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Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reprodult en un seul clich6, il est film6 d partir de I'angle sup^rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 ^m^mifmm'^'mm: M ^P' THE PROPOSED RECIPROCITY TREATY: H HI AN ADDRESS DELIVEBED BY REQUEST OF REPRESENTATIVES OP THE LEADING MANUPACTURINO INDUSTRIES OP THE UNITED STATES, AT THE ACADEMY OF MUSIC, PHILADELPHIA, OCTOItEB m, 1874. BY Hon. WM. D. KELLEY. PHILADELPHIA; COLLINS, PRINTER, 705 JAYl^E STREET. 1874. p PHI BY I i (1^) bo !?£ THE PROPOSED RECIPROCITY TREATY: AN ADDllESS DELIVERED BY REQUEST OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE LEADING MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES OF THE UNITED STATES, AT THE ACADEMY OF MUSIC, PHILADELPHIA, OCTOBER 'JS, 1874. BY Hon. WM. D. KELLEY. PHiLADELPHIA: COLLINS, PRINTER, 705 JAYNE STREET 1874. RECIPROCITY TREATY. Ladies and Gentlemen : Regarding the so-called reciprocity treaty now pending l)ofore the Senate of tlic United States as one of tlie most in'iportant measures ever submitted to tliat body, I clieerfully comply with the request of the representatives of the manufacturing and indus- trial interests of Philadelphia to express my views upon it ; and without detaining you with preliminary remarks will proceed at once to the consideration of the subject. The Source of British Supremacy. The story of the British army and navy is a continuous page of glory, the lustre of which is rarely dimmed by a cloud even such as those our fathers cast upon it by their success in achieving the independence of the colonies, and during the war of 1812. y'et in no sense has England made her chief or most remunerative con- quests by means of her army and navy. Diplomacy is the instru- mentality by which these have been achieved; and should the treaty now pending be ratified and submitted to by the American people it would, though her representatives would have us believe that it is simply a measure providing for a reciprocal treaty between the Dominion of Canada and the United States, be tlie*^ grandest and most profitable of her diplomatic conquests. The Imperial government, so they would make us believe, does but consent that the Canrcdian government may propose to the government of the United States the terms of sucli a treaty, and that its minister at Washington, as an act of grace towards the provinces, may conduct negotiations relating thereto, in conjunction with a representative of Canada. Meanwhile we are not to be permitted to know that England is the party supremely interested, and the only one of^ the contracting parties to whose honor and profit the treaty wiU redound. The Canadians do not want the Treaty. Tho phviise a "■ put up .iol>" is probably unknown to diplomatic circles, though it is often used in the neighborhood of police otlices and criniiual courts. Tiong years ago, when I prosecuted the pleas of this county, I learned that this ill-sounding phrase expressed the fact that crafty people had so arranged circumstances as to enable them to charge an innocent party who migiit be obnoxious to them with a criminal or discreditable transaction, and thus induce the government to put him out of their way ; and if this treaty should be approved by the Senate", and ratified Ity the President, the phrase should thencefoi'th be incorporated into the language of diplomacj'; for the Canadian people do not ask for a renewal of reciprocity, are opposed to almost every provision of the scheme now proposed in their name, and will suUer from some of its provisions more vitall}' than we can from any of them. They number but four millions, and it will bind them in perpetual vassalage ; but as we number forty millions, we ma}', by the free use of our army, navy, and militia, now so largely composed of tried veterans, emancipate ourselves. Not onl}' do the Canadians not desire this treaty, but man}- of them denounce it as a job put up by the British govern- ment and the ambitious leaders of their own Dominion who recog- nize the Imperial government as the fountain of wealth and honor. A Few English Diplomatic Conquests. Before proceeding to the consideration of the details of the treaty, and pointing out the dangers with which its provisions threaten tho industries and finances of Canada and the United States, let me call your attention to a few of England's diplomatic conquests, which will serve to illustrate the means by which she extends her commerce and forces her productions upon foreign nations, to the destruction of their enterprise and the prevention of the development of their natural resources. In 1535 Europe trembled before the advancing hordes of Solyman the Magnificent, the Sultan of Turkey, from whose victorious grasp Vienna had just narrowly escaped. All Europe trembled before the steady con- quests of the Moslem chief. But notwithstanding this almost universal fear, Francis the First and Charles the Fifth found time to train their armies in a war between France and the German Empire. In this war England was not engaged, yet one of its incidents paved the way to her conquest of Turkey, which she now holds in subjection to her will almost as completely as she does Ireland or India, both of whom are victims rather of her dii)lomacy th ed ta di to go than of licr prowess. Frnncis, anxious to avenge tlic defeat of Pavia, made secret [)roposals to the Porte for an alliance by means of which he could threaten the introduction of the Moslem into Italy. The Turk was too proud to bind himself by a treaty, but, calling it a truce or armistice, he entered into stipulations with France which received the name of capitulations, l^efore that time no Christian country had entered into treaty relations or other conventiouH with the infidel, and Francis brought himself into dis- credit with all Christian powers by having thus recognized the Moslem as a power that ought to exist. lie was denounced in every tongue and at every court. It wffs then for the first time that Europe declared one traitor to be worse than ten Turks. IJut bitter as were the denunciations of Christian rulers they were with- drawn when it was discovered that the terms Francis had made were good for trade. Having discovered this they not only held their peace, but hastened to enter into like capitulations. Venice concluded hers in less than (ive years; Austria hers in 1507; Fug- land did not succeed until 1570, ten years after the original articles had been renewed; and Holland not until 1598. Among the renewed capitulations was a provision tliat the duties on the importation of manufactures into Turkey should be fixed at three per cent, ad valorem, and of this provision England got the benefit. It was not, let me leniark in passing, stipulated that the duty should be calculated on the value of the article in Turkey, and the practice has been for foreign exporters to fix their value and thus determine the amount on which