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B Y The AUTHOR of LETTERS to a NOBLEMAN, on the Conduct of the American War. hc 'r> V/ LONDON: Printed for G. Wilkie, No. 71, St. Paul** * Church-Yard, mdcclxxx. \ [Prices/.] t^' ADVERTISEMENT. THE following Pamphlet was writ- ten in great Halle, amidfl a mul- tiplicity of other engagements and avocations. It has been publiflied from the firft draught, in a manner uncorredted. As the Author found the American ^eftton coming forward in Parliament, he thought it his duty to throw what light he could on fo important a Subjecft; and he relies on the candour of the Reader to ex- cufe the literary defedts of fo hafly a performance. t^/ A 2 4- 7 . . i I CONTENTS. cr*HE Rebellion of the Colonies without any rea» •*■ finable foundation, p. a. The parental tendernefs of the Mother Country towards them from their firfi fettlement^ and particularly in the laft war, p. 4 — 7. The ground and policy of the Stamp A&, p. 7.' The ill confequences of repealing it, p. 1 2. The ahfurd remedy which was propofed, p. 14.' The reafons for paffmg the Tea Ad, and its be^ neficial tendency, p. 16. The Aft relative to the Port of Bofton, p. 18. The A6t for altering the Charter of Majfacbu^, fetts, p. 19. The original dcfefts of that Charter^ and the illegal powers granted by it, ibid. The alteration of it no juft ground for complaint^ p. 21. The fource of the Rebellion founded in the principles and difpofttions of the firfi fit tiers of New Eng" land — with a fketcb of thf hiftory, p. 24 — 28. Farther obfirvations on the . IJachufitts Charter^ p. 28. The republican views and projects of the New England fettlers, p. 32. The Second Charter granted by King William, though fimewhat improved, fiill very excep- tionable, p. 38. The ill ufes made of it by the Reprefintatives of the People, p. 40. 2 The ^ ii '^1 I CONTENTS. Th Charters of Conne^icut and Rhode I/land equally defeofive^ and produ^ive of Jimilar mif' chief y p. 42. ^he fpirit of Reptthlicanifm and Independency^ which had been awed by the neighbourhood of the French^ greatly encouraged by the cejfion of Canada to Great Britain^ p. 47. The Congregationalifts of New England^ though reftrained front holding fynods^ yet find ways of aiding as an eccleftafiical bod^, ibid. The Prcfbyterians throughout the Colonies form a political union^ p. 48. The Copy of their Circular Letter iffued from Philadelphia, with their Plan or Articles, p. 49. They unite alfo with the Congregationalifis, p. 54 ; and are the principal oppofers of the authority of Parliaments p. c,^, Thefe two confederated feSfs gain flrength and fpirit by the repeal of the Stamp A£iy p. 56, They are joined by the Smugglers in oppoftng the ASt for laying Duties, i^c. p. 57. Their connexion with the difappointed andfaSlious in England, p. 60. The Provincial Ajfemblies in general averfe to all violent proceedings, p. 61. Oppofition to Parliamentary Authority encouraged by Letters from hence, and particularly by a certain Member of P /, p. 63. To prevent the evils that were dreaded, a Congrefs was propofed, to confifl of Committees from the feveral Houfes of Ajfembly -, but feveral of ^ihe King*s Governors not approving of the meafure, nor giving their Affemblies an opportunity to meet, delegates werefent to the Congrefs by fac^ tious town-meetings and committees, p. 64. The CONTENTS. 1'he ff!cetu\^ of the Congrefs — They are divided in ftntimsjits — '^[he ft ate and charaSler of the two fartics—^/Jnd the ivftnence of Samuel Adams t p. 65 — 68. Warm debate on the Suffolk Refolvcs, p. 69. ^he fpeech of a loyal Member againft adopting the 117 J p. 70. The Plan recommended by him, p. 81. A retrofpect of the fiihje^y p. 82. General ConwayV letter to the Governor of Maf' fachufett^Sy p. 85. Remarks on the condu£J of Oppofttion^ p. 86 — and of the faction in America , p. 87. The very different behaviour of the LoyaliftSy p. 94, The meeting of the fecondCongrefsy p. 95. The reception they gave to the Conciliatory Refo- lution of the Houfe of Commons^ p. 96. Their preparations for war, p. 99. They petition the King. Remarks on the Petition, p. 100. To defeat the benevolent defign of Commijfioners ap' pointed by Great Britain, they haften the decla" ration of Independency, p. 107. They copy the rebellion THE politic^ like the natural body, is liable to difordcrs, which often terminate in death. To know the caufe of the difeafe in either fyftem, is equally neceflary to a ra- dical cure. This knowledge unattained, the political or phyfical quack will adnniniller his remedies in vain. He may, and indeed often will, throw his patient into agonies and con- vulfions, and accelerate its death; or by in- cfFeftual remedies give temporary relief, leav- ing the diforder to break out again with more dangerous fymptoms, but cannot expeft to give permanent relief. The American rebellion is an event which has Uruck deep into the health of the Britifli ftate, enfeebled its powers, and, if it has not already produced, it promifes fair to bring on convul- B fions, ..,* ^M J ::nm 'xt^. iir ;'^ X./j ( o fions, the confequences of which are not within the reach of human fc.;efight. From thefe truths we may venture to conclude, that it will be of fome importance to thofe who fu- perintend the welfare of the Britilh fociety, to be truly informed of the origin of that rebellion ; and to be able trace its pro- grefs from the original fpark up to its prefent flame, which has extended fo wide as to threaten the empire with diffblution. It is from this knowledge, that a part of the means may be drawn for its immediate fupprefTion ; and from this alone can that fyftem of future polity be formed, which c;-.( cffedl: a permanent union between the two countries, and prevent another rebellion from breaking out hereafter with redoubled force and certain fuccefs. There are men o ' refpeftable abilities, and in high ftations, wF ) have induftriouQy pro- moted an opinion, t at this unfortunate " and " portentous event ha been produced by the in- ^ /^^^jfii-i^X." jufticc and opprefli' i of the prefent reign,— A./*wt^tt^ «• by a plan formed by idminiftrationforenflav- r •* ing the Colonies." 'his has been the uniform language of the mal ^iitents on both fides of the Atlantic. The C -grefs has aflumed it in order to judify their rebellion; and the oppo- ficion to Government in Britain has echoed it, fome of them to conceal their third for the emoluments and dignities of office, the fole ground of their oppofition •, and others, repub- lican in principle, and co-operating in the rebel- lion, to cover their as yet latent and immature de- fign of deftroying our prefent happy conftitu- tion. It has been aflerted fo often and fo confi- dently. ■%. •4 Wl ( 3 ) d*ent1y, in as well as out of Parliament, that the incautious, who fcldom examine the motives of human condud, have believed it, when Icfs credulity and more enquiry would have unveiled its fallacy. To prove that this opinion is not founded in truth — that neither the conduct of this or any paft reign fmce the acceflion of the prefent Royal Family has produced the rebellion in America, but that it has fprung from very different caufes, exifting fo early as the be- ginning of the fixtcenth century, and been nourifhed and fed by thofc two fiends, Super- ii:ition and Ambition, the great enemies to re^ Mgious and civil liberty — is the dcfign of this Efiay. But before I proceed to fupport this opinion, I (hall endeavour to Ihew the abfurdity and futility of that which 1 mean to oppofe. It will difpel the mift which has been call before the eyes of the mifinformed, and enable the candid to perceive the truth in its due force when laid before them. In almoft every fociety, oppolition to legal government has been a common event. In almoft every inftance which hiftory affords, it has arifcn from a continued fcries of extreme injuftice and oppreffion in the rulerr,. Thcfe have been the meanSy by which ambitious men, of whom every fociety has its (hare, have been enabled to incite the vulgar and ignorant to fedition, and finally to throw off their allegiance. But the American rebellion in this refpefl Hands diftinguiflied from all others. It can appeal 1 neither to antecedent injuftice noropprcflion for \ an exculc. A: the time it broke oyt, the peoplp B :^ in tv// >% ( 4 ) in the Colonies were more free, unincumbered and happy than any others on earth. A fummary view of the condu(5t of the State towards the Colonies, from the dawn of their fettlements to their prefent maturity, will fupport thefe fa£ls. It will inconteftably prove, that they have re- ceived every encouragement which confiftcd with their own particular intereft, and which was not adverfe to the general welfare of the fbciety. ■>' :" -:'^' -t ,j ^ ' ,,5,.,^^.^ Before, as well as flnce, the accefllon of his prefent Majeily, the annals of this kingdom will (hew that the Colonies have been nourilhed in their infancy, and fupported in their more adult age, with all the attention of a mod affec- tionate parent. !f through their own folly they have, in their infant date, quarrelled with • ^ ^ their neighbours, their enemies have been con- ,yyi; >A c^ ^ fidered as the enemies of Britain. If their trade t,^/)i/v V S.u^MJi has been injured, or their territory invaded. Britain has not failed to refent the injury. It by repeated adts of fraud and injuftice done to their innocent and inofFenfive neighbours, they have incurred their hatred and refentment, Britain has ftepped in, and by annual do- nations r paired the injuries, and efFeded a reconciliation. If the produce of their foil was neceflary to promote the intereft or fafety of the community at large, in which their own was of courfe included, generous bounties, to which they did not contribute, were given, as an encouragement to their induftry, out of the pockets of their Britifii fellow- fubje<5ls. If French ambition and Popilh fuperftition have threatened to annihilate their civil .1^ a<^x:f\^J I ^r^X-CL ^ ( 5 ) civil find religious liberty, the treafure and blood of BrlcQHs have bten devoted to their prefervation. In the two lall wars, when the powers of .-^rt/ m — ^ France and Spain threatened the dcftruftion Xoc' t*^V^/ of their commerce, and (he conqueft of their country, Great-Britain, regardlefs of the ex- penditure of millions, and the lofs of many ^ ;' thoufands of her fubjedls, by her fleets and armies , faved them from ruin, leaving them to contribute vvhat proportion of aids tb^ fleajed^ towards fccuring their own fafety. And to clofe the fcene of ineffable beneBts beftowcd on thcfc ungrateful people, at the conclufion of the lad war, Greac-Bricain, unfufpicious of their ambitious and treacherous defigns, and inatten tive to her own future Iccurity, gave them, by ^lL^^i/jx^ J the retention of Canada, abfolute Jafety *^'wtty/j. " Btuation they were in befoj:fi. ihe year 1763, ^^ '^ •* their complain ts will fubfidc7* ^lothmg there- ( 6 ) fore can remain, but to examine whether any acls of injuftice or oppreflion have been done V by the State fmce that time, that could give rife to fo open and avowed a rebellion. Y The condudt of Government fubfcqucnt to ^-^ii<,l/^,rftfCfu^l this period being grounded on the antecedent |- / * T^circumftances of the Colonies, we mud, in this |lA l^lH^O^V' enquiry, look back to the commencement of the laft war. At that time France meditated the conqueft of Britifh America. Hoftilities were begun on the Ohio, within the boundaries of Virginia and Pennfylvania, while vigorous preparations were making to invade New Eng- land from Canada. Alarmed at the impending danger, and confcious of their own inability to withftand the pov of France, the Colonies fupplicated the proteftion of the Mother- (Country. A Britifh fleet under Commodore Kep- pel, and a Britifh army commanded by General Braddock, haftened to their afTiftance. The ftrongeft of all motives now prefTed them to exert their utmofl abilities, in defence of their civil and religious rights. No one could fufpeft that, like the Waggoner in the fable, they would content themfclves with fupplications only, without putting their fhouldcrs to the wheel. Had a fentiment of that nature prevailed in the Britifh fcnate, they would certainly have pafTed laws to compel theniy on fo great an emergency, to a difcharge of the firfl and mofl important of all political duties. And had this been done, there can be no doubt they would have fubmitted to, and cheerfully acknowledged, the juftice and policy of the meafure. •■'- '*^i^«. ^ . '•' « I But a: ^■i<- A^ ^^ Maffachuflett's and Virginia Aflfemblies, who refte d^in a denial o t'.,ilic^conftitutional authority of"Parliamcnt, without granting, or offering to grant, their reafonable proportion of aids to the national defence. The aft therefore pafled una- nimoufly. Indeed, no law within the compafs of human wifdom could be found more juft and adequate to its purpofe •, — none better cal- culated to difcover the juft proportions of the wealth poflcflTed by the feveral Colonies ; — none better to eftablifh a juft diftribution of the tax among them ;— nor any which could fo effec- tually carry its own powers into execution. The fate of this ftatute, equally unfortunate to both countries, is univerfally known. Its exe- cution was oppofed by a fmall interefted faflion in America, and tjiatj aftton was vind ic ated a nd TTwas repealedon prin- fij£ported in Britain. ciplcsvoid^orTealorTor juftice, and contrary to the moft evident policy. The perfeverance and firmnefs of the Minifter ftood oppofed by the timidity and groundlefs fears of the C — b — t. The L7A ( '3 ) The latter prevailed; and theMinifterforefccing ihc mcafurc portentous of events equally im- portant and mifchievous to the welfare of the Ibciety, reludtantly dcferted the fervice of his country, which he had in vain attempted to pro- mote. A forefight of the mifchiefs which would flow from the repeal of this ftatute, was not confined to the Minifter who propofcd it. They y/crcfeen by many in the great councils of the State, they were feared by Tome in the C— b — t. and they were even within the (hallow comprc- henfion of the Minifter who fucceeded him; and by whofe faftious influence the repeal had been effefted. Even this Minifter dreaded the con- fequences of his own condudl. He knew, that the remonftrances of the Colonies refted in a denial of the fupreme authority of the State. He forefaw, that the repeal of the aft, en that ground^ would naturally lead to a like denial in refpeft to every other matter cognifable in Par- liament. He could not fufpedt, that thofe who had prefumed to deny its power in a matter the moft important to its exiftence, the moft mo- mentous to the fafety of fociety, and more par- ticularly to their own, would hefitate to oppofc it in others of infinitely lefs moment. He knew, and he believed that others knew, that he had been furrendering up to groundlefs clamours, in which the finilter views of his own ambition had united, the moft important right of the fupreme authority of the State, a right to command the aids necelTary to the national defence ; that he had deftroyed that unity of power in the Britifii, which has ever been found eftential Ih'^^'ir^ )jh^ Li (UJ / ( «4 ) eflfencial in the conditution of all dates, and without which the members of no fociety can be compelled to aft in ronccrt for the general fafety ; and of courfe, that he had laid a broad foundation for the independence of America. Alarmed at the prolpedt of thefe mifchicfs, fhame and regret took place for a moment of his ambition. He endeavoured to heal the wound, which the dagger from his own hand had made in the Britilh empire. The remedy applied was the Declaratory A£b. In order to make this palatable to his fadlious American friends, he trcacheroujly undertook to affure them, without any authority from Parliament, '* that though the aft was declaratory of the *' right, yet Government never would attempt *« to cxercife it." The Colonies were to be confidere.i in the mod abfurd of all lights •, as members of the Britifh fociety, and yet inde- pendent of its fovereign authority •, — as fo many diftinft inferior politic bodies, without any po- litical fubordination j — as fo many little imperia in imperio-y — as members poffefled of the moft perfeft juftice and integrity j — as devoid of hu- man prejudices, attachments or frailties, and left to their own pleafure to do what juftice they Ihould think proper to a people who had faved them from ruin, and were bound to pro- teft them in future. No man, acquainted with thofe motives which ever yet have produced a revolt in fo- ciety, can believe, that either of the before- mentioned afts could be the original caufe of the rebellion. The principle of the firft was confeflcd to be juft, and the burthen impofed 6 " was n«*-... ,tA ( >5 ) was fo light as not to be made an ob]t6t of complaint •, and the fecond neither did or could do i' 'nri an i;ijury. It neither impofed a burthf n, nor d^'prived the Colonics of a right. It was only declaratory of that authority, to which they hid fubmitted from the firft dawn of their fettlement. Indeed, the enacting and repeal of the Stamp Ad, and the pafTing of the Declaratory Bill, with the mean and contempt- ible affurances attending it, difcovered fuch a want of Brmnefs and (lability in the Britifh councils, as to afford jull matter for American ridicule, not reafon for complaint, much lefs for fedition and rebellion. That thefe tranf- aftions had their effects, muft be confeflcd •, for though they cannot be faid to have been the original caufe of the rebellion, yet it is known to every obfervant American, that fo much ti- midity and weaknefs in the councils of this country tended to encourage and nouridi the feeds of American fedition, long before planted, and now growing fail to a dangerous maturity. The numbers of people, the commerce and opulence of America, ftill increafing with amaz- ing rapidity ; the trifling debt incurred by the laft war being nearly paid off, and Great Britain labouring under an enormous dtbt, a great part of which was incurred in mcalures for her protection •, repeated demands having been made, by the Crown, of the Affcmblies, to grant the neceffary fums for the fupport of the admi- niftration of their .own juftice, to no purpofe; and the deficiency being conllantly fuppiicd by monies raifed on the people of Great Bri- tain, .