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1 2 3

REMARKS

O N

Dr. P R I C E's

OBSERVATIONS

ON T H £

NATURE

O F

CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.

^tene peregrinum Ficinia rauca reclamat*

HoR* Ep. xvii, 1. I, V. 62,

LONDON:

printed for G. Kearsley, No. 46, Flect-ftreet*

MDCCLXXVI.

( Price One Shillmg and Six-pence. )

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TO THE

RIGHT HONOURABLE

FREDERICK LORD NORTH,

THESE REMARKS

ARE

RESPECTFULLY INCRIBED

BY HIS LORDSHIP'S

MOST OBEDIENT

HUMBLE SERVANT,

THE AUTHOR.

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REMARKS

ON THE

OBSERVATIONS, &c.

^^i^*«,^HE author of the Obfervations on the
1 T I Nature of Civil Liberty, &c, &c. en-
■^ - - ^ deavours to evince, that we have no
pretenfion to the government of our
own colonies in America. Strange do^rine !
to inculcate by a fallacy of argument, what his
judgment (of which he appears not to be defi-
cient) muft, in foro confcientla condemn — But
however the world may difapprove his obferva-
tions, he is happy in thinking that they are not
only ** important " but *' juft ;" fo that he pre-
condcmns any opinion varying from his own.

In polemical fentiments, of every nature, the
paffions of mankind lead to an arrangement on

ll!

( 2 )

one fide or the other — Excluding intereft, or il-
lufion, our opinion will naturally tend to what is
equitable.

It is not my defign to follow the author, pa-
ragraph by paragraph ; but to elucidate, to the
extent of my ability, not only how extremely er-
roneous, but of what pernicious tendency his
obfcrvations are.

His firft endeavour is, to define the nature of
liberty in general — phyfical, moral, religious,
and civil. As the latter only is the point in
queftion, and as he is not defirous to prove that
the Americans are deprived of the three firft,
which he might do with an equal degree of pro-
bability, we fhall confine our remarks folely to
the latter.

The bulk of the people in America, little ini-
tiated into the cabinet of their leaders, full of
imaginary ideas of promifed liberty — yet were
the veil that blinds them but once cleared from
the cloud that obfcures their better judgments,"
they would, fenfible of their paft infatuation,
foon clofe the fanguinary fcene of deltru<5^ive re-
bellion.
'■"''' ■ ■;■• ,- Let

( 3 )

Let us allow that all " civil free governmenf
originated from the people ; that they are the
fourceand the end." — Put it to the proofs— Givo
the helm into the hands of fo many unfkilful pi-
lots — The velfel would deviate from its courfe,
and foon be a-ground. Government certainly
fprung from ncccffity — General convenience was
itsobjedt — and will (till be its fupporter, *^ Civil
liberty (when I mention the word Liberty, I
mean regulated freedom, not an anarchy of
acting agreeably to paffion) can, according
to Mr. P. be only enjoyed in its greateft de-
gree in fmall flates, where every member is
capable of giving his fuffrage in perfon, and
being chofen into public offices." Let a com-
munity be ever fo fmall, it muft confift of diffe-
rent ranks of men ; what riot and diforder muft
be the natural refult, when the important offices
in that ftate may be occupied by the meaneft,
uninftruded individuals. What corruption, and
fometimes what a fcene of blood arofe in the
Campus Martius at Rome, when the candidates
appeared, and the whole collective body of the
people were the voters I Merit was fure to be
negledted, while vice, by its popular, dangerous
donations, received the plaudit and concurrence
pf the people,
I 3a- ft

«<

€t

( 4 )

It 13 unlverfally acknowledged, that where
the nation is reprefented by its own free choice,
the determination of the majority of thofc reprc-
fentatives is the vox pnpiiU, Mr. P. proceeds to
give u an idea of a government, the child of his
own fancy, the very cxiftcnce of which is incon-
iiftent with human nature. With refpe(5^ to the
houfe of commons, have they not been celebrated
for the jealoufy of their rights, the equity of their
laws, and the juftnefs of their decifions ?

** As the people have more or lefs fharc in go-
** vernment, and of a controuling power over
** the perfons by whom it is adminillred-^fo it
*' is complete, &c." Yet Mr. P. complains
that thefe very people, that he thinks requifite to
have fo much power, are corrupted ; and their
reprefentatives, corruptors. If we were to deal
in fidtion, let us fuppofe, for a moment, that the

heart of every man was open to each infpedtor,
that no paflion of fear, interell, &c. &c. could
enter, but was immediately vifible — what ma-
giftrates, what legillators could we not chufe— t?
yet they would not be free from cenfure.

In one place Mr. P. thinks that the fuffragcs
pf a turbulent meeting of the people is the only

^rue

( 5 )
true flatc of civil liberty. In another be com*
plains, that the majority of the houfe are elect-
ed by a handful of the meancll of the people :
at one period he is anxious that the lowed of the
pco[)lc Ihould poflcfs the moft important offices ;
in the next, he accufcs them of being biafled by
bribery in their choice. Surely if they are capa-
ble of undertaking an office of any confequence,
they may be allowed able to chufe a rcprefen-
tative. Thus he paflcs fentence both on the
people, and their members. ** To be free is to
•* be guided by one's own will." Certainly ;
but when, for a variety of reafons, we give up a
fmall portion to enfure the reft, can this be
ftiled a fervitude ? Ko ; it is by our own frank
gift ; and without it, adieu to all the advantages
of fociety. Mr. P. allows that the form of our
conftitution is excellent — then why raife fan-
cied evils that have no cxiftence ? What Ihould
degrade it ? Every Briton muft be proud of it 1
Po we not hourly feel its glorious eflfcds ?

■*;

; ** Government, fays Mr. P. is an inflitution
M for the bencf- of the people governed, which
?* they have power to model as they pleafe.— "
If this was fadt, what anarchy and innovation
piuft not be its confequence, if from every

whim

C 6 )

whim of a frantic multitude, the fabric mull be
fub verted ! — Government is clearly, as before
ler/iarkc^, derived from neceffity, and the fame
caufe will maintain it. It is |)c;^ular to fay, it
originated from the people.

Few are the inftances of licentioufnefs in the
higher orders of a Hate ; their knowledge and
experience will dictate to them its pernicious
confequences. The vulgar think that their li-r
berty is infringed, if they receive the lea^l curb
of legal reflri(5\ion : unreftrained by morali-
ty, a lawlefs conduct, unchecked, is the only
idea they poflefs of liberty. Defpotifm is in-
deed a branch of the fame tree ; for if defign--
ing individuals, aided by the fury of popular cla-
mour, confound all diftindtion, and deftroy the
fprings that moved the wheels of government, it
will ever terminate in the defpotifm of the mofl
artful.

The power of parliament is certainly de-
legated ; the limitation of their time of fitting,
the check from the other powers, their own in-
capability of adting without the concurrence of
his Majefly and the houfe of lords, is too evident
to affert any omnipotency in either them, or their

eledpts^

( 7 )

electors, the people. One cannot but fmile wteti
we hear of the omnipotence of an illiterate mul-
titude. We Ihould be indeed glorioufly govern-
ed, if they were to be our rulers ! I cannot
conceive how it is poffible (even by thofe
who ftrive by every popular art to infinuate
themfelves into the good graces of the people)
to flile them omnipotent. Is their omnipotence
in refpe<5l to the formation of the laws ? — Are
there no other powers to acquiefce in them ?
Is it with refpedt to force ? Their numbers
are great, but eafily difperfed by difcipiined
troops. Is it with refped: to judgment ? —
I am afraid that is not with them, entirely
omnipotent.

Freedom, and all its ineftimable advantages,
cannot be too much cherllhed ; but every true
lover of h*s country will not, by a fophiftry of
reafoning, inflame the minds of his fellow-
citizens, by endeavouring to inftil that the
adminiftration of his country is in dangerous
hands. When nointerefted confideration prompts,
it ought to be an univerfal attempt to prop the
the pillars of that government by which alone
our country flourilhes and our cjmeftic felicity
is cnfured. What anarchy muft attend the fub-

verfion

( 8 )

Verfion of government ! I am confident it will-
be replied, that their intention does not tend to
fo deftrud:ive an end ; they only are defirous to
change the meafures that are purfued by the
prefent miniftry, and put the helm into abler
hands. Allow me a homely fimile — Govern-
ment is but an intricate fuperftrudture. Suppofe
we are continually Tapping the foundation, in
railing new fupporters — the new ones are un-
able to prop the pile, and the old ones fo wea-
kened as to totter under its weight.

I fliall pafs over many of Mr. P.*s obfcrvations,
the pernicious tendency of which are too obvi-
ous to be commented. He infinuates, by falfe
dedudtions, very different conclufions from thofe
candor would did:ate.

Many of his remarks, that he cftabliflies as
fadts, I believe, are very open to refutation.
He affirms that liberty is the only foil where the
arts and fciences flourifh. Let us, for a mo-
ment allow it. At what period were they ever
fo celebrated as the prefent ? yet we arc, agree-
able to his obfcrvations, deprived of all our glo-
rious rights — and in a (late of actual flavery.
But he errs in his propofition, though he may.

quote

( 9 )

quote the page of Longinus, Addifon, &c, 8cc.
yet fad, ilubborn fad, will refute them. In
what age of the Roman empire, were the arts
and fciences at their zenith ? In the reign of
Auguftus. France and Italy, whofe govern-
ment is entirely abfolute, have they not rifen al-
. moft to the higheft pitch ? Had he remarked,
that commerce only can flourilh in a free flate,
his affertion had been, indeed, true. Abfolute
dominions, from their very nature, cannot ex-
tend their commerce. Here is another proof of
the freedom we enjoy. Does not trade flourilh,
and even encreafe, in all our ports ?

I believe that fentiments of genuine freedom,
untainted by oftentation, never (lamped the ge-
nius of any period of hiflory more remarkably
than the prefent. *' Many fycophanrs of po-
" wer have been facrificed," — but furely it is
more confonant to humanity, more glorious for
the nation, that no fuch, of any importance, ex-
ift. While the minifter poflefles public and
private virtues, the channel by which the cur-
rent of royal favour flows, cannot be fuUied.
While we have a gracious King, whofe actions
are as untainted as his heart : while he is fo
cautious in the choice of thofe entrufted with

C the

( 10 )

the adminiftration of public affairs, wc can fear
no event, that fhould place the fubjejS^ in a paral-
lel fituation, to contend in the fame caufe
that raifcd the public arm againft Charles the
Firft, or the unhappy James : and that fuch a
period may never again be read in Britilh hif.
tory, mull be the prayer of every honeft mind.

