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O " R [ 4« ] of the chief (late is fo enervated as to pafs un- noticed every improper adt of their provinces, in a few years their dependance would be effaced from their minds^ and a jult contempt for their feeble rulers would infligate them to ihake o(F allegiance to fo puiillanimous a power. To difcover a timidity is to betray a fear that we err, that we are dubious if we really poflefs any authority over them. The miniftry, con- vinced of the truth of this remark^ would have bluihed to have fubn^itted to the American rod^ and to have facrificed the policy and honour of the nation to the clamour of a feeble minority. Gracious God! If the oppofition '-ad been in power, and had purfued fubmifl. e meafures^ and bowed the neck to our colonies— what difhonour had not been reflected! what dif- grace had not ftained the prefent period ! To have concealed our authority, had been a tacit confeffion, that we were fenfible of an error — What a triumph to all our foes. But when we are polTeflJbd of power ; when unanimity at home adds an additional luftre to our arms, why iheath the fword, and become the fcorn of Europe ? Who, that bears any affection to his be called in quellion. country, >ower I '5 I ( 41 ) queftion, for having tamely fubmitted to her rebellious colonies. All the artful painting of Mr. P. if it had been drawn from truth or reafon, would have been lively ; but while he ftrives to inflame the imagination, and lofes fight of that lenient foft- nefs of argument, that embellilhes every friend to his country, or patron to humanity; it awakes compaffion, as well as refentment ; when talents, that might promote unity and peace, emulate the incendiary, and add new fuel to a flame, that he fcems but too eager of its blazing ; the fumes of felf-applaufe may indulge his own conceit, but the plaudit of the patriot will never adorn him. H And now, praife be to the animation of the miniftry, the period is approaching, when America will be taught, that her riotous fe- ditions will not pafs unpunilhed, and from that period will a fenfe of their own intereft, a recollection of the paft profpedt, roufe them from their factious frenzy. If the genuine thoughts of every Briton were difcovered, an approbation, which envy or intereft can alone G ex. ( 4^ ) exclude, would await the prefcnt adminiflra- tion. ; ti jondly, The conteft, as Mr. P. dcfcribes, after the ruin of the Americans, can yield no advantage to us. Rather let their towns be de- folated, than the name of every Briton fullied ; rather let them be feverely puniihed, than an acknowledgement of inferiority, or confeflion of error, fliould give thefe proud colonifts fuch a caufe of triumph ; rather let them be impover- ilhed, than when, if we had fubmitted to have fuffeied their arrogance to have rofe to a higher pitch, and denounced war againft us. Rebel- lion, if fuccefsful, never knows its limits — Many, whofe reftlefs fpirits would have been cooled by order, will arife, and in the fcene of confufion, ftill augment it, in the flattering ex- pedlation, that it may be the fource of their own grandeur. Can the actions of a juft people, be compared to the frantic ambition of an Alexan- der, or a Caefar ? They had no caufe of refent- ment ; they depopulated, and laid wafte flates, over whom they had no power ; we only are engaged in hoftilities, in the defence of our own authority. Illiberal comparifon ! Wretched flate in- ky ( 43 ) indeed! whofe only joy is the defolation of mankind, and the ambition of conquefl. ** Blind rcfentment, and the dcfire of revenge, ** are infernal principles" — true ; but to apply fuch terms to the prefent adminiflration, argues, what I am forry any Briton ihould be ftyled. When the nation has been injured, infulted, and her legiflature contemned, to pour convidtion by hoftiliti.s, that they have themfelves com- pelled ; thefe ever admirable meafures meet with names a ruffian can but merit. That people declaim againft the colonies is not amazing ; but how a native of Great- Britain can be a fiiend to rebels, and a foe to the government of his own country, is truly aftonilhing. What we have done has been (imply the effeft of obligation, reduced to a mlferable alternative, either to facrifice ourfelves, and punifli rebellious fubjed^s. Could adminillration hefitate, it could admit of no doubt — Adminiftration, confcious of the firm bafis on which it a6:s, is as much fuperior to the trifling invedtives of a Mr. P. as its conduct is fo unfullied, as fcarcely to permit the fcrutiny of envy to difcover any real blemilh. The Americans have not dared to traverfe the G 2 ocean. \ ill ill .0 If 11 1 1 'V; ■ r ( 44 ) ocean, and defolate our country — Generous na- tion ! — But " we have tranfported ourfelves to " their peaceful retreats — ^we have carried war " and defolation,** If fubjedts become rebels ; if that fiend, ambition, pride, and virantonnefs of power, raife the arm of jufticc againfl thcin» where are they to examine for the caufe of evil ? — In themfelves. " We expcded," fays Mr. P. " to find them a cowardly rabble"— They muft have hitherto a^lcd with extreme magnanimity, to have given us caufe for fuch a fuppofition. The truth is, the levity of the Ame- ricans, tired with the lenient adminiftration of a Britifh parliament, are eager to experience the change of a free government, to a defpot of their own.