^^ ^- -s ( 16 ) tain, already overburdened with debt; were fo many circumftances which ftared every Minifter in the face as he came into of- fice. To be altogether inattentive to thefe confiderations, was more than an honed mind, intruded with the adminiftration of na- tional juftice, could I'upport. Befides, as mat- ters then flood upon the American remon- llrances againft the Stamp A6b, the repeal of that Aft, the Declaratory A£b, and the fubfequent alTurances from the Minifter, the authority of the Parliament over the Colonies was in a man- ner giver up. It was therefore neceflary, not only in point of juftice, but policy, to pafs the A6t commonly called the Tea Aft. This aft has alfo been enumerated in the lift of American grievances, and as one of the caufes of the prefent rebellion. Let us enquire into the faft. So much of the regulations of this aft as re- lated to the impofition of duties on foreign pa- per, glafs, and painters* colours, was indeed unjuft. Of this, complaint was made; and the juftice of the Britifh Parliament imme- diately interpofed, becaufe it fubjcfted the people of America to a double duty, one pay- able in Britain, another in America. But the duty on tea remained unrepealed, becaufe no fuch objeftion lay to it. The Parliament had, in framing the aft, taken off the foreign duty of one (hilling payable in Great Britain, and laid only threepence on the pound payable in America. Now, if the duties on the other articles were an unjuft burden on the fubjeft in America, it was immediately relieved, and the one impofed on teas was an abundant favour. It tisailimmi^ c 17 ) Ic enabled them to import thi'' article nine- pence in the pound cheaper than thtry could im- port it before pafling the a(^. Of the juftice done to the Colonies in" the repeal ofthe duties on paper, glafs, and painters* colours, and of the favour done in enabling them to drink their tea, which made fo great a part of their fubfiftence, ninepence in the pound cheaper than they had ever purchafed before, the Americans were truly fenfible. In vain did the Republicans of New-England fet every engine at work, and exert their endeavours, by their partizans in every Colony, to prevail on the merchant not to import, and the people not to buy the article of tea. In vain did they enter into a non-importation agreement. The mer- chant would, and did import, and the people, led by their true intereft, would, and did buy, notwithftanding all their exertions to pre- vent it. r>, /^ In order to do a further favour to the people •^i^'^'^^' V^ of America, to the prejudice of the Britifli-f.J^ 1- 11 American merchant, but to the benefit of the ' ^ Eaft India Company, an a6t was pafled to enable the Company, by their agents, to fell their teas in America by lots, in the fame manner they were fold in Great Britain. I call this a favour to the people of America. By this ad, the fliop- keeper or retailer, in the fea-port towns, was enabled to purchafe his tea in lots, incumbered only with the freight from Great Britain to America. The confumer of tea in America was obliged to pay only one profit to the Company, another to the fhopkeeper. But before the a^ 1^1 /-^l they ufiially paid a prof the. rf ( i8 ) the Company, to the London merchant who bought it of the Company, and fold it to the American merchant, and alfo to the American merchant, befides the profit of the retailer. So that, by this aft, the confumer of this neceflary and common article of fiibfiftence was enabled to purchafe it at one half of its ufual price } an advantage that did not, nor could efcape the mod vulgar comprehenfion. The next aft enumerated in the lift of Ame- rican grievances, is that prohibiting the trade of Bofton, until the corporation fhould pay the damages wantonly done to the Eail India Com- pany. Had the Parliament proceeded further, and deprived the corporation of every privilege it contained on the fame terms, no juft man \yould have called it fevere : Becaufe, however weighty might have been the burthen, their re- lief from it was left in their own power, and the condition of relief was nothing more than 9 ftrift a(5t of juftice, which refted with them to perform or not, at their pleafure. This was the opinion of all America, fave a few men who meant to make ufe of it as an inftrument to deceive and miQcad the ignorant and incau- tious into rebellion. Even the inhabitants of the Maflachuffdtt's province, when called upon to unite in oppofition to this aft, told the Scleft Men of Bofton, That their corporation had done an aft of violence and injuftice, by de- ftroying the property of their fcllow-fubjefts, and that ihcy only ought to make reparation, . and by it relieve themfelves froai the diftrefs brought on ihcm bv their own uniuft conduft. ^ . 4 .. . • The 'ft.' ■4 The ( 19 ) The laft in the lift is, the act for altering one article in the MafTachuflett's charter, which takes from the General Court, or Aflembly, the right of conftituting the middle branch of the Icgiflature, and verts it folely in the King's reprefentative. I fliall not now enter on a de- tail of the mifchiefs to the peace and welfare of the province, which had arilen from the want of this regulation. They are notorious to every one acquainted with its political hillory, and they are briefly recited in the fubfequent part of thefe remarks. It is enough to fay, they were intolerable, and had been found by long ex- perience to be totally inconfiftent with its fub- ordination to the Britifli empire. When our prefent happy conftitution was fettled, it was the intention of our anceftors that it fhould be permanent and unalterable. Ic was wifely formed, equally to avoid the oppref- fion and mifchiefs arifing from abfolute mo- narchy and democracy, from tyranny and licen- tioufnefs. The authority of the Crown, and the privileges of the people, were fo placed in oppofite fcales, as always, when rightly inform- ed, and adting on principles which lead to their mutual fafety, to be on an equal balance. But as the monarch and the people were both fubjeft to human frailties, and naturally fond of un- limited power, an independent ariftocratical authority was fo appointed, as to be able to throw its weight in either fcale, as the other fliould preponderate. By this policy alone the duration and freedom of the Britilh government has been maintained for ages paft, and may be maintained for ages to come, if ftridly adhered D 2 to. ■U'l '/^•S ( M ) to. How often this ariftocratical power has been thrown into the different fcales, and how much oftener into the popular than the mo- narchical, to prefervetheconftitution,may be fecn in our hiftory. Now the right of appointing this ariftocratical part of the Britifh government, has been fixed and eftablifhed in the Crown from the firft dawn of the prefent government. The people of England have never claimed, nor pretended to claim it-, and I am fure, that no King was ever authoriffd to give away any of the rights of the Crown. They are fiduciary trufts, unalienably vefted in him and his fuc- ceiTors for ever, for the benefit of the fociety. They were conferred on him, to maintain the rights of Government, and not to defl:roy them. But by this grant of the ariftocratical rights of the conftitution to a part of the commonalty of the empire, the King affumed a power by which he might, at his pleafure, deftroy the efTence of the Britifh government, fubvert its balance, and throw it into inextricable con- fufion. For, if he may grant them to the fub- jedls of the State emigrating to America, he may certainly grant them to thofe who remain in Britain. The moft artful reafoncr cannot contradifl this truth without apparent fophiftry, becaufe no reafon can be afTigned why he may grant to the fubjeds of the State fettling out of the realm, rights which he cannot grant to thofe within it; and if, by the fundamental laws of the State, he holds a right to grant thefe powers to the people of Britain, he may, at his pleafure, deftroy the conftitution of the Britifli government. Supported ..^..Htl..,. *.:,■. g» . ( 21 ) Supported by thefe principles, I may furely affirm, that no King of England was ever vefted with a right to grant to the people of the Mafla- chuffctt*S legiflature, the fole appointment, or a fhare in the appointment, of the ariftocratic part of its conftitution j that Parliament pof- fefied authority to alter the charter of Bofton in this particular, and in every other where the powers granted were inconfiftent with funda- mental laws and the edablifhed conftitution of the ftate } and not only the charter of Maflachuf- fett*s, but every other charter granted to the Colonies, whofe powers tend to weaken either the monarchical, ariftocratical, or democratical balance of the Britilh Government ; and that it was their duty indifpenfible to make fuch altera- tion ; and not only to do this, but to proceed in the work till every Colony charter is made conformable to the true fundamental principles of a mixed monarchy ; becaufe thefe alterations are not only evidently neceffary to the fafety of the ftate, but alfo to the happincfs of the Colo- nifts themfelves. But it has been faid, that this ad gave the univcrfal alarm throughout America. This is an aOertion without any foundation in reafon or truth. It could alarm none but thofe who were already attached to democratical principles, and in whofe breafts an avcrfion to the Britilh Government was already fixed. All the loyalifts throughout the Colonies rather approved of than condemned the meafure. It affeded no Colony but the MaflachuflTett's immediately, and none in profpcft, fave Conncdticut and Rhodc- Ifland } and even in thefe, the men whofe intereft ».:<-1 «1 If .^ ( J2 ) intereH: and honours did not depend on popular aflemblics and popular confufion, thought it jult and neccflary. In Pcnnfylvania the people had petitioned for a Hoyal Government, in which this meafure was included and approved; and in Maryland, and all the Royal Govern- ments, it had been eftablilhed from the firft fet- tlemenc of their ColoPiies. The Pennfylvanians could not, therefore, be alarmed at a meafure which conferred on their fcllow-colonills the very boon they liad prayed for themfelves : nor could the people of iViaryland, and the Royal Governments, be fuppofed to refcnt, or be dif- guftcd at this a6t of the State, inafmuch as this right had been exercifed by the governors of iheir own provinces without the lead murmur or complaint, ever fince their fettlement. When thcfe acts, which are the great fubjefls of American complaints, are impartially con- fidered, what do we find in them to fupport thofe complaints ? What, that has the lealt ap- pearance of a defign in Cjovernment to cnflavc the Colonies ? The reader has now before him the principles upon which ihele ftatutes were made. He perceives that the Stamp Ad was palTed to draw a reafonabie revenue from Colo- nies which had been, and mud continue to be, protected by the State — That the Declaratory Ait was rendered neceflary by the condudt of the Colonies, to fupport the fupremacy of Par- liament, which they liad denied — That the Tea A(fl was defigned to procure a revenue from them, but in a manner fo beneficial, thai for every three pence paid they receive:' rne Ihilling. The ad't for altering the Maiiachuf- lilWIM-l vf ( 23 ) fett's charter only declared that to be void which was void in iilelf, becaufe granted without authority, and annulled an unconftitutional power, which was really mlfchicvous to the people themfelves. The Lofton Port A6k was no more than an adl of common and na- tural juftice. What was it the duty of Admini- ftration to have done ? Were they to fuffer the burthen of American protection to lie longer heavy on the Ihoulders of the people of this country ? Were Britons to become hewers of wood, and drawers of water , for an American faction ? Were they tamely to permit the fii- preme authority of the State to be infolently trampled on by its ungrateful fubjeds, without fupporting it ? Were they to hear the calls for jultice from Britilh fubjeds, againft the adts of violence of the Bofton fadion, and not give them redrefs ? And were llatutes made for thofe purpoles, fupported as they are by the prin- ciples of all laws human and divine, to be tor- . tured by any fophiltry into caufes fufficient to juftify rebellion ? If there is a man living, who will lubfcribe to the affirmative of thefe quef- tions, with him I will not contend. Having thus Ihewn that the American re- bellion has not arifen from thole motives to which the rebels in America, and their adherents in Britain, have artfully and falfcly imputed them, with intent to conceal their own flagitious de- figns, we will fearch for Truth where flie is only to be found; and endeavour to demonftratc by what frogrejfive means, and fatal fucceffion of events, the original fpark has been produced, ifind nourilhed up to its prefcnt flaraej which by its ■ i '}fm ft^' ( 24 ) it« extcnfivc influence has dcftroycd the peace of Great-Britain, and feems to endanger its exift- cnce as an independent empire. To do this, we mull look as far back into the political hiftory of this country, as the begin- ning of the fixteenth century. At this period, Chriftianity in Britain was delivered from the fhackles of the church of Rome. Henry VIII. Edw.VI. andQiiecn Elizabeth had performed the generous talk. Under their aufpices the church of England became cftablilhed ; but too rigidly attached to her own dodrines and modes of worlhip, her rules admitted of little latitude or indulgence for different opinions. That re- flraint on the confciences of men, from which Ihe had fo lately been relieved, was, by her- felf, too ftriftly impofed on others. That freedom of the human mind, which is not always to be reftrained by the wifeft regulations, and which was rather incrcafed than diminilhed by the Reformation, remained yet too much limited. The zeal, I may call it rage, for more liberty in religion, foon broke the bounds of that re- Itraint, and multiplied into a variety of fedts diffenting from the Church. Thefe (be haralTed and diftrefled. Among the perfecuted were the Puritans, or Firft Independents', and none felt the weight of her power with more feverity. At this condudt in the Church we (hall not be furprifed, when we review the principles of thefe fedaries ; their religious tenets were alto- gether heterodox, and their principles of eccle- fiaftical polity were as dircftly repugnant to thofe of the e(tabli(hed Church, as their ideas of civil government were to thofe of a mixed mo- narchy i ii • t f ( 25 ) narchy ; and of courfe equally inconfiftent with the fatcty of both. '^• By the 25th of Henry VIII. the King had been declared the fupreme head of the church. From him flowed all ecclefinftical promo- tions ; by him the bifhops were appointed ; under him all the inferior clergy held their offices ; and the rules of the church were efta- blifhed by his authority : but thefe fcdtnries held it a maxim too facred to be difpenfcd v/itli, that the power of their church could be fubjedt to no temporal authority