the three per cent, should be paid. Of course, the glories of the Ottoman power soon vanished, and poor Turkey has been known to our generation as the Sick Man of Europe. The Turk, though invincible in arms, was enslaved by diplomacy. Encouraged by her success at Constantinople, England sought similar treaties with the States on the Barbary coast — with Tunis, Tripoli, Morocco, and subsequently forced such provisions u})on Persia, Muscat, Siam, Japan, and China. It is due to her to say that in some instances she has permitted her victims to exact as high as five per cent, duty on the English valuation of goods. A writer in the Fortnightly Metneio for July last, to whom I acknowl- edge my indebtedness, says : — " In the same way and at the same time, we have everywhere ob- tained that our goods shall be imported into all these countries at duties of either three or five per cent. We are continuing to apply to Eastern nations this double system of tariti's and jurisdiction of goods and judges. To attain those ends we use all sorts of means, from courteous invitations to Iioinbardnicnts. Wo prefer to oniploy lucre el()unl)oat8, and in tliat convincing way Ave induce hesitating ' barbarians' not only to accept our two unvarying con- ditions, but also to pay the cost of the expedition by whicli their consent to these conditions was extorted from them. AVe tried jiatienee and polite proposals with Tunis, Tripoli, and Morocco. Cliina was so unwilling to listen to our advice, so blind to the striking merits of our opium and our consuls, that we were obliged, with great regret, to resort to gentle force witli her. .Japan pre- sents the most curious «xaniplo of the series ; it is made up of ignorance circMmvented and of indignation frightened. Indeed, if we iiad sjjace for it, the story of the Japan treaties would be worth telling, because it is a very special one, because it is the newest triumpli of our justice abroad, and because it may be taken as in- dicative of our present ' manner,' as painters say." Reciprocity Eradicated the Woollen Factories of Portugal. Unlike these cases was that of the famous Methuen treaty of 1084 with Portugal. The Portuguese had made great progress in the manufacture of woollen goods, and had become immense pro- ducers of wool. The people steadily increased in prosperity, and the government found annually iucreasing revenues llowing into its colters. Tracing these good results to the establishment of man- ufactures, the government prohibited the i'ltroduction of woollen goods from other countries, but unhappily named the articles i)ro- hibited. English manufacturers evaded the prohil)ition by chang- ing the names and modifying the character of their productions. Serges and druggets were names, then wholly unknown to the Portuguese, but with which the English were soon to make them familiar by Hooding their markets with goods competing with their own i)roductions under these hitherto unknown names. Determin- ing to protect the industries of its people and its own revenues, the Portuguese govennnent proliiljited the importation of articles bear- ing these new names and of woollen cloths generally. English manufacturers, finding themselves excluded from Portu- guese markets, invoked the aid of their governm.ent, and demanded that it should destro}' these industries which threatened their pro- fits and their commercial supremac}'. The establishment and pro- tection of manufactures was, however, not a recognized cause of war. The arm}' and navy were, therefore, i)owerIess in the premises, but the British government did not turn a deaf ear to the appeal, and would try what diplomac}' might accomplish, and Methuen, her IS. le m ill' in- iC ;u'- ■Lu- led iro- I'O- )Ut ind her wily ri'pi'cscntiitivo, whispering reciprocity to tlie rortui^uosc ^oy- crmnunt, 8ii<^at Canada shall, before the 1st of Janu- ary, 1880, construct a canal of like dimensions to connect the St. Lawrence at a point near Cauhnawaga with Lake Champlain, and binds the United States to urge the government of the State of New York to cause the canal at Whitehall on Lake Champlain to Albany to bo enlarged, and if necessary extended, or another or other canals to be constructed of equal capacity with tlie Caughnawaga canal, and the navigation of the Hudson River to be improved, so as to admit the passage to the lower waters of the Hudson River of vessels drawing twelve feet of water. When this shall all have been accomplished, will not, I ask you, the maritime frontier of tiie British provinces have been extended to the wharves of New York, and an ample channel have been pro- vided for the approach of English war vessels of light draught to our commercial metropolis? Tiie pi'ovisions of Article YIIL, which secure the free use of these channels to Canadian vessels, are so complicated, and expressed with so much subtlety, that I prefer to state them in the language of the treaty. They are as follows: — " It is agreed, that for the term of years mentioned in A rticle XIIL of this treaty, the citizens of the United States shall enjoy the use of the Welland, the St. Lawrence, and other canals in the Dominion of Canada (including the proposed Caughnawaga Canal), on terms of equality with the inhabitants of the Dominion of Canada, and that without interfering with the right of the government of Canada to impose such tolls on the aforesaid Canadian canals respectively as it ma}' think (it, the tolls shall be levied in relation to the number of the locks in each canal, without any drawback or discrimination, wiiatever the destination of the vessel, or whether one or more canal or canals, or part of a canal, be passed. " And it is also agreed that for the like term of years the inhabitants of Canada shall enjoy the use of the St. Clair Flats Canal on terms of equality with the inhabitants of the United States ; and that the navigation of Lake CI\amplain and Lake Michigan shall be free and open for the purpose of commerce to the inhal)itants of Canada, subject to any laws or regulations of the United States, or of the 10 States bordering thereon respectively, not inconsistent with siicli privileges of free navigation. "And the United States further engage to urge upon the govern- ments of the States of New York and of Michigan to secure to the inliabitants of Canada tiie use of the Eric, the AVhitehall, the Sault Ste. ]\Iarie canals, and of any enlarged or extended or new canal or other improvement connecting Lake Champlain witli tlie lower waters of the Hudson River which may be made, as contemplated in Article YI., on terms of equality with the inhabitants of the United States. "And it is mutually agreed that full power shall be given and allowed to transsliip cargo from vessels into canal boats, and from canal boats into vessels, at either terminus of every canal. "And further, that if tlie use of the Erie and AVhitehall, or other canal connecting Lake Champlain with the lower waters of the Hudson