IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) I ■- i^ IIIIIM I.I 1.25 I- Ih 1 2.2 lis iio III 1.8 1.4 1.6 's"r # ^JV'^ <9 / Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 Wa; W W /■/// f/i,- .■/■i.-ri.i/,;/ ',>//>,/// ,•' .'/„■ • ^,. ;■/■.■/,• I //./I ll/r-,/ />,•!/' •')/!■ /y ■!'>>,'// y/ 'I. • .ll'tJ,'/ '/.: ///r. ,■>!■./ /■!/ ///■• "/,■ 6//,;-/ '-/fl/'/'/.r I/I, ■/■ ll f/l./// iv,/i/)ii//,;/ /,' ^- . *^«'rt:-V/i' . . ^''.i/ffy. ';'4/ ■//.''■' 1 1 f'.ii// A ' 1/ r J.'ii.f •■if TIIE LIFE AND VOYAGES AMERICUS VESFUCIUS; v^■:'a m&IXMTlONS CONC£MlMfi THE NAVIOATS. t:^0t T.i*i ■ ^ » t = »% '. THE NEW WORLD, FlXit tt k|RO|iM iRMtra »4ttMif 7<' «•' -,(ai Ovilh SbA. Ui. T. I4v BY €. EDWAHI»« LESTER. ANl'RKW FOSTER. NTVV YORK: -j^ r T"B 1. f S H K f > ■'i> V h A K K R & S r R I n N E R. !« " m«U; STRKET. fc M PARK il'.'»V 1846. JAN 1 6 1970 458738 "\'\ »■ ,-'! ,.-.Tr^;_-;'^<-_« »V .■■■/#*":*..' '/•p-» ,\' >' / v,v- ,\ ,^,i ■ '< •»! -y. , r.-tt ^/ 7/:/e,^r THE ^^- ^:. LIFE AND VOYAGES or AMERICUS VESPUCIUS; WITH ILLUSTRATIONS CONCERNING THE NAVIGATOR, AND m THE filSCOVERY OF THE NEW WORLD. ,.,.,..„..^,.. Aglt gmtei, iieragrlneqne oseula terra FIgit, et ignotos montei agroaque lalutat. Ovid, Met. IIL v. 14. BY C. EDWARDS LESTER, ANDREW FOSTER. NEW YORK: J^^ PUBLISHED By BAKER & SCRIBNER. ' 145 NASSAU STREET, ft. 38 PARK ROW. 1846. ^kH 161970 4r,8;'38 tmmmm s '^^i|!^'"~*"' • \, Vv. ')■: Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1846, by B A K E B b S C R I B N E R , In the Cleric's Office of the District Court of the United SUtes, for the Southern District of New York. vm (' ■.<>s -»■' ■TIRKOTYPID BY THOMAS B. BHtTH, 216 WILLIAM STRBIT, NLW YORK. I. O. JBNKIIia, PRINTER, 144 NASSAU 8TRBBT. •mFmmumm^m i^ppiipi!ipiiiiipji|ijiiii lu i'-^" ^■^' DEDICATION. TO THE REV. T. WOODBRIDGE, ^». P OP AUSTERLITZ, N. Y. My Dear Uncle, I should long ago have inscribed to you some one of my books, if I had written one worthy of being dedicated to my eariiest and latest Teacher, and my truest Friend. Long study and calm reflec- tion have made you familiar with almost every department of learn- ing : and I am happy in the thought that, while you read this vol- ume as a scholar, you will judge it as a friend. One of my earliest recollections is of leading you through the gardens, and maple groves, and green fields of the home of my child- hood ; when I looked up and saw serene cheerfulness always beam- ing from your face, and heard you talk about all my Uttle sports, I could not then solve the mystery that one whose eyes the holy Ught of heaven never visited, could sympathize so warmly with every- thing around him. Since then the lights and shadows of more than twenty-five years have fallen upon our path — nor have I ever, in aU my wanderings, found a fellow-man, to whom you could not say, " I see a hand you cannot see ; I hear a voice you cannot hear." If I have accomplished any thing in life worthy of your approba- tion, I owe it chiefly to your sage counsels and generous encourage- IV DEDICATION. ment. I have never fled from the crowded city to breathe the calm, pure country air without a kind greeting to your hospitable dwelling, and I never left it without your benediction. I never returned from my wanderings in other lands without your generous welcome. My children, too, who now lead you round your own green fields, bear your kind voice, and kneel before your household altar to receive your blessing. Around that altar i \ay the richest blessings of Heaven cluster, for many years. Now, as always, your Affectionate nephew, C. EDWARDS LESTER. New York, April 2rf, 1846. ■ (» St m [y ar ve or PREFACE. Residing for some years in the land which gave birth to the two great men who have divided the honour of discovering America, my attention was frequently turned to the subject of this volume. Without any fixed purpose of writing about Americus or his times, I devoted the leisure I had, to the study of the era of Discovery, and collected those books, charts, and MSS., which throw light over the subject. A superficial survey of my materials begat a feeling of surprise, that no EngUsh or American historian had ever been attracted to- wards so fine a theme, while a more diUgent investigation at last kindled a desire to possess my countrymen generally of information which could not be found in the literature of our language. But I was beset with uncommon difficulties in the very begin- ning of my labours. Various accounts of Americus and his Voy- ages had appeared in Italian, Spanish, and German books, but no writer of research or celebrity had thrown much Lght over the Life and Voyages of the Discoverer. A careful review of Canovai, Bandini, and Bartolozzi, who are almost the only Italians that have written much about Americus, with a minute examination Vi PREFACE. of Other authors, convinced me it would be no easy task to recon- cile their conflicting opinions, and giparate history from fiction. But the very obstacles I found in my way only served to show the claims of the subject upon the historian. I wished to publish the result of my studies before my return to Europe, but this would have been impossible without essential aid from some one familiar with the subject. For this purpose, I appUed last autunm to my friend, Mr. Andrew Foster, of Boston, whose acquaintance with the languages and literature of Modern Europe rendered his assistance invaluable. He kindly complied with my request, and for several months has devoted himself entirely to this work. It was but an act of simple justice to insist that his name should appear on the title-page, and to make this grateful acknowledgment, which I do with unmixed pleasure. It has been remarked of Petrarch, that " his verses and his let- ters, when read together, furnished a sort of running history of the man." Thougli ti.^is remark cannot be appUed in its fullest force to Americus, yet it may be said to be partially true with regard to him. His letters carry us through the scenes which he visited during the most interesting part of his life, and though seldom alluding to himself personally, it is easy to place him in the im- agination in every position he describes. I thought it advisa- ble to adopt a new arrangement, of these documents, or rather to follow the arrangenieni partially laid out by Canovai, and to divide the letter to Soderini into four parts, placing the different accounts of each voyage together. In preparing the translation of the letters many different editions in Italian, Latin, and Spanish, have been consulted and compared. The letter to Soderini follows principally the text of the Gruniger PREFACE. y\{ edition, translated into Spanish by Navarrfite, with some altera- tions and corrections of manifest errors. The letters to De Medici were taken from the Italian of Bandini and Canovai, with the ex- ception of the second letter, giving an account of the third voyage, which was translated from the work of Bartolozzi. The Latin copy of the letter contained in the Novus Orbis of Grinseus was compared with the Italian. The works of Mr. Irving, " The liife of Columbus" and « The Companions of Columbus," havp been carefuUy consulted. The Paris edition has been used, and is the one referred to. It is the last edition, and pubUshed under Mr. Irving's own eye, and therefore in all probabiUty the most correct. The Collection of Sefior Navarr6„e has been invaluable, and has brought to light many facts of which all previous biographers of Americus were ignorant. Before concluding these prefatory sentences, I wish to express my warm sense of oWigation to Mr, Moore, the Librarian of the New York Historical Society, for hb uniformly courteous treatment and his kind aid in faciUtating the researches necessary in the prep- aration of this work. The Library itself is a fine collection of val- uable historical works, and I doubt whether any one, with the excep- tion perhaps of the Ehbeling collection, in the Harvard University Library, is more rich in matter relating to the early history of America. Indeed, there are some rare works found in the N. Y. H. S. Library which are not readily met with in Europe. I cannot close this account of my labours without petitioning the reader to lay aside the prejudice so common in this country against the very name of Americus. The learned have said that he "usurped the name of the continent," and the vulgar have re- -mnmrntmrnm* ." '^''•"'"VIPIIIIIPPH"""^ mmm^mmt nu PREFACE. peated it. How poorly the great Navigator has merited this charge the Mowing pages wiU show. The work is now given to the PubUc, with the hope that the labours of the authors wiU not be in vain. New York, March 31, 1846. C. EDWARDS LESTER. •» CONTENTS. PART I. pW^^^N/VN/S^V^^^V^x CHAPTER I. Introductory Remarks. — General View of the State of the Commerce of the World previous to the Discovery of America. — Merchants necessarily Travellers.— High Rates of Interest of Money. — Evidence of approaching Change. — Italian Manufactories. — State of Civilization, 1400. — Eflects of .the Conquest of the Eastern Empire. — Marco Polo. — Mandeville. — Inven- tion of the Compass and Astrolabe. — Prince Henry of Portugal. — Rob- ertson's Character of him. — His Zeal for the Cause of Discovery. — Vas- co De Gama — Doubles the Cape of Good Hope, 1497. — Progress of Dis- covery. — Portuguese Expeditions to the Coast of Africa. — Papal Grants of Dominion. — Death of Prince Henry. — Discoveries by Columbus. — What moved him to attempt them. — Islands of St. Branuan and of the Seven Cities. — Paolo Toscanelli. — Discoveries of the Scandinavians. — Italian Navigators. — Verazzani. — Sebastian Cabot. — Pre-eminence of particular Ideas at particular Epochs. — Cotemporary Authors. — Fernando Columbus. — Bartolomeo de Las Casas. — Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo. — Andrez Ber- nal.-^Antonio Herrera de Tordesillas. — Francisco Lopez de Gomara. — Pe- ter Martyr. — Concludmg Remarks, rioi 21 CHAPTER n. Birth of Vespucius, 1451. — His Parents. — Anastasio Vespucci and Elizabetta Mini. — Origin of the Vespucci Family. — Peretola. — Extract from Ugolino Verini. — Estates of the House. — Old Family Mansion. — Inscription over its Door. — Simone Vespucci. — His great Wealth. — Offices of State of Flor- ence held by the Vespucci. — Guido Antonio di Giovanni Vespucci. — Im- mediate Relatives of Americus. — Antiquity of Family. — Destiny of Amer- icus.— Commerce and Italian Bankers, 54 2 CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. The Youth of Great Men.— Lack of Detail in this Respect.— Early Educa- tion of Americus. — Georgio Antonio Vespucci. — His Uncle. — Brilliant Ex- pectations of his Family. — Studies in Astronomy and Cosmography. — Friendship for Piero Soderini. — Tomaso Soderini. — The Plague in Flor- ence, 1478. — Dissolution of the School of the Friar Vespucci. — Early Let- ters of Americus. — Lorenzo de Medici. — His Brilliant Administration. — Paolo Toscanelli, the Learned Florentine Physician. — Religious Educa- tion of Americus. — Letter of Americus to his Father, .... rAM 62 CHAPTER IV. Period from 1480 to 1490. — Cosmography. — High Value of Maps. — Gabriel de Velasca. — Mauro. — Causes of the Departure of Americus from Flor- ence. — Girolamo Vespucci. — His Loss of Property. — Piero de' Medici commissions Americus. — Spain. — Wars against the Moors. — Giovanni Vespucci, the Nephew of Americus. — Account given of him by Peter Mar- tyr. — Letter of Americus and Donato NicoUini. — Juan Berardi, 1492. — The necessary Reflections of Americus. — An Epoch of Enterprise and Im- provement, 70 CHAPTER V. Meeting of Americus with Columbus, 1492, '93. — Description of the Per- sonal Appearance of Columbus. — Personal Appearance of Americus. — Sketch of their diflercnt Views. — The Problem of Longitude. — Disicussion at Salamanca. — Conversation between Columbus and Americus. — Singu- lar Vow of the Former. — He repels the Imputation of Mercenary Motives. — Doubts of Americus as to the Territories of the Khan, drawn from the Appearance of the Natives, ice. — His Ideas of a large Island between Eu- rope and Asia. — Confidence of Columbus. — Considers himself Divinely Commissioned. — His Plan of Attack upon the Infidels. — Cites Paolo Tos- canelli. — Vespucius States his View of the Question of Longitude. — Ter- restrial Paradise. — Enthusiasm of Columbus on this Subject. — Exaggera- tion of Marco Polo. — Criticism of Americus, 78 CONTENTS. CHAPTER VI. tJM* Death of Berardi.— Payments to Americus. — Wreck of Fleet fitted out by him. — His Letter to Soderini. — Modesty displayed by him. — Position held by Americus in his First Voyage. — Cosmography of Ilacomilo. — Biblio- theca Riccardiana. — Rene, Titular King of Sicily and Jerusalem. — Date of the Voyage. — Herrera's Statements. — The Name of America. — Span- ish Archives. — Voyages of Alonzo de Ojeda. — His Evidence in the Law- suit of Don Diego Columbus. — Silence of the Cotemporary Historians. — Negative Evidence. — Extract from Gomara on the Subject. — No Dispar- agement of Columbus. — Authenticity of the Letters. — Feelings of Colum- bus. — His Letter respecting Americus to his Son. — General Licenses of the Crown for other Voyages, 93 CHAPTER Vn. Sketch of the Life of Piero Soderini. — His Character. — Elected Gonfalo- m6re of Florence. — His Fall and Banishment.— His Death at Rome. — Letter of Americus to him, describing his First Voyage. — His Reasons for Writing. — Sails from Cadiz, May 10th, 1497. — Arrives at the Grand Canaries. — Arrives at the New World. — Appearance of the Inhabitants. — Sails along the Coast. — Their Weapons and their Wars. — Mode of Life.— Religion and Laws. — Their Riches. — Their System of Physic. — Burial Rites. — ^Their Food. -Ignarai. — Finds trifling Indications of Gold. — Venezuela. — ^^Treachery of the Inhabitants. — Fight with them.^Five Prisoners. — Their Artful Escape. — Singular Animals. — Fish made into Flour. — Americus received by another Tribe with great Honour. — Laugh- oble Occurrence. — Establishes Baptismal Fonts. — Lariab. — Cannibalism. — Repairing the Ships. — Sail for the Islands. — Battle with the Natives. — Slave Prisoners. — Return Voyage. — Arrival at Cadiz, 15th of Octo- ber, 1498, 109 CHAPTER Vni. The Arrival of Columbus on the Cou-st of Paria, and at Hispaniola, August ■30th, 1498.— Distracted State of the Colony he had left.— Despatches News of his Discovery of the Continent on 18th of October, 1498, from Isabella.— Americus arrives at Cadiz, 15th of October, 1498.— News iii CONTENTS, tkOM made Public. — Consequent Excitement. — Alonzo de Ojeda. — His Plan of an Expedition. — Bishop Fonseca. — His Hatred of Columbus. — Commis- 81011 of Ojeda. — His Companionship with Americus. — Interval between First and Second Voyage. — Marriage of Americus with Maria Cerozo. — He goes to Court. — Is Importuned by Ojeda. — Consents to go with him. — ^Juan de la Cosa. — Preparations for sailing at Seville. — Lorenzo di Pier- Francesco de' Medici. — Sketch of his Life, 140 CHAPTER IX. FIRST LETTER Or AMERICUS TO LORENZO DI PIER-FRANCESCO DE* MED- ICI, OIVINO AN ACCOUNT OF HIS SECOND VOTAOE. Departure from Cadiz, May 18th, 1499. — Makes the Canary Islands. — Ar- rives at the New World in twenty-four Days. — Ditficulty of Disembarca- tion. — Freshness of the Water at Sea. — Two large Rivers Discovered. — Ascent of one of them. — Description of the Scenery. — Remarkable Cur- rent. — Shadows of the Sun. — The Stars of the South Pole. — Remarka- ble Passage in Dante. — Calculation of Distance from Cadiz. — Calculation of Longitude, Aug. 23, 1499. — Occultation of Mars. — Sails Northwardly. — Discovers an Island. — Description of the Natives. — Their Hospitality. — Present of Pearls. — Voyage coutinuod, — Meets with Unfriendly Na- tives. — Cannibalism. — Battle with them. — Valour of a Portuguese Sail- or. — A very large Race of Natives. — Venezuela. — Proceeds to Hispaniola. — Refitting the Fleet. — Continue Homeward Voyage. — Take a Cargo of Slave-prisoners. — Arrive at the Azores and Cadiz. — Conclusion of the Voyage, 151 CHAPTER X. CONTINUATION OF THE LF-TTER OF AMERICUS TO PIERO SODERINI, GIVING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS SECOND VOYAGE. Departure from Cadiz, May, 1499. — Arrival in the New World. — Signs of Inhabitants. — Coasting the Shores. — San Luis de Maranham. — Chase and Capture a Canoe. — Cannil)alism. — Pearls and Gold. — Inimical Natives. — Chewing the Cud. — Want of Water. — Immense Leaves. — Island of Cura- coa. — Large Islanders. — Visit to their Village. — Returning to Castile. — Trade with the Indians. — Large Quantity of Pearls. — Visit Antilla. — Take in Provisions. — Sail for Spain. — Arrival at Cadiz, June 8th, 1500, in of tmis- veen ;o. — him. 'ier- PAoa 140 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XI. xm fAOl Unjustifiable Perversion of the Words of Americus. — Attack of Sickness. — New Spanish Fleet for him. — His Position in Spain. — Motives of the King of Portugal in attempting to gain the Services of Americus. — First Attempt by Letter. — Second Attempt by a Messenger. — Juliano Giocondo. — He leaves Spain secretly. — Goes to Lisbon. — Reception at the Court of Emmanuel. — Importance of his Voyage to the Kingdom of Portugal. — Ex- tract from Thomson's Seasons. — A Word respecting the Date of the Voy- age. — Inaccuracy of Herrera, 188 EO- Ir- ca- ir- ;a- Dn y- y- a- I- 1. )f e 151 175 CHAPTER Xn. SECOND LETTER OF AMERICDS TO LORENZO DI PIER-rRANCE3C0 DE MED- ICI, 8IVINQ A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF HIS THIRD VOTAQE, HADE FOR THE KINO OF PORTUGAL. Departure from Cape Verd. — Arrival at the Continent. — Heavenly Bodies. — Beauty of the Country. — Numerous Animals. — The Natives destitute of Laws and Religion. — Their Food and Ornaments. — Longevity. — Mode of Reckoning Time. — Their Wars and Cannibalism. — Climate. — Products of the Country, 195 CHAPTER Xni. SECOND LETTER OF AMERICUS TO LORENZO DI PIER-FRANCESCO DK' MED- ICI, QIVINO A FULLER ACCOUNT OF HIS THIRD VOTAOE, MADE FOR THE KING OF PORTUGAL. Preamble respecting the First Letter of Americus to De Medici. — Sails from Lisbon May 13th, 1501. — Arrives at the Canaries.— Coasts the Shores of Africa. — Experiences violent Gales. — Provisions fall short. — Long Passage. —Despair at their Situation.— Arrive at last at the Continent.— Ignorance of the Pilots. — Astronomical Observations of Americus. — Coast along the Shores of South America. — Intercourse with the Natives. — Thickly-inhab- ited Country.— Singular Customs of the Natives.— Their Mode of Life. Cannibalism again.— Climate and Fruits.— Stars of the Antarctic Pole. Beautiful Iris or Rainbow.— Geometrical Calculations of Americus.— Grati- tude to the Supreme Being.— Arrival at Lisbon. — Another Voyage in Con- templation, ^ ^ 2Q««'«^ip|i*v^v^f^Han87>«™*wiii«B<*iQMf W ( ?. i! a ''a %i »tN LIFE AND VOYAGES or AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. CHAPTER I. Introductory Remarks. — General View of the State of the Commerce of the World previous to the Discovery of America. — Merchants ne- cessarily Travellers. — High Rates of Interest of Money. — Evidence of approaching Change. — Italian Manufactories. — State of Civiliza- tion, 1400. — Effects of the Conquest of the Eastern Empire. —Mar- co Polo. — Mandeville.— Invention of the Compass and Astrolabe.— Prince Henry of Portugal. — Robertson's Character of him. — His Zeal for the Cause of Discovery. — Vasco De Gama — Doubles the Cape of Good Hope, 1497. — Progress of Discovery. — Portuguese expeditions to the Coast of Africa. — Papal Grants of Dominion. — Death of Prince Henry. — Discoveries by Columbus. — What moved him to attempt them. — Islands of St. Brandan and of the Seven Cities. — Paolo Toscunelli. — Discoveries of the Scandinavians. — Itahan Navigators. — Verazzani. — Sebastian Cabot. — Pre-eminence of particular ideas at particular Epochs. — Cotemporary Authors. — Fernando Columbus. — Bartolomeo de las Casas. — Gonzalo Fernan- dez de Oviedo. — Andrez Bemal. — Antonio Herrera de Tordesillas. — Francisco Lopez de Gomara. — Peter Martyr. — Concluding Re- markst Thk commerce of the world until nearly the chapter close of the fifteenth century was carried on chiefly '■ — Commerce by means of land transportation. Voyages of much of the m- "' ^ '' " teenth cen- extent were almost unknown, and the mariner con- *'^- fined himself to inland wateis, or hovered along the shores of the great Western Ocean, without venturing out of sight of land. The principal marts of Europe were the Hanseatic cities — a league of mercantile -^||[f!^PFW^'-ff'V"^«''*r*" "•i"'^ ' ^ ' "''l*^ rp*-?- fP^7V«?">9 - / 22 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTEE towns, which was formed for the purpose of security '■ — and mutual protection. The thriving Republics of Italy were the carriers of the world. For many centuries their citizens were almost the only agents for commercial com- munication with the countries of the East. Venice and Genoa maintained establishments on the far- thest shores of the Mediterranean and Black Seas. Immense caravans crossed the deserts of Arabia and Egypt, their camels laden with the costly fab- rics of the Indies, which were received by the Italian traders from the hands of the Mahometans, and distributed over Europe. Here and there upon the deserts, a green oasis with its bubbling spring or fresh rivulet, served these mighty trains for a resting-place, where man and beast halted to re- cover from the fatigues of their weary journeys. oidcn Pities Occasionally, on these spots, where the soil was of sufficient fertility to sustain a population, villages grew up. In rarer instances and in earlier ages, ?arge cities had been built upon these stopping- places, and were for the time the centres of traffic. Their warehouses, cumbered with the fruits, the treasures, and the fabrics of India, tempted the tra- ders of all nations to their gates, and their market- places resounded with the busy hum of a crowded population. While the current of business flowed in that direction, all within their walls evinced life and activity, but as soon as a new channel was adopted by merchants, they fell into insignificance, and were once more abandoned to the solitude of i ; Im Mfaltt^iiW AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. ^ the desert. Travellers of the present day occasion- chapter ally visit their sites, and tell tales of wonder of the '■ gigantic ruins of some Balbec or Palmyra of the vrilderness. In the fifteenth century merchants vv^ere, of ne- systein of •' business m cessity, travellers. They could not, as in the present ^feg.^'"^""* day, sit quietly in their counting-rooms, and transact business with all parts of the known world, re- ceiving by each day's post communications from distant agents, and issuing orders for future opera- tions, with the certainty of their receipt and prompt execution. The stranger was regarded as an ene- my by the laws of most countries, and the foreign merchant was looked upon with distrust and appre- hension. There existed little confidence in mer- cantile honor, and bills of exchange were rarely resorted to, except in cases of emergency and dan- ger. The exorbitant rates of interest which v/ere in all cases demanded for the use of money, mate- rially checked active commercial operations. Absurd as it seems in the present day, an idea False idea* '^ •" of Usury. generally i)revailed, that the receipt of interest for loans came within the scriptural denunciation of usury, and, notwithstaiiding the enlightened views which were beginning to gain ground, there were not wanting learned doctors of the church who main- tained the guilt of those who received pay for the risk tht;y took ifi loaning their capital. The mer- chants of Italy, or, as they were called in the North of Europe, the Lombards, were the bankers as well as the carriers of the age, and finding themselves M. LIFE AND VOYAGES OP II CHAPTER engaged in a business which was considered dis- graceful and irreligious by the mass of the people, naturally became extravagant in their demands in the ratio of the infamy of their transactions. The consequence was, that extravagant profits were required to remunerate traders, and traflSic was con- fined almost exclusively to barter and exchange. The merchant accompanied his goods to their des- tination, sold them himself, and purchased a new stock, which was saleable in his own country ; and in most cases this transaction was effected without the medium of gold or silver. Evidence of But evideucc of an approaching change was not *mer^camiie" wautiug. The dcmauds of advancing civilization had begun to develop a vast alteration in the face of Europe. The increasing demand for the fabrics of the East stimulated the enterprise of the inhabi- tants of the South of Europe, and efforts were made to cultivate the plants of India, while manufactories, already established in Italy, gave fair promise of success and profit. The looms of her silk-weavers had already begun to clothe her citizens in gar- ments which heretofore, from their costliness, could only be *blained by princes and nobles. compara- It is curious to Contemplate the vast difference in live luxury i • i • i i of nations, luxury and comfort which existed between those countries which, from their natural geographical position, were placed in the course of trade, and those more secluded or out of the way of travellers. Ill England, for instance, an isolated country, many of the inhabitants of her largest towns lived in huts, ^'' ^w Bred dis- e people, nands in IS. The ts were vas con- :change. leir des- a new ry; and without was not lization lie face fabrics inhabi- B made ctories, lise of eavers n gar- could nee in those phical ', and ellers. many huts, AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 25 without window or chimney. The fire was built chapter on the ground, in the centre of the house, and its smoke was left to find its way out by the door, or escaped by a hole in the roof Chairs and tables, the commonest articles of domestic utility, were al- most unkiiown to the largest part of the population. How different the scene in Ghent, or Bruges, or Venice, or Genoa ! There, costly palaces for the wealthy, furnished with most of the luxuries of later times, and comfortable habitations for the poorer classes, every where abounded. Art and literatui-e flourished by the side of commerce, and universities and schools were established, which disseminated knowledge far and wide among mankind. The manufacturing spirit of Southern Europe [^oiKjues^o^f was brought to life mainly by the fact that the old- Empire. established ways of transporting goods from India, which had gradually been growing more and more precarious, were then almost entirely abandoned, on account of their danger. The Turks, a nation of ferocious religious warriors, had overrun the Greek provinces of Asia bordering upon the Medi- terranean, and annihilated the Christian power in the East by the conquest of Constantinople. They were as a people little adapted to commercial pur- suits, even had they possessed the willingness to engage in them which characterized their prede- cessors, and their lawless character and marauding habits rendered the passage of the deserts, even by their own countrymen, a task of great uncer- tainty and danger. 26 LIFE AND VOYAQES OP CHAPTER It was not to be supposed that the shrewd spirit of '- mercantile enterprise and speculation would remain Efforts to, .,. /./Y*. r.,1 find a new dormant m this state of anairs. Traders m every route to In- *' dia. part of Europe were alive to the advantages to be derived from the discovery of a new route of trans- portation. Several efforts were made, and in some few cases attended with immense profit and suc- cess, to communicate with India by the long and arduous journey round the Black Sea, and through the almost unexplored regions of Circassia and Georgia. The far-off shores of the Caspian were reached by some travelling traders, and the geo- graphical knowledge they circulated on their re- turn gave a new impulse to the growing spirit of adventure. Apocryphal as the narratives of Mar- co Polo and Mandeville appeared, there was a suf- ficient mixture of truth with exaggeration to stimu- late the minds of men, ever greedy of gain, and the endless wealth of the Grand Khan and his people were the subjects of many eager and longing antici- pations. Invention of The iuvcntions of the Compass and the Astrolabe, the compass and astro- \vhile tlicy iucrcascd the facilities of navigators most opportunely, added greatly to the confidence of merchants. They began to perceive that tliey must, in future, rely mainly upon water carriage in trans- porting their goods, and ships and seamen multipli- ed rapidly in consequence. Ability to define their position with accuracy led mariners to undertake longer voyages, and at length nautical enterprise was powerfully roused by the influence of a saga- labe. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 27 cious mind, whose energies for many years had chapter been devoted to the elucidation of a grand problem. ^ This was no less than the possibility of reaching the Indies by the circumnavigation of Africa. Prince Henry of Portugal is justly entitled to the Prince Hen- ijrateful remembrance and respect of the world, gai. Robert- ^ '■ ' son s cnar- The character which is given by Dr. Robertson of actetofhim. this truly great man is indeed enviable. " That prince," he says, "added to the martial spirit which was the characteristic of every man of noble birth at that time, all the accomplishments of a more enlightened and polished age. He cul- tivated the arts and sciences, which were then unknown and despised by persons of his rank. He applied with peculiar fondness to the study of geography, and by the instruction of able masters, as well as by the accounts of travellers, he early acquired such knowledge of the habitable globe, as discovered the great probability of finding new and opulent countries by sailing along the coast of Africa. Such an object was formed to awaken the enthusiasm and ardour of a youthful mind, and he engaged, with the utmost zeal, to patron- ize a design that might prove as beneficial as it appeared to be splendid and honourable. In order that he might be able to pursue this great scheme without interruption, he retired from court imme- diately after his return from Africa, and fixed his " residence at Sagres, near Cape St. Vincent, where the prospect of the Atlantic Ocean invited his tlioughts continually towards his favourite project, 28 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF n CHAPTER and encouraged him to execute it. In this retreat '■ — he was attended by some of the most learned men in his country, who aided him in his researches. He applied for inforiiiation to the Moors of Bar- bary, who were accustomed to travel by land into the interior provinces of Africa, in quest of ivory, gold-dust, and other rich commodities. He con- sulted the Jews settled in Portugal. By promises, rewards, and marks of respect, he allured into his service several persons, foreigners as well as Por- tuguese, who were eminent for their skill in navi- gation. In taking those preparatory steps, the great abilities of the Prince were seconded by his private virtues. His integrity, his affability, his respect for religion, his zeal for the honour of his country, engaged persons of all ranks to applaud his design, and to favour the execution of it. His schemes were allowed by his countrymen to pro- ceed neiiiier from ambition nor the desire of wealth, but to flow from the warm benevolence of a heart eager to promote the happiness of man- kind, and which justly entitled him to assume a motto for his device that described the quality by which he wished to be distinguished, — The talent of doing good."^ vasco de It is impossiblc to avoid a feeling of regret that g^(ST "^ ^'**'* great Prince was not permitted to live long '^^^- enough to behold all his ardent aspirations realized. I Vide Robertson's History of progress, nnd has been of much America, vol. i. p. 43, 44. This service, which is gratefully oc- volume has been frequently re- knowledged. ferred to while this chapter was in AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 29 When, at last, in the year 1497, Vasco de Gama, chapter proceeding from the port of Lisbon, with four ships, coasted the shores of Africa to their farthest extent, Gama, 1497. and doubled the Cape of Good Hope, he must have regarded with veneration the memory of the able and patriotic Prince who first prompted to the de- sign he ha4 now brought to such a glorious con- clusion. It is worthy of remark, that the Portu- guese Admiral found in use, among the mariners of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, a nautical instru- ment answering, very nearly, the description of the astrolabe, which that noble prince had so recently assisted in perfecting in Portugal.' 1 Vasco de Gama was born in Portugal, in the town of Synis. The historians who have recorded his discoveries have omitted to give many particulars of his life previous to his departure for the Indies. It was the current opinion at the time De Gama sailed, that there existed on the eastern shores of Africa a nation of Christians under the dominion of a powerful prince, whom they called Prester John, and the Portuguese, who had so recently seen the magnificent discoveries of Columbus enuring to the benefit of Spain, were stim- ulated to a determination of find- ing this country, which they ima- gined would bring equal advan- tage to their own nation. De Gama set sail with a small fleet on the 8th of July, 1497, and arrived on the 17th of December at the point where the discoveries of Diaz had ceased. There the Portuguese entered the seas of In- dia for the first time, and stretch- ed away to the North. In the early part of March he arrived before the city of Mozam- bique, then inhabited by Moors and Mahometan Arabs, under the dominion of a prince of their own faith. These people carried on an ex- tensive commerce with the Red Sea, and the hope of commercial connecrion with a new people led them to give a friendly reception to De Gama. But their friendship was of short duration, and as soon as they discovered them to be Christians, they formed a plan to massacre them. The admiral, however, escaped from their snares, and proceeded on his voyage, touching at various places, until he arrived at Calicut, on the 20th of May, 1498. This was the richest and most commercial city of India at the time, and was under the rule of a 30 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF CHAPTER I. Early dis- coveries. The earliest efforts for maritime discovery were of the most trifling nature, and impeded by the most fanciful fears and apprehensions. Accustomed to think nothing of a passage across the ocean, the mariners of the present day can have no idea how extensive and important, appeared to the Portu- guese an undertaking to explore the co£^t of Africa beyond Cape Non. The very name of the Cape itself, was indicative of the impossibility of sailing monarcli called Zamorin. Luck- ily for De Gatna, he found there a Moor who, with the aid of one who accompanied the fleet, acted as interpreter, and was the means of his opening a communication with the king. The Portuguese naturally distrusted the faith of the Mahometans ; but their com- mander was not to be deterred by any ordinary danger, and selecting twelve braVe men from the fleet, he landed. He was obliged to go about Ave miles into the interior to a country palace where Zamorin resided, and was followed through the city of Calicut by an immense crowd of persons, all anxious to gaze at the newly-arrived strangers. He was at first received favourably, but after a while, jealousies and suspicions rose in the minds of the natives, and rendered it ne- cessary to re-embark and set sail somewhat suddenly upon his re- turn. After refitting his ships at some neighbouring islands, he steered a homeward course, stopping on his way back at Melinda, where he took on board his fleet an (imbas- sador to the King of Portugal from the ruler of that country. This nation was the only friendly one which the Portuguese found in India. The fleet doubled the Cape of Good Hope once more in March, 14d9, and arrived in Lisbon in September of the same year, af- ter an absence of more than two years. Emmanuel teqeived De Gama with the greatest honours and magnificence, and created him Admiral of the Indies.. The ad- miral subsequently made another voyage with a powerful armed fleet to the Indies, and compelled by force of arms his old enemy, Zamorin, to admit of Portuguese establishments in his dominions. He was afterwards created Vice- roy of the Indies, but died soon after his arrival from his third voyage to take control of his new dominions. A history of his discoveries was written by Barros, and published in 1628. Camoens, it is well known, made him the subject of his Lusiad. — Biog. Univ., t. xvi., p. 398—404. •# .11 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 31 'ery were the most tomed to Jean, the idea how le Porty- of Africa he Cape >f sailing )rtugal from itry. This riendly one 3 found in ho Cape of I in March, Lisbon in e year, af- 3 than two De Gama noura and 3ated him The ad- ie another ful armed compelled Id enemy, 'ortugues? dominions, ited Vice- died soon his third >{ his new 'eries was published ; is well ubject of ;.) t. xvi., beyond it, and even after it was passed, more than chapter twenty years elapsed ere the timid navigators ven '■ — tured beyond the rocky promontory of Bajador, less than two hundred miles distant, an exploit, which, when it was at last accomplished, was proclaimed over Europe as one of the most daring and intrepid actions, ever recorded in the pages of history. The belief which generally prevailed, that the Faiae ideas torrid zone was a region of impassable heat, where founded ap- ° ■"• prehensiona. no vegetation existed, and where the very waters of the ocean boiled as in a caldron, under the in- fluence of a vertical sun, had effectually checked any attempts at discovery ; and as the Portuguese penetrated within the tropics, the sights they saw, all tended to confirm the old opinion. Beyond the Senegal River they found a new race of beings, with complexions black as ebony, with hair crisped as though burnt, with features flat and inexpressive, and evidently possessing intelligence vastly inferior to their own. This was all attribu- ted to the fatal influence of the climate, and they dreaded any further exploration, lest by some sud- den catastrophe, they also might be reduced to the state in which they found the unhappy denizens of Africa. The active and capacious mind of Prince Hen- ry alone opposed itself to the representations which they made to him. The discoveries which they had already made, served to undermine his con- fidence in the views of the ancient geographers, and supported in his determination by his brother <4 1 ^ 32 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER Pedro, wlio then ruled in Portugal, as guardian of '■ — his minor nephew, Alphonso, he persevered in his plans with eagerness. san( tion of ^nc circumstauce contributed materially to ani- ihe Church, j^g^^^ ^|jg hearts of the Portuguese navigators, which must not be overlooked. Well knowing the effect which an apparent sanction of his move- ments by the Church would have upon the bigoted minds of his countrymen. Prince Henry applied directly to the Head of the Church, and, by repre- senting the labours and religious zeal with which he had exerted himself for many years to discover unknown regions then sunk in the darkness of Paganism, with a view to their conversion to the true faith, he obtained from the Pope a Bull, con- ferring upon the crown of Portugal the exclusive right of dominion over all the countries which they might discover on the coast of Africa, as far as the Indies. Absurd as this grant appears at the pres- ent day, no power then existed, that disputed the right of the papal see to make it, or that ventured to interfere with it. The religious zeal of the dis- coverers was highly inflamed by the encomiums bestowed upon them, and they were encouraged to prosecute their undertakings by a new and power- ful motive. In 1463 the cause of discovery received a severe blow in the death of Prince Henry. From that time until the accession of John II. to the throne of Portugal, little worthy of note was added to the maritime knowledge of the world. The Death of Prince Hen- ry, 1643. 'J; 111'' AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. ^ Uy to ani- lavigators, knowing his move- le bigoted )r applied by repre- ith which ) discover kness of )n to the Bull, con- exclusive liich they far as the the pres- luted the ventured ' the dis- comiums iraged to d power- a severe •om that e throne s added I. The •-.(■1 m Barthnl- emew Diaz. 143C. new monarch, however, entered at once into the "chapter schemes of his grand uncle, and revived them with '■ — great vigour. Powerful fleets were despatched from time to time; forts were erected along the African coast, and at length when the line was cross ed, the delusions which had long held the minds of men in bondage, were dissipated. Two great errors of the ancients were exposed : the first, that respecting the unconquerable heat of the tr»pics ; the second, that the continent of Africa increased in breadth as it extended to the south. The return of Bartholemew Diaz, a mariner of great sagacity and boldness, who, in 1486, had coasted the shores over a thousand miles, and finally reached the southernmost point of Africa, filled the sanguine mind of the king with the warmest hopes of success. In the plenitude of his joy, and confident that he had at last attained the great object of his enterprises, he re-named the promontory which Diaz had appropriately desig- nated, Cabo Tormentoso, or the Stormy Cape, and gave it the more euphonious and attractive title, The Cape of Good Hope. Active preparations were immediately com- menced to bring to a conclusion their long and arduous labours. But, notwithstanding the skill which the Portuguese sailors had gained, the reports which the companions of Diaz widely cir- culated filled the minds of all with fear, and some years elapsed before they were sufficiently calmed to take advantage of the knowledge already ac- ■ir 34 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER quired. While the possibility of doubling in safety '■ — a cape, washed by seas so tempestuous, was eager- ly debated, Europe was electrified by the astound- ing discovery of a new world in the Western Ocean, a direction which the boldest in nauti- cal affairs had hitherto scarcely dared to contem- plate. Growth of The impetus which was given to the spirit of 'jjiscoviry. discovery by these voyages of the Portuguese, may be compared with the vast conceptions, and mag- nificent projects, which have followed the applica- of the power of steam in the present day. The public mind was excited beyond measure, and the wildest tales of imaginary regions beyond the trackless waste of waters, hitherto unexplored, found ready and enthusiastic believers, who were willing to peril life and reputation in efforts to test their truth. As is almost always the case, those who were most earnest in their faith, possessed the smallest means to carry out their views. But their day of success was fast approaching. The science of cosmography became the favourite subject of speculation among philosophers and learned men, affordiiig as it did, a brilliant iield for the imagination, nnd, at the same time, an op- portunity of deep research. The works of ancient WTiters were ardently sought for, and diligently collated ; the vague hypotheses of some of the old geographers were revived ; theories which had lain undisturbed beneath the dust of ages were brought to light again ; and, when compared with the ac- AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 35 may ^1 #. counts of Eastern travellers, lent a semblance of chaptbr I. trutii to the dim visions of distant islands in the '■ — Atlantic, which haunted the minds of navigators ; the coast of Africa gave immense scope to nautical enterprise, and the court of Portugal, hitherto hard- ly known in Europe, became at once the resort of hardy adventurers from all nations, while the king- dom rose immediately from the inferior position it had previously occupied, to one of the greatest im- portance. Lisbon was in a continual fever of ex- citement, which aifected all classes of society, and the constant succession of new expeditions which were fitted out were eagerly joined by men of rank and celebrity, as well as the more common class of mariners. The idea of a passage by the west to India was speculation not, even at that time, one of recent date. Various jectofapas- mdenmte accounts were current <>i seamen driven inHea. by tempestuous gales far out of their course, who, on their return, had reported that they had fallen in with land, which was supposed to be a part of the islands on the eastern coast of India. The re- discovery of the Grand Canaries, in the fourteenth century, the Fortunate Islands of the ancients, from which Ptolemy calculated longitude, had familiar- ized navigators with the wide waters of the Atlan- tic, and occasionally, for a century past, they had ventured even farther out on the ocean, in the doubtful hope of meeting with the fabled Atalan- tis of Plato, or the equally visionary islands of the (■I , (I;.., 1; 'I I l| 36 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER Seven Cities and St. Brandan.' Each of these phantasies found firm believers, and the age re- quired only a master-mind to arrange the crude ' The fabulous history of both of these islands is full of romantic interest, which the reader may gratify by tho penisal of Mr. Ir- ving's account of them in the ap- pendix to his history of Columbus. A short SKetch is all that our space admits, and is abridged from that work. The story which was current at the time of Columbus, rcs])ecting the Island of the Seven Cities, was to this effect. When the Moors overrun and conquered the countries of Spain and Portugal, seven bishops of the Christian Cuuich fled by sea, and abandon- ing themselves to the waves, were cast upon an island in the midst of the ocedu, whero they destroy- ed their ships to prevent the de- sert", n of their followers, and foun- Ui.il seven cities. This story ^Vas very generally credited at the time of Prince Henry, who was said to liave received accounts of the is- land from some Portuguese sailors, and in the maps of the era it was located in the Atlantic under the name of Antilla. The ongin of the belief in the Island of St. Biandan is still more singular. It was supposed bj' many to be identical with the Is- land of the Seven Cities, and ori- ginated in a very remarkuhle oj)- tical delusion of the inhabitants of the Canaries. They imagined that in clear weather they could see from the summits of their high- est hills, an island, apparently about ninety leagues in length, and vaiying in distance from the point of view from fifteea to one hundred leagues, according to the accounts of different persons. The name was derived from that of a Scotch abbot, St. Borondon, who went with a numerous train of monks and enthusiasts, as the tale was told, in search of a terrestrial par- adise in the ocean, and who at last were thrown upon this island. It is astonishing how many ex- peditions were fitted out and sailed in search of this i.naginary coun- try, but it always eluded the pur- suit of the navigators. Even as late as the year 1721 a fleet was sent in search of it, and in 1755 it still figured in some geographical charts. In a letter written by a Franciscan monk from the Island of Gomara in 1759, it is distinctly described as having been seen by himself and upwards of forty wit- nesses, whom he called to verify his own eyesight. He describes it as consisting of two high moun- tains, with a valley between, and when viewed through a telescope, the ravine appeared filled with trees and verdure. A belief in the existence of this island is still prevalent among tiie more super- stitious of the lower classes in the Canaries. Unwilling to disbelieve what 'ppears to them to be the evidence of their senses, th '■y prefer to at- tribute the impossibility of reach- ing it to supeniatural causes, and m AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 3? crude ■/£. imaginings which were rife, and direct tkem to a useful end. Such a mind existed. For many years previous to his first voyage, Columbus pondered over the idea of a western passage to India; he cr^lected by degrees all the information which was to be derived from the Avorks of the ancients, and from the accounts of certain recent travellers who had penetrated the countries of Eastern Asia, far beyond the regions described by Ptolemy. The narrations of Marco Polo and Mandeville, who visited Asia in the thir- teenth and fourteenth centuries, and gave marvel- lous accounts of the wealth and grandeur of the potentates who inhabited those unknown coun- tries, were diligently studied and connected with more trifling evidence. The inhabitants of the newly discovered Canaries, or of the Azores, had found on their shores pieces of *vood strangely carved, or of trees unknown in Europe, and once, it was said, there had come to their islands two messengers from the far-oflf land, whose swollen and disfigured lips, could they have spoken, might have told of a new race of beings and a new world. They were speechless corpses, yet their lineuir-ents were stiaiige, and it was evident that CHAPTER t. The redoc- tious ol' Christo- pher Co- maintain that it is inaccessible to mortals. If such sights are still seen, they are undoubtedly the ef- fects of atmospherical deceptions, similar to that of the Fata Mor- gana, seen at times in the Straits ot Messina, where the town of Keggio Is reflected in the air above the sea. The inhabitants on the borders of the great Amer- ican lakes sometimes witness a phenomenon very similar, when the Canadian shore is distinctly visible, though at a distance be- yond the possibility of actual ob- servation. Si li i'l 38 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER the blood which had once circulated in their veins, I. ' ■ came not from the same source as that of the w^on- dering islanders. Columbus gave heed to these and many other . similar circumstances, and his views were strength- ened almost to certainty by the receipt of a letter from a learned cosmographer of Florence, by name Paolo Toscanelli, with whom he had opened a correspondence, and who had sent him a map, projected according to Ptolemy in part, and in part from the accounts of Marco Polo.' Therein ^- ' Toscanelli (Paul del Pozzo) or Paul the Physician, was bom at Florence in 1397. He devoted himself with great ardour to the study of astronomy, and became so celebrated for his learning that at the age of thirty years, in 1428 he war; appointed one of the cu- rators of the valuable library which Niccoli had placed under the care of the most illustrious citizens of Florence. The reading of the travels of Marco Polo excited the imagmation of Toscanelli, who compared his accounts with the information he derived from some Eastern mer- chants, and ])ondered incessantly upon the means of opening a com- munication with the magnificent countries which he described. After a while he conceived the idea of a passage by the west, and in reply to the letter of Co- lumbus, who, hearing of his learn- ing, wrote to consult him, he sent a long explanatory letter, accom- panied by a hydrographical chart. On this chart a line was pro- jected from LisboHv on the western extremity of Europe, to the great city of Quinsai, on the opposite shores of Asia. This line was divided into twenty-six spaces of two hundred and fifty miles each, making the total distance between the two cities sixty-five hundred miles, being, as Toscanelli suppo- se '. one-third of the circumference of the earth. His ideus took strong hold of the mind of Columbus, and influenced him in all his voyages. In consequence of his constant study of the heavenly bodies, many of the superstitious of his day were disposed to look upon him as an astrologer, but he did nothing to encourage the notion, and was free from any of the ab- surd views which many astrono- mers still kept alive. Ho replied to those who (|UP8tioned hiin on the subject, that he found in hia o^\^l case a proof of the fallacy of astrological calculations, for he had attair.ed to a great age in spite of the constellations which figured in his horoscope, and which all i II ■a" AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. \i 39 ir veins, he won- y other trengtli- a letter y name eued a maj), in part ein ,'^- le western the great opposite line was spaces of [iles each, 3 between i hundred Hi suppo- imference )ok strong nbus, and voyages. constant bodies, iis of his • lok upon t he did 3 notion, ' the ab- nstronn- ! replied hiiri on 1 in his fuUucy 3, for he in spite figured lich all peared the eastern regions of Asia, invitingly pic- chapter tured at a few days sail from the western shores '■ of Eia-ope, while, as stopping-places ibr the weary navigator, at convenient distances lay the wealthy islau<(^ of Cipango and i^.ntilla. It is 'not to be supposed that the researches Discovpnes *• *• oi the bcua- Avhich Columbus was engaged in, left him ignorant The following account ot the celebrated Dighton Hock, one of the most remarkable renuiins al- luded to, is extracted from a leftt'r addressed by Thomas H. Webb, Es(}., Secretary of liho' ,3 Island Historical Society, to the Royal Society of Northern Aiiti(iuarians, which IS nublished in their great 40 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER I. Cotempo- rary Navi- Kators, na- tives of Italy. The mention of Columbus naturally brings to mind other navigators of his own country and epoch. It would reasonably be supposed that •work on the subject of Scandina- vian remains in America. Providence, U. I., Sept. 22, 1830. * * * * • That the ex- istence of the continent of Amer- ica was known to European na- ti ;. s at a period anterior to the vo; . f Columbus, has long been . ■ ived ()j)inion of many of our ii I, learned antiquaries. In the western parts of our coun- try iray still be seen numerous and extensive mounds similar to the tumuli met with in Scandina- via, Tartary, and Russia; also the remains of fortifications that must have required lor their construc- tion a degree of industry, labour, and skill, as well as an advance- ment in the arts, that never char- acterized any of the Indian tribes. Various articles of pottery are found in them, with the method of manufacturing which, they were entirely unacquainted. But, above all, many rocks inscribed with un- known characters, njjparently of very ancient origin, have been dis- covered, scattered through differ- ent parts of the country — rocks, the constituent ])arts of which are such as to render it almost impos- sible to engrave on them such writings, without the aid of iron, or other hard m ^tallic instruments. The Indians were ignorant of the existence of these rocks, and the manner of working with iron they learned of the Europeans after the settlement of the country by the English. ••**•* A rock similar to those allucad to above, lies in our vicinity. It is situated about six and an half miles south of Taunton, on the east side of Taunton River, a few feet from the shore, and on the west side of Assonet Neck, in the town of Berkeley, County of Bris- tol, and Commonwealth of Massa- chusetts : although probably from the fact of being generally visited from the opposite side of the river, which is in Dighton, it has always been known by the name of the Dighton Writing Rock. It faces northwest toward the bed of the river, and is covered by the water two or three feet at the highest, and is left ten or twelve feet from it at the lowest tides. It is also completely immersed twice in twenty-four hours. The rock does not occur in situ, but shows indu- bitable evidence of . aving occu- I)ied the sj)ot where it now rests, since the period of that great and extensive disruption, which was followed by the transportation of immense boulders to, and a deposit of them in, j)laces at a vast dis- tance from their original beds. It is a mass of well-characterized, fine-grained greywacke. Its true colour, as exhibited by a fresh fracture, is a bluish grey. There is no rock in the imme- diate neighbourhood which would at all answer as a substitute for the purpose for which the one bearing the inscription was se- lected, as they are aggregates of 'jpl AMERICUS VESPUCIUS, 41 those nations whose extended commerce gave chaptee them the greatest opportunities to acquire famili '■ — arity with nautical a^/airs would have derived the widest benefit from the experience of their citi- zens, but such was not the case. It is worthy of remark, that while all the prominent powers of Europe availed themselves of the services of Ital- No Italian ian navigators in prosecuting the discovery of new regions, and in acquiring new possessions ; not a foot of territory was obtained by any of the govern- ments of that country. The skill in nautical science, which the citizens of her republics had acquired, in the course of a long and prosperous career of mercantile enterprise, was rendered en- tirely useless to them by the petty feuds and fac- tions which occupied the attention of their rulers. posxeiisions m the New World. ■■«&-' i& : ].H. ihe large conglomerate variety. Its f.ice, measured at the base, is eleven feet and an half, and in height it is a little rising five feet. The upper surface forms with the horizon an inclined plane of about sixty degrees. The whole of the face is covered, to within a few inches of the ground, with un- known hieroglyphics. There ap- pears little or no method in the arrangement of them. The lines are from half an inch to an inch in width, and in depth generally one third of an inch, though gen- erally very superficial. They were, inferring from the rounded elevations and intervening depres- sions, pecked in upon the rock, and not chiselled or smoothly cut out. The marks of human power and manual labour are indelibly stamped upon it. No one who examines attentively the work- manship will believe it to have been done by the Indians. More- over, it is a well-attested fact, that nowhere throughout our wide- spread domain is a single instance of their recording, or having re- corded, their deeils or history on stone. — Antiquitalcs Americana, p. 356—358. The work from which the above is taken contains evidence, col- lected with great pains and ability, and proving conclusively the dis- coveries of the Northmen, and will well repay the antiquarian reader. It is j)ublished in the Danish language, with a Latin translation subjoined. ■^: k V i !i II !l ::t r i .1 i ■I ti 43 CHAPTER I. State of LIFE AND VOYAGES OF Venice, Genoa, Florence, and Pisa, though fully awake to the importance of the undertakings which thelt^kn were in progress, and sensible that their success would inevitably be the beginning of ruin to their own commerce, were yet so much engrossed in the unfortunate conflicts of the times, they heeded not the warnings which occasionally reached them. While Columbus was giving a new world to Cas- tile, while Sebastian Cabot projected immense and promising plans of vast commercial advantage to England, for which that country o^ /es him a debt of imperishable gratitude ; while Vespucius, in the service of Portugal and Spain, added immeasurable regions to the dominion of both powers, and while Verazzani, another noble Florentine, braved the dangers of the Atlantic, and coasted the shores of the New World, in the employment of France, they all remained passive spectators of the prog- ress of discovery, and, as it were, unconcerned at their own impending fate. What a lesson for the statesmen and philoso- phers of modern times does the position of the Italian Spates, in the fifteenth century, present ! Divided among themselves, they possessed no ex- ternal power, and expended all their resources in contemptible efforts to add a few roods of ground to the territories of their own particular cities and principalities, at the expense of some weaker neighbour, while continents were divided among the more sagacious naMons of Europe. Even Rome, once the mistress uf the world, displayed 4. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. igh fully s?s which success to their id ill the heeded 3d them. to Cas- nse and itage to a debt s, in the isurable d while ved the [lores of France, le prog- med at philoso- of the resent ! no ex- rces in ground ■ cities veaker among Even played 48 lyp '^ her pitiable imbecility, in grants of domains more chapter extensive than the broadest empires of the Caesars, ^ — and reposed sluggishly upon her seven hills, while greater prizes than ever before had tempted her, were within her grasj). How different would have been the case had a federative union subsisted in Italy in the fifteenth century ! Each separate province, linked with the others in bonds of common interest and unity, and directing their joint efforts for the common good, Genoese, Florentine, and Venetian, all alike Ital- ians ! Once more might Italy have been the cen- tre of the universe, and Rome have received the tribute of the world. A short sketch of the lives of Verazzani and Cabot may not be without interest to the reader, and is given in this place, although both are wor- thy of a more elaborate notice. Giovanni Verazzani, a Florentine navigator, was Giovanni bom towards the close of the fifteenth century. 1524. ' He was of noble descent, and was employed by Francis I. to make discoveries in the northern par. of America. Authots differ concerning the date of his departure ; but it appears that he went to sea before the month of July, in the year 1524, since, on the 8th of that month, he wrote a letter to the French monarch, informing him, that, in conse- quence of a violent gdle, he had been obliged to put back into a port of Brittany. On the 17th of January, in the same year, he set saiisinthe sail with the frigate Dauphin, which he com- °'"^'^" 44 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP Fate of Gio- vanni Ve- razzani. CHAPTER manded, from a desert island near Madeira, where '■ — he had previously come to anchor. After having experienced a violent hurricane, he coasted the shores of some parts of North America. His letters give a curious description of the sava- ges he met with, and of the plants, birds, and ani- mals of the unknown region. His discoveries were considered highly important at the time, as he visited more than seven hundred leagues of coast, running from 30* north latitude as far as New- foundland. It is said, by some authorities, that he met with a horrible fate on these inhospitable shores ; having been taken, with many of his com- panions, and roasted alive by the Indians. Others, however, with less appearance of truth, say that he was taken prisoner by the Spaniards, who sent him to Madrid, where he was hung. In the library of the Palazzo Strozzi, at Flor- ence, is preserved a cosmographical description of the coasts and countries which Verazzani visited, while seeking for a passage to the East Indies by the north, which was the great object of his voy- ages, as it was of almost all the enterprises of the day. An account of his voyage, which was origi- nally sent by him to the King of France, may be found in the collection of Ramusio.^ Sebastian Cabot was bom in Bristol, England, in 1467, whither his father, John Cabot, had gone from Venice, to propose to the king a scheme for Sebastian Cabot. m * Vide Biographic Universelle, torn, xlviii. p. 158. V* # AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 45 Cabot's Voyage. the discovery of a passage to Cathay and the East chapter Indies. The whole family, consisting of the father '■ and his three sons, were treated with great atten- tion by Henry VII. An authentic decree is extant, dated March 5th, Decree of Henry Vll. 1495, in which that king grants to him and his children the liberty of navigating in all seas under the English flag, and authorizes him to form estab- lishments and build forts, ceding to him and his heirs a monopoly of commerce in all the countries he might discover. The only fragments of any voyages made by this family of navigators which have been preserved, mention the name of Sebastian alone. It seems that, setting sail from England, he chose the north- west route, and fell in with land which tended to the north. He endeavoured to discover a gulf stretching to the west, but after sailing as high as 56° north latitude, and finding that the course of the land was easterly, he despaired of meeting with a passage, and turned in a southerly direction and proceeded as far as the southernmost Cape of Florida. Ramusio gives no account of the voyages of Se- bastian Cabot, but contents himself with quoting, in the preface to his third volume, a passage from a letter which he had received from him. It ap- pears to be from the pen of a man of much experi- ence and uncommon acquirements in the arts of navigation and cosmography. Subsequently he transcribes part of his letter, from which it appears '*w: ■^ 46 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP Cabot goes to Spain. CHAPTER that Cabot advanced as far as 67*^ north latitude, '■ — and sailed behind many of the islands which he found upon the coast. Peter Martyr relates, in his History of the East Indies, that Cabot met with icebergs, which impeded his progress towards the north. The same author adds, that in this part of the sea there was no night, and that at midnight it was possible to see with as much distinctness, as in the twilight of other countries. If these accounts can be relied upon, it would seem that Cabot had gone as far as Hudson's Bay, but it is more probable that he only penetrated the Gulf and River of St. Lawrence. After having made these discoveries for the King of England, Cabot went to Spain and made several voyages in Spanish vessels, in one of which he ascended the River La Plata. At the death of Vespucius, in 1512, he succeeded him in the oflice of chief pilot. This office he only held a short time ; but, disgusted with the ignoble commence- ment of the reign of Charles V., he returned to England, where he found honourable employment under Henry VIII., and performed another wester- ly voyage in 1517, which, however, resulted unsuc- cessfully. In 1518 he again went to Spain, but finally returned to England to end his days. There he exercised a general superintendence of the English maritime expeditions, receiving a hand- some salary. It was at his instigation that the important ex- pedition was imdertaken which resulted in the ^' AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 47 opening of a trade with Russia ; and in the charter chapter of the company of merchants, which was granted '- by the government, his name was mentioned as "the chiefest setter forth" of the project. Cabot lived to a very advanced age, and died in London ; but neither the date of his death nor the place of his interment is authentically known. On his last voyage he satisfied himself that the variation of variation of the needle was regulated by fixed natural laws, and disclosed his discovery of the principles of that remarkable phenomenon to Ed- ward VI. on his return. This discovery alone should render his name immortal.^ In reading the pages of history, it is impossible intellectual ,.11 1 aspects of not to be struck with the prevalence, or, so to liitrerent eras. speak, the pre-eminence, of particular ideas and phrases in particular epochs. In all the works originating in the thirteenth and fourteenth centu- ries, which have come down to modem times, the Crusades and Crusaders are almost inevitably con- stant themes. This is but an example, but the same remark applies equally well to other periods of the world. For a while the Reformation weighed down the pens of authors, and all their writings were, as it seemed involuntarily, tinged with the colouring of that great event, /n this nineteenth century, who does not recognize the marked effect of that most astonishing of all the astonishing oc- currences in the annals of nations, the French ' Biog. Univ. Art. Cabot. ^ 48 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF Revivul of Letters. CHAPTER Revolution? Thus it w^as in the sixteenth cen- '■ — tury. One great idea filled the minds of men, jmd was made as familiar as household words in all the writings of the era. It appeared in all shapes, and scarcely a volume was written that was not sympathetically infected with it, to a greater or less degree. It was the great event of the discovery of a new world. How fortimate it was for succeeding ages that this discovery took place at a period when the revival of letters and civilization had brought forth authors competent to record the remarkable events which attended it with accuracy and judgment! The fall of the Eastern Empire not only shiftecf the current of the commerce and entei^rise of tl world from the course in which it had flowed lOr ages, but it was the means of bringing to the light of day valuable stores of learning and wisdom. The literature of the ancient world had to a great extent been concealed, though preserved, by recluse Byzantine scholars, whom the Moslem conquest forced from their retirement, and drove out as wan- derers over the face of Europe. On the capture of Constantinople they fled to Italy, bearing with them their precious parchment scrolls of ancient lore, like the old prophets when they fled from the falling temples of Judah. Re- ceived by the princes and republics of the penin- sula with enthusiasm, these exiled scholars repaid their hospitality by the instruction of youth and w AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 49 nth cen- iien, jind ds in all I shapes, was not r or less overy of ges that hen the jht forth 3 events dgment ! ' shifted eof tl >wed for he light wisdom, a great recluse onquest as wan- fled to chment s when 1. Re- penin- repaid th and » the dissemination of the valuable works which chaptek they had brought with them from the East. ^ — The recent invention of the printinff-press was invention brought into full play, and copies of rare nianu- printing. scripts were multiplied a thousand-fold. The value of many of these may be estimated, when it is considered that they were the only known copies, existing in the world, of the works of some of the ancient classics and philosophers. Men of letters perceived immediately how much might have been lost to themselves, and lamenting their own wants, turned their eyes to posterity, and chronicled the times in which they lived, for the benefit of their children. This spirit spread rapidly, and infected not only those who had been, from their professional pur- suits, accustomed to wield the pen, but the actors themselves in the important scenes of the new drama which was in progress, applied themselves to the task of perpetuating their doings for the benefit of succeeding ages. The writers whose works bear most immediate reference to the dis- covery, and are of the greatest value in furnishing correct statements, are of the latter class. The son of Columbus, the venerable Bishop Las Casas, Bemal, the Curate of Los Palacios, Oviedo, and Americus Vespucius, are entitled to the gratitude of the world on this account. These cotemporaries were followed by another class of authors, whose writings, dating from the sixteenth century, are scarcely of less importance. They 7 ♦;3 fmrn 50 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF Fernando Columbus. CHAPTER were enabled to collect and examine the accounts '• of their predecessors, to compare and revise them, to fill up the gaps which were unavoidably left, and supply from authentic documents any inad- vertent omissions. Among these Gromara and iler- rera are th.^ most prominent. The lives of all of these writers are full of intere::t, but only a trifling sketch of them can be given in *his work. Fernando Columbus was the natural son of the great admiral, and was bom about 1487. Though still a boy, he accompanied his father on his fourth expedition, and received great praise from him, for the fortitude with which he bore its hardships and privations. His most important work is his his- tory of his father's life, which is really invaluable to the American antiquarian. He was the author of other works, however, which might have been of equal importance, had they been preserved to modern times. Devoted to literature, he made a collection of nearly twenty thousand books and manuscripts of great value, which, at his death, he bequeathed to the cathedral church of Seville, where he died on 12th July, 1559. Notwithstand- ing his relationship, he writes of his rather with great fairness and clearness; and from the facili- ties which he enjoyed of examining his charts and papers, is entitled to the highest credit. Bartholomeo de Las Casas was born at Seville, in the year 1474, and went to America soon after its discovery. He was subsequently made a bish- op in the newly-found diocese, and devoted a long Bartholo- meo dt> I/ii Casus. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 51 Ul Gonz&Io , ^ „ Fernandez He was aescendea from de oviedo. life to the service of the Indians, who were cruelly chapteh oppressed and enslaved by their Spanish conquerors. ^ — He was the author of several works on the Indies, of which his " General History," from the period of their discovery to the year 1520, is the most im- portant. Las Casas has been accused of counsel- ling the Spaniards to import slaves from Africa, rather than use the Indians in this way, and thus to have been the originator of the slave traffic ; but the assertion has in later times been contradicted and disproved. Las Casas returned to Spain in 1564, and died at Madrid in 1566. Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo was bom Madrid, in the year 1478 a noble family, and went, ia 1513, to the New World, to superintend the gold mines. His works are very voluminous, for he was a most industrious writer and compiler. Among other things, he wrote a Chronicle of the Indies, in fifty books. An eyewitness of most of what he describes, his works contain a great many valuable and curious particulars concerning the New World, and the manners and habits of the natives. He held, at his death, the appointment of Historiographer of the Indies, conferred upon him by Charles V. Andrez Bemal, who is generally called The Curate of Los Paiacios, was a warm supporter of Columbus, and wrote a history of the reign of Fer- dinand and Isabella, into which he introduced a narrative of his voyages. No work of his was ever published, but it still exists in manuscript, and is Andrez Burnel. I I. ft! I se LIFE AND VOVAtiES OF CHAPTER often quoted by liistorians. He was a believer in the '■ tales of Mandeville, and frequently quotes him with much approbation. His visionary ideas of a terres- trial paradise, which affected materially the imagina- tion of Columbus also, were derived from this author. Antonio Herrera de Tordesillas was born in the Antonio year 1565, and died in 1625. He Wi.s appointed by Philip II. to the post of Historiographer of the Indies, and wrote many books, the most celebrated of which is his General History of the American Colonies. From his position in Spain, he ought to have been much more accurate in his accounts, than he actually was. All the royal archives were thrown open to him ; yet, though he availed him- self freely of them, he frequently was guilty of sup- pressing facts and altering circumstances, which tended to injiure the character of his countrymen. Still he was an industrious writer, and his work contains a great deal of information not to be found in other quarters, although much of it is, in a mea- sure, liable to be received with suspicion, on ac- count of his prejudices and partiality. A large part of his work is little more than a transcript from the manuscripts of Las Casas, who deserves much more credit as a faithful historian. In a subsequent part of this work, this author's attempt to injure the reputation o^ Vespucius will be the subject of remark.