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Maps, plates, cherts, etc.. may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hend corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmte A des taux de reduction diffirents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre raproduit en un saui clichA. ii est filmA d partir de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite. et de haut en bas. e.i prenant le nombre d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent ia mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 DE 4i r WIT GEO A DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA. BY ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE, AVOCAT A LA COVll KOYALE DE PARIS, ETC., ETC. jL <— WU^oH.T ^..^i\\ TRANSLATED BY ipi[RY REjEVE, Esa. WITH AN ORIGINAL PllE FACE" AND NOTES- (\ Kl* BYJOHNC.SPENCEK, counb.-.VJ *^> Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the yesr 1838, by GEO. UK A n 11 (> n N it V o . In tlio Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United Staica, for the Southern District of New York. WEW tork: CRAIGHEAD AND ALLEN, PRINTERS, NO. 112 FULTON-STKEET. ■# ':*•- PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. The following work of M. De Tocqueville, has attracted great attention throughout Europe, where it is universally regarded as a sound, philosophical, impartial and remarkably clear and distinct view of our political institutions, and of our manners, opinions and habits, as influencing or influenced by those institutions. Writers, reviewers and statesmen of all parties have united in the highest coltmeplations of its ability and integi'ity. The people described by a work of such a character, should not be the only one in Christendom xxnacciuainted with its contents. At least so thought many of our most distinguished men who have urged the publishers of this edition, to reprint the work and present it to the American liublic. They have done so in the hope of pi'omoting among their countiymen a more thorough knowledge of their frames of govern- ment, and a more just appreciation of the great principles on which they are founded. But it seemed to them, that a reprint in America of the views of an author so well entitled to regard and confidence, without any correction of the few errors or mistakes that might be found, would be in effect to give authenticity to the whole work, and that foreign readers especially, would consider silence under such circumstances as strong evidence of the accuracy of its statements. The preface to the English edition, too, was not adapted to this country, having been written, as it would seem, in reference to the political questions which agitate Great Britain. The publishers therefore applied to the writer of this, to furnish them with a short preface and such notes upon the text as might appear necessaiy to correct any eiToneous impressions. Having had the hono^/tef a personal acquaintance with M. De Tocqueville, while he was in this coun- i ? A i»- SI ■i • iv ti-y, having tliscussed with him many of the topics treated of in this book, having entered deeply into the feelings and sentiments which guided and ini})elled him in his task, and having formed a high admiration of his character and of thia production, the writer felt under some obligation to aid in procuring for one whom he ventures to call his friend, a hearing from those who were the sub- jects of his observations. These circumstances furnish to his own mind an ajiology for undertaking, what no one seemed willing to attempt, notwithstanding his want of practice in literary composi- tion, and notwithstanding the impediments of professional avoca- tions constantly recurring and interrupting that strict and continu- ed examination of the work, which became necessary, as well to detect any eiTors of the author, as any misunderstanding or mis- representation of his meaning by his translator. If the same cir- cumstances will atone in the least for the imperfections of what the editor has contributed to this edition, and will serve to miti- gate the severity of judgment upon those contributions, it is all lie can hope or ask. The ?totes, which will be found at the end of the volume, aio confined, with very few exceptions, to the correction of what ap- peared to be misapprehensions of the author in regard to somo matters of fact or some principles of law, and to explaining his meaning where the translator had misconceived it. For the latter purpose, the original was consulted ; and it aflbrds gi*eat pleasure to bear witness to the general fidelity with which Mr. Reeve has transferred the author's ideas from French into English. He has not been a literal translator, and this has been the cause of the very few errors which have been discovered : but he has been more