River and of Sault Ste. Marie canal, be not granted to tlie inhabitants of Canada on terms of equalit}' with the citizens of the United States, as contemplated in this article, then the use of the proposed Caughnawaga canal by the citizens of the United States, as above contemplated, shall be suspended and cease until the use of the said canals in the United States shall be secured to the inhabitants of Canada, as above contemplated." It would Abolish our Ship-yards and Commercial Marine. The remarkable growth of our ship-3'ards and increase of our commercial marine was secured by the First Congress and the Administration of Washington, when they enactcKl and carried into effect navigation laws, which provided that all exchange of commo- dities between United States ports sliould be carried in vessels built in the country and owned exclusively by American citizens residing in the country. Our domestic or coastwise commerce is more than thirty times as great as our foreign commerce, and by securing it to American-built vessels, owned and manned by Ame- rican citizens, the fathers assured the growth of our ship building and the maintenance of a training-school for sailors lit for the duties of commerce or war. Rut the English draftsman of this treaty has discovered tliat the wisdom of the fathers was folly. Tliat it is not necessar}- for a commercial republic with a more extended coast than demands protection at the hands of any other jjcople, to have eitiier ship-^'ards or a training-school for sailors, and that it will best consult its interests and its honor by permitting the sultjects of its manufacturing and commercial rival to build its vessels and conduct the carrying trade between its ports. Lest it may be 11 doubted wliether British effrontery could go so fur as to submit such a proposition as this, let ine remind you tliat we import most of our ship-timber from Canada, tliat wages in the Dominion are but from sixtj'-six to seventy -live per cent, of those we customaril}- pay, and invite your attention to Article IX., which is as follows :— " For the term of years mentioned in Article XIII. of this treaty, vessels of all kinds built in the United States may be purchased by inhabitants of Canada, subjects of Great Britain, and registered in Canada as Canadian vessels, and, reciprocally, vessels of all kinds built in Canada may be purchased hy citizens of the United States, and registered in the United States as United States ves- sels." It may not be improper to remark to the ladies who honor me witli their presence, and who are not familiar with the technical language of commerce, that a vessel registered as a United States vessel may sail under our flag and engage in our domestic or coast- wise carrying trade; and that as timber is so much cheaper and wages so niucli lower in Canada than in the United States, we Avould under this stipulation soon count shii)-building as a lost art. Whether at the end of twenty-four years, for which the treat}' is to bind us, Congress could revive it by annuling the treaty and reviv- ing the wise navigation laws of the fathers, no thoughtful man v ill attempt to sa3^ It Proposes to Remit Jurisdiction over Part of our Territory, Liglit- houses, and Fisheries to Joint Commissions. Not content with extending the British frontier to the wharves of Xew York and extirpating our ship-yards, the authors of this pro- ject propose that we shall yield jurisdiction over our soil — so far as the matter of lighthouses on tlie great lakes, and the promotion of the propagation of fish in inland water, which are to be made com- mon to both people — to joint commissions; and, after having thus illustrated the excessive modesty of British diplomacy, the treaty graciously provides, that, after the expiration of twenty-one 3-ears from the 1st day of July, IS75, either of the high contracting par- ties may give notice of its wish tliat, at the end of three years from the giving of such notice, the treaty shall terminate. As it would require Congress to instruct the President to give such notice, more tiian a quarter of a century must elapse before we will be able to escape peaceably from the crippling, dwarfing, and enfeebling pro- visions of tills treaty about which the people were not to be con- sulted. What minister or senator has the prescience to determine the fiscal policy this country will require ten or twenty years hence, 12 or at the end of a quarter ccntnr3'! Has the executive power the right to deprive Congress of its constitutional control of the revenue system of the country for a quarter of a centurj' ? And will the American people consent to be impoverished for so long a period by such an assumption of power by any executive? These are questions worthy of grave consideration. Whose imagination can adequately portray the condition of our country a quarter century hence? My poor powers shrink from the task. One thing, how- ever, is certain — if we avoid such " entangling alliances" as this and grow at our normal rate, the American people will, a quarter of a century hence, number nearly if not quite one hundred millions. What will bo their condition as to wealth, refinement, and power I will not attempt to suggest, but a brief retrospect ma}' help you to conceive it. Permit me, tiiorefore, to repeat a few remarks I made from this desk on the 12th of June, 1871. The Results of a Quarter of a Century. A quarter of a century ago there was no San Francisco. Not a cabin or a hut stood witliin the now corporate limits of that beau- tiful and prosperous cit}'. California, Nevada, Arizona, and New Mexico were still Mexican territory'. Neither science nor observa- tion had detected the deposits of gold and silver, or the agricul- tural capabilities of that vast region of country. The great rail- road centre of the West, Chicago, had not yet come into public view. The less than 10,000 people who had gathered at the conllu- ence of the Chicago river with Lake Michigan, had no presentiment that the swamp in which they dwelt would, in less than tAvonty years, be filled up and raised nearly twenty feet, to provide drainage for the streets of the most enterprising and remarkable city of its age in the world. Micliigan then had a population of less than 250,000, and Missouri and Iowa each but 100,000; and civilization had not yet penetrated tlie wild region known as Minnesota Terri- tory, where the census takers, four years later, found but G038 people. Four years later there were but 91,035 people in California, which had then been ceded to us by Mexico, and admitted to the Union as a State, and whose recently discovered deposits of gold had attracted immigrants from every clime. There was no govern- ment in Kansas and Nebraska, that whole fertile region being in possession of the Indian and buffalo. The name of that busy cen- tre of river and railroad commerce, Omaha, had not been heard by English-speaking people, and the vast mineral, grazing, and