish forces should be immediately removeil from Boston, lest the work should be rendered more diffuult on the arrival of fresh troops from Great Hritnin, now daily expected. General Washington, sensible of this neces- sity, and that no more time was to be lost, opened a tevere caunonnade on the western side, not far distant from the town, on the evening of the Vjiir'h of Ma'ch. This was designed rather to divert attention within the wails tiian for any important consequences exjiccted from the manoeuvre without. The Americans kept up a constani fire through the night, while several bmaller works were erected for the annoyance of the besieged ; but the principal eflfect was expected from the heights of Dorchester, fiy the greatest industry and dispatch, a strong battery, very unexpectedly appeared there on the morning of th^ fifth, from wheuct the Americans played their artillery with ease on the town. The as- sailants under l^ie direction of general Tliomas erected and extended their works in such a judicious manner as to command the peninsula leading to Boston, Castle- VVilliani, and at the same time a considerable part of the harbour. General Howe, mortified that such an advantageous post should have been so long neglected by himself, and astonished at the appearance of such strong and defensible works, rising as it were in a night, without noise or alarm in that quarter, did not long hesitate on the part necessary for him to act in this critical conjuncture. He made all possible pre- paration to dislodge the American troops, the evening after they were discovered on the heights of Dorchester. But the intervention of the elements disconcerted his operations : a tremendous storm of wind and rain pre- vented the enterprise. Finding his design impractica- ble, in consequence of this disappointment, he ordered an embarkation to begin as soon as the tempest should subside. When tiie Americans saw the British troops about to depart, they did not offer to impede them ; but suffered them quietly to leave the town, wliich was soon after entered by general Washington. Some time before the British troops left Boston, general Clinton had been sent southward to the as- sistance of governor Martin and lord William Camp- bell. As soon 'as it was discovered at Cambridge, that general Clinton had left Boston, general Lee \v;i< onlcred to set forward to observe his mananivres, and prepare to meet him in any part of the conti. nent he might visit. No man was better qualified at this early stage of the war, to penetrate the designs, or to face iti the iicld an exj)erienced British officer, than general Lee. He had held rank in the late war between England and F'rance. Tearless of danger, and fond oi glory, he was calculated for the field, without any of the graces that recommend the soldier to the circles of the polite. He was plain in his person even to ugliness, and careless in his manners to a degree of rudeness. He possessed a bold genius and an unconquerable sj)irit : his voice was rough, his garb ordinary, his de- portment morose. A considerable traveller, and well acquainted with most of the European nations, he was frequently agreeable in narration, and judicious and entertaining in observation. Disgusted with the mi- nisterial system, he cherished the American cause from motives of resentment, and a predilection in favour of freedom, more than from a just sense of the rights of mankind. He reached New York, and put it in a state of defence, before Sir Henry Clinton arrived there, though he had sailed from Boston several days previous to its being known at Cambridge. While at New York, Lee drew up a list of suspected persons, and disarmed 1776.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. US thkm. He curried his military authority so higli, that tiie congress of that state thought proper to clieck his career. His movements were so rapid, tliat to the sur- prise of Sir Henry Clinton, he was in Virginia before him. But as tiie object of the Britisli armament was still farther south, Lee with uncommon celerity, tra- versed the continent, met general Clinton in North Carolina, and was again ready for the defence of Sulli- van's Island, near Charlston in South Carolina^ before the arrival of the British troops. Sir Peter Parkei- had appeared off Cape Fear in the month of May, one thousand seven hundred and se- venty-six, with a considerable squadron of line of battle ships, and a number of transports containing several regiments of land forces, and a heavy train of artillery. A body of troops commanded by lord Cornwallis and general Vaughan were soon after landed on Ijong Island : the design was to unite with general Clinton, and reduce Charlston,* the rich capital of South Carolina. This state had thrown off tlieir allegiance, assumed a government of their own, and chosen Mr. John Rutledge their chief magistrate, under the title of President. Notwithstanding the show of imme- diate attack, near a month elapsed in total inaction, before the assault on Sullivan's Island was begun. In the mean time, the Americans were strongly posted there. The engagement commenced on the twenty- ninth of June, and was conducted with great spirit and bravery on both sides. It remains yet to be in- vestigated, why no attempt was made by tiie troops on Long Island, to cause a diversion on the other side, which would doubtless have altered the whole face of the action. But whether from a series of unexpected lesistance, their imaginations had become habituated to view every tiling through tiio medium of danger, or whether from a degree of caution that sometimes be- trays the brave into the .' :.'ii the bar or the compting-housc. Their generals were many of them the yeomanry or the tradesmen of the country ; their subordinate officers had been of equal rank and fortune, and the army to be governed was composed of many of the old associates of the principal officers, and were equally tenacious of personal liberty. In this situation stood affairs, both in the cabinet and in the field, when lord Howe arrived at Staten Islund, with a formidable squadron under his command, on the twelfth of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six. He early announced his pacific powers to the principal mngistrates of the several colonies, and promised pardon to all who, in the late times, had de- viated from their allegiance, on condition that they would speedily return to their duty, and gave encourage- ment that they should, on compliance, hereafter reap the benefit of royal favour. Lord Howe observed in his declaration, " That the commissioners were autho- " rlzcd in his majesty's name, to declare any province, " colony, county, district, or town, to be at the peace " of his majesty : and that due consideration should be " had to the meritorious services of any, who should '* aid or assist in restoring public tranquillity ; that '' their dutiful representations should be received, par- " dons granteain he felt for their approaching sufferings. Doctor Franklin, in his easy, sententious manner, thanked hiin for his regards, and assured him, that " the Americans would " shew their gratitude, by endeavoHriog to lessen as much as ethers were lost in the morasies and swamps to which ihey had fled on the defeat. Tierce general officers and a large number of inferior rank, were made pri- soners. A regiment of valiant young men from Mary- land, many of them of family and fortune, commanded by colonel Smallwood, were almost to a man cut off. The misfortune of the day was severely felt by them, but without checking the ardour of the American army, the people, or the continental congress. Not many days after the retreat from Long Island, a committee was appointed to meet lord Howe, agree- ably to a request made to the congress by his lordship. The celebrated doctor Franklin, the honourable Mr. Rutledge of South Carolina, au'l Mr. John Adams of the Massachusets, were the persons chosen for this interview. The conference continued three or four hours, but was of no result. However, when the parties took leave of eacli other, it was not without some tender emotions. Dr. Franklin had been in long habits of friendship and in- timacy with lord Howe. They had in England fre- quently conversed, and afterwards corresponded, on the parliamentary dispute with America. 1 heir regard for each other was mutual, and as there was now every reason to suppose this would be the last personal inter- view between them, the idea was painful, that this po- litical storm might sweep away all remains of private friendship.* The late defeat of the Americans, and the entire pos- session of Long Island, threw accumulated advantages into the hand of the British commander, who made immediate preparation to attack, and take possession of the city of New York. In consequence of these movements, general Washington, advised by the most judicious of his officers,f thought it prudent to eva- cuate the city without farther delay. General Huwc placed a strong detachment in the garrison for the de- fence of the city of New York, and immediately marched with the main body of his army in pursuit ot Washington. He crossed East River, seized a point of land near West Chester, and made himself master " possible, all pain he might feel on their account, by exert- " ing their utmost abilities in taking good care uf themselves." t General Lee particularly, who had just arrived from Georgia. He, by urging this advice, may be said to share in the merit of saving the American army. 1776.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 449 of the lower road to Cohnecticut, with design to impede the intercourse between the northern and sou- thern states. By this movement he also hoped to im- pel the American commander, at every hazard, to risk an engagement that might probably have been decisive. But Washington would not leave the decision of the great contest to the uncertain events of a day, under the present disadvantages of number and discipline. A second defeat in so short a time would undoubtedly have spread dismay, and perhaps a defection that might have been fatal.* He placed a strong party in fort Washington, a fortress near Kingsbridge, which, though well provided, was at the time judged not tenable by some of his best officers. This opinion was over-ruled, and between three and four thousand men were left there. This was considered by many a second fatal mistake of the renowned Washington.! With the re- mainder of the army the commander-in-chief decamped, and moved towards the high grounds on the upper road to Boston. The possessioi) of this part of the country was an important object ; ul consequence, the Ameri- cans were closely pursued by general Howe, who did not yet relinquish his hopes of a decisive action. Fre- quent skirmishes had taken place on the route, with- out material advantages on either side ; but on the twenty-eighth of October, the British overtook the American army near the White Plains, thirty miles distant from New York city, when an action of moment ensued. The attack was begun by the Hessians, the forlorn hope of the British army. They were com- manded by general de Heister and colonel Rhal. Equal resolution animated both parties, and a considerable slaughter among the troops on both sides took place.;^ The Americans, unable to bear these losses, fully ap- prised of the strength of their enemy, and that rein- forcements had recently arrived under lord Percy, both the American commander, and the army, were equally willing to take a more distant position. The British had gained several very important advantages, among which was the command of the river Brunx, which was passed by colonel Rhal, who by this means acquired a very important post, which enabled him essentially to annoy the American army. The action on the White Plains was a well fought b-ttle on both sides ; but the * This opinion was corroborated by the behaviour of the Americans when the British landed from Keppis Bay, Sept. 15. They discovered u timidity that nothing can excuse, but their recent sufferings on liOng Island, their inferior numbers, and their dread of the superior discipline of British troops. t General Washington, however, was undoubtedly advised to this step by several of his best officers. t Among the slain was colonel Smallwood, whose regi- nent was nearly cut to pieces iu the action ou Long Island 89—40. Americans had neither the numbers, the experience, nor the equipments for war, at that lime, whicli ren- dered them equally able to cope with the strength, the numbers, the preparation, and the valour of the British army, under officers whose profession had long been that of war And though the American commander made his escape with his small armament, and ri'lrt-ated with all the prudence and firmness of a general who had been longer tried in the field of action, th<; British had certainly a right in this ad'air to boast a complete victory. § After the engagement, general Washington found it necessary to quit the field. He drew back in the night to his entrenchments, and the next day took possession of some higher grounds, about the distance of two niiles. T.'ie numbers that had alreuiy fallen on both sides, by the rapid movements and uequent skirmishes for the space of three or four months, cannot be ascertained with exactitude. It was computed that not less than five thousand, principally Hessians, either perished or deserted from the British army, after the action of Long Island to the middle of November, when general Howe laid the estimate before lord George Germainc.|| The Americans undoubtedly suffered in more than equal proportion, and from many causes were much less able to bear the reduction. The peculiar mode of raising troops hitherto adopted by the United States, had a ten- dency to retard the operations of war, and in some measure to defeat the best concerted plans, either for enterprise or defence. The several colonies had fur- nished their quota of men for a limited term only; and the country unused to standing armies, and the control of military power, impatient at the subordination ne- cessary in a camp, and actuated by a strong sense of the liberty of the individual, each one had usually re- turned to his habitation at the expiration of his term of service, in spite of every danger that threatened the whole. This had occasioned frequent calls on the militia of the country, in aid of the army thus weakened, and kept in continual fluctuation hy raw recruits, raised and sent on for a few months at a time. In addition to these embarrassments, animosities had sometimes arisen between the southern and eastern troops, occasioned by the revival of some old local prejudices. The aristocratic § The town of White Plains was set on fire after the action, and all the houses and forage near the lines luinit. This writers generally charge to the account of the Ameri- cans. II In general Howe's letter to the secrelar)- for Anteriean affairs, he acknowledged he had lost upwards of tliiee iiun- dred staff and other officers^ and between four and &ve thou- sand privates. 3 Y 450 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xir. IH i n spirit that had been formerly characteristic of the south, frequently appeared in airs of assumed superiority, very flisgusting to the feelings of their eastern brethren, the bold and hardy New Englanders, the Yankees, as they Bometimes boasted themselves ; who, having few slaves at their command, had always been used to more equa- lity of condition, both in rank, fortune, and education. These trivial causes sometimes raised disputes to such a height, that in the present circumstances of the army, the authority of the commander-in-chief was scarcely sufficient to restrain them. General Washington was also obliged uften in his retreat through the Jerseys, to press for provisions, forage, and clothing, in a manner new to the inhabitants of America ; who, as their mis- fortunes seemed to thicken, grew more remiss for a tin»e, in voluntary aids to the army. Their grain was seized and threslied out for the use of the troops, tiieir •blunkcfs, i)rovi.sions, &e. forcibly taken from tlieir houses, witli a promise of payment in paper bills, when the exitcencies of tlie country should permit : but it always appeared to tlie people the act of some subordi- nate «;fficers, rather tiian the order of the commander- in-chief. Thus was his popularity kept up ; and thus Were ihe inhabitants of the Jerseys plundered by each party ; while many of them disaffected to both, were uncertain on which side to declare. General Howe, assured from the causes mentioned, that the cotitinental army would decay of itself, re- solved to draw back his troops, and invest fort Wash- ington immediately. This lortress on the one side of the North River, and fort Lee on the opposite shore, commanded the whole navigation of the river, at the same time that it impeded the communication with New York by land. General Washington could not rationally suppose, that a post of so much importance would remain long unmolested, or that the garrison could be defended against the whole force of the Bri- tish army. General Lee afterwards boasted in a letter to a friend, that he had advised tlie evacuation of both fort Washington and fort Lee, previous to the main body of the American army leaving the neighbourhood of New York. However this might have been, it was in- deed a great mistake that it was not done; general Washington might then have had the assistance of the men who fill iLcre. Geniic dispatched lord Cornwallis on a circuitous route, who soon came up with lord Stirling, strongly posted in a wood. The Americans determined to dis- pute the ground with Curiiwullis ; but the ardour of the British troops, and the rivalry of the Hessians, obliged them soon to quit tiieir advantageous post and retreat with precipitation. The loss the Americans sustained was not inconsiderable ; they suffered greatly, both from the extreme heat of the season and the valour of their antagonists. Prom this, and some other cir- cumstances, it was for a time generally believed, that the late movement of general Howe and his army, was but a feint to draw general Washington to an action, rather than from a fixed design immediately to evacuate the state of New Jersey. Convinced of this, Washing- ton drew in his lines, and recovered his camp ou the hilis, deter .lined to persevere in his defensive system, \intil some more advantageous opportunity should jus- tify the hazard of an engagement. The British commander determined, however, to de- part soon after. He drew off" his whole force as pri- vately as possible to New York ; thence embarked, and sailed from Sandy Hook the twenty-third of July. The destination of the fleet and army was kept so profoundly secret, that every capital on the continent was appre- liensive that tlity should be the object of the next visit from u potent armament, that seemed at a loss whereto direct their operations. This expectation occasioned a general anxiety until the latti-r part of August, when the fleet ap|)cared in the Chcsapeak, and the army soon after land(;d at tiic head of the river Elk. On his arrival there, yrev.vral Howe immediately published a proclaiiialiuM, in wiiicli he assured the inhabitants every where ol baleiy and protection, provided they were not fiiund in arms, and promised pardon to all oflTiccrs and soldiers who -h. uld surrender to the royal army. In- deed Mb (lisjiosiiion to citinency appeared so ccmspi- cuous on his fiist. arrival, that it preveiited the entire depo|)ulali()ti o( *he adjacent parts of Marviatid, I'enn- sylvania, and I lie lower counties of Delaware ; the in- habitants of which, on the first appearance of so for- midable a foe in thetr neighbourhood, were struck with consternation, and on the point of abandoning their habitations. It was now obvious, that the possession of the city of Philadelphia was the stake for which both armies played. General Washington had moved with the greatest part of his troops for the defence of that city, and had by detached parties embarrassed the march of the British army from the river Elk to the Brandywine. In the neighbourhood of the last the two armies met, and on the eleventh of September came to a general engage- ment. The battle was fought with bravery, and sus- tained with spirit on both sides ; but the fortune of the day declared against the Americans, yet not so de. cidedly as the sanguine expectations of their antagonists had led them to hope from such an event. But it gave them an astonishing advantage in the minds of the people through all the district of Pennsylvania ; and enabled general Howe with more facility to complete his enterprise. Many officers of high rank on both sides suffered much in the spirited action at the Brandy. wine. A few days after this affair, general Wayne, who had concealed himself in a wood, with fifteen hun- dred men, in order to harass the rear of the Britisii, was discovered and attacked by brigadier-general Grey, who had given orders that no alarm should be made by the use of fire-arms. He made the onset about one o'clock in the morning ; and by the exercise of the bayonet several hundred Americans were killed and wounded : the remainder with difficulty escaped by flight. Among others who suffered in the battle of Brandy- wine, the marquis dc la Fayette, a young nobleman of France, was dangerously wounded. Warmed by an cntiiusiastic love of liberty, and animated by ambition, this young gentleman had left the court of France without leave of the king : and quitting the pleasures of domestic felicity, he embarked at his own expence, and engaged in the service of the United States at nn early period of the war, when the affairs of America wore the darkest aspect. His zeal and his heroism to the conclusion of the contest procured him the love, respect, and best wishes of the people throufrhout America. Indeed all the French officers in the conti> neutal army, among whom were many of high consi* deration, acquitted themselves with distinguished ^gal- lantry on this and many other occasions. Genernl Washington, obliged to retreat in disorder, and closely pursued after the action, retired to Chester. He soon alter, with Itis army, reached Philadelphia; but the British commanders directed their operations witli so much judgment and success, that before the twenty- sixth of September^ Washington thought proper to 17771 HISTORY OF AMERICA. 45S evacuate tlie city. Lord Cornwallis wit!» the British grenadiers, and two l^i>/»lions of Hessians, on that day made a triumplial ( ..rry, and took possession of the capital of the United States. Not disheartened hy tiie lute action at the Brandy- wine, or the loss of Philadelphia, general Washington with his troops, in numbers comparatively inconsider- able, kept the British army in play, until the setting in of winter. Within a few days after the surrender of Pijiladelpliia. tlic Americans attacked the royal camp at Germantown, situated about six miles from the city, where the main body of the British army had taken their stand. This was a very unexpected ma- nceuvrc. The attemjJt was bold, and the defence brave. The Americans for a time, seemed to have greatly tlie advantage; but the enterprise finally failed. They were obliged to retreat in great confusion, after the heavy loss of many oflicers and men. The dis- appointment of the Americans was in consequence of the address and ability of eolonel Musgrove, who judi- ciously stood on tiie defensive, and checked the pro- gress of the continental troops, until general Grey and brigadier-general Agnew, with a large detachment, came to his relief. A warm, hut short action ensued : when the Americans were totally routed, and driven out of the tield of action. General I^ee, who had not the highest opinion of general Washington's military abilities, observed on this occasion, " that by a single stroke of the bathos, the partial victory at Germantown was corrupted into a defeat." This was however, too severe a censure. A number of circumstances co- operated to blast the hopes of the Americans, after the early promise of success. It was very important to the British commander to 0|>en a free passage to Philadelpliia by the Delaware, in order to obtain supplies of provisions by water for the army. This was impedcl by the American shipping, and by several strong posts held by tlic Americans on the river ; the principal of which was Red Bank. The Hessians under the command of colonel Donop, had the principal hand in this business. He crossed tlie Delaware with fifteen hundred men, at Cooper's ferry opposite Philadelphia, and marched to attack the re- doubts at Red Bank. A cannonade was opened: the camp was attacked with spirit, and defended with equal gallantry by colonel Greene of Rhode Island; who re- plied to the summons of count Donop to surrender, " that he should defend the place to the last extremity." On this, the Hessians attempted to storm the rc- * For this general Wushington was very severely censured by some; and even the lejrislaturc of the state of Pennsyl- vania remonstrated to confj[rcss, aud expressed tl: nr un- easiness, that the American commander should leave the doubts ; but the assailants were obliged to retreat ia their turn. One Hessian brigade was nearly cut to pieces in the action, and count Donop mortally wounded and taken prisoner, as were several other officers of consideration. The remainder retreated with great precipitation through the night, leaving one half of their party dead, wounded, or prisoners to the Ameri- cans ; crossed the river the next morning ; and in this mortified situation, the remnant who escaped entered Philadelphia. This important pass was a key to the other posts on the river } and for its brave defence the officers and soldiers were justly applauded, and colonel Greene complimented by congress, with the present of a sword. After the action at Red Bank, the vigilance and cau- tion of general Washington could not be overcome by the valour and advantages of his foes, so far as to in- duce him to hazard any action of consequence.* The design of opening the Delaware, was now the principal object with the British commander. This was effected without much difficulty, after the reduction of Mud Island. From this strong post, the Americans were obliged to retreat, after a very manly resistance. They did not evacuate their works until reduced to despair, by some British ships advantageously playing upon them. From the very superior advantages of their opponents in many respects, they set fire to every thing within reach ; and after great slaughter they abandoned a place, which had already cost them too much in its de- fence. In the struggle to open the Delaware, the Augusta and the Merlin on the part of Britain, were lost ; but the losses of the Americans were far beyond those of the British. The Delaware frigate and some otlsers were captured, and several ships burnt by themselves, to prevent their falling into the hands of the others. General Howe, about the middle of December, drew the main body of his army into Philadelphia. The Americans rested at a place called Valli y Forge, about live and twenty miles distant from that city. Being des- titute of all conveniences for making a regular encamp- ment, they formed huts, and their want uf clothing was so very great that many of the soldiers were literally half naked. The American ladies notwithstanding, re- paired to their husbands, regardless of the danger and disagreeable circumstances which opposed this proof of their conjugal fidelity. VVhile they were in this state of wretchedness and decay, had sir William Howe sallied forth against them, a vigorous attack would in all probability have proved decisive. He continued capital ia possettsion of the enemy, .ind retire to winter- quarters. But his army, destitute of every necessary, with- out the possibility of a supply at that season^ was a sufficient apology. ^<54i HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xit. j^aling himielf in Philadelphia, and excited severe animadversion. General Washington was likewise sub- ject to much censure from anonymous letters and strictures. But his qonduct suffered most severely from the pen of a person signing himself De Lisle. General Conway, the reputed author of the letters signed De Lisle, was a gentleman of great military talents and experience, with an ambition equal to his abilities. He had left France with high expectations of rank in the service of the United States. Nut satisfied with the appointment of inspector-general of the American army, his pride wounded, and disap- pointed that he did not sustain a higher grade in olTice, which he had been led to flatter himself with before he left his country, and disgusted by the suspicions that fell upon him after the publication of De Lisle's let- ters, he resigned bis commission, and returned to Europe. Conway was not the only officer of his coun- try, that suffiered similar mortifications. The credulity of men of talents, family, and merit, had been imposed on by the indiscretion of one of the American agents, and their imaginations fired by ideas of preferment in America, to which no foreigner was entitled. Thus, chagrined from the same cause, it was thought the valiant Coudray, an officer of distinguished name, who was a brigadier-general and chief engineer in the French service, leaped voluntarily to his watery grave. His death, indeed, was attributed to the fleetness of bis horse, which it was said he could not command. Having occasion to cross the Schuylkill, in company with some other officers, he entered a boat on horse- back. The career was swift; the catastrophe fatal : he leaped in on one side uf the boat, and with cquul ce- lerity, out on the other. Titus both horse and rider were irretrievably lost. Coudray was beloved and la- mented by all who knew him : and the loss of Con- way was regretted by many who esteemed him fur his literary abilities, and his military talents. The impor- tant office of inspector-general relinquished from ne- cessity by general Conway, was immediately conferred on the baron de Steuben, an officer with the best cre- dentials, who had recently arrived from Germany. The essential services of this celebrated disciplinarian, were in a very short time felt throughout the army. New regulations took place, and new arrangements were made in the hospitals, in the commissary's, the quarter-master's, and other departments, which had been shamefully abused, not from a want of capacity * Abont this time a misfortune befell the Americans not far distant from Montreal, at a piace called the Cedars. TItere major Butterfield with his party, were compelled to surrender prisoners of war. This party captured by captain Forster who oofflfflaaded the Jkitisb, consisted of four or five hundred or integrity in the preceding inspectors, but from the ignorance, inexiierieiwe, ur pcculatiuii of intiny uf the subordinate officers. From the baron's advnncenieDt more system, discipline, and order, appeared in the army ; more equitable and permimcnt regulations and a stricter adherence tu the rules and laws of war, took place, than hud been observed at any period befuro. From the time that Quebec was invested by Mont- gomery and Arnold, nt the close of the year one thou- sand seven hundred and seventy-five, until the ternii- natiun of general Hurguync's campaign, in the autumn uf one titousand seven hundred and seventy-seven, tlie successes, the expectations, and tlie disiippointments from that quarter, hud been continually varying. After his return to England, he was sent out as com- mander uf the military forces in Cmiada, aided by a cullectiun of choice troops. Governor Carletoii had abstained from bringing the Indinns into actual ser- vice, although lie prepared tlieiii for that issue, and gave public notice of his intention to do so. But it is supposed that he did not really design to employ the agency of such ferocious assistants. However that may be, Burgoyne invited the savage tribes, gave them a war feast, and intimated his wishes to indulge their propensity fur battle upon the white inhabitants. After these preliminary steps, general Burgoyne pushed forward with his whole force, and possessed himself of Ticonderoga without the smallest opposi- tion. This was a strong |)ost commanded by general St. Clair, an officer always unfortunate, and in no in- stance ever distinguished for bntvery or judgment. Though the Americans here were inferior in num« hers to the British, they were not so defiuicnt in men as in arms, more particularly musquetry and bayonets: but their works were strong, the troops healthy, and they had just received a reinforcement of men, and a fresh supply of every thing necessary for defence. In these circumstances, there could scarcely be found a sufficient excuse for calling a hasty council of war, and drawing off by night five or six thousand men, on the first approach of the enemy. The want of small-arms was the only plausible pretence offered by the com- mander to justify his conduct. This deficiency St. Clair must have known before the fifth of July, when he in a fright fled with his whole army, and left every thing standing in the garrison.* The soldiers having lost all confidence in their commander, the out-posts were every where evacuated, and a general dismay per- men. It was warmly disputed afterwards, between congress and the British commaaders, whether tbe Cedars men, who were permitted to depart on parole, should be exdiyiged tot British prisoners taken under Bargoyae. 1777.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. nded the Aigitlvcs, who, In icattered partiea, were routed in every quarter, and driven naked into the woodi. On the defeat of St. Clair, and the advance of the Britisli army, the eastern states immediately draughted large detachments of militiu, and hastened them for- ward. Congress directed general Washington to ap- point proper officers, to repair to Saratoga and take the command. General Gates, an experienced officer formerly in the British service, a man of open manners and andisguised republican principles, was vested with the chief command to act against Burgoyne. On his arrival at Saratoga, he drew back the army, and en- camped at a place called Stillwater, where he cuuld more conveniently observe the motions of colonel St. Ledger, who was advancing to the Mohawk River, to invest fort Stanwix. This post was commanded by colonel Gansevoort. General Arnold was sent on with a reinforcement from the continental army, and a large train of artillery, to the aid of general Gates. He was ordered to leave the main body, and march with a detachment towards the Mohawk River to the assist- ance of Gansevoort : but before there was time suf- ficient for his relief from any quarter, this officer found himself and the garrison surrounded by a large body of British troops, in conjunction with a formidable ap- pearance of savages, yelling in the environs, and tliirst- ing for blood. At the same time he was threatened, that unless be immediately surrendered the garrison, or if he delayed until it was taken by storm, they si\uuld all be given up to the fury of the Indians, who were bent upon the massacre of every officer and soldier. St. Ledger by letters, messages, and all possible me- thods, endeavoured to intimidate the commander of the fortress. He observed, that the savages were deter- mined to wreak their vengeance for the recent loss of some of their chiefs, on the inhabitants of the Mohawk River, and to sweep the young plantations there, with- out distinction of age or sex. He made an exaggerated display of his own strength, of the power and success of Burgoyne, and the hopeless state of the garrison, unless by a timely submission they put themselves under his protection. On this condition, he promised to mitigate the barbarity of his Indian coadjutors, and to soften the horrors usually attendant vn their victories. Colonel Gansevoort, instead of listening to any pro- posals of surrender, replied, " that entrusted by the United States with the charge of the garrison, he should defend it to the last extremity, regardless of the consequences of doing his duty." Their danger was greatly enhanced by the misfortune of general Harki- mer, who hid narehed for the relief of fort StanwH but with too little precaution. At the head of eight or nine hundred militia, he fell into an ambuicade con* slating mostly of Indians, and notwithstandmg a manly defence, few of them escaped. They were surrounded, routed, and butchered, in all the barbarous shapea of savage brutality. A vigorous sally from the garrisoOf conducted by colonel VVillet of New York, and hit successful return with a number of prisoners, gave the first information of the failure of Harkimer. This in- stead of discouraging, inspirited to fresh enterprise. Willet, in contempt of danger and difficulty, hazarded a passage by night through the enemy's works, and traversed the unexplored and pathless wilderness for upwards of fifty miles, to the more inhabited settle- ments, in order to raise the country to hasten to the relief of the garrison, and the protection of the in- habitants scattered along the borders of the Mohawk River. General Arnold had marched with a thousand men for the relief of the besieged; but though in his nsual cliaractcr he made all possible dispatch, Gansevoort had, two days before his arrival, repulsed the assailants, and obliged them to retreat in such disorder, that.it had all the appearance of a flight. In consequence of this, St. Ledger was obliged to relinquish the siege with so much precipitation, that they left their tents, stores, and artillery behind them, and their camp- kettles on the fire. This movement was hurried on l)y the sullen and untractable behaviour of the Indians, which rose to such a height, as to give him reason to be apprehensive fur his own safety. His fears were well i'ounded : their conduct had become so outrageous, that it was not in tlie power of sir John Johnson, Butler, and other influential friends of the savages, to keep them within any bounds. They frequently plun- dcrcd the baggage of the British officers; and when an opportunity od'ered the slightest advantage, they mur« dcred their British or (ierman allies, with the same brutal ferocity with which they imbrued their hands iu the blood of Americans. 'I'he next movement of importance made by general Burgoyne, was an attempt to get possession of the little obscure town of Bennington, lying In the Hamp- shire Grants among the Green Mountains, and made considerable only by the deposit of a large quantity of cattle, provisions, carriages, and other necessaries for the use of the American army. For the purpose of seizing these, as well as to intimidate tiic people in that quarter, he detached a party of Hessians, with some Indians, to the amount of Ht'tecn hundred, and gave the command to colonel Baum, a German officer. 459 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XIV, He was commisiioned, after he had surprised Benning- ton, to ravage the adjacent country, and it posnible to persuade the inliubitantM, thut lie was in force butl'i- cient, and that he designed to march on to Connecticut River, in the road to Boston. He wns ordered to in- form them, that the main body of the Briliwli urmy was in motion for tlic same purpose ;"' and tiiat they were to * (lOiienil Biirgnyne'i) iiiatiiu'tioiis to Liuutei.unt-coloncl Daum : — " The object of your pxpnlition is totrytlie nffection of the country ; to diiicoiiccrt tliu couiu'IIm of the ciieiny j to mount the lU'uli'stl ilnigodii!*, to coinplt'tc IVtre'x corps j and to ob- tain Inrve snpplic!) of cattle, Ikum's, and carriages, " The several corps, of which the inclosed is a list, are to be under your couiiuniid. " 'I'lic troops must lake no trnts ; iiiul uhut little b:i^i(n^re is carried by the ollicertt, luu-st be un their own battalion horses. " You are to prnceed from Hattcn Kill to Arlington, and take poHt tiiere, till tiic drtachnK-tit of llie provincials, under the couiinand of captain Sherwood, shall join you, from the southward. " You are then to proceed to Manchestrr, where ynii will again take |)osf, ho as to scdiri' the pass of the mountains on the road from Manchester to Rockinnliam : from thence you will detach the Inilians ntul li).clit troops to the noilhward, to- wards Otter (reek. On thiir ntnrn, and reccivinir intelli- gence that no enemy is upon the ( "inKctit iif Ktvei-, you will proceed by the road over (he mouninin- to Korkiiijijiinn, w here you will lake post. 'J'his will he tin lost dislani pari ul'lliu expedition, and must \h\ proceeded iipnii with caution, as yon will have the defiles of the inoiiiitains lichind you, whieli might make a retreat dilTicult. You must therefore endeavour to be well informed of the force of tlie enemy's "liliiia in the luigh- bouring country ; should yon lind il n.ay with pniilenee be efTected, yon are to remain there, while the Indians and li}.-lit troops arc detaehed np the river : nnd you are afterwards lo descend the river to Hiiiltleborouirh ; and from thai place, by the quickest march, you are to return by the great roiid lo Albany. " During your whole progress, your det.ichments are to have orders to bring in to yon all horses tit to mount the drajjoons under your command, or to serve as battalion horses lor the troopit, together with as many saddles and bridles as can be found. The number of horses requisite, lieiveii to such as are known to be acting in the service of the rebels. As ' you will have with you persons perfectly ac(|uaint«;d with the country, it may perhaps be advisable to tax the several dis- I tricts with the portions of the several ailieles, and limit the ; hours for the delivery ; and should you find it necessary to j move before such delivery cud be luude, hostages of the most { be joined at Springfield by a detachment from Rhode Ishtnd. It is astonishing thut a man of general Hurgoyne's understanding and military experience, should issue orders su absurd and impracticable. Me must have been very little acquiiinteil with the geography of tlie country, and less with the spirit of the inhabitants to respectable people should bo takea, to secure their fullowinir you the next day. " All possible means are to be used to prevent plundering. As it is probable that cnptuin Sherwood, who is already i\c', tached to the southward, and will join you at Arlington, will diive a considerable ijuantity of cuttle and horses to yon, you will therefore send in these cattle to the army, with a promr deliiehment from i'etre's corps, to cover them, in order toJls. eneiimber yourself ; but yon must alw ays keep the reginiini of dragoons compact. The dragoons themselves must ride, nnij take care of the horses of the regiment. Those horses that are destined for the use of the army, must be tied in strings ni {en each, in order that one man may lead ten horses. You will ^ive the unarmed men of Pel re's corps to conduct them, and inhaiiitants whom you can trust. ■' You must always keep your camps in good jmsition, hut at the same time where there is pasture ; and you must huve a chain of eentin"ls around your cattle when graiiing. " ( olonel Skecne will be with )ou as much as possible, in order lo distinguish the good subjects from the bad, to procure the best intellitrence of the enemy, and choose those people who arc to bring me the accounts of your progress uud success. " When yon find it necessary lo halt a day t>r two, you must alwHVN entrench the camp of the regiment of dragoons, in order never to risk an attack or afTront from the enemy. " As you will return with the regiment of dragoons monntid, yon must always huve a detachment of captain Fru/er's or IVtre's corps in front of the coiuiiin, and the same in thi' re.ir, in order to prevent your falling into an ambuscade, when vou march through the woods. " You will use all possible means to make the country I)c- lieve, that the troops under your command are the advanced corps of the army, and that it is inten em department, when they received an express order from congress to send them to South Carolina. Scarcely any single event during the great contest caused more triumph to Britain, than this total demoli. tion of the beginning of an American navy^ So suc- cessful and enterprising had they been, that a gentle- man of the first information has observed, that " tl.c " privateers from Boston in one year, v^ould defray " more than one half the expence of that year's wnr," By their rapid ))rogress, they had given the promise (.f a f(Srmidable appearance on the ocean, that in time tl.i y might become a rival, even to the proud mistress nt the seas : but this blow gave a fatal stroke for the pre- sent to all farther attempts of this kind. After the loss of Charleston, the ship Alliance nml the Deanc frigate, were the only remnants left of t!,e American navy. These were soon after sold at ])iililic auction, the navy boards dissolved, and all m.-iritime enterprise extinguished, except by private adventurer<:, These also were much less fortunate after the loss of the public ships, than they had been at the beginning' of the war : it was calculated that two out of three were generally captured by the British, after the year one tliousand seven hundred and eighty. The southern campaign had been opened the preced- ing year by the seizure of the capital of Georgia, bir Hehry Clinton, late in the autumn of one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, had ordered a large detachment of Hessian, British, and provincial troops, under the command of lieutenant-colouel Campbell, tu 1779.] HISTOUY OF AMERICA. 4^0 Savanmh) tu auist major-generBt Prevost in further prosecuting some advantages be had already gained. They were escorted by a smaM squadron, and arrived in the Savannah the twenty-seventh of December. Georgia was nt this time in a very wcalc and defence- less situation. Tlic frontiers were exposed to the de- predations of llie savages ; and the rude incursions of the wild borderers wiiomixed with the inhabitants, had often been so troublesome, as to require the call of tlie soutii- ern militia to check their outrages. Colonel Campbell landed liis troops innnediHtely on his arrival in the river, and by several spirited and judicious movements, possessed himself of the town of Savannah, the capital uf tlie state, with little or no loss, and obliged general Kobert Howe, a gentleman of Nortli Carolina, who commanded a party of about eight hundred militia, to retreat with precipitation. Orders had been previously g'lxcn by sir Henry Clin- ton to major-general Prevo.st, the comrimnder-in-cliief in East Florida, to repair with all possible expedition to aiil the invasion and rediictitni of (ic(irc;iii. This active oflicer immediately collected lii^i rrniote canton- ments, and with dispatch and prrscvernnce, pushed his march through a hot and barren country of gicat ex- tent. Surmounting innumerable difTiculties and futigue, he reached Sunbury, and took possession of the town and garrison before Campbell had possessed himself of Savannah. Both military skill, and a great degree of humanity, marked this first important enter])rtse in the south. The British commander forbad that the inha- bitants not in arms should be either molested or plun- dered ; and by promises and proclamations, encouraged them to submit quietly to the authority of the parent state. Some acquiesced by inclination, and many im- pelled by necessity, appeared ready to enlist under the British standard ; others, of more bold iu-d onditti Rut on an attempt to join general I' f, » lir iii Iwuly was attacked by the provincial • n, ninny tli«m cut off, and others taken prisoner. , me reuiai 'rflol to the frontiers of Georgia, where, with their oiH asso- ciates of the wilderness, and all others who could Fe river, continued quietly in their own posts, till the latter end of the month of April, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-nine. Savannq^h, Sunbury, and some other towns, were in the hands of the British, and the state, by proclamation, laid uiwler military government : yet the people in general considered themselves as belonging to the union. (icncral Lincoln, zealous to procure an election of delegates to congress from Georgia, wliieli he cxjiectcd would be impeded by violeiice, left his advantageous situation on the lower part of the river, and moved to- wards Augusta. This was rather an unfortunate move- ■ / 470 IIISTOllY or AMERICA. [book xir. F:iii::#li! mcnt, as, had lie continued liis first station, lie might IiBve secured Charleston for a time. Indeed, there was then little reason to apprehend any immediate danger in that quarter; yet he hod the precaution to leave general Moultrie, with fifteen hundred men to guard the passes of the river. The campaign in Georgia, however, did not redound much to the advantage of the American arms, or to the honour of gcncrnl Lincoln, It wns thought by some he did not discover himself a judicious and experienced commander, who had penetration to calculate on for- tuitous events, or resources at hand to extricate him- self, when they unexpectedly took place. Vet he sup- ported a character, cool and brave, under a variety of disappointments. He was, however, led it circuitous dance from place to place, by the rapid movements of general Prevost through the state of Georgia, until he was obliged to move wLlh more .serious prospects to- wards Charleston. The loss of his party at Briar Creek, was no more than might have been expected from the activity and vigour of such an officer as I'revost, attending more to his military renown than to the political manu'.uvres of the state. While general Lincoln was canvassing for the election of a delegate to congress, the comniaiider of the forces of his antagonist was intent only on winning success in the field. I'revost seized the mo- ment of advantage ; suddenly crossed the river in dif- ferent parts, and penetrated into South Carolina with little or no opposition. The party under Moultrie, consisting chiefly of militia, on seeing themselves sur- rounded on all sides by British troops, retreated hastily, and secured themselves within the city of Charleston. General Prevost having thus succeeded, even beyond his most sanguine expectations, in several enterprises of considerable moment, inspired by his own wishes, and prompted by importunities, he formed the bolder resolution of pushing directly for Charleston. He arrived at the river Ashley on the eleventh of May, crossed it, and within a few days summoned the city to surrender. Nor had he any reason for some time to regret the determin.ntion. He had every assurance from the disaffected Americans, that Charleston would sur- render without resislauce, and that they had the best authority for this decided opinion; nor did they in this instance so totally disappoint the expectations of their British friends, as they frequently had done, and con- tinued to ao ia their subsequent informations. It is true general Prevost did not immediately succeed to the full coinpleton of his hopes ; but on the first summons to surrender, the citizens assured him that no opposi- tion should be made, provided they might be permitted to continue in a state of neutrality to the conclusion of the war. General Prevost, encouraged by success, and animated by his own person: I bravery, united with the hope of subduing Charleston, rejected the oflTcr of neu- trality, and all further negociation ceased. The city immediately recovered its former spirit, and preparation was madex>n botii sides fur tlic most vigorous attack and defcnre. (ichenil Lincoln had been rather slow in his movements, having been deceived into an opinion tlini Prevost had no farther design than to procure forage and provisions. But soon finding more serious con- sequences were to be expected, he hastened on with lux whole force, and made his arrangements with so much judgment nnd alacrity, that general Prevost thought it prudent to withdraw from beft>re the city, lest his re- treat should be cut off. He encamped his troops on the islands Ijycforc the harbour, where he continued for some time in anxious expectation of reinforcements from New York. This being delayed until the advunre of the intense heats, nnd the sickly season of that country came on, which rendered it in some measure necessary to suspend all vigorous operations in that quarter, little else was done there this year. Affairs in Georgia requiring his presence, general Prevost sepaired thither soon after the siege of Charles- ton was raised. He left a force suflicient ia Fort Royal to encourage his friends, by keeping up the ap. ]>earauce of some permanent establishment in that pro- vince where he meant soon to return. Hut early in the autumn, the unexpected arrival of the squadron com< manded by the count d'Kstaing, on the southern coast, gave a new face to the affairs of Georgia and the Carolinas. The admiral on his arrival in the Savannah, landed his troops with nil possible expedition, and in conjunc- tion with the Americans, laid siege to the capital of Georgia. On the sixteenth of September, he demanded a surrender of the town to the arms of the king of France. The summons wns in language that rather excited terror than allurement, and would have deter- mined an officer of less courage and resolution than general Prevost to defend the town to the last. The situation of Savannah was indeed scarcely defensible ; but resolved not to yield but in the last extremity, Pre- vost returned a polite but evasive answer to the French commander ; and had the address to obtain a truce of twenty-four hours to deliberate. In this fortunate interval, the arrival of colonel Mail- land, with a body of troops from Port Royal, put an end to deliberation. All thoughts of surrender were laid aside, and a most gallant defence made. The town was bombarded for five days to the great terror and dis- tress of the inhabitants. In this predicament, general Prevost wrote and requested the count d'Estaing, that I 1779.] HISTORY OK AMKIIICA. 471 the women and children, with hi» own wife and family, might be aent duwn the river, nnd placed under the Itrotection of one of the French ihips. After some delay, he had the mortification to receive an unpolite and cruel refusal. As this answer was signed by both the French and American commanders, censure for wnnt of humanity fell equally on each. It is nut improbable the severe language it contained might be designed to intimidute and hasten a surrender, nnd thereby prevent the further effusion of blood. Yet t'.iere uppeai d a want of gene- rosity unbecoming the politenchN of the Frenchman, and inconsistent with the feelings of the American. Of this they seemed to be sensible within a few days, when fortune began to change. Apologies were made both by general Lincoln and the count for this indeli- cate refusal : great tenderness was therein expressed for tiie inhabitants, and every civility offered, particularly to the general's lady and family, and n ship assigned as an asylum for herself and friends. Cieneral I'revost replied to this offer of kindness, extorted by apprehen- sion if not by fear, that *^' what had been once refused " in terms of insult, could in no circumstances be " deemed worth the acceptance." The little time gained by this short parley for the purposes of civility, was iiiipioved by general I'revost to great advantage in every view. With indefatigable industry he strengthened his uld works ; and, assisted by the spirit and capacity of Mr. Moncrief, the chief engineer, he erected new ones with celerity and judg- ment. On the eleventh of October the besiegers attemjited to storm the town, but were defeated with great slaughter. They, however, kept up the appearance of a blockade until the sixteenth, when they requested a truce to bury their dead, and take care of their wounded. This was readily granted by I'revost. The conflict had been bloody indeed, and both hides equally wished for time to |)erform this charitable and necessary business. Soon after the melancholy work of interring many of their comrades, the French and the Americans took the advantage of u dark and fogfry night, and retreated with all possible precipitation, breaking down the bridges as "they passed to impede the pursuit of their enemies, if they should be disposed to iollovv them. The count d'Estaing had now an opportunity to survey the condition of his licet ; when he found the sailors sickly and dispirited ; nor was the army le»s so irum the unhculthincss of the climate and the failure of their late enterprise. The count himself had been * Tlie count d'Kstuiiiij was uoaic years afterwards one of the {jroscribed victims u ho fell by the guillotiuc, amidst the dis- wounded in the course of the siege, and several of his best otVicers were either killed or iii; tish government again assumed a stable appearance. Marciies, counter-marches, surprise, pillage, and mas- sacre, had for some months pervaded the frontiers; and whichever party gained the advantage, the inha- bitants were equally wretched. The count de RochamLcau arrived on the eleventh of July at Newport, with six thousand land forces, under cover of a respectable squadron commanded by the admiral de Tiernay. They brought the promise and the expectation of farther and immediate support, both by land and sea. Some ineffectual movements were made on both sides, in consequence of these expecta- tions : and on the arrival of admiral Graves at New York, with six sail of the line and some transports, a feint was made by sir Henry Clinton, with the assist- ance of those fresh reinforcements, immediately to at- tack the French at Rhode Island. This plan was di- verted by general Washington's preparation to embrace the favourable opportunity, to strike a dacided blow by the reduction of New York. All the states east of the Delaware discovered their readiness, by all possible exertions to co-operate in the design : but amidst all the preparation and sanguine hope of the Americans, an account was received, equally mortifying to the United States, and to their allies already in America, that admiral de Guichen had sailed from the West Indies directly for France, instead of repairing with all his forces, as was expected, to aid the united operations of Washington and Rochambeau. Little more was done through the summer in the middle or eastern department, except by skirmishing parties, which served only to keep up the hope of con- quest on the side of Britain, while it preserved alive * Before this period, the wealth and inhabitants of the Tarkish empire had bfon diminished, and the power of the Sablime Porte so far crippled, by the ambitious projects of Catharine, that they were unable to lend much assistance to soy of their distressed neighbours. For some time after some military ardour in the American army. But so uncertain are the events of war, that the anticipation of success, the pride of victory, or the anguish of dis- appointment, alternately play on the passions of men until the convulsion gives place to tranquillitv and l)cace, or to the still solemnity of melancholy, robbed of ail its joys. While thus situated, the British troops were fre- quently detached from New York and Statcn Island to make inroads, and by surprise to distress and destroy the settlements in the Jerseys. The most important of their movements was about the twenty-fifth of June, when general Knyphausen with about five thou- . sand regular troops, aided by some new levies, ad. vanced upon the right wing of the American army, commanded by major-general Greene. Their progress was slow un:il they arrived at Springfield, where they were checked by a party of the Americans. The present year was replete with the most active and important transactions. Great Britain was not less perplexed and embarrassed, than the United States. The sources of concern which pervaded the patriotic part of the nation, were innumerable. A re- markable combination of powers against the British nation was unusually alarming. Spain had now de- clared war, and acted with decision: and many new and great events among other nations, threatened both its maritime and internal state. The empress of Russia, appeared at this time, umpire of the Armed Neu- trality, set on foot by herself.* The novelty of this measure excited much observation, attention, and ex- pectation, both in Europe and America. This mea- sure has also been attributed to a stroke of policy con- certed by count Panin,'in order to defeat the design of sir James Harris, minister from Great Britain, v/ho had been making every effort in favour of his court, to engage the empress to fit out a naval armament against Spain. Prince Potemkin, the empress's fa- vourite, was fond of assisting the court of Spain: but the determined opposition of the count Panin, against the interference of the court of Russia in the war between Great Britain and the house of Bourbon, in conjunction with the American colonies, was such, that the design was not only defeated, but the court of Petersburgh took the lead in a declaration to the belligerent powers, for settling the principles of naviga- tion and trade; and the armament in preparation for otlyr purposes, was sent out to support the armed neutrality. the remarkable partition of Poland, the hero of Prnssia, the (lermanic body, and the northern powers, breathed in a kind of trace, as if paralysed by the recollection of recent slaughter' and devastatiob, rather than in the benign prospect of a pcr> manent peace. k [nooK XIV. 1780.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 473 can army. But so ml the anticipation tlic anguish of dis- le passions of meri, to tranquillity and melancholy, robbed ih troops were frc- and Staten Ishnd, distress and destroy The most important the twenty-fifth of vith about five thou- »me new levies, ad- the American army, ;ene. Their progress ringfield, where tliey mericans. with the most active reat Britain was not i, than the United 1 which pervaded the innumerable. A re- 's against the British Spain had now dt- ision : and many new ktions, threatened both 'he empress of Russia, of the Armed Neu- The novelty of this on, attention, and ex- America. This niea- IV stroke of policy con- to defeat the design of m Great Britain, who in favour of his court, out a naval armament kin, the empress's fa- the court of Spain; of the count Panin, court of Russia in the the house of Bourbon, L-an colonies, was such, defeated, but the court in a declaration to the the principles of naviga- nt in preparation for othft )ort the armed neutrality. ' -' • ' id, the hero of Prossia, the powers, breathed in a kind -collection of recent slaughter le benign prospect of a p«- The empress forwarded an explicit declaration of tlie dcsifrn aiul the nature of the conibiiiatioii, to the several European courts. ]Jy tiiis extraordinary treaty, all neutral ships were to be freely naviirati'd from port to port on the coasts of nations at war, and the effects bcloi!'.:Ut'wn of the American army and the country, from various causes — General Arnold setU lo the Chesapeake; his defection— Apprehension, trial, and death of major Andre — Disposition of the Dutch rc- puhiic towards America— Governor Trumbull's correspondence tcith baron Van der Capellen — Mr. Laurens appointed to negoeiate with the Dutch republic — Paper medium sunk — Diplomatic transactions between America and several European powers— Empress of Russia refuses to treat ivith the American States — Several important batllex and movements — Discordant opinions between lord Cornwallis and sir Henry Clinton— Sir Henry meditates an attack on Philadelphia— The project relinquished — After some military ocairrcnces, a naval action takes place — Lord CornuuUis, disappointed in his attempts, offers terms ofcapitti- tion— Agreed on— Lord Digby and sir Henry Clinton arrive too late— Recovery qf Georgia, and evacitation of Sa': mnah by the liriiish— Observations un the conduct of parliament, after the intelligence of the capture qf lord CornuaUis ana his army— Proposition by sir Thomas Pitt to withhold supplies Jrom the crown- Fotes carried for granting supplies— General liurgoyne defends the American opposition— Naval transactions — Baron de RuUincourt's expedition to the Inland of Jersey— Mr. Adams' negociation ivith the Dutch provinces. VVb left England in a very perturbed state, both from internal dissensions, and the dread of foreign combinations, relative to the island itself and its de- pendencies. At the same time, it were difficult to conceive fully the embarrassments suffered by congress, by the commander-in-chief, and by men of firmness and principle in the several legislative bodies, through ihis and the beginning of the next year. The scarcity 41—42 of specie, the rapid depreciation of paper, which at once sunk the property and corrupted the morals of the people; which destroyed all confidence in public bodies, reduced the old army to the extremes of mi- sery,, and seemed to preclude all possibility of raising a new one, sufficient for all the departments ; were evils, which neither the wisdom or vigilance of congress could remedy. 4 B , 474 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XV. dl. !»'5 ■ ■- uiife... At such a crisis, more penetration and firmness, more judgment, impartiality, and moderation, were requisfte in the commander-in-chief of the American armies, than usually fail within the compass of the genius or ability of man. In the neighbourhood of a potent army, general Washington had to guard with a very inadequate force, not only against the arms of his enemies, but the machinations of emissaries, con- tinually tampering the fidelity both of his officers and his troops. Perhaps no one but himself can describe the compli- cated sources of anxiety. Some extracts from his own pen, very naturally express the agitations of the mind of general Washington, in the preceding as well as the present year. In one of his letters to a friend, he ob- served, " Our conflict is not likely to cease so soon as every good man would wish ; and unless we can return a little more to first principles, and act a little mo.e upon patriotic ground, I do not know when it will— or —what may be the issue. Speculation — peculation — engrossing— forestalling— with all their concomitants, aHurd too many melancholy proofs of the decay of pub- lic virtue ; and too glaring instances of its being tlie interest and desire of too many, who would wish to be thcjght friends, to continue the war. Nothing, I am convinced, but the depreciation of our currency, pro- ceeding in a great measure from the foregoing causes, aided by stock-jobbing and party dissensions, has fed the hopes, and kept the arms of Brituin in America until now. They do not scruple to declare this them- selves; and add, that we siiall be our own conquerors. Cannot our common country (America) possess virtue enough to disappoint them? Shall we at last become the victims of our own abominable lust of gain ? — For- bid it heaven !— forbid it all, and every state in the union ! by enacting and enforcing efiicacious laws for checking tiie growth of these monstrous evils, and re- storing matters in some degree, to the pristine state they were in at the commencement of tha war. Let vigorous measures be adopted to punish speculators— forestiijiers— and extortioners ;— and above all— to sink the iiumey by heavy taxes— to promote public and pri- vate economy— encourage manufactures," &c. While thus impressed with these apprehensions of the depreciation of public virtue, general Washington had to balance the parties, and to meliorate the dis- tresses of the inhabitants, alternately ravaged by all de- scriptions of soldiers, in the vicinity of both armies. It was impossible for him to strike any capital blow, without money even for daily expenses, without a naval force sufficient to cover any exertions; his battalions incomplete, his army clamorous and discontented, and on the point of mutiny, from the deficiencies in their pay, ml the immediate want of every necessary of life. At the spme time, the legislatures of the several states were in the utmost anxiety, to devise ways and means to supply the requisitions of congress, who had recently laid a tax of many millions on the states, in order to sink the enormous quantity of old paper money. The calls of an army, naked, hungry, and turbulent, even to the discovery of symptoms of re- volt, were indeed alarming;:* The pressing necessities of the army, and the critical exigencies of the times crowded upon them in every department, and required the utmost wisdom, vigilance, and fortitude. Nothing depictures the characters, the sentiments, and the feel- ings of men, more strongly than their private letters at the time. The reader is tiierefore presented with the paragraph of a letter from the speaker of the house of representatives of Massachusets, to a friend, at this critical jera of embarrassment and perplexity: — " Our public affiiirs wear a most disageeable aspect. Em- barrassments increase from every quarter. My con- templations are engrossed by day and by night, for the salvation of my country. If we succeed, I shall have pleasure which a fortune cannot give : if we failj 1 shall feel consolations that those who are intent only on making fortunes, must envy. In a country abound- ing with men and provisions, it would torture a Sully to raise and support an army in the field. Every thing is resolved into money: but the great question is, how to get it ?— Taxes, though so great, and often repeated, do not bring it in fast enough ; we cannot borrow, be. cause no one will lend: while the army is in danger of starving or disbanding. If we lay more taxes, the very people who have been used to tender the one half of their property, or even their all, for the service of their country, will now revolt at the idea of paying a two-hundredth part; and it might perhaps create un- easiness that might break the union. On the other hand, if we do not lay more taxes, for aught I see, tiiere must b«; an end of the contest." The complicated difficulties described clearly prove that such a spirit of avarice and peculation had crept into tike public departments, and taken deep hold of the majority of the people, as Americans a few years before, were thought incapable of. The careful ob- server of human conduct will readily perceive, that a variety of concurring causes led to this sudden ciinnge of character. The opulent, who had been used to ease, independence. And generosity, were reduced, dispirited, and deprived c the ability of rendering pecuniary ser- vice to their lountry, by the unavoidable failure of public faith, dreat part of the fortunes of the '?un at \\ est Point, ilie number of men considered as necissary for its defence, a return of the ordnance, and the disposi- tion of the arlilkry corps in case of an attack or alarm. The accounts he gave in writing, with drafts of all the works. These papers were afterwards found in tlie boot of the unfortunate Andre. Tiie conference continued so long, that it did not finish timely for the safe retreat of major Andre. He wiis conducted, though without his knowledge or con- sent, within the American posts, where he was ohilrcd to conceal himself in company with Arnold, until the ensuing morning. It was then found impracticable for him to make his escape by the way he had advanced. The Vulture sloop of war, from whence he had been landed, had shifted her station while he was on f:hore, and lay so much exposed to the fire of the Americans, that the boatmen whom Arnold had bribed to bring his new friend to the conference, refused to venture a se- cond time on board. This circumstance rendered it impossible for major Andre to return to New York by water ; he was therefore impelled, by the advice of Arnold, to a circuitous route, as the only alternative to escape the danger irvto which he was indiscreetly led. Thus was this young officer, whose former charackr undoubtedly rendered him worthy of a better fate, rt;- duced to the necessity of hurrying, disguised, throut,'!) the posts of his enemies, in fallacious hopes of airniu recovering the camp of his friends. In this painful state of mind he had nearly reached the British, when lie was suddenly arrested within the American lines by three private soldiers. His reflections may be more easily imagined than described— taken in the night, detected in an assumed habit, under a fictitious name, with a plan of the works at West Point, the situation, the numbers, and the strength of the American army, with a pass under the hand of general Arnold in his pocket-book. He urged for a few moments the man who first seized his horse's bridle to let him pass on; told him that his name was John Anderson ; that liis business was important ; and that lie could not be de- tained : but two other soldiers coming up, and in a pe- remptory manner saluting him as their prisoner, alter challenging him as a spy, he attempted no farther equivocation, but presented a purse of gold, an elegant watch, and oflcred other very tempting rewards, if he might be permitted to pass unmolested to New York. Rejecting all pecuniary rewards, the disinterested ])rivates who seized the unfortunate Andre, con- veyed their prisoner as speedily as possible to the head quarters of the American army. General Wasii- ihi;lon innnediately informed congress of the whole business, and apj)ointc(l a court-martial, consisting of tiic principal ofiicers of the army, to inquire into the eircunistances and criminality of this interesting alVair, The day after Major Andre was taken, he wrote to ge- neral Washington with a frankness becoming a gentle- man, and a man of honour and princi|)le. He observed, that what he had as yet said of himself, was in the jus- tifiable attemi>t to extricate him from threatened dan- ger ; but that, too little accustomed to duplicity, he 1780.