whatfocver-, that it was a feparate independent body, governed by the ordinances of their king Jefus, which they ex- pounded according to their own fanatic and cxcentric notions ; that the privilege and power of electing and ordaining minifters of the gofpei was, of right, veiled in the people ; that they who held the right to inveft with, mud hold the right to difpoflfefs a miniftcr of, his power and office ; and that all offences againCt good morals and the rules of their church, ought to be heard and determined by the people, or con- gregational communicants, from whofe decifion there could be no lawful appeal to any temporal authority whatever. It was not to be expeded that peopk pofleflcd of thefe notions, and who had adopted them as facred tenets of confcience, could ever make good and faithful fubjeds to a ftate, where the licentioufnefs of popular power was checked and reftrained by that of monarchy and arillocracy. This kind of popular independence in ecclefiafti- cal, was fo nearly allied to that in civil polity, it is fcarcely poffible to conceive that the human £ mind k^ m '. -m ^^ -: H m 'i-tri ■ ' »i^ m f„r* ( i6 ) mind could hold the one and rejcft the other. That kind of reafon which led to the one, as ftrongly inculcated the other •, and the principle of either was the principle of both. They there- fore maintained, that the right to all civil as well as ecc!t;^ajii cal power originated in the peo- ple, and ought to remain veiled in them with- out any controul. If thefe do6lrines, fo mani- ftrftly inconfift^int with the principles of the Bri- tifh conftitution, taught the Piirieans to believe that an independent popular Government in their own hands could alone effectually lecure their independence in religion, it at the fame time convinced the eftablifhed Governmtn^ and Church, that their fafety (in the then infant Hate of the Reformation, which required an union in fentiment to fupport it) depended on fupprefling thern. Zealoufly attached to their own notions, a number of thefe fcdaries, to avoid the perfe- cution in Britain, emigrated to Holland, in hopes of finding a Government more favourable to their defigns. Here they were received with every indulgence the freedom of the human mind could defire. They ereded churches, fettled congregations, eftablifjed among them- felves their own church-government, and lived without moleftation. But this did not fatisfy them i they were not happy. One and the firft objed of their enthufiafm, the pofleffion of a .government of their own purely republican, was not gratified, nor likely to be fo under the States. An ariftocratic fociety was as different from their ideas of civil polity, as a mixed mo- narchy. They, therefore, refolved to go in 2 fearch go in fearch ( 27 ) fearch of further adventures in another country. The Hollanders laboured to perfuade them to fet- tle under their Hates with their people on Hud- fon*s river : but this did not anfwer their purpofe. Thty chofe to be in a country alone, unmixed with others, and to have all power in their own poflelTion. That country was New-Eng- land •, and neither the dangers of an ocean rarely explored, nor of a wildernefs filled with favages, could divert them from their pur- pofe. In the year 1620 they arrived, and fettled New Plymouth. Here they fet up their own modes of worfliip and form of government. And as the two great objeds of their emigration were an independent church, and a republican fociety, they inftituted both ; vefting the powers of diredion and puniftimcnt, in all cafes whatfoever, in the people at large. All their officers were ele<5live i and when cleded, they exercifed all the powers of government, legiflative, executive, and foederative j but under forms and ceremonies as different as poflTible from thofe of the Hate whofe territory they poffefTed, and whofe fubjefts they were; and all this was done without the leafl: authority from the Britilh Government. In this manner they lived until the year 1629, when they obtained a grant for their territories from the Council of Plymouth, which I fhall have occafion foon more particularly to mention. The beginning of the reign of Charles I. was not more remarkable for toleration, than that of his immediate predeceflbr. A perfecu- tion of the Nonconformifts continued. The E 2 Puritans, . ^\ ¥' '■ ■ I- J ■if] ■ ■ Xi ! ■n I '*»•; II { «8 ) Puritan?, among others, were barajjed and fuffered. Their principles of rcliy;ion and polity were in no cflcntial different from thole of the Brownifts or Independents •, and their fpirits and enthufiafin were equally intole« rant of the rules of the eftablilhcd church and government. The path to America being now explored by their brethren the Brownifts, whofe fcttlemcnt had confiderably increafed, a num- ber of thefc fciflaries alfo refolvcd to fettle in New 1* ngland. To countenance their dcfign, they purchafcd of the Plymouth Company a part of their territory. But it contained no powers to inftitute civil policy. To what rea- ion tills omiflion was owing, is not pofitively known. It could not be occafioned by a re- lu«5lance in the grantees to accept of them, be- caufe they were necefTary to their fafety, and the accomplifhment of their views. It is there- fore more than probable, when we confider that the grantors were Lords of his Majcfty*s Council, and oth^r noblemen and gentlemen, all of them members of the eftablifhed church, that they would not entruft men of fuch dan- gerous principles to the church and ftate, with the powers or government in a diltant country. However, this omilTion obliged them to apply to the Crown for a charter, which they obtained March 4, 1628. Upon a view of this charter, fundry obferva- tions occur too important to be omitted. Nine tenths of the grantees were Nonconformills, compofed of a mixture of Puritans and Pref- bytcrims. The powers and privileges afked for and granted were merely republican. Every prero- i:,| ( «5 ) prciogadvc of the Crown, and all the rights of the ariltocratic part of the Bricifh conilitution, were facrificcd to the republican views of the grantees. By this charter the grantees were conflituted a body politic, with all the rights neceffary to form a complete independent civil focicty. They were vefted with a power to receive into and make free of their fociety fuch perfons as " they Ihould think Bt " to chufe annually their own Governor, Deputy-Governor, and afliftants out of the perfons fo dcnizen'd ; and in thefe were vefted as full and complete a legiflativc power, as that of the King, Lords, and Commons, fo far as regarded the territory granted and the inhabitants of it. Or, in the words of the charter, they were impowered " to make laws " and ordinances for the good and welfare of ** the Company, and for the government of ** the lands and plantations, and the people •' inhabiting and to inhabit the fame, as to them, ** from time to time, (hould be thought meet." There was no other controul to this complete legidative authority, than that the laws and or- dinances ihould not be contrary or repugnant to the laws and ftatutes of the realm. And, in refpedl to this, there was not the leaft provi- fion that thefe legiflators fliould tranfmit their adts for the repeal or even infpedtion of the State, nor any authority referved in the Crown to demand fuch tranfmillion •, nor in cafe of re- fufal, a forfeiture or penalty to enforce it. So that even this controul was infignificanr. Nor was this charter lefs liberal in granting away the executive rights and prerogatives of the ¥. m 4 i 1 ■■'^ . m. m Cl cc cc C 30 ) the Crown. The grantees held under it full powers to fettle the *' forms and ceremonies of " government and magiftracy," and to " name *' and llyle all lorts of officers, both fuperior •* and inferior, diftinguifhing and fetting forth •' the feveral duties, powers, and limits of every fuch office," and the " forms of the oaths to be rel'pcdively miniftered unto them;" to difpofe and order the eledlion of all fuch ** officers*," and to impofe all " fines, imprifon- " ments, and other lawful corrections" on the people. To which was added tl e right of making war and peace, under no other reftric- tions than thofe contained in the laws of na- ture and nations. Thus all the powers of the State, legiQative, executive, and even foedera- tive were given up by their charter. An impe- rium in imperio, or a government which was in- tended to be dependent and fubordinate, was eftablifhed with independent powers. But more j the charter is fo far from confining the eflential principles of their polity to thofe of the pa- rent ftate, that every power, right, and pri- vilege granted, is purely democratical. All of them originate with, and once in every year revert to popular aflemblies, without a fingle ray of monarchy or ariftocracy mixed with them. A charter thus framed exadly accorded with the Puritanic and democratical wifhes and prin- ciples of the grantees, and the people who were to be governed by it. But by what means the powers of government and dominion, fo to- tally inconfiftent with the fupreme legiflative authority of the flate, fo fubverfive of the rights of »> ( 3' ) of the Crown, and in all refpefts repugnant to theeltablilhcd form of a mixed monarchy, could be obtained from a King, whole evident defign was to extend his prerogatives beyond their conftitutional bounds, is at this day difficult to afcertain. The molt probable conjcdure is, that they were obtained by corruption. Indeed this opinion feems founded in fomething more than conjedure. Documents of fome credit fay, that the large fum of two thoufand pounds was paid for the purchafe. This will appear yet more probable, when we confider the per- plexity and diftrefs which the Court of Charles was often fubjefted to for want of money. In- deed it feems impoflible to account for it other- wife j for it exceeds all the bounds of reafonable conjeflure, that a Prince, poflefTcd of fuch high ideas of the extent of his prerogative, Ihould grant a charter effedually fubverfive of that prerogative, on any other ground than that of jiecelTity. However this may be, it was not reafonable to expedt that men, governed by thefe princi- ples, and pofTeffed of the unlimited powers of this charter, would ever adopt the laws of Eng- land, or even found their own laws upon the fame principles ; much lefs that they would re- tain an attachment to, or even a favourable opinion of, the principles of the Englifli Govern- ment. All experience in the political hirtory of man — the influence which different civil polity ever had, and will have, on the human paiTions and affeftions, forbad it. If we would remove vicious habits, manners, or opinions incon- fiftent with the unity and fafety of the fociety, prohibitory m ,v ■" . 1.5 ft '■' "'■' ill ^ m A? ■ r -S' .T --v, T>im- C 32 ) prohibitory laws muft be made to iupprefs them. If we would form or maintain falutary habits, manners, or opinions confiflent with the intereft of a fociety, preceptive laws muft be made to inculcate and fupport them. • Thefe maxims are founded in common fenfe, in com- mon policy, and in almoft univerfal pra<5tice. But this charter, by fome ftrange inattention, influence, or infatuation in the Government that granted it, was manifeftly calculated to efface all the laws, habits, manners, and opi- nions v'hich it ought to fupport, to de- ftroy that fyftem of polity which it ought to have maintained, and to level all the orders, ar- rangements, checks, and balances, wifely gra- duated and tempered, of a mixed monarchy, to the loweft and moft imperfeft of all political fyftems, a tumultuous, feditious, and hierc de- mocracy. How far this affertion is juft, we ihall perceive in tracing the conduft of the peo- ple who fettled under it, I have mentioned before, that the firft fettlers in New England had nothing lels in view than an independent eftablifhment, both in religion and government. For thefe reafons they firft: left England, and emigrated to Holland ; they left Holland, and ventured to New England ; and they and their friends, united with them in religious and political opinions, obtained the charter now under confideration. Jt was cer- tainly the intent of the charter, that the corpo- ration fhould be eftablifhed in England, and that the colonifts under it (hould be governed by the general laws of the realm, and the parti- cular laws made by the corporation thus efta- blilhed. But the penetration of thefe enthu- fiafts I -.'' ( 33 ) flails foon difcovirred, or perhaps it was known to them before, that the powers of an inferior corporation, under the immediate eye and con- troul of the fupreme authority of the State, however unlimited their powers from the Crown, would not venture to eftablifli their 'inde- pendence, or at leaft would not be fo bold in doing it, as one at three thoufand miles diftance, where their laws, their manners, and conduft might be concealed or difguifed from the pe- netration of the State. Ji was therefore agreed by the corporation, within eighteen months after it had been eftablifhcd in England, to remove all its powers to America, without the leaft authority Irom the Crown for that purpofc. Previous to the charter they had given evi- dent proofs of their defign. They had efta- bliftied a form of government altogerher popular, and a church on congregational principles. They had aboliflied the ufe of the common prayer and fer«/ice of the church of England. An attempt to perform it in a particular fociety, collefled for that purpofe, was adjudged fedi- tion againft the government, and two of the members of their council were baniflied frpm the community for that offence. Upon the removal of their charter, they thought, that the foundation of their inde- pendence was laid. By what means they eredted the fuperftrudture is a cyrious en- quiry } it is alfo a neceffary one to unfol4 the genuine fpirit of the people, and to lead us to the caufes of the prefent rebellion. A Government was foon eftablilhed, altogether F demo- ."•i-l ':fh^^ ' '-4 ' f' 'a Ffi mi ^0 :'Mt. ( 34 ) s( r'l -A ' ft dcmocratical. A Governor, Deputy governor, an AHiftanr, and a Magidracy were appointed; —and as the firft great objeft was the eftablifli- ment of their own religion, to the exclufion of the Church of England, and all other denomi- nations of Chriftians, the firft law of any mo- ment that was enadtcd, declared, " that none fhould be admitted to the freedom of the body politic, but fuch as were members of their own church." By this law, made dire6lly contriry to the evident defign of the charter, which gave any fubjedl a right to fettle in New England, a majority of the people then in that country were deprived of their civil rights and privileges, ren- dered incapable of holding any place of honour or profit, and liable to be tried for all offences by perfons adverfe in opinions and fentiments to them. The illegality and cruelty of this adt were obvious ; it was as repugnant to the dic- tates of reafon and humanity, as it was incon* fiftent with the fpirit and defign of the charter. And yet it continued in force until the diffolu- tion of their charter, or upwards of fixty years. But it was neceffary to the exclufive eftablifti- ment of their church ; and to this meafure whatever appeared neceflary, was in the opinion of their Government lawful and juft. It was not long before they found, that this law, although it effcdually deprived all perfons of different perfuafions in religion from partici- pating in their Government, it did not prevent their fettling in the territory. Many, indeed a majority of the fettlers, differed from them in religious fentiments and modes of worfhip, and many others were expeded from England, with -■' - defign d^ tc tij 4 J^ . ^ ) ■.n ;overnor, •pointed; :ftablifli. lufion of dcnomi- any mo- lat none he body beir own contriry ich gave jland, a :ry were ;es, ren- honour offences itiments this aft the dic- incon* charter, diffblu- Y years. ablilh- neafure )pinion lat this jcrfons )artici- ►revent deed a em in and with deHgti ( 35 ) defign to purchafe and fettle j all which tended to fubvert their original defign of refer ving the government and territory of New England to themfclves, " the only chofen people of God.