-AUow an impoffibility— The Britifli troops retired from their coi^tinent, their own Oliver on the throne, in a few months, they would fup- J)licate our afliftance to free them from the yoke. Again, their country would be a fcene of blood — What a profpedt ! How much more would it tend to their advantage ; how much would they convince the world of their candour, if they were to acknowledge their deception, and clofe this fanguinary rebellion ? The beft and wifeft may be deceived ; but to perfift in it, ilamps Al* ill i^ir ( 45 ) flamps an obftinate arrogance of mind. To the American, no intereft can fpring from a con- tinuance of war. At the conclufion of it, it will require a feries of years and indufiry, to reinftate them. Learning, that began to dawn». will ilill be longer, before it recovers from the confufion their prefent miferable principles have involved it in. The arts of refinement, that delight 'in tranquility, will be almoft entirely bamihed, and not refume her feat, till the olive branch has enlightened the night, that thefe hoftilities have been the fourceof. Periih the incendiaries of fuch dedrufftion ! blailed be the inftigators of fuch cruelty, that they may prove the fcom and derifion of their fellow citizens, and the torment of their own hearts ! Pity it is, that Mr. P. was not at the head of public affairs, at the commencement of this rebellion : his fertility of invention would have faved the ho- nour of the nation, and would have continued the Americans in their allegiance. i' I I ' Vi t ( From the firft eftablifhment of the colonies, the difpofition of the fettlers prompted many to think, thst their reftldTnefs would not fuffer them to remain any longer in their allegiance, than 1^ Hi' % U ( 4« ) ihan thfy required the affiftance of the (late that protected them. If the taxes are greater on America at prefent, than half century ago, their riches, their trade, are augmented in the fame proportion. Who can imagwj, that the diffe- rent ftages of a ftate, as they rife to opulence, are not more able to fupport heavier burdens. Mr. P. runs on, with a rapid flow of words, to prove, that if we had borne every indignity, and receded from ev-ry aft relative to the Americans, they would have remained our fubjefts. That this ihould be the ftyle of an American, a friend to their generals, wpuld not be amazing. No expedient, however difgraceful, would, I am confident, have foothed the Americans. Had we crouched under every infult, Mr. P. thinks wc might then have, in a courfe of time, gra- dually overcome, their faftious principles. The importation of tea wa? feized on, as an occalion to alarm the minds of the people. The bait liicceeded, and regardlefs that they were de- flroying the property of llrangers, they wan- tonly buried it in the fea. Neceffity would oblige the ruffian to plunder me ; but he would not, for the fake of injury to any one, aefpoil them. Here the property of a great company, under m j.'f ( 47 ) under the pr'^»'edtion and concurrence of Parlia- ment, cruelly per'ilhed ; becaufe it was the whim of fome fa^ious Boftonians. Such circumHances as thefe, are notinfultsf A compenfatton im- mediately made, in acknowledgement of its error, might have diminiihed the affront, but could fcarcely have exculpated them. After our miniftr/ had tried every expedient in vain to foften them ; every propofal was treated with contempt. If an angel had defcehded, and had drove to calm them by the mod conciliatory meafures, his plans would have received only derifion or defiance. To fuch a people, the fword only could teach a fenfe of duty. At the commencement of hoftiliucs, had our mi- niftry conceived, that the colonifts wererefolved to carry every thing on with fuch an enthufiaftic fpirit of rebellion, they would have adopted meafures, that ere this, would have tamed them ; but the very leniency of adminiftratlon is an argument made ufe of as a evidence of the vaft prowefs of America. What mind can look on the congrefs but with horror ? Who can think of their generals but with abhorrence of their intentions ? With the eye Li -:■' ( 48 ) eye of compaflion, we regard a devoted people^ facrificed either to the fadkio^is, die reftleft, of ambitious. In the preceeding reigns^ die Ame« ricans were as yet in their Infancy ; no duties were laid, becaufe we were cpnvinced of their incapability of paying them ; buf: now, opuicnt, why Ihould they tsot affift that govcrntncnt, to whom they are indebted for Jtheir very cxifbehce? In former reigns, the