and better: he has caught the spirit of Mr. De Tocqueville, has understood the sentiment he meant to express, and has clothed it in the language which Mr. De T. would have himself used, had he possessed equal faculty in writing the English language. There should have been references in the body of the work, to the notes: but circumstances beyond control prevented. They are so few, however, that no great inconvenience will result from reading them detached from the subjects to which they relate. Being confined to the objects before mentioned, the reader will !L' tiot find any comments on the theoretical views of our author. He has tliscussotl many subjects on which very different opinions are ^entertained in tlie United States, but with an ability, a cando^mid an evident devotion to the cause of truth, which will commend his views to those who most radically dissent from them. Indeed, readers of the most discordant opini(ms will find that he frequently agrees with l>otli sides, and as frequently differs from them. As an instance, his remarks on slavery will not Ik; found to coincide throughout, either with abolitionists or with slaveholders : but they will bo found to present a masterly view of a most perplexing and interesting subject, which seems to cover die whole ground and to lead to the melancholy conclusion of the utter imp otency of human effort to eradicate this acknowledged evil. But on this, and on the various topics of the deepest interest which are discussed in this •work, it was thought that the American readers would be fully competent to form their own opinions, and to detect any errors of the author, if such there are, without any attempt by the present editor, to enlighten them. At all events, it is to be hoped, that the citizens of the United States will patiently read and candidly con- sider the views of this accomplished foreigner, however hostile they may be to their own pre-conceived opinions or prejudices. ^ He says, — " there arc certain truths which Americans can only learn from strangers, or from experience," Let us, then, at least listen to one who admires us and our institutions, and whose complaints, wlien he makes any, are, that we have not jx^rfected our own glo- rious plans, and that there are some things yet to be amended. We shall thus fumi.sh a practical proof, that ])ublic opinion in this •country is not so intolerant as the author may be understood to re- present it. Hov\'cver mistaken he may be, his manly appeal to our -understandings and to our consciences, should at least bo heard. *' If ever, (he says,) these lines arc read in America, I am well as- sured of two things : in the first place, that all who peruse them will raise their voice to condemn me : and in the second place, that very many of them will acquit me at the bottom of their con- science." He is writing on that very sore subject, the tyranny of public opinion in the United States. Fully to comprehend the scope of the present work, the author's p t> "^ Hi vi motive and olijcct in propnrinjT it, should ho distinctly kept in view. Ho has not written for America, but for Franct?. " It was not, t then, merely to satisfy a leerceive the evils it brings, we are ignorant of the benefits it may confer. While the power of the Crown, supported by the aristocracy, peaceably governed the nations of Europe, society possessed, in the midst of its wretchedness, several different advantages which can now scarcely be appreciated or conceived. ^ The power of a part of his subjects was an insurmountable bar- • rier to the tyranny of the prin<;e ; and the monarch who felt the almost divine character whi(;li lie enjoyed in the eyes of the multi- tude, derived a motive for the just use of his power from the respect which he inspired. High as they were placed above the people, the nobles could not but take that calm and benevolent interest in its fate which the shepherd feels towards his flock ; and without acknowledging tho poor as their equals, they watched over the destiny of those whose welfai'o Providence had entrusted to their care. The people, never having conceived the idea of a social condition different from its own, and entertaining no expectation of ever rank- ing with its chiefs, received benefits from them without discussing their rights. It grew attached to them when they were clement and just, and it submitted without resistance or servility to their exactions, as to the inevitable visitations of the arm of God. Cus- tom, and the manners of the time, had moreover created a species of law in the midst of violence, and established certain limits to oppression. As the noble never suspected that any one would attempt to de- prive him of the privileges which he believed to be legitimate, and as the serf looked upon his own inferioiity as a