* ' The above sketches of cotem- bus, though in our estimate of porary authors have been abridged Herrera, it is our misfortune to from the accounts given of them differ materially from him. by the author of the life of Colum- AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 53 Francisco Lopez de Gomara. Peter Martyr. Francisco Lopez de Gomara was bom at Seville, ch^vpter in 1510, and for many years filled the chair of the Professorship of Rhetoric at Alcala. He was well versed iu ancient and modern history, and particu- larly in that of his own country. His style is more polished and pure than that of any historian of the time. His most important work — A General His- tory of the Indies-^was published in 1558, and contains many valuable facts. Peter Martyr is another cotemporary writer, who must not be forgotten. He was born in Milan, in 1455 ; was educated at Rome, where he early ac- quired a distinguished reputation for learning, and was invited by the Spanish ambassador at the Papal See to proceed to Spain. He wrote an ac- count of the discovery of the New World in Ten Decades, originally in Latin ; but the most interest- ing of his works are his letters, whicV 'ic addressed daily to distinguished persons, giving oiatements of the events which were taking place around him. A. collection of these epistles was published in 1530. He died at Valladolid, in 1526. It appeared desirable, before commencing the narration of the life of one of the prominent navi- gators of the age, to give the foregoing general view of matters which bear immediate reference to the discovery of the New World. This, though very imperfectly accomplished, will serve to prepare the reader for the occurrences which follow in the life of the distinguished man, whose name and fame are so intimately linked with that great event. }•'.! ■•'If i f ^ ITT m CHAPTER 11. CHAPTER II. Birth of Vcs{)ucius, 1451. — His Parents. — Anastasio Vespucci and Elizabetta Mini. — Orig;'n of the Vespucci Family. — Peretola. — Ex- tract from Ugolino Verini. — Estates of the House. — Old Family Mansion. — Inscription over its Door. — Simone Vespucci. — His great Wealth. — Offices of State of Florence held by the Vespucci. — Guido Antonio di Giovanni Vespucci. — Immediate Relatives of Americus. — Antiquity of Family. — Destiny of Americus. — Com- merce and Italian Bankers. Amerigo Vespucci, or, as he will be designated in this work by his Latin name, Americus Vespu- Birthof . , , Americus cius, was the third son of Anastasio Vespucci and Vespucius, '■ 1451. Elizabetta Mini, and was born in Florence, on the ninth day of March, A. D. 1451. At the time of his birth, his family was in moderate circumstances in respect of wealth ; but they traced their descent through a long line of noble progenitors, and took a high rank among the aristocratic families of the Republic. His earliest biographer, Bandini, devotes a number of pages of his \ ork to an account of the illustrious members of the Vespucci family who preceded Americus, and as every thing connected with him becomes a matter of interest, some parts of this genealogical narrative are extracted, divested as mi.ch as possible of unnecessary detail.' > Bandini, Vita e Lettere, chap. i. p. 1 -24. LIFE AND VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 65 The family originated in the town of Peretola, chapter distant only a few miles from Florence, where they 1 1 J Origin of possessed considerable estates, and were celebrated the tamiiy of the for their hospitality, and the patronage they be- Vespucci. stowed upon men of letters. Ugolino Verini com- memorates them in a Latin poem, and says, Venit ct ex isto soboles Vespuccia vico Egregiis ornata viris, nee inhosinta musia.' About the commencement of the thirteenth cen- tury the Vespucci family removed to Florence. It was then the custom for the noble families of the Republic, to establish their residences near the gates of the city, which led to their country estates. There was more of the leaven of democracy in the Florentine constitution than in that of any other of the Italian republics, and as the nobles never gave up their power till they were finally crushed by the people, the state was, in consequence, more liable to sudden convulsions and outbreaks. It was almost a matter of necessity for the prominent families to provide for themselves some easy way of escape from these turmoils, and they conse- quently adopted the course, of living as close as possible to that outlet of the city which was near- est to their strongholds in the country, where they could at least find temporary security. The Ven- The house of the Vespucci stood in the quarter piuci family •^ ■*■ mansion. 1 Bandini, Vita e Letterc, chap. i. p. 3. mmm ■^P 09 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF II. CHAPTER of S. Lucia di Ogni Santi, adjacent to the Porta - della Cana, which, at the present day, is known as the Porta del Prato. In the street called Borgon- gnisanti, of modem Florence, may now be seen, by any traveller whose curiosity leads him to the spot, a large edifice, occupied as a hospital for the sick poor, under the direction of the monks of San Gio- vanni di Dio, which, for centuries before the dis- covery of America, was the dwelling-place of the ancestors of Americus Vespucius, and his own birthplace. Over the doorway of this mansion, a worthy abbot, by name Antonio Salvini, caused a marble tablet to be placed, in the beginning of the 18th century, which is still in existence, and on which the following inscription appears : AMERICO VESPVCCIO PATRICIO FLORENTINO OB REPERTAM AMERICAM SVI ET PATI^ NOMINIS ILLVSTRATORI AMPLIFICATORI. ORBIS. TERARVM. IN HAC OLIM VESPVCCIA DOMO A TANTO VIRO HABITATA PATRES SANCTI JOANNES DE DEO CVLTORES GRATjE MEMORISE CAVSSA. MDCCXIX." The family were possessed of many houses in this same quarter of the city, if the number of doors To Americus Vespucius, a noble Florentine, Who, by the discovery of America, Rendered his own and his country's name illustriouB, The Amphfier of the Worid, Upon this ancient mansion of the Vespucci, Inhabited by so great a man, The Holy Fathers of St. John of God, Have erected this Tablet, sacred to his memory, A.D. 1719. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. «T II. over which their coat-of-arms appeared is any evi- chapter dence. Their wealth was acquired chiefly by an ancestor, Simone di Pero Vespucci, who left a me- morial of his liberality to the church, as well as of his riches. He embarked largely in mercantile operations, and devoted no inconsiderable portion of his gains to the erection of hospitals for suffering " This morning the young Cav- aliere Amerigo Vespucci called to go with me to the house in which his illustrious ancestor was bom. It is a stately and massive build- ing, and in any other land than this, might have been the palace of a prince, but there is nothing to dis- tinguish it in its architecture from an hundred other houses of the old nobility of the Florence of the Medici. Over the entrance a huge marble scroll is placed, on which the following inscription is cut, ofiering only a just tribute to so great a name. " I always feel almost as great a desire to visit the precise house where an illustrious man was bom, or the place where he ended his days, as I do even to read his his- tory. So many associations of deep interest are connected with all that one sees in such spots. V/lien we stood in the frescoed hall of the mansion, or wandered through the different apartments, it seemed, as Monti beautifully says, like " walking through the frescoed gallery of time," and I could almost see the family of the navigator collected under their own roof. We talked in the chamber where Vespucius was bom, of his early days, and of the little that was accurately known of them ; and in the salAn, of the wealthy and enterprising nobles who used to congregate "there. When we tumed to go away, with my mind occupied with other thoughts, I forgot, until too late, the usual ceremony of giving a small douceur to the porter, for his trouble in showing us the house — and only remembered it when he slammed the great door vio- lently behind us, before we had left the steps. For an instant the blood suffused the cheek of the young cavalier, and a half-sup- pressed look of indignation told his feelings, though he said not a word. The time had been, when the porter who guarded that pon- derous door bowed low as any one passed in whose veins flowed the blood of the Vespucci, but now. the only Uving descendant of that proud race, was like any other stranger in the halls of his fathers. There was food enough for reflec- tion in the change which time pro- duces, and we walked on in silence together." — iV/SS. Note Book, Florence^ 15th March, 1845. 8 58 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER II. Florentine offices held by the Ves- pucci. poor. Jointly with his wife he built a magnificent chapel in the church of Ogni Santi, in the centre of which, his tomb is placed.* The citizens of Florence availed themselves very frequently of the services of the members of the Vespucci race, and continually, for a long series of years, elevated them to offices of great distinction. Three of the name were, at different times, Gon- faloniere di Justiria, which was the highest office in the state. No less than twenty-five of the family became Priori, and numerous others are inscribed upon the records of the Republic, as the occupants of posts of distinction. In the year 1336, the office of Secretary of the Republic, in those days one of considerable importance, was filled by Amerigo di Stagio Vespucci, which is the first instance on record, where the pre-name which descended to the navigator is found. The immediate relations of Americus, living in his own day, were numerous, and although the • This sepulchre still exists, and on the tomb is the following in- scription in Gothic characters : Sepulcrum Simonis Petri De Vespuccis Mercatoris ac Filiorum et descendentium, Et uxoris, quae Fieri ac Pingi fecit Totam istatn capellam pro anima sua, Anno MCCCLXXXIII. The tomb of Simone Piero Vespucci, A merchant — and of his children and descendants. And of his wife, who caused this Chapel to bo erected And decorated, for the salvation of her soul. • A. D. 1383. Bandini, Vita, ice, ch. i. p. 13. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. wealth of the family had in a great measure disap- chapter peared, still maintained the respectability of their '■ — ■ house. His father was the Secretary of the Signo- ri, the Senate of the Republic. His uncle Juliano was ambassador to Genoa, and subsequently Gov- ernor of Pistoia. Nor was Americus the only navigator of the family. His cousin Piero com- manded the Florentine fleet of galleys, destined for an attack upon the Corsairs of Barbary, and was afterwards sent Ambassador to the King of Naples, by whom he was highly honoured, and returned to his own country, covered with dignities conferred by that monarch. In his time, also, appeared Guido Antonio di GuWoAn- Giovanni, who was distinguished in letters, and for pucci. his profound knowledge of law. He established a court of purely mercantile jurisdiction in Florence, and served his country on many important em- bassies.^ €. ' Andrea D'azzi, a celebrated epitaph upon this Antonio Ves- literary character of the 15th cen- pucci : — tury, wrote the following quaint Interpres gravis utriusque juris, Qui se mellifluiE fluore lingua; Non vespae ast apium genus probavit, Guido Antonius hoc jacet sepulchre, Is, quera vivere oportuit perenne, Vel nunquam superum videre lumen. A sound interpreter of the law, Who by the flow of his mellifluous language Proved himself more of the genus of the bee than of the wasp, Guido Antonio, lies in this sepulchre. — He, who should have lived forever. Or else never have seen the light. Bandini, ch. i. p. IG. p:-X w^^ 60 LIFE AfJD VOYAGES OF CHAPTER These family details, to which much might be '■ — added, did space permit, are in themselves of trifling importance, except in so far as they show what must have been the natural early associations of Americus in his youth. Fernando Columbus, in his life of the Admiral, whose origin he leaves in obscurity, well remarks, that he thinks it better to content himself with dating his descent from the glory of his father, than to waste time in researches to prove that his father was noble by birth. An- tiquity of blood is, in truth, a paltry score on which to exalt oneself; yet, differing from Fernando, many places contended, after his death, for the honour of being the birthplace of Columbus, and many efforts were made to attach his name to a lordly line ; but where, as in the case of the family of Vespucius, those best ornaments of a genealogy, personal merit and distinguished virtue and talent, appear, it be- comes the biographer not to pass them over in silence. Prevailing A custom had loug prevailed among the noble Custom of . , , Florentine families of Florcncc to select one of the younger families. jo members of each, and devote him to mercantile pursuits. It was not then considered as deroga- tory to the loftiest and purest blood among them, to engage in honourable traffic. A nation of merchants, and ruled by a family who were in- debted for their rank and celebrity mainly to their successful business operations, they appreciated the position which an intelligent merchant occupies, and were not restrained from embarking in com- II. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. ,^ merce by any ndiculous pride of birth. Florentine chapter bankers and capitalists had. more than once, before the time of Americus, made their influence felt with powerful effect in the affairs of nations ; and pros- perity in business brought not only wealth, but high consideration in the state, in its train. Ameri- cus was accordingly chosen by his father, almost from his birth, to advance the fortunes of his family by commerce, and high hopes were entertained of his success. It was not within the power of hu- man wisdom to foresee, that his after life would con- tribute more to prejudice the mercantile interests of his native city, than to his own benefit, or that of his relatives. .*'■ CHAPTER III. The Youth of Great Men. — Lack of Detail in this Respect. — Early Education of Americas. — Georgio Antonio Vespucci. — His Uncle. — Brilliant Expectations of his Family. — Studies in Astronomy and Cosmography. — Friendship for Piero Soderini. — Tomaso Soderini. — The Plague in Florence, 1478.— Dissolution of the School of the Friar Vespucci. — Early Letters of Americus. — Loren/o de Medici. — His Brilliant Administration. — Paolo Toscanelli, the Learned Florentine Physician. — Rehgious Education of Americus. — Letter of Americus to his Father. CHAITER III. The saying has been attributed to Bacon, that tlie youth of a great man often furnishes data of more importance than any other portion of his life, in guiding posterity to a just estimate of his charac- ter. The traveller who looks off from the hills where a river rises, can easily determine the direc- tion it must take as it pursues its course. Some- times its passage is obstructed by a mountain, around whose base the stream must flow, and sometimes a winding valley leads it away from its nearest track to the sea. In like manner, circumstances over which a man can have little or no control determine the course of his life. His parentage, his country and its institutions ; the times in which he is born, and the character of those by whom he is in early life surrounded, decide in a great measure his future history. The first acquisition, therefore, of the biog- LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VE8PUCIUS. 63 raplier should be, an enlightened and philosophical chapter understanding ojf those events which have influ '■ — enced the life or coloured the history of his hero. It is true that the youth of many of the most dis- tinguished of mankind is veiled m obscurity, but all the historian needs, to form a correct idea of their character, is generally preserved in the few facts that escape oblivion. It would be easy to supply this deficiency in the case of Americus, for there are not wanting ingenious accounts of the history of his early days, in antiquated Italian books and manuscripts, and equally incredible stories are still told by his countrymen. But, not to follow the uncertain gleamings of traditionary light, and believing that the materials in hand may be made serviceable to the scholar and inquirer of the present and future times, an attempt will be made to give a clear and impartial account of all which has been gathered that is au- thentic and interesting in the Life and Voyages of Americus. All the advantages derived by Americus from his ceorgio An- patrician descent, were trifling in comparison with '"pucci.'"'" the education which his connexion with an eminent teacher of that day procured for him. His paternal uncle, Georgio Antonio Vespucci, had been from his youth distinguished as a scholar. Devoted in early life to the church, he became a monk of the order of San Marco, and won much reputation both for learning and piety. About a year before the birth of Amer- icus, he opened a school in his convent for the sons •♦i, ft ''i . i r. ■•v^K^M^iwiwi. vHiPiiiiiu uniiiiu -nvtmi i"im,4immvmirmiti'v m,,i .i.ni 'ttimf^m v v - 64 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP Jil'l CHAPTER of the principal nobles of Florence ; and t'lere, as '■ — soon as his years permitted, in company with many youthful Florentines, Americus daily repaired, to ponder over the mysteries of grammar and mathe- matics. End kept in In liis education, it may reasonably be supposed education^ that the wortliy friar was not unmindful of the claims of consanguinity, and that he paid particular attention to the progress of one, who, in the imagi- nation of his parents, was destined to restore, by his success in commercial affairs, the decaying for- tunes of his family. While this end was kept stu- diously in view, and his young mind continually ex- ercised by application to the more abstruse sciences of astronomy and cosmography, no small portion of his attention was directed to the acquisition of classical lore, and he left the hands of his uncle, an accomplished scholar, in an age when it was difficult to find many such out of the cloister or the university. That such was the case, the subsequent life of Americus sufficiently proves ; while, at the same time, it affords another demonstration of the fallacy of human expectations. Little dreamed the worthy friar, Georgio Antonio, that the rudiments he daily instilled into the mind of his pupil would be of small avail in the acquisition of worldly goods, and still less thought he, that, when disgusted with the vicissitudes of commerce, those same instructions would open to his nephew a new path to honour, if not to fortune.' > Bandini, Vita, &c., p. 19. ■P AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 66 III. Friendship with Piero Suderini. At this period Americus contracted a friendship chapter with Piero Soderini, a noble youth, of his own age, who was also a pupil of the friar, which continued, with unchanging constancy, through his lifetime, and was the source of much gratification and pride to the future navigtor. Soderini afterwards became the Gonfaloniere of Florence ; and to him, in all the confidence of early friendship, are addressed those letters which will appear in another part of this work, and which give the most interesting account of the subsequent voyages of Americus. v . ^ Piero was the son of the celebrated Tomaso So- derini, who, at the death of Pietro de Medici in 1469, was at the head of the most powerful family in Florence. He was treated with the greatest rever- ence, as the leader of the commonwealth, both by foreign princes and citizens ; but modestly and with patriotism declining the honours they would have bestowed upon him, protected the fortunes of the young princes Lorenzo and Juliano, the first of whom afterwards became so celebrated, and who alwa\ s, in his youth, adhered closely to the counsels of his protector.^ The studies of Americus were suddenly inter- The plague "'in 147a. rupted by the appearance of the plague in Florence, in the year 1478. This terrible visitor always brought in its train general consternation and con- fusion. The utter want of precaution and pre- ventive sanatory regulations, which can scarcely be said to have existed at all in that age, rendered it ' Bandini, Vita, itc, p. 25. 9 66 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF III. CHAPTER peculiarly violent, and almost uncontrollable. All -business and pleasure were alike suspended; the ties of relationship and affection were in most cases forgotten, and the universal feeling was selfish re- gard for personal safety. Even the quiet institu- tions of learning felt its malignant influence, and those who were most secluded from social inter- course dreaded and fled from its attacks.* The school of the Friar Vespucci was at once broken up, and his pupils scattered in various di- rections. Americus was taken by his parents into the country, to await the disappearance of the pes- tilence, and there for the first time, as far as any evidence exists, employed his pen. Some letters which are still preserved, written while in this temporary seclusion, give strong proof of a mind earnest for instruction; and though showing a gravity of thought hardly consistent with his years, are full of enthusiastic impulse and love of adv,ii ture. Although tempered throughout by filial re- spect and affection, they foreshadow the subsequent career of the man, and are replete with the sinceri- ty and modesty which characterized his later pro- ductions. The contagion had barely subsided, when Ameri- Fiorencein cus resumed his studies with renewed ardour. This is the more remarkable, when the temptations which surrounded the noble youth of that day are Tempta- tions of M8U. » Bandini, Vita, &c., p. 28. See this, and gives a thrilling desorip- also Machiavelli's account of the tion of its horrors. — Opere de Nic- plogue in 1528, which speaks of colo Machiavelli, torn. viii. p. 53. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 67 considered. Lorenzo, the Magnificent, in the flush chapter of youth and power, rendered the city of Florence '■ — and his own court the centre of attraction to all the gay nobility of Italy and Europe. Festivals of unequalled splendour drew an immense concourse of strangers to his capital, and the city was wild with dissipation and extravagance. In the midst of all, and exposed to most of these allurements, Americus diligently occupied himself with the pursuits of learning. He gave particular devotion to the study of geometry and cosmography, and frequently surprised the sagest professors of those sciences by the acuteness of his remarks and conjectures. ' < - . ^ Among the cosmographers of the times, he en- Toscaneiii, countered frequently the celebrated Toscaneiii, who tine Phy-' is mentioned in the introductory chapter, and de- rived from him many of the views respecting the position of the Indies, which that philosopher after- wards communicated to Columbus by letter.* The subsequent celebrity of Americus was main- ly owing to the direction of his labours at this time, and it appears that his chief ambition was to excel as a geographer ; so that when he quitted the mon- astery of the good brother of St. Mark, he was, in al' probability, better fitted to astonish the world with novel theories, than to acquire the fortune for which his family had destined him. Only one portion of his uncle's instructions re- mains to be noticed. He cultivated in the mind of ' Bandini, Vita, p. 29. m<* Ill I immmiimwmr^ '■''^"ipBPpiillW'lWW^IiWWPW^WW'^T'^^ 68 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER his nephew a warm and profound sense of depend- '■ — ance upon the protection of God, which supported him in many trials and suflFerings of his after life, and nerved his soul to the accomplishment of heroic achievements, wliich have been reserved by Provi- dence for those men who have reposed with the highest confidence upon its arm. The reader of his letters cannot fail to be struck with the ready reliance upon the favour of Providence, which many of his actions evinced, and his often recurring acknowledgment of thanks for protection received. Letter from The translation of a short letter from Americus his father, to his father, written while he was residing at the country estate of the family, during the prevalence of the plague in Florence, will close this chapter. It was originally written in Latin. » • • ^ ' To the Excellent and ffonourable Signor ., ^ V Anastasio Vespucci. Honoured Father — Do not wonder that I have not written to you within the last few days. I thought that my imcle would have satisfied you concerning me. In his absence I scarcely dare to address you in the Latin tongue, blushing even at my deficiencies in my own language ; I have, besides, been industriously occu- pied of late in studying the rules of Latin compo- sition, and will show you my book on my return. Whatever else I have accomplished, and how I have conducted myself, you will have been able to learn from my uncle, whose return I ardently de- AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 69 sire, that, under his and your own joint directions, I chapter may follow with greater ease both my studies and '■ — • your kind precepts. Georgio Antonio, three or four days ago, gave a number of letters to you, to a good priest, Signor Nerotto, to which he desires your answer. There is nothing else that is new to . relate, unless that we ail desire much to return to the city. The day of our return is not yet fixed, but soon will be, unless the pestilence should in- crease, and occasion greater alarm, which God avert. -■...• u^. .^ !.■ .■,,,,■.,... .^ ,:.-. ^^ ,-<.... He, Georgio Antonio, commends to your con- sideration a poor and wretched neighbour of his, whose only reliance and means are in our house, concerning which, he addressed you in full. He asks you, therefore, that you would attend to his affairs, so that they may suffer as little as possible in his absence. Farewell, then, honoured father ; salute all the family in my behalf, and commend me to my mother and all my elder relatives. Your son, with due obedience, Amerigo Vespucci.^ 'IHvio Mugelli, Oct. 19, 1478. i Bandini, Vita, p. 29. -• 1^ CHAPTER IV. CHAPTER IV. Period from 1480 to 1490. — Cosmography. — High Value of Maps. — Gabriel de Velasca. — Mauro. — Causes of the Departure of Americus from Florence. — Girolamo Vespucci. — His Loss of Property. — Piero de' Medici commissions Americus. — 'Spain. — Wars against the Moors. — Giovanni Vespucci, the Nephew of Americus. — Account given of him by Peter Martyr. — Letter of Americus and Donate Nicollini. — Juan Berardi, 1492. — The necessary Reflections of Amer- icus. — An Epoch of Enterprise and Improvement. ' .■■■, '' i History throws little light upon that period of the life of Americus comprised between the com- pletion of his studies and his departure for Spain, which took place some time in the year 1490. It is probable that he resided in Florence during the whole of this time, and it may be, that he was en« gaged in commercial pursuits in his native city, although no evidence of it has come down to mod- em times. Whether such was the case or not, it is well known that he continued to pursue his re- searches in cosmography.^ He was very curious in collecting all the best Lid ctartl. maps, charts, and globes, of the time, the works of dis- tinguished projectors. The value of these maps was most extraordinary, even considering that their scar- city enhanced their price ; and the projectors were so highly esteemed, that the making of one good > Bandini, chap. iii. p. 33. High price "Mn I ^l*" '^ ■■ 1 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 71 map, rendered the name of the cosmographer illus- chapter trious. The Venetians struck a medal in honour of '■ — Mauro, an eminent friar, who drew a map which was considered the most accurate of the time, and it is recorded that Americus paid the high price of one hundred and thirty ducats, which is equal to five hundred and fifty-five Spanish dollars of the present day, for a map of sea and land, made at Mallorea, in 1439, by Gabriel de Velasca.^ The immediate cause of his departure from Italy Misfortrmes . , -of Girolamo appears to have arisen m some measure from the Vespucci. misfortunes of another person, although there is lit- tle doubt he had contemplated a long absence, for many previous years. His elder brother Girolamo, following the bent of an enterprising spirit, had left Florence about the year 1480, to seek his fortune in foreign climes, and had established himself in business in one of the Grecian cities of Asia Minor. For some time hv^ was extremely prosperous in his negotiations, and by degrees, with the view of in- creasing his means of operation, had taken the con- trol of a largfe portion of the' family property. Every thing went on ibrtunately with him, until one disastrous day, in the year 1489. While attending the matin service, at a convent in the neighbourhood of his residence, his house was broken open by thieves ; and, as he writes to Americus, he was robbed of all he possessed, including the property of his father, and the accumulation of nine years of incessant toil and watchfulness. • Irving's Works, Paris edition, vol. ii. p. 613. CHAPTBE IV. ffl LIFE AND VOYAGES OF This severe blow greatly cramped the resources of the whole family ; and on the receipt of his brother's letter, dated July 24th, 1489, which was forwarded to him by a Florentine pilgrim, who had been to Jerusalem to visit the holy sepulchre, and was on his return to his native city, Americus at once determined to attempt to retrieve, in some measure, his brother's losses ; and for that purpose to proceed to Spain, where fair prospects in mer- cantile life were opened to him.* Americus is At this time, Lorenzo de' Medici, cousin of Loren- 'ed bjr^i*^ zo the Magnificent, who had some matters of im- Medici" portaucc to attend to in Barcelona, commissioned Americus as his agent ; and he accordingly set sail from Leghorn, for the Spanish city. The domin- ions of Ferdinand and Isabella just then afforded a fine field for profit in merchandise. The splendid court of those illustrious sovereigns, and the wars they had for a long time prosecuted against the Moors, had drawn from all quarters of Europe large numbers of the chivalrous young nobility of the age, who were anxious to gain reputation and mili- tary experience on the field of battle, and regarded the contest with the infidels on the hills of Grenada, in the light of another Christian crusade. Italian merchants and bankers were not back- ward in taking advantage of the wants occasioned by this great influx of foreigners, and such exten- sive military movements. A great many of them were to be found in all parts of the Peninsula, and 1 Bandini, ch. iii. p. 32, AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 73 in the records of Simaacas, various royal decrees re- chapter IV specting them are extant. Among them is a war ^ — rant, dated in 1486, granting a safe conduct to Juan Berardi and other Florentine merchants, from Bar- celona to Seville. The connexion of Americus with this individual, as will subsequently appear, was of much consequence, and must have taken place soon after his arrival in Spain, if not before. It is not at all improbable that it originated in Flor- ence, but no accurate information can ho obtained on th»; subject.^ ■ On his departure from his native city, he was en- Giovanni trusted with tlie charge of a number of youthful the Xjlhevv Florentines, who were placed by their friends under icus. his care, and who went with him to acquire the ad- vantages of travel. He took with him also his ne- phew Giovanni, a promising youth, to whom he was warmly attached, and who subsequently accom- panied him in all his voyages, and became a skilful navigator. The following extract from a letter which is preserved by Bandini, was copied by that biographer from a manuscript in the handwriting of Americus, which was preserved in his time, in the collection of the Abbot Scarlatti.^ 1 Navarr^te, Collecion de Via- ges, torn. iii. p. 315. * Bandini, chap. iii. p. 35. Ir- ving, vol. ii. p. 883. Peter Martyr speaks of this Giovanni Vespucci in the highest terms, and says, "Young Vespu- cius is one to whom Americus Vespucius, his uncle, left the exact knowledge of the mariner's facul- ties, as it were, by inheritance af- ter his death, for he was a very expert master in the knowledge of his card, his compass, and the ele- vation of the Pole star by the quadrant. Vespucius is my very familiar friend, and a witty young man, in whose company I take great pleasure, and therefore use him oftentimes for my guest." 10 t" M ! i 74 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER IV. It indicates clearly what were his occupations as late as the early part of 1492 ; and is worthy of a translation, if only as a specimen of the style of mercantile correspondence oi" the age. Extract '' And as it is necessary for one of us, either Amer- from a Let- . -rv i • i • -i-ii icrof Araer- icus or Donato, to procecd m a short tmie to Flor- icu8. '■ ence, we shall be able to give you better informa- on all points by word of mouth than can possibly be done by letter. . • . J", .■■'■ As yet, it has been impossible to do any thing respecting the freight of salt, for want of a vessel. For some time past, we are sorry to say, no ship has arrived here which was rn* chartered ; be con- soled, if no one arrives here, tlu.L we shall be active for your interests. You will have learned from the elder Donato the good fortune which has happened to his Highness the King ; assiuredly the most high God has given him his aid ; but I cannot relate it to you in full — God preserve him many years, and us with him ! There is nothing new to communicate. Christ preserve you ! We date, January 30th, 1492. Donato Nicollinl * ^ ( Americus Vespucius.^" The Nicollini who signs the above letter jointly with Americus, was undoubtedly connected with him in business, at that period ; but nothing further concerning him can be determined, and it is equally 1 Bandini, chap. iii. p. 35, So. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 75 doubtful when he first became acquainted with chaptb* Berardi. It must, however, have been soon after '■ — this time ; for very shortly after the date of this let- ter, Americus went to Seville, where Berardi was established. After the return of Columbus from his first voy- contract of age, Ferdinand and Isabella contracted with Berar- u^vemm/nt di to furnish and eqmp four armaments, to be for- BeraniL warded at different times to the New World, and Americus is found to be busily occupied, in con- nexion witli him, receiving payments and entering into obligations in his behalf and name. Some have supposed that he was only the agent of Be- rardi in these transactions ; but it is more probable that he became a partner in the house, as, after the death of Berardi, Americus stUl continued to manage all the affairs of the armaments, and was paid large sums of money by the government, for equipments previously effected.^ It has been thought, by some historians, that Americus accompanied Columbus upon his second voyage; but there is no evidence, which is of > Entre varias partidas de ma- ravedis que en cuenta del flete de estas naves se abonaron a Berardi, por el tesorero Pinelo, de orden de D. Juan Fonseca, hay dos que re- cibio Amerigo Vespuche i nombre del mismo Berardi, y habiendo este fallecido, en Diciembre de 1495 — "Vespuche se eneargo de tener la cuenta con loa Maestres del flete y suelde que hobiesen de habnr, segun el asiento, que el dicho Juanoto hizo con ellos, y del mantenimiento, &c. Para lo cual recibio — Amerigo de Pinelo 10.000 maravedis en 12 de Enero de 1496." Siguio Vespucio dis- poniendo todas las cosas hasta des- pachar la armada en San Lucar. — Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 315 — 317. ( f ' 76 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP cHAPT»:s much weight, to sustain the opinion, and his own '■ — accounts tend to contradict it.^ An impor- The period at which Americus may be said to tent epoch ■"■ i i. i » History, have first commenced active life was, without doubt, the most important epoch in modern history. If it were possible to transport oneself back, in propria persona, to the year 1490, it would be easy to ana- lyze the probable condition of his mind at the date of his departure from Florence, and imagination can only partially supply the vacuum, which is felt in the lack of any writings of his own. Remark- able events had followed each other with startling rapidity, during the century which was then draw- ing to its close. The sudden advancement of liter- ature, the revival of art, and the improvement in the science of navigation, must each have exerted a direct influence over his mind. He was no longer a youth, but in the fullest vigour of man- hood, competent to think, and think deeply, on all m j 1 The four voyages of Vespu- cius are described by Munster, in his Cosmography, printed in Latin in 1550. He says, "Americus Vespucius, after having been sent by Ferdinand, King of Castile, about the year 1492, in company with Columbus, to seek out un- known lands, after a few years elapsed, being learned in naviga- tion, made voyages by himself, — two for the said King Ferdinand, and two for Emanuel, King of Por- tugal, and wrote concerning them in the following manner." But it is rendered certain that Munster was in error in his statement. — Bandi- ni, ch. iv. p. 58. Canovai says, " Accordingly, in 1493 Vespucius was deputed by Ferdinand to ac- company Columbus in his second voyage, in the quality of an ap- prentice." But he gives no au- thority but Munster for his state- ment. — Canovai, Vita, &c. torn. ii. p. 50. Irving says, "The first notice of a positive form which we have of Vespucci as resident in Spain is early in 1496." This is as manifest an error, as that of Munster. — Irving, vol. ii. p. 881. ■ii- mn ^ AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 77 the great subjects of thought which agitated the chapter age. It was an age, too, of great intellectual activi '■ — ty, resembling more nearly the present, than any which had preceded it. Knowledge was taking vast strides. No solitary subject of contemplation, like the Crusades, occupied the minds of all, to the exclusion of every thing else. Every science, every theory of politics or religion, every department of art, attracted and received its share of attention. It may reasonably be supposed that Americus experienced his proportion of the restlessness and anticipation which filled the public mind. He, with the rest of the world, was looking out anx- iously, though with indefinite hopes, for the coming of great events. Perhaps, even as he entered the ship which was to bear him from his native coun- try, he felt in his heart a presage of his future fame ; and while visions of yet undiscovered lands floated before his eyes, inwardly resolved to take a prominent part himself, in the drama of progress and improvement then being enacted in the theatre of the world* .* 4,; F 'M^ CHAPTER V. Meeting of Americus with Columbus, 1492, '93.— Description of the Personal Appearance of Columbus. — Personal Appearance of Amer- icus. — Sketch of their different Views. — The Problem of Longi- tude. — Discussion at Salamanca. — Conversation between Columbus and Amoricus. — Singular Vow of the Former. — He Repels Jae Im- putation of Mercenary Motives. — Doubts of Americus as to the Ter- ritories of the Khan, drawn from the Appearance of the Narives, &c. — His Ideas of a large Island between Europe and Asia. — Con- fidence of Columbus. — Considers himself Divinely Commissioned. — His Plan of Attack upon the Infidels. — Cites Paolo Toscanelli. — Vespucius States his View of the Question of. Longitude. — Ter- restrial Paradise. — Enthusiasm of Columbus on this Subject. — Ex- aggeration of Marco Polo. — Criticism of Americus. CHAPTER V. Personal Rppt'araiici' of Colum- bus. It isy hardly necessary to recall to the reader's mind the great event of the year 1492. After a long serie.s of disappointments and revernes, Colum- bus had induced the Spanish sovereigns to lend their ears to his representations ; and that memo- rable year, an epoch nearly as Oimiliar to the mem- ory of all; as that of the coming of the Saviour, crov; ned hiw hopes with triumph. It must have been soon after his return from his first voyage of discovery, Avhen the acquaintance of Americus with the admiral commenced. Colum- bus is described by his contemporaries as being of a commanding personjil appearance. Tall and muscular, and well proportioned in form, he hap- LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. Tt pily blended in his address a certain suavity and chapter affability of manner, with the greatest digrity. His '■ — complexion was fair, and his hair, which had once been light, had changed to grey. Piercing grey eyes, which, when he was engaged in discussion or conversation, would kindle and flash with peculiar brightness, gave life to features otherwise rather melancholy in their general effect His temper was naturally hasty, but he seldom allowed it to appear in his conversation by any want of courtesy in his language.^ A I iiericus is described as being of about the middle Personal nppearanco heiglit, of rather a brawny and thickset frame. The of Ameri- shape of his head was peculiarly striking. His forehead was low and retreating, but of great breadth and massiveness, and his temples were unusually expanded. One look at the formation of his skull, which showed that there existed a vast preponder- ance of the intellectual, over the animal develop- li^ents of the brain, would have satisfied a phrenol- ogist that he beheld a remarkable man. His eyes were large and black, his nose aquiline, and his cheek bones rather prominent. His mouth was singularly expressive of firmness /ningled with amiability. His complexion was dark, and inclining to sallow. His hair was originally black, but at this time was slightly mixed with grey. His beard was thick and bushy, and was preserved entire. The portrait of him, from which was taken the en- graving that appears at the commencement of this ' Irving'8 Works, Paris Ed., vol. ii. p. 613. ■■upw^^prw^^nypiiww fWWIfl!i!ipWiJ|PHS( i'^«^W«IWPpiU..J'i|«^ik.«wiii,!|B«i.,|«JW^W»W»W!ffW^* •^mr 80 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER volume, was painted many years after the date of '■ — his first interview with Columbus, when he had become nearly bald. In his address, although pos- sessed of less dignity of demeanour than Columbus, there ^var a gentleness and retiring modesty, which was highly attractive. His temper was mild and equable, and he never suffered it to gain the mas- tery over him in his speech, i , . (r Such, as nearly as can be ascertained at this pe- riod, was the personal appearance of the two great men, when they first came together. Americus, as has been said before, was greatly excited by the re- ports of the discoveries of Columbus, and had eagerly investigated them. There is evidence in his writings, that he arrived at very different conclu- sions as to their ultimate tendency, from those of the admiral ; and it is scarcely probable that two such men should have met as they did, without an interchange of their peculiar sentiments, on a subject which was engrossing the attention of both. It has seemed best to set before the reader a brief sketch of some of the different views which influ- enced them, in the form of a friendly dialogue be- tween the two, rather than in the shape of a dis- sertation. Care has been taken that no idea should be at- tributed to either which their several writings do not indicate as existing in their own minds. At the same time, it must not be supposed that the views expressed by Americus were the settled convictions of his mind ; they were rather the speculations of Different views of Americus and Coluni' bus. ^WF mm" uipii.ifPtviiiWi AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 81 an active spirit, acting upon the natural doubts chapter suggested by inquiry into a subject, where all was '■ — vague and undecided. Columbus appears, as he really existed, in all the confidence of enthusiasm ; Americus rather as a sceptic, anxious to extract the truth from the mass of mingled truth and error, which lay before him. That neither of the two was free from error, is not to be wondered at ; but that the speculations of Americus were much the most divested of absurdities, subsequent discoveries have amply proved.^ The greatest doubt which existed in the mind of The .loubw . . . , . 11. 1 "^ Ameri- Americus, was m relation to the distance between Europe and the eastern shores of Asia. He always discredited the measurement of longitude, which was invented by Toscanelli, and communicated to Columbus, and the recent discoveries of the latter tended to strengthen those doubts, rather than to abate them. The conversation which follows, should be looked upon as the commencement; of a discussion, and not as a discussion itself. Abstruse and minute calculations were doubtless entered into by the two navigators, to confirm their peculiar views. Co- cub. 1 Mr. Irving says, " When Ves- pucci wrote his letters, there was not a doubt entertained but that Cohimbus had discovered the main land in his first voyage. Cuba being always considered the ex- tremity of Asia, until circumnavi- gated in 1508. Vespucci may have supposed Brazil, Paria, and the rest of that coast pa.-t of a dis- &c.' - Irving' a ?85, 886. tnict contment, Works, Paris ^ This admission .iing, inas- much as the Letters of Americus were all written jjrevious to 1508, and contain ample confirmation of the opinion that he thought he had r rrivcd at a new continent. — Vide infra, Letter to Soderini. ii I'- I. 1 « l' '' ' V 11 i.i^tmjimimm' TBIP ^ "▼""^^■H^^ 82 > LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER lumbus WES a man ever ready to receive sugges- '■ — tions and acquire information from whatever source, and it is not to be supposed that he considered the opinions of Americus, though materially at variance with his own, as he did the absurd objections which were raised to his first voyage by some of the over- wise doctors at Salamanca. Though pertinacious in his adherence to his own enthusiastic theories, he was ever ready to give ear to any doubt which carried with it the semblance of reason, or was susceptible of being supported by plausible argu- ment.^ > The two navigators agreed upon many important theories en- tirely. The great difference of their discussion, from that which Columbus held with the conclave at Salamanca, will be better un- derstood after a perusal of the ac- count of the absurd objections which were then raised to his the- ories, which is found in Mr. Ir- ving's Life of the Admiral. He says, " At the very threshold of the discussion, instead of geographical objections, Columbus was assailed by quotations from the Bible and the Testament, the Book of Gene- sis, the Psalms of David, the Prophets, the Epistles, and the Gospels. To these were added the expositions of various saints and reverend commentators, St. Chrysostome and St. AugustiTiu, St. Jerome and St. Gregory, St. Basil and St. Ambrose, and Lac- tantius Finnianus, u redoubted champion of the faith. Doctriuttl points were mixed up with philo- sophical discussions, and a mathe- matical demonstration was allowed no truth, if it appeared to clash with a text of Scripture, or a com- mentary of one of the fathers. Thus the possibility of antipodes in the southern hemisphere, an opinion so generally maintained by the wisest of the ancients, as to be pronounced by Pliny the great contest between the learned and the ignorant, became a stumbling- block with some of the sages of Salamonca. Several of them stoutly contradicted this basis of the theory of Columbus, support- ing themselves by quotations from Lactantius and St. Au^stine, who were considered in those days as almost evangelical authority. But though these writers were men of consummate erudition, and two of the greatest luminaries >il what has been called the golden age of EoclesiastK-al learning, yet their writings were calculated to pcrpctuati! darkness lu respect to the sciences A* AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 83 Columbus CHAPTER V. It grieves me much, worthy Signer Vespucci, to Diaiogu* leam from our friend the Signor Berardi, that you Americus ° ' ■^ and Colum- bus. •' The passage cited by Lnctan- tius to confute Columbus is in a strain of gross ridicule, unworthy of so grave a theologian. 'Is there any one so foolish,' he asks, ' as to believe that there are an- tipodes with their feet opposite to ours ; people who walk with their feet upwards and their heads hanging down ? That there is a part of the world in which all things are topsy-turvy ; where the trees grow with their branches do\vnward, and where it rains, hails and snows upward 1 The idea of the roundness of the earth,' he adds, ' was the cause of inventing this fable of the antiiKJtW >\Hh their heels in the air; S>r tfe^se philosophers having vwce erred, go on in their absurdities, defend- in.; one another.' More grave ob- jections were urged on the autho- rity of St. Augustine. He pro- nounce'^ the doctrine of the an- tipodtf'- incompatible with the his- turicai tuundations of our faith ; noe^ assert that there were in- WHtai lands on the opposite side rfliE: globe, w^ould be to maintain '^at there were nations not de- scended from Adam, it being im- possible for them to have passed the intervenint ocean. This would be, therefore, to discredit I lie Bible, which expressly de- clnres, that all men arc descended from one common |)arent. " Such were the uiiiooked-for prejudices which Columbus had to encounter at the very outset of his conference, and which certain- ly relish more of the convent than of the university. To his simplest proposition, the spherical form of the earth, were opposed figurative texts of Scripture. They observed that in the Psalms, the heavens are said to be extended like a hide, that is, according to commenta- tors, the curtain, or covering of a tent, which, among ancient pasto- ral nations, was formed of the hides of animals ; and that St. Paul, in his epistle to the He- brews, compares the heavens to a ttr-oniacle or tent, extended over the earth, which they thence in- ferred nmst be flat. Columbus, who «"as H devoutly religious man, found thot he was in danger of being convicted, not merely of error, but of heterodoxy. Others, more versed in science, admitted the globular form of the earth, and the possibility of an opposite and inhabitable hemisphere, but they brought up the chimera of the ancients, and maintained that it would be impossible to arrive there m consecjuence of the msup- portable heat of the torrid zone. Even granting this couia be pass- ed, they observed, that the cir- cumference of the earth must be s^ii' 11 ' On one occasion during the first voyage of Columbus, there was a heavy swell of the sea du- ring a perfect calm, a phenomenon which is now perfectly understood bymariners, and which occurs very frequently. " Columbus, who con- sidered himself under the imme- diate eye and guardianship of Heaven in the solemn enterprise, intimates in his journal that this swelhng of the sea seemed prov- identially ordered to allay the ri- sing clamours of his crew — com- pariiig it to that which so provi- dentially aided Moses when con- ducting the children of Israel out of the captivity of Egypt."— 7r- ving, vol. ii. p. 643. Navarr6te, torn. i. Journal of Columbus. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS, 89 learned physician Paolo, your own countryman, chapter (peace be to his ashes,) who, in his lifetime, coin- cided so nearly with me in opinion. Americus. I have, indeed, as your Excellency observes, often- times disputed and argued with the venerable Tos- canelli, and to him is due much of the little knowl- edge I have been able to acquire in cosmography and astronomy. But from him I also learned, that the descriptions which are given by Marco Polo were considered by many wise men as not alto- gether beyond the reach of doubt, and irrefutable. And even to his own apprehension there were many apparent exaggerations and mis-statements. If then, he is in error in some particulars, how shat.' we draw the line, and say wherein he speaks the truth of his own knowledge 1 And how could he know the distance which exists between Cathay and the western shoj - of Europe, save by Jiearsay and the reports of i ariners '>n that unknown short who themselves must have been falsifiers, as it is well known that not one of them has ever ap- peared here, who might have estimated the distance*? I cannot think that we are so near to C.thay as your Excellency supposes, and had much rather follow the opinion, that you have possibly ap- proached the shore, that has been hitherto repre- sented as inccessible to mortals.^ «F'« ;^=-'* t I ■ J' I Both Anji nmii and Columbus trine oi the existence of a tenes- wereincliiied .ii)eliuve in the doc- trial paradise. With Americus, 18 IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) h /. /' ii.0 A Ik 1.0 I.I •IT m. M 2.2 i;- IIIIIM UUi. Illlll_8 1.25 1.4 1.6 * 6" ► Photographic Sciences Corporation ^ •S55 i\ 4^ :\ \ % V o ;\ m <^ » 33 WEST MAIN STkEET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 ^ ^^sm wm^Km^t^^"""^ M'lm.'m*, J ■ 90 CHAPTER V. LIFE AND YOTAGES OF Columbus. You speak of the Paradise, which so many sound and able divines assert to be still in existence on the earth. Americus. I do; though not as firmly believing in 1 re- lation as they do. If there is such a place existing as is described by the eloquent St. Basil, methinks it must be near unto the balmy islands which you have discovered, so similar in climate and ver- dancy. Columbus. Such, indeed, has often been my own ommon, and I deem it not to be inconsistent with the other, which holds to the proximity of Cathay. Oh that I might, through the grace of God and intercession of the saints, ever arrive at that blessed spot, where however, it was rather a subject of pleasant contemplation than ac- tual belief. He speaks respecting it always with a quaUfication : " If there be a terrestrial paradise on earth, doubtless it cannot be far from these places." — Vide infra. Letter to Piera de Medici. Columbus, on the contrary, was full of enthusiasm upon the sub- ject, and looked unon it as having an undoubted existence. These opinions are not to be wondered at, as they were entertained by many philosophers of that and pre- vious ages. The most fanciful accounts were given of this imagi- nary spot and its presumed locali- ty. — Some placed it in the grand oasis of Arabia, others in the Holy Land, and others again in India. Wherever located, it was tliii gar- den of Eden, and the waters of the great fountain therein, are said by St. Ambrose to have emptied themselves into an immense lake, with such awful noise that all the people living in the neighbourhood were born deaf. Columbus thought that the immense mass of fresh water, which filled the Gulf of Paria, came from this fountain.— Irving, vol. ii. p. 922—924. mm ■Mmpi /■■ AMERICUS VESPUGIUS. 91 all is beauty and happiness ; whjre the harmonious cHAPTEa notes of the birds ever fail gratefully on the ear ; — — — - where the air is filled with the aroma of sweet flowers, and a perpetual spring, combining with its own beauties those of every other season of the year, continually prevails ; where the limpid waters flow smoothly and gently, or gush forth in purs fountains, ever ready for the thirsty mouth, the liquid exhilarating, but never cloying; where all is perennial youth, and neither decay nor death are known. But I perceive, Signor Vespucci, that you are incredulous, also, as to this blissful region, and even smile at my belief. Remember, then, that herein I only follow the opinions of wise and learned fathers of the church; but in regard to Cathay, that I am supported by ample proof, from the discoveries of travellers and the relations of cosmographers. Americus. I am ever willing to yield to proof; but methinks that the foundation of the error under which I con- ceive your Excellency to labour is this : that you do not make a sufficient allowance for exaggeration in the accounts of the great traveller, Marco Polo. It appears to me that he has deceived himself as to the extent to which he penetrated, and that there- by he lias carried out the eastern coast of Cathay too far into the ocean. That being done, the learned physician, my countryman, in following him, finds it necessary to shorten the extent of i^^" «ii«ip«pm^iPMVp 92 CHAPTER V. 1 * LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. ocean, which intervenes between Cathay and Eu- ■ rope, in order to render accurate his estimate of the circumference of the globe. Columbus. I note your objections, but cannot deem them correct, and yet hope to deliver the letters of our sovereigns, with which I was charged in my recent voyage, to the Grand Khan in person. But let us examine accurately into this question of longitude, for therein I am interested deeply, and have small doubt that I can turn you to my opinions. Americus. ; . ' ' Most gladly will I do so, noble Admiral, for I am strongly moved to tempt the ocean myself, in the hope of adding something to the knowledge of mariners. It requires but a slight effort of the imagination, to fancy the two great navigators seated at a table covered with charts, and busily occupied in explain- ing to each other their peculiar views. Intense thought is pictured on the countenances of both. Both are striving to fill up the vast void of the At- lantic, as it was drawn on those imperfect maps, with new islands and continents, and as the world grows, as it were, beneath their hands, they seem themselves half amazed at the bohlt^ess of their own conceptions, and turn, one to the 6ther, for en- couragement and approval. naa >y CHAPTER VI. Death of Berardi. — Payments to Americns. — Wreck of Fleet fitted ottt by him. — His Letter to Soderini. — Modesty displayed by him. — Position held by Americus in his First Voyage. — Cosmography of Ilacomilo. — Bibliotheca Riccardiana. — Ren6, Titular King of Sicily and Jerusalem. — Date of the Voyage. — Herrera's State- ments. — The Name of America. — Spanish Archives. — Voyages of Alonzo de Ojeda. — His Evidence in the Lawsuit of Don Diego Columbus. — Silence of the Cotemporary Historians. — Negative Ev- idence. — Extract from Gomara on the Subject. — No Disparagement of Columbus. — Authenticity of the Letters. — Feelings of Colum- bus. — His Letter respecting Americus to his Son. — General Licen- ■es of the Crown for other Voyages. Death of Berardi. 1495. In consequence of the death of Juan Berardi, chapter which occurred in the month of December, 1495, ^^- the entire management of their business affairs de- volved upon Americus, and he devoted himself steadily to the settlement of all the outstanding ac- counts of the house, while he continued to con- duct the preparations for the forwarding of new fleets to the Indies. The researches and industry of Navarr6te have brought to light many documents bearing upon this period of his history. The pay- ment of various sums of money in liquidation of the old demands of the house, and orders of the public officers for various other sums, clearly indicate the occupation of his time. On the 12th of January, 1496, Bernardo Pinelo, the treasurer of the king- mmmm •If I W.ipi I [ ithmumvmim-if PfWHW n XWE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER dom, paid to Americus the sum of 10,000 marave- '■ — dis, on account of the pay and subsistence of the mariners of one of the expeditions which Berardi had forwarded. An armament which was in course of preparation at the time of his partner's death, under the contract which he held with the govern- ment, was despatched by Americus on the 3d of February, 1496. This expedition, on the 18th of the same month, was overtaken by a violent gale and totally wrecked ; the crews, with the exception of three men who were lost, barely escaping with their lives.* Letter to Pi- When the public records cease to mention the oro Soderi- ni.flUingthe name of Americus, his own letter to Piero Soderini, gap in his ioau>ry. his old schoolmate and friend, which is given in the next chapter, and which describes the events of the first voyage of the navigator to the New World, op- portunely fills up the gap which was left in his his- tory. There, in his own words, exists an interest- ing and minute account of the perils of the naviga- tion and of the strange countries which he visited in his absence, with the manners and customs of their inhabitants. It is only to be regretted that the modesty of the writer did not permit him to dwell more at large upon his own personal adven- tures, and the immediate part which he took in the prosecution of the discoveries. There is no way of determining the rank or posi- tion which Americus occupied in his first expedi- ' See T'inslation of Documents from the Collection of Navarr^te. — See also Irving, vol. ii. p. 881. PRUl AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 95 tion. it is evident, however, from his own letters, chapter VL as well as from the records of the times, that he did not hold the command. He says himself that he was chosen to " assist" in the discoveries by the King of Spain, and that expression confirms the view which is taken below, that he accompanied the fleet as an aid to the commanders in their navi- gation, and as a private agent of the king ; that he occupied a position analogous to that of the mem- bers of scientific corps, who are usually despatched at the present day in exploring voyages. It is pos- sible, however, that he might have held a recog- nized rank, and that the movements of the ships might have been in some measure under his control, for he is spoken of by some historians who have written concerning him, as " one of the principal pilots and sea captains."^ It would not be proper to lay the l [i -^ m }• 98 UFE AND VOYAGES OF CHAPTER asserted, without a particle of proof, and on his own unsupported authority, that Vespucius had artfully and wilfully falsified in his narrative, and that he did so with the view of stealing from Co- lumhus the honour of being the discoverer of the continent of America, changing, for tliis purpose, the date of his first voyage, from 1499 to 1497. Spanish authors of that day, and ever since, have gladly seized upon this charge, and given it cur- rency in their writings; while foreign historians, from indifference to the subject, or want of means of correct information, circulated the slander. In this way it became the generally received opinion of the world, and most people consider Americus Vespucius as little better than an impostor, while the few who acquit him of intentional fraud, attrib- ute the mistake, as they are pleased to consider it, to an error of the press, or some similar accident. HiBtoricai This latter class of critics, as well as the malign- evidence of ° the accura- ers of the navigator, assume, that one of the princi- «="*• pal eflfects of this change of date was, to confer upon the new continent the name of America. That this, at least, was not the case, will be satis- factorily shown to the reader in another place. If a plausible, though hardly a fair argument, had been wanting to substantiate the accuracy of Amer- icus, surely the fact that his name was attached to the New World so soon after his voyages, might be adduced, and brought to bear with much more force in his favour than it could ever be used against him. But it is much more satisfactory and AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 99 VI. convincing to examine the proof which history chapter affords, than to speculate upon probabilities. The - Spanish archives of the day make no mention of Americus after the year 1496, until l505, an inter- val of about eight years ; while, both before that interval and subsequently, his name appears very often in the documents which have been brought to light. If he did not sail in 1497, why did not Herrera inform the world how and in what way he was occupied from that time till 1499 1 That his- torian and Navarrete, who follows in his footsteps, admit his connexion with Berardi, the agent of the fleets of Columbus, and the latter finds evidence of his continued connexion with the business, but only until 1496. Now Columbus sailed in 1498, and it is probable that Americus would have aided in the fitting out of his third voyage, as he did of the second, had he been in Spain at the time. Herrera himself, though accusing Americus of un- blushing impudence and fraud, copies the principal portion of his narrative of the first voyage of Alonzo de Ojeda, from the letter to Soderini. He mingles in his account many of the occurrences of the second voyage of Americus, with matters relating exclusively to Ojeda; and then, being unable to deny that the Florentine navigator actually made two voyages, in the service of Spain, makes Ameri- cus accompany Ojeda in the second voyage of the latter, which took place in 1502. But in 1502 it appears, from indisputable evidence, the authority of Gomara and many others, besides that of the '$h\ 4!;r--. too LIFE AND VOYAQES OP CHAPTER navigator himself, that Americu--' was in the service '■ — of Portugal. Evidence of The evidencc Ojeda gave in the lawsuit which Ojedainthe •' ° ml'Tc^ the son of Columbus, Don Diego, commenced after lumbiw. tijg death of his father, and prosecuted against the crown of Spain, is much relied upon to prove inaccuracy in the date of this letter. He testifies, that when he sailed in 1499, "he took with him Juan de la Cosa, Americus Vespucius, and other pilots." Admitting that Americus did sail with Ojeda at this time, it by no means follows that he did not make a previous voyage in 1497, and it is unfair to infer that he did not. The silence of the co- temporary historians of the day, with respect to this voyage, is the main reliance of Dr. Robertson, when he follows the lead of Herrera. Gomara, Benzoni, Peter Martyr, and Oviedo do not, it is true, mention the fact of thiy discovery in 1497 ; but if an argu- ment drawn from this source proves any thing, it undoubtedly proves too much. Neither Gomara nor Oviedo allude at all to the voyages of Ojeda, any more than they do to the voyages of Americus, yet it is universally admitted that both of these mariners, either singly or in company, did make two voyages to the New World at about this time. Martyr also neglects Ojeda more than he does Americus, and only speaks of the third voyage of the navigator, which was performed in the service of the King of Portugal, while he omits the com- panion of Columbus altogether. Benzoni did not pretend to write a history of the discovery, but mt^ww W»pgW!^Wfl ^ '■ *^ la but nega- views, is taken from the absence of any testimo- «^veevi- ' J dence. ny in the same lawsuit concerning the alleged discoveries of Americus. The object of this pro- 1 Robertson, History of Ameri- ca, vol. i. note 22. a Gomara, Historia de las In- dias, chap, xxxvi., from Barcia's Early Historiesof the West Indies, vol. ii. " Enteudiendoquan grandissimas tierras eran las que Christoval Co- lon descubria, fueron muchos a con- tinuar el descubrimiento de todas ; Tinos & sua costa, otros k la del Rey, y todos peneando enriquecer, ganar fama, y medrar con los Reyes. Pero como los mas de ellos no hicieron sino descubrir, y gastarse, no quedo memoria de to- dos, que yo sepa: especialmento de los que navegaron dcia el norte, — ni aun de todos los que fueron por la otra parte de Paria, desde el aiio de mil quatro-cientos y no- venta y cinco hasta el de mil y quinientos." I:- !!■' M ■ 1 ■ ? ■[■ ■ I k»^ 102 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER ceeding, on the part of Don Diego Columbus, was '■ — to obtain from the crown the government of cer- tain territories on the mainland of America, and a share of the revenue arising from them, according to the stipulations of the government with his father ; and the crown, in contesting this claim, are supposed to have brought forward all possible proof, that Columbus did not discover the coast of Paria. In this trial nearly one hundred witnesses were examined on oath, yet no mention is made of the voyage of Americus in 1497, but on the contrary, Ojeda testifies directly that Columbus difjcovered Paria. On being asked how he knew this, he re- plied that he had seen the map which Columbus sent home to the government, of the lands he had discovered in 1498, and immediately started himself on a voyage of exploration, on which he used the map, and found it to be correct. It is urged that Ojeda must have known the fact, if Vespucius had made a previous discovery, because he accompanied him in 1499 : and the crown must have known it also, and would have insisted upon it in this suit, if it had ever taken place.* All this is but negative evidence at the best, and should weigh but lightly against the positive state- ments of one whose integrity, good sense, and char- acter are unquestionable. It is easy to conceive of numerous reasons which might have prevented the government from bringing forward evidence of this voyage ; and the very fact that Ojeda navigated 1 Navarrdte, ColL'ccion, fee., torn. iii. p. 539. m AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 103 in 1499, with a chart which Columbus had sent chaptbe VL home in 1498, while Americus himself was on • board of his fleet, may have been the reason which led him to look upon Columbus as its first discov- erer, and to forget the date of the expedition of Americus in 1497, which, according to the state- ment of Gromara, was one out of many that were undertaken about that time. It must not be for- gotten, that this evidence was given in the latter part of the year 1512, and the commencement of 1513, after the death of Americus had taken* place, and at a distance of nearly fifteen years from the date of the events concerning which Ojeda testifies.^ After all that can be said, it is unimportant to come a decision . . . .^.^ , of the qufcs- tD any decision on this point. Even if Americus '»<"» « after •' * all import- did discover the mainland before Columbus by a «">'• few months, the fact takes nothing from the name and fame of that great man. He at any rate ar- rived at the continent without assistance from any source but his own strength of mind, and to him, whatever may have been the good fortune oi any of his cotemporaries, belongs the glory of the grand discovery of a New World. The first glimpse that he obtained of the luxuriant islands of the Western Ocean rendered him immortal, and all subsequent discoveries followed his own almost as a matter of course. . The character and renown of Columbus belong to the world, and it is impossible to sympathize with any of those historians who strive to depre- > Navorr^te, torn. iii. p. 538* m I .:i ':h w ■Af '^■^i^^PUfP^WPW ^m 104 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF CHAPTKB date either, for the sake of exalting a favourite or '■ — fellow-countryman of their own. Americus needs no such advocacy, and the subject has been consid- ered in the foregoing pages solely to relieve his character from the gross aspersions which have been cast upon it, by those who fooUshly consider this secondary question as one affecting materially the reputation of Columbus. " In fact," as is well observed by the distinguished author of the life of the great Admiral, "the European who first reached the mainland of the New World was most probably Sebastian Cabot, a native of Venice, sailing in the employ of England. In 1497 he coasted the shores from Labrador to Florida, yet neither the English nor the Venetians have set up any pretensions on his account."* -.c ,j vr, >.:-•:•= General ar- It is much more charitable to attribute an error gumente in fevor of the in the date of the first voyage, if the reader can sup- accuracy of •' ^ ' r Americus. p^gg gjiy such to cxist, after a candid consideration of the arguments on both sides of the question, to the negligence of the early publishers, rather than to a wilful deception on the part of the writer. It would have been strange indeed, had he attempted any misrepresentation of the kind. The letters are universally acknowledged to have been written with the pen of Americus himself; they purport to be the account of an eyewitness of the events which he describes ; they were addressed to persons of great celebrity in tlie world, whom it certainly would have been a hard, if not a perilous task, to deceive ; > Irving, vol. ii. p. 886. «■ AMEBlCUa VESPUCIUS. 