Americans lefs powerful, lefs opulent, confequently more peaceable ; con- fcious, that if they did not depend on the pro^ tedion of the parent ftate. their inability of de- fending themfelvcs, would foon have made them a prey to fome more powerful kingdom, whofe government, not beirg free, would have im- pelled them to have received their laws ; they had not dared to have complained of real evils, under the iron rod of a French or Spamfh do- minion, much lefs have rofe in adtusl jebellion for imaginary ones. At that period, while they (o immediately felt the enlivening influence of our fupportj t.iey efleemed our monarch as their own* Wc f.njoyed a few privileges over them ; they traded almoil folcly, except their contra- band commerce, with us, if fo, was it limply to our advantage? Are they not opulent? From mi "Hi ( 49 > F ! om wkat has it arofe ? We then eftcemed one another as fellow-citizens, fubje they were re- garded as the fame peoj^f, T?ut the fcene if widely changed ! ^Dcreafe of riches, a growing * number of people, have infpired fome with hope, that they might dlfunite the colonies from the parent ftite. The cry of freedom, that never*failing word, that incendiaries make as fubfcrvient to their defignL, and which always iCts the multitude in an uproar; inflamed fome; while others, carried by the current, uninten- tionally aided the rebellion. Many, whofe thoughts were peace, dare not venture to pro- nounce them, for moderation and humanity are ever neglefted, and even endangered, in all po- pular difturbances. Mr. P*s ideal plan, *^ of *-« rejoicing to fee a multitude of free ftates, ** branched forth from ourfelves, all enjoying ** independent Icgiilatures, limilar to our own,** is indeed but a vain ciiimera, it founds prettily in words, but experience would foon evince, how impra6:icable it was. Diveft mankind of am- bition, pride, and all human failingj, it might have been reduced to prad:icc ; but we mud take the world as it goes, nor refle£fc on t&e -. * H con- if n w p J,, :i'i': i C 50 ) conduift of a mintfter, becaufe he does not rule a. golden age. His mcafures mull be adapted to the maimers and principles of the times. Affe^ion has proved but a poor tie, to reftrain the Americans— Inlereft would be not a iota more binding— Nothing but conceffions from us, that would difallegiate them, would be of any eiFe^. What infamy! The King that could permit it, and the minifter that dared advife it, \yould merit the feverell voice of cenfure. Had our conceffions kept pace wjth their demands, on we ihould haye went, till we had yielded every thing. Their power would have en- cjreafed, a variety of interefts fprung up, and in a few years we might have feen thefe Ame- ricans in the field of battle againft us. If at prefent, when they are actually under our go- vernment, they carry their virulence to fuch a pitch, what would they not ,ftrovc to have affc6^ed, when difunited from the parent flate ? Mr. P. feems defirous, we Ihould tread in their fteps — Perilli the thought! And may the time never come, when civil (jonvulfions will Jay wafte our country, and the ftandard of rebellion /reare 'n every quarter. < Does the. dignity of ' prjcj.c Britain. depend on the huniour of her co- lonies ? Wk < SI ) Dies ? Becaufe they are fadtious, are wcallto be plunged into ruin ? Our glorious conflicution, that gives us fuch ineftimable rights, is to be in a flate of perdition^ becaufe America chufes to rebel. - , :.-, ' The felicity that dawned over them, before^ fuch violent principles fubvcrtcd their harmony,, and corrupted its very fource, was very evident* from the caufe Mr. 1?. afligns, their population j- and had not the Boflonians, with their tendency: to diflention, fpread the baneful contagion, the^- would have remained in the fame happy ftate. V The extreme humanity of the Englilh con-- llitution ; the principles pf liberty, inherent in. our very nature, would prove an impregnable rampart to our exerciling the leaft degree of ty- ranny over America. If the p iciples of any, man breathe a fpirit of difaffedtion to his coun- try, it is no difficult tafk to pidure a fictitious profpedi of impending ruin, to alarm the minds of the uninftruded multitude. But let the amator patria convince his fellow citizens, that the helm of government is in the ableft hands ; that the fame of his country was never more H 2 re- <^';'« h' '. \i ' ( 52 ) vered by foreign nations, than at this period ; that commerce, arts, and fcience, flourifli with more than meridian glory. That thefe valuable advantages are as mach the confequent of thofe on whom depend the important affairs of this mighty empire, as the inimitable form of dur conftitution. At no period of the world, did there ever exift a nation fo truly free. The democr^tical nature of the Grecian republics, jhftcad of fpreading liberty, was the caufe of thofe revolutions, where cruelty triumphed in the mod inhuman manner. But I deviate from' my fubje(5t:. Our