consequence of the immutable order of nature, it is easy to imagine that a mutual ex- change of good-will took place between two classes so differently gifted by fate. Inccjuality and wretchedness were then to be found in society ; but the souls of neither rank of men were de- graded. Men are not coiTupted by the exercise of power or debased by the habit of obedience ; but by the exercise of a power which they » XV III ^ believe to 1)0 i]k\o;al, aiul by obedience to a rule which they coii- t-ider to bt? usurped and oppressive. On one side was wealth, strength, and leisure, accomi>anied by the relinenients (if luxury, the elegance of tast(% the pleasures of wit, and the nOigion of art. On the other was laboDl^nd a rndo i icrnorance : but in the midst of this coarse and itjnorant multitude, it was not uncommon to meet with energetic passions, gemu'ous sentiments, profound religious convictions, and independent vir- tues. The body of a State thus organifcd might boast of its stability, its power, and, above all, of its glftry. Hut the scene is now changi-d, and gi'adnally the two raidis n ingle ; the divisions which once severed mankind are lowered ; property is divided, pctwer is held in connnon, tlu! light of intcdli- gence spreads, and the capacities of all classes are equally cidtiva- ted ; the State becomes democratic, and tlu^ empire of democracy is slowly and peaceably introduced into the institutions and the manners of the nation. I can conceive a society in which all men would profess an equal attachment and respect for the laws of which they arc the common authors ; in which the authority of the State would be respected as necessary, though not as divine ; and the loyalty of the subject to the chief magistrate would not be a passion, but a (piiet and rational persuasion. Every individual being in the ])ossession of rights which ho is sure to retain, a kind of manly reliance and re- ciprocal courtesy would arise between all classes, alike removed from pride and meamiess. The people, well acquainted with its true interests, would allow, that in order to profit by the advantages of society, it is necessary to satisfy its demands. In this state of things, the voluntary asso- ciation of the citizens miglit supply the individual exertions of the nobles, and the community would be alike protected from anarchy and from oppression. I admit that in a democratic State thus constituted society will not be stationary ; but the impulses of the social body may be re- gulated and directed forwards; if there be less splendoimjian in the halls of an aristocracy, the contrast of misery will be less frc- qucn thos( jierl ])etu( nutio In fices ■) XIX thoy con- )aiiie(l by asiires of 11(1 ci rudo • nultltutlo, JTCIUM'OUS ulent vir- stability, i\() nuiks lowered ; of intoUi- y cultiva- cmocracy I and the an eqnal common •espected e sidyect niet and ssion of e and rc- removcd Id allow, ccessary iry asso- \s of the anarchy iety will y he re- l^an in less fre- quent also ; the pleasm-es of enjoyment may be less excessive, but those of comfort will be more general ; the sciences may be less perfectly cultivated, but ignorance will bo less common ; the im- petuosity of the feelings will bo repressed, and the habits of the nation softened ; there will bo more vices and fewer crimes. In the absence of enthusiasm and of an ardent faith, gi'eat sacri- fices may be ol)tained from the members of a commonwealth by an ap])oal to their understandings and their experience : each indivi- dual will feel the same necessity for uniting with his fellow-citizens to protect his own weakness ; and as he knows that if they are to assist he must co-ojierate, he will readily perceive that his 2)ersonal interest is identified with the intensst of the community. The nation taken as a wlioh;, will be less brilliant, less glorious, and perhaps less strong; but the majority of the citizens will enjoy a greater degi-ee of prosperity, and the people will remain quiet, not because it despairs of amelioration, but because it is conscious of the advantages of its condition. If all the consequences of this state of things wei'c not good or useful, society would at l(!ast have appropriated all such as were useful and good ; and having once and for ever renounced the so- cial advantages of aristocracy, mankind would enter into possession of all the benefits which democracy can aflbrd. lint here it may be asked what we have adopted in the place of those institutions, those ideas, and those customs of our forefathers which we have abanchmed. The spell of royalty is broken, but it has not been succeeded by the majesty of the hiws ; the people has learned to despise all au- thf^rity, but fear now extorts a larger tribute of obedience than that which was formerly paid by reverence and by love. I perceive that we have destroyed those independent beings which were able to cope with tyranny single-handed ; but it is the Government that has inherited the privileges of which families, cor- porations, aiul individuals have been di>prived ; the weakness of the whole community has therefore succeeded to that influence of a small body of citizens, which, if it was sometimes oppressive, was often conservative. The division of property has lessened the distance which sepa- iii p t'»'- 3CX / rated tlic rich from t\w poor ; but it would scu.