** Alarmed at this profpeft, an a6t yet more un- juft, and more repugnant to the fpirit of the charter, was palTed. All perfons were forbid to entertain in their houfes any ftranger, who came with intent to refide among them, without liberty from one af the ftanding council, or two other afiiitants. The penalties were as fevere as the law was unjuft. Forty pounds were im- pofed on every perfon who fhould receive fuch ftranger, and twenty pounds for every month he remained with him, and one hundred pounds on any town which (hould give or fell to him a lot of ground to refide on. Thus the fame people, who had lately been perfecuted, became the perfecmors. It would be tedious to mention in detail all the cruelties committed under the authority of their fynod, and this democratical government. It would exhibit a pi£ture of human folly and wicked- nefs more painful than entertaining. I (hall only therefore remark, that all the fubjefts of the ftate, who held different opinions of religion, were deemed either libellous againft the church, feditious againft the government, or blafphe- mous againft their God. Every tenet of re- ligion in;onfiftent with their own, was ad- judged heterodox and heretical. We cannot therefore be furprifcd, upon looking into the hiftory of their government, to find inftances of inquifitorial cruelty. Toleration in the rulers was deemed a fin which would bring F 2 down !ij' ■% fe,:1 •I ■' <•;! I' * '■ i'i '1^ it;, - ( 36 ) down the judgments of heaven upon the land,' Inquilition was made into men's private judg- ments, as well as their declarations and pra6tice. Many innocent and inofFenfive people were im- prifoned, many banilhed on pain of fufFering death in cafe they returned, and fome were con- demned and fuffered death ; and all the rights of confcience and humanity were violated and fuppreffcd, although, by the words of the charter, toleration in religion and full liberty of confcience were exprcfsly granted. If any reafonablc mind can defirc further evidence than thefc tranfa£bions, that the people now fettled in New England intended to exclude all perfons of every other religion but their own, and to fet up an independent popular republic in that country, it will appear from the decla- ration of their favourite governor, Mr. Win- throp, who muft be fuppofed to be perfectly ac- quainted with their views. For he fays, in a letter wrote to Lord Say, that ** God had ♦* chofen New England to plant his people in, •« and that it would be difpleafing to him that **//&« w their fociety, unlefs brought over and confirmed by their own legiflature. They formed a new code of laws, founded on the laws of Mofes, much more fevere, and in many inftanccs more fanguinary, than either the Itatute or common law. Their laws were ex- tended to facSts committed out of the jurifdidion of their corporation, and their courts took cog- nifance of piracies, murders, felonies, and other offences committed on the high feas, while the laws of England made for the regulation of their commerce were utterly difregarded. A law for the punilhment of fedition or treafon, or any offence againft the perfon of the King, or againft the Hate, was not known in their fociety. And it is remarkably charafteriftic of this peo- ple, that although they made provifion againft the perpetration of every other crime which hu- man nature is liable to commit, and particularly one to puniQi treafon againft their own goverii ment with death, this only fhould be want- ing in their firft fyftem of polity. This circum- ftance, added to the popular form of their go- vernment, their dillike to the Englifh laws, and their inftitution of a code to totally different, are fo many proofs, amounting to dcmonftracion, of their difaffedion to the Crown, their enmity to mixed monarchy, and of their fixed refolution :. J •, - ■ ■"• to- n' . 1 tf Ig ^ i- u iflLUj (<■*■ rfl' •'.. t ' ■■■ • '•'. l;>f 1 ■ fi^m •,i*v ■ -.1 ■ .V ■fe 'l s> ■ ( 38 ) to eftablilh an independent commonwealth of their own. Under this charter the people of Maflachuf- fett's remained until it was refiimed by Charles II. A few years after the Prince of Orange arrived, and the Revolution in England took place, fond of their old licentroufnefs and con- fufed government, they petitioned in vain for a renewal of their old charter. That wife prince, little acquainted as he mufi have been with the conftituiion of England, faw its defeats, and wifhed, by a new one, to bring back thofe people to a juft attachment to the Government he in- tended to fupport. This is evident from the alterations he made ; but whether it was occa- fioned by the critical fituation of his affairs in England, or to fome other caufe, it is certain he did not lay the axe to the root. Some of the former popular rights were lopped off, but, like pruning the exterior branches of a tree, they only tended to fwell and ftrengthen the trunk. They did not eradicate the fpirit of their Mofaical laws ; they did not eftablifh that balance, and thofe checks on the licentious power of the people, which are neceflary under a mixed Government. The governor, under the new charter, is ap- pointed by the Crown j he has a power to adjourn, prorogue, or diflblvc the affembly-^his aflent is neceffary to all laws— he has the fole appoint- ment of military officers. Thefe were all amend- ments of the old charter, and tended to bring their Government a little nearer in refemblance to that of the State ; but the refemblance was very im- perfedl and diftortedj for the deputy-governor is » ■ r 1 ' < J ( 39 ) yet chofen by the people, and the governor can- not appoint any of the officers of the courts of jufticc without the afiVnt of the council. All other civil officers are elefted by the two houfes, while he only retains a negative on their choice-, and the council, who are thus united with him in his executive powers, are chofen or appointed by the general court or aflembly. Thus the firft branch of the legiflature is deprived of the occafional, and often neceflary, affiftance and weight of the fecond •, and the executive power is bound in the chain of democratical influence in fuch manner, that it cannot appoint a finale officer of Government without the affent ot a popular aflembly. The fecond branch, which ought to be unbiafled and independent, is the creature of the people, and dependent on them for their annual exifl:ence; while the third or democratical branch, befides all the powersnecef- fary to check the excefs of authority in' the gover- nor, poflfefs a confiderablefhare in the royal rights and prerogative"? of the Crown. In this truly injudicious and abfurd manner are the principles of the three fimple forms of government jum- - bled together. Inftead of three branches un- influenced by, and independent of, each other in their judgments and deciflons, the two higheft in order, and moil dignified, are dependent on the loweft and meaneft. It would extend thefe obfervations to a te- dious length, fhould I give a circumfl;antial detail of all the ambitious defigns and arbitrary attempts made by the aflemblies of this Pro- vince, from time to time, to render the two other branches of the legiflature yet more de- - S pendent, in ■ M sU .■^ 'I . + »■! irv.'- ^U Is':. I?, Mil'i' ( 40 ) pendent, and to a/Tume all power into their own hands. J (hall therefore only mention Ibme of them, referring my reader to the Hillory wrote by Governor Hutchinfon, who appears to be the bed informed of any of their hitlorian >. It is an elTential part of the Engliih conllitu- tion, that the King (hould be independent i that the civil lift Ihcuid be fixed and permanent, and the expencc and fupport of the Crown (hould not depend on the annual vote of the other branches of the legiflature. It is for the fame reafon juft and nece(rary, that Governors of Provinces (hould have rcafonable and indepen- dent falaries for the fupport of their dignity and freedom of judgment; but the a(rcmblics of the Ma(rachulTctt's, in order to deprive the governor of the free cxercife of his judgment in the adminiftration of government, have ever refufed to grant a fixed falary. Their grants have been only from year to year, or half- yearly ; they have been withheld or granted according as the governor gratified them in all their popular meafures and defigns j and infome inftances, by this means, they have compelled their governors to violate their inftrudtions, and fubmit to adts equally injurious to the rights of the Crown, and the true intereft of the people. The hiftory and public records of the Pro- vince afford a variety of attempts of the afTem- biy to affume all the pov/ers of the Crown, and to render their Governor and Council cyphers in government. They will prove, that their afTem- blies have afTumed a right to appoint officers, who by the diredions of the charter can only be appointed by the general court i tfiat they have ( 41 ) have of their own authority embodied and arrayed men in arms, and fent them upon expe- ditions, contrary to the judgment, and againfl: the will of the governor j that they have interfered with his right to treat with the natives, and prevented a treaty, that they have afliimed the (uperintendence of his Majefty's armies, forts and garrifons ; that they have undertaken to ifliie proclamations, and to appoint illegal and arbi- trary committees, and to order the Attorney- General to carry on illegal profecutions j that they have affiimed the right of adjourning their houfe againll the will and confent of the King's reprefentative, in whom alone that right was veiled by the charter •, that they have attempted to appoint the council without confent of the governor, and when appointed, to deprive them of their eflcntial rights ; that they have pafled a vote for removing the general court to a differ- ent place from that appointed in the governor's writ ; that they have attempted to deprive him of his right, by the charter, to draw on the treafury for the ordinary exigencies of Govern- ment •, that they have attempted to take upon themfelvcs the command and diredlion of the militia •, that they have compelled their governor to give up the right of treating with ihe natives, to treat in the name of the general court, and to fubmit to their infpedion the very fpeech he was about to make to them -, that they have attempted to affume the powers of a court- martial, and appointed committees to take the fole condud of the war with the natives out of tlie governor's hands j that they have threatened to draw off" the forces by their own authority from G the •1 >i T,, r. i ■ ». fU i fH'^ i^i ( 42 ) i!.c defence of the Province; that they have taken from the governor his right to pay the officers of government, and fuffer no draughts on the trealLiry for payment of the falaries of officers, until the allembly have j udgcd of the performance of their fcrviccs ; that they have rcfufcd to pay a military officer his wages, becaufe he had obeyed the orders of the governor, agreeable to military duty } and that they have paOed a refolve that the governor's public feal, affixed to a melTage delivered to the Indians, be defaced. After thefe fpecimens of the turbulent and feditious conduct of the people of this Provmce, educated wider the unlimited and unconjlitutional powers of their former and prefent charter, and that too during their feeble and infant (late, we are naturally led to look forward to meafures more alarming to Government, as foon as they (hall be poiTcded of greater numbers and more (Irength. But before we proceed to unfold thofe meafures, we mud, for the fake of having all the original caufes of fo great a rebellion before us, take a view of the other charters granted to promote the fettlement of America. In thefe we Ihall lind the lame deviations from the form of the principal government, the fame unlimited and unconftitutional powers, and confequently, in the people educated under them, the fame popular aver (ion and feditious oppofition to the laws and conditution of the Britilh State, and the fame de- fign of becoming, as foon as their (Irength and maturity would enable them, an independent people. The charters I allude to, are thofe of Rhode- Ifland and Connedicuc. Thefe charters, upon com* ( 43 ) comparing them with that of MafTachufTetts, will be found in no refpeft cflentially difFercnt. The form of their government was in fubftancc the fame. All the legiflative, executive, and even the fcederative powers, or the rights of war and peace, were veiled in the freemen of the province. They were fo many pure demo- cracies, without the lead mixture of ariftocracy or monarchy. All thofe checks, and that ba* lance of power, which form the excellence of the Britifh government, and which give it ftrength, and fecure the freedom of its fubje£ls, were omitted. They were in faft conftituted by their feveral charters fo many complete inde- pendent focieties, eUabliflied within the (late. I call them independent, becaufe in tenure as well as extent of power, they werefo unlimited, that nothing was wanting which could be ne- cefTary to a fociety perfedly independent. The inferior corporations of the EngliOi fo- ciety, and 1 may add, of all other focieties whatever, are formed on the polity of their principal fyftems. They are governed by the general laws of the (late -, in Great Britain by the common and (latute laws ; and their le- giflative powers are fo confined, that they have often occafion to apply to the fupreme au* thority for laws and local regulations ne- ce(rary to their own particular welfare. It is this, which in part forms the fubordination and dependence of ail inferior politic bodies. But thcfe focieties were made competent to every aft which could be necelTary in a fociety per- fedly independent. There was no one regula- tion which could be necelTary to their intereft G 2 or ^■1 I. !,■' ! ■^■•.4 ;r 'i' M -. t< r\ liS Ell ( 44 ) or happinefs, for which they were obliged to look up to or alk of the Parliament. And what is yet more extraordinary, all fuperin- tendence over their legiQative, executive, or foederative powers, was given up by the fu- preme reprclentative of the (late. They were not obliged to tranfmit any of their tranfaflions for the infpeftion or controul either of the Crown or Parliament. They made what laws they pleafed, and executed them in what man- ner they pleafed, and made peace and war with whom they pkafed. Under thefe circumftances, if they were not independent, thev were cer- tainly, in more fenfes of the word than one, unaccountable communities, and fuch as never were formed within the authority of any other government hitherto known in the hiftory of man- kind. They were what the learned Puffendorf calls ** irregular and monjirous fiaiss within aftate'*. Under thofe charters the people of Rhode Ifland and Connedicut received their education. Their political as well as their religious princi- * This Author, in treating of inferior foc'eties, fays, ** With regarJ to lawful bodies, it is to be obferved, that ** whatever n]^^/ they poflefs, or whatever /owfr t^ey hold *' over their member?, is all under \.