} HISTORY OF AMERICA. 4r; had not succeeded. He intimated, that the temper of his mind wns equal; and that no apprehensions of per- sonal safety had induced him to address the commander- in-cliief; but that it was to secure liimself from the imputation of having assumed a mean character for treacherous purposes or self-interest, a conduct wliich he declared incompatible with the principles which had ever actuated him, as well as with his condition in former life. In this letter he added : " It is to vindi- " cate my fame that I speak ; not to solieit security. *• The person in your possession is major John Andre, " adj II I ant-general to the British army." He then detailed the whole transaction, from tys going up the Hudson in the Vulture sloop of war, until seized at Tarry-town, without his uniform, and, as himself ex- pressed, " betrayed into the vile condition of an enemy " witliii! your posts." He requested his excellency that ill- might be treated as a man of honour ; and urged, tliat " in any rigour policy might dietate, I pray " thai a decency of coiiduet towards me may mark, that " though unfortunate, I am branded with nothing dis- " honourable, as no motive could be mine, but the ser- " vice i) my king; and that I was involuntarily an " iiiipoMur." After a iliorough investigation, the result of the trial of major Andre, was an unanimous opinion of tiie court-martial, lliat his accusation was just. They re- ported, " that Major Andre, adjutant-general to the "British army, ought to be considered as a spy fniii " the enemy : tliat he came on siiore from tlie V^illure " sloop of wiir, in the night of the twenty-first of Sep- " tember, on an interview with general Arnold, in a " private and secret manner ; that he changed his dress " witlim our lines, and under a feigned name, and in " a disguised habit, passed our works at Stoney and " Vcrplaiik's Points ; that he was taken in a disguised " habit on his way to New York ; that he had in his " possession several papers, which contained intelii- " gence for the enemy ; and that agreeable to the laws " and usages of nations, it is their opinion he ought to " sufler death." Great interest was made in favour of this yonng gen- tleman, whose life had been unimpeaelied, and whose character promised a distingiiislied rank in society, both as a man of letters and a soldier. He was elegant ill person, amiable in manners, polite, sensible, and brave : but from a misguided zeal for the service of his king, he descended to an assumed and disgraceful character ; and by accident and mistake in himself, and the indiscretion of his untried friend, he found himself ranked with a class held infamous among all civi- lized nations. The character of a spy has ever been mean and derogatory : yet the most celebrated com- manders of all nations have frequently employed some of their bravest and most confidential officers to wear a guise, in which if detected, they are at once subjected to infamy and to the halter. Doubtless, the generals Clinton and Washington were equally culpable in se- lecting an Andre and a Hale to hazard all the hopes of youth and talents, on the precarious die ot executing with success, a business to which so much deception and baseness is attached. Hale, detected in the etfort of gaining intelligence of the British in the same clan- destine manner, had been hanged in the city of New York. This event took place soon after the action on Long Isiand. The dilemma to which he was reduced, and the situation of his army, rendered it expedient for general Washington to endeavour to gain some infor- mation of the designs and subsequent operations of sir William Howe, and the army under his command. This being intimated by colonel Smallwood to captain Hale, a young gentleman of unimpeachable character and rising hopes, he generously offered to risk his life for the service of his country, in the perilous experi- ment. He ventured into the city, was apprehended, and with the same frankness and liberality of mind that marked the character of Andre, acknowledged that he was employed in a business that could not be forgiven by his enemies. A personal interview, at the request of sir Henry Clinton, took place between the generals Robertson and Greene, who had succeeded Gates in the soullieru department, and every thing in the power of ingenuity, humanity, or affection, was proposed by general Ro- bertson to prevent the fate of the unhappy Andre. It was urged that he went from the Vulture under the sanction of a flag; and that general Arnold had, as he had a right to do, admitted him within tiie American lines. But major Aiidre had too much sincerity to make use of any subterfuge not founded in truth : in the course of his examination, he with tiie utmost can- dour acknowledged, that *' it was impossible for him " to suppose he came on shore under the sanction of a " llag." The propriety and dignity with which he had written to general Washington on his first becoming a prisoner ; the acknowledgment of his rank and condition in life, the manner of his detection, the accident of his being betrayed within the American posts ; and indeed sucii was his whole deportment, that the feelings of humanity for- bade a wish for the operation of the rigorous maxims of war. He wrote general Washington the day before his execution, that, " buoyed above the terror of death, by " the consciousness of a life devoted to honourable " pursuits, stained with no action that can give me " remorse, i trust that the rcc^uest I make to your 478 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XV. ■I- -;i " excellency at this severe 'period, and which is to *' soften my last moments, will not be rejected. Sym- ** pathy towards a soldier, will surely induce you to ** adapt the mode of my death to the feelings of a man. « Let me hope, sir, that if aught in my character im- " presses you with esteem towards me ; if aught in my *' misfortunes marks me the victim of policy, not of "' resentment, I shall experience the operation of those " feelings in your breast, by being informed, I am not " to die on a gibbet." This his last and pathetic request, to die, not as a criminal, the severity of mili- tary rules pronounced inadmissible ; and this gallant and amiable young officer fell as a traitor, amidst the armies of America, but without a personal enemy : every tongue acceded to the justice of his sentence, yet every eye dropped a tear at the necessity of its execU' tion. Many persons, from the impulse of humanity, thought that general Washington might, consistently with his character as a soldier and a patriot, have me- liorated the sentence of death so far, as to have saved, at his own earnest request, this amiable yuung man from the ignominy of a gallows, by permitting him to die in a mode more consonant to the ideas of the brave, the honourable, and the virtuous. When general Arnold was first apprized of the de- it not proper to leave c^neral Arnold to his own dig.' cretion for any length of time, without the support and assistance of other officerft, who were appointed, and sent forward the beginning of the next year. There had yet been no treaty or public stipulations between the United States and any foreign nation, ex> cept France; but circumstances had been ripening to bring forward immediate negociations with the Dutch republic. Holland was at this period in a more delicate situation than almost any other European power. Great Britain claimed her as an ally, and held up the ohllga. tions of patronage and protection in strong language ; but the nature of the dispute between Great Britain and her transatlantic domains, as well as the conimer< cial views of the Belgian provinces, interested the mer- chants, the burgomasters, and the pensioners of Hol- land, in favour of America ; while the partiality of tlie stadtholder, his family, and the court connection^., were altogether British ; or at least the motives of interest affection, or fear, held them up in that light. In tlie intermediate time, the clandestine assistance given by the Dutch merchants was very advantageous to America ; and the private encouragement of some of the magistrates of the United Netherlands, that a treaty of alliance and the strictest amity might in time teclion of major Andre, and that he was conducted to ; be accomplished between the two republics, heightened head-quarters, he was struck with astonisliment and ' the expectations of the American congress. Nor • of terror, and in his agitation und agonies, he called for a ! the principal characters among the Batavians were more horse, mounted instantly, and rode down a craggy steep, I zealously interested in the success of the American never before explored on horseback. He took a barge, ' struggle for independence, than Robert Jasper Van der and under a flag he passed Verpla^ik's Point, and soon Capellen. This Dutchman, as early as the seventh of found himself safe beneath the guns of the Vulture i December, one thousand seven hundred and seventy, sloop of war. After Arnold had got safe to New York, eight, had solicited a correspondence with several of the he wrote to general Washington in behalf of his wife; i most prominent characters in America. In one of his endeavoured to justify his own conduct, and his ap- ^ letters to governor Trumbull he had observed, " If pointment and conference with Andre; claimed his " you choose, sir, to honour me with a correspondence, right to send a flag to the enemy for any purposes he " be assured I shall make a proper use of it. Commu- might think proper, while he held a respectable com- ; « nications apparently in contidence have a much mand in the American army ; and urged the release of ' " stronger influence than those which appear in pub- major Andre. The generals C'inton and Robertson did . " lie, A description of the present state and advan- every thing to save the life of their favourite Andre, except delivering up Arnold. To this exchange, gene- ral Washington would readily have acceded ; bat a pro- ,'posal of this nature could not be admitted ; for, however beloved or esteemed the individual may be, personal regards must yield to political exigencies. Sir Henry Clinton had so high an opinion of general Arnold's military abilities, and placed such confidence " tages of United America ; of the forms of goverii- " ment in its different republics ; of the facility with " which strangers there may establish themselves, and " find a subsistence ; of the price of lands, both cul- " tivated and unimproved, of cattle, provisions, with a " succinct history of the present war," &c. Governor Trumbull had not hesitated to comply with this request : he had detailed a succinct narrative in him, that he vested him with commands of high of past and present circumstances, and the future pro- trust and importance. But affairs in Virginia beginning spects of America.* These favourable dispositions to wear a most serious aspect, general Clinton thought among many persons of high consideration in the * An extract from governor TrambuU's letter :'— " The only obstacle which I foresee to the settlement of forelKners in the country, will be the taxes, which mnst ine- vitably for a time run high, for thp payment of the debts con- 1781.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 479 United Netherlands, led congress to expect their aid and support, in n contest so Interesting to republican opinion. It forbade any fartiier delay in the councils of America. Congress were convinced no time was to be lost ; but that a minister with proper credentials should immediately appear in a public character at the Hague ; or if that should be found inadmissible, that he should have instructions to regulate any private neguciations, according to the dictates of judgment, discretion, or necessity. Accordingly, early in the present year, Mr. Henry Laurenx, of South Carolina, late president of the con- tinental confiress, was vested with this important com- mission. From his prudence, probity, politeness, and knowledge of the world, Mr. Laurens was competent to the trust, and well qualified for tlie execution thereof: but lie was captured on his way by admiral Edwards, car- ried (o Newfoundland, ind from thence jient to England. When lie arrived there, he was committed to the Tower, confitii'd to very narrow apartments, and denied all in- tercourse with his friends. The Americans were deeply affected by the interception of Mr. Laurens ; as the first public character tliat had been sent to the Batavian pro- vinces, it was feared, his captivity and detention might have an unfavourable eft'ect on the foreign relations of America, and particularly on their connection with Holland. We have already seen the double disappointment ex- perienced by the United States, occasioned by the cap- ture of one army in South Carolina under general Lin- coln, and the defeat of another commanded by general Gates in North Carolina, who was sent forward with the higliest expectations of retrieving affairs in that quarter. We have seen the con)plicated embarrass- ments of the United States, relative to raising, paying, and supporting a permanent army. We have seen the pernicious effects of a depreciating currency, and the tracted during tiic present war. These, indeed, will be much lightened by the care which has been taken to confine these debts U8 much as possible among ourselves, and by emitting a paper currency in place of borrowing from abroad. But this method, though it secures the country Ironi lieing drained here- after, of immense sums of solid coin, which can never return, has exposed us to a new and very disagreeable embarrassment by its monstrous depreciation. An evil which had its rise in, and owes all its rapid increase to the single cause of our not having provided at a sufficiently early period for its reduction and payment by taxes. This measure was indeed rendered impracticable, at the proper time, by the radical derangement of the system of government, and consequently of revenue in many of the United States; and its necessary delav till the removal of these impediments gave time for avarice and sus- picion to unite iu saj.ping the foundations of our internal crecht. He addt> " I aa no advoeate for intemd or foreign loans. beginning of a spirit of peculation and regard to private interest, that was not expected from the former habits and professions of Americans. We have seen the dis- appointments and delay relative to foreign negociations. We have seen both the patient sufferings of the Ameri- can army under the greatest necessity, and the rising restlessness that soon pervaded nearly the whole body of the soldiery. In addition to these circumstances, at the close of the preceding year, a part of the army broke out in revolt} and the secession of the whole Pennsyl- vania line spread a temporary dismay through the inde- pendents. On the first of January, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-one, upwards of a thousand men belonging to that line, marched in a body from the camp ; others soon followed them. T \ey took an advantageous ground, chose for their leader a serjcant-major, a Bri- tish deserter, and saluted him as their major-general-. On the third day of their revolt, a message was sent from the officers of the American camp : this they re- fused to receive; but to a flag which followed, request- ing to know their complaints and intentions, they re- plied, that " they had served three years j that they had " engaged to serve no longer ; nor would they return, " or disperse, until their grievances were redressed, and " their arrearages paid." General Wayne, who com- manded the line, had been greatly beloved and respected by the soldiery, nor did he at first himself doubt but that his influence would soon bring them back to their duty. He did every thing in the power of a judicious officer to dissipate their murmurs, and to quiet their clamours, in the beginning of the insurrection : bi^t many of them pointed their bayonets at his breast ; tol 1 him to be on his guard ; that they were determined t3 march to congress to obtain a redress of grievances ; and that, though they respected him as an officer, ard loved his person, yet, if he attempted to fire on the.n. In my opinion, they are like cc!d -vater in a fever, which allays the disease for a moment, but soon cause." tavians towards America was such, in the particular situation of both republics, as to render it at once ra- tional and expedient for the American congress to send a public minister to reside at the Hague. Mr. Laurenj, as already stated, was appointed and sent forward, but captured on his way. The ciipture of the American envoy prevented for a time all public negociations with Hollaiui. He had been vested with discretionary American: were plunged. He improved the advanta geous moment, and made the revolters every tempting offer to increase and fix their defection. He sent seve- ral persons to propose, in his name, a pardon for all past offences, an immediate payment of their full demands on congress, and protection from the British govern- ment. He desired them to send proper persons to Aniboy, to treat farther, and engaged that a body of jBritlsh troops was ready for their escort ; but though dissatisfied and disgusted, they appeared to have no in- clination to join the British army. The disposition which appeared in government to do juutice to the troops, subdued the spirit of mutiny. A respectable committee was sent from congress to hear their com- plaints, and as far as possible to relieve their sufferings. Those whose term of enlistment was expired, were paid off and discharged ; the reasonable demands of others satisfied ; and a general pardon granted to the offenders, who returned to their duty. The great source of uneasiness was the circulating paper, which had languished the last year until without sinew or nerve for any effective purpose, it died of itself in the present, without any visible wound, except from the immense quantity counterfeited MoUvithstanding all the evils of a currency of only a nominal value, it would have been impossible for the colonies to have carried on a war, in opposition to the power of Great Britain, without this paper substitute for real specie. They were not opulent, though a competence had gene- rally followed their indastry. There were few among themselves wealthy enough to lend money for public purposes : foreigners were long shy, and appeared evi- dently reluctant at the idea of depositing llien- niuiiics i powers, and had suitable instructions given him to enter in the hands of a government with whom thiy had but recently commenced an acquaintance. Gold and silvir began to spread by degrees ; the sums sent over lor the pay of the British troops added to tiie stock, nhich was farther augmented by the expenditure of the French. France had long since acknowledged the indepen Into private contracts and negociations, as cxigencii's might offer, for the interest of his country, until events were ripened for his full admission as ambassador from the United States of America. When he found his own fate was inevitable, he neglected no precaution to prevent the public papers in his possession from falling detice of America; and the whole house of Bourbon] into the hands ol the British commander; who knew now supported the claim of the United States, though not the rank of his prisoner, until the packages, season- there had yet been no direct treaty between Amer:ca and Spain. It had been the general expectation lor ably thrown overboard by Mr. Laurens, were recovered by a British sailor, who had the courage to plunge into some time before it took place, that Spain would finally the sea wills so much celerity as to prevent them from unite with France In the support of the American ; sinking. By these papers a full discovery was made, cause. From this cx];ectation, the Spaniards in South j not only of the nature of Mr. Laurens's comnnssion, America had prepared themselves for a rupture, a con- I but of the dispositions of the Batavians to aid the excr- siderablc time before any formal declaration of war had i tions beyond the Atlantic. taken place between the courts of Madrid and St. ! Admiral Edwards immediately ordered a frigate to James's. They were in readiness to take the earliest i England for the conveyance of this gentleman, and the advantage of such an event. They had accordingly 1 evidences of the commission on which he had been 1781.] HISTORY OF A^IKillCA. 4HI sent out. Tlicsc imporlaiil jviipers received in England, sir Jnsepli Yoikc, the IJiitisli minister resident at tlin Hague, was directed by llic l leave Virginia, who joined him with a large detachment of troops about mid-winter. His lordship, however, had thought proper still to poi.^. ope his original intention, with the hope of bringing general Greene to a decided action, and thereby more firmly binding the inhabitants of the country. Having de- tamped from the neighbourhood of his late military operations, he marched with all possible expedition to- ward the more eastern parts of North Carolina. He found many difficulties on his way, but pursued his "' It WHS a singnlar circumstance at the court of the empress Catlierine, for any foreign UkiiiAter or agent io be refused aa iatcrvicw with Lur uiajcsty. Slie had always from i^rlde^ route with great perseverance, as did his army ; they cheerfully sustained the severest fatigue; but they marked their way with the slaughter of the active inde- |)endents, through a territory of many hundred miles in extent from Charleston to York Towi'. It was after- wards computed, tha' foisrteen hundreH were mudc widows during this year's campaign, in the single dis- trict of Ninety-Six. f General Greene shaped his course toward Camden, the head-quarters of lord Rawdon, on whom the com. mand had devolved, and who v/as there encamped with only nine hundred men. General Greene's approach was rather unexpected to Rawdon ; but by a sudden and judicious advance, he fell on the Americans before they were in readiness for his reception. Notwithstand- ing this sudden attack, which took place on the twenty- fifth of April, Greene sustained a severe conflict with intrepidity, but was again obliged to retreat, though his numbers were superior. He observed, about this time, that he was not so amply supported as he had assured himself, by aids from Virginia, Maryland, or elsewhere ; and that in North Carolina, such was the fluctuation of opinion, that he could uot place the strongest confidence in many wlu> accompanied him. Lord Rawdon attempted soon after to bring him to a second engagement; hut he too well understood the advantages he ntight gain by declining it. The coa- seque..jes justified his conduct ; as lord Rawdon, m :t few days after the action at Camden, evacuated the pust and moved toward Charleston, where he judged his pre- sence was more immediately necessary. This sudiliii evacuation of Camden inspirited the continentals, ami infused a dangerous enthusiasm, that for a time coukl not be resisted. The banks of the rivers and the coun- try were scoured by various partisans, in pursuit of forage and provisions, which were generally secured by the Americans, after skirmishing and fighting their way through small parties of the British, too weal; lor successful opposition. While desultory excursions were kept up, general Greene was endeavouring to concentrate his. forces for the prosecution of more important objects. Many oc- currences had redounded much to his honour, thuugli some of them were unfortunate. But Wn misfortunes did not impair bis military reputation ; nor was his courage or ability called in question on his assault oa Ninety-Six, though it did not terminate agreeably to his hopes. The garrison was defended with the greatest spirit and. ability by lieutenant-colonel Cruger. They curiosity, or poUsy, condescended to converse hcroelf strangers who visited her court on public busiacus. t General Greene's letters. with \. 1781.] HISTORY OF AMKnrCA. 483 •ustnined a siege witli almost unexampled bravery, from the twenty-fourth of May to the eighteenth of June. Notwithstanding the firmness oi" the British, and tlie fortitude of ttieir commander, they were reduced to the poiat df surrender, when by the address nf an American lady, prompted by a laudable aflcction for her husband, (a British officer within the garrison), she found means to convey a letter to colonel Cruger, with the pleasing intelligence, that if they could hold out a short time, their deliverance might be certain : that reinforcements were at hand ; that lord Rawdon was marching to their relief with two thousand fresh troops, who had arrived within seven days from Ireland. It was happy for ge- neral Greene that he obtained early information that this strong body was on their way, and was hourly ex- pected by his antagonists ; but it was very affecting to the feelings of his pride, to find himself obliged tu raise the siege, almost in the moment of victory, and to re- treat with precipitation from a spot, where but a day before, he had reason to flatter himself he should reap the laurels of conquest. It was painful and humiliat- iag to be compelled again to fly bctore a pursuing enemy, to the extreme parts of a country lie had re- cently trodden over with so much fatigue and paril. Lord Rawdon obtained permission, on the score of ill health, to return to England, and his authority was vested in colonel Balfour. The British, wearied by the mutual interchange of hostilities without decision, drew in their cantonments, ar.'.l took post about the be- ginning of September, at the Eutaw S;prings, which were situated at the distance of fifty miles from Charles- ton. General Greene advanced to the Springs, where the main body of the British troops were collected. He had with him about two thousand men ; these were commanded by some of the best of his officers. They attacked and routed the British encampment. The ••iction was severe. Great numbers of the British were either slain or captured. Yet the Americans sufiered so much, that colonel Stuart, the British commander, claimed the advantage. Indeed general Greene sus- tained the loss of many brave soldiers, and some very valuable officers. A colonel Campbell of Virginia fell toward the termination of the action, and had time after the mortal wound only to observe, that " as the " British fled, he died contented." Colonel Stuart wrote to sir Henry Clinton a detail of the affiiir, in the style of victory : but, notwithstanding, the action at the Eutaw Springs put a period to all farther oflensive operations in that quarter ; and the British troops after this seldom ventured far beyond the boundaries of Charleston. A new face to affairs now soon appeared in the city. The royal army had been so much reduced by the va- lance and activity of general Greene, that what lies been denominated by some writers, n re-nition of eVients, began to operate. The liritish ndliercnts in Charleston, and the power and inllucncc of royal gt)- vcrnnient, were in a short time brou{,'iit very low. Go- vernor Rutledge had left Soutli Cnrolina and repaired to Philadelphia, after the surrender of Cliarlcstoji. He now returned to the state, and re- assumed tiie reins of government. Soon after his arrival, lie published a proclamation offering pardon, un cirtuin conditions, to all who had been aiding in British service, except such as had signed addresses, and voluntarily taken cumaiis- sions to support the arms and authority of Great Britain. Lord Comwallis pursued his march Vtirough disaster and hardship from Guildford to Wilmington, thence to Petersburgh, and from Petersburgh to VViiiiamsburgli. The orders of general Clinton were peremptory, and to Cornwallis appeared inscrutable : and in addition to the list of perplexities and disappointments that daily thickened upon him, h« received directions from sir Henry Clinton, to send a part of his troops for the de- fence of New York, which he still apprehended would soon be attacked by the combined armies of France and America. Thus, embarrassed on every side, his own- systems deranged, his judgment slighted, and his opi- nions disregarded by the commander-in-chief, his lord- ship was evidently chagrined ; yet he lost not the vigi- lance or activity of a distinguished officer ; and soon made an effort to concentrate his troops, and to place the main body of his army in the posts he judged best calculated for defence. In this he differed widely in opinion from sir Henry Clinton ; but fiually took his stand at York Town, in obedience to the orders of the commander-in-chief. Through a'.l his correspondencies, orders, commands, countermands, and indecision, during the present sum- mer, no man ever appeared more confused, or more totally at a lose how to arrange his military manoeuvres than did general Clinton. He appeared at times to consider the reduction of Virginia as a primary object, and that it was of the highest importance that lord Cornwallis should be there strengtlicned and supported both by sea and land : at other periods, he treated the operations there in so light a manner, that his ideas could not be comprehended. He resolved to attempt Philadelphia, and for this purpose was about to detach a portion of the forces at New Vork. But after lie was thoroughly alarmed at the hazardous situation ot the commander in Virginia, he relinquished his chiaierical project; he cancelled the orders for drawing off a con- siderable part of the troops ; and endeavoured to hasten on a small squadron of British ships then lying 4 C i :il.l 48't HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xv at SandyrHook. He flatteivd liimself that a few ships | poiition, with every preparation for, and all the appear I-. \indcr the ilaf^ of Britain, might intercept the fleet, and interrupt tlic drsigiis of admiral Uarras, who hnd sailed from Khodc Island ; or retard a still more important Dbject, the nrrivul of the count dc Grassc in the Chesn- jieiike, where he was hourly expected. He made some iher inefFcctunl efforts for the relief of the Driti^h army, I -hich was soon after cooped up by a large French fleet that arrived wiliiin the Capes. Dissentiun, discord, and division of o])inion was not all that occasioned the fata! dc lay of strcngtiicninj? lord Cornwallis in Virginia; it may he astribcd more to that atmosphere of doubt ii. wiiich sir Henry Clinton was involved. Irresolute mca^uns are ever the result of jumliU'd ideas. The vast object of reducing such a wide extended country, and setting tiu wheels of ope- ration in motion, so as to work with equal facility, from Geor^-fa to Vi giiiia, from Virginia to the north, and from Canada to the eastern extreme, was of too wide ■m extent for the compass of his ability. His mind seemed for a time fo be plunged in a chaos, uncertain where to btu'in, in the complicated dillieulties of his oflicial (lutifs, vr where to set the strongest materials of his nuichint ry to work in all its parts, in a manner tiiut would |)r(»luce a complete system of ccnquest throuifh the I'nilcd Stales. There was no deficiency of couragf' or (iJility aniong the ofl'icers of the crown, however dissentient in opinion with regard to the modes of execution. But these differences prevented that rrtdy co-operation in action, which is necessary both to defeat the designs of their enemies, and to complete their own systems by judicious and immediate execu- tion of well digested plans. Previous to the junction of the French and the American armies, general Washington and the count dc Kochambeau, had met and held a conference at VVeathcrsfidd, in Connecticut. In consequence of this interview, it was reported and believed for a time, that the combined armies would immediately attempt tiie reduction of New York. This was a favourite object with the Americans, who generally viewed the diblodg- ment of tiie lirltisli forces from that stand as a mea- (.iire that would expedite relief to every other quarter invested by their fleets and armies. Accordingly, great prepavalions were made, and high expectation', indulged through most of the summer, that the army undtr the immediate command of sir Henry Clinton, weakened by detachments for the southern ser- '.cc, and no rein- forcements yet arriving from England, would soon be driven from the important post of New York. Prepa- rations were accordingly made, and on the si.stli of July the junction of the French and American armies touk place at Wliite Plains, 'i'bey soon after had a nearer ance of, a formidable attack on the city. But notwith- standing the sanguine hopes of the Americans on thin occasion, and the well founded apprehensions of the British commander-in-chief, a conibination of circum- stances prevented the enterprise. Sir Henry Clinton had no idea that any system had been formed for the combined nrmies to move toward Virginia. He iiad taken every measure to obtain the most correct information : in this he sueci cdcd : the letters of general Washington were intercepted. His dispatches were conveyed to New Yorl', by which tiie British commander obtained iiitelligcnce which alarmed him for the safety of New York, and led him to forget all danger in any other quarter. It yet remains doubt- ful, whether it was a stroke of gcneralslip, or the ne- cessity of taking new ground, that induced the count dc Hochamheau and general Washington, secretly to draw off most of the continental and French troops at a period when they expected orders for an attack on the city of New York. It is success oftener than judgment that crowns the military character : and as fortune fol- lowed their footsteps, few, if any, doubted the supe- riority of genius that dictated the measure. The move- ment was sudden, and tl.e march rapid. The combined army crossed the North llivcr on the twenty-fourth of August : they moved on hastily to Philadelphia ; and by a difhcult and fatiguing route, reached VVillianii- burgb in Virginia nn the fourteenth of September. It was indeed too long for the interest of Great liiilain, before sir Henry Clinton could prevail with himself to look beyond the (l.fencc of New York. But when lie found the allied armies hud in reality marched toward Virginia, he did not neglect his duty. He counter- manded the orders to lord Cdrnwaliis, of sc ndinga jwii of his troops, and made all possible preparations to sii|i. port him. He sent on n fresh detaclinienl, and inaiin arrangements to follow it himself, witli a hope of hciiig timely enough for the relief of his lordship. lu the mean time, the arrival of the count dc Grassp in the Chesapeake, hastened the decision of important events. A simrt passage from the West Indies trans- ported the French fleet under his command safely to the Capes of Virginia, where they arrived on the thir- tieth of August. No intelligence of his near approacli had reached the British quarters ; nor could any tiiin;,' have been more unex|)eeted to the British naval com- mander, sir Samuel Hood, who arrived soon after in the Chesapeake, than to find a Gallic squadron of twenty-eight sail lying there in perfect security, lie (lid nut reach the Chesapeake until tlie fifth of Sipteni- lier, .six days after llie arrival there of the count do (j'rasse. Tjic French licet had not been di>couercd liy 1781] • HISTORY OF AMERICA. 4S4 i\\f British commander, nor tiad he gained any intrlli- determined in a counc !l of war, to s«nd five thousand pence that de Grassc was on the American const, until men to the aid of lord Cornwallis. Itut the spirit of tiif morning of the fiftli of September, when ti>e Kng- delay still pervaded Hie mind of iht: Hritisli coinniunder : li^li observed them in full view within Cnpe Henry Nothing could have been more mortifying to a man of the spirit and enterprise of Nir Samuel Hood, than to (ind so respectable a French fleet had arrived in the tiicsapenJte before him. The national rivalry, preju- dices, and hatred, of the British commanderH, and the (fiilliint Kiiglish seamen, could not be suppressed on Hich an occasion. Both fleets immediately moved, and » spirite«l action ensued : equal gallantry was exhibited, hut neither side could boast of victory. The sliip* of botii were considerably injured, and one British seventy- four rendered totidly unfit for service ; to this they set Tire tliemselves. The loss of men was on the usual avenge of naval action. The English indeed were not beaten, hut the French gained u double advantage ; for while the count de Grusse remained at a distance, watciicd by the British navy, he secured the passage oi the count d\'. Barras from Khode Island, and gained to himself the advan'-igc •..••' »irst. Iih)ciiing up the Chesa- peake. The count de Barras brought uilli him the French troops from Rhode Island, atnounting to about three thousand men. Tlie British Heet continued ufcw days in the Chesapeake, lu a council ot uar it was de- termined to be necessary for the wiiolc tleet to return to New York, to nfit and prepii;by, who was hourly expected with a rein'oreenieiit Irom England. While sir Henry Cliiitcii remained in suspense with regard to the opcintioiis in tlic Chesape.ike, his anxiety pronipted liim to endeavour to obtain immediate intel- ligence. He had no suspicij)n lliat be should receive this by tile return of admiral (jraves and tiie respecta- ble squadron under his command; and before tlie un- toward circumstances which had occasioned this had reached New York, his impatience had urged him to send an otticer with letters to lord Cornwallis. Major Coclirune executed tliis business at no small hazard. The British had ielt the Capes of Virginia before Im arrival ; but at every risk, he ran through the whole French Heet in an open boat; He landed safely, deli- vered bis dispatches, and immediately had his head shot vft by a cannon ball. Thus tliis unfortunate ofH- cer had not a moment to rejoice in the success of his bravery. After the return of the fleet to New York, it might reasonably have been expected that sir Henry Clinton would have acted with more decision and energy. Previous to this unft-rtuiiate transaction, it l;ad been he thought proper yet further to postpone this wise measure, from a motive which he doubtless considered jusliliable. This was, to wait u little longer for the arrival of admiral Digliy ; whose junction with tht. forces already in New York, he ji;d;;cd would ensure victory over tlic combinalion of Fr.mec and America, both by sea and land. Flatlciing letters were again sent on to lord Cornvvailis; but promises and distant expectations were far Irom heiiif; iuiecjuatc to the relief of a mind borne down by disappointment, and the failure of the means of supporting his own military characler. He was also sensible, that the dignity of command, and the royal cause, were siiil'ering by delay, indecision, and, as he thought, from less justifiable motives, lie uas exhorted to hold out till about the Iwtiitli of October, when sir Henry Clinton thought it probable he might receive assistance, if no unavoidable accident should take place ; or at farthest by the middle of November. At the same time, he intimated, that if his lordship should be reduced to the utmost extremity, before the arrival of reinforcements, he himself would endeavour to make a diversion by an attack on IMiila- delphia, in order to draw off' a part of Washington's army. These all appeared to lord Cornwallis, very in- digested, absurd, and incon.iistent ideas. He imme- diately i>nformcd sir Henry Clinton, that he saw no means of forming a junction with him but by York River, and thai nu meditated diversion toward Piiilii- delphia, or any where else, could be of any use. He was fully apprised of the difficulties that would attend bis armament under existing circumstances, even if the troops from New York should arrive. The mouth of the river was blocked up by a very large French fleet; the American army in high health and spirits, strength- ened by daily recruits, led on by Washington, in whom they had the highest confidence, in conjunction w'th a tine army of Gallieans, headed by the count de Ro- chambeau, an ofiiccr of courage, experience, and ability, were making rapid advances. On the twenty-eighth of September they had left Williamsburgh, and on the sixth of October they opened their trenches before Y'ork Town. His lordship determined, however, notwithstandinij the diflicuUies that pressed upon him, to make the best possible defence. His army was worn down by sick- ness and fatigue, hut tliere was no \vant of resolution ; his officers were intrepid, and his men brave. Tliey ae(iuitted tliemselves with spirit ; and kept their ground from the sixth to the sixteenth of October; when they became convinced, that the abilities and tnc experience 4SG HISTORY OF AMERICA. [hoqk xr. ^1 i^-: m of the count de Kocliatnbeau, the cool equanimity of gc- Hcral Washington, and the vigour of their officers and troops, reuderi^d the united array irresistible in the pre- sent situation of their opponents. There was now but a clioice between un immediate surrender or an effort tu escape, and save a part of the army by flight. He contemplated either u retreat southward, or an endea- vour to force liis way through the states between Vir- ginia and New York, to join general Clinton. But, equally hazardous, he determined on the last expe- dient. For tliis purpose, he, with the utmost secrecy, passed in the night of the sixteenth, the greatest part * Earl Cornwallis to sir Hrnry Clintoa, K. B. dated York Town, Virginia, October 21, 1781. " SIR, " I have the morti&cation to infonn your exceUeocy, that I have been forced to give np the posts of York and Gloucester, and to surrender the troops under my command, by capitula- tioBj on the I9tb instant, as prisoners of war, to the combined forces of America and France. " I never saw this post in a very favourable light ; but when I found I was to be attacked in it, in so unprepared a state, by so powerful an army and artillery, nothing but the hopes of relief woald have induced me to attempt its defence ; for 1 would cither have endeavoured to go to New York, by rapid inaiches from the Gloucester side, Immediately on the arrival of general Washington's troops at Williamsburgh, or I would, notwithstanding the disparity of numbers, have attacked them in the open field, where it might have been just possible that fortnne would have favoured the gallantry of the handful of troops under my command ; but being assured by your cxcel- , lency's letters, that every possi])lc means would be tried by the ■avy and amy to relieve us, I could not tiiink myself at liberty to venture upon cither of those desperate attempts ; therefore, alter remaining for two days in a strong position, in front of the place, in hopes of being attacked, upon observing that the eitemy were taking measures which could not fail of turning my ileft flaak in a short time ; and receiving, on the second evening, your letter of the 24th of September, informing that the relief would sail aboat the 6th of October, I withdrew within the works oo the night of the 29th of Septrinber, hop- Sby the labour and firmness of the soldiers^ to protract toe ence until you conld arrive. Every thing was to be ex- pected from the spirit of the troops, but every disadvantage attended their labour^ as the works were to bo continued under the enemy's fire, and our stock of entrenching tools, which did ,not much exceed four hundred, when we begup to work in the latter end of August, was now much dimi- nished, " IIhb enemy broke ground on the night of the SOtli, and constructed on that night, and on the two following days and nights, two redoubts, which, with some works thut had be- longed to our outward position, occupied a gorge between two creeks or ravines, which come from the river on each side of the town. On the night of the (ith of October they made their first parallel, extending from its right on the river to a deep ravine on the left, nearly opposite to the centre of this Elace, and embracing our whole left, at the distance of six undred yards. Having perfected this parallel, their batteries opened on the evening of^ the 9tb, against our left, and other batteries tired at the same time agaiast a redoubt advanced of his army from York Town to Gloucester, leaving only a detachment behind to capitulate for the towh's people, the sick, and the wounded. But fortune did not favour the enterprise. The combined armies of France and America had continued their vigorous operations without the smallest intermission. In this hopeless conclitiun, his own works in ruins, most of his troops sick, wounded, or fatigued, and without rational expectation of relief from any quarter, the British commander found it neccssnrv, in order to escape the inevitable consequences of fur. ther resistance, to propose terms of submission*'. lie over the creek upon our right, and defended by al)ont oik- hundred and twenty men of the twenty-thiril regiment ami marines, who maintained that post with uncommon g-iilantrv. The fire continued incessant from heavy cannon, and from mortars and howitzers, throwing shells from eight to sixteen inches, until all our guns on the left were silenced, our work much damaged, p.nd our loss of men considerable. Un the night of the i lib they began tlieir second parallel, about three hundred yards nearer to us ; the troops being much wcakeneil by sickness, as well as by the fire of the besiegers, and observ- ing fhat the enemy had not oidy secured their flanks, hnt pro* cceded in every respect with the utmost regularity and caution, I could not venture so large sorties as to hope from them any considerable efii^t ; but otherwise, 1 did every thing in my power to interrupt this work, by opening new embrasures for guns, and keeping up a constant fire with ail the howitzers and small mortars that we could man. On the evening of the 1 4th, they assaulted and carried two redoubts that had been ad- vanced about three hundred yards, for the purpose of delaying their approaches and covering our left flank, and daring the night inclosed them in their second parallel, on which they continued to work with the utmost exertwn. Being perfectly sensible that our work could not stand many hours after the opening of the batteries of that parallel, we not only continued aeoostant fire with all our mortars, and every gun that could be brougiit to bear upon it, but a little before day-break, on the morning of the I6tb, 1 ordered a sortie of about three hundred andtifty men, under the direction of lirulenant-colonel Abercrombic, to attack two batteries which appeared to be in the greatest forwardness, and to spike the guns. A detachment of guards, with the eightieth company of grenadiers, anderthe command' of licntenant -colonel Lake, attacked the one, and one of light infantry, under the command of major Armstrong, attacked the other, and both succeeded by forcioK the redoubts that covered them, spiking eleven guns, and killing or wounding about one hundred of the French troops, who had the guard of that part of the trenches, and with little loss on our side. This action, though extremely honourable to the officers anl* soldiers who executed it, proved of little public advantage ; for the cam >n, having been spiked in a hurry, were soon ren- dered fit for service again, and before dark the whole parallel and batteries appeared to be nearly complete. At this time we knew that there was no part of the whole front attacked, on which we could shew a single gun, and our shells were nearly expended 3 I therefore had only to choose between preparing to surrender the next day, or endeavouring to jjct off with the greatest part of the troops ; and I determined to attempt the latter, reflecting, that though it should prove un- successful in its iminediate object, it might at least delay the I 1781.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 48? made proposals on the seventeenth to the commanders of the combined army, for a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours. This was granted : but towards the expiration of tiic term, general Wasliington ac- quainted him, that, desirous to spare the fartlier effu- sion of blood, he was ready to listen to such terms of surrender as might be admissible; and that he wished, previous to the meeting of any commissioners for that purpose, to have his lordship's proposals in writing. At the same time ho informed lord Cornwallis, that after the delivery of this letter, only two hours of sus- pension of hostilities would be granted for considera- tion. The lime limited being thus short, the British commander, without a detail of many particulars, pro- posed terms of capitulation in a very concise inauner. In consequence of these negoclations between the comoianders, commissioners were immediately appointed to prepare and digest the articles of capitulation. Those nominated on the part of America tu draw up the ar- ticles of capitulation, were the count de Noailles, a French nobleman who had served as an officer in the United States for a considerable time, and colonel John Laurens, a distinguished character, a son of the ambas- sador at this time confined in the tower of London. The officers were allowed their side-arms, but the troops marched witii their colours cased, and made their sub- mission to general Lincoln, precisely in the same man- ner his army had done to the British commander a few months before. As general Lincoln had recently felt the mortification of yielding himself and his troops enemy in the prosecution of farther enterprises : sixteen large boats were prepared, and upon other pretexts were ordered lo be in rciidiness to receive troops preciiiely at ten o'clock. Willi tlmse 1 hoped to pais the iufaotry during tlie night, abandoning our ba|(gage, and leaving a detachment to capitulate for tlic town's people, nnd the sick and wounded ; iin which subject a letter was ready to be delivered to general Washington. After makiag my arrangements with the utmost secrecy, tlie light infanllry, greatest part of the guards, and part of the tw«oty-third regiment, landed at Gloucester ^ but Ht this critical moment, the weather, from being moderate and calm, changed to a most violent storm of wind and rain, and drove all the boats, some of which had troopi on board, down the river. It was soon evident that the intended passage was impracticable, and the absence of the boats rendered it equally impossible to bring back the troors that had passed, which 1 had ordered about two in the morniug. In this situation, with my little force divided, the enemies batteries opened at dav- break ; the passage between this place and Gloucester was much expose«l, hut the boats having now returned, they were ordered to bring back the troops that had passed during the night ; and they joined us in the forenoon, without much loss. Our works were in the mean time going to ruin : and uot hav- ing been able to strengthen them bv abLatis, nor in any other manner but by a slight fraiziu^, which the enemy's artille.y were demolishing wherever they fired, my opinion entirely coincided with that of the engineer and principal officers of the into the hands of the royal artny, he was selected to con- duct the military parade, and receive the submission of the British veterans. This might be thought by some to wear rather too much the air of triumph ; but it was judged a kind of compensation for his own military mis- fortunes, while it might call into exercise the feelings of benevolence. These ever operate more strongly ort, the human character from the experience of sufferings, except in such ferocious minds as are actuated only by the principles of revenge. Thus terminated the efforts of administration to reduce the United States, by first conquering the southern colonics. On the nineteenth of October, one thousand seven hundred and eighty- one, a second British army yielded themselves prisoners to the confederated states of America. The surrender of lord Cornwallis's army was an event that produced more certainty in the minds of men, that the American colonies could not be conquered by the arms of Great Britain, than any circumstance that had previously taken place. It carried A kind of ifte- sistible conviction with it, even to those who were the least inclined to the admission of so humiliating a truth. When it was seen, that the most distinguished and successful general that had engaged in the royal cause, was obliged to surrender himself and his whole army prisoners of war, the generality even of those who had been the most earnest for the subjugation of Afne^ rica, began now to be cbnvinced that it was totally irit- practicable. But those who had a sincere regard for the honour and interests of Great Britain, could not army, that they were in many places assailable in the forb- noou, and that by the continuance of the same fire for a few hours longer, they would be in such a state as to render it des- perate with our numbers to attempt to maintain them. We at that time could not fire a single gun, only oue eight inc^', and little more than u hundred cohoin shells remained. A di- version by the Frciicli ships of war that lay at the month of York river, was to be expected. Our numbei's had been df-' miuislicd by the enemy's fire, but particularly by sickness, and the strength and spirits of those in the works were much exhausted by the fatigue of constant watching and unremitting duly. Under all these circumstances, 1 thought that it wOOra have beeu wanton and inhuman to the last degree, to sucrifioe the Uves of this small body of gallaut soldiers, who had ever behaved with so much fidelity and courage, by ex^Msiug them to an assault, which, from the numbers and precautions of the enemy could not fail to succeed : I therefore proposed toca- pitulatc ; and i have the honour to inclose to your excellency the copy of the correspondence between general Washington and nte on that subject, and the terms ol capitulation agreed upon. I sincerely lament that better could uot be obtained, but I have neglected nothing iu my power to alleviate the mis- fortuucs and distresses of both oflicers aud soldiers. The men are well clothed and provided with necessaries, and 1 trust will be regularly supplied by the means of the oiliccrs that arc permitted to remain with them. * » -■ * 488 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book X\ .1:^ reflect but with the utmost regret, tiiat nearly one hun- dred millions of money should have been expended, and so many thousand valuable lives lost, in this un- happy contest ; in a contest wliicli had produced nothing but the loss of our American colonies, an accumulation of the public debt, an enormous load of taxes, and a great degree of national dishonour j and which had afforded too much ground for the triumph and exulta- tion of our most inveterate enemies. Five days after the defeat, lord Digby arrived in the Chesapeake from New York, and on board his ships were sir Henry Clinton, and seven thousand men; but, to their unutterable mortification, they were obliged to withdraw : the articles of capitulation having committed to the F''ench admiral all the shipping in the harbour, except the Bonetta sloop of war. Ti)is vessel was per- mitted to bear dispatches, and as many passengers as could be conveyed. Lord Cornwullis, with great hu- manity, sent on board such of the natives as had ex- cited the odium of their countrymen by services ren- dered to the British arms. General Burgoyne had not yet been exchanged : from the many difiicultit:s that arose with regard to the con« vcntion at Saratoga, he was still held on parole as a pri- soner. The various delays and equivocations relative to the detention of this geralcman, and the refusal of the minister to exchange him for Mr. Laurens, had in- duced congress to summon him to return to Auierica. The ill state of health to which this unfortunate officer was reduced, from his fatigue of body in long military services, and his vexation of mind in consequence of the ill treatment of his employers, prevented his com- pliance with this requisition. General Clinton endea- voured, as far as in his power, to procure his exchange ; but as no American officer of equal rank was then in the hands of the British, it had been stipulated, that one thousand and forty men should be given for his ransom. This was said to be a fair equivalent—" a quantity of silver for a piece of gold." The American congress, in a few weeks after the ter- mination of the campaign in Virginia, resolved, that as a pr "minary to the discharge of tlie convention troops, all unts of expenditures for their support should be immediately settled. At the same time, they autho- rized general Washington to set lord Cornwallis at liberty, on condition of the complete liberation of Mr. Laurens. These several proposals and demands were made and received in England in the hcginniog of the winter, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-two. On the offer of the congress of the United States, im- niediately to release lord Cornwallis, Mr. Burke, with his usual dexterity of combining and bringing into view, objects the most striking and impressive on the passions of men, observed, that the British ministry had been hrouyiit to some sense of justice in a moment"— " warned by a star that had arisen in the west, whic' " had convinced them of the danger of longer perscvor- " ing in their rigid treatment of Mr. Laurt-ns. Tlii- " was no other than the news arriving, that the son of " Mr. Laurens, an accomplished officer in the Aiutr;- " can service, had earl Cornwallis in his cusludv ; aiid " that his treatment of his noble j)iisoner, was direct!' " the reverse of that experienced by Mr. Liuiroii^,'., " father, who was then locked up in that tower, of " which lord Cornwallis was the constable." Ho, in a very pathetic style, detailed the variety of sufleriiii':.. which had been inflicted on Mr. Laurens durinj; his long imprisonment. This, with other instances ol" se- vere and injudicious tre;:tment of prisoners, he made the ground-work of a proposed hill ; to obviate tlie dif- ficulties arising from the |)resent niode of ixiliaii^;ing tlie American prisoners ; a mode which, lie lemnlicd, was at once disgraceful and inconvenient to the govern. ment of the kingdom. He urged, that " motives of " humanity, of sound policy, and of coninion sense, " called loudly for a new law, establishing a itgulation " totallv dilfcrcnt from the j)resent, which «;is iimdi- " mentally erroneous." However, Mr Lauicns ob- tained iiis release before any new arrangements took place. Though the state of Georgia was considered by the British as completely subjugated to their power, yet there was a considerable numberof tlie iniia!:,iianis ulio still co-operated with congress, and continued a dele- gation of members to that body, through all the hostile nnnements or changes, that had for several years been shifting the prospects of the inhabitants, who had been generally the subjects of the British crown, more i:i name than in reality ; and the greater their distance from the centre of British operations, the less were they disposed to submit to British authority. A few other troops besides those from the neighbourhood of Augusta, who had been stationed at different posts, but retained their attachment to the American cause, joined the troops under general Wayne, whom general Greene had ordered to cross the Savannah. Animated by the successes in Virginia, and ambitious for the honour of relieving the sUtt of Georgia, the advance of general Wayne was rapid. Soon after he crossed the river, he was attacked by colonel Brown, who had marched with a considerable party from the town of Savannah. With this body of troops, he fell suddenly on and attacked general Wayne. They fought with great spirit, but the affair terminated in favour of the Americans. A very large body of the Creek Indiajis, headed by a British ofBccr, presently I 1781.] ■-] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 489 w arraiigeiuciils took sitteinptcd in the night to surprise general Wayne in his quarters. He, ever vigilant, and defying all per- sonal danger, wns in groa^er readiness for (lieir recep- tion than was expected. The assailants gained little advantage by lliis sudden onset. The afl'ray was fierce, but did not continue long, before the Indians were willing to retreat, liaving lost a number of their prin- cipal associates. But tiie capture of lord Cornwallis and his army, the low -'ate of British affairs in the Carolinas, and the ad- vance of a body of American troops, were circum- stances so discouraging, that the British did not make a vigorous resistance. On the expectation of the Bri- tish leaving Savannah, some proposals were made to general Wayne by the merchants and others, for the security of their property ; and every reasonable indul- gence was promised by him to tliose who chose to re- main there. He engaged, that those merchants who did not owe allcgiaticc to the United States, should be permitted to stay a reasonable time, to dispose of their property and settle their affairs ; and that they should be protected by the military, until delivered into the civil hands. Thus, in a few months after the events above mentioned, the whole state of Georgia was eva- cuated. This v/Hn t\ . V in the year one thousand seven hundred and eightv '. The late account n i! America bad in some mea- sure weakened the ..i^.uonce of tlie ministry, and in proportion, strengthened the party who had always ex- ecrated the American war. But administration, too haughty and powerful to bend to terms of pacification, flattered themselves, that events had not yet fully ripened a general disposition for peace. Of course, the usual compliment of an address of thanks for the speech from the throne, was brought forward ; but it was op- posed with unusual acrimony. The war was directly charged, by the advocates for |>eace, to the wild sys- tems of government adopted early in the present reign. They alleged, that it was inetfectual, delusory, and ruinous ; that it ought to be charged on a ministry, " who had cut up the British possessions in the colo- " nies, and separated England from their fellow-sub- " jcets in America ;" who had drawn them to the point of losing their settlements both in the East and the West Indies; who had distressed their commerce, robbed t'leni of the once undisputed sovereignty of the seas, and rendered the nation tiie ridicule of Europ- This was the language of Mr. Fox. Sentiments and opinions nearly similar, were expressed by Burke, Barre, and Pitt, son to the carl of Chatham ; by the lords Sa- ville, Shelburnc, Conway, and others, in the house of commons. The same temper and opinions appeared in 41—42. the house oflords : the duke of Richmond, the lords Rockingham, Fitzwilliam, Maitland, and many others on the list of nobility, varied little in opinion or expres- sion from the minority in the house of commons. They witii equal warmth opposed an address to the king; they freely discussed the principles held up in the speech, and as severely censured the measures it tended to enforce. It was even proposed in the house of com- mons, that the representatives of the nation should withhold all farther supplies of monies to the crown, until a redress of grievances should take place ; and tlifis by a legal compulsion, oblige ministers to act with more moderation and justice. Sir Thomas Pitt called for a division of the house, on the question of withholding supplies. On the other hand, many powerful reasons were urged against a step that would tend to disunite, and stain with dishonour, a nation wiiich had been re- nowned for their unconquerable spirit. Lord North observed, that a generous grant of supplies to th.e crown, would convince their enemies, that no calami- ties could sink them into despair. The party in oppo- sition claimed a right coeval with the institution of parliament, and essential to a free government, to with- liold supplies from the crown, when measures were adopted that threatened to involve the empire in end- less misery. When, however, the motion was made by sir Grey Cooper for the decibion of a question that held out a signal for peace, or the continuance of a luckless war, the vote in favour of the latter, and of generous supplies to the crown for iis support, was carried by a large ma- jority ; one hundred and seventy-two appeared in sup- port of administration, while only seventy-seven were counted in the minority. It would be unjust to pass over in silence the behaviour of general Burgoyne at this period. He had recovered his seat in parliament, his health, and in some measure his military reputation : and no one more warmly advocated every measure for the im- niedinte restoration of peace. He supported the mo~ tion for the recal of the British troops from America; he pressed an immediate exchange of prisoners ; and strenuously urged every pacific advance that might comport with the equity and dignity of the Britisii nation. He even justified the principles of American opposition to the measures of administration and par- liamentary decrees. He acknowledged, that when he engaged in the service against the United States he thought differently ; but that he had been brought to conviction by the uniform conduct of the American states. The French navy had suflFered much in the West Indies, and the Batavians there were nearly ruined by 4 D 490 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [hook XV. the unexpected operations of war } yet the Dutch flag still waved over the ocean, and in several instances naaintained the courage, the character, and the glory, won by their Van Trumps, and de Ruyters. They had been called out by the open hostilities of Britain, in consequence of a declaration, which relieved them from a state of suspense. This declaration, dated April the seventeenth, one thousand seven hundred and eighty, annihilated all former treaties of neutrality, friendship, or connection, and suspended all stipulations respecting the freedom of navigation and commerce in time of war, with the subjects of the states-general. A few weeks previous to this, the government of Great Bri- tain had exercised its right of searching the vessels of all nations for contraband goods. Though no other nation had acceded to the claim, yet it had been sub- mitted to, from want of power sufficient for an effectual opposition, while all considered it an infringement on the free trade of nations, that could not be justified by the laws of equity. A number of Dutch merchantmen, laden with timber and naval stores for the use of France, had taken the advantage of sailing under the protection of count By- land, who, with a small fleet of men of war and frigates, was to escort a convoy to the Mediterranean. In con- sequence of this intelligence, the English government sent out a squadron in pursuit of them, with a com- mission to search, seize, and make prizes of any of tiie Dutch ships, that might have on board articles deemed contraband goods, according to the construction of the British laws of trade. The Dutch refused to submit to the humiliating orders ; several shot were exchanged ; but count Byland, thceh sensible that he was in force sufficient for a severe a^'tion that might ensue, from the idea of saving the lives of his men, tiiought proper to surrender. In the meantime, most of the convoy, un- der cover of the night, made their escape into some of the ports of France : the remainder were detained ; and the Dutch admiral informed, that he was at liberty to hoist his colours and pursue his voyage. He refused to leave any part of his convoy, but hoisted his colours and sailed with them to Spithead, where he continued until he received fresh instructions. This afl'air kind- led much resentment in the bosoms of the Hollanders, who considered an attempt to search their ships as an act of unwarrantable insolence. It, with many other concurring circumstances which then existed, had ripened their minds for the open rupture which soon after took place between the English and Dutch govern- ments. Many feats of maritime bravery were e ■' '" ited on the ocean, during the existing war betw ' . .0 two nations. The most signal event of the k a in the European seas the same year, was an action which took place between admiral Zeutman, commander of the Dutch fleet, and sir Hyde Parker, who commanded a British squadron of superior force. They met near a place called the Dogger Bank, as admiral Parker was returning from Elsineur with a large convoy. An en- gagement immediately took place : equal valour and prowess animated the officers on each side, and equal fury and bravery stimulated the sailors : an action, bloody indeed, wfts kept up for three or four hours, but without cither allowing the honour of victory to his antagonist. After a short pause, within a little distance from each other, they withdrew to their native shores. Admiral Zeutman was honoured, caressed, promoted, and happy in the applauses of his countrymen j while admiral Parker returned chagrined and disgusted : he indeed received the approbation, and was honoured witii a visit from the king, and an invitation to dine with him on board the royal yacht ; but he refused the honour of knighthood his irtajesty was about to confer on him, complained heavily that he had not been properly sup- ported, and attributed the escape of any part of the DutcL fleet to the negligence of the admiralty. Notwitli- standing the renown of the Britisii navy, their fleets had *" -icn under some disappointments and. disaster >, which heightened the cry against the admiralty officers, and increased the discontent of the nation. The bravry of many of the British naval commanders was signj, though existing circumstances frequently combined to render abortive their valorous exertions. An unsuccessful attempt was made to reduce the island of Jersey, by a number of troops commanded by the baron de RuUincort, iu the year one thousan' seven hundred and eigiuy. The essay was finally deii aUd hy relief from admiral Arhuthnot, who was then on lii!