hoftilities with the colonies are founded on the bafis of truly patriot policy ; the very fafety, the happinefs of even America depends on its event. Thofe writers, whofe religion, whofe tenets, delivered down from their anceltors, heightened by difappointment, or ac^giavated by dilaffe(5lcd patrons, will be clamorous againll adminiftration— But are fuch to be regarded ? Is theenthufiafm of a madman to be compared to the gentler v( ce of reafon ? Is a part of the Britifli empire to be facrificed, be- caufe a few, of Olivcrian principles, have averte4 the minds of their countrymen from their ge- nuine happinefs; Is Ireland, becaufe ihe pre-' ' * : • - fer>3 ( 53 ) fers allegiance to the beft of Kings, to a fcene 0f defolation and retrcllious faftion., to beftyled as flaves ; to bear the cruel insputation of fer- vitude^ bccaufe fhe is fatisfied withan admirable adminiftration. Detefted be the inveftives, that wifh to animate inteftine commotions — ^hortid maxims ! that tend to inflame the minds of our fellow-fubjedts. If the inftigators of dif- fenfion, are not content with the mode of theit own government, let them feek for a better in foreign countries ; and if they do not return to theirown, with abhorrence of their pad thoughts^ with a confcioufuefs, that not fuch a one exifts in the univerfe — what a heart muft he poflcfs. Mr. P. muft imagine, his abilities to extend beyond almoft the limits of human intelligence, if he can deem himfelf capable of giving even hints that have efcaped the penetrating eye of adminiftration. Look round the other empires of the world — Is there one in fo flourilhing a ftate as our own ? Is there one, w nere the fub- jedts enjoy fo great bleflings? What is there deficient, that human nature can require ? m -r> Monfieur De Lolme, in a Treatife of the En-' glifli Conftitution, lately publilhed, alks the following quellion ; which he himfelf anfwers. " Arc il: W'' m ;i. m ■; t ( 54 ) ** Are not the Engliih perpetually making *' complaints againil the adminiftration ? And, ** do they not fpeak and write as if they were •* continually expofed to grievances of every, " kind? Undoubtedly, I anfwer, in a fociety. «^ of beings fubjeft to error, diflatisfa^ions,. ^' from one quarter or other, will neceflarily ** arife ; and in a free fociety they will be open- •* ly manifefted by complaints : but thofe com- •* plaints, let it be remembered, are not, in En- *' gland, the cries of oppreffion, forced at laft to ** break its iilence^-They do not fuppofe hearts " deeply wounded ; nay, I will go farther, " they do not even fuppofe very determinate " fentiments, and they are often nothing more •* than the firft vent which men give to their •* new, and yet unfettled conceptions." Mr. P. finely remarks, " that if there was no ** public debt, there would be no occafion for ** half the prefent taxes", — If the exigencies of * ftate had not required the demands of money, there would have been no debts : but is the pre- fent adminiftration to be cenfured, becaufe of debts contraded by many a prior one ? ■I hi-'/ ff 't J' • -siA ■Ill ( 55 ) . If Mr. P. or Mr. B. think Ve injure the Arnericans, and that the colonies are the only aiylum of liberty and honour ; if government at home is arbitrary and illegal ; if the people are fo degenerated into luxury and refinement ; if they are fo loyal as to love and refpedt their aimable King, let them adt as they profefs^ and in the field of battle be patricides, and vindicate rebellion. ^1 n SECT. IV. \v Of the honour of the Nation^ as affeSfed hy the war with America^ TO recede from the conteft with rebellion ; to fuflain the mortifying triumph of feditious fubjefts ; to be di ?'Ylje adls o/ government wene ev«r dbemed tho& of due wbole nation^ They are^ I ihall only except a few difJatisfiedi authors, who drive to fet the people m a blaze ; buta^mmiOrattony Kke » rock, i* not to be fhaken by crery trifling girft. If a nat?ion, as weli as an rndivichral, err j, fed kirn recede; the triumph over paflion is great and wjcritoricus ; but when jiaftice, honour, and confcious integrity raife the arm, let ns not yield without an acknowledgement in the aggreffor, and a ceffation from the caufe of injury. Let the proud American refleA on t\^ lives facrificed in a detefted caufe ; let him conlider that dif- honour muft be the attendant of his country ; that m future periods execration mil await his hamc, and the hiftoric page wrH blufh at the narration : but I fear thefe falutary refledions are far from their deluded niinds; the ftory when perufed by pofterity "Will fcarce be Cre- dited— -For us nothing appears remaining, but that the iron "hand of war rrtuft root out princi- ples fo dangerous, fo deftrudtive to the peace of mankind; ^[ -If n 'Hi i 'eace •»'.i ( 57 ) Peace is difpair*d I ffho cah advife fuhmiffion ? IVar — then fVar^ &c. Let the cafuift explore fophiftic reafon ; let him draw fpecious dedu<5^ions ; the voice of fimple reafon