105 they give full accounts of events which, from their chapter extraordinary nature, must have flown upon the '■ — wings of the wind to the remotest quarters of civil- ized Europe; if falsified in any particular, there were hundreds who stood ready to contradict and expose to public indignation their author ; yet that author occupies, for years after the contested ac- counts are published and translated into various tongues, a high and responsible post at the court in whose service the voyage in question was made. No voice is raised to condemn the shameless im- postor ; for such Americus must have been, if his calumniators spoke the truth ; but so far from it, the very man whose honours and merits he was en- deavouring to appropriate remains his warm friend, and commends him to his own son, in a letter which has been fortunately preserved to us, as one well entitled to his esteem and affection. Can any one suppose that Columbus would have Letter of written a letter like the one which follows, con- MgWy com- mending cerning a man who .was wickedly engaged in in- Americus. juring the reputation so dear to him 1 To my very dear Son, Don Diego Colwmhus. At the Ckmrt. My dear Son, Diego Mendez departed from this place on Mon- day, the third of this month. After his departure, I held converse with Americus Vespucius, the bearer of this letter, who goes to court on some business connected with navigation. He has always been 14 106 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF CHAPTER desirous of serving me, and is an honourable man, VI '■ — though fortune has been unpropitious to him, as to many others, and his labours have not been as prof- itable as he deserves. He goes on my account, and with a great desire to do something which may re- dound to my advantage, if it is in his power. I know not, here, what instructions to give him that will benefit me, because I am ignorant what will be required there. He goes determined to do for me all that is possible. See what can be done to advantage there, and labour for it, that he may know and speak of every thing, and devote himself to the work; and let every thing be done with se- cresy, that no suspicions may arise. I have said to him all that I can say touching the business, and have informed him of all the payments which have been made to me, and what is due. ' j •• '^ ■■ This letter is intended also for the Adelantado, that he may avail himself of any advantage and ad- vice on the subject. His highness believes that his ships were in the best and richest portion of the Indies, and if he desires to know any thing more on the subject, I will satisfy him by word of mouth, for it is impossible for me to tell by letter. May our Lord have you in his holy keeping. Done at Seville, February 5th, 1505. Thy father, who loves thee better than himself, Christopher Columbus.* ' Navarr^te, torn, i, p. 351. Irv- The signature of Columbus is ing, vol. ii. p. 882. curioujs. It in written thus, ap- Mi AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 107 ^ In rescuing this letter from the dust of the Span- chapter ish archives, Navarrete has done good service in '■ — the cause of truth, and furnished an important linlc in the chain of evidence which will establish, it is trusted satisfactorily, in the mind of the reader, the credibility of Americus. But if any thing be still wanting to confirm him in such an opinion, the fact that Fernando Columbus, the biographer of his fa- ther, who throughout his work gives constant proof of his sensitiveness with regard to anything touch- ing the honour and renown of the Admiral, makes not the slightest mention of any attempt on the part of Americus to appropriate to himself any por- tion of his father's fame. Is it probable, that he would have passed it over in silence, had such an attempt been made ? a vj a: « As far as was possible, a candid statement of the General Li- T • 1 I . 1 • -1 cence grant- point m dispute, with the reascning on both sides ^ by the of the question, has been given, and with but one other voy- pended to this letter as well as other documents. S. S. A. S X M Y XPO FERENS In the early part of his life Co- ir «. ssubscribed himself, Colum- bus de Terra Rubra, according to the history of Fernando his son, but when he had acquired celebri- ty, he adopted the form above. A great many opinions have been formed as to the meaning of these characters, which are an incon- gruous mixture of Greek and Lat- in, savouring very strongly of the pedantry of his times. Xristus, Sancta Maria, Josephus, is one reading; Salva me Xristus, Maria, Josephus, another. Neither ap- pears very satisfactory, and the reader has the same right to exer- cise his ability in deciphering it, and may arrive as nearly at the truth as any conjectures of the critics will lead him. It is un- doubtedly a pious exclamation, which it was very customary in those days to prefix to writings as well as signature" — Fernando Co- lumbus, chap. xi. m LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. M, CHAPTER, additional suggestion, the subject will be droppedr '■ — It is a well-known fact that for a number of years previous to his departure upon his third voyage, Columbus was annoyed and persecuted by the attacks of his enemies at court, and by the doubts and vacillation of King Ferdinand ; and as Herrera emphatically declares, he made frequent remon- strance against the various expeditions which were undertaken, under the general license which had been given by the crown for private adventurers, to prosecute discoveries in the Indies, and only suc- ceeded, after long solicitation, in obtaiiJng a small squadron for his enterprise in 1498. There is nothing to contradict the supposition that the expe- dition of Americus was one of those which the Admiral supposed to interfere with his own rights : a private undertaking altogether, but at the same time one in which Vespucius went, at the command of the king, to " assist in the discoveries." With this view of the case, it is easy to account for the non-appearance of any public documents in the archives relating to the voyage. >' a. 'I a t r c ^;|»; s ■ipl> t - •*, .■■'♦• CHAPTER VII. * ^ < ■■!' «^.^^ 'x,' s>; ■V- 1 1* ' " f ',- ! ^•it'..' . ('■•■, ; '', s ■ * 1 1 Sketch of the Life of Piero Soderini. — His Character. — Elected Gon- faloni6re of Florence. — His Fall and Banishment. — His Death at Home. — Letter of Americus to him, describing his First Voyage. — His Reasons for Writing. — Sails from Cadiz, May 10th, 1497. — Arrives at the Grand Canaries. — Arrives at the New World. — Ap- pearance of the Inhabitants. — Sails along the Coast. — Their Weap- ons and their Wars. — Mode of Life. — Religion and Laws. — Their Riches. — Their System of Physic. — ^Burial Rites. — Their Food. — Ignami. — Finds trifling Indications of Gold. — Venezuela. — Treach- ery of the Inhabitants. — Fight with them — ^Five Prisoners. — Their Artful Escape. — Singular Animals. — Fish made into Flour. — Amer- icus received by another Tribe with great Honour. — Laughable Oc- currence. — Establishes Baptismal Fonts. — Lariab. — Cannibalism. — Repairing the Ships. — Sail for the Islands. — Battle with the Natives. — Slave Prisoners. — Return Voyage. — Arrival at Cadiz, 15th of Oc- tober, 1498. PiERO Soderini, to whom the following letter was chapter addressed by Americus, was bom in Florence, in Sketch of the year 1450. He was the son of Tomaso Sode- t^e Life of •' Pwro Sode- rini, of whom mention has been made in a previous ""'• chapter, and was educated by the good Friar Geor- gio Antonio, in company with the navigator. As he grew up, the friendship which subsisted between the two young men was strengthened by a great similarity of character in many respects. Both were devotedly attached to their country, and both lived to do it honour. ■ When, a few years after the death of Lorenzo the 110 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP VII. CHAPTER Magnificent, the Florentines returned to their an- cient democratic form of government, and expelled Piero, his son, with all the members of that power- ful family from the city, they sought among their distinguished citizens for one whom they might trust to restore and preserve their rights and liber- ties. The state was in great confusion and anarchy, and it behooved them to select for their chief magis- trate a man of undoubted patriotism, who would administer the laws with prudence and firmness. After much deliberation, their choice fell upon Piero Soderini. His known probity, his wealth, his love for the arts and sciences, and the prominent part he took in the measures which resulted in the revolu- tion, all influenced his election, and, on the 16th of August, 1502, he was unanimously called to preside over the destinies of the republic, with the title of Perpetual (ronfaloniSre. The character of Soderini was too mild and amia- ble to allow him to abuse the privileges of his high station. On the contrary, he hardly insisted suffi- ciently upon his rights, to ensure the stability of his power. He loved to lend his patronage to men of letters and artists, and his palace was thronged with all the sculptors and painters of the day who had attained any celebrity in their professions. Poets and philosophers flocked to his court as they did to that of the great Lorenzo, but, unlike him, Soderini left more memorials of his devotion to literature and art, than of his statesmanship. During his admin- istration, however, the republic waged war with His Charac ter. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. Ill Pisa, with great activity, and finally, in the year chapter 1509, succeeded in subduing that city. '- — The assistance of the French had been of great hib depo«- ° tion and assistance to Soderini, in the expulsion of the Medi- banishment. ci and his own elevation, and he always remained warmly attached to that nation. He gave his con- sent to the measure which Louis XII. projected, of assembling a council at Pisa for the purpose of de- posing Pope Julius II., and that pontiff never for- gave him for the affront. When the French evacu- ated Italy in 1512, he stimulated the Viceroy of Naples in Tuscany to attempt the re-establishment of the Medici family. The movement was success- ful. The city was taken by surprise on the 30th of August, 1512, and was given up to pillage and mas- sacre. The partisans of the Medici broke into the public palace tumultuously, and surprised Soderini in his apartments. They confined him in chains, and the next day the Signory passed an act depo- sing him from his office, after he had served the state for upwards of ten years, without giving occasion for the slightest murmur of dissatisfaction among the peaceable citizens. The day following his deposition, he was con- ducted to the frontiers of the republic, escorted by a strong guard, and banished for ever. He went im- mediately to Ragusa, where he remained till the election of Leo X. to the papal chair. Though a Medici himself, this pontiff was too generous to cherish an old enmity, and invited Soderini to Rome, remembering rather the services of the fa- 'i(<' m % i i' I IW LIFE AND VOYAGES OF CHAPTER ther of Piero towards his family, than the more re- ^ — cent doings of the son. At the pontifical court he was received with much distinction, although he never wavered in his attachment to the rights of his countrymen and the cause of liberty. He ended his days at Rome, and died regretted and respected by all the intelligent and patriotic men of the day.^ Letter of Americus to Piero Sodcrini, Perpetual Gon- faloniere of the RepuMic of Florence^ giving an account of his JFirst Voyage.^ . ■• •■'...•" .--ft ».. • Most Excellent Sir: — (After my humble reverence and due commenda- tion) — It may be that your Excellency, with your well-known wisdom, will be astonished at my te- merity, in that I have been so absurdly moved to address you my present very prolix letter, knowing that your Excellency is continually occupied in the arduous duties and pressing business of State. I may be termed not only presumptuous, but idle, in writing things neither convenient nor pleasing to your state, and which were formerly written in barbarous style, destitute of the polish of literature, and directed to Don Ferdinand, king of Castile ; but the confidence I have in your virtues, as well as in the truth of what I write, concerning things ' Biog. Universelle, torn. xlii. p. 567, 568. 2 The direction of the letter in the edition of Gruniger, which is followed by Navarr6te, reads as follows : To the Most Illustrious, the King of Jerusalem and Sicily, the Duke of Lorraine and Bar. — Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 191. m ■ AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 113 described neither by ancient nor modem authors, chapter has emboldened me in my undertaking. VII. The principal reason why I am induced to write, ReaHoiw of , /.i_-i-M-» ■»-» • Americus IS the request of the bearer, Benvenuto Benvenuti, forwnung. ihii devoted servant of your Excellency, and my very particular friend. He happened to be here in this city of Lisbon, and requested that I would im- part to your Excellency a description of the things seen by me in various climes, in the course of four voyages which I have made for the discovery of new lands, two by the authority and command of Don Ferdinand VI., the King of Castile, in the great Western Ocean, and the other two by order of Don Emanuel, King of Portugal, towards the south. So I resolved to write to your Excellency, and set about the performance of my task, because I am certain that your Excellency counts me among the number of your most devoted servants ; remem- bering that in the time of our youth, we were friends, going daily to study the rudiments of gram- mar, under the excellent instruction of the venera- ble and religious Brother of St. Mark, Friar Georgio /ntonio Vespucci, my uncle, whose counsels, would to God I had followed ! for then, as Petrarch says, I should have been a different man fronn what I am. However that maybe, I do not complain, inasmuch as I have always delighted in those things which are virtuous, and in literary pursuits ; and now that these my trifling affairs may not be disagreeable to your virtuous mind, I will say to you, as Pliny said to Mecoenas, " You were once accustomed to be 15 7 114 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF cHAPTEa pleased with my prattling.'" However constantly '■ — employed you may be in public affairs, you can snatch some hours of relaxation, for the purpose of reading those things which, however trifling, will amu? ^ by their novelty ; for with the cares and engrossment of business, these letters of mine will mingle, as it is customary to mingle fennel with savoury viands, to dispose them for better digestion. And if per- chance I am more prolix than I ought to be, I ask your Excellency's pardon. Your Excellency will please to observe, that I came into the kingdom of Spain for the purpose of engaging in mercantile affairs, and that I continued to be thus employed about four years, during which time I saw and experienced the fickle movements of fortune, and how she ordered the changes of these transitory and perishing worldly goods ; at one time sustaining a man at the top of the wheel, and at another returning him to the lowest part thereof, and depriving him of her favours, which may truly be said to be lent.* Thus having ex- perienced the continual labour of one who would acquire her favours, subjecting myself to vastly many inconveniences and dangers, I concluded to abandon mercantile affairs, and direct my attention I He meant to have said, " as Catullus said to Cornelius Nepos." This mistake goes but little way to prove a want of classical informa-" tion, which Navarrete seems in- clined to impute to the naviga- tor. 2 These four years may be con- sidered to be the four which pre- ceded his departure on his first voyage in 1497, embracing the time of his connexion with Berar- di, and his management of the bu- siness after his partner's death. ■ AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 115 to something more laudable and stable. For this chapter purpose I prepared myself to visit various parts of '■ — the world, and see the wonderful things which might be found therein. Time and place were very opportunely offered me. King Ferdinand of Castile had ordered four ships to go in search of new lands, and I was selected by his highness to go in that fleet, in order to assist in the discoveries. We sailed from the port of Cadiz on the tenth day of May, A. D. 1497, and steering our course through the great Western Ocean, spent eighteen months in our expedition, discovering much land, and a great number of islands, the largest part of which were inhabited.* As these are not spoken of by ancient writers, I presume they were ignorant of them. If I am not mis- taken, I well remember to have read in one of their books which I possessed, that this ocean was considered unpeopled; and our poet Dante also held this opinion, judging by the twenty-sixth canto of L'Inferno, where he sings the fate of Ulysses.' In ' Giuntini writes 17 as required by the departure on 10th May, 1497, and return on 15th October, 1498. But Giuntini also has the departure on the 20th of May, and arrival on 25th of October. It is easy to infer that the first transla- tor of this voyage took from his manuscript the figure 2 for the figure 1. — Canovai, Viaggi, &c., torn i. p 49, note. Navarrete cav- ils unnecessarily at this very nat- ural inaccuracy. The voyage ac- tually took seventeen months and five days, but in his introductory remarks, Vespucius speaks ap- proximately. — Navarrete, torn. iii. > ' Oh ! brothen.' I began, ' who to the west Through perils without number now have reached To this tho short remaining watch, that ye. Our senses have to wake, refuse not proof Of the unpeopled world, following the track Of Phoebus.' Carey'i Dante, Canto xxvi. p. 181, 183. % II i;!| W, :- ^sm>. 116 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTEE this voyage I saw many astonishing tilings, as your '■ — Excellency will perceive by the following relation : VOYAGE THE FIRST.' Departure In the year of our Lord 1497, on the tentli day May 10th,' of May, as before stated, we left the port of Cadiz with four ships in company.'' The first land we made was that of the Fortunate Islands, which are now called the Grand Canaries, situated in the West- em Ocean, as far as the habitable world was sup- posed to extend, being located in the third climate, where the North Pole is elevated twenty-seven and a half degrees above the horizon, and distant from the city of Lisbon (where this letter is written) two hundred and eighty leagues. Having arrived here, with south and southerly winds, we tarried eight days, taking in wood and water and other necessaries, when, having offered up our prayers, we weighed anchor and set sail, steering a course w^est by south. We sailed so rapidly, that at the end of twenty- * »• ' Giuntini, Canovai, and Navar- r^te, all introduce this with the following heading, which is omit- ted in the teit. "Description of various lands and islands not spoken of by ancient authors found in the year 1487, and thereafter in four voyages, that is, two in the Western Ocean under the authority of Ferdinand, King of Castile, and the other two in the South Sej, in the name of Emanuel, King of Portugal. Americus Vespucius, one of the principal pilots and sea captains, sending the following ac- count of them to the aforesaid Fer- dinand, King of Castile." * The addition of Gruniger gives the date of the departure as 20th of May. On comparison with other editions, this Q]ipears to be an error. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 117 seven days we came in sight of land, which we chapter judged to be a continent, being about a thousand '■ — • leagues west of the Grand Canaries, and within the Torrid Zone, as we found the North Pole at an elevation of six degrees above the horizon, and our instruments showed it to be seventy-four degrees farther west than the Canary Islands.^ Here we anchored our ships at a league and a half from the shore; and, having cast off our boats, and filled them with men and arms, proceeded at once to land. Before we landed we were much cheered by the First land- 1 T 1 1 1 '"S on the Sight of many people ramblmg along the shore, continent. We found that they were all in a state of nudity, and they appeared to be afraid of us, as I supposed from seeing us clothed, and of a different stature from themselves. They retreated to a mountain, and, notwithstanding all the signs of peace and friendship we could make, we could not bring them to a parley with us ; so, as the night was coming on, and the ships were anchored in an insecure place, by reai^on of the coast being exposed, we agreed to leave there the next day, and go in search of some port or bay where we could place our ships in safety. We sailed along the coast with a northwest ' The degrees of which ho 3p*!ak8 were, as mariners then r.al- oulated, fifteen Iragueseach. — Na- varrcle, torn. iii. 199, note. The true longitude or distance from the Canaries to the land whichho reach- ed is fifty -four or fifty-five degrees. The instruments of the sailors of that day were so very inaccurate, and it was almost impossible to measure correctly vnth them. — Canovai, torn. i. 53. >^lfi iKPKMpig m LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER wind, always keeping within sight of land, and ■ continually seeing people on shore ; and having sailed iwo days, we found a very safe place for the ships, and anchored at half a league from the land, and the same day we landed in the boats — forty men leaping on shore in good order. The people of the coimtry, however, appeared very shy of us, and for some time we could not sufficiently assure them to induce them to come and speak with us ; but at length we laboured so hard, in giving them some of our things, such as looking-glasses, bells, beads, and other trifles, that some of them acquired confidence enough to come and treat with us for our mutual peace and friendship. Night coming on, we took leave of them and returned to our ships. Received in The ucxt day, as the dawn appeared, we saw manner by on the shorc a great number of men, with their ihe natives. . ii-i Wives and children; we landed, and found that they had all come loaded with provisions and ma- terials, which will be described in the proper place. Before we reached the land, many of them swam to meet us, th' length of a bow shot into the sea (as they are most excellent swimmers), and they treated us with as much confidence as if we had had intercourse with them for a long time, which gratified us much. All that we know of their life and manners is, that they go entirely naked, not having the slightest covering whatever; they are of middling stature, and very well proportioned ; their flesh is of a red- pjjpWWJil M lil-,UM iw"W"W""iw ..» W|M ■ ABTERICUS VESPUCIUS, 119 dish colour, like the skin of a lion, but I think that chapter VII if they had been accustomed to wear clothing, they '■ — would have been as white as we are. They have no hair on the body, with the exception of very long hair upon the head — and the women especially de- rive much beuuty from this : iheir countenances are not very handsome, as they have large faces, which might be compared with those of the Tar- tars : they do not allow any hair to grow on the eyelids or eyebrows, or any other part of the body, excepting the head, as they consider it a great de- formity. Both men and women are very agile and easy in their persons, and swift in walking or run- ning ; so that the women think nothing of running a league or two, as we many times beheld, having, in this particular, greatly the advantage of us Chris- tians. They swim incredibly well — the women better chamcter- , - , . istics of the than the men — as we have seen them many times natives. swimming without any support, fully two leagues at sea. Their arms are bows and arrows beauti- fully wrought, but unfurnished w4th iron or any other hard metal, in place of which they make use of the teeth of animals or fish, or sometimes substi- tute a slip of hard wood, made harder at the point by fire. They are sure marksmen, who hit where- ever they wish, and in some parts the women also use the bow with dexterity. They have other arms, such as lances and staves with heads finely wrought. When they make war they take their wives with them, not that they may fight, but because they carry JW 1 I 120 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF VU. Their mo- tives in ma' kinff war. CHAPTER their provision behind them ; a woman frequently ■ carrying a burden on her back for thirty or forty leagues, w^hich the strongest man among them could not do, as we have many times witnessed. These people have no captains, neither do they march in order, but each one is his own master ; the cause of their wars is not a love of conquest or enlarging their boundaries, neither are they incited to engage in them by inordinate covetousness, but from ancient enmity which has existed between them in times past; and having been asked why they made war, they could give us no other reason, than that they did it to avenge the death of their ancestors. Neither have these people kings nor lords, nor do they obey any one, but live in their own entire liberty, and the manner in which they are incited to go to war, is this : when their ene- mies have killed or taken prisoners any of their peo- ple, the oldest relative rises and goes about proclaim- ing his wrongs aloud, and calling upon them to go with him and avenge the death of his relation. Thereupon they are moved with sympathy, and make ready for the fight. They have no tribunals of justice, neither do they punish malefactors ; and what is still more aston- ishing, neither father nor mother chastises the children when they do wrong ; yet, astounding as it may seem, there is no strife between them, or, to say the least, we never saw any. They appear simple in speech, but in reality are very shrewd and cunning in any matter which interests them. •ymm AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 121 They ppeak but little, and that little in a low tone chapter of voice, using the same accentuation that we use, and forming the words with the palate, teeth, and lips, but they have a different mode of diction. There is a great diversity of languages among them, inas- , much that within every hundred leagues we found people who could not understand each other. Their mode of life is most barbarous ; they do not eat at regular intervals and as much as they wish at sta- ted times, but it is a matter of indifference to them, whether appetite comes at midnight or mid-day, and they eat upon the ground at all hours, without nap- kin or table-cloth, having their food in earthen ba- sins, which they manufacture, or in half gourd shells. They sleep in nets of cotton, very large, and sus- pended in the air, and although this may seem ra- ther a bad way of sleeping, I can vouch for the fact, that it is extremely pleasant, and one sleeps better thus, than on a mattress. They are neat and clean in their persons, which is a natural consequence of their perpetual bathing. * * * * * ^ ^ a£, 4^ J^ a^ J^ J^ TT Tt* tP Tf •??■ TV TP IT [It is deemed inexpedient to translate certain pas- sages which occur at this stage of the letter, refer- ring to personal habits of the natives, which are unfit for publication at the present day.] We are not aware that these people have any -riieir vii- laws. Neither are they like Moors or Jews, but houses! are worse than Gentiles and Pagans, because we 10 » If •4 il i|llPiU|iii|^Mii«m wimmmm'!'^^ LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER have never seen them oflfer any sacrifice, and they ^ — have no houses of prayer. From their voluptuous manner of life, I consider them Epicureans. Their dwellings are in communities, and their houses are in the form of huts, but strongly built, with very large trees, and covered with palm leaves, secure from wind and storms ; and in some places they are of such great length and breadth that in a single house we found six hundred people, and we found that the population of thirteen houses only amount- ed to four thousand.' They change their location everj seven or eight years, and on being asked why they did so, they said that it was on account of the intense heat of the sun upon the soil, which by that time became infected and corrupted with filthiness, and caused pains in their bodies, which seemed to us very reasonable. Their ideas The richcs of thcse people consist in the feathers of wealth. ^ * of birds of the most magnificent colours, of pater- nostfers, which they fabricate of fish bones, of white or green stones, with which they decorate the cheeks, lips, and ears, and of many other things which are held in little or no esteem with us. They carry on no commerce, neither buying nor selling, and, in short, live contentedly with what nature gives them. The riches which we esteem so highly in Europe and other parts, such as gold, jewels, pearls, and other Avealth, they have no re- gard for at all, and make no effort to obtain any 1 The edition of Gruniger says, eight houses and ten thousand in- habitants. ^''■*. ^•^Jilfmmim. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 123 thing of this kind which exists in their country, chapter They are liberal in giving, never denying one any '■ — thing, and, on the other hand, are just as free in asking. The greatest mark of friendsLup they can show, is to offer you their wives and daughters, and parents consider themselves highly honoured by an acceptance of this mark of favour. * * # * * * * * * m ■sk * * * * * In case of death, they make use of various fune- Their fune- ral obsequies. Some bury their dead with water and provisions placed at their heads, thinking they may have occasion to eat, but they make no parade in the way of funeral ceremonies. In some places, they have a most barbarous mode of interment, which is thus : when one is sick or infirm, and nearly at the point of death, his relatives carry him into a large forest, and there attaching one of their sleeping hammocks to two trees, they place the sick person in it, and continue to swing him about for a whole day, and when night comes, after placing at his head water and other provisions sufficient to sustain him for five or six days, they return to their village. If the sick person can help himself to eat and drink, and recovers sufficiently to be able to return to the village, his people receive him again with great ceremony ; but few are they who escape this mode of treatment ; most of them die without being visited, and that is their only burial. They have various other customs which, to avoid jiedicai prolixity, are not here mentioned. They use in ''^'"™^'"- ';h^ 4 ■V 124 LIFE AND VOYAGES bP CHAPTER their diseases various kinds of medicines, so differ- VII. - . . , , ent from any m vogue with us, that we were as- tonished that any escaped. I often saw, for m- stance, that when a person was sick with a fever, which was increasing upon him, they bathed him from head to foot with cold water, and then making a great fire around him, they made him turn round within the circle for about an hour or two, until they fatigued him, and left him to sleep. Many were cured in this way. They also observe a strict diet, eating nothing for three or four days ; they practise bloodletting, but not on the arm, unless in the armpit ; but generally they take blood from the thighs and haunches, or the calf of the leg. In like manner they excite vomiting with certain herbs, which they put into their mouths, and they use many other remedies, which it would be tedious to relate. Their blood and phlegm is much disordered on account of their food, which consists mainly of the roots of herbs, of fruit and fish. They have no wheat or other grain, but instead, make use of tlie root of a tree, from which they manufacture flour, which is very good, and which they call Huca ; the floiT- from another root is called Kazabi, and from another, Ignami.^ They eat little meat except hu- Cannibal' ism. ' "The Castilians found there very large parrots, honey, bees' wax, and an abundance of those plants which the islanders called Cazabi, from which the French Cassavo is derived." — Hist. Gen. des voy. torn. xlv. p. 1G7. " They brought much Cazabi, which is the name of the bread." — Ferd. Col. p. 117. Alvarez Cabral, speaking of the Igname of the Brazilians, soys, " A root called AMERICUS VESPUCIDS, 126 man flesh, and you will notice that in this particu- chapter VIl. lar they are more savage than beasts, because all their enemies who are killed or taken prisoners, whether male or female, are devoured with so much fierceness, that it seems disgusting to relate, much more to see it done, as 1 with my own eyes have many times witnessed this proof of their inhuman- ity. Indeed, they marvelled much to hear us say that we did not eat our enemies. . And your Excellency may rest assured that their other barbarous customs are so numerous that it is impossible herein to describe all of them. As in these four voyages I have witnessed so many things at variance with our own customs, I prepared my- self to write a collection, which I call " The Four Voyages," in which I have related the major part of the things which I saw, as clearly as my feeble capa- city would permit. This work is not yet published, though many advise me to publish it. In it every thing will appear minutely, therefore I shall not enlarge any more in this letter, because in the course of it we shall see many things which are peculiar. Let this suffice for matters in general. In this commencement of discoveries we did not see anything of much profit in the country, owing, as I think, to our ignorance of the language, except Igname, and their bread which they eat." — Ram. t. i. p. 121. " Linnaeus calls this plant, ' Dios- corea oppositi folia,' the root of which is eaten, or cut in pieces and baked under the coals, or, when it is of middling size, it is boiled whole, and it serves some- times also to make bread of." — Cook, vol. i. p. 90. Canovai, torn, i. p. 67, 68. mm 126 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP with the na' tiveg, CHAPTER some few indications of ijold. In whatever relates vu '■ — to the situation and appearance of the country we could not have succeeded better. We concluded to leave this place and go onward, and having unanimously come to this resolution, we coasted along near the land, making many stops, and hold- ing discourses with many people, until after some days we came into a harboiu", where we fell into very great danger, from which it pleased the Holy Spirit to deliver us. Arrival nt It happened in this manner. We landed in a Venezuela , /. i -n i .i and battle port wlicre wc fouud a village built over the water, like Venice.^ There were about forty-four houses, shaped like bells, built upon very large piles, having entrances ly means of drawbridges, so that by laying the bridges from house to house, the inhabi- tants could pass through the whole. When the people saw us, they appeared to be afraid of us, and to protect themselves, suddenly raised all their bridges, and shut themselves up in their houses. While we stood looking at them and Avondering at this proceeding, we saw coming toward us by sea about two and twenty canoes, which are the boats they make use of, and are carved out of a single tree. They came directly toward our boats, appear- ing to be astonished at our figures and dresses, and keeping at a little distance from us. This being the case, we made signals of friendship, to in- duce them to come nearer to us, endeavouring 'The natives called this place Coquibacoa: it is the modem Ve- nezuela. ' AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 127 to reassure them by every token of kindness ; but chapter VII. seeing that they did not come, we went toward them. They would not wait for us, however, but fled to the land, making signs to us to wait, and giving us to understand that they would soon re- turn. They fled directly to a mountain, but did not tarry there long, and when they returned, brought with them sixteen of their young girls, and entering their canoes, came to our boats and put four of them into each boat, at which we were very much astonished, as your Excellency may well imagine. Then they mingled with their canoes among our boats, and we considered their coming to speak to us in this man- ner, to be a token of friendship. Taking this for granted, we saw a great crowd of people swimming toward us from the houses, without any suspicion. At this juncture, some old women showed them- selves at the doors of the houses, wailing and tear- ing their hair, as if in great distress. From this we began to be suspicious, and had immediate re- course to our weapons, when suddenly the girls, who were in our boats, threw themselves into the sea, and the canoe.s moved away, the people in them assailing us with their bows and arrows. Those who came swimming toward us brought each a lance, concealed as much as possible under the water. Their treachery being thus discovered, we began not only to defend ourselves, but to act se- verely on the offensive. We overturned many of their canoes with our boats, and making considera- 128 LIFE AND Vt/AGES OP CHAPTER ble slaughter among them, they soon abandoned '■ — the canoes altogether and swam to the shore. Fif- teen or twenty were killed and many wounded on their side, while on ours five were slightly wound- ed, all the rest escaping by favour of Divine Prov- idence, and these five being quickly cured. We took prisoners two of their girls and three men, and on entering their houses found only two old women and one sick man. We took from them many things of little value, but would not burn their dwellings, being restrained by con- scientious scruples. Returning to our boats and thence to our ships, with five prisoners, we put irons on the feet of each, excepting the young fe- males, yet when night came, the two girls and one of the men escaped in the most artful manner in the world. : / -v- - . Continue These events havinL occurred, the next day we their voyage iiii along the concludcd to depart from the port and proceed fur- ther. Keeping our course continually along the coast, we at length came to anchor at about eighty leagues distance from the place we had left, and found another race of people, whose language and customs were very differeiit from those we had seen last. We determined to land, and while pro- ceeding in our boats, we saw standing on the shore a great multitude, numbering about four thousand people. They did not wait to receive us, but fled precipitately to the woods, abandoning their things. We leaped ashore, and taking the way which led to the wood, found tlieir tents within coast. m^i'^ WX AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. ||| the space of a bow-shot, where they had made a chaptbr great fire, and two of them were cooking their '■ — • food, roasting many animals and fish of various kinds. We noticed that they were roasting a certain Remarkable animal that looked like a serpent ; it had no wings, and was so filthy in appearance, fRat we were astonished at its deformity. As we went through their houses or tents, we saw many of these ser- pents alive. Their feet were tied, and they had a cord round their snouts, so that they could not open their mouths, as dogs are sometimes muzzled, so that they may not bite. These animals had such a savage appearance, that none of us dared to turn one over, thinking they might be poisonous. They are about the size of a kid, about the length and a half of a man's arm, having long coarse feet armed with large nails. Their skin is hard, ard they are of various colours. They have the snout and face of a serpent, and from the nose there runs a crest, passing over the middle of the back to the root of the tail. We finally concluded that they were ser- pents, and poisonous ; and, nevertheless, they were eaten.^ ' The navigator lias perhaps drawn somewhat upon his imagi- nation in his description of this animal, although Canovai adopts it seriously, and says in a note that " this is the serpent Tuana which is spoken of in Ramus, torn. iii. p. 130." — Canovai, Viaggi, &c. torn. i. p. 75. Navarrete mentions this as one of the absurdities of Vespu- oius. — Navar. Colleccion, torn. iii. p. 225. But though it is rather hard to believe in a domestic ser- pent as large as a kid, yet the whole difficulty vanishes, if for the word serpent, which seems to have been misapplied by the nav- igator, we substitute reptile or an- imal. 17 "war 130 CHAPTER Vlf. LIFE AND VOYAGES OP We found that this people made bread of small fish which they caught in the sea, by first boiling them, then kneading together and making a paste of them, which they baked upon the hot coals ; we tried it, and found it good.^ They have so many other kinds of eating, chiefly of fruits and roots, that it would be v8ry tedious to describe them minutely. Seeing, then, that the people did not return, we re- solved not to meddle with or take away any ol their things, in order to reassure them ; and, having left in their tents many of our own things, in places where they might be seen, returned to our ships for the night. Early the next morning we saw a great number of people on the shore, and landed. Though they seemed fearful of us, they were sufficiently confident to treat with us, and gave us all that we asked of them. Finally they became very friendJy; told us that this was not their place of awelling, but that they had come there to carry on their fishery. They invited us to go to their villages, because they wished to receive us as friends — their amicable feelings toward us being much strengthened by the ch-cumstance of our having the two prisoners with us, who were their enemies. They importuned us so much, that, hav- i " The ancient fisb-aaters also dried their iish, and made flour out of them. A large quantity of dried fish was presented to him (Nearchus); these people eating fish as their common fot)d." — Ra- mus, t. i. p. 271, B. In our times the same ..ustom prevails in those countries. Barbosa writes, "In this country they attend much to fishing, and catch very large fish, which they salt, and also feed their hor .ds with them." — Ram. t. p. 295. note. Canovai, torn. i. p. 75, 76, • 'mmn' ' "I'l'nmw^^miffmmm^^i'li jn^ AMERICUS VESPUCIUS, 131 ing taken counsel, twenty-three of us Christians chapter concluded to go with them, well prepared, and '■ — with firm resolution to die manfully, if such w^as to be our fate. After we had remained h^re three days, we ac- Americus cordingly started with them for a journey inland, land and Three leagues from the shore we arrived at a tol- vuiage. erably well-peopled village, of a few houses — there not being over nine — where we were received with so many and such barbarous ceremonies, that no pen is equal to the task of describing them. There was dancing and singing, and weeping mingled with rejoicing, and great feasting. Here we staid for the night, when they offered us their wives, and solicited us with such urgency, that we could not refrain. After having passed the night and half of the next day, an immense number of peo- ple visiting us from motives of curiosity — the oldest among them begging us to go with them to other villages,as they desired to do us great honour — we determined to j.'roceed still further inland. And it is impossible to tell how much honour they did us there. We visited so ma- ny villages, that we spent nine days in the jour- ney ; having been so long absent, that our com- panions in the ships began to be uneas}' on our ac- count. Being nov.'^ about eighteen leagues inland, we de- Return to liberated about returning. On our return, we were accompanied by a wonderful number, of both sexes, quite to the seashore ; and when any of us grew i\ I !>...^ 132 LIFE AND VOYAGES oV A ludicrous incident. CHAPTER weary with walking, they carried us in their ham- '■ — mocks much at our ease ; in passing rivers, which were numerous and quite large, they conveyed us over with so much skill and safety, that we were not in the slightest danger. Many of them were laden with the presents they had made us, which they transported in hammocks. These consisted in very rich plumage, many bows and arrows, and an infinite number of parrots of various colours. Others brought loads of provisions and animals. For a greater wonder, I will inform your Excellency, that when we had to cross over a river, they carried us on their backs. Having arrived at the sea, and entered the boats which had come on shore for us, we were aston- ished at the crowd which endeavoured to get into the boats to go to see our ships ; they were so over- loaded that they were oftentimes '^p the point of sinking. We carried as many as we could on board, and so many more came by swimming, that we were quite troubled at the multitude on board, al- though they were all naked and unarmed. They were in great astonishment at our equipments and implements, and at the size of our ships. Here quite a laughable occurrence took place at their ex- pense. We concluded to try the effect of discharg- ing some of our artillery, and when they heard the thundering report, the greater part of them jumped into the sea from fright, acting like frogs sitting on a bank, who plunge into the marsh on the approach of any thing that alarms them. Those who re- 7 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. m ^' mained in the ships were so timorous that we re- chaptee vu. pented of having done this. However, we reassured — them by telling them that these were the arms with which we killed our enemies. Having amused themselves in the ships all day, we told them that they must go, as we wished to depart in the night. So they took leave of us with many demonstrations of friendship and affection, and went ashore. I sa\7 more of the manners and customs of these people, while in their country, than I wish to dwell upon here. Your Excellency will notice, that in each of my voyages, I have noted the most extraor- dinary things which have occurred, and compiled the whole into one volume, in the style of a geogra- phy, and entitled it " The Four Voyages." In this work will be found a minute description of the things which I saw, but as there is no copy of it yet published, owing to my being obliged to exam- ine and correct it, it becomes necessary for me to impart them to you herein. This country is full of inhabitants, and contains u i^reat many rivers. Very few of the animals are >i iiUar to ours, excepting the lions, panthers, stags, ;;);.>, goats, and d^er, and even these are a little dilTeient in form. They have neither horses, mules, nor asses, neither cows, dogs, nor any kind of do- mestic animals. Their other animals, however, are so very numerous, that it is impossible to count them, and all of them so wild, that they cannot be employed for serviceable uses. But what shall I say o^ their birds, which are so numerous and of so '^81 134 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER many species and varieties of plumage, that it is as- VII, tounding to behold them ! ■■'•■■Ji.'.lV' The country The countrv is pleasant and fruitful, full of woods and its cli- "' * ' •"ate. and forests, which are always green, as they never lose their foliage. The fruits are numberless, and totally different from ours. The land lies within the Torrid Zone, under the parallel which describes the Trop'c of Cancer, where the pole is elevated twenty-ti i '. grees above the horizon, on the borders of second climate. A great many people came to see us, and were astonished at our features and the whiteness of our skins. They asked us where we came from, and we gave them to understand that we came from heaven, with the view of visiting the world, and they believed us. In this country we established a baptismal font, and great numbers were baptized, calling us, in their language, Carabi, which means men of great wisdom. ' •, ' _ • The natives called this province Lariab/ tVe left the port, and sailed along the coast, continuing in sight of land, until we had run, calculating our advances and retrogressions, eight hundred and sev- enty leagues towards the northwest, making many stops by the way, and having intercourse with many people. In some places we found traces of gold, but in small quantities, it being sufficient for us to have ^ This name is read Lariab in the same region. The change of the edition of Valori, and also in one name for the other was simply that of Gruhigcr. Giuntini sub- a corruption. sUtutes Paria, which is, doubtless, ■w; AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 166 discovered the country and to know that there was cHAPTEa , , . . VII. gold in it -t '- '.-. -V We had now been tl rteen months on the voy- Prepara- "' tions for the age, and the ships and rigging were much worn, return voy- and the men weary. So by common consent we agreed to careen our ships on the beach, in order to , calk and pitch them anew, as they leaked badly, and then to return to Spain. When we took this resolution, we were near one of the best harbours 'n the world, which we entered, and found a vast number of people, who received us most kindly.^ We made a breastwork on shore with our boats and our casks, and placed our artillery so that it would play over them ; then having unloaded and lightened our ships, we hauled them to land, and repaired them wherever iney needed it. The na- tives were of very great assistance to us, continually providing food, so that in this port we consumed very little of our own. This served us a very good turn, for our provisions were poor, and the stock so much reduced at this time, that we feared it would hardly last us on our return to Spain. Having stayed here thirty-seven days, visiting their villages many times, where they paid us the highest honour, we wished to depart on our voyage. Before we set sail, the natives complained to us, that at certain times in the year, there came from the sea into their territory, a very cruel tribe, who, either by treachery or force, killed many of them, » This was probably the modom port of Mochina, on the coast of Cumana. m II :'-rJ IfSVM 136 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTEE and eat them, while they captured others, and car- '■ — ried them prisoners into their own country, and that they were hardly able to defend themselves. They signified to us that this tribe were islanders, and lived at about one hundred leagues distance at sea. They narrated this to us with so much simplicity and feeling, that we credited them, and promised to avenge their great injuries; at which they were highly rejoiced, and many offered to go with us. We did not wish to take them for many reasons, and only carried seven, on the condition, that they should come back in their own canoes, for we would not enter into obligations to return them to their own country. With this they were contented, and Tve parted from these people, leaving them very well disposed toward us. - , Our ships having been repaired, we set sail on our return, taking a northeasterly course, and at the end of seven tiays, fell in with some islands. There were a great many of them, some peopled, others uninhabited. We landed at one of them; where we saw many people,, who called the island Iti. Hav- ing filled our boa+s with good men, and put three rounds of shot in tj.ch boat, we proceeded toward the land, where we saw about four hundred men and many women, all naked, like those we had seen before. They were of good stature, and appeared to be very warlike men, being armed with bows and arrows, and lances. The greater p?.rt of them car- ried staves of a square form, attached to their per- sons in such a manner that they \7ere not prevented Discover new islands. «ip AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. i3r from drawing the bow. As we approached within chapter bow-shot of the shore, they all leaped into the wa '■ — ter, and shot their arrows at us, to prevent our landing. They were painted with various colours, and severe bat- . , , 11. tie and de- plumed With feathers, and the interpreters who feat of the ^ ■•■ nativefl. were with us told us that when they were thus painted and plumed they showed a wish to fight. They persisted so much in their endeavours to de- ter us from landing, that we were at last compelled to fire on them with our artillery. Hearing the thunder of our cannon, and seeing some of their people fall dead, they all retreated to the shore. We, having consulted together, forty of us resolved to leap ashore, and if they waited for us, to fight with them. Proceeding thus, they attacked us, and we fought about two hours with little advantage, except that our bowmen and gunners killed some of their people, and they wounded some of ours. This was because we could not get a chance to use the lance or the sword. We finally, by desperate exertion, were enabled to draw the sword, and as soon as they had a taste of our arms, they fled to the mountains and woods, leaving us masters of the field, with many of their people killed and wounded. This day we did not pursue them, because we were much fatigued, but returned to our ships, the seven men who came with us being very highly rejoiced. The next day we saw a great number of people coming through the country, still offering us signs of battle, sounding horns and various other instru> 18 i. '-3 138 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER ments which they use in war, and all painted and '■ — plumed, which gave them a strange and ferocious appearance. Whereupon, all in the ships held a grand council, and it was determined that since these people were resolved to be at enmity with us, we would go to meet them, and do every thing to engage their friendship ; but in case they would not receive it, we resolved to treat them as enemies, and to make slaves of all we could capture. Having armed ourselves in the best manner possible, we immediately rowed ashore, where they did not re- sist our landing, from fear, as I think, of our bom- bardment. We disembarked in four squares, being fifty-seven men, each captain with his own men, and engagjd them in battle. After a long battle, having killed many, we put them to flight, and pursued them to a village, taking about two hundred and fifty prisoners.^ We burn- ed the village, and returned victorious to the ships with our prisoners, leaving many killed and wound- ed on their side, while on ours not more than one died, and only twenty-two were wounded. The rest all escaped unhurt, for which, God be thanked. We soon arranged for our departure, and the seven men, of whom five were wounded, took a canoe from the island, and with seven prisoners, four wo- men and three men that we gave them, returned to their own country, very merry and greatly aston- 1 The edition of Gruniger reads, ber was so small, and the text is •• twenty-five slaves ;" but it does in accordance with Canovai. not appear probable that the num- OT^WIjMppiU I !.IU|!MPfipiM||||P||pp^^!IP''''^>'.^lulW>liI< !^--^,v^>;>. ' * ■-- ' *,; I tm f ' ■.^» i- ^ / CHAPTER VIII. The Arrival of Columbus on the Coast of Paria, and at Hispaniola, August 30th, 1498 — Distracted State of the Colony he had left.— Despatches News of his Discovery of the Continent on 18th of Oc- tober, 1498, from Isabella. — Americus arrives at Cadiz, 15th of Oc- tober, 1498. — Newsmade Public. — Consequent Excitement. — Alonzo de Ojeda. — His Plan of an Expedition. — Bishop Fonseca. — His Ha- tred of Columbus. — Commission of Ojeda. — His Companionship vdth Americus. — Interval between First and Second Voyage. — Marriage of Americus with Maria Cerozo. — He goes to Court. — Is importuned by Ojeda. — Consents to go with him. — Juan de la Cosa. — Preparations for sailing at Seville. — Lorenzo di Rer-Fran- cesco de' Medici. — Sketch of his Life. CHAPTER VIII. It appears in the history of Columbus, that the Admiral, after visiting the coast of Paria, in 1498, arrived, on the 30th of August in that year, at the settlement which he had founded on the island of Hispaniola. He found the affairs of the colony in the greatest state of confusion and anarchy. Not- withstanding the sagacious and vigorous govern- ment of his brother Bartholomew, whom he had left behind him as his lieutenant or adelantado, a serious insurrection, headed by an ambitious man named Roldan, had broken out, and threatened the utter destruction of the new colony. Roldan was the last man who should have rebelled against the authority of Columbus, for he had been raised by the Admiral from poverty and a low position, to one LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS, 141 of usefulness and distinction ; but he was " one of chapter VIII. those base spirits, which grew venomous in the '■ — sunshine of prosperity. "* Columbus saw at once the necessity of vigorous condition 11 1 . . . n T ofHispan- measures to quell the ffrowine: spirit of discontent loia.and de- * O O r spalchesof and rebellion. He was well aware that many of ooiumbuB. the colonists were extremely anxious to return to Spain. They were composed mostly of refugees from justice, and convicts who had been pardoned, on the condition of accompanying him on his second and third voyages, and looked upon their residence in Hispaniola as a punishment. He deemed it ad- visable, therefore, to get rid of as many of these unruly subjects as possible, and accordingly, on the 12th of September, 1498, he made proclama- tion, offering a free passage home to such of the colonists as wished to avail themselves of the chance, in five vessels, which he determined to despatch at once for Spain. He hoped by this means to weaken the force of the disaffected, and was desirous, also, of sending to his sovereigns an account of his further discoveries.^ These ships set sail, on the 18th of the next month, from the port of Isabella, in the island of Hispaniola, just three days after the date of the arrival of Americus from his first \ oyage, in Cadiz. They reached Spain in the month of December, after a passage of about two months, bringing with them an account of the recent voyage of Colum- ' Irving, vol. ii. p. 771. Fer- ^ Fernando Columbus, chap, nando Columbus, chap. Ixxiv. Ixxiv. 'ii n ■P «,i ..nmw<^fpmi^r< ,»w«w i' «« it^i^piwjii m/^fmn^tlW^ % 142 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF VIII. cHAPTEa bus, with some specimens of the gold and pearls which he had picked up on the coast of Paria. This account was accompanied by a chart of the track of the expedition, and discoursed in glowing terms of the beauties and wealth of the country which he had visited.' It is probable that this was the first news which was published in Spain of the newly-found conti- nent. Following out the idea adopted and illus- trated in the sixth chapter of this work, that the expedition which Americus first accompanied was a private enterprise, joined by him as an agent in behalf of the king, it is reasonable to conclude that secresy was at first maintained concerning it, for purposes of private advantage. It is very likely, however, that it was communicated to the govern- ment by Americus, and this supposition is cor- roborated by what followed. Alonzo de Ojeda, a young man of great courage and enterprise, who, when only twenty-one years of age, had accompanied Columbus on his second voyage, and distinguished himself much by his gallantry and audacious spirit, was at that time lingering about the court, in search of some service or employment, in which to gain new laurels by his prowess. He was brought up as a page by the Alonzo de Ojeda. ' Irving, vol. ii. p. 781. In this account Columbus still adhered to his first views and, did not imagine for a moment that when he touched the coast of Pa- ria, he had found a continent. Ferdinand Columbus says that "he called it the Holy Island, be- lieving that land of Paria to be no continent." — Ferd. Columbus, chap. Ixxi. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 143 Duke of Medina Celi, one of the earliest supporters of Columbus at the court of Ferdinand and Isa- bella, and had been trained to hardy exercises and daring exploits in the Moorish wars. Possessing influential connexions and friends, he found little difficulty in organizing an expedition to continue these discoveries, which were the first that had roused the cupidity of the Spaniards, by their enticing descriptions of pearls, and gold, and spices.^ V Hitherto the accounts of the New World had fallen far short of the sanguine anticipations of men, and, as appears above, the disappointment in the expectations of all was so great, that it had been found necessary to force sailors to acompany the second and third expeditions. Convicts and desperate characters of all descriptions had been pressed into the service; but the great sensation produced by the later intelligence entirely altered the face of affairs. A multitude of adventurers, noble as well as of low degree, came eagerly for- ward to enrol themselves as volunteers in every new armament, and the only difiiculty was, to make a judicious selection from the crowd of applicants, / ■ ' ' . The Bishop Fonseca, who held the chief control of all matters appertaining to the affairs of the In- dies, had been since the year 1493 a bitter enemy to Columbus, and was always ready to seize upon any opportunity to annoy and impede him in his 1 Irving, vol. ii. p. 945. CHAPTER viu. Enthusiaiini rexpecting the New World. Commisiion granted by the Bishop Fonseca. -"m^imififmilM^mm ,■*■>< '""m > m ■ PI :f-.j- LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER undertakings.* He gladly encouraged Ojeda to pro- '■ — ceed in his attempt, and issued a commission, giv- ing him full authority. Well knowing that the repre'icntations of Columbus, before his departure on his third vo} ^^e, had procured a revocation of the edict of pfenera! license to privi\te adventures, he did not seek the approval of the sov»^reigns, and the commission appears signed by hi n alone, in vir- tue of his general superintendence of such affairs.* It was worded with great caution and address, for the Bishop knew that King Ferdinand would be gratified at the prospect of extending his dominions at the expense of private persons, although he did not wish to appear guilty of any public breach of faith with Columbus. Accordingly, the only pro- visos which the license of Ojeda contained, were to the effect, that he should not visit any lands belong- ing to the King of Portugal, or any of those which had been discovered for Spain previous to the year 1495 ; thus leaving him entire liberty to explore the coast of Paria and the adjacent countries, and I • The origin of the difficulty be- tween Columbus and the Bishop Fonseca was this. While at Se- ville, making preparations for his second voyage, Columbus iovud that the expenses would be greater than hf had anticipated, and much delay and demurring was occasion- ed in the settlement of his accounts. Fonseca was very captious in the matter, and in particular refused the applicatiuii of Columbus for the appointment of certain mem- bers of his household retir. te. Co- lumbus appealed to the sover- eigns, who rebuked the Bishop in a letter, in which they ordered that ho should bo allowed ten sjjuircs or unmounted footmen, and twenty additional servants, in va- rious domestic capacities. Fonse- ca cherished the memory of this affront, as he chose to consider it, to the latest period of his life. — Irving, vol. ii. p. 687. * Navarr^te, torn. ii. ^ w ^mimmmr^ f AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 145 giving him an opportunity to reap the first fn-its of chaptjse the golden harvest, which the accounts of Americus '■ — and Columbus represented as awaiting him. The near resemblance of its incidents, the simi- Tiie voya- ges of Ojeda larity of dates of departure and arrival, and the di- and Amen- *' * CUB identi- rect testimony of Alonzo de Ojeda himself, in the '^^• course of the lawsuit of Don Diego Columbus, re- ferred to in a previous chapter, render it almost cer- tain that tliis voyage of Ojeda and the second voy- age of Americus are identical. It is true that the Italian biographers of the navigator arrive at a dif- ferent conclusion, but they had not the benefit of the valuable mass of testimony which has recently been brought to light by the researches of Navar- rete among the dusty archives of Spain, and are in some degreje carried away by theii desire to exalt Americus to a separate command and authority, rather than leave him in the less showy and conse- quential, but more useful position of a skilful navi- gator and scientific astronomer. Before proceeding, however, to give the descriptions which Americus has left of his second voyage, the few events which have come down to the present time, relating to his personal history during the interval between his ar- rival and second departure, demand attention. It was during tliis interval of about seven m^ nths, Marriage of tliat Americus, notwithstanding the multifarious em- with Maria 1 -i . . 'I'll Cerezo. ployments and negotiations m which he was en- gaged, found time to complete a matrimonial en- gagement, which he had entered into before hii^, first voyage. Donna Maria Cerezo, the lady whom he . ^iL.iiii«ji^|p|pippq|||p9,. L-tpiiK'ip-J'-u ^ 146 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER married, became known, and subsequently betrothed '■ — to him, while he was conducting the affairs of the house of Berardi, in Seville, but either from pruden- tial motives, or some other cause which cannot now be ascertained, their nuptials did not take place till after his first voyage. This lady rias a nat-/e of Seville, of an honourable though not wea thy fami- ly, and it is reasonable to conclude that her alliance with Americus was based upon motives of affection alone, as the navigator was neither at that time, nor ever afterwards, in affluent circumstances. Very little is known respecting this lady, excepting that her union with Americus was unproductive of chil- dren, and that she survived him, receiving from the government, after his death, a handsome pension in consideration of her husband's services.^ Soon after his marriage, Americus visited the court, where he was received with marked atten- tion by the king, Ferdinand. Bishop Fonseca paid him particular attention and honour. He was con- sulted respecting new expeditions, and his accounts, of what he had already seen, were listened to with the greatest interest. The cold and calculating spirit of the king was gratified by finding that others besides Columbus could add to his dominions and wealth, for he already repented the contract he had entered into with the Admiral. When that was agreed upon, he little dreamed of the vast conces- sions he was making to a subject, considering his Americus goes to the court. 1 See the IlIustrationB and Documents, from Navarr^te. ' Translation of Dociunents wfw^. «'V'»«'»W iiin iwiiii.Ff wif J".iiW7Wwr!p!}B|pp;«inB?»!y()iBB5»w»T AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 147 schemes wild and visionary ; but now that the chapter brightest hopes of the advocates of Columbus seem '■ — ed on the point of being realized, he was anxious to grasp as much as possible for himself, and bitterly- repented his fonner bargain. Alonzo de Ojeda, having comparatively little ex- perience as a navigator, and viewing his projected voyage in the light of a marauding enterprise, rather than as an expedition of discovery, was nat- urally desirous of engaging the services of compe- tent and scientific navigators to conduct his fleet. He made immediate application to Americus and to Juan de la Cosa, whose reputation for skill in nautical affairs was deservedly high, and urged strongly that they should accompany him.^ Amer- icus was at first disinclined to go, and represented the short time which he would have to enjoy the quiet and repose of home, after a long and arduous voyage, but his objections were of no a^ ..i. Sec- onded by the requests of the Bishop Fohsrca, tlie entreaties of Ojeda prevailed, and Americus decided again to visit the New World. Thus strengthened by the patronage of the Court, a new fleet the next step for Ojeda was to find the means of atXjS^t equipping his expedition. The connection of Amer- ° ' ^^' if us with many of the rich merchants of Seville was of material aid in this particular, and but little difficulty was experienced in finding among the > For a sketch of the lives of second voyage, see lUuatrations Ojeda and Juan de la Cosa, the and JDocuments. companions of Americus, in his m ? ?^.? ■ i if i'\ '^^itppppuj ,11 J . giiipiiu , . ii 1; iiui I ■"^r" 148 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF CHAPTER wealthy capitalists of that enterprising city some '■ — who were willing to stake a portion of their for- tunes on the successful issue of the schemes of the adventurer. A fleet of four vessels was speed; y equipped at St. Mary, a port on the shore of the bay of Cadiz, opposite to that city, and by the lat- ter part of the spring of 1499 was ready for sea. So tempting was the spirit of adventure, that many of the sailors who, at their own request, had been sent home by Columbus from Hispaniola, enrolled themselves in this new expedition.^ . ,, ^ . - Sketch of A brief notice of the individual to whom Ameri- the life of i , . , Lorenzo di cus addrcsscd his letters, givmg an account of his Pier Fran- ' " ° cesco de* second and third voyages, may not be without in- terest to the reader. Cosmo de' Medici, the grand- father of Lorenzo tlie Magnificent, had a brother by name Lorenzo, in connection with whom he carried on a very extensive trade, both in Florence and in other parts of the world. This Lorenzo left only one son, Pier Francesco, who inherited his wealth. It was retained, however, in the hands of Cosmo de Medici, for some years after his death, and a division of the family property did not take place until the year 1451. At that time .» new agreement or part- nership was entered into, by which it was stipula- ted that the business should be carried on for the joint benefit of Pier Francesco, and the two sons of Cos- mo, Piero and Giovanni, and that their profits should be divided in equal thirds. Very large acquisitions were the result of this arrangement, but while Cos- ' Irving, vol. ii. p. 945. • $■' ^pp ^1 '''A. ..'Hm^f .K^ft^nmim^iii^^ AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 149 mo and his soiis expended immense amounts in chapter VIII. public charities and in supporting the dignity of chief magistrates of the republic, Pier Francesco preferred the quiet of private life, and transmitted to his sons, Lorenzo, the subject of this notice, and Giovanni, a patrimony much more ample thi^n that which Lorenzo the Magnificent inherited from his father, Piero. The death of Pier Francesco took place in 1459. His sons continued in the same course which their father had pursued throughout life. They were both anxious rather to acquire wealth and increase their already overgrown property, than ambitious of political honours. In 1490, as appears previously in this work, Lorenzo gave certain commissions to Americus, which were one cause of his residence in Spain. At the time of the expulsion of Piero de Medici from Florence, in 1494, the two brothers, fearful of being themselves banished in the popular commotions which ensued, dropped the family name, which at that time was in so much odium from the inefficient management of Piero, and as- sumed the surname of Popolani. It appears that they were influenced to this course partly by a de- sire to acquire for themselves the power which had passed out of the possession of the elder branch of the family ; but, if so, the subsequent elevation of Piero Soderini, and the return of the elder branch, after his fall, disappointed their hopes. Both the correspondent of Americus and his bro- ther passed through life in subordinate stations, and "»«WIW>W«PWIVB^F«»>'WII^|P?>'W)Sp|l»IWSW'^WW^^"5Wm|f»'^^ 150 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. OHAPTHB though the ducal house which afterwards furnished, — — — for nearly three centuries, a line of monarchs for Tuscany, originated in their branch of the family, they themselves never acquired any political rank. They continued engaged in extensive mercantile operations throughout their lives, and were known all over Europe by their large commercial transac- tions. When Americus wrote to Lorenzo di Pier Francesco an account of his second voyage, they were living at Florence, under the government of Piero Soderini ;i s'fViiV-»^''A^'''^^>«'- » Roscoe, Life of Lorenzo de Medici, vol. i. 181 ; vol. ii. p. 404, 405. ' \ * /. I iij ifpi 1 iiiii •it^mimmfmm'mmiliiilimiim'* CHAPTER IX. V »t^ .v?>ic,;. \*' A^ «.•'.. FIRST LETTER OP AMERICUS TO LORENZO DI PIER-PRAN- CESCO DE' MEDICI, GIVING AN ACCOUNT OP HIS SECOND VOYAGE. - ^^ Departure from Cadiz, May 18th, 1499. — Makes the Canary Islands. — Arrives at the New World in twenty-four Days. — Difficulty of Dis- embarcation. — Freshness of the Water at Sea. — Two large Rivers Discovered. — Ascent of one of them. — Description of the Scenery. — Remarkable Current. — Shadows of the Sun. — The Stars of the South Pole. — Remarkable Passage in Dante. — Calculation of Dis- tance from Cadiz. — Calculation of Longitude, Aug. 23, 1499. — Oc- cultation of Mars. — Sails Northwardly. — Discovers an Island. — Description of the Natives. — Their Hospitality. — Present of Pearls. — Voyage continued. — Meets with Unfriendly Natives. — Cannibal- ism. — Battle with them. — Valour of a Portuguese Sailor. — A very lai'ge Race of Natives. — Venezuela.^-Proceeds to Hispaniola. — Re- fitting the Fleet. — Continue Homeward Voyage. — Take a Cargo of Slave-prisoners. — Arrive at the Azores and Cadiz. — Conclusion of the Voyage. . . s'. Most Excellent and dear Lord, It is a long time since I have written to your Ex- chapter cellency, and for no other reason than that nothing has occurred to me worthy of being commemorated. This present letter will inform you, that about a month ago, I arrived from the Indies, by the way of the great ocean, brought, by the grace of God, safe- ly to this city of Seville. I think your Excellency will be gratified to learn the result of my voyage, and the most surprising things which have been pre- IX. .iii|li»iWi«i;nn|^*^BifllNViiMi luppiJiiiii I fill I. nJiJifi|i. 162 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF CHAPTER sented to my observation. If I am somewhat te- '■ — dious, let my letter be read in your more idle hours, as fruit is eaten after the cloth is removed from the table. Your Excellency will please to note, that, commissioned by his highness the King of Spain, I set out with two small ships, on the 18th of May, 1499, on a voyage of discovery to the southwest, by way of the great ocean, and steered my course along the coast of Africa, until I reached the Fortu- nate Islands, which are now called the Canaries. After having provided ourselves with all things ne- cessary, first offering our prayers to God, we set sail from an island which is called Gomera, and turn- ing our prows southwardly, sailed twenty-four days with a fresh wind, without seeing any land. At the end of these twenty-four days we came within sight of land, and found that we had sailed about thirteen hundred leagues, and were at that distance from the city of Cadiz, in a southwesterly direction. When we saw the land we gave thanks to Grod, and then launched our boats, and, with six- teen men, went to the shore, which we found thickly covered with trees, astonishing both on account of their size and their verdure, for they never lose their foliage. The sweet odoui* which they exhaled (for they are all aromatic) highly delighted us, and we were rejoiced in regaling our nostrils. We rowed along the shore in the boats, to see if we could find any suitable place for landing, but after toiling from morning till night, we found no way or passage which we could enter and disem- Arrives at the conti- nent in twenty-four days. 1i.ii:iii AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 153 bark. We were prevented from doing so by the chaptbe lowness of the land, and by its being so densely cov '■ — ered with trees. We concluded, therefore, to re- turn to the ships, and make an attempt to land in some other spot. We observed one remarkable circumstance in Fresh cur- these seas. It was, that at fifteen leagues from the ter at sea. land, we found the water fresh like that of a river — and we filled all our empty casks with it. Hav- ing returned to our ships, we raised anchor and set sail — turning our prows southwardly, as it was my intention to see whether I could sail round a point of land, which Ptolomey calls the Cape of Cattega- ra (which is near the Great Bay).