\\e iietermination of the •• fuprtme authority, which it ought on no account to oppofe •* or overbalance. For otherwife. if there could be a body *' of men, uo\./uhJeii to the regulathns of the ciwl goi^ern- *' ment, there v^oM he .i^ate within a Jfate." And fpe. ic- ing of the right of the ** lupreme governoi" to form fuch focieties, he further fays, " If he has eiven in exprefs word', *' a» ah/olutc and independent right v\i;h regard to fame par - ** ticulur affairs, which concern the public adminijiration, *' then he hath plainly abdicated his authority, and by " admitting t^Mo heads in the conilituticn, hdiii lendered it *' irregular and msnjircus."'' pies ( 45 ) pies became fixed. Both were equally po- pular, and both tended to crafe every fentiment in favour of mixed monarchy. All the funda- mental laws upon which the ftrudure of the State had been ereftcd, were at one ftroke abo- iilhed by the inllitution of a democracy ; and not a fingle principle remained which could re- mind them of the excellence or value of the go- vernment to which they were or ought to be fubardinate. Such was the education of Briti(h fubjedts in thefe two colonies, which in no ef- lential refpedt, either in their religion or polity, differed from that of the MaffachufTetts Go- vernment. The influence and different effeds of educa- i" .n on the principles, manners, affedions, and prejudices of men, are to be fcen in every de- partment of life } in every private family ; in every private and public fchool and college t and in every different fyftem of government. " Train up a child in the way he fhould go, " and when he is old he will not depart from ** it," is a facred precept, as neceffary to be obferved in politics, as in religion or morality, and was undoubtedly intended to be fo by its author. The fundamental and general laws of every fociety are the leffons of inftru6lion, by which the fubjedt is daily taught his duty and mode of obedience to the State. It is the uni- formity of thefe leffons, flowing from the fame fyftem of confiftent polity, which forms the fame habits, manners, and political opinions throughout the fociety, fixes the national at- tachment, and leads the people to look up to one fyftem of government for their fafety and ■m '.u UP"i m ■■f U * ■, IS .It/^: #■ m J >. ( 46 ) and happinefs, and to a£b in concert on all 0C'> cafions to maintain and defend it. The force of this national attachment, thus fixed by an habitual fubmiiTion to the fame fyftem of government and laws, is to be feen in the conduft of every focicty, where the uni- formity of its fyftem is preferved. We fee it equally powerful in a monarchy, a republic, or a mixed government. Will a Frenchman change the abfolute power of his King, a Spaniard the defpotifm of his Monarch, or a Turk the ty- ranny of his Badiaw, for the civil rights of a Briton ? He will not, becaufe habit here be- comes a fecond nature. It compels him to love his oppredion, and to prefer it to reafonable liberty. Ufe has rendered it not only tolerable, but preferable, in his opinion, to that freedom which is founded in different polity, and which he knows not how to affume. In focieties, founded on principles fo re- pugnant to thofe of the Britifh government, it is reafonable to expedb that a fadtion would be formed, ever watchful to feize the firft oppor- tunity of throwing off the fmall remains of Ibb- ordination to the State. Such a fadion did exift, as I have fhewn, from their firft fettlement, waiting for the opportunity with much foli- citude and impatience. Many difficulties pre- vented the attempt. For a great length of time they were in an infant ftate, and incompetent in numbers. Their frequent quarrels and wars with the Indians kept them employed, harafTed, and diftrelTcd. The neighbourhood of the Ca- nadians, and the defigns of France, which led to ( 47 ) to a conqueH of their country, and the arrival of people from Great Britain, of different prin- ciples, with regard both to religion and govern- ment, were fo many obftacles to their defign. At the conclufion of the laft war, the two principal difficulties were removed. The ceffion of Canada to Great Britain at once difpelled their dread of Indian and Canadian incurlions, and their numbers were greatly increafcd, which left them at leifure to execute their dark and in- fidious defign of revolting from the parent (late, under whofe wing they had been tenderly nurfed and proteAed. Nothing now was wanting, but a plan for colledling their ftrength, and forming an union of thofe in the different parts of Ame- rica, who they imagined might be moft eafily brought into the meafure. The Prefbyterians in the fouthern colonies were the people with whom they wifhed to be united. The religious and political principles of thefe fcdtaries, they knew, would eafily afTimilate with their own ; for, befides other refemblances, they acknow- ledged no temporal head to their churches, claiming rights uncontroulable by the civil au- thority i and their ideas of government were equally popular. The New England Congregationalifts, under their firft charter, had held their fynods. They again, in the year 1725, attempted it under their ferond, and obtained the Lieutenant Go- vernor's afTent to the meafure. But this attempt being laid before the Lords Juflices, they were forb'c^ to proceed in it. The prohibition was certainly a wife one. It could not be prudent to fuffer men, who had fo often cruelly perfe- 4 cuted. :--..:lt (!<■"■ 'if ill .( Al W it i\ ( 48 ) cuted, not only the members of the eftabliflied church, but of every other focicty differing in opinion from them, and who held principles fo dangerous to the eftablifhed conftitution of the. State, to meet in a public body, and in an au- thoritative manner, without the confcnt of the King, who in all found policy ought to be the head of every public body, whether civil or re- ligious. But undifmayed at this check to their intended union, they never refted until they had eftablilhed it in fubftance, though under a different name. Inilead of a fynod, they called it a committee. In this committee they were as effedtually united as they could have been in a fynod. They exercifed the fame powers, and were a fynod in every thing but the name. The churches of the Prefbyterians through- out the Colonies h^d hitherto remained uncon- nedted with each other. To form thefe i.ito one religious, as well as one political body, and to eflablifh an alliance with them, was therefore the firft meafure purfued by this con- gregational fa<5lion, after they found themfelves freed from the embarralTments and dangers of Indian and French incurfions. This meafure was accelerated by the refolu- tion of the Houfe of Commons to lay certain duties in America on damped paper, in the year 1763. It was neceflfary for them to become able to give effedual oppofition to the inten- tion of Parliament, if it fhould pafs into an A6t. Difperfed over the Colonies, difunited among themlelves, and difliked and fufpeAed as they were by people of all other perfuafions of religion, they defpaired of fuccefs, while it de- , .-.-. pcnded .-,v C 49 ) J)enxied on their own ftrcngth. It was there- fore recommended to all the Prefbyterians in the Colonies fouthward of New England, to form themfclves into one body. A meafur.e fo flattering to their vanity and love of power was adopted without hefitacion. In the beginning of the year 1764, a conven- tion of the miniders and elders of the prefby- terian congregations in Philadelphia wrote a circular letter to all the prelbyterian congrega- tions in Pennfylvania, and with it inclofed the propofed articles of union. The reafons af- iigned in them are fo novel, u futile, and ab- furd, and the defign of exciting that very re- bellion, of which the congregationalifts of New England, and the Prefbyterians in all the other Colonies are at this moment the only fupport, is fo clearly demonflrated, that I fhall make no apology for giving them to the Reader at full length, without any comment. The Circular Letter and Articles of " fome Gentle- *' men of the Prejhy terian Denominatiott" in the Province of l?i:nn(y\v&nh. . "SIR, Philadelphia^ March 24, J 764. " The want of union and harmony among thofe of the preibyterian denomination has been lone obferved, and greatly lamented by every puDJic-fpirited perfon of bur fociety. Notwichdanding we are fo numerous in the province of Pennfylvania, we are confidered as nobody, or a body of very little weight and confequence, fo that any encroachments upon our ejfential and charter privileges may be H " made cc (( cc iC (C C( (C ^■^^ • ''Mr- "ill .'■^ t ' '•<4^'»! f' It . -1 .^ rv- t • I At 111 ■'I ( 50 ) ^ made by evil-minded perfohs, who think " that they have little to fear from any oppoji^ '^ tion that can be made to their meafures by ••us. Nay, fome denominations openly infult *• us as acting without plan or defign, quarrel- •• ling with one another, and feldom uniting to- «* gether, even to promote the moft falutary •« purpofes : And hence they take occafion to «• mifrcprefent and afperfe the whole body «« of Prefbyterians, on the account of the •* indifcrcet condudt of individuals belonging •• to us. It is greatly to be wifhed that we •* could devife fome flan that would cut off even •' the lead grounds for fuch afperfions, that •* would enable us to prevent the bad conduct «« of our members, and that would have a ten- •* dency to unite us more clofely together ; fo that, •• when there may be a necejffity to aSt as a body^ «• we may be able to do it whenever we may •» be called to defend our civil or religious liberties •' and privileges^ which we may enjoy, or to •« obtain any of which we may be abridged. •' A number of gentlemen in this city, in •• conjunction with the clergymen of our deno- •• mination here, have thought that the enclofed «* Plan may be fubfervient to this dejirable pur- •« pofey if it be heartily adopted and profecuted •• by our brethren in this province, and three •' lower counties ; and in this view we beg •* leave to recommend it to you. It cannot •' pofiibly do any hurt to us, and it will beyond «' doubt make us a more refpeSlahle body, ' We •' therefore cannot but promife ourfelves your «• hearty concurrence from yoiir knOWn public fpirir, and defire to affift any thing that may *' have i,- i'-iM •> II: M'' }M •. .:«: t. » ^, ( 5« ) c« 'it '■ with them as ofc as is convenient and ne^ ceflfary. • ' , " 4th, That a pcrfon (hall be appointed in each committee thus formed, who Ihall fign a letter in the name of the committee, and to whopi letters (hall be direftcd, who fhall call the committee together, and communi- cate to them what advice is received, that they may confqlt together what is belt to be done. '* 5th» That one or more members be fent by the committee in each county or diftrift, yearly or half-yearly, to a general meeting of the whole hodyt to confult together what is neceflary for the advantage of the body, and to give their advice in any affairs that relate to particular congregations ; and that one ilated meeting of faid delegates be pn the lad Tuefday of Augult yearly. " 6th, That the place of the general meeting be at Philadelphia or Lancaiter, on the la(t Tuefday of Auguft, 1764. " ; th. That each committee tranfmit to the committee in Philadelphia, their names and numbers, with what alterations may at any time be made in them. " 8th, That the committee in town confiftof minifters of the prefbyterian denomination in this city, and Mr. Treat, together with McfT. Samuel Smith MelT. T. Montgomery Alex. Hufton Andrew Hodge George Brian John Redman John Allen Jed. Snowden William Allifon Jfaac Snowden H, Williamfon Robert Harris • ' Meff. (C (( «( C( cc «( C( ct (C cc C( C( « C( «( (( cc C( C( (( ■' , !'■* V'. { 53 ) McfT. Thomas Smith Sam. Purviance John Meafe H. M'Cullough P.Che valicr,jun. . Ifaac Smith Charles Petit William Henry Mcff. Wm.Humphrys John Wallace J. Macphcrfon John Bayard John Wikoff William Kufi: • S. Purviance, jiin. In confequence of this letter, an union of all the prefbyterian congregations immediately took place in Pennfylvania and the Lower Counties. A like confederacy was eftablifhcd in all the fouthern Provinces, in purfuance of fimilar let- ters wrote by their refpedive conventions. Thofe letters were long buried in ftudied fecrccy. Their defign was not fufficiently matured, and therefore not proper for publication. Men of fcnfe and forefight were alarmed at fo formidable a confederacy, without knowing the ultimate! extent of their views •, however, at length, in the year 1769, the letters from the conventions of Philadelphia and New-York were obtained and publiftied. ' An union of prefbyterian force being thus fsftablifhed in each Province, thefe projedlors then took '•^falutary Jleps"^ (as they are called in a letter from one of the committee at Philadelphia to his friend) to get the whole " prefbyterian intereft on the Continent more firmly united." Thefe fteps ended in the eftablifhment of an annual Synod at Philadelphia. Here all the prefbyterian congregations in the Colonies are reprcfented by their refpedlivc minilters and elders, in this fynod all their central affairs, poliLical ■si -.p (:■■ % • ^ ' .1 ' m •i ' 4 LJ' M,- \ , ■"i ( , |i :: f t^ ( 54 ) political as well as religious, are debated and decided. From hence tMir orders and decrees are ifliied throughout America; and to them as ready and implicit obedience is paid as is due to the authority of any fovereign power what- ever. But they did not flop here : the principal matter recommended by the fadlion in New England, was an union of the congregational and prejbyterian intereft throughout the Colo- nies. To eH^ed this, a negociation took place, which ended in the appointment of a (landing committee of correfpondem e, with powers to communicate and confult, on all occafions, with a like committee appointed by the congre- gational churches in New England. Thus the Prefbyterians in the fourhern Colonies, who, while unconncdcd in their feveral congregationr, were of little fignificance, were raifed into weight and conftqucnce} and a dangerous combination of men, whofe principles of re- ligion and poliry were equally averfe to thofe of the eftablifhed Church and Government, was formed. United in this manner throughout the Colo- nies, thcfe republican fedlaries were prepared to oppofe the Stamp Aft, before the time of its commencement; and yet fenfible of their own inability without the aid of others, no arts or pains were left uneflayed to make converts of the reft of the people j but all their induftry was attended with little fuccefs. The members of the Church of England, Methodifts, Qiiakers, Lutherans, Calvinifts, Moravians, and other diflenters, were in general averfe to every mea- fure i', (' C 55 ) Aire which tended to violence. Some few of them were, by various arts and partial intcrcft, prevailed on to unite with them ; and rhefe were either lavyers or merchants, who thought their profcflional bufincls would be affedlcd by the aft, or the bankrupt planters, who were over- whelmed in debt to their Britifh faftors. But the republicans, pre-dttermined in their mea- fures, were unanimous. It was thefe men who excited the mobs, and led them to dcftroy the (lamped paper ; who compelled the coUeftors of the duties to rcfign their offices, and to pledge their faith that they would not execute them ; and it was thefe men who promoted, and for a time enforced, the non-importation agree- ment ^ and by theit" perfonal applications, threats, infults, and inflammatory publications and petitions, led the aflemblies to deny the authority of Parliament to tax the Colonies, in their feveral remonftrances. The effed of thefe meafures was a repeal of the aft. This repeal had its confequences, but they were the reverfe of thofe expeftcd by Go- vernment. It had been better for both countries that it never had pafled, or never been repealed. The authority of Parliament had been denied, the political incompetency of the Colonics to grant their reafonable proportion of aids had been experienced. At the fame time the duty and ability of the Colonies to contribute towards the national defence was acknowledged, the Minifter, whofe ambition and folly had obtained the repeal, had condefcended to give the moR, difgraccful afTurances, that the right in Parlia- ment to tax the Colonies, affirmed by the De- claratory 1 1 »fM ■V- ■ix ■ f; [*if II i:i 'if * •: 111 , ( 56 ) claratory Adl, would never be excrcifcd. AH thefc were (o many circumllances, which could not fail to elate the feditious republicans, and to convince them if they pcrfcvcrcd, they would ultimately fuccced in their defign. Had Govcrnmenr, inftead of repealing the aft, and paflTing the Declaratory Bill, fuflfercd the aft to remain in force until they had digefted and adopted the meafure, which has been fince propofed for removing the great objeftion upon which the oppofition was founded, it would have prevented the rebellion at lead for the prefent. The plaufible pretext of feeking a redrefs from unconftitutional taxation, by which many were deluded inio the oppofition, could not have been made-, the people in general would have been fatisBcd, and the republican faftion muft have furceafed, or fufpended their oppofition to Government ; but the minider of that day was not the minifter of wifdom, fup- pofe it were poHlble to believe him the minilter of integrity. Encouraged by this repeal, the faftions in America were not idle. They daily expefted, not with (landing miniderial alTu ranees, that fome other aft would pafs for compelling the Colo* niesjto fupport the expence of their own Govern- ments, and to contribute to the national fafety. They expefted it, becaufe it was juft ; but de- termined not to fubmit to it, they were con- Aantly aftive in forming the minds of the people for oppofition. No art, no fraud, no faU'ehood, by which they could be milled, was omitted ; their fears and their ambition were alternately worked upon. In the New England papers the I flattering ( 57 ) flattering idea that " America wonll foon heccme a ,^recit erupire" was repeatedly held out to the people, it was faid that the cortjer Jlone was already hid\ and a variety of arttul arguments were ufed to lead the vanity ot* tiie people to that belief. Some publications denied the authority of Parliament over the Colonies in all cafes whatever -, others charged the Britilh legif- laturc with corruption, the Minifters with an infidious defif^n to enflavc America •, and even the mildeft of Sovereigns, ivho never yet has violated the royal covenant with his people in any one injlance^ did not efcape their pctulanc reproaches. While thcfe things were tranfafting in Ame- rica, the aft for laying duties on certain goods imported into the Colonies^ was paflcd in Bri- tain. The faftion who were thus on their watch, and determined to oppofe not only every aft tor taxing the Colonies, but every one that Ihould be made to bind them, inftantly took the alarm. There was another defcription of men whofe intereft was affefted by it ; thefe were the fmug- gling merchants in the fea-port towns, who in defiance of law and the molt facred of all obli- gations, an oath, had b^en long in the praftice of importing tea from St. Euftatia and Holland, Thefe men joined the republicans in their cla- mours againft the aft \ but if their clamours were heard, they were difregarded b^ the people in general; who faw that the aft was not founded in opprcflion, but on the contrary was greatly beneficial. 