-m tlmt tlio nearer they draw to each other, the greater is their mutual hatred, and the more vehement the envy and the dread with which they resist each other's chiims to power; the noti(m of [fight is alike insensible to both classes, and Force affords to both the oidy argument fur the present, and the only guarantee for the future. The poor man retains tlu; prejudices of his forefathers without their fiiith, and their ignorance without their virtues ; lu; has adopt- ed the doctrine of self-interi'st as the rule of his actions, without luiderstanding the science which controls it, and his egotism is no less blind than his devotedness was formerly. If society is traufpiil, it is not because it relies upon its strength and its well-being, but becaui^e it kiu)ws its weakn(;ss and its in- firmities : a single effort nuiy cost it its '.ife ; everybody feels the evil, but no one has couriige or energy enough to seek the cure ; the desires, the regi'et, the soiTOws, and the joys of the time pro- duce nothing that is visibli- or pi^rmanent, like the passions of old men which terminate in impotence. We have, then, abandoned whatever advantages the old state of things afforded, without receiving any comjjensation from our pre- sent condition ; having destroyed an aristocracy, we seem inclined to survey its ruins with complacency, and to fix our abode in the midst of them. The phaenomena which the intelh'ctual world presents are not less deplorable. The democracy of France, checked in its course or abandoned to its lawless passions, has overthrown whatever crossed its path, and has shaken all that it has not destroyed. Its empire on society has not been giadually introduced, or peac-eably established, but it has constantly advanced in the mid.'it of disorder and the agitation of a conflict. In the heat of the struggle each partisan is hunied beyond the limits of his opmions by the opinions and the excesses of his opponents, until he loses sight of the end of his exertions, and holds a language which disguises his real sen- timents or secret instincts. Hence arises tlie strange confusion which we are witnessing. I cannot recall to my mind a passage in history more worthy of sorrow and of pity than the scenes which uie happening under our i xxt 10 nearer It rod, and lioy resist insensible LMit for the s without lias adopt- s, without (tisiu is no s strcncfth iiid its in- I feels the the cure ; time pro- ons of old lid state of in our pre- m inclined ode in the its are not 1 its course 1 whatever •oyed. Its : peaceably of disorder uggle each lie opinions of the end is real sen- ! confusion I worthy of r under our jpyes; it is as if tlie natural bond which unites the opinions of man to his tastes, and his actions to his principles, was now broken ; the sympathy wliich has always been acknowledged between the feelings and the ideas of mankind appears to be dissolved, and all the laws of moral analogy to be abolished. Zeahms Chrislians may be found amongst us, whose minds are nurtured in the love and knowledge of a future life, and who readi- ly esj)ouse the cause of human liberty, as the source of all moral greatness. Christianity, which has declared that all men are equal in the sight of God, will not refuse to acknowledge that all citizens are equal in the eye of the law. But, by a singular concourse of civents, religion is entangled in those institutions which democracy assails, and it is not unfie(]uently brought to reject the equality it loves, and to curse that cause of liberty as a foe, which it might hallow by its alliiince. JJy the side of these religious men I discern others whose looks are tuiiied to the earth more than to heaven ; they are the partisans of liberty, not only as the source of the noblest virtues, but more especially as the root of all solid advantages ; and they sincerely desire to extend its sway, and to impart its blessings to mankind. It is nntural that they should hasten to i^ivoke the assistance of re- ligion, for they must know that liberty cannot be established with- out morality, nor morality without faith; but they have seen religion ill the ranks of their adversaries, and they inquire no further; some of them attack it openly, and the remainder are afraid to defend it. in former ages