> way to America. He had thought proper to stop, ai;(l lend his assistance to prevent the impending f:ite of tiie island, it is true he saved it from falling into tiie hands of the French at that time, but a very heavy balance of disadvantage was felt in consequence of this delay : the very largercinforccment,and the prodigious number of transports and merchantmen under his con- voy, thus retarded, operated among other causes, U prevent timely succours to lord Cornwallis, of wliict he stood in the utmost necessity in Virginia. A secouii attack, however, took greater eflcct j but the island was shortly recovered by the distinguished intrepidity and courage of captain Pierson, who, together with the baron, fell in tiie struggle. Mr. Adams was appointed by congress, and repaired to the Hague immediately after the capture of Mr. Laurens; but the business of his mission was not com- pleted until the year one thousand seven hundred and 1782.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 4,91 eighty-two. On his arrival in Holland he found every thing in a train for negociation; the people well-dis- posed, and many of the most distinguished characters zealous for a treaty with the American states, without any fartlier delay. Perhaps no man was better qualified to treat with tlie Batavians than Mr. Adams. His man- ners and habits were much more assimilated to the Dutch than to the French nation ; he rendered him- self acceptable to them, by associating much with the common classes, by which he penetrated their viewi ; yet he made himself acquainted with the first literary characters among the citizens. He took lodgings at Amsterdam, for several months, at the house of Mr. Dumas, a man of some mercantile interest, considerable commercial knowledge, not acquainted with manners or letters, but much attached to the Americans, from tlie general predilection of Dutchmen in favour of repub- licanism. Though this was tlie disposition of most of the in- habitants of the united provinces, yet there was a party attached to the stadtholder, and to the measures of the British cabinet, that hung as a dead weight on tlie wishes of the generality of their countrymen, and for a time retarded tlie business of the American plenipo- tentiary. Vigilant himself, and urged by men of the best information in the Batavian provinces, Mr. Adams, soon after his arrival in Holland, presented a long me- morial to the states-general. In this he sketched some general ideas of the principles and the grounds of the declaration of independence, and the unanimity with which it was received and supported by all the thirteen united colonics in America. He vindicated the Ame- rican claims in a very handsome manner, and represented it as the interest of all the powers of Europe, and more particularly of the united provinces of the Netherlands, to support and maintain those claims. He pointed out the natural and political grounds of a commercial con- nection between America and Holland, reminded them of the similarity of their religious and political princi- ples, of their long and arduous struggles to secure their rights, of the sufferings of their ancestors to establish their privileges on principles which their sons could never dtrelict. In short, he urged in the memorial every reason for an alliance, with precision, and strength of argument. He observed, '* that principles founded in <* eternal justice, and the laws of God and nature, both " dictated to them, to cut in sunder the ties which had " connected them with Great Britain." Before Mr. Adams presented this memorial, he had been indefatigable in hia endeavours tu cherish the at- tachment already felt by individual characters toward the cause of America, and to strengthen the favourable opinion that most of the Patch provinces had adopted before his arrival in Holland. No ready reply was made by the states -general to t!ie memoiiiil : in consequence of this delay, petitions, renionatraiices, and luldresses, were presented to their high miglitluesses from all the Dutch provinces. In these they urged both the pro- priety and the policy of receiving a puliiic minister in due form, from the United States of America. The deputies were every where instructed to concur in the measure of receiving Mr. Adams as ambassador from the American congress, without fartlier deliberation : they insisted that hi!> letters of credence should be re- ceived, and that ncgociations should be immediately en- tered on between him and the high authorities of the united provinces. Yet still the business lagged heavily : the influence of the duke of Brunswick, the favourite snd prime counsellor of the stadtholder, and the British minister, were for a time an overbalance for the energy of republican resolves or entreaties. This occasioned great dissatisfaction : a general murmur was heard through the several departments in the Dutch pro- vinces : the measures of the court, and the duke of Brunswick as the adviser, were attacked from the presses, his dismission as field-marshal was urged, and his retirement from Holland insisted on. To him, in conjunction with the designs of England and the sub- serviency of the stadtholder to the cabinet of Britain, was attributed the derangement of their marine, and the mismanagement of all their public affairs. Determined to bring on a speedy decision, a short time only elapsed, before the American minister, with- out waiting for an answer to his first, presented a se- cond address to the states-general. In this he referred them to his former memorial, and demanded a catego- rical reply, that he might be able to transmit to the authority under which he acted, an account of his ne- gociation. This second application was more effective in promoting the wishes of the friends of America, tlian any previous step. We have already seen, from a vafiety of circumstances, that such was the desire, not only of the mercantile, but of most of the distinguished characters in Holland, to enter into a close alliance with the American states, that it could no longer be post- poned, without throwing the united provinces into dis- traction and confusion, that could not easily have been accommodated. The resolute and undaunted deport- ment of Mr. Adams, concurring with their dispositions, and with the interests and the views of the United Ne- therlands, at last accomplished the object of his mis- sion, entirely to his own, and to the satisfaction of both republics, though it had been impeded by Great Britain, and not encouraged by any other power in Europe. On the twenty-second of April, one thousand seven 4 D2 493 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XV. i;i luiiidred and eighty-two, Mr. Adams was admitted at tlie Hague, and with the usual ceremonies on such oc- casions, received as minister plenipotentiary from the I'nited States of America. Articles of alliance, and a Ir'^ ^ty of amity, were signed hy both parties, and a loan o. money was soon oftVred by the Dutch, and accepted by Mr. Adams for the use of the United States. Tlic friendship between the sister republics of Holland and America, was the subject of much triunipli to the latter, and not less to the minister who finished the negoeia- lion. Every expression of satisfacti.>n and joy appeared in all classes of inliabitants through the liatuvian pro- vinces. The treaty contained twenty-nine articles. Tiiese were in substance, tliat there sliouid be a firm, indisso- luble, and general peace between the contracting par- lies. T!ie second and third articles stipulated mutually the duties to be paid, and tiie fiec(l( m of trade and na- vigation, \Vithout interruption by either nation, to what- ever part of the universe their trade might be extended, Tlie foiirtli article was principally relative to tiie en- joyment of their own religion, and tlie rites of decent sepuiture to the persons who uiigiit die in the territo- ries URs in the cabinet, and supported a de- structive syt.tem, that had brouj;ht the nation to the brink of ruin.* His promotion was aUo opposed in the house of commons, from the " impolicy of rewarding, " in ll'.e present o/njuncturc of afiairs, a person so " deeply concerned in the American war." It was ob- served, liiat it might have a tendency to defeat the pur- poses of a great and solemn enquiry, in which the con- * The marquis of Carmarthen stood at the he.id of opposi- tion against the promotion of lord (icorge (Jeruiaine. t 'I'iiioujj'h ail tlie strugyk- between Ureal Britain and her colonies, not one of tlie powers of Kiirope iiad declared against America; liut, on llie contrary, most of tlicm had either se- cretly or openly espoused her eanse. Yet it is not to be sup- posed that the passive demeanour of some, and the friendly deporlnieiit of others, was the result of ageneral love of liberty among splendid Cnnils, wiiere the see|>tre of royalty was swayed witli a very despotic liand. Their interests and their am- bition were united; and led tliem to anticipate and to boast the pernicious consequences to Iilngland of this war. Doubtless a jealousy of the enormous power of Uritain, and the proud -lory to which she had arrived in the preceding reign, operated duct of that noble personage might appear to deserve the severest punishment. But his lordship retained his high rank in spite of the reproaches of his enemies. Nor at this period could the nobleman at the head of the treasury, any longer stand the torrent of reproach and complaint that was poured out against him. On the twentieth of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-two, lord North resigned his place, and de- clared to the house of commons, that the present admi- nistration from that day ceased to exist. It has been observed, that lord North was naturally of an easy, pliant temper ; that that disposition was increased by the maxims he had imbibed. He was rather a man of wit than consummate abilities ; ready and adroit, rather than wise and s ;^,! , ;s. He considered the faculty of parrying the sti^^KCS levelled at him in the house of commons, as the first (jualiticalion of a minister. Under his administration, a regular system of pension and contract was adopted, more pernicious than the casual expedients of Walpole, to facilitate his measures. However he might merit the severities contained in the several sketches of his character, his lordship quitted his station with as much firmness, address, and dignity, as any man of understanding and political abilities pos- sibly could have done, who had stood at the head of ad- ministration during an unfortunate war that continued near seven years. At the same time, what had greatly enhanced his difficulties and his responsibility, all the other powers in Europe were either in alliance with America, or stood by as unconcerned spectators. t His lordship declared, that he did not mean to shrink from trial ; that he should always be prepared to meet it ; that a successor might be found of better judgment, and better qualified for the high and arduous stition ; but none more zealously attached to the interest of his country, and the preservation of the Bxitish constitu- tion, than himself. From the present temper that discovered itself within the house of commons, or from appearances without, the minority had no reason to be discouraged with strongly to cherish the pacific disposition of some, and to prompt others to lend an hostile arm to dissever the growing colonies from tiie crown and authority of Great Britain. They could not but rejoice at the dismemberment of an empi. o, that had long been the dread of some, and the envy and liatrnl of other nations. It was too soon for them to forg( I. that umJer the wise and energetic administration of Cliatiiaui, the king- doms oi the earth had trembled at the power of England; that in conjunction with tlie American colonics, Britannia, mounted on a frium|)hal car, had l)id proud defiance to all i..c poten- tates in Europe ; that the thunder of her cannon was dreaded from the eastern seas to the western extreme : and that her (lag was revered, and that her navy gave laws, from the Ganges to the Missisippi. 404, HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XV. regard to their favourite object, winch was the restora- tion of peace between Great Britain and the colonies. On tlie twenty-seventh of February, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-two, general Conway made a second motion for addressing the tlirone, and urging that the ruinous war with America sliould no longer be pursued. Fortunately, a petition from tlie city of Lon- don was the same day presented, praying that a cessa- tion of hostilities between Great Britain and her former i»ovinces, might immediately take place. The motion for peace was now carried in the house without much opposition : an address was presented fur that purpose to the king on the fust day of March. In this he was humbly implored to lend his sanction to measures for a restoration of general harmony. His majesty's answer was not sufficiently explicit, but it was not left open to retraction. The prompt measures, the zeal of an oppo- sition that had long been in tiie minorit}, at last gained the ascendant, and secured a truce .>o mucii desired by a people weary of war, luid so necessary for the relief of the nation. In order to facilitate tliis happy event, a proposal for conciliation was made, that could scarcely have been expected to succeed. A coalilion of parties, where ani- mosities had run so high, and the minds of men had been so embittered by a series of disappointments and unceasing irritation, was a circumstance not within the calculation of any one. But it was found necessary to bury, or at least to suppress, tlie prejudices of party, to lay aside private resentment, and to unite in one system for the general good. All were so convinced of this necessity, that the proposal was conceded to ; and after the resignation of lord North, a complete change of ministry took place, composed of active and conspicu- ous characters from each party. Though it appeared to the world to be composed of motley materials, yet all matters were adjusted for the establishment'of a new administration, and the nation cherished the most san- guine hopes from the change. The marquis of Rock- ingham stood at the head of the new arrangement. No character among the nobility of Britain was at tliis time held in higher estimation than his ; nor was any man better qualified for the appointment of first lord of the treasury, as a successor to lord North. The manners of Rockingham were amiable ; his temper, mild and complacent) his rank, fortune, and personal influence, commanding ; his principles, uniform in favour of the rights of man ; and his capacity, and constant opposi- tion to the American war, rendered him a fit person to stand in this high station of responsibility. He was wril qualified to correct the political mistakes of his predecessor, and to retrieve the honour of the nation on the approach of negociations for peace. But as in 1 " would set^ if independence was granted to America." human life the most important events sometimes depend on a single actor, the sudden exit of such a character often blasts the hopes, clouds the minds, and defeats the expectations of contemporaries. This was fuiU verified in the premature death of the noble marquis who lived only three months after his appointment to the helm of administration. All eyes had been fixed on him as the band of union, and the promoter and the prop of both public and private peace ; but his death which occurred on the first of July, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-two, involved his country in new difficulties, and created new scenes of dissension and animosity. Many other departments in the new system of minis. terial measures, were filled by persons of the first cha- ractcr and consideration. Lord John Cavendish was appointed chancellor of i!\e exchequer— the duke of Richmond, master of the ordnance— Grafton, lord privy seal— admiral Keppel, first lord of the admiralty— lord Camden, president of the council— general Conv.av commander-in-chief of all the forces in Great Britain-!-' Mr. 'I'homas Townsend, secretary at war— lord She!. burne and Mr. Fox, principal secretaries of state—co- lonel Barre, treasurer of the navy— and Mr. JJurke paymaster of the troops. On the death of the niniquis of Rockingham, lord Shelburne, to the surprise of his associates in the ministry, had gained such an interest as to obtain the appointment of first lord of the treasury, in the room of a favourite of the nation and of the new ministry. The unexpected advancement of lord Shelburne to this dignified and important station, was so disgusting, that it broke the coalition. Mr. Fox and lord Cavendish resigned their places. This preci- pitant dereliction of office at such a critical period, by gentlemen of their high consideration, was regretted by some, severely censured by others, and was morti- fying indeed to their friends, who, though far from being pleased, continued to act with the new lord- treasurer. The reasons assigned by Mr. Fox for thus quitting his place, at such a crisis, were, " that the sys- " tern in which he consented to unite in the coalition, " was not likely to be pursued ;" that the first princi- ple of this system was, an express acknowledgment of the independence of the United States of America, in- stead of making it an article in the provisional treaty, as proposed by some : to the unequivocal independence of America, he knew lord Shelburne to be opposed, In reply, his lordship rose and defended his own opi- nions. He declared he was not ashamed to avow, and to act upon, the ideas of the great lord Chatham : he said it was well known, that this distinguished states- man had asserted, that " the sun of England's glory i 1782.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 495 is, were, " that the sys- He added, that he " wished himself had been deputed « to congress, that he would then have exerted all his " talents to convince them, that if their independence " was signed, their liberties were gone for ever." He expressly declared that it was itis opinion, that " the " independence of the united colonies not only threat- « ened the extinction of their own liberties, but the " ruin of England ; and that certainly by giving to « them Independence, they would finally be deprived " of that freedom they had been struggling to secure •' and enjoy," Affairs were now brought to a point ; there was no possibility of oscillating longer between peace and war : coercion had been long enough unsuccessfully tried ; negociation was now the only path to be trodden, how- ever thorny it might appear. Lord Shelburne's opi- nions l;ad been so diametrically opposite to those of the gentlemen who had seceded from the administration, that tiiey thought themselves fully justified in with- drawing from public service, even while the important business was in agitation, and every thing ripening for new ncgociations, replete with events beyond the cal- culations of the wisest statesmen and politicians. In their self-approbation they were confirmed, when they thought they discovered a degree of duplicity in the business. Notwithstanding lord Shelburne had expli- citly avowed, that his own wishes were of a diflerent nature, it appeared he had (hrectcd general Carlcton and admiral Digby, to acquaint the cumnuuidcr-in-chicf of the American army, and to request him to inform con- gress, that the king, desirous of peace, had commanded his ministers about to negociate, to insure the inde- pendence of the thirteen provinces, instead of making it a condition of a general treaty.* But when Mr. Oswald, who had been appointed to act as the com- missioner of peace in behalf of Great Britain, and to arrange the provisional articles for that purpose, arrived at Paris, in the autumn of one tliousand seven hundred and eighty-two, it appeared that his instructions were not sufficiently explicit. They did not satisfy tlie Ame- rican agents, deputed by congress to negociate the terms of reconciliation among the contending powers : Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, and Mr. Adams ; Mr. Adams was still at the Hague ; but he had been directed by congress to repair to France, to assist his colleagues in their ncgociations for peace. The ambiguity of Mr. Oswald's commission, occaeioncd much altercation be- tween the count de Vergennes and Mr. Jay, on the subject of the provisional articles. Their disputes were not easily adjusted: and the Spanish minister, the * This sentiment had been communicated, by order of tlie minister, in a joint letter from general Carleton dml count de Arar.dai rather inclined to an acquicBccace in the proposals of the British commisiioner. Mr. Jay, however, resisted with firmpess ; and was supported in his opinions by Mr. Adams, who soon after arrived in Paris. But before his arrival, Mr. Reyneval, the secre- tary and confidential friend of the French minister, re- paired rather privately to England. It was suspected, and not without sufficient grounds,that this visit was decidedly intended to procure a conference with lord Shelburne. It was undoubtedly the wish of both France and Eng- land, to exclude * i/i^rica from the right of fishing on the banks of Newfoundland ; an advantage claimed by Americans as a right of nature, from their contiguous situation, and as their right by prescription. The Ame- rican commissioners insisted, that their claims were equally just with any exclusive pretensions, either of Great Britain or France. The navigation of the Missi- sippi, British debts, and the Americar loyalists, were matters of dissension, debate, and difficulty. The limits of the eastern boundaries of iness, waved a compliance for sometime, and appeared in a measure to justify the deed, by as- serting that it was done only by way of example, to prevent similar cnorn)ities, wiiich their partizans, the loyalists, had frequently experienced. Several British officers, of the same rank »ith Huddy, were prisoners in the American camp ; and, according to the denunciation made by the American to the Bri- tish commander-in-chief, they were brought forward with great solemnity, and a lot cast for the sacrifice to be made to justice. The lot fell on captain Asgill of the guards, a young gentleman of education, accom- plishments, and family expectations, who was only nineteen years of age. lie was immediately ordered into close custody, until the trial and punishment of captain Lippencot should take place. But Lippcncot was acquitted. After this, sir Henry Clinton demanded the restoration of Asgill, as on a legal trial no guilt was affixed to the transaction of Lippencot. 'I'his occa- sioned mucii uneasiness to general Washington and to others, who, though convinced of the iniquity of the party that procared tie loyalists, or whether stimulated by political reasons in the cabinet of his court, general Carleton did not appear to evince any extraordinary de- gree of modci;\ruin in consc(iuence of the delay. Se- ■veral months after the proclamation for peace, he wrote to the president of the CDO^rcss of the United States, that he wished to accelerate his orders to evacuate New York ; and that " he should lose no time, as far as de- •' pended upon him, to fulfil his majesty's commands, " but that the difficulty of assigning the precise period " for this event, was of late greatly increased." He complained in the letter, that the violence of the Ame- ricans, which broke out soon after the cessation of hos- tilities, increased the number of their countrymen who looked to him, for escape from threatened destruction : and that these terrors had of late been so considerably augmented, that almost all within the lines, conceived the safety, both of tluir property and their lives, de- pended upon being removed by him, which rendered it impossible to say, when the evacuation could be com- pleted. He said, " whether they had just grounds to " assert, that there was either no government within ** the limits of the Ameiicnn territory, for common " protection, or that it secretly favoured the committees ** in the sovereignty they assumed, and were actually " exercising, he should not pretend to determine." That '* as the public papers furnished repeated proofs, " not only of a disregard to the articles of peace, but " contained barbarous menaces from committees formed " in various towns, cities, and districts, and even at " Philadelphia, the very place which the congress had " chosen for their residence ; that he should shew an " indifference to the feelings of hinuanitj, as well as to '* the honour and Interest of the nation whom he served, " to leave any of the loyalists, that were desirous to " quit the country, a prey to the violence, they conceived " they have so much cause to apprehend." Fie inti- mated that congress might learn from his letter, hov much depended upon themselves and the siihurdinal«! legislatures, to facilitate the service he was commanded to perform ; that they miijlit abate the fears and lessen tlie number of the emigrants. Hut should these feari continue, and compel such multitudes to remove, he should hold himself acquitted from every delay in ful- filling his orders, and the consequences which might result. " It made no small part of his concern," lie said, " that the congress had thought proper to sus- " pcnd, to so late an hour, recommendations stipulated " by the treaty, and in the punctu I performance of " which, the king and his ministers hod expressed fluch " entire confidenr, ," This letter was considered by congress, the ofliccrs of the an ay, and the people iu general, as evasive ; and they uMiccived the necessity of standing un their guard, and holding their r.rnts in their hands, until the removal >: all hosti". appearances, the entire evacuation of New York, anc? ^^ itil the fleets of his Britannic majesty were withdra ii rom the Ame- rican seas. The loyalists were still .cry numerous in Iht city, though some of tliein had d spersed themselves in des- pair, to seek an asylum without much dependence on government. Their situation was indeed truly deplor- able ; they had every thing to fear if the British tr^oops withdrew and left them to the clemency of their coun- trymen now elated by su' cess, and more hardened against the feelings of humanity, by the cruel scenes of war they had witnessed. Every one will readily sup- pose, that these people were in a distressed situation. Their own ideas of the improbability of harmony and quiet, even if permitted to return to the bosom of their country, were strongly expressed in a memorial to the British secret ., . f state, forwarded by them soon after the definitive ; caty. They observe, " that the per- " sonal animosities that arose from civil dissensions, *' had been heightened by the blood that had been shed, " to sutii a degree that the two parties could never be " re 'Oiiciled. They therefore prayed, that they might " have an assignment of lands, and assistance from the " crown, to make settlements for themselves and " families." The experiment of an intermixture and rc-unioo of heterogeneous characters, had not yet been tried j but from the temper of the people throughout the conti- nent, there did not appear to be any great probability, tjukt the recommendation of congress to the legislative bodies, would disarm the resentment, or eradicate the 4 E 2 600 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XV. «l. ! fretful ideas that the presoncc of American refugees [ appeared more interested in their favour than lord Shel- woul i rcvlvi . I; is beyond a doubt that there was little j burne. In consequence, some arrangements followed for coiicili:itoi\ t.f lini; on eitl)er side; so far from it, the vamiiiishcd in New York were threatened with severe vengeance by one party, while the other poured out the most bitter expressions of resentment against tiie con- gress and the people of America, now rcjoicin^i^ in the success of their arms. Sucli temper was far from jus- tifiable : it was neitlier acting as wise j)olitieians, or real Ciirlstians; but it wns the natiinil ebullition of pro- voked human nature, which too seldom pays tlie strictest regard to national faith, or moral jjrecept, when passion has been wrought up beyond a certain degre \ Tlu- outrages that had been committed, sanctioned by orders from tlie Associated Hoard of Loyalists, as they styled themselves, had given reason to apprehend that a spirit of revenge would he excited, that might preclude all lenity and forbearance in tiic minds of those citizens who had been pillaged, insulted, and abused. In order to check this rancorous spirit, or rather to lessen the influence of such an invidious temper, and prevent the fatal effects that might on both sides .nrisc from its in- dulgence, general Carlcton soon after his arrival at New York, had directed the dissolution of the society, and forbidden any more meetings as an associated body, under any name or form. But he considered the situa- tion of this class, more particularly those who had been active members of the Board of Associated Loyalists, as too hazardous to desert at the present moment He therefore waited until some arrangements and proper provisions could be made for their subsistence. Notwithstanding the British negociators had been obliged to leave them in a very indeterminate situation, or recede from the negociations for peace, great atten- tion had been paid to this description of persons in the debates of the British parliament. Sir Adam Ferguson had suggested, some time before the peace, in the course of debate, that they ought to be divided into three riasses ; tirst, those who had early taken arms in the cause of Britain ; secondly, those who had fled to Eng- land '.vith their families; lastly, those who had conti- riucl at home, and did not act, or style themselves loyalists until tlie king's trooj)s called them out to ex- press their opinions, by personally acting against the Americans. This discrimination was attended with difllculty ; but every one thought that government was under obligations to each of these classes that could not be winked out of sight ; but they all had claims of compensation, for their efforts to support the measures of parliament, if not for any essential services rendered to the crown. Many. noblemen were zealous that suit- able provision should be made for them, and no one their establishment, and a portion of lands was assigned them in the province of Nova Scotia. They were there assisted by the British governnient to erect a town whicli was incorporated by the name of Shelburne, and patronized by his lordship. But it was a sterile spot and many of them took preferable ground at New Brunswick, St. Jolm's, and other parts of Nova Scotia Canada, and within the limits of any part of the Ame- rican territory yet claimed by Great Britain. The offi- cers of the provincial corps were allowed half-pay for life, but notwithstanding any partial return made to the loyalists, their situation in every view was truly pitiable. Many of them had been long separated front their fa- milies and tenderest connections ; they had flattered themselves with the hope of returning in very different circumstances at the conclusion of a war, which they had expected would much sooner have terminated, and have terminated in a manner equal to their sanguine ideas of the irresistible arm of Britain. They naturallv calculated, that they should then be restored to ilieir former residences, and become ihe favourite subjects of royal patronage. They had reason to expect, that tluir unshaken loyalty, and uniform exertions to facilitate the designs of the court of St. James's, justly deserved a higher tribute of gratitude from the crown than they had received. Their banishment to an iron shore, with a cold recommendation to the stitte legislatures to per- mit them to re-visit those friends that might yet have survived the hand of time and misfortune ; and to make an effort to recover their scattered |)roperty that had fre- quently shifted hands, as is usual in the confusion uf revolutionary struggles, could not be viewed by them as very high marks of consideration. Yet many of them submitted to their condition, with a spirit of enter- prize and resolution, aid endeavoured to establish tlieir new settlements on a respectable footing. But their embarrassments in a situation so new, the soil unpro- lific, the climate frigid, and the propensity of the human mind to sigh after its natal spot, to finish the career of present existence, all co-operated to defeat ti.t^r success. Shelburne was in a few years nearly depopa- lated, and many expensive and elegant buildings ki! without an inhabitant. Those who had fixed tlieni- selves on the more fertile borders of the Bay of Fumly and St. John's river, succeeded better ; but though few of them felt themselves greatly obligated to the gene- rosity of the British government, they continued tiielr fealty and attachment to the crown of England, witli the same zedl aiifl fervour which formerly glowed ia the bosoms of the inhabitants of all the colonies. The armies of the American State* endured hung'-r 1783.] HIStORV OF AMERICA. 501 and cold, nakedness, fatigue, and danger, with unpa- ralleled patience and valour. A due sense of the im- portance of the contest in which they were engaged, and the certain ruin and disgrace in which themselves and their children would be involved on the defeat of their object, was a strong stimulus to patient suffering. An attachment to their comm:inding oflicers, a confidence in the faith of congress, and the sober principles of in- dependence, equity, and equality, in which the most of them hud been nurtured, all united to quic any tem- porary murmurs that might arise from present feelings, and to command the fidelity of soldiers contending for personal freedom and the liberties of their country. The deranged state of the American finances from a de- preciating currency, the difhculty of obtaining loans of monies, and various other causes, iiad sufficiently im- pressed them with the danger that threatened the great object, the independence of the Duited States of Ame- rica. These cireuiiistances Ir.ul led the nrmy to submit to a delay of payment if tln-ii' equitable dues, notwith- standing their personal sullerii.gs, and to wait the effects of more eflioiint stipulations for adequate rewards in some future day. But on the certain intelligence that peace was at hand, that it tiud been proposed to disband the army by furloughs, and that there was no appearance of a speedy liquidation of the public debts, many, both oilieers and soldiers, grew loud in their complaints, and bold in their demands. They required an immediate payment of all arrearages ; and insisted on the seeurity of the commutation engaged by congress some time before, on the reeonimendation of general Washington : he had requested, that the oflicers of the army might be as- sured of receiving seven years whole pay, instead of half pay for life, which had been stipulated before : this, after reducing the term to five years, congress had engaged. They also demanded a settlement for rations, clothing, and proper consideration for the delay of pay- ment, which had long been due. They ehose general M'Dougal, colonel Brooks, and colonel Ogden, a com- mittee from the army to wait on congress, to represent the general uneasiness, and to lay the complaints of the army before them, and to enforce the requests of the officers, most of whom were supposed to have been concerned in the business. Anonymous addresses were scattered among the troops ; poisonous suggestions whispered, and the most inHanimatory resolutions drawn up, and disseminated through the army : these were written with ingenuity and spirit, but the authors were not discovered. Reports were every where circulated, thav the military department would do itself justice ; that tli<; army would not disband until c»)ngress had .-icecded to all their demands ; and lliat they would I keep their weapons hi their hands, until they had cona- pelled the delinquent states to a settlement, and con- gress to a compliance with all the claims of the public creditors. The alarming proceedings were conducted with much art and intrigue. It was said, and doubtless it was true, that some persons not belonging to t"ie army, and who were very adroit in fiscal matters, had their full" share in the rupture. Deeply involved in public con- tracts, some of the largest public creditors on the con- - tincnt were particularly suspected of fomenting «> spirit, and encouraging views, inconsistent with the principles and professions of the friends to the revolution. They were disgusted at the rejection of the late five per cent, impost, which had been contemplated. Private em- barrassments and expenccs of some of this class, had frequently pron.pted them to ill-digested systems for relief to themselves, in which the public were also in- volved, from the confidence placed in them : but their expedients and their adventures ended in the complete ruin of some individuals. Those gentlemen, however, most particularly implicated in the public opinion, sus- tained a character pure, and morals correct, when viewed in comparison with others who were looking forward to projects of extensive speeulation, to the establish- ment of banks and funding systems, and to the erect- ing a government for the United States, in which should be introduced ranks, privileged orders, and arbitrary powers. Several of these were deep, designing instru- ments of mischief ; characters able, artful, and insi- nuating; who were undoubtedly engaged in the ma- noeuvres of the army j and though their designs were not fully comprehended, it was generally believed, that - they secretly encouraged the discontents and the at- tempts of the disalVeeted soldiery. in answer to the address of the officers of the army, congress endeavoured to quiet by palliatives, and by ex- pressions of kindness, encouragement, and hope. Se- veral months passed in this uneasy situation : the people anxious, the officers restless, the army instigated by them, and by ambitious and interested men in other departments, proceeded to the most pernicious resolu- tions, and to measures of a very dangerous nature. In the mean time, genera! Washington, both as com- mander-in-chief, and as a man who had the peace of his country at heart, did every thing in his power to quiet coinpiaint, to urge to patience, and to dissipate the mutinous spirit that prevailed in the army. By his assiduity, prudence, and judgment, the embirs were slightly covered, but the fire was not extinguished : the secret murmurs that had rankled for several months, and had alternately been smothered in the sullen bosom, or blazed high in the sanguine, now broke out into open 502 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XV. insurrection. On the tv^'entieth of June, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, apart of the Pennsyl- vania line, with some others belonging to the diflf'ercnt corps of several of the United Stiites, in defiance of all order and military discipline, and in contempt of the advice and even importunity of such as were better dis- posed, marched from Lancaster to Piiilauelphia. There they were joined by some discontented soldiers in the barracks witliin tlie city, who had recently returned poor, emaciated, and nii^icrable, from the southern ser- vice. They surrounded the state liouse where congress was sittinp:, placed guards at the doors, and threatened immediate outrage, unless their demands were complied with in the short space of twenty-four minutes. Prompt requisitions and immediate decision, all well-disciplined armies are used to, but this is no apology for the pre- cipitation of their present measures. However, from the pride and success of military manoeuvres, to which they had been accustomed, they felt themselves supe- rior to all civil subordination or control. This is usually the case with armies in general, o: iietachments from them, in all countries, after they have stood their ground long enough, to feel their strength sufficient to indulge that military tyranny which grows by habit, and makes a standing army a fit instrument for the support of the most cruel despotism. It was indeed very alarming to sec the congress of Ihe United .States held in a kind of duress by a part of their own army : but though extremely clamorous and insolent, the mutineers did not proceed to personal abuse; and, as if struck by a consciousness of the im- propriety of their own conduct, or overawed by the ap- pearance of that honourable body in a state of impri- sonment by those whom they ought to command, the members were soon permitted to separate. Indeed, they did not meet with any personal insult from the rude and disorderly soldiers, tliough their demands were not complied with, nor any new eoniessions niiide in favour of men, who threatened to become the mili- tary masters of the country. Congress tiius rudely assaulted, resented the public affront as they ought, and judged it improper for themselves to continue longer in a city where they could not be sure of protection. The president and the members of congress agreed to leave Piiiladeiphia immediately, and to meet on the twenty-sixth at Princeton, to proceed on the business of the United States. General Washington, very far from countenancing any of the measures of these disturbers of order and tranquillity, and very unhappy at the discontents that had appeared among many of his officers, lost n<.f a moment after he was informed of the riotous proceed- ings of a part of his army in Philadelphia : he ordered general R. Howe to march without delay, with a body of fifteen hundred men, to quell the mutineers. Aided by the prudent conduct of the magistrates of the city things wore not carried to the extremities apprehended • the refractory soldiers were soon reduced to obedience tranquility restored, and no blood spilt. Some of the ringleaders of sedition were taken into custody, but soon after received a pardon from congress. The most decided steps were immediately taken, not only to quell the clamours of the rioters, but to do justice to the armies of the United States. The commutation, which had laboured in congress for some time, was finally agreed on : five years full pay was acceded to, instead of half pay during the lives of the officers of the army. To this was added a promise of a large proportion of uncultivated land in the western territory, to be distri- buted among them according to their rank. Yet they were not satisfied ;— their complaints were loud, the grievances and the merits of the army recapitulated and their demands high, even to the alarm of all who had the interest of their country at heart, lest the con- sequences of this mutinous spirit might be fatal to its futui L" tranquillity. The disbanding of an army, and throwiiij a number of idle people at once on the community, always re- quires the most guarded, cautious, and judicious steps, Congress, sensible of this, had immediately on the news of peace, recommended to general Washington the measure of furloughing a number of commissioned and non-commissioned oflicers. They were of the opinion that if a considerable part of the soldiery who had en* listed for three years, were sent from the army in tliis way, it would be the most prudent method of separat- ii)g a body of men, usually dangerous to the liberties and morals of their own countiy, when no foreign foe obliges them to unite in t!ie general defence. But it was a measure not pleasing to the army, and had fo- mented the uneasiness and increased the clamour among the officers, previous to the audacious step of investing the congressional assembly, and obliging them, under the threats of an armed force, to disperse for their own personal safety. Yet this mutinous disposition did not ajv ar to have infected the whole army: many of the soldiers were the substantial yeomanry of the country; many of the officers had stood in the same grade of life, and were far from wishing to involve the inhabitants ia scents of new confusion, for the redress of" their com- plaints, or the payment of their arrearages. At the same time, the people at large generally thought, that the compensations engaged by congress were equal to the services and sufferings of the army, however meri- torious : it was judged, that if held up in a comparative view with the exertions, the sufferings, and dangers of 178S.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 503 men in other departments, that gratitude was not ex- clusively due to the military line ; but that others, who had wit)i vigilance and energy opposed the common enemy, were eniitled to some consideration in the public eye. Every sober and judicious man considered patience and moderation requisites that ought to adorn every public character, and censured in strong terms the indulgence of that restless and turbulent spirit that had recently appeared to prevail in the army of the United States. The public were soon confirmed in 'he opinion, that the intrigues of some of the officers were deep, ambi- tious, designing, and pernicious. In the outset of the American revolution, the institution of ranks, the crea- tion of nobli's, and the factitious ideas of aristocratic birth, had no txistcncc in tlie mind of a rising republic or their army, organized to oppose encroachments. These Were ideas afterwards suggested by aspiring indi • viduiils, who had no prescriptive rights by any supe- riority of birth, wealth, or education, to assume digni- fied names or ennobled orders. By degrees, these views were nurtured by certain designing characters, and ma- tured by circumstances to which the inhabitants of tiu- states had hitherto been strangers. But a connection witii European powers, formed from necessity, kept open by negociation, and the intercourse strengthened by speculators and men of pleasure, tainted tlic purity and simplicity of American manners, long befcre the conclusion of the war. Tlic friendships formed in the field with a foreign army, had their influence, and the habits and opinions of military men, who hud long been the servants of despotism, were adopted by a consider- able part of the army of the United Slates. Nor were some of other descriptions less fascinated with the splen- dour of courts, and the baubles of ambitious spirits. Doubtless, some of these had lent their co-operating influence to undermine the fabric, which Americans had erected with enthusiastic fondness, and for wliicli they had risked ease, property, and life. There is a change of manners, of sentiments, of prin- ciples, and of pursuits, which perluips similar circum- stances will in time produce, in all ages and countries. But from the equality of condition to which they hnd been used, from the first emigration of their ancestors ; from their modes of life, and from the character and professions of its inhabitants ; such a cliange in Ame- rica was not contemplated, nor could have been expected to approach, at so early a period of her independence. But new ideas, from a rivalry of power and a thirst for wealth, had prepared the way to corruption, and tlie awakened passions were hurried to new images of hap- piness. The simpler paths which they had trodden in the fantastic fopperies of foreign nations, and to sigh for the distinctions acquired by titles, instead of that real honour which is ever the result of virtue. Military commanders acquiring fame, and accustomed to receiv* the obedience of armies, are in their hearts generally enemies to popular rights. Thus, the first step taken in the United States for the aggrandisement of particu- lar families by distinguished orders, and assumed nobi- lity, appeared to originate in the army j some of whom, like the ancient barons of England, soon forgot the cause and the patriotism of their ancestors, and insen- sibly became the servants of luxury. By the articles of confederation unanimously acceded to by each legislature on the continent, the American republic admitted no titles of honour, no ennobled or privileged orders. But willing to make the experiment, and reap the first fruits of exclusive dignify, a self- created rank was contemplated by some i icers of the army, and an order of military knighlhood pro- jected, before the disturbances at Philadelphia, but not publicly avowed until tlie insurrection wiis subdued. This ii.aiitution embraced the whole body of oflicers be- longing to the army and navy, boib French and Ame- ricans. The right of admitting as honorary members persons of eminence of any nation, was also itssumed. This adoption of honorary members gave the right only of partaking present munificence, and the enjoyment of the honour during their own lives, however they might have been distinguished in name or chp.racter. An he- reditary claim to the peerage of ihe Ordo- of Cincinnati^ and the privileges annexed thereto, was confined solely to the military line. The count de Rochambeau, the duke de Noailles, and many of the principal officers of the French army, and several other foreign officers, whose term of service had been too sh 11^ to admit a claim according to the rules of the order, were however adopted on its first institution. The Frer.c'.i ambassa- dor, and many other gentlemen, bred in the schools of various parts of Europe, and even some princes and crowned heads, were invited to dignify the order by be- coming honorary members. This was a deep laid plan, which discovered sagacity to look forward, genius to take advantage, and art to ai'propriate to themselves the opening prospects of dignity and rank, which had fired the miiuls of ambi- tious men. The ostensible design of this novel insti- tution, was striking to the compassionate mind, and flattering to the lovers of freedom among the American officers. JNlany of them knew not enough of the world, and of the history a[id character of man, to suspect any laten*: mischief or any concealed oliject. Others had ccmpreheaEive ideas of the system, and with great corn- pursuit of competence and felicity, were left to folic' 1 placency of mind auticipated the iionour of hereditary 504 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XV. iinighthood, entailed on their posterity. The members were invited to embody as a society of friends, to per- petuate tiie memory of tlie revolution, and to engage to be vigilant in preserving inviolate, the exalted rights and liberties of human nature, for which they had fought oiul bk'd. On his initiation into the society, each mem- ber was to advance a month's pay, in order to begin a fuiiil for the relief of any unfortunate family or dis- tressed individual, who did himself, or whose father had belonged to tiie order. They mutually engaged that this union should not be dissolved but with their lives ; and that tiieir attachment and their honours should de- scend to tlie eldest of tlieir male posterity, and in failure thereof, to the collateral branches. They were to be furnislied with a diploma, and to appropriate to themselves as a badge of their order, a medal of gold, with a bald eagle spread on the one side, and on the other a symbol and a motto indicative of the dignity of their order. The medal was to be suspended on a broad blue ribbon edged with white, designed to intimate the union between America and France} this was to be hung to a button-hole of their vest. As the oflicers of the American arihy had styled them- selves of tlic order, and assumed the name of Cincmia- tus, it might have been expected that they would have imitated tiie humble and disinterested virtues of ihe ancient Roman ; that they would have retired satisfied with their own efforts to save their country, and the com- petent rewards it was ready to bestow, instead of ostenta- tiously assuming hereditary distinctions. But the eagle and the ribbon dangled at the button-hole uf every strip- ling who had for three years borne an office in the army, and inspired him with proud contempt for the patriot grown grey in the service of his country. General Washington was looked up to as the head of the society, though for a time he prudently dei^lined the style of president or grand master of the order, and chose to be considered only as an honorary member. This might have been from an apprehension that it would give a stab to his popularity, but more probably it was from a sense of the impropriety of an assumption so incompatible with the principles of a young repub- lic. The commander of the armies of the United States, however, after the baron de Steuben had acted as grand master of the order until October, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, publicly acknowledged and subscribed himself the president of the Society of the Cincinnati. This was a blot in the character of the Tcnerable hero. It is impossible to excul- pate him: if he understood the tendency of his con- duct, his ideas of liberty must have been less pure and elevated than they have been represented, and if he rushed into the measure blindfold, he roust still be considered as wanting in some degree, that penetration and presence of mind so necessary to complete his cha- racter. The name of Washington alone was sufficient to render the institution po|)ulnr in the army ; but neither his nor any other name could sanction the de- sign in the eye of the sober. The terms of the con- federation expressly forbade any rank or dignity to be conferred on the citizens of the United Slates, cklicr by princes abroad or self-created societies at home. The young government had, by the recent articles of peace, a claim to a jurisdiction over a vast territory, containing a line of post-roads of eighteen hundred miles, exclusive of the northern and western wilds, but partially settled, and whose limits have not yet been explored. Not the Lycian league, nor any of the rom- binutions of the Grecian states, encircled such an extent nor does modern history furnish any example of a con- federacy of i-qual magnitude and respectability with that of the United States of America. We look back with astonishment when we reHect, that it was only in the beginning of the sevcnteent'.i century, that the first Eu- ropeans landed in Virginia, and that nearly at the same time, a few wandering strangers coasted about tlie uii- known bay of IVIdssiichusets, until they found a footin multitudes would probably resort, there would be exhibited in a few years, a population almost beyond the calculation of figures. The territory on the borders of the Atlantic, had, as we have seen, been di- vided into several distinct governments, under the con- troul of the king of Great Britain ; these governments were now united in a strong confederacy, absolutely in- dependent of all foreign domination : the several states r^aiiied their own legislative powers ; they were proud of their individual independence, tenacious of th'eir re- publican principles, and newly emancipated from the degrading ideas of foreign controul. With all these distinguished privileges, deeply impressed with the ideas of internal happiness, we shall see they grew jealous of each other, and soon after the peace, even of the powers of the several govern- ments erected by themselves : they were eager for the acquisition of wealth, and the possession of the new advantages dawning on their country, from their friendly connections abroad, and their abundant re- sources at home. , At the same time that these wayward appearances be- gan early to threaten their internal felicity, the inhabi- tants of America were in general sensible that tlie free- dom of the people, the virtue of society, and the stabi- lity of their commonweakh, could only be preserved by the strictest union ; and that the independence of the United States must be secured by an undeviating ad- herence to the principles that produced the revolution. These principles were grounded on the natural equality of man, their right of adopting their own modes of go- vernment, the dignity of the people, and that sovereignty which cannot be ceded. Such opinions were congenial to the feelings, and were disseminated by the pens of Otis, Dickenson, Quincy, and many others, who with pathos and energy had defended the liberties of Ame- rica, previous to the commencement of hostilities. On these principles, a due respect must ever be paid to the general will ; to the right in the people to dis- pose of their own monies by a representative voice ; and to liberty of conscience without religious tests : on these principles, frequent elections, and rotations of office, were generally thought necessary, without pre- cluding the indispensable subordination and obedience due to rulers of their own choice. From the manners, habits, and education of the Americans, they expected from their governors economy in expenditure (both public and private), simplicity of manners, pure morals, and undeviating probity. They considered them as the emanations of virtue, grounded on a sense of duty, and 43—44. 8 veneration for the Supreme Governor of the universe, to whom the dictates of nature teach all mankind to pay homage, and whom they had been taught to wor- ship according to revelation, and the divine precepts of the gospel. Their ancestors had rejected and fled from the impositiot.s and restrictions of men, vested with priestly authority : they equally claimed the exefcise ot private judgment, and the rights of conscience, unfet- tered by religious establishments in favour of particular denominations. They expected a simplification of law; clearly defined distinctions between executive, legisla- tive, and judiciary powers : the right of trial by jury, and a sacred regard to personal liberty and the protec- tion of private property, were opinions embraced by all who had any just ideas of government, law, equity, or morals. These were the rights of men, the privileges of Englishmen, and the claim of Americans : these were the principles of the Saxon ancestry of the British, and of all the free nations of Europe. Ludlow and Syd- ney, Milton and Harrington, held these opinions : they were defended by tlie pen of the learned, enlightened, and celebrated Locke ; and judge Blackstone, in his ex- cellent commentaries on the laws of England, has ob- served, " that trial by jury, and the liberties of the " people, went out together." Indeed, most of the writers that have adorned the pages of literature from generation to generation, in an island renowned for the erudite and comprehensive genius of its inhabitants, have enforced these rational and liberal notions. The ancestors of the inhabitants of the United States brought them from the polished shores of Europe, to the dark wilds of America: they were deeply infixed in the bosoms of their posterity, and nurtured with zeal, until necessity obliged them to announce the declara- tion of the independence of the United States. They had now only to close the scenes of war by a quiet dis- persion of their own armies, and to witness the decamp- ment of the battalions of Britain, and the retirement of the potent fleets that had beset their coasts. This was to have been done at an earlier day : it was expected that on the ratification of the definitive treaty, there would have been an immediate evacuation of all the posts which had been held by the British, within the limits of the United States. General Carleton had assigned his reasons for delay relative to the evacuation of New York, in his corres- pondence with the president of congress and general Washington. Some satisfactory arrangements were however soon after made, relative to- the loyalists, the exchange of prisoners, and several other points. When this was done, a detachment from the American army, under the command of general Knox, was directed to enter New York, in order to prevent any irregularities, 4 F 506 HISTORY OF AMERICA, [llOOK XV. ■I'l confusion, or insult, among the citizens, on the im- portant movement now about to take place. On the twenty-fifth of November, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-throe, all the Britisli, Hessian, and other foreign troops in the pay of his Britannic majesty, were drawn off from the city of New York : general Carle- ton embarked the same day ; and admiral Digby sailed for England with the remainder ol the British fleet. Thus the shores of the Atlantic states, that had so long been alarmed by the terrific thunders of the British navy, and ravished by hostile squadrons, were left in repose. In consequence of this niucfi desired event, a general joy pervaded the borders, from Georgia to the extreme boundaries of the New England States. The western points, however, were long retained ; and this was afterwards attended with very important con- sequences. Tlieir retention was attributed to the non- compliance, on the part of the United States, with cer- tain clauses in the definitive treaty of peace. By the seventh article of the treaty, his mujcsty was to have immediately withdrawn not only his fleets and armies from tiie scn-»oasts, but that all the garrisons, forts, and places of arms, within the United States, siiould at the same time have been evacuated. But tlie Bri- tish interest and trade with tlie natives of the wilderness, in the extensive territories from the Missisippi to the Alleghany Mountains on the river Oiiio, cimld not easily be relinquished. The furts of Mi(hillim.-iekinak and Detroit, the posts on Lake Erie, Niagara, Oswego, and several others, were held by British ollicers and troops, and a jurisdiction long exercised over all the country in the viciin'ty, under tiie diirctini! of colonel Simcoe, afterwards governor of Uppf r Curula. The liosfile character of governor Simcoe, the iicii'tiousncss and barbarity of the borderers, united wltii tlic weak- ness of an infant government, some time after tlie pre- sent period, was said to have produced the Indian war, during v. hich many officers of the old army, luid some of the flower of tlie American youtli, perisbcd in the wilderness. It might have been happy for the United States, if, instead of extending their views over the boundless desert, a Chinese uall had been stretched along tlie Apalaoliian ridges, that would have kept the nations within tlie boundaries of nature. The acquisition and ^ ^-session of territory seems to be a passion inwove in fl," bosom of man : we see it from the peasant who owns but a single acre, to tiie prince who commands kingdoms, and wishes to extend his domains over half the globe. This is tliouglif m^cessary at some times to distance troublesome neighbours, at others to preserve tlieir ow n independence ; but if the spring of action is traced, it ni.iy generally be found in the inordinate thirst for the possession of power and wealth. Per- haps neither reason nor policy could justify tlie Ameri- can government in offensive war, on the natives of ijie interior of the western territory. immediately after the British armament was with-. drawn from New York, all hostile arrangements disaii. peared, and the clarion of war ceased to grate the ear • and notwithstanding the obstacles that had arisen, und the dapgers feared from the face of general discontent among the officers and soldiers, tlie American armv was disbanded without much difficult/. Tiie commaudtr- in-chief, and many of the officers, conducted the busj. ness of coneillation and obedience, after the late mutiny and insurrection, with the most consummate judp. ment and prudence ; and all the American soldiers were dismissed in partial detachments, without tumult or disorder. The merits of the commander-in-chief of the unitod armies of America, have been duly noticed through the preceding pages of this work, in tlu ir order of time ; and ample justice has been done to the integrity aivl valour, to the moderation and humanity, of thi , ili:,liii. guished character. The virtues and talents whiili li^ really possessed, have been ai)prcciated in a measure consistent with a sacred regard to truth. Imputed genius, and lustreof abilities, ascribed beyond theciin- mon ratio of human capacity and jierfcction, were the result of his commanding good fortune, which attached to his person and character, the paitiality of all ratiks and classes of men. An exclusive claim to the sunuiit of human excellence, hnd been yielded as a kind of jn- scriptive right to this worthy and justly venerated citizen, from affection, from gratitude, and from tl.e real services rendered his country, under existing tir- cuinstances that had never before, and jierhaps neur will again, take place. }iis remarkable retention ut popular favour and good-will, carried him throuirha long and perilous war witliout a cliangc in public opi- nion, or the loss of confidence first reposed in him l)y the congress, to meet th* veterans of Britain and otlitr European powers, on hostile ground. Thus, the re- nowned Washington, without arrogating any undue power to himself, which success and popularity oU'cred, and which might have swayed designing and interested men, to have gratified their own ambition at the e\- pence of the liberties of America, finished his career of military glory. He had previously published a circular letter to each governor of tlie individual states ; this was an elegant address, replete with useful observaliaiis and excellent advice to the inhabitants of tl-.c United States, in their social, civil, and military capacin*. Nor did he neglect on all occasions, after the a|)j)n.aeii of peace, to inculcate on the soldiery, and to inij ress 1783.] IHSTOKV or AMEUICA. .f.07 on the minds of the people, the necessity of union, su- bordination, economy, and justice, in the punctual discharge of all contracts, both public and private. Amidst the applause of his country, and the esteem of foreigners, general Washington disbanded the troops without noise, inconvenience, or any apparent murmur at his measures. By order of the commander-in-chief, the peace was celebrated at New York on li»c first day of December, one thousand seven hundred and eighty- Iris commission to congress, and, after acting so con- spicuous a part on the tlicatre of war, retired from public scenes and public men, with philosophical dig- nity. Before the separation of tiic army, tl\e general took a very affectionate leave of his soldiers, niid of each of the officers singly. His farewell to hi» i rave asso- ciates through the perilous scenes of dantiii' and war^ was attended with singul:ir circumstances nt iilVection and attachment. His address was warm, mergetic, three, with high dc.iionstrations of satisfaction and joy ; I and impressive."*^ While the sensibility of the com- and on the twenty-third of the same month, he resigned I mandcr-in-chief appeared in his couiitonance, it was * General Washington's farewell orders to the army of the Uuitcd States : " Rocky Hill, near Princeton, Nov. 2, 1783. " The United States in congress assembled, after giving the most honourable testimony to the merits of the federal armies, nud presenting them with the thanks of their country, for their long, eminent, and taithful services, having thouglit proper, by their proclamation, bearing dale the 18tli of Octo- ber last, to discharge such parts of the troops as were engaged for the war, and to permit the officers on furlough to retire from service, from and after to-morrow, which proclamation having been coaimunicutcd in the public papers, for tlie iufor- oiatiou and government of all concerned ; it only remains for the commander-in-chief to address himself once more, and that for the last time, to the armies of the United States, (however widely dispersed individuals who composed them, way be), and to bid them an aflcctionate, a long farewell. " But before the commander-in-chief takes his final leave of those he holds most dear, he wishes to indidge himself a few moments in calling to mind a slight review of the past ; he w ill tiicn take the liberty of exploring, with his military friends, their future prospects ; of advising the general conduct which in his opinion ought to l)c pursued j and he w ill conclude the address, by expressing the obligations he feels himself under for the spirited and able assistance he has experienced from them in the perforniauce of un arduous office. " A contemplation of the complete attainment (at a period earlier than could have been expected) of the object for which wc Contended, against so formidablo a power, cannot but in- spire us with astonishment and gratitude. The disadvanta- geous circumsiances on our part, under which the war was undertaken, can never be forgotten. The singular interposi- tions of Providence in our feeble condition, were such as could scarcely escape the attention of the most unobserving ; while the unparalleled perseverance of the armies of the United States, through almost every possible suffering and discourage- ment, for the space of eight long years, was little short of a standing miracle. " It is not the meaning, nor within the compasit of this address, to detail the hardshi|)s peculiarly iHcident to our ser- vice, or t« describe the distresses which in several instances have resulted from the extremes of liunger and nakedness, combined with the rigours of an inclement season ; nor is it necessary to dwell on the dark side of our past iilVairi. livery American officer and soldier must now console himself for any unpleasant circumstances which may have occurred, by a re- collection of the uncommon scenes in which he has been called to act no inglorious part, and the astonishing events of which he has been a witness ; events which have seldom, if ever be- fore, taken place on the stage of human action, nor can they possibly ever happen again. For who has before seen a dis- ciplined army formed at once, from such raw materials? Who that was not a witness could imagine that the most viulont local prejudices would cease so soon, and that nu'ii m lio came from the different parts of the continent, strongly tlisposcd by the habits of education to despise andcjuarrcl with cacli other, would immediately become l)Ht one patriotic band of lnotlieis? Or who that was not on t!ie spot, can trace the steps by wliich such a wonderful revolution has been cfl'cctcd, and sutlia glo- rious period put to all our warlike toils ? " It is universally acknowhidged, that the enlarged pro- spects of happiness opened by the confirmation of our iiulcpen- dence and sovereignty, almost cxci.';'(l the power of description ; and shall not the brave men who have contributed so essen- tially to these inestimable acquisitions, retiring victorious from the field of war to the field of agriculture, participate in all the blessings which have been o!)tained ? In such a republic, who will exclude them from the rights of citizens, and the fruits of their labours ? In such a country so happily circumstanced, the pursuits of commerce and llie cultivation of the soil, will unfold to industry the certain road tocompetence. To those hardy sol- diers who are actuated by the spirit of adventure, the fisheries will afford ample and profitable employment j and the extensive and fertile rcgio4is of the w est will yield a most happy asylum to those, who, fond of domestic enjoyment, are seeking for personal inde|i»iideiice. Nor is it possible to conceive, that any one of the I'nited States will prefer a^ntional bankruptcy, and the dissolution of the union, to a compliance with the re- quisitions of congress, and the payment of its just debts, so that the officers and soldiers may expect considerable assist- ance in recommencing their civil occupations, from the sums due to them from the public, which must and will most inevi- tably be paid. " In order to effect this desirable purpose, and to remove the prejudices which may have taken possession of the minds of any of the good people of the States, it is earnestly recom- mended to all the troops, that, with strong attachments to the 'union, they should carry with them into civil society the most conciliatrry dispositions j and that they shouhl prove them- selves not less virtuous and useful as citizens, than they hare been persevering and victorious us soldiers. What though there should be some envious iudividuals, who are no willing to pay the debt the public has contractc\ver ©flhc union iiicnased, the honour, dignity, and justice of the nation would be lost for ever ; yet he cannot help repeating on this occasion, so interesting a sentiment, and leaving it as liis last injunction to every oflicer, and every soldier, who may view tlie subject in the same serious point of light, to add liis best endeavours to those of his worthy fellow citiziins, towards rfi'ecling tliose great and valuable ])urposes, on which our very existence as a nation so materially de|iends. " The commander-iii-ciiief conceives little is now wanting to enable the soUlicr to change the military cliaractor into that of a citizen, but that steady and decent tenour of behaviour which has generally distinguishe.i()iM, as for theli anl. iir ill promoting the success of the plans he hail adopted ; to the commandants of regiments ami corps, and to the olliccrs, for their zeal and attention in carrying liis orders piompilv into execution ; to the stall", for tiulr alacrity and exa( tncss iu [.cr- forniiiig the duties of Ihuir several dipartmcnts ; and t ' ili'; nou-commissioncd otlieers and private stddiers, f. r tlieirexlia- ordiiiary patience in suil'ciing, as well as their invlu.iljle fortitude in action. 