I fi '

The page of hiftory will point various exam-
ples of the fubordination of one community to
another, where the diftance, the viciffitude, and
uncertainty of the element, the reprefentatives
mud go through, fupply us with a ftriking ob-
fervation of its impracticability. What an ad-
vantage might not Mr. P. affeft, if he could
explore, in any quarter of the world, two horfes,
like Pegafus, where his favourite Americans
might, in the fpace of a few days, not only
convey their reprefentatives, but by the means
of the fame rapid flight, fend continually their
inflrudions. If a Hate receives all the advan-
tages that law, protedion, and afliftance of an-
other can afford, furely llie ought to acknow-
ledge herfelf indebted in the moll grateful man-
ner, independent of all natural fubordination. If
we allow the Americans to be in the Hate of ila-
very that Mr. P. paints them, we mull divert his

Majelty,

( •« )

Majefly,and both houfes of parliament, of every
principle of humanity. We muft ourfelves be
in the fame llavifli condition ; as the fame laws,
the fame legiflators, that govern them, rule us.
The intereft of Britain and her colonies muft be
invariably the fame ; are they not a part of the
politic body ? Is not the fafety of every part of
importance to the whole ?

It is ftrange, that England, ever celebrated for
her zeal in the caufe of freedom, Ihould become
all defpots ; that the country, whofe very foil is
repugnant to it, who would never fuffer a ty-
rant, fhould have the feeds in every one of its
conllituents. Again, every government requires
a degree of parade ; a military eftablifhment has
been efteemed requilite in the moft popular
ones.

In America, the aflcmbly chofen by the peo-
ple, a council elc6ied by that aflembly, and a
governor appointed by the fovereign ftate, and a
variety of different offices for the impartial diftri-
bution of juftice, denote a freedom of conflitu-
tvon — not a llate of fervitude. The very exif-
tence of a fuperior legiilature is ftill ftrongly in
their favour. If the governor ads in a tyrannic

C 2 manner.

( 14 )

manner, there lies an appeal againfthim, to thofc
from whom they are certain of redrefs. Thus
circumftanced, no governor dares to deviate
from his duty.

The colonies are governed by the laws of Eng-
land : if the aflemblies were to form their own,
and fubmit as their inclination prompted, to one
or the other — what a fcene of confufion !

Permit me to remark, that fear, that flattery,
that the hope of preferment may tempt many to
protect a defpot, but it will be found very rare,
that a whole nation would unite to opprefs a
dependent one, who, if they were not acfluated
by ambitious infatuation, would require no
more military than was requifite to retain im-
patient fpirits in a fenfe of their allegiance.
Impoffible fuppofitions, chimeras, as they can
only pleafe for the moment, without any im-
portance, and fhew the fertility of the writer's
invention, are pafled over in filence, to moulder
into infigniiicancy.

** Are there not caufes by which one llate
" may acquire a rightful authority over another,
*' though not confolodated by an adequate re-

((

pre-

( '3 )

'* prefentatlon ?** I anfwer, there are fuch
caufes.— ^The right of conqucft, though it is
to be confidercd as the leaft permanent, while
the fame power does not reftrain it under fub-
jedtion, that urft gave a title to it, yet, to deduce
good from evil, if it can be fo fliled — the Ro-
man empire (for many of their conquefts were
fubfcquent to the republican form of govern-
ment) though they ufurped dominion over whole
kingdoms, yet the arts of knowledge and po-
litenefs firft dawned under their fuccefsful in-
vafions — A juft war cannot be indemnified, — in
the way of reimburfement, I allow it may ;
but what can compenfate for the lofs of the
many lives facrificed in the conteft. Security
againft any future injury in an hoflile ftate, can
confift only in the want of power to exert their
not-extingui(hed refentment.

Compaft may and ought to be binding. — If
a ftate is in imminent danger of being reduced
to the fubjeftion of another power, and fhe
makes ceflions to a ftate equally, or more power-
ful than her invader, to protedt and fupport her
— Surely if flie is faved by the guardian wing,
it ought never to be effaced from the memory
of pofterity, to whom they owe their very
exiftence.

<«Obli.

( 14 )

Obligation conferred, in the mind of a
generous people, is indeed a powerful tie."
Compad:, in many inftances, is the effe<ft of
obligation. Liberty is an incftimable blcffing—
but how can a fubordination to a ftate, jealous
of her freedom, be entitled fervitudc. Are
taxes levied ? Are th. "e impoils ? Do not the
Americans receive an adequate return ? One
would fuppofe, they wanted no duties, no
taxes ; yet they imagine, they have a right to
be prote<5led, and that the Englilh are to be
taxed to pay the expence of their fupport. It
would have been fortunate for us, if we had
poflefled no territory in America; our debts
wonld not have been fo large, nor our taxes fo
burdened.

hi'

Different communities forming an empire,
ought to have mutual interefts. It is by their
union, that they are powerful and rcfped:ed.
If every community is governed within itfelf,
not fubordinate to one great legiilature, they
would all be foon divided. Ambition in every
one of them would lead fome artful individual
to place himfelf at the head ; and oppofition,
that fprung from a miflaken fenfe of liberty,

would

( 15 )

would end in defpotifm. If an empire, and
at beft it can only be nominal, be not taxed
by one great legillative body, but are ruled by
an internal legiflation, they would foon be en-
tirely their own mailers ; and where a ftate, as
well as a man, knows he has committed an in-
jury, it is too frequent they become irrecon-
cileable enemies. Can the defpotic authority of
a Grand Signor be compared to the free lenient
power of a Britiih parliament. If the parent
ftate is free, the independent ones, if governed
by the fame laws, muft enjoy the fame liberty.
The example of Rome is not jull — Rome itfelf
was governed in the moft democratic manner,
while all her provinces were governed by mili-
tary force. When Rome, the darling nurfe of
art and fcience, became the fatal prey to a ty-
rant, yet to . him we are indebted for the Au-
guftan age ; it freed the world from civilized
mailers, to become the flaves to the bolder in-
vader, and rude unpolilhed barbarians. The
light of reafon and refinement that Roman
manners had fpread over the conquered world,
was foon obfcurcd by monkilh fuperftition, and
the forfeiture of all that might have enlightened
their unadorned and ill-inftruded minds.

PART

( «6 )

PART II.

IAm extremely apprehenfive, that Mr. P—
will find the more rational part of man-
kind differ from him in their manner of thinking
with refpedt to America — for this, ** he is in-
** clined to make great allowances."

I fliould be happy to learn who are fo ftupid
as to imagine, the colonies hold their exiftence
only for our ufe. If they deem themfelves
amenable to the laws of this country, all that
are promulged here bind them. Ignorant
muft Mr. P — imagine thofc to be, if there are
any, of the lead degree of common underlland-
ing, who are unacquainted of what colour they
are, and what language they fpeak, when they
daily crowd over. The common people mingle
with ours ; the genteeler with thofe of their own
rank. Every friend to the honour of his coun-
try, muft wifh that this rebellion may clofe, and
the veil that obfcures their better genius, be
thrown afide.

)

( '7

If precedents, (latutcs, charters, arc of no
cftimation, adieu, at once to all order. If any
controverfies arifc, to what can we have re-
fource, but to them ? Thefe precedents, ftatutes,
charters, have been formed at different periods,
during a fcries of above 200 years. The mea-
fures of government have been, in the vaft fuc-
ceflion of minifters, for fo long a fpace, with
refpedt to America, invariably the fame. Has
reafon and equity been fo great ftrangers to the
Engliih conftitution, as 10 ellablilh laws, to
approve of them for almoft two centuries, which
Mr. P — now finds out to be arbitrary, illegal,
and in oppofition to the did^ates of humanity.

In the occurrences of private life, reafon and
juftice ought to be the ftandard of our condudl ;
the criterion by which we judge of others;
in maxims of ftate policy they are one of its
mofl eflential properties, nor will ever true policy
be found to deviate from them — But if I am
injured, if I am deprived of my rights, every
law of nature, moral as well as civil, will
prompt me to be eftabliflied in thofe claims that
I am unjuftly bereaved of. Let us, for a mo-
ment, examine, who are the patrons to Ame-

, D rica

( i8 )

rica, who are the uniform oppofers to govern-
ment : they confifl: of two ranks •, thofc dif-
affedcd, difappointed in th..r purfuit after
lucrative employs : the other, I am even forry
to imagine it, are the DilFentcrs j but as this
has been difcufled in the " Remarks jn the dif-
" fcrent opinions relative to the American co-
** lonies." I fhall here drop it.

That no parallel inftance of rebellion may
ever deface the annals of hiftory ; that it may
conclude with honour to England ; that the
Americans, fenfible of their infatuation, may
wake from their dreams. Cruel muft that dif-
pofition be, who after rifing to manhood, by
the protecting wing of an indulgent guardian,
wifhes to plunge a dagger in his bread. If he
can only prefervc his being, and a6\ his duty to
pollerity, by the defence of himfelf, and the
punifliment of his execrable enemy, he muft be
void of all the feelings of humanity, if he does
not exert his utmofl force.

Mr. P, divides his inquiry into the following
fedtions.

I. In

( i8 )

t. In rcfpcdt of juftice.

2. The principles of the conflltutlon,

3. In rcfpcA of policy and humanity.

4. The honour of the kingdom.
Andlallly, The probability of fuccecding in it*

SECT. I.

Ofthejufiice of the war zvith America »

THE hoftilities with America muft be ac-
knowledged (except by thofe either deaf to rea-
fon, or diflaffefted to government) to be found-
ed on juftice and policy. What pen, without a
great portion offelf-fufficiency, letits penetration
be ever fo fagacious, dare cenfure the adis of
parliament; a6is, that experience has ftampt
as juft, and obfervation marked, as the efie<5t of
reafon. If we are deprived of the right to tax
America, what power have we over our colonies ?
There is an immenfe difference between a right
to that part of the pofleffions in America, that
is requifite to fupport their own government,
and a title to the whole. — Does the privilege
of taxation in England, imply a right to our

D 2 pof-

( 20 )

pofl'effions ? Politics and religion, in our en-
lightened age, are -widely diftindt; fupremacy
is a claim entirely obliterated : yet it is very ex-
extraordinary, that thofc, who vary from the
eflabliflied faith, and live under the lenient in-
fluence of adminiftration, are ever firft to can-
vais its meafures, and difapprove its regulations.
The mild, *he indulgent hand of a Britifli
parliament would require but a fmall reftridtion,
to continue her fubjedt provinces in a fenfe of
allegiance. Were they fimply confcious of their
own advantage, peace and concord would fpread
her all beneficial dominion over every part of the
united empire. If the baneful afcendancy of
fome diforder, poifonous to the whole frame,
becomes predominant, and the force of gentler
medicines fail, we muft find fome more violent
expedient to fupprefs its deftrud^ive emanations.