andjuftice, unadorned with the refine* ment of art, or the foftnefs of a period, will be loud againft him : he may endeavour to drown - them, but they will ftill rife and pour convic- tion in his ears. Strangers of every climate are amazed at their infatuated ingratitude — Ilrangers whofe hearts whifper them, how juft^ how equitable the Britifli adminiflration has been ever condu6^ed j how every thing in oppofi' tion to public integrity has been difcounte- nanced ; how repugnant the breaft of every Briton has been, againft the leaft incroach- - ment of their adored liberty. There can be no diftindibn between the peo- ple and their governors, in rcfpedt to their ho- ^ nour and fecurity ; they are two links, if fepa^ , rated, muft be both involved in the fame ruin. . Government is an inftitution to effedt whatever tends to the dignity or advantage of the king- dom ? Not the will of a mob incapable of dif- I cernment. K ( 5« ) cernment. The ideal charms of a free govern- ment, an equality, may pleafe the enthufiaft in in his clofet — but like a vifion of the night it vanilhcs as we wake. To retreat in a caufe where the honour of the nation is concerned, where juftice is one of its chief pillars, would cafta ftain on our prefent icra of Britifli hiftory ; would argue a meanncfs, not to fay a facri^ce of that truft, thofe in office arc confided with. VV^here the caufe of quarrel does not fpring from ourfelves, it would be infamous to make conccflions to the aggreflbrs, and thofe aggref- fors rebels. Surely the united power of the Britifh empire need not drej'd, or be intimidated by her colonies ! — A powerful nation to ac- knowledge the afts of the wifeft, mod humane legillature in the world, to be arbitrary, cruel, and unjuft — this powerful nation at the zenith of her glory ! — The reader muft Ihudder at the thought. To behold his country at the feet of an infulting American, confeffing the fuperiority over Great Britain, renouncing all paft errors, with hope of forgivenefs, if never guilty of the fame indifcretion again — For Ihame ! Such lan- guage would roufe the refcntment of the tameft mortal. To the man whofe breaft does feel it§ force, m\ ( 59 ) force, all argument muft be unavailing. A writer muft find his fubjcdt very dcfedtive if he endeavours to draw comparifons where there IS not the leaft affinity. Were the Corficans in the fame fituation, with refpedt to the Genoefe, or the French, as our colonies to us ? Are either of their governments fimilar to ours? If the Corficans had been under a legiflature as equita- ble as ours, they would never have rofe in arms. " All cefllions of one people to another ** are difgraceful to human nature.'* Undoubt- edly : but who ever exprefled a thought of ceding America ? Are fuch adts confonant to the tenor of a Britilh Parliament ? Since the creation of the world there never was a government fo admirably adminiftered as our own. All quotations, except where cir- cumftances rcfemble exaftly, are of no efficacy. Holland, ala-med at the cruel exa(5tions, the tyrannical perfecutions agair<^ her by the Spa- nifh vnonarch, threw off the yoke : but where has been thefe dreadfully cruel invafions againll the colonies ? Are the ads of tlie Roman repub- lic, at one period, under the tyranny of tribunes, dictators, but never enjoying any true liberty, - to i I Wi V ; ( 60 ) to be held in competition with the Briilfli Par- liament ? The comparifon of a magnificent pa- lace to an humble cot would be equally ftriking. All Mr. P.*8 comparifons are as foreign to the purpofe. England that would ihed her deareft blood in the defence of freedom ; that would rear her irrefiflible flandard againfl tyranny and op. preffion, would never furely fpread her protec ting arm for thofe who aflume that name for the mod detefted purpofes. It would ill become thofe celebrated in the glorious defence of liber- ty, to ftile rebellious fubjcds by that genorous title. The language of hiftory in future pe- riods will be, that the natives of Great Britain, convinced of the amazing difference between the caufc of real liberty, and the cry of ambition veikd under the fpecious mafk of freedom j though they would fnpport the one, yet would not fuffcr the other to rear her hypocritic head. It generally happens in politics, as well as re- ligion, that the difcontented exclaim again ft the prevailing mode of either. Mr. P, afcribes our perfuafion to begin hofti- lities was an opinion of their cowardice. I am foriy he Ihould afcribe fo mean a motive to 9 war ( fit ) wsMT undfQruk^n to rupjiorc the riglns ^f \\}\% country ; or that Er^gliDi valour fhoul.d rcqutro fu defpicable motive, in a caufc where the honour of his native country ia fo nearly interefted. The noble LorJ, Mr. P. nncntions to have recom^ iiiendcdy at the paiTing of the Bollon port-bill^ coerci'^e meafures, undoubredly imagined that the Americans were not fo loft to every fenfe of honour and allegiance, as well as to their own