'i"o various biaiiclns of the armv liu' jtc- neral takes this last and S'Iiiiki o|iportiiiiity of proK-biiij; liis inviolable attachment and l'iiiud>lilp. lie w isl.cs more i!ii,u bare professions wer« in his po\\cr, that he «as really abli' to be useful to them all in future life. lie llattcis liiinsell, lum- ever, they will do him the justice to believe, that »\ ii;iltvi'r could with proj)riety be atteiiiiilcd by him, has been dune. And, being now to conclude these his last public oid.'rs, to take his idiiinatc leave in a short tinic' of the military ( iiar.ii'- ter, and to bid u final adieu to the armies he has so ic.iii; bud the honour to commund, he can only again oli'er iu their liih:ui his recommenilations to their grateful country, and lii> jiravcri to the (iod of armies. May ample justice be done tl ria here, and may the choicest of Heaven's favours, botii here and lieif- aftcr, attend those who, under the divine auspices, huve se- cured innumerable blessings for others! With these vvislies, and this benediction, the commander-in-chief is about to re- tire from service ; the curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the military scene to him will be closed for ever. " KDWARD HAND, Adj.-Gen." k BOOK XV.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. SQ9 States was, by the treaty, clearly established on the broad basis of liberty ; yet the Americans felt them- aelves in such a state of infancy, that as a child just learning to wnlk, they were afraid of their own movc- luents. Their debts were unpaid, their government unsettled, and tlic people out of breath by their long struggle. They were become poor from the loss of trade, tiic neglect of their usual occupations, and the drains from every quarter for the support of an expen- sive war. From tlie versatility of human affairs, and the encroaching spirit of nian^ it was yet uncertain when and how the states would be tranquillized, and the union consolidated, under wise, energetic, and free modes of government. It is indeed true, that from a general attention to early education, the people of the United States were better informed in many branches of literature, than the common classes of men in most other countries. Yet many of them had but a superficial knowledge of mankind ; they were ignorant of the intrigues of courts, and though convinced of the necessity of government, did not fully understand its nature or origin ; they had generally supposed there was little to do, but to shake (iir the yoke of foreign domination. They were not (;eneral!y sensible, that most established modes of strong government are usually the consequences of fraud or violence, against the systems of democratic theorists. They were not sensible, that from age to age the people are flattered, deceived, or threatened, until the hood- winked multitude set their own seals to a renunciation of their privileges, and with their own hands rivet the chains of servitude on their posterity. They were totally fearless of the intrigues or the ambition of their own countrymen, which might in time render fruitless the cxpencc of their blood and their treasures. These lliey had freely lavished to secure their equality of con- dition, their easy modes of subsistence, and their ex- emption from public burdens beyond the necessary de- mands for the support of a free and equal government. But it was not long before they were awakened to new energies by convulsions both at iiome and abroad. New created exigencies, or more splendid modes of government that might hereafter be adopted, had not yet come within the reach of their calculations. Of these, few had yet formed any adequate ideas, and fewer indeed were sensible, tliat though the name of liberty delights tlic car, and tickles tiie fond pride of man, it is a jewel much oftcner the play-thing of his imagination, than a possession of real stability : it may be acquired to-day in all the triumph of independent feelings, but perhaps tu-niorruw the world may be con- vinced, that mankind know not how to make a proper use of the prize, ijtucrally bartered in a short time, as a useless bauble, to the first officious master that wiU take the burden from the mind, by laying another on the shoulders of ten -fold weight. This is the usual course of human conduct, however painful tlie reflection may he to the patriot in retirement, and to the phi- losopher absorbed in theoretic disquisitions on huouui liberty, or the portion of natural and political freedom to which man has a claim. At the conclusion of the war between Great Brita* and America, after the dissevering of old bands of go vernmcntal arrangement, and before new ones were adopted, the j)roud feelings of personal independence warmed every bosom, and general ideas < f civil and re- ligious liberty were disseminated far and wide. The soldier had returned to tiie bosom of his family, and the artisan and the husbandman were stimulated to new improvements j genius was prompted to exertion, and encouraged by ti>e spirit of inquiry ; and their sobriety, economy, industry, and perseverance in every virtue, was likely to maintain the dignity of independence. Nothing seemed to be wanting to the United States but a continuance of their union and virtue. It was but a short time after the restoration of peace, and tlic exhilarating acknowledgment among foreign nations of the independence of America, before the brightened prospect, which had recently shone with so much splendour, was beclouded by the face of general discontent. New difliculties arose, and embarrassments thickened, which called for the exercise of fresh energies, activity, and wisdom. The sudden sinking of the value of landed, and indeed of all other real property, imme- diately on the peace, involved the honest and industrious farmer in great distress. The produce of a few acres had been far from sufficient for the support of ^ family, and at the same time to supply the necessary demands for the use of the army, wiien from the scarcity of pro- visions every article thereof bore an enhanced price, while their resources were exhausted, and their spirits wasted under an accumulated load of debt. The gene- ral congress was yet without any compulsory powers, to enforce the liquidation of public demands ; and the state legislatures totally at alosshow to devise any just and ready expedient for the relief of private debtors. It was thought necessary by some to advert again to a paper medium, and by others this was viewed with the utmost abhorrence : indeed the iniquitous consequences of a depreciating currency had been recently felt too severely, by all classes, to induce any to embrace a se- cond time with cordiality such a dangerous expedient. Thus, from various circumstances, llie state of both public and private aflairs presented a very serious and alarming aspect. The patriotic feelings of the yeo- manry of the country, had prompted them to the utuigst 540 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XV. exertions for the public service. Unwilling to with- liold their quota of the tax of beef, blankets, and other necessaries indispensable for the soldiery, exposed to cold and hunger, many of them had been induced to contract debts which could not be ««sily liquidated, and which it was impossible to discharge by the products from the usual occupations of husbandry. While at the same time, the raj^r for privatecrini^ and traffic, l)y which some had suddenly grown rich, had induced others to look with indifference on the ideas of a more moderate accumulation of weultli. They sold their pa- trimonial inheritance l< r trilling considerations, in order to raise ready specie for adventure in some spe- culative project. This, with many other causes, re- duced tlic price of land to so low a rate, that the most ^•aluable farms, and the best accommodated situations, were depreciated to sucii a degree, that tiiosc wlio were obliged to alienate real property wen; bankrupt by the sales. The state of trade, and the derangement of commer- cial affairs, were equally intricate and distressing at the close of the war. The natural eagerness of the mer- cantile body to take every advantage that presented irr that line, induced many, immediately on the peace, to send forward for large quantities of goods from Eng- land, France, and Holland, and w herever else they could gain credit. Thus the markets loaded with every article of luxury, as well as necessaries, and the growing scar- city of specie united with the reduced circumstances of xnany who had formerly been wealthy, the enormous importations either lay upon iiaiid, or obliged the pos- sessor to sell without .i"v advance, and in many in- stances much under the prime cost. In addition to these embarrassments on the mercantile interest, the whole country, from north to south, was fillLd with British factors, with their cargoes of goods directly from the manufacturers, who drew customers to their stores from all classes that were able to purchase. Every capital was crowded with British agents, sent over to collect debts contracted long before the war, who took advantage i the times, oppressed the debtor, and pur- chased the public securities from all persons whose ne- cessities obliged them to sell, at the monstrous discount of seventeen shillings and sixpence on the pound. Nor Resides the circumstances already hinted, various other combinations caused a cloud of chagrin to sit on almost every brow, and a general uneasiness to pervade the bosoms of most of the inhabitants of America. This was discoverable on every occasion ; they com- plained of the governments of their own instituting md of congress, whose powers were too feeble for the redress of private wrongs, or the more public and gene- ral purposes of government. They murmured at the commutation which congress had agreea- chusets seemed to be the seat of sedition. Bristol, Middlesex, and tiie western counties, Worcester, Hampshire, and Berkshire^ ..;:■" more particularly cul- pable. The people met in county conventions, drew up addresses to the general assembly, to which weri' annexed long lists of grievances, some of them real, others in\aginary. They framed many resolves, some of which were rational, others unjust, and most of them absurd in the extreme. They censured the conduct ct the officers of government, called for a revision of tlic constitution, voted the senate and judicial courts to bi grievances, and proceeded in a most daring and iusoicnt manner to prevent the sitting of the courts of justice, in the several counties. The ignorance* of this incen- diary aiul turbulent set of pe()])lc, might lead them to a justification of their own measures, from a recurrence to transactions in some degree similar in the early op- position to British government. They had neither the infornuition, nor the sagacity to discern the different grounds of complaint. Nor could they make proper distinctions with regard to the oppressions complained of under tiie crown oT Britain, and the tcmpc.ary bur- dens they now felt, which are ever the concomitanb did religion or morals improve amidst the confusion of and consequences of war. They knew that a success a long war, which is ever unfavourable to virtue, and to all those generous principles which ennoble the human character, much more than ribbons, stars, and other play-things of a distempered imagination. * Some of them indeed were artful and shrewd, but most of them were deluded and persuaded to attempt, by resistance to government, to relieve themselves from debts which they ful opposition had been made to the authority of Bri- tain, while they were under the dominion of the kin^' of England. Those diiturbances were for a time truly alarming, could not pay, and from the ham! of tax-gaih»rers, wholiad distrained in some instances to the last article of their pro- perty. BOOK XV.] HISTORY OF AMEUICA. .511 r a time truly alarniing, and gave cause for serious apprehensions tlint eivil convulsions miglit spread through the country within the short term of tlirec or four years after independence had been cstablislied, and peace restored to the IJnitci] States of America. I jidcr existing circumstances, the high-liandcd and threatening proceedings of tkc insur- gents wore a formidable aspect. 'I'lierc were among them niiiny persons hardy, bold, and veteran, who l)ad been very serviceable in the field during the late revo- lutionary war. They had assembled in great numbers, in various places, and at diiTerent times, and seemed to bid defiance to all law, order, and government. In the winter of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-six, several thousnnds of those disorderly persons armed and embodied, and appeared in the environs of Springfield. Tliey chose for their leader a man who had been a su- baltern ofhcer, threatened to march to Boston, and by compulsory measures oblige tiie governor and general assembly to redress the grievances of the people, which they alleged were brought upon them by enormous taxation, and other severities from their own govern- ment : they however thought proper to send forward a petition, instead of n..irching sword in hand to the ca- pital. In the mean time, the exertions of the legisla- tive body, with a view of relieving the public distresses, only increased the discontents of the people. They were much divided in opinion relative to the best modes of quieting the disturbances. Tender laws and sump- tuary regulations were superficial expedients, iha- even- tually would increase, rather than eradicate the evils complained of; while the temper of the people of various descriptions, and from various motives, augured an approaching crisis that might produce a convulsion. In this siUiution of ufl'airs, the governor was empowered by the legislature to order a military force to be in readiness to march, undn- the command of general Lin- coln. The temerity of tlie insurgents had emboldened thein to move forward in hostile array, which made it necessary to direct general Lincoln to give a cheek to their insolence, and to restore peace and order to the state. But before the troops from the lower counties had ccdiect'-'d at Worcester, great numbers of the in- surgents had embodied, and moved forward to Spring- field, with a design to attack the continental arsenal : this was defended by general Sluphard, who took every precaution to prevent the shedding of blood. lie ex- postulitted with their leaders, and warned them against the fatal cc.nscnuences of perseverance in their rebel- lious and hostile proceedings : they however neglected the warning, and rushed on in the face of danger ; this obliged general Sliephard to fire upon them, which so ilisconcerted them, that they immediately retreated. Cicncral Lincoln reached Springfield about the saiuc time, which entirely defeated this jjiojeit ; the field was left with dismay, and with the loss only of two or three of their party. The next movement otany impor- tance was their second ■leeling, from ;ill ijiiarlers, and taking a position on the heights of I'eliiam. General Lincoln pas.sed on to Hadley without pro- ceeding to extremities. There he received letters from some of the leaders of the insurgent parties, and with mildness endeavoured to persuade tiiem to c|iiiL their hostile parade, and by their peaceable demeanour to render themselves worthy of the lenity of government, which was ready, on their rcturnj|to proper submission, to extend a general pardon, and throw a veil of oblivion over past transactions : but there appeared no signs of repentance, or of a relinquishment of their projects ; and though \\ thuut system, or any determinate object, and without men of talents to direct, or even to coun- tenance, their disorderly conduct, in any stage of the business, tiiey soon moved from Pelluim in a strong body, entered and halted in the town ul' Petersham, General Ijincoln heard of their deeampnient from Pel- ham, at twelve o'clock, and had certain intelligence by the tiour of six that they had moved on to Petersham. Convinced of tiie necessity of a quick march, he ordered his troops to be instantly ready. At eight o'clock they began tlieir route. Notwithstanding the intrepic ity of i;encr:il Lincoln, when immediate hazard required entcr- |.ii/f, he would not have exposed his troops to a march of thirty miles, in one of the severest nights of a re- markably severe winter, had not the entrance of the evening been mild and serene. Tlic sky unclouded, and the moon in full splendour, they co.nrnenced their march under the promise of an easy teiuination ; but after a few hours the wind rose, the clouds gathered blackness, and the ccUl was so inte ise that it was scarcely supportable by the hardiest jf his followers : nothing but the quickness of their motion prevented many of his men from falling victims to the severity of the weather. The dillieulty of tlieir march v>as in- creased by a deep snow that had previously fallen, and lain so uncemented that the gusts drove it in the faces of the army with a viokace of a rapid snow storm. They however readied I'eterthain before nine o'clock the next mornings but so miserably fatigued and frost bitten, that few of them were lit for ser\ ice ; and had not a panic seized the insurgents, on the lirst .ilanu of' the approach of the government troops, they might huve met tliem with great sla-ighter, if noi, ^^itil total defeat ; but though in warm quarters, well supplied with arms and provisions, they left tiiis advantageous post witli the greatest precipitation, and ded in all directions. General Lincoln was not in a capacity for immediate -i I 519 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [nonic XV. pursuit ; it was necessary to luilt and refresh liis men : besides he might have bern willing they should scatter and disappear, without being pushed to submission by the point of the sword. The insurgents never again shewed themselves in a collective body, but spread over the several parts of the western counties, and even the neighbouring states, plundering, harassing, and terri- fying the inhabitants, and nourishing the seeds of dis- content and sedition, tliat had before been sown amongst them. General Lincoln followed, and captured many of them, who implored and experienced the clemency of the communder, and only a few were taken into cus- tody for future trial. Thus those internal commotions, which had threatened a general convulsion, were so far quelled, that most of the troops returned to Hoston early in the spring. ISefore his return, general Lincoln marched to the borders of the state, and found many in the counties of Hampshire and Berkshire, ready to take tlie oath of allegiance, with all the marks of contrition for their late conduct. Commissioners were alferwanls sent forward, with powers to pardon, after due cncjuiry into the present temper and conduct of individuals : to administer the oath of allegiance to the penitent, and to restore to the confidence of their country all such as were not stigmatized by flagitious and murderous conduct. Perhaps no man could liave acted with more firmness, precision, and judgment, than did governor Bowdoin, through the turbulent period of two years, in which he presided in the Massachusets : yet notwithstanding his conspicuous talents, and the public atid private virtues which adorned his character, the popular current set strongly against him on the approaching annual elec- tion ; and governor Hancock, who had once resigncfl the chair, was again requested to resume bis former dignified station, and was brought forward and chosen. He did not however contravene the wise measures of his predecessor. He was equally vigilant to quiet the perturbed spirits of the pcoj)lc, and to restore general tranquillity : this he did by coercive or lenient means, as circumstances required ; and by iiis disinterested conduct, and masterly address, he was very influential in overcoming the remains of a factious and seditious spirit that had prevailed. The governor was authorized by the legislature to keep in pay any number of troops that might be thought necessary to preserve the jjublic peace. Eight hundred men were stationed on the western borders of the state, but before the summer elapsed, the insurgents were so generally subdued that the troops were recalled and dis- missed. The governors of all the neighbouring states had been requested not to receive or protect any of tlie guilty party, who had fled for security within tlieir limits. These were all so sensibly Impressed with the danger of disunion and anarchy, which had threfUvr, .; the whole, that they readily gave assurances ot dcu tion, if any should (latter themselves with impunity, bj Hying without the jurisdiction of their own government. Several of the most notorious oH'enders were secured, and tried by the supreme judicial court, and received sentence of death ; but the compassion of the people, coinciding with the humane disposition of the governor, induced him to grunt reprieves from time to time, and finally prevented the loss of life by the hand of civil justice, in a single instance. Thus, by well timed lenity, and decided firmness, as the exigencies of the moment required, was terminated an insurrection, tlint by its dangerous example, threatened the United States with a general rupture, that might have been more fatal than foreign war, to their freedom, virtue, and pros- I>erity. But though the late disturbances were quelled, and the turbulent spirit, which had been so alarniimr, was subdued by a small military force, yet it awakemd all to a full view of the necessity of concert and uniuu in measures that might preserve their internal pcuie. This required the regulation of conmierce on some stable principles, and steps for the liquidation of botli public and private debts. They also saw it necessary to invest congress with suflicieiit powers for the exem- tion of their own laws, for all general purposes rebtin to the union. A convention was appointed by the several states, In meet a* Annapolis, in the state of Maryland, in tlu year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-six, fir tl:ese salutary purposes ; but the work was too com- plicated : the delegates separated without doing any thing, and a new convention was called the next year, to meet at Philadelphia, with the same design, but without any enlargement of their powers; they how- ever framed a new constitution of government, and sent it for the consideration and adoption of the several states : and, after much discussion, it was adopted by a majority of the states. Jealousies were diffused, with regard to the oflicers of the old army, the Cincinnati, and several otlier classes of men, whom they suspected as cherishing hopes and expectations of erecting a government too splendid for the taste and professions of Americans. Tlicy siiw a number of young gentlemen coming for- ward, ardent and sanguine in the support of the prin- ciples of monarchy and aristocracy. They saw a num- ber of professional characters too ready to relinquish former opinions, and adopt new ones. They saw some apostate whigs in public employments, and symptoms of declension in others. Warm debates in favour of further consideration, and much energetic argument I [nooK XV. inpresacd with tl<» ich bad tlufutv . siirantcs ot" de:i, i witli impunity, bi r ()\v» govfriuueiit. iders were secured, court, mid received sion of tlie people, ion of the governor, time to time, and the hand of civil us, by well timed exigencies of the insurrection, tliat ■d the United States lavc been more fatiil 1, virtue, and pros- bances were quelleil, d been so alarniinir, rcc, yet it awakciiKl >f concert and uniun their internal peace, commerce on some e liquidation of both so saw it necessary )owers for the exe( u- cral purposes rebtivx the several states, to of Maryland, in tlit d and eighty-six, ftr work was too coiii- 1 without doing any 5 called the next year, ic same design, but Ir powers ; they bow- government, and sent option of the several on, it was adopted by regard to the officers li, and several dtlier ipected as cherishing ng a government too •ssions of Americans. entlcmen coming for- e support of the prin- :y. They saw a num- 30 ready to rdinqnish ones. They saw some ments, and symptom* debates in favour of :h energetic argument BOOK xv.] IirSTOllY or AxMERICA. S]3 took place between gentlemrn of the first abilities, in without signing nt all, otheri complied from a conviction several of the state conventions. The system was of the necessity of ucciininiv The new constitution Wps adopted with applause niul success, and tlic promise and the expectations of amend- ments, flattered all classes with every advantage that could be rationally expected. The new system of government was ushered into ex- istence under peculiar advantages ; and no cirtiunstancc tended more lajjidly to dissipate every unfavourable im- pression, than the unanimous choice of a man to the presidential chair, at once meritorious, popular, and beloved. Washington, tho favourite of every class of people, was ]iIacod at the hci'd of a government of ex- perinunt and expectation. Had any character of less celchritv been dcsiiriiated to this high trust, it might at this period h.ave cn(lan:,crcd, if not have proved fatal to she peace of the union. Though some thouglit the executive vested with too great powers to be entrusted to the hand of any individual, VVashingtoo was an individual in whom they had the nsost unliniiti'd confidence. After tiie dissolution of ihe American army, and tlr." retirement of tlie commander-in-chief from t!u' eonsnicuous statiur: in which he had been placed, llie pro|uicty of ids lifeaixl manners, associated with the circumstances of a reniarkid)le revolution, in which he always stood on llie fore-grountl, nal'jr.illy turned the eyes of all loivnrd his. 'I'he hearts of the ■whole continent were united, to irive hin) their aj)- proiiaiory Vdice, a- the most suitable cliaraeter in tiie United States, tn jircside at ti.i' hi ad of civil government. 'I'i'.e s])k'iulid enibleuis of military power laid aside, the voluiit ry retiri'n.eiit if general Washington hail raised his rei)utation to the /enitli of human irlorv. the call was strong and impressive, and lie again came forward in public life, though it appeared to be in coun- teraction of his former determinations. It is beyond a doubt, that no man in the uiuon had it so much in his power to assimilate the parties, conciliate the afl'eetions and obtain a general sanction to the new constitution as he who commanded thei." "bcdience in the field, and had won the veneration, respect, and atf'eetions of tli(> people, in the most distant parts of the union. Yet soon after the organization of the new constitution of government, a struggle began to take place tietwocn monarchists ami republicans, the consequences of which some future period nmst disclose. From a varitfv of new sources ; of new objects of magnificence opening before them ; of new prospects of wealth anticijiateil the spirit of intrigue was matured even among the po- lltlcians of yesterday. Some of them were sighing for more liberty, without discretion or judgr. nt to make a proper use of what they already possv -d ; otiicrs were grasping at |)owers, which neither reason or laiv, constitutions of their own forming, nor the feelings oi nature, could justify. W hen general Washington was ])laeed in the prosi- ^dential chair, he doubtless felt all the solicitude fur the 'discharge oi iiis duty, which such a sacied depovit en- triksted to his integrity would naturally awaken. Jji. own reputation wiis blended with the aduiinistralIo,ui. government ; while time, circumstances and interest"; had changed the opiniv)ns o( many influential cli;ir.i{t>. ters. \\ hatever measures lie sanctioned, were cousi. dered as the best, the widest, and most just, by a i^nat Had he jjcr^tveied in his resolution, never again to! majority of the penple. In most instanc.'s, it is triic. engage in the thorny ] ath of public life, his reposn miglit have been for cM-r insured, in the delightful walks of rural occupation, lie mit'lit, in his retire- ment on Mount \'ernon, have elierisbed those pritici- ])le'. which i e alu ays jirofes^edj as well as the patriotism wh.'eh he exhibited in the Held ; and by his disinter- ested exatnple he might 1ki\c ehecked the aspiring ;im- bition of s-wnc ot his fe.rnur a^-ociatc;, and ban. led down his own n.inic to po^'erity with redoubled lustre; but m.iu, after loi;g l.rddts i f iicthit}, in the nierldi;:n of applause, is gei.eraiiy restless in retirement. The difficulty of iiitircly cpiitting t!.^' lun,inous scenes on the great stiige of public action, is often .xecinlitied in tho most exalted chaiaelers: tlui', even llie (I'gnitied Washington could not, an;idst the hustle of the world, become a calm, disinterested ^^^pet'tator of ll:e transac- tions of statesmen and politicians. His nio.t j'ldicious frii.'nds v, ere confident he had no fame tc acciuin', and I ^^'^h. the princijjles of the constitution, to act in tlic he presided with w i >dom, dignity, and moderation, but complete perfection is ne.t to be attributed to nian, I'lidue jjrejndiec'; and partialities often impereeptibiv creep into the best of beails ; and with all the veiifn- tion due to so nuiitorious a cliaraeter, there were many who thought biui too much uiuler ti;e influence of mi- litary favourites. No steps, during tiie civil functions of preslihiit Washington, were so unpopular as the Indian war, s;iiic- tioued by him sooii after the o|)eration of Ihe measures of the new government, and his ratdication of a tie;ity with Great Britain, negociated by Mr. John Jay. Tlic appointment of this gentleman to a diplomatic eiiiaac- ter, while chief justice of the snpieine court of tlie union, w;is thought very objectioiiable, and very sen- sible protests were entered in tlic senate, against the blending of ollicc. Jt was thought very incoin|ialil)le wish.ed him to remain on ihc piiin;ielc he had already readied ; but, urged by the strcmg vo'ce of ids native Stat?, a,.d looked up to by every other iu the union, double capacity of a negociator abroad and the lirst ofliccr of justice at home. Air. Jay was commlssioncil, and repaired to England, uhed abilities, and great 4.Q2 516 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XVI. strength of mind, was appointed and sent forward by president Washington. Many circumstances, with the approach of a period when nature requires rest, rendered the weight of government oppressive to declining age. The man who had long commanded, in a remariiable manner, the affection, the esteem, and the confidence of his country, again abdicated liis power, tooii leave of the cares of state, and retired a second time from all public occupations, to the delightful retreats of private life, on his highly cultivated farm, on the banks of the Po- towmack. Previous to general Washington's second return to his rural amusements, he published a farewcl address to the inhabitants of the United States, fraught with advice worthy of the statesman, the hero, and the citizen. He exhorted tlicm to union among themselves, economy in public expenditure, sobriety, temperance, and ini'ustry in private life. He solemnly warned them against the danger of foreign influence, exhorted them to observe good faith and justice toward all nationi to cultivate peace and harmony with all, to indulge no inveterate antipathies against any, or passionate attach* ments for particular nations, but to be constantly awake against the Insidious wiles of foreign influence, observ. ing, that " this was one of the most baneful foes of government." Public opinion is generally grounded on truth ; but the enthusiasm to which the greatest part of mankind are liable, often urges the passions tc such a degree of extravagance, as to confound the just ratio of praise or reproach : but the services and merits of general Washington, are so deeply engraven on the hearts of his countrymen, that no time or circumstance will, or ought ever, to efface the lustrr* of his well-earned repu- tation. BOOK XVI. DislurbuHce>i hi Pcnnsylvunla — Hosttl'ttij denounced aguinut France — General ffashingtoii culled again into public life — Jlis death — Accommodation icilh France — LQuisinna purchased — Obscrtalions on the American com- merce — Occasions of diifsatisfuction with the British government — Indian war — f^ar declared against (Jmit Bri'uin — Invasion of Cmada — Surrender qf' Detroit. In the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety- one, congress had imposed a duty upon the distillation of spirituous liquors, Vroni the commencement of this exaction, combinations were formed in the four wes- tern coui lies of I'ennsylvania against it, and great vio- lence was frequently exhibited ; till at last an attack was openly made upon the house of an inspector of re- venue, and five of the inmates were dangerously wounded. The marshal of the district was likewise assaulted while in the execution of his office, and both he and the inspector were obliged to take refuge in the seat of government. The president issued a procla- mation, requiring the rioters to disperse, and com- man' ig the other citizens to exert their utmost en- dea< irs for supi)ressing the disorderly proceedings. But military aid was found to be necessary ; and, after several of the insurj nts had assembled together, and considered it impracucable to accomplish their object, delegates were authorized to make a general submission. The affair, however, occasioned the death of a very promising offcer, who was killed in one of the tumul- tuary me lings, and was fatal to a few other indi- viduals. The assistance of the French was of very material service to the first struggles of America, but jealousy began to supplant gratitude, and injuries were supposed to have been sustained by the United States which re- quired reparation. France, busied about its ovn im- mediate concerns, was at little pains to conciliate so distant a prwcr ; the more so because the late commer- cial arrangements with Great Britain irritated the fecN ings of the French, who had expected less inattention to their interests. The remonstrances made against the infraction of the treaties were so slightly regarded, that an act was passed by the congress to render them void and no longer obligatory -m the part of the American government. The spirit of conquest and plunder whieh animated the land forces of France, had begun to impart vivacity to naval operations, and many trading; vessels were captured, and terrorwas universally diffused. it 1799.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 5J7 Measures were in consequence adopted for the protec- tion of the coasts, and the security of the ships. Ge- neral Washington, who was now indulging his merited repose, and unbending the severity of public cares in rural occupations, had his services again roquired, and he was once more appointed lo the chief command of the army. Although the general wished that the choice had fallen upon a person less declined in years, and better qualified to undergo the usual vicissitudes of war, he nevertheless accepted the commission ; stipulating, however, that he should not be required to attend until the army was in such a situation as needed his pre- tence. It was his opinion, that the Directory sought to effect their measures by the fear of aggression, or the private influence of agents, but that finding these means inadequate, they would recede from their pretensions. He did not live to witness the fulfilment of his pre- dictions. While superintending some improvements of his farm, he was exposed to a shower of rain, and ne- glecting to take the proper precautions, a fit of shiver- ing seized him, whicli terminated with his life the night following, in tlie latter part of the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine. The Directory, persuaded that no beneficial result could follow a continuance of hostility, made overtures in a short time to the government of the United States. Envoys were appointed to negociate a treaty at Paris, and matters were amicably adjusted. Tlie king of Spain liad made over to the French republic the province of Louisiana, upon which tlie Americans had looked with considerable anxiety, since it com- maiKled so vast a portion jf their territories. A pro- posal was made for its unnexution ; fifteen millions of dollars were offered to purchase the possession, and the French accepted the otler. An object of desire is not always productive of the expected benefit : but when it has been attained, a nf^v impulse is commonly given to otlier pursuits, which might not have existed witii- out the acquisition of what had alreat'y engaged the fancy ; so that by expanding the views, advaiitagci may accrue of greater importance. Thus the accession of * This report, touching the d&inestic manufactures of the United States, was submitted to the House of Representatives by the secretary of the treasury : — The following manufactures are carried on to an extent which may be considered adc({uate to the consumption of tlit United States ; the foreign articles annually imjjorted, beinj less in value than those of American manufacture belonging to the same general class, which arc annually exported, viz. Manufaetures of wood, or of which wood is the principal jnaterial. Leather and manufactures of leather. Soap and tallow candles. Spermaceti oil and candies. Louisiana spurred the trading part of the community to undertake more extensive plans, and gradually enter into competition with the British merchants. It in- cited to farther discoveries westward, opening the pro- spects of an advantageous commerce even to Russian America, while the footing upon which the Canadians maintained the inland carriage of goods was rendered very precarious. Tlie chief source of profit was the fur trade, which necessarily followed to the United States from the enlargement of their western dominion, and fur seemed to be promised an exclusive article of their commerce, with respect to the English and Frenfch, who had been used to traffic in that commodity. The European wars afforded an opportunity of en- grossing wliat is termed the carrying trade, which was very eagerly embraced, and being conducted upon the principles of necessity, the profits arising were so very considerable, that the average of the annual income amounted to fifteen millions of dollars ; the freight, indeed, almost entirely fell to the share of the Ameri- cans, the needful expences on their part were exceed- ingly trivial. This general interruption of European tranquillity begot an urgency to forward the domestic manufactures of the United States; the policy cofuld not be questioned, as yielding an accession of resources favourable to national independence and security. Considering, indeed, the immense tracts of territory, fertile and uninhabited, throughout the whole dominion, the cultivation of the land ouglit to be an object of primary attention, and arguments against home manu- factures may be rested upon tiie grounds of their tend- ing to impede it, by giving a dillcrent direction to the empluyment of caj)ital. It has likewise been supposed, that after the most unremitting endeavours to bring the manufacture'; to perfection, no suitable result would be obtau.d, IJut reference may be made to the expericiice of w liat has already been done ; it is certain that many inip-rtant hranelics have grown up with a rapidity and success which surprised the Americans thcmsel-"'!, affording an assurance of prosperity to future vir.dertakings.* Flax-seed oil, Refinad sug.i. . Coarsi; earthenware, SiuiF, chocolate, hair-powder, and mustard. 'I'lie following branches are firmly established, suppkhij; in several instances the >,'rcali.r, and iu all a cousidciablc p.-l of tho consumption of the United Slates, Iron and .nannf;ictiirc3 of iron. Manufactures of eottou, wool, and (lax. Hats. Paper, printing tynes, jnintcd books, playing cards. Spiritnoiis and malt liquors. Several manufactures of hump. i ; 518 HISTORY OF /iMERICA. [nOOK XVT. There is an objection to the encouragement of ma- nufactures of a different kind from tliat whicii ques- tions the probability of success, derived from the ima- gined tendency of giving to certain classes '-x nionopoly er and Ixrss, jaiaiincd and ])lati;d ware, calico printing, queen's, and otiicr tart iieii and glass wares, &c. Many article.s, respecting which no inforniatioii lias hicn received, are undoubtedly- omitted; and tiie snb.stan'c* of llie information obtained on I lie most important braiiclic-5j is com- prehended under the follow ing heads : — (Vvocl, and Alanufactures of Wood. All the brandies of this niaiinfacf nre are carried on to a lij>h degree of perlection, sn|)i)ly the wiioje demand (if the Uiii;tJ States, and consist priiici|)ally of cabinet-ware and other hnHs;-- hold fiiniiiure, coaches and carrinjies, either fur iika^ure or transportation, and ship-biiilding. Thtf shi|i;5 .ind v('?.S( Is afc.ive twenty ti'us burthen, bijllt in the United .States during I i.e years It^Ol to IS(1,~, measured 774,'J'2'2 tons, making (Hi Muart laite about I lO.ODU tonsH-year, and wartii more tlian >i.\ niiilions of dollars. About ivvn-Ihirds were registered for th',- foreign trade, and tiie leniaimier licensed for tiie coasting tra(h' .ind fisheries. Oij the other braiiehes no p.-irlicidar account can be given. But the annual exiiortatioiis ot UMiiiHire and carriage.- aiiniuiii to 1/0,000 dollars. 'I'lic valm; nl' the whole, iiiclniling sliip building, caiuidt be less than i .!,()(l(>,()00 ot'ddllars a-yeai-. Under this head may also be nienlloiicd jxit and pearl ash, of which, besides snji|iljing the internal diinand, 7, KiU tons are annually ex[)orteil. Leather and Maniij'ncturcs of Leather. Tanneries are established in every part of the United Slatrs, some of the'i! on a very lar','i> .-calc ; the capital tm[)loye(l in a single establishment amuiiiiting to one hundred thoii^iuid dollars. A few hidea arc exiiirled, and it is utated liiat one- third of those iisid in the gi cat tanneries ot'the .\t.,iiilic states, arc imported from Sjiauish .Uncriea. Sonu' vuperior en- 1 arti- cular kinds of Knglibli leather and .Morocco aroitliil iin|ioitt:d ; but about 3iJ(),0()illbs. of American leailier are aniiiially eK- ported. 'I'he bark is abundaiit ,ind cheap ; and it seems that hides cost in .\merica 5 J cents, and in iMiglaiid 7 cents a pound ; that thv bark used for I, 'lining costs in laigland nearly as much as the hides, and in .Ainir.ca not one-tenth part ol that sura. It is iit tiie same time acknowledged, that imich American leather is brought to market of an Interior (juality, and that better is generaUy made in the middle than in the m^rtiieru and southern slates. 'I'he tanneries of the state of Delaware employ collectively a ca[iilal of one hniidied and twenty thousand dollars, and ninety workmen, and make annually 100,000d< II irs worth of leather, Those ol Baltimore am^nint to tweijij-iwo, sevciitrcn of vvhieh h.i\e together a cajiital nf 1 87,000 \lollars, and tan annually I'J.OUO hides, and l'o,OUO caif skins. Morocco is also made in several places, partly from im- of benefits, while the other citizens must purchase their at tides at an cnlargid price, as a necessary con- sequence of every nicasUiC wliich obstructs the free competition of foreign coiimodities. It is not by any por'.ed goat skins, and piincipally from sheepskins. And it may be proper here to add, that deer skins, which form an article of exi>oitatioii, are dressed and manufactured in the United Slates to tlic amount required for the consumption of the country. The ])rineipal manufactures of leather are those of shoes «nd boots, harness and saddles. iSonie inconsiderable quanti. lies of the lw() last aniclcs are bolh imported and exportect The annual inipiniation of toreign bouts and shoes, amount to ;},2i>0 pail of boots, and ;")!) OO'i jiair of shoes, principallv kill and morocco. The annual expoiialion of the same articles of Aincriean liiaiuiiactiires, to 8,.")0l) jiair of boots and 127,00(1 pair of hhoi's. The shoe inaiiufaetnres ol' New .fersey are ty,. tensive. That of I/ynii, in Massaeliusets, makes 100,000 ml\ of women's shoes aiiiinally. '1 he value of all the ai tides annually in.iiinfattured in tlit- lliriied Stales, which are embraced Uiider this head (leather' ii;ay be estimated al twenty millions of dollars. Soap (Hid Tuilow Cii;idten, A great portii>n of tlie .si^ap and candies used in the Cnitt'd .Stales is a family n':anuf;H;tiire. Uul there are also sever.il establishnients on an extensive scale in hU tlie huge cities ;iiiii ill several otiier places, Tliose of tiie vill;i«;c of Uoxbnry, ne;'; lioston, employ alone a capital of I(U),0|I0 dollars, and iiiaki annually .■)70,(H)')lbs. candles, ;j!-'U,OUOlbs. brown soaji, ;ui. ,")!), IMlOlbs. of Windsur and fainV soap, with a profit, it is s.^;^ "f 1.") pel' cenUiin en the lapital employed. The annnal importations of fi'reigu manufactures, arc, candles I,")8,0(l01lis. so.q. l70,(H'itlbs, The amiiial ex|)oitations of domestiv; maiuifacturc, arc, candles 1 ,770,OOOllis. soap ■_',_JO,OtK)lbs. 'J'iie annual value iranulactnu d in the United States, a:i.; including tiie ipianliis made in private families for tiieir own use, cannot be estimated at less lliaii 8,000,000 dollars, S/.iiDinueli Oil and Candles. The cstabrishmeiiis tor this ciannfartuie arc at Xaitiickct and New Bedford, io Massachusels, and at Hudson, In Nev York. Besides supplying the whole of the domeslietdiiMiiiiji- lion, they furnished aniiiially for ex|ioitation to foreiuu Cvum- tiies, :;^0,000lb«. of candles, and -1 1,000 galhms of oil. Tl,e whole quantity anniiiilly inannfaeinred auionntcd to ahoii: .SOO.OOO dollars. IJiit the exclusion from foreiytt markets li.;- lately atfect'^d the uiuuufacture. Refined Sugar. The annual importations of foreign refined sugar amount from the year 1803 to 1807, to 'J7,000lbs. Tiic annual cxportalii)ns of .American refined sugar, aiiioiirt for the same years to l,')t),0l)0lbs. The then existing duty was, in ihe year \><()\, coilcitcil rii .■i,827,000lbs. ; and as the manuraclure has kept jiace villi the increase of po|iulation, the cjiiaiitity now annually iiiiidc iiiay be estimated at firve inillions of pounds, woitli ore iiiillioiic' dollars. The capital cnqiloyed is esliniai.'d at tliree inilli"!,- ami a half of dollars ; and as the establisliments have increase I in number, sonu of them have lieclined in business. It is he- lievnd that if a drawback, ediiivak-nt to the duty paid on th-- importation of the brown sugar used in the rchucd sui;! i. [nOOK XVT. ns must purchaie as a necessary con. obstructs the free . It is not by any sheep skins. And it skins, which form an maiiiifiictiired in tl>e or the consumption of er are those of shoes inconsidcviiblo mianti. ipoitfd and fxpoited, I and shoes, amount to sitoes, principally llishments have incrciiseil lied in business. It is hf- nt to the duty paid on the usad in tbc rehacd si'ii'i 1799.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 519 means absurd to suppose, that whatever abridges op- position in trade, leads to an increase of prices ; and so it has appeared to have done in some cases, but this effect lias not been uniformly produced. In several exported, was again allowed, the foreign demand, particularly of Russia, would give a grcM extension to this branch. COTTON, WOOL, AND FLAX. I. Spinning Mills and Manufacturing Eslablishments. The first cotton mill was erected in the state of Rhode Island, in the year 1791; another in the same stale in the year 1795, and two more in Massachusets in the years 1803 and 1804. During tiie three succeeding years, ten more were erected or commenced in Kliode Island, and one in Con- necticut, making altogether fifteen mills erected before the year 1808, working at liiat time aI)out eight thousand spindles and |)roducing about three hundred thousand pounds of yarn a-year. Returns have been received of eighty-seven mills which were erected at the end of the year 1808 ; si\ty-lvvo of which (48 water and 14 horse mills.) were in operation, and woiked at that time .31,000 spindles. Tliu other '-T) will all he in operation in the course of this year; and, together with the former ones (almost all of which are increasinti; their :iiachiiier_\ ) will, by the eslimale received, work more than eighty thousand spindles at the c.mimeiiccMient of the yyed in u,'.j;es, repairs, raw mate- rials, goods on hand, and eontiniieneio. Ibit it is believed that no niine llian at the rate of (ill dollars for each spindle, i;s >,'Cni.'rally aetuady cinplou'd. Fortv-liw pounds of eotlon, worth twenty cents a-ponnd, are on an avera-je annually used for each spindle ; and li!('>-e proilucc alioiir ;i(i pounds of yarn of dirt'ereiit ipialities, woiih on an average one dollar and twelve and a half cents a-jMiniid. Kiglil luiiidred spiinlles employ lolly persons, viz. five men, and Hi) ,ionieiiand children. On tJK'sc ihita, lhei;eneral roults for the year If' I I are estimated as follows : i\oiniils8"— Spindles SO, OtlO— Capital employed 1,80(1,(100 dolhiri—t'ollon used o,(;(l(l,()(M» pounds ; v.i|iie'7'J(t,(IOO ilol- iais — Yarn spun :.'„-;.S(»,()tUI . . :i'ids ; \alue .'>,_' Kt.tlOU dollnrs — IVrsons en;ploved — men .H)0, women ar.d ihihhen ;5,j()() : total -l,(/'!0. The increase of carding and spinning of cotton by machinery, in estaiilishmenis for that purpose, and e\elnslvel\ of that done in piivate lumilies, lias therefore lieen fourfold during llic two last \ear.'», and will li.'ive been tenfold in three u.irs. — Tiionuli the greater number of those mills is in the vicinity of I'rovi- denee, in Khode bland, they are scattered and extendeil throiiiiiiont all the slates. The seventeen inilis in the stale of KhoLie Island, which were in operation, and worked 14,'JilO pindK's in the year 1809, are slated tc) have used during that _,ear, G-10,0()0 pound' of colfon, which prodneed filO.OOO pounds of yarn : ofvviiicli 124.000 pounds were sold for thread and knitting; 'JOO.OOO pounds were used in mannfactures at- taelied to or in the vicinity of the mills ; and the residue was either sold f,.r wick, lor the use ot' fimiiy mannfactnres, or exj)oried toother parts I'^leven liundud looms arc said to be employed in weuving the yarn spun by lho^e mills into goods, principally of the following descriptions, viz. — instances, a diminution of an article's price has imme- diately succeeded the establishment of its domestic manufacture. Whether foreign £foods have been under- sold in order to supplant the other sort, or from what 15ed Ticking, sold at 55 to 90 cents per yard. Strijies and Checks, 30 to 42 do, flo. (lingliams, 45 to 50 do. do. Cloth for Shirts and Sheeting, 35 to Jh do. do. Counterpanes, at 8 d'jllars each. These several goods are already equal in appearance to the ICnglish imported articles of the same description, and superior in durability ; and the finishing is still improving. The pro- portion of fine yarn is nbo increasing. The same articles are ma'iufactured in several otiier places, and particularly at riii'adeiphia,„where arc .ilso made from the same material, webbing and coach laces, (which articles have also excluded, or will soon exclude similar foreign importa-' lions) tahle and other diaper cloths, jeans, vest patterns, cotton kerseymeres, and blankets. The inar.ufactnre of fus- tians, cords, and velvet, has also been commenced in the iirte* rior and western parts of Pennsylvania, and in Kentucky. !S' inc of the mills above mentioned, are also employed in carding and spinning \mm1, tliont;h not to a considerable amount. Hut almost the whole of that material is s|)nn and wove in private families ; and there are yet but few est;iblish- ments fi'r the manufacture of woollen cloths. Some ipforma- lion has, however, been rcecivid res|)ecting fourteen of these» maunfacliiring each, on an avcM-jigc, ten thousand yards »f cloth a-year, worth from one to ten dollars a yard. It is be- lieved that there are <,tliers, b'om vshich no int'ormalion has been obtained ; and it is known that several eslablishments, on a smaller scale, exist in I'hilade4j)liia, lialtlmore, and some other plac js. All those cloths, as well as those manufactured ill private i'amilies, jMe generally superior in ipiality, though somewhat inferior in njipiavance, to imported cloths of the s.ime piir '. 'J'lie principal obstacle to the extension of the ma- nnl'aetnre is the want of wool, which is still deficient both in (pialitv and ipiantity. Ibit those defects are daily and rapidly le :>encd, by the inlrodnetion of sheep of the merino and other superior lireeds, by liie great demand for the article, and by ilie attention now every where paid by farmers lothe increase and improvement of their llocks. Manufaeturing establishments for spinning and weaving flax aie yel but few. In the slate of New York, there is one which employs a capital of 18,000 (hillars and Iwentv-fivf* persons, in w hith about ninety thousa.id pounds of (lax are annnallv spun and wove into canvas and other coarse linen. Inl'ormntion lias been received respecting two in the vicinity of I'hlladelphia, one of which proiiuces annually 7-, 000 yards of canvas, maile of flax and cotton; in the other, the flax is both heckled and spun by machinery : twenty looms are eni- (doyed ; and it is said that 500,000 yards of cotton bagging, sail cloth, and coarse linens, may be made annually. Hosiery may also be considered as almost exclusively a honsehidfl manufacture. That of German Town has declined, and it does not appear to have been attempted or .a large scale in other places. There are, however, some exceptions ; and it is stated that the island of Martha's Vineyard exports annually nine thousand pair of stockings. 11. lIoHseliuld Manufactures. Rut by far the greater part of the goods made of these mate- rials (cotton, flax, and wool), are luauufattured in private S%6 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xvr. cause soever, the consequffncc has proved sometimes the reverse of what niiglit Imve been expected. But however true it may be, that tlie immediate and certain effect uf controuling the competition of v^xternal with families, mostly for their own use, and partly for sale. Tlioy cousiiit priucip:illy of coiirsc cloth, Hannel, cotton stuffs, and of every description of lini-n and mixtures of wool with flaK or cotton. The iiifoimation received from every stnte, and from more thau sixty different places, concurs iu establishing the fact. of ati extraordinary iiicrea^^e during the two last years, and in rendering it probable that about two-thirds of the clothing, including hosiery, and of the house and table liuen worn and used by the inhabitants of the United States, who do not re- side in cities, is the product of family manufactures. In the eastern and middle stales, curding machines, worked by water, are every where established, and tliey are rapidly extending southward and westward. Jennies, other family spinning nuichiiu s, and tlying shuttles, are also introduced in many places ; i«:d as ninny fulling mills urt' eie< ted as are re- quired for finishing all the cloth which is worn in private families. Diflicult as it is to form an estimi'te, it is inferred from a comparison of all the facts which ii»ve 1''m communicated, (with the population of the r'liifr:^ Statc.i, estimated at six millions of white, and twelve hi .v i inaehinc for mak- ing r.iids has ciui,le that of I8U8, and is still rapidly increasing. But the wire itseif is altogether imported, and a very serious inconveniency might arise from any regulation which would check or prevent the exportation from foreign countries. It appears, however, that the manufacture may and would be immediately established, se as to supply the de- mand both for cards and other oiijects, provided the same duty WM imposed un wire, now imported duty free, which is laid on other articles made of the same material. The whole amouat of wire annually used for cards, does not at present exceed twenty-hvc tons, worth about 40,000 doilari. Hats. DoUan. 350,000 'i'hc annual importation of foreign hats amoDDt to - • • The annnal exportation of American hats to - . - 100,000 The domestic manofactore is therefore nearly equal to the home consumption. The number made in the state of Massa- chusets is estimated by the hat company of Boston, at four times the number required for the consumption of the state ; and from other information it would appear that, in that state alone, the capital applied to that branch is near three millions of dollars, the number of persons employed about four thou- sand, and the number of hats annually made 1,5,50,000; of which 1,150,000 are fine hats, worth on an average four dol- lars each ; 400,000 felt hats, worth one dollar each. That the manufatture is still profitable, appears from a tate esta> intcronl fabrics, is an augmentation of their cost, it is universally the contrary issue with every successful manufacture. When a competent number of persons has been employed in tite business, the article ouglit blishment on Charles River, calculated to make annually 35,000 hats at live dollars a-piece, and to employ 15U work- men. The quantity made in Rhode Island is stated at 50,000 worth five dollars each, cxcluiiivcly of felt hats. Coijnecticut and New York make more than is necessary for their consunip- tion ; the largest establishment being that of Danburj', where 200 persons are employed, and to the amount of 13,000 are annually manufactured. In Vermont the manufacture sup- plies the consumption. It is stated by the batters of Philadel- phia, that 92,000 hats, worth five" dollars each, arc annually iiiide there, in addition to which 50,000 country hats, worth three dollars each, are annually sold in the city. In various quarters the scarcity of wool is complained of, as preventin;; the making of a sufficient quantity of coarse hats. From ai1 the information which has been received, it is believed that tlic value of all the hats annually made in the United States, ij near ten millions of dollars. Paper and Printing. Some foreign paper is still importad j but the greater pnrt of the consumption is of American manufacture ; and it is Iji-. lieved that if sufficient attention was every where paid to tit; preservation of rags, a quantity equal to the demand would be made in the United States. Paper mills are ere* ted in cverv part of the union. There are twenty-«ne in tlie st-utcs of Nch- HHmpshire, Vermont, Rlrodc Island, and Delaware alone, ar.d ten in only five counties of the states of New York and Mnrv- laud. Eleven of those mills employ a capital of two hundred thousand dollars, and 180 workmen, and make annually 150,000 dollars worth of paper. Printing is carried on to an extent commensurate with the demand. Exclusively of the numerous newspaper.*) uliicli ulonc form a considerable item iu value, all the books for wliich there is an <>de(]uate number of purchasers, are printed in the United States. But sufficient data have not htcn ohiaintil (o form an estimate of the annual aggregate value of the ptipcr made, and of the printing and book-biiidin/t executed iu tin United States, other than what may be inferred from tlic iio- pulatioR. The manufactures of hanging paper, and of pluyini; cards are also extensive ; and that of printing types, of wiiicli there are two establishments, the principal at I'hiladelphiii, and another at Baltimore, was fully adequate to the demand, but has lately been affected by the want of rcgulus vi antimony. Manufacturri of Hemp. The ar>! nal importation of forr'gn hemp amounted to (i,20li tons. ]k I the iutcrruption of c i.imerce has greatly promutcd the culti\ivi.ion of that article in Massachusets, New York, Kentucky, and several other places ; and it is believed that .t sufficient quantity will^in a short time be produced iu the United States. The manufacture of roi)es, cables and cordage of every di- scription may be considered as equal to the demand ; the r\- portations of American manufacture for KSOfl and 1807, hav ing exceeded the average of 6,600 quintals, and the importa- tions from foreign ports having fallen short of 4,200 ditto. Exclusively of the rope-walks in all the sea-ports, there are fifteen in Keutucky alone, which conaume about one tlipusand ' !3 k BOOK XVI.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 52 i naturally to be cheaper than that for which it is sub- stituted, of foreiga produce, since it is not attended with the expences of importation : still, in this case, there is » presumption that wages must not greatly tons of hemp a-year ; and six new works are ia a state of pre- paration for the present venr. Tlic manufactures of sail dock, formerly established in Rhode Island, in Connecticut, and at Salem, have been aban- doned or suspended, partly on account of the high price of hemp, and partly for want of capital. Some is still made ; and the species of canvas comttioniy called cotton bagging, is now manufactured in various places on an extensive scale. An establishment nt Philadelphia employs eight looms, and can make annually 17,000 yaras of duck, or 45 ,000 yards of cotton bagsing. There arc 13 manufactories in Kentucky, and two in West Tennessee. The five at or near Lexington> make an- nually 250,000 yards of duck and cotton bagging. Spirituous and Mall Liquors. The doty on licensed stills amounted in 1801 to 173,000, nnd on account of omissions might be estimated at 4.50,000 dollars. As tlie duty actually paid on spirits distilled in those stills, did not on an average exceed five cents per gallon, the quantity of spirits distilled during that year from grain and fruit, (exclusively of the large gin distilleries in cities) must have amounted to about 9,000,000 of gallons, and may at pre- sent, the manufacturing having increased at least in the s.'ime ratio as the population, be estimated at twelve millions of gal- lons. To this must be added about three millions of gallons of gin and rum distilled it. cities ; making an aggregate of fif- teen millions of gallons. The importations of foreign spirits arc nevertheless very considerable, having amounted during the years 1806 and 1807, to 9,850,000 gallons a-year, and yielding a net annual revenue to the United States of 2,866,000 dollars. The quantity of malt liquors made in the United States, is nearly e<)ual to their consumption. The aunual foreign impurta'iio&a amount only to 185,000 gallons. And the annual exportations of American beer and cyder, to 187,000 gallons. But the amount actually made, cannot be correctly stated. It has been saki that the brawerics of Philadelphia, consume annually 150,000 bushels of malt ; and, exclusively of the nu- merous establishments on a smaller scale dispersed throughout the country, cxteu:>ive breweries are known to exi^t in New York and Baitiinoio. '^rom these data, the aggregate valce of spirituous and malt liquors annually made in the United States, cannot be esti- mated at less than ten millions of dollars. Iron and Manufactures of Iron. The information received respecting this important branch, ifi Tcry imperfect. It is, however, well known that iron ore abounds, and that namerous furnaces and forges are erected throughout the United Slates. They supply a si'fTioicnt quan- tity of hollow ware, and of castings of every dcsoiption ; but, about 4,500 tons of bar iron are annually imported from Rus- sia, and probably an equal quantity from Sweden and England together. A vague estimate states the amount of bar iron annually used at the United States, at fifty thousand tons, which would leave about forty thousand for that of American manufacture. Although a great proportion of the ore found in Vermont. Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, be of a 45—46. exceed the allowances of other countries. As to com- petition, an internal one is soon started which must do away with monopoly in due time. It appears that the United States must consult their own interests with superior quality, and some of the iron manufactured there equal to any imported ; it is to be regretted that from the great de- mand, and from want of proper attention in the manufacture, much inferior American iron is brought to market. On that account, the want of the ordinary supply of Russian Iron, has) been felt in some of the slitting and rolling mills. But whilst a reduction of the duty on Russian iron is osked from several quarters, it is generally stated that a high or prohibitory doty on English bar, slit, rolled, and sheet iron, would be benefi- cial ; that which is usually imported on account of its cheap* ness, being made wiih pit coal, and of a very inferior quality.' The annual importations of sheet, slit, and hoop iron, amount to 565 tons ; and the quantity rolled and slit in the United States is estimated at 7000 tons. In the state of Mas- sachuscts alone, are found 13 rolling and slitting mills; in which about 3,500 tons of bar iron, principally from Russia,' are annually rolled or slit. A portion is used for sheet iron, and nail rods for wrought nails ; but two thirds of the whole quantity of bar iron flattened by ma»;hincry in the United States, is used in the manufnctureof cut nails, which has now extended throughout tiie whole country, and being altogether an American invention, substituting machinery to manual labour, deserves particular notice. It will be sufficient to state, that the annual product of that branch alone, may be estimated at twelve hundred thousand dollars, and that, exclu- .sively of the saving of fuel, the expence of manufacturing cut nails 'is not one-third part of that of forging wrought nails. About two hundred and eighty tons are already annually ex- ported, but the United States continue to import annually, norc than fifteen hundred tons of wrought nails and spikes. An increase of duty on these, and a drawback on the exporta« tion of the cut nails, is generally asked for. A considerable quantity of blistered, and some refined steel, are made in America j but the foreign importations exceed 1 1 ,000 cwt. a-year. The manufactures of iron consist principally of agricultural implements, and of all the usual work performed by common blacksmiths. To these may be added anchors, shovels, and spades, axes, scythes, and other edge tools, saws, bits, and stirrups, and a great variety of the coarser articles of iroti- mongery ; but cutlery, and all the finer species of hardware and of steel work, are almost altogether imported from Great Britain. Balls, shells, and cannon of small calibre, are cast in several places ; and three founderies for casting sMid, those of the largest calibre, together with the proper machinery for borins and finishing them, are established at Cecil county, Maryland, near the city of Washington, and at Richmond, m Virginia ; each of the two last may cast 300 pieces of artillery a-year ; and a great number of brass cannon are made at that rate near the seat of government. Those of Philadelphia, and near the Hudson river, are not now employed. It may be here added, that there are several iron founderies for casting every species of work wanted for machinery, and that steam engines are made at that of Philadelphia. At the two public armouries of Springfield and Harper's Ferry, 19,000 muskets are annually made. About 20,000 more are made at several factories, of which the most perfect is said to be that near New Haven, and which, with the ex-> ception of that erected at Richmond by the state of Virginia, are all private establishments. These may, if wantod, be 4 H ■■)Bi. nr[ir . rTiaTrl > r-"Tn i n^K,3i4iw^ • -r-y n- i..« - i D i l i l i ir liii^ 528 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XV*. [ respect to eventual and pArmanent economy, by giving full scope to the spread of manufacture. The farmer, besides, will be enabled to procure at a lower rate the implements and things of which he stands in need, and immediately enlarged, and do not include a number of gun- smiths eDi|uoyed in making rifles, and several other species of aruis. Swords and pistols are also manufactured in several places. Although it is not practicable to make a correct statement of the value of all the iron and manufactures of iron annually made in the United States, it is believed to be from 12 to 15 millions of dollars. The annual hnportations from all foreign countries, including bar iron, and every description of manu- factures of iron or steel, are estimated at near four millions of dollars. Copper and Brass. Rich copper mines are foond in New Jersey, in Virginia, and Bear Lake Superior ; but they are not now wrought. The principal manufactures of that material, are those of stills and other vessels ; but the copper in sheets and bults is almost universally imported ; the only manufacture for that object, which is at Boston, not receiving sufficient encouragement, although a capital of 25,000 dollars has been vested in a rolling mill and other apparatus. The true reason is, that those articles are imported free of doty ; and the owners seem to be principally employed in casting bells and other articles. Zinc has been lately discox'ered in Pennsylvania ; and there are a few manufactures of metal buttons, and various brass wares. Mam(factures of Lead. Lead is found in Virginia and some other places, but the richest mines of that metal are found in Upper Louisiana, and also, it is said, in the adjacent country, on the east side of the Missisippi. 