^ In my opinion > it was not far from it, according to the degrees of latitude and longitude, which will be stated here- after. Sailing in a southerly direction along the coast, we saw two large rivers issuing from the land — one running from west to east, and being four leagues in width, which is sixteen miles, — the other ran from south to north, and was three leagues wide. I think that these two rivers, by reason of their magnitude, caused the freshness of the water in the adjoining sea. Seeing that the coast was invariably low, we determined to enter one of these rivers with the boats, and ascend it till we either found a suit- able landing-place or an inhabited village. Having prepared our boats, and put in provision for four days, with twenty men well armed, we entered the river, and rowed nearly two days, 1 See the Dissertazione Gustificativa, Nus. 85, 86 > 20 ^^"^"Hfm, ^^imKmmw 164 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTEB making a distance of about eighteen leagues. We I '■ — attempted to land in many places by the way, but found the low land still continuing, and so thickly covered with trees, that a bird could scarcely fly through them. While thus navigating the river, we saw very certain indications that the inland parts of the country were inhabited ; never- theless, as our vessels remained in a dangerous place, in case an adverse wind should arise, we concluded, at the end of two days, to return. Sees beauti- Here we saw an immense number of birds, of fill birds and foliage, various forms and colours ; a great number of par- rots, and so many varieties of them, that it caused us great astonishment. Some were crimson-col- oured, others of variagated green and lemon, others entirely green, and others, again, that were black and flesh-coloured. Oh ! the song of other species of birds, also, was so sweet and so melodious, as we heard it among the trees, that we often lin- gered, listening to their charming music. The trees, too, were so beautiful, and smelt so sweetly, that we almost imagined ourselves in a terres- trial paradise ; yet not one of those trees, or the fruit of them, were similar to the trees or fruit in our part of the world. On our way back we saw many people, of various descriptions, fishing in the river. Having arrived at our ships, we raised anchor and set sail, still continuing in a southerly direc- tion, and standing off to sea about forty leagues. While sailing on this course, we encountered a . / / AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 155 current, which ran from southeast to northwest; so chaptbe great was it, and ran so furiously, that we were put '■ — into great fear, and were exposed to great peril. The current was so strong, that the Strait of Gib- raltar and that of the Faro of Messina appeared to us like mere stagnant water in comparison with it. We could scarcely make any headway against it, though we had the wind fresh and fair. Seeing that we made no progress, or but very little, and the danger to which we were exposed, we determined to turn our prows to the north- west. As I know, if I remember right, that your Ex- iHigeo. cellency understands somethmg of cosmography, I poaiuon and intend to describe to you our progress, in our 'Jiadow. navigation by the latitude and longitude. We sailed so far to the south, that we entered the Torrid Zone, and penetrated the Circle of Cancer. You may rest assured, that for a few days, while sailing through the Torrid Zone, we saw four shadows of the sun, as the sun appeared in the zenith to us at mid-day. I would say that the sun, being in our meridian, gave us no shadow, and this I was enabled many times to demonstrate to all the company, and took their testimony of the fact. This I did on account of the ignorance of the common people, who do not know that the sun moves through its circle of the zodiac. At one time I saw our shadow to the south, at another to the north, at another to the west, and at another "fwppB»|i^»w^yr" ■w ' '|R«w«iipwT'^""i»""T"''wr 166 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP OHAFTEE to tlic east, and sometimes, for an hour or two of IX. — — '■ — the day, we had no shadow at all. We sailed so far south in the Torrid a jne, that we found ourselves under the equinoctial line, and had both poles at the edge of the horizon. Having passed the line, and sailed six degrees to the south of it, we lost sight of the north star altogether, and even the stars of Ursa Minor, or, to speak better, the guardians which revolve about the firmament, were scarcely seen. Very desirous of being the author who should designate the other polar star of the firmament, I lost, many a time, my night's sleep, while contemplating the movement of the stars around the Southern Pole, in order to ascer- tain which had the least motion, and which might be nearest to the firmament, but I was not able to accomplish it with such bad nights as I had, and such instruments as I used, which were the quad- rant and astrolabe. I could not distinguish a star which had less than ten degrees of motion around the firmament ; so that I was not satisfied within myself, to name any particular one for the pole of the meridian, on account of the large revolution which they all made around the firmament. While I was arriving at this conclusion as the result of my investigations, I recollected a verse of our poet Dante, which may be found in the first chapter of his " Purgatory," where he imagines he is leaving this hemisphere to repair to the other, and attempting to describe the Antartic pole, says : - *'a H' 157 CHAPTER IX. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. " lo mi vol« a man dcstra e posi mente Air altro polo, e vidi quit ro stello Non viste mai, fuor che alia prima gente : Goder pareva il Ciel di lor fiammelle : O settentrional vedovo sito Poiche privato sei di mirar quelle."' - It appears to me that the poet wished to describe The south- in these verses, by the four stars, the pole of the *'" "^ other firmament, and I have little doubt, even now, 1 To the right hand I turned, and fixed my mind On the other pole attentive, where I saw Four stars ne'er seen before save by the ken Of our first parents. Heaven of their rays Seemed Joyous. Oh thou northern site, beieti Indeed, and widowed, since of these deprived. Carey'a Dante, Viiionof Purgatory, Can. i. Venturi observes that "Dante here speaks as a poet, and almost in the spirit of prophecy ; or what is more likely, describes the heav- ens about that pole according to his own invention. In our days," he adds, "the cross, composed of four stars, three of the second and one of the third magnitude, serves as a guide to those who sail from Europe to the south, but in the age of Dante these discoveries had not been made." "It appears probable," says Carej', in a note to this passage, " that either from long tradition, or from the relation of later voyagers, the real truth might not have been unknown to our poet. Seneca's predictions of the discovery of America may be accounted for in a similar manner. But whatever may be thought of this, it is certain that the four stars are hero symbolical of the four cardinal virtues. Prudence, Justice, Fortitude, and Temperance. M. Artaud mentions a globe construct- ed by an Arabian in Egypt, with the date of the year 622 of the Hegira, corresponding to 1225 of our era, in which the Southern Cross is positively marked. See his Histoire de Dante, chap. xxxi. and xl. 8vo. Par. 1841. The prediction of Seneca is con- tained in the well known lines firom Medea, Vunlent annis Sfficula seris, qulbus Oceanni Vinculls rerum laxet, et ingens Pateat tellus, Typhisque novos Detegat orbes, nee sit terrls Ultima Thule. See also the Illustrations and Doc- uments — Eulogy of Americus. — Canovai says, in a note at this passage, that Pigofetta speaks as follows of the Antarctic Pole : "At the Antarctic Pole are seen many stars congregated together, which are like two mists, separated from each other, and a little obscure in the middle. Between these are two not very large or very bright, and which have little motion, and these two are the Antarctic Pole." — Ramusio, torn. i. p. 356. A Por- tuguese nnyigator, in the same V»i i; '^imfilf9ii^r^'mfg>r"vnfm" 'u -'■'<"W'iN!9'wi"isp*''^mni|qi|H rm^ 168 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER that what he says may be true. I observed four '■ — stars in the figure of an almond, which had but little motion, and if God gives me life and health, I hope to go again into that hemisphere, and not to return without observing the pole. In conclusion, I would remark, that we extended our navigation so far south, that our difference of latitude from the city of Cadiz was sixty degrees and a half, be- cause, at that city, the pole is elevated thirty-five degrees and a half, and we had passed six degrees beyond the equinoctial line.* Let this suffice as to collection, says, "As we arrived at the golden river, we began to see four scars of admirable size and lucidity, placed in the form of a cross, which are thirty degrees distant from the Antarctic Pole, and we called it the Cross, and raised an instrument to one of these four stars, which is the foot of the cross, and as it is found there in the south, we knew its centre to be the Antarctic Pole.' — Ibid. p. 117, D. Corsali speaks in terms more cogent yet, in confirming the observations and application of Americus. " In which place is the pole two clouds of reasonable size evidently manifest it, moving around it continually in a circular motion, now rising and now descending with one star always in the middle, which, with them, revolves about eleven de- grcs distant from the pole. Above these appears a marvellous cross, in the midst of five stars which surround it with other stars which go with it round the pole, revolving about thirty de- grees distant, and it makes its rev- olution in twenty-four hours, and is so beautiful, that, it appears to me, no other heavenly sign can be compared with it I think this may be the cross of which Dante speaks with prophetic spir- it."— /6. p. 177, E. And finally Giuntini, in the Comments on the Sfera del Sacro Bosco, writes, " Some Portuguese mariners, while seeking the noble emporium of In- dia, now called Calcutta, sailing round the whole Atlantic Ocean, saw the other pole, meanwhile, elevated above fifty degrees, at the same time that our pole was depressed below the horizon."— In. C. 1. Sphera de Sacro Bosco. Canovai, tom. i. p. 103, note ' The following is the calcula- tion of Americus more plainly ex- pressed : From the Pole to the Equator is . . S0° From the Equator to his position at the time 6" Total . Deduct the latitude of Cadiz 06» 36X« Diflbrence of Latitude . . 60)i" Bee Canovai, tom. U. p. 105. i, ■ 1 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 109 our latitude. You must observe that this our nav- chaptwi IX. igatiou was in the months of July, August, and ^ — September, when, as you know, the sun is longest above the horizon in our hemisphere, and describes the greatest arch in the day, and the least in the night On the contrary, while we were at the equinoctial line, or near it, within four to six degrees, the difference between the day and night was not perceptible. They were of equal length, or very nearly so. As to tlie longitude, I would say that I found so much difficulty in discovering it, that I had to la- bour very hard to ascertain the distance I had made by means of longitude. I found nothing better, at last, than to watch the opposition of the planets during the night, and especially that of the moon, with the other planets, because the moon is swifter in her course than any other of the heavenly bodies. I compared my observations with the almanac of Giovanni da Monteregio, which was composed for the meridian of the city of Ferrara, verifying them with the calculations in the tables of King Alphonso, and, afterwards, with the many observations I had myself made one night with another. On the twenty-third of August, 1499 (when the Transit of • 1 •»» I • 1 1 Mars, Au- moon was m coniunction with Mars, which, accord- B"st23d, •' ' ' 1499. ing to the almanac, was to take plaie at midnight, or half an hour after), I found that when the moon rose to the horizon an hour and a half after the sun had set, the planet had passed in that part of the east. I observed that the moon was about a degree imd m "WliHW^ iiwniuviiiji.ii. >■ 160 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER some minutes farther east than Mars, and at mid- '■ — night she was five degrees and a half farther east, a Httle more or less. So that, making the propor- tion : if twenty-four hours are equal to 360 degrees, what are five hours and a half equal to '? I found the result to be eighty-two degrees and a half, which was equal to my longitude from the meridian of the city of Cadiz ; then giving to every degree sixteen leagues and two thirds, I found myself dis- tant west from the city of Cadia thirteen hundred and sixty-six leagues and two thirds, which is five thousand four hundred and sixty-six miles and two thirds. The reason why I give sixteen leagues to each degree is, because, according to Tolomeo and Alfagrano, the earth turns twenty-four thou- sand miles, which is equal to six thousand leagues, whidi, being divided by 360 degrees, gives to each degree sixteen leagues and two thirds. This cal- culation I certified many times conjointly with the pilots, and found it true and good.^ It appears to me, most excellent Lorenzo, that by this voyage most of those philosophers are con- troverted, who say tliat the Torrid Zone cannot be inhabited on account of the great heat. I have found the case to be quite the contrary. I have found that the air is fresher and more temperate in that region than beyond it, and that the inhabitants ' Sacrobosco calculates the cir- It will be observet' that Americus cumference of the eorth at 31,500 approximated more closely to the miles, Bnliani at 30,000, ond mod- modem estimate than either. — em astronomers at 21, COO at the Canovai, tom. i. p. 105, note, equator, and 21,532 at the poles. AMERICUS VESPUCroS, 161 are also more numerous here than they are in the chapter "' IX. other zones, for reasons which will be given below. Thus it is certain, that practice is of more value than theory. Thus far I have related the naviffation I accom- Description ° of the na- plished in the South and West. It now remains "ves. a •T race of can- for me to inform you of the appearance of the coun- "''*^* try we discovered, the nature of the inhabitants, and their customs, the animals we saw, and of many other things worthy of remembrance, which fell under my observation. After we turned our course to the north, the first land we found to be inhabited was an island, at ten degrees distant from the equinoctial line. When we arrived at it, we saw on the seashore a great many people who stood looking at us with astonishment. We anchored with- in about a mile of the land, fitted out the boats, and twenty-two men, well armed, made for land. The people, when they saw us landing, and perceived that we were different from themselves (because they have no beard and wear no clothing of any description, being also of a different colour, they being brown and we white), began to be afraid of us, and all ran into the woods. With great exer- tion, by means of signs, we reassured them, and negotiated with them. We found that they were of a race called cannibals, the greater part, or all of whom, live on human flesh. Your Excellency may rest assured of this fact. They do not eat one another, but navigating with certain barks which they call canoes, they bring 21 ill. Mt 'Aht% ■ i;i» WlfWW^iW- '!'l(.^l!,Hllip|li(,M»J|Ul!J»^J|HpH!|ran.J?IBi.iW' -'-V w 162 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER their prey from the neighbouring islands or coun- • '■ — tries inhabited by those who are enemies, or of a different tribe from their own. They never eat any women, unless they consider them outcasts. These things we verified in many places where we found similar people. We often saw the bones and heads of those who had been eaten, and they who had made the repast admitted the fact, and said that their enemies always stood in much greater fear on that account. -. • "• Still they are a people of gentle disposition and beautiful stature. They go entirely naked, and the arms which they carry are bows and arrows, and shields. They are a people of great activity and much courage. They are very excellent marksmen. In fine, we held much intercourse with them, and they took us to one of their villages about two leagues inland, and gave us our breakfast. They gave whatever was asked of them, though I think more through fear than affection, and after having been with them all one day, we returned to the ships, still remaining on friendly terms with them. SaU along We Sailed along the coast of this island, and saw the shore and arrive bv the scashore another large village of the same at the Gulf •' & & ofParia. tribe. We landed in the boats, and found they were waiting for us, all loaded with provisions, and they gave us enough to make a very good breakfast, according to their ideas of dishes. Seeing they were such kind people, and treated us so well, we dared not take any thing from them, and made sail till we arrived at a gulf which is called the AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. i63 Gulf of Paria. We anchored opposite the mouth chapter IX. of a great river, which causes the water of this gulf '■ — to be fresh, and saw a large village close to the sea. We were surprised at the great number of people who were seen there. They were without arms, and seemed peaceably disposed. We went ashore with the boats, and they received us with great friendship, and took us to their houses, where they had made very good preparations for breakfast. Here they gave us three sorts of wine to drink, not of the juice of the grape, but made of fruits like beer, and they were excellent. Here also we ate many fresh acorns, a most royal fruit. They gave us many other fruits, all different from ours, and of very good flavour, the flavour and odour of all being aromatic. They gave us some small pearls, and eleven large ones ; and they told us by signs, that if we would wait some days, they would go and fish for them, and bring us many of them. We did not wish to be detained, so with many parrots of various colours, and in good friendship, we parted from them. From these people we learned that those of the before mentioned island were cannibals, and ate human flesh. We issued from this gulf and sailed along the coast, seeing continually great numbers of people, and when we were so disposed, we treated with them, and they gave us every thing we asked of them. They all go as naked as they were born, without being ashamed. If all were to be related concerning the little shame they have, it m w '^(•^PWPWW J"f, i.iJ"l'» 164 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF CHAPTER would be bordering on impropriety, therefore it is IX better to suppress it. Sail along After having sailed about four hundred leagues the shores " i i i • of the Con- continually along the coast, we concluded that this tinent four •' '^ ' \e^^ll lf4 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. CHAPTER long time. It is a precious monument, for without '■ — it we should have been left in ignorance of the great additions which he made to astronomical science. The most rigorous examination of this letter cannot bring to light the least circumstance proving any thing for or against the accuracy of his first voyage. The indifference with which he commences the matter is, however, a strong indication that he had previously written an account of his first voyage to the same Lorenzo de' Medici, to whom he ad- dressed this communication.^ > Bartolozzi, Ricerche Historico-Critiche circa alle Scoperte D' Amer- igo Vespucci, p. C2, 63. CHAPTER X. CONTINUATION OP THE LETTER OP AMERICUS TO PIERO SODERINI, GIVING AN ACCOUNT OP HIS SECOND VOYAGE. Departure from Cadiz, May, 1499. — Arrival in the New World. — Signs of Inhabitants. — Coasting the Shores. — San Luis de Maran- ham. — Chase and Capture a Canoe. — Cannibalism. — Pearls and Gold. — Inimical Natives. — Chewing the Cud. — Want of Water. — Immense Leaves. — Island of Curacoa. — Large Islanders. — Visit to their Village. — Returning to Castile. — Trade with the Indians. — Large Quantity of Pearls. — Visit Antilla. — Take in Provisions. — Sail for Spain. — Arrival at Cadiz, June 8th, 1500. The Second Voyage, and what I saw in it most chapter worthy of being remembered, here follow. We . set out from the port of Cadiz, three ships in com- pany, on the 18th of May, 1499, and steered our course directly to the Cape Verd Islands, passing within sight of the Grand Canary. We soon ar- rived at an island which is called Del Fuego or Fire Island, and having taken in wood and water, we proceeded on our voyage to the southwest. In forty-four days we arrived at a new land, which we judged to be a continent, and a continur <>.: i' that mentioned in my former voyage.^ It was situated 1 Ho was twenty days in ma- mentioned in my former voyage." king the Canaries, and twenty- The mistake originated in a mis- four more in crossing the Atlantic, pri it of the Latin edition, the word Some editions make the reading "contraria" being substituted for of this passage, " opposite to that " continua." — Can., torn. i. p. 132. X. t ' H i, iM. 176 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER within the torrid zone, south of the equinoctial line, '■ — where the south pole is elevated five degrees, and distant from said island, bearing south, about five hundred leagues.^ Here we found the days and nights equal on the 27th of June, when tlic sun is near the tropic of Cancer. We did not see any people here, and having an- chored our ships and cast off our boats, we proceed- ed to the land, wJiich we found to be inundated by very large rivers. We came to anchor, and having got out the boats, attempted to enter these at many points, but from the immense quantity of water brought down by them, we could find no place, af- ter hard toiling, that was not overflowed. We saw many signs of the country's being inhabited, but, as we were unable to enter it, we concluded to return to the ships, and make the attempt on some other part of the coast. Coast the We raised our anchors accordingly, and sailed about forty along soutlicast by east, continually coasting the land, whicli ran in that direction. Wc attempted to enter at many points within the space of forty leagues, but all our labour was labour lost. We found the currents so strong on this coast that they absolutely obstructed our sailing, and they all rnn from the southeast to the northwest. Seciujr our navigation was attended witii so many inconvien- • The work of Bandini contains itt many instunocH manitVstly ut a series of singular errors in rnganl vuriuncc witli tho sense. — Cano- tothirt letter. The fimiri' 5, where- vai, t<'"»- '• !'• 13!i. ever it occurs, is printed 8 — though AMKKICUS VESPUCIUS. irr CHAPTER X. ences, we concluded to turn our course to the north- west. Having sailed some time in this direction, we arrived at a very beautiful harbour, which was made by a large island at the entrance, inside of which was a very large bay.^ While sailing along parallel with the island, with f"'"*"" nn<' '-''-'•' ' capture ol a view of entering the harbour, we saw many peo- "■ '^'^^■ pie on the shore, and, being much cheered, we man- oeuvred our ships for the purpose of anchoring and landing where they appeared. We might have been then about four leagues at sea. While proceeding on our course for this purpose, we saw a canoe quite out at sea, in which there were several people, and made sail on our ships in order to come up with and take possession of them, steering so as not to run them down ; wo saw that they stood with their oars raised, I think either thn^ugh astonishment at be- holding our ships, or by way of giving us to under- stand that they meant tv> wait tor us and resist us ; but as they perwi\od us approaching, they dropped their oars into the water, and began to rt>w towards the land. Having in our company a small vessel of forty -five tons, a very fast sailer, she tot)k a fa- vourahiie wind, and boifflier might appear as if she did not wish to board the cauoe, she passed it, and then hove up in the wind. String that by this manoeuvre they had the advantage, they plied their oars with main » This was San Luis ilu Maraiihiun. — Navanile, torn. iii. p. 259. 23 -r-l' Ml I'UJ ll«^|Kqi|pi^>l' 178 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF X. CHAPTER strength, in order to escape ; but having our boats - at the stern filled with good men, we thought they would take them, which they laboured hard to do for more than two hours, without success. If the schooner had not borne down upon them once more, we should have lost them. When they found them- selves embarrassed between the schooner and the boats, they all jumped into the sea, being about twenty men,^ and at the distance of two leagues from the shore. We followed them the whole day with our boats, and could only take two, which was an extraordinary feat ; all the rest escaped to the shore. Four boys remained in the canoe, who were not of their tribe, but had been taken prisoners by them, and brought from another country. We were much surprised at the gross injuries they had inflict- ed upon these boys, and having been taken on board the ships, they told us they had been captured in order to be eaten. Accordingly we knew that those people were cannibals, who eat human flesh. We proceeded with the ships, taking the canoe with us at the stern, and following the course which they pursued, anchored at half a league from the shore. As we saw many people on the shore, we landed in the boats, carrying with us the two men we had taken. When we reached the beach, all the people fled into the woods, and ' Bandini gives the number of been met with, mailc, like this, out men in this canoe us seventy. A of the tniuK. nt' a tree. Fcrilinaiui canoe must have been tolerably ColumbuH tipeaks of some iiokling large to have held even twenty as many us fifty men. — Canovai, men, although larger onca have torn. i. p. 13G, mjir-. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 179 we sent one of the two men to negotiate with chapter them, giving them several trifles, as tokens of '■ — friendship, such as little bells, buttons, and looking- glasses, and telling them that we wished to be tlieii friends. He brought the people all back with him, of whom there were about four hundred men, and many women, who came unarmed to the place where we laid with the boats. Having established friendship with them, we surrendered the other prisoner, and sent to the ships for the canoe, which we restored. This canoe was twenty-six yards long, and six feet wide, made out of a single tree, and very well wrought. When th^y had carried it into a river near by, and put it in a secure place, they all fled, and would have nothing more to do with us, which appeared to us a very barbarous act, and we judged them to be a faithless and evil-disposed people. We saw among them a little gold, which they wore in their ears. Leaving this place, we sailed about eighty Meet friend- leagues along the coast, and entered a bav, where ""'^ ?"'-, ~ ~ ' -■ ' cure pearls. w'e found a surprising number of people, v/ith whom we formed a friendship. Many of us went to their villages, in great safety, and were received with much courtesy and confidence. In this place we procured a hundred and fifty pearls (as tliey sold them to us for a trifle), and some little gold, which they gave us gratuitously.^ We noticed 1 The cditiim of Gruniger says, " five hundred pearls." — Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 250. :> * t.'. 'S^ui '' i 'Ml 180 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP i CHAPTER that in this country they drank wine made of y '■ — their fruits and seeds, which looked like beer, both white and red ; the best was made of acorns, and was very good. We ate a great many of these acorns, as it was the season of them. They are a very good fruit, savoury to the taste, and healthful to the body. The country abounded with the means of nourishment, and the people were well- disposed, being the most pacific of any we had seen. Remain We remained in this port seventeen days with days in port, great plcasure, and every day some new tribe of people came to see us from inland parts of the country, who were greatly surprised at our figures, at the whiteness of our skins, at our clothes, our arms, and the form and size of our ships. We were informed by these people of the existence of another tribe still farther west, who were their enemies, and that they had a great quantity of pearls. They said that those which we dis- covered in their possession were some they had taken from this other tribe in war. They told us how they fished for pearls, and in what manner they grew; and we found that they told us the truth, as your Excellency shall hear. We left this harbour, and sailed along the coast, on which we continually saw smoke, and many people on the shore, as we passed. After many days we entered a harbour, for the purpose of re- pairing one of our ships, as she leaked badly. Here we found many people, with whom, neither '^' AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 181 X. by force nor entreaty, could we have any inter- chapter course. When we went ashore, they fiercely dis- - puted our landing, and after they found it impos- sible to resist us any longer, fled to the woods. Having discovered them to be so barbarous, we sailed away from the place, and finding an island about fifteen leagues distant from the coast, re- solved to see whether it was inhabitei. We found on this island the most bestial and filthy people that were ever seen, but, at the same time, extremely pacific, so that I am able to describe their habits and customs. Their manners and their faces were filthy, and they all had their cheeks stuffed full of a green herb, which they were continually chewing, as beasts chew the cud, so that they were scarcely able to speak. Each one of them wore, hanging at the neck, two dried f ourd-shells, one of which was filled with the same kind of herb they had in their mouths, and the other with a white meal, which appeared to be chalk-dust. They tilso carried with them a small stick, which they wetted in their mouths from time to time, and then put into tiie meal, after- wards putting it into the herb, with which both cheeks were filled, and mixing the meal with it.' ' This herb was cither the Betel, or something similar to it. It is very much esteemed in the East Indies. The white mealy sub- stance which he speuks of, was calcined oyster shells. The na- tives used it for the purpose of fpienching their thirst, as Amcii- cus bup[)osed, and made use of it also as a medicine. — See Ramusio, torn. i. p. 2!)8. Cook's Voyages, vol. i. p. ir2-431-436. Ferdinand Columbus iilsii speaks of it, and says, "The chivfs continued to put Is ' Hi n Jg2 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER We were surprised at their conduct, and could not '■ — understand for what purpose they indulged in the filthy practice. Substitute As soon as these people saw us, they came to us used by the with as mucli familiarity as if we had been old natives. ,1 ■ • i i 11 friends. As we were walking with them alrmg the shore, and wished to find some fresh water to drink, they made us understand by signs that they had none, and offered us some of their herbs and meal ; hence we concluded that water was very scarce in this island, and that they kept these herbs in their mouths in order to allay their tliirst. We walked about the island a day and a half without finding any living water, and noticed that all the water which they drank, was the dew which fell in the night upon certain leaves which looked like asses' ears. These leaves being filled with dew water, the islanders used it for their drink, and irbst ex- cellent water it was, but there were many places where the leaves were not to be found. They had no kind of victuals or roots such as we found on the mainland, but lived on fish which they caught in the sea, of which there was an abun- dance, and they were great fishermen. They pre- sented us with many turtles, and many large and very good fish. The women did not chew the herb as the men did, but carried a gourd with water iu a dry herb in their mouths, and of Cumana, that the Indians chow- also a certain powder. — Canovai, ed an herb continually to keep torn. i. p. 141. their teeth white. — NavarrCte, torn. Alonzo Nino and Christobal iii. p. 15. Guerra observed upon the coast AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 183 it, of which they drank. They had no villages, orAPTER houses, or cottages, except some arbours which de '■ — lended them from the sun, but not from the rain ; this ai)j)earing needless, for I think it very seldom rained on this island. When they were fishing out at seu, they each wore on the bead a very large leaf, so broad that they were covered by its shade.' They fixed these leaves also in the ground on shore, and as the sun moved, turned them about, so as to keep within the shadow, and defend themselves from the sun's rays. The island contained many animals of various kinds, all of whicli drank the muddy water of the marshes. Seeing there was no utility in staying here, we a race of left and went to another island, m hich we found size. inhabited by people of very large stature, (ioing int« the country in search of fresh water, without thinking the island inhabited (as Ave saw no people), as we were passing along the shore, we remarked very large footprints )•• the sand. We concluded that if the other met >ors corresponded with the feet, tiiey must belong i very large men. A\ hile occupied with these conjecture.^ we slru(;k a puth which led us inland, and imagining that as the isl- and w^as small, there ' ould not be many people on III 'PI w ' Ramusio speaks of a tree nr plant growing in the East Intiles, which produces four or five leaves, each of which will shelter a man from the sun and rain. — Jiarn. torn. i. p. ICl, D, Coiiti also ■i]i:u['< . f a tree, the leaves of whicb arc -ix yards, long, and nearly the same width. " When it rains 'licy are carried over the head to prevent the |)eople from lieing wet, nnd thnc or fotir per- sons stretching it out may be cov- ered." — Ibid. p. 331), C. Canovai, torn. i. p. 144. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // 4^ 1.0 I.I ■ 50 ^™ 2.5 I 40 2.0 1.8 1.25 1.4 1.6 ^ : 6" - ► PhotDgraphic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 4^ «• :% ^^^< ^ ^ 184 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER it, we passed on to find out of what description '■ — they might be. After we had gone about a league, we saw in a valley five of their cottages, which appeared to be uninhabited, and, on going to them, we found only five women, two quite old, and three girls, all so tall in stature, that we regarded them with astonishment. When they saw us. they be- came so frightened that they had not eve courage to flee, and tlie two old women began to invite us into their houses, and to bring us many things to eat, with many caresses. They were taller than a tall man, and as large-bodied as Francisco of Al- bizzi, but better proportioned than w^e are. ;p While we were all consulting as to the expedi- ency of taking the three girls by force, and bringing them to Castile, to exhibit the wonder, there en- tered the door of the cottage thirty-six men much larger than the women, and so well made that it was a pleasure to look at them. They put us in such perturbation, however, that we would much rather have been in our ships, than have found our- selves with such people. They carried immense bows and arrows, and large-headed clubs, and talk- ed among themselves in a tone which led us to think they were deliberating about attacking us. Seeing we were in such danger, we formed vari- ous opinions on the subject. Some were for falling upon them in the house, others thought it would be better to attack them in the field, and others that we should not commence the strife until we saw what they wished to do. We agreed at length to ■■'WP«!|PPi5p!f»i!«i^pf»»^'!iWPlPi w^ '^'^mmmm 'mmmmm'^^^ AHERIGUS VESPUCIUS. go out of the cottage, and take our way quietly to- chaptee wards the ships. As soon as we did this, they fol '■ — lowed at a stone's throw behind us, talking earnest- ly among themselves, and I think no less afraid of us than we were of them ; for whenever we stop- ped, they did the same, never coming nearer to us. In this way we at length arrived at the shore, where the boats were waiting for us — we entered them, and as we were going off in the distance, they leaped forward and shot many arrows after us, but we had little fear of them now. We discharged two guns at them, more to frighten than to injure, and on hearing the report, they all fled to the moun- tain. Thus we parted from them, and it appeared to us that we had escaped from a perilous day's work. These people were quite naked, like the others we had seen, and on account of their large stature, I call this island the Island of Giants.* We proceeded onward in a direction parallel with the land, on which it often happened that we were obliged to fight with the people, who were not will- ing to let us take any thing away. Our minds were fully prepared by this time for Thoughte of •' ^ ^ '' returning to returning to Castile. We had been at sea about a Spain. year, and had but little provision left, and that little damaged, in consequence of the great heat through which we had passed. From the time we left the Island of Cape Verd until then, we had been sail- ing continually in the torrid zone, having twice » This was probably the island of Curacoa. — Navarrete, torn. ^. p. 259. 24 186 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF CHAPTER crossed the equinoctial line, as before stated ; hav- '■ — ing been five degrees beyond it to the south, and then being fifteen degrees north of it. Being thus disposed for our return, it pleased the Holy Spirit to give us some repose from our great labours. Going in search of a harbour, in order to repair our ships, we fell in w^ith a people who re- ceived us with much friendship, and we found that they had a great quantity of oriental pearls, which were very good. We remained with them forty- seven days, and procured from them a hundred and nineteen marks of pearls in exchange for a mere trifle of our merchandise, which I think did not cost us the value of forty ducats. We gave them nothing whatever but bells, looking-glasses, beads, and brass plates ; for a bell, one would give all the pearls he had. We learned from them how and where they fished for these pearls, and they gave us many oysters in which they grew. We procured one oyster in which a hundred and thirty pearls were growing, but in others there were a less num- ber. The one with the hundred and thirty the queen took from me, but the others I kept to my- self, that she might not see them. Your Excellency must know, that if the pearls are not ripe and not loose in the shell, they do not last, because they are soon spoiled. Of this I have seen many examples. When they are ripe, they are loose in the oyster, and mingle with the flesh, and then they are good. Even the bad ones which they had, which for the most part were rough, and AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 187 disfigured with holes, were nevertheless worth a chapter considerable sum. '■ — At the end of forty-seven days, we left these people in great friendship with us, and from the want of provisions went to the Island of Antilla, which was discovered some years before by Chris- topher Columbus. Here we obtained many sup- plies, and staid two months and seventeen days. We passed through many dangers and troubles with the Christians who were settled in this island with Columbus (I think through their envy), the relation of which, in order not to be tedious, I omit. We left there on the twenty-second of April, and after sailing a month and a half, entered the port of Cadiz, where we were received with much hon- our, on the eighth day of June.^ Thus terminated, by the favour of God, my second voyage. 1 The months of April and June are adopted by Canovai, and very properly, instead of the months of September and April, which are used in some other editions. This reading makes the letter corres- pond with that to De' Medici, de- scribing the same voyage, and be- sides, gives the correct date of the termination of the voyage. Amer- icus says that it lasted thirteen months ; if it ended in September, it would have been seventeen. — See First Letter of Americus to De' Medici, Canovai, torn. i. p. 151. •4 hi CHAPTER XL CHAPTER XI. Unjustifiable Perversion of the Words of Americus.— Attack of Sick- ness. — New Spanish Fleet for hirn. — His Position in Spain.— Mo- tives of the King of Portugal in attempting to gain the Services of Americus.— First Attempt by Letter.— Second Attempt by a Mes- senger. — Juliano Giocondo. — He leaves Spain secretly. — Goes to Lisbon. — Reception at the Court of Emmanuel. — Importance of his Voyage to the Kingdom of Portugal. — Extract from Thomson's Seasons.- A "Word respecting the Date of the Voyage.— Inaccuracy of Herrera. It was during the month of iTuly, in the year 1500, that Americus wrote his letter to Lorenzo de' Medi- ci, giving a description of the voyage which had just been brought to a conclusion. He apologizes, as has been seen, for his long silence, and gives as an excuse for it, the reason, that nothing had occurred to him worthy of being commemorated, excepting that which he proceeded to narrate. A most un- justifiable use has been made of this expression of the navigator, by those who are desirous of discred- iting his account of his first voyage. They argue that it is equivalent to saying that he had not made a previous voyage, for it would have been a remark- able forgetfulness to have said that nothing of im- portance had occurred, if he had made a previous voyage, of eighteen months duration, in 1497-8. How much more ingenuous would it be to suppose fW iiMlfi.ll.lf 1,(1 ijpny^.ijp n ' (HHIHNLiull LIFE AND VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 189 thit he had previously written De' Medician account chapter of that first voyage, in letters which have been lost '■ — in the lapse of time, and that the interval between those communications and the one imder considera- tion, a period of more than fourteen months at the least, compelled him to speak of his long silence and make excuses for it. The weakness of the argu- ment made use of to discredit him, is of itself an ev- idence of the want of cogent proof in support of their position.* Notwithstanding the severe attack of sickness Preparation , . , for a third which Americus experienced immediately after his voyage from return, (the quartan ague, contracted probably by exposure to the unhealthy climate of the West In- dies,) he devoted himself at once to preparation for a ttiird voyage. It would seem that the merchants of Seville were not easily disheartened by the un- profitable result, in a pecuniai-y point of view, of the voyage of Ojeda and Americas ; or that the gov- ernment itself had taken his fortunes under its spe- cial charge. While, however, a new fleet was be- ing made ready, which he expected would be in complete order for sea as early as the month of September, some circumstances occurred which led him to abandon the service of Spain and try his fortune under the auspices of a new monarch. What these circumstances were can now only be conjectured. Americus himself subsequently speaks of the course which he had adopted in terms which show that he did not leave Spain without doubting ' Irving, vol. ii. p. 885. il ■<^' t^ iJ-i^ 190 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP to Ameri' CU8< CHAPTER in his own mind the propriety of the proceeding. — He stood deservedly high in tlie estimation of the Court, and the amenity and modesty of his manners had attached to him a great number of warm friends and admirers. It is probable that he accepted the offers, which were made to him by the King of Portugal, in a momentary feeling of pique at some fancied neglect, or in disgust at the measures brought about by persons envious of his well-earned fame.' Rewons The motivcs of the King of Portugal in en- whichled - . , • ^ 4 • King Era- deavouHug to securc the services oi Americus are raanuel to • 1 1 t j make offers yerv apparent. The accidental discovery made to Amen- J rr -i by Cabral, about a year before this time, who, while attempting to double the Cape of Good Hope, on his way to the East Indies, had been driven across the South Atlantic to the shores of Brazil by adverse winds, had given rise to dis- putes and dissensions between the governments of Spain and Portugal. These disputes had just been settled by a compromise. The line of de- marcation between their respective dominions was changed, and removed three hundred and seventy leagues west of its former position. Cabral saw but very little of the country which he had fallen in with so unexpectedly. He took formal posses- sion of it, however, in the name of his sovereign, and despatched one of the ships of his fleet to give information of his discovery, while in the meantime he pursued his original voyage.^ I See chap. xiii. * Canovai, torn. ii. p. 79. "!P"wn^i^r" AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 191 The accounts of Americus respecting this newly- chapter acquired region could not have failed to reach the '■ — ears of King Emmanuel. He found himself, by the recent agreement, put into possession of a country far more extensive than the meagre re- ports of Cabral could have warranted him to hope for. Unable to avail himself of the services of that navigator, and duly estimating the distinguished reputation and skill of Americus, he spared no pains to detach him from the service of Spain, and entice him to Portugal. It was then that the Portuguese government bitterly repented its re- pulse of Columbus, and regretting deeply its ill- timed economy, King Emmanuel resolved to tempt Americus with the prospect of splendid rewards. The first attempt which was made to induce Letters from him to accompany an expedition from Lisbon, was Portugal * •' ^ and a mes- bv letter from the kini; himself, and was unsuc- seiigersent •' o J to Ameri- cessful. Americus, unprepared for the proposition, •="*• delayed the bearer of the letter, and gave him at last an answer in the negative. It was not, how- ever, couched in such decided terms as to discour- age the king, or preclude the possibility of gaining him over at last. He pleaded ill-health, and said, indefinitely, that when he recovered he might be induced to go. . * • The second attempt was more favourably re- ceived. Juliano Giocondo, an Italian, then resi- dent at Lisbon, was despatched soon after, to en- treat Americus with greater urgency. He came at once to Seville, where Americus was residing. '• j; ii*' ' Bit' m ■ r 192 UFE AND VOYAGES OF CHAPTER and, by dint of earnest persuasion, induced him '■ — at last to enter the service of Emmanuel. Ameri- cus yielded, against the advice of his friends, who, according to his own account, all looked with iU- favour vupon the project. Fearing that some attempt might be made to detain him, he left the kingdom privately, in company with Giocondo, and proceeded at once to Lisbon. " It does not appear," says Canovai, " that King Ferdinand considered himself wronged, by the sud- den flight, and, to say the least, apparent discourtesy of Americus, in leaving the kingdom and the king, his patron, without salutation or leave-taking. It was probably looked upon as a trait of his reserved char- acter, or an evidence of his aversion to idle and slanderous rumours, which he was unwilling to take the pains to contradict. Rumours and whis- perings soon die away, when they have nothmg to feed upon, and when Americus returned, as though from a journey, the slight was forgotten, and he was treated with greater honour than before."^ Americus was received with open arms at the court of Emmanuel, and commenced with ardour the preparation of the fleet. It is impossible to say who had the command of this expedition, but it is apparent that its nautical management was under the control of Americus, from the letters to De' Medici and Soderini which follow. The navi- gator wrote three accounts of this his first voyage in the Portuguese service, two of them directed to ^ ' Canovai, torn. ii. p. 80. I T" AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 193 De' Medici, of which the most elaborate is iriven, chaptbr XI and the other to Soderini. He evidently looked '■ — upon it as the most important in its discoveries that he had ever made, and he regarded it correctly. Unfortunately, it was equally signalized by the tempestuous weather he experienced in the course of it. Had it not been for this, there is little doubt that he would have realized all his hopes of a southwestern passage to India, but the violent storms he encountered compelled him to desist and return to Portugal. Notwithstanding, the results of the voyage were Great im- /. . -n 1 A • 1 portance of of vast importance to Portugal. An immensely Jus voyage wealthy country was added to her dominions, whose mines of gold and diamonds furnished her most op- portunely with resources for prosecuting her con- quests and discoveries in the East. Then, to make use of the graphic words in which the poet Thom- son describes the effect of the voyages of De Gama, originally suggested by Prince Henry, and which maybe applied with equal justice to this voyage of Americus : Then from ancient gloom emerged The rising world of trade : the genius, then, Of Navigation, that in hopeless sloth Had slumbered on the vast Atlantic deep For idle ages, starting, heard at last The Lusitanian prince, who. Heaven-inspired, To love of useful glory roused mankind, And an unbounded commerce mixed the world.i One word respecting the authenticity of the voy- • Thomson's Seasons — Summer. 25 iP^t M m I 194 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. XI. CHAPTER age which is described in the two following chap- ters. The Spanish historian Herrera, as has been seen, with the view of sustaining the position that the first voyage of Americus was altogether suppo- sititious, pretends that he was sailing in 1501, in the company of Ojeda, in the Gulf of Darien.* Most unfortunately for the accurary of this historian, there exists undoubted evidence to the contrary. Peter Martyr, whose veracity is unquestionable, states that Americus sailed many degrees south of the line, in the Portuguese service.** Numerous other writers assert the same, though they differ respecting the exact date of the voyage. Gomara, however, fixes the date unequivocally, and expressly declares that Americus was despatched by King Emmanuel on a voyage of discovery in the year 1501.' No reasonable doubt can then be enter- tained that the voyage actually took place, and the reader may safely peruse the accoimts of the navi- gator in spite of the unmanly attempts of partisan critics to injure his credibility. > Herrera, Historia, dec, Decad. i. 1. 4, c. 11, s Martyr, Ocean. D.ii. 1. 1, p. 199. 3 Gomara, Hist, of the Indies, chap. ciii. in Barcia'9 Histoha- dores. CHAPTEE XII. CHAPTER XII. SECOND LETTER OP AMERICUS TO LORENZO DI PIER-FRAN- CESCO DE' MEDICI, aiVINO A BRIEF ACCOUNT CF H13 THIRD VOYAGE, MADE FOR THE KING OF PORTUGAL.* Departure from Cape Verd. — Arrival at the Continent. — Heavenly Bodies. — Beauty of the Country. — Numerous Animals. — The Na- tives destitute of Laws and Religion. — Their Food and Ornuments. — Longevity. — Mode of Reckoning Time. — Their Wars and Canni- balism. — Climate. — Products of the Country. My Most Excellent Patron, Lorenzo : (After due commendation), My last letter to your Excellency was written from a place on the coast of Guinea, called Cape Verd, and in it you were informed of the commencement of my voyage. This present letter will advise you of its continua- tion and termination. We started from the above-mentioned Cape, hav- Departure 1 • n 1- n t t frfn Cape ing first taken m all necessary supplies of wood and verdandar- T1V3.1 &t tilts water, to discover new lands in the ocean. We continent. sailed on a southwesterly course, until, at the end of sixty-four days, we discovered land, which, on many accounts, we concluded to be Terra Firma. We coasted this land about eight hundred leagues • This letter was published for entitled " Ricerche Istorico Crit- the first time in the year 1789, by iche circa alle Scoperle d' Amerigo Bartolozzi, at the close of his work Vespucci." •)■'.■ ■1 mM ■tfe 196 CHAPTER XII. Heavenly bodied of the Southern Hemis- phere. NumerouB wild ani- mals, but none that are domes- tic. LIFE AND VOYAGES OP in a direction west by south. It was full of inhab- itants, and I noticed many remarkable things, which I determined to narrate to your Excellency. We sailed in these seas until we entered the Torrid Zone and passed to the south of the equi- noctial line and the Tropic of Capricorn, so that we were fifty degrees to the south of the line. We navigated here four mouths and twenty-seven days, seeing neither the Arctic Pole, nor Ursa Major or Minor. We discovered here many beautiful con- stellations, invisible in the Northern Hemisphere, and noted their marvellous movements and gran- deur. We marked the course of their revolutions, and with geometrical calculations determined the po- sition of these heavenly bodies. The most notable of the things which occurred in this voyage I have collated for a small work, which, when I am at lei- sure, I shf\ll find occupation in completing, and which will acquire for me some fame after my death. I had in readiness a sketch of this to send to you, but the King's Highness retains it, and when he returns it, I will forward it as I proposed. In effect, my navigation extended to a fourth part of the world, and a line to my zenith there, made a right angle, at the centre of the earth, with that of the inhabi- tants of the Northern Hemisphere, forty degrees above the equator. To proceed now to a description of the country, of the plants therein, and of the customs of the in- habitants, I would observe, that this region is most delightful, and covered with immense forests, which AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. W never lose their foliage, and throughout the year chapter yield the sweetest aromatic odours, and produce an '■ — infinite variety of fruit, grateful to the taste, and healthful for the body. In the fields flourish so many sweet flowers and herbs, and the fruits are so delicious in their fragrance, that I fancied myself near the terrestrial paradise. What shall I tell you of the birds, and of the brilliant colours of their plumage ? What of their variety, their sweet songs, and their beauty 1 I dare not enlarge upon this theme, for I fear that I should not be believed. How shall I enumerate the infinite variety of syl- van animals, lions, panthers, and catamoimts, though not not like those of our regions, wolves, stags, and baboons of all kinds 7 We saw more wild animals, such as wild hogs, kids, deer, hares, and rabbits, than could ever have entered the ark of Noah, but we saw no domestic animals whatever. ;. ■ Now consider reasoning animals. We found the whole region inhabited by a race of people who were entirely naked, b^th men and women. They are well-proportioned in body, with black hair, and little or no beard. I laboured much to investigate their customs — remaining twenty-seven days for that purpose — and the following is the in- formation I acquired. They have no laws, and no religious belief, but customs of the natives. live accordmg to the dictates of nature alone. They know nothing of the immortality of the soul; they have no private property, but every thing in common; they have no boundaries of J y s M-J 198 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER kingdom or province ; they obey no king or lord, '■ — for it is wholly unnecessary, as they have no laws, and each one is his own master. They dwell together in houses made like bells — in the con- struction of which they use neither iron nor any other metal. This is very remarkable, for I have seen houses two hundred and twenty feet long, and thirty feet wide, built with much skill, and containing five or six hundred people. They sleep in hammocks of cotton, suspended in the air, without any covering; they eat seated upon the ground, and their food consists of the roots of herbs, of fruits and fish. They eat, also, lobsters, crabs, and oysters, and many other kinds of mus- cles and shell-fish, which are found in the sea. As to their meat, it is principally human flesh. It is true that they devour the flesh of animals and birds; but they do not catch many, because they have no dogs, and the woods are so thick, and so filled with wild beasts, that they do not care to go into them, without going in large bodies. The men are in the habit of decorating their lips and cheeks with bones and stones, which they suspend from holes which they bore in them. I have seen some of them with three, seven, and even as many as nine holes, filled with w^hite or green alabaster-r-a most barbarous custom, which they follow, in order, as they say, to make them selves appear fierce and ferocious. ^f "rf V "fr V "nr tF W *«> * * # * * * m AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 199 They are a people of great longevity. We met chapter with many who had descendants of the fourth '- — 1 1..T 1 . 1 .1 Their Ion- degree. Not knowing how to compute time, and geviw and counting neither days, months, or years, excepting computing in so far as they count the lunar months, when they wanted to signify to us any particular dura- tion of time, they did it by showing us a stone for each moon ; and, computing in this manner, we discovered that the age of one man that we saw was seventeen hundred moons, or about one hundred and thirty-two years, reckoning thirteen moons to the year. They are a warlike race, and extremely cruel. Their wars All their arms and bows are, as Petrarch says, cruelty. " committed to the winds ;" for they consist only of spears, arrows, and stones. They use no shields for the body — going to battle wholly na- ked. There is no order or discipline in their fights, except that they follow the counsels of the old men. Most cruelly do they combat, and those who conquer in the field bury their own dead, but cut up and eat the dead of their enemies. Some, who are taken prisoners, are carried to their villages for slaves. Females taken in war, they frequently marry; and sometimes the male prisoners are allowed to marry the daughters of the tribe ; but occasionally a diabolical fury seems to come over them, and, calling together their relations and all the people, they sacrifice these slaves, the children with their parents, with many barbarous ceremonies. This we know of a cer- v:l' / ^ LIFE AND VOYAGES OP • CHAPTER tainty; for we found much human flesh in their '■ — houses, hung up to smoke, and we purchased ten poor creatures from them, both men and women, whom they were about to sacrifice, to save them from such a fate. Much as we reproached them on this account, I cannot say whether they amended at all. The most astonishing thing in all their wars and cru- elty was, that we could not find out any reason for them. They made wars against each other, although they had neither kings, kingdoms, nor property of any kind, without any apparent desire to plunder, and without any lust for power, which * always appeared to me to be the moving causes of wars and anarchy. When we asked them about this, they gave us no other reason than that they did so to avenge the murder of their ancestors. To conclude this disgusting subject, one man confessed to me that he had eaten of the flesh of over two hundred bodies, and I believe it was the truth. Climate and In regard to the climate of this region, I should health of the ° ,11 country, gay that it was extremely pleasant and healthful ; for, in all the time that we were there, which was ten months, not one of us died, and only a few were sick. They suffer from no infirmity, pesti- lence, or corruption of the atmosphere, and die only natural deaths, unless they fall by their own hands, or in consequence of some accident. In fact, physicians would have a bad time in such a place. AHERICUS YESPUCrcS. 801 As we went there solely to make discoveries, and chapter ' XII started with that view from Lisbon, without in- '■ — tending to look for any profit, we did not trouble of the'Loun* try, ourselves to explore the country much, and found nothing of much value ; not that I do not believe that it is capable, from its climate and general ap- pearance, of containing every kind of wealth. It is not to be wondered at, that we did not discover at once every thing that might be turned to profit there, for the inliabitants think nothing of gold, sil- ver, or precious stones, and value only feathers and bones. But I hope that I shall be sent again by the King to visit these regions, and that many years will not elapse, before they will bring im- mense profit and revenue to the kingdom of Portu- gal. We found great quantities of dye-wood, enough to load all the ships that float, and costing nothing. The same may be said of cassia. We saw also crystals, spices, and drugs, but the qual- ities of the last are unknown. The inhabitants of the country tell of gold and other metals, but I am one of those, who, like St. Thomas, are slow to believe. Time will show all. Most of the time of our stay, the heavens were serene, and adorned with numerous bright and beautiful stars, many of which I observed, with their revolutions. This may be considered a schedule, or, as it were, a capita rerum, of the things which I have seen in these parts. Many things are omitted, which are worthy of being mentioned, iu order to avoid prolixity, and because they are 26 ' ■ .-J LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. XII. CHAPTER found in my account of the voyage. As yet I tarry in Lisbon, waiting the pleasure of the King, to determine what I shall do. May it please God that I do whatever is most to his glory and the salvation of my soul. Your Excellency's servant, Americus Vespucius. »*.»-,.'< -•■ ■.-■i56k. CHAPTER XII. SECOND LETTER OP AMERIOUS TO LORENZO DI PIER-FRAN- CESCO DE' MEDICI, GIVING A PULLER ACCOUNT OP HIS THIRD VOYAGE, MADE FOR THE KING OF PORTUGAL.i , Preamble respecting the First Letter of Americus to De Medici. — Sails from Lisbon May 13th, 1501. — Arrives at the Canaries. — Coasts the Shores of Africa. — Experiences violent Gales. — Provisions fall short. — Long Passage. — Despair at their Situation. — Arrive at last at the Continent. — Ignorance of the Pilots. — Astronomical Observa- tions of Americus. — Coast along the Shores of South America. — Intercourse with the Natives. — Thickly-inhabited Country. — Sin- gular Customs of the Natives. — Their Mode of Life. — Cannibalism again. — Climate and Fruits. — Stars of the Antarctic Pole.— ^Beautiful Iris or Rainbow. — Geometrical Calculations of Americus. — Grati- tude to the Supreme Being. — Arrival at Lisbon. — Another Voyage in Contemplation. XII. In days past, I gave your Excellency a full ac- chapter count of my return, and if I remember aright, wrote . you a description of all those parts of the New World which I had visited in the vessels of his se- rene highness the King of Portugal. Carefully con- sidered, they appear truly to form another world, and therefore we have, not without reason, called it the New World. Not one of all the ancients had * One circumstance distinguishes this letter from the others of Amer- icus. It is not in the Italian ver- sions, filled, as all the rest are» with Italianized Spanish words, or rath- er with corrupt Spanish. The text of Ramusio is purely Tuscan, and is copied by Canovai, from whom this translation is made.— Canovai, tom. i. p. 153, 154. 11 M m i 204 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER any knowledge of it, and the things which have '■ — been lately ascertained by us, transcend all their ideas. They thought there was nothing south of the equinoctial line but an immense sea, and some poor and barren islands. The sea they called the Atlantic, and if sometimes they confessed that there might be land in that region, they contended that it must be sterile, and could not be otherwise than uninhabitable. The present navigation has controverted their opinions, and openly demonstrated to all, that they were very far from the truth. Beyond the equinoc- tial line, I found countries more fertile and more thickly inhabited, than I have ever found any where else, even in Asia, Africa, and Europe, as will be more fully manifested by duly attending to the fol- lowing relation. Setting aside all minor matters, I shall relate only those of the greatest importance, which are well worthy of commemoration, and those which I have personally seen or heard of from men of credibility. I shall now speak with much care concerning those parts most recently dis- covered, and without any romantic addition to the truth. Departure With happy omeus of success, we sailed from ^MTy^sih" Lisbon, with three armed caravels, on the thir- teenth day of May, 1501, to explore, by command of the king, the regions of the New World. Steer- ing a southwest course, we sailed twenty months, in the manner which I shall now relate. In the first place, we went to the Fortunate Islands, AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. aDS which are now called the Grand Canaries. They chapter XIII. are in the third climate, in the farthest part of the West which is inhabited. After navigating the ocean, we ran along the coast of Africa and the country of the blacks, as far as the promontory which is called by Ptolemy, Etiopo, by our people, Cape Verd, and by the negroes, Biseneghe, while the inhabitants themselves call it Madanghan. The country is situated within the Torrid Zone, in about fourteen degrees north latitude, and is inhab- ited by the blacks. Here having refreshed our- selves, and reposed awhile, we took in every kind of provision, and set sail, directing our course to- wards the Antarctic Pole. We bore a little to the west, as the wind was saii on a 1 ,-.,- ,- south west- easterly, and we never saw land until after we had eriy course and experi- sailed three months and three days consecutively, ence severe What great toils and dangers we were exposed to in this navigation, what troubles and vexations we suffered, and how often we were disgusted with life, I shall leave those to judge who have had sim- ilar experience — those particularly who know what great difficulties are met with, while looking for un- certain things, and attempting discoveries in places where man has never before been ; but I would not wish any one to be our judge who has had no expe- rience in these things. To shorten my relation as much as possible, your Excellency must know, that we sailed ninety-seven days, experiencing harsh and cruel fortune. During forty-four days, the heavens were in great commo- storms. 206 LIFE ANDVOYAQES OP \m i'i. CHAPTER tion, and we had nothing but thunder and lightning — - — '■ — and drenching rain. Dark clouds covered the sky, so that by day we could see but little better than we could in ordinary nights, without moonshine. Our nights were of the blackest darkness. The fear of death came over us, and the hope of life al- most deserted us. After all these heavy afflictions, at last it pleased Gk)d, in his mercy, to have com- passion on us and to save our lives. On a sudden, the land appeared in view, and at the sight of it our courage, which had fallen very low, and our strength, which had become weakness, immediate- ly revived. Thus it usually happens to those who have passed through great affliction, and especially to those who have been preserved from the rage of evil fortune. Come to an. On the Seventeenth day of August, in the year pisTiTth, 1501, we anchored by the shore of that country, and rendered to the Supreme Being our most sincere thanks, according to the Christian custom, in a solemn celebration of mass.^ The land we discovered did not appear to be an island, but a continent, as it extended far away in the distance, without ajiy appearance of termination.'^ It was ( ' 1 Bandini makes a mistake in this date, giving it as the first day of August ; other editions have it the 17th of August, which is correct, as Americus started on the 13th of May, and sailed three months and three days. — Canovai, torn. i. p. 158. 3 It may seem strange that Americus should not at once have recognized the continent which he had visited before in his second voy- age, and have mentioned the fact ; but it must not be forgotten that his vessels had been bufieting with severe gales, and driven for some time almost at the mercy of the waves — that he reached land, sit- t. AMERIGUS VESPUCIUS. 207 XIII. beautifully fertile, and very thickly inhabited. All c"A|^*»i sorts of wild animals, which are wholly unknown - in our parts, were there found in abundance. Many other things I would describe, but have studiously avoided mentioning, in ordei .at my work might not become large beyond measure. One thing only I feel that I should not omit: it is, that, aided by the goodness of God, in due time, and according to our need, we saw laud ; for we were not able to sustain ourselves any longer; all our provisions having failed us; our wood, water, biscuit, salt meat, cheese, wine, oil, and, what is more, our vigour of mind, all gone. By God's mercy, therefore, our lives were spared, and to him we ought to render thanks, honour, and glory. We were unanimously of opinion that our navi- gation should be continued along this coast, and that we should not lose sight of it. We sailed, therefore, in accordance with this conclusion, till we arrived at a certain cape, which makes a turn to the south. This cape is, perhaps, three hun- dred leagues distant from the place where we first saw land. In sailing this distance we often landed, and had intercourse with the inhabitants, as will be more elaborately mentioned hereafter. I have omitted to state that this newly-discovered uated at least fifty leagues farther all ho might have recognized it south than he did before, in a dif- without thinking it important to ferent season, and when the coun- say that he did so. — Canovai, torn, try was not overflowed. After i. p. 158. ii 208 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP Ignorance of the pilutB. OHAFTER land is about seven hundred leagues distant from Xllf '■ — Cape Verd, though I was persuaded that we had sailed more than eight hundred. This was partly owing to the severe storm and our fro juent acci- dents, and partly to the ignorance of the pilot; both of which causes had a tendency to lengthen the voyage. We had arrived at a place which, if I had not possessed some knowledge of cosmography, by the negligence of the pilot, would have finished the course of our lives. There was no pilot who knew our situation within fifty leagues, and we went rambling about, and should not have known whither we were going, if I had not provided in season for my own safety and that of my com- panions, with the astrolabe and quadrant, my astrological instruments. On this occasion I ac- quired no little glory for myself; so that, from that time forward, I was held in such estimation by my companions, as the learned are held in by people of quality. I explained the sea-charts to them, and made them confess that the ordinary pilots were ignorant of cosmography, and knew nothing in comparison with myself The cape of this newly-discovered lan^, which turned towards the south, was an object which excited in us a great desire to arrive at it, and examine it attentively. It was determined, by common consent, to make an investigation, and un- derstand the customs and disposition of the people of the country. We sailed, accordingly, near the AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 209 coast for about six hundred leagues. We landed chapter XIII often, and often came to a parley with the in '■ — habitants, who received us with honour, and in a very friendly manner. Having discovered their kindness, and very innocent nature, we staid with them, not without receiving nmch honour, for fifteen or twenty days at a time. They are ex- tremely courteous in entertaining strangers, which will be more clearly shown hereafter. This con- tinent commences at eight degrees south of the equinoctial line, and we sailed so far along the coast, that we passed seventeen degrees beyond the winter tropic, towards the Antarctic Pole, which was here elevated fifty degrees above the horizon. , » . The things which I saw there are unknown to the men of our times. That is, the people, their customs, their humanity, the fertility of the soil, the mildness of the atmosphere, the salubrious sky, the celestial bodies, and above all the fixed stars of the eighth sphere, of which no mention has ever been made. In fact, until now they have never been known, even by the most learned of the an- cients, and I shall speak of them therefore more particularly. This country is more numerously inhabited than a tinruiy- any I had seen for some time, and the people are roimtry. 