^i^

*' The fuperiority of the Britifli fl:ate," arifes
not " from wealth'* or the *^ number bf our
*' people — knowledge or virtue." We are in-
finitely obliged to Mr. P — for placing the phi-
lofophers of America, on an equality with our
own. America may produce a Cromwell, and
I fcruplc nor to aflert, however ineffedual h;s

dc-

■-- 1 B

(21)

defigns may be) that there is one in embryo, but
they will never, I dare aflert, rival a Newton,
a Milton, or a Pope. The prc.ended ignorance
of Mr. P — , with refpect to the real foundation
of our authority over America, is too glaring
not to be obferved, even by the moft fuperficial
eye. He forms queflions, that were never
Hated, and gives folutions to what will not
admit of a negative. One Interrogation is fo
much beyond the line of probability, that fcarce
merits a reply—*" The Englifh came from Ger-
** many. Does that give the German ftates a
*' right to tax us ?" What inference can be ex-
trafted with refpe<5l to America ? Were the
Englifh emigrated, fupported, and foftered by
the Germans ? They came over in Ihoals, de-
luged from, the overflowing multitudes of the
north, and the poverty of their own country.
Can the infolence of barbarians, in their inun-
dations, be compared to the generous fupport
that we have afforded America, defcended from
the fame anceftors, and fubje«!it by every tie, to
the fame k -riflature ?

1i %

Sentiments on religious and political fubjefts
can have no atTinity — Unity of a Hate forms its

flrength

( 22 )

{brength ; and unlefs the different parts of the
body politic are governed by the fanie legiila*
ture, aC will branch out in a variety of interefts,
and enfeeble the whole. In religion, experience
has taught us^ that many fedts may exift in a
flate, and unite in the general caufe. In the
Britifli dominions, all fedtaries own their alle-*
giance, though the Diffenters arc the general
oppofers of government.

I*'' '

. I*
it;

Mr. P. imagines, that the augmentatation to
our national debt, caufed in our protection of
the Americans, amply repaid — ^that we did it;
on our own account. (In one circumdance it
was, we then confidcred the Americans, as they
now actually are, our fubjetfts, we could not
penetrate into the anguis in herha). But if
fome prsefcient being could have whifpered the
grateful return, adminiftratlon muft indeed have
been deprived of all fenfe, if it had not left
them to become the prey of a defpotic matter.
They then might have proved good fubjedts,
and like fome animals, the more they receive
difcipline, the better they behave, ,and even at
leaft feem to love you the more — *» They had

(«

( *3 )
*' an exclufive trade with us,** gracious God

the mighty obligation.

They condefcended to trade with us — Are not
the advantages of commerce mutual ? If they
had no intereft from it, how have they rofe from
turbulent Oliverians to th- flouriihing enlightened
ftaie Mr. P — defcribes them. " They fought
*' by our fide," all great and galant ! While
we were engaged in their defence, they gracioufly
lend their arm in the fame field of battle. — " As
** freemen, they have never difcovered any re-
*' luftance in giving ;" that is, in futuro, if
left to their option ; they may perhaps fome-
times deign to affift, if they imagine they can
reap any benefit from it — " But in obedience to
" a demand, and with bayonets at their breafts,
*' they will give us nothing but blood." — Who
demands ? Can the ads of parliament be ftiled
demands ? Who placed the bayonets at their
breafl? their own feditious principles. -The
words of Pet. Arb. are very applicable to the
Americans, Fera redit fades, dijjimulata peril. The
maik is thrown away, and the principles of the
firft fettlers are but too evident. I imagine, the
next maxims that are taught, will be the fubor-
/ dination

'€

'6-*

I! I

hf!

-I ■

■T;

€6

€C

( 24 )

dination of England to America — It will be
urged, " that as the genius of liberty has fled
** from her once favourite fhore, and deigned
** to fix her refidencc on the continent of Ame-
rica, a nation, whofe people, uninflrudted
in artifice, unallured by the bait of pleafure,
untaught in the refinements of voluptuoufnefs,
*' content with a fimple mode of living, where
** freedom feated her throne, requires no taxes,
no duties are requefted, no regulations, no
police requifite — Harmony reigns without
them, and the public treafury is ever over-
flowing by the frank donations of a free peo-
ple. Where can we better hope for the reflo-
ration of the all- admired, the glorious con-
** flitution we inherited, though like a prodigal
we have fquandered it, but from the ad-
miniflration of fuch a people. Ti:** golden
age would be reflored, and America rival
Rome in ils moll flourifhing period,

€C

€i

ili

It has been eflablifhed by the confent of all
nations, that the firfl finders have a right to the
country — Sailing along a coafl, in polTefTion of
another, gives no privilege to it — I allow, that
property fo eftabliihed, is founded folely by

univerfal

( 25 )
univerfal affent ; and like many things, it is the
only rule we can judge by. The affent to it for
fp long a fpace, proves at lead its utility— it
prevents confufion, and whatever is the caufe of
that, njuft be juft.

What privileges do not the Americans enjoy,
equally with the reft of (except the lingle one of
reprefentation) Britiih fubjedts ? It appears to
me reduced to this fimple propofition — 'that they
and their friends in England want us to bear the
whole burden ; and on a requeft of their par-
ticipating in it, it is replied, that if you will
not adt as we judge proper, the fword fhall
decide — A few ambitious men there keep up
their prejudices, and inflame their minds, while
their friends here are trying every expedient to
irritate the minds of the people ; but to their
praife, be it faid, without the leaft profpe<5l of
fuccefs.

Mr. P. lays no ftrefs on charters — They are
not of a nature to be regarded— Yet when there
is a poffibility of extrading the leaft pretenfion
to favour the Americans, he would find that
charter to be of weight. If charters are not

E efficient.

Jlil

if-

n ■ '

( 26 )

efficient, what human power is to be iacred, '

unlefs experience ihonld teach, that any one,

though formed by the neceffity of the times^

fhould afterwards prove prejudicial. In the

name of God, let it be repealed. But are the

moft inviolable bonds that guard fociety, to be

recalled, becaufe fedition afks it ? I had fooner

dwell in a land of ilaves, than in a country,

where the tumultuous cry of a few madman

can overturn the moft falutary inftitutions. An

infant nation, emigrated from a powerful one,

may ftipulate conditions on the promife of fup-

iport and protedlion — Nature dictates it. Thofc

conditions ought to bind pofterity, if they re*-

colle^cd, that they would have had no exiftence,

or at leaft a poor one, had not the'r progenitors

wifely granted fome things, to enfure grandeur

to their pofterity — but nature never would fti-

jjulate ; nature would never afk, to expofe a

human being to the excurfions of wolves and

tygers — ^What fimilitude can it bear ?

How is the reprefentatlon of this country
defe<ilive ? Parliament reprefents us ; the vo-
luntary election of a whole people. — The world
has been lavifh in its encomiums of the excel-
lence

■mk

( n )

Icncc of our government. It is the wifefl, and
the moft equitable that ever exifted ! Yet Mr.
P. thinks America is contending for a better
—Skilful nation ! to explore what ages have
ftrove in vain for, and what ages have applauded
—Luxury and vice have been the theme of
every writer in every age ; the fame complaints
that exift now, formed the page of the cen-
furcr for centuries pad. — Happy country, that
when England iinks, ihe may fly to you, and
in your bofom pour the laft retreat from ilavery
at home. What a ftate ! How ought it to exult,
when Mr. P. predicts, that Aftraea will make it
her laft refidence on earth*

! ,''1

1 4

The qucftion is, whether America is part of
the Britifh conftitution ? If not, we have no
right to taxation: but if America owns itfelf
our fubje^ — taxation is the only proof of its
fubordinacy. For that we contend ; there can
be no medium ; America either is, or is not
part of the Britifli empire — It admits of no pal-
liation. When any fmall ftate in an empire is
obnoxious to the whole, it is requifite for the
well-being of all, that they fliould feel for
their ill-adions equally with a criminal indivi-

E 2 dual.

I ■

( -a8 )

dual, who, if he efcaped punKhiuent, would
tend to the fubverfion of all civil order.

The magic on which Mr. P. founds the
whole force of his argument, is torturing a
few plain words into a fenfe they cannot admit
of — " the right of taxation,*' he ftyles a dif-
pofal of their property. In England, though
Parliament has undoubtedly a right to tax, yet
no privilege to difpofe of property. The exi-
gencies of the ftate require fome portion, yet
that implies no claim on the whole — " To be
*' fubjeift to the laws and privileges of the parent
•* ftate, he calls a power to model as it pleafes.'*
If they had the government of our colonies
under their own formation, I wonder what
arrangement they would purfue — -I am inclined
to think exadt the rcverfe of freedom. Mr. P.
will fay. How can any one furmife fo ridiculous
a fuppoiition ? Do they not now battle in the
caufe of liberty ? I deny it-^-I believe it the laft
thing that entered into the brain of their prefent
leadrrs.

Certainly our claim to the colonies, is un-
alienable. At prefent, Mr. P. fays, •* they

are

-'V "■

( a? )

*' a;e about half our number ; but in fifty or
" iixty years, they will double our number" —
fo in proportion, in the fpace of one hundred
and fifty years, we (hall fcarce be a handful,
to fo numerous, fo great an empire, equally
celebrated for their advancement in all the arts
of life, as rapid in the increafe of their pro«
geny. Mr. P. may hold in deriiion *' this
" handful of people on the other fide the At-
*' lantic," yet be it the wreath that crowns
every Briton, that wherever fortune may lead
him, he is proud of his native country, nor
would change it for this mighty America, this
darling of Mr. P.