1'hey are not yet wrought to the extent of which they are susceptittle, and alter supplying the wcsten< country, dycar. Five hundred aud sixty tons of red and white lead, litharge, and some other preparations of that netal, are made in Philadelphia alone. A repeal of the duty of one cent per pound on lead, and an equalization of that on the manufactures of lead, by charging them all with tiie two cents per pound laid on white and red lead, is asked by the manufacturers. Various other paints and colon.'s are also prepared in Phila- delphia, and some other places. Tm, Japanned, and Plated Warei. The manufacture of tin ware is very extensive, and Connec- ticvt supplies the greater part of the United States with that Vticlc ; but the sheets are always im])orted. The manufac^ tlire of plated ware, principally for coach makers aud saddlers, employs ut Philadelphia scvcuty-three workmen ; and the amount anaually made there exceeds iUU,OUU di^liars. There the value of hh property must be increased in conic* quence. The trade of a country which at once pursues manu- facture and agriculture, must be more lucrative than are other similar establishments at New York, Baltimore, Ooi* ton., And Charleston. Gun Powder. Saltpetre is found in Virginia, Kentucky, nnd some other of the western states and territories } but it is principally importcil from the East Indies. The niuuufacturc of gun powder h nearly, and may, at any moincnt, be iuadc altogether adequate to the consumption ; tiio importation of foreign powder amounting only to 200,000 ponnds, and the ex()ortation of American powder to one hundred thousand pont.d.s The ma- nufacture of Brandywinc, wliieh employs a \r.ni "i ;j,000 dollars, aud 36 workmen, and is con>>ldurcd .is mh. uiost pm. feet, makes iiloac'2'2o,000 |)ounds aiinnnily ; and >.iii i.^nke 600,000 pounds if there wa.s a demand for it. Tw.< ilieis, near Baltimore, have a capital of 100,000 duliurs, and mnlie 450,000 pouuds of a quality said lately to be equal to any im. ported. There are sieveral other powder mills iu Pcnnbylva* nia, aud other places; but the total amount of gun [ wdei made in the United States is not ascertained. Earthen and Glass Ware. A sufficient quantity of the coarser species of pottery Is made every where ; and information has been received of four mii nufactures of a finer kind lately established. One at Phila- delphia, with a capital of 11,000 dollars, manufactures a species similar to tiiat made in StafTordsliirc, in England ; ami the others, in Chester county, in Pennsylvania, iu New Jersev, and on the Ohio, make various kinds of quuun'$ ware. Information has been obtained of ten glass mnnufactorie's which employ about 140 glass blo\\ers, and make annuullv 27,000 boxes of window glass, containing each 100 square feet of glasts. That of Boston makes crown glass equal to any imported ; all the other make green or (>erinun glass, worth 15 per cent less ; that of Pittsburgh uses coal ; and all tlic others wood for fuel. The annual importations of foreign window glass amount lu 27,000 boxes J the extentiop of the domcttic mannfacturc which supplies precisely one half of the consumption, bciu^ prevented by the want of workmeu. Some of those manufactures make al.to green bottles nnd other vk ares i and t^vu works employing together sax glasi blowers, lia\e been lately erected at Piiisburgh, and make de- canters, tumblers, and every other ilescriptiuuof iliat glaas uf superior quality. Chetnical Preparalions. ' Copperas is extracted in large quantities from Pyrites, ii: Vermont, New Jersey, and Tennessee. About 200,0001bs. ol oil of vitriol and other acids, arc annually manufactured in a single ustabli3hms.-nt at Philadelphia. Vnrions other prepara- tions and drugs are also made there, and in some other place.s ; and the ajinual amouut exported exceeds 30,000 dullarii iu value. .. > Salt. The salt springs of Onondaga and Cayuga, in the state oi New York, furnish about 300,000 bushels a-year; and the quantity may be increased in proportion to the demand. Those of the wcbtcra states aud territories supply about aa BOOK xvi.] HISTORY OP AMERICA. iS3 ork, Daltimors, Boi* window glass amount to '. Uomcilic jnannfuctarr f the co.->8un»ption, bcln^' one which follows agriculture alone. AU nations seem desirous to have from their own soil the articles of prime necessity, so as to depend upon foreign markets only occasionally. It is a position in commerce, that equal quantity ; that known by the name of the Wabash Sa- line, which belongs to the United States, making now 130,01)0 bnshels. Valuable discoveries have also lately been made on the banks of the Kanhawuy. But the annual importation of foreign suit amounts to more than three millions of bushels, and cannot be superseded by American salt, unless it be made along the sea coast. The works in the state of Massachusels are declining, and cannot proceed, unless the duty on foreign salt should again be laid. It is necessary to shelter the works from the heavy aumnier rains by light roofs moving on rollers. This considerably increases the expence ; and it appears that the erection of ten thousand superficiiil square feet costs one thousand dollars, and that tlicy produce only two hundred bushels a-year. A more favourable result is anticipated on the coast of North Carolina, on account of the difference in the climate ; and works covering '275,000 square feet have been lately erected there. Miscellaneous, Respecting the otlier manufactures enumerated in the former part of this report, no important or correct informa- tion has been received, except as relates to the two follow- ing:— Straw bonnets and hats are made with great success ; and a small district in Rhode Island and Maasachuscts annually exports to other parts of the union to the amount of 250,000 dollars. Several attempts have been made to print calicoes ; but it does not seem that the manufacturers can, without additional duties, stand the competition of similar foreign articles. The difficulties under which they labour are stated in the petition of the calico printers of Philadelphia to Congress. A consi- derable capital has been vested in an establishment near Bal- timore, which can print 12,000 yards a-week, and might be extended, if the profits and the demand afforded sufficient en- couragement. From this imperfect sketch of American manufactures, it may with certainty be inferred, that their annual product ex- ceeds 120 millions of dollars. And it is not improbable that the raw materials used, and the provisions and other articles consumed by the manufacturers, create a home market for agricultural products not very inferior to that which arises from foreign demand. A result more favourable than might liavc been expected from a view of the natural causes which impede the introduction, and retard the progress of manufac- tures in the United States. The most prominent of these causes are the abundance of land compared «ith the population, the high price of labour, and the want of a sutlicient capital. The superior attractions of agricultural pursuits, the great extension of American com- merce during the late European wars, and the continuance of habits after the can les which have produced them have ceased to exist, may also be enumerated. Several of those obstiicles have, however, been removed or lessened. The cheapness of ^provisions had always, to « certain extent, counterbalanced the high price of manual labour ; and this is now in many im- portant branches nearly superceded by the introduction of ma- chinery ; a great Au>erican capital has been ac(|uired during 4he last twenty years ; and the injurious violations of the neu- tral commerce of the United States, by forcing industry and those marts are the most likely to gain resort of custo- mers, where abundance and variety are united. Each difference of the things offered for sale has its respec- tive inducement, and what is perhaps more material, capital into other channels, have broken inveterate habits, and sivcn a general impulse, to which must be userit)ed the great increase of manufactures during the last two years. The revenue of the United States being principally derived from duties on the importation of foreign uerchandii^c, these have also operated as a premium in favour of American oiaiiti- factures ; whilst, on the other hand, the eontinuance of peaec and frugality of government, have rendered unnecessary any oppressive taxes, tending materially to enhance the price of labour, or impeding any species of industry. ^ ■> No cause indeed has, perhaps, more promoted, in cvenyxii> spcct, the general prosperity of the United States than tlic absence of those systems of-internal restrictions and monopoly which continue to disfigure the state of society in other coun- tries. No laws exist here directly or indirectly confining hian to a particular occupation or place, or excluding any citizen from any branch he may at any time think proper to pursue. Industry is in every respect perfectly free and unfettered ; every species of trade, commerce, art, profession, and manu- facture being equally open to all, without requiring any pre- vious regular apprenticeship, admission, or licence. Hence the progress of America has not been confined to the improve- ment of her agriculture, and to the rapid formation of new set- tlements and states in the wilderness ; but her citizens have extended their commerce through every part of the globe ; and carry on with complete success, even those branches for which a monopoly had heretofore been considered essentially ne- cessary. The same principle has also accelerated the introduction and progress of manufactures, and must ultimately give in that branch, as in all others, a decided superiority to the citizens of the United States over the inhabitants of countries op- pressed by tuxes, restrictions, and monopolies. It is believed that, even at this time, the only powerful obstacle against which American manufactures have to struggle, arises from the vastly superior capital of the first manufacturing nation of Europe, which enables her merchants to give very long 'credits, to sell on small profits, and to make occasional sa- crifices. The information which has been obtained is not suffident to submit, in conformity with the resolution of the house, the plan best calculated to protect and promote American mann> factures. The most obvious means are bounties, increased duties on importation, and loans by government. Occasional premiums might be beneficial ; but a general system of bounties is more applicable to articles exported than those manufactured for home consumption. The present system of duties may, in some respects, be equalized and improved, so as to protect some specites of ma- nufactures, without affecting the revenue. But proliihitory duties are liable to the treble objection of destroying compe- tition, of taxing the consumer, and of diverting capital and industry into channels generally less profitable to the nation than those whicli have naturally been pursued by individual ia- terestleft to itself. A moderate increiiso will be less tliingerous ; :i.nd, if adopted, should be continued during a certniii period j for the repeal of n duty once laid, materially injures those who have relied on its permanency, and has been exeniplined in the salt manufacture. Since, however, the comparative want of capital is the 4 H 2 i&4 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XVI, supplies the niercliants with an increased number of ybji'its to wlili'h ll'ey mny direct their enterprise. In • country wiiich has few commodities, should there occur a stugnution in any, it must be much more se- verely ..It than where a greater variety may enuhle the cwncis to await a favourable ch jngc, Instead of vt^nding tlieir guuds at a trifling rate, fur the purchase, perhaps, of wl.at has been c«>nsidcrably raised clsnwliere ; and in this respect the wealth of nations must be heightcntul or;,loweved In a very soiislble degree. The, importation ofj njerely agricultural countries must drain the people of tlieir wealth, as the West India islands, wliere the soil is most fertile, make their exchanges v ith other Jilaces to their obvious loss in many Instances. Before the revolution, the quantity of coin possessed by '.he Amsrlcans was hardly adequate to tlie needful circula- tion, and their debt to Great Britain was progressive; ^nd, after the revolution, tlie states which attended most vigorously to maiuftictures wer the earliest in recovering the damages of war, and abounded most quickly in pecuniary resources. Thus the uniform ap- pearance of plenty of specie in countries where esta- blishments of handicraft abound, presents a very strong presumption that they have great influence In augment- ing the public wealth. Not only the wealth, but the Independence and safety of a people seem to be inti- mately connected with the prosperity of their manu- factures, and every nation for the attainment and pre- servation of tho.se great objects ought to endeavour to possess within all the requisites of u national supply ; the means of subsistence, habitation, and dcici ic. The posse.ssion of these is necessary to the perfection of political existence ; and since all states are subject to critical • ♦<;, they ought to provide against any such '■■'■■■' on to find an opinion In the United S»ate.'. • beneficial manufactures might be lo one p;.. ■'■ ■ untry, they must prove injurious J3 another ; ti. • .iv>rthern and southern regions are re- presented as having opposite Interests; the former are called manufacturing states, the latter agricultural. The same Idea of partial opposition has been the error of all countries In their first rising Into Importance, but time principal obstacle to the introduction and advancement of inunuiactures in America, it seems that the most efficient, and most obvious remedy would consist in supplying that of capi- tH\. For although the extension of banks niay give some as- sistance in that respect, their operation is limited to a few places; r,or does it comport with the nature of those institu- t'lons to leurt for periods as lonpr as are requisite for the csta- J)Ushmeutof nianufacturos. 1 he United States might create a circulating sto(;k, bearing a low rate of interest, and lend it at par to manufacturers^ on principles somewhat similar to and experience dlisslpate the Illaslon. Particalav vu- cuuragement to one sort of manufacture might hurt the interests of the landholder, but It has been universally found that In the aggregate, the Interests of agriculture and fabrication are most intimately connected ; for mu« tual wants are the strongest lies of political harmony, and perhaps the more distinct and different the supplies are, the more Intimate is the union proportionally. If the northern and middle states should be the prlricipa; theatre of manual arts, the southern states must be be- nefited by the demand for their productions, so many oi which are the materials of m:i ut'acture, and to be fooid in great plenty In these states. Timber, flax, '' )tton, raw silk, indigo, Iron, lead, tnd coals, together V, lit other crude commodities, are furnished by Virgi- nia in copious quantity. Duties on those foreign articles, which are the rivals of tl. domestic ones designed to be encouraged, amount evidently to a virtual bounty on home made goods, since, by the charges on what come from abroad, they may ljt; sold for less, or at the same price with larger profit ; and such duties have had the sanction of the legislature of the United States. There are examples too, of duties upon foreign merchandize which amount, to prohibition, and this principle might be still extendrd to some other articles unaffected by It yet, but they are not numerous. Considering a monopoly of the domes- tic market to Its own manufactures as the reigning policy of manufacturing nations, a corresponding regu^ !•- tion on the part of the United States is dictated by retributive justice, and by the propriety of securing to ;i)cir own citizens a reciprocity of advantages. The lesire of providing a cheap and plentiful supply for th»; national workmen, where the article is either peculiur to the country, or of peculiar quality there, and the le'xr of enabling foreign mechanics to rival their own by mciin; of native materials are leading motives to restrain the exportation of these. This regulation ought indeed to be accepted with great circumspection and In very plain cases; but, in some instances, it is altogether correct. Pecuniary bounties have been found a very efficacious means of encouraging manufactures, but they have not that formerly adopted by the states of New York and Penn- sylvania, in their loan offices. It is believed t'lat a plan might be devised by which five millions of dollars a-year, bat not ex- ceeding ill the whole twenty millions, might be thns lent, with- out any material risk of ultimate loss, and without ta.\ing or injuring any other part of the community. .' All which is respectfully submitted, ALBERT GALLATLN. Treasury Deparhnent, April 17, 1810, ' AOOK XVI.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. iti yet been much practised by the governtnent of the United Stntes. A stimulus is thereby given to new cnterpni^c, since it lessens the risks of loss that attend nil tiLV- ati mpts, and it prevents the aufrmenlBtion of J. -Ve wiiith follows prohibition of the rival goods, nor lias Jt a tendency to produce scarcity. Except for the simpk' bnd common kinds of liousehold manufacture, or those for which there are very commanding local Advantages, pecuniary bounties are in most cases indis- pensable to the Introduction of a hew branch. But bounties are especially serviceable when they arc given upott such articles as have bounties assigned to them in the Country by which they had been supplied previously. There are many objects which appear to merit and require the particular encouragement of the United States. The man T^ctures of iron constitute in whole, or in part, and sometimes in both, the implements and materials of every useful occupation. The United States Hove peculiar advantages for dtriving the full jenefit of this most valuf.ble material, and they possess every motive to improve it with care. It is to be found !n various parts, and of divers quality ; and fuel, the chief means of managing it, is both cheap and plenti- ful. The manufactu'. es of copper are of great extent and utility, and the material itself is a natural produc- tion of the country. Lead abounds in the United States, and requires but little aid to unfold it to a de- gree more than commensurate to every domestic occa- sion. Several man'.factures of wood flourish in Ame- rica. Ships are built in great perfection, and cabinet ^vares an; produced nearly equal to those of Europe, Hiid in such abundance as to admit of considerable ex- portation. The increasing scarcity, and the growing importance of timber in European countries, admonish the United States to commence, and systematically pursue, measures for the preservation of the stocij. The working of skins is a matter of very great mo- ment to the United States ; and this is farther recom- mended by the influence it has in preserving and en- creasing the several kinds of cattle. Indeed foreign competition seems to be subdued by the progress already made in this article. Tanneries are not only carried on as a regular business in various parts of the country, but they constitute in some places a valuable- item of family manufacture. The importance of the linen branch to agriculture^ its happy etVects upon household industry, the ease with which its materials can be produced in tl ; United States to any requisite extent, the great advances which have been made in tlie coarser fabrics of them, especially in the family way, form claims of peculiar force to the patronage of the American government. This patronage may be aflbrdcd in various ways ; by promoting the growth of the materials ; by eucreaning the impedimentt to foreign competition ; and by direct bounties or pre- miums on the home manufacture. A method thuuld be devised for the encouragement of the growth both of flax and hemp, such as would prove elTectual, and nevertheless be fr<-c from too great inconvenii mes. To this end bounties and premiums otter themselves to consideration ; but care must be taken that too great expense be not incurred, nui\ that no partial indulgence be made detrimental to other parts of the union. An augmentation of the duties on importation is an ob« vious expedient, which, with regard to curtain articles, appears to be recommended by sufficient reasons. Of sail-cloth there is a most flourishing manufactory nt Boston, as well ns others of less extensive scale in various district- The quantities of -tow and other household linens manufactured in different parts of the Uniti'd Stat ., and the expectations which may be cherished by the sue of recent experiments to use machuics in the cc , brics, obviate the danger of inconvmience frcm an mcreas of duty upon such articles, and pro- nuc no deficiency in the internal supply. Cotton, by its very texture, is peculiarly adapted for the use of machines ; and tlie fabrics of cotton are on this account well worthy the attention of a people who want a sufhcicncy of hands. The raw material in the United States is capable of being brought to great per- fection. Cotton is not, like hemp, an universal pro- duction, .ind c.innot therefore afford so sure an internal supply ; but the chief objections to its cultivation arise from the doubts of the national cotton. It is alleged that tire fibre of it is much shorter and weaker than that which is elsewhere produced $ and it has been noted as a general rule that the nearer the growth to the equator, the better the quality of the (H)tton ; that which conies from Cayenne, Surinam, and Dcmarara, is said to be desirable even at a vast difference of price to the cotton of the islands. Manufactories of cotton goods established at Beverley, in Massachusets, at Pro- vidence, in the state of Rhode Island, and at New York, are conducted with a perseverance corresponding to the patriotic motives in which thev originated ; they pro- duce corduroys, velverets, fustians, jeans, and other similar articles, of a quality which bears conipirison with those of England. That which is established at Providence first introduced the cotton mill into the United States. The woollen branch cannot be regarded as inferior to any which relates to the clothing of the inhabitants, where the climate partakes of so large a portion of winter as in different parts of America. The making of hats of wool, or of wool mixed with fur, has been carried to a great pitch ', and nothing seems wanting but m IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^ 0% <% y > '> ^^^ ^ 1.0 I.I — 1^^ J m 1 2.2 ^ lis IIM m 1.25 1 ,.4 1^ < 6" ^ HiolDgraphic Sciences Corporation 33 WKT MAM WIUTII,N.Y. (716) 173 STIHT usto 4503 1 ft ^v Si6 HISTORVPf^A^EWCA. (book XVT. • sufficient supply of materials to render the maiinfac* ture quite eamrdMtmtgtt Mihe demiihd. At Hartford,- in Connecticut, cloaths, cassimeres, and otiier wooUeO' goods, are manufactured to a considerable extent, and from the sjieciinens one must conclude that these fa- brications have attaihed much perfection. Measures tending to prohiote an abundant quantity of ehoice wool wDtild prove the most efficacious aid to this and the like manufactures ; and for this purpose encouraging the breed of sheep has been considered the most de- sirable expedient. The production of silk is attended with great facility in most parts of the United States, and some essays have been made in Connecticut, as well toward that as the manufacture of what is produced. Stockings, hand- kerchiefs, ribbons, and buttons, are made there, and Ipswich in Massachusets has long been memorable for its lace. The materials of glass are found every where throughout the union with very little trouble. The sands and stones called Tarso, which include flinty and chrystaline substances generally, and the salts of various plants, particularly the sea-weed kali, or kelp, consti- tute the essential ingredients. An extraordinary abun- dance of fuel is a particular advantage enjoyed by Ame- rica for such manufactures j they require, however, large capitals, and engross much manual labour. Different manufactories of glass are established in the United States. The Americans early began to attend to the manu- taciure of gun powder, and its progress has been equal to the zeal with which it was at first commenced. En- couragement has been given by imposing duties on the rival article from abroad, and by an exemption of salt petre, one of the chiefcst parts in its composition ; and it were well if sulphur should be rendered a free com- modity of importation. Of all the manufactories in the United States, that of paper has probably reached the greatest perfection, and furnishes a supply almost adequate to every occa- sion. Paper hangings have made a respectable pro- gress ; and sheathing and cartridge paper being needful for military use and ship-building, and of simple pro- cess, recommend themselves to encouragement, and seem within the compass of domestic industry. The great number of presses throughout the United States make unnecessary the importation of such books as are of most general demand ; and the business is further aided by the duty on foreign printed works. Thus the assistance given to prititing Is at the same time bene- ficial to the paper manufacturer. Refined sugars and chocolate are among the number of extensive and promising manufactures in the United States. The manufacture of maple sugar was for many yeaMciirried on in the eastern Stite* before it became an object of public attentvM. These, andthe middle states, supply materials in abundance, and the quality is said to be equal to that of the West Irtdia produce. A writer of known sincerity and candour has observed, that four men might, in a common season, which lasts from four to six weeks, make 4000lbs. of sugar, lOOOlbs. each. If such be the amaying product of an individual's labour, in six weeks, what may not be expected from the labour of the many thousands who inhabit, or may inhabit, the extensive tracts in which the maple sugar tree abounds } Successful experiments have been made in the pro- d\iction of wines by some new settlers on the Ohio, and the wines are of an excellent sort ; and since the soil of the United States is prolific in grapes of the choicest richness, the business might be carried to the utmost height of improvement. Th? bounteous fertility of the American glebe, which amply rewards the industrious husbandman ; the tem- perature of the climate, which admits of steady labour ; thecheapness of land, which tempts the foreigner front his native home ; lead one to reckon agriculture as the great interest of the country. Cargoes are by it furnished not only to all their own ships, but also for the foreign vessels which come into their ports, and pay, as it were, for the importations. The prosecution of agri- cultural pursuits tends to maintain morality, health, and patriotism, excluding tU' luxuries of populous towns, affording wholesome exercise, and inspiring a love of the land, which naturally follows from its yield- ing the sources of our cares and our subsistence ; and so the tillers of the ground formed the militia, the former bulwark of the country. The interior commerce of the United States, con- sisting principally of agricultural produce, is not pur- sued to any considerable extent, on account of the small number of high roads and the want of canals; the rivers, however, are of great service in promoting the inland trade. In the year 1810, twenty thousand sailors were employed in the coasting and internal na- vigation. In 1774, the foreign commerce did not move aboVe thirteen millions of dollars, noth in im- ports and exports ; in 1784, it reached thirty millions; in l7d'4> sixty seven millions ; and since, owing to the wars which harassed Europe, it has made a very sur- prising progress. The Americans have gleatied the losses of France, Spain, and Ilulland, and their nation became a general reservoir of colonial produce. la 1804, the external commerce of the United States, according to an average taken from the last three years, amounted to one hundred and forty-three millions of dollars : the exports 65., andthe imports 7'o. In 1805, BOOK XVI.} HISTORY 01 AMERICA. 6Si7 It feached a huddredatod nioctyxoiie millions ofdvilan, and in IHOA, to ttro hundred and eleven millions: the « ciportis U ■':'., and the importa 108« This oomn«erce kept incM.-isio^ in 190J, bat falling during the next years in couiiequence of the obstacles opposed to it, so that the mean year may be estimated at two hundred miUions of dollars. The exports principally consist of corn, flour, cotton, tobaeco, woody pearl-ash, salt beef, and fish ; and the imports of linens, woollens, silks, jewellery, hard > are ; tea, coffee, sugar, and other colonial producticns. One half of the foreign articles imported are re-exported by the Americans ; and receiving at the rate of 7 or 8 per cent, as freight, they obtain a yearly profit of fifteen millions of dollars. But if the Americans gain by all the nations col- lectively, they do not with England receive immediate benefit, for their balance in favour of Great Britain is generally about twenty-five millions of dollars. Whence it follows, that by obstructing the commerce of the United States with other countries, the English trade is itself injured. There seems to be a natural predilec- tion for British intercourse, which, in addition to the antipathies created by the revolution, is weakened by difierent causes. The Americans and British are rivals, and conse- quently subject to disputes respecting limits. The former have been desirous to obtain possession of Aca- dia and all the country southward to the river St. Law- rence, judging these the compact limits assigned by nature to their empire ; now to tlie latter, all the coast situated eastward to the river Hudson has been an ob- ject of solicitude, as affording seamen in abundance, and an exclusive enjoyment of tlie cod fisheries. The Hritish would fain draw the Canadian trade into the river St. Lawrence, the entrance of which they possess, and the Americans seek to transfer it to the Missisippi, which flows entirely within their jurisdiction, each evi- dently contending for the monopoly of the fur trade. This has been the occasion of much discontent ; but it has appeared less productive of dissension than the right claimed by Great Britain to interdict under neutral flags the commodity of colonies, which, during the wars of France and of Spain, provided employment for many American vessels, when no direct communication be- tween the colonies and t.ie parent state could subsist in opposition to the power of the British navy. We have mentioned this occupation, termed commonly the carrying iniJe, as very lucrative, and therefore not easily resigned, should compulsion be only contingent. The American ships in time of peace had no liberty for in- terfering with the colonial concerns, and therefore when war broke out the same want of authority must have remained. Bo^ Ml tlM other baa^, who dare dic- tate to a neutral state the extent of its commercial re- lations ? To this it may be answered, thnt when neu- trals are so far connected with cither belligerent as to render actual aid, it becomes imperative upon the otlier to seek redress ; and it must be owned, that giving pro^ visions or other means of maintaining the contest, falls within this consideration as much as the open espousal of the cause, since doing so confers an advantage to the prejudice of the opposite party. Tlic Americana persisted in the opinion, that the flag was sufhcientto protect the cargo, and that no right w,as inherent in the British government to inquire into or prescribe the quality of it, or the place of its destination. When a nation has commenced war, the members which form the community have been regarded by ge- neral consent, the natural guardians of the soil, and the instruments for offensive operations. Upon these prin- ciples the British claimed the privilege of searching the ships of the United States for the seamen who owed allegiance to their country, and to press such persons into their service. The Americans considered this con- duct an infringement of their rights, and peculiarly grievous from the difficulty of discrimination, which a similarity of manner, and an identity of language, must always make a very disputable point. The extension given to maritime blockades, and con- trabands of war, was a measure fraught with many galling circumstances, cramping the commerce of the neutral, and at the same time assuming the aspect of dictatorial authority. By the extension of blockade, an imaginary line of ships is supposed to be drawn quite round the powers at war, and the vessels that touch in their harbours are considered as actively aidant, which each nation is at liberty to enjoy, but wishes to exclude the other from possessing; and consequently the Bri- tish navy, being by far the more efficient, the French coast was virtually interdicted to the Americans, who were nevertheless received at the English ports. A confidence of naval superiority began to undermine by degrees the principles of the extension, and the British ministers looked upon it as a constituent of their mari- time rights, and even that very term grew into familiar usage when the question of integral or national block- ading happened to be mentioned. All these circumstances tended to produce in the pre- sident and congress a temper which evinced tliiit war must ensue, unless Great Britain would clinnge her system, or the United States would prove in too weak a condition to vindicate their dissatisfaction by the commencement of hostilities. It may be observed, that when a neutral is placed between two belli'^erents with which it has certain relations, it may not be 528. HISTORY OF AMEUICA. [book- XV r. it U raqu'ired to ac<|uieta8 in. the .argnmcnts for the conti* nuance of any political acts, which, however retaliatory on the part of the powers at war, encroach upoR the national independence of the state which is not con- cerned in the quarrel. On the 22d of January, the president (aid before congress copies of the disgatches received from Mr. Pinckney, minister plenipotentiary at tbe.court of I^oudon, relative to his correspondence with the marquis Wellesley on the subject of the orders in council. In his note to his lordship, he referred to the repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees by the court of France, and suggested the necessity, in consequence, of Great Britain relinquishing the system pursued on account of those edicts, He did not expect that the orders would be formally recalled, iq the king's state of health, but that something satisfactory might notwith- standing be done. At the same time that these papers were presented to congress, a bill was introduced, sup- plementary to the act concerning the commercial inter- course between the United States and Great Britain. This bill set forth, that should the British ^ministra- tion so revoke or modify their edicts as not to infringe upon the ireedom of mercantile pursuits, a proclama- tion would be made to nullify afl the restrictions and penalties already attached to British merchandize j but, otherwise, that no goods would be admitted intoihe American harbours, either from foreign ports or those of England, whidi were the produce pf British industry, after the 2nd of February, An amendment being adopted in favour of shipments made previous to the day when itsi operations was to commence, the bill passed into a law by a decided majority. On the 1st of March Mr. Pinckney had bis audience of leave with the Prince Kegeot. When this circum- stance was mentioned in parliament, as implying that all negociations were at an end, the minister attempted to soften the inference, by observing, that a charge d'affaires had been left, through whom any new pro- posals might be transmitted ; but Mr. Pinckney him- self seems to have considered his departure definitive. From this time the Americans acted as if the French edicts were revoked, and the English orders still en- forced; the ships of the former were admitted into their ports, those of the latter were excluded, While tlie United States were thus suspended in dabious conjecture of the termination to British nego- ciations, an affair occurred which threatened to briag on immediate hostility. About 15 leagues from Cape Henry, the United States frigate, President, spied the Little Belt, a British sloop of war, and after a smart chace, the ships engaged, when the Little lielt suffered very severe damage ; but commodore Rodgers, the Ame- rican commander, having been certified of the nation to which she belonged, axpreflied great sorrow for the unfortunate occurrence, by a messi^e on the followiu)^ morning, O^icial inquiries were instituted into this affair, but the two ships bore opposite evidence as to the first shot; commodore £odg«rs was , hunguiably acquitted ; and ci^ptajn Bipgbam* pf the Little Belt, had no reflections cast upon his beh&vipur. Both parties seem to have been swayed by, an iviyieldiug, attention to punctiUo at ^h^ outset, and, Aeithe«^^9pj>eari deficient in the professional atftribn^esol qulQltip^ss to qu»rrel and jealousy of honour* , > r . • The feelings of the Americans, had been, wound up to the highest pitch of isritptiop by the, violent measures adopttid fpr th« recovery pf British seamen., Four per.> sons were taken, after an obstinate resistance, from the Chesapeak* of whom one, formerly belonging to the English ship Melampus, waai executed at Halifax, ^nd the othvr three receivecl five hundred lasheji escb. The general resentment was pointed AgaJQst the captain of the Leandcr, by wlwse difectipn a ,shqt .was fired whiph killed an American instantaneously. The cap. tain underwent ap impeachment of the murder, but his trial ended in his acquittal, fox the sufferings incurred by individuals in the fiffr^y of the Chesapeak, his Britannic majesty proposed every possible allevis- tioa, which, however, was by no means sufficient to calm the troubled spirit of 4>scontept, vyhile the inde- terminate (sondition of the general principle througb which the mischief was done, left the door still open to the commission of similar acts. Although the four re-claimed men were proved to be English subjects, they notwithstanding had been considered by tlie officer of the Chesapeak Americans ; nor could it have been in his power to discover the nation to which their ad- herence was actually due. About the close of the year 1811, the Indian affkin on the southern and north western frontiers of tht United States, assumed an aspect of a much more alarming nature, than that which had been marked by any of the previous depredations of the neighbouring tribes, / ant incursions were followed by the ex- tinction ttole families, and the several nations seemed emulous of excelling each other in acts of the greatest horror. The influence of a Shawancse, yrho styled himself '- The Prophet," and who neglected no means to excite the most violent animosities against the people of the United States, had produced amopg the Indians, on the borders of the Wabash, a disposition to massacre and plunder to sp enormous an extent, th^t the vigor- ous interference of the government was no longer to be delayed. Measures were therefort^ immediately adopted, in conjunction with governor Hani8on> to repel by BOOK y.vi.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 529 force any further ontrages, which could not be prevented by amicable treaty. The militia of Indiana, and a re- giment of United States* infantry, were accordingly orderso lUSTORY OF AMERICA. [book XV r. « nor sex, and was distinguished by features peculiarly '* shocking to humanity, could not be referred to ^ith- " out connecting tlieir hostility with the influence of " British traders and garrisons, nor without recollecting "the authenticated examples of. the interpositions of " the officers and agents of that government." And ", That, in fine, on the side of Great Britain, there " .was a state of war against the United States ; and on " the side uf the United States a state of peace towards " Great Britain." The committee of foreign relations, to whom tliis message was referred, reported a manifesto to the house, in which, after recapitulating these grievances, tliey re- commended, as ttic only measure to prevent future aggression, an immediate appeal to arms ; and on the ISth day of June, an act was passed declaring war against the kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof; which received theexecutive sanction. A small army, consisting of the 4th regiment of in- fantry, and three regiments of Ohio volunteers, was ordered, under the command of brigadici -general Hull, to protect the frontiers against the incursions of the savages. After the declaration ot war, this force being rearest to the most convenient point of invasion, was directed to repair to the town of Detroit, on the river of that name, and opposite Sandwich, a beautiful and extensive village in Upper Canada. After a tedious and fatiguing marcii of thirty-five days, during which lie was obliged to fortify his camp, at every position ^vhich he occupied at night, to prevent a surprise from a parly of Indians, who had closely and constantly rc- opnnoitcred him, and who had plauocd an attack upon Detroit, which the approach of his army frustrated, general Hull arrived at that post with i,500 men. He liad no sooner garrisoned tlif* American shore of the Detroit, than the British began to throw up brea»t- MTorks., and to erect batierics, on the opposite side. Tlie first of these was destroyed by a well directed fire from the fort, and the persons employed at it were obliged jirecipitatcly to retire ; a sccund, wiiich was situated iil)out tiirec miles below, was destroyed in like manner, 1 y some pieces of cannon dispiitched for that purpose, Jiiid worked with so mucii skill, that the British were compelled to abandon their design of fortifying at that point. Active preparations were now making for an imme- •liite invasion of Canada ; boat.s were constructed capa- • manding the immediate surrender of the garrison ; to which it was returned for answer, that the " town and fort would be defended to the last extremity." The British then opened their batteries upon the town, and continued to throw their shells into the fort from four o'clock until midnight. The fire was returned until dark with little effect. At day-light the next morning the firing again commenced, whilst the British, under the protection of their ships, were landing their forces at Spring Wells. From fort Detroit they pould not have been prevented from landing, had they attempted it, even in its more immediate vicinity. Its situation had been originally chosen without skill, the town actually standing between it and the river. The superiority of position, however, was apparent on the side of the Americans, and their force more than equal to that of the enemy. They had four hundred rounds of twenty- four pound shot already fixed, and about one hundred thousand cartridges made, and their provisions were sufficient for fifteen days. Tlie head of the British co- lumn had advanced within five hundred yards of the American line, when general Hull ordered the troops to retreat to the fort. They entered the fort, which, crowded so that any movement was impracticable, was scarcely capable of containing them. Here they were directed to stack their arms, and they had the niuriitica- tion to see the flag of their country struck, and the fort surrendered without the discharge of a single gun. A white flag was suspended from its walls, and suc|i was the astonist.meut even of the enemy's troups, that a British olhcer rode up to ascertain its meaning. The American soldiers were sadly chagrined to be necessi- 4 1:; ■.») m ainf^/mffffffmfgm 5dfl HISTOJiy or AMEUICA. [book xju. tated, after all their brilliant expectancies, ti> lay duwn their urins, and iniircli in captive review bei'ure itii urmy whicli liad dnie > othiri}^; more towards conquist tlian di8|ilay their baniiert. A detacha>ei>t wliicli liad beeh out, was nuw un i s return, and in a tit siituatiuit tor aniioving the British, whuni tiicy rniglil have placed betwixt liieiruwn tire and thai of the fort. 'J'luy could noi iiiiagiiie what measures were in opirulioii, wlitn an Unintcrruptt'd siltncc prevailed between twu hostile arniiis within fight'ng distance uf each other; the ar- rangement lor a suiiinder wa.s the last among their sur- mises, because they knew that the garrison was supe- rior to any force which could then be brought against it. 'I'lieir doubts were relieved by a message from general Hull, to the following eflfect :—•• I have signed " articles of capitulation for the surrender of this gar- " rison, in which you and your detachment are pri- " soners of war. Such part of the Ohio militia as have " not joined the army, will be permitted to return to ** their homeis, on condition that they will not serve *' during the war. Their arms, however, will be given ** up, if belonging to the public." The volunteers and militia returned to their respective homes ; but general Hull, and the fourth regiment, and part of the first, were taken to Montreal, whence they were destined for Quebec. General Brock issued his proclamation, an- nouncing to the inhabitants of Michigan, the cession of that territory to the arms of his Britannic majesty, and establishing regulations for its civil govcrnmc.it. The capitulation of an immense territory, and the sur- render of the whole north-western army, which was composed of men, feelingly alive to the honour of their coiintry, ambitious of distinguishing themselves in arms, and most of whom had left their famines, and their friends, to encounter the fatigues and dangers of a long campaign, excited a sensation among the people from one extremity of tlie country to the other, not less indig- nant than that which way felt by the troops theniaelvei. When general Brock said, that tlie force at his disposal authoriied liim to require the surrender, he niu«i have hail a very exalted upiuion of the prowess of his own sol- diers, or a very low one of t)u( ability of those, who were commanded by t)ie Americi^t) genenitl. The force at his disposal was inferior to the garrison at Detroit even in the absence of the detachmen|(. In a letter to >ir George Prevost, he states the American force at 2500, and his own at COO white men, and 600 Indians. Had the troops remained at Sandwich Until the pro- visions were brought on, the surrender of this force to a body of troops Inferior in number, would have been prevented. The British did not appear at that place until they had heard of its evacuation ; they were induced to follow up the American army, because of its abrupt departure from the Canadian shore ; and it has been matter of conjecture, whether general Hull's conduct was the result of cowardice or perfidy. In his official dispatches to the government, he attempted to defend his conduct upon grounds with which they were not satisfied, and which could not be proved before the court-martial, by whom, after being exchanged for 30 British prisoners, he was tried. After an investigation of all the facts, the court de- clined making a decision on the charge of treason which was alleged against him, but said, they did not believe from any thing which had come before them, that he had been guilty of that crime. On the second charge, for cowardice, and the third, for neglect of duty and unofiicerlike conduct, they condemned him. A sen- tence of death was passed upon him, but in considera- tion of his revolutionary services, and his advanced age, he was earnestly recommended to the mercy of the pre- sident, who remitted the sentence, but directed a ge- neral order to be issued, by which his name was struck from the rolls of the army. BOOK XVII. JlodtilUii'S nf Ike Cieiks—Defvat of general fVadsworih-^PoUtical dissentims mid rioU nt Bidtmore— Naval trauf' actions — General Dearbur7i's advance to Cliamplain — Blockade of the Chesapeake and DclaW'Ure—itepnrt ofeor.i' mitteeofforeign relations— Additional blockadeof the coast— York taken by the Americans—Capture nf MobilU— The Chesapeake taken— Affair on the Miami— Attack on Sackelt's harbour— Action on the Ontario and ut Burlington Heights — Captttre of the corps under general Bocstlcr — Landings in the Chesapeak — Torpedoes and txphding machines employed— Occurrences on Lakee Ontario and Cliamplain— British forces on Lake Erie captured— Actions on Lake Ontario— Fort Oswego stormed— Fort Erie taken by the Americcms—Operatimis ^QOIC 'XVIl.j HISTORY OF AMERICA. 533 »» in the Chesapeak— Failure and death qf sir Peter Parker at liellair— Expedition against Baltimore— Defeit *• qftke British JiotiUa on Lake Chainplain — Britith retreat to C'unadu— AVgodad'ons at Ghent— British ea^jidi- >*' Hon to Floridu-- Treaty of peace signed at Ghent— Capture of the frigate President- Failure (J' the altaik on i■> jtmericunnavy agttinet theBarbary Powers— Treaties uiith the Indians— Disputes with the Spanish government— ii iDecUne ofmanufdcturet-^Meaturesfor restoring payments in legal currency. InTELUGCNCE of the misfortune of the uorth- westcrn army having been communicated by early dis- ipatclics froDi the tribes on tlie northern, to those of t|ie ( r«-ik nation on the southern frontiers, fears were ^ntt'rtuin|:d, tliat the result of a council of the chiefs, which was to be held on the '2JA of October, would be unfavourable, and that a coalition would be formed be- twetn thf Indians of the two extremities, which might require all the energies of the government to luppress. To this ci>uncil of the Creel body of about 15U Indians, all of whom were on he: eback. This meeting was very unexpected to the Indians; but they iniiiicdiately dismounted, tormed a line of battle, and marched a few paces in ad- vance. This movement was intended to intimidate tlic Georgians ; but colonel Newnan gave orders for tlie charge, and determined to put an end to the en- counter by entirely subduing the Indians, or putting them to flight. The battle ground was situated amidst a number of swamps, which bounded three of its sides. The Indians remained firm until the Georgians had advanced within 50 paces of their line, when they fled to tliese swamps for safety. The whole of the mus- quetry being fired at them, made great execution, and among others killed their leader, king Paine. His tribe, on hearing of his fall, were resolved on rescuing . .J '..I'l i Ul il lWm . >d4 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XVI r. i-1- Ms body from t)tc enemy, and returned to the action for that purpose. Several ch.irges were now made, and tlie Indians constantly driven hHck, until at length they resolved on one desperate effort, and recovering all their strength and spirits, made a push against the Georgians, which, though it was received with firm- ness, could not be resisted with much vigour. The Indians obtained the body of king Fuinc, gave up the conflict, whicli had noH' lasted upwards of four hours, and carried off their killed and wounded, supposed to be between 20 and 30. Before night of the same day, the Indians were re- inforced from their towns by other Indians and negroes ; and renewed and kept up the action with the greatest obstinacy until thry begun to think tlie volunteers in- vincible, and again fled. Tluir force in the second attack was upwardi> of 2C0, but they were repulsed with nearly the same loss us in the first. Colonel Newnan's situation was becoming extremely hazardous ; the enemy's numbers were hourly increas- ing, and they began to surround him on all sides : he therefore threw up a small breastwork, from which he vras determined to defend himself until his troops should be reinforced also. He had already dispatched expresses to procure additional men. His wounded rendered him unable to retreat or to advance ; and he repelled every assault which was made upon this little work until the 4th day of October. The Indians were continually harassing him day and night ; and findfng they could make no impression on his fortification, tliey glutted their insatiable vengeance by shooting all his horses. On the 4th, a perfect silence prevailed within colonel Newnan's camp, and the Indians suspected from that, and the circumstance of their fire not having been returned the day preceding, that he had deserted it in the night. Under this assurance they approached the works witiiout any thought of opposition, until they were within forty paces of them, when the Georgian troops suddenly showed themselves, compelled the In- dians to retreat with precipitation, and after several rapid discharges of musquetry, killed and wounded about '60 warriors more. They then decamped, with- out heing molested, and were stationed about 10 miles off, pn the Picoiatta road, where they were obliged to await the arrival of fresh horses and provisions. Co- lonel Newnan's account of this afi'uir bestows a high degree of credit upon every volunteer of his detach- inent ; and their intrepid conduct, as well as his judi- cious arrangements, served to give a check to the com- bined red and black warriors, which promised security to the neighbourhood at least until larger forces should be organized. Besides the loss of king Paine, the Indians had three of the principal chiefs and their young governor hluin. The disaster which attended the troops under general Hull had deranged the system formed for the conquest of Canada, but the design of compassing this object was not relinquished. On the l.Sth of October, 1R||^ a considerable force was collected in the neighbourhood of Niagara; and general Wadsw finally, because of a war begun with such means as our rulc-rs had prepared, and conducted in the mode they seem resolved to pursue, we sec no grounds to hope the honourable and successful termination. Resolved, That while we condemn the war, in the most distinct and unqualified terms, \\c are deeply 53C HISTORY OF AMERICA. [bOO» XVII. I •ensible of tlie new duties and obligations wliicli the ciiaiigc of our nutionBl ri-latitins lias imposed U|)oii us, and are fully dttcriiiined, in our several lapacitit-s of niaffistrates, soldiers, and citizens, to obey witli promptness and alacrity all conntitulionul requikilions of the proper authorities ; soekin^; no other redretii lor the evils of which we complain, than tiiat which we confidently trust wilt be obtained from a change of sen- timent in the people, leading to a change of men and measures. Resolved, That we view the creation of new states out of territories not within the ancient limits of the United States, as inconsistent with the spirit of the federal compact, and calculated to destroy ihc weight which^tbeohl, great, and populous states ought to have in the union, and ntterly to disappoint and frustrate the great purpose fur which they entered into the con> federacy. Resolved, That we consider the employment of the militia, for the purpose of offensive war, as a palpable violation of the constitution, as extremely oftensive to tht people, as the most expensive and the least efficient mode of conducting the war; and as a serious and alarming encroacltment on the rights of the .several states, which it liehovei the true friends of our ex- cellent institutions^ by all lawful meant, firmly to resist. Whereas the late revocation of the British orders in council, has removed the great and ostensible cause of the present war, and prepared the way for an imnie- diatt accommodation of all existing differences, inas- much as, by the confession of the present secretary of state, satisfactory and honourable arrangements might easily be made, by which the abuses resulting trom the impressment of our seamen, might in luturc be effec- tually prevented— Therefore, Resolved, That we shall be constrained to consider the determination on the part of our rulers to continue the present war, after official notice of the revocation of the British orders in council, as affording conclusive evidence that the war has been undertaken from mo- tives entirely distinct from those which have been hi- thtrto professed, and for the promotion of objects wholly unconnected with the interest ttnd honour of the American nation. Eeiolved, That we contemplate with abhorrence even the possibility of an alliance with the present em|ieror of Ji'rance, every action of whose life has demonstrated, that the attainment, by any means, of universal empire, and the consequent extinction of every vestige of free- dom, are the sole objects of his incessant, unbounded, wd remorseless annbition. Hit arms, with the spirit 9t frcedoBi, we might openly and fearlesaly encounter j I but, of his secret arts, hit corrupting influence, w« en- tertain a dread we can neither conquer nor conceal. It is therefore with th«* utmost distrust and alarm, that wti regard itis late profetsiont of attachment and love to tiie American people, fully recollecting, that hit iova- riahle course hat been, by perfidious oiTen of protec- tion, by deceitful declarationt of friendthip, to lull hin intendc[)using power. The British Hug was about to recover the honours of which American gallantry and superiority in nuvul war- fare had for a time deprived it. Captain liroke, of the English ship Shannon, lying uiF the harbour of Boston, had been assiduous in training his men to the use of great and small arms. In that liarbour lay the Chesa- peake, to which the Shannon ollcred herself in single combat, withdrawing from the other vessels, close to the light-house. The Chesapeake hastened to advance, and accepted the challci.ge, setting out in the finest style with three national colours fiying, and so confi- dent of victory that no accommodations were prepared for the wounded, an occasion of subsequent distress. After the exchange of two or three bruudside^, the Che- sapeake and Shannon became locked together. The captain of the Shannon, conceiving that he saw the Chesapeake's men flinching from thegunsj gave orders to board, and himself leapt first into tli« adversary. | The assailants rushed after him with keen impetuosity, and were as fiercely resisted. A short but saiitruinary conflict ended in the capture of every post ; and, in the space of fifteen minutes from its coninn-ncement, the action was decided ; so attentive had botli parties been to immediate etfect, that neither sustained any damage in the rigging, coming out of battle in as com- plete order almost as if a salute only had been given and returned. An explosion is said to liavc taken place in the Chesapeake at a critical juncture, contributing to the success of her opponent ; but discipline and prowess had their share in it notwithstanding. The American captain, Lawrence, and his antagonist, captain Broke, were severely wounded, of whom captain Lawrence died at Halifax. The Jakes were at this time the scene of many spirited conflicts, occurring on the waters or their coasts. The Miami is a river flowing into Lake Erie, distin- guished by its rapids, at the foot of which the Americans had posted themselves. Colonel Proctor embarked for this destination on the 23d of April, with 1000 regular* and militia, and ps, under general Clay, de- scending the river, made u sudden attack upon them> aided by a party from the garrison. For some time the British were dispossessed i>f their ground, but the action severely maintained, turned to the discomfiture of their adversaries, who, except those belonging to the garrison, were all either killed of made prisoners. Proctor, how- ever, was not in a condition for keeping his place, being deserted by half lite militia, and by the Indians nearly altogether, who indeed can never be regarded us perniunent or disposable force, although very useful as an occasional assistance. But it is a stain upon the page recording the transactions of war between civi« llzcd nations, that instruments should be made of beings dead, like the brutes, m all the sensibilities of cultivated humanity. A large armament, both military and naval, being collected on Lake Ontario, a landing was effected near Fort George on the 27lh of May, and the Americans prepared to assail the fort. They were received with great spirit, but the British were finally eonipelled to surrender the place, previously spiking the cannon, and ruining all that could be destroyed. These were joined soon after by detachments from Chippawa and Fort Erie, and by other parties, making up a lorce of IGOQ men. They took their jiosition near the head of the 4 K 2 540 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [flOOlC XVTl. ' iH lake. Meantime the Americans advanced towards Queenstown, and had now become masters of all the Niagara frontier. Sir George Prevost planned an at- tack on Sackett's harbour, in Lake Ontario, about the close of Maj', which was coiisignad to the management of a body of land forces, aided by a fleet of boats under Sir James Yeo. A debarkation was expected to be completed before the Americans could have the coast furnished with troops ; but the darkness of the night, and a strong current frustrating this intention, due pre- parations were made for their reception. The advance was consequently a matter of severe trial, and after a loss of ^60 men, the British troops found it impracti- cable to compass the object of the expedition, and ac- cordingly re-euibarked. On the .3d of June, the Bri- tish gun-boats on Lake Ontario, supported by detach- ments from Itile-au-Noix, made prize of two American vessels of 50 guns each. This was succeeded by an action at the head of the same lake, where a division of British troops were stationed. The Amoricans having advanced in strong force to the post for the purpose of attack, encamped about seven miles distant. In un- suspecting security, they were set upon in the night, completely bewildered and driven from their position with the loss of 100 officers and men, who fell into the hands of the enemy. The Americans, still superior in number, re-occupied their cnaip, but^destroying ail that could not be removed, made a precipitate retreat. The •ppearuiice of a British squadron off Forty-mile Creek, induced them to continue their retrograde movements, leaving behind a great quantity of stores, which were taken by their adversaries. General Dearborn collected his troops to a point ; while the English commander proceeded to the aid of the infantry and Indians em- ployed in cutting off the American supplies. On the 23d an occurrence took jilace which general Dearborn terms unfortunate and unaccountable. He had dis- patched colonel Boestler with fc70 men to Beaver Dams, nine or ten miles thence, in order to disperee a body of British engaged in seeking provision. The Indians suddenly issuing from a wood, rushed upon the detachment, which the commander brought into an open space, und there sent express for assistance. In the interim, an English force arriving, the American officer lost all presence of mind, and without awaiting the succours, delivered u]> his entire corps, with two field-pieces. Various attempts were made, we have seen, for an- noying the American .district along the banks of the Chesapeak iind the several rivers which contribute to its formation. Of these enterprises some had success, and some had not ; but their general tendency had no direct influeucc upon the resolts of the war, any farther than terrifying the iahabitaitts and capturing the mer* chant ships which came in contact with the sqtiadron. The inconveniences, however, sustained in navigation, brought into play every plan of opposition that could be devised. Torpedoes, and other exploding engines were employed, the cruelty of which was kept in coun- tenance by the first example originating with the Bri- tish ministry. A vessel furnished with provisions was purposely directed in the way of the adverse flag. She was taken, but abandoned by the crew before the cap- tor came within reach, being previously adjusted for doing a timed execution, by means of a clock which communicated by trains with gunpowder underneath, and according to any stated hour could produce its ex- plosion ; but having been placed alongside a captured sloop with few hands on board, the mortulity was less considerable than it must otherwise have been. In the beginningof July,' Black Hock, a naval esta- blishment of the Americans, on Ld'e Ontario, was as- saulted, and ut the first forsaken, when a schooner, the block-houses, and barracks, were fired ; but the Ame- ricans receiving aids, it was re-tuken, aid the British obliged to withdraw under a heavy discharge, by which they suffered dreadful havoc. With a view of calling the attention of t4ie Americans from this province to their own settlements, 800 picked men were sent, suit- ably equipped, to make a movement on Lake Cham- plain, in which they conducted themselves with activity and effect, destroying the block-houses and stores. The desire of obtaining naval superiority, was with respect to Lake Erie fully accomplished by the Ame- rican sailors. Commodore Perry, who had the direc- tion of affairs upon that station, discovering from his anchorage at Putin Bay, a British squadron, brought them to an engngemcnt. The commander was obliged very soon to quit his own vessel, the Lawrence, and go on board the Niagara, from the damage she had under- gone, which he had scarcely done when he siiw her co- lours strike ; but the antagonist being unable to follow up the rising advantages, the American colours were hoisted again. The commodore passing the line ol his opponents with resistless fury, and seconded by supe- rior strength, they were compelled to surrender with- out the escape of any part of llie armament. But on Lake Ontario the maritime excellence of the United States was not equally displayed. Several spi- rited actions were fought on its waters, terminating generally iti favour of the British, who in their essays by land had likewise the best of tiie warfare, and suc- ceeded in clearing their territories of almost the whole of the invaders, whose thoughts began tu be occupied in the defence of their own. An expedition was entered upon against tlie American fort, Oswego, in tlie 1814.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 0'\ M beginning of May 1814, consisting of a select detach- ment of troops, and the armed vessels upon Lake On- tario. The assailants landing under u severe fire, took possession of tli» '* and the garrison left it, except about GO men, a. f these one half was desperately ftwoundcd. The c\,a of tliis undertaking was to sup- press the American influence upon the lakes, and its immediate ohject was the destruction of that place, which Wits laid in ruins, and the guns intended tor the equipment «>f a kirge ship, which were laying there, fell into the hands of the British as well as other naval ap- purtenunees. A laipe American force under general Brown, crossed the Niagara river on the 3d of July, and driving in the piquets of Vuvt Erie, summoned the garrison to sur- render, which was done. By ihisatchievenicnt no mi- litary renown wjis acquired, for the hesicgcrs were nu- merous — the besiigt'd did not exceed 1 70 men. The operations of the British had hitherto been car- ried on upon a small scale in the Chesapcak ; a resolution was now formed to make a more powerful impression in that quarter. Admiral Cochrane, with general Ross, attended by a strong naval and military force, proceeded with the intention of mastering Washington, the Ame- rican capital. But tliis design was not suspected, be- cause the Baltimore (iotilla, under commodore Barney, lying at the head of the Petuxent, it was judged that the ascent of the squadron was upon that account ; and, by way of a diversion, a part of the British navy ad- vanced towards iiim ; but without awaiting the issue of a battle, the commodore set fire to his vessels. This occurred in the month of August ; upon the 21th of which, general Ross arrived within five miles of Wash- ington, on the eastern bank of the Potowmac, whilst the Anurieans weiv- ranged on the opposite one under general Winder. The bridge it was necessary to pass over was greatly at the mercy of the American artillery, favoured by a fortified house, whieh however was car- ried, arul the assailants following up their first successes gained a complete victory, and about eight o'c'ock m the evening entered W asliingtun. Its public buildings were demolished, the cupitol, the house ut representa- tives, the state-house of the president, also the dock- yard and maritime furniture, with all the general othces of the government. But the Americans seeming to gather a force too potent for the invaders, the latter evacuiitcd the tity on the day following. By the cap- lure vf Washington much animadversion naturally lighted upon the persons who directed the national affairs for taking no etieetual measures to prevent it. A vul- nerable part of the United States was thus exposed to the imminent danger which before only threatened at a distance. On the other hand, the severity and deso- lation shown and committed by the victors attached to them censure, not in America only, but on the conti- nent of Europe. Private property was respected, and the demolition of public works might even be justified j but to annihilate the specimens of art among a rising people was deemed an indulgence of animosity incon- sistent with the sentiments of a generous sort, which are wont to soften the horrors of hostility in refined belligerents. If there be sucli a principle as humanized warfare, its tendency must he to prevent every act su- perfluous to promote the object of war. Nice discrimi* nation is often requirpd to fix the limits of allowable injury; but to turn into a mass of ruins liiose structures that are merely ornamental, or designed to forward the measures of peace, may without hesitation be pronounced wanton. On the score of retaliation for what the Ame- ricans had done in Canada, similar outrages were already committed, and laid down as a final punishment, till further provocation demanded the renewal of them. About the latter end of the same month, sir Peter Parker, commanding tlie Menelaus, was induced, from a report that the Americans at Bellair consisted of only li'O men, to land and attack them. At first the British arms were prosperous, but sir Peter being mortally wounded, and the militia renewing the conflict with increased ardour, the British were compelled to seek refuge in flight. The fate of the American capital spread alarm to all the maritime towns of the United States ; and as the equinox was approaching, the British navy could not securely venture out of the Chesapcak ; a determinai tion was therefore taken to direct the operations in liiat quarter against Baltimore. A debarkation was made thirteen miles from the city, and an action took place,wherein the British general was mortally wounded, and a great loss sustained on both sides. After coming close to Baltimore by land, it was proposed to the naval commander to second a nocturnal attempt, which, however, was not possible for him to do, because the harbour was completely blocked up by sunk vessels, and upon the best consideration of tlie matter, it was judged expedient to relinquish the cnterprize. The governor-general of Canada, collocting all his disposable forces in the lower province, entered tlie slate of New York, and occupied the village of Cham"- plain, contiguous to the lake of that name. The troops under his command were estimated at 15,000 men, some of wlioui had served in the Peninsular war of Lurope, and the prospects of, their success were brightened from this circumstance. The first opera*- * dent suffered greater damage than the other. The con- eluding operations were an unsuccessful assault upon \ew Orleans, and the capture of the Mobille, by the British trou|)s. On the l/lh of February, the treaty of peace was ratified by the president and senate of the United States. By its stipulations, all places taken were to be respectively restored, with an exception of the islands in Passamaquoddy bay, which were to remain under present occupancy, until the right of possession was determined by- two sworn commissioners from each nation. The line that should run through the Cana- dian states, limiting the territories of the two powersj was referred to the same decision, as also the boun- daries between Nova Scotia and the New England states. Prisoners of war were to be mutually restored, after paying the debts which they might have contracted. Each party agreed to end hostilities with the Indians, provided they 'should desist and make martial proceed- ings unnecessary. The final abolition of the slave trade Mas to be aimed at by both nations. It is remark- able that no atlenlit)n was paid to the occasions of the war, vvliith indeed requiied only moderation and for- beaiaiice to have been crushed before they grew into ixrecuncileable variance. 