1 1 /v 1 Singular very mild and familiar, 'xhey do not offend any customs. one ; they go entirely as nature has brought tiiem forth; naked they are born, and naked they die. Their bodies are very well formed, and may be 27 P W- h': 1 • ■H : 1 W\\ 1 1 llllh 210 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP xin. CHAPTER said to be fairly proportioned ; their colour is of a • redd'sh cast, which is owing partly to their being naked, and therefore easily sunburnt ; their hair is black, but long and straight. In walking and in their games they display superior dexterity. They have handsome faces and a noble aspect, but tliey deform them in an incredible manner by perfora- tion. Their cheeks, their jaws, their noses, lips and ears have not one little hole only, but many large ones in them ; so that I have often seen one have seven holes in his face, each of the size of a damson plum. Having dug out the flesh, they fill the holes with certain blue pebbles, of bright mar- ble, or beautiful alabaster, or ivory, or of very white bones, made according to their fashion, and very conveniently wrought. This thing appears so uncouth, disgusting, and barbarous, that at the first sight, a man having his face filled with stones and pierced with many holes, appeared like a monster. It will hardly be believed, that one man had seven stones in his face, each one more than half a span in size ; there is no one, indeed, who would not be astonished by an attentive exam- ination of things so monstrous. Nevertheless they are true, for I myself have often seen seven stones placed in this fashion, and nearly sixteen ounces in weight. In the ears they wear more precious ornaments, such as rings fastened in, and pendant pearls after the fashion of the Egyptians and Indians. The custom of wearing stones is observed by the men AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 211 alone. The women only wear ornaments in the chapter XIII. ears. They have neither wool nor flax, consequent- ly they have no cloth at all, neither do they use cotton clothing, as by going entirely naked they have no need of any garments. There is no patrimony among them, but every Domestic , 1 . • rrii 1 -ii 1 • habits of the thmg is common. They have neither king nor em- natives. pire ; each one is a king by himself. They take as many wives as they please. In the intercourse of the sexes they have no regard to kindred, inter- marrying the son with the mother, and the brother with the sister, and dissolving these connections whenever it pleases them, for they are wholly with- out laws, and live ungovemed by reason. They have neither temples nor religion, and do not even worship idols. What more shall I say? They have a wicked and licentious manner of living, more like the style of the Epicureans than that of the Stoics. They carry on no commerce, and have no knowledge of. money. Still they have strife among them, and fight cruelly, p.Txd without any or- der. The old men, by their speeches, stir up the young men, draw them into their opinions when- ever they please, and inflame them for war, in which they kill their enemies. If they overcome and subdue them, they eat them, and consider them A ery delicious food. They feed on human flesh to such a degree, that the father may eat the son, or the son may eat the father, as the chance may be, I saw one very wicked wretch who boasted, and held it as no small glory to himself, that he had in " h 212 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER eaten more than three hundred men. I saw also a '■ — certain town, in which I remained perhaps twenty- seven days, where human flesh, ha\4ng heen salted, was suspended from the beams of the dwellings, as we suspend the flesh of the wild boar from the beams of the kitchen, after having dried it in the sun or smoked it, or as we suspend sausages and other similar things. They were greatly astonished that we did not eat our enemies, whose flesh, they say, excites the appetite, and has an extraordinary relish, and is of a most sweet and delicate flavour. Their arms are bows and arrows, and the latter being pointed with iron, they fight most cruelly with them, as those who are naked are assaulted and wounded like brute animals. We endeavoured many times to convert them to our opinions, and often admonished them, for the purpose of inducing them finally to abandon such an infamous custom as an abomination. Many times they promised us to refrain from practising such cruelty. Their arms. Their lon- gevity. * * * * * * # * * * * «= * * * * They live a hundred and fifty years, according to what I cc aid learn, and are very seldom sick.^ If 1 "I found such a very perfect and singular atmosphere in this country (Arabia Felix), that I spoke with many persons who had lived more than a hundrrtl and twenty -five years, and they were yet in j^ood health and hearty." — Ramtisio, torn. i. p. 155. Some writers have attributed the long life of the Indians to the habit of anointing their bodies with oily substances, "At this day," says a writer, "the natives of Brazil anoint themselves, and are very long lived, so much sn, that five years ago, some French friars met some natives, who remembered the building of Pemambuco, ahun- lliil AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 215 I they chance to fall into any infirmity, they cure them- chapter selves immediately with the juice of herbs. These '— - are the things I have discovered among them, which are worthy of esteem : the temperate atmosphere, the favourable sky, and long life ; and this arises, perhaps, from the east wind, which blows there continually, and has the same effect on them that the north wind has on us. They take great pleasure in fish- ing, and for the most part live by it, nature aiding them to that effect, as the sea abounds there with all sorts of fish. With hunting they are little de- lighted, on account of the great multitude of wild animals, through fear of which they do not pursue their game in the forests. All sorts of lions, bears, and other animals are seen there. The trees grow to an almost incredible height, and they refrain, therefore, from going into the forests, because, being naked and unarmed, they would not be able safely to contend with the wild beasts. The climate is very temperate, and the country fruitful, and supremely delightful. Although it has many hills, yet it is watered by a great number of springs and rivers, and the forests are so closely studded that one cannot pass through them, on ac- count of the thickly-standing trees. Among these ramble ferocious animals of various kinds. The trees and fruits grow without the labour of cultiva- tion, and indeed their fruits are most excellent, and are found in great abundance. Yet they are not dred and twenty years since, and of manhood." — Hist. Vit. et Mart. they had then arrived at the age p. 53C. Canovai, torn, i. p. 169. I ■^^ 214 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP m CHAPTER pernicious to the system, though very unlike our '■ — own. In like manner, the earth produces great quantities of herbs, and roots of which they make bread and other eatables. There are many kinds of grain, but they are not exactly similar to ours. The country produces no metal except gold, of which there is a great abundance. Though we in this first voyage have brought home none, yet all the people of the country certified to the fact, af- firming that the region abounded in gold, and say- ing that among them it was little esteemed, and nearly valueless. They have many pearls and pre- cious stones, as we have recorded before. Now though I should be willing to describe all these things particularly, from the great number of them, and their diverse nature, this history would become too extensive a work. Pliny, a most learned man, who compiled histories of many things, did not im- agine the thousandth part of these. If he had treated of each one of them, he would have made a much larger, but in truth a very perfect work. Tiie rUmate The various spccics of parrots, and their varie- beautyof gated colours, afford particularly no small matter the country " . n • i i Buggegt the of astonislimeut. The trees all yield an odour of idea of a •' terrestrial unimaffinable sweetness, and from all of them issue paradise. " ' gums, liquors, and juices. If we knew their virtues, I think there would be nothing wanting to us, not only in regard to our pleasures, but in regard to the maintenance of our iiealth, or to the recovering of it when lost. If there is a terrestrial paradise in the world, it cannot be far from this region. The ; I AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 215 country, as I have said before, faciir^r the .louth has chapter such a temperate cHmate, that in winter they have no cokl, and in summer they are not troubled with heat. The sky and the atmosphere are seldom over- Astronomi- shadowed with clouds, and the days are almost tions- always serene. Dew sometimes falls, but very lightly, and only for the space of three or four hours, and then vanishes like mist. They have scarcely any vapours, and the sky is splendidly adorned with stars imkuown to us ; of which I have retained a particular remembrance, and have enumerated as many as twenty, whose brightness is equal to that of Venus and Jupiter. I considered also their cir- cuit and their various motions, and having a know- ledge of geometry, I easily measured their circum- ference and diameter, and I am certain, therefore, they are of much greater magnitude than men im- agine. Among the others, I saw three Canopi. Two were very bright ; the third was dim, and un- like the others.^ fh *t 'i! I m ' The splendour and beauty of these stars probably induced Americus to give them the name of Canopus, which is the most brilliant star in the constellation Argo. Corsuli, an ancient Flor- entine navigator, speaks thus of the Antarctic stars which occu- pied the attention of Americus: " Here We saw an admirable order of stars, which in thct part of the heavens which is 0|)p()site to our North Star were exhibited in end- less revolving." — Ramusio, torn, i. p. 177, E. Cadamosto, speaks of observa- tions taken by hitn of these stars, and describing the situation of them, says, " The North Star ap- peared very low upon the sea, be- ing not more than the length of a lance above it. We saw six stars low ujjon the sea, clear, bright, and large, and ranging them by the compass, we concluded that they were the Ursa Major of the ,p ■■ ■ ■ I'm liiti i p. 1 1 216 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER XIII. The Antarctic Pole has not the Ursa Major and Minor, which may be seen at our Arctic Pole ; nei- the South- ther are there any bright stars touching the pole, em Hemu- phere. but of those wluch revolve round it, there are four in the form of a quadrangle. While these are rising, there is seen at the left a brilliant Canopus, of ad- mirable magnitude, which, having reached mid-sky, forms the figure of a triangle. To these succeed three other brilliant stars, of which the one placed in the centre has twelve degrees of circumference. In the midst of them is another brilliant Canopus. After these follow six other bright stars, whose splendour surpasses that of all others in the eighth sphere. The middle one is thirty-two degrees in circumference. After these figures follows a large Canopus, but it is dim. These are all to be seen in the milky way, and when they arrive at the merid- ian, show the figure of a triangles, but have two sides longer than the other. I saw there many other stars, and carefully ob- serving their various motions, composed a book, which treats of them particularly. In this book I rainbow, and the falling stars, is in accordance with the taste and phraseology of the age in which he lived, and is, consequently, very slightly confonnable to the ideas of philosophers and astronomers of the present day. This note is inserted to illustrate the views of cotemporaneous navigators, and of writers who flourished at about the same time. — Canovai, torn. i. p. 173-176. South, but the principal star we did not see." — Ramusio, torn. i. p. 107, B. Giuntini writes, " Those, who in this age, have taken a voyage from Spain towards the South, re- late that many bright stars are to be seen about the Southern Pole, of which Americus Vcspu- cius, our Florentine, is said to have enumerated twenty." The reasoning of Americus con- cerning the Southern Stars, the Mi'i AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. aiT I i have related almost all the remarkable things which chapter I encountered in the course of my navigation, and '■ — with which I have become acquainted. This book is at present in the possession of his work of Most Serene Highness, the Kinsr, and I hope he the subject Will return it soon into my hands. I examined my. some things in that hemisphere very diligently, which enable me to contradict the opinions of phi- losophers, being altogether repugnant to them. Among other things, I saw the rainbow, that is, the celestial arch, which is white near midnight.^ Now in the opinion of some, it takes the colour of the four elements — ^the red, from fire ; the green, from the earth ; the white, from the air; and the blue, from the water. Aristotle, in his book entitled " Meteors," is of a very different opinion. He says, " The celes- tial arch is a repercussion of the sun's rays, in the va- ' "By this white rainbow, he means, perhaps, that he had seen some of those crowns which as- tronomers call ' Halos,' and which appear round the monn, and other planets and fixed stars, and are often of whitish colour," &c. Thus writes Bandini, commenting on this passage, in the letter of Americus. A Portuguese pilot speaks o f such a rainbow in the work of Ramusio : " It has been noticed," says he, " after a rain, that the moon, by night, makes that appearance of the Iris called the bow, such as is made by the sun in the daytime. But the colours made by the moon are like white mist." — Tom. i. p. 116, D. Now the Halo does not form an " arch," but an entire circle, and is not very rare among us, having been often particularly mentioned by navigators. " They saw," says Cook, " almost every morn- ing a rainbow, until one night in the forepart of July, they saw one astonishingly beautiful, occasioned by the refraction of the light of the moon." — Cook's Voyages, vol. v. p. 287. " The palest light of the moon produces in like manner a rainbow, which is less observed on account of its faint and fading colours, but I observed one with very hvely colours, on the twenty- ninth of June, 1773," &:c. — Ihid. vol. ix. p. 134. Canovai, torn. i. p. 177, 178. ■'■! : i ' i . i •,'* ■„■■■ u-m ■I M m : 222 LIFE AND VOYAUlJS OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. CHAPTER larly for the honour and solace of my old age, '■ — which has already nearly come upon me. There is nothing wanting in this affair but the leave of the king; and when this is obtained, as it soon will be, we shall sail on a long voyage, and may it please God to give it a happy ter- mination. Your Excellency's servant, Americus Vespucius. " CHAPTER XIV. XIV. CONTINUATION OP THE LETTER TO PIERO SODERINI, GIVINO A DESCRIPTION OP THE THIRD VOYAGE OP AMERICUS. Stay at Lisbon after Second Voyage. — Letters from the King of Por- tugal. — Juliano Bartolorneo del Giocondo sent from Lisbon to urge Amcricua to sail in the Portuguese Service. — His Consent and De- parture for Lisbon. — Sails from Lisbon, 13th of May, 1501. — En- counters severe Storms. — Arrives at the Continent. — Sails along the Shores. — Attempts to treat with the Natives. — Two of the Crew proceed Inland. — Treachery of the Natives. — One of the Crew killed and eaten. — Learn the Death of the other two. — At length meet with Friendly Natives. — Continue the Voyage to the North. — April 7th, discover New Land. — More severe Storms. — Ketura to Lisbon. — Arrive on the Seventh of September, 1502. I WAS reposing myself in Seville, after the many chapter toils I had undergone in the t ^vo voyages made for His Serene Highness Ferdinand, King of Castile, in the Indies, yet indulging a willingness to return to the land of pearls, when fortune, not seeming to be satisfied with my former labours, inspired the mind of his Serene Majesty, Don Emmanuel, King of Por- tugal (I know not through what circumstances), to attempt to avail himself of my services. There came to me a royal letter from his Majesty, contain- ing a solicitation that I would come to Lisbon and speak with his highness, he promising to show me many favours. I did not at once determine to go, and argued with the messenger, telling him I was ^1 I! "M m 224 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP iri„ i ilih wi !il 'l!i JiMl bon. CHAPTER ill, and indisposed for the undertaking, but that '■ — when I recovered, if his Highness wished me to serve him, I would do whatever he might com- mand me. Persuasions Seeing that he could not obtain me, he sent Juli- to induce Amerieus lo ano di Bartolomco del Giocondo, who at that time go to Lis- ' resided in Lisbon, with commission to use every possible means to bring me back with him.^ Juli- ano came to Seville, and on his arrival, and in- duced by his urgent entreaties, I was persuaded to go, though my going was looked upon with ill-fa- vour by all who knew me. It was thus regarded by my friends, because I abandoned Castile, where I had been honoured, and because they thought that the king had rightful possession of me, and it was considered still worse that I departed without taking leave of my host. Having presented myself at the court of King Eiiimanuel, he appeared to be highly pleased with my coming, and requeste'd that I would accompany his three ships which were ready to set out for the discovery of new lands. Thus, esteeming a request from a king as equivalent to a command, I was obliged to consent to whatever he asked of me. We set sail from the port of Lisbon with three May 13. ships in company, on the thirteenth' day of May, Departure from Lisbon ' This Juliano was the same individual who translated, from Spanish to Italian, and from Ital- ian to Latin, this relation of the voyage of Amcricus, as appears in the Latin edition which Munoz sneaks of, and in the Italian edi- tions printed in Milan in 1508 and 1519.— Navarrite, torn. iii. p. 263. 2 Respecting the date of the commencement of this voyage, see notes of the prei'eding chapter; 8(;e also the Dissertazione Giustifi- cativa, No. ID. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 225 1501, and steered our course directly for the Grand chapter XIV. Canary Islands, which we passed without stopping, — and coasted along the western shores of Africa. On this coast we found excellent fishing, taking a kind of fish called por-^hies, and were detained thero three days. From there we went to the coast of Ethiopia, arrifing at a port called Beseneghe, with- in the Torrid Zone, and situated in the fourteenth degree of north latitude, in the first climate. Here we remained eleven days taking in wood and water — as it was my intention to sail for the South through the great Atlantic Ocean. We left this port of Ethiopia, and sailed on our Arrival at the conti- course, bearing a quarter south, and in ninety-seven nent- after ' a 1. I J severe days we made the land at a distance of seven hun- theTrthTf dred leagues from said port. In those ninety-seven ^"s"^'- days we had the worst weather that ever man ex- perienced who navigated the occ n ; a succession of drenching rains, showers, and tempests. The sea- son was very unpropitious, as our navigation was continually drawing us nearer the equinoctial line, where, in the month of June, it is winter, and where we found the days and nights of equal length, and our shadows falling continually towards the south. It pleased God, however, to show us new 1 md, on the seventeenth day of August, at a half a league distance from which, we anchored. We launched our boats and went ashore, to see if the country was inhabited, and if so, by what kind of people, and we found at length a population far more de- graded than brutes. 29 lid ■f,.r t ^ '\n Ii !Kh 226 CHAPTER XIV. Take pos- session of the country in the name of the king. Two of the crew de- spatched to treat with the natives. LIFE AND VOYAGES OP Your Excellency will understand that at first we did not see any inhabitants, though we knew very well, by the many signs we saw, that the coun- try was peopled. We took possession of it in the name of his most Serene Majesty, and found it to be pleasant and verdant, and of good surface, and situ- ated five degrees south of the equinooiial line ; thus much we ascertainel, and then returned to the ships. On the next day, as we were in great need of wood and water, we determined to go on shore and procure tlie necessary supplies. While w"i were there, we saw people looking at us from tb summit of a mountain, but they did not venture to descend. They w ere naked, and of the same col- our and figure as those heretofore discovered by me for the King of Spain. We made much exertion to persuade them to come and speak with us, but we could not assure them sufficiently to trust us. Seeing their obstinacy and malignity, as- it was growing late, w^e returned to the ships, leaving on shore for them many bells, looking-glasses, and other things, in places where they could find them. Wl'.en we had gone away, they descended from the mountain, and took possession of the things we had left, appearing to be filled with wonder while view- ing them. So on this day we obtained no advan- tage, save that of procuring some water. The next morning, we saw from the ships that the people of the country were making many bon- fires, and thinking them signals for us to come to them, we went on shc^e. We found that many AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 227 people had arrived, but they kept always at a dis- chapter tance, though they made signs that they wished us '■ — to accompany them inland. Whereupon two of our Christians were induced to ask the captain's permission to brave the danger and go with them, in order to see what kind of peo- ple they were, and whether they had any riches, spices, or drugs. They importuned him so much, that he finally consented. After having been fitted out with many articles of trade, they left us, with orders not to be absent more than five days, as we should expect them with great anxiety. So they took their way into the country, and we returned to the ships to wait for them, which we did for the space of six days. Nearly every day there came people to the shore, but they would never speak with us. On the seventh day we landed, and found that one of tho they had brought their wives with them. As we and witen. reached the shore, the men of the country com- manded their women to speak with us. We ob- served that they hesitated to obey the order, and accordingly determined to send one of our people, a very courageous young man, to address them. In order to encourage them, we entered the boats while he went to speak with the women. When he arrived, they formed themselves into a great cir- cle around him, touching him and looking at him as with astonishment. While all this wo^ going on, we iw a woman coming from the mountain, carrying a large cluo in her h^nd ; when she ar- ml <^ > m ■ ,* ' u I i ill il 238 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF CHAPTER rived where the young Christian stood, she came '■ — up behind him, and raising the bludgeon, gave him such a blow with it, that she laid him dead on the spot, and immediately the other women took hir.i by the feet and dragged him away towards the mountain. Fate of the The men ran towards the shore forthwith, and two messeii- s"^- began to assail us with their bows and arrows, thi: r ■ "- our people into great fright, owing to the man;y ws that reached them, in consequence of the boats having grounded. No one resorted to amis, but for a time all was terror and panic. After a while, however, we discharged four swivels at them, which had no other effect than to make them flee towards the mountain, when they heard the re- port. There we saw that the women had already cut the young Christian in pieces, and at a great fire which they had made, were roasting him in our sight, showing us the several pieces as they eat them. The men also made signs to us, indicating that they had killed the other two Christians and eaten them in the same manner, which grieved us very much. Seeing with our own eyes the cruelty they prac- tised towards the dead, and the most intolerable injury they had done to us, more than forty of us adopted tlie determination to rush on shore, avenge such cruel murders, and punish such bestial and inhuman conduct. The Superior Captain, however, would not consent to it, and thus they remained satiated with the great injury they had done us ; 'I' I i ili I AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 229 and we left them most reluctantly, highly chagrined chapter at the course of our Captain. '■ — We departed fr m this place and sailed along in a southeastern direction, on a line parallel with the coast, making many landings, but never finding any people who would converse with us. Continuing in this manner, we found at length that the line of the coast made a turn to the south, and after doub- ling a cape which we called Cape St. Augustin, we began to sail in a southerly direction. This cape is a hundred and fifty leagues distant easterly from the aforementioned land where the three Christians were murdered, and eight degrees south of the equi- noctial line. While sailing on this course, we one day saw many people standing on the shore, appa- rently in great woi.der at the sight of our ships. We directed our course towards them, and having anchored in a good place, proceeded to land in the boats, and found the people better disposed than those we had passed. Though it cost us some ex- ertion to tame them, we nevertheless made them our friends, and treated with them. In this place we staid five days, and here we found cassia stems very large and green, and some already dry on the tops of the trees. We deter- mined to take a couple of men from this place, in order that they might teach us the language. Three of them came voluntarily with us, in order to visit Portugal. Being already wearied with so much writing, I will delay no longer to inform your Excellency that r s''t^ n. 959* 230 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP Mir'i CHAPTER we left this port and sailed continually in a south- '- — erly direction in sight of the shore, making frequent landings, and treating with a great number of peo- ple. We went so far to the south that we were beyond the tropic of Capricorn, where the south pole is elevated thirty-two degrees above the hori- zon. We had then entirely lost sight of Ursa Mi- ■nor^ and even Ursa Major was very low, nearly on the edge of the horizon ; so we steered by the stars of the south pole, which are many, and much lar- ger and brighter than those of the north. I drew the figures of the greater part of them, particularly of those of the first and second magnitude, with a description of the circles which they made around the pole, and an account of their diameters and semj-diameters, as may be seen in my " Quattro Gi- orrnate'^ (Four Journeys). Voyage Wc ran on this coast about seven hundred and coMt^even fifty leugucs j onc hundred and fifty from Cape St. hundred , i • i i i Augustm towards the west, and six hundred to- wards the south. If I were to relate all the things that I saw on this coast, and others that we passed, as many more sheets as I have already written upon, would not l"*^ sufficient for the purpose. We saw nothing of utility on this coast, save a great number of dye-wood and cassia trees, and also of those trees which produce myrrh. There were, however, many natural curiosities which cannot be recounted. Having been already full ten months on the voy- age, and seeing that wt had found no minerals in the country, we concluded to take our leave of it, and fifty leagues. M I AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 231 and attempt the ocean in some other part. It was chapter determined in council to pursue whatever course '■ — of navigation appeared best to me, and I was in- vested with full command of the fleet. I ordered that all the people and the fleet should be provided with wood and water for six months ; as much as the officers of the ships should judge it prudent to sail with. Having laid in our provisions, we com- menced our navigation with a southeasterly wind, on the fifteenth day of February, when the sun was already approaching the equinoctial line, and tend- ed towards this, our northern hemisphere. We were in such a high southern latitude at this time that the south pole was elevated fifty-two degrees above the horizon, and we no longer saw the stars, either of Ursa Minor or Ursa Major. On the third of April we had sailed five hundred Encounter ^ another vio- leagues from tlie port we left. On this day com- lem stoi™- menced a storm, which was so violent that we were compelled to take in all our sails, and run un- der bare poles. The wind was south and very strong, with very high seas, and the air very pier- cing. The storm was so furious that the whole fleet was in great apprehension. The nights were very long, being fifteen hours in duration on and about the seventh of April, the sun being then in sign of Aries, and winter prevailing in this region. Your Excellency will please to observe that while driven by this storm on the seventh of April, we came in sight of new land, and ran within twenty leagues of it, finding the whole coast wild, and see- m 1 i- 4' 'II 1 1' > ' "-I ^f'. i I; ^ I i ? 1 l X no southern and werc of infinite service to future mariners. cross. The voyagers of that day to the South were great- ly alarmed at not finding in the southern heavens a guide like the polar star of the North. Vicente Pinzon, who navigated in the same direction, and at about the same time with Americus, expected to find one, and in his dismay at its absence, attributed it to some swelling of the earth's surface, which hid it from his view. Nothing was then known of the beautiful constellation, which supplies its place, to mariners in the Antarctic seas. The " many sleep- less nights" which Americus devoted to the exami- nation of the Southern Cross, and other heavenly 1 Diss. Gius. No. 92. Almag. L. vii. c. 3. I AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 237 XV. bodies of tlie same hemisphere, the many laborious chapter calculations which he entered into, when, in the words of his favourite poet, Each star of the other pole, night now beheld And ours so low, that from the ocean floor It rose not ; — ' must have been well repaid by the convictions he arrived at, and the fame which he acquired as an accurate astronomer. It is evident from his writings that he was not insensible to the natural feelings of honoiu-able ambition, and considered not only the benefits he was conferring upon mankind, but looked forward to acquiring a rep ilation which might be the comfort and consolation of his old age. Actuated by the belief that Americus would have succeeded in reaching India by the way of the southwest, had not his last voyage been interrupted by the severe storms which he encountered. King Emmanuel lost no time in preparing another expe- dition. Americus is as silent as usual respecting the commander of the new fleet; but though he does not mention his name, it is a well-ascertained fact that Gonzalo Coelho held the chief command of the six vessels which composed the armament, and that only one of them was commanded by him- self This fleet was ready for sea early in the spring of 1503, and the principal object of the voy- age was to discover the island Malacca, then sup- posed to be the centre of commerce in the East In- ' Carey's Dante, Purgatory, Canto xxvi. ,i'. 1'" ■ W / ■ H ; "■■> ■ .if ^ ■'M^ •-JI-' I 238 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER dies. The narration of this voyage occupies the '■ — closing portion of the letter of Americus to Soderini. Disgusted with the foolish obstinacy of his com- mander, and discouraged by the effects of his wil- fulness, he c'ddently wishes 1j escape from so dis- agreeable a hubject, and is more than usually concise. CONCLUSION I: ..1. il OP THE LETTER TO PIERO SODERINI, GIVING AN ACCOUNT OP THE FOURTH VOYAGE OP AMERICUS. It remains for me to relate the things which were seen by me, in my Fourth Voyage ; and by reason that I have now bec^ me wearied, and also because this voyage did not result according to my wishes (in consequence of a misfortune which hap- pened in the Atlantic Sea, as your Excellency will shortly understand), I shall endeavour to be brief Departure We Set Sail from this port of Lisbon, six ships in from Lisbon, /• ji /• i • t six ships in company, for the purpose of making discoveries with regard to an island in the East, called Malac- ca, which is reported to be very rich.^ It is, as it were, the wareluuse of all the ships which come ' " All this period," says Cano- vai, " is strangely disfigured in the edition of Valori. Instead of East, West is written; the Arctic pole is changed to the Antarctic, and the three degrees by which Ma- lacca is separated from the equa- tor, are there read thirty-three. From this may be inferred the credit to which this edition is en- titled, if there was a shadow of criticism in those who regard it as infallible." — Canovai, torn. ii. p. 26. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS, 239 from the Sea of Ganges and the Indian Ocean, as chaptee XV Cadiz is the storehouse for all the ships that pass — — ^ — from East to West and from West to East, by the way of Calcutta. This Malacca is farther east, and much farther south, than Calcutta, because we know that it is situated at the parallel of three de- grees north latitude. We set out on the tenth day of May, 1503, and sailed direct for the Cape Verd Islands, where we made up our cargo, taking in every kind of refreshment. After remaining here three days, we departed on our voyage, sailing in a southerly direction. Our Superior Captain was a presumptuous and ob&tinacy * '■ ^ ■*• of the com- very obstinate man ; he would insist upon going to ^^^^^J '^^^ reconnoitre S'erra Leone, a southern country of of ti»e fleet. Ethiopia, without there being any necessity for it, unless to exhibit himself as the captain of six ves- sels. He acted contrary to the wish of all our other captains in pursuing this course. Sailing in this direction, when we arrived off the coast of this country, we had such bad weather, that though we remained in sight of th.? coast four days, it did not permit us to attempt a landing. We were com- pelled at length to leave the country, sailing from , there to the south, and bearing southwest. When we had sailed three hund/ed leagues tlu'ough the Great Sea, being then three degrees south of the equinoctial line, land was discovered, which might have been about twenty-two leagues distant from us, and which we found to b*? an island in the midst of the sea. We were filled with won- f :m ■'t 240 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 'il 'li 111 ' !' Ill CHAPTER der at beholding it, considering it a natural curiosity, - — '■ — as it was very high, and not more than tvv^o leagues in length and one in width. This island was no inhabited by any people, and was an evil island for the whole fleet ; because, as your Excellency will learn, by the evil counsel and bad maiuagement of our Superior Captain, he lost his ship here. He ran her upon a rock, and she split open and went to the bottom, on the night of St. Lorenzo, which is the tenth of August, and nothing was saved from her except the crew. She was a ship of three hundred tons, and carried every thing of most im- portance in the fleet. As the whole fleet was compelled to labour for the common benefit, the Captain ordered me to go with my ship to the aforesaid island, and look for a good harbour, where all the ships might anchor. As my boat, filled with nine of my mariners, was of service, and helped to keep up a communi- cation between the ships, he did not wish me to take it, telling me they would bring it to me at the island. So I left the fleet, as he ordered me, with- out a boat, and with less than half my men, and went to the said island, about four leagues distant. There I found a very good harbour, where all the ships might have anchored in perfect safety. I waited for the captain and the fleet full eight days, but they never came ; so that we were very much dissatisfied, and the people who remained with me in the ship were in such great fear, that I could not console them. On the eighth day we saw a ship r 3 M I AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 241 coming off at sea, and for fear those on board might chapter not see us, we raised anchor and went towards it, thiuking they might bring me my boat and men. When w^e arrived alongside, after the usual saluta- m- tions, they told us that the Captain had gone to the bottom, that the crew had been saved, and that my boat and men remained with the fleet, which had gone further to sea. This was a very serious griev- ance to us, as your Excellency may well think. It was no trifle to find ourselves a hundred leagues distant from Lisbon, in mid-ocean, with so few men. However, we bore up under adverse fortune, and returning to the island, supplied ourselves with wood and water with the boat of my consort. This island we found uninhabited. It had plenty of fresh \N'ater, and an abundance of trees filled with countless numbers of land and marine birds, which wore so simple, that they suflTered themselves to be taken with the hand. We took s many of them that w^e loaded a boat with them We saw no other animals, except some very large rats, and li;«- ards with two tails, and some snakes. Haviii'j taken in our sup|)lics, we dei)artcd Ibr Arrival at the southwest, as we had an order from the king, ah SiUnu that if any vessel of the fleet, or its captain, should be lost, I should make for the land of my last voy- age. We discovered a harbour which wo called the Bay of All Saints, and it pleased (iod to give us such good weather, that in seventeen days we ar- rived at it.' It was distant three hundred ' ' ?agucs This bay etill retains the name given to it by A.mericu8. 31 t. 242 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF CHAPTER from the island we had left, and we found neither XV. . ' our captain nor any other ship of the fleet in the course of the voyage. We waited full two months and four days in this harbour, and seein^r that no orders came for us, we agreed, my consort and my- self, to run along the coast. Bmid a for- We Sailed two hundred and sixty leagues further, tress on the j •=> i main land, and arrived at a harbour where we determined to build a fortress. This we accomplished, and left in it the twenty-four men that my consort had received from the captain's ship which was lost. In this port we staid five months, building the fortress and loading our ships with dye-wood. We could not proceed farther for want of men, and be- sides, I was destitute of many equipments. Thus, having finished our labours, we determined to re- turn to Portugal, leaving the twenty-four men in the fortress, with provisions for six months, with twelve pieces of cannon, and many other arms. We made peace with all the people of the country, who have not been mentioned in this voyage, but not because we did not see and treat with a great niunber of them. As many as thirty men of us went forty leagues inland, wIkmc we saw so many things, that I omit to relate them, reserving them for my '• F\»ur Journeys." Return to Tliis couutry is situated eighteen degrees soutii isthTisu of the equinoctial line, and fifty-seven degrees far- ther west than Lisbon, as our instruments showed us. All this being performed, we bid farewell to the Christians we left behind 'is, and to the coun- AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 243 try, and commenced our navigation on a north-north- chapter east course, with the intention of sailing directly to '■ — this city of Lisbon. In seventy-seven days, after many toils and dangers, we entered this port on the eighteenth day of June, 1504, for which God be praised. We were well received, although alto- gether unexpected, as the whole city had given us up for lost. All the other ships of the fleet had been lost through the pride and folly of our com- mander, and thus it is that Crod rewards haughti- ness and vanity. At present I find myself here in Lisbon again, and I do not know what the king will wish me to do, but I am very desirous of obtaining repose. The bearer of this, who is Benvenuto di Domenico Ben- venuti, will tell your Excellency of my condition, and of any other things which have been omitted to avoid prolixity, but which I have seen and expe- rienced. I have abbreviated the letter as much as I could, and omitted to say many things very natu- ral to be told, that I might not be tedious. Your' Excellency will pardon me, as I beg you will con- sider me of the number of your servants. Allow me to commend to you Sr. Antonio Vespucci, my brother, and all my family. I remain, praying Grod that he may prolong your life, and prosper that ex- alted republic of Florence, and the honour of your Excellency, Your very humble servant, Americus Vespucius. Dated in Lisbon, the ^th of September, 1504. lift J .,^1 •:V n 113 244 CHAPTER XV. lii; I LIFE AND VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. Thus ended the last voyage of Americus. Desi- rous of repose, and perhaps somewhat disheartened by its unfortunate result, he abandoned, for the pres- ent, all ideas of agp.in proceeding to sea, and devo- ted himself to the task of writing full accounts of his discoveries. It is greatly to be regretted that the works to which he makes allusion, have not been preserved for the benefit of the world, for it is evident, by the way in which he speaks of them, that they contained more ample accounts than the letters. The spirit of research may yet lead some industrious antiquarian to the discovery of those dociunents, the loss of which are most to be de- plored, his manuscript journals. There are yet un- explored, large quantities of documents, and records relating to the discovery of America, and each day brings to light some new fact to illustrate the his- tory of that great event. CHAPTER XVI. Return of Americus to Spain, 1504. — At Court, F'ebruary, 1505. — Columbus. — III Treatment of him. — Death of Queen Isabella. — ^Ef- fect on the Fortunes of Americus. — Royal Grants to him. — New „ Expedition. — Vicente Yafies Piuzon. — The Name of America. — False Assertion and Deduction. — Reasons why the Name was first given. — llacomilo's Cosmography. — First Use of the Name. — Ex- tracts from an able Article in the N. A. Review. — Canovai's Opinion. Americus remained in Portuffal but a short ciaptee *^ XVI. time after his unexpected return from his fourth voyage. In the latter part of the year 1504, he returned to Seville, and in February, 1505, he left that city, on his way to the court, which was then held at Segovia, bearing the letter from Co- lumbus to his son, which appears in a previous chapter. The Admiral had arrived from his last voyage, only a few months previously. Worn down by neglect and the infirmities of age, it was difficult to imagine liim the same man, who was once treated with such high honour by monarchs and nobles. He aflForded a melancholy proof of the ingratitude of kings, and was then pleading for rights, of which he had been iniquitously deprived, like a criminal before his judge — his claims treated with indifference — while the in- trigues of his foes led every day to fresh inju- ries. i* 246 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP r M CHAPTER The death of his ever-kind protectress, the XVI. Queen Isabella, which took place a few davs Death of -^ , . . , ^ , , ^ Queen ha- alter liis owH amval, was a severe blow to the bella. Admiral, and completed the long list of disasters which had befallen him in his old age. While she lived, some hope of obtaining justice seemed left to him; but his cause, which had languish- ed during her illness, became hopeless when she was no more. Still Americus, animated by warm feelings of respect and admiration for tlie great discoverer, zealously offered to render him all the assistance in his power at court, and the proposal was as frankly accepted as it was freely made.* Influence of Whether the death of the queen had any effect the queen 8 ■■■ ■' IbrluMs rf* upon the fortunes of Americus, there are no means Americus. ^f determining. It would appear tliat it had a favourable influence, if the opinion of his Italian biographers is followed, who hold to the suppo- sition that Americus was more of a favourite with the king, than with his consort. His return, so closely succeeding the death of Isabella, lends a semblance of plausibility to their views ; and the favour which was shown him at court is another circumstance tending to corroborate them.** Navarrete inclines to the opinion, that Americus was sent for by King Ferdinand, in order that he might obtain information from him of the plans and projects of the Portuguese government, as well in relation to their expeditions to the shores ' Irving, vol. ii. p. 856, 857. * Canovai, torn. ii. p. 48-50. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 847 so of the New World, as to the progress they were chapter making in their voyages and estahlishments in the '■ — East Indies.* So far from noticing with displeasure his clandestine departure from Spain, on the 11th day of April, 1505, the king made him a grant of 12,000 maravedis ; and on the 24th of the same month, letters of naturalization in his behalf were issued, in consideration, as they recite, of his fideli- ty and many valuable services to the crown.** Being thus qualified to serve the king in the Prepare. • , /. 1 . . tions for a capacity of a commander, preparations were com- rew expedi- menced, by the orders of government, for a new Americas aaJ Pinzon., expedition. Americus and Vicente Ya ez Pin- zon w^ere named the commanders. The spirit of discovery was aroused again in the mind of Americus, and he set out for the ports of Palos and Moguer, where he remained through the month of May, to see and consult with his colleague, in relation to the necessary wants of the expedition. There is little doubt that the representations of Americus alone led to this new enterprise, and Pinzon was the most proper person to associate with him in the undertaking ; for he had already been upon the coast of Brazil, which was the destination of the fleet.' In fact, all the claims of Spain to any part of that region rested upon a previous voyage of Pinzon, who, in 1500, had taken possession of the more northern part, in the name of the Spanish sovereigns. ' Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 320. meiits. Translation of Documents * See Illustrations and Docu- from Navarrete. ' Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 321. Tn 'J f I r I h; m 248 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP CHAPTER XVI. It was about this time that the name of America began to be first used, and was applied to the Thenameof i.i. . ..,.,., America countTios which Amcricus Visited in his last vov- and Its on- '' gin ages. The assertion has been made, that soon after his return to Spain he prepared a chart, in which the coast of Brazil was delineated and called by the name of America ; but it is unsup- ported by any verifying evidence or authority. If he had done this, however, it would be no suf- ficiei t reason to justify his calumniators in their charges against him of disiionourable treatment of Columbus. It was a custom then, and has continued a custom ever since, for discoverers to call after themselves some prominent place, river, or mountain, fallen in witii in the course of their explorations. Americus never could have im- agined the extended signification which the name was afterwards destined to attain, and the in- justice of those who, as has been remarked in a previous chapter, attribute to him the crime of falsifying the date of his first voyage, with this end in view, is apparent to any one who is not ignorant of the limited application of the name in the first instance.* "We may conjecture," says the writer of an able critical article in the North American Re- view for April, 1821, which has afforded great assistance in the preparation of this work, by its valuable suggestions and references, " we may conjecture, with a great degree of certainty, that ' N. A. Review, April, 1821, p. 339. Kr' 4 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 249 on Vespucci's return from his last voyage, the chapter coast which hfi had visited began to pass by his ^ — name. Two reasons may be given why this hon- our siiould have been conferred on him, rather than on his superior officers. One reason is, that, although he was not first in command, yet his pre- eminence in nautical and geographical knowledge gave him that control over the proceedings of the rest, which men of strong minds inevitably ac- quire in moments of difficulty and danger. In- deed, we find that he came back from his foiirtli voyage, when Coelho, with the greater part of tiie squadron, had perished, and when he himself was no longer expected ; in which circumstances it would be perfectly natural for the Portuguese to attribute to him the sole merit of the discovery of Brazil. The second reason is, that, as Vespucci was highly skilled in the construction of charts, and as those which he made were held in great esteem, he may, in depicting the coast of Brazil, have given it the name of America."* The first suggestion of the name which appears First sug- in print was probably contained in the Latin work tii. namp of ■"• X J America. on Cosmography, by Ilacomilo, being the edition of Gruniger, printed in Strasburg in 1509, from which Navarrete makes his translation of the letter to So- derini. Navarrete snys, that " in the ninth chapter it f^ !i 'LiJJ I ■■■•■a- • " p. Martyr informs us he had Ocean. Decad. p. 199. See like- seen a Portuguese chart of parts wise Memorias de Litteratura of the New World in the construe- Portugueza, torn. iii. p. 339. tionof which Vespucci assisted." — 32 Iii ^( -It- -.1 250 LIFE AND VOYAGSS ' V ill ' i ■I ll lit: CHAPTER of this work, the author, after describing the situa- XVI. '■ — tion of the different portions of the world, places first the three which were known to Ptolomey, and proceeds with the following suggestion, alluding to the voyages printed as a continuation of his cos- mography. " Nunc vero et hae partes sunt latius lustratse, et alia quarta pars, per Americum Vespu- tium, ut in sequentibus audietur, inventa est ; quam non video cur quis jure vetet ab Americo inventore, sagacis ingenii viro, Anierigem quasi Americi ter- ram sive Americam dicendam, cum et Europa et Asia a mulieribus sua sortitse sint nomina." This passage is not the only one in the work which suggests the same thing. In the seventh chapter, which treats of the different climates of the world, the author speaks of " the fourth part of the world, which may be called Amerige or America, because discovered by Americus.'" The article above quoted says that " the earliest mention which the industry of authors has been able to detect, of the word America, is about the year 1514, in a letter written by Joachim Vadianus, a Swiss scholar, known by his Commentary on Pom- ponius Mela, His words are, ' Si Americam, a Ves- puccio repertam, et eum Eose Terrse partem, qua? terrae Ptolomaeo cognitie adjecta est, ad longitudinis habitatae rationem referrimus, longe ultra hemispha;- rium habitari terram constat.' '" I Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 184. ponii Mela; de situ orbis, ed. fol. a " Joachim. Vadian. Epist. ad 1530. Latet Parisionim, in the Rudol. Agricolam, ad calcem Pom- Boston Atheneum." AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 251 The name does not seem to have come into gen- chapter XVI eral use until after the middle of the sixteenth cen — tury; but it is occasionally met with before that time ; and Canovai cites a treitiie on the elements of Geography, printed at Venice in 1535, in which it is doubted whether the word America should be employed, or not rather Amcrige} But what de- serves to be particularly noticed is the remarkable fact, that the name was not originally applied to the whole continent, but only to that part of it which is now denominated Brazil, This can be made to appear by the most ample testimony. We pass over the authority of Spaniards who once pro- posed to call this country Fer-Isabellica, from the sovereigns under whose auspices it was discovered, and who, to this day, entertain a sort of horror of the word America, almost invariably speaking of the New World or the Indies.' Looking therefore into Cademosto, P. Martyr, Benzoni, and Grinaeus, we find that each of them uses the term Novus Or- bis, where we should use America. In most of the maps published between 1510 and 1570 America is applied in the limited sense we have stated. Thus Munster, whose Cosmographia, printed in 1550, was long a text-book in Geography, has a map of the world, in which, towards the west of Europe, appear Terra Florida, then, a little below. I W ;i ?! V::m 1 Canovai, Diss. Gius. No. 51. as a compliment to the Emperor 8 "Pizarro, Varores Illustres del Charles .V." — See Solorzano, Po- NuevoMundo, p. 51. Others have litica Indiana, h.i. C.u. S. 18. proposed to call it Orbis Carolinus, m , 1 mm 'Ik W 858 UPE AND VOYAGES OF li f I- ; i §' '■' cHAFiTa Cuba, then Hispaniola, and a littie south of the XVI. '■ — line, Americae vel Brasillii Insula. In another map of Munster's, which is entitled Novus Orbis, are found grouped together Terra Florida, Cuba, His- paniola, Jamaica, Farias, and lastly, Insula Atlan- tica, quem vocant Brasilii et Americam.* In a map of the world, prefixed to the Grinaeus of 1555, the western part is occupied with a num- ber of islands, which, beginning with that farthest north, are named Terra Cortesia, Terra de Cuba, Isabella, Spagnolla, Insulee Antigliae, Zipangru, and then America, an island considerably larger than either of the others, on the northern extremi- ty of which is printed Farias, on the western, Can- nibali, and on the southern, Frisilia. If the last word, Frisilia, refers to Brazil, it would seem that some geographers had begun to distinguish it as a part of America. The same edition of Grinaeus contains a brief introduction to geography, in which occurs the following sentence : Insulas occidentales, nempe Hispanam, Joannam, Spagnollam, Cubam, Isabellam, Antiglias, Cannibalorum Terram, Amer- ican!, et reliquas incognitas terras primi mortalium adinvenerunt Christophorus Columbus et Alberi- cus Vesputius.** Similar quotations can easily be multiplied. Thus Comes Natalis, who flourished about 1680, • Canovai, Diss. Gius. n. 7C. one made use of is the edition of s Novus orbis Regionum ac In- ia55, printed at Basle by Herva- sularum veterribus incognitarum, gius. A copy is to be found in fol. The first edition of this work, the Library of the New York printed in ] 532, is very rare. The Historical Society. f*^|W«»ipff PIFV'.-i ■ 1 • jn^m^i^ & AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 253 XVI. speaking of the famous expedition of tiie Hugue- chapter nots under Villegagnon, says, tiiat tlie French call- ed Brazil America, because it was discovered by Amerigo Vespucci.^ Jean de Lery, a Huguenot minister, who visited Villegagnon's settlement in 1550, and twenty years afterwards published a very amusing account of his voyage, entitles it a history of a voyage to Brazil, which is also called America.^ The present use of the term seems to have been established soon after this tim^ for Ortelius, in his Theartum Orbis Terrarum, applies the words Amer- ica and Bregilia as we do now, and delineates the •'nffuaiion^ geography of this continent with tolerable accura- cy.^ But the original signification was not imme- diately forgotten, as we perceive in Gaspar Ensl's History of the West Indies, where he says that the name of America was originally given to the coun- tries explored by Vespucius, although afterwards, on account of the dye-wood found there, common I'sage superadded th*5 name of Brazil.* We will only add to these citations the authority of Rocha Pitta and Barbosa, who, in noticing Pedro Alvarez Cabral, remark that the name of Santa Cruz, Period when the rniilP, of America was first used in its m vi\4 ' "Comes Natalis. Hist. S. Temp. p. 139, as quoted by Can- ovai, Diss. Gius. n. 75. See also Southey'a Brazil, vol. i. p. 272, note." ' " Historia navigationis in Bra- ziliam, quae et America dicitur do a Joanne Lerio, Burgundo, Gallice Scripta, nunc vero primum Latinitate donata," &c. 1558, 12mo. * " 'T'heatrum orbis terrarum, fol. Antueroifn 1584. Apud Christo- phor. Plautinuni." * " Gaspar Ensl, India) Occiden- talis Historia, Colonia; 1612, 12mo. p. 130." \,^wn 254 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF '■M III 'f IP 1 The opinion ofCanovai incorrect. CHAPTER \A Iiich Cabral gave the country he accidentally dis- '■ — covered, was afterwards changed into America, on account of the charts of it delineated by Vespucci, and finally into Brazil, from its producing the Bra- zil wood.'" ■ , Canovai is of opinion, that the name originated from the royal letters-patent which were issued by the king when Americus was appointed to the office of chief pilot, through which it came into general use in Europe, as it were under the sanc- tion of royal authority. That the appointment of Americus to this office aided in fixing the name permanently upon Brazil, may have been the case ; but it is apparent, from the statements above, that the Italian biographer is partially in error in his idea, that it was *he intention of the Spanish king to confer the name as a mark of honour, and that the world acquiesced in the de- cision, considering it a just reward of the ser- vices of the discoverer.'^ In his desire to defend his countryman from the attacks of those who accuse him of artifice and fraud, in endeavouring to secure an eternal remembrance of his name, by ' " ' Para eterno monumento da suo picdadc, intitulou Pedro Al- varez a nova terra com a religi- osa antonomasia do S. Cruz, que depois 86 mudou em America, por ter demarcado as terras e cos- tas maritimas della Amerigo Ves- pucci, insignc cosmographo, e ul- timamcnto Brazil, i)elu jjroducaO da Madeira, que tem cor de brazas. — Barbosa, Bihliotheca Lusitana, torn. iii. p. 554. Rocha Pitta is no less explicit : ' Estc foy,' says he, ♦ a primiero descobrimento, este o primiero rome desta regiO, (|ue depois es({uecida de titulo taO su- perior, se chamou America, por America Vespucio, e ultimamcnte Bra2.il, pelu pao vermclho, ou c6r de brazas, ([ue produz. — Hist,^ da America Portugueza, p. 6." 2 Diss. Gius. No. 78. Spipp!P»!!»Wf?!»praf!s?!pr'w™»nTO.-™wwi^?n^^ AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 255 making it the distinctive appellation of the New chaptee World. Canovai here goes to the opposite ex- '■ — treme. " If Vespucci's priority, in discovering the southern continent," says the article ahove quoted, " was a valid reason for naming it America, there is equal reason, as Purchas observes, for denomina- ting the northern Sebastiana, or Cabotia ; since it is notorious that the Cabots explored the coast from Labrador to the Gulf of Mexico, a full year before any portion of the continent was ever seen by Columbus. But the hand of chance has an influ- ence so predominant in the assignment of honours by the world, that we can hardly feel surprised at the neglect of Columbus and the Cabots, to the exclusive distinction of Vespucci. The fortune of the name of America itself is not a little singular, as an instance of the mutations of human affairs ; which, having been first given to a single province, next spread over the whole southern continent, then passed on to the northern, and now, from being the appellation of the whole New World, it seems about to be confined by foreign nations at least to our own youthful and aspiring republic.'" 1 N. A.%Review, April, 1821, p. 339, 340. ^f i i i' iinJii CHAPTER XVII, I :| CHAPTER XVII. Difficulries of the New Expedition. — Perplexity of the Officials of the Board of Trade. — Accession of Philip and Joanna. — Disagreements between Philip and Ferdinand. — The Board of Trade send Amer- icus to Court. — Their Instructions to him. — Death of King Philip. — Complaints of the Portuguese Court. — The Voyage given up. — Ultimate Fate of the Vessels composing this Fleet. — Great Expense occasioned by it. — Absence of King Ferdinand, and his Return. — Americus ordered to Court. — His Occupation there. — Appointed Chief Pilot.— His Death, February 22d, 1512. The new expedition which was in preparation - for Americus and Pinzon was the occasion of Tiienew much perplexitv to the officers of the Board of Trade, and for this reason : by the last testament of Queen Isabella, her consort, King Ferdinand, was appointed Regent of Castile during the minority of her grandson Charles, in case of the absence or in- capacity of her daughter Joanna, who had given oc- casional evidence of insanity, during the lifetime of her mother. This princess was, at the time of the death of the queen, with her husband, the Arch- duke Philip, in Flanders. King Ferdinand at once proclaimed his daughter queen, and assumed the regency, but from the outset was unpopular with the nobles and people, and at length, on the arrival of Philip and Joanna in Spain, was compelled to I ppBpp||^l|iqB^;^ip|pBpi| niii; [■■ww¥i»*t 'lWt^i^B^y^'JWiHpp^ewvw^'''-''^,Wii.»n LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 257 resign his power in Castile and retire to his own chl«ter kingdom of Arragon. xvn. From the moment of tlie accession of Philip to Accession of Philip and the throne, as the consort of Joanna, an entire Joanna to ' the Spanish change took place in all the departments of govern- ^•'™"*' ment. Almost all the old officers of state were dis- missed, and new nien appointed in their places. The disagreement between the two kings placed those of the old administration, who still retained their posts, among whom were the offices of the Board of Trade, in a very disagreeable position. They did not know how to conduct themselves, and, fearful of offending either monarch, hesitated whether to proceed with the preparations for the armament, or to give it up altogether.* In this dilemma they wrote, on the 15th of Sep- instructions tember, 1506, about six weeks after the accession of Trade to Americua. of King Philip, to his secretary, Gaspar de Gricio, that they had despatched Americus to give every information to the king respecting the state of the expedition which King Ferdinand had ordered to be prepared. They also informed the secretary, that it would not be ready to sail before the month of February, in the ensuing year. Americus ac- cordingly left Seville for the court, which was then held at Burgos. He was charged with three letters by the Board of Trade : one for the king himself, another for M. de Vila, his grand chamberlain, to whom he had entrusted the despatch of all business connected with the Indies, and a third to the Sccre- ' Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. iii. 33 ,«r m n I M' IP : h i 258 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP I '!•■■' CHAPTER tary Gricio, to whom they had previously written. '■ — Besides these letters, other documents were placed in his hands. These were five memorials, treating of affairs of the New World, prepared in order that he might not want material at hand, to bring about a prompt and favourable course of action in the matter. The Board of Trade also furnished Amer- icus with written instructions as to his mode of procedure, which show the unenviable state of per- plexity in which they found themselves. " You will take," say they, "three letters for the king, M. de Vila, and the Secretary Gricio, and five memorials, one upon the despatch of the armament, two others received from Hispaniola concerning the tower which King Ferdinand commanded to be built on the Pearl Coast, and the remaining two upon the caravels which are on service in Hispaniola, and concerning what things are necessary for the for- tress which is building there. If Gricio is at court, and attends to the affairs of the Indies, give him the letter, show him the memorials, and he will guide you to the ear of the king, and obtain for you good despatch. We are informed that the king has en- trusted the business of the Indies to M. de Vila, his grand chamberlain. If that is the case, go directly to him. What we principally desire, is a full un- derstanding of the agreement which has been en- tered into between the king, our lord, (King Philip), and the King Ferdinand, in order that we may be able to give to each prince that which is his.'" ' Navarr^te, torn. ii. \l I,»*^l. I Vji AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 1^69 The perplexities of the officials were not, how- cHAPrER XVII ever, destined to end as soon as they hoped. Just '■ — ten days after the date of their letter. King Philip PhUip and suddenly died at Burgos, having enjoyed his power withPorw- only for two short months. King Ferdinand was ahsent, on a visit to his Neapolitan dominions, and the Q,ueen Joanna remained in a state of partial insanity, which rendered her incapable of attend- ing to public affairs. The kingdom was thus trembling on the verge of anarchy, and for a time, most public undertakings were suspended. In addition to this unexpected death of the king, the distrust and complaints of the King of Portugal, respecting the object and destination of the expe- dition, greatly retarded the preparations for it, and finally were the means of breaking it up altogether. Unwilling, probably, to embroil the country in a quarrel with a foreign court, while in such a dis- tracted condition at home, the provisional regency ordered the preparations to be suspended, and that every thing which had been bought for the expe- dition should be sold. The ultimate fate of the ships which were in- Fate of the * fleet, when tended for this fleet is recorded by Navarrete. theexpedi- •' tion was It was composed of three ships, which had been p"^^ "p- brought from Biscay for the purpose. The largest was called La Magdelcna, and was to have been under the command of Pinzon ; the second was a vessel of somewhat less dimensions, of which Americus was to have had the control; and the third, a caravel, was to have served as a tender to \!: ii^ 260 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP iM ii Pi CHAPTER the other two, being of much smaller size. The XVII. — — — two first of these vessels were despatched with cargoes to Hispaniola. The Magdelena went under the command of Diego Rodrigues de Gro- geda, who purchased her on his return. The one which was to have been under the command of Americus carried Juan de Subano as captain. Americus, notwithstanding, appears to have had the management of the concerns of this vessel, as he had previously attended to its fitting out. The caravel went to the Canary Islands, and, returning to Seville in April, 1507, was employed in the voyage of discovery which Pinzon and Diaz de Solis subsequently undertook. Large ex- The preparations for the expedition, which was penses of -^ -^ *■ ^'^uoiT'" thus broken up, occasioned a very considerable outlay of capital. Besides the large amount of upwards of five millions of maravedis, which the settlement of the accounts, towards the close of the year 1507, showed, as the sum of the expen- ses, Americus, with his title of captain, received a salary of thirty thousand maravedis per annum. It appears, from the documents which Navarrete has extracted from the archives of Seville, that his time was principally passed, until the close of that year, in making all the purchases of provisions and equipment necessary for so extensive a voy- age as that in contemplation, and his disappoint- ment must have been great indeed, when the order arrived at Seville countermanding the expedition.* ' Navarrete. tam. iii. p. 322. in AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 261 During tlie absence of King Ferdinand, on his chaptku visit to his Neapolitan dominions, there was a '■ — 1 1 • .1 •■ oT Absence of manifest slackenmg ol the spirit of discovery. King Fer- dinand. The stirring nature of the events which were taking place at home, and the prospect of change, if not of anarchy and civil war,, gave occupation to, or attracted the attention of, most of the ad- venturers and restless spirits of the day. But as soon as the king found himself again firmly fixed in power in Castile, and ruling there in the name of his daughter, with an authority much more extensive than he had ever enjoyed during the life- time of Isabella, he recommenced his projects of discovery and acquisition in the New World. He enjoyed, in virtue of the testament of Isabella, a moiety of the revenues arising from the countries already occupied in the West Indies, and was fully aroused to their importance. But that he was not actuated solely by his pecuniary interest in them, is evident from the measures he took to promote further discoveries, and the colonization of territories already acquired.^ On the 26th of November, 1507, about three Americun ordered to months after the return of Ferdinand to Castile, ^^^}i^° he issued an order, commanding Americus and Juan de la Cosa to proceed immediately to court. Thither, accordingly, both repaired, and were soon engaged in active consultation with the king and his ministers, respecting the nautical affairs of the kingdom. In the beginning of February of the 1 Prescott'8 Ferdinand and Isa*'"" court. t m ^\i! I II V m ■ % 'i • ''Call 262 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP m If w ' '§ I j«.!f. iiii CHAPTER next year, Americus, in connexion with Vicente XVII. — Yaiiez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis, was charged with the safe conduct to the treasury of the king of six thousand ducats of gold, which had just then arrived from the Indies, and on the 14th of March, 1508, he received by royal order a payment of six thousand maravedis, in considera- tion of this service.' Tlie distrust which the Spanish court fe't at that time towards the rival court of Portugal, in- duced them to make ready two caravels, which were placed under the command of Juan de la Cosa, to guard and givf- onvoy to the ships which were coming and going, from time to time, be- tween Spain and their new dominions. Americus was charged with the provisioning and support of these vessels, while his friend Pinzon provided their armament and warlike stores. Americus attended to this business at about the time men- tioned above. Americus Shortly after this date, on the 22d of March, appointed •' b^'^thf^' 1508, Ferdinand appointed Americus to the office of chief pilot, with an annual salary of seventy-five thousand maravedis. It would seem, from the decree which was issued on the 6th of August of the same year, that this place was by no means a sinecure. That document was intended to define the duties of the new office, and it clearly appears, that if they were performed by Americus with the fidelity which characterized all the other trans- 1 Navarr^te, torn. iii. p. 323. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 263 % actions of his life, but little leisure could have been chapter XVII. left to him. This high and responsible post was '■ — held by Americus during the remainder of his life, and his appointment to it by Ferdinand was the highest proof of the estimation in which he was held by that monarch that could have been be- stowed upon him. In order fully to appreciate the weighty responsi- Great «- •' '^^ o J r citemcntin bility which rested upon him, the great excitement ^p^"^< ?""' •' I'D extensive which existed in relation to the newly-discovered emigration. continent must be duly estimated. Never before in Spain had the furor for navigation and nautical enterprise been so extended. Day after day fortu- nate adventurers returned from the Indies w^th im- mense wealth suddenly acquired by the discovery of hidden hoards of some of the unresisting natives, and roused the cupidity of their friends and neigh- bours, by glowing accounts of riches which their own success seemed to prove substantial. The fever of emigration was hourly increasing, and rose at last to such an extent, that in Seville, where Americus established his permanent residence, it was said that few persons were to be seen, save women and young children. On the countermand- ing of an expedition, which the king had proposed to send to Italy in the year 1512, about three thou- sand of the cavaliers, who were to have accompa- nied it, proceeded to Seville and made eager appli- cation for service in a fleet then preparing for America, although the full complement of men to ;S ft: ■a) ■ r m h'\ 1 ^ '! p |;iii'; 1 '^m 264 cKAirrER xvu. Death of Americui>, Fobrja<7 !2 !d, 1512. LIFE AND VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. be employed in it was only about half the number of the applicants.' Nothing now remains but to record the death of him whose life and writings have occupied the fore- going pages. This event took place at Seville on the 22d day of February, in the year 1512.' No account of his last sickness has been preserved. The date and the place of his decease have, until recently, been subjects of discussion, and these have been determined only from the musty files of receipts in the Spanish archives, and from the war- rant of the crown appointing his successor. The place of his burial is not certainly known. Vague accounts are current in his native country, that his remams were transported to Italy, and now rest in the tomb of his ancestors, in the church of Ogni Santi in Florence, but they do not carry with them the stamp of authenticity. After his appointment to the office of chief pilot he made a short visit to Florence, and the poitrait of him by Bronzino, taken unquestionably towards the end of his life, is said to have been painted in that city. It has always been preserved as a sa- cred relic by the Vespucci family, and its authen- ticity seems never to have been called in question. if 1 Prescott, vol. iii. chap. xxiv. « Navarr^te, torn. iii. p. 324. CHAPTER XVIII. CHARACTER AND WRITINGS OP AMERICUS. ♦. '•'',. In perusing the writings and following the his- tory of Americus, one cannot fail to be struck with the modest simplicity and truthfulness of his char- acter. It is difficult to conceive how any one can read his letters, and rise from the reading with any other conviction, than that the writer was actuated by a sincere desire to instruct his correspondents, and furnish them with accurate information. Rarely alluding to his own position of danger and suffer- ing, or of honourable renown, the reader has cause for regret in the very modesty which restrains his pen. He seldom separates himself from his com- panions, and when enterprise and courageous bear- ing is his theme, freely admits all to a share of the credit. When occasion offers he particularizes, and brings out in bold relief the virtues and bravery of others, but never his own. If an idea occurs to his mind which emanated from the brain of another, he never fails to give due reference. It has been seen that no petty feelings of jealousy restrained him from acknowledging what is owing to Colum- bus, for he speaks of his previous discoveries with- out reserve. He excuses his own deficiency, and 34 ClIAITER XVIII. His Kimpli- tity. Ilis justice to others. ^, m i.i;'tej his letters, wherein, though without any indi- cation of resentinent or bitterness, he complains of discourteous behaviour towards him."