If we were to allow, that philofophy, and
the mufes of America, rivaled our moft cele-
brated, we ihould boaft, that a people emi-
grated from us, had retained thofe talents for
which our ifle has ever been renowned — but
alas ! the blufli muft now overfpread the face
of every Englilhman, if ever the Americans are
mentioned in his prefence by a ftranger !

The dreadful painting of Mr. P. of the
time that may come, when liberty and virtue

will

( 30 )

\vill take their final adieu. That time will come
when the earth will be no more. If the pier-
cing prcfcicnce of Mr. P. can divine fuch a
period^ let him not keep it folely to himfelf,
but acquaint us all with the important aera, that
we may fly to his afylum of arts, knowledge,
and freedom. When fuch a defcription is re-
alized, let his beloved America then exert her
power — the conteft would be as great and me-
ritorous, as it is now ihameful and feditious.

Pudet hsec opprobria nobis

Et dicipotuije &? nonpotuije r^/^///.— Ovxd,

When thegovernmentof Britain is once plunged
into that abyfs of ignominy ; when the free fpirit
that now prevails^ is mouldered into ruin ; her
colonies might then with juftice flrive to pre-
fervc themfelves from the fame fate : but while
the adminiftration here is equitable ; while law,
juftice, policy, and reafon, hold the reins of
government, nothing but fedition, and the
worft of principles^ could prompt the Ameri-
cans to fo deftru<5tive a rebellion. Let us not
torture our imagination^ at the view of fo gloomy
a fcene ; and if ever a thought arifes, that tends

( $1 )

to fuch an improbable one, difpel them with
a petition to the divine Being, to ward off for
ever the hour that deprives us of all that is
valuable in life.

If the Houfe of Commons is capable of fa-
crificing to regal power, the jurifdi^tion in-
truded to her of the colonics, fhe will not long
perfevere in the prcfervation of our own ; but
thanks to the genius that prcfides there, the
rights of the people, their own privileges, are
as cautiouily guarded, as the lincereft lover of
his country can requeft — While our gracious fo-
vereign aims at no fubverfipn of any popular
fights, while he arrogates no unconftitutional
powers, we need not alarm the minds of the
nrmltitude, too eaiily impofcd on. — ^If we were
to grant them the extent of their prefent, at leaft,
their feeraing-wiih, and they were to eftabKfh a
democratic fyftem, how long would it exift ?
Experience, to make ufe of the words of the
hillorian, would teach them, that real liberty
eonfifts in a due obedience on laws and govern-
ment. The Athenians, A. M, 3380, fenfible
of the error in their government, were defirous
of eftablifliing a legiflator, but for a fear of

pro-

J.1< .

( 3» )

proceeding too far, there arofe, what will
always happen, in cafes where cither the fub-
jeft rebels againft the adtual government, or
where there is no regular one, different fac-
tions. At Athens, Megacles, Pififtratus, and
Lycurgus, were the three heads : the firft, power-
ful by his wealth ; the fecond, (as the author
of the hiftory of Greece remarks) by the mild-
nefs cf his behaviour, his affability, and his
great liberality towards the poorer citizens, had
acquired the highefl popularity ; but his win-
ning behaviour was no more than an artful cover
to the mod ambitious deiigns. Thus would
America have been iituated, had adminiflratton
at home not curbed a rebellion, that would have
clofed in the tyranny of fome American Pififtra-
tus — who, by popular proteftations, by large
donations, would have ingratiated himfelf, and
blinded them, till they could refift. TuUy
juftly obferves, conjuetudinem henignitatis largitioni
longe antepono, hac ejl gr avium homtnitm at que
magnorum — //// quaji ajjcntaiorum populiy multitu-
dims leviiatem voluptati quafi titillantrtim.

J •\

The words, " freemen and flave,** are ma-
gic to the brain— '•The idea of being deprived

C I

< 33 )

of being deprived of our liberty, baniihes every
other condderation ; the abhorrence to flavery
is fo great, that we run away with theidea^
without refledting, how didanr, how improba*
ble it is, that we can ever be entangled in the
detefled chains. Incendiaries in general are con-
vinced of it ; the word alone will aid their
dciigns } while the cool cmpafTioncd reader fees
through the veil, that is almoft pervious to the
flighted view. The very a6^ of toleration will
be cenfured by every fedt, precluding their own.
The birth to the productions of authors, dif-
afiedted to their country, is another teflimony
of the freedom we poffefs. Was parliament
but a fet of tools ; were the officers of ftate
venal ; were the minifters but the inftrument of
an arbitrary tyrant ; were the people abforbed,
and plunged into luxury and voluptuoufnefs,
fuch books would not be ruirerecl to appear-
but our glorious conditution permits the freedom
of the prefs ; by it, our pofleffions are fafe,
the liberty of our thoughts may be frankly dif-
culTed, and even the rebellion of America finds
its fupporters againft the admirable fyflem of
our government, againft thofe laws, revered by

F all

t 34 ]

all Europe, nnd which prove an impregnable
rampart to the encroachment of regal power.

SECT. III.

IVhether the war with Jmerica is juftified by the
principles of the conjlitution.

V I'

Hi '■:

TO extend our ideas beyond the prefervation
the colonies, it is evident, that almoft the tran-
quility of the whole empire depends on our
exertion in this rebellion — Had we tamely
ftooped to the daring fpirit of the Americans ;
had we fuffered our conftitution to have been
infringed — ^what an inftance of pufilanimity
had we difcovered to al' Europe ! What an ex-
ample to all our fubjefts — Rebellion might have
reared her head in every quarter of the world.
The llrefs Mr. P. lays, that if we have the
power of taxation, though he exprefles in other
words, it in:plies a right to deliver them to the
Grand Seignor. It would not have been great
lofs to us, if we had never had fuch turbulent
fubjeds — 'Tis the fecond civil war, their feditious

tenets

h; \

[35 ]
tenets have been the caufe of, xftxar fcopotk^ •

xetKov uov.

*' Suppofe the colonies of France or Spain
" had enjoyed, by compadts, for near a century
** and a half, free government, &c.'* Why
travel in the land of fuppofitions, when we
cannot be ignorant, that either France or Spam
would not fufFe; any of her colonies to enjoy a
liberty, thj:t theii governments will not admit
of. I will venture to affirm, from the naturkl'
difpofitions of our colonies, that if Parliament
had repealed the ads, obnoxious to them, they
w^ould have found fome ground of quarrel, if
•we had riot acquiefced in all their factious de-
mands. T'hc feed was too deeply rooted, not
to have fprunjr^ up. It has ben long burfting
for a vent.

I \

r
e

The people, that is, their reprefentatives,'
have the fole difpofal of their own money. The
Americans, for various caufes, have no repre-
fentatives, and relying as they do, on the
juftice of Parliament, they would find no foun^
dation for difapproving meafures evidently
adapted for the benefit of the whole, had they

F 2 . not

[ 3^ ]
ndt been predetermined on oppoiitlon. I would
afk one queftion, Arp the Americans taxed in
an adequate manner to the expence of their p^o-
Vjernment ? Mr. P. dcfcribes them as numerous
and powerful — Are their duties proj^ortionate
to fo fiourifhing a Hate ? The caufes oi rhe un-
happy ftruggle in Charles I. I fhall pais ^;^e^.
However beneficial its confequences have been,
we Ihould be grateful for what we enjoy, and
not call to recolle^ion, a period fo full of hor-
ror.

II' f • ;

V^^

A war, thus undertaken in the fupport of our
conftitution, whofe very being is connected with
it, ought to be promoted, and carried on with
united vigor oa our fide, till rebellion is^ con-
convinced, that her erroneous deftrudtive prin-
ciples have been the detefted caufe of the pro-
fufion of fc .nuch blood, that years of allegiance
can alone atone for. But as compulfion can
iblely retrain them in a fenfe of duty, a military
force will be impelled to retain them in it-
Cruel alternative ! either to give up a country,
foftercd and proteded by an immenfe expence,
or by the fword, to decide whofe fubjedts they
tre. It is dangerous to enfeeble government by

fpccu-

fe-

C 37 ]

fpeculatlons, how much more laudable to con-
ceal from an unthinking multitude, the fource
of government — the obedience due to authority
ought never to be cativaffed by the people,
who, when they find themfelves effentially in-
jured by their rulers, will always invent expe-
dients to remove them— Deprive government of
that reverence that it claims from people of all
ranks, you withdraw its chief pillar. If Ame-
rica was difunited from us, what a variety of
plans would wander among them, till the mod
artful could feat himfelf on the throne. One
great fource of evil, and which adds fuel to the
rebellion, is the number of petitions that were
prefented to the throne in favour of the Ameri-
cans. In the commencement of the reign of
Charles the Second, an a<ft paffed, that no more
than twenty were to fign their names to any
petition, but with the ratification of three juftices,
or the major part of the grand jury : the fine on
a trefpafs was lool. .and three months imprifon-
mcnt. „ ..

SECT,

I 38 I

SECT, ni^

Of the policy of the war with America,

h't ■■■*

1 have fomewhere before obferved, that I
imagined the tranquility of the whole empire
pended on the vigorous exertion of the war
againfi the rel ^!ious colonies. The whole fub*
je6l has been fo . difculfed, that, I am con-
fident^ I fhould not have been prefumptuous
enough to have delivered my opinion on it, after
fo able a pen, as the dean of Gloucefter, had not
the pernicious tendency of the pamphlet now
under difquifition, called for a reply.