intereft, to have dared to continue theio hoflilo intentions againft the parent ftate. Had tha Americans been efteemed as brave as the moft romantic valour could afpire to, would that have daunted us, when the honour of our coun^ try called for the arm of martial jufttice ? The ericomium paid to my countrymen is great; ytt this calumniator of Britiih courage pretendi tg be a fubjeft of our gracious King. That we might not too much drain our owa covntry of its inhabitants, it was deemed requi- fite to introduce foreign troops into America* Thofe troops will be infpiredlDy the juftice of the caufe they are engaged in. While we are vindicating notonly our own rights, but thofe of fpankind in general, not even France or Spain, avcrfe f I 'I '' I '. 1:^ 1 i 1 ') r. C 62 ] avcrfc as they are to the rifing grandeur of our kingdom, would feize an opportunity, when they muft be convinced, that not only our own glory is concerned, but that the fubjedtion of the whole weftern world depends on the pre- fcnt conteft. . . . ?^ It is impoflible to conceive the eflfedt, if we had receded in our adts relative to America, Other nations, under the adminiftration of Eng- land might have deemed that they had an equal privilege to be exempted from the power of Englifli government ; at lead, if we may credit Mr, P. he efteems all order and al- legiance a proof cf fervitude. I wifh all who profefs fuch maxims, lived undei a diffe- rent government— »wheti. Grecian or Roman, they would then have known the ineftimable biefling of our admirable conftitution. After this war with America is concluded, the colo- nies will tafte the charms of peace and tranqui- lity, will find them more engaging than blood- fhed and fedition ; they will be then affured, that what they contelled for was but a chimerical idea, the fidion of fome diltempered and un- fucccfsful ambition. A kingdom when its ho- nour '-- -^ V [ «3 ] nour is injured, that can think of a retreat, muft be on the laft ftage, and loft to every fenfe of dignity or honour. SECT. V. ■ lity offucceeding in the zvar wUb Jmmca, Of the prdbahih A well conduded army of 30,000 effedtivi men muft ever be fuperior to an innumerable n^imber of raw undifciplined troops, led on by generals without experience, and void of any reafon — why they battle againft thofe from whom they derived the blefling they enjoyed. A nation engaged in the caufe of freedom will be animated with an irreliftible ardor : but where hypocrify in the leaders aflumes the name, and illufion in the people the fole inftigator, it wiM widely differ from thofe who are thoroughly convinced that their liberties are invaded. To^ evince the truth of what I advance, with refped: to America, it would be difficult to draw a fimilar comparifon from either antient or mo- dern hiftory. The Americans are peculiarly fituated. Ill 'I I 'i I •I C «4 ) fituated* There is an amazing difVincS^ion, when a nation is engaged in the prefcrvation of theii* rights, and a people battling in the caufe of in- novation. The event will juftify the truth of my aflertion. America, at the clofe of the next year, will recede from her deftrndtive princi- ples ; and, convinced that her manner of adlng proceeded from error and artful reprefentation. Our naval force will awe them from an attempt to become mailers of the coafl. If we had no maritime power, how could we enfure protec- tion to our land forces ? If, as Mr. P. imagines, they prefer deftroying their fea-port towns, to the leaving them a prey to their injured ene- mies, one purpofe is thereby anfwered. If no naval force had oppofed their maritime towns, they would have been maftcre of the fea. If they rebuild their towns more inland, the ad\ran- tages of commerce will be loft ; without them, how can they propofe to inrich their country, or even fupport it ? E.ecall the golden age ; kt tRem live on the pafture of their own lands j let the neceffaries of life be all that's requifite : banlQi the paflions of mankir J -; let the innate principle of every one be fo honeft and upright as to require no laws, no magiftrate ; let every one C 65 ] cne, content with an equality, never to afpire to fuperiority — they then will arrive to *^ that Hate ** of virtuous fimplicity." I believe Mr. P. fpeaks the fenfe of (though I will not fay the wifeft) men in America, yet he argues from princi- ples truly American. To argue about the pro- bability of a war, when at prefent it can be only that of opinion, is limply giving our own conjediures ; but where the wifeft fteps that hu- man fagacity can devife, are propofed and pu|; in- to execution, there is all human probability that the event will be what every lover of his country would defire. Mr. P. is undoubtedly free from any fuperftition that regards the intcreft of his country : but where there is the Icaft opportu- nity to canvafs the a(ftions of an equitable admi- itration, and to cenfure the adions of Parlia- ment, that firm friend to the cftablilhed faith, he will clamour againft every thing will reflect honour to either. ** In this hour, fays Mr. P. " of tremendnous danger, it would become us " to turn our thoughts to Heaven." — A piety of conduct adorns every man ; but it deviates far from prelbyterian cant, or fo much fuperfti- tion. We ridicule them as fanaticks. If peo- ple will merit the appellation^ let them not pafs K unmo- vt I iii^ I 'i < l>^ ; [ 66 ] iinmolefted. I wiih that every man may enjoy his fa f on de p'-ifer^ but let him not, becaufe he differs from , ^aeral opinion, ftrive to raife com- motions. I know the pretended rigor of the prefbyterians would grow four at the very name of a mafquerade, or any amufement ; while, if they imagine themfelves exempt from the in- fped:l()n of a ftranger, would commit as many faults as the greateft frequenter of the mofl public diverlion. \\ • Let us pidure the real difference between our own kingdom and the colonies. Great- Britain, powerfulj free, and opulent, the feat pf arts and refinement, eminent for the exten- iive talents in every branch of human know- ledge ; and at prefent all thefe co-operating un- Ati the beft of minlllers, to raife the Britifli name to the higheft pinnacle of fame. While the colonies, like a fair field, badly fovvn j the weeds entirely opprefs the fine fruits it might have yielded ; but what was fuid by an antient philofopher, that there never was an opinion, however abfurd, but found its fup porters ; fo there never was a people, however feditious, but would have a defender. The people of ' - . , "^^ York- « ['7 1 Yorkfhire are not fubjeds of the people of Mid- dlefex ; they are fellow-fubjeils, all acknow- ledging allegiance to law and government ; fo . it has been with the Americans ; they muft either be fubordinate to England, or totally ' alienated from it. We are taxed by onr own reprefentatives ; their lituation will not admit of it. With regard to their trade, enough has beeft before remarked. " If they cannot," fays Mr. P. ** fubfill without us, let them alone, they* ** will foon come back." Let any one afk him, if they would ever ha\e been m a degree of opu- lence, had we not foftered them i or rather, would they have been a people at all ? Mr. P. is offended, becaufe Parliament is contented with the meafures of the minifler — becaufe the two houfes have judgment to diftinguilh when pub- lic affairs are in the hands of honour and in- tegrity. The influence of the crown cannot be prejudicial to the liberties of the kingdom, while ^ the reprefentatives of the people are fo guarded in their trufl. Confcious of the important "duty ; confcious that the rights of millions are confided to them, they would vindicate the nation in op- pofing any attempt to unconftitutional meafures. . In India, avarice has been the fatal caufe of K 2 many # ll' I ' iu i 'I ll. ' t 'i [ 68 ] many oppreflions ; but has government been defe(51ive in any point to (top its diifufion P Have not judges been fent over, with powers to decide and fupcrintend any illegality ? But the voice of cenfure ought not to cloud every one » that goes to fo diftant a quarter of the globe ; and in defence of many gentlemen that have made ample fortunes, I will venture to aflfert, that they have not deviated from the flri* difcafes ; and though they may, like natural " ones, chance to be produdive of great good, " y^p their primary and natural tendency is to " deftroytheconftitution." Again, " The quefllon is, whether it be a man's duty to obey the laws and cufloms of his country, the reafons of which he may ormayriot underftand, from a regard to that principle which we have obfer^i'ed to be at the ♦*^ foundation of fociety ; or fet up his opinion againfl the public, and gratify himlelf at the expence of its peace and fecurity <( (( <( (« « (C »f» •^ 4 The reverend Dr. P. may be furprized at my not having g*'^'^^^*^'^ the title he affumes ; ^P V. . but m L 7' J but as I was informed he was no graduate, I thov.gnt it of very little figriificationi With refpcdl to Mr. P.*s conclufion, as it is only a plan of facrificing all that is dear to us, it requires no comment. The heart of every Bri- ton mud be the cenfurer of fuch a thought. The prefs teems with invedtives levelled at the minifter, who, confident of his own inte- grity, permits them to remain in that oblivion they never rofe from. Why fhould an equit- able adminiftration fupport every tice^ writer, who finding themfelves defervedly neglefted^ de- luge, from their airy regions, their infignificant abufe ; give them but a douceur, the cafe is al- tered, and they are as lavifh of their praifc, equal- ly unimportant, as their cenfure. ^''■ It hiuft furely be the triumph of every En- glilhman, that in whatever nation his define of improveriient, his intcreft, or his pleafure, ma/ lead him, that he can aflert, that the pilot of his native country is addi<5ied to no one deilrudive vice : that nd ej^travagant fondnefs for women ; no ruinous attachment