slavery has been advocated by the venal and slavish-minded, whilst the iude])endent and the warm-hearted were struggling without hope to save the liberties of mankind. But men of high and generous characters are now to be met with, whose opiniims arc at variance with their inclinations, and who praise that servility which they have themselves never known. Others, on the contrary, speak in the name of liberty, as if they were able to feel its sanctity and its majesty, and loudly claim for humanity those rights which they have always disowned. There are virtuous and peaceful individuals whose pure morality, quiet habits, affluence, and talents fit them to be the leaders of the surrounding population ; their love of their country is sincere, and u f. IM XMi lliijy uro |)ro])iir('(l to mnkv tlio i^rciitcst, sncrinccs to its wt'lfiiro, but they confomul tlu^ ahii.sr.s of civiliziitioii witli its Ix^nt'tits, niid the idea of evil is insrj)anil)lu in tliuir minds from that of iiov(*lty. Not f;ir from this clnsfl is aiiothor party, whoso object is to ma- toiialifc! iiiJiiikiiid, to hit ii])on what is cxjx'dient without heeding what is just, to ai'([uire knowlculi^e without faitli, and ])ros))erity aj)art from virtue ; assumiui^ the title of the chamitioiis of moch-rn . civih/ation, and jdariiiij; themselves in a station wliicii tlicy usurp with insolenee, and fr(mi which tliey are (hiven by tlieir own un- worthiness. AN'here are we then ? The rehi^ionists are the enemies of liberty, and the friends of liberty attack reliirion ; th(' hit>h-minded and the noble advocate subjection, and the meanest and most servile minds preach inde- pendence ; honi'st and enllnhfeiu'd citizens arc opj)osed to all pro- gi'css, whilst men without patriotism and without principles are the apostles of civilization and of intelliucnce. Has such been the fate t»f the centuries which have preceded our own i and has man always inhabitcMl a world, like the ])res(Mit, where nothin-'' is linked toocther, where virtue is without u:s of freedom with a contempt of law ; where the liyht thrown by conscience on human actions is dim, smd when; nothing se(>ms t(» be any longer forl»idden or allowed, hoi^^ble or shameful, false or true '. I cannot, howevi'r, believe that the (.'reator nr.ide man to leave him in an endless struggle with the intellectual miseries winch sur- round us : trod destines a calmer and a more certain future to the communities of Europe ; I am imac(iuainted with his designs, but I shall not cease to believe in them bi-cause I cann(tt fathom them, and I had rather mistrust my own capacity than his justice. There is a country in the world where the gieat revolution which I am speaking of seems nearly to hav(? reached its natural limits ; it has been efl'ected with ease and sim])licity, say rather that this country has attained the consequences of the democratic revolution which we arc undergoing, without having expeiienced the revolution itself. I 4 XXIII Av'i'lfnrp, irfita, niul f novelty, is to ma- t hoodiiif; •rospcrity )t' modern liey usurp own un- friends of ' ndvocato each indc- to nil pro- lies are the needed our w present, mt sjenius, Dnf'ounded iin witli a 1)11 human f'orltidden to leave which sur- nre to the si<>iis, hut i(»m them, revolution ts natural say rather \ :lemocratic 5 kpeiienced J The emiffrnnts wlio fixed themselves on i^ie shores of America in the l)elution, which I believe^ to be irre- sistible, is advantageous or prejudicial to mankiiul ; 1 have acknow- led'j^ed this revolution as ii fact already accomplished or on the eve of its accomjilishmeut; and 1 havi; selected tlu^ nation, from amongst those which have undergone^ it, in which its (^evelojimcnt has been the most peaceful and the most complete, in order to dis- cern its natural conse«|Ucnces, and, if it be possible, to distinguish the means by which it mtiy be rendered prolitable. I confess that in America I saw more than America; 1 sought the imacre of de- mocracy itself, with its inclinations, its (haracter, its prejudices, and its passions, in order to leani what we have to fear or to hope from its progress. ^ r p 1'] I'- hi XXiV In die first part of this work I have attempted to show the ten- dency given to the laws by the democracy of America, which is abandoned ahiiost without restraint to its instinctive propensities ; and to exhibit the course it })rescribes to the Government and the influence it exercises on affairs. 1 have sought to discover the evils and the advantages which it produces. I have examined the jirccautions used by the Americans to .