1 En- r ■'^ ■M /' t:' ' 1 . I- 'i: :i? I' < f ." K ■■ ( 58 ) ' Encouraged by this difpofition in the people, and the acquiefccnce of the colonial aircmblies under the partial repeal of" the adl, the Parlia- ment pafled another to enable the Eaft-lndiu Company to export their teas to America. This ad:, I have before obferved, was a favour to the people of America, who therefore, in general, did not oppole it j but it affected the interell of the fmuggler yet more eflentially than the Tea A 61 ; and it was another inftance of the exercifc of parliamentary authority over the Colonies, which the republicans were determined, at all events, to oppole. The united faction of Con- gregationalills, Prefbytcrians, and Smugglers, took the alarm, and renewed their exertions to create a general infurredtion j but they did not fucceed. The people in general fufpeded the indepen- dent views of the republicans ; they faw the interefted motives of the fmugglers, and they knew the regulations in the adt were beneficial to themfelves ; they were therefore not to b^ moved. The fadlion now, giving over ' all hope of alTiltance from the country, refolved to prevent the landing of the tea ; becaufe if not landed it would not be bought, and could not be confumed; and if landed they knew, from the evident difpofition of the people, that it would be impofllble to prevent either the fale or confumption. for this rea!on, in all the fea- port towns they again formed themfelves into committees, and prepared to execute their defign. On the arrival of the tea, every f]£lion and phantom ot oppreffioa were held up to the view O4 f!-^' •' ' r: I: ( 59 ) Pt" of the people, I all the towns where it was ex- pedled, in order to lead them into mobs for its deftrudion. It never has been a difficult matter in any country, and more efpecially in thore where liberty prevails, to incite the ignorant and neccflitous vulgar, by falfc pretences, to a£ls of violence. It has not been lb in London i it was not fo in America. Mobs were raifed in every port where the tea arrived, and the landing was pre- vented in all, except Charles Town ; and in iJofton it was violently, and in defiance of law, deftroyed. Had that firmnefs, that intrepidity of fpirit, which ever is the grea^eft ornament and fupport of public juftice, and which ever was necclTary to preferve the peace in a great empire, pre- vailed in the Britilh Councils, an exemplary punilhment would have been inflided on every city and town where fuch open and rebellious oppofition had been given to the fupreme au- thority of the State. But this was not the cafe. The difunion in the great Councils of the State, and the fadlious oppofition to Government, even at that early period, encouraging the rifing fe- dition, fmothered the ideas of public juilice, and wrenched the fvvord from the hands of Go- vernment. No punifliment was inflided, nor was any reprehenfion given to thofe cities which had feditioufly oppofed the authority of Parliament by their obliruftions to the landing of the tea ; and even that which was irnpofed on the port of Boflion could not be called a punilhment, unlefs it be one to redore that which we have unlaw- fully and violently taken from another. This adt, with that for alterin'^ the MairAchufTctt's 1 2 rj charter. ■.mi ' i ■ »■•■'> i ■ ■ r r fji ■t^,^;tmm s m t,: t ■ I ■ m'' ( 60 ) charter, which I have before taken notice of, were added to the lift of American grievances. "While thefe mild meafures, thele temporary and inadequate expedients, were taking by Government to fnpport the authority of the State, the fa6tions on both fideS of the Atlantic- were not idle. The republicans in America had their fpics, their friends, and their parties in Britain. From the time of the Stamp Aft, and its difgraceful repeal, every meafure was taken to unite them more firmly together ; and this was no difficult taflc. Ingredients of the fame quality will eafily aflimilate. The views of both were the fame. The firft had in profpedt the independence of America — the fecond, the abolition of the principles of mixed monarchy in Britain : and both wilhed to eftablilh their refpedive focieties on democtatical principles. To effeft this union, the particular lords and commoners, through whofe influence the repeal had been obtained, had received the moft ful- fome letters of adulation and thanks from the American demagogues, and had returned their anfwers, which plainly difcovered they were pleafed with their new allies. Letters of the lame kind were written to the fadlious and repub- lican corporations in Britain, which had figna- lifed themfelves in the American caufe. The city of London was at their head. A corre- fpondence was moreover fettled with many other principal republicans in all parts of the kingdon", and even in Ireland. Thefe feditious combinations being thus united, have coiiflantly a6led in concert. They have, with afllduity unparalleled, and exertions incellanr. ( 6i ) inceffant, promoted each others defigns. That in Great Britain has conftantiy received all the inflammatory letters, refolves, and proceedings of the American town meetings, committees, conventions, and congrefles, which were equally calculated to deceive and delude the people of both countries, and to lead them into rebellion. It has induftrioufly publifhed and tranfmitted thofe letters and refolves throughout the king- dom, with publications of its own equally in- flammatory. It has, by harangues, paragraphs, and pamphlets (I wifh fpeeches, even in the two houfes of parliament, could be excepted), been the conftant and firm fupport of every a6t of American fedition. And the greatcft and mod cautious man among them had the boldnefs to declare in a Britifli fenate, " that he " rejoiced thr . 'rica had refifted,** On the othei ..^.e- the American rebel com- mittees have been avoured with the conftant communications ot the fadion in Britain, whofe feditious fpeeches in parliament, petitions, pam- phlets, and publications, have been conftantiy tranfmitted and publilhed in America to in- . creafe the fedition, and pufli that unhappy peo- ple into the prefent moft unprovoked, ground- lefs, and deftrudtive rebellion. A colleclion of all thefe inflammatory pieces would fill a volume in folio. They have been, and are to be ken in the Britifh and American papers and pam- phlets i and they nut tranfadlions fo recent, tha: they need not be particularly pointed out. The Aflemblies of the feveral Colonies, and the people in general, from the time of the par- tial repeal of the Tea Ad, remained quiet and unmoved •'T-Py^j m •S hi II •JA-: 11 ■'-til m 1..' .ij '.ii: :4 ( 6» ) 'nnmoved by thefe feditious publications. The Afiemblies (thofc of the Ciiarter-Colonies ex- ccpccd) were not to be influenced by party writings, and inflammatory pieces. They knew they were members of the Britifh Government. They knew the neceffity of a fupreme legiflu'tivo authority in every St^te ; and they law that Great Britain, unmoved at their former indif- creet petitions, denying the fupreme authority of the State, was determined to fupport it. They knew their own incompetency to difcharge with juftice the firft of all political duties, the granting ot aids for the common fafety of the empire. They alfo faw, t'^at a Parliament in which they were not repreferited, in which no perfon and no property in America was repre- sented ; a parliament which had no conltitu- tional means of knowing their wants, neccflities, and circumftances, in order to reeulate their conduct or to relieve their wants, was not fo competent in reafon, however it might be in law, to bind them. They faw the Colonies in the fame fituation with Wales, Durham, and Chefter before their reprelentation in Parlia- ment; and therefore, like them, they wilhed for a more perfc6l union with the Britifli State. They alfo faw that it was their duty to propofe and petition for the meafure which would re- lieve them from their perplexing fituation. But they did not, nor could know each other's minds. They were thirteen dilunited bodies, as incompetent to this meafure as to that of granting iheir jull proportion of the national aids, and the fadion abroad added to their per- plexities. In this doubtful Itate they remained until C 63 ) until a circular letter fent to the Speakers of all the Afiemblies was received by fuch as were fitting, from that fource of fedition, a committee of correfpondence appointed by the AlTembly of the MaiTachufetts. The meafure propofed by this letter was a general non-importation and non- exportation between Great Britain and America, a meafure which one would not fufped could poflibly be recommended by any man in Great Britain; and yet we know, that it was not only recom- mended, but vindicated and fupported by the whole tribe of pretended patriots. Many let- ters were written from Great Britain, recommend- ing it. An extrafi: from one of them, wrote even by a member of P 1, publillied in the Pennfylvania Gazette, is in a ftyle fo truly republican and rebellious, that 1 will give it to the Reader in its own words. " I perfuade myfelf •* your countrymen are not fo contaminated ^* with the effeminacy of this nation, not to fee " that this is the important crifis when they ^* ought to make 2i folemn^ fullen, uuilcdy and '* invincible Jiand againft the cruel, tyrannous, and ruinous fyjiem of policy adopted and exer- cifing by this legiflature, againft the rights and freedom of America ; and let me add, that if the deputies of the feveral Provinces, when convened in Congrefs, do not-, one and ^' all, firmly refolve to ellablifh, through " every county and townfhip in their refpediv^i " Provinces, a folemn league and covenarit, ^' and under an oath or affirmation not to pur- ** chafe or to ufe the manufaftures of this coun- f try (fave what are colledled already within the " Province), «c (c cc cc c; /^. ■..I" ■ 'I :■■'.:. ■:t1 ,(■"'■ , .. ■ i • ■?■ ■.'■J !•■ i*l I! 1. \ ^Hk If] «r i ,• I. •Un H ■1 I .■'If f I, 1 Hi m i«i M ' I C( cc <( C( C( C( ( 66 ) •* prudenty and lawful meajures^ and to adopt ^ plan for obtaining a redrel's of America^ grievances, afcertaining American rights up- on the moft folid and conjiittitional principles, and for eftablifhing that union and harmon/ between Great Britain and the Colonies, which is indifpenfably necejfary to the welfare and happinefs of both." Under thefe inftrudtions, it was the general expeftation that decent pe- titions would be prefcnted to Parlian-ient, ex- plicitly pointing ouc the meafures by which its authority over the Colonies might be rendered more conftitutional, and the grievances com- plained of might be redrefTed *, becaufe this was nothing more than the reafonable ducy of (ub- jefts, and it was the fincere wifh of the people. Upon the meeting of Congrcfs two parties were immediately formed, with different views, and determined to a M i. 1^1 '■■'.M *U' ■ • W ^'3 '»■?* I I. 'i- ,1 J :*■ ( 68 ) head of his Majcfty*s army at Bofton, to give them a pretext for violent oppofition, or to pro- mote their meafures in Congrefs, Mr. Adams advifed and direftcd to be done-, and when done, it was difpatchcd by expreis to Congrefs. By one of thefe expreircs came the inflammatory refolvcs of the county of Suffolk, which con- tained a complete declaration of war againft Great-Britain. By thefe refolves it is declared, ** that no obedience is due to afts of Parliament affeaing Bollon :" That ** the juftices of the fuperior courts of judicature, court of aflTize, &c. are unconftitu- tional officers, and that no regard ought to be paid to them by the people :** That " the county will fupport and bear harmlefs all fheriffs and their deputies, con- ftables, jurors and other officers, who flir'.l re- fu/e to carry into execution the orders of the /aid courts :" That ** the colledors of taxes, conftables and other officers, retain in their hands all public monies^ and not make any payment thereof to the provincial county treafurer :" And that " the perfons who had accepted feats at the council-board, by virtue of a mandamus from the King, (hould be confidered as objiinate and incorrigible enemies to their country** They advife the people " to eled the officers of militia, and to ufe their utmoft diligence to ac- quaint them/elves with the art of war as foon as poffible, and for that purpofe to appear under arms once in every week :" And to carry thefe and other meafures into execution s among many other things equally treafonable. (■'.ill ( 69 ) frcafonabic, they recommend it to the feverai towns to " chufe a Provincial Congrcfs." i * Upon thefe refolves being read, a motion was made that the Congrefs fhould give them their fandion. Long and warm debates en- fued between the parties. At this time the republican fadtion in Congrefs had provided a mob, ready to execute their fecret orders. The cruel practice of tarring and feathering had been long fince introduced. This leifened the lirmnefs of fome of the loyalifls *, the vote was .put and carried. Two of the dilTenting mem- bers prefumed to offer their proteil againft it in writing, which was negatived. They next iniifted that the tender of their protefl: and its negative (hou)d be entered on the minutes j this was alfo rejected. By this treafonable vote the foundation of military refiftance throughout America was ef- fcdlually laid. The tjxample was now fct by the people of Suffolk, and the meafure was approved of by thofe who called themfelves the reprefentatives of all America. The loyal party, although they knew a great majority of the colonifts were averfe to the meafure, perceived the improbability of Hemming the torrent, f hey had no authority, no means in their own power to refill it i they faw thofe who held the powers of Government inactive fpedtators, and either ihrinking from their duty, or uniting in the meafures of fedition ; they faw the flame of re- bellion fpreading with more rapidity in a pro- vince under the eye of his Majelty's army than in any other; and that no effc6tual meafures were taking by Government in Britain to fup- piefs ''i. >i' ■ ^-4 :::4 ■ 1.1 ■' HI 4"i i» -I >,- . <( ^1 il is ( 70 ) prefs it ; and yet, as a petition to his Majedy had been ordered to be brought in, they re- folvcd to continue their exertions. They hoped to prevail in ftating the rights of America on juft and conftitutional principles ; in propofing a plan for uniting the two countries on thole principles, and in a clear, definitive and decenc prayer, to aik for what a majority of the colo- nies wifhed to obtain ; and as they had no reafon to doubt the fuccefs of this meafure in a Britilh Parliament, they further hoped, that it would flop the efFufion of blood and the ruin of their country. With this view, as well as to probe the ulti- mate defign of the republicans, and to know with certainty whether any propofal, (hort of the abfolute independence of the Colonies, would fatisfy them, a plan of union was drawn by a member of the loyal party, and approved by the reft. It was fo formed as to leave no room for any reafonable objection on the part of the republicans, if they meant to be united to Great Britain on any grounds whatever. It included a relloration of all their rights, and a redrefs of all their grievances, on conllitutional principles j and it accorded with all the inftruc- tions given to them as members of Congrefs. Introduftory to his motion which led to this plan, the author of it made, in fubftance, the following fpeech, which is taken from his fhort notes : " He told Congrefs that he came with inftrudtions to propofe fome mode, by which the harmony between Great Britain and the Colonies might be reftored on conftitutional principles: that this appeared to be the genuine «« ct 4« i;-..;;li «t CI 4C C( il (C (C •( (( 4( C( «{ <( iC (( (( (( «( it cc ^ ) I II m!;, ( Si ) publican fa6lion, having obtained a majority in Congrcfs by their arts, and the afliftance of their mobs, rejeded it without fufFering it to be dif- ciiflTcd, contrary to their own pofitive rule j and ordered it to be expunged from their minutes, to prevent its publication. I have dwelt more particularly on