The caufe of the war was an attempt in the
Americans of retiring from the fubordinacy to
the parent ftate. We muft either have acknow-
ledged, that we had, till then, enjoyed only a
ufurped authority, or purfued the only poHtiea!
one, that of refiftance. Eftablilhed cuftom,
that foundation of all law, the concurrence of
above a century ; the acknowledgement of the
iirft fettlers; the advantages derived, all co-
operated

|; f •'

[ 39 3 •

operated to entitle vis to the legiflative power
over the Americans. The objedt of war is
dearly that of public intereft — It cannot be for
its own fake, " Extenfion of dominion," as Mr.
P. terms it. How can ambition prompt us,
when America is part of the empire ? If there
was to be an infurred^ion in Scotland, andf our
minlftry fent an army to quell it, I fuppofe Mr.
P. vould deem it, " the lull of power, and a
•* defire to extend our dominions." The one
cafe is equally applicable as the other;

** All government, even within a ftate, be-
comes tyrannical, as far as it is a needlefs and
•* wanton exercife of powe^ ; or is carried
" further than is abfolutely neceflary to preferve
** the peace, and to fecure the fafety of the date."
1 believe all mankind will aflent with Mr. P.
but he here, for once, is a friend to the prefenc
mcafures ; the prefervation of peace ; the fafety
of the (late depends on the hoflilities with our
colonies. The very life of government is its
objed, and the lead relaxation would merit the
fevereft cenfure ; and all the opprobious epithets
of Mr. P. would then be juftly placed. In all
diftant fubordinate provinces, if the government

- . ^ - Qi

I,i:

II: I >

[ 4« ]

of the chief (late is fo enervated as to pafs un-
noticed every improper adt of their provinces,
in a few years their dependance would be
effaced from their minds^ and a jult contempt
for their feeble rulers would infligate them to
ihake o(F allegiance to fo puiillanimous a power.
To difcover a timidity is to betray a fear that
we err, that we are dubious if we really poflefs
any authority over them. The miniftry, con-
vinced of the truth of this remark^ would have
bluihed to have fubn^itted to the American rod^
and to have facrificed the policy and honour of
the nation to the clamour of a feeble minority.
Gracious God! If the oppofition '-ad been in
power, and had purfued fubmifl. e meafures^
and bowed the neck to our colonies— what
difhonour had not been reflected! what dif-
grace had not ftained the prefent period ! To
have concealed our authority, had been a tacit
confeffion, that we were fenfible of an error —
What a triumph to all our foes. But when we
are polTeflJbd of power ; when unanimity at
home adds an additional luftre to our arms,
why iheath the fword, and become the fcorn of
Europe ? Who, that bears any affection to his

be called in
quellion.

country,

>ower

I '5
I

( 41 )
queftion, for having tamely fubmitted to her
rebellious colonies.

All the artful painting of Mr. P. if it had
been drawn from truth or reafon, would have
been lively ; but while he ftrives to inflame the
imagination, and lofes fight of that lenient foft-
nefs of argument, that embellilhes every friend
to his country, or patron to humanity; it
awakes compaffion, as well as refentment ; when
talents, that might promote unity and peace,
emulate the incendiary, and add new fuel to a
flame, that he fcems but too eager of its blazing ;
the fumes of felf-applaufe may indulge his own
conceit, but the plaudit of the patriot will
never adorn him.

And now, praife be to the animation of the
miniftry, the period is approaching, when
America will be taught, that her riotous fe-
ditions will not pafs unpunilhed, and from that
period will a fenfe of their own intereft, a
recollection of the paft profpedt, roufe them
from their factious frenzy. If the genuine
thoughts of every Briton were difcovered, an
approbation, which envy or intereft can alone

G ex.

( 4^ )

exclude, would await the prefcnt adminiflra-

tion.

; ti jondly, The conteft, as Mr. P. dcfcribes,
after the ruin of the Americans, can yield no
advantage to us. Rather let their towns be de-
folated, than the name of every Briton fullied ;
rather let them be feverely puniihed, than an
acknowledgement of inferiority, or confeflion
of error, fliould give thefe proud colonifts fuch
a caufe of triumph ; rather let them be impover-
ilhed, than when, if we had fubmitted to have
fuffeied their arrogance to have rofe to a higher
pitch, and denounced war againft us. Rebel-
lion, if fuccefsful, never knows its limits —
Many, whofe reftlefs fpirits would have been
cooled by order, will arife, and in the fcene of
confufion, ftill augment it, in the flattering ex-
pedlation, that it may be the fource of their own
grandeur. Can the actions of a juft people, be
compared to the frantic ambition of an Alexan-
der, or a Caefar ? They had no caufe of refent-
ment ; they depopulated, and laid wafte flates,
over whom they had no power ; we only are
engaged in hoftilities, in the defence of our own
authority. Illiberal comparifon ! Wretched flate

in-

( 43 )

indeed! whofe only joy is the defolation of
mankind, and the ambition of conquefl.

** Blind rcfentment, and the dcfire of revenge,
** are infernal principles" — true ; but to apply
fuch terms to the prefent adminiflration, argues,
what I am forry any Briton ihould be ftyled.
When the nation has been injured, infulted, and
her legiflature contemned, to pour convidtion
by hoftiliti.s, that they have themfelves com-
pelled ; thefe ever admirable meafures meet with
names a ruffian can but merit. That people
declaim againft the colonies is not amazing ;
but how a native of Great- Britain can be a
fiiend to rebels, and a foe to the government of
his own country, is truly aftonilhing. What
we have done has been (imply the effeft of
obligation, reduced to a mlferable alternative,
either to facrifice ourfelves, and punifli rebellious
fubjed^s. Could adminillration hefitate, it could
admit of no doubt — Adminiftration, confcious
of the firm bafis on which it a6:s, is as much
fuperior to the trifling invedtives of a Mr. P. as
its conduct is fo unfullied, as fcarcely to permit
the fcrutiny of envy to difcover any real blemilh.
The Americans have not dared to traverfe the

G 2 ocean.

ill
ill

1 1

'V; ■

( 44 )

ocean, and defolate our country — Generous na-
tion ! — But " we have tranfported ourfelves to
" their peaceful retreats — ^we have carried war
" and defolation,** If fubjedts become rebels ;
if that fiend, ambition, pride, and virantonnefs
of power, raife the arm of jufticc againfl thcin»
where are they to examine for the caufe of
evil ? — In themfelves. " We expcded," fays
Mr. P. " to find them a cowardly rabble"—
They muft have hitherto a^lcd with extreme
magnanimity, to have given us caufe for fuch a
fuppofition. The truth is, the levity of the Ame-
ricans, tired with the lenient adminiftration of a
Britifh parliament, are eager to experience the
change of a free government, to a defpot of their
own.-AUow an impoffibility— The Britifli troops
retired from their coi^tinent, their own Oliver
on the throne, in a few months, they would fup-
J)licate our afliftance to free them from the yoke.
Again, their country would be a fcene of blood
— What a profpedt ! How much more would
it tend to their advantage ; how much would
they convince the world of their candour, if
they were to acknowledge their deception, and
clofe this fanguinary rebellion ? The beft and
wifeft may be deceived ; but to perfift in it,

ilamps

Al*

ill

i^ir

( 45 )

flamps an obftinate arrogance of mind. To the
American, no intereft can fpring from a con-
tinuance of war. At the conclufion of it, it
will require a feries of years and indufiry, to
reinftate them. Learning, that began to dawn».
will ilill be longer, before it recovers from the
confufion their prefent miferable principles
have involved it in. The arts of refinement, that
delight 'in tranquility, will be almoft entirely
bamihed, and not refume her feat, till the olive
branch has enlightened the night, that thefe
hoftilities have been the fourceof. Periih the
incendiaries of fuch dedrufftion ! blailed be the
inftigators of fuch cruelty, that they may prove
the fcom and derifion of their fellow citizens,
and the torment of their own hearts ! Pity it is,
that Mr. P. was not at the head of public affairs,
at the commencement of this rebellion : his
fertility of invention would have faved the ho-
nour of the nation, and would have continued
the Americans in their allegiance.

I '

(

From the firft eftablifhment of the colonies,
the difpofition of the fettlers prompted many to
think, thst their reftldTnefs would not fuffer
them to remain any longer in their allegiance,

than

Hi'

( 4« )

ihan thfy required the affiftance of the (late that
protected them. If the taxes are greater on
America at prefent, than half century ago, their
riches, their trade, are augmented in the fame
proportion. Who can imagwj, that the diffe-
rent ftages of a ftate, as they rife to opulence,
are not more able to fupport heavier burdens.
Mr. P. runs on, with a rapid flow of words, to
prove, that if we had borne every indignity, and
receded from ev-ry aft relative to the Americans,
they would have remained our fubjefts. That
this ihould be the ftyle of an American, a friend
to their generals, wpuld not be amazing. No
expedient, however difgraceful, would, I am
confident, have foothed the Americans. Had
we crouched under every infult, Mr. P. thinks
wc might then have, in a courfe of time, gra-
dually overcome, their faftious principles. The
importation of tea wa? feized on, as an occalion
to alarm the minds of the people. The bait
liicceeded, and regardlefs that they were de-
flroying the property of llrangers, they wan-
tonly buried it in the fea. Neceffity would
oblige the ruffian to plunder me ; but he would
not, for the fake of injury to any one, aefpoil
them. Here the property of a great company,

under

j.'f

( 47 )

under the pr'^»'edtion and concurrence of Parlia-
ment, cruelly per'ilhed ; becaufe it was the whim
of fome fa^ious Boftonians. Such circumHances
as thefe, are notinfultsf A compenfatton im-
mediately made, in acknowledgement of its
error, might have diminiihed the affront, but
could fcarcely have exculpated them. After our
miniftr/ had tried every expedient in vain to
foften them ; every propofal was treated with
contempt. If an angel had defcehded, and
had drove to calm them by the mod conciliatory
meafures, his plans would have received only
derifion or defiance. To fuch a people, the
fword only could teach a fenfe of duty. At
the commencement of hoftiliucs, had our mi-
niftry conceived, that the colonifts wererefolved
to carry every thing on with fuch an enthufiaftic
fpirit of rebellion, they would have adopted
meafures, that ere this, would have tamed
them ; but the very leniency of adminiftratlon
is an argument made ufe of as a evidence of the
vaft prowefs of America.

What mind can look on the congrefs but with
horror ? Who can think of their generals but
with abhorrence of their intentions ? With the

eye

Li -:■'

( 48 )

eye of compaflion, we regard a devoted people^
facrificed either to the fadkio^is, die reftleft, of
ambitious. In the preceeding reigns^ die Ame«
ricans were as yet in their Infancy ; no duties
were laid, becaufe we were cpnvinced of their
incapability of paying them ; buf: now, opuicnt,
why Ihould they tsot affift that govcrntncnt, to
whom they are indebted for Jtheir very cxifbehce?
In former reigns, the Americans lefs powerful,
lefs opulent, confequently more peaceable ; con-
fcious, that if they did not depend on the pro^
tedion of the parent ftate. their inability of de-
fending themfelvcs, would foon have made them
a prey to fome more powerful kingdom, whofe
government, not beirg free, would have im-
pelled them to have received their laws ; they
had not dared to have complained of real evils,
under the iron rod of a French or Spamfh do-
minion, much lefs have rofe in adtusl jebellion
for imaginary ones. At that period, while they
(o immediately felt the enlivening influence of
our fupportj t.iey efleemed our monarch as their
own* Wc f.njoyed a few privileges over them ;
they traded almoil folcly, except their contra-
band commerce, with us, if fo, was it limply
to our advantage? Are they not opulent?