^irect it, as well as those which they have not adopted, and I have undertaken to point out the causes which enable it to govern society. It was my intention to depict, in a second part, the influence which the ecjuality of conditions and the rule of democracy exer- cise on the civil society, tlie habits, the ideas, and the manners of the Americans ; I Ix'gin however, to feel less aVo m' mrihe accom- plishment of this projecjt, since the excellent work of my friend and travelling companion M. de Beaumont has been given to the world.* I do not know whether 1 have succeeded in making known what I sa^v in America, but I am certain that such has been my sincere desire, and' that I have never, knowingly, mould- ed facts to ideas, instead «.)f ideas to facts. Whenever a point could be established by the aid of written documents, I have had recourse to the original text, and to the most authentic and approved work.s.t I have cited my authorities in the notes, and any one may refer to them. Whenever an opin- ion, a i)olitical custom, or a remark on the manners of the country was concerned, I e w i len ^ orod t o consult the most ennglitened men 1 met with. Jf the point in question was important or doubtful, I was not satisfied with one testimony, but 1 formed my opinion on the evidence of several witnesses. Here the reader mu^tnecessa- * This work is entitled Marie, on I'Esclavage aiix Etats-Unis. i Legi-ilative and administrative documents liave been furnished me witii a de- gree of i)o!iteness which I sliall always remember wilii gratitude. Amongst the American fnnctionaries wiio ihns favnTed my inqniritss I am [)iond to name Mr. Edward Livingston, then Secretary of State, and hite American Minister at Paris. During my stay at lh(! Session of Congress, Mr. Livingston was kind enough to furnish me with tlie greater part of the documents I possess rel.itive to liie Fede- ral Goverinnent. Mr. Livingston is one of those rare individuals whom one loves, respects, and admires from their writings, and to whom one is huppy to in- cur the debt of gratitude on fiutheifeucquuintance. I i XXV the ten- whicli is tensities; t and the ;over the lined the as those point out influence acy exer- anners of le accom- ny friend en to the 1 making such has y, niould- if written id to the Lithorities an opin- country ncd men jubtful, 1 inion on necessa- with ri (Ic- moiiji;st the iiiuiic Mr. tor .It Paris. enough to (he Fodt- whom one iippy to in- rily beheve mo upon my word. I could frr quently have quoted names which are eitlier known to him, or which deserve to be so, in proof of what I advance ; but I have carefully abstained from this practice. A stranger frequently hears important truths at the fire-side of his host, which the latter would perhaps conceal even from the car of friendship ; he consoles himself with his guest for the silence to which he is restricted, and the shortness of the tra- veller's stay takes away all fear of his indiscretion. I carefully noted every conversation of this nature as soon as it occurred, but these notes will never leave my writing-case ; I had rather injure the success of my statements than add my name to the list of those strangers who repay the generous hospitality they have receiv' d by subsequent chngrin and annoyance. I am aware that, notwithstanding my care, nothing will be easier than to criticise this book, if any one ever chooses to criticise it. Those readers who may examine it closely will discover the fun- damental idea which connec'ts the several parts together. But the diversity of the subjects I have had to treat is exceedingly great, and it will not be difficult to oppose an isolated fact to the body of facts which 1 quote, or an isolated idea to the body of ideas I put forjh. I hope to be read in the spirit which has guided my laboyjmid that my book may be judged by the general imjiression it leaves, as I have formed my own judgment not on any single reason, but upon the mass of (nidence. It must not be forgotten that the author who wishes to be under- stood is obliged to push all his ideas to their utmost theoretical consequences, and often to the verge of what is false or impracti- cable ; for if it be necessary sometimes to (juit the rules of logic in active life, such is not the case in discotu>'e, and a man finds that almost as many diffic.ilties spring from inconsistency of language, as usually arise from consistency of conduct. I conclude by pointing out myself what many readers will con- sider the principal defect of the work. Tlii:-' book is written to fa- voW lu) particular views, and in composing it 1 have entertained no design of serving or attacking any jiarty : 1 have undertaken not to see differently, but to look further than parties, and whilst they are busied for the morrow, 1 have turned my thoughts to the i'uture. r r. P 'Mil :! Pre FA Intiodi Exteri( Origin fiiiiii 111 Social I Tl Po The pri Necessi Unioi Tl. Lin All E\\ Pill Tli( A(Ji (i.M Of Til. Pol S Jiuliciiil socit'11 Otii Political TABLE OF CONTENTS, Prkfack by the American Editor ..... Introduction - - - - ■ • - . ■ CIIAPTEU I. Exterior form of Nortli America ..... CIIAPTEU, H. Origin of tlic Anglo-Americans, and its inii)()rtance in relation to their fninre condition ....... Ri-asons of certain anomalies which the laws and customs of the Anglo-Americans present ..... ^CHAVTER III. Social condition of the Anslo-Aincricans .... The striking cliara"*eri r)0 (iO fi4 (it (iU Cj7 78 r (\ r, Kill P II {• ") IV XXVlll m CHAPTER VIII. Page. The Federal Constitution - - - - - - 90 ^ History of the Federal Constitution .... 