the conduft of the Congrefs relative to this plan, becaufe their denial of the authority of Parliament, their refufal to be reprefented in it, and their rejecting a propofition which would have given the Ca- lonifts a perfect reprefentation in America ; a reprefentation by far more popular and perfeft than that in Great Britain, are fo many con- current and inconteftible proofs which muft carry convidion to every candid breaft, that they have, from the beginning, aimed at nothing Ihort of abfolute independence. It has been the conftant theme of the factions on both fides of the Atlantic, that at the con- clufion of the laft war a " plan for «nflaving the Colonies was concerted, and has ever fince been periinacioufly carrying into execu- tion, by the prefent adminiftration." It has been echoed from one country to another a thoufand times. It has been refuted again and again, and reds now as it did at Hrft, nothing but the boldnefs and infolence of bellion to fupport it : for the truth is, that " at " the conclufion of the laft war," the New England demagogues, educated under"3ieir de- mocratical charter, in principles inimical to a mixed monarchy, found themfelves, by the ceffion of Canada to Great Britain, relieved from the burthens and embarraflmcnts arifing from their <( C( i( having re- ML ( 83 ) their continual wars with tlie Canadians and Indians. They thought that the Colonies thus relieved, and now grown up to confiderable llrcngth, no longer Hood in need of the pro- tedlion of Great Britain j that the time was approaching when they might carry into exe- cution their Jong meditated dcfign of cftablifli- ing their own religion and popular governments in America. A variety of fads and tranfadions might be adduced to demonftrate this truth. Prior to this aera, they had ever recognifed the jurif- 3icHoh of Parliament. Statutes were made for regulating their trade, levying taxes, reftraining their manutiaflures, and direfting their internal police i to all which they fubmitted without murmur or complaint. But immediately fub- fequent to this period, their dodrine was changed, and a new fyilem of condudt was adopted. It was in the beginning of the year 1 764, before t he Stam p Ad was thought of, "^-^ and b eTor'e they pre^ehd that tHey" had any grievances to complain of, that they began their unlawful combinations, " to defend (as they exprefsly declare) their civil and religious li- berties." It was in the fame year that they refolvcd to unite all the prcfbyterian churches throughout America, before that time uncon- neded with each other, into one body or fynod i and to combine that fynod with the great com- mittee at Bofton, by ftanding committees, ap- pointed to correfpond and confult with each other. It was at this time they began to hold gut to the people the novel, but alluring idea, of American independence. And it was at this time M a ' they X T. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 v^^ S B* ^ £ iia. Win 1.1 liiiiy4U4 ^ 0/ Hioto^aphic Sdences Corporalion 4s I 84 ) they dfchred, that the corner Jlones (meaning the cefTion of Canada, and the eftablifliment or their union) were laid ; and that America wouid foon rife to a great independent empire. This de- claration was followed by many publications tending to alienate the affedlions of the people from the Mother Country, and to prepare them, as the Gongrefs cxpreflcd it, ** for future events." And it was in the fame year, for the firft tijBie, that they laid^ the tbundation tbr quarrel, GysTdenial of the fuprcme authority of Great Britain. In the year 1764, the Stamp Aft was paflPed, It paffed without one difapproving voice. The men in the prefent oppofition to Government had given it their approbation. They had not then formed a conne6lion with rebellion, nor had they compared their notes with the American republicans ; but as foon as the rebels in Ame- rica took the ground of oppofition, the two facftions inftantly embraced, and the fame men who had in 1764 aflcnted to the adt, in 1766 be- came the njoll violent oppofers of it, and of every other fubfequent aft which has pafled for the fnpport of the fupreme authority of their own country over its Colonies. * • It may be both amufing and inftruftive to the reader, and not foreign to my purpofe, to lay before him a copy of General Conway's ex- cellent letter to the Governor of Maffachufiett's Bay, in 1775. Though the General wrote officially, being one of his Majefty's principal Secretaries of State, yet if he was governed by any principles of honour or honcfty, his own fen- timents muft have correfponded with the letter. . . "It; rsi ( «5 ) own ' grievances, but to obtain grace and favour, " while the outrage of a public violence can expeff ** nothing but feverity and chafiifement, ** Thefe fentiments you and all his Majefty's " fervants, from a fenfe of your duty to, and ♦* love of your country, will endeavour to ex- >* cite and encourage ; you will, in a particular ** manner, call upon them, not to render their >} cafe defperate. You will in the ftrongeft: ' : ' *' colours (C <( "T i^^ 1 *' [< <« it ( 86 ) " colours reprcfent to them, the dreadful con- ** fequenccs that mud inevitably attend the " forcible and violent re/tjiance to atfs of the Britijb ** Parliament, and the fcene of mifery and dc- «* ftrudlion to both countries infeparable from fucb " a condu^. " For however unwillingly his Majefty may «* confent to the exertion of fuch powers as may endanger the fafety of a Jingle fubjeSl \ yet can he not permit his own dignity and the authority of the Britifh legiflature to be tram- ** pled on by force and violence, and in avowe4 ** contempt of all order, duty and decorum. ** If the fubjed is aggrieved, he knows in •* what manner legally and conjlitutionally to apply •♦ for reliefs but it is not fuitable either to the *' fafety or dignity of the Britiih empire, that ** any individuals, under the pretence of re- ** dreffing grievances, fliould prefutne to violate •* the public peace" Such were the fentiments of Mr. Conway, Secretary of Sate. What has been his conduft as member of Tiirliament, and how fi^r it has corrcfponded with thole fentiments fince he has united with Oppofition, and with them become the advocate of the Americans, his and their ipceches in the great councils of the State have fully demonllratcd, -- In this oppofition, it is remarkable how much they have been embarrafled to find arguments, even plaufible, to fupport themfelves. They have been led to make diliindions the mod abfurd and ridiculous — diftindions which are to be found in no book, nor in the conftitution of any Govern- n.enr, and which they themfelves have cither forgot, or are now afliamed any longer to infift on. ih -i:^." id ( 87 ) on. Not daring to deny the fupremacy of Par- liament over the Colonies in all cafes what- foevcr, they have contended, there is a diftinc- tion between the rights of legiQation and taxa- tion — between the right to impofc internal and external taxes**^and taxes laid for the regulation of trade, and thofe for the purpofeof revenue-, and that Parliament was competent to the HHl, but not to the fecond. Thus endeavouring, by their fophiftry, to pare away, or fplic into pieces, the fupreme authority of the State, and to rob it of the moft important of its rights, by which only it can command the reafonable contribu- tions of all its fubjedts when neceifary to the national defence. Such are the fafts, upon which I fhall appeal to the reader's decision, whether there is any evidence of a dcfign in Government, fince the conclufion of the laft war, to enflave the Colo- nies ; or whether there are not the ilrongeil proofs that human conduct can exhibit, that from that period there has exited a fettled defign in the republican Colonics to throw off their allegiance to the State, and in their Britifh colleagues to encourage and fupport them in their attempt. Many other fa6ts might be adduced in fupport of the fame truths; but I will not dwell upon matters which are fufficiently prov- ed, and which perhaps fome men may think a digreflion. I will therefore difmifs the Bri- tifb, and pafs to the /American fadtion, which 1 left after their rcjeftion of the only propo- fal which was made tending to an accommo- dation of the dlfpute between the two coun- tries. ' >\ f^n 1' I : * . . p^ •^t. ( 88 ) ttics. They next proceeded to fettle their Bill of Rights. In this bill, were there no other proof of their defign to eftablifh independence^ we Ihould find that which is abundantly fuf- ficient. Their fourth refolve declares, that " as " the EngUfli Colonics are net reprefented^ ** and from their local circumftances, cannot properly be reprefented in the Britifii Parlia- ment, they are intitled to a free and ex- " cLusivE power of kgijlation in their feveral ** provincial legiflatures in all cafes of taxation «* and internal polity^ fubjeft only to the negative •* of their fovereign." Now no words can con- vey a more explicit declaration of colonial in- dependence on parliamentary authority j for if the Colonies are not, and will not be repre- fented, and moreover have a free and excluQve power of legiQation in all cafes of taxation and internal polity, the authority of the Britifti legif- lature is perfedtly excluded ; becaufe it can make no law which muft not come within the defcription of this refolve, not even an ac^ to r regulate their trade •, for that muft be executed J by officers within the Colonies, and of courfc ^ mu^ iGk6tthtir internal polity. It cannot even I repeal a colonial law, however repugnant to the ^laws of England, or injurious to the intereft of the other parts of the empire. . *> ;*. .i,,: If fo explicit a declaration can require any thing to confirm its meaning, we (hall find it in the following words of the fame refolve, ** But " from the neceffity of the cafe, and a regard ** to the mutual intereft of both countries" (not from any conftitutional right of Parliament j for this is denied in the preceding part of the refolve). I : .» C( it C( «( C( ( 89 ) ** rcfolve) wc confent to the operations of" (not to the right of making) " Inch adts of the " Britilh Parliament as arc" (not tofuch as/ZW/ he) " bona fide rcftrained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purpofe of fccuring the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the Mother Country, and the commercial benefits of its rcfpedive mem- bers." Thus did thefe men aflume a right to declare all the laws of trade void in refpedl to America, to judge of the propriety and utility of all, to refufe obedience to by far the greater part, and, with an arrogance unparalleled, to give validity to fuch of them only as they pleated. Such was the complexion of the Bill of Rights. They next proceeded to confidcr an addrefs to his Majefty, for they would not con- defcend to call it a petition. Perhaps they thought they could not, with propriety, call it lb, as it did not afk for any one effential thing. The loyalifts, and friends to an union between the two countries, zealoufly contended that it was equivo- cal and indecifive*, that it alkcdfor nothing 5 that it was moreover calculated to incenfe and irritate his Majefty and his Parliament, rather than to obtain a redrels of grievances-, that the Colonids had always acknowledged themfelves fubjedls of the Britilh State, and truly were ia \ that it was their duty not only to point out their grievances, butclearly and explicitly to aik for a remedy, that . therefore the addrefs ought to contain the great principles of the difputc, and to propofe lome mode of relief} and that commiflioncrs fhould be N lent \ I' irA ,ir. I :■'% 1- f \ t I.'- J I • - ■ :!> 1 4- ( 90 ) fcnt over to Britain to folicit the rcdrcfs pro- pofed. One may fafcly affirm that thcfe argu- ments werejuft, and the force of them ought to have prevailed, fince they urged nothing more than was the reafonable duty, and invariable pradice of good fubjefts. But reafon or argument had little weight. The republican faction had obtained, by working upon the timidity of fome, and the ignorance of others, a majority. The addrefs was therefore carried as it was brought in, with fome very trifling amendments. Upon a view of this addrefs, what does it pray for? There is, indeed, an intimation (if an intimation may be called a prayer) that if the Parliament will repeal the ftatutes fince the year 1763, their complaints vfWl fulf/ide. The word fubfide was prudently and cautioudy chofen. It alluded to atoms at the bottom of a fluid, ready to rife at the lead emotion ; and this would have been the cafe had the Parlia- ment complied with this intimation. For they had prepared and fettled other complaints, or, as they fly led them, opprefllons, as grounds of future quarrel and war between the two coun- tries, as foon as the ftatutes made fince the S year 1763 (hould be repealed. They had declared their exclufive right of legiOation, and had denied the force of all the laws of trade ; and of every ftatute pafTed before that period, on the principles eftablilhed by their claim of rights. The right of parliament to make them was as exprefsly denied, as it was to pafs thole fince 176!) •, and it was their fixed refolution to make thefe ftatutes the fubjeift of dUTention as foon S ( 9> ) foon as the Colonifts were better ftrcngthencd, and prepared for war. To lupport this faft, the unprejudiced Reader cannot look for (Ironger proof than their own folemn declarations. Thefe are the completcft evidence of deligns not carried into execution. They muft carry convidtion to the human breafl, where reafon and candour are not ex- cluded. On thefe then I rely. In a claufe of their claim of rights, on which their addrefs was founded, they declare, that " in the courfc *' of their enquiry, they find many infringe- *' ments and violations of the foregoing rights, •* which they pafs over for the present, and ** proceed to ftate fuch a£ls and meafures as •• have been adopted Jince the lafi war.** And in another claufe, fpeakingof the (Matures, they add, " To thefe grievous afls and meafures *• Americans cannot fubmit," and therefore *' they have, fcr the prefent osly^ refolved to " purfue the following peaceable meafures : ** I ft. To enter into a non- importation, non- ** confumption, and non-exportation agreement; " 2d, To prepare an addrefs to the people of " Great Brif^'n, and a memorial to the inha- ** bitants o h* Britifh Colonies *, and 3d, To •* prepare a kyal addrefs to his Majefty." How far from peaceable thefe meafures were, let common fenfe judge. The firft was carried into execution by every aft of violence that law- lefs committees and defperate mobs could de- vife. The fecond was calculated to inflame the minds of the people againft their fovereign, and to raifc another rebellion in Britain. The third, Na tQ ' , >' 11 I m ;l; ake not and was ( 92 ) to incite the people of America to take up arms againft their mother country, and to prepare their minds (as it isexpreflcd) ** for mournful ** events, and every contingency." The ad- cirefs, intimating that their complaints would fubfide upon the repeal of the Itatutes fince 1763, was fcnt over and prcfented j but their refolves refpedti ng the pr eceding objcfts of their co mplaint s," a mT^tli'elr dcrej uaination to ' ''~ them up at aluture day, were ^fecrg^te d, onlyTfrom ^Britons, but Americans. This condu(fl was artful, treacherous, bafe, in rcfpedt to both countries. It equally calculated to amufe and deceive both. But it was abfolutely neceflary to the fuccefsful purfuit of their dark and treafonable defign, which they knew would be relifticd by the greater part of neither. At this time they were deflitute of every thing neceflary for military refiftancc. They had not formed their (land- ing committees, conventions, or congrefles in the feveral Colonies. They had not embodied themfclves in arms. They had not difarmed the difaffcdcd, nor had they in the country arms or ammunition neceflary to their defign. Amufemcnt, falfehood, and fraud, were there- fore the only means they then had. Thefe were to be improved into weapons of more ef- fed: and power. Their colleagues in faction on this fide of the Atlantic were to be fup- ported, becaufe they were neceflary to diftradt the councils of flate,- • antl* retard its meafures. The people of America, then more happy than any other on the globe, were to be duped into 3 .' i . rebellion. m m^ :im ( 93 ) rebellion. To efFcft thefc purpofes, diffimula- tion was neccffary ; and never, not even by the Cromwellian faclion, was more of it ufed than on this occafion. In all their public proceed- ings, whether meant to delude the people of Great Britain or of America, we find the mod folemn declarations of loyalty to the King, the mi>tt ardent defire of a connexion and union on conditutional principles with Great Britain, a foiemn difavowal of independence, and the flronged aflfeverations that their fole defign was to obtain a redrefsof American grievances ; and all this at the very time they were making every poHiblc preparation for the mod vigorous hoftile oppofition. Having taken this plaufibic ground, they tranfmitted their proceedings to the faition in Britain. A vote of congreflional thanks to •* thofe truly noble, honourable^ and patriotic ad- •' vacates, who had fo generoufly and power- " fully, though unfuccefsfully, efpoufed and " defended the caufe of America, both in and ** out of parliament," attended them. A letter was written to their agents, ordering them to advife and co-operate with all *' great men ** who might incline to aid the caufe of liberty «* and mankind." Their memorial to the peo- ple of Great Britain was ordered to be " com- •• municated particularly to all the trading cities •* and manufa ■ n ;';« ■^■'kf. ( 96 ) pounds towards their fupport; and that they had made propofals to the Congrefs of New^ Hampihire, Rhode-Ifland, and Connedicut, for furnilhing men in the fame proportion. On the 1 6th, advice was received by the Prefident, that a detachment from the MafTachuflTett's and Conncdicut militia had taken his Majefty*s fort at Ticonderoga. . - , While thefe mar*Ts were before them, the refolution of the Houfe of Commons of Fe- bruary 20th, 1775 tranfmitted to Governor Franklin, and by him laid before the alTembly of New-Jerfey, was by that aflembly fubmitted to their consideration. This refolution was made upon the ground the Americans had taken. They h?'