^ No hasty ebullitions of temper marked the occurrence of dis- appointment or reverse. He was always calm and persevering. He was ambitious, but with a proper ambition. To require an honourable name, which should be the com/"ft and solace of hi.s old age, was his great ain. It lias already been shown, that he could not have endeavoured to perpetuate his fame by tln' fraudu- lent method of giving his name to the New World, nor did he seek to do so by undervaluing his asso- ciates. His was an ambition whicli did not letid ' Canovai, vol. ii. p. 110. A pro) XT arabitiun. '"ip^^-y-'^^^^i AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 267 ! . His loily enterprise. men to fear or oppose him, and his quiet and uu- chapter XVIII. obtrusive manners made him friends even among — his rivals. He was enterprising, but that was a quahty of the age in which he lived. There is tiiis difference, however, in the enterprise of Americus and that of most of those by whom he was surrounded. These laboured for their owia yood, to recruit their own broken fortunes, or to increase wealth already acquired ; he, for advancement of knowledge and science, for the good of the whole human race. He was conscientious. The rights of all were re- spected by him, according to the notions of the age in which he lived. His scrupulous regard of the property of the helpless and unprotected Indians is manifest in his writings. It is true that the vessels of his expeditions brought home slave-priMom-rs, but they were taken in fight, and after some atro- cious treachery ; and conformably to the doctrines then in vogue, the right to do this was undoubted, for all who did not believe in the Christiajj religion were held to be destitute of natural rights, and the enslaving of the Indians was openly countenanced by the government. He was a warm admirer of nature. The beauty of the foliage in the new lands which he visited, and the melody of the numerous birds which sang among the branches, never failed to attract his at- tention and elicit expressions of admiration. He was full of affectionate feelings for his family, as his care and attention to the education and ad- I ,1 iil 1 w i •'■ ill m * ; 1-1 ■! 268 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF cHAPTEa vancement of his nephew, and his memory of his XVIIIi '— relatives in Florence, from whom he had been so long absent, amply testify. Hisreii- I astly, he was deeply imbued with religious sen- gious senti- . mentsand tmi^nt of thc truest and most lastmg character. character. ^ Never did he permit himself to forget the Supreme Being who guarded liim in his wanderings, or fail to give thanks for the great mercies received at his hands. Possessed of too philosophical a mind to adopt as truth all that the visionary fanaticism of the age incorporated in the belief of the Christian, yet he never ceased to acknowledge the immediate supervision of Almighty Power ; and though pass- ing over, in his accounts, with comparative neglect, the useless vows of pilgrimages and other ceremo- nies which the superstitious sailors of his fleet were accustomed to make and perform, on the occur- rence of a tempest, he enlarges upon his gratitude to the true source of deliverance from danger. It is a comparatively easy task to place the por- traiture of the character of a celebrated man in such a light, that only the brightest portion may be visible, while all the darker pointw are concealed. The effect of this would be to show a fair but de- ceptive picture, and such may seem to be the pre- sent effort. For although disposed to admit that many faults might have existed in the character of Americus (what mortal is without them 7), yet the records of history mention them not, and to the present age they are or should be as if they were not. ■^ m ^ *? AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 969 Hia worka. It would be all aost as unfair to subject the wri- chapter XVIII. tings of Americus to the critical tests of the pres- ent day as to judge of his character by the partial and disingenuous accounts of prejudiced historians. Few, besides his own countrymen, have read his letters with unbiased minds, and some of those who condemn him most loudly, have probably never read them at all. He who peruses them in the ex- pectation of finding passages of elegant diction, or a blood-stirring narrative of danger and adventure, will meet with total disappointment. They are quiet and unassuming descriptions of what ap- peared new and strange to him, in simple lan- guage, though at times quaint and forcible. Plain and unvarnished statements throughout, they were evidently written by one who, knowing his own integrity, felt confident of due credence from others. Like all men who live in times of general agita- tion, when society is passing through radical changes, the great navigator experienced his share of disappointments and reverses. Those men who are chosen by Providence to bring about important events, and lead nations on to brilliant achieve- ments, generally become familiar with trouble — for those names that must live always '; the regards and recollections of mankind, are uv,t easily won. But Americus may justly be considered a fortunate man, whatever may have been his reverses. No conqueror, however ce'ebrated, no philosopher, how- ,:;;l 'l-H il >w'A ■€ 270 LIFE AND VOYAGES OFAMERICUS VESPUCIUS. CHAPTBM ever wise, has vet received, or ever will receive, so XVIII. ' J 1 } bright a reward. No shade obscures his character, no accident can effect his fame — his name is borne by a great continent, and will be transmitted to the last moment of time. END OP PART I. ,♦ so «r, me the I PART II. ILLUSTRATIONS. i'^ „', i ' h I '^- mm i i. EULOGIUM Of AMERICUS VESPUCIUS, WHICH OBTAINED THE FRIHIUM FROM THE NOBLE ETRUSCAN ACADEMY OF CORTONA, ON THE I5th OF OCTOBER, IN THE YEAR 1788. LETTER Of the Etruscan Academy of Cortona, to Count John Louis of Durfort, then Minister Plenipotentiary of France to the Royal Court of Tuscany, accompanying the Premium Eulogy. After the respected judgment of six censors, no letter less impartial than enlightened, here at last is that eulogy of Americus Vespucius, which your Excel- lency perhaps contemplated, when, with an incom- parable proof of intelligence and generosity, you con- descended to remit to the Academy your interesting proposal for it, and the noble premium. The author, who appears to have chosen for his model the celebrated Isocrates, knew so well how to con- vert to his advantage, and combine intimately in his theme, the various questions proposed to the candidates, that the Grecian orator would perhaps be astonished to see himself imitated, even in the sldlful digression where lie passes with so much 35 '•I 4 274 LETTER OP THE ETRUSCAN ACADEMY. ?' :i LgTTER. grace from the praises of Evagoras to the deeds of the Athenian Conon. The proposition of your Excellency will be, therefore, a memorable circum- stance in the exhibitions of the Etruscan Academy, and might also become a glorious epoch in Tus- cany, if the example, so new and so enlightened, should become known in all quarters, and make us feel that the true love of letters is a magnani- mous, ardent, and efficacious love, and that admira- tion of great men is one of the few means of even- tually acquiring greatness. France alone, that ge- nial realm, fruitful alike in characters worthy of eulogium, and in literary men capable of appre- ciating them, has renewed in her academies, in our day, the ancient custom of eulogizing her heroes, with a- sublimity equal to their merits. Though the renowned Linguet, perhaps too great a friend of paradoxes, imagined that there was something intrinsically and essentially vitiated in this kind of eloquence, his wise compatriots have well decided that it is better to suffer some abuse of it, than to lose its manifest advantages by a heedless proscrip- tion. While therefore Tuscan writers are indebted to your Excellency for this happy opportunity of exercising their powers in a department of oratory so dear to the ancients, and which ought not to hv lost to our literature, we shall be eternally grateful to you, that we were selected by your judgment for the fortunate duty of searching out merit, and nobly rewarding it. I EULOGIUM. agit grates, peregrincquo oKuIa Terns Figit, et ignotoa montee agrosque aalutat. Ovid, Met. 14. It has been said in olden times, that no eulogium eulogiom. could compare with an illustrious name, and that no words could add to the fame and glory of any one whose name alone was insufficient. But (it must be confessed) that these pompous dicta, which eloquence lavishes so freely, are of no substantial worth, and while thus attempting to express with emphasis an appreciation of merit, and the impos- sibility of praising it sufficiently, would establish the nothingness and inutility of all praise.' ' Here we have in view the in- scriptions on the monuments of two celebrated secretaries of the Florentine Republic. One reads thus, under the bust of Marcellus Virgilius : " Suprema nomen hoc loco tantum voluntas jusserat Poni sed hanc statuam pius errxit heres nescius famfe futurum et gloria?. Aut nomen aut nihil satis." The other was placed on the tonib of Niccolo Machiavelli. " Tanto no- mini nullum par eulogium." If there could be no eulogium pro- portionate to the merits of a great man, it is useless to make any whatever, and all praise vill be reserved for mediocrity. What an absurdity! This is the true eulogy inscribed to Machiavelli. Tho scribe of Florence, Whose tubtle wit disch»rKed a dubious shafl, Called both the friend and foe of kingly crift. Tho', in his mnze of politics jierplcit, (Jrcat names have differed on that doubtful text: Here, crowned with praise, as true to vir- tue's side. There, viewed with horror, as the assai- sin's guide : High in a purer sphere, he shines a&r, And hlHi ry hails hiia as her inornint 8\ar. Ilayley, Essay on Htttfiry, V.jAtX. 1\. V. 186. ah 276 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP KDLOGiuM. Fortunately, it is well known that orators are pfaise.the accustomed to use such apothegms, which rarely aliment of . /. , r o ' J genius, mfluence those who are seeking after truth. What would become of the fine arts, literature, and sci- ence, if, acting on this false principle, posterity should neglect to bestow encomiums upon their distinguished cultivators? Praise is the natural aliment of genius, and though unheeded by the mouldering ashes of heroes, at least encourages the imitator of their glorious deeds. Let it be remem- bered that the great man does not descend wholly into the tomb ; he soars immortal upon the untiring wings of fame. He erects for himself a trophy in his great exploits, which neither the ravages of time can deface, nor the mist of oblivion obscure. Let us figure to ourselves in the distance, a hundred na- tions yet unborn, repeating his name with admira- tion, celebrating his discoveries with applause, pos- sessing themselves of what is good and true by the infallible guide of his instructions. Such delight- ful hopes not only wiped the tears and the sweui of labour from the countenances of the valiant AthletsB, but forcibly counteracted the spells of all the malignant spirits which enhanced the difficulties of their euteqirises.* The germs of greatness are enveloped in the minds of those who are warmed with the love of glory. There is a manifest connection between pub- 1 Ceteros ad sapifiitian studium latione incitati, earundem etiam laudibus aliorum propositis exhor- virtutum desiderio inflammentur. tamur, ut earum laudum accumu- — Isocr. Evag. AMERiCUS VESPUCIUS. 877 lie praise and public happiness.' Egypt knew euloqium. this ; Greece was not unmindful tif it ; all those nations which best understood the economy of the human heart, ever had fortunate experience of it. Ah ! whence comes it, that the noble example wants emulators among us, that the shades of our most noble citizens wander about without pane- gyrists and without eulogium V Ought it to have been expected that a generous foreigner, realizing the sublime idea of perfect patriotism,^ would come from the banks of the Seine, to awaken our indo- lent eloquence, and compassionately arouse it to revive the languishing memory of Americus'? Senseless Syracusans ! thus, perchance, came the great Tully from the Tiber to show you the tomb of the forgotten Archimides.* We accept an invitation which at the same time honours and condemns us. We praise the intrepid navigator, the unwearied discoverer of extensive territories, the nobl* Tuscan who wandered through J I J. .1 .. I ' M > Hoc genus (orationis) >.m GrscM quam Romanis usitatuin fuit, sumpta, ut opiiior, consuetu- dine ab ^gyptis. Harum finis fuit ut et bene meritis de '■epubli- ca viris honore laudationuni ali- qua gratia referretur, et adoles- centes cupiditate laudis incitaii ad virtutem accenderentur. — Wolf, in Isocr. Evag. 2 We have, under the name of eulogy, the lives of many illustri- ous Tus'a'^f, !:nt the eulogies here refer od '^ ^re very different from these ivi;,. 3 Le Patriotisme le plu« parfait est celui ((u'on possede quand'on est -^i bi( , J rempli des droits du Genre humain, qu'on les respecte vis-k-vis de tons les peuples du monde. — Encycl. ar' l*atriotisme. * Cicero himself narrates his fa- mous antiquarian disccjvery, and concludes thus; "Ita nobilissirna Graeciae civitas, quondam vero etiam doctissime, sui civis unius monumentum ignorasset, nisi ab ho- mine Arpinate didicisset." — TvM. Qiuest. 1. 5. c. 23. m IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 1^ 12.0 1.8 1.25 1.4 1.6 ^ 6" - ► V] <^ /2 # C» o\ 7 Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST N.;^! STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14SS0 (716) 872-4503 4^ :,ijiii r 11 i|! i«i^ I i 1 1 1 278 UPE AND VOYAGES OP EULOGiuM. the boundless extent of the other hemisphere, and left his name impressed upon it forever. If a vile jealousy has attempted to snatch from his brow the well-merited crown ; if a partial history has robbed him of the credit due to his signal enterprise by its malicious silence ; if a misguided criticism has unfortunately depreciated his merits and ' efamed his candour, future ages will see his characi< in clearer light, and bestowing their just homage of admira- tion and encomium, will free him from the combi- ned aspersions of his enemies, and cover his cruel adversaries with detestation. * To deny an infancy to an extraordinary man, and gravely pronounce that he was a wonder from the very cradle, would be to fabricate, in imitation of the poets, a fabulous Hercules.' To investigate the little anecdotes of this infancy, and dwell at length upon its gradual development, would be but to gratify a puerile curiosity. No, you do not think that Americus was born a prodigy, and came thus into my hands, or that I would wish to follow The youth ofAinericus, • Hercules, while yet in swad- dling clothes, strangled, according to the poets, two large serpents which Juuo had sent to destroy him. But it is so uncommon or un- necessary for great men to begin by being great in boyhood, that the inf.'.ncy of the greater number of them has remained altogether in obscurity. I only remember, at present, having read something of the kind respecting Pascal, and the following is what is said of him. "At the age of twelve years he had," they say, " by the force of his genius alone, and without books, mastered the thirty-second proposition of the first book of Eu- clid. The reader may think what he pleases of it — for my part, I in- cline to the opinion of Bailict, who was reprimanded by some parti- sans of Pascal for having doubted this feature of his life. 1 shall not dissemble, that I suspect it very much of being exaggerated." — Hut. de Mathem. t. ii. p. 63. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 279 the feeble footsteps of his early boyhood. When eulooium. the energy of his mind called from chaos an entire half of the globe, and, almost as if by magic en- chantment, spread existence over the vast ocean, it is of slight importance to enquire what went be- fore, or whence he derived his power. Conjecture, therefore, if you please; proportion the means to , the result ; unite to the most fervid imagination the most scrupulously strict reasoning, the possession of subtle theories to the free use of complicated instruments, uninterrupted study of the planets and stars to accurate knowledge of continents and seas, the valour of the soldier to the prudence of the mar- iner, the bustling life of the voyager to the solitude of the philosopher, the skill of the merchant to the honour of the citizen, sense to genius, modesty to elevation, vigour to sensibility, boldness to religion, and then, perchance, you will then have a sketch of the sublime qualities and enviable character of Americus. With such vast endowments as these a man becomes as it were omnipotent. He projects, and nothing is impossible ; he wills, and all is done. A thousand secret combinations stand ever at his side, and with emulous rivalry offer him their aid. He manages them with such authority, and applies them to the work with so much rapidity, that the effect of penetration and inconceivable art often appears like the necessary result of natural causes. The soul from its unknown seat, the sun from the centre of its system, produce in no other manner m ,f 280 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP ! ' ■<» > ■■Al EULOGiuM. the wonderful motions of the human machine, and the astonishing order of the universe. The posi- But where shall we find a place for Vespucius, tion of * . . Americus. and what position shall we assign to him, if Spain, his new residence, intoxicated with joy by rising hopes of immense riches and power, recognises no other genius, and commemorates no other name, than the incomparable genius and illustrious name of Columbus 1 We leave to prostituted pens the vile employn; ^^t of insulting the great with false reproaches or false praises. I shall not make one of these two the victim of the other. I should know how to v/eave a eulogium for Newton,' without injury to Leibnitz, and I shall speak of Vespucius without detracting from the fame of the Italian Admiral. He has already burst the con- fines of the Old World; he has already pushed with a noble daring among the virgin waves of a yet nameless sea,^ and St. Lucia, Antilla, Cuba, Jamaica, and Hispaniola' have become the rewards of his 1 It is known that a serious de- bate arose between Newton and Leibnitz, about the first inventor of the difierential and integral cal- culus, on which Montucla thus pronounces : " Newton had found the principle of fluxions before Leibnitz, but too obscurely to de- prive the latter of the merit of the discovery." — Hist, des Math. t. H. p. 334. Americus discovered the continent before Columbus, and did not find it at all obscurely. > Columbus himself called this sea the North Sea, though not very appropriately. — Hist, de VAcad. des Scien., an 1753, p. 119. 3 Cuba, Jamaica, and Hispan- iola are confounded by some ge- ographers with the Antilles, which are more than six hundred miles distant from them. — Ramus, t. iii. p. 71. c. This confusion, however, was received by the modem author of the art. * Amer- ica," in the Encyclopedia, a cen- tury after Columbus and Ves- pucius. — See Dissertazione Qitu- tificativa. I 1 1 I AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 281 wonderful expedition — vast and fruitful islands, eulogium where the greedy European trampled for the first time upon gems and gold, forgetting the famous countries of the Ganges and Cathay. The shout of important conquests ascends from the Mexican Archipelago; nations and kingdoms of long stand- ing are shaken; commerce joyously contemplates her reviving youth ;* all eyes are fixed upon the leader of the exalted enterprise : he enters Barcelo- na with more pomp than the Roman Capitol wit- nessed in other ages at the return of an Emperor in triumph. At this, Vespucius becomes thoughtful, and absorbed in burning meditation. The trophies of Miltiades'' disturb the dreams of Themistocles, and the repeated announcement of his father's vic- tories dissolves in sighs the magnanimous heart of ■ A few days before the third edition of this eulogium was is- sued, I read the work of Genty, entitled "The Influence of the Discovery of America on the Hap- piness of the Human Race." He repeats many times the truth which ' °ste hinted at ; but two quotations must suffice. " The rich productions of the mines of Peru must multiply our relations with the East, and of necessity iiimish more abundant aliment for the foreign commerce of Eu- rope (p. 209). The conquest of the New World started commerce from infancy, and gave it wings to soar over the whole universe" (p. 290). I agree, therefore, with the illustrious Genty, not only in his opinion, but also in the figures with which he illustrates it. I shall not fail to quote parallel passages as they occur, which will show the un :\pected corres pondence of my sentiments with those of so celebrated an author. 2 It is said that Themistocles was so carried away with a love for glory, that, at the time the barbarians were conquered at Marathon, and when the glciry of Miltiades was every where celebrated, although yet a youth, he withdrew by himself, and in- dulged in nocturnal vigils; and, on being asked the reason, by those who wondered at his con- duct, replied that the trophies of Miltiades deprived him of sleejj. — Plutarch. Themistocles. 36 i 282 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF lisj;,!' 'f:' i! EtfLOGiuM. Alexander. Ah ! there are no more countries for me !* this terrible despot of the ocean sees and rav- ishes all. Though I might excel him in daring, yet how can I equal him in fortune and glory 1 The spirit Behold the transports of tliat lively emulation of emulation ^ -t •' ""fecte ^^' which springs from the indisputable con, iciousness of talents, and is nourished by the pure and delicate essence of virtue, which shines uncontaminated in every footstep of the hero ! It seems enmity, but is laudable strife ; it seems envy, but is a generous ambition. If Columbus had found enemies and ri- vals resembling Americus, I should not see, as now, the magnificent scene of his triumph so suddenly changed into mourning and horror, the gloomy night of ignominy and mockery succeed the brief light of ephemeral happiness, and that invincible leader who redoubled the power and dominions of ungrate- ful Castile, groaning under the weight of infamous chains, while he asks for nothing but liberty to car- ry her arms to the most distant shores of the West. Go now, and turning away your eyes from the atro- cious metamorphosis, exclaim, it is chance, — it is fate, — arbitrary sounds and sterile syllables, with which no distinct idea can ever be associated. Alas ! are not there imperceptible threads by which a regulating hand guides us through a crooked lab- yrinth from causes to effects, and prepares in silence > Often, when the capture of a noble city or a victory in a mem- orable battle, by Philip, was an- nounced, Alexander did not seem much rejoiced, but said to his playfellows, " My father is con- quering every thing, so that there will remain no great and brilliant exploits for me to accomplish." — Plutarch. Alexander, jwjinwui in I I inii;.mni|;»ywin|n»^np||p^^jii - ip |iiinfw(ii|i,ui» i iiyi -l i]f . jp il) AMERICUS YESPUCIUS. 383 ^1 the events of the universe 1 Prostrated by impla- eulogium, cable vengeance, and despoiled of the exclusive right to discoveries and honours,* Columbus pines in inaction, but no new columns of Hercules,'* beyond which the pilot dares not pass, stand erect before the shores of Mexico. Americus remiites the web of fortunate events. Americus succeeds Columbus. At that period might some one have said to him, tko euio- ' Pause, illustrious Vespucius, and before two worlds, ines an a.i- * dress to astonished at each other, are united by your means, Americus. penetrate with me, for a few moments, the shadows of the future, and observe the memorable results of the union. What merchandise, what treasures to Europe! What rare industry in the arts, what new sublimity in the sciences! The uncertainty of the heavens, the strange laws of the sea, the un- known form of the terrestri?! globe, the peculiar formation of mountains and rivers, the hidden vir- tues of minerals, of vegetables, of animals, all are determined, all are turned to usefulness or pleasure in life. There is not a single corner where the for- tunate influence of your discoveries is not felt.' ' This exclusive right, which is asserted by various historians {Rob. V. i. p. 95), does not ap- pear in the contract between Co- lumbus and the Spanish monarchs. It is, however, reported so in the Hist. Gen. des Vbyag., t. xlv. p. 17, and by Robertson himself. lb. p. 165. " The twelfth labour of Hercu- les was, according to Mytholo- gists, to go to the two mountains, Abila and Calpe, and separate them, so as to introduce the ocean into the Mediterranean. There- fore, the two heights which over- look the Strait of Gibraltar are called the Pillars of Hercules. It v/as said that he dared not pass them, and that they were to serve forever as limits to all navigators. It is known, however, that the Tyrions, Hanno, the Carthageni- an, and afterwards many others, passed these limits. 8 Genty agrees with me. "The •I f.sj ^k $1 1|, 'i|'!i| 1 284 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP •'(■ v:. J :t EULOGHTM. What did I say? the Mediterranean and the North Sea are too contracted in space for the new tribute which pours into them. The immense plenitude inundates Africa and Asia. Political society is raised to the highest point of elevation, and the country discovered by you, furnishes an equilibrium to the boasted power of the other hemisphere. But, alas ! if this splendid picture is so seductive with its bright prospects of benefit, and so dazzling to your vision, in what colours shall I paint to you the funereal spectacle of innumerable wrongs 7 You will find there unknown regions of gold ; the rocks are rich with it ; the sands glitter with it ; nature exhibits her richest stores. Inauspicious stores of lamentation and desolation ! A vast multitude of hungry adventurers hasten from all quarters. At- tracted by the glitter of the dangerous metal, they abandon their ancient seats. Europe sends masters there ; Africa, slaves. They are disputed at every step, they are combated on every shore. Some are the prey of the waves, others of fire and sword ; many, of a foreign climate ruinous to health ; many of an unknown pestilence which devours them, and without peopling the continent which they seek, that which they leave remains desolate and desert- conquest of the New World ex- tended the domain of the arts and sciences, furnishing them with materials and instruments, and opening to genius a career more vast and more brilliant. It con- tributed, above all, to perfect natural history, botany, geogra- phy, navigation, and astronomy. It brought us the Quinquina; it called us to share in all the produc- tions of nature, and procured us more numerous and more varied enjoyments" (p. 289, 290). lliu#l|pi^|)U. 11 Jipi iHllli.iiii lii^aapp<9n Such is exactly the view of Genty. " It (the conquest of the New World) should have softened the manners of the Europeans, and inclined them to beneficence ; but it rendered them more cruel and pitiless. It should have exalted the dig- nity of man, and taught him the nobility of his origin ; it only swelled the hearts of some des- pots, and furnished them with new means to oppress and de- grade the human species. It ought to have enriched Europe, and it covered it with mourning, and rendered it, so to speak, de- serted and miserable (p. 289). The Spaniards made deserts in America, and rendered their own country more than a desert. — Mantesq. Lett. — Persan. Lett. 121. Since the devastation of America, the Spaniards, who have taken the place of the ancient inhabi- tants, have not been able to re- people it; on the contrary, the destroyers are destroying them- selves, and are being consumed every day." — Id. 2 There are ten titles, according to Solorzano {de Indiarum Jure, t. i.), which give to Spain the right over America. The gift of God, confirmed by prophecies and prodigies; impulse and Divine inspiration; discovery and occu- pation ; the barbarous customs of the Indians ; their infidelity ; their sins; the preaching and propa- gation of Christianity; the ob- ligation of listening to the faith; the power of the Roman Emperor to overcome the infidels ; and the donation of the pope. Let every one judge of the solidity of such titles at his pleasure. To me, they seem more evtravagant than all the rights seriously proclaimed by Gonzalo d'Oviedo. "Now, as Spain and Italy took their names from Hesperio XII., King of Spain, so, also, should these islands take it, which we call Hes- perides. Hence, without doubt, it may be considered, that in that rime these islands were under the dominion of Spain, and under the same king, which was (as Beroso says) 1658 years before our Sa- viour was bom, and because, at present, we are in the year of grace, 1535, it follows that it is now 3093 years since Spain and ^1 \H n ■ii ' 'u 4i^ !,i <• '« 286 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP EULooiuM. imaginary rights in Atalanta and the Hesperides, and with the same thought fancy that a man with* out clothing and without a yoke, merits not the name of man V Oh Grod ! the basest sycophancy has fabricated those monstrous pretensions, in be- half of powerful injustice." Reason blushes at them ; humanity shudders at them.' The thirst for gold awakens the thirst for blood. Like those cruel persons, who kill the innocent bee in order to become masters of its sweet treasure, we signalize our violation with murder, and bearing fire and the sword in our hands, more cruel than wolves, more barbarous than tigers, mangle a terrified and un- armed herd, that we may reign over a huge mass :i!l>'*":;i;I its Hesperus exercised dominion over these Indies or islands of Hesperides. On account of this ancient jurisdiction, and judging by the manner in which it has been given, which will be stated hereafter, God has returned this dominion to Spain again, after so many centuries; and it appears that Divine justice wished to re- turn it to her, that she might pos- sess it perpetually, through the good fortune of her two happy and Catholic monarchs. — Ramusio, t. iii. p. 65. 1 Americus relates, that the men seen by him all wc-e na- ked, and that they have neither king nor lord; that they obeyed no one, and could neither be called Moors nor Jews. * Listen to Gcnty, who thus begins his second question: "Must this too celebrated revo- lution be described, which will make all future generations blnrh with shame and indignation? Must these revolting scenes be painted, these numerous massa- cres, where all that was most atrocious in barbarity, all that was most hideous in avarice and cowardice, was put in operation against timid and defenceless na- tions? Must the long chain of crimes, perfidy, and oppression be retraced, which blotted out whole nations from the face of the earth ?" p. 33. ' The reply of Cortez to the ministers of Montezuma, who boasted of the treasures and the power of their country, is reported by Raynal, t. vi. p. 64. "Be- hold exactly what we are seek- ing after — great dangers and great riches." Perhaps the Spanish general had learned this language from the pirates of Tunis or Al- giers. ■'i'^#i. r •pi^WHF' '*■'■" -'■ •^Kmw '"'^'mmmm^m' vr^'^mim^^i'm^ AMERICU3 VESPUCIUS. 287 BS, of dead bodies and gold. The lacerated remnants eulooium. of the horrid carnage howl with mournful clamour, fly among the mountain precipices, conceal them- s»elves in inaccessible forests, and their country, covered with blood and tears, offers nothing to its unhappy children, but a sacrilegious altar with thirty millions of men wickedly immolated to the idol of avarice.* Whoever, at that juncture, had pourtrayed to Thedoubt* Vespucius this double series of events, would, per- of Americiw. chance, have induced him to change his determina- tion. His heart, so prone to emotion, his spirit so penetrating and so just, his noble disinterestedness, his scrupulous delicacy, would have united to dis- suade him from a voyage, the manifest ambiguity of the event of which might destroy so large a por- tion of its glory. But very different thoughts were revolving in his mind. Anxious to make known to the world the superiority of the science and nau- tical skill which had been his for a long time, he listens only to the voice of honour, which calls him, and directing his course to the West, leaves to the enlightened philosopher the task of determining the character of his labours. Difficult judgment ! which seems tacitly to constrain to the intricate ex- amination of primitive causes, and to odious com- ' Thomas, Eloge de Dugay- Trouin. " Taking the calculation of the furious Carvajal, 1500 Spaniards were sufficientto slaugh- ter thirty millions of men. This monster boasted, at his death, of having killed twebty thousand Americans, besides fourteen hun- dred of his own nation, with aia own hand." — Raynal, torn. vii. p. 58, with whom Gomara does not disagree, except in the words "with his own hand." — Cap. 186, p. 259. .^^ -I 288 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF EULootuM. parison between the private prosperity of a state, and the public interest of the human race. Tell me, indeed, whether navigation is an absolute ad- vantage, or fix, at least, the relation between its advantages and disadvantages. Tell me if it is possible to find any universal measure of good, or any rules by which to estimate in exact proportion, and by a common criterion, physical, political, and moral benefits. Tell me whether all men belong to the same family, or define to which of the many families of men a preference is due, and I will soon designate to you the proper estimate of the mar- itime deeds of Americus. If, in the absence of proper data, I declare these general problems insol- uble, do not be astonished that a question which is connected with them by such bonds, and is of such manifest affinity, should remain undecided.^ Theadvan- It happcus somctimcs, however, that an aggre- disadvanta- gate of facts and peculiar analogies authorizes a discovery of ffeneral conclusion, or it may be that compassion, Americus. ° . jt » tender and beautiful virtue, inborn with man, in- clines the spirit to favour the oppressed, and the injiortant judgment may seem to you already pro- nounced. At the horrid sight of the carnage, the pretended advantages sink into insignificance. The warm invectives of the philosopher are united with > The work of Genty considers the present question exactly, and has an exposition of it much better than any thing that can be given in a eulogium. It ought to ))e spoken of here, but however ad- vantageous for me the accordance of my opinions with those of Gen- ty may be, it will be easily seen, that a longer discussion of the point would have been quite for- eign to my subject. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. i389 the eloquent tears of the ignorant, and that fatal EULocim art is deplored, which, in spite of a visible prohibi- tion of Providence, showed the way to the unlucky shores of the New World. I would not mask the truth, in order to secure fame to Vespucius. Sin- cerity of intention, and the impossibility of fore- telling the future, justify him sufficiently. But if all the great elements of the question are considered, how shall the decision be given with judgment and equity 1 Has the culture of those wild and snvage nations ever been estimated ? Has the price of re- ligion ever been calculated 7 Yet these benefits hold a rank so elevated, and offer rewards so cer- tain to the feeble nature of man, that the dubious light of every other good is obscured in compari- son ; they are competent even to soften anguish, calm terror, enlarge the mind, and spread oblivion over the barbarity of conquerors, and the wicked- ness of tyrants. It is a crime, 1 do not deny it, it is the blackest of all crimes, to change the institu- tions of religion into sanguinary instruments of death, and reduce a desperate people to execrate those revelations and that God, to whom they ought to give themselves up with gratitude aid transport. But these revelations are adopted, and that God is worshipped now in America.' Forget -m ' It has been said that this in- telligence is producing its efl'ects. But it will be seen in the course of this eulogium, thai it could not be throughout America, and nei- ther so soon nor so easily devel- oped. These ideas are presented by Genty : " Nature," he says, "and philosophy will unite their voices to applaud these happy changes, to prepare them, and un- derstand their effects. Religion 37 ■*^^BW1 290 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF EULociuM. all evils in the presence of one good so incompara- ble ;^ and since these were the pure designs of the eager Voyager,^ in whom neither covetousness nor fanaticism ever fostered the cruelty of a Cortez,' a Pizarro, or an Almagro, let him disembark tran- quilly upon the shores of that strange land, and greet in peace their unknown mountains and im- trodden fields.* will continue to invite the savages to a participation in its mysteries. It will conquer them by its tender exhortations, it will soften their hearts by its promises and its con- soling dogmas — it will make men of them."— P. 321. 1 Thus is the first question de- cided — The advantages and dis- advantages of the discovery of America, as proposed in the pro- gramme of the Etruscan Acade- my. It was raised, not with re- gard to Europe only, but without any limitation, and it was neces- sary, therelbre, to reply to it in full. ' Not only was Americus eager to inculcate in the minds of the savages religion and morality, but he was also so happy as to suc- ceed in it. "In this country (in Paria, that is), we established bap- tismal fonts, and a great number of people were baptized. Thej called us in their language, Carcbi, which means men of great wis- dom. We endeavoured many times to draw them into our opin- ions, and admonished them often, that they might finally be willing to abandon such an infamous cus- tom as an abomination, and they promised us many times to abstain from such cruelty." 3 The moderation which Amer- icus observed towards the savages was quite remarkable. " We took from them (from the traitors who had assaulted him) many things of little value, and we would not bum their houses, as it was a matter of conscience with us." "We re- solved not to touch or take away any of their things, in order the better to assure them, and we left many of our things for them in the houses." " It was determined that since this people wished to be at enmity with us, we would have a conference with them, and do eve- ry thing to make them friends." " We discharged two guns at them (at those who had followed him shooting arrows), more to frighten than to do them injury." Ameri- cus was not, therefore, inferior to Cook, in an age which was not like the age of Cook ; anil though he was obliged to fight Jiiiiiiy times, it was to defend those sava- ges who were his friends, or in his own defence. 4 ' ■ Aglt grates, peregrlnie que oscula TerriE Fig\t, et ignotos monies agrosque salii- tot * ' Thus speaks Ovid of Cadmus, who brought letters into Europe, AMBRICUS VESPUGIUS. 291 icua. The daring Columbus should first have landed eulogium . here, had he intended to deprive others of the hope compariBon ' ^ * of the tracks of surpassing him. Every effort is now vain, and ofcoiumbo. * o ■' ' and Amer- whoever regards the discovery of the continent as a poor appendage to the discovery of the islands, militates with the truth, though he cannot wound the invulnerable glory of Americus ; because the acute Archimides, because Wallis and Brouncker and Fermat approached closely the new analyses, it does not follow that the divine geometrician who courageously opened the formidable gates of infinity, and trod those perilous regions with a sure foot, has not eclipsed them. Newton found assistance in the labours of many great men. But there was nothing in common between the two navigators. Neither the line of the voyage, the conduct, nor the termination were similar. What an uncertain and tortuous circuit was that of Columbus, who from the Canaries returned to the south so far that he saw in the tropics the neighbouring heights of Cape Verd, and turning thence to the west and to the north, arrived at Guanahani ! He roved nearly three years from island to island, and from coast to t. and perhaps religion also, as Amer- icus iiitrodu(!Pd religion and the first seeds of moral culture into America. The custom of render- ing thanks to (lod at the sight of land wnu then general nrnoiig nav- igators. " They set their feet on terrafirnia," writes Boccacio, "and saluted tha neighbouring moun- tains," Anc. Robertson also inti- mates it. " The crew of the Pin- ta sang the Te Deum, and those in the other vessels responded to it". . . ." The Spaniards who fol- lowed Columbus, fell on their knees and kissed the earth which they had so long desired to see." —Hist, de VAm. t. i. p. 176, 177. Heor Americus himself: "Having seen the land, we gave thanks to God." iM m 'i'» iv 'if 392 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF BULOGRTM. coast, and attracted by an invisible magnetism within the narrow circmnference of past discove- ries, never saw the boundless country which was laid temptingly before his face, and seemed to open its bosom, and invite him to repose upon it.* Amer- icus, on the contrary, avoids the seas already known, shuns the islands already discovered,' does not pro- pose to return to Europe by the way of Japan and China, and impelled by intelligence and genius, runs in thirty-seven days from the Fortunate Islands to the Oronoko. The spacious plains of Terra Firma, the curious little island of Venezuela, the pleasant forests of Paria,' present an inexhausti- > Jamaica, Cuba, Hispaniola, and the other islands adjacent to the Gulf of Mexico, having been discovered, it might have been said that the gates of the New World were thrown witle open, and that notlung further remained to be done by the voyagers who followed Columbus, but to enter them. But I would ask, why did not Columbus enter Mexico through those gates which he him- self had thrown wide open ? * It was only in his second voy- age that Americus wont to the islands of Antilla and Hispaniola, already discovered by Columbus. * The land discovered by Ves- pucius in his second voyage was, according to his own account, con- tinuous or contiguous to the land discovered in his first; therefore, if that of the second lies a little beyond the equator, in the south- ern hemisphere, it is reasonable to conclude that of the first to be near the line in the northern hem- isphere : hence his " Lariab" is certainly " Paria," as in the Geog- raphy and Cosmography, Munster accurately translates it. — {Ocog. Tab. Nov. Ins. Cosmog. p. 1109.) But it is not easy to understand how Lariab or Paria is located by Americus under the Tropic of Cancer, where New Galicia and Panuco are situated. From ob- serving that Martiniere (V. Paria) does not recognize any province of this name further East in America, and that De I'Isle took it entirely from his charts, I sus])ected that in the first jieriod of the discovery, this might have been the general denomination of America as then known ; neither do I think I have been deceived, since Gcraldini, Bishop of St. Domingo, wrote to Leo X., concerning that island which the unlearned call the con- tinent of Asia, and others denom- inate America or Paria. — (Can- «*. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 293 ble harvest for his meditations, and give repose to etjlogium. the cosmographer to employ the philosopher. Nei- ther is he satisfied with a passing and fugitive glance, but having measured once more the fourth part of the terrestrial perimeter,^ sees again the shores vnth which he is enamoured, again explores vast and almost boundless tracts of territory, visits the northern shores,' where men of gigantic stature are found,' certain of bearing, as a tribute to covetous cell. Diss. Sopra Crist. Colomb. p. 224.) It is certain that one map, as late as 1535, printed in Basle, places Paria in 24 or 25 de- grees of south latitude (^Margar. Philos. p. 1434) ; in the maps of Apianus, Grinaeus and Munster, Paria is located in the environs of the equator ; and in that of Villa- novano, published in 1541, Paria is placed at 45 degrees of north latitude. Seventy degrees of lat- itude being thus included by dif- ferent geographers, it is fair to conclude that all America was Pa- ria; and perhaps for this reason Martyr says, " in the immense tracts of Paria" (Dec. ii., L. ix. p. 39.), and called the " Sea of Pa- ria" the ocean which bathed the New World (Majol. Dies. Canic. p. 509). In fact, Vespucius him- self testifies, that after having moved ten degrees from the equi- noctial line, he continued to sail towards the north, and passed into a gulf which is called the Gulf of Paria. This is certain proof that Paria extended much beyond eight or nine degrees north latitude, to which, with evident error, others have been disposed to limit it, not knowing that New Castile and New Andalusia were two provin- ces of Paria, and that the six hun- dred leagues of coast, traversed by Pinion, amounted to more than 36 degrees (Ram. u iii. p. 13. B. p. 23. B). ' Americus was more than 52 degrees distant from Cadiz ; hence he had passed over nearly the fourth part of the terrestrial cir- cuit. " " We resolved to turn our course to the northwest," says Americus. "We determined to sail to the northern parts; we changed our navigation towards the north." In fact, Venezuela, which Americus arrived at, is changed to Tramontana, and from the particular position of the ocean in that place, Columbus took the occasion to call it the North Sea, as I have said in another place. » Various writers think these giants were Patagonians, which would carry Americas towards the land of Magellan, at the south, while in fact he went to the north. It appears that similar gigantic persons inhabited Yucatan, as Solorzano observed, on the au- f m m 294 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP III 'I nil!' IP'" w EULOGiDM. Spain, three thousand miles of continent. His companions were astonished, and with ravenous eyes viewed the rich ear-rings and jewelled neck- laces of the naked Indians.' He admired their pro- portions, studied their language, considered their customs, and softened by the complaints and griev- ances of these friendly hosts, turned his sword against the deadly cannibals, who tore them in pieces to satiate their hunger. Meanwhile, abandoned cosmography recalls him, Cosmo- nScuiations and at her imperious nod, Americus retraces his footsteps, and reasons with himself. Where am I ? in what part of the globe 1 at what distance frotn Calpel Physical wonders are redoubled every moment. The pole that was elevated so lucidly above the horizon, is now sunk in the abyss of the ocean. That zone which inexperienced philoso- phers declared fatal to respiration and to life, contains within its beautiful boundaries an innu- merable multitude of inhabitants. Perhaps I am now at the antipode of the Tartar or the Chinese. Will my story be credited in Europe, if the new Eden through which I wander* should be lost, like thority of Herrera. — De Ind. Jur. 1. i. c. 10, n. 54. These and many similar accounts of the early navigators have proved to be exaggerations. — Trans. • The Spaniards, greedy for riches, were never sensible of the beauties and charms of the lovely climates of America. Like the Mammon of Milton, who, forget- tbg every delight iu Heaven, always kept his eyes fixed on the golden pavement. — Raynal, t. vi. p. 70. Americus very cautiously observes, "The navigation has been very profitable, which is now a matter of high consideration, and particularly in this kingdom, where inordinate covetousness pre- vails." * The idea of having found in America a terrestrial paradise, '?y>*>. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 295 ^i the old, in the immensity of space 1 Many times eulogium. the setting sun left him pondering upon these grave considerations, and many times surprised him deeply absorbed in them when it rose. To discover in the Antarctic heavens a motionless star, to guide the pilot through the regions of the South, and from the various intersections of the meridians with the equator,* to determine both the position of the country, and the extent of the voyage— this was the double knot, to unravel which, Americus de- voted the silent night. It was more a matter per- taining to his glory, than a thing absolutely essen- tial to designate in the firmament the opposite pole ; but to secure the honour of having trodden un- known countries for the first time, it was indispen- sable to be able to show the way to them again. Meanwhile, an exact determination of the geograph- ical longitudes, may contend in point of difficulty with the discovery of a continent. What did not the old philosophers do, what had not more re- cent ones attempted, to solve the contumacious problem? Despairing of solving it by the too was common to Columbus and Americus; but while Columbus spoke of it with gross fanaticism, {Hist. Gen. des Voyag., t. xlv. p. 219), Americus treated the idea with a sobriety and a delicacy which do honour to his good sense. *'The trees are so beautiful and 80 odoriferous, that we seem to be in a terrestrial paradise." " If there be a terrestrial paradise on earth, doubtless it cannot be far from these regions." ' Imagining every point of the globe cut by a meridian, and taking for the first any point whatever, as that of Paris, the distance of this from others, counted upon the equator, ia called longitude. Thus the me- ridian of Florence cuts the equa- tor at 8 degrees, 56 minutes, 59 seconds east; that of London, at 2 degrees, 5 minutes, 9 seconds west; and this difference of the two meridians, in crossing the t ■■■? /'Q 'I it 296 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 511 *i EULOGiuM. feeble aid of latitude and the rhombi/ they brought to bear upon it the boldest computations, they in- vested it with the most fonnidable analyses, and reduced it almost to a surrender by their experi- ments with a hundred orreries' What then 7 Their fruitless exertions left them finally to learn from Vespucius the art of subduing the rebel. His inventive genius pursues the question through the two tropics f he watches ; he meditates ; he reasons. It may be said, that abstruse formulas and imperfect instruments were impediments to his career. He notes the moment of an astronomical conjunction, proceeds at once to the determination of the longitude, and either the tables to which he recurs, or the instruments he employs, lie. But he is the possessor of the secret ; his method is cer- tain ; no one knew it before Americus, no one has abandoned it since.* Well may all the discourteous forgetfulness of men vanish, because this original method which the ingenious European brought forth for the first time under a savage sky, and em- ployed for the first time in fixing its geographical character, does not appear in the first place in the iiXreTe American memorials of Astronomy — the inestima- qSencTo'f ble anticipated fruit of the civilized hemisphere. ^ erie'sT Fortunate Florence rejoiced at the proclamation Americus. equator, determines the longitude of Florence and London. ' Encycl., art. Longitude. 8 Bailly, Hist, de I'Astr. Mod. p. Ill, &c. ^ All the instruments of Ameri- cus, in this very difficult research, were a quadrant and an astrolabe ; all his books, the almanack of Monteregio and the tables of Al- phonso. Genius is like nature — it is contented with little. * Diss. Gius., No. 79. AMERIGUS VESPUCIUS. 297 of these discoveries. The noble emporium of lit- eulogium. erature and commerce, foreseeing their remote con- sequences, with joyful illuminations, hastened to render to her son a portion of the honour by which he has made her so illustrious and so renowned.^ With joyful illuminations ! Ah ! deplore the wretched reward, if the follies of a devastating luxury, and magnificent spectacles giving evidence of corruption and slavery, have abolished in you the august traces of republican simplicity.' If you still nourish any feeble sparks of ancient virtue, confess that Athens and Rome, while erecting statues to Miltiades, or crowning the brow of Pos- tumius with a wreath of myrtle, exhibit a far su- perior greatness, than while decreeing three hun- dred statues to Valerian, or while erecting arches and temples to Antony.^ Americus received at the ' Band. Vit. d'Am. Vesp. p. of Tuscany, and his noble refusal xlv. Though such festivities are narrated by Bandini to have ta- ken place before the voyages of Vespucius, in the service of Por- tugal, it would seem that they followed the voyage of 1501 to Brazil. The reason is, because the relation to Soderini did not arrive in Florence till after the year 1504, and that alone, as a public document, might have given rise to the festivities. * The most enlightened sov- ereigns, fathers of their sub- jects, have always abhorred use- less pomp. For example, Adrian, Marcus Aurelius, and Alexander Severus. The truly philosophic character of Leopold, Grand Duke when the gratitude of the people offered him an equestrian statue, may be cited as another example. 3 Cujus ^ictoria! non alienum videtur quale premium Miltiadi sit tributum docere. Ut populi nostri honores quondam fuerunt ran et tenues, ob eam(]ue cnusam gloriosi — sic dim apud Athenienses fuisse reperrimus. Namquo huic Miltiadi — talis hoiios tributus esst in Portion quae Poecile vocatur — ut in decem Prsctorum numero prima ejus imago poneretur — Idem ille populus postea quam corruptus est, trecentas statuas Dcmetrio Phalerio decrevit. — Cor. Nej)os. MilUades. I 511 38 298 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP \'Mi f EULOGiuM. hands of his native country the illustrious rewards of a respected citizen, while Spain, forgetful of the foreigner who boasted no titles but those of courage and genius, rewarded him only with the usual sti- pend of a faithful subject.^ Great men are certainly great phenomena in nature ; rare among a multi- tude of ordinary productions, and unmoved by the confined powers of vulgar systems, they excite ideas of the admirable, and present to the curious philosopher an immense perspective of new combi- nations. It is a strange misfortune that such great similarity of endowment is coupled with so differ- ent a fate, and that a great phenomenon may be great with impunity, while a great man cannot. ' Everything convinces me, that in 1500, a cabal was in operation to ruin Americus with the court of Spain, although, conscious of his rectitude, and the benevolence of the king, he seemed not to have feared it. It is certain, that returning from his second voyage, he was very ill-treated at the Antillas by the companions of Columbus. " I think through envy," he says himself. Who can be persuaded that this envy ended in the Antillas, and did not follow him to Europe? He had scarcely arrived in court, when the king, moved by the greatness of his services, engages him, in the same year, 1500, for a third voy- age, with the rank of commander of three vessels. " They are fit- ting out three ships for me here, and I think they will be ready by the middle of September." But behold the whole face of things suddenly changed. In spite of the esteem of the king, the medi- tated voyage vanishes, Americas leaves Seville secretly, and, in the month of May of the following year, 1501, we find him upon the ships of Portugal. This change of circumstances, which would be in vain attributed to the caprice or inconstancy of Americus, can- not be explained, without sup- posing some interference of his enemies. Here is something con- firmatory of this view. «' The Spaniards having shown very lit- tle gratitude to him (to Vespu- cius) for all his discoveries, their ingratitude mortified him keenly. Emmanuel, King of Portugal, jealous of the success of the Catholic kings, informed of the dissatisfaction of Vespucius, en- ticed him into his kingdom." — Nouv. Diet. Hist. Art. Americ. Vespuce. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 299 Both confront prejudices and prostrate them ; both eclqgium. contend with ignorant pride, and confound it. But that encounter, and that contest, whicli render a great phenomenon more famous, expose the great man to the fatal action of inexorable circumstances, and although sometimes he is triumphant, he is often left without a single mark of his triumph. Implacable envy resists him ; dark calumny lace- rates him ; he who was yesterday the wonder of his age, to-day is deserted ; and at the sound of his ruin, rewards and honours desert him. This is the reason why history, so fertile and diffuse in the catalogue of celebrated personages, seems so limited and barren in her description of their rewards.* Every age boasts some transcendent spirits, but not in every age are found generous and feeling hearts. This cruel truth has often led to the very bor- ders of absurdity. Superior talents seemed an un- fortunate gift of Heaven^ and in order to hide them from the jealousy of tyrants, they have often lan- guished in degradation and stupid inaction.* As if > . >" m 300 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF EULociuM. the moon should renounce her usual course to ap- pease the barkings of the capricious mastiff; or the sun cease to dispense his rays, because the sense- less Ethiop, from the sultry atmosphere of a fiery zone, throws javelins and reproaches at it.' Amer- icus did not follow such counsels. The star which is never darkened, leaves the misty horizon in- volved in its clouds, and sheds its light elsewhere. See him upon the ships of Portugal, making the winds and the ocean show him the new line of the Vatican.' ****** * * * * * * * * * * The voyages of AmericuB , in the ser- si'TlS i vice of Por " tugal. [The programme of the academy required the in- troduction of some eulogistic remarks respecting the King of France and the Grand Duke of Tuscany, which the writer ingeniously brought in, at this place. Being foreign to the subject, they are omitted. — Trans.'] But was Heaven wearied with favouring his de- A thick mist suddenly darkens the seren- ity of the day, with the whispering of the exaspe- 1 Solem orientem occidentem- que dira imprecatione contuentur (^thiopes) lit exitralem ipsis agrisque. — Plin. 1. 5. c. 8. Per- haps Job alludes to this custom when he speaks of those who curse the day. On the reverse of a med- al prepared in honour of the im- mortal poetess, Corilla Olimpica, the sun is seen pierced with ar- rows by some Ethiopians, with the legend taken from Job, " Who curse the day." 8 Alexander VI., in the year 1493, issued a bull in which (ta- king 100 leagues beyond the Azores, an ideal meridian, as a line of demarcation) he conceded to Spain all discoveries to be made towards the West, in the extent of 180 degrees, and to Portugal all those which should be made to- wards the East in the remaining 180 degrees. The limit was af- terwards changed. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 301 rated winds mingles the wild burst of thunder and eulogium the lurid glare of the lightning. The Atlantic rolls a thousand whirlpools beneath the trembling fleet. His companions lose all hope, and without knowing through what region they are wandering, or ^ here the mad encounter of the wave* may drive them, feel only that they are running helplessly to ship- wreck and death. Then appeared the valour of those skilful commanders,* to whom, in order to undervalue Americus, the merit of the discoveries is attributed. Abominable ignorance and pride ! Contemptible band of greedy traffickers I** In vain would ye have invoked with your dying exclama- tions the impotent riches with which ye had equipped your fleet, had not Americus come to your succoiu*. To abandon the command, to grasp the helm, to consult the faithful instruments of his beloved science, and restore calmness and safety to the disheartened mariners, was the work of an in- t See Tirab. p. 189 ; Diss. Gi- ustif. No. 34. « Although history seems to jus- tify the idea that Americus sailed at the expense of the sovereigns of Spain and Portugal, it is very probable that after the first voy- age of Columbus, another usage was introduced into the two king- doms. " The forces of Cortez were not supported by the gov- ernment, which, in the attempts which were made to discover new countries, and in forming -new es- tablishments, gave only the aid of its name. All was executed at the expense of individuals, who, if fortune had abandoned them, would certainly have been ruined. But their enterprises always extended the dominions of the mother coun- try. After the first expeditions, she never formed a plan, never opened her treasury, never re- cruited any troops. — Raynal, t. vi. }). 63. Thus navigated Ojeda, Pin/.on, &c. — Robert. D. i. p. 294. Americus himself does not leave us in doubt about this, when he relates what share he had in the sale of 200 slaves, which, but for that, would have belonged to the crown. •fa • '■ I 'ilia i 302 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP EuixwiuM. stant. This was little. He returns not to Nigritia, from which he had departed, he turns not to some known country, where he may r^st securely, but not fearing the absence of the sun, ■>( the time tending to the summer solstice, and defying the most terrible dangers, he follows for two thousand miles the circle of the equinoxes ; and, victor over the storms and the winter, discovers the rich coun- try of Brazil, and presents it in homage at the foot of the throne of Portugal.' Importance It was iu Brazil that Americus showed the great of the dis- » mi i i t^i • • covery of talents of a Theophrastus and a Plmy. A passion- ate admirer of nature, full of lively desire to search into its divine beauties, and endowed with the finest sensibility to feel and describe them, see him wandering with ecstacy through the woods and over the mountains ; arrested at the sight of a tree, a bird, or a stone; gathering the beautiful fruits, the pure gums and balsams; contemplating with transport the fertility of the soil, the temperature of the climate, the great quantity of nutritious roots, the power of medicinal juices, the health, the vigour, the long life of the inhabitants, and cour- ageously defying the naturalist of the Old World, to find in Europe or Asia so much to interest the student, as Brazil alone offers at every step to the observation of the stranger. Night does not snatch • Brazil was discovered by Ves- for various reasons. It was then pucius while he was navigating for carefully visited, and almost dis- Ferdinand (Diss. Gius. No. 71), covered anew, by him, while in but Spain made no account of it, the service of Portugal. AMERICUS VE8PUCIUS. 303 from him the pompous spectacle of the earth, but eulooium. varies his delight with her changing meteors and her unchanging lights of the firmament. He will tell you the magnitude of them, their places, their order, and their motions;* he will enumerate them; he will draw curious figures of them ; that the South may not envy the North its advantages and its fame, he will enrich with Southern constellations' the in- teresting catalogue of the fixed stars. Ah ! where is that precious volume to which Vespucius con- signed such vast treasures of natural science and astronomical erudition! What unworthy plot, or what secret disaster, caused it to perish miserably in the hands of a sovereign, who, for the fortune and glory of Portugal, should have jealously guard- ed it 1 Let him who doubts this great loss, who pretends that this important work still lies buried among dusty archives, turn to Brazil, and explain, at least, how this happy land is suddenly trans- formed into an abominable and cursed land, into an » The Southern Cross is per- haps the most celebrated of the figures or constellations observed by Vespucius. They are spoken of as an admirable order of stars, and a notable circumstance, by Andrea Corsali and Gonznlo d'Ovi- edo. — Ramm. t. i. p. 177, D. t. iii. p. 73, F. Merian also, reflecting upon the famous verses of Dante, thus expresses himself : " What a wonderful thing ! Those four stars are found in the place indicated — thr.e of the second and one of the third magnitude — they form to- gether the most brilUant of the circumpolar constellations. The foremost has nearly 62 degrees of apparent southern declination, and consequently is 28 degrees distant from the pole. Let us imagine the surprise of Americus Vespu- cius, when, after having passed the line 6 degrees, ho suddenly di& overed those stars, and recol- lected immediately the verses of the poet (or shall I say, of the prophet?)." — Toscan. Nouv. Mem. de Berlin, an, 1784, p. 515. 2 Riccoli Aim. Nov. L. 6, p. 410. .'.Mil ■mil m M m uM mi LIFE AND VOYAGES OF l-l' ii t.'i- KULOGiuM. opprobrious prison for the wicked, an infamous receptacle for the dregs of a kingdom.* Ah! if the Portuguese, no less greedy than the Castilian, had possessed those faithful memorials wherein Americus, after picturing its splendid climate, gives magnificent descriptions of pearls,** dianionds, and gold, full well I know that Brazil would not have waited two centuries to become the delight and the treasury of Portugal.' Thoughts The consideration of this speaking example en- respecting 1 . . 1 the civiiiza- lightens me. How can we hope to civilize America, tionof ° ^ ' American if despisiug her when she is poor, and running to aborigines. ' r o r ' o spoil her as soon as she proclaims her riches, we give ample intimation that we would willingly change a savage into gold, but are little disposed to change him into a citizen or a scholar. There gleams, I know it well, in Northern America, a splendid Aurora of pleasing hopes,^ and from the imion of friendship and peace which binds the shore-provinces together, I have a right to augur for the West more fortunate and more pleasing days. Moral culture and science are not propagated with ' Raynal, t. ix. p. 7. ' The country does not produce any metal except g*'W^T MARCO POLO. ! it 364 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF hours you observe such multitudes of people pass- ing backwards and forwards on their vai'ious avoca- tions, that it might seem impossible to supply them with food. A different judgment will, however, be formed, when every market-day the squares are seen crowded with people, and covered with provi- sions brought in for sale by carts and boats. To give some idea of the quantity of meat, wine, spices, and other articles brought for the consumption of the people of Quinsai, I shall instance the single article of pepper. I, Marco Polo, was infonned by an officer employed in the customs, that the daily amount was forty-three loads, each weighing 243 pounds. ' Private res- The houscs of the citizcus are well built, and idences and d^^mestic richly adorned with carving, in which, as well as in painting and ornamental buildings, they take great delight, and lavish enormous sums. Their natm'al disposition is pacific, and the example of their for- mer unwarlike kings has accustomed them to live in tranquillity. They keep no arms in their houses, and are unacquainted with their use. Their mer- cantile transactions are conducted in a manner per- fectly upright and honourable. They also behave in a friendly manner to each other, so that the in- habitants of the same m^ighbourhood appear like one family. In their domestic relations, they show no jealousy or suspicion o( their wives, but treat them with great respect. Any one would be held as infamous that should address indecent expres- sions to married women. They behave with cor- habits. HAKCO POLO. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 355 diality to strangers who visit the city for commer- cial purposes, hospitably entertain them, and afford their best assistance in their business. On the other hand, they hate the very sight of soldiers, even the guards of the Great Khan ; recollecting, that by their means they have been deprived of the govern- ment of their native sovereigns. On the lake above mentioned are a number of Lakeintha pleasure-barges, capable of holding from ten to hood of the twenty persons, being from fifteen to twenty paces long, with a broad level floor, and moving steadily through the water. Those who delight in this 'amusement, and propose to enjoy it, either with their ladies or companions, engage one of these barges, which they find always in the very best or- der, with seats, tables, and every thing necessary for an entertainment. The boatmen sit on a flat upper deck, and with long poles reaching to the bottom of the lake, not more than two fatlioms deep, push along the vessels to any desired spot. These cabins are painted in various colours, and with many figures ; the exterior is similarly adorned. On each side are windows, which can at pleasure be kept open or shut, when the company seated at table may delight their eyes with the varied beauty of the passing scenes. Indeed the gratification de- rived from these water-excursions exceeds any that cnn be enjoyed on land ; for as the lake extends all along the city, you discover, while standing in the boat, at a certain distance from the shore, all its grandeur and beauty, palaces, temples, convents, 'iff If' mi 366 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP :i^: MARCO and gardens, while lofty trees reach down to the POLO. i , 1 » , ,1 . , water s edge. At the same time are seen other boats continually passing, similarly filled with par- ties of pleasure. Generally, indeed, the inhabitants, when they have finished the labours of the day, or closed their mercantile transactions, think only of seeking amusement with their wives or mistresses, either in these barges or driving about the city in carriages. The main street already mentioned is paved with stone and brick to the width of len paces on each side, the interval being filled up with small gravel, and hjiving arched drains to carry off the water into the canals, so that it is always kept dry. On * ' road the carriages are constantly driving. They are long, covered at top, have curtains and cushions of silk, and can hold six persons. Citizens of both sexes, desirous of this amusement, liire them for that purpose, and you see them at every hour moving about in vast numbers. In many cases the people visit gardens, where they are introduced by the managers of the place into shady arbours, and remain till the time of return- ing home. The palace already mentioned had a wall with a passage dividing the exterior court from an inner one, which formed a kind of cloister, supporting a portico that surrounded it, and led to various royal apartments. Hence you entered a covered passage or corridor, six paces wide, and so long as to reach to the margin of the lake. On each side were cor- responding entrances to ten courts, also resembling Palace of the king, and his great lux- ury. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 357 cloisters with porticos, and each having fifty pri- vate rooms, with gardens attached, — the residence - of a thousand young females, whom the king main- tained in his service. In the company either of his queen or of a party of those ladies he used to seek amusement on the lake, visiting the idol-temples on its banks. The other two portions of this seraglio were laid out in groves, pieces of water, beautiful orchards, and enclosures for animals suited for the chase, as antelopes, deer, stags, hares, and rabbits. Here, too, the king amused himself, — his damsels accompanying him in carriages or on horseback. No man was allowed to be of the party, but the females were skilled in the art of coursing and pur- suing the animals. When fatigued they retired into the groves on the margin of the lake, and, quitting their dresses, rushed into the water, when tliey swam sportively in different directions, — the king remaining a spectator of the exhibition. Sometimes he had his repast provided beneath the dense foliage of one of these groves, and was there waited upon by the damsels. Thus he spent his time in this enervating society, profoundly ignorant of martial affairs ; hence the Grand Khan, as al- ready mentioned, was enabled to deprive him of his splendid possessions, and drive him with igno- miny from his throne. All these particulars were related to me by a rich merchant of Q,uinsai, who was then very old ; and having been a confidential servant of King Facfur, was acquainted with every circumstance of his life. He knew the palace in its MAKCO POLO. 4i i 368 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 1^: 'I i'i J,! Hi w m MARCO former splendour, and desired me to come and take — a view of it. Being then the residence of the Khan's viceroy, the colonnades were preserved en- tire, but the chambers had been allowed to go to ruin, — only their foundations remaining visible. The walls, too, including the parks and gardens, had been left to decay, and no longer contained any trees or animals. Revenue of I will now tell vou of the large revenue which the Khan. ^ ° the Khan draws from this city, and the territory under its jurisdiction, which is the ninth part of the province of Manji, The salt of that country yields to him in the year eighty tomans of gold, and each toman is 70,000 saiks, which amount to 5,600,000, and each saik is worth more than a gold florin; and is not this most great and wonderful ! In that country, too, there grows more sugar than in the whole world besides, and it yields a very large rev- enue ; I will not state it particularly, but remark that, taking all spices together, they pay 3} per cent., which is levied too on all other merchandise. Large taxes are also derived from wine, rice, coal, and from the twelve arts, which, as already men- tioned, have each twelve thousand stations. On every thing a duty is imposed : and on silk espe- cially, and on other articles, is paid ten per cent. But I, Marco Polo, tell you, because I have often heard the account of it, that the revenue on all these commodities amounts every year to 210 to- mans, or 14,700,000 saiks, and that is the most enormous amount of money that ever was heard of, I AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 359 POLO. and yet is paid by only the ninth part of the marco province of Manji. Now let us depart from this city of Quinsai, and go to another called Tam- pin-gui. THE ISLAND OF CIPANGO. This is a very large island, fifteen hundred miles from tile continent. The people are fair, hand- some, and of agreeable manners. They are idol- aters, and live quite separate, entirely independent of all other nations. Gold is very abundant, and no man being allowed to export it, while no mer- chant goes thence to the mainland, the peoijle ac- cumulate a vast amount. But I will give you a wonderful account of a very large palace, all cov- ered with that metal, as our churches are with lead. The pavement of the chamber, the halls, windows, and every other part, have it laid on two inches thick, so that the riches of this palace are incalculable. Here are also red pearls, large, and of equal value with the white, with many other precious stones. Ki'blai, on hearing of this ama- zing wealth, desired to conquer the island, and sent two of his barons with a very large fleet con- taining warriors, both horsemen and on foot. One was named Abatan, the other Vonsanicin, both wise and valiant. They sailed from Zai-tun and Quinsai, reached the isle, landed, and took posses- sion of the plain and of a number of houses ; but ■ 'si n 360 LIFE AND VCYAGES OP M f ' »l IP'' i. ^ .1 i^ MARCO they had been unable to take any city or castle, '— when a sad misadventure occurred. A mutual jealousy arose amongst them, which prevented tlieir acting in any concert. One day when the north wind blew very strong, the troops expressed to each other apprehensions, that if they remained, all the vessels would be wrecked. The whole then went on board and set sail. When they had proceeded about four miles, they found another small isle, on which, the storm being violent, a number sought refuge. Others could not reach it, many of whom suffered shipwreck and perished ; but some were preserved, and sailed for their na- tive country. Those who had landed, 30,000 in number, looked on themselves os dead men, seeing no means of ever escaping ; and their anger and grief were increased, when they beheld the other shins making their way homeward. 