1814;.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 549 When ihe treaty of peace was submitted to congress, the president sent along with it the declaration of his sentiments, wliich was couched in these terms : — ,, " I liiy before congress copies of the treaty of peace and amity between the United States and his Britannic majesty, which was signed by the commissic^ers of both parties at Ghent, the ratifications of which have been duly exchanged. While performing this act, I congratulate yuu and our constituents upon an event which is highly honourable to the nation, and termi* nates with peculiar felicity a campaign signalized by the most brilliant successes. " Tlie late war, although reluctantly declared by con- gress, had become a necessary resort, to assert ilie rights and independence of the nation. It has been waged with a success which is the natural result of the legis- lative councils, of the patriotism of the people, of the public spirit of the militia, and of the valour of the military and naval forces of the country. Peace, at all times a blessing, is peculiarly welcome; therefore, at u peri> th of February the president and senate ratified tlie treaty concluded by general Jackson and the Creek Indians. IJy tlie first article the (reeks ceded to the United States all the land iKloiiiring to tiieiu within the territories of tlie United Mates, and tiiese territories were to be limited according to the judgment of certain persons appointed by the i»resident j but a 544 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XVII. portion was to be reserved for each of the Creek our commerce which passes within reach of the Uarbary warriors, who during the iate war had contributed to '~"' the progress of tlie United States. They were re- quired besides to abstain from intercourse with tlie Bri- tish and Spanish towns. The amity and friendly connections being renewed with Great Britain, the American navy was free to avenge the piracies of the Barbary states upon tlie American commerce, and compel them to observe good order. A squadron, commanded by commodore Deca- tur, sailed to the Mediterranean, and on the 2Gth of June engaged an Algeriiie fleet, of which two siiips were taken, and of these one was the admiral. Here- upon the commodore proceeded lo Algiers, and entered into treaty with the dey, who pledged himself to relin- quish for ever the tribute exacted previously from the vessels of the United States. He next anchored in the harbour of Tunis, and demanded satisfaction and re- paration for two American prizes suffered to be taken from that harbour by a British ship, which he did so effectually and determinedly, that the bey delivered the value of the prizes into the hands of the A'ncrican consul. Sailing then to Tripoly, the pashaw of that place was constrained t») pay i'5,000 dollars by way of indemnity. Precautionary measures were then adopted for controuling the depredations of the corsairs upon the flag of the United States. The president, on the 5lb of December, acquainting the semte and house of representatives with this occur- rence, and the general transactions of government, thus addressed them in his message :— " I have the satisfac- tion, on our present meeting, of being able to commu- nicate to you the successful termination of the war which had been commenced against the United States by the regency of Algiers. The squadron in advance upon that service, under commodore Decatur, lost not a moment after its arrival in the Mediterranean, in seek- ing the naval force of the enemy, then cruizing in that sea, and succeeded in capturing two of his ships, one of them the principal ship, commanded iiy the Algerine admiral. Having prepared the way by this demonstra- tion of American skill and prowess, he hastened to the port of Algiers, where peace was promptly yielded to his victorious force. In the terms stipulated, the rights and honour of the United States were particularly con- sulted, by a particular relinquishment, on the part of the dey, of all pretensions to tribute from them. The impressions which have thus been made, strengthened as they have been with subsequent transactions with the regencies of Tunis and Tripoli, liy the appearance of the larger force which followed, adord a reasonable prospect of future security for the VcUuable portion of cruisers. " It is anotlier source of satisfaction, that the treaty of peace with Great Britain has been succeeded by a convention on the subject of commerce, concluded by the plenipotentiaries of the two countries. In this re> suit a disposition is manifested on the part of that nation, corresponding with the disposition of the United States, which it may be hoped will be improved into liberal arrangements on other subjects, in which the parties have mutual interests, or which might endanger their future harmony. Congress will decide upon the expediency of promoting such a sequel, by giving ell'cct to the metisure of confining the American navigntion to American seamen ; a measure, which nt the siime time that it might have that conciliatory tendency, would have the farther advantage of increasing the in- dependence of our navigation, and the resources for our maritime rights. " In conformity with the articles of the treaty of Ghent, relating to the Indians, as well as with a view to the tranquillity of our western and nortli-westcrn frontiers, measures were taken to establish an imme- diate peace with the several tribes who liad been en- gaged in hostilities against the United States, Such of them as were invited to Detroit, acceded rtadily to a renewal of the former treaties of friendship. Of the other tribes who were invited to a station on the Missi- sippi, the greater number have also accepted the peace offered to them. The residue, consisting of the more distant 'ribes, or parts of tribes, remain to be broiij^'ht over by further explanations, or by such other means as may be adapted to the disposition they may finally disclose. " The Indian tribes within, and bordering on our southern frontier, whom a cruel war on their part had compelled us to chastise into peace, have lately shewn a restlessness which has called for preparatory measures for repressing it, and for protecting the commissioners engaged in carrying the terms of the peace into exe- cution. " The execution of the act for fixing the military establishment has been attended with difTiculties wliich, even now, can only be overcome by legislative aid. The selection of officers, the payment and discharge of the troops etdisted for the war, the payment of the re- tained troops, and their re-union from detached and distant stations, the collection and security of the public property iti the quarter-master, commissary, and ord- nance departments, and the constant medical assistance required in bospilals and garrisons, rendered a com- plete execution of the act impracticable on the 1st o{ 1814.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. A4S May, the period more immediately contemplated. As soon, however, as circumstances would permit, and as far as has been practicable, consistently with the public interests, the reduction of the army has been accom- plished i out the appropriations for its pay, and for other branches of the military service, having proved inadequate, the earliest attention to that subject will be necessary ; and the expediency of continuing upon the peace establishment the staff ofBcers, who have hitherto been provisionally retained, is also recommended to the consideration of congress. " In the performance of the executive duty upon this occasion, there has not been wanting a just sensibility to the merits of the American army during the late war ; but the obvious policy and design in fixing an efficient military peace establishment, did not afford an opportunity to distinguish the aged and infirm on ac- count of their past services, nor the wounded and dis- abled on account of their present sufferings. The ex- tent of the reduction, indeed, unavoidably involved the exclusion of many meritorious officers of every rank from the service of their country ; and so equal, as well as so numerous, were the claims to attention, that a decision by the standard of comparative merit could seldom be attained. Judged, however, in candour by a general standard of positive merit, the army register will, it is believed, do honour to the establishment ; while the case of those 6ffiters whose names are not included in it, devolves with the strongest interests upon the legislative authority for such provision as shall be deemed the best cnlculated to give support, and solace to the veteran and invalid ; to display the benefi- cence as well as the justice of the gdvernment, and to inspire a martial zeal for the public service upon every future emergency. *< Although the embarrassments arising from the want of an uniform national currency have not been diminished since the adjournment of congress, great satisfaction has been derived in contemplating the re- vival of public credit, and the efficiency of the public resources. The receipts into the treasury from the various branches of revenue, during the nine months ending on the 30th of September last, have been esti- mated at twelve millions and a half of dollars ; the issues of treasury notes of every dcnumiiiation during the same period, amounted to the sum of fourteen millions of ddlars; and there was also obtained upon loan, during the same period, a sum of nine millions of dollars, of which the sum of six millions of dollars was subscribed in rash, and the sum of three millions in treasury notes. With these means added to the sum of one million and a half of dollars, being the balance of money in the treasury on the 1st of January, there 47—48. has been paid between the 1st of January and the 1st of October, on account of the appropriations of the pre- ceding and of the present year, the aggregate sum of thirty-three millions and a half of dollars, leaving in the treasury a balance estimated at three millions of dollars. Independent, however, of the arrearages due for military services and supplies, it is presumed that a further sum of five millions of dollars, including the interest on the public debt, payable on the 1st of Ja- nuary next, will be demanded at the treasury to com- plete the expenditures of the present year, and for' which the existing ways and means will sufficiently provide. "The national debt, as it was ascertained on the 1st of October last^ amounted in the whole to the sum of one hundred and twenty millions of dollars, consisting of the unredeemed balance of the debt contracted before the late war (thirty-nine millions of dollars), the amount of the funded debt contracted in consequence of the war (sixty-four millions of dollars) and the amount of the unfunded and floating debt (including the various issues of treasury notes) seventeen millions of dollars, which is in a gradual course of payment. There will probably be some addition to the public debt, upon the liquidation of various claims which are depending, and a conciliatory disposition on the part of congress may lead honourably and advantageously to an equitable arrangement of the militia expences, in> curred by the several states, without the previous sanc« tion or authority of the government of the United States. But when it is considered that the new as well as the old portion of the debt has been contracted in the assertion of the national rights and indepen- dence, and when it is recollected, that the public ex- penditure not being exclusively devoted to objects of a transient nature, will long be visible in the number and equipment of the American navy, in the military works for the defence of our harbours and frontiers^ and in the supplies of our arsenals and magazines, the amount will bear a gratifying comparison with the objects which have been attained, as well as with the resources of the country. " The arrangement cf the finances, with a view to the receipts and expenditures of a permanent peace establishment, will necessarily enter into the ilelibera-. tions of congress during the present session, it is true that the improved condition of the public revenue will not only atFord the means of maintaining the faith of the government with its creditors inviolate, and of prosecuting successfully the measures of the most liberal policy, but will also justify an immediate alle- viation of burthens imposed by the necessities of war. It is, however, essential to every modification of the 4 L 546 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XVI r. finances, that the benefits of an uniform national cur- rency should be restored to the community. The ab- sence of the precious metnis will, it is believed, be a tetnporary evil ; but until they can be again rendered the general medium of exchange, it devolves on the wisdom of congress to provide a substitute, which shall equally engage the confidence and accommodate the wants of the citizens throughout the union. If the operation of the state banks cannot produce this result, the probable operation of a national bunk will merit consideration. And if neither of these expedients be deemed effectual, it may become necessary to ascertain the terms upon which the notes of tlie government (no longer required as an instrument of credit) shall be issued, upon motives of general policy, as a common medium of circulation. " Notwithstanding the security for future repose which the United States ought to find in their love of peace, and their constant respect for the rights of other nations, the character of the times particularly incul- cates the lesson tliat, whether to prevent or repel danger, we ought not to be unprepared for it. This consideration will sufficiently recommend to congress a liberal provision for the imtnediate extension and gra- dual completion of the works of defence, both fixed and floating on our maritime frontier, and nn adequate provision for guarding our inland borders against dangers to which certain portions of it may continue to be exposed. " As an improvement on our military establishment, a corps of invalids might be so arranged and employed as at once to aid in support of meritorious individuals, excluded by age or infirmities from tiie existing esta- blishment, and to preserve to the public the benefit of their stationary services and of their exemplary discip- line. The military academy at present established might also be enlarged, and others formed in different sections of the union. And I cannot press too much on the attention of congress such a classification and organization of the militia as will mo»t eltectuully ren- der it the safeguard of a free state. If experience has shewn in the late splendid atcl-.ievements of the militia, the value of this resource lor the puhlic defence, it has shewn also the importance of that skill in the use of arms, and that familiarity with the essential rules of discipline, which cannot be expected from tiie regula- tions now in force. With this subject is ultimately connected the necessity of accommodating the laws, in erery respect, to the great object of enabling the poli- tical authority of tlie union to employ, promptly and effectually, the physical power ol the union in the cases designated by the constitution. *' The signal services which have been rendered by our navy, and the capacities it has developed for a success- ful co-operation in the national deCenct-, will give to that portion of the public force its lull value in the eyes of congress, at an epoch whicii calls for the con- stant vigilance of all governments. It is dictated by the soundest policy, that the ships at present C()iii|iletcd should be preserved, that imperishable matiriiils U,r tl,,. construction of others be provided, and that every stcn be taken which promises to advance our muritinm strength. *' While adjusting the import duties as they augment our revenue, the influence of the tariff upon munufac- tures will naturally offer itself to consideration. How- ever wise the position may be, that individual exertion is best managed when left to its own direction ; there are in this case, as well as in other cases, exceptions to the general rule. Besides the condition which the theory itself implies, of other nations acting recipro. cally, experience demonstrates that countries may long be devoid of certain manufactures, however advanced in handicraft the country may be, or fitted by nature for carrying on the manufactures with success. I'nder circumstances giving a powerful impulse to manufac- turing industry, its sufficiency has proved among us, to afford a source of internal wealth and of external com- merce, should due protection be administered to the enterprize of our citizens. In selecting the objects of patronage, a preference is tu be made to those which, needful tu the public defence or primarily important to individual wants, ought not to be derived of necessity from foreign markets, which are subject to be closed and always to casual failures. Claims upon the warmest recommendation for favour are possessed by such manufactures as employ the produce of our own agricultural labours, since it would at the same time encourage a great source of prosperity and national in- dependence. " Among the means of advancing the public interest, the occasion is a proper one for recalling the attention of congress to the great importance of establishing throughout our country tlie roads and canals which can best be executed under the minisleriul authority. The expence bestowed is as riciily leptiid by them as by any other objects of political economy ; there are none the utility of which is more universally ascertained and acknowledged ; none that do more lionour to the go- vernment, whose wise and enlarged patriotism duly ap- preciates tliem. Nor is there any country which pre- sents a field where nature invites more the art of man, to complete her own work for his accommodation and benefit. These considerations are strengthened, more* over, by ihe eflecl of these facilities fur intercommuni- cation ia bringing and binding more closely together 1815.] HISTORY or AMERICA. 547 »ped f«i a tiurccss* eiicc, vvill give to C' '-irious parts of one extended confed ?racy. Whilst the .itMtfs, iiiHtv!(1u.>|ly, uitli n liiiidiihle enterprise and etniiliition Hvnil tlu-nisi'lves of their local advantages by new roads, by nnvijrHltle catiaU, and by improving the atreamH susceptible of luivipation, the penerni povern- ment is the more urped to similar undcrtakinps, re- quiring a national jurisdiction, and national means, by the prospect of thus systematically rompletinp so in- estimable a work. And it is a happy reflection, that any defeat of constitutional authority which may be en- countered, can be supplied in a mode which the con- stitution itself has providently pointed out. ** The present is a favourable season also for bring- ing again into view the establishment of a national ■eminary of learning within the district of Columbia, and with means drawn from the pr«)perty therein, sub- ject to the authority of the general government. Such an institution claims the patronage of congress as a monument of their solicitude for the advancement of knowledge, without which the blessings of liberty can- not be fully enjoyed, or long preserved ; as a model instructive in the formation of other seminaries, as a nursery of enlightened preceptors, as a central resort of youth and genius from every part of their country, dif- fusing on their return examples of those national feel- ings, those liberal sentiments, and those congenial manners, which contribute cement to our union, and stitngth to the great political fabric, of which that is the foundation. *♦ In closing this communication, I ought not to re- press a sensibility in which you will unite; to the happy lot of our country, and to the goodness of a su- perintending providence to which we are indebted for it. Whilst other portions of mankind are labouring under the distresses of war, or struggling with adver- sity in other forms, the United States are in the tran- quil enjoyment of prosperous and honourable peace. In reviewing the scenes through which it has been at- tained, we can rejoice in the proofs given, that our po- litical institutions, founded in human rights, and framed for their preservation, arc equal to the severest trials of war, as well as adapted to the ordinary periods of repose. As fruits of this experience, and of the re- putation acquired by the American arms on the land and on the water, the nation finds itself possessed of a growing respect abroad, and of a just confidence in itself, which are among its best pledges of a peaceful career. *♦ Under other aspects of our country, the strongest features of its flourishing condition are seen in a popu- lation rapidly incrtiising o, , a territory as productive us it is extensive ; in a general industry and fertile inge- nuity, which find their ample rewards; and in an af- , fluent revenue which admits a reduction of the public burthens, without withdrawing the means of sustain- ing the public credit, of gradually discharging the pub- lic debt, of providing for the necessary defensive and precautionary establishments, and of patronizing in every authorized mode, undertakings conducive to tht aggregate wealth and individual comfort of our citizens. *' It remains for the guardians of the public welfare to persevere in that justice and good will towards other nations, which invite a return of those sentiments to- wards the United States ; to cherish institutions which . guarantee their safety, and their liberties, civil and reli- gious,- and to combine with a liberal system of foreign commerce, an improvement of the natural advantages, and a protection and extension of the independent re- sources of our country." The bill for carrying into effect the commercial treaty with Great Britain had passed the house of representa- tives, but the senate rejected it by a majority of 21 to ' 10. The merits of the treaty did not form the grounds of the repugnance it met with in the senate-house, but the sanction already given by the president, and two- thirds of that body was deemed sufficient for conferring the force of a law ; and since the constitution had denied to the house of representatives the ratification of treaties, their concurrence being acknowledged, would tacitly imply a power on their part of cancelling arrange- ments with foreign states. The treaties of peace with the Indian tribes on the north-west frontier were ratified; and orders were issued, that such citizens of the United States as had made settlements ir> taeir territories, unauthorized, should quit them immediately. In the beginning of the year 1816, the president com- municated to the h>use of representatives three docu- ments, consisting of two letters from the Spanish mi- nister to the Ame:ican secretary of state, and the secre- tary's reply. In the first letter the Spanish minister demanded the restitution of the territory in Florida, of which the Americans possessed themselves in conse- quence of the purchase made of Louisiana. It was ob- served, however, that after its return to thi Spani h crown, the right would still be open to discussion. A remonstrance was likewise inserted against the arma- ments fitted out in opposition to the Spanish govern- ment in South America ; and it was required that the revolutionary Hag should nut be received into the har- bours of the United btates. Complaint was made that two bodies of troops of 1000 men each, raised in Ken* tucky, and under the direction of Ainerican citizens, were to join the ekpedition fitting out in New Orleans by Toledo. The answer of the American secretary mentioned injuries received from the Spanish govern- 4 L 2 M8 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xv(|r. 'I ment, which ought to be redressed, and not followed by demands. The answer stated an acquiescence in the decision of arbiters with respect to the territorial possession. But the troops said to have been raised in Kentucky were not known to exist; and as to the pro- hibition required ngainst tlie entrance of the revolu- tionary vessels into any harbours of the United States, the secretary declared the freedom of American ports to all nations, and consequently to such colonies as might have asserted their independence. An interview after- wards took place between the president and the Spanish minister, but its issue gave so little satisfaction to the latter, that he left Washington with an avowed resolu- tion of not coming back to it again. The decline of American manufactures since the peace had restored the commercial intercourse with Great Britain, had called forth memorials from the proprietors of the cotton establishments, which were re- ferred to a committee. In February a report was given upon them containing facts and observations not un- worthy of notice. Tiie increase of the cotton manu- factory was represented as very striking. The nuniher of bales manufactured in 1800 is estimated at no more than 500 ; in 1810,it had risen to 10,000 ; and in IHIT), to !<0,000. This rapid advance was obviously occa- sioned by the absence of competition ; for llie goods could not contend in an open market with respect to cheapness, ngainst those imported from Europe and India. " The American manufacturers, (the report says) expect to meet with all the embarrassments which a jealous and monopolizing policy can suggest— and they have good reason for their apprehensions. 'J'he foreign manufacturers and merchants will employ uli the powers of ingenuity and art to prevent the Ame- rican establishments from taking root, and by the allow- ance of bounties and drawbacks they will be furnished with additional means for carrying on the contest," The balance due for British manufactures was found to be more than seventeen millions of dollars, a sum greater than the value of all the exports from the United States to foreign countries. In the conclusion, this is the course proposed, " That after the 30th of June next, in lieu of the duties now authorized by law, there be levied on cotton goods imported into the United States from any foreign country whatever per centum valorum, being not less than cents. per square yard." An official notice was issued in the summer, that no private bank paper would be taken after the 20th of February 1817, in payment for duties, taxes, &c. due to government, unless such bank was ready to pay its notes in cash when asked to do so, taking besides the treasury notes at par. Mr. Dallas, secretary of the treasury, sent circular letters to the different state banks for the purpose of expediting the resumption of cash payments ; in these addresses he intimated that difBeuU ties ngainst the measure chiefly lay with the banks in the middle states. Notice was given, that as an inci- pient step, no bills for less than five dollars should be taken after the 1st of October, if they did not conie from banks prepared to make cash payments. Deputies were sent by several of them to Philadelphia to confer together upon the state of currency ; and there tlie banks of New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Vir- ginia, agreed to resume their coin payments after the June of the following year. On the 1 2th of September, a notice was delivered from the treasury, that since the state banks had generally declined to commence their payments in specie on the 1st of October, and as a suitable medium of circulation, independent of those brinks, could not be formed until the establishment and operation of the national bank of the United States, no further steps would be taken upon that day, al- though certain measures had been . ontemplated. Rut aeeording to the resolution of congress made in April, it was signified to the public, that from the '2jt\\ of February no sums of money due t«) the government would he received in any other shape than in the legal currency, in treasury notes, notes of the bank of the United States, or the notes of such banks as were ready to discharge them upon demand. Some disputes upon the Canadian lakes between the vessels of the two powers were carried to considerable height, but notwithstanding the dangers of frequent quarrels which must always exist where dominion is not very distinctly d'.terniined, yet the amicable tempers of both governments promise no serious dift'erenees. In the other extremity of tlie United States, the causes of dissension owing tu the undetermined state in which the maritime limits lie, are much more likely tu lead to a rupture between the Spanish and American govern- ments, and towards the close of this year an act of hostility committed by a Spanish squadron excited strong resentment. On the 3d of December the president sent a message to the congress, beginning with observations on the peculiarity of the season by which several districts were threatened with scarcity ; but that upon the whole, the general wants seemed not beyond the power of the general resources to supply them. The manufactures were said to have declined in some branches, and the navigation to be less advanced tiian had been expected. The first was attributed to an over nbundant importa- tion of merchandize from otlier countries, and it was proposed to use for a remedy the encouragement of native mechanism. The British navigation laws were 1^16.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 549 the counteracting causps to which the navigation was supposed to owe its slowness of improvement ; for according to tlic commercial convention settled at Lon- don, although the ports of the two nations were placed upon a par, yet by denying an intercourse between the colonies and the l^iited States through the medium of Anieriran bottoms, and permitting English vessels to limiiitain it, an obvious prejudice to the trading ships «f the United States was the consequence of the ex- clusion. The reasonableness of reciprocity in one branch of trade, as well as in another, was urged upon the British cabinet, but it was not dii^posed to enter into a discussion of the subject. The president then acquainted congress, that amity and friendly dispositions prevailed generally between their own and foreign countries The oicurrence, however, on the Gulf of Mexico, if sanctioned by the Spanish government, might cause an exception to be made with respect to that power. A public armed vessel had been attacked by a superior force under a Spanish commander, and the American olVicers and crew had been insulted in a manner that called for immediate explanation. The Spaiiisli minister, when consulted upon the bu!.iness, hud given the strongest assurances that no hostile edicts had been given by the directors of the Spanish govern- ineiit. AtVairs at the close of 1816 wore a cheering aspect both in the internal and foreign relations. The revenue amounted to 25 millions of dollars, and the expenditure not exceeding liO; a prospect was opened of liquidating all the debts which had been contracted by the nation. And the public bunk was calculated to forward the abo- lition of doubtful payments, ond at the same time pro- mote the general welfare of the state. In order to pro- vide the more thoroughly for the security and quiet of the frontiers, purchases were not only made from the Irjdians, but where the claims of the native tribes were ambiguous in the right of disposal by the individuals who sold their lands, satisfaction was afforded to those who had interfering pretensions, by giving to such a consideration for the enjoyment of their interests. The commerce between Great Britain and the United States had been regulated to the wishes of both parties in a convention held in London between the respective negociators, consisting of live articles, which were rati- fied about the end of the year 1815. Their stipulations ran in the following mannsr:— " First — There shall be between the territories of the United States of America, and all the territories of his Britannic majesty in Europe, a reciprocal liberty of commerce. The inha- bitants of the two countries respectively shall have liberty freely and securely to come with their ships and cargoes to all such places, ports, and rivers in the terri- tories aforesaid to which other foreigners are permitted to come, to enter into the same, and to remain and re- side in any parts oi the said territories respectively ; also to hire and occupy houses and warehouses for the purposes of their commerce ; and generally, the mer« chants and traders of each nation respectively shall enjoy the most complete protection and security for their commerce, but subject always to the laws and usages of the two nations respectively. " Second — No duties shall be imposed upon goods, the produce or manufacture of his Britannic majesty's dominions in £uropc imported into the United States, nor shall any duties be imposed upon goods the pro- duce or manufacture of the United States imported into his Britannic majesty's dominions in Europe, beyond those duties payable on the like articles when so im- ported from any other country. Nor shall any charges or duties be required for ex])orted things from the do» minions of his Britannic majesty in Europe to those of the United States, nor from the dominions of the United States to those of his Britannic majesty in Eurojie respjctively, beyond what arc payable from each country upon the like exportations tu other countries. Nor shall any prohibition be assigned to any commo- dities or articles, grown or manufactured, in the Bri- tisli European territuries, to prevent their importation into the ports of the United States, nor shall prohibi- tions be assigned tu things gruwn or nianuiaclured in tlie United States, to prevent their importation into 'the British European territories, except such respective probibiliuns as apply to all other nations. The same rule to be observed in the exportations respectively. " No higher nor other duties or charges shall be re- quired upon British vessels entering the ports of the United States than are payable by the vessels of the United States upon entrance into the same ports ; nor shall any duties or charges attect the vessels of the United States entering into British European ports higher or other than the duties or charges tu which the vessels of Great Britain are subject upon their entrance into the same ports. The same duties shall be laid upon the importation of articles iuto the United States, the growth or manufacture of Great Britain, whether the importation be made in British vessels or vessels of the United States, without distinction ; and on the other hand, importations of articles grown or manufac- tured in the territories of the United States, into the British dominions in Europe, shall be liable to the same duties or charges, whether the carrying vessels belong to the United States or Great Britain, without distinction. The same bounties shall be paid upon the exportation of articles grown or manufactured in the United States, to bis Britannic majesty's dominions in ■ I 550 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XVIf. Europe, wlifitlier in British vesteli or veiHcIs of llir United States ; and in Great Britain the expurtntions of urticlfs sliidi he ailet'ted in a correspunding mnnner. *' It ist t'uriiier agreed, that in all cases where draw- backs are ur may be allowed upon the re-exportation of any goods the growth, produce, or matiufacture of either country respectively, the amount of the said drawbacks shall be the sane, whether the said goods shall have been originally imported in a British or American vessel ; but when such re-exportation shall take place from the United States in a British vessel, or from territories of his Britannic majesty in Europe in •n American vessel, to any other foreign niition ; the two contracting parties reserve to themselves re.spec- tivcly the right of regulating or diminishing in such case the amount of the said drawback. " 'I'lie intercourse between the United States and his Britannic niajesty'ij possessions in the West Indies, and on the continent ot North America, shall not be affected by any of the provisions of this article, but » ith respect to such an intercourse, each party shall remain in possession of the respective right already existing. " Third — His Britainiic majesty agrees that the vessels of the United States of America shall be ad- mitted, and received in hospitality at the diftirent ports of his possess! us in the East Indies — namely, Cal- cutta, Madras, Bombay, and the Prince of Wales's Island ; and that the citizens of the United States may freely carry on trade between the principal settlements of British India and their own country, in such articles as labour not under any prohibition to be imported into the territories of his Britannic majesty in India, or to be exported from them ; but this liberty is not to be taken when the British government is at war with any stale or power whatever, unless permission be obtained from the British government fur that purpose; but this limi- tation in time of war is to be understood as having for its object the exportation of military and naval stores, and of rice. The vessels of the United States are not to pay any other or more heavy duty or charge for entratice or egress, than are paid in the Indian ports by vessels ut the most favoured European nations ; nor are the cargoes to be subject to higher duties for expor- tation or importation by the citizens of the United States, than similar cargoes are subject to on the like account, belonging to the natives or subjects of the most fuvdured powers of Europe. But it is expressly agreed, that the vessels of the United States shall not carry things exported from the British settlements in India to any other place or port than what may imme- diately appertain to the United States of America, and be there unladen. It is besides determined, that the vessels uf the United States shall not carry on the coasting trade of the indian territories; but if Ame- rican veMsels, after arriving at one of the primiml Iniliun settlements, should prrtceed to another MJih the entire or any part of the original cargoes, such move- ments shall not be regarded ti> constitute the eoiisiing trade. Full liberty shall he granted to American vessels when going to the Indian dominions of his Britannic majesty, or to tlutse of the emperor of China, and like. wise on their return to lonch for refreshment, hut not for commerce, at the Ciipe of Good Hope, the islnnd of St. Helena, or at any other place in th(* African or Indian seas under the British jurisdiction ; but this allowance is not to be exempt from the controul of all regulations that may at such places be established front time to time. " Fourth — It shall be in the power of both contract- ing parties to appoint for the protection of their trade, each its own consuls, who are to he allowed a resi- dence witl>in the territories of the other. But heforc any consul shall act as such, he must be admit tcil and approved of by the government to which he is sent; .111(1 It is declhreil, that it any coiisul infringe the lawi or constitution ol the people among whom he ina\ have been appointed to lesule, he is in be consiilned as amenable to the laws of the otltiidid party, if his ciuc come within the reach of laws, and if otherwise, the displeased authority may reilnss itself by coinmanding him to quit the territories, with a notitication, however, ol the reasons whicli produced his return. Andeitiier paily may except Iroin the residence of consuls those places which tliey misIi to be so excepted. •* Fifth — This convention, when ratified by the pre* sident of the United States, with the consent of the senate and their advice, and by his liritannic majesty, shall be obligatory and binding for four years." The determination of the British ministry to make St. Helena the residence of Bonaparte, and the great caution deemed needful to the perfect security of his person, caused a declaration to be made by the British resident at Washington respecting that island; ex- cepting it from the article of the treaty by which the vessels of the United States were authorized to take in refreshment there. (All the ships belonging to Great Britain, unless engaged in the East India trade, were equally deprived of the privileire.) According to the wishes expressed in the declauaion, thv president in signing ttie convention, acquiesced, and proclaimed his desire that no vessels of the United States should ap- proaclt St. Ueieoa. ^ [book xvir. determined, that I nut carry on the ritfi i but if Aine- of tlie priiu'ipa) aiiotlier wiili the r|jt)ts, siuli move- itute tlie c'Diisling II Anii-riciin visscls H of hitt Britannic of ChihH, und like* freikhnteiit, hut not Hope, the i!>lniid of in ih'.' Alrirun or isdiction ; but this tlic controul of all be established from er of both contract- ction of their trade, I he allow id tt rcsi- olher. but luforc u»l be adiiiiltoil and I winch he is sent; iUl iiifriuije llie UWI jr whom lie nit»> have U) be coiisiiltied as di d parly, if his ciuc iiid if otherwise, the itself by couiinHiiding notification, lit iw ever, s return. And either •ncc of consuls those xcepted. Ml ratified by the pre- ,h the consent of the lis Britannic majesty, or four years." tish ministry to make naparte, and tlic great perfect security of his e made by the British ting that island; ex- e treaty by w hich the e aulliorized to take in ps belonging to Great liast India trade, were re.) According to the iilion, ihtf president in :ed, and proclaimed his lited States should ap* BOOK xvrii.] HISTORY or AMERICA. MI BOOK XVIII. SPANISH AMERICA. Grievancet under which the Spanish ^mericnnii laboured— Their loyalty evinced wJien the Vmg qf Spain wan made a captive in France— The RcKeiivy of Spain declares mar nifainat the government established in Spanish Jnwiita htvoliilioii in Fenezmla- Dniarution of Independence -Battle of La Puerto— Revolution in New Grenada Morillo's reports lo the Spanish gomrnment -A conatitntion formed in Carthagena— Siege of Mon- tevideo— Rvvolnlioi, ill Chili— Invasion of the royalist troops from Lima— Their successes rendered vain by the exertions of tlie patriots under general Martin— Battle of jculco— Military operations. 1 HG population of Spanish America, as far as accounts tiiat wear the appearance of greatest accuracy are able to reach, may he estin ated at fifteen millions ; hut many of the Indian tribes live too much to themselves to nii'ord an opportunity of ascertaining their numbers with prccisixii. In tliCLxater part of Venezuela, in Goatemel)), Chili, and Carthagena, the ordinary occu- pations of the people are bestowed upon the cultivation of their prolific soil ; in some places in Venezuela, in the province of Rio dc la Fiiita, and elsewhere, the breeding of cattle forms an object of industry and care ; in most portions of New Gienada, Mexico, and Peru, the mines present tiie best alluring attractions for the employment of all. But, notwithstanding the differ- ent pursuits which Indians, negroes, and Creoles, follow in common, in compliunce with their necessities or their avarice, they seem not to have blended their cus- toms, which remain in u great degree similar to those of their forefathers, distinct from each other. The principal drift and scope of such as may be born with peculiar adrantages, are the acquisitions of additional splendour and wealth, to whieh the Creoles have had facilities of arriving, confined to themselves, from their elegibility as natives to fill the several offices under the crown, und for this purpose the law, and a knowledge of religious adairs, were cultivated with ardour at all times; nor were they only prepared by such studies for the possession of places of lucre and trust, but de- rived that acquaintance and readiness to deal with the world which those studies do sometimes beget. The Creoles were, therefore, in geneifal, attached to the go- vernment of the parent state, since it favoured their ad- vancement in life as much us any other possibly could ; but tiie observation docs not embrace all the individuals of this description of men, nor is their character, with respect to self-interest and greediness of gain, more than a general remark ; and perhaps the same remark might be carried with equal force and propriety beyond the Atlantic, without insulting justice or the merits of national principle^ and integrity. The adherence of the enlightened Creoles, for compared to the other in* habitants they actually were so, enabled the Spanish court to keep the colonies quiet with a small military establishment. When a taste of benefits has been strongly felt, and but little opposition made to the first encroachments, it is very difficult to fix the limits of exaction. Exclu- sive rights and privileges were sometimes augmented in value, and often increased in number, and the result was dissatisfaction in those who were not included in ' the enjoyment. A company who possessed the sole right of trading with Vencieucla, had excited the grudge of a Canarian, whose dispositions were active, and of an adventurous spirit. He, relying upon the aid of many whom he knew to be averse to the existing order of things, undertook, about the year 1750, to resist the company's pretensions. But he was miserably frustrated in his designs ; he himself, being taken, was tried and executed, his house was entirely demolished, and on the spot a column was erected, that other men might take an admonition from his calamitous end, to refrain from the attempts which led to it. By a system established in 17^0, the Indians were obliged to make nil their purchases solely from tlie officers called corregidores, and consequently to pay for whalevt-r they wishut to buy, according to the neees- sity they might show for iheurticle wanted, and in pro- portion to the vender's length of conscience. The •""'•vwimmmm I "^SSS^iSSSJSS it.n HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xviiii. Indians were under the controul of circumstances, and they went along, *' Life and prosperity to our king, but therefore submitted to this and other oppressions, but they were evidently uneasy beneath the burden. About this time, Don Tupac Amaru, had received some indignities from the court of Lima, and personal insults from a corregidore, by which he was stimulated to rouse the passions and resistance of those who were sufTering, and these were numerous; all indeed who craved the secondary necessaries of life, hardware of every sort, and mules, which could be procured by no other means, than by buying them from the corregi- dores ftt very exorbitant prices. Several individuals exerted themselves in support of the measures of Tupac Amaru, and the flame of opposition kindled by them spread itself over all the interior of the country, which soon became the theatre of bloodshed and ra- pine. At the commencement, it hud no other character than a resistance of some Indians to the over-reaching and fraudulent acts of the persons employed under go- vernment, and secured by its protection ; but the con- test went on for three whole years, and Tupac Amaru was finally hailed Ynca of Peru. The recent elevation, however, of the leading insurgent was not accompanied, on his part, with that dignity of mind, propriety of carriage, moderation, or steadiness, which ought to have characterized an individual whose greatness was altogether owing to his supposed possession of noble and amiable personal qualities, influencing the minds of the people by whom he was exalted ; and who, from the very nature of their enterprise, had reason to expect that the station would be filled with activity and zenl, and not with the imbecile supineness or indiscretion of a man born in authority over them. Added to the re- laxation of ardour produced by the behaviour of their chief, the eflbrts of the Indians were blunted by the difficulties of collettinj ammunition and arms neces- sary for giving due effect to their undertakings. While this was the crippled state of the opposing party, the royalists gained confidence and credit by the exertions of the king's trooj)s from Lima and Buenos Ayres ; and notwithstanding: the general antipathy with which the massof the inhabitants was impregnated against the government of Spain, the king was proclaimed univer- sally. Tupac Amaru made atonement for his own folly, and satisfaction to the Spanish government, by undergoing, in conjunction with many of the leading insurgents, a most ignominious and inhuman death. In 17W1> the province of Socorro, the principal one in the jurisdiction of New Grenada, broke out into vi»>- leot opposition against a new system introduced by the regent Pineres, for the exaction of additional taxes ; and • body of more than sixteen thousand assembling, marched towards Santa Fi de fiagota, excltiiuing as destruction to our evil rulers." The capital being quite unprepared, they encountered no resistance to their progress till they had got to the plain of Mortino, twelve leagues from Santa Ft^, where the archbishop Gongora met them attired in the garments of his eccle- siastic dignity, and bearing the host in his hands. This unexpected and solemn approach of the archbishop, arrested the bewildered steps of the Soccorenus, and the shrewd priest taking advantage of the terror and reverence with which he had inspired them, gained their consent to hold a parley upon the subject of their proceedings. The conference terminated in a promised adjustment of all the reasonable demands of the dissa- tisfied Soccorenos, and accordingly they departed, full of the assurances, that all matters would be settled to their wish, which was more than rested with either the ability, or inclination perhaps, of the promiser to ac- complish. Whatever physical powers rested with the other inha- bitants to make a bold defiance of regal mandates and oflicers, the Creoles and the Spaniards only seemed calculated to forward measures tliat could be attended with ultimate success and benefit. Soon after the French struggles to free themselves from tlie grievances they lay under, and attain unto liberty by ail the means that strength and ingenuity could supply, regardless of the moral inclosures which would have limited the actions of a people more considerate and humane, se- veral intelligent Creoles and natives of Spain formed a plan of insurgency under similar principles, but a milder course of operation, intended to commence iu Caraccas. The Spanish fleets at that time were su bull'etted about, that no serious consequence was dreaded from their force j they fell inlo absolute con- tempt, and contempt for an adversary seldom fails to make his enemies the more courageous ; nor was the fortitude small which the Creoles and Spaniards en- gaged in the cause, imbibed from the flattering marks of kindly dispositions which the prime minister of Great Britain had given them, by the method he patronized tfor asserting the independence and liberties of Terra Firma. But on the very eve of execution, the measures contemplated were all revealed to the Spanish authori- ties, and the principal leaders were necessitated to tiy into the adjoining island, from which Don Espana, who had a chief hand in the afiair, returned in two years, trusting, it may be, that the crime was then blown over, or that he might escape observation ; but he was not so fortunate, for being recognized, he was tried for his oHences aqd hanged. Sir I'liomas Picton was aidant to those liberating eflbrts, and circulated through the islands the following notice :->« By virtu^ BOOK XVlII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 553 of an official paper, which I, the governor of this island of Trinidad, have received from the right honourable Henry Dundas, minister of his Britannic majesty for foreign afiairs, dated 7th April, 1 797> which I here pub- lish, in obedience to orders, and for tlie use which your excellencies may draw from its publication, in order that you may communicate its tenour, which is literally as follows : — * The object which at present I desire most particu- larly to recommend to your attention, is the means which might be most suitably adapted to liberate the people of the continent near to the island of Trinidad from the oppressive and tyrannic system, which sup- ports with so much rigour the monopoly of commerce, under the title of exclusive registers, which their go- vernment licenses demand ; also to draw the greatest advantages possible, and which the local situation of the island presents, by opening a direct and free com- munication with the other parts of the world, without prejudice to the commerce of the British nation. In order to fulfil this intention with greater facility, it will be prudent for your excellency to animate the in- habitants of Trinidad in keeping up the communica- tion which they had with those of Terra Firma, previous to the reduction of that island ; under the assurance that they will find there an entrepot, or general maga- zine of every sort of goods whatever. To this end his Britannic majesty has determined in council, to grant freedom to the ports of Trinidad, with a direct trade to Great Britain. With regard to the hopes you enter- tain of raising the spirits of those persons with whom you arc in correspondence, towards encouraging the inhabitants to resist the oppressive authority of their government, I have little more to say than tfiat they may be certain, that whenever they are in that disposi- tion, they may receive at your hands all the succours to be expected from his Britannic majesty, be it with forces, or with arms and ammunition, to any extent j •nd they may be satisfied, that the views of his Bri- tannic majesty go no farther than to secure to them their independence, without pretending to any sove- reignty over their country, uor even to interfere in the privileges of the people, nor in their political, civil, or religious rights." The ministry of the British empire, with intent to favour the rising sentiments of freedom and indepen- dence which were increasing in tlie American domi- nions of Spain, sustained the expences attending the armament under Miranda in 180« ; and in 1807 dis- patched an expedition of themselves under general Whitdocke to Buenos Ayres. Neither of these enter- prizes were closed with the attainment of the end to which they were directed} but as they gave some 47—48. pledges of the lively interest which was felt for the pros- perity of the cause, by so great and powerful a nation, the independent party could not well forbear to derive, even from them, solace for their miscarriages, and ani- mation in their subsequent attempts. An accession was made by the Spanish authorities to the military strength, in order the more eifectually to meet the pressures which were bearing so heavily upon the exposed parts of Spanish America, arising from the incessant solicitude both the English and French con- tinued to shew in the liberation of the colonists from the fetters that crippled their political security, and what must naturally have been more attentively regarded by foreign nations, their commercial spirit. The coasts were of course the places most annoyed, and therefore all the chief maritime towns were repaired in their for- tifications, and garrisoned with greater numbers ; being now rendered not only capable of maintaining their own safety, but of stretcliing beyond them protecting arms to the king's subjects, or their estates, which in the open country might be lying at the mercy of such as joined in the revolution ; and for this purpose two bodies of military were stationed over the provinces, as well as to forward the less noble measures of enforcing proofs of attachment to the royal interests. Thus was the sole direction of matters, purely political, left to the discretion of hired soldiers, who, like soldiers in general, and they from bad habits sU.l more tliaa otiiers, may be supposed to have their actions at the call of wantonness and rapacity, for their notions of assl.^ting those that pay them, in their de&igns upon any c uiiuy, seem to be made up of the bulky idea, to do as uiucii misch:?f as they can. This supposition is the more forcible when the superior discipline of the Spaniards, under a regular head, is compared witli the desultory endeavours of the Indians, who, long used to abject submission, found liberty sitting awkwardly on them, and the attachment of the Spaniards for the success of their governors coincided with the views of private emoluments, which were to them a sort of birtli-right, payable at the cost of the Indians. The minds of the latter, unenlightened by iufornmtion, were too feeble for essays which necessity urged them to make in de- fence and support of their precious and fertile lands, although situated two thousand leagues from the country where laws were enacted for their obedience, and consequently less exposed to the controul of its jurisdiction. Whenever the adventurous character of the resolute and bold began to display itself in tumult and defection, the schemes they Had formed were dis- concerted in embryo, either by the watchfulness of the different rulers, the application of the inquisitorial process in cases of suspicion, or the inattention of the 4 JI 554 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XVI If. indolent Creoles, or all these causes united, crushed tihe •spiring designs before they could be carried into exe- cution. But their own neglect in suffering opportunities to escape, or of improving them to the best advantage when embraced, was not by any means the result of content. Tiiey complained with seriousness and con- cern of many abuses, and bure them with enduring tameness, but not with pleasure. The arbitrary powers exercised by the viceroys and captains-general, who frequently evaded tlie orders of the king, and seldom scrupled to behave superior to the laws, gave uneasi- ness to all. The presidency of the courts was ever in the hands of the Europeans, who by misrepresentation, if no more suitable art could be laid bold of, were able to twist the laws to any shape favourable to their own interests or desire, and there were grounds for suspect- ing that the power had been suffered to lie rarely un- ena ployed. When Carthagena and Buenos Ayres were attacked, they had intrepidly stood forth to oppose the assailants, and proved their fealty to the established go- vernment of the country. When the most rational and Captivating suggestions were assigned to them by the English and French of the propriety and advantage of forming a political system upon different principles from those they had been accustomed to acknowledge, they in the face of their own apparent interest, rejected the oints, and abided by the former govern nrient with steadiness and zeal ; and when the succession to the crown of Spain was disputed, their loyalty was evinced. Yet, in return for all their services, tliey found them- selves treated with distrust, neither rewarded by kind- ness for their past conduct, nor encouraged to expect indulgence in the time to come. The Indians, and indeed the members of Spanish ftimilies of standing in America, were under the necessity of putting up the insults and tyranny of tiiose born in Euto\v, who on account of their birth-place, deemed themselves the rightful lords and masti-Ts of the Spaniih Americans. The great officers of the realm were no way solicitous to conceal their paltry estimation of the native Ame- ricans ; of which a flagrant instance in the conduct of the king's treasurer appears to merit a notice ; the in- habitants of Merida de Muracaybu, in Venezuela, pre- sented a petition to his majesty to found in their city a public college, which was given to the treasurer to make his report upon it ; and the statesman was of opinion, that the prayer of the petitioners ougiit not to be granted, because " it was uniuitabl^ to promote learning in Spanish America, where nature seemed to have des'ined the inhabitants to work in the mines, and to have vouchsafed them a constitution both of body aad mind happily fitted for the purpose," The queerness of the treasuirer's observation is made more striking by comparing it with the declaration of the board for the trade of Mexico, who very gravely assured the Cortes, that " the Indians were a race of monkeys, filled with vice and ignorance, automatons unworthy of representing, or being represented." Here the poor native Americans were impeached on the score of a deliciency in knowledge, while they were not allowed the ordiiwiry method of attaining it. According to the original compact between the king and his colonies, all places of trust, the administration of justice, and the management of the finances, were to be conferred upon the discoverers in the beginning, and then to pass to the settlers and natives. But the Creoles were not long favoured with the smiles of the court, and at last were entirely dismissed from the com- mands and civil dignities of the state. Some few indi- viduals of them were appointed to honourable and emo- lumentary situations, but those had by some good for- tune received their education in Spain ; but that such claims might not be the vantage ground of future ap- plication, they were prohibited from visiting the mother country, vithout the king's express permission, and many difficulties were thrown in the way of obtaining his sanction. The accumulations of their industry were locked up from speculative exertion, and notic were suffered to establish manufactories in America, although the manufactories of Spain were not at all adequate to meet the colonial demands j and even the plantations were subjected to very parrow restraints. Thus a certain number of tobacco plants were ailuwed for the use of the Spanish cultivators, to be delernuiied by the arbitrary decisions of the royal officers, and if any were found beyond the assigned quantity, the hole plantation was liable to be rooted up ; and yet I'urtu- gal was paid immense sums by Spain every year for the tobacco imported from the Brazils. Oil, wines, and spirituous liquors generally, and the planting of vines, and almond trees, were confined to Chili and Peru, whence they were not to be transported to Mexico, \ew Grenada, or Terra Firma, and tobacco and the sugar cane were totally proscribed to the planters of Chili. To diminish population, or to prevent its encreasc, various laws were enacted to thwart matrimonial eii- gagenients. Banishment was resorted to for the like purpose ; or to rid the persons in power of disagree- able spectators, who could not be so insensible to na- tural justice as to approve with cordiality the noctur- nal arrests and grievous persecutions that followed all obnoxious characters under the decrees of the courts of li^w. The court of Madrid seemed so thoroughly ve;rsed 1808.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 555 i so^iioroughly versed in the arts of quieting cravings, without any intention to satisfy then)} to alleviate under gentle remonstrances the sense of wrongs which a series of rigour and op- pression had excited ; that however flagrant the injus- tice which ran through the system of colonial admini- stration, it is difficult to decide whether an open and general attempt to gain independence of the mother country would have been made or not had the Bour- bon family remained unmolested on the Spanisli throne. The cabinet of Spain could answer a petition very graciously, and yet deny its prayer ; and by keeping the natives from any part of the national functions, in- spire a reverence, which an acquaintance with the actual state of things must have removed. But the councils of Bonaparte began to operate upon all the measures of the court of Spain, and the facility with which the Americans were induced to submit to the right of exclusion, was gradually lessened in conse- quence of discovering that all the pretences before em- ployed were not requisite to the maintenance of regular government, but the wheels by which tlie machinery of deception and extortion was kept in play ; and when at length the crown Was placed on the head of Joseph Buonaparte, all the prejudices of prescriptive rights were destroyed, and the people were roused to sensi- bility, which quickening with time, settled in perfect refOlution. The result of the plans established at Bayonne in 1808, was ail universal mistrust in the sincerity of the French, and all the places which they did not hold by taillitary occupation, contributed to form boards of ju- risdiction, called juntas, of which each possessed its power distinct and separate from the other. The junta, however, of Seville, assumed to itself the name of the supreme government, and persons deputed from it were dispatched to tlie American col niics, representing its acknowledged influence over all Spain, and claiming on the part of the Americans a like acquiescence in its di- rection. In opposition to the claims of the Seville junta, that of Asturias asserted its higher powers ; and the regency appointed by Ferdinand to manage public affairs during his absence, naturally conceived them- selves entitled to put down the usurpations of both, and demand the allegiance of all. This discordancy and embarrassment in Spain caused the Americans to reflect upon the hardships they laboured under, and presented the most favourable opportunity that had yet come in their way, for tlirowing off the shackles which had confined themselves and their forefathers. Spain was attacked by a powerful people, used to succeed in arms over nations more renowned for prowess and military excellence, its fortresses and places of strength w&rc garrisoned by Frenchmen, and its own rulers were devoted to jarring interests, and less eager to repel the foreign enemy than to crush the opposition of their respective foes at home. But this crisis was suffered to pass away unimproved, whilst compassion for their royal master absorbed their feel- ings of resentment, and the struggles of his domestic subjects in Spain were regarded with sympathy and admiration. The conduct of the Spaniards invested with the authorities of Spanish America, speaks a lamentable proof of the baseness and depravity of human nature, when the mind has been tainted with the desire of a^ elevated post or unbounded fortune. No sooner was it signified to them, that according to the decree of the board for conducting the affair« of the Indies, that all places of trust would be confirmed in the present holders, than they instantly complied with the requi- sition to give their loyal zeal to a new sovereign, all but the viceroy of Mexico. But notwithstanding this shameful tergiversation of the rulers, the great mass of the people most actively espoused the cause of their captive monarch, and resisted with indignation the mandates and powt. of his despoller. Captain Beaver, in a letter to sir Alexander Cochrane, thus sets forth the temper and the spirited and impetuous resolutions of tlie inhabitants of Venezuela : — " La Guayra, July 19, 1808, " Events of singular importance occurring at present in the province of Venezuela, I have thought it neces- sary to dispatch to you, without loss of time, the late French corvette, Le Serpent, in order that you might, as early as possible, be made acquainted with those events which have already occurred, as well as be able to form some opinion of those which will probably follow. '* The port of La Guayra I made in the morning of the 15th, and while standing in for the shore, with the cartel flag flying, I observed a brig under French co- lours just coming to an anchor. Slie had arrived the preceding night from Cayenne, with dispatches from Bayonne, and had anchored about two miles from the town, to which she was now removing. I was never nearer than five jniles to her, and could not have thrown a shot over her before she was close under the Spanish batteries, and therefore I did not attempt a chace. " Just before I set out for Caraccas, the captain of the French brig returned exceedingly displeased, I was told, having been publicly insulted in that city. « About three o'clock I arrived at Caraccas, and pre- sented your dispatches to the captain-general, who r«^ ceived me very coldly, or rather uncivilly, observing that that hour was very inconvenient to him and to 4 M2 $56 lit^tMY 6V AMERICA. £bOOK XVIJI. I' ri me, and that as I liad libt dined, I had better go and get some dinner, and return to him in a coui>Ie cf hours. *• On thtering the city, I observed a great effer- veiScence among the people, like something which either precedes or follows a popular commotion ; and as I entered the large inn of the city, I was surrounded by inhabitants of almost all classes. * I here learned that the French captain who had ittlikd yesterday, had brought intelligence of every thing ^lvh?ch had taken place in Spain in favour of Wan ee ; that he had announced the accession to the Spanish throne of Joseph Buonaparte, and had brought Orders to the government from the French emperor. The city was immediately in arms ; 10,000 of its inha- bitants surrounded the residence of the captain-general, and demanded the proclamation of Ferdinand the Seventh as their king, which he promised the next day. But this would not satisfy tliem : they proclaimed him that evening by heralds, in form, throughout the city, and placed his portrait, illuminated, in the gallery of the town-house. The French were first insulted in the tavern, whence they were obliged to withdraw; and the French captain left Caraccas privately, about eight o'clock that night, escorted by a detachment of sol- diers, and so saved his life, for about ten o'clock his person was demanded of tiie governor by the populace ; and when they learned that he was gone, three hundred men followed him to pnt him to death. *' Though coldly received by the governor, I was sur- rounded by all the respectable inhabitants of the city, and hailed as their deliverer. The news which I gave them from Cadiz was devoured with avidity, and pro- duced enthusiastic shouts of gratitude to England. Returning to the governor about five o'clock, the first thing I demanded was the delivery of the French corvette to me, cr at least a permission to take pos- session of her in the roads, in consequence of the cir- cumstances under which she had entered. Both my demands he positively refused, as well as to take pos- session of her himself; but on the contrary, he told me that he hud given orders that she should, sail imme- diately. I made him acquainted with the orders I had given for her seizure if she sailed, to which he assented ; and I at the same time told him, that if she were not in the possession of the Spaniards at my return, I should take her myself. He replied, that he should send orders to the commandant of La Guayra to fire upon me if I did ; to which I answered, that the con- sequence would light upon him ; and I further told him, that I considered his reception of me at Caraccas M that of an enemy rather than a friend, while at the Mine time 1 brought him information of hostilities having ceased between Great Britain and Spain; and that his conduct towards the French was like « friend while he knew that Spain was at war with France! His answer was, that Spain was not at war with France- to which I asked what could he consider war, if the captivity of two of her kings, ttnd taking possession of Madrid was not to be so accounted ? He only observed- that he knew nothing of it from the Spanish government and that he did not look upon the tidings in your dis* patches in the light of an oflioial communication." The warmth of enthusiasm subsided in a short time into a determined and fixed resolution of adhering to the principles which fanned the fiame of it; and not many weeks passed till a number of the most respect- able inhabitants of Caraccas presented a petition to the captain-general, soliciting his countenance in the adop^ tion of bodies politic, corresponding to the Spanish juntas. The petition was addressed under. the signa- tures of men of highest consideration, well acquainted with the laws of the country, and it was drawn up con- formably to them. But the oihcers in power, appre- hensive of all measures that might heighten the anima- tion of independent spirits, which had now reached an alarming pitch, thought proper to overskip the legal impediments which lay in the way of rigorous means, and arrested the principal characters who signed the paper. Their confinement, however, did not extend beyond a few days. At the close of July, 1608, a French ship arrived at Buenos Ayres, and acquainted IJniers, the governor of the place, of what was going forward in Spain. On board this vessel \f as an envoy from Buonaparte. The viceroy found iiimself in a very delicate situation ; he did not possess that ardent and inconsiderate patriotism which gives decision to men's actions at the peril of their private fortunes, but very wisely summoned the courts, under the sanction of whose advice he might act with greater security and less risk to himself. The determination of the couniil.was, that all possible publicity should be given to thti inno« vations taking effect on the other side of tlie Atlantic. In pursuance of this, Liniers issued a proclamation, to the inhabitants, nut faintly notifying what it wiis in contemplation to do. He flattered their national pride by numerous encomiums of their bravcy, steadiness, and good sense ; the first he exemplified by a detail of the victories which they had gained over the British forces, and the last was urged upon them in imitation of that discretion and easiness of behaviour which they had before manifested when the succession to tlie royal powers was brought into dispute. Withput d^elUng much upon the nature of the political <;hanges occurring in the parent state, lie directed their atteatioa to the hopes of pttternal regard which they had the most ,BOOK XVIII. ]808.