From

"Hi

( 49 >

F ! om wkat has it arofe ? We then eftcemed one
another as fellow-citizens, fubje<Sts of the fame
empire. When they came here> they were re-
garded as the fame peoj^f, T?ut the fcene if
widely changed ! ^Dcreafe of riches, a growing *
number of people, have infpired fome with
hope, that they might dlfunite the colonies from
the parent ftite. The cry of freedom, that
never*failing word, that incendiaries make as
fubfcrvient to their defignL, and which always
iCts the multitude in an uproar; inflamed fome;
while others, carried by the current, uninten-
tionally aided the rebellion. Many, whofe
thoughts were peace, dare not venture to pro-
nounce them, for moderation and humanity are
ever neglefted, and even endangered, in all po-
pular difturbances. Mr. P*s ideal plan, *^ of
*-« rejoicing to fee a multitude of free ftates,
** branched forth from ourfelves, all enjoying
** independent Icgiilatures, limilar to our own,**
is indeed but a vain ciiimera, it founds prettily
in words, but experience would foon evince, how
impra6:icable it was. Diveft mankind of am-
bition, pride, and all human failingj, it might
have been reduced to prad:icc ; but we mud
take the world as it goes, nor refle£fc on t&e
-. * H con-

p J,,

:i'i': i

C 50 )

conduift of a mintfter, becaufe he does not rule
a. golden age. His mcafures mull be adapted
to the maimers and principles of the times.
Affe^ion has proved but a poor tie, to reftrain
the Americans— Inlereft would be not a iota
more binding— Nothing but conceffions from us,
that would difallegiate them, would be of any
eiFe^. What infamy! The King that could
permit it, and the minifter that dared advife it,
\yould merit the feverell voice of cenfure. Had
our conceffions kept pace wjth their demands,
on we ihould haye went, till we had yielded
every thing. Their power would have en-
cjreafed, a variety of interefts fprung up, and
in a few years we might have feen thefe Ame-
ricans in the field of battle againft us. If at
prefent, when they are actually under our go-
vernment, they carry their virulence to fuch a
pitch, what would they not ,ftrovc to have
affc6^ed, when difunited from the parent flate ?
Mr. P. feems defirous, we Ihould tread in their
fteps — Perilli the thought! And may the time
never come, when civil (jonvulfions will Jay
wafte our country, and the ftandard of rebellion
/reare 'n every quarter. < Does the. dignity of
' prjcj.c Britain. depend on the huniour of her co-
lonies ?

< SI )

Dies ? Becaufe they are fadtious, are wcallto be
plunged into ruin ? Our glorious conflicution,
that gives us fuch ineftimable rights, is to be in
a flate of perdition^ becaufe America chufes to
rebel. - , :.-,

' The felicity that dawned over them, before^
fuch violent principles fubvcrtcd their harmony,,
and corrupted its very fource, was very evident*
from the caufe Mr. 1?. afligns, their population j-
and had not the Boflonians, with their tendency:
to diflention, fpread the baneful contagion, the^-
would have remained in the fame happy ftate.

The extreme humanity of the Englilh con--
llitution ; the principles pf liberty, inherent in.
our very nature, would prove an impregnable
rampart to our exerciling the leaft degree of ty-
ranny over America. If the p iciples of any,
man breathe a fpirit of difaffedtion to his coun-
try, it is no difficult tafk to pidure a fictitious
profpedi of impending ruin, to alarm the minds
of the uninftruded multitude. But let the
amator patria convince his fellow citizens, that
the helm of government is in the ableft hands ;
that the fame of his country was never more

H 2 re-

<^';'«

\i '

( 52 )

vered by foreign nations, than at this period ;
that commerce, arts, and fcience, flourifli
with more than meridian glory. That thefe
valuable advantages are as mach the confequent
of thofe on whom depend the important affairs
of this mighty empire, as the inimitable form of
dur conftitution. At no period of the world,
did there ever exift a nation fo truly free. The
democr^tical nature of the Grecian republics,
jhftcad of fpreading liberty, was the caufe of
thofe revolutions, where cruelty triumphed in
the mod inhuman manner. But I deviate from'
my fubje(5t:. Our hoftilities with the colonies
are founded on the bafis of truly patriot policy ;
the very fafety, the happinefs of even America
depends on its event. Thofe writers, whofe
religion, whofe tenets, delivered down from
their anceltors, heightened by difappointment,
or ac^giavated by dilaffe(5lcd patrons, will be
clamorous againll adminiftration— But are fuch to
be regarded ? Is theenthufiafm of a madman to
be compared to the gentler v( ce of reafon ? Is a
part of the Britifli empire to be facrificed, be-
caufe a few, of Olivcrian principles, have averte4
the minds of their countrymen from their ge-
nuine happinefs; Is Ireland, becaufe ihe pre-'
' * : • - fer>3

( 53 )

fers allegiance to the beft of Kings, to a fcene
0f defolation and retrcllious faftion., to beftyled
as flaves ; to bear the cruel insputation of fer-
vitude^ bccaufe fhe is fatisfied withan admirable
adminiftration. Detefted be the inveftives, that

wifh to animate inteftine commotions — ^hortid
maxims ! that tend to inflame the minds of
our fellow-fubjedts. If the inftigators of dif-
fenfion, are not content with the mode of theit
own government, let them feek for a better in
foreign countries ; and if they do not return to
theirown, with abhorrence of their pad thoughts^
with a confcioufuefs, that not fuch a one exifts
in the univerfe — what a heart muft he poflcfs.
Mr. P. muft imagine, his abilities to extend
beyond almoft the limits of human intelligence,
if he can deem himfelf capable of giving even
hints that have efcaped the penetrating eye of
adminiftration. Look round the other empires
of the world — Is there one in fo flourilhing a
ftate as our own ? Is there one, w nere the fub-
jedts enjoy fo great bleflings? What is there
deficient, that human nature can require ?

-r>

Monfieur De Lolme, in a Treatife of the En-'
glifli Conftitution, lately publilhed, alks the
following quellion ; which he himfelf anfwers.

" Arc

il:

W''

;i.

m ■; t

( 54 )

** Are not the Engliih perpetually making
*' complaints againil the adminiftration ? And,
** do they not fpeak and write as if they were
•* continually expofed to grievances of every,
" kind? Undoubtedly, I anfwer, in a fociety.
«^ of beings fubjeft to error, diflatisfa^ions,.
^' from one quarter or other, will neceflarily
** arife ; and in a free fociety they will be open-
•* ly manifefted by complaints : but thofe com-
•* plaints, let it be remembered, are not, in En-
*' gland, the cries of oppreffion, forced at laft to
** break its iilence^-They do not fuppofe hearts
" deeply wounded ; nay, I will go farther,
" they do not even fuppofe very determinate
" fentiments, and they are often nothing more
•* than the firft vent which men give to their
•* new, and yet unfettled conceptions."

Mr. P. finely remarks, " that if there was no
** public debt, there would be no occafion for
** half the prefent taxes", — If the exigencies of *
ftate had not required the demands of money,
there would have been no debts : but is the pre-
fent adminiftration to be cenfured, becaufe of
debts contraded by many a prior one ?

■I

hi-'/

ff 't J' •

-siA

■Ill

( 55 )
. If Mr. P. or Mr. B. think Ve injure the
Arnericans, and that the colonies are the only
aiylum of liberty and honour ; if government
at home is arbitrary and illegal ; if the people
are fo degenerated into luxury and refinement ;
if they are fo loyal as to love and refpedt their
aimable King, let them adt as they profefs^ and
in the field of battle be patricides, and vindicate
rebellion.

SECT. IV.

Of the honour of the Nation^ as affeSfed hy the
war with America^

TO recede from the conteft with rebellion ;
to fuflain the mortifying triumph of feditious
fubjefts ; to be di<ftated to by a factious aflem-
bly ; to acknowledge the power of Great Bri*
tain inferior to the puniihment of a few turbu-
lent Americans^ are dodrines that no one but
an enemy to his country can incu]cate«^

The

iQt.

I ' '' '

^':

III '

( S6 >

?'Ylje adls o/ government wene ev«r dbemed
tho& of due wbole nation^ They are^ I ihall
only except a few difJatisfiedi authors, who drive
to fet the people m a blaze ; buta^mmiOrattony
Kke » rock, i* not to be fhaken by crery trifling
girft. If a nat?ion, as weli as an rndivichral, err j,
fed kirn recede; the triumph over paflion is great
and wjcritoricus ; but when jiaftice, honour, and
confcious integrity raife the arm, let ns not yield
without an acknowledgement in the aggreffor,
and a ceffation from the caufe of injury. Let
the proud American refleA on t\^ lives facrificed
in a detefted caufe ; let him conlider that dif-
honour muft be the attendant of his country ;
that m future periods execration mil await his
hamc, and the hiftoric page wrH blufh at the
narration : but I fear thefe falutary refledions
are far from their deluded niinds; the ftory
when perufed by pofterity "Will fcarce be Cre-
dited— -For us nothing appears remaining, but
that the iron "hand of war rrtuft root out princi-
ples fo dangerous, fo deftrudtive to the peace of
mankind;

-If

'Hi i

'eace

•»'.i

( 57 )

Peace is difpair*d I
ffho cah advife fuhmiffion ? IVar — then fVar^ &c.

Let the cafuift explore fophiftic reafon ; let him
draw fpecious dedu<5^ions ; the voice of fimple
reafon andjuftice, unadorned with the refine*
ment of art, or the foftnefs of a period, will be
loud againft him : he may endeavour to drown
- them, but they will ftill rife and pour convic-
tion in his ears. Strangers of every climate are
amazed at their infatuated ingratitude — Ilrangers
whofe hearts whifper them, how juft^ how
equitable the Britifli adminiflration has been
ever condu6^ed j how every thing in oppofi'
tion to public integrity has been difcounte-
nanced ; how repugnant the breaft of every
Briton has been, againft the leaft incroach- -
ment of their adored liberty.

There can be no diftindibn between the peo-
ple and their governors, in rcfpedt to their ho- ^
nour and fecurity ; they are two links, if fepa^ ,
rated, muft be both involved in the fame ruin. .
Government is an inftitution to effedt whatever
tends to the dignity or advantage of the king-
dom ? Not the will of a mob incapable of dif-

I cernment.