91 Summary of the Federal Constitution .... 93 Prerogative of tlie Federal Government .... 94 Federal Powers ---.-.. 96 Legislative Powers ---... 96 A ftntlier dillbrence between the Senate and the House of Repre- sentativesi ...... -99 The executive power ...... 100 Ditlereiices between tlio position of the President of the United States and that of a Constitutional King of France - - 102 Accicl-^'ital causes which may increase the influence of the Executive Government --..... 105 Why the President of the United States does not require the ma- jority of the two houses in order to carry on the Govermneut 106 Election of llie President - - - - . -107 ]\Iode of elec'tiou - - - . - . .Ill Crisis of tlie election ...... 114 Ke-e!ec:ii()ii of t.'ie President • - - - .116 Federal Courts - - - - . - . llrf Rleans of ilcterniiuiiiir the jurisdiction of the Federal Courts - 1-' Dill'erent cases of jiiiisdiciion ..... I'i3 Procedure of tlio I'eilcrai Courts ..... I"i7 High rank of the Supreme coinls amongst the great powers of the State ........ 130 In what respects the Federal Constitution is superior to that of the States ... . . . . 132 Characteristics which distinguish tlie Federal Constitution of the I'liited Slates of Auii-rica from all otiit.'r Federal Constit(Ui()ns - 13G Advantages of the Federal system in general, and its special utdity in America ....... 139 "NViiy the I'ederal system is imt adapted to a'l peoples, and how the Anglo Americans were enabled lo adopt it - - - 145 (VEIAPTER IX. ^Vhy the People may strictly hv. said to govern in the United States - 153 CIIAPTKll X. Parties in the I'nited States 154 v.'Tlemains of the Aristocratic party in the United States - - . 159 (MIAPTKK, XI. Liberty of the press in the United States. 161 CHAI'TER XII. Political associations in the I'nited States ...... 170 ('HAPTini XIII. Govermneut of the Democracy in AuKMiea . - - - - 178 Universal SiillV.ige - -. 179 Choice of the I'eople, and instinctive prelVrenccs of the American Democracy ...---.... 179 Caii-;t's which may partly correct tliese tendencies of the Demo- cracy ..".' 182 Inliiii'iice wiiich tlie American Democracy has exercised on the laws relating to elections - 185 Public ollicers under tiie control of the Democracy in America - lti7 Arbitrary jjower of Magistrates under the rule of the American Democracy 189 I ( 1 r V c E s c -/AVbat Gov G P N R( A( Y Unlimi } BCCpil 1J( T\ El Ell /ti Causes A I) Th I Ti Princip; Unit! Ac( / " lull /lull I R. ti tJ " XXIX Page. 91 93 94 96 96 99 100 102 105 106 107 111 114 116 llrf 1>1 1-23 1-^7 130 132 130 139 145 153 154 159 161 170 17S 179 17a 182 1H5 lti7 1S9 Instability of the Administration in the United States ... Cliarges levied by the State under the rule of the American Demo- cracy ....-.-- Tendencies of the American Democracy as regards the salaries of pubiic olHcers .... - - - DiHiculty of distin^nishins the causes which contribute to the oeco- notuy of the American Cio\ eminent . . - - Wl)elher the cxpetiditure of liie United States can be compared to that of F'raiice Corruption and vices oftlie rulers ni a Democracy, and consequent effects upon pulilic morality F.lTorts of wlii(^h ;i Democracy is capable - . . . - S<;lf control of the American Democracy ..... Conduct of Foreign Affairs, by the American Democracy / CHAPTER XIV. /What the real advantages are which American Society derives from the Governmeiu of ihe Democracy ....-.- General tendency of tiie laws under the rule of the American De- mocracy, and habits of those who apply them . - . - Public s])irit in the United Stales - Notion of rights in the United States ■ „ . . . Respect for the law in the United States - . - . . Activity wiiich pervades all the branches of the body politic in the United States; inlluence wiiich itexercises upon Society - CHAPTER XV. ^ Unlimiled power of the majoriiy in the United States, and its con- Bccpieiices -- -- -- .-.-. llow ilic unlimited power of the majority increases in America, the instability of li'gislatiou mlierent in Democracy . . . Tyriiimy of the iiiajorily ... ..... EllVcis of the uiiiimitcil power of the majority upon the arbitrary aiillidrily of the American public ollicers . . . . Power exercised by tlie majority in America upon public opinion ElltM ts of the tyranny of the majoriiy upon the national character ,- of the Americans .