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 557 fiatterin^ grounds to clierish) from Napoleon, in whose bosom they had excited the most gratifying emntions by their conquest over the British troops they had en- countered. But" the governor of Montevideo, who bore a grudge to Liniers, took this open occasion of impeaching the want of attaehment which he had shewn to his monarch; and having established a junta, he withdrew many of the province from^their obedience to Lini^rs's authority, a very mortifying opposition to a man who used to nod significance. About this time a delegate arrived from Seville, for the declared purpose of moulding and confirming associations for indepen- dence, upon the plan of Don Xavier Elio, the governor ©r Montevideo, highly commending the course which EHu had adopted. This delegate, whose name was Goyeneche, made use of very different expressions at Buenos Ay res and Lima ; and when he had succeeded tn subduing the soldiers employed in the service of the janta of La Paz, he threw off uU disguise, and openly declared his intentions. In the district of Mexico im- portont events were soon to be hatched. It was on the i!9th of July that intelligence reached it of the public efforts which Spain was exhibiting to oppose the en- croachments and usurpations of its dexterous enemy, and a high spirit of answering repugnance was raise'*. inl this department, which continued to breathe with unabated strength at the arrival of two deputies from the junta of Seville. These had been sent over to claim the authority of the Seville junta over the whole pro- vince. The sympathy which the Mexicans felt for the sufferings of titeir Peninsular friends, was a strong in- centive with them to close with the proposals, and sub- mit to the dictation of the Seville legislating body. But while, agreeably to the requisition of the viceroy, the civil and military oilicers were assembled upon the deltberntion, expresses arrived to report the establish- ment of a similar corporation in Valencia, and to beg of them to hesitate before they gave up tlieir interests to the discretion of those who hud by this time demaiidqd their adherence. The opinions of the Mexicans were greatly shaken by this proof of rivalry and competition in bodies which aspired after nobler objects than self- exaltation, and the unanimity which might otherwise have existed in favour of the overture from Seville was dissolved, and measures foreign to their first designs M-ere resorted to in consequence. An apprehension began to fi|)read through the most .sensible and pene- trating, that it' would be dangerous to yield implicitly to any one party, but that it was expedient for them to support a power of tlieir own in providing fur their own safety. An address was presented to Iturrigaray, the viceroy, on the r)th of August, 1808, for a convention to be held in the capital of the high authorities !of the state, worded in a clear and forcible naanner j the fol- lowing extract is taken from it : " Juntas of the government, and respectable bodies of the cities and kingdoms, are no more than in pre> cise conformity with the established laws, by which it is ordained that all critical cases shall be considered of in general assemblies. As in existing circumstances ia consequence of the seizure of the king, the sovereig;pty is vested in the nation, in order that its intei;ests may be consulted ; the united authorities, together withthe municipalities, which arc the heads of the peop^, dp exactly the same as the monarch would himself for tM public welfare. ' , -j " Mexico has in view the same principles that i^ fluenced Seville, Valencia, and the other cities of ^paji^l and she is empowered, in like manner as the above twQ faithful capitals, to do what she conceives is advise- able in such pressing circumstances. " These examples point out what ought to be done— to organize a governing junta, composed of the royal audiencia, the archbishop, municipality, and deputies from the tribunals, ecclesiastical and secular bodies^ the nobility and principal citizens, as well as the mili- tary. This junta shall deliberate on the most weighty subjects that concern us, which shall be determined conformably to our interests. "The junta is necessary; for although we are at present free from the urgent danger which threatened us on the side of France, we nevertheless ought not to neglect our means of defence, till we receive such po- sitive advices as may place us perfectly at ease. It is at the same time necessary to satisfy the wishes of the people, by restoring to them those means they formerly had of appeal to the council of the Indies, or to the person of the king ; and, finally, many improvements ouglit to be made in the nomination to secular and sa- cerdotal dignities. These seem to be the only means, in the absence of the monarch, by which the kingdom can overcome all its difficulties. " This union of authorities is likewise necessary, as being the best means to produce unanimity in the minds of the people ; which will prevent the fatal con- sequences that must arise throughout the country from disunion. Every one will then be contented ; tlieir patriotism and wishes will be united by Ipve, enthu- siasm, and a sense of the public good, , " The city consequently thinks, that the time is ar- rived, fur adopting the same means as have been carried iutu effect in Spain. The junta which your excellency is to form, for the present, of the authorities and respecr table bodies above-mentioned, wbea the representa* tives of the kingdooa are assembled, will carefully e^^ amine its iuteretts,,:.,, > ., .1,; c: i v. -iv 55d HISTORY OF AMERICA* [book xvin. " But the two fundamental points on which the junta is to act, ought not to be passed over. The first is, that the authorities retain the full extent of their power, in the same manner as if the derangement which we deplore in the monarchy had not taiten place — that is, that your excellency shall still hold the same power wiiich the laws grant, and that equal regulations pre< vail tiirough the other departments of ofiice. The second is, that in order to Ail up the immense void be- tweeti your excellency's powers and those of the sove- reign, recourse shall be had to the proposed junta." The governor showed every disposition to favour the projected plan, and in consequence the Spaniards were secretly bent upon setting him aside. He was sunl; in years and vigourless ; fearful of incurring imputations upon his loyal principles, he wished and oifered to re- linquish his post, which to retain effectually required promptitude and decision, qualities that were not pos- sessed by the aged governor. The Spaniards were quick-sighted to discover the governor's fears and deficiency in energetic resolutions, and accordingly a combination was speedily formed to deprive him of his Jurisdiction and authority. The conspirators were headed by a trader, who had taken umbrage at the treatment which on some occasion or other he had met with from him, and was therefore a determined enemy to the governor, not only through motives that were common to all his party, but through personal resentment besides, which is always u quick- ener of public odium to men in power. The viceroy was always, of course, attended by a guard, but on the day destined for executing the purpose of the con- spiracy, means were found of gaining over the officers upon that day's duty by bribery ; the chief of the party, followed by aboui, four hundred persons, collected from the warehouses of his brother merchants in Mexico, reached the door of the palace at the middle of the night, no opposition was made to their entrance. They secured the governor and his wife : him they conveyed to the prison of the inquisition, and they sent her to be lodged in a nunnery. The whole busi- ness was conducted with so much order and facility, that there is no doubt that the board of council were concerned in tlic proceeding, and favoured it, at least, by their countenance ; for as soon as the affair became known publicly, they declan d their privilege to elect a substitute. Lest the designs of the different juntas in Spain should benonie slow in execution, or inconsistent with each other Ijr want of concert, a general body was made up by deputies from them to direct the affairs generally, and act in unison. Tiie common junta was just assembled at Seville, concentrating in themselves the powers and pretensions of the others, when intelU. gence was brought to that city of all that had lately occurred ip Mexico. When they understood that the viceroy had been seized, and sent prisoner to Spain, oi) the ground of treachery, nothing cqu14 surpass the effusions of ^tisfaction which they vented upon the occasion. They rejoiced iBcr«ly in the circumstances berause they imagined their own authority would be the more securely settled by the destruction of the go. vernor's. But they did nut reflect, that things in Mexico must have been in a deplorable confusion, since with so little resistance and difficulty, a chief ruler had been, without cn.'>rmous provocation pretended, deposed from his seat, and transported. The order of the go- vernment there could not be at all in such a state as to engage any rational confidence in the aid that might accrue from titat quarter ; they could not but tli: ,k the chain of subordination to be sadly broken, when tbe principal magistrate was suffered to be kidnapped away as it were. The formation of a regency was agreeable to the Spanish laws, and not the establishment of a conmiuu junta; yet before the year 1810, succours in niooey were sent from the American provinces estimated at ninety millions of dollars, so very powerfully must the junta system have attracted the regard of the Spanish Americans, or else the business was conducted by more than ordinary art. But La Paz, the capital of one of the divisions under the controui of the audience of Cliarciis, seemed desirous to consult its own prosperity and repose, and not supposing the efforts in Spain ade- quate to free the country in general from the hands uf the French, they did not attempt to weaken their own strength by communicating any of it to the parent state, but turned all their thoughts upon their own re- sources for protection, and actually formed a govern- ment for that end. The chief city of the audieneia of Charcas, Chuquisaca, did not oppose the proceedings of La Paz ; but the viceroy of Buenos Ayres was not of the same disposition towards them, and sent aa army to put a stop to their progress. But a severe opposition awaited La Paz from th ; governor of Peru, who forwarded Goyeneche with a powerful force to suppress the spirit which begun to diffuse itself. In Alto de la Paz a battle was fought, which ended in the success of Goyeneche; and another engiigement with the troops under the same commander took place iit Yrupana, pbuut 1«'0 miles from La l':u, which was at' tended with the like result. Th (.: • ' ' 1800.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 559 ' ■ A similar government to that of La Paz was esta- blished at Quito on the 10th of August, 1809 ; at its head was the Marquis SelvaAUegre. The principles which actuated the independents of La Paz, were the grounds for the determinations into which Quito entered. Quito is one of the provinces of Santa Fh de Bagota, having from an early date an audiencia of its own, bearing its name. Don Amar, who exercised the viceregal powers of New Grenada, convoked a meeting of the most con- siderable characters within his jurisdiction, to form an opinion upon the general inclination of the people ; but in fact that was very clearly manifested already, and the motive of the governor was only a declared one to answer a pretext for what he had it in view to bring about. The junta of Quito was deemed to have acted properly in all they had done, by the persons who had assembled in the palace of the viceroy on the 7th of September J they, moreover, universally expressed their desire that a junta should be formed upon a plan re- sembling that of Quito, and this they submitted would tend to maintain the tranquillity of the provinces, if acknowledging the direction of the central corporation they acted in unison with the viceroy, even though the French should prevail in their views upon the pen- insular part of the Spanish dominions. 13ut the vice- roy, whose sole aim had been to acquaint himself with the individuals who might be hostile to the existing order of affairs, abruptly dismissed the convention he had called, requiring their presence in four days after. As the viceroy was deaf, he desired that their votes should be committed to paper. When the appointed day arrived, the palace was encompassed with guards nnd military parade, and the barracks were in as active bustle of hasty preparation, as if the soldiers were about to be attacked. But unawed by the sIjow of arms, the members produced their written votes, con- firming with the deliberate act of the hand those sen- timents which they had expressed at the preceding as- sembly ; and indeed the discussions w re carried on in a strain of freedom and undaunted independency ; and from this moment the country looked up with confi- dence to the wisdom and efforts of Moreno, father Pa- dilla, and others, whose language had favoured unre- servedly the inclinations of the public. Both the governors of New Grenada, and of Peru, resorted to force for the dissolution of the Quito junta, which, although defended in arms by men of spirit and determination^ but who were obliged to sink beneath the overwhelming superiority to which they opposed them, was of course very speedily crushed j not, how- ever, with such feebleness of resistance but that they obtained from the president of Quito his official assur- ance, that no account would be taken of the project which they, as members of the junta, had done their utmost to put into full execution. But notwithstand- ing the engagements entered into by the other party, the principal promoters of the late opposition wero seized and conlined ; and on the 2nd of August follow- ing, they were put to death in the general confusion of a riot which is said to have been artificially excited.' The troops of Lima which lay in Quito for the purpose of maintaining order, taking advantage of this oppor- tunity, gave a loose to their licentiousness and desire of plunder, and conmiitted divers outrages against the citizens. So great w&s the carnage made among the suspected, that three hundred fell beneath the hands of the enemies of freedom ; but their disasters were ho> nourably held in remembrance by their friends, who in 1810, performed at Caraccas their funeral honours with great state and melancholy parade. The dissatisfac- tion, which was now becoming every day more general, could not be long unnoticed with serious concern by the juntas of the mother country. VVhen the South Americans expressed their warm inclination to be always united in interests with Spain, they are not to be deemed guilty of duplicity or affected manners, for all things concur to make their sincerity probable, their murmurs being invariably mixed with causes of disgust to the administration, but never ex- pressive of national hatred. But when their remon- strances were so little heeded, and they found them- selves viewed in the light of rebellious subjects, whose refractoriness was merely to be crushed without exa- mining the causes of it, their attachments of course were weakened, and time was gradually aiding their alienation. It was natural for them to reflect upon what was'likely to be their fate if Spain should finally bend beneath the lash of France ; and if, while its own mistress, Spain had not treated them with equity and fairness, they could indulge but faint hopes of liberal policy from that quarter, should the contest end in its subjugation. The affair of Quito having come to the knowledge of the Seville and the other juntas, it was thought expe- dient to soften down the rage which might be produced by it, and with this intent a proclamatit^n was issued, drawn up in a formal but affectionate style, setting forth their regard for the colonies, and declaring ihera " equal to the mother country." But this kindly feel- ing of the Spanish government did not shew itself other- wise than in soothing words ; the South Americans continued to pay their portions of money, and to re- ceive for their rulers persons born in Spain, and not natives of the land, a mode of proceeding ve'} repre- hensible in those who managed the public atlairs of the kingdom ; for nothing beneficial could arise from 560 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xviit. ■uch appointments except the gratification of putting friends in the way of muicing fortunes ; whereas a no- mination of men born in America would have argued a confidence in the colonists which might have dissipated their distrust, or lessened it very materially. The victories of Saragosn, and those atchieved in other parts, had comprllcd the invaders to retire with tlieir forces beyond the Ebro. Almost a year had passed after this iiifurniatioii arrived in Spanish Ame- rica, when, instead of hearing that the king was re- stored, intelligence was brought that Buonaparte was master of Madrid, and that the chief junta was dis- persed. In place of Spain being freed from the French armies, they were given to understand, that tite minds of the leading men generally were not averse to their success. Many of the Spanish generals, indeed, had behaved with deceit and perfidy; and the people in America were mortified to find, that Morla had proved himself unworthy of the estimation in which he had always been held, and that few individuals of considera- tion and rank were looked up to with trust by the in- Iiabitants at large. The food expectations which had been indulged, added poignancy to the distress which disappointment produced. No effort, however, which before was made was now discontinued ; the usual supplies were sent, and subscriptions entered into by all denominations j for they still retained the utmost hopes of the energies of the people in Spain, and were fain to construe pri- vate direliction of duty into a cause for the recent oc- currences. If, therefore, any settled measures were adopted for throwing off dependence upon the parent state, the weakness and indecision, the reservedness of the principal conductors of things there, and the se< crecy, if not contempt, observed towards the colonists, must be regarded as the origin of them. The accounts of war between Austria and France, and the victory of Talavera, were considered pledges of ulterior advan- tage. But not long after, news reached them that the .juntas of Seville and Valencia, which had already dis- agreed with each other, were now both united in de- claring against the junta central. The authority of the government of iissociation was publicly pronounced illegal by general de la Komana. The Spanish arms were frequently worsted ; this was reported besides. At Aeana the French and Spaniards had a sanguinary encounter, terminating decisively in favour of the French, whose way into Andalusia wa^i now without much obstruction. Some reliance had been ptac«d upon the fortications of Sierra Morena, but they did not answer expectation ; they were beaten down with little trouble, and the French entered Seville undimi- nished by a single life. Meanwhile the members of the Seville junta broke up, and severally sought the protection of flight j but so odiou^ and despicable had their conduct appeared that the people shewed them many gross tokens of their indignation. The members were declared guilty of high treason ; but most of them escaped to the island of Leon, and there a regency was formed consisting of five persons. Their influence, even if the powers were acknowledged which they claimed, could only operate upon Cadiie and Gallicia, which stood alone unsubjected to the government of Prance. Indeed the regency was conscious of the little sway that could follow their orders, and of the unlawful mode by which they were created, and therefore no attempt was made to commu- nicate with South America, till the concurrence of the Cadiz merchants was obtained, where the regency fixed their residence ; but when this point was gained by them, the Spanish Americans were noticed. The colonies were treated by the new government with great discretion, civility, and regard. In an address sent to tliem from the regency, after many frank con- fessions of former ill usage, they had the gratification to have it owned, that they were long borne down by a yoke, the more galling and grievous because they were remote from the centre of power. Their future destiny was now to be placed in their own direction. It was ucknow'edged, that before they had been a prey to the cupidity of rulers actuated by the desire of moaey, and eagerness for possessing authority ; but that their rul. ing men should thenceforward be chosen by themselves, Their suspicions, however, were still kept alive by cer- tain hints interspersed through the proclamation. They were told, that " it was not sufficient for them to be Spaniards, unless they belonged to Spain, vyhatever the determination of its fortune nnight be." They had therefore to cxpe<;t a share in the same issue that awaited the proceedings in Spain, The proclamatiop of the Regency was brought to South America in 1810, immediately after the disper- sion of the chief junta had beep announced in Caraccas. The captaiu-geiieral ther^ had given the, inhabitfittj} no reason to expect that hp would fayo|t|- their iadepeo- dent principles, having at «ll times ref^uireid theiq to submit themselves without ex»minativ>B to the desire of the Spanish ministers, They. .wipre defplv impressed with the dread that Spain woi^l^ not \fe n>le tp resist the encroachments of Franc?,, , A|id t^ey pac} already been apprised that their fate WQ^ld j|^ ji^yblved in tli< destiny of ihe mother couofary>,i "^P^'f sitjiiatiun was extrenfciy delicate and ciHieal. Thej regency was formed of members whose authority was' npt merely disputed, but disowned, and there were signf of illegality in their election, and the method^, pursued by them. BOOK XVJII.] HISTORY OF AMEHICA. 161 The people of Canccas, cireunsUnced in luch em- bamssmeDt, resolved to adopt a plan that might set them free from all restraint*. Force was judged the most eligible of means, since remonstrance had so often failed, and the more necessary this seemed to be from the changes and fluctuation which had attended all the measures of Spain ; so that they could thus follow a settled course of action, and not be obliged to propor- tion or suit their efforts to the orders of others, but hoidly enter upon what schemes the necessity of things required. They set abeut tlif business with great spirit and resolution. The members. composing the corporation of Caraccas formed themselves into a board to take upon them- selves the general administration of that district, and the body was designated by tlie appellation uf junta suprema. The principal persons that bore office under Spain, and by their pertinacity, cruelty, or selfishness of disposition, were likely to balk the opening prospects, quittt;d their several posts, but not without violence. Compulsion was used without scruple, for the severe and rigorous treatment which all experienced who fell under their displeasure, made them the objects of uni- versal hatred, and their characters in private matters were not confident vouchers that bribery could not eKerci'^e its charms efficaciously upon their public con- duct. The junta suprema set out with the most loyal indi(!ations, and headed every order that issued from them in the usual form of monarchical proclamations, beginning always with Ferdinand VII. They did not own their submission to the regency by any means ; on the contrary, they denied the powers with which it had clothed itself, bat still they declared their readiness to impart all possible succour to the cause of repelling the FVench invaders. The alteration made in the government of Caraccas was not, we have seen, effected without difHculty and tumult. In Buenos Ayres a like change was made, which was brought about more happily, attended by little perplexity or danger. Cisoeros, who held the vioerojalty of Boenos Ayres, acquainted with the dread- ful stMe of things in Spain, hinted in very broad terms bis ^prehensions of retaining his authority in quiet- aeit. Upon this confession of his critical circum- staoHDes, the nunleijwl body framed and presented a pe- titioai praying him to assemble the principal inhabitants thsit meaf una aUght be concerted for the prevention of danger M so alanoing • period. The governor granted' hia compKwice with the wishes expressed in the petition, and the meettag convened in consequenee were unanimous in the opinion that a jnnta ought to be establiabed, which waa accordingly establislted on 47-48. the 25th of May, 1810, tliree days after the convoca« tion of the citizens. In Santa Fi de Bagota, a native, as he was going upon his proper business, received the most insulting lan- guage from a Spaniard, who generalising his invectives, extended them '" all the peiple of the colony. The dispute collected A course a crowd of listeners, and these began themselves to take part in the altercation- Creoles and Spaniards were opposed : and having come to blows, the contest turned out in the success of the former. A junta was resorted to for the maintenance of the dignity of the natives and their natural rights, which they had just asserted. The junta was arranged on the 20th of July, later than that of Buenos Ayres by two months. And at the same distance of time a junta was formed in Chili, where the arrogance and gloomy rigidncss of Carrasco, the captain -general, had exasperated the feelings of those under his authority, which he found it necessary to relinquish at last. The eyes of the regency must have been closed, or they could not avoid to notice the degree of irritation which affected the South Americans towards the ruling power of the Peninsula. The violent seizure of the Mexican governor in 1808, had excited the strongest animosity between the native Mexicans and the Spanish inhabitants, which did not promise to subside very soon. The many executions and arrests which took place, in order to put out of the way all such as ap'. peared averse to make submission, gave additional causes of discontent. And when the new viceroy ar- rived, and heaped favours and distinction upon ihe leaders of the outrages, no ceremony or reserve v^ is maintained, but revolution instantly broke out li^, first scene lay at Dolores, near Guanaxuta, bui li v .9 presently diffused all over the land. When Caraccas was proclaimed by the regency to he in a state of blockade, these were the expressions u^ed upon the occasion :— " Scarcely had the council of regency received intelligence of the occurrences at Ca- raccas, whose inhabitants, instigated no doubt by s nne intriguing and factious persons, were guilty of declar- ing themselves independent of the mother country, and of forming a governing junta to exercise this ima- ginary independent power, when it determined to take the nost active and efficacious methods to attack the evil in its origin, and prevent its progress. But in order to proceed with mature deliberation, the regency consulted the eouncil of Spain and the Indies, and has adopted measures answerable to the end it proposed to compass, especially since neither the province of Mara- caybo, nor the department of Coro, has taken part in the criminal proceedings ; but, on the contrary, has 4 N S€f HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XVIII. acknowledged the council of regency, and used the most efficacious measures to oppose the absurd idea of Caruccas declaring herself independent, without being possessed of the means of obtaining this independence. The regency, in virtue of its powers, hereby declares the province of Caraccas in a state of rigorous blockade. But these resolutions do not embrace the divisions which have abstained from entering into the projects formed in Caraccas. These have made with the regency a character for discretion and prudence, to which is added a sense of the zeal they showed in opposition to the rebellious plans devised by the ambitious and self- interested, who found means to carry away with them the minds of the credulous. The tegeacy has taken the most secure measures to extirpate these evils, and to punish the authors of them with all the rigour which the rights of sovereignty authorize it to use, unless there be a previous and voluntary submission, in which case the regency grants them a general pardon. The regency commands that these resolutions be circulated through all the Spanish dominions, that tiiey may be carried into effect there as well as in foreign countries, and that they may act conformably to the measures taken for the blockade of the said coasts," &c. The decree was promulgated on the last day of August, 1810. By this time the regency had received ftn explicit statement of the various causes which pro- duced the alteration in the sentiments of the people of Veiieeuela. The same causes, or nearly the same, had operated upon the South Americans in other parts, where allegiance was refused to the regent authority of Spain. The marquis de las Hermazas, who was at that period minister, had the statement addressed to him by the junta of Caraccas, which delivered itself to the cft'cct their circumstances naturally dictated. The re- presentation of the junta was so very opposite to the arbitrary course which the regency had thought to pursue, they had assured themselves, that the merits of their address would not be even discussed, but that in- stant compliance with the decree would result from its promulgation immediately ; it is not wonderful) then, that the regency burned with the highest indignation and madness. The same expectations which were indulged by the regency, were alio cherished by the other inhabitants of Cadiz ; they were, therefore, affected likewise by the stubborn conduct of the South Americans with corres- ponding sentiments to those of the i^egency. They could not conceive the reason of resistance, for they, themselves long used to submission, looked for it in others ; and the mortification was still increased when iliey found all the other proviDces were swayed by the same opinions, although not actually in concert with each other. They did not suppose that any beneficial consequence was likely to attend remonstrance and nc- gociation, and therefore the cortes turned their atten- tion to war and compulsory methods. In furtherance of the hostile measures now meditated by the Spanish authorities of Old Spain, missioners were dispatched to different parts of Spanish America, for the purpose of kindling discord, and stirring up into a blaze any marks of mutual hostilities which miirht appear in the natives. In order to effect this, recourse was had to religious prejudice, individual broils, and all the other wheels of reciprocal enmity which the ex- pert fomentors of domestic quarrel know how to set in motion. Not satisfied with this procedure alone tlie regency transported a number of the military to s'outli America, some of them to Santa Martha, some to Pana- ma, and in several other parts of Spanish America sol- dicrs were distributed for the purpose of seconding the legates in their endeavours to disunite the public coun- sels of the independents. The eagerness of the mem- bers of the regency to bring back the Amcl'ians to their former obedience, was quite evident frunj their send- ing troops away at a crisis when tlujy were greatly needed at home. The cortes which were chosen and approved by the regency, naturally derived from their electors the spirit of hatred and determined vengeance against the colonies. At the time of the establisliinent of that body, there happened to be some Influential characters from America in the island of Leon, wiio were voted in members, '^I't their voice was drowned in the general and loud cry raised against their country- men. The cortes, in fact, seemed at a loss for terms of sufficient violence in which to express the feelings of their lordly indignation ; and one of them, for want, I suppose, of a happier acquaintance with animated na- ture, declared that " he knew not to what class of beasts they ought to be referred." War between the Spanish colonies and the mother country could not be long delayed under such clrcuin- stances, and it begun, and was followed up by so many instances of cruelty and wanton slaughter, as fully evinced the strong feelings of resentment and enmity which influenced the Spaniards, and the stubborn spirit which animated the Insurgents. The former entered into the war with all that keen ferocity with which wc seek back what once was ours, and to which we still fancy ourselves to be entitled, and therefore they did not relax from their hoitile purposes when conquest made the severity needless, and all who are so disposed imbibe additional rancour from defeat. On the other hand the natives being superior Id nurubers, did not so [book XVIII. illy in concert with that any beneficial monstrance and nc- turned their attcn- s. urea now meditated 1 Spain, missioners f Spanish America, and stirring up into tilities which miglit effect this, recuurse dividual broils, and nmity which the «.-x- know how to set in procedure alone, the ic military to Soutit artha, some to I'una. Spanish America sol- lose of seconding the nitc the public couii> igcrncss of the mem- he Ame-i':ans totlieic dent from their send- n tlu;y were greatly lich were chosen and ly derived from their determined vengeance c of the establisliment 9 be some influential island of Leon, who • voice was drow ntd in against their country- icd at a loss for ternb express the feelings of ! of them, for want, ! ice with animated n:i- not to what class of lonies and the mother ed under such cirouin- jllowed up by so many on slaughter, as fully sentment and enmity and the stubborn spirit The former entered erocity with whicij wc and to whicii we still iud therefore they did rposes when conquest ill who are so disposed defeat. On the other tDnuml>ers, in>e flag wi Ion ; I' moral Sill >(• sons of till that he treal. ime Hag wi c»r«at rt tion he manifested to ii.< rev(*rei, which it was accompanied. It i the Virgin from the hands of liim u exclaimed, " Now am 1 at liberty i' discretion." When general Calltj 3^3 manly massacred the \-rr- i.xilUi hoasted aftcrwar'' , t. in the a «| tymbiil that sii'' prr«ei)tci -e my unrr .< >)iUI|l .i, -'n- .vllll 'iil< , he 'l«d the governor of Mexico with the result of the Apuico con- flict, he declared that one man only of the royal army perished, and that of the Indians five thousand, and of the insurgents ten thousand made atonement for the solitary loss. This exaggeration was of course designed, not to blind the viceroy himself, but to make uit im- pression upon the minds of the common people. But the same officer, entering Guanaxuata, put tu death, in the most barbarous and unfeeling manner, 14,000 old men, women, and children. Yet the regency seemed to be so well satisfied with Calleja's behaviour, that upon Venega's quitting his oflicc, they conferred the re- linquished dignity upon Callcja. Nor was any token of displeasure shewn to Monteverde, who was constituted general of Venezuela, but to excuse him of the flagrant violation of the articles he had entered into with Mi- randa, they pronounced all covenants with rebels to be void, and not in any manner binding. Thus did the indiscreet conduct of the regency and cortes of Spain awaken the most enthusiastic senti- ments of liberty amongst the independent natives, and very possibly inspired them with a confidence and ar- dour which might otherwise have been wanting to their decisions. We have seen opposition confined in the beginning to a few individuals, but gradually spread, according to the cruelty or harshness which was exer- cised by the government of the mother country. The central junta, and the cortes, inflamed those minds with energy and spirit, which might have reposed in sub- missive indolence and carelessness. The following la the declaration of Independence set forth by the inha!> bitants of Venezuela, as it speaks the causes of discon> tent with explicit clearness, it is given at full length : ** In the name of the Almighty God — " We, tlie representatives of the united provinces of Caraccas, Cumana, Barinas, Margarita, Bt'.rccIona, Merida, and Truxillo, forming the united association of Venezuela in the southern continent, in congress as- sembled, considering the plenary and absolute posses- sion of our rights, which we received justly and legally on the 19th day of April, 1810, in consequence of the occurrences at Bayonue, the Spanish throne being pos- sessed by a conqueror, and a new government having succeeded, constituted without our consent : We are desirous, before we make use of those rights, of which 4 a 2 56* HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XVIII. we hnve been deprived for more than three aget, *uut are now restored to lu by the political order of human events, to make Icnown to the world those reasons which have sprung from these occurrences, and which authorize us in the free use we are going to make of our own sovereignty. " Nevertheless, we do not desire to begin by alleging the right! inherent in every conquered country to re« cover its state of property and independence. We ge- nerously forget the long string of ills, injuries, and pri- vations which the sole right of conquest has indistinctly caused to all the descendants of the discoverers, con- querors, and settlers of these countries. Plunged into n worse state by the very same cause tbaiought to have favoured them, and drawing a veil over the three hun- dred years of Spanish dominion in America, we will now only present to view those authenticated facts which ought to have wrested from one world the right ever the other, by the inversion, disorder, and conquest which have already dissolved the Spanish nation. *' Tliis disorder has increased the evils in America, by rendering void its claims and remonstrances ; ena- bling the governors of Spain to insult and oppress this part of the nation, by leaving it without the succour and guaranty of the laws. *• It is contrary to order, impossible to the govern- ment of Spain, and fatal to the welfare of America, that the latter, possessed of a range of country infinitely more extensive, and a population more numerous than that of Spain, should be dependent on and subject to a small peninsula in the European continent. '* The cessions and abdication at Bayonne, the revo- lutions of the Escurial and Aranjuez, and the orders of the royal substitute, the duke of Berg, being sent to America^ suffice to give confirmation to the rights which until then the Americans had sacrificed to the unity and integrity of the Spanish nation. " The Venezuelians were the first to acknowledge and generously to preserve this integrity; nor did they abandon the cause of their fellow-countrymen while they retained the least ho|>e of salvation. " America was called into a new state of existence, since the period when she felt that she could and ought to lake upon herself the charge of her own fate and preservation. " The governments that arrogated to themselves the national representation, took advantage of those dispo- sitions which confidence, distance, oppression, and ignorance^ created in the Americans against the new government which had entered Spain by means of force; and, contrary to their own principles, they maintained among us the illusion in favour of Ferdinand, in order to devour and harass us with impuDity ; they promised OS liberty, equality, and fraternity, conveyed in pom- pous discourses and studied phrases, for the purpose of covering the trap laid by a cunning, useless, and de. grading, representation. " As soon us they were dissolved, and had substituted tmd destroyed among themselves the various forms of the government of Spain— and as soon as the imperious law of necessity had dictated to Venezuela the urgency of preserving herself, in order to guard and muintain the rights of her king, and to offer an asylum to her European brethren against the evils tliat threatened them— their former conduct was disowned, they varied their principles, and gave tlie appellations of insurrec- tion, perfidy, and ingratitude to the same acts that liad served aa models for the governments of Spain, because for them the gate was then closed to the advantageous administration of public aflfairs, which they intended to perpetuate among themselves under the name of an imaginary king. " Notwithstanding our remonstrances, our modera- tion, generosity, and the inviolability of our principles, contrary to the wishes of the majority of our brethren in Europe, we were declared in a state of rebellion ; we were blockaded } war was declared against us ; agents were sent among us to excite us one against the other, endeavouring to destroy our credit among the nations in Europe, and imploring their assistance to overwhelm us. " Without taking the least notice of our reasoni, without offering them to the impartial judgment of the world, and without any other judges than our enemies, we are condemned to be debarred from all intercourse with our mother country ; and, to add contempt to ca- lumny, empowered agents are named for us against our own express inclination, that in their cortes they may arbitrarily dispose of our interests under the influence and power of enemies. *' In order to crush and suppress the effects of our representation when they were obliged to gra astsign to us, and to which we are called by the succession of human oc- currences, urged on thereby to our own good and hap- piness. " We are aware of the difficulties that attend, and the obligations imposed upop us by the rank we are going to take in the political order of the world, as well as of the powerful influence of forms and customs to which unfortunately we have been long used ; we at the same time know that the shameful submission to them, when we can throw them off, would be still more ignominioua for us, and fatal to our posterity, than our long and painful slavery ; and that it now becomes an indispen- sable duty to provide for our own preservation, secu rity, and happiness, by essentially varying all the p'- ,v' of our former constitution. •' Considering, therefore, that by the reis ii'i alleged, we have satisfied the rcsiect which n ' o\i ■•' the opinions of the human race and the digP!'^ nations, into the number of which we nov/ r'li^i, and on whose communication and friendship wc rely, we, the representatives of the united provinces >f Venezuela, calling on the Supreme Being to witness the justice of oar proceedings and the rectitude of our intentions, do implore the divine anil celestial help ; and ratifying, at the moment in which we are raised to the dignity which is promised to await us, the desire we have of living and dying free, and of believing and defending the holy catholic and apostolic religion of Jesus Christ. We, therefore, in th? name of, and by authority which we hold from, the virtuous people of Venezuela, declare solemnly to the world, that its united provinces are and ought to be from this day, by act and right, free, sove- reign, and independent states ; and that they are ab- solved from every submission and dependence on the throne, of Spain, or on those who do or may call them- selves its agents or representatives ; and that a free and independent state, thus constituted, has full power to take that form of government which may be conform- able to the general will of the people ; to declare war, make peace, form alliances, regulate treaties of com- inerce, liniits, and navigation, and to do and transact every thing in like manner as otlier free and indepen- dent states do. And that this our solemn declaration may be held valid, firm, and durable, we hereby mutually * Bonaparte displayed his high consideration for Fcrditi-nd the Seventh, by proposing to him in marriage one of his | sisters, place. This is here alluded to as conclutled, but it never took 566 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XVI II. bind each province to the other, and pledge our lives, fortunes, and the sacred tie of our national honour. Done in the federal palace of Caraccas. Signed by our own hands, sealed with the great provisional seal of the confederation, and countersigned by the secretary of congress, this 5th day of July, 1811, the first of our in- dependence. " Juan Antonio Rodriguez Dominguez, President. " Francisco Isnardy, Secretary." In the other provinces which composed the confe- deration of New Granada, similar expressions were pub- lished and circulated. The few Americans who were permitted to enter the body of cortes, and had been en- tirely silenced, were now allowed much more liberty, when it was considered that the steps of coercion had been attended with such dangerous results. The objects which the American members of the Spanish council had urged upon them, seemed at first to the cortes al- together unworthy consideration, but now that they felt at more ease, the same overtures were strenuously repeated, and the cortes at last complied with their wishes so far as to give them a hearing, but at the same time deferred any categorical answer to an indefinite period. Thus the people of Spanish America were in a manner driven to assert themselves, and claim a por- tion of that political liberty which is co-natural to human beings, and with all the holiness of his exiled majesty, it was really an impious trait in his character not to assist by all the encouragement he could afford. Their situation was embarrassing in an uncommon degree ; the election of adhering to the old forms of ser- vitude, or of throwing themselves into the arms of Bo- naparte, was at best a poor one — indeed it was a very miserable choice. The speciousness of the methods resorted to by the imposed king, Bonaparte's brother, was not so artfully fashioned but that it might be easily seen through. That this was so, let the following in- structions given to his agent testify ; which, while they hold forth the most flattering assurances of favour and assistance, disclose the end with which such hopes were to be inspired ; as the subtle seducer of a man's wife, who uses her with harshness, begins by setting forth very justly the faultiness of the husband's conduct, but ultimately he turns out a counsellor of mischief, and knows well that when once he nas formed in her mind a disrespectful opinion of him to whom she owes duty, it will be no difficult matter 4o possess her himself. " The object which the agents are to aim at for the present, is merely to declare to the Creoles of Spanish America, and to convince them, that his imperial and royal majesty has solely in view to give liberty to Spanish America, whose inhabitants have been enslaved for so many years ; and the only return expected for so great a boon is the friendship of the natives, and com- merce with the harbours of either America : That, to render Spanish America free and independent of Europe, his said majesty offers all the necessary assistance of troops and warlike stores, he having agreed with the United States of North America to accommodate him with them. Every commissary or chief agent, being acquainted with the district to which he is deputed, and also with the character of its inhabitants, will have no difficulty in selecting proper persons, to give them tlic needful instructions for advising the people, and point- ing out to them the advantage they will derive from throwing off tlie European yoke. He will make them observe that large sums will remain and circulate in the American provinces, by suspending the profuse remit- tances which are continually making to Spain ; and that their commerce will be increased, and their ports be open to all foreign nations. He will dwell on the advantage to be derived from the freedom of agricul- ture, and the cultivation of all those articles at present prohibited by the Spanish government ; for instance, that of saffron, hemp, flax, olives, vines, &c. ; the be- nefit that will accrue to them from the establishment of manufactures of every sort ; the great satisfaction and advantage of abolishing the monopolies of tobacco, gunpowder, stamps, &c. To obtain these points with ease, in consequence of the greater part of the people being uncivilized, the agents ought to be solicitous to render themselves acceptable to the governors, inten- dants, curates, and prelates. They will spare no ex- pense, nor any other means of gaining their good-will, especially that of the ecclesiastics, on whom they are to prevail that they should urge and persuade penitents, when they come to confess, that they stand in need of an independent government, that they must not lose so favourable an opportunity as that which now pre- sents itself, and which the emperor Napoleon aff^irds them, who being sent by God to chastise the pride and tyranny of monarchs, it is a mortal sin to resist God ; holy will. They will on every occasion call to their minds the opposition they experience from the Euro- peans, the base manner in which they are treated by them, and the contempt to which they are exposed. They will also remind the Indians circumstantially oi the cruelties of the Spaniards in conquest, and of their infamous treatment of their legitimate sovereigns, iu dethroning them, in taking away their lives, or enslav- ing them. They will describe tlie acts of injustice which they daily experience when applying for places, which are bestowed by the viceroys and governors on worthless persons, to the exclusion oi' the deserving. [book XVlll. hVe been enslaved n expected for so latives, and com- merica i That, to indent of Europe, iry assistance of agreed witli the iccomnaodate him :hicf agent, being he is deputed, and ants, will have no , to give thenj tlic people, and point- will derive from le will ta&Ve them ind circulate in the the profuse remit- ng to Spain } and sed, and their ports will dwell on the reedom of agricul- e articles at present ment ; for instance, vines, &c. ; the be- n the establishment le great satisfaction )nopolies of tobacco, lin these points with er part of the people »t to be solicitous to the governors, inten- ey will spare no ex- ining their good-will, cs, on whom they are id persuade penitents, they stand in need of , they roust not lose that which now pre- eror Napoleon affords chastisethe pride and rtal sin to resist God's occasion call lo their rience from the Euro- :h they are treated by lich they are exposed, ans circumstantially oi conquest, and of their gitimate sovereigi's, m ir their lives, or ensUu- tlie acts of injustice len applying for places, eroys and govtrnors on ision oi the ie«erving. 1811.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 567 They will direct the people's attention to the superior talents of the many neglected Creoles, and people of merit, contrasted witii the European public ofBcers and ecclesiastics, which will make apparent the hardships they suffer, and will enable them to draw a parallel be- tween the talents and merits of the Creoles and those of the European officers. They will represent to them the difference between the United States and Spanish America, the comforts which those Americans enjoy, and their advancement in commerce, agriculture, and navigation ; and the pleasure of living free from the European yoke, and being left solely to their own pa- triotic and elective government. They will assure them that America, once disengaged from Spain, will become the legislutrix of Europe. All agents, both principal and subordinate, arc to specify the names of those who declare themselves friends and votaries of liberty ; and the subaltern agents are to transmit the lists to the principals, who will make their reports to my envoy in the United States for my information, and that I may duly reward every individual. My agents will refrain from declaiming against the church, and in their con- versations rather insist upon the necessity and the use- fulness of the clergy. Upon the insurrectional stand- ards or banners is to be inscribed the motto, " Long live the catholic, apostolic, and Roman religion, and perish the bad government I" They will, besides, make the Indians observe how happy they will be when they become once more masters of their country, and free from the tyrannical tribute which they pay to a foreign monarch ; and, lastly, they will tell the people that their said monarch does not so mucii as exist in his own go- vernment, but is in the power of the restorer of liberty, and the universal legislator. Napoleon. In short, these agents must by all possible means endeavour to show the people the utility which will arise to them from the government in question. The revolution having been thus prepared, and all the principal members who are to take a share in it, in every city and province, having been gained over, it will be for the chief as well as the subordinate agents to accelerate the insurrection, in order that the revolt may take place at the difierent points agreed upon, on the same day and at the same hour ; this being a very material circumstance, which will greatly facilitate the undertaking. The principal agents in every province of tlieir department, and the subalterns in the posts assigned them, will gain over the domestics of governors, intcndants, and other per- sons in power, an operation which is to precede the re- volution, in order to remove all obstacles. The first thing to be considered will be how to stop the remit- tances of treasure to the peninsula, which may easily be effected by having good agents at Vera Cruz, where all the vessels arriving from Europe will be received, and their officers and crews immediately confined in the fortresses, until every thing shall have succeeded, and the revolution be in forwardness. The agents are further directed to instruct their sub-agc>nts to transmit to them. frequent accounts of the progress of the revo- lution ; and the chief agents will communicate with my envoy in the United States by the channels which shall be pointed out to them. For this purpose it will be proper to keep prepared land-conveyances to those parts of the coast which may be deemed convenient, and where vessels are to lie in constant readiness for any emergency. " Joseph Ni3t-f1^»^ " Instructions for M. Desmolard." . hk.^ -- These agents, however, do not seem to have done much good to the cause of the independents, but quite indeed the contrary effect was produced by them. In all quarters they were taken up and delivered over. to the authorities of the place, and by them they were either punished in the summary manner which is fami- liar to executioners of Spanish resentments to indivi- duals detected in transacting plots against the rule and dominancy of the powers regularly constituted, or else were detained in prison. By means of their sufferings, a terror was hung over the heads of others, and kept them inactive. Moreover, the British ministers, al- though profited at the time by assisting the rulers ap- pointed by the Spanish court, must have seen, that if ever the independence of South America should appear to them likely to promote the welfare of Britain, an opiK)rtunity was here lost, by letting the spirit be smothered in its embryo. Whether any direct promise was made of certain aid to suppress the revolutionary meetings whicii began to be held in Spanish America with apparent earnestness and resolution, is not per- hi^ps to be doubted of, or supposed ; but this may be readily laid down, that liaving once so warmly sided with the rulers, they could not but with a very ill grace abandon them till they saw their situation comfortable. But however disposed Mie British ministry might liave been towards the repugnance shown in parts of the Spanish empire to the renewal of the ancient dvaasty over them, the present tameuess the South A < >'r cms seemed to possess when the agents of Joseph Hump: vc came among them, and the great facility the governors had of taking such persons off', did not bid very favour- ably, in the eye uf Britain, for the success of the inde- pendent cause. Among many other papers which appear on this sub- ject, a letter has been printed from one of the English cabinet, in the year 1610, »(ating, tiiat " there were ^■^':^V-«gWB'.t^iI. 669 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xviir. hopes entertained, that the inhabitants of Caraccas would acknowledge the authority of the ref^ency of Spain." The governor of Curacoa, to whom this letter had been addressed, made it luraged gtuerally. In the third clause of their petition, they sought to obtain full liberty to ex- port their vurcs to neutral powers, to those in alliance with Spain, ;in(l to the peninsula; and that whatever was restrictive of free trade should be annulled. They likewise required, instead of mono)iolies in favour of the king's hanaper, that duties .sluui Iw inipi.seu in addi- tion to those already laid on. TU the working of the quicksilver mines in Spanish America should be free to any, was moreover an object of tl.eir solicitude ; but they were ready to admit, that ih.e dispo.'iition of it should remain in the hands of the persons appointed to that department of the Spanish aHairs. Now these several demands could not be entirely denied all claims to attention, and therefore a compliance was in resjiect to three of the articles, notified, but even thiit limited kindness was not carried beyond an empty pro- fession. it was under these circumstances of universal dis- may and apprehension, the authoritative orders of his ma- jesty, the little grace that was likely to come from that quarter towards the offensive, that general Morillo en- tered Santa Ft de Bagota, and remained in it frcn; June till November. He did not continue in a dor- mant state, but set about his atVairs with great celerity and dispatch. But unequal to tiie task of assignini' adequate punishments to all that w re taken up, and of these the numbers were immense (consisting of nH the principal men who had op|)oscd themselves to the Spaniards), he decided the destiny of six bundled, and kept the remainder under a strict confinement. Ot those who were awarded their sentence, some were hung, some were shot, and some only exiled. 'Iju most eminent for learning and parts fell the ear- liest victims ; and although he banished many liusbaiul«. yet by a sort of humane wuelty, lie permitted thei; wives to follow them into exile. During the powers of the regency, great oppositioi was made by the people of Maracaybo to the measurty which their governor was introducing, And their ex- ertions were aided to the utmost by the ncighbourinir provinces; but these began to relax very much in their endeavours, and sup[)osing that better terms would be yielded to at last by the apparent lenity that for a time was held out, they seemed unwilling to act but through necessity, and on this account Miranda did not meet with that flattering reception which was due to his in- tegrity and talents. Miranda, it appears, had formed his political opinions with such conviction of their pro- priety in the beginning, that he was not at all disposed to make any alteration in them. This obstinacy, on the part of Miranda, only tended to divide and distract the public mind. Indeed so very low had his inlluence fallen, that he could hardly obtain his election at all, and even then it was only for a small place of little consideration that he was returned a member to tlic congress. There were many in this national assembly disposed to conciliate the parent country, but those [book XVIll •sill favour of the inHxiseiJ in iiddi- lie woiklng of tlie I slioultl be ficc to ir solicitude ; hut dispofiilion of it rsons appoinlod to iiirs. Now these ntirely denied nil •duipliavicc was, In tied, but even that ond an empty pro- .g of universal dis- ive orders of his ma- j to come from that reneral Morillo en- eiiiained in it hw:. continue in a dor- i with great celerity e task of assigning wore taken up, and ise (consisting of all ed themselves to the of six hundred, and ;t confinement. Ot icntence, some were e only exiled, Tlu parts' fell tlie car- ished many husbands, y, \\c permitted their ;ncy, great opposition aybo to the measures icing. And their ex- t by the neighbouring iix very much in their better terms would be lenity that for a time ing to act but through Miranda did not meet ich was due to his in- , appears, had formed onviction of their pro- was not at all disposed This obstinacy, on i to divide and distract low had his iuiluence !ain l»is election at all, a small place of little irned a member to the this national assembly ent country, but those 1815.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 571 who desired nothing short of independence were the mere numerous, and the people of Caraccas ap^jcared so firmly resolved to become independent, that the party favourable to Spain were really afraid to declare their wishes. The patriotic members seeing the luke-warm- ness that was beginning to prevail in certain of the con- gress, established a society of the most eminent among them for privately deliberating upon the concerns of the country. This assembly was conducted in a con- vivial manner, and by that friendly communication and interchange of sentiments which the glass usually gives rise to among men, a tincture of hearty fellow- ship was silently spread amongst the independents them- selves, and they were imperceptibly led into that close- ness of affectionate regard for one another, which is understood when we say, of two friends, tJiat they would hold together to the last ; the glow of private good-will was added to the fire of general patriotism, and gave splendour and warmth to the flame. On the anniversary of the day that Venezuela had announced its repugnance to the Spanish governors in an open manner, the people shewed the greatest joy and festi- vity, and celebrated the adoption of the measure with dancing and theatrical exhibitions. But, notwithstand- ing, several members of the congress thought it most adviseable to engage the people in such a way, that they could not retreat, and therefore a motion w held fortii as an ii a plan was cal- leral fondness and leople of Caraccas less for its adop- jere many persons professed admirers al intelligent men riends in Caraccas, ucb precision and the inference, that irs, and the course an examination of test suited to muin- of South America, far different in their the North Ameri- their own national iggcstion upon the gcr.:us of the two n ventured upon ut jh it had not been ivith what propriety two countries might iigs of this nature n it was represented, deral administration ated pitcli of impor- B world. Whatever le South Americans al to. All that their ■hievc, was put toge- size, the work being taries that were used ing the excellency of » the general taste and gislators was the esta- , which fixed it to be klen of free ideas not hen they estimate po- with whom ibey are 1 themselves a violent jealousy lest men ia hey fancy that corres- l by all others. This ion. The general ac- igour and ardent hopes alion of any, is a con- jul, that such measures i. The question which urn upon, is what that BOOK xvni.'j HISTORY OF AMERICA. 57S happiness may be, where they rest it, in the first place, and then in the next, what are the means of attaining unto it. No doubt can be entertained, from the history of the South Americans, from all that we have heard or discovered in reading, with respect to the ultimatum of their happiness, that it lies in immediate gratification, or the expectancy of rewards in the life to come. They who cannot carry their imagination more distant than to-morrow, have little inclination to seek by civil war, and the bloodshed of their friends, an alteration in their political laws, that can only come into effect at a remote period ; and, on the other hand, people of this same cast are always simple and unequal to think for themselves in religious concerns ; and to such, there- fore, that form of Christianity which gives up the ma- nagement of spiritual affairs itito the hands of the clergy is t!