to gaming ; no contimjal round I: [ 7^ 1 rounJ of expenfivc amufcmcnts, to divert his at- tention from the important employ he is en- truftccl with ; that his domcftic virtues go hand in hand with his public ones ; and that his afft'ctirm for his King and conntry fupport him in his arduous tafk, tnalgrc the cenfure of thofe, either envious or his pcrfonal merit, or the weighty oil'ic? under his charge. — Peace to nil fud! 1 ■ '■ The freedom of our conflitution is the won- der and praife of every tlrangcr. The reader will, I hope, permit me a few detached re- marks on the original fpring U w which wc derive our admirable fyftem of government, fo extremely diffimilarto all others. England was never, I mean fubfequent to the heptarchy, divided into more than one monar- chy. The divifion of Spain and France into fo many petty principalities, where every little king reigned with defpotifm, and were all de- iirous of afllfling each other in the fubverfion of the leaft fpark of freedom. Italy, by the oppref- fion of papal power, by the infatiate exadtiorvs 01 Jac clergy, by their enthufiaflip fanaticifm, adopted [ 73 1 adopted thofc maxims by which alone pfieftl/' dominion can be cftabliflicd and maintained.; The conftitution of England, free in its very nature, prior to the introdudtior of the feodal fyftem by the Conqueror ; then, thougli the glo- rious flame was fmothcrcd by the fubvcrfion of the Saxon legiflature, fortunately he ada])tcd a few of its laws, on the bafis of which fpi ung the confequent flrugglcs of the people. , People of all flatlons, when they perceived any infringement on the rights of the nation, were eager to form themfelves as a rampart againft the royal encroachments ; the barons, in their Ariflocratic views ; the people in the hope of enlarging their privileges : they were in want of mutual fupport ; but the people, confcious that many tyrants were more dellruc- live than one, feized the occafion, and llipu* latcd conditions for themfelves. In Spain and France, conquefl or alliance at lad united their kingdoms into one monarchy. The people, always accumltomed to a flaviih fubjcdion, carried the fame fentiments to their new lords, who as being fo much more power- L ful'. ( 74 ) til), nipt In its bud any inclination to a fpirU of freedom. li ijj|, I; '■ A variety of fortunate circumftances paved die way to our happy conftitution. The ufurp^- tions of Henry the Firft, A. D. iioo, was the original ftep to a^ual freedom. A ufurpcd au- thority would, he was confident, even in that unenlightened age, be fubject to much contro- verfy, if he did allure (by fome popular adions) the attachment of the people ; his lirft ftep was, the granting of many privileges to the clergy, who, as they then pofleiTed fo extcnfive a power, muft have been bribed into good humour. The dvil charter, on the foundation of which the Magna Charta was formed, owed its origin to the fame caufc. The trial by jury, that bul- wark of liberty, was planned originally by the laws of Alfred ; but the people in that rude age, acullomed to arms, feldom had recource to it, and purfuedthe trial by duel, as more confonant to their unpolifhed manner of thinking : but in A, D, 1 176, to the immortal memory of Henry the Second, it was revived, though he had not fufficient influence entirely to abolllh the other. It \% a difficult tafka either to change a long ac^ cullomed kl <;.- ( 75 ) cuftomed manner of a£tion or thinking, It\ AD. Ill 5, the great charter mafde its appear- ance ; (o that the ufurpation of Henry and the imbecility of John, were the happy means of laying the foundation (lone to our conditution, fuperior to any in being. I think it a remarkable contraft in the difpofi- tion of England and its neighbouring rival, the French ; the difference of the two charters that appeared at the fame period of time— the one formed for the felicity of a whole united people, exalted, middling, and humble flations alike par- ticipated of its influence ; the other, framed for the eminence of a few nobles, difregardful of their fellow creatures, whofc toilfome lives, iii- dependent of that inhumane llavery they were oppreffed under, furely merited Ibme portion of attention. If we examine into a period, though long fubfequent to the charter, I mean the reign of the Stuarts, we ihall fee the extreme caution the guardians of our rights adted with. As long as a native king was feated on the throne, he was naturally attached to his own nobles. Favours from 11 = if !i ^< C -6 3 from a gracious king prinr deep impreffions on a grateful mind ? they were ready to fupporthim : but as foon as a ftranger was in pofleffion of the reins, addiaed to, and preferring his country- men, it raifed the fufpicions of thofe, long ac- euftomed to enjoy the favour of the fcvcr.ign, tenacious of their own honour, and attentive to every mi'nutia' of a foreign piincc. ;-ji?i-i:>^>f*ni>i •Va u:.rM. ■ FINIS. > > "% k ■»M V^ ■r' *','' 1 ft* it '.1 ii lit