'ihe sovereign and people of the large isle le- joiced greatly when they saw the host thus scat- tered and many of them cast upon the islet. As soon as the sea calmed, they assembled a great number of ships, sailed thither and landed, hoping to capture all those refugees. But when the latter s;iw that their enemicw had disembarked, leaving the veimels unguarded, they skilfully retreated to another quarter, and continued moving about til! they reached the ships, and went on board without any opposition. They then sailed direct for the principal island, hoisting its own standards and ensigns. On seeing these, the people believed their ' i^wm\.*'t^^rfmwf^7fmm^i^ AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. own countrymen had returned, and allowed them to'enter the city. The Tartars, finding it defended only by old men, soon drove them out, retaining the women as slaves. When the king and his warriors saw themselves thus deceived, and their city captured, they were like to die of grief; but they assembled other ships, and invested it so closely as to prevent all communication. The invaders maintained it seven x.-rrths, and planned day and night how they might convey tidings to their master of their present condition ; but finding this impossible, they agreed with the besiegers to surrender, securing only their lives. This took place in the year 1269. The Great Khan, however, ordered one of the commanders of this host to lose his head, and the other to be sent to the isle whrre he had caused the loss of so many men, and there put to death. I have to relate also a very wouilrr- ful thing, that these two barons took a number of persons in a castle of Cipango, and because they had refused to surrender, ordered all their heads to be cut off; but there were eight on vvho/n they could not execute this senttMice, because these wore consecrated stones in tiie arm between the skin and the flesh, which so enclmnted has sent it to you, and l»ad lie loved you, as he evi- dently loves me, you would have similarly prosper- AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. ed. But since some of the wise men among the idolaters, especially the baksi, have represented to his majesty, that to provide for the poor is a good work and highly grateful to their deities, he has he- stowed charity in the manner now described, so that, at his court, none are denied food who come to ask for it. He has also so arranged that in all the highways ,by which messengers, merchants, and other persons travel, trees are planted at short distances on both sides of the road, and are so tall that they can be seen from a great distance. They serve thus both to show the way and af- ford a grateful shade. This is done whenever the nature of the soil admits of plantation; but when the route lies through sandy deserts or over rocky mountains, he has ordered stones to be set up, or columns ertx^ted, to guide the traveller. Of- ficers of rank are appointed, whose duty it is to take care that these matters be properly arranged, and the roads kept constantly in gtx)d order. Besides other motive's, the Great Khan is influenced by the declaration of his soothsayers and astrologers, that those who plant trees receive long life as their re- ward. SGI MARCO POLO. ::S V. FELLOW-VOYAGERS OP AMERICUS. ALONZO DE OJEDA AND JUAN DE LA COSA.i OJEDA. m 1$ A BRIEF notice of the early career of the first of these navigators has 1)een given previously in this volume. His subsequent exploits are quite inter- esting. It has already been seen from the account of Americus, who was his fellow-voyager in 1499, that he could have realized but a very trifling profit from his share in that expedition. In fact, he ac- quired nothing but renown as a bold and skilful fol- lower of the seas. Many were the tales which were circulated of his prowess and intrepidity, and his popularity with the people, ever moved to enthusi- asm by daring exploits, seconded by the powerful interest of his patron, the Bishop Fonseca, led him prosperously onward to royal favour. Soon after ' This illustriition of tlip lives of Ojcda and De lu Cosu is iihridfi'd muinly from the work of Mr. Ir- ving, entitled the Lives of the C'otii])ani"ns of Columbus. It was originally intended to have translated such portions of the " Viages Menores" of Navarrdte as referred to liie subject, but the full accounts of Mr. Irving, who, as he says in his Preface, has con- sulli'd this wi>rk, as well as many other valuable works and docu- ments of reference, presented so comp-lete an array of material that It was determined to abandon the original intention for the pres- ent ])lan. LIFE AND VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 367 his return, he received a grant of six leagues of pei,low- land in Hispaniola, and permission to fit out vessels op for a further prosecution of discoveries on the coast of the mainland. He was prohibited from inter- fering with the traffic on the coast of Paria, within certain limits, but was granted a right to trade in all other parts, on condition of paying one-fifth of the profits of his voyage to the king. He was au- thorized to colonize Coquibacoa, and as an induce- ment was to receive half the revenue of the new colony, unless it exceeded 300,000 maravedis, in which case the surplus was to go to the crown. With such brilliant prospects before him, Ojeda juandeVer- found no difficulty in finding partners and assist- Garcia de Campos. ance in his undertaking. Juan de Vergara and Garcia de Campos joined in his eutei-prise, making a partnership agreement for the term of two years. They fitted out four ships, the Santa Maria de la Antigua, the Santa Maria de la Granada, the cara- vel Magdalena, and the caravel Santa A.na. His partners each commanded one of the first-named vessels, his nephew, Pedro, the third, and Hernando de Guevara the fourth ; the whole fleet being con- trolled by Ojeda himself. The expedition set sail in 1502, and after pro- curing the usual supply of provisions at the Cana- ries, crossed the ocean in safety, and touched the shores of the New World on the coast of Cumana. This was the native name of the country, but Oje- da called it Val-fcrmoso, on account of its beauty and fertility: While supplying the immediate ne- if?. 5 ! < ■ 'I ' Kill Ml ,^Y.« ■■ .' I : 368 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP FELLOW- cessities of his vessels on this coast, Oieda adopted VOYAGERa T ^ . ^ ,. 1 . . OP an expedient savouring more of pohcy than justice. : Knowing that he should want many utensils and articles of common use in his new colony, he de- termined to procure them from the natives of Cu- mana, rather than enrage the Indians in the neigh- bourhood of his proposed settlement. Their pillage was successful, but was the occasion of much bloodshed. Notwithstanding the orders of Ojeda to his men, to do as little damage as possible, the poor Indians suffered severely, their cabins were burnt, and several of their women carried into cap- tivity, or only returned to them on the payment of a ransom. To the honour of Ojeda, it is said that he took nothing of the spoil but a hammock. After a while the fleet proceeded to Coquibacoa, but finding the country in the neighbourhood ex- tremely sterile, they went on further to a bay which Ojeda called Santa Cruz, and is the present Bahia Honda, where it was determined to form a settlement. They found in this place a Spaniard, who had been left by Bastides, a voyager who had visited those parts about a year previously. He had since been living peaceably with the Indians, and had acquired their language. The natives at first attempted to oppose the landing of Span- iards, but were soon overawed by the display of force which Ojeda made, and came forward to greet them with presents. The adventurers im- mediately commenced building their fortress, and storing in it their goods and provisions. All the Settlement at Bahia Honda. 11 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 369 gold which they acquired by barter or plunder, fellow was deposited in a safe box, under two keys, one op of which was kept by the royal officer who accom '— panied the expedition, and the other by Ocampo. All the gold, however, which they were enabled Quarrels of 1 1 1 • 1 1 1 • t>jecla ami to collect did not supply them with provisions, !"« p-^nnw. which grew day by day more scarce, notwithstand- ing the energetic efforts of the foragiPT parties continually despatched by the commande. 'o ran- sack the country. The people murmured at their deprivations and sufferings, and above all a fear arose among them that they would lose their means of departure, in consequence of their ships having been attacked by a species of worm, which bored holes in the planks, and caused them to leak greatly. As is ever the case, discontent produced recrimination and quarrels, and the factions of tiie petty colony rose at last to such a height, that his partners at length entrapped Ojeda on board of one of the caravels, seized him, and put him in irons. They gave out that he had gone farther than his license from the sovereigns allowed, that he was a defaulter, for whom they would be liable as sure- ties, and that they were determined to take him to Spain for trial. Ojeda made one or two attempts to compromise with his partners without success, and at last they sailed in the beginning of September, carrying away with them the winkle colony, and the strong box, which was the main cause of all their dis- putes. When they arrived at the western coast 47 1!)1 tv. ^1' i:i 'If sro LIFE AND VOYAGES OP FELLOW- of Hispaniola, their captive governor made a des- VOYAGERS X o OF perate attempt to escape from liis confinement. AHERICUS '- The vessels were lying at anchor, about a stone's throw from the shore, .when, relying upon his ac- tivity and skill as a swimmer, he slipped quietly over the side into the water, in the night-time, and made for the shore. But though his arms were left free, his feet were chained, and finding that the weight of his shackles was sinking him, he was compelled to cry for help, and, half drowned, was again put into confinement on board. Legal pro- When they arrived St. Domingo, a long lawsuit ojeda. took place before the Chief Judge of the island, who found Ojeda guilty, in spite of his protesta- tions that his partners were the persons in fault. The decision pronounced him a defaulter, stripped him of all his effects, and brought him heavily in debt to the government. For a time he was looked upon as a ruined man, and though, subsequently, on an appeal by Ojeda to the royal council, the case was reconsidered, the decision reversed, ; <1 an order issued for the restoration of his property, yet the expenses of the lawsuit, in which he was engaged for nearly a year, consumed all his small fortune, and left him a bankrupt, though trium- phant, litigant. This judicial contest was decided in 1503, and for some years after that period no record appears concerning the movements of Ojeda, excepting one, which, without particularizing, mentions that he made another voyage to the vicinity of Coquibacoa AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 371 in 1505. In 1508 he is found again in Hispaniola. fellow- VOYAOER8 With the roving and restless habits of the mariner, of he seems to have united the common fault of sailors of all countries, a reckless and profuse ex- travagance, which led him to squander his re* sources, and kept him always in a state of poverty, although it did not weaken his love of daring en- terprise. About this time the cupidity of King FerdiuEuid The gold 111 11- /.I r Diines of was attracted by the gold mmes of the coast ol veragim. Veragua, and projects were set on foot to establish colonies in that direction. Indisposed to increase the power of Columbus and his family, the w ary monarch looked about for some one to appoint to the command of these colonies, and among others, Ojeda was thought of for the post. Although pos- ,«*essing, in the Bishop Fonseca, a strong friend at court, he was, unfortunately, too far absent and too poor to urge his claims, and had it not been for his lucky meeting with Juan de la Cosa, he would probably never hav obtained the appointment. Juan de la Cosa wu*) even at the time when he juandeia accompanied Americus on his second voyag*^, in the capacity of pilot, a veteran in maritime affairs. He had previously mailed witii Columbus, and, as Navarrete says, somewhat sneeringly, " in (he opin- ion of others as well as of iiimself," was thought not to be inferior to Columbus in his knowledge of navigation.^ Peter Martyr relates, that the Span- iards epUv. ued the maps which were drawn by I Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 4. Cosa. i '■: m ■rp*-'-T7"s ■>%. %---■>■ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) V A ^^CJ 1.0 I.I 1.25 If ilM IIM ■^ 1^ 12.2 US Ilio 1.8 1-4 111.6 Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. MS 80 (716) 872-4503 ^',"" 4^J ^<^^. i? '($> «!^ 372 UFE AND VOYAGES OF OF AMERICUS, Vojrageof Bwtides. FELLOW- him, and by another pilot named Andres Morales, VOVAGEIRS w J. / as the best in the world, and that they were " thought to be more cunning in that part of cos- mography which teacheth the description and measuring of the sea, than any others."^ Soon after his return from the New World, in 150n, in the month of October in that year, he was soli ed by Rodrigo de Bastides, to accompany him, in two caravels which he had fitted out, to search for gold and pearls. Bastides was a notary, and knew no- thing of navigation, but confided the whole manage- ment of the navigation to Juan de la Cosa, who ex- tended his fame for sound discretion and able sea- manship. This voyage was extremely successful, and they had collected an immense amount of gold and pearls, when their good fortune was checked by an unlooked-for event. They found that their vessels were eaten through in many places by the destruc- tive worms which abound in the Torrid Zone, and leaked so badly that they could scarcely be kept afloat long enough to enable them to reach Hispan- iola. There they repaired their craft and put to sea, with the intention of returning to Cadiz, but were once more controlled by evil fortune, and driven back, again by a successiv^n of storms. The leaks broke out afresh, and after landing the most portable part of their rich cargo, the vessels foun- dered before they could get out the remainder. Bastides also lost the arms and ammunition saved > p. Martyr. Decade ii. c. 10. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 373 from the wrecks, being compelled to destroy them, fellow- VOVA6ERS lest they should fall into the hands of the Indians. of The crew were divided into three parties, two - of which were headed by Bastides and De la Cosa, and started for St. Domingo by tliree different routes. Bobadilla, at that time Governor of San Domingo, heard of their approach, and ordering them to be arrested on the charge of pursuing an illicit traffic with the Indians, sent them to Spain. He was tried there and acquitted, and so lucrative had the voyage proved, that he was enabled to pay a handsome sum to the crown, besides reserving a large fortune for himself In revi^ard for his servi- ces, the sovereigns granted hin\ an annual revenue for life, to be drawn from the province of Uraba, which he had discovered, and an equal pension was assigned to De la Cosa, with the office of Al- guazil Mayor of the same territory to which he was appointed. It is probable that the veteran pilot remained at home for some time after his return from this voy- age, enjoying his well-earned fortune, for it has been seen that he was ordered to attend the court in company with Americus, soon after the return of King Ferdinand from his journey to Naples. Soon after that time, he went to Hispaniola. The history of the veteran was from this time connecUon till his death intimately connected with that of coaawuh Ojeda. He had managed to acquire by his fortu- "'*' "" nate voyage with Bastides, and in the course of his other ramblings, considerable property, and having ■M WA UFE AND VOYAGES OF ii FELLOW- a high opinion of the talents and enei^ of Ojeda, OF with all the openheartedness of a sailor, he placed 1 all his means at the disposal of his less fortunate ftiend. It was concerted between them that Cosa should proceed to Spain to promote his appoint- ment by suit at comi:, and though opposed by a powerful rival, Don Diego de Nicuessa, he was suc- cessful, at least in part. King Ferdinand, with his usual shrewdness, favoured both the candidates, and dividing that part of the continent which lies along the Isthmus of Darien into two governments, he gave the eastern portion, extending to Cape De la Vela, to Ojeda, and the western, including Vera- gua, and extending to Cape Gracias a Dios, to Ni- cuessa. Each of them was bound to erect two forts in their respective districts, and were allowed the product of the mines they should discover, after a certain deduction for the crown. Juan de la Cosa received the appointment of Lieutenant under Ojeda, and immediately fitted out a fleet of a ship and two brigantines, in which he embarked with about two hundred men. The ar- mament of Nicuessa was much more powerful, owing to his greater command of means. These rival expeditions arrived at San Domingo at the same time. Ojeda welcomed his lieutenant with joy, and though somewhat mortified at the small- ness of his force compared with that of Nicuessa, he soon found means, in the purses of his friends betXeen on the island, to recruit and increase his forces. NfcwiSBa. During their stay, a feud arose between the rival rii '^i '.31 I'M -"BPWP"^^ ■^^mmm^ AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 376 Governors. The bone of contention was the Island fellow- VOY AC* P Rfl of Jamaica, which had been assigned undivided to op both of them as a place to procure supplies for '■ their respective colonies. Both of them claimed also the province of Darien as within their domin- ions. Ojeda, who was a better fighter than rea- soner, proposed to settle their dispute by a personal combat, but the more prudent Nicuessa, smiling at the heat of his rival, insisted upon a deposit of five thousand Castillanos on each side, to be the prize of the conqueror, which he knew the purse of Oje- da would be too poor to furnish, though his pride was too great to acknowledge it. Juan de la Cosa, however, interposed to prevent any violence.. The influence which the veteran had over the im- petuous spirit of his commander is interesting. He seems to have stood by him as a Mentor, and warmly attached to one whom he knew to be faithful and devoted, and of courage beyond ques- tion, Ojeda suffered himself to be controlled in his rash impulses. The dispute was settled by the es- tablishment of the river Darien as the boundary of the two governments, a most salutary compromise, owing entirely to the good judgment of the veter- an pilot. The difference respecting Jamaica was settled by Don Diego Columbus himself; ;yho took possession of it in the right of his father. On the 10th of November, 1509, Ojeda set sail Depanuro from St. Domingo. His force consisted of two Domingo, , . . 1 , ,11 15th Nov., ships, two brigantmes, and three hundred men, isoo. among whom was the celebrated Pizarro, after- 376 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF II FELLOW- wards the conqueror of Peru, Cortez likewise m- VOYAGERS , , , , ., T . 1 rt OP tended to nave sailed in the fleet, but was prevent- AMPIIIPITS : ed by sickness. The voyage was short, for the experienced De la Cosa knew well the navigation. He knew too the warlike and treacherous charac- ter of the natives, and endeavoured to persuade Ojeda to commence a settlement in the Gulf of Uraba, where the people were less ferocious, and did not use poisoned arrows. Ojeda, however, would' not alter his plans, and it is thought he had no objection to the prospect of a skirmish with the natives, for in that way he hoped to capture slaves enough to pay off his debts in Hispaniola. He .landed, therefore, with the largest part of his force, and with a number of friars, who accompanied him as missionaries to convert the Indians, and his faithful lieutenant, unable to keep him out of dan- ger, stood by to second him. He advanced towards the savages, who were drawn up on the shore, and ordered the friars to read aloud a certain manifesto, which had recently been prepared by divines and juristo in Spain, to be used in such emergencies, and which is sufficiently curious to merit being copied in full. It reads as follows : Procinma- " I, Alouzo de Ojcda, servant of the high and to Uie in-* mighty kings of Castile and Leon, civilizers of bar- barous nations, their messenger and captain, notify and make known to you, in the best way I can, that God our Lord, one and eternal, created the heavens and the earth, and one man and one woman, from whom you, and we, and all the people of the earth diaoS' AMERICUS VESPUCIUS, 377 were and are descendants, procreated, and all those fellow- who shall come after us ; hut the vast number oi op generations which have proceeded from them, in ' the course of more than five thousand years that have elapsed since the creation of the world, made it necessary that some of the human race should disperse in one direction and some in another, and that they should divide themselves into many king- doms and provinces, as they could not sustain and preserve themselves in one alone. All these peo- ple were given in charge, by God our Lord, to one person, named Saint Peter, who was thus made lord and superior of all the people of the earth, and head of the whole human lineage, whom all should obey, wherever they might live, and whatever might be their law, sect or belief; he gave him also the whole world for his service and jurisdiction, and though he desired that he should establish his chair in Rome, as a place most convenient for gov- erning the world, yet he permitted that he might establish his chair in any other part of the world, and judge and govern all the nations, Christians, Moors, Jews, Gentiles, and whatever other sect or belief might be. This person was denominated Pope, that is to say, admirable, supreme, father and guardian, because he is father and governor of all mankind. This holy father was obeyed and honoured as lord, king, and superior of the uni- verse by those who lived in his time, and, in like manner, have been obeyed and honoured by all those who have been elected to the Pontificate, 48 ."^! 1 ,' i'i 'M 378 LIFE AND YOTAOES OF FELLOW- and thus it has continued unto the present day, VOYAGERS OF and will continue until the end of the world. AMERICU8. Qj^g ^^ these Pontiffs of whom I have spoken, as lord of the world, made a donation of these islands and continents, of the ocean, sea, and all that they contain, to the Catholic kings of Castile, who, at that time, were Ferdinand and Isabella of glorious memory, and to their successors, our sov- ereigns, according to the tenor of certain papers dra\^^l up for the purpose (which you may see if you desire). Thus his majesty is king and sove- reign of these islands and continents by virtue of the said donation ; and as king and sovereign, cer- tain islands, and almost all to whom this has been notified, have received his majesty, and have obeyed and served, and do actually serve him. And, more- over, like good subjects, and with good-will, and without any resistance or delay, the moment they were informed of the foregoing, they obeyed all the religious men sent among them to preach and teach our Holy Faith ; and these of their free and cheer- ful will, without any condition or reward, be- came Christians, and continue so to be. And his majesty received them kindly and benignantly, and ordered that they should be treated like his other subjects and vassals : you, also, are required and obliged to do the same. Therefore, in the best manner I can, I pray and entreat you, that you consider well what I have said, and that you take whatever time is reasonable to understand and deliberate upon it, and that you recognize the AHERICUS YESPUCIUS. church for sovereign and superior of the universal fellow- world, and the supreme Pontiff, called Pope, in her of name, and his majesty in his place, as superior and sovereign king of the islands and Terra Firma, by virtue of the said donation ; and that you con- sent that these religious fathers declare and preach to you the foregoing ; and if you shall so do, you will do well ; and will do that to which you are bounden and obliged ; and his majesty, and I in his name, w"ll receive you with all due love and charity, and will leave you, your wives and chil- dren, free from servitude, that you may freely do with these and with yourselves whatever you please, and think proper, as have done the inhabi- tants of the other islands. And besides this, his majesty will give you many privileges and exemp- tions, and grant you many favours. If you do not do this, or wickedly and intentionally delay to do so, I certify to you, that, by the aid of God, I will pow- erfully invade and make war upon you in all parts and modes that I can, and will subdue you to the yoke and obedience of the church and of his maj- esty : and I will take your wives and children and make slaves of them, and sell them as such, and dispose of them as his majesty may command ; and I will take your effects and will do you all the harm and injury in my power, as vassals who will not obey or receive their sovereign, and who resist and oppose him. And I protest that the deaths and disasters which may in this manner be occa- sioned, will be the fault of yourselves and not of 380 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP FELLOW- his majesty, nor of me, nor of these cavaliers who VOYAGERS OP accompany me. And of what I h^re tell you and AMERICUS. • r T 11 1x1- reqmre of you, I call upon the notary here present to give me his signed testimonial." When the friars had finished reading this mani- festo, Ojeda endeavoured to entice the Indians by signs of friendship and presents, which he exhibit- ed. But they had suffered too much from the cru- elties of other adventurers to be won by kind meas- ures, and in answer to his advances, brandished their spears and prepared to fight. DeiaCosa Juan dc la Cosa again renewed his entreaties to suade Ojeda Ojcda to abandon the country, but his choler was firomsettling " i i i ii ,. in tiiis part now SO mucli rouscd, that he would not listen to of the coim* ' ^rf- reason, and, forgetful of the poisoned arrows of the naf ves, he uttered a short prayer to the Virgin, in whose protection he blindly confided, and buckling on his armour, charged furiously upon them. The old pilot could not sit still and see the fray, but rushed forward as gallantly as if it had been of his own seeking. The Indians soon dispersed, leaving a number killed and wounded on the field, and sev- eral were made prisoners in the course of the pur- suit, which Ojeda followed for three or four miles, into the interior, in spite of the remonstrances of his Mentor. Still De la Cosa kept up with him, and joined in all the hair-brained risks which he ran, though continually remonstrating against his useless temerity. At length they were stopped by a stronghold of the enemy. With his old war-cry of " Santiago," AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 381 Ojeda led his men to a furious assault. Eight of pkllow- the hravest of the Indian warriors threw them- of selves into a hut, whence they discharged such -"^°"^— showers of arrows, that for a time the hardiest of the assailants were kept at bay. The reproaches of Ojeda reanimate them, and an old Castilian sol- dier, stung by his cry of " Shame," fell pierced through the heart by an arrow, on the threshold of the door which he vainly attempted to force. At last, fire was applied to the hut, which in an in- stant was in a blaze, and the eight warriors perish- ed in the flames. Then they yielded, and seventy captives were Death of sent back to the ships. Still the pursuit was con- cosa. tinned; another village was reached, which was found deserted. The Indians had fled to the moun- tains with their women and children, and all their effects. Thinking themselves secure, by this time, in the terror of the natives, the Spaniards dispersed themselves over the country in search of booty, in small parties. Taking advantage of this incaution, the Indians again attacked them. They fought resolutely, but unavailingly, and were borne down by overwhelming numbers. On the first alarm, Ojeda collected a few soldiers, and defended him- self behind a stockade which he erected. Juan de la Cosa, hearing of his commander's danger, rushed to his assistance. Before the gate of the enclosure, the brave pilot kept the savages at bay until most of his followers were killed and he himself severely wounded. Then Ojeda dashed among the Indians 382 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP '3^ f 'I FELLOW like a tiger, dealing his blov»'s on every side. La OF Cosa was too feeble to second him, and took refuge in a cabin, where he defended himself till all but one of his men were slain ; then sinking to the ground, and feeling that his death was drawing nigh, he said to liife surviving companion, *' Brother, since God has protected thee from harm, sally out and fly, and if ever thou shouldest see Alonzo de Ojeda, tell him of my fate." «haracterof " Tlius," savs the eloQuent historian, in words •e la Cosa. ..... / ... ^ , . - . „ „ , which it IS impossible to abridge, " thus fell the hardy Juan de la Cosa ; nor can we refrain from pausing to pay a passing tribute to his memory. He was acknowledged by his contemporaries to be one of the ablest of those gallant Spanish naviga- tors who first explored the way to the New World. But it is by the honest and kindly qualities of his heart that hii memory is most endeared to us ; it is, above all, by that loyalty in friendship displayed in this his last and fatal expedition. Warmed by his attachment for a more youthful and hotheaded ad- venturer, we see this wary veteran of the seas for- getting his usual prudence and the lessons of his experience, and embarking, heart and hand, purse and person, in the wild enterprises of his favourite. We behold him watching over him as a parent, re- monstrating with him as a counsellor, but fighting by him as a partisan ; following him without hesi- tation into known and. needless danger, to certain death itself, and showing no other solicitude in his dying moments but to be remembered by his friend. i 'mmimmw^Pmi'W AMBRICUS VESPUCIUS. The history of these Spanish discoveries abound in fellow- VOYAO£E8 noble and generous traits of character, but few have of charmed us more than this instance of loyalty to the ^— ^ last gasp, in the death of the staunch Juan de la Cosa. The Spaniard who escaped to tell the story of his end was the only survivor of seventy that had followed Ojeda in this rash and headlong inroad." While these events were taking place on shore, Great ami- those who remained on board their ships suffered *tL°"hi'", , • /. 1 /« /. 1 . , '""' escape the greatest anxiety for the fate of their comrades, tf ojeda. Some days, elapsed and no news of them reached the vessels. Detached parties were sent a short distance into the woods in search of them, and boats were manned and proceeded to examine the shores in the hope of seeing something of their lost com- rades. They did not dare, however, to go far in- land, for they constantly heard the war-whoop and shouts of their savage foes ringing through the for- est. One day, as they were about giving up in de- spair, they saw the body of a man in Spanish attire lying in a thicket of mangrove trees, and half con- cealed by the undergrowth of shrubs. The roots of the mangrove rise and intertwine with each other above the water in which they grow ; and extended on these roots, with his buckler on and his sword in his hand, but so weakened by hunger and fa- tigue that he was unable to speak, the Spaniards found Alonzo de Ojeda. He was chilled with the damps of his hiding-place, but they soon kindled a fire, and, by degrees, he recovered sufficiently to tell them his sad storv. 384 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP He had effected his purpose of cutting his way FELLOW OF through the Indians, and almost in utter despair at AMERICUS. the loss of so many brave followers, he had wan- dered about alone, scarcely knowing whither he was going, and had at last sunk down to die, where his remaining followers fortunately found him. All considered his escape miraculous, and when it was found that he was not wounded, although the marks of over three hundred arrows were on his buckler, their astonishment was redoubled, and Ojeda himself attributed it to another interposition of the Virgin in his favour. But the Indians were not destined to enjoy their triumph long.^ While his companions were busily engaged in administer- ing to the wants of their commander, the ships of Nicuessa appeared in the offing. Ojeda, remem- bering his recent quarrel with the rival governor, feared that he would take advantage of his misfor- tunes, but his apprehensions were groundless. With the true spirit of a Spanish Hidalgo, he re- ceived Ojeda with open arms, expressed himself willing to forget all their differences, and placed himself and his men under the orders of Ojeda, to assist him in dealing a blow of vengeance upon his savage enemies. ojcda, with Again inspirited by this noble conduct, Ojeda Nicuessa, prepared at once for the attack. The two gover- another nors, no longer rivals, landed with four hundred attack. men, and set off with promptness for the Indian village in the night. They surrounded it before the natives were alarmed, for they thought that they ■■p AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 385 had slain all the Spaniards, and were reposing in fellow- VOYAGERfl perfect security. Their sleep was broken first by op the assault of the exasperated Spaniards, who soon set their dwellings in a blaze, and spared neither women nor children in the fury of their attack. The slaughter was great, and the ven- geance complete, and leaving the smoking ashes of the ruined village, the Spaniards returned to their ships. While searching in all directions for booty, of which they found a large amount, they discovered the body of the unfortunate Juan de la Cosa. It was tied to a tree, and swollen and discoloured in a shocking manner by the baneful poison of the arrows by which he was killed. Bitterly did Ojeda repent that he had not followed the advice of his trusty lieutenant, and in sadness and mourn- ing he prepared too tardily to adopt his plans. Having determined to leave at once a place settlement which had been so disastrous to him, Ojeda set ofUmba. sail once more with his disheartened followers, and after having made two or three vain attempts to discover the River Darien, steered for the Gulf of Uraba, on the eastern shore of which he fixed upon a place to build his fortress. With his usual energy, every thing that was needful was soon landed from the ships ; houses were built, and his embryo capital, which he called San Sebastian, was protected by a strong wooden stockade and fortress. Feeling the weakness of his force, he lost no time in despatching a messenger to his friend, 49 386 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF Ojeda wounded. FELLOW- the Bachelor Enciso, whom he had engaged in his un- op dertaking in Hispaniola, urging him to send forward '. his recruits and supplies with expedition. Again and again before their expected reinforcement could have arrived, were they attacked by the natives, and at last, when their provisions began to fail, and they were compelled to forage among the villages, in search, not of gold, but of food, the discouraged Spaniards were entirely routed, and pursued with yells to the very gates of their fortress. Some died in agony from their wounds, others perished with famine, and death came to be looked upon among them as a relief from horror and misery, to be wel- comed rather than shunned. ' Ojeda was thought by the Indians to possess a charmed life, for as yet they had never been able even to wound him. They determined, however, to test the fact, and having previously prepared four of their best marksmen, they led him into an ambush where these men could take sure aim at him. Three of their arrows glanced harmlessly from his buckler ; the fourth pierced his thigh. Fearing from certain symptoms that it was poisoned, Ojeda ordered his surgeon to apply to the wound red-hot irons, to burn out the venom. The surgeon re- fused, and only yielded when Ojeda made a solemn vow that he would have him hanged if he did not comply. He endured this painful operation with- out a groan, and the wound was healed ; the cold poison, says the good Bishop Las Casas, being con- sumed by the vivid fire. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 387 In the midst of their suflferings, and while daily pellow- looking for the arrival of the ship of the Bachelor op Enciso, a strange vessel made its appearance at ^ San Sebastian. It turned out to be a Genoese TXvem vessel which had been seized by one Talavera, ^iuppSS!' and a band of piratical desperadoes, who, hearing of the condition of Ojeda and his associates, felt sure of being gladly received into his service, their supplies of provisions and reinforcement of men being absolutely necessary to the beles^uered col- ony. The good father Charlevoix thought their arrival was a manifest interposition of Divine Prov- idence in their favour, and whether that was the case or not, it undoubtedly saved them when on the very brink of destruction. Still it was only a temporary relief The ship of Enciso did not ar- rive, and in a short time, famine again raged in all its horrors, notwithstanding the scrupulous care with which Ojeda doled out to each of his suffering comrades his scanty allowance of food. Discon- tent and factions came with hunger, till finally Ojeda was compelled to enter into an agreement with his mutinous colonists, which had the effect of quieting them for a time. The agreement was that he himself should proceed to Hispaniola in quest of supplies, and that if at the end of forty days, (luring which they were to endure as well as they could the privations of San Sebastian, no relief or tidings of him should reach them, they were to be at liberty to abandon the colony, and return to Hispaniola in the brigantines. The government of IP ^i UPE AND VOYAGES OP FELLOW- the colony was, in the meantime, to be left in the VOYAGERS, J /_,. , . ,. ., , OF hands of Fizarro, as his lieutenant, until the com- AMERICUS* • /• j_i T\ 1 1 -w-^ • ing of the Bachelor Enciso. rf^S[° Having concluded this convention, Ojeda em- •u"wTCck ^*^^®^ ^^ ^^^ ®^^P ^^ the piratical leader. It was an unlucky moment when he consented to take this course. They had hardly put out to sea be- fore a fierce quarrel arose between Talavera and himself, with regard to their respective rights of command, which ended in his being seized by the freebooter's crew and loaded with irons. In vain did he revile them as recreants, pirates, and cow- ards, and offer to fight them all if they would give him a fair field on the deck, with his weapons in his hands, and attack him two at a time. They had heard too much of his skill and bravery not to fear him even with these odds, and he would prob- ably have been carried in irons to Hispaniola, had not a violent gale ensued, which induced the pirates to set him free in order to have the benefit of his skill as a pilot. With all his efforts, however, against stonns and currents, he was unable to carry the vessel into her destined port. After be- ing tost about by the tempest for several days, he was reduced to the alternative of running her on shore on the southern side of Cuba, to prevent her from foundering at sea. After the w reck of their vessel the pirates found themselves in a worse situation tlian they were in before they had captured her. With the undefina- ble yearning after the haunts of society, which civ- AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 389 ilized men always feel, they were anxious to reach fellow VOYAGKRS Hispaniola, although they knew that dungeons and op chains awaited them. Their only course was to ^*"^^*^^- travel on foot to the eastern extremity of the island, and there seek some means of transportation, and, valuable as the aid of Ojeda had been to them at sea, they soon found that the resources of his mind were of equal importance to them on shore. He gradually gained the ascendancy over them, and assumed the command, although they still regarded him with feelings of hostility ; displaying thus the power which a master-spirit always exercises in the hour of difficulty and danger. Cuba, not at that time colonized, had become sufierings the refuge of many of the unfortunate inhabitants ° ia*d8 m" of Hayti who had fled from the tasks and whips of their masters, and found temporary security in the forests of the neighbouring island. Their ac- counts had inflamed the minds of many of the tribes who inhabited the villages, so that the march of the Spaniards was continually opposed both by the runaways and by the natives themselves. Oje- da at first easily repulsed their attacks, but finding that his men grew weaker daily, he resolved, for the remainder of the journey, to avoid as much as pn«sible the villages, and accordingly led his men into the thickest of the forests, and by the broad savannahs, which stretched along the seashore. While thus avoiding one evil, he met with another, almost if not quite as great. The plains which the Spaniards entered at first, appeared covered with 390 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP FELLOW- high grass and rank vegetation, which, though it OF rendered their progress slow, was but a trifling ' matter to what was in reserve for them. The ground gradually became moist under their feet, and finally ended in an immense morass, or salt marsh, where the water reached to their knees. Still they pressed forward, continually encouraged by Ojeda, who had no idea of the task he was un- dertaking. The marsh extended for upwards of thirty leagues, and the farther they proceeded, the deeper became the mire, until at last it seemed to them interminable, and they were ready to give up in despair. Numerous rivers and creeks intersected this fatal plain, which they had to cross, and many who could not swim were drowned. The only way in which they could sleep, was by climbing among the twisted roots of the mangrove trees, which grew in the water. Their provisions were almost exhausted, and their sufferings from thirst were extreme, when, having been eight days upon their journey, Ojeda determined to struggle forward with a few of the least weary of the men. He encouraged those whom he left behind to per- severe, and taking from his knapsack a small pic- ture of the Virgin, which the Bishop Fonseca had given him, and which he always carried about his person, he knelt before it, and made a solemn vow that he would erect a chapel for the service of his patroness in the first Indian village at which he might arrive. Well did the venerable Bishop Las Casas say. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 391 " the sufTerings of the Spaniards ia the New World, fellow VOYAQ&RS in their search for gold, were more cruel and se- op vere than ever nation in the world endured ; but '^"^'^"' those experienced by Ojeda and his men have sur- passed all others." They were thirty days in cross- ing this immense and horrible swamp. Out of seventy men who entered it, only thirty-five ever emerged from it, and when Ojeda, with a few of the most vigorous of his advanced party, at last reached a spot where the land was firm and dry, their joy was unutterable, yet their weakness only permitted them to go a short distance to an Indian village ere they dropped down completely ex- hausted. This village was ruled by a cacique named Cu- yebas. His tribe gathered around the Spaniards with wonder, but as soon as their story was told, vied with each other in acts of humanity to the suffering strangers. They bore them to their houses, and furnished them with food and drink, and the chief sent a large party into i;he morass with orders to bring out those remaining behind on their shoulders, if they were unable to walk. How noble an example they offered to their Christian guests — an example of humanity, indeed, which would have reflected honour upon the most civil- ized race. Ojeda, as soon as he had recovered from his suf- OjedabuUd* at-hapel in ferings, prepared faithfully to perform his vow. He fulfilment of built a small chapel in the village, and erected an altar, over which he suspended his much-valued n 393 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP FELLOW- picture of the Virgin. He next explained to the OP benevolent cacique, and many of the inhabitants, — '■ the main points of the Catholic faith, and more particularly the history of the Virgin Mother. However little they understood the doctrines which he endeavoured to teach them, they conceived a high respect for the picture which he left. They ever kept the little chapel cleanly swept, and decorated with votive offerings and flowers, and when Las Casas subsequently visited the place, he performed mass at its altar, and baptized under its roof the children of the humane and innocent natives. Sends a This duty having been duly performed, Ojeda E^q!^!, in and his party proceeded on their journey. The in- hal itants of this part of the coast received them everywhere kindly, and they continued their way to the province of Macaca, where Columbus had previously been well received, and where they also were hospitably entertained. This province was at the Cape de la Cruz, the nearest point on the coast to the neighbouring Island of Jamaica. Here they found a canoe, and one of their men, by name Pedro de Ordas, undertook the dangerous task of carrying a message across to the Governor Esqui- bel. The distance of twenty leagues was safely accomplished by the brave mariner in his frail bark, and as soon as the message was delivered a caravel was despatched by the governor to the as- sistance of the unfortunate discoverer and his com- panions. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 903 It seems to have been the fate of Ojeda to be fellow- « VOYAOERB placed in mortifying positions with respect to his op enemies. This very Esquibel, who now received '^'"'^'""^' him, with the greatest kindness, into his own house, he had, with foolish bravado, threatened to decap- itate, when leaving San Domingo, in all the flush and glory of commanding a new expedition. He was no longer in a position even to assert the rights with which he conceived that Esquibel had inter- fered, and his warm heart was deeply touched by the generous conduct of his adversary. He re- mained several days with Esquibel, and when he set sail once more for San Domingo, parted from him in the best friendship. On the arrival of Ojeda at this island the first News of the enquiry that he made was for the Bachelor Enciso. Enciw! He learned that he had sailed long before with supplies for the colony, but that no tidings had been heard from him. Anxious for the safety of his colony, and fearing that his partner had perish- ed in the same storm in which he himself had been wrecked, he attempted to organize a new arma- ment. But the prestige of success which had hitherto attended him was wanting. His disasters were well known, and in every one's mouth, and though when figuring as the commander of a new fleet, when his previous exploits were the popular theme, he found no lack of friends or followers, yet then all looked coldly upon him, and bankrupt in hope and fortune, his schemes, once so highly ex- tolled, were pronounced wild and visionary. He 60 394 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF AMERIOUS VESPUCIUS. FELLOW- was unsuccessful in all his endeavours, and never OF again left the Island of Hispaniola. '- It is sad to contemplate the ruin of a man ^ojeda" possessed of so many gallant and noble qualities as those which distinguished Ojeda. He appears to have lingered some time at San Domingo, his health broken by hardship, and his proud spirit by poverty and neglect. Las Casas gives an affecting picture of his last moments. He died in such extreme want that he did not leave money sufficient to pay for his funeral expenses, and so deep was his humility, that he begged that he might be buried beneath the gateway of the mon- astery of San Francisco, as an expiation of his former pride, " in order that all who entered might tread upon his grave." "Never," says Charlevoix, speaking of Ojeda, " was a man more suited for a coup de main, or to achieve and suffer great things under the direction of another ; no one had a heart more lofty, or an ambition more aspiring, no one. ever took less heed of fortune, or showed greater firmness of soul, or found more resources in his own courage ; but no one was less calculated to be commander-in- chief of a great enterprise. Good management and good fortune forever failed him." VI. DOCUMENTS RELATING TO AMERICUS VESPUCIUS: PRESENTED IN THE COLLECTION Or NAVARRETE. The industry and research of Don Martin Fer- pocu- nandez de Navarrete have rescued from the Span- navar- ish archives of Simancas and Seville many notices and documents relating to Americus, which, at first, it seemed desirable to translate for this work. A subsequent consideration of them, and the large space they would necessarily occupy, if given in extenso, has led to the substitution of an abstract of their contents. They are arranged by that author in fifteen sections. Numbers I. and II., dated respectively on the 10th and 15th of July, 1494, consist of a royal de- cree and letter respecting certain payments and pro- ',eedings of Juan Berardi, the agent in preparing the expeditions of Columbus. Number III., dated April 11th, 1505, contains a royal decree, addressed to Alonzo de Morales, the treasurer of the queen, commanding him to pay Americus the sum of 12,000 maravedis. Number IV., dated April 24th, 1505, is a royal letter of naturalization, in favour of Americus, for the kingdoms of Castile and Leon. 396 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF DOCU MENTS OF NAVAR- RfiTE. Number V., dated August 23d, 1506, is a letter from the King Philip to the officers of the Board of Trade at Seville, inquiring what was recessary or important to facilitate the quick despatch "f the fleet destined for the Spice Islands. * Number VI. is a certificate of the keeper of the archii^es of the Indies, at Seville, given to Senor Navarrete, of various notices relative to Americus, which are to be found in certain accounts there pre&erved. These consist of various accounts ren- dered by him, and of his receipts for money paid. Number VII., dated March 22d, 1508, contains a royal decree, granting to Americus the salary of 50,000 maravedis, as chief pilot of the kingdom. Number VIII. is another decree of the same date, making an increase of 25,000 maravedis to his salary. Number IX. contains a royal declaration, setting forth at great length the duties and responsibilities of the new office of chief pilot, which is addressed to Americus in the name of the Queen Joanna. Number X. is a continuation of the accounts which were commenced in number VI., and ex- tending to the date of the death of Americus in 1512. This number contains, among other notices, one of a payment of 10,937 maravedis to the canon Manuel Catano, of Seville, as the executor of the will of Americus, that amount being the balance due of his salary at the time of his death. Number XI. is a royal decree, granting a pension for life, of 10,000 maravedis per annum, to the wid- AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 397 ow of Americus, Maria Cerozo. May 22d, 1512. This 18 dated noco MENTS or NAVAR- Number XII. contains the royal appointment of - ^^'^ - Juan Vespucci to the office of pilot, with a salary of 20,000 maravedis per annum. Number XIII. contains a letter from the king to the Bishop Fonseca, requesting that he would in- quire into the fitness of Andres de San Martin to succeed Americus in the office of chief pilot. Number XIV. contains another decree respecting the pension of the widow of Americus, fixing it as a charge upon the salary of the chief pilot; the office at that tune being held by Sebastian Cabot, who had succeeded Juan Diaz de Solis, the succes- sor of Americus. Number XV. is a long letter from the Viscount m. de Hum- ° boldtre- of Santaren, respecting the voyages of Americus marks on made in the service of Portugal. This letter, dated santaren. the 15th of July, 1826, is in answer to one address- ed to Seiihor de Santaren, by Navarrete, and con- tains some remarkable statements respecting the pbsence of any documentary evidence of the two last voyages of Americus. The writer was at the time Chief Master of the Archives of Portugal, and caused, as he says, diligent inquiry to be made for any documents relating to Americus in the Torre do Tombo, the receptacle of an immense quantity of manuscripts and accounts relati\ j to the Indies, from the date of the discovery. In relation to this fact, the learned Humboldt remarks: "It is very strange, inat notwithstanding the researches en- 398 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP DoctT- tered into by the \ iscount de Sa utaren, at that MENTS OP . t^i ■ ntr ^ t » i • n ^ tr- NAVAR- time Chief Keeper of the Archives for the Kingdom H "« KfiTE _ _ of Portugal, and since then minister of foreign af- fairs, the name of Vespucius was not once met with in the documents of the Torre do Tombo." This omission is the more remarkable, as the King Emiinuel, by whose command Vespucius performed his two expeditions in 1501 and 1503, took partic- ular pains to preserve in remembrance the events of his reign. *' How can it be explained," says the Viscount de Santaren, in his letter of 25th of July, 1826, "that this monarch, who often went in person to attend to the registration of documents drawii from the library of Alphonso V., forgot to record the books and diary which Vespucius pretends to have sent to him ? How can it be conceived that the learned keeper of the archives, Damian de Goes, who employed so much time in matters re- lating to voyages and maritime discoveries, who comniunicated constantly with Ramusio, and who travelled himself over Italy, knew nothing of ex- peditions, made at a period only forty-five years before liis own time V " These objections," pro- ceeds Humboldt, " have doubtless much weight, but negative evidence, such as the want of docu- ments, cannot decide definitely the question as 1o the authenticity of the Portuguese voyages of Americus. He says himself, in his relation of his third voyage, that the king, much rejoiced at his ar- rival, made him warm proposals to start with a eet of three ships Tor the discovery of new lands. f AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 399 He was not, from the commencement of the voy- age, the commander of the expedition, but only a person whose nautical skill might be available, skill which v/as appreciated too late in Spain, in 1505. I can prove besides, by a passage of Pete/ Martyr, who was intimately connected with the nephew of Americus, that he was protected and in the pay of the Portuguese government. Americus Vcspucivj Morentinum auspiciis et stipcndio Portugalensium ultra lineam aquinoctialem adnavigavit. His sec- ond Decade, which contains this striking passage, was written two years after the death of, Americus, namely, in 1514." M. de Humboldt instances other proofs in favour of his position, among them the official evidence of Sebastian Cabot, and other celebrated pilots, rela- tive to the true position of the line of demarcation between Spain and Portugal, which Munoz found in the archives of the Board of Trade at Seville. He goes on to remark, that many other events which produced a lively sensation in Europe at about the same time, left no traces in the public documents of the day, and cites by way of example the triumphant entry of Columbus into Barcelona, and his reception ])y tlie Catholic monarchs in a liall magnificently adorned. This is a circumstance well est -blishcd by many historians of credit, yet no documents exist in the archives of Spain going to prove the fact. So much space would not have been devoted to this letter, had it not been for the purpose of show- DOCU- MENTS OF NAVAR- RKTE. 400 LIFE AND VOYAGES OFAMEMCUS VESPUCIUS. Docu- ing the effect of long-continued prejudice against "^^yir Americus, and contrasting it with the result of a -J!lf_ candid examination. Such an examination was made by M. De Humboldt in relation io these two voyages, and though, in the course of his work, some points of difference exist with the statements of this volume, yet he has evidently considered the subject with a desire to arrive at the truth, and a determination to divest himself, as far as possible, from all previous prejudices. f.'w'' "■ '■'''' .',^*' ,"> ■1 « LETTER OF M. RANKE TO M. DE HUMBOLDT, RESPECTING THE CORRESPONDENCE OF AMERICUS WITH SODERINI AND DE' MEDICI.' It seems to me by no means doubtful, that the letter oi- member of the family of Medici, to whom some of ^^^* the letters of Vespucius are addressed, is Lorenzo di Pier Francesco de' Medici, who was horn in 1463, and died in 1503. His identity is proved, not only by the arguments adduced by Bandini, but especially by the German work printed in 1505, which you have found in the library at Dresden, and in which the name of Lorenzo di Pier Fran- cesco appears on the first page. This personage belonged to the younger branch of the Medici, which took no part in the power exercised by the elder branch. When, after the decease of Lorenzo the Magnificent, in 1492, Piero de' Medici took tlie reins of government in Florence, he separated him- self from liis cousins of the cadet branch, who, however, were as wealthy as the elder branch. A rivalry was the consequence of some diflerences > Translated from a note to the Histoirc de lu Geographie du Nou- veau Continent of M. de Humboldt. 51 ,'Tt ■J- m LIFE AND VOYAGES OP LETTER OP which arose between them, combined with the ■'- '- weakness of the character of the new chief The opposition of the cadet branch especially manifest- ed itself at the time of the invasion of Charles VIII., when Piero de' Medici allied himself with the King of Naples, whilst his cousins entered into negotiations with France, and received the ambas- sadors of that power. When the victories and suc- cesses of Charles VII. excited great discontent among the people of Florence, the cadet branch of the family, and especially Lorenzo di Pier Fran- cesco, favoured these movements. Modern history offers numerous examples of these discords among the members of reigning fam- ilies. The partisans of Pier Francesco adopted the name of Popolani.^ The family of Sodcrini had long been reckoned among the adherents of the party of the elder branch of the Medici. Among the Florentine citi- zens, there was not one who had rendered more signal services to the father and grandfather of Piero de' Medici, than Tomaso Soderini, but Piero de' Medici forgot these services. The children of Tomaso, Paolo Antonio, Francesco, and Piero, found themselves neglected and treated with dis- dain. On this account they soon made common cause with the younger Irrancli of the Medici, were involved in the revolution of the 9th of November. 1494, which expelled the elder branch, and took an active part in the republican regime, which was the result of these popular movements. It is true The Soderi- ni family. 'mmn^m^ii^mmmmm mtmmummmmmmm mm AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 403 that afterwards there were some slight diflferences letter of between the Soderini and the Popolani, the young- "' **'**"• er branch of the Medici. It is certain that Lorenzo di Pier Francesco did not see with pleasure, in 1502, the nomination of Piero Soderini, son of Tomaso, as Gonfaloniere of Florence ; but, on the whole, the Soderini and the Medici of the cadet branch were united in their political interests. Moreover, it can be proved that the Vespucci be- Pobticai longed to the republican party of Florence. Guido oftheVes- . >■ •' pucci fami- Antomo Vespucci, of whom Bandini speaks, was 'y- intimately connected with the movements of this party. He sat, immediately after the expulsion of Piero de' Medici, in 1494, among the twenty acco- piatori of the first magistrate, conjointly with Lo- renzo di Pier Francesco. He was afterwards Gon- faloniere even, or supreme chief. The political connection of the Vespucci with the younger branch of the Medici, is further confinned by a let- ter that Piero Vespucci wrote, in 1494, from Pistoia to Lorenzo de' Medici. This Lorenzo is very probably Lorenzo di Pier Francesco, the same to whom Americus addressed some of his letters du- ring a long absence from Italy. Nothing can be more natural than this connection of the navigator with the republican party in Flor- ence. FiVen Francesco Lotti, whom Americus mentions in the relation of his second voyage, and by wliom he sent to Lorenzo di Pier Francesco a chart of the world, was, in 1529, member of an ad- ministration entirely inimical to the Medici of the HI * I 'i% t;,; I i. 404 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. LETTBROp elder branch. There was nothing singular in the M RANKE — '■ title of Magnijico, given occasionally by Americus » to Lorenzo di Pier Francescc" One might thus gratify the cadet branch, on account of its import- ance in the State, and because it had always, and by general consent, been accorded to the elder branch. Lorenzo di Pier Francesco died in 1503, but if we examine with care the end of the letter which Americus addressed to him, giving an ac- count of his third expedition, we find nothing which would lead to the supposition, that this let- ter was written subsequent to the fourth expedi- tion, that which terminated in June, 1504. I think that you have perfectly solved this chronological difficulty, which puzzled Bandini. \ vm. ' THE VESPUCCI FAMILY. The Genealogical Tree accompanying this por- tion of the work was engraved from a facsimile of that contained in the Re ale Deputazione Sopra il Regolamento della Nobilita di Toscana. Many of these records of families are preserved in this es- tablishment, some of them beautifully embellished with miniatures, in many cases the only preserved likenesses of the persons they represent. An ac- count of the present members of the Vespucci family is extracted from " The Artist, Merchant and Statesman." The letters in which it appears were not originally written for publication, and some al- terations and omissions have been made. TFiE VKPUCCI FAMILY. Florence, February — , 1845. Dbar , When I see you again, I shall have a long story to tell you of the descendants of Americus Vespu- cius. I will give you a part of it now. It had alwavs been a matter of wonder to me, that of all the Americans who had visited Florence, and written about its great men, no one should have said anything about the Discoverer's descend- ^wT'vr^^' 406 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF THE ants. Indeed, so entirely have we been cut off VEHPUflC I FAMILY, from all information on the subject, I must confess it was with the greatest astonishment I heard the other day, that there is one son and several daugh- ters, lineal descendants of Vespucius, now living at Florence, in poverty, unnoticed and unknown. I was making some inquiries at a reunion of lit- erary men, a few evenings ago, about the Vespucci family, and a gentleman who knows them well promised to introduce me to them the following day. He was a connexion of the family of Carlo Botta, the author of the History of our War of In- dependence. There is a man, too, of whom I shall say something at another time. The next day this gentleman called round at the appointed hour, and we walked td the house to- gether. " Is it not strange," said he, as we left the hotel, " that the descendants of the man who dis- covered your Continent, and who lived in the pal- aces of Princes and Kings, should now be obliged to become servants to get their daily bread. The sisters (with the exception of EUena, who is living in America) are dependent on their daily earnings for their daily bread, and the brother, a well edu- cated, noble young fellow, is employed by the Grand Duke's government in the office of finances, on a salary of $60 a year ! They have all come together this morning, from the different scenes of their occupations, to meet the first American who has ever sought their acquaintance. What a strange meeting ! A traveller from the distant con- AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. tinent Vespucius discovered, coming, more than three centuries after his death, to his birth-place, to searcli out his descendants, who are living helpless, " and dependent, on the very spot where their ances- tor was a companion of princes, and lived on his own paternal estate!" We talked on, and we walked on, till we reached the house where the family had assembled. It was the house of a friend, perhaps of a connexion of the family. Here we found thsm gathered. Two sisters and •'. brother, the young Cavaliere Amerigo Vespucci, with his youthful wife. Two sisters were absent — one beloved, who is teaching her own beautiful tongue in Paris, independent while her strength lasts — another in America, where, by her dissolute life and barefaced deceptions, she has blasted the prospects of her family, perhaps for ever ! I have sometimes known the luxury of feeling the warm grasp of a hand shrivelled with hunger, as I enter- ed the damp cellar of a worn-out, cast-aside Eng- lish operative, to leave a mite, and speak a word of consolation, but I have never been where my pres- ence seemed to excite so much gratitude. I had the evening before expressed a hope, that in spite of the bold fraud practised upon oui" government by an unworthy descendant of the Discoverer, some act of recognition of her innocent sisters might yet be passed by Congress, and they all still find a home for themselves, and their children, in the New World. These words had been borne to them, and they were the first gleam of hope that m THE VESPUCCI FAMILY. m .v,v<, 'i \ a 408 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP THE had shot across their path for many years. Now KAMiLY. when I entered they flocked around me and press- ed my hand in silent gratitude, and T am not ashamed to say that we wept together. Before us hung a portrait of their ancestor, painted by Bron- zino from life, which they had always preserved, and refused to part with at any price, even when they knew the pangs of extreme poverty. I felt strange emotions when I looked on that picture. The face of the bold Navigator was turned away from earth to the stars above him, and T could not but think he saw a New World there, and I blessed Grod that he did not behold the dark vale of misfor- tune his own descendants were to travel long after he was deacii. We sat down and talked about Vespucius, his fate and his fame. " We hoped," they said to me, " that a frank and honourable appeal to the sympathies of your gener- ous nation w^ould have been responded to, with magnanimity. We did not feel that we had any clttim to your bounty ; we knew that all the world give Columbus the glory of the discovery of Amer- ica. They say it is more than enough that Vespu- cius give his name to the American Continent. (He had nothing to do with this.) But still we re- joice that the application that was made was re- jected. Injustice would have been done to all parties, by a grant, from which we should have received no advantage nor honour ; and such strange conduct as our sister was guilty of, deserv- ■Pi AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. ed no better reward. But we hope you will tell the facts to your Government, that no portion of the blame may fall on us. If the day shall ever come, that your Congress shall show any recogni- tion of us, as the descendants of the Discoverer, whatever way they may select of doing it, it will fill us with gratitude. It would, indeed, be an in- spiring hope, if we could believe it would ever be realized, that we should one day be able to provide ourselves with a home in the New World, and go and live there, and be buried at last in the soil our father was the first to step on. Do you think we should be kindly received among the Amer- icans, after we have been so badly represented there V I could not but feel, when I saw the tears fall from the sisters' cheeks, how deeply, how cruelly they had been injured. Nor could I help breath- ing to them the hope that when all the facts should be known, to our people and our Congress, some- thing for them would be done. The expression of this hope seemed to flash a gleam of joy and cheer- fulness over their countenances ; and when I re- membered that our people are a generous people, 1 could not believe this hope would ever be clouded by disappointment. They brought out a few relics of Vespucius. At last they unrolled their genealogical table, which showed a proud race. Their ancestry can be traced bacik clearly in one bright line, to the early ages, before Peter the Hermit went over Europe to arouse 52 409 THE VESPUCCI FAMILY. 410 LIFE AND Vf /AGES OP THE its luillioiis to march to the recovery of the Sa- FAMILY, viour s Tomb, in that Ime there were many illus- trious men. Warriors, Ambassadors, Naval Heroes and Discoverers, Scholars, Artists, Poets and Ma- gistrates, many of whom had formed alliances with the great and the noble of different countries. They had filled the highest stations in the old Re- public of Florence, and left their impress upon their times. They had been the familiar compan- ions of kings and princes, lived in their own palaces and been lords of their own estates. How were they now 1 They are greatly attached to the Grand Duke ; and they told me he has always shown them great k'idness. They are indebted to his generosity for an annual pension, which was decreed by the Sig- nory of Florence to the Discoverer ages ago, and which every successivi. sovereign has regarded. Such is the veneration still felt for the memory of that wonderful man who has shed so much glory over Tuscany. This pension is necessarily small, for the Grand Duke's revenue is inconsiderable ; and a great number of poor and unfortunate indi- viduals look to him for assistance. His aid is nev- er denied, and the kind and delicate manner in which it is bestowed, makes it a thousand times more grateful. But I shall speak of the generous and paternal character of this noble Sovereign by and by. It was a long visit — we talked till midnight — and when I came away, I could not but feel grate- ful that a casual, but kind word that fell from my AMERICUS VBSPUCIUS. 411 lips the evening before, had secured for me tlie op- the portunity of shedding some light upon hearts that family. had so long been overcast with the deepest gh)om. A day or two after, I received a call from the learned and courteous Count Grajberg de Hemso, Chamberlain and Librarian to the Grand Duke, Willi an invitation to be present the following even- ing at a presentation at court. These Drawing Rooms, which are held during Lent, are attended without parade ; and I was glad of an opportunity of seeing a Prince who had, by his mild, paternal government, won the love of his own subjects — by his enlightened views of Art, Government, and Lit- erature, the respect of all Europe — and by his kindness and attention to literary men, gained their admiration and esteem. During the conversation (which I have no hesi- tation in relating, since he has often expressed the same feelings, and does not conceal them any- where), he alluded kindly to the interest I had manifested in behalf of the Vespucci family which was the first intimation I had of his knowing what I had said or done. He said " he regretted most deeply the unfortunate circumstances which at- tended the application made to our Government in favour of the Vespucci," and he asked me if I " thought it would have succeeded if it had been properly made." I could not but express the full- est belief that it would. " It is really a pity, then," said he, " that the in- discretion of one member of the family should 1.1! "Ill ■S-4 i*\ 4}.2 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF THE have placed it out of the power of your Govem- FAMiLY. ment, to have done au act of generosity, w^hich would have placed that unfortunate family under such lasting obligation, I regret it deeply, too, for another reason ; for I lost so fine an opportunity of being myself placed under an obligation I should have been equally sensible of, to a great and free people, who are advancing more rapidly in the arts and sciences, and in all that constitutes true civili- zation, than any other nation in the world. You think a kind feeling will still prevail in Amer- ica towards the Vespucci when the facts are known ; and I must say I know of no act of a foreign Government, that could afford me so much satisfaction, as that your Congress should publicly recognize the claim of the descendants of our Great Tup.can to your kind remembrance." Tlie Grand Duke courteously told me, that al- though it did not become him to interfere in the matter, nor to do anything in his public capacity, " particularly," said he, " as no interchange of dip- lomatic courtesies exists between my Court and the President, which I regret, yet, if you can sug- gest any manner in which I can contribute to the consummation of your own views, it will afford me unmingled pleasure to do so." He had the kindness also to say, that at any time it would give him much satisfaction to receive any communication from me on the subject, or a visit from me a\ the Palace. The Grand Duke has now gone down to the Maremma. Knowing it was my intention to leave AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 413 Tuscany soon, he obligingly sent me an invitation the to visit him there, vehen he would have leisure to family. confer with me on the subject. Believing this chit-chat about the Discoverer and the descendants of his famny may interest you, I will tell you the rest as soon as the rest comes. But now I am tired, and so are you. Your true, — &c., &c. Florence, , 1845. Dear , Since my letter about the Vespucci Family, I have often met them, and they have won my heart completely. The sisters are highly esteemed for their purity, and beloved for their kind and amia- ble qualities. They are exceedingly intelligent and clever, and I find everybody likes them. The young Cavalier Amerigo is a heroic feUow, who works for his bread, and says some good luck will turn up for them all, one day or another. He, and indeed all of them, are anxious to come and live in this country. " Do you think," said the brother to me, this morning, " that I could get my living in America 7 I think I could learn to cut down your big trees, and build a log cabin." A few mornings ago, I received a box, with a note. You may judge of my surprise, when I open- ed the letter, and found it contained a request, sign- ed by the family, that, as I was the only Ameri- can who had ever sought them out, it was the first i;'j 414 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF THE time they had ever had an opportunity of sending VESPUCCI . . I • /. 