-......, /Tlie gieatest dangers of the American Kepublics proceed from the unlimia'd power of the majority - ..... CHAP'J'EK XVI. v'' Causes whicii mitigate the tyranny of the majority in the United -'tates. Absence of ('eiitral Administration ...... The I'rofession of the Law in the United States serves to counter- poise th(; Denmciacy ........ Trial by Jury in the United Slates considered as a political institu- tion ........... CHAPTER XVH. Principal causes which tend to maintain the Democratic Republic in the United States Accidental or Providential causes whicli contribute to the niainte- - / nance of the Deinoera-lic Kepnblic in the United States Intliiciicc of the 'aws upon the maiiiiciiainc of the Democratic Re- / public in the United Slates ....... / Iiiiliii'iic(> of maiiiie. upon liie maintenance of the Democr itic U(>- piibiic in the United ."^tales ....... Reliiiiciii cdiisiih^red as a political iiistitutioii, which [)owerfiillv con- tributes to Ihe mainlenance of the Democratic liepublic amongst the Americans I 1/ Page. 191 19:i 197 199 SCO 2(15 y(i7 'J 10 217 218 '2>-i 225 228 230 235 238 240 243 244 247 250 252 252 253 261 268 269 279 280 281 r r fit* p t> XXX "m InJirect influence of religious opinions upon political society in the United Stiites Principal causes which render religion powerAil in America How the instruction, the hahits, and the practical experience of the Americans promote tiio success of their Democratic institutions The laws contrihiite more to the maintenance of the Democratic Repuliiic in the United States than the physical circumstances of the country, and the manners more than the laws Wluitlier laws and manners arc sntlicient to maintain Democratic iiistitntions in other countries hesides America .... Importance of what precedes with rcs})ect to the State of Europe (CHAPTER XVIII. The present and probable future condition of the three Races which in- habit the territory ol" the United States Tlie present and probable future condition of the Indian Tribes which inhai)it the territory possessed by the Uni >n . Situation of the Clack I'o[)ulation in the I'liited States, and dangers with which Its presence threatens the Whites .... What are the chances in fivor ofthe duration of the American Union and what dangers threaten it Ofthe Republican instiiutions ofthe United Slates, and what their ch:inccs()l"(hnMtion are ........ Reflections on the causes ofthe commercial prosperity ofthe United States Conclusion ,..;....... Appendix • . • Notes by the American Editor Page. 2P4 289 296 300 304 307 312 i 318 '■ 326 t 3G2 396 North I 401 the 409 Revo 415 Coloi 441 Amer ^Van. guagc NoRTt feature ■\ A so ration < grand 1 jects ai Till. gions, Pole, a stretcht sides m The include The the l-:qi The towards most be immens deep va rivers xt brm va Page, 284 289 296 300 304 307 DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA. 312 318 326 u ' 3G2 396 401 409 415 441 CHAPTER I. EXTERIOR FORM OF NORTH AMERICA. North AiTiP'"ica divided into two vast regions, one inclining towards tlio Pole, the otlicr towards tiio Equator. — Valley of the Mississippi — Traces of the Revolutions of the Glohe. — Shore of the Atlantic Ocean, where the English Colonies were fonnded. — DitVerence in the appearance of North and of South America at the time of their discovery. — Forests of North America. — Prairies.— Wandering Tribes of Natives. — Their outward appearance, manners, and lan- : guagc. — Traces of an unknown people. ; North Ai^ierica presents in its external form certain general features which it is easy to discriminate at the first glance. A sort of methodical order seems to have regulated the sepa- ration of land and water, mountains an-1 valleys. A simple but grand arrangement is discoverable amidst the confusion of ob- ijects and the prodigious variety of scenes. ] Tliis Continent is divided, almost etiually, into two vast re- igions, one of which is bounded, on the north by the Arctic •|Polc, and by the two great Oceans on the east and west. It Istretches towards the south, I'orming a triangle, wiiose irregular Jisides meet at length below the great lakes of Canada. } The second region begins where the other terminates, and fincludes all the remainder of the continent. I Tlie one slopes gently towards the Pole, the other towards Ithe liquator. ! Tiie territory comprehended in the first region descends Jtowards the north with so imperceptible a slope, that it may al- nost be said to form a level plain. Within the bounds of this mmense tract of country there are neither high mountains nor Icep valleys. Streams meander through it irregidarly ; great ivers mix their currents, separate and meet again, disper