( 5« )

cernment. The ideal charms of a free govern-
ment, an equality, may pleafe the enthufiaft in
in his clofet — but like a vifion of the night it
vanilhcs as we wake. To retreat in a caufe
where the honour of the nation is concerned,
where juftice is one of its chief pillars, would
cafta ftain on our prefent icra of Britifli hiftory ;
would argue a meanncfs, not to fay a facri^ce
of that truft, thofe in office arc confided with.
VV^here the caufe of quarrel does not fpring
from ourfelves, it would be infamous to make
conccflions to the aggreflbrs, and thofe aggref-
fors rebels. Surely the united power of the
Britifh empire need not drej'd, or be intimidated
by her colonies ! — A powerful nation to ac-
knowledge the afts of the wifeft, mod humane
legillature in the world, to be arbitrary, cruel,
and unjuft — this powerful nation at the zenith
of her glory ! — The reader muft Ihudder at the
thought. To behold his country at the feet of
an infulting American, confeffing the fuperiority
over Great Britain, renouncing all paft errors,
with hope of forgivenefs, if never guilty of the
fame indifcretion again — For Ihame ! Such lan-
guage would roufe the refcntment of the tameft
mortal. To the man whofe breaft does feel it§

force,

( 59 )
force, all argument muft be unavailing. A
writer muft find his fubjcdt very dcfedtive if he
endeavours to draw comparifons where there
IS not the leaft affinity. Were the Corficans in
the fame fituation, with refpedt to the Genoefe,
or the French, as our colonies to us ? Are either
of their governments fimilar to ours? If the
Corficans had been under a legiflature as equita-
ble as ours, they would never have rofe in
arms. " All cefllions of one people to another
** are difgraceful to human nature.'* Undoubt-
edly : but who ever exprefled a thought of
ceding America ? Are fuch adts confonant to
the tenor of a Britilh Parliament ?

Since the creation of the world there never
was a government fo admirably adminiftered as
our own. All quotations, except where cir-
cumftances rcfemble exaftly, are of no efficacy.
Holland, ala-med at the cruel exa(5tions, the
tyrannical perfecutions agair<^ her by the Spa-
nifh vnonarch, threw off the yoke : but where
has been thefe dreadfully cruel invafions againll
the colonies ? Are the ads of tlie Roman repub-
lic, at one period, under the tyranny of tribunes,
dictators, but never enjoying any true liberty,

- to

i I

V ;

( 60 )

to be held in competition with the Briilfli Par-
liament ? The comparifon of a magnificent pa-
lace to an humble cot would be equally ftriking.
All Mr. P.*8 comparifons are as foreign to the
purpofe. England that would ihed her deareft
blood in the defence of freedom ; that would rear
her irrefiflible flandard againfl tyranny and op.
preffion, would never furely fpread her protec
ting arm for thofe who aflume that name for
the mod detefted purpofes. It would ill become
thofe celebrated in the glorious defence of liber-
ty, to ftile rebellious fubjcds by that genorous
title. The language of hiftory in future pe-
riods will be, that the natives of Great Britain,
convinced of the amazing difference between the
caufc of real liberty, and the cry of ambition
veikd under the fpecious mafk of freedom j
though they would fnpport the one, yet would
not fuffcr the other to rear her hypocritic head.
It generally happens in politics, as well as re-
ligion, that the difcontented exclaim again ft
the prevailing mode of either.

Mr. P, afcribes our perfuafion to begin hofti-
lities was an opinion of their cowardice. I am
foriy he Ihould afcribe fo mean a motive to 9

war

( fit )

wsMT undfQruk^n to rupjiorc the riglns ^f \\}\%
country ; or that Er^gliDi valour fhoul.d rcqutro
fu defpicable motive, in a caufc where the honour
of his native country ia fo nearly interefted.
The noble LorJ, Mr. P. nncntions to have recom^
iiiendcdy at the paiTing of the Bollon port-bill^
coerci'^e meafures, undoubredly imagined that
the Americans were not fo loft to every fenfe of
honour and allegiance, as well as to their own
intereft, to have dared to continue theio hoflilo
intentions againft the parent ftate. Had tha
Americans been efteemed as brave as the moft
romantic valour could afpire to, would that
have daunted us, when the honour of our coun^
try called for the arm of martial jufttice ? The
ericomium paid to my countrymen is great;
ytt this calumniator of Britiih courage pretendi
tg be a fubjeft of our gracious King.

That we might not too much drain our owa
covntry of its inhabitants, it was deemed requi-
fite to introduce foreign troops into America*
Thofe troops will be infpiredlDy the juftice of
the caufe they are engaged in. While we are
vindicating notonly our own rights, but thofe of
fpankind in general, not even France or Spain,

avcrfe

f I

'' I

1:^

1 i

1 ') r.

C 62 ]

avcrfc as they are to the rifing grandeur of our
kingdom, would feize an opportunity, when
they muft be convinced, that not only our own
glory is concerned, but that the fubjedtion of
the whole weftern world depends on the pre-

fcnt conteft.

. . . ?^

It is impoflible to conceive the eflfedt, if we
had receded in our adts relative to America,
Other nations, under the adminiftration of Eng-
land might have deemed that they had an
equal privilege to be exempted from the power
of Englifli government ; at lead, if we may
credit Mr, P. he efteems all order and al-
legiance a proof cf fervitude. I wifh all
who profefs fuch maxims, lived undei a diffe-
rent government— »wheti. Grecian or Roman,
they would then have known the ineftimable
biefling of our admirable conftitution. After
this war with America is concluded, the colo-
nies will tafte the charms of peace and tranqui-
lity, will find them more engaging than blood-
fhed and fedition ; they will be then affured, that
what they contelled for was but a chimerical
idea, the fidion of fome diltempered and un-
fucccfsful ambition. A kingdom when its ho-
nour

'-- -^ V

[ «3 ]

nour is injured, that can think of a retreat, muft
be on the laft ftage, and loft to every fenfe of
dignity or honour.

SECT. V.

■

lity offucceeding in

the

zvar

wUb

Jmmca,

Of the prdbahih

A well conduded army of 30,000 effedtivi
men muft ever be fuperior to an innumerable
n^imber of raw undifciplined troops, led on by
generals without experience, and void of any
reafon — why they battle againft thofe from
whom they derived the blefling they enjoyed.
A nation engaged in the caufe of freedom will
be animated with an irreliftible ardor : but where
hypocrify in the leaders aflumes the name, and
illufion in the people the fole inftigator, it wiM
widely differ from thofe who are thoroughly
convinced that their liberties are invaded. To^
evince the truth of what I advance, with refped:
to America, it would be difficult to draw a
fimilar comparifon from either antient or mo-
dern hiftory. The Americans are peculiarly

fituated.

Ill

'I I

'i I

•I

C «4 )

fituated* There is an amazing difVincS^ion, when
a nation is engaged in the prefcrvation of theii*
rights, and a people battling in the caufe of in-
novation. The event will juftify the truth of
my aflertion. America, at the clofe of the next
year, will recede from her deftrndtive princi-
ples ; and, convinced that her manner of adlng
proceeded from error and artful reprefentation.
Our naval force will awe them from an attempt
to become mailers of the coafl. If we had no
maritime power, how could we enfure protec-
tion to our land forces ? If, as Mr. P. imagines,
they prefer deftroying their fea-port towns,
to the leaving them a prey to their injured ene-
mies, one purpofe is thereby anfwered. If no
naval force had oppofed their maritime towns,
they would have been maftcre of the fea. If
they rebuild their towns more inland, the ad\ran-
tages of commerce will be loft ; without them,
how can they propofe to inrich their country,
or even fupport it ? E.ecall the golden age ; kt
tRem live on the pafture of their own lands j
let the neceffaries of life be all that's requifite :
banlQi the paflions of mankir J -; let the innate
principle of every one be fo honeft and upright
as to require no laws, no magiftrate ; let every

one

C 65 ]

cne, content with an equality, never to afpire to
fuperiority — they then will arrive to *^ that Hate
** of virtuous fimplicity." I believe Mr. P. fpeaks
the fenfe of (though I will not fay the wifeft)
men in America, yet he argues from princi-
ples truly American. To argue about the pro-
bability of a war, when at prefent it can be
only that of opinion, is limply giving our own
conjediures ; but where the wifeft fteps that hu-
man fagacity can devife, are propofed and pu|; in-
to execution, there is all human probability that
the event will be what every lover of his country
would defire. Mr. P. is undoubtedly free from
any fuperftition that regards the intcreft of his
country : but where there is the Icaft opportu-
nity to canvafs the a(ftions of an equitable admi-
itration, and to cenfure the adions of Parlia-
ment, that firm friend to the cftablilhed faith,
he will clamour againft every thing will reflect
honour to either. ** In this hour, fays Mr. P.
" of tremendnous danger, it would become us
" to turn our thoughts to Heaven." — A piety
of conduct adorns every man ; but it deviates
far from prelbyterian cant, or fo much fuperfti-
tion. We ridicule them as fanaticks. If peo-
ple will merit the appellation^ let them not pafs

K unmo-

iii^

I 'i <

l>^ ;

[ 66 ]

iinmolefted. I wiih that every man may enjoy
his fa f on de p'-ifer^ but let him not, becaufe he
differs from , ^aeral opinion, ftrive to raife com-
motions. I know the pretended rigor of the
prefbyterians would grow four at the very name
of a mafquerade, or any amufement ; while, if
they imagine themfelves exempt from the in-
fped:l()n of a ftranger, would commit as many
faults as the greateft frequenter of the mofl
public diverlion.