1 . , 11 FAMILY, to America the portrait of their ancestor, and they begged I .would accept the picture, as a token of their regard for myself and for the American People. I opened the box, and saw it contained the beauti- ful portrait of Vespucius, painted by Bronzino, his friend, during his life-time. What to do with the picture, required very little time for me to decide. I certainly would not accept such a gift for myself, for I could never make any proper return for so valuable a relic. Nor, if I could, would I rob the family of almost the last fragment of the Discover- er's wealth or treasures still left them. I sent it back, and went to them to make an explanation. They all seemed wounded that I had not accepted the picture, and they besought me to comply with their request ; but I did not feel it would be right to do so. The next day the portrait came back again, leaded and sealed by the officer of Customs, the exportation permission given, and the duty paid. Young Amerigo came in soon after, and begged me not to deny their request. " We would not sell it, " said he, " but we wish to have it go to tht; New World, and you may do what you please with it there. " I took it on these conditions, and I shall carry it with me to Washington, to see if the Government will not purchase it for the Capitol. To us it will be invaluable. It is the best, and almo.st the only undoubted portrait of Vespucius, \n the world. It ■i iiil AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. has always been in the possession of the family, the letters of the family assure me, and I am told by many of the Florentines, it is not only authentic beyond a doubt, but one of the best portraits made during that early period. Powers was delighted when he saw it, and his first exclamation was — " Our government must have it for the Capitol, at any price. " He thus speaks of it in a note, last evening. * * " Your picture of Americus Ves- pucius ought to belong to our government, and be placed in the Capitol. I think it is the original, from which the best engravings of the great man have all been taken. There are no artists of our day who paint such pictures. There are some, perhaps, who paint as well, but not in that style, — and for me, that would be proof enough of its authenticity, if there were wanting others of the most satisfactory kind. I have not seen young Americus," &c} I shall give Congress an opportunity of purchas- ing this invaluable portrait, the only one they will ever be able to get, and it will then be in my pow- t / o show the family that the American Congress r? lot unmindful of the children of the man who disc . ered the continent. Some fortunate accident may yet give us the portrait of Columbus in Spain ; and then we shall have two works of art, simple, it is true, but worth more to our nation than any others in Europe. I do not know what our Got- 416 THE VESPUCCI FAMILY. • This note of Fowprs and other important proofs are deposited with the Librarian of Congress. 416 LIFE AND VOYAQES OP THE ernment may ever be inclined to do for the Ves- VESPUCCI . /. ., -r 1 . , , FAMILY pucci family. I hope some smtable recognition of them will be had. Some small tract of land, at least, it would not be improper to give them from the public domain ; and it would be an act which would win the gratitude of the family for ever, and the admiration of all Europe. You may judge of the feelings of the Grand Duke by the following Letter I h; " ihe honour to receive a day or two ago from his Inf. Secretary, who wrote it at the dictation (1 am i^iormed) of the Sovereign himself I give it to you literally. Honourable Signore : His Imperial and Royal Highness, the most Se- rene Arch Duke of Austria, Grand Duke of Tus- cany, my August Sovereign, to whom, you. Hon- ourable Signore, have expressed a belief, that the generous and powerful American Nation would be disposed to recognize with favour, by some act *" liberality, the last children of Americus Vespucius ; has charged me to assure you, in his Royal Name, that it would prove infinitely grateful to him and his Government, if ever there should be made so solemn a demonstration of gratitude and of munificence. The name of that great man, venerated from one sea to the other, gathers in itself too grand a part of the glories of Tuscany, to make it possible that the family which has descended from him should ever be forgotten by us. They have long enjoyed beneficence and honours ; and the young Amerigo, 4ir THE IT • j-l 1 i. VESPUCCI He IS the last family. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. son of Cavalier Captain Cesare Vespucci, is now an employe in a Royal Department offspring of the family ' that illustrious Italian, who brought to the light of civilization that vast land which bears his name, and which is now ad- vancing the proud mother of many noble and gen- erous children. f have the honour to subscribe myself, with sen- timents of distinguished consideration, your most devoted and obedient servant, CAVALIERE CARLO FELICI, Intimate Secretary of the Cabinet of H. I. and R. H., the Grand Duke of Tuscany. Sig'r C. Edwards Lester, Consul of the United States ) of America at Genoa \ Florence, April 8, 184:5. ■. \ . ■ This noble letter was attended by a permission from the Grand Duke to make any use of it I might judge would conduce to the interests of the Vespucci family. Such is the spirit of this Prince, who is, indeed, worthy of holding sway over the city where Lorenzo de' Medici lived to honour all that was noble in man's heart, or lofty in genius. Your true — ' This is not a suitable place to enter into any dis- cussion of the propriety of granting the request contained in the following petition. It is now be- fore the American Congress, where we hope it will 53 418 THE VESPUCCI FAMILY. LIFE AND VOYAGES OP receive the attention it merits. But it is impossible to suppress a feeling of regret, that the injudicious conduct of any member of the family of the Naviga- tor should have prejudiced the interests of all bear- ing the name of Vespucci. The petition will speak for itself Regarded, as it must be, as evidence of the desire of the family to live in a land bearing the name of their ancestor, it is impossible to avoid expressing a hope that their moderate requests may be granted. The letter, which follows the petition, will explain the transmission of the portrait of Bronzino to this country. Both are translated from the original Italian. TO THE GENEROUS AMERICAN CONGRESS. Only one family exists which is in direct descent from that of the Florentine navigator, Americus Vespucius. It consists of the young Amerigo, with his wife and four sisters, Elena, Theresa, Eliza, and Ameriga, as appears by the genealogical tree, drawn during the lifetime of their father, the Cap- tain Cesare Vespu^'ci. Elena, possessing a disposi- tion somewhat indotils and unmanageable, absent- ed herself from her father's house and proceeded to London. Thence she crossed the ocean, and land- ed upon the shores of Brazil, at Rio Janeiro. From that city she proceeded to Washington, the capital of the United States. She presented certain peti- tions to the governments of both countries, using, and perhaps abusing, the glorious name of her an- !! «ii AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. cestor. Her family are ignorant both of the tenor and of the result of these applications. Amerigo and his sisters have resolved to make the following requests : First. That the American Congress would grant to them and their descendants the right of citizen- ship. Second. That the generous American people would give them a sufficient quantity of land, to enable them, by their own exertions, to maintain thereon, with respectability, the name of their An- cestor, of which they are so proud. The remarkable political events which have of late years convulsed Europe, and destroyed the es- tates of so many ancient families, have also wreck- ed the fortunes of the Vespucci race. They are at present reduced to poverty, though they yet hope for better fortune, through the generosity of the great American people. Signed, Amerigo Vespucci. Eliza Vespucci. Teresa Vespucci. 419 THE VESPUCCI] FAMILY. •ill: Letter to C.Edicards Lestei'^froni Anwrigo Vespucci. I cannot allow you to leave Italy without mani- festing the sentiments of profound gratitude which I entertain towards you. The courteous and kind manner in which you liave treated us — almost as fellow-countrymen — will never leave my memory or my heart. Your last and greatest act of good- P 430 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. THE VESPUCCI FAMILY. ness, is the task you have been pleased to under- take for us, of conveymg to the American Congress, the sentiments of my family, depressed by so many misfortunes and the commotions of late years. While I beg you to continue to give us your assist- ance in making known to Congress our desires and hopes, will you have the kindness to accept an an- cient portrait of our glorious ancestor, taken from life, and which is the only memorial of him which remains to my unfortunate family? I trust you will look with pleasure upon the features of the man who gave his name to the vast and beautiful por- tion of the globe to which you have the good for- tune to belong. The Vespucci family wish you a pleasant voy- age, and would express to you their profound grat- itude and consideration. ' Your humble servant, Amerigo Vespucci. Florence, ISth March, 1845. INDEX. f *'i A. All Saints, Bay of, 241. America, name of, when first applied, and how it originated, 248 — 255. Ahgricus Vespucius, born in Florence, Mar. 9th, 1451, 65. — His family con- nections, 55 — 59. — Destined from ear- ly youth for commercial pursuits, 61. — His studies with his uncle Georgio Antonio, 63, 64. — Forms a friendship with Piero Soderini, 65. — His studies interrupted by the appearance of the Plague in Florence, 6C. — His return to his studies, 67. — His opportunities of meeting with Toscanelli, ib. — His rehgious instruction, 68. — Letterfrom him to his father, 68, 69. — Lack of information respecting his early life, 70. — His purchase of a map by Ga- briel de Velasca, 71. — The misfor- tunes of his brother Girolamo occa- sion his departure from Italy, ib. — Receives some commissions from Lo- renzo di Pier-Francesco de' Medici, 72. — Sails from Leghorn to Barce- lona, ib, — Takes with him his ne- phew Giovanni, and other youthful Florentines, 73. — Letter from him written jointly with Donato Nicollini, 74. — His first acquaintance with Be- rardi, and subsequent partnershin with him, 75. — Contract of the Span- ish government with Berardi's house, ib. — Probable reflections of, on leav- ing Florence, 76, 77.— Supposed in- correctly by some authors to have accompanied Columbus on his second voyage, 76, note. — Meeting of Amer- icis with Columbus, 78. — Personal appearance of Americus, 79, 80. — Difference of his views from those of Columbus, 80. — His doubts, 81. — Imaginary conversation with Colum- bus, 82 — 92. — In consequence of the death of Berardi, he assumes the management of the affairs of the house, 93. — Payments to him by Ber- nardo Pinelo, the treasurer of Spain, 94. — He despatches an expedition which is wrecked, ib. — His letter to Soderini, ib. — Its projjer address, 95. — Rank held by him in the first voy- age ib. — Supposed address of his let- ter 19 Rene, King of Jerusalem and Sicily, and Duke of Lorraine and Bar, 96. — Editions of the letter made use of by Canovai, 96, note. — The edition of Gruniger made use of by Navarrete, 97. — Authenticity of it, ib. — Authenticity of its date ques- tioned by Herrera, 98. — Historical :?1 424 INDEX. evidence of its accuracy and argu- ments on the subject, 99 — 108. — Let- ter of Columbus commending Araeri- cus, 105, lOR. — His first voyage de- scribed in the first part of his letter to Soderini, commencing, US. — His reasons for writing, 113. — Departure from Cadiz, May 10th, 1497, 116.— First landing on the continent, 117. — Received in a friendly manner by the natives, ib. — Their characteristics, 118. — Description of them, their mode of life, and peculiarities, 119 — 125. — Arrival at Venezuela, 126. — Battle with the Indians, 127, 128.— Continuation of the voyage, 128. — Meets with a remarkable animal like a serpent, 129. — Further account of the habits of the natives, 130. — Jour- ney inland, 131. — Return to the ships, ib. — A ludicrous incident, 132. — De- scription of the country, 133, 134. — Preparations for return voyage, 135. — Discover new islands, 136. — Canni- bals and battle with them, 137. — Cap- ture 250 prisoners, 138. — Arrival at Cadiz, Oct. 15, 1498, 139.— The first news of his discoveries probably kept secret until the arrival of despatches from Columbus, 142. — His connec- tion with Ojeda, 144 — 147. — Hismar- riage with Maria Cerezo, 145. — Vis- its the court, 14C. — Equipment of a new fleet, 147. — His second voyage described in a letter to Lorenzo di Pier-Francesco de Medici, 151. — De- parture from Cadiz, May 18th, 1499, 152. — Arrival at the New World in 24 days, 152. — Remarkable currents near the shores, 153. — Beautiful birds — his geographical position, 155. — Solar shadow, ib. — Astronomical ob- servations, 156. — The Southern Cross calls to his mind the remarkable lines of Dante, 157. — His calculation of latitude, 158. — Observation of the transit of Mars, August 23d, 1499, 159. — Further description of the na- tives seen in second voyage, 161.— Second visit to the Gulf of Paria, 162. — Sails four hundred leagues along the shores of the continent, 164. — . Battle with the natives and great slaughter, 165. — Meets with a race of giants, 166. — Second visit to Ven- ezuela, 167. — Sails for Hispaniola, 168. — Preparations for return, 1C9. — Arrival at Cadiz, 171. — Sends a globe and map to Lorenzo de' Medici, 172. — Second part of his letter to So- derini, giving further account of his second voyage, 175. — Departure from Cadiz, ib. — Arrival at the New World, 176. — Chases and captures a large canoe, 177. — Meets friendly natives, and procures pearls, 179. — Remains seventeen days in port, 180. — Descriprion of singular habits of the natives, 181, 183.— Giants again, 183, 184. — Preparations for return, 185. — Ori the return voyage visits Antilla, 187. — Arrives at Ca- diz, June 8, ib, — Unjustifiable per- version of the words of, 188. — At- tacked with the quartan ague, 189. — Preparation for another voyage, ib. — Receives letters from the King of Portugal, inviting him to his service, 191. — Messenger sent to him, ib. — Leaves Spain secretly, 192. — Re- ceived with joy by the King of Por- tugal, ib. — Second letter to de' Medi- ci, giving an account of his third voyage, 195. — Departure from Cape Verd, ib. — His astronomical obser- vations, 196. — Describes the customs of the natives, 197 — 200. — Describes climate and productions, 201. — Third INDEX. 426 letter to Dc' Medici, giving a fuller ac« count of his third voyage, 203. — De- parture from Lisbon, May 13, 1501, 204. — Experiences terrible storms, 206. — Arrives at the New World, Aug. 17, 1501, 206.— Finds thickly inhabited country, and gives des- criptions of the natives, 209 — 214. — Astronomical observations, 215. — His work on the subject of astronomy, 217. — Illustration of the antipodes, 218 — 220. — Apologizes for notsending De' Medici his journals, 221.— Third part of letter to Soderini, 223. — Gives reasons for going to Lisbon, 224. — Departure from Lisbon, May 13,1501, and arrival after severe storms at the New World, 225. — Takes pos- session of the country in the name of Portugal, 226. — Despatches two of the crew to treat with the natives, 226. — Horrible death of his messen- gers, 228. — continues the voyage along the coast for 750 leagues, 230. — Encounters violent storms, and arrives at Lisbon, Sept. 7, 1502, S31 — 233. — Received in Lisbon with ceremonies and honours, 234. — His method of computing longitude, 235. — Prepares for a fourth voyage, 237. — Conclusion of his letter to Soderini, 238. — Departure from Lisbon, 10th May, 1503, and loss of part of the fleet, 239, 240.— Arrives at the Bay of All Saints, 241. — Builds a fortress, 242. — Returns to Lisbon, June 18th, 1504, and goes to Seville in latter part of 1504, 245. — Assists Columbus at court, 246. — Influence of the Queen Isabella's death on his fortunes, 246. — Receives grants of money, 247. — Named Commander in a new expe- dition, ib, — Considerations going to show that Americas did not attempt himself to give his name to America, 248— 255.— Difficulties in the way of the proposed expedition, 256. — In- structions of the Board of Trade to him, 257 — Ultimate fate of the ex- pedition, 259. — His salary, with the title of captain, 260 — Ordered to re- pair to court, 201 . — ApjK)inted chief pilot, 262.— Establishes himself in Se- ville, 263 — Visits Florence, 204 His death, February 22d, 1512, at Seville, ib, — His character and wri- tings, 265-270 — Narrative of the voyage of Do CJama attributed to him, 313—329. Antipodes, illustration of, 218 — 220. Astrolabe, invention of the, 26. — A sim- ilar instrument found by De Gamu in the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, 29. Azores, discovery of .eti >igo corpses on the islands of the, 37. B. Bahia Honda, Ojeda's settlement at, 308. Bartolozzi, his remarks respecting the first letter of Americus to De Medici, 173, 174. Bastides, voyage of, 372. Battle with the Indians, 127, 128. Bay of All Saints, 241. Bell, houses shaped like a, 126. Benvenuto Benvenuti, bearer of the let- ter of Americus to Soderini, 113. Benzoni, 251. Borardi, Juan or Juanoto, pass{Mirt granted to him in 1486, by the Sov- ereigns of Spain, 73. — His death, in December, 1495, 93. Bernal, the curate of Los Palacios. his writings, and sketch of his life, 49.^ Betel nut, 181. •:U IIP il| !(::,!■ 54 'bW! * ii(i 426 INDEX. Birds of great beauty seen by Ameri- cas, 154. Bojador, discovery of Cape, 31. Bronzino, his portrait of Americus, 264. Bull of the Pope respecting new lands • discovered, 32. . • , Cabot, Sebastian, 42. — Bom in Bristol, 1467, 44. — Decree of Henry VII. re- specting him, 45. — His voyages, ib. — Goes to Spain and is appointed Chief Pilot, 46. — Returns to Eng- land, 46. — His discovery of the prin- ciples of the variation of the needle, 47. — In reality the tirst discoverer of the main land of the New World, 104. Calcutta, 239. Campos, Garcia de, partner of Ojeda, 367. Cannibals seen Ly Americus, 161 — 178. — Kill and eat some of his crew, ^27. Canoe, interesting chase and capture of a large, 177. Canopi, seen by Ainencus, 216. Canovai, the Biographer of Americus, editions of the letter to Soderini made use of by him, 96, note. — Incorrect opinion as to the name of America, 254. — His Eulogium of Americus, 275. Caravans, the niudium of commercial communication, 22. Casas, Bishop do las, his writ'ngs, and sketch of his life, 49, 50. Cerezo, Maria, the wife of Americus, 145. Charlevoix, his character of Ojeda, 394. Cipango, Marco Polo's description of, 359— 3G1. Coelho, Gonzalo, 237—249. Columbus, Christopher, reflections of, |l in relation to a western passage to India, 37. — Considers the accounts of Marco Polo and Mandeville, ib. — Letter from Toscanelli to him, 38. — Not ignorant o*' the discoveries of the Northmen, 39. — Personal appearance of, 78, 79. — Difference of his views from those of Americus, 80. — His enthusiasm, 81.- -Imaginary conver- sation between him jnd Americus, 82 — 92. — His letter to his son, Don Diego, commenc'ing Americus, 105, 106. — His curious signature, 107, note. — His arrival at the coast of Paria, 140. — His despatches from Hispaniola, 141. — His discovery of Hispaniola, mentioned by Americus, 168. — Again mentio-'ed, 187. — His return from his last voyage, and sick- ness, 245. — Lc tte's to him from Paolo ToscaneUi, 330- -337. Columbus, Ferdinand, his writings, and sketch of his life, 49. — His view of the antiquity of fan" iy, 60. — Never makes any charges against Americas in his history, 107. Commerce, carried on by means of land transportation, 21. Compass, invention of, 26. Constellations of the Southern Hemis- phere, 196. Cosa, Juan de la, his connection with Americus and Ojeda, 147.- Ordered to proceed to Court with Americu*. 261. — His 8ubse(iuent history, 366. — Connection with Hastides, 371 — 373. — Meets with Ojeda in Hispanii;!™, 373. — Accnmj)anies Ojeda as Lieu- tenant in his last expedition, .374. — Dissuades Ojcdn from ottacking the Indians, 380.— His death, 381.— Mr. Irvlng's character of him, 382. Co(|uibacoa, the modern Venezuela, ar- rival of Americus ot, 12G. i INDEX. Cosmography, a favoarite subject of speculation, 34. Cuba, sufferings of the Spaniards in, 389. Curacoa, visited by Americus, and called the Island of Giants, 185. Currents met with by Americus on the shores of the New World, 153. D. Dante, remarkable passage in his Pur- gatory relating to the Southern Cross, 157. — Quotation from, 237. Diaz, Bartholomew, his discovery of the Cape of Good Hope, 33. Dighton, sculptured rock of, 39, 40, 41, note. Discovery, Early, 30, — Progress of, .34. — Of the Grand Canaries, 3ri. E. East, ancient cities of the, 22. Eastern Empire, fall of, 25 — 48. Emmanuel, King of Portugal, endeav- ours to secure the services of Amer- icus, 190, 192. Enciso, the Bachelor, 393. Esquibel, Governor of Jamaica, 392. Etruscan Academy, letter of, accompa- nying the Eulogium of Canovai, 273 -—275. Eulogium of Americus by Canovai, 275 — 308. Remarks of the Trai slator thereon, 309—312. Ferdinand, King of Spain, his absence from Spain, 259.— Return, 261. Florence awake to the importance of navigation, 42. — Custoia of devoting one member of each noble family to commerce, 60. — Visited by the Plague in 1478, 65. — Its magnificence in 1480, 66. Fonseca, the Bishop, grants a license to Ojeda to prosecute discoveries, 143. — His hatred of Columbus, 144, note< G. Galileo, 236. Gama, Vasco de, doubles the Cape of Good Hope, 28. — Sketch of his life, 29, 30, note.— The poet Thomson's allusion to his voyages, 193. — Narra- tive of his voyage to the Indies at- tributed to Americus, 313 — 329. Giants, race of, met with by Americus, 166, 167—183. Giocondo, Juliano, sent to Americus by the King of Portugal, 191—224. Gom.ara, Francisco Lopez de, his wri- tings, and sketch of his life, 53. Greenland, discoveries of the Northmen in, 39. Gregory IX., his election to the papacy, 338. Gricio, Caspar de. Secretary of King Fuilip, 257. — Letters to him, 258. Grinajus, 251, 252. Grogeda, Diego Rodriguez de, 260. H. Henry, Prince of Prutugal, sketch of his character by Dr. Robertson, 27, 28.— Death of, in 1463, 32. Herrcra, his writings, and sketch of his life, 52. — Questions the authenticity of the date of the letter of Americus to Soderiui, 97. ' ^ fill 428 INDEX. Hnmboldt, M. de, his remarks on the letter of the Viscount de Santnren to Navarr^te, 397 — 400.— Letter of M. Kanke to him, 401—404. Ilacomilo, 249. India, speculations respecting a passage to, 35. — Efforts to find a new route to, 26—193. Inscription over the door of the Ves- pucci Mansion, 56. Isabella, Queen of Spain, 246. — Last testament of, 256. Island of the Seven Cities, 36. Italy, no possessions in the New World, 41.~Navigator8 of, 42 — 46. — State of, in the 15th century, 42. Iti, Island of, visited by Americus, 136. J. Joanna, Queen of Spain, 256.— Her insanity, 259. K. Kambalu, the paper money of, 362. Khan, the Grand, account of the king- doms of, by Marco Polo, 350 — 365. — His attempt to conquer th(> island of Cipango, 359— 3G1.— His care of his subjects, 363—365. L. Lariab, the Indian name of Paria, 134. Lery, Jean de, 253. Licenses of the Court of Spain for the prosecution of voyages of discovery, 108. Lisbon, spirit of discovery in, 55. Literature, revival of, 48. Longitude, method of Americus for computing, 235. Luxury, comparative, ia different na- tions, 24. M. Magdalena, 259. Mandeville, Sir John, his acconnts highly esteemed by Columbus, 37. Manufactories of the South of Europe in the 15th century, 24. Malacca, 237, 238, 239. Maranham, San Luis de, visited by Americus, 177. Mars, transit of, observed by Americus, Aug. 23d, 1499, 159. Martyr, Peter, his writings, and sketch of his life, 53, 251. Medici, Lorenzo de, the Magnificent, 67. Medici, Lorenzo di Pier Francesco de, employs Americus to go to Spain, 72.— Sketch of his life, 148—150.— First Letter of Americus to him, 151. — Receives a globe and map from Americus, 172. — Second Letter of Americus to him, 195. — Third Let- ter of Americus to him, 203. — M. Ranke's Letter respecting him, 401 —404. Middle ages, syatem of commercial transactions in the, 23. Mini, Elizabetta, the mother of Ameri- cus, 54. Monteregio, his almanac used by Amer- icus in his astronomical calculations, 159. Munster, his description of the Voyages of Americus, 76, note. : INDEX. 429 ' N. Narrative of the voyage of Vasco de Gama, attributed to Americas, 313 — 329. Natives of the New World, descrip- rions of, 118. — Their motives in ma- king war, 119. — Further description, 197— 200.— Domestic habits of, 211. — Attempts to treat with, 226. Navarr^te, documents relating to Amer- icus contained in his collection, 395 —400. Navigators, cotemporary, of Americus, 40. Nicuessa, Diego de, the rival of Ojeda, 374. — His assistance to Ojeda, 384. Non, discovery of Cape, 30. o. Ojeda, Alonzo de, his evidence respect- ing Americus in the law-suit of Don Diego Columbus, 99 — 102. — Account of his early life, 142. — Commission granted to him by the Bishop Fon- seca, 143. — His voyage identical with the second voyage of Americus, 145. — His subsetiuent history, 366. — Connects himself with Juan de Ver- gara and Garcia dc Campos, 367. — Sails on a voyage of discovery in 1502, and fonns settlement at Bahia Honda, 368. — His quarrels with his partners, 369. — Legal proceedings ugainst him, 370. — His triumphant acquittal, 371. — His connection with Juan de la Cosa, 374. — His departure from San Domingo, 15th Nov. 1509, on another expedition, 375. — His celebrated proclamation to the In- dians, 376 — 380. — Furious battle with the natives, 381. — His remark- able escape, 383.— With the aid of Nicuessa he prepares for anotL r at- tack, 384. — Its entire success, 385. — Forms a settlement in the Gulf of Uraba, ib. — Wounded in battle with the Indians, 386. — Famine in his settlement, and arrival of Talavera, 387. — His departure in search of supplies, and shipwreck on the coast of Cuba, 388. — His awful sufferings there, 389— 391.— His vow and its fulfilment, 391— 392.— His arrival at Hispaniola by way of Jamaica, 393. — His last days, 394. P. Paria, visited by Americus in 1497, 134.— Second visit, 1499, 162. Pearls, seen by Americus in Paria, 163—179. Peretola, the place where the Vespucci family originated, 55. Philip, King of Spain, h s accession, 256.— His death at Burg.is, 259. Pilots, ignorance of 'he, 208. Pinelo, Bemardi usurer of Spain, his payments to Aiiiericut«, 93, 94 . Pinzon, Vicente, 230. — Named com- mander, with Americus, 247 260 — 262. Plague of Florence, in 1478, 65. Polo, Marco, his accounts esteemed by Columbus, 37. — His accounts adopted by Toscanelli, 38. — Account of him and his travels, 337 — 350. — Curious anecdote of, 346, 347. — Description of Quinsai, 350— 359.— And of the Island of Cipango, 3C0, 3C1 — Of the W(?alth of the Grand Khan, 362, 363. — And of hLs care of his subjects, 364. Popolani, the name adopted by De Medici, the correspondent of Ameri- cus, 149. M m wMMimiiinpippppip^mip* mmmm'mi' 430 INDEX. Portugal, importance of the voyages of Americus to the kingdom of, 193. Printing, invention of the art of, 49. Qoinsai, extract from Marco Polo's description of, 350 — 359. R. Rainbow, Lunar, 217, 218. Ranke, M. de, his letter to M. de Hum- bolt, 401—404. Il6ne, Duke of Lorraine and Bar, and titular King of Jerusalem and Sicily, 96. — Supposed address of the letter of Americus to him, and sketch of his life, 96, 97, note. Robertson, Dr., his sketch of the char- acter of Prince Henry of Portugal, 27, 28. Rome, unable to join in the career of discovery, 42, 43. s. Sailor, gallantry of a Portuguese, 165. Salvini, Antonio, the tablet which he placed over the gateway of the Ves- pucci Mansion, 56. Santaren, the Marquis de, his letter to Navarrete, with Humboldt's remarks concerning it, 397 — 400. Scandinavians, discoveries of, 39. Scholars of the East, their coming into Europe, 48. Seneca, the celebrated prophecy of, in the Medea, 157, rote. Senegal River, discoveries beyond, 31. Soderini, Piero, his early friendship with Americus, 65: — Sketch of his life and character, 109 — 112. — ^First portion of letter of Americus to him, describing his first voyage, 112 — 139. — Second part of the letter of Americua to him, 175. — Third part, 223.— Conclusion, 238.— M. Rar e's letter to Humboldt respecting him, 401—404. Solar Shadows, noticed by Americus, 155. Solis, Diaz de, 260—262. Southern Cross, 157. — Remarkable pas- sage in Dante's Purgatory relating to it, 157, note. St. Augustine, Cape of, doubled, 229. St. Brand an. Island of, 36, and note. Subano, Juan de, 260. \ T. Talavera, a piratical leader, 387. Toscanelli, Paolo, a Florentine Physi- cian, writes to Columbus, 38, 39. — His map, ib. — His letters to Colum- bus, 330—337. Tuana, a remarkable animal seen by Americus, 129, note. u. Ugolino Verini, lines of, respecting the Vespucci family, 55. Ursa Major and Minor, 216, 230, 231 —233- 235. Uraba, settlement in the Gulf of, 385. Usury, false ideas of, in the middle ages, 23. v. Venezuela, arrival of Americus at, 126. Veragua, gold mines > *'. 271. mmmmm ■MMMpanillMHH INDEX. 431 Verazzani, Giovanni, a Florentiro nav- igator, sketch of his life, 43. — Sails in the frigate Dauphin, 17th January, 1524, 43. — His unhappy fate, 44. Vergara, Juan de, partner of Ojeda, 367. Vespucci, see Americus. Vespucci, Anastasio, the father of Americus, 55. — Secretary of the Re- public of Florence, 59. — Letter from Americus to him, 68, 69. Vespucci, Amerigo, letter from him, 419, 420. Vespucci, Georgio Antonio, uncle of Americus, distinguished as a scholar, 63. — -His school and instruction of Americus, 64. Vespucci, Girolamo, the brother of Americus, his misfortunes, 71. — His letter to Americus, 72. Vespucci, Giovanni, the nephew of Americus, accompanies his uncle on his departure from Florence, 73. — Peter Martyr's friendship for him, ib. note. Vespucci, visit to the old mansio.i of the, 57, note. — Account of the prewnt family of, 405—420. Vespucci, Simone di Piero, his weaith and liberality, 57. — His tomb, 58. Vespucci, Piero, commanded the Floi- entine galleys, 59. Vespucci, Guido Antonio, distinguished in letters, 59. Vila, Grand Chamberlain of King Phil- ip, 258. Villegagnon, 253. w. Webb, Thomas H., Secretary of the Rhode Island Historical Society, his account of Dighton Rock, 39, 40, 41, note. ,- ■S II M; ■I'll mmmm tmm ■j'V ■; ;,i:A- T/^-M' .;■•'« OV:.'r •■:'>V <•■;• .-^i^ -*='^A-?'j ;!.>^.v, > ' ■;- ■■•> :,«:,>., \,-i. ,iv»-t. > ■•* * y- :-V VALUABLE BOOKS, PUBLISHED AND FOR SALE BY BAKER & SCRIBNER, BRICK CHURCH CHAPEL mONTINO ON 145 NASSAU ST. AND 36 PARK ROW. NEW YORK. CHARLOTTE ELIZABETH'S WORKS, Unifonn Edition, 12 vols. 12mo. $c 00 CHARLOTTE ELIZABETH'S JUVENILE WORKS, (not included in the above 12 vols.), 7 vols. l8mo. 3 00 OPINIONS OP THE PRESS. We have received numerous commendatory notices of our edition of Charlotte Elizabeth's Works, from the religious pa- pers of all denominations of Christians in this country, and for the benefit of those who have not supplied themselves with her books, we insert here a few which are believed to bo a fair spe- cimen of the opinions of the press. ^ ■u S CATALOGUE OF BOOKS. From the Morning News. Works op Charlotte Elizabeth.— Mrs. Charlotte Eli» abeth Tonna is one of the most gifteil, popular, and truly i»- structive writers of the present day. In clearness of thoughf- variety of topics, richness of imagery, and elegance of cxprer sion, it is scarcely too much to say, that she is the rival of Han nah More, or to predict that her works will be as extensive!; and profitably read, as those of the most delightful female writa of the last generation. All her writings are pervaded by just- ness and purity of sentiment, and the hij^hcst reverence for mo- rality and religion ; and may safely be commended as of the highest interest and value to every family in the land. From the ReHgloas Spectator. If Charlotte EKzabeth were not one of the most attractive and useful writers of the ago, we might perhaps be ready to say that she was in danger of surfeiting the public appetite, by her numerous productions | bat as it is, we are corwtrained to say the oftener she shows herself as an author the better. Her works never tire ; and we are never even in doubt in respect to their useful tendency. .. , . . ; , ^j. . . From the Albnrry Argus. Charlotte Elizabeth's works have become so universally known, and are so highly and deservedly appreciated in thia country, that it has become almost superfluous to mention them. We doubt exceedingly whether there has lieen any ft-male wri- ter since Mrs. Hannah More, whose works are likely to be so extensively and so profitably read as hers. She thinks deeply and accurately, is a great analysist of the human heart, and withal clothes her thoughts in most appropriate and eloquenl language. Prom the Joomal of Cominorco. These productions constitute a bright reKef to the bad and CATALOGUE OF BOOKS. 3 ■Mfftipting literature in wliich our age is so prolific, full of prac- tical instruction, illustrative of the beauty of Protestant Chris- tianity, and not the less o.bounding in entertaining description and narrative. CHARLOTTE ELIZABETH'S WORKS. Personal Recollections, I vol. cts. Osric, a Missionary Tale, ett. 38 13mo., 50 The Convent Bell, a Tale, 38 Helen Fleetwood, 50 Glimpses of the Fast, or the Mu- Judah's Lion, SO seum, 38 Judsa Capta, 50 Philip and his Garden, 38 The Siege of Derry, 50 The Flower of Innocence, 33 Letters trom Ireland, SO The Simple Flower, 38 The Rockite, 50 Alice Benden, and other Tales 38 Floral Biography, 50 Female Martyrs, 38 PrlQcipallties and Powers, 50 Tales and Illustrations, 38 English Martyrs, 50 Dressmakers and Mllllnen, 35 The Wrongs of Women, SO The Forsaken Home, 35 The Church Visible In all Ages, The Little Pin-Headers, 25 18nio., 50 The Lace Runners, 35 Passing Thoughts, 38 Letter Writing, 35 Falsehood and Truth, 38 Back-Biting, 35 Conformity, 38 Promising and Performing, 23 Izram, a Mexican Tale, 38 THE PEEP OF DAY, or a series of the earliest reli- gious Instruction, the Infant Mind is capable of re- ceiving, vyith verses illustrative of the subjects, 1 vol. 18mo. with engravings, $0 50 LINE UPON LINE, by the author of" Peep of Day," a second series, 50 PRECEPT UPON PRECEPT, by the author of "Peep of Day," etc., a third series, 50 4 CATALOGUE OP BOOKS. This is probably the best and most popular series of Juvenile Books ever published. The publishers refer with the most en- tire confidence to all parents and teachers who have introduced these books into their families or schools, who will testify as to the useful and correct religious instruction which they con- tiun. D'AUBIGNE'S HISTORY OP THE GREAT RE- FORMATION, abridged by the Rev. Edward Dal- ton, 1 vol. 18mo. 447 pages. Price, SO 50 Probably no book of modern date has obtained such a wide- spread popularity, and been so extensively read as D'AubignS's History of the Great Reformation of the sixteenth century, in Germany, Switzeriand, &c. Engrossing and enduring as must be the interest connected with the details of the historical inci- dent of the Great Reformation, the author of this work has invested them with all the charm and fascination of ro- mance. The Abridgment retains most of the attractions of the larger work, and brings it within the means, as to time and expense, of a still larger body of readers. Of the faithfiilness with which this abridgment has been made, the following testimonials from the New York Observer of Oct. 21, is abundant and sat- isfactory evidence. It is from the pen of a distinguished cler- gyman of New York, whose opinions on such subjects are en- titled to universal confidence. " I have read the Rev. Mr. Dalton's Abridgment of D'Au- bigne's History, as reprinted by Baker & Scribner, and have fully compared it with Mr. Carter's edition of the original work. I am free to say that I think the abridgment is made with great fidelity and sound judgment. It consists almost wholly of the author's own words, and embraces those parts which are of the most prominent interest. Doubtless those who can command the time will prefer to read the original work ; but those who li CATALOGUE OF BOOKS. 6 - bh to have the substance of the work in less compass, will tiere find it faithfully condensed by one who entered into the true spirit of D'Aubign^. Both editions, I believe calculated to be eminently useful, and I wish to both the widest circula- tion. This work is printed on good type, contains 447 pages, and is sold at the exceedingly low price of 50 cents." From the American Protestant. D'AUBIGNE'S HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION.— Cheap edition. Abridged by the Rev. Edward Dalton. Second edition. This edition of D'Aubign6, abridged by a skilful hand, has received the commendations of the press, and of men of talent, for the rare merit it presents in the present form. It is admi- rably adapted for Sunday School and Common School Libra- ries, and for the family. None of the important facts of the original history are omitted, or even mutilated ; while all that is extraneous and common-place, has been dropped. It is use- less to talk about the advantage a ciiild will reap from the read- ing of the full edition ; the same argument should hold good for all purposes, and we would have to banish books wholly from our School Libraries — for, of the historical portion of those Libraries, hardly a single volume can bo found, that is not an abridgment of a more voluminous work. Children must have the facts, and the stirring interest of unbroken nar- rative ; their age, and their unripe minds, imperatively demand them, and we might as well forbid them to study Astronomy except through the barren formulas of La Place, as to forbid them to read history except in the philosophic voluminousness of original productions. THE CHURCH IN THE WILDERNESS, and other Fragments from the study of a Pastor, by Gardiner Spring, m S"! CATALOGUE OF BOOKS. D.D., Pastor of the Brick Presbyterian Church, in the city of New York. The following notice of Spring's Fragments is extracted from the New York Commercial Advertiser. The first piece entitled the " Church in the Wilderness," is one of the most beautiful sketches in our language. It is in every respect a finished production — a picture complete in all its parts, that for a time captivates the alVcctiohs, enchains the powers of the mind, and fills the soul with the most exalted conceptions. The Church is represented, under the various circumstances of her earthly allotment, leaning on the arm of her Beloved, and deriving all her strength from this unfailing source. The chastened but glowing fancy, elegance of diction, and purity of thought, conspire to give beauty to the image, and make us dwell upon it with delight. The other pieces in tlie collection arc scarcely of inferior merit. "The Inquiring Meeting" portrays with great vivid- ness some of the phases which the human heart exhibits, when under the influence of religious excitement. The " Letter to a Young Clergyman " abounds in instructions of inestimable value. It may perhaps be doubted whether the author attaches sufHcient importance to pastoral visitation. " The Panorama " is an affecting delineation of the employment of men as they usually appear on the stage of active life. " The Useful Chris- tian" contains sound practical suggestions for informing the mind, regulating the heart, and inspiring energy of action. MEMOIRS OF MRS. SARAH LOUISA TAYLOR, by Rev. Lot Jones, A.M. Fifth edition, 18mo., $0 50 From the Chrisllau Mirror. MEMOIR OP MRS. SARAH LOUISA TAYLOR : or an Illustration of the v^ork of the Holy Spirit, in awaken- CATALOGUE OF BOOKS. iitg, renewing, and sanctifying the heart. Jones, A.M. By Lot Moinoirs of individuals have beromo m) coinmon, that not a few may bo ready to a»k, Wliy publisli another 1 VVo have no fears that tlie above i{uestioii will be asked by any one after reading this volume. If he docs not fi'cl " reproved, corrected, or instructed in righteousness," it will \w because ho has made prc-rniinent attainments in scriptural knowledge, and holy, useful living; or else because his conscience has Inst its sus- ceptibility. In Mrs. Taylor religion appears with dignity as well as grace, in power as well as beauty. Hers was the faith which " works by love, purifies the heart, and overcomes the world." Its fruits were choice and abundant. Nor were her virtues cancelled, or their influence more than destroyed by gross defects and blemishes. She had uncommon symqietry and harmony of character. With a uniform and controlling desire to do good, she never lacked tho means and opportu- nity ; and did much, in the best and highest sense of the ex- pression. She won not a few to righteousness. Her religion was a religion of diligence and energy, rendering her " stead- fast, immovable, always abounding in the work of the Lord ;" and her labor was " not in vain." We see in Mrs. Taylor the same religion, in its essential ele- ments, and in its more important developments, which glowed in and beamed forth from the "great cloud of witnesses;" — the same faith, tho same humility, the same dependence on atoning blood, the same susceptibility to the constraining influence of Christ's love ; " We thus judge, that if Christ died for all, then all were dead ; and that ho died for all th.U they who live should not henceforth live unto themselves, but unto him who died for them." We seo deep religious experience, but no ex- travagance — strong feelings, but no fanaticism — absorbing de- votion, but no cant — firmness of principle, but no party bigotry. We have here, not only holiness in its principle, but the beauty of holiness adorning and perfecting the character. % m 8 CRTALOGXTE 0*" BOOKS. Mr. Jones was greatly favored in the subject of his narra- tive; and he has wrought up his materials with great skill and judgment. Nothing has been inserted, which would have been better omitted ; and nothing appears to be wanting, which was necessary to a just appreciation of her character. Wo unhesitatingly commend this Memoir to all females, in all ranks of society. The most refined and best educated will rise from its perusal, improved in literary taste, intellectual ex- pansion, and correct thinking; and the less favored will learn from it what it is in their power to become by diligence, by prayer, by studying the Scriptures, by a whole-hearted devo- tedness to the duties which they owe to God and their fellow- men. From the Doston Recorder. MEMOIR OP MRS. SARAH LOUISA TAYLOR : or an Illustration of the work of the Holy Spirit, in awakening, renewing, and sanctifying the heart. By Lot Jones, A.M It is not possible to do justice to this captivating and instrw;- tive volume within the compass of the few lines to which our notice must be confined. And perhaps it is best to desist alto- gether from an atlempt to convey a correct impression of it to our readers ; for it must be confessed that our own emotions on the perusal of it are too strong to permit the exercise of the most cool and deliberate judgment as to its intrinsic merits. To follow a lovely youth through the scenes of childhood and ripening years ; to mark the various traits of intellectual and moral character, as thoy are developed in the relations of the child, the sister, the friend, the wife, the mother, the teacher and the disciple of Jesus : and then to group the whole, and contemplate the triumphs of faith over natural affection, and the heart's corruptions, and the power of death itself; cannot fail to excite very strong emotion in any bosom not petrified, even though the execution of the work were marked wit!» 5*L CATALOGUE OF BOOKS. 9 many imperfections. But Mr. Jones has not failed in the ful- filment of the task ho has assumed. The simplicity and clear- ness of his delineations ; the richness and fulness of evangeli- cal sentiment diffused through the whole, and arising naturally from his subject, the dignified tenderness of style, and the ac- curate discrimination made between spurious and genuine reli- gion in his incidental remarks, show him to be a workman that needeth not to be asliamed, and leave an impress on the vol- ume that will render it very precious to every evangelical reader. Any Christian who deilres above all things to grow in grace, to learn the nature of tho Christian conflict, and to use success- fully the weapons that shall give him the vie ory over his spirit- ual enemies ; or, in one word, to learn " the mind of the Spirit " on these points, will do well to study this volume. Prom the Episcopal Sunday School Visitor. Sometimes the usefulness of religious biography is lessened by a redundancy of ornament in the style, by too many digres- sions, which arc continually breaking into the interest which the reader feels in the narrative, and driving away the profita- ble reflections which it suggests lo the mind. It is very seldom that we meet with a book so entirely free from blemishes of this kind, as the one before us. It is the simple portrait of an amiable, enlightened, and devotedly pious Christian, drawn by a most judicious and faithful hand. The ypung Christian who is just commencing his course, and whose temptations and trials arc sometimes leading him to despondency, will read this book with thankfulness; and those who are yet strangers to vital religion may be. induced, from this lovely instance of its powerful effects in sustaining the soul, under the heaviest afllictions of life, and in the hour of sickness and death, to seek for themselves an interest in the Lord Jesus Christ. Mrs. Taylor evidently possessed a fine and cultivated mind» Of this the beautiful fraguients of poetry which are given in ilSi ill! II !|!l'' 10 CATALOGUE OF BOOKS. the course of the book, and the extracts from her correspond- ence, are evidence. Had those tc.lfints been cultivated for the world and its approbation, she might, perhaps, have attained all that this world can give — fame — applause — and celebrity. But what would they avail her now 1 She has chosen the betlcr part, which cannot be taken from her. It would be injustice to the publishers not to notice the beau- tiful manner in which the work has been executed. The pa- per and type are excellent, and the engravings good : but still the matter of the book is its main recommendation. From the Episcopal Recorder. This is a new work just issued from the press, and well worthy the attention of Christians. It describes, mainly from her own writings, the character of a Christian, whose experi- ence of the power of sin and of the power of grace, was deeper than is usual, and whose example of usefuln,„<( to others gives beautiful evidence of the reality of her own prin- ciples of character. We have been much interested in looking over this volume, and rejoice in recommending it to our read- ers. They will find it an uncommonly interesting and instruc- tive biography, worthy of its excellent author, and adapted to be eminently useful to themselves. From the Christian Intelligencer. This is a well-written biography of an amiable and devoted Christian, who pleasantly and beautifully exhibited the Chris- tian character in the dilTerent relations of life and in her early death. The reader will be pleased with the spirit and senti- ments of her early correspondence introduced and scattered throughout the volume. It is calculated to be useful and edi- fying, and we freely /ccommend it to our readers. It is pub- lished in a beautiful styla. CATALOGUE OF BOOKS. 11 From the Christian Watchman. The interesting subject of this memoir was born at East Haddam, Conn., January 18, 1809, and died August 3, 1836. Books of this description afe Eure to obtain readers, and there- fore we sincerely wish they always combined as much solid instruction with alTecting and interesting narrative, as we find in this volume. " He that winncth souls is wise." Every en- deavor, therefore, to secure so important an object, which is not at variance with the principles and the s()irit of revelation, is wise also. As the author fervently prays, so wo sincerely hope this work " may subserve the interests of our holy religion, and be the means of leading many to the fountain of eternal life." It is a lamentable fact, but one we suppose no one wdl ven- ture to deny, that there are persons who, though they caiinot be prevailed upon to read a few pages of a book of this kind, would need no persuasion to sit down and peruse any of Bul- wer's novels, from the preface to the finis, without suffering their attention to be interrupted. A person can hardly read this volume without feeling that, for the time at least, he is a wiser and a better man. The author has produced a book alike creditable to the powers of his mind and to the devotional feelings of his heart ; and which, in our opinion, justly en- titles him to the thanks of the religious public, among whom we sincerely hope it will obtain an extensive circulation and an attentive perusal. From the New York Evangelist. In the memoir of Mrs. Taylor, the reader will see chiefly "an illustration of the work of the Holy Spirit in awakening, renewing, and sanctifying the heart." Ho will see an hum- ble female, born in Connecticut, and reared under tho genial influence of that blessed atmosphere so prevalent i.i the land of the Pilgrims, becoming first a teacher of youth in her native Btate, then in New York city. With a mind well cultivated MMaaitfamiBiti!-' 13 CATALOGUE OF BOOKS. and of a respectable order of talent, with a heart formed for friendship, and keenly alive to the purest and tendercst sensi- bilities ; she was such a one as almost any one would wish their daughters to be. Her piety was of a high order even from the first, and no wonder ; she had been an object of the prayers and exhortations of Harlan Page. The closing scenes exhibit, in no small degree, the triumphs of Christian faith. The biographer has done his work well, interweaving, page by page, in an easy, natural manner, delightful lessons from real life. The book is a beautiful specimen of the printer's art, and shows also, in the portrait prefixed and the vignette title-page, the engraver's skill. The book wUl be read, and seldom, we hope, without profit. From tho Christian Advocate and Journal. This memoir is an illustration of the work of the Holy Spirit, in awakening, renewing, and sanctifying the heart. Mrs. Taylor was in many respects an extraordinary woman • and her biographer has performed his task in a style of great ex- cellence. The narrative of her conviction and contrition, which is here given, is deeply affecting and instructive, by reason of its protracted character, as well as the circumstances which kept her so long without the "joy in believing," which she af- terwards found to have been her privilege. That hcr's was the true " godly sorrow which worketh repentance unto salva- tion," no one can doubt; and yet she was for many years the subject of its anguLsh and mental agony, before she received the " spirit of adoption," or had the " witnesses in herself" of which the apostle speaks. Subsequently, her enlightened piety, her growth in grace, and her experience of the fulness of the blessing of the Gospel of peace, made her a " burning and a shining light." In these days of degeneracy, her me- moir is a most timely publication, showing, as it does, an emi- nent example of Christian experience and practice, unsophisti- cated by any of the dogmas of scholastic divinity. CATALOOrE OF BOOKS. 13 Mrs. Taylor was an humble, sincere, fervent, and consistent Christian, in sickness and in health, living and dying, exem- plifying the truth, power, and pieciousness of our holy relig- ion. Intellectually, siie was a woman of high order ; and her early and devoted piety, her patience and resignation in afflic* tion, her victory over death, all demonstrate that she was a witness of the washing and regeneration, and the renewal of the Holy Ghost. Would that our young ladies would read her memoir, imbibe her spirit, share her enjoyments, and participate in her blessed- ness here and hereafter. THEOPNEUSTY, or the Plenary Inspiration of the Holy Scriptures, by S. R. L. Gaussen, Professor of Theology in the new Theological School of Geneva, Switzerland. Third American, from the second French edition, revised and enlarged by the author. Translated by the Rev. Edward Norris Kirk, 1 vol. 12mo., $0 75 AIDS TO PREACHING AND HEARING, by Rev. Thos. H. Skinner, D.D., 1 vol. 12rao., - - 1 00 MEMOIR OP THE LATE REV. WM. NEVINS, D.D., 1 vol. 12mo., 75 LECTURES ON UNIVERSALISM, by Rev. Joel Parker, D.D., President of the New York Theologi- cal Seminary, 12mo., ------ 75 JACOB WRESTLING WITH THE ANGEL, and SOLOMON THE SHULAMITE, by Krumma- cher, author of "Elijah the Tishbite," 1 vol. l2mo., 75 CORNELIUS THE CENTURION, by Krumma- cher, 1 vol. l2rao,, 75 14 CATALOGUE OF BOOKS. SERMONS ON REVIVALS, by Rev. Albert Barnes, with an Introduction by Rev. Joel Parker, D.D., 1 vol. 18rao., $0 3< A VOICE FROM ANTIQUITY, to the Men of the Nineteenth Century; or. Read the Book. By J. H. Merle D'Aubigne, author of the " History of the Re- formation in the Sixteenth Century," 1 vol. 18mo., Si THE VOICE OP THE CHURCH ONE, Under all the Succossive Forms of Christianity; by J. H. Merle D'Aubigne, D.D., I vol. 18mo., - - - 25 PUSEYISM EXAMINED, by J. H. Merle D'Aubigne, D.D. ; with an Introductory Notice of the Author, by Robert Baird, 1 vol. 18mo., ----- 25 THE CONFESSION OF CHRIST, by J. H. Merle D'Aubign6, D.D , 1 vol. 18mo 25 FAITH AND KNOWLEDGE, by J. H. Merle D'Au- bigne, D.D., 1 vol. 18mo., 25 THE CHURCH IN THE WILDERNESS, and other Fragments, from the Study of a Pastor, by Gar- diner Spring, Pastor of the Brick Presbyterian Church in the City of New York, 1 vol. 12mo., - - - 50 THE BACKSLIDER, by Andrew Fuller, with an In- troduction by Joiin Angell James, 18mo., - - 31 SERMONS, by Hugh Blair, D.D., to which is prefixed the Life and Cliaracter of the Author, by James Fin- layson, D.D., 1 vol. 8vo., g qO OBLIGATIONS OF THE VS^ORLD TO THE BI- BLE, by Gardiner Spring, D.D., 1 vol. 12mo., - 1 00 A. VISIT TO NORTHERN EUROPE, or Sketches, Descriptive, Historionl, Political, and Moral, of Den- mark, Norway, Swreden, and Finland, and the Free m CATALOGUE OF BOOKS. 15 cities of Hamburg and Lubeok ; containing notices of the Manners and Customs, Commerce, Manufac- tures, Arts, and Sciences, Education, Literature, and Religion of those Countries and Cities. By the Rev. Robert Baird, with Maps and numerous Engravings, 2 vols. 12mo., S2 00 HEROINES OF SACRED HISTORY, by Mrs. Steel, 1 vol. 18mo., 50 A SUMMER JOURNEY IN THE WEST, by Mrs. Steel, author of " Heroines of Sacred History," 1 vol. 12mo., 50 EMANUEL ON THE CROSS, AND IN THE GARDEN, by R. P. Buddicora, 1 vol. l2mo., - - 63 THE FAMILY OF BETHANY, by L. Bonnot; with an Introductory Essay, by the Rev. Hugh White, 1 vol. 18mo., 38 THE ADOPTED CHILD, or the necessity of Early Piety, by the author of " Emma, or the Lost Found," 1 vol. 18mo., 31 THE STORY OF QRACE, the Little Sufferer, 1 vol. IBmo., ..... , .... 31 AbOLPHUS AND JAMES, by the Rev. Napoleon Roussel, translated from the French, 1 vol. 18mo., - 31 THE LILY OP THE VALLEY, by Mrs. Sherwood, 31 SHANTY, THE BLACKSMITH, by Mrs. Sherwood, 50 THE TRAVELLER, or the Wonders of Art, 1 vol. 18rao., 38 MEMOIR OF THE TELLSTORM, the first Swedish Missionary to Lapland, with an Appendix giving an account of the Stockholm Mission, by the Rev. 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I vol. 18mo., 1----..38 DANGER AND DUTY, Or a Pew Words on Popery, Puseyism, etc., by Rev. Richard Marks, author of -he " Retrospect," etc. etc. 1 vol. 18mo., - - - 31 THE SHORTER CATECHISM of the Reverend As- sembly of Divines, with proofs thereof out of the Scrip- tures, in words at length, l8mo., $5 per 100. > B. & S. have on hand a choice selection of Miscellaneoua works, suitable for Sunday School Libraries; together with Theological, Classical, Moral and Religious Books, Stationary, &«., all of which they will sell at the lowest prices. PubUcations of the American Tract Society, the Massachu- setts Sabbath School Society, and American and Episcopal Sunday School Unions supplied at the same prices as sold at their respective Depositories. All orders from the country will be immediately attended to, and books forwarded according to directions. — Should the se- lection of books for Sunday Schools be left with B. & S., and they should forward any which should not suit the purchaier, they may be returned, and the money will be refunded, oi other books given in exchange. ®l)c Puritatta a\\b tijclr principUa. BY REV. EDWIN HALL. PUBLISHED BY BAKBR ft 8CRIBNER, 145 NASSAU STREET. OPINIONS OF THE PRESS- From the New York Ohteri'tr. The Puritans and their Principles. By Edwin HaU. New York: Baker & Scribner. 1846. Mr. Hall is the able pastor of the Congregational Church, in Norwalk, Ct. He writes with vigor, and in the midst of all his disquisitions, does not fail to sustain the interest of the reader. The work before us is th« fruit of much research and thought, and will stand, in our opinion, as a noble defence of the character and prin- ciples 01 lien whose monument is civil and religious liberty in tht earth. This volu Tie is richly worthy of a place in the library of every college, and of every man who wishes to under- stand the true greatness of the Puritans. We presume that it will be very generally sought after and extensively read. ,1 From the N. Y. Evening Express. They set forth the causes which brought the Pilgrims to these shores, their principles, and vindicate them from the aspersions which have been cast upon them. The subject is one of the greatest interest to any person who has any desire to know the history of his own country, and to be acquainted with the principles and sufferings of the most remarkable men that ever reached this con- tinent 30 PURITANS AND THEIR PRINCIPLES. From the N. Y. fnbuiit. This is an interesting work for all who in our day ad- here to the principles of the Puritans, or reioice in a descent from the noble stock who were the champions of Freedom two centuries ago. From the New Haven Courier. The design of the work is to set forth the causes which brought the Pilgrims to these shores; to exhibit their principles ; to show what these principles are worth, and what it cost to maintain them ; to vindicate the character of the Puritans from the aspersions which have been cast upon them, and to show the Puritanic SYSTEM OF Church Polity,— as distinguished fiom the Prelatic, — broadly and solidly based on the word of God j inseparable from religious Purity and Religious Free- dom ; and of immense permanent importance to the best interests of mankind. The publication is intended to bring together such his- torical information concerning the Puritans, as is novr scattered through many volumes, and cannot be obtained but with much labor and research, and an outlay beyond the means of ordinary readers. From the N. Y. Commercial Mvertiser. The author enters with considerable minuteness into English ecclesiastical history prior to the persecutions of the Puritans, reviews the events which more immediately led to their emigration to this country, traces the effects of that step on the institutions and religious character of the people of both continents, and then enters into an ana- lysis of both prelatical and Puritanical church polity, and warmly and eloquently defends the latter. The style of the work is vigorous and clothes a subject on which much has been already written with new attractions, combining succinctness of historical detail with elegance of diction. Prom the N. Y. Courier if Enquirer. Puritans and their Principles is the title of a very hand- some octavo volume, by Edwin Hall, which has just PURITANS AND THEIR PRINCIPLES. 21 been published by Messrs. Baker & Scribner, at 145 Nassau street. Its purpose is to enable the public to judge concerning the character and history of the Puri- tans, which, as he contends, are now soperseveringly and so violently assailed ; and he has discharged the labori- ous task with great zeal and ability. He says the ut- most pains have been taken to caricature the principles, and to blacken the history of the Puritans ; and as an evidence of this he cites the fact that very many persons at the present day believe that the famous code entitled the " Blue Laws of Connecticut," once actually had a place among the statutes of that colony ;— whereas, in point of fact, they were the work of a Tory clergyman, and written expressly to blacken the character of the rebel colonists. The volume exhibits proof of the industry and zeal of the author, no less than of his ability and devotion to the principles in defence of which he writes. As to the cor- rectness of these principles, of course, we are not called upon to pronounce any judgment ; but all who are inter- ested in the subject, as indeed nearly all intelligent per- sons must of necessity be, may rely upon finding in this volume much matter, of fact and of argument, that will essentially guide their investigations. The work is printed in very handsome style, and re- flects great credit upon the newly established house by which it is published. > From the New England Puritan. This is a neatly printed octavo, of between 400 and 500 pages, from the pen of one who has proved himself a master of his subject. It gives the history of the Piiri- tans, embracing the most of its mateifl'al and interesting facts ; and also makes these facts «ubserve a defence of the character and principles of our ancestors. The work is ably and thoroughly executed, and it ought to furnish a part of the library of every descendant of the Puritans. From the N, Y. Christian Intelligencer. This is a beautiful octavo, of over 400 pp., handsomely printed. As it has but just reached us. we have given it, mmm 22 PURITANS AND THEIR PRINCIPLES. as yet, only a cursory examiration. We regard it as a very valuable book. It contains a large amount of im- portant historical matter, in a condensed form ; precious under all circumstances, but especially useful in our times, when both Scripture^ and history are studiously distorted to prove the inventions of men superior in ex- cellence to the institutions of God. The book shows the causes which brought the Pil- grims to our shores; exhibits their principles ; vindicates their character from unjust aspersions ; and states their system of church polity, as distinguished from Prelacy. It enters into the history of the Puritans and their times ; traces their progress from the discovery of one important principle to another ; exhibits them in their sufferings, wanderings, and landing on the maro^in of this wilder- ness. The claims of Prelacy the author subjects to the severe test of the Bible, reason and history. It treats historically of England, before the times of Wickliffe ; of Wickliffe and his times ; of the reign of Henry VIII. ; of Edward, Mary and Elizabeth ; of the conflict of princi- ple; of Puritan sufferings ; of the judicious Hooker ; of James I., and the going to Holland , of the voyage to America; ■ the Pilgrims at Plymouth; of the storm gathering in England; Charles I.; Archbishop Laud; founding of the Puritan churches ; rise of the civil war ; the Rule and Judge of Faith ; on the alleged right to im- pose liturgies and ceremonies ; on schism , the Church, Its officers, discipline; Episcopacy; Apostolic succes- sion, &c.. irom the Presbyterian. The author presents, in his advertisement, a summary of his tif'signs in this publication, which are " to set forth the causes v'^ ich ''rought the Pilgnms to these shores ; to exhibit 'hen- princijilns; to show what these princi- ples are wort'i, ori'l what it cost to maintain them; to vindicate the -hara'ier of the Puritans from thfi asper- sions which have bfi'ii east- upon them, and to show the Puritanic system of church polity, as distinguislicd from the Prelatic." All this is accomplished with both zeal and knowledge, and the whole narrative, extending back ■i PURITANS AND THEIR PRINCIPLES. 23 to the early times of the Puritans, and embracing a most important period of ecclesiastical history, is full ot ab- sorbing interest, not merely to the descendants of the Pilgrims, but to every American Christian. We have met with no work, 'vhich, to our mind, prese . w satis- factory, and yet succinct a history of the times aiic eventi to which it refers. From the N. Y. Baptist Recorder. The work of Mr. Hall was undertaken con amore, — his love of the Puritans is deep and unbounded. He has col- Ifti'lod his facts from an extended course of reading, and oxiiiessed his thoughts in a style which, if not brilliant, is lucid and earnest. We hail with much pleasure all such contributions to our Historical Literature. We hope those who have read Dr. Coit will read Mr. Hall. Their conclusion will Le that though the Puritans were mortal, and are justly chargeable with many inconsis- tencies and errors, they were still a noble race, the trace of whose influence is found in thf/best institutions of the world. Prom the N. Y. Evening Post. The object of the work, as he state.s in the preface, is to set forth the causes which led the Pilgrims to estab- lish themselves on this continent, to exhibit the nature and value of their principles, and show ti»e sacrifices at which they were maintained, to defend their character against the attacks levelled against it, and to vindicate thepuritanic system of Chuich Polity. The work is not historical me.cjy, but in a good measure controversial, and the author wields the wea- pons of controversy with no little dexterity and vigor. The Puritans were a class of peculiarly strong and decid- ed character — a character wnich impressed itself upon the age in which they arose, and the influence of which yet survives. The author is a warm admirer of this class, and defends their memory with zeal. He takes oc- casion to discuss the claims of prelacy at much length, not only in its historical but in its other aspects. We have no doubt that the work will be favorably received by the large religious denomination to which the author belongs. M iVRITANS AND THEIR PRINCIPLES. Pro.t the Albomy American Citizen. We cannot forbear to expresF our conviction that it is a work of great merit, and has no common claims, espe- cially upon the regard of those who have the blood of the Puritans flowing in their veins. Its historical details evince the most diligent research, and its vigorous and masterly discussion of important principles, shows a ju- dicious, discriminating, and thoroughly trained mind. As the subjects of which it treats, have, to a great extent, a controversial bearing, it cannot be expected, that all will judge in the same manner of the merits of the book, but we think all who posscis ordinary candor must agree that it is written with no common ability, and contains a great amount of useful information. Prom the Hartford Chrittian Secretary. After an Introduction, containing a glance at the con- dition of England before the days of WicklifTe, we are presented with a history of Wicfcliffe and his times, the reign of Henry VIII., and the rise of the Puritans, from whence we trace them in their conflicts, visit them in their prisons, follow them in their wanderings, and come with them to their first rude dwellings in the Ameri- can wilderness. Wp behold the foundation here rising under their hands, until the wilderness bect.me transform- ed into a fair and fruitful field. The principles of these noble men are exhibited and explained. The matter of Church Polity is discussed, and the claims of Prelacy are brought to the test of reason, of history, and of the word of God. F'rom the Christian Intelligencer. We venerate the character and the principles of the Puritans of New England. Their history we have long since regarded as one of the most important triumphs of conscience and truth our world has seen. Our country will never cease to feel the blessed influence of their faith and principles; and we rejoice in the conviction, which is more and more confiinied by every year's obser- vation, that the Puritan theology will spread itself widely over our land, and especially on the Sacramental question, will be the prevaihng view of American PURITANS AND THEIR PRINCIPLES. 25 Christians. We read with interest, accordingly, the ac- counts of the Pilgrim Celebrations, year after year, and wonder not that such enthusiasm should be manifested by those who claim lineal descent from the Pilgrim Fathers. That some things occur in connection with these occasions, which look verj' unlike the Puritans, it is mortifying to see. There have recently been some sad incongruities enacted. What, for instance, has fiddling and dancing and carousal, and all the paraphernalia of the ball-room, to do with Puritanism'? If one of the good old Puritans should rise from his rest, and come to the door of a Pilgrims' ball — would he not more readily fancy that the sons of the Cavaliers were exulting in the riddance of them, than that the sons of the Pilgrims were celebrating the holy triumphs of a self-denying piety f There is, to our mmds, very much that is wrong here. And then, how comes it that Unitarianism is so ardent in the Pilgrim Celebration f What fellowship has the Puritan system with Unitarianism 1 We we're inclined to ask, where, on the last Pilgrim Anniversary, were the Orthodox ministers — the men who occupy tne Puritan posts — of Boston"? Have they given all intp other hands — or do they seek other modes of showing their regard for the principles of their fathers, which they deem preferable to the formality of uncovering their heads as they pass the spot of hallowed memory 1 If there is any anniversary which should be kept with truly religious service, it is this ; and every proper means should be employed, that the descendants of the Puritans should know in detail their fathers' history, and the prin- ciples for which they suffered. In this view, Mr. Hall of Norwalk has done good ser- vice — but his work, in its benefits, goes very far beyond this. We noticed his book briefly, a few weeks ago, and now, after a careful reading, are prepared to speak more decidedly concerning it. We know of no work, which, in the same compass, gives so clear and satisfactory a view of the origin and progress of the principles of Pu- ritanism. There are evidences of careful and patient re- search, and a comparison of the best authorities, in pv^rv chapter. The picture of the Laudean policy is ( has its counterpart only under the bloody Maiy. i, •: ' .■ opposite side of the channel. We hope to be able to give '^o whole of this, that our readers may know more of 26 PtraiTANS AND THEIR PRINCIPLES. the man, whose High Church views Puseyism sympa- thizes in, and whose execution it celebrates as martyr- dom. The history of the successive colonies to New England is given with peculiar distinctness — and from the reading of it, we have derived a clearer knowledge of the several localities occupied. The style of Mr. Hall is vigorous, and his whole treatment of his subject manly. Our country congregations cannot fail of being well ip- formed, with such courses of lectures as these. As this work has grown out of the late outbreak of Prelatic exclusiveness — and especially in Connecticut — the author goes into the examination of the peculiar no- tions of Episcopacy. The controversy has called out several able works, and though this appears last, it loses nothing in interest, and is anticipated by nothing which has been published. In the chapters embraced in this part of the volume, there is a series of original and con- clusive reasoning. A certain Mr. Chapin, as well as Bishop Brownell, comes in for his share of the showing up. In the concluding chapter, a curtain is drawn, and we are furnished with a view of some things worth see- ing — note, for instance, the topics — " Episcopacy and Re- puWicanlsm" — " Episcopacy in the American Revolu- tion" — " Reproaches against the Puritans" — " The Table Turned." On the subject presented in this last topic. Dr. Phillips was led to say something in his late dedica- tion sermon ; the detail here given is amazing. Mr. Hall closes his volume with a review of Dr. Coit on Puritanism, and exposes him fully. Every man of New England origin, who possesses any of the Puritan spirit, we should think, would make himself acquainted with this book. We commend it to every reader. After these remarks concerning the book in general, there is one circumstance to which we would call special attention. Who has not heard of " the Blue Laws ot Connecticut" — who has not felt aggrieved that good men should he concerned in their enactment ? Behold, they are an absolute fiction — a mere Munchausen affair — ac- cording to Mr. Hall, the work of a Rev. Mr. Peters, an Episcopal clergyman, a Tory, who abaiidoned our coun- try at the opening of the Revolution, and fled to Eng land. Mr. Hall very justly expresses his amazement, that this man's fabrications should be brought out in a recent impression, with special commendation. ■ipiaipaiapnpa