agri- cultural region through wliich the Union and Central Pacific Rail- road is now doing a profitable and rapidly increasing business, was 13 noted by geographers as the " Great American Desert." Philadel- phia had no railroad connection with Pittsburg, I'ittsburg none with Cincinnati or Chicago, nor any of these with St. Louis. The nortliwestern part of our State was known as the "Wild Cat Country," in which it was regarded as a misfortune to own land unless it was timbered and on the banks of a mountain stream ; and properties in that wide section in which coal and petroleum have since been discovered, were sold every few years for taxes, because people could not afford to own land in such a cold, moun- tainous, unproductive, and inaccessible country. Surely the world moves, and time does work wonders. "What railroads we have you know ; wliat railroads we are to have you only begin to suspect. In Europe during this quarter of a century dynasties and the boundaries of empires have changed, but the in- crease of population has been scarcely perceptible. The oppres- sions of the feudal past linger there and cannot be shaken off. But hei'e, where man is free, and nature offers boundless returns to en- terprise, broad empires have risen, embracing towns, cities, and States ; and millions of people, born in many lands, with povertj' and oppression as their only birthright, are now, as American citi- zens, enjoying all the comforts and refinements of civilization, and with capital rivalling that of European princes, originating and preti^ing forward great enterprises which are in the next quarter of a century to work more marvellous changes than any I have alluded to. Yes, ladies and gentlemtMi, were supernal power to unfold to our view our country as it shall l)e a quarter of a century hence, the most far-seeing and sanguine of us would regard the reality as a magniiicent delusion. Our extension of territory and law, great as it has been, is of small consequence in comparison with the achievements of mind in the empire of science and art, whereby man is enabled to produce tenfold, and in many departments of productive industry a hundred-fold as much as he could twenty-five years ago by the same amount of labor. New roads are to be built, new towns, cities, and States to be created, new resources to be de- veloped ; and the sluggish people of the Orient are to be awakened to their own interest, and induced to contribute their vast share to the progress and commerce of the world. The vision that filled the soul of Columbus was a grand one, but that which opens to our view, and should possess and animate us, is as much grander and more beneficent as the civilization and arts of the close of the nine- teenth century are superior to those of the dawning days of the fourteenth century. 14 The Canadians are Opposed to the Treaty. The people of Canadii do not desire this trejity. Indeed, they justly dread it more than we liave reason to. They see that it is I'eplete with causes of niisundorstandiufr between the United States and Great Britain, and that more than one of these are grave enough to be a possible cause of war. In such an event Canada would be the battle-field; for with the TJritisli frontier brought to the lieart of our country it would be impossible to defend it except by over- running Canada, blockading the St. Lawrence, and maintaining an adequate line rrt" defence at a point east of Quebec. I have ol)served several allusions to this possibilit3' in Canadian discussions of tlie question. But on otiier i)oint8 they speak more freely. Tlie Hamil- ton S2yoclator, in a thouglitful article concerning the treaty, said: — "Not only does this treaty propose iVec trade between us and the United States, but it involves free trade between us and (Jreat Britain. It is not to be supposed that the British government has consented to the treaty without stipulating for the same privileges for their own people as are to be accorded to those of the United States. It has long been the settled policy of the empire that no other nation shall ol)tain a favored position in the markets of the colonies. And it is not at all jirobable that Mr. Disraeli would con- sent to a different policy without the consent of Parliament. Even if he did, the public sentiment of England would condemn the act and demand its reversal. Beyond a doubt the acceptance of this treaty means free trade with both the United States and Great Britain. Is there a sane man in Canada who believes our infant manufacturing industry can withstand the shock of that comI)ined assault? But this free trade is not only fraught with ruin to our manufacturing industry, but it also dries up the main source of our present revenue. Now the national works which the faith of the country is pledged to cavvy out, require that our revenues should be increased, not diminished. From what source, then, is that in- crease and the deficienc}' caused by the treat}-^ to be made good? Every one will see that direct taxation is our only resort under such circumstances." In another article, approving the protest of the Dominion Board of Trade .ngainst the treaty, the same paper says: "It is folly any longer to disguise the fact that unless we are saAX'd I)y the United States Sennte we are on the eve of a crisis which ought to make thoughtful men pause and consider. If this 'leap in the dark' is once taken, it cannot, unfortunately, be recalled, even if the authors of it become convinced of their mistake. For nearlj' a quarter of a u tl 15 "cl centuiy tlic treaty moulds our fiscal policy' if It is accei)te(l. Xo matter what changes may take place in our comlitioii during that time, no matter what oxperieuco we may gain in that time, we leave ourselves powerless to take advantage of cither. Our people may grow restive under the burden of direct taxation which the treaty will ccrtainl}^ impose, but they will be bound hand and foot to it, without the possibility of escape. The United States can afford the risk of this experiment, because even if it should prove injurious to them it will be but a drop in the bucket, but to us the question is a vital one; if avc make a mistake in this matter it is a vital one." On the 23d of September a large and intelligent meeting assem- bled in St. Lawrence TTall, Toronto, on the call of his Worshij) the Mayor, for the purpose of considering the treaty. The time of hold- ing the meeting was selected with reference to the simultaneous assembling at Toronto of an important political convention, ami the holding of a provincial exhil)ition of the mineral, mechanical, and agricultural productions of the Dominion. Quite a number of gen- tlemen addressed the meeting, and I will detain you on this point long enough to quote briefly' from some of their addresses: — Mr. IIcAvitt said that, ','in looking back to the history of their country the}' would find out that it had not long emerged from a wilderness. The thing the}- now ought to do was to try to develop the mineral resources of the country, and also to develop manufac- tures. It would not be well for Canada to remain simpl}' an agri- cultui'al community. It has never been asserted by those who de- sired to see the trcit}' passed that it would benefit the iron, leather, or i)nper trade, but it had been said that the agricultural classes would l)e benefited." lie also observed that " it was well for a country to develop its own resources, and also to consume its own productions. The treaty, if passed, would entail many difficulties on this conntr}'; for if it were found to be impossible for Canada to fulfil the obligations contained in the treat}' regarding the deep- ening and building of the canal, it would probably bring about a quarrel with the United States." Mr. Re3'nold.s said that " the treaty would probably bring al)out direct taxation, and that the farmers would not desire to promote such a state of things." Mr. E. O. Bickford said " George Brown was the cause of this treaty, he having originated it, and he only did so for the sake of self-aggrandizement. It had been argued that England did well under a policy of free trade, but he should like to point out that the trade of England had been built up under a protective policy, and England only desired free trade when her manufactures had 16 been tlioroufjjlily built up. If Cuiiivchi passed the reciprocity treaty, the mamifiicLnring interests of the country would altocrether be done away with. Under tlu; present circumstances cniijirants could al- wiiys got work, but if the treaty were adopted tiiere would be no work for a large number of persons who arrive in this country from the lands of Europe." Dr. Holies, who was one of the first speakers, reminded the meet- ing that it was not political, but one which had come together to consider a matter affecting the social welfare of the country for the next twenty years, and added that it was the general opinion in Canada that the treaty had not been negotiated in a constitutional manner, as the government ought to have originated the matter, and not Mr. George JJrown. Mr. Brown had for many years ob- jected to endeavoring to get the United States to grant a treaty, but now he was suing hard for one. Other gentlemen spoke in the same vein, making it perfectly' clear that none of them regarded the movement as one originating with the Canadian people, or one that was desired by them. But most authoritative of these expressions was that of the Dominion Board of Trade, which, after elaborate discussion of the subject, expressed its disapproval of the proposed treaty by the emphatic vote of twenty-seven to six. The Canadian papers speak of the board as a representative bod}', coming from everj' section of the Dominion, and say that it was governed not by i)olitical, but by purely commercial considerations, and also speak of the treaty as the result " of the ambitious views of Mr. Brown." I might adduce much additional evidence of the hostility of the peoi)le of the Dominion to the proposed treaty, but will not con- sume more time in that direction, but will invite your attention to otlicial proof that the treaty is a job, put up b}' the British and Canadian ministers, of which the people of the North American Colonies are, in common with the people of the United States, to be the victims. What a British Blue Book shows— a Sudden Conversion. In turning from boards of trade, town meetings, and leading edi- tors, let us take a glance at a chapter from the British Blue Book. It is here entitled "North America, Nov. 4, 1874, correspondence relating to the negotiations for a Reciprocity Treaty between Canada and the United States, presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of her Majesty, 1874." I pray you keep in mind the fact, asserted by Dr. Rolles and referred to by others, that Mr. George Brown had been the persistent adversary of reciprocity. You will 17 then wonder at the part assigiiod him, and ask yourselves what con- verted him and made him — as we shall learn lie was found by her Majesty's government to be — the fittest man in the entire Dominion to be sent to Washington to aid Sir Edward Thornton in the arrange- ment of the terms and the promotion of tlic ratilieation of the pro- posed treaty. Doubtless you will think it was grave reflection, elaborate study of the interests of the country, consultation with her people, especially her thinkers, and those interested in tlie de- velopment of her resources and the diversiOcation of lier industries. The correspondence in the Blue Book does not connrm this theory. No! no paper in it furnishes any hint of this kind ; but, on the con- trary, they show that on or about the 23d of February, 1874, he and his colleague, Mr. Mackenzie, suddenly discovered that the tlien present was a most favorable opportunity for the renewal of nego- tiations for a reciprocity treaty between Canada and the United States of America, by which the claim for compensation as regards the fisheries, might be settled without the reference provided for by Article XXII. of the Treaty of Washington. How do Ave arrive at this information ? Why, No. 1 of this correspondence is an extract from a letter of the Earl of Dufferin to the Earl of Carnarvon with one enclosure. It is dated February 24, 1874, and reads as fol- lows : — " I have the honor to send herewith an approved copy of the order in Council of the 23d of February, of which I have already communicated by telegram a slightly abbreviated transcript. My present advisers are very anxious to take advantage of the oppor- tunity which seems about to present itself to re-establish a recipro- citj'^ f-reaty between Canada and the United States of America. I imagi le that the course the}' contemplate will be generally approved throughout the country, and they assure me that it will meet with the approbation of Parliament." The enclosure is dated on the 23d of February, and is a report of the Committee of the Privy Council, setting forth that the Com- mittee of Councils had under consideration a memorandum, dated on that day, the 23d of February, 1874, from the Hon. Mr. Mac- kenzie, in which he states tliat lie considers the present a most favorable opportunity, etc., so that it appears that the subject was brought to the attention of Councils on the 23d of February, and, being a matter which required no consideration, was acted upon forthwith, and a minute thereof, slightly abbreviated, transmitted by telegraph to the proper department of the Imperial government on the same day, and a full copy thereof forwarded by mail on the next day. But the Earl of Carnarvon, as it appears, did not wait 18 the coming of tlie full copy before replying. Tlic husinosH was not of siR'h iinportiince tis to riHpiire (U'lii)(!r:ition, and on the Oth of Marcii liis lordship replieil from Downing Street to Lord Duf- ferin's telegram of the 24th of Fehruary, approving the i)roposal and informing the Canadian ministers that they might '' rest assured that her Majest3''s government are desirious to meet, as far as it may be practicable to do so, the reasonable wishes upon this subject of the Canadian ministers, and that they will be pre- pared to give carel'ul consideration to any further proposals which ma}' be made by tliem during tiie course of the negotiations;'' and in passing his lordshij) added that, " with view to saving delay, you are at liberty to communicate unreservedly, though confidentially, with Sir Edward Thornton the views of your government, taking care, however, to transmit to me, at tlie earliest opportunity, copies of such correspondence." Here it becomes apparent that part of the correspondence has pos- sibly, from prudential reasons, been withheld even from Parliament. For the next communication is i'rom the Earl of Dulferin to the Earl of Carnarvon. It is dated Government House, Ottawa, March 17, 1874, in Avliich the (Jovernor-General of Canada says: " 1 have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of a telegram dated March 14, from your lordship, in which you are pleased to signify your assent to the request of my government that a Canadian gentleman should be associated with Sir Edward Thornton in the event of her Majesty's government authorizing the IJritish minister at Washington to enter upon a negotiation with the United States for the whole or a part of the renewal of the reciprocity treaty." His lordshii) then con- veys to the Earl of Carnarvon the sense of Mr. Mackenzie and bis colleagues in tlie administration of the consideration wiiicii has been sliown to their representations by her Majesty's government in this matter; and informs his lordship that *' it is ])erfectly understood by tiie Dominion government that her Majesty's govern- ment, in consenting to authorize the sul)stitution of a recijjrocity treaty in lieu of the money payment secured to Canada by her fishery claims in the article of the Treaty of Washington, have done so at the instance and solicitations of the Canadian government ;" and further adds that " it is also understood that the Canadian commissioner will act under Imperial instructions, and that all propositions to be made to the United States government wil! be previously submitted to the secretary of State." Just here, questions obtrude themselves upon us. Can you help asking why the communication of the Governor-General of Canada, conveying to the Imperial government the request of the Dominion 19 CS8 was the r>t,li ;)nl Diif- proposul ,t " rest meet, as les upon [1 hv pre- ils which lis;'' ami eliiy, you ileiit'uilly, it, taking jy, copies e has pos- irlianiont. ) tl»e Kail March H, [ liave the March 14, jnv assent an should Majesty's )n to cuter or a part then eon- eu/ic and wliich has Dverniuent l)crfectly •"s govern- •ecii)rocity ila by her lave done cruuient ;" Canadian d that all nt will be 1) you help r Canada, Dominion D governmont that a Canadian gentleman might be associated with Sir Kdward Thornton in tliis negotiation, is not given in tiiis IJliic IJook ? Tlie request had lieiMi made lielore the Ilth of March, for on that day it was granted by telegram. (Jould the rcipu'st possibly have iteen enforced by the suggestion that sucli a Canadian gentle- man might resort to practices and avail himself of agencies which diplomatic propriety would i)revent Sir Edward Tliorntou, her Majesty's minister plenipotentiary, from resorting to? Ah we proceed, circumstances may shed sonu' ligiit on the point. Again, if these negotiations had l>een instituted, as is pretended, at tiie special instance and request of tiie Canadian government, why did the Earls of Dutferin and Carnarvon feel it nceossar}' to spread tlie fact so broadly ni)on the face of that part of the correspoudence that was to be published '/ " My lady doth protest too mueli," says Harnlii ; and if the Canadian people had impelled their government to ask for a reciprocity treaty, some of them would have kiujwn the fact before reading this di[»h)matic assurance that it had occurred. Yet their knowledge of the fact depentls upon this assurance, and upon it alone ! Wii}', if Mr. George Hrown's conversion hale, Mr. Larned saj's: "We want not simply to exchange breadstufis and provisions, and coal and hides and tallow witli them, but to sell tliem our own cottons, our boots and shoes, our machinery, and our manufactures generally, in trade for their lumber, their live stock, their ashes, their plaster, tlieir furs, their minerals, and the general products of their farmers. We want,, in fact,, such an adjustment of the trade that the provinces shall not sell what they have to sell in the United States and buy what they have to buy in Great Britain.'''' The facts,, figures, and deductions of Mr. Larned cannot be reconciled with those presented in tliis pami)hlet by her Majest3''s ministers to chosen members of tlic United States Senate, and embodied in the chapter of tlic British Blue Book to whicli, though it was not intended for American circulation, I have referred. A Glance at the Schedules. But let us turn to the schedules containing tlie articles in wliich Canada is to enjoy by virtue of the proposed treaty free trade witli both England and the United States. They are constructed witli great ingenuit}', and leave open irritating questions enough to in- volve us in war twent}'^ times over. Tlie editor of the Sliellield Telegraph, though mistaken in supposing tliat the American manu- factui'ers would stipulate for the free admission of the articles lie enumerated, was right when he suggested that they would be found in these schedules. Here they are: Iron — bar, hoop, pig, puddled, rod, sheet, or scrap ; iron nails, spikes, bolts, tacks, brads, or sprigs ; iron castings, axes, axles, spades, shovels, snaths ; locomotives for railways or parts thereof; lead, sheet or pig; mill, or factoiy, or steamboat fixed engiaes and machines, or parts tliereof ; printing type, presses, and folders, paper cutters, ruling macliines, page- numbering machines, stereotyping and electrotyping apparatus, or 80 parts thereof; railroad cars, carriages, and trucks, or parts thereof; steel, wroiifviit and cast, and steel plates and rails ; tin tiilu's and piping; water-wheel machines and apparatus, or parts thereof; tweeds of wool sold}' ; printing paper for newspapers, etc. etc., ad itifinUum, Such Reciprocity would end in War. In examining the list of articles embraced by the schedules, or proi)osed free list, as I hope each of you will do, you will be struck by the ingenuit}' with which many of our industries wiiich give work and wages to great numbers of peoi)le are to be involved in free competition with the lower wages of England and Scotland, and with which grave questions are left open for future settlement. The terms of the treaty refer to articles the growth, production, or manufacture of the Dominion or the United States. Let us, as an illustration, consider this clause of schedule C. Manufactures of wood solely, or wood nailed, bound, hinged, or locked with metal materials. Are the metal materials with which the articles may be nailed, bound, hinged, or locked, required to be of the growtii and production of the country, or could such metal be procured in its finished condition from England, and sent into this country free of duty under this clause ? If " and" had been used instead of " or," so that articles must be the growth, production, and manufacture of the country, the question would be more simple, but then Eng- land would take no interest in the treaty. In the course of a dis- cussion of the sul)ji'cl a Canadian asks who is to determine what are the products and manufactures of the countries respectively. " Is," said he, " a spade or axe imported from England to pass into the United States free of duty under the new treaty, because we in Canada have put a handle to it?" The speaker admitted that this might seem an extreme case, but added that he selected an extreme case to illustrate his argument. If differences arise as to the construction of these clauses, what court will settle them ? Shall we refer our tariff laws and customs regulations to a joint high commission ? Under the teachings of our representatives of tlie Manchester School of Economy, the spade in question would undoubtedly enter free as a manufacture. Mr. Edward Atkinson asserts tliat pig-iron and cast-steel are raw material, because pig- iron will certainl}' be advanced, and cast-steel is used as the material out of which tools, surgical instruments, and other articles are manufactured ; thus, broadcloth, in liis loose way of thinking, is not only the material, but the raw material of the tailor. More accurate thinkers, while admitting that broadcloth is the material 81 of the tailor, and steel the material from which saws and other tools are fashioned, take care to define them as the maiiufaotured or advanced materials whicii others, by their skill and labor, will still further advance. Again, we find in this same schedule printing paper for news- papers. What phraseology could be simpler or more direct than that? But suppose our markets should l)e flooded with the fine sized ])aper upon which our best illustrated journals are printed, and it siiould be found, as has l)een the case in our experience, that the dimensions of the sheets had been so arranged as to jK-rmit them to be cut without loss into cap, post, and note paper. We could not prevent the consignment of more paper, because the market was glutted, and snch paper was being cut to sizes and used to the detriment of our makers of writing paper. Nor could we prevent parties from using it as cap, i)ost, or note paper, though the treat}' had brought it through the custom house free as printing paper. And, again, we have tweeds of wool solely. What are tweeds ? It is a commercial designation, and the articles to which it applies change with the fashion, and the name migiit cover in our markets as many varieties of woollen cloths as were once called serges and druggets in Portugal. But if this be regarded as an imaginary' danger, is there not a real and grave one in the jjrobability of yarns being spun and dyed and brought free of duty into Canada, to be woven or manufactured into every kind of cloth for free entry into our market? Would this be fair to France, to Belgium, and Germany, whose fabrics of tlie same kind would be liable to tlie duties imposed by our tariff? Am I wrong in think- ing the American people would compel the government, even at the cost of war, to disregard a treaty so replete witii fraudulent de- vices by which to work their ruin ? It is proper that 1 should say that I have selected these clauses almost at random, and not because they arc the most striking or fraught with graver consequences than scores of otiiers I might have taken, but because some illustrations were needed to show what a field this treaty would oi)en for future diplomac}^ and arbi- tration, and, in spite of diplomacy and arbitration, for war with all its horrors. Would not Reciprocity be Beneficial ? But I detain j'oti too long, and yet before I close I should, per- haps, consider the question whether reciprocit}' between our northern neighbor and ourselves, if ])0ssil)le, would not be bene- ficial ? To this question I answer, yes. Whatever increases the 32 productive nctivities of n people is a blessing, nnd those of the Caimdiau people, now nnniherincf about four niillions, woultl be vastly (luiekened could tliey liave access to our markets, wliile we should not fail to receive sonic slight advantiige from freer access to their more limited markets ; but the contrast between the mar- kets of four millions of people, whose rivers are ice-bound nearly half the year, during whlcii they have no commercial outlet except through our territor}' by rail, and those of forty millions of more active and prosperous people, whose rivers arc never obstructed by ice, arc by no means reciprocal. 15ut will we derive no advantages from the widening and deepening of the Welland Canal, and the improvement of the channel of the St. Lawrence ? Yes, the people of our country inhabiting certain comparatively limited sections would be greatly benefited \\y this ; l)ut it is a privilege they need not purchase. They must get it. The very existence of the Do- minion demands the speedy completion of these works. Without them all their interests languish, and an ample answer to the sophis- tical memorandum of commercial relations prcjiared b}' Sir f]dward Thornton and Mr. George IJrown, b}' which they show sucii mar- vellously favorable results to the United States from reciprocity, are answered by the indisputable fact that during the existence of the treaty few or no Canadians emigrated to the United States, but that with the cessation of the treaty there began a flow of Canadian immigration into this country whicii has been so stcad}'^ and so large that Canadian-French is found to be the prevailing language in many of the new numufacturing towns of New Eng- land, and Canadians are found in largo numbers in all the Western States and Territories of our country. Indeed, so great has been the immigration of French Canadians to this country, that a public effort has recently ])eon set on foot to induce them to return fi'om their more prosperous homes in the United States to tiie land of their nativity upon our northern borders. It will not be easy for Sir Edward Thornton and Mr. George Brown to persuade the Ameri- can people that the Canadians adhered to their native land with French tenacity for twelve 3'ears, during which the people of the United States were absorbing their wealth, and that when the cause of their suffering had l)een removed by the rescinding of the treat}' of 1854, they emigrated from their then more prosperous country by hundreds of thousands. On this point one of the daily newspapers of Montreal said in October, 1870: " Statistics tell us, and any one who has travelled in the United States will confirm the fact, that we annuall}' suffer heavier losses from native persons leaving the country than the 33 totnl figure of the immigrntion returns. There nrc, nt n low com- putntion, Imlf a million of nativc-liorn Cnnft(li;ins now domiciled in the United States. They have established themselves in the Republic, not because they prefer that form of government, but because the spirit of enterprise seems to have died out on this Boil, and they sec no field opened to skilled industry." That was less than four years from the termination of the reciprocity treaty. Mr. Larned tells us that it was said in a public address, by one of the prominent men of the Province of Quebec, a little more than a year before the date of his report, that " the immigration of com- mon laborers to the States is something actually alarming, and it could not be otherwise, for our water-powers arc neglected, our mines are closed, and we have no means of furnishing emplo^-mcnt to our people ;" and he adds, " within a few weeks past, to cite one more authorit}', the leading newspaper of the city of Quebec, the Daily CJii'oniclc, made the following statement, which is fullof signifl. cance: ' Unfortunatelj', it is a truism, and requires no demonstra- tion, that ship-building, formerly the main industry of Quebec, lias almost ceased to exist, and that, conse(iuently, our laboring popu- lation, the very bone and sinew of the body politic, are commencing to seek in the adjoining Republic that erai)loyment which they see no longer can be found here. Too many, indeed, already, we fear, have removed permanently from our provinces.' " The Prosperity of Canada depends on our Carrying Trade. The truth is that Canada cannot exist without our carrj'ing trade. It is our traflUc that is making Montreal a great shipping port, whence western grain and provisions are sent to Liverpool, Belfast, Glasgow, and other British ports, thus supporting not only the Canadian railway S3'stem, but her ship-yards and steam-marine. Without this trade no railroad or canal in the Dominion would be a remunerative property, and many of them would not earn enough to meet current expenses. On this point Mr. Larned justly says, "No one will question that we find couA'cnience and advantage in the use of Canadian channels for the passage of our commerce between the eastern and western States, and that we find profit in acting as the carriers of so large a part of the commerce of Canada with the outside world. Both these arrangements of trade are of important value to this country, and its interests would sutfer materially from any suspension of either ; but the difference in the situation of the two countries with reference to that is very marked. To the Canadian pi'ovinces their importance is nothing less than vital, since, on the one hand, the very sustenance of the arterial 3 84 system of the Ciinaclfts is derived from tlu' American commerce wliicli circuliites tlirougii it; while, on tlie otlier Imnd, tlieir own coniniorco witli tlie worUl abroad can only l)C conducted at exceed- ing disadvantage, if at all, for five months of the year, otherwise than across the territory of the United States, and by the privilege of the customs reguhitions of the American government." If, therefore, the Dominion desires to increaso its vital force to promote immigration and pernument seltlcmcnt, and to develop the unquestioned mineral resources of the country, she must invite our carrying trade, by olfering it superior facilities — must open such channels and build such railroads as will accommodate it ; and must manage them in such .i way and for such rates of toll as will trans- port our products through her territory cheaper and more expedi- tiously than it can be done over our own. Why, then, should we endanger our industries and involve ourselves in entanglements with England from which war alone can relieve us, as consideration for Canada doing that without doing Avhich she cannot live and grow ? V Our True Position on the Question. The trade between the Dominion and us cannot, from the very nature of things, be reciprocal while she continues to be a part of the British Empire, and can only become so when the same flag shall wave over both countries, and the people of each shall bear their share of the burdens imposed upon us by the recent war, which the Canadians did so much to prolong. Then labor in either country will find equal rewards, which it now does not. Meanwhile, ladies and gentlemen, I say to you, as I said to the House of Representa- tives on the 7th of March, 18C6, " Let us maintain our rights, our interests, and our country's dignity. Let us go on our Avay as though there were no British provinces, and the mere action of British legislation constraining their people to unrequited agricul- tural labor will make them sigh for our prosperity, and then we shall find that the American Constitution is as elastic as it is grand and enduring. It has expanded to embrace immense tracts of ter- ritory. Our flag has swept from the limits of the original thirteen States to the Pacific and southward to the Rio Grande ; and, sir when the people of Canada shall, as they will if we protect our labor, ask to unite their destinies with ours, the world will receive additional proof that when Providence impelled our fathers to the creation of our government, it gave tl^em the wisdom to bless us with a Constitution which is the fit canopy of a continent, and will yet crown one." Here I should pause, but you will bear with me a few minutes 85 more. I cannot believe, Indeed I will not believe, that the Senate will consent to the nitidcation of this treaty. But the fact tliat a treaty which would deprive the House of Re- presentatives of its conHtitiitional right to regulate the revenues of the government, revolutionize our revenue system, and compel us to depend chielly on direct taxation, as this one would, could bo concocted in England and matured with such cunning amplitude of detail as this has been, and be presented to our government as an expression of the wishes of the Canadian people, and the further fact that her IJritannic Majesty's ministers plenipotentiary could use the columns of many of our papers, and employ such agencies as are described in the letter I have read, to influence the opinions of Senators and members of Congress, and that our own people should be permitted to know little or nothing of these movements until on the eve of adjournment the treaty was submitted to the Senate, illustrates a possibility of danger against which the people should demand a constitutional safeguard. The next amendment to the Constitution sji .ild, in my judgment, be one limiting the treaty-making power, an _ i.arding against Executive encroachment upon the constitutional rigwt of the Kopresentatives of the people to regulate the revenues < ' 'le country.