>e most agreeable j and, consequently, for general use and popularity, if one might so express him- self, the catholic religion is much the best adapted. So far, then, as the ordinance affects ecclesiastical matters, the first article was framed with as much wis- dom as the second, which, in imitation of the United States' government, resolved the congress into a couple of houses, that of the rcprrsentativcs and that of the senate; conferring jointly upon both the power of de- claring war, establishing and settling peace, and the formation of an army. The representatives were to be chosen by the freeholcicrs, and the members of the senate were left to the appointment of the legislative functionaries. The third head of this political work related to the executive authority, which it proposed to have consigned to three persons, who were to pos- sess the power of creating needful ofhces, and appoint- ing periions to fill them ; the executive were to be in- vested with the uncontrouled nomination of military and civil managers of the public affairs, generals, col- lectors of the revenue, and the like. In the fourth article, a plan was suggested for the constitution of a law tribunal, to decide upon the merits of all criminal and civil cases ; and under this article was likewise settled the right of trial by jury. The provincial autho- rities were bounded in the fifth, the jurisdiction which each was to occupy had the limits laid down to the extent of it; and the manner in which the provinces were to be connected together was also established. The sixth and the seventh articles discuss the reason- ableness of the preceding ones at full length, suggest- ing how far the powers of the people ought to he exer- cised in altering, enlarging, or limiting them, and esta- blishing the right of the great bulk of the population to accommodate the constitutional measures to their awn ideas of fitness and propriety. In the eighth ledged, and permission is granted to foreigners to live in the country and enjoy all the benefits of nativity, provided they be willing to respect the religion domi- nant J but by their refraining from attendance on pub- lic worship, no danger was to await them ; and by this article, too, the method of conversion by torture was utterly abolished. The ninth article has a general view to the broad interests of America, strikes out designs for extending and promoting the civilization of the in- habitants, and pronounces the mulattoes and pardoes eligible to any office in the government. By this article, moreover, which is the last, the abolition of the slave trade is confirmed. After the example of North Ame- rica, a portion uf the country was particularized for holding the congress, and for this purpose "Valencia was lixed upon. Every thing now appeared to be ad- vancing favourably in Valencia, the new administration was not only popular, but a sufficient military force was at hand to compel obedience, if such necessity should arise. But what gave the independent leaders still greater animation and spirit, the public voice was loud in their favour, and sentiments similar to their own ap- peared to animate the great body of the people. In order to forward mercantile industry and speculation, the duties of marine custom were greatly reduced ; and with regard to England, an abatement of 4 per cent, took place, to chime in with the leading inclination of the people for carrying on trade with British merchants, and thereby to gain a rivalry fur quickening their own commercial schemes, and at the same time benefit the country by the introduction of articles manufactured i^ir England. Even those parts cf the Spanish territories which hitherto appeared loatl to enter into the war, now began to relax a good dea . of their former loyalty, and many of the most zealoKS defenders of the old Spanish government either relinquished the cause that they had taken to, or appeared so heedless of their suc- cess, that little Joubt began to be cherished with regard to ih< entire and complete accomplishment of their in- dependence. Due pains were observed in preventing the royalists from spreading their influence, and indeed they were in a great measure overawed by the com- manding appearance that now attached to the indepen- dent powers. But amidst these gay and lively prospects, while the patriotic chieftains anticipated the fulfilment of all their hopes, and the requital of all their toils, and among the secret comforts which the mother country gave to such colonists as were unwilling to throw off their allegiance to Spain, and with the assurances which they had received, considered that time would be able I' to bring round what had lately been disturbed, and that article the sovereignty of the people is fully acknow- | a general recogoitioa oi the kingly sway would soon fa« 574 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XVI n. ' made. Amongst all these brilliant hopes, and many sordid selfish expectations, the Omnipotent hand seemed to strike dread and horror in every direction. A most furious tempest first arose, and rising higher and higher, the whole sky seemed at last to be giving way, mid all the elements to be sadly troubled and convulsed. A sudden shock came on, and in the space of one minute and a quarter, twenty thousand human beings were sent into eternity. The city of Caraccas, La Guayra, Merida, and othcis, were totally, or almost totally, turned into a heap of ruins. ']"he dreadful calamity took place on Holy Thursday, when the people were going into the difterent church ■•• to see the commemoration of Chriit being brought to sutler death upon the cross ; the procession that is usually made in Roman catholic churches for the purpose of representing this grand event in the history of our redemption, is very splendid and striking ; and of course, therefore, vast numbers came to witness il. Tin- churches, in their fall, de- stroyed, one may sup|)Oi>e, a great number of persons friendly to the cause of independence; but the chief way tiiat this terrible visitation operated against the re- sisting spirit of the times, was by exciting a religious prejudice against it; for the occasion was greedily seized upon by the Spanish ecclesiastics for shewing the displeasure tha. Heuven had conceived against the rebellious disposition of the independent leaders. The political constitution of Spain was very well adapted to the conveniency and interests of the churchmen; and, on the other hand, the innovations that were made in Spanish America of late being conducted upon a system completely popular, the great immunities possessed by the ordained part of the inhabitants were taken away from them by the airangements of the new powers; audit is not, therefore, a matter of surprise that all the influence was called into action which the church could exert, and this influence was very extensive and strong, for notwithstanding the heavy oppressions the great bulk of the people laboured under to the maintenance of chuich dignity, yet they could not divest themselves of their ecclesiastical submission, although they had endeavoured to free themselves of their political yoke. The hold which early inculcations take of the human mind, is in part the cauye that we are loath to surrender the opinions of our youthful days, however unfit they may prove to us of riper years, for any solid or rational purpose. The priests, aware that no mode of govern- ment was better suited to their views than the one established for generations by the Bourbons of Spain, took care to let no opportunity escape them by which it could be upheld, consistently with ther personal safety. There now oflFered a most fortunate crisis for the promotion of all they could desire, without at tlie same time exposing them to the fury or rescutment of the liberating faction; for the obvious cover of doing good service to the souls of men, was adequate to screen them from the inculpation of sinister motives, at least 'they had obtained by the horrible ruins of na- ture a proper instrument for reducing the wavering minds of the people to the shape that they wanted them to have. As soon as the convulsions had a little subsided, the priests entered upon the task of denoun- cing the anger of the Almighty, and pointing out llie operations of his indignant Spirit already, in the muss of confused and jumbled substances which lay upon ihc earth ; the chaos of a large and jiopulous town fur- nished appropriate materials for describing the horrors that follow divine wrath. When the iniaginatinn of persons unaccustomed to dee[) thought, and lo compare and weigh their ideas, had been once aflected with a dash of enthusiasm and terror, the mind very naturally grew supple, and yielded to whatever impression the preachers might think it fit to lay upon them. By means of this kind, nuuierous friends were made to Uie side of the Spanish government. Hut when it wus pointed out to them that Holy Thursday was the d;iy upon which the revolution had commenced, and tliat by a striking coincidence of divine operation with tiie impiety of man. Holy Thursday was again singled from the calendar to be the day of woeful retribution, tlic reasonings of the ecclesiastic politicians ap(5eared irre- fragable ; and consternation reached its highest pitch, when the depth of the rupture was said to be an em- blem of the bottomless pit. Now, surely, whea a people were of understandings so ductile, and since above all the passions that agitate the breast, that cf fear is the most i)otent, they were not very likely to adhere to the j)rinciples that appeared to provoke the dreadful catastrophe ; nor did the most of tliem, but overcome by the doctrines and arguments of their spiri- tual guides, they abandoned the cause that they had undertaken to maintain, and became as eager for the new party to which they now attached themselves, as before they had been in support of the independence of the country. Indeed their ardour was still more Vehe- ment, because they conceived that a debt was due to the righteousness that they had forsaken, and a fear of the bottomless pit was no weak incentive to zeal and alacrity. The multitude, therefore, not only were staggered, but completely altered in their political feel- ings. The judicious persons who had embarked their characters and fortunes in the cause of freedom, and wliose education and knowledge of the world raised them ubuvc the paltry fear of punishment, when it did BOOK XVIII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 57S not seem to have been particularly ciillrd for by tbe line of conduct whicli they bad used tor tlieir practice as public men. It was in vain that tliese urj^cd the earthquake to be ascrihable fo causes that existed in na- ture, and siiIUtimI to operate, but not actually brought about by the anger of the universal I^ord of all things, that be knew, and was not inattentive to the accidents and great changes that took pi' , I'ut that it were not necessary, now that rcdcm])lio" was consummated, tiiat there should be u continuance of miraculous inter- position ; and it was moreover suggestci., . • militant such opinions must be to the real faith, founded, or rather established, by miracles, which if they were fre- (juent, of daily occurrenc", could not be miracles any longer ; they held forth the inslanees of like natural convulsions wliicii had already happened, and left it to the good sense of tlie people to judge whether there w;vs such glaring impiety in opposing lawless oppres- sion, that resistance must be quelled by the divine in- terference. But the effect of religious enthusiasm was farther promoted by the success that attended the arms of the royalists, who in order to ])revent the republican troops from operating in (iunyana, attacked tiu-in liiat defended the frontiers, and after gaining considerable advantages over them, possessed themselves of the town of Carora, This took place the very day before the earthquake. Xarlon, an able general, in whom ibr utmost confidence was reposed, was about to march against a body of royalists, and his men were prepared to follow him, in high spirits, and thoroughly furnished with every thing nei-dful to military undertakings. But the great convulsions that had occurred, upturned the barracks the soldiers were quartered in, and de- stroyed almost the entire body of them. Added to all this, there was a considerable deficiency in tbe public revenue ; for, while magazines were built and stored with ammunition, while gun-powder mills were erected, a manufactory for the fabrication of arms, a mint, and so forth, many of the sources of national income were stopped up. The new government had in their exi- gency made an extensive circulation o\ paper-money, and the people admitted of its value without any or much discount till the occurrences took place that have just been noticed; then, however, a vast falling off was immediately the result of them, and the despair became universal in the progress of the independent plans that bad been formed ; the new dynasty did all in their power to counteract the rising storm and adverse tide that was setting in against them, but their labours proved abortive in a great measure, since their resource in this case could be but a compulsory method of foree- ing the circulation of their notes, annexing penalties to the rejection of them, and this could only tend to make the dissatisfaction more real, although it might be ki'pt under in its appearance. The congress, aware of those evils, and that they were augmenting every day, knew not to what means they ought to resort. The customary measure of making a dictatorship in troubU'd republics, was that which offered itself now as the on\j one, and it was accordingly adopted. The members were advised either to repair to their own parts of the country and infuse a confidence in the people, confirm their friends, and prevail upon those who were within the circle of their influence ; or to enter into the army, and become tiu-rnselvcs agents in the cause which their counsels had promoted. liie chief command of the army was conferred upon general Miranda, who was constitultd dictator, in the words that were used by the Uoman senators when they bestowed absolute authority u\U)i\ any of their citizens — " That he should take care no injury w;is done to the slate." The gene- ral bad under his ininicdiate command 2000 men ; they v.ere not, however, loo well equipped, having only the anus that remained after the drcadfui havoc of the eartl'.quake, nor were they plentifully supplied with powder oiliuT, for that too had been almost totally de- stroyed. General Monteverdo, who commanded the royalists, having continued in Carora sufficiently long to establish the inhabitants, and make them determined ill their new allegiance, set forward for Barquisimeto, and got possession of it without any opposition, and had the good fortune to find the inhabitants more tagerly bent upon seconding his views than at the first he had conceived. He thence directed his route to Ca- raccas. In the way lies the town of Araure, a place of some note ; he found in it a detachment of troops un- der !in independent colonel, who instantly, upon his approach, laid down their arms and abandoned their officer, who was thereupon taken piisoner, and put under a close confinement. In pursuance of his vic- torious career, he dispritched a strong body of troops to attack Barinas, a tovn lying at some distance from Araure, and after some resistance he. got the mastery of it. His next step was to subdue San Carlos, and for this purpose he came before it with the chief part of his forces. The opposition that he received here was really very stout j but notwithstanding the ardent devotion of the inhabitants generally to the cause of independence, those that composed the cavalry forsook their standards, and gave to Monteverde a complete victory. His motive for risking any loss in the reduc- tion of places so very remote, was, that they were the only towns, 'od consequently the keys of the extensive plains that reach over a great portion of Caraccas pro- vince. The difficulties that the army of the republicans laboured under will be readily conceived when one takes 576 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XVIII, into his mind the Insk they must have had to raise a body of men from cities so far distant tlie one from the other, and the interjacent country peopled so very little, indeed not peopled at all. The royalists proceeded to act vigorously for a while, but their progress was arrested by the skilful conduct and indefatigable labours of General l^olivar, who was now making rapid strides towards the dispersion of them ; thinking himself secure of the gond-will and steadiness to the cause that prevailed ia Venezuela, he left that part in pursuit of Bores, who commanded the cavalry of the king; but Cores, whose troops were all fresh and apparently eager for action, had himself set out to encounter Bolivar. At La Puerta, a pitched battle was fought and both sides contended for the victory with much fortitude and resolution : Bolivar, however, by some delusion or other, thought it most advisable to attack the cavalry in diiferent quarters, and with this view he divided his forces into three divisions ; the result of this was naturally a dcstraction of the troops, and Bolivar's men being parted far asunder were unable to avail themselves of the skill and military knowledge which they possessed above their adversaries, but being obliged to grope their way through a desert region, the undisciplined royalists stood an equal chance, and being either more enthusiastic or physically abler men, the end of the battle was cntiiely in favour of the royal arms. Bolivar embarked his troops for C thagena, and from thence he immediately advanced to the seat of the New Grenada congress. He was by the con- gr'.'ss empowered to compel the city of Santa Ft de Bogota to acknowledge their authority, if compulsion should prove requisite, and he found himself unable to accomplish his object by gentler means. In this he succeeded, but when making some demands of Cartha- gena in the name of the congress, he found himself disappointed through the personal grudge borne him by the governor of the town. His ill success with Carthagena induced him to sound the feelings of the people more extensively than before he had thought needful to do, and being firmly seconded by the con- gress, he landed on the coast of Caraccas, at Ocumare, where he published the following address. " Head Quarters at Ocumare, Gth July, 1816. "Simon Bolivar, supreme chief of the republic, and oaptain-gencral of the armies of 'Venezuela, New Grenada, &c. to the inhabitants of the province of Ca- raccas. " An army, with artillery and a sufficient quantity of ammunition as well as muskets, are now at my com- mand to liberate you. Your tyrants shall be destroyed or expelled, and you shall be restored to your rights, to your country, and to peace. " The war of death carried on against us by our enemies on our side shall cease. We will pardon those who may surrender, even though they be Spaniards. Those who serve the cause of Venczucl.i shall be con- sidcrec as friends, and shall be employed according to their rntrit and obiluies. Any troops appertaining to the enemy, which may come over to us, shall enjoy all the benefits the country can bestow upoti its bene- factors. " No Spaniard shall he put to death, unless in battle. No American shall suffer the least injury for having joined the king's party, or for having committed acts of hostility against his fellow-citizens. " That unhappy portion of our brethren which has groaned under the miseries of slavery is now set free. Nature, justice, and policy demand the emancipation of the slaves : henceforward there shall only be one class of people in Venezuela — all shall be citizens. " After taking the capital, we will convene the re- presentatives of the people in a general congress, tliut we may re-establish the government of the republic. While we are on our march to Caraccas, General Mn. rino, at the head of a numerous corps, shall attiick Cumana. General Piar, supported by General Uoxas and Monagas, will then become master of the plains. Llanos will advance to Barcelona, while General Aris- mendiwith his victorious army shall occupy Margarita. bIMON BOLIVAR." When news reached Santa Fi! de Bogota, the chief city of New Grenada, that Bores was canying it in Venezuela, and that in Old Spain a different aspect was given to affairs by the re-establishment of the former sovereign, the leading characters of the place were stricken with consternation and dismay. It was disco- vered that amongst those who had professed themselves friendly to the cause of independence, there existed very suspicious characters, and several circumstances came to light which had previously lain undiscovered. The independance of the country had advanced very rapidly from its first beginning, and in general the men of property and influence took an active part in for- warding it. But on the other hand several persons of needy fortunes and urfixed integrity chimed in with the raging politics in the hopes of attaining lucrative appointments either in the civil or military line, and the revenue requiring a limitation of assistants, nunc were employed who could not render efficient services to the side of the new constitution. Of all the bulls which are greedily swallowed in the political world, a place under government has the most powerful fascina- tion, not only because it confers a sort of dignity upcn the functionary, but he seems to receive by virtue of his very office an indemnity against extortion or fraud. BOOK XVIII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 377 Many of course were disappointed in tiiis their fa- vourite ohject ; and perils encompassed the upright and roni^L'ientic^us friends of the liberating system. Let them, however, h\\ their own situations, they are the most likely to dr^cribc it as it ought to be pourtrayed. The proclamation they issued under these circumstances ends in this manner. " Such is the situation of the military affairs of New Grenada. Every step the re- publicans make costs a bloody battle in the provinces of Vene/ufla, where hordes of assassins are formed by the agents of the king to check the progress of the friends to liberty. Our frontiers ure constantly molested by the royalists of Maraciiybo, and those who now possess Rarinas ; both of whom keep always in alarm the defenders of Pamplona and Casanare. The inha- bitants of Santa Marta obstinately refuse to co-operate with us. Carthagena wants assistance from the general government, which is at the same time obliged to pro- vide for the defence of Popayan, and this again is threatened with invasion ; and of course the difficulties we should have in rescuing the unfortunate Quito from the power of her oppressors, are thus increased. These arc the objects which imperiously call for the attention of the confederate provinces. Useless will be the declaration of our independence, if we have not resolu- tion to support it. We possess within ourselves the mea s of attaining this great object, and no power what'^ver will be strong enough to conquer us if we avail • urselves of our own strength; our exertions must uncjuestioD-.'jly be great, and our sacrifices for the common cause unbounded. But such eflbrts are worthy of men raised to the dignity of a free people, and are absolutely necessary, since we have nothing to hope, and much to fear, from the European nations. " Whetlier generosity, or the desire of restoring equilibrium among the powers of Europe, has induced Great Britain to make such constant and strong oppo- sition against Bonaparte, and to support the cause of Spain, is yet with us an unsolved problem. Notwith- standing the cessivins at Bayonne, and the torrents of blood tiiat the Frcncii have shed by the war in the peninsula, Ferdinand has been restored to Jjpain ; and tlie country, now fivcd from the French, will have both the power and the will to send a formidable army again to siil)due us, " We have, alas ! frequently felt the cITt cts of Spa- nlsli pci-fidy mid cruelty, notwithstanding the constitu- tion by which the Spaniards vainly boasted they had restored to every sujject the natural l•i^^lus of men ;— that very constitution wliicli, tllou^'h sanctioned by oaths, and proclaimed in every part of tiie Spanish .settlements, has not buen aide to protect the property and lives of the Ameritaiis, to sMiid from insult their nd in liiis they imitate the plan pursued in Spain in the last war ; and if Bolivar, or any other chief in estimation among them, would take the command of these guerillas, they might act vigorously. It is thought in Spain that the spirit for revolt in this country is confined to a few ; but it is necessary that your excellency should in this be unde- ceived. In Venezuela, especially, it is general. I do not think that in this viceroyalty so strong an inclina- tion for rebellion exists; yet I still must insist on the necessity of an increase of troops, the garrison of Car- ths^ena sulVering much from disease; and it is neces- sary that the military force stationed at New Grenada should be double what it was in the middle of last cen- tury, if we lose Margarita, the insurgents will fortify it ; and they will interrupt, by their pirates, our cora- 4 Pa 580 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book xvni. nicrce in the Mexican Gulph. It will then be neces- sary to send an expedition to re-conquer Margarita ; and if Guayana be subdued, the diiliculties to re-con- quer it will be still greater. The rebels of Casanare and Tunja will join them ; and siinuld tiie peninsula of Paraguana be attacked, in the department of Coro, there will be little to hope for the king's troops. But these dangers will no longer exist if we receive rein- forcements, which in their way might conquer Marga- rita, and that part of the coast now possessed by the insurgents. I do not wish to ndd to liis majesty's anxiety, but only draw a faithful picture of what is passing in this country, to show the necessity of re- doubling our cflbrts to secure what, with great anxiety, we have already attained. By the blessing of Provi- dence we have been enabled to support hunger, and deprivations of every kind; yet how can we flutter our- selves that we shall be always thus blessed ? As so much is already done towards subduing these countries, it is very desirable that men, guns, and ammunition be immediately sent, that we may make a final blow, and obtain full possession of them. It is necessary to direct our ])rincipal efforts against Venezuela. From this country the adjacent provinces are supplied with officers, who are the most enterprising and best in- structed men in Terra Finna. It is therefore necessary that the troops stationed in Venezuela should be nu- merous, because the division at Barinas might be called for in exigencies at Santa F^'-. God preserve your ex- cellency." In his second letter, he observes, that it were expe- dient to disuse the civil authorities in Venezuela for a time, and make the government military, until the affairs of the place grew more tranquil, as he expected they would become. He ends his letter thus : — " Few per- sons can more strongly feel than I do, that a military government is the most despotic and worst of any known form of irovernmerit. It is the most tyrannical and destructive; but it is the most energetic, and that which the rebels have adopted. Indeed what other government can suit a country whose inhabitants prove that they bear very reluctantly the rule of a sovereign— A country in which the rebels possess yet some points, and in which all is war, desolation, and horror ? VVhsn the provinces of Spain were invaded, all exclaimed for a military government. Undoubtedly the error was in those who, unacquainted with these countries, and listening to the rebels' emissaries, thought that the king's troops had only to appear, and to act with cle- mency, to secure the possession of these provinces, whose inhabitants would bless the day in which so much happiness has been granted to them. Margarita, Cumana, and Barcelona, have proved the falsity of these opinions. At the present time the restrictions laid on the chiefs by the laws of Indies are almost useless especially in Venezuela. The South Americans will not obey Europeans, and still less, Spaniards. They wish to be governed by their own countrymen ; and if they yield to circumstances, and obey the king, it in only in expectation of happier times. Every province in America demands a different mode of government. What is good at Santa T6 dcBogota is bad in Vene/cula notwithstanding that they are neighbouring provinces. In Santa Fe there are but few blacks and mulattoes ; \u Venezuela a considerable part of the white population has i)erished in the revolution. The inhabitants ot Santa Fi are timid ; those of Venezuela bold and san- guinary. In Santa F* much has been published during the revolution, and the learned iiavc ruled :t!! with their pens; but in Caraccas they displayed earlier the naked sword. From this dissimilarity of chaructcr arises the different opposition we have met with ; but in their dissinivilation and peifidy the people in all the provinces resemble each other. Probably in this vice- r«)yalty the inhabitants would not have opposed so firmly tlie king's troops, had not many from Venc/.ucia come to support them. It was, spurred on by them, that Carthagena resisted so strenuously. The division of the army that attacked Zaragoza and Kenicdios ims opposed many troops disciplined by these insurgtnts. The government of Antioquia bus already twice pro- clainied the war of extermination, and has skilfully fur- tilied the defiles of the province by engineers fnnn Ve- nezuela, it was by the activity of the same insurgents that Santa Fple more troops are required, as I have repeatedly observed to your excellency, and thiit the captain-general of Venezuela be invested with military power; aiul be assured this is not the work of i [book XV II I. SOOK XVI 1 1.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 581 of a day, but must be the result of much perseverance and activity. It is a war ferocious like that of blacks against whites." The independents of Carthagena were for awhile much divided among themselves about tlie system they ought to act upon ; but* at last a constitution was formed, accommodated as much as possible tu the po- litical views of all parties who were united in the same opinion with respect to the general repugnance towards the Spanish administration of their public concerns. Tranquillity was enjoyed, and ail the inhabitants ap- peared to be contented enough with the order of things that was going on amongst them } but Morillo, following his inceptive prosperity, determined to attack the capitiil of the province. The name of the principal town is the same with the province, and its situation altogetlicr, seconded by its fortifications, shews it to be a place worthy of having tl)e strength of the pro- evince committed to its charge : there are two divisions ■ in it, the one is called tiie city, the otiier the Gimani, the former is encompassed with a brick wall of some thickness, and this has sufficient altitude ; the Gimani is constructed alter the form of a semicircle, it is joined to the city by abridge that runs over the ditch, which is fortified on either side, and Gimani has more- over a very strong wall in front of it. Morillo fixed his head-quarters at Turbuco, four leagues to the east of Carthagena, and drew a line on that side of the city betwee-^ La Costa de la Boquilla and that of Pasacaballos. On the 1 1th of November 1815, the royalists attacked Lapopa, which was defended by Colonel Soublet ; they likewise made an attack on that part of La Costa Grande which was defended by a detachment stationed there. At La- popa they were repulsed with considerable loss, but succeeded in dispossessing the independents of La Costa Grande. They now placed batteries in ditt'erent quarters ; and by means of gun-boats which they had introduced into the bay by El Cano del Estero, they intercepted all communication between the town and the forts, thereby depriving the besieged of the means of receiving provisions, as they had before done on another occasion, for the city was twice bombarded by the Spanish arms. The inhabitants of Carthagena determined, in a general meeting convened on the 13th of October, to place the province under the protection of the English government, and they sent dispatches to that eftect to London, and to the governor of Jamaica. Mr. Hislop, an English merchant, was the bearer of them. Pro- visions now began to fail in Carthagena, and the deaths by famine amounted daily, in the commencement of December, to one hundred persons. They at last gave over all hopes of getting supplies of provisions, and resolved to evacuate the city. More than two thou- sand persons left Carthagena on the 5th of December, in eleven ships, and most of these were armed vessels. The attack the royalists made upon them being success- fully opposed, they anchored, and having received on board the garrison of a fort in the neighbourhood, they again sailed. The royalists entered the city llie next day, being permitted to do so without any opposition. The horrible appearance of the town is scarcely to be described : the streets, and even the houses were heaped up with dead bodies, or with those who were expiring ; the atmosphere was in such a pestilential state, as almost stopped respiration; groans and lamen- tations assailed the ears of those that entered it. In an intercepted letter, dated Carthagena, February 28, 1816, Montalvo complains of General Morillo not having delivered to him the command of the city of Carthagena till the 1 1 th of December, and of having omitted until the 5th of January to give him notice of some rebels having been arrested at Carthagena after the capture of the city. Morillo sent to Montalvo a list of the prisoners, intimating that they ought to be tried by a military tribunal. Montalvo consulted his assessor Vierna, who gave his opinion that they ought to be tried by a common council of war, which was ac- cordingly assembled, and this council condemned them to death. Vierna then advised the captain-general to suspend the execution of the sentence, which ought to be done according to the provisions of article 3, titulo 5, of the law; but Montalvo did not approve his counsel. He then consulted the constituted autho* rities, and they were of opinion that with respect to the manner of proceeding in the trial, Vierna had not advised according to the national jurisprudence. Several persons however were executed on the 24th of January; and for this Montalvo assigns many reasons, adding, that it would have been scandalous if these rebels had been sent to Spain, when Morillo had ordered the execution of others less guilty. He con- cludes his letter in these words : " I repeat to your excellency, that I am perhaps the only chief in Spanish America whose conduct has been so humane ; these are the first rebels whose execution I have ordered. Unfortunately the war now presents so direful an aspect, that it is not ca^y to foresee its termityition. All might have been prevented in the beginning ; perliaps then to have punished the heads of the revolution would have been sufficient, and peace might have been restored by a steady conduct, politic measures, and mildness in the chiefs, which always sooner or later produce good effects. I had sufficient reason in 1813 and 1814, when this vic«> i89 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XVI fl. i royalty and Venezuela were nearly lost, to have treated with severity the cities of Santa Martlia and Rio-hacha, whose inhabitants appeared frequently inclined to join in the insurrection ; yet without troops, money, or any Assistance, I was successful in curbing in their infancy these dispositions for revolt. The royal authorities were looked up to with respect and obeyed, and those most inclined to rebellion became faithful subjects ; both provinces are now much attached to the king's government. All this was effected by perseverance, management, and firmness ; but not one execution did I ever order. Still, to use clemency with those who have commanded the armies which opposed the sove- reign's forces, or with those who contributed strongly to overthrow the legitimate authorities, and who have supported enthusiastically the revolution, would be, I conceive, a most impolitic step." A sort of counterpoise for the loss of Carthagena was formed by the successful onset made upon Mon- tevideo by the independents. A merchant at Buenos Ayrei, a native of Great Britain, of tiie name of Brown, who was of an adventurous disposition, set sail from Buenos Ayres with two brigs, and three other vessels, and had an engagement with some Spanish ships in the month of April, 1814. Nothing decisive followed this engagement ; but on the 25th of the following May another engagement took place before Montevideo, in which Brown succeeded in taking two corvettes, and in setting fire to two others. The remnant of the royal ships escaped, but Brown was so much inspirited, that he commenced the blockade of Montevideo forth- with. Colonel Alvear, who had by this time set out with a reinforcement of troops from Buenos Ayres, had the command of the land forces given over to him, and he acquitted himself with much credit. He had carried on, it would appear, a clandestine correspon- dence with the enemy, and was instructed by some within the walls of the town, that they were brought to great straits for want of provisions, and that it were impossible for them to hold out long. By this infor- mation he was encouraged to continue his operations with alacrity and vigour, and had his intelligence con- firmed to him by a proposal from Vigodet, the governor, with whom he agreed upon these articles of capitula- tion : 1st, That the garrison should be allowed to em- hark for Spain. 2dly, The troops of Buenos Ayres viere to take possession of Montevideo, till the result of the deputation was known, which the assembly was intending to send to Spain. Alvear then took pos- session of the town. The prisoners amounted to five thousand five hundred ; eleven thousand muskets were found in the town, besides an immense park of artil- lery and military stores. Vigodet was permitted to embark for Spain, but thie garrison was distributed through the interior provinces of Rio de la Plata, ex- cepting those soldiers who enlisted in the army. The government did not consequently comply with the whole of the capitulation entered into with the Spa- niards j for which they assigned various reasons. One peculiarly deserving of notice was their asserted right of retaliation for Tristan and Goyeneche's violation of treaty ; but after all this was a poor plea. The scene of their operation who had changed sides, Rio de la Plata advanced in plans of freedom they had struck out for themselves, and accordingly the congress de- clared the provinces of it, in July, 1816, to be free and independent : " We the representatives of the united provinces of Rio de la Plata, assembled in a general congress, imploring the Supreme Being, who presides over the universe, calling on heaven, earth, and men tu witness the justice of our cause, in the name and by the authority of the people we represent, do declare so- lemnly that it is the unanimous will of the said pro- vinces to break off all ties which united them to the kings of Spain, to be re-instated in all those rights of which they were deprived, and thus to be raised to the high rank of an independent and free nation, capable henceforth of forming for themselves such a govern- ment as justice and circumstances imperiously call fur. We are therefore empowered by the united provinces at large, and by each one separately, to declare and engage that they will support this independence. Their lives, property, and fame shall be their guaranty. " Out of respect for the nations whom our late may interest, and feeling the necessity of declaring the weighty reasons which impel us thus to act, we decree that a manifesto shall be published. " Given in the hall of our sessions, signed by our own hand, sealed with the seal of the congress, and witnessed by our secretaries." This was signed in the usual form. The captain-generalship of Chili is situate between the Andes and the Pacific Ocean, and contains a popu- lation of eight hundred thousand persons. The popu- lation of Santiago, which is the capital, exceeds forty thousand persons. The captain-general Carrasco, has been obliged to resign his command ; and Count de la Conquista was appointed to succeed him. Under the administration of the count, a plan for revolution was framed, and the most respectable landholders, being called together by the captain-general, assembled in the hall of the con- sulade. This assembly, taking into consideration tht existing situation of the peninsula, appointed those whom, upon mature deliberation, they judged most proper to form a new governtnent more suitable to [book XVI f I. n was distributed io de la Plata, ex- n the army. The comply with the nto witli the Spa- ous reasons. One lieir asserted right leche's violation of r plea. The scene :d sides, Rio de la n they had struck y the congress dc- 816, to be free and ktives of the united ;mbled in a general leing, who presides II, earth, and men to in the name and by :sent, do declare so- n\\ of the said pro- united them to the n all those rights of IS to be raised to the free nation, capable ;lves such a govern- imperiously call for. the united provinces tely, to declare and this independence, all be their guaranty, s whom our late may ity of declaring the bus to act, we decree d. isions, signed by our of the congress, and ["his was signed in the lili is situate between and contains a popu- persons. The popu- ; capital, exceeds forty , has been obliged to t de la Conquista was der the administration m was framed, and the Eing called togetl\er by ,n the hall of the con- into consideration iht nsula, appointed those on, they judged most ment more suitable to #«< .V-'fr^'-'", i 1 > ■^•: ^- ,^^in fi-; Vj" ^» r-i ' ^ I 1N :^ { BOOK XVIII.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 683 >. I existing circumstances, and tlie president chosen for the new government was the Count de la Conquista. But numberless differences in opinion arose amongst the members of the new body, and the viceroy, avail- ing himself of this, had ordeivd brigadier Pareja to in- vade tlie country with all the troops he could muster ; and Pareja landed, in the beginning of the year 1813, not far from the port of Talcabuano, which he attacked and took possession of without much resistance. He then advanced as far as the city of La Concepcion, where his army was strengthened by the garrison there stationed declaring for him. Pareja's forces amounted to nearly 4,000 men, and they continued their march towards the Maule, a river which serves as a boundary to the intendencias of Santiago and La Concepcion. Intelligence being received of Pareja's invasion, Car- rera left his brother in his place in the government, and marched into the field at the head of six thousand men. lie approached the royalists, and in the night sent a detachment of troops with the object of sur- prising their encampment at Yerbas-buenas. This scheme succeeded, and the royalists suffered severely at first ; but recovering from their surprise, and the patriots being but a small detachment from the army, they made great havoc among them. Pareja was ne- vertheless deterred from continuing the campaign, and retired to Chilian, where he fortified himself. Tiie garrison left by Pareja in La Concepcion was incon- siderable, and the chiefs escaped to Peru at the ap- proach of the patriots, who thus recovered those places. The principal assistant in their cause was general San Martin, who was going forward with little show indeed, but his conquests were substantial and sure ones, hav- ing always stabiliated the party whom he gained over to his side. Hidalgo, a priest of considerable parts, thinking himself not sufficiently requited, as indeed he most cer- tainly was not, for the activity and effect with which he had gone through his sacred office, seeing men of far inferior abilities advanced before him, and no like- lihood of his ever gaining any preferment under the old government to which he had been formerly at- tached with much warmth, and had rendered to it very essential service, determined, as men in those circum- stances commonly do, to pursue that course of politics where genius and application stood a better chance of meeting their distinction and reward. If we trace the causes of a man's particular conduct to the bottom, we shall generally find them to have been at the beginning owing to some private benefit or disservice j altliougli afterwards, when the person has made choice of his part, and grows heated a little with the spirit of for- tvarding it, he no doubt then acts upon principle, and is perhaps what he would have himself accounted. This ecclesiastic became exceedingly active in promoting the new ideas of liberty and civil freedom, and was draw- ing over partisans in great abundance, as well by his discourses, professedly political, as by inculcating tem- poral duties while preaching, and thus mixing up the pursuits of this life with those that lead to a better, he insensibly gained a great ascendancy over the minds of his hearers with respect to their opinions of govern- ment, and always opinions recommended by such pow- erful introduction, have a sort of zeal annexed, that renders them more actuative than the dry tenets of mere political tendency, and there is not, may be, any people on the face of tlie habitable world better suited for sub- jects to operate upon in this manner than the South Americans. In short, the priest very soon found him- self at the head of a hundred thousand men, and with this vast animal force he proceeded against the royalists of Mexico. He fixed his camp on a hill of a rectan- gular form, which commands the village of Aculco, and the country around on the north and east sides. His artillery, which amounted to fourteen pieces, was placed on the declivities of the hill ; and his army formed two lines, and between them were placed the undisciplined Ii.dians. His opponent divided his troops into five columns, attacked Hidalgo on the north and east side of his camp. The Indians wert-»truck with terror when they saw the good order and military appearance of the royal army, consisting of six thousand men ; and as soon as the firing commenced they took flight, and entirely disconcerted the regulars in Hi- dalgo's army. The enemy pursued the retreating troops., and great havoc was made among them ; ac- cording to the official report, no less than ten thousand independents were killed, wounded, or taken prisoners. Hidalgo withdrew to Goanaxoato, where the victors soon after followed him. Goanaxoato is built on an eminence, and the road leading to the town is a defile, which the independents fortified ; but they were in a short time stripped of their advantages of situation, and sustained very severe loss. Hidalgo's troops, en- raged for the slaughter of their oonipanions, assassinated more than two hundred Spaniards who had been con- fined. On the following day, however, the royal troops stormed the town and took it ; the soldiers were per- mitted to pillage and kill for the space of two hours ; and the next day all the patriot officers, and many other prisoners, were shot ; the mineralogists Chovel, Davalos, and Valencia, uuder%\'cnt that fate. A pro* clamation was published, which ordered that within twenty hours all arms and ammunition of every de- scription should be delivered to the government, under pain of death in case of disobedience. The same 584 HISTORY OF AMERICA. 1% ' penally was to await those wlio should be found guilty of supporting opinions whicii tended to rebellion. Every union of persons exceeding three was to be dis- persed J)^ firing on tiicni. Hidalgo now marched to- wards Guadalaxara, a city four hundred miles north- west of Mexico, and containing alone ninety thousand inhabitants ; and having in his march been victorious in several skirmishes with different detachments of the Spanish troops, he entered the town, and then sent Mercado, a priest, to the port of Sanbias, wliich readily capitulated. Mercado took forty-three cannon at San- bias, and sent them to Guadalaxara. Hidalgo's autho- rity was evidently acknowledged in Guadalaxara, and the adjacent parts. But Hida'go was at last so hotly pressed by the royal forces, tliat he was under the ne- cessity of continuing his retreat, and ougitt certainly to have resigned his authority into the hands of some more prosperous leader, or even of one that had never been tried before; his general estimation, however, always secured for liim a hearty welcome to wliat |)lacc soever he deemed it prudent- to rttire. 13ut altera scries of luckless adventures, the unfortunate Hidalgo, and several officers of his staft^ were taken prisoners, and put to death, some of tliem on tlie fitid of battle underwent the inglorious ])angs of the gallows; but the rest, 'nid among these was poor Hidalgo, were exo- I'Uted a few days after.. Kut the captivity of Morelos was what particularly grieved tiic independent party, and depressed their spirits. Tiie termination of the European war permitted many able and experienced officers to fro at large, and amongst these the Britons had raised for themselves a memorial of their heroism that was dislinguislicd above the mi- litary records < f ni'st otlcr soldiers. The persons who had the nian:igenient of tiie affairs in Spanish America were anxious, tlieiefore, to gain the aid of them, and for this puipost- a general t fficer was sent to England to act by way of agent in enlisting them in the service of llie insurgent cause. Various difficulties were pre- .scnted to ll;e adventnr us young men who contem- plated a voyai'C to Spanish America. In the first place, their invitation thill. er was not acetmpanied with any certain pledges tliut they would have a stable post upon their arrival, any fuitlicr than the flattering assurances of a negoelator might he supposed to attach certainty ; but, on the other liai d, it was e\ident, that although tiiis gentleman niii;ht be honourable and sincere, yet it was very natural to sujipose, tliat he would do all in iiis power to promote the oljcct of his mission, and consequently among other resources, that he would en deavour to draw the most agreeable j)icture of what was to be met with in the western heniispliere, by in- troducing or confirming the ideas of liberty there, and [book XVIII. fighting in defence of it. The apprehension, besides, that if parties of any country in the service of the pa- triots were taken by the royal troops, they should be hanged in tlic manner ofnative opponents ; and if en- tering into the force of the king of Spain, they should fall into the hands of ids unwilling subjects, they must then also be obliged to >-imilar treatment, for that is the only method of making a suitable return. How- ever these obstacles might have acted to oross the daring and hazardous spirits of men long used to war, and the comforts and pleasures of a mess, now necessi- tated to pass their days in peace and tranquillity at home, and too much straitened in their finances to in- dulge their custonwry good fare ; this may seem an in- different compliment to persons in the pursuit of ho- nour, but if the operations of the human will be traced rigidly to the source of them, the inquirer will con- clude those motives to be often conlem|4ibIe which work out the actions of greatest brilliancy ; but how- ever strong the incentives to enter the field upon a dis- tant region might have been, and cigent the disagree- able side of the question, there appeared in the Lon- don Gazette a proclamation of the Piince Regent of Gieat Britain, tliat was calculated to damp the military ardour for warring so far away. Tlie order alluded to was in these words :— " Gkorge P. R. Whereas tiiere unhappily subsists a state of warfare between his Ca- tholic Majesty and divers provinces, or parts of pro- vinces, in Spanish America : and wl:ere.is it has been represented to us, that many of our subjects have, with- out our leave or licence, enlisted or entered themselves to serve in the military forces or ships of war raised or set forth, or intended to be raised or set forth, by the persons exercising or assuming to exercise the powers of government in such provinces or parts of provinces, and that divers others of our subjects are about in like manner to enter and enlist themselves ; and whereas such practices arc highly prejudicial to and tend to en- danger the peace and welfare of our crown and domi- nions ; we do therefore hereby, by and with the advice of our Privy Council, strictly charge and comUiand all and every of our natural-born subjects, of what degree or quality soever, not to serve in any such military forces or ships of war as aforesaid, and not to enlist or enter themselves to serve therein, and not to go beyotid the seas or embark, in order to serve, or with intent to enter, or enlist themselves to serve in such military forces or ships of war : and it is at the same lime our royal will and pleasure, and we do, by and with the advice aforesaid, hereby also strictly charge and com- mand all and every of our said subjects not to serve or enlist, or enter themselves to serve in any of the mili- tary forces or shiiis of war raised or set forth, or to be BOOK xviii;] HISTORY OF AMERICA, £S5 niied or set forthj by hti Catholic Majevty, and not to go beyond the teat, or embark, in order, or to the in- tent to serve, or enter, or enlist themselves, to serve in such military forces or chips of war : it is nevertheless our royal will and pleasure, that nothing herein con- tained shall be deemed or taken to prohibit any of our subjects who are engaged at the time of the date of this our proclamation in serving in the military forces of his Catholic Majesty with our leave or licence, from continuing to serve therein, provided that such our said subjects do not serve with the military forces of his Catholic Majesty when employed in Spanish America : and we do hereby, by and with the advice aforesaid, strictly require all our said subjects duly to conform to our commandt' he ' ;ontaincd, under pain of our highest displ' re, m. 'le utmost forfeitures, in: .ties, and punish mation from co-operating with the Spanish fleets or armies employed in South America. Strict obedience is enjoined to these commands of the Prince Regent, under pain of the royal displeasure ; and of such for- feitures, penalties, and punishments, as the law may otherwise inflict. The document, we should suppose, will not be read without interest, and may probably ex- cite some strong discussions among those whQse feel- ings have for many years been excited by the prospect and the progress of South American independence. The cause of the Spanish colonies has been much ca- lumniated by those who impute to it, what, in £urope, we describe under the name of Jacobinical principles : but the immediate benefits to the cause of liberty which are expected to result from the military and naval suc- cesses of the patriots, have been, we fear, as much over- valued by the friends of freedom, as they are every day depreciated by its enemies. To the spirit of dissen- sion among the chiefs of the revolted provinces may be justly ascribed the slow and interrupted march of the revolution, notwithstanding the feeble resistance which has been opposed to it on the part of the mother country ; and from the duration of the same spirit, it is reasonable to apprehend that the beneficial consequences of the independent cause, should it prove finally suc- 4»— 50. cessful, will be long postponed, or sensibly and deeply impaired. Any contest carried on, even in the name of liberty, must alwaya.be looked at by a free people with emotion. Every step towards tlie overthrow of a mercantile monopoly must animate the hopes of a com- mercial nation. From these two circumstances, con- nected with the Spanish contest, a majority perh^s of the people of England are ill prepared to applaud their government for rigorously maintaining, as between Spain and her colonies, the character of a neutral power. Yet, how can the British government cease to be neu- tral without becoming unjust ? Strict neutrality is the duty of Great Britain ; and we do not see that the pro- clamation violates, or deviates in the least from the neutral character. It is to be observed, that there is no mention whatever in the Gazette of any restriction upon the trade with South America, or upon the ex- port of any of our manufactures which may be most in demand by a country which is the seat of war. Vessels engaged in such a traffic are very properly left to the natural risks attending it ; and if the Spaniards deal with them according to the law of nations, the indivi- dual sufferers cannot apply to their own government for redress. What it is right to impress upon the reader is, that the propriety of the proclamation referred to must not be regarded as a question of mere feeling or of discretionary policy, but of strict justice and of po- sitive law. The United States, however favourably in- clined towards their neighbours in South America, have felt the moral obligation so strongly, as to have anticipated England by many months, in imposing a restraint upon American citizens who might embark in the cause of the insurgents. " If," says Vattel (B. 2. c. 6), " a sovereign who might keep his subjects within '* the rules of justice and peace, suffers them to injure " a foreign nation either in its body or its members, he '* does no less injury to that nation than if he injured '' it himself. In short, the safety of the State, and tiiat *' of human society, requires this attention from every " sovereign. If you let loose the reins to your sub- *' jects against foreign nations, these will behave in the " same manner .to you j and, instead of that friendly " intercourse which nature has established between all " men, we shall see nothing but one vast and dreadful « scene of plunder b^'ween nation and nation." If British subjects joined the enemies of Spain by sea or land, the court i>{ Madrid would have aright to demand redress ; which must either produce an immediate pro- hibition of the entrance of Englishmen into the revolted fleets and armies, c. would justify the attack of British ships by Spanish subjects wherever they could be found. k is only necessary that the prohibition should be coni* moQ to both parties, which has been scrupuloufiy 4Q 5S6 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XVIII. ■;■■■> I attended to. There is no doubt that the law of Eng- land enCurces upon her citizens the obligations esta- blislied by the law of nations; and by way of illustrat- ing the last sentence uf the proclntnation, a few pas- sages are introduced here from Blackstone, where he treats of the penalties incurred by an unlicensed (how much more by a forbidden) transfer of the services of an Englishman to any foreign state : — « Felonies in *' serving foreign states, which service is generally in- *' consistent with allegiance to one's natural prince, are " restrained and punished by statute 3. Jac. I. c. 4. " which makes it felony for any person whatever to go *• out of the realm to serve any foreign prince, without *' having first taken the oath of allegiance before his *' departure. And further, by statute f), Geo. II. c. 30, " enforced by statute 29, Geo. II. c. 17. if any subject " of Great Britain shall enlist himself, or if any person " shall procure him to be enlisted, in any foreign ser- " vice, or detain or ^.mbark him for that purpose, witii- " out licence under the king's sign manual, he shall be " guilty of felony without benefit of clergy." 'ihe patriots had already received from Great Britain an active and persevering, as well as adventurous ge- neral, in the person of Sir Gregor Macgregor, who was at different times, and very soon after his arrival in Spanisli America, entrusted with the cliief command of several detachments. The people of Amelia island seemed to be very well satisfied with his conduct, and much confidence was reposed in him by all ranks of men. But when he had stopped there fur a consider- able time, he quitted t;he place at last, being, as some say, disappointed in the expectations he had formed of gathering constant supplies. Commodore Aury be- came then commander-in-chief of the naval and mili- tary forces of Amelia island ; and a Mr. Hubbard, from the United States, late sheriff of New York, was, after some altercations with commodore Aury, appointed civil governor. These functionaries on the 30th Sep- tember published a proclamation under tiieir joint sig- natures, announcing tiiat the Mexican flag would be hoisted in the island on the day following, and solicit- ing the inhabitants to return to their respective homes, where they would find their property held sacred by the patriots. The operations of the independent army were para- lysed by the taking of Old (iuyana. Troni the 3d of August to the 26th of September, Bolivar remained with his troops in that city. This delay was caused by the disagreement which arose between that chief and general Piar ; the result of which was the abandoning of the army by the latter, and his repairing to join the division of Marino in Cumana, together with the seces- sion of both from their submission to Bolivar. They formed different small parties, and occupied the whole of the country from Guiria to Maturin. Bolivar caused a strong division to march against Marino, and raised a civil war in Venezuela, a$ lie did two years ago in Carthagena. General Bolivar having refused to ac- knowledge the provincial government established in the Caraccas, there was no supreme authority existing to put an end to such disorders ; and it is probable that the brilliant triumphs which have crowned the arms of the patriots may be buried in the confusion produced by such strange conduct. The division of Bermudez re-passed the river on the 27th, and took a direction towards Calaboso. Part of the troops marched upon St. Fernando, and after taking that city, intended to unite with general Paez, and to continue advancing with that division. The provinces of Cumana and Bar- celona remained without being molested ; the troops under the command of Marino not being strong enough to take any of them, which arc protracted at least while they have a good understanding with any party in Guyana. Margaretta views in tranquillity the scanda- lous conduct of the neighbouring continent, hciding out to it an example of the union and valour which have always characterized the persevering operations of its inhabitants. They saw the whole force of Morillo discharged upon them — they contemned the offers uf pardon pnd oblivion which were proposed to them by the chief — they despised his threats, and fighting with that gallantry and valour which are known to belong to them, they succeeded in defeating the enemy, «nd driving him from a territory where he saw only death and desolation. When the danger was past, all of them returned to their old occupations, maintaining only such force as the state of the neighbouring continent required. The island of Margaretta docs not contain more than 14,000 souls, more than half of whom are Indians and blacks. In April, 1815, Morillo arrived there with 10,500 men, and took the island. He left a garrison of 1,800 men, and a chosen chief, after disarming the inhabitants of even their table knives. The heads of many of the principal families were also shot or hung. A system of the utmost terror was in fact esta- blished. In November, 1815, the inhabitants, no longer able to bear the tyranny under which they groaned, rose up against their oppressors, armed them- selves as they were able, and, under the resolute Aris- mendi, rushed on the Spanish garrisons. Gradually they dispossessed them, and thus obtained muskets. Morillo sent over reinforcements, but the Margarettans persevered. At length they took Pampatar, strong by nature, where the royalists had concentrated all their force, and again became possessed of their homes. In BOOK XV I II.] HISTORY OF AMERICA. 6S7 March, 1816, general Bolifar arrived there, and the in* habitants received arms. Anticipating ro further attack "csjeral Arismendi accompanied Bol'ivar to the continent, with a chosen part of his troops, and the command devolved on general Gomex, wlio, as their bulletins have it, without any external aid, completely defeated the Spanish chief, Morillo, with an army of 3000 men and a large fleet. As soon as the Spaniards landed, the inhabitants evacuated the coast and retreated to the interior. This they set forth as the cupture of the island, and some of the public prints announced it as such. The capital is Assumption, situated in the centre of the island, which has only three po; . , viz. Pampatar, to the S. E. ; the town of Por la Mar, one league to leeward of the above ; and the Pueblo del Norte, situated on the north side, where the furt of Juan Griego stood. It was here Morillo met with his destruction, and chiefly saw the sacriflces the inhabi- tants were prepared to make, not to fall into his hands. On this occasion, it must have been impossible for the Spaniards to forget their brutal propensities against the unoffending inhabitants of the New World. When Morilla landed, he put to tiie sword all who fell into his hands ; neither age nor sex was spared. When he evacuated, he cut the throats of all the Creoles who were with him, even those he had compelled to fight in his ranks. The inhabitants appeared all to exult so much in their perfect safety from the operations of Morillo, and since they speak in a pointed manner tlie feelings that actuate the patriot body, the reader is pre- sented with some of the bulletins published by them. The first goes on thuo ;— " On the 14th instant Morillo, in the port of Gu- mache with 22 sail. As soon as our watch-towers had signalled his arrival, our commander-in-chief, Don Francisco Estevan Gomez, ordered major-general Ma- iieyro to march towards the leeward coast to check the enemy. This intrepid chief, with 400 infantry and 150 horse, sustained a vigorous attack, which lasted four hours with such efl'cct, that he forced the enemy to re- tire to the shore without being able to reconnoitre the field of battle, during two hours, notwithstanding he had 8,000 men, whilst in the mean time our party in- trenched themselves in Cuicas and Hunco Largo. Tills battle, as well contended as the most distinguished of Venezuela, spread the greatest terror and alarm among the Spaniards j and their leader, who imagined he was about to repeat some of his former expioiis, sent in a flag of truce on the 17th, promising to the people of Murgaretta all those benefits which no Spaniards is capable of realizing to an American, however be might be attached to him. An answer was written on the same day, but it appears no one dared come in to re- ceive it. In the above glorious action we lost lieutenant Felix Gonsniez, ensign Miguel Sorocha, of the infantry, and lieutenant Nemencio Snalaver, of the cavalry. The commander of the latter, colonel Celestino Tubores, was also wounded. Of our troops we had seven killed and twenty wounded. Our soldiers fought in their usual style. The Spaniards trembled till they again found tliemselves in safety, and their number of killed and wounded was considerable, according to the infor- mation wc received from deserters, though on the fleld of battle wc only found 17 soldiers and one officer. " Padi.o Ruiz, Chief of the Staff; " Head-quarters, Savannah Grande, Jidy 19, 1817." Now tliis, as well as the other accounts that follow, must be noticed with the same caution that always attaches to the tellers of their own story ; but con- sidering the real tendency they have to impart, a true idea of the patriots' piinciples and manner of thinking, it seems not absurd to lay them before the eye of the curious inquiicr: — *' After the enemy had remained stationary in his position for two days, the major-general thouglit it ad- visable to withdraw two leagues into the centre of the valley of San Juan, w itli a view to induce the enemy to follow our army, in order that we might give him battle on the great plains where the cavalry would be able to act, but fear made him range along he hills, and he diJ not shew himself in the open country. In conse- quence of his evasion, and our not having attained our object, the commander-in-chief assembled a council of war, and it was therein resolved that the whole army should witiidraw to the line of the Caranay, and the town of San Juan, in order that our cavalry might not sufl'er, and with a view also to remove the enemy from his vessels, in the mean time that our resources in- creased, whilst we thus forced him to seek us out in our advantageous positions. The army of Margaretln, being situated on the Caranay, that of the enemy, pro- tected by his vessels, marched along the southern coast. At the cross of Gaitel he had a rencontre with our cavalry, as well as on his entrance into Por la Mar, with a division under colonel Luiz Gomez, who com- manded in that point. The latter sustained itself till its coniniander was wounded, and then retired to the city in good order. After tlie enemy had possessed himself of the ruins of tlie above town, he penetrated by the valley of Espiritu Santo, where some skirmishes took place, and our people then cviicu;ited that point. At- in the council of war it was resolved to destroy and abandon the fortress of Pampatar, but time was want- ing to carry our determination into effect j when the garrison saw itself Pttacked on the iJ4th by the whole of Morillo's force, it did not defend itself with earnest- 4 Q 2 ^* 588 HISTORY OF AMERICA. [book XVIIt. X I nest, and retired to the capital on the same day. Oar force* being concentrated in the principal towns of the island, nnd on the best defended and most advantrgcous points, tlie most efficacious orders were issued by the commander-in-chief for every thing to be in readiness for defence, and this was done with the greatest enthu- siasm. '' Whilst Margnretta was preparing to give tlie enemy a decisive battle, when its brave defenders, animated with fresh triumphs, were mailing their arrangements to strilte a final blow, and exterminate their cruel op- pressors, our operations were suspended in consequence of Manuel Vallejo, and Carlos Perez, the one a serjennt and the other a soldier, and lately taken in tiie fort at Barcelona, having passed over to us. They inform uf, tliat general Morillo was preparing to re-embarl<, as in fact he did, by putting the greatest part of his troops on board his ships, which have already left Pampiitar, after murdering and drowning the greatest part of the Creoles who accompanied him. Owing to his retreat from Juan Griego, and the observations our wntdi- towers had been able to make, we had presumed that this was the operation the enemy was about to execute, to which in fact he was compelled, after the bloody battle he had sustained en that point, in which he ex- perienced such a dreadful loss both in killed and wounded. Besides, we may now further learn, tliat the city of Caraccas is attacked by tlie army under general Paez. If this news should prove true, Venezuela will soon see her tyrants destroyed. Margarctta is again prepared to receive and repel any other invasion its oppressors may attempt against it." At length tlie brave people of Margnretta have triumphed over their unjust oppressors. The threat- ening intimations of general Morillo, announcing t!ie total extermination of Margaretta, after a struggle of one monlli and a half, have ended in his being obliged to give up a campaign that covers him with the greatest opprobrium and dishonour. In every point of the island he has met with nothing else than liard blows, sufficient to scare and undeceive him. Here terminated the valour and military arrogance of the Conqueror of Carthagena, who anticipated that he wp.s about to destroy a people determii.ed to be free, and reduce their dwellings to heaps of ashes. In short, the island is free and completely evacuated. Morillo appears to have withdrawn the remnant of 1.1s force, however, from Margarctta, more with a view to oppose the progreu of Bolivar, and the other inde- pendent officers in Guayana, than to escape the sword of the Margarctta patriots, under the command of Gomez. The Spanish general was collecting troops to resist the advance of the independent army against the province of Caraccas. His disposable force was esti- mated to amount to something near 4,000 men, good soldiers, and ably officered, besides 2,000 Creole and Indian auxiliaries. The patriot army was variously estimated from 4 to 8,000 men, but Inferior in skill, discipline, and equipment, to the royalists under the orders of Morillo. It was not thought probable that the patriots would be forward to risk a general action ; although their superiority to the Spaniards is evident enough, when employed as partisans or gue- rillas. The war is carried on in the most ferocious and sanguinary spirit. Little mercy is shown on either side. VVomen and helpless children are butchered to atone for the crimes of their military reli ives. The population of the towns has grievously diminished ; Barcelona and Cumana have lost three fourths of their inhabitants j famine and beggary have beset the re- mainder ; and the mass of wretchedness resulting from this inhuman conflict is such as it would require nothin- less than an age of national freedom to repay, and of legislative wisdom to obliterate. That man is unquestionably deceived in his jud?- nient, if reference to all histories will be adr ' " ' "- sufficient to the detection of a fallacy, who o„t.,.usc>, that freedom imparts happiness to all indiscriminately, or is even agreeable to their inclinations ; a regard in estimating political blessings ought evermore to be held with respect to tlie constitutional habits of those to whom they are to accrue. In order for the mind of human beings to be fully content with servility, it is only required to be deeply tinged with superstitious terrors and hopes; and, if the person so instructed, shall attribute to an eartlily ruler the properties whic!: are due to none, the result must be, that he will have a blind reverence for this his idol, paramount to all other considerations that miglit be found in a Briton'.-, idea of a free-man ; in truth, liberty must sit irksome upon that individual whom it may be a meritoriou:- action to inspire with proper sentiments, sucli as may suit thedij^nity of an intelligent creature; but to forci; free agency upon a fettered spirit. Is only to produce tlie misery of one who might otherwise be at kast nc: unltapiy. Printed by Augustus Applegatli and Edward Cowpur, il, Nclson-sqiuro, Grciit Surrcy-aticet, 1^. [book XVIII. sr, and the other inde- in to escape the sword der the command of ras collecting troops to dent army against the losable force was estl- ncar 4,000 men, good sides 2,000 Creole and t army was variously , but Inferior in skill, the royalists under not thought probable nrard to risk a general ty to the Spaniards is 1 as partisans or guu* in the most ferocious rcy is shown on either Idrcn are butchered to ilitary reli ives. The rievously diminished ; three fourths of their ry have beset the re- iiedness resulting from would require nothin:: cdom to repay, and ut deceived in his judg- es will be adf " ■ ' "•= fallacy, who -^^,.osc.s to all indiscriminately, L'linations; a regard in 3UglU evermore to be itional habits of those . order for the mind of ent with servility, it is ^cd with superstitious person so instructed, r the properties whicli ; be, that he will have lol, paramciunt to all be found in a Briton'.^ )erty must sit irksome may be a meritorious ntiments, such as may creature ; but to force •it, is only to produc*> herwise be at least nc: ;t.