• Let us pidure the real difference between
our own kingdom and the colonies. Great-
Britain, powerfulj free, and opulent, the feat
pf arts and refinement, eminent for the exten-
iive talents in every branch of human know-
ledge ; and at prefent all thefe co-operating un-
Ati the beft of minlllers, to raife the Britifli
name to the higheft pinnacle of fame. While
the colonies, like a fair field, badly fovvn j the
weeds entirely opprefs the fine fruits it might
have yielded ; but what was fuid by an antient
philofopher, that there never was an opinion,
however abfurd, but found its fup porters ; fo
there never was a people, however feditious,
but would have a defender. The people of
' - . , "^^ York-

['7 1

Yorkfhire are not fubjeds of the people of Mid-
dlefex ; they are fellow-fubjeils, all acknow-
ledging allegiance to law and government ; fo .
it has been with the Americans ; they muft
either be fubordinate to England, or totally '
alienated from it. We are taxed by onr own
reprefentatives ; their lituation will not admit of
it. With regard to their trade, enough has beeft
before remarked. " If they cannot," fays Mr.
P. ** fubfill without us, let them alone, they*
** will foon come back." Let any one afk him,
if they would ever ha\e been m a degree of opu-
lence, had we not foftered them i or rather,
would they have been a people at all ? Mr. P. is
offended, becaufe Parliament is contented with
the meafures of the minifler — becaufe the two
houfes have judgment to diftinguilh when pub-
lic affairs are in the hands of honour and in-
tegrity. The influence of the crown cannot be
prejudicial to the liberties of the kingdom, while ^
the reprefentatives of the people are fo guarded
in their trufl. Confcious of the important "duty ;
confcious that the rights of millions are confided
to them, they would vindicate the nation in op-
pofing any attempt to unconftitutional meafures. .
In India, avarice has been the fatal caufe of

K 2 many

ll'

I '

i
'I

ll. ' t 'i

[ 68 ]

many oppreflions ; but has government been
defe(51ive in any point to (top its diifufion P
Have not judges been fent over, with powers to
decide and fupcrintend any illegality ? But the
voice of cenfure ought not to cloud every one »
that goes to fo diftant a quarter of the globe ; and
in defence of many gentlemen that have made
ample fortunes, I will venture to aflfert, that
they have not deviated from the flri<ftcft honour
or humanity. '

\-t^ . t '^"

It is evident, that the colonies, adluat^d by the
turbulent principles of their anceftors ; fome
prompted by ambition, others inftigated by a
teftlefTnefs of difpofition ; fome from giddinefs,
others from ilUifion, gave rife to this detefted
rebellion. , r /^^

■e,n;:

h :;,:

C O )N C L U S I O N.*,

AFTER all, I am inclined to make fome al-
lowance for the falfe reafonings this pamphlet
of Mr. P, abounds with. Mr. F. is a djflenting
preacher, born and nouriihed in tj^e very bofoni
of fedition. I do not fpea-k the language of
bigotry or perfecution ; but I cannot help con-

fidering

^-\]

[ 69 ]

fidering the diflenters as fecret enemies to go-
vernment, and an mperium in imperlo. It is
true, that at the acceffion of the prefent family,
they prayed and preached for its profperity ; but
it was in hopes, as it came from Germany, and
was bred up in a religion fimilar to theirs, it
would favour them more and more, till their
favourite republicanifm and prefbyterianiim
could be eftabliihed. The Diflenters grew difr
fatisfied ; and they are now as much enemies to
the real government of this country, as they have
ever been. The Diflenters may fay, they are in
the right ; that they have rcafon, the laws of na:-
ture, Mr. I^ocke and Mr. Sydney on their fide.
This does not admit of a confideration. The
government and people of England are againft
them, for they are neither republicans nor pref-
bvterians. Mr. P. is both the one and the other :
and reafons throughout his pamphlet as fuch,
and not as a member of the Englifh conftitution.
He is in fadt no member of the Englifh con-
ftitution — He is a member of fadion, which
has been, and ever will be, in politics and
religion, at enmity with the conftitution. The
reader will jJermit a quotation which will illuf-
trate this point from an j^xcellcnt pamphlet,

lately

V ■

[ 70 J

lately publiihed [The Morality of a Citizen],
** Every body is preferved by the concurrence
'* of the general principles which belong to it,
** towards its prefervation. Whatever is inrro-
** duced into it, and has not that concurrence, is
*• a difeafe ; and though it may accidentally
*' produce good, it is always to be guarded
** againft, and confidcred as an evil. All kinds
** of dilfents and oppofitions to the regular opc-
*' rations of a civil coniVitution, are political
•>* difcafes ; and though they may, like natural
" ones, chance to be produdive of great good,
" y^p their primary and natural tendency is to
" deftroytheconftitution."

Again, " The quefllon is, whether it be a
man's duty to obey the laws and cufloms of
his country, the reafons of which he may
ormayriot underftand, from a regard to that
principle which we have obfer^i'ed to be at the
♦*^ foundation of fociety ; or fet up his opinion
againfl the public, and gratify himlelf at the
expence of its peace and fecurity

((

(«

»f»

•^

The reverend Dr. P. may be furprized at
my not having g*'^'^^^*^'^ the title he affumes ;

^P V. . but

L 7' J

but as I was informed he was no graduate, I
thov.gnt it of very little figriificationi

With refpcdl to Mr. P.*s conclufion, as it is
only a plan of facrificing all that is dear to us, it
requires no comment. The heart of every Bri-
ton mud be the cenfurer of fuch a thought.

The prefs teems with invedtives levelled at
the minifter, who, confident of his own inte-
grity, permits them to remain in that oblivion
they never rofe from. Why fhould an equit-
able adminiftration fupport every tice^ writer,
who finding themfelves defervedly neglefted^ de-
luge, from their airy regions, their infignificant
abufe ; give them but a douceur, the cafe is al-
tered, and they are as lavifh of their praifc, equal-
ly unimportant, as their cenfure. ^''■

It hiuft furely be the triumph of every En-
glilhman, that in whatever nation his define of
improveriient, his intcreft, or his pleafure, ma/
lead him, that he can aflert, that the pilot of his
native country is addi<5ied to no one deilrudive
vice : that nd ej^travagant fondnefs for women ;
no ruinous attachment to gaming ; no contimjal

round

[ 7^ 1

rounJ of expenfivc amufcmcnts, to divert his at-
tention from the important employ he is en-
truftccl with ; that his domcftic virtues go hand
in hand with his public ones ; and that his
afft'ctirm for his King and conntry fupport him
in his arduous tafk, tnalgrc the cenfure of thofe,
either envious or his pcrfonal merit, or the
weighty oil'ic? under his charge. — Peace to nil
fud!

1 ■ '■

The freedom of our conflitution is the won-
der and praife of every tlrangcr. The reader
will, I hope, permit me a few detached re-
marks on the original fpring U w which wc
derive our admirable fyftem of government, fo
extremely diffimilarto all others.

England was never, I mean fubfequent to the
heptarchy, divided into more than one monar-
chy. The divifion of Spain and France into fo
many petty principalities, where every little
king reigned with defpotifm, and were all de-
iirous of afllfling each other in the fubverfion of
the leaft fpark of freedom. Italy, by the oppref-
fion of papal power, by the infatiate exadtiorvs
01 Jac clergy, by their enthufiaflip fanaticifm,

adopted

[ 73 1
adopted thofc maxims by which alone pfieftl/'
dominion can be cftabliflicd and maintained.;
The conftitution of England, free in its very
nature, prior to the introdudtior of the feodal
fyftem by the Conqueror ; then, thougli the glo-
rious flame was fmothcrcd by the fubvcrfion of
the Saxon legiflature, fortunately he ada])tcd a
few of its laws, on the bafis of which fpi ung
the confequent flrugglcs of the people.

, People of all flatlons, when they perceived
any infringement on the rights of the nation,
were eager to form themfelves as a rampart
againft the royal encroachments ; the barons,
in their Ariflocratic views ; the people in the
hope of enlarging their privileges : they were
in want of mutual fupport ; but the people,
confcious that many tyrants were more dellruc-
live than one, feized the occafion, and llipu*
latcd conditions for themfelves.

In Spain and France, conquefl or alliance at
lad united their kingdoms into one monarchy.
The people, always accumltomed to a flaviih
fubjcdion, carried the fame fentiments to their
new lords, who as being fo much more power-

L ful'.

( 74 )

til), nipt In its bud any inclination to a fpirU of
freedom.

ijj|,

I; '■

A variety of fortunate circumftances paved die
way to our happy conftitution. The ufurp^-
tions of Henry the Firft, A. D. iioo, was the
original ftep to a^ual freedom. A ufurpcd au-
thority would, he was confident, even in that
unenlightened age, be fubject to much contro-
verfy, if he did allure (by fome popular adions)
the attachment of the people ; his lirft ftep was,
the granting of many privileges to the clergy,
who, as they then pofleiTed fo extcnfive a power,
muft have been bribed into good humour. The
dvil charter, on the foundation of which the
Magna Charta was formed, owed its origin to
the fame caufc. The trial by jury, that bul-
wark of liberty, was planned originally by the
laws of Alfred ; but the people in that rude age,
acullomed to arms, feldom had recource to it,
and purfuedthe trial by duel, as more confonant
to their unpolifhed manner of thinking : but in
A, D, 1 176, to the immortal memory of Henry
the Second, it was revived, though he had not
fufficient influence entirely to abolllh the other.
It \% a difficult tafka either to change a long ac^

cullomed

kl <;.-

( 75 )

cuftomed manner of a£tion or thinking, It\
AD. Ill 5, the great charter mafde its appear-
ance ; (o that the ufurpation of Henry and the
imbecility of John, were the happy means of
laying the foundation (lone to our conditution,
fuperior to any in being.

I think it a remarkable contraft in the difpofi-
tion of England and its neighbouring rival, the
French ; the difference of the two charters that
appeared at the fame period of time— the one
formed for the felicity of a whole united people,
exalted, middling, and humble flations alike par-
ticipated of its influence ; the other, framed for
the eminence of a few nobles, difregardful of
their fellow creatures, whofc toilfome lives, iii-
dependent of that inhumane llavery they were
oppreffed under, furely merited Ibme portion of
attention.

If we examine into a period, though long
fubfequent to the charter, I mean the reign of
the Stuarts, we ihall fee the extreme caution the
guardians of our rights adted with. As long as a
native king was feated on the throne, he was
naturally attached to his own nobles. Favours

from

11 =

if !i

C -6 3

from a gracious king prinr deep impreffions on a
grateful mind ? they were ready to fupporthim :
but as foon as a ftranger was in pofleffion of the
reins, addiaed to, and preferring his country-
men, it raifed the fufpicions of thofe, long ac-
euftomed to enjoy the favour of the fcvcr.ign,
tenacious of their own honour, and attentive to
every mi'nutia' of a foreign piincc.

;-ji?i-i:>^>f*ni>i

•Va u:.rM. ■

FINIS.

>
>

■»M V^

■r' *',''

ft*

'.1

ii
lit