* repeatedly confeffed that a grant of their realbnable proportion of aids was their indifpenfable duty •, their alTemblies had been repeatedly called upon for that purpofe •, their grants had been untimely, partial, and un- jufl: ; and bme, when called on, in times of the greateft d nger, either neglefted or refufed a compliance with the requifition. They had moreover c nied the authority of Parliament, and refufed :o be reprefented in it. Upon this ground, P^ liament could offer nothing more li- beral towai s the Colonies than this propofition. The pre ofition amounts to this ; The Colo- nies have deiu.red that they are willing to grant their reafonable proportion of aid^ for the common defence^ and to provide for their refpe5iive civil ejtablifhments ; now if the Colonies will propofe to do this by their feveral legijlatures^ and iffuch propofal fhcll appear to be jufi^ and be approved ^ ■ - of s- '*»»'- ^i't^** ■■■-■^--^t^ ■ ( 97 ) fifhy his Majefty, and the two Houfes of Parlia- ment, Jo long as fuch propofals Jhall be carried into effeSi, Parliament Jhall forbear, in refpeH to the Colony complying, to levy any duty, tax, or affejfment, except only the duties neceffary for the regulation of commerce ; and even the mtt proceeds of thefe duths Jhall be carried to the account of the Colony complying with the propofal. In this propofition, what was it that Parliament re^ ferved ? They gave up the mode of raifing and levying the taxes, to the colonial aflcmblies : and to remove all poflibility of inducement in Parliament to draw a revenue from them under the pretence of regulating their commerce, they declare that the revenue thus raifed, fhall be carried to the credit of their national aids. The only power referved is lefs than was ever before referved by the fupremc authority of any State whatever ; and it is no more, when can- didly examined, and dripped of the falfc colours with which the Congrefs has bedaubed it, than a right to compel a Colony to do juftice to the community of which it is a member ; and that not before it has given proof of its difobedience and non-compliance with its firft and moft import- ant duty. Such a power all men muft acknow- ledge is eflential to their fubordination, to their union, to their proteftion and fafety. It mult therefore be lodged fomewhere. And where could it be more properly, or more fafcly placed, than in the fupreme authority of the State ? Now if the Colonies are members of the Britifh State — if they will not be reprefented in Parliament — if they have no fupremacy among themfelve^ to afcertain their proportion of aids, O or '■:':\\ >^; - ---«>,. -»*■ U'lri 'Mi-V K^V 7^ ( 98 5 or to compel them to make their reafonabje contributions, which are all fads acknowledged by themielves •, and if they have not propofcd, or alked, for the eftablifhment of any means by which the State may have a fecurity, that they will, when their own fafety and that of the nation arc in danger, perform their reafonable duty, was Parliament to continue to protefl: them with the monies levied on the people of Great-Britain, and to give up all power of compelling them to grant their reafonable pro- portions ? If they intended that the Britifh Par- liament Ihould have any authority over them at all, what lefs could it retain ? if they did not approve of this propofition, and did not mean to be abfolutely independent, why did they not propofe the means by which they might be ilependent, agreeable to the conftitution they fo much admired ? If they had any other union of the two countries, more conftitutional, in view, why did they not petition for it ? Their inftruc- tions ordered them to do fo — it was the earneft wirti of the generality of their conftituents. \Vhy then did they not comply with thofe in- llruitions, if they diQiked the propofition ? I call upon the faftions on both fides of the Atlantic-, the voice of rcafon and juftice unites with me in the call, to afllgn any other reafon why they neither made this propofition a ground of ac- con^.modation, nor propofed to Parliament any other, but that they were determined, through all the horrors attendant on rebellion, to cfta- blifli their independence. Reiblved to avoid every path to a recon- ciliation wiih Great-Britain, becaufe inconfittent 7 with f-; I 99 ) with their views of independence, they rejedcd this propofition as " unreafonable and infidious," and proceeded with the utmoft induftry in their military preparations. Were I to give a minute relation of them, it would be attended with a prolixity which no entertainment to be de- rived from them could compenfate. I fhall therefore only mention in general, the principal meafurcs which they thought neccflary to be cftabliihed, before they could fafely declare their long meditated independence. They apy pointed a committee to provide magazines of ammunition and military Itores. 1 hey abolifhed the general poft office eftablilhed by aft of Par- liament, and inftituted another. They declared the offices of Governor and Lieutenant-Gover- nor of MaJTachuflctt's vacant, and recommended to the people of that Province to inftitute a new Government. They refolved to raife a regular ar- my. They appointed the commander in chief, and other officers, and ordered the ifluing 2,000,000 of dollars to defray the expence of their military oppofition. Upon receiving an account that the people of North CJirolina were very generally difafFefted to their meafures, they directed a thoufand men to be raifed to iubdue the fpirit of oppofition in that Province ; and they ordered ;he militia of the feveral Colonies to be em- bodied. Having thus, with great fuccefs, brought their fcheme to a confiderable degree of ma- turity, all the difaffefted to their meafurcs being difarmed, and a confiderable military force under their command in the field, they pro- ceeded to make a formal declaration of war O 2 aeainft ." ,. I" " 'r-il * 1 .^i« ■ n ■m: cc ( too } Againft their Sovereign and his Parliament, and to write another feditious letter to the people of Great Britain, to amufe or delude them into rebel- lion. Thefe meafures wereof too much importance not to be communicated immediately to their faithful allies in Britain. A letter was therefore fent to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Livery of London, paying them the *• juft tribute of gratitude and thanks for the virtuous and unfolicited refentment they had fhewn to the violated rights of a free people." And to convince the Corporation how fenfible the Con- grefs were " of the powerful aid their caufe " muft receive from fuch advocates," another letter was wrote to Mr. Penn, formerly Gover- nor of Pennfylvania, who was then coming to England, id to the Colony agents, inclofing the declaration of war, the feditious letter to the people of Great-Britain, and that to the Lord Mayor. In this letter, t|ie perfons to whom it was direfted were defired to put the declara* tion of war, and the letter to the people of Great-Britain, •* immediately to the prefs, and " to communicate them as univerfally as pof- fible," And they were alfo ordered to '* give fuch intelligence as they might judge to be of iiiiportance to America in this great conteft*." With this letter another petition was allb fent to his Majefty, which, like thofe that had preceded it, was truly an infult and mockery. It was vague in refpeft to the fubjeft matter, falfe in refpedl to a number of fadls, indccifive as to American rights, and, though called a petition, afked for nothing. Ail thefe truths * See Appendix. wil| i ( 103 ) novelty of this fyftem they had not, in any of their proceedings, attempted to point out. The dificrence between the principles upon which the colonial adminiftraiion has been managed fince that period, from thofe on which it had been managed before, remains yet a fecret to all the world but the Congrefs. Indeed no affertion can be more groundlels and falfe •, becaufe every ftatute and every colonial regulation fince that time, is founded on a variety of precedents. Similar ftatutes had been pafled in former reigns, and fome of them fo early as the laft century, and all of them had been cheerfully fubmitted to by the Colonifts, fo that there was nothing novel in their principles. But this charge was neceflary to deceive the people of both countries. It was neceflary to raiie fome phantom of in- juftice, to prevail on Britons to give up rights which were as ancient as the fettlement of Ame- rica, and which the Americans by their conduct liad always acknowledged -, and it was neceflary to induce the Americans to withdraw them- felves from that allegiance to Government, from whence they had derived their freedom, their fafety and happinefs. The prayer of the petition was vague, nu- gatory, and infidious. They defire his Majefty ** to point out fome mode^ by which the united *' applications of his faithful Colonifts to the •' Throne may be improved into a happy an^ '* permanent reconciliation." That men fhould fpeak of a reconciliation, who had never taken one ftep towards it, and who had rejeded the means of efFeding it when offered, is remark- able. But what did they mean by feme mode ? Was m ...ju; 'i'i ' ( 104 ) Was it pofTible for his Majcfty, without the leafl explanation, to divine what ideas they had annexed to thefe words ? Did they mean the appointment of perfons to hear their complaints, and to redrefs them if juft ? They knew that the Parliament was the conftitutional guardian of the rights of all the members of the em- pire, and pofleflcd complete authority to redrefs their injuries, if any lubfided; and therefore that it was their duty, as fubjefls, to define their rights, and to propofe to the Parliament the means by which they defircd thofe rights might be rellored ; and this very method had been pointed out to them by his Majefty*s Se- cretary of State, as we have feen in General Conway's letter. Did they mean that his Ma- jefty fhould penetrate into their defires, which they had artfully concealed ? This was impof- fible. Did they mean that he fhould make Ibmc propofal, by which they might be enabled to grant their own aids, and be relieved from par- liamentary taxation ? This had been fully com- pilied with, in the refolution of the Houfe of Commons \ and moreover, Commiffioners who had efpoufed their caufe, and were friendly to their meafures, were fent over to confer on thefe and all other matters, and to make and receive propolals. But even with thefe they re- fufed to negociate in the charader of fubjefts. They would not even confer but in their illegal, independent, and congreflional capacity, in- fidioufly hoping to draw from the CommilTioners a conceffion ot the legality and independence of their conftitutions, the want of which had hitherto T! ( 105 ) hitherto prevented the enemies of Britain from entering into an alliance with them. Much clamour, ill-founded and unjuft, has been made by the abettors of the American rebellion agamft his Majefty*s Miniftcrs, for not attending to this and other petitions equally nugatory, unmeaning, and aflFronting to the fupreme authority of the State. I call this cla- mour ill-founded and unjuft, becaufe the very faflion who made it know, that in confequcnce of the former petitions, the Floufe of Commons, divefting itfelf of all refentment at the indignity offered to the fupreme authority of the State, by a denial of tiiat authority, and a refufal to participate in it, the greateft it could pofiibly receive from its fubjeds, condefcended to pro- pofe a plan which avoided thefe objections, was reafonable and juft, and would have been adopt- ed as a fufficient ground of negociation at lead, by men who were not refolved on independence ; and that, in purfuance of the laft petition, Com- miflioners were fent over with more enlarged powers, to negociate, and to know their as yet untold and latent defires. And they alfo know» that the propofition of the Houfc of Commons, made with the bed intentions, and founded in the ftridleft juftice, was loaded with the oppro- brious terms " unreafonable and infidious \* and declared that it " was held up to the world to ** deceive 5" and that the fubfequent commilTion in the hands of their own friends was treated with equal infulc and negleft. The authors of this ill-founded abufe upon Government, appear to have loft all fenfc of the pradice and relative duties of fubjeds. If the American rights P were vm ( io6 ) were infringed, it was mod certainly their dutf zfi fubjeds to deBne thofe rights, and to pro-' pofe a remedy by which they might be rcftored. This was done by their feliow-fubjcfts in Wales* Cheder and Durham ; it is done almoft in every petition prelcnied to Parliament for rcdrcfs* Why then has it not been done by the American fa^ion, if they were fincere in their profefTions, and defirous of an union with this country ? Why has their whole conduft, from the begin- ning of the difpute, been dark, indecifive, hypocritical and infidious ? From this view of the fa£Vs it muft appear evident, that there has been great, and indeed too much, condefcenfion on the part of the State towards its fubjeds *, that it has made advances towards a reconciliation as far as it pofllbly could, without giving up its elTential rights, the rights of the people of Great-Britain, and dif- charging the Americans from all fubordination i that from a lenity of difpofiiion, and a defire to avoid the efFufion of blood, they have over- looked, for a long time, intuits greater in their nature than any which they would have received, without refentment, from any fovereign power whatever *, while the Americans, rclinquifhing the charafters of fubjefls, and laying afide all decency of language, have refted their prcten- fions on principles which, when candidly exa- mined, clearly amount to a claim of abfolute independence. -. - s <■ ,. : ..i. .-• The Congrefs and their adherents^ having difpatched the petition, proceeded in their mi- litary preparations with greater vigour, and more fyftem. The Provincial Congrefles, Con- ycntions. ( 107 ) yentlons, and Committees, became the execu- tive authorities under them. Thefe made daily advances in fetting afide the eftablifhed Govern- ments, and in a fliort time aflumed all their powers. Additions were made to their army. The republicans were embodied in arms, the loyalifts were difarmed, and all the military ftores and ammunition in America were col- lefted in their magazines. Having taken his Majefty's fort at Ticonderoga, they invaded Canada, and befifged the Britifli army in Bodon. Such was the general (late of their aflfairs, when Congrefs received advice that Britifti Commiflioners were on their pafia^e to Ame- rica, empowered to offer to the Colonies terms of accommodation, and attended by a formi- dable military and naval force. They knew that a very great majority of the Colonifts were attached to the Britifh Government, and, though difarmed, would be ready to fupport the Com- miflioners as far as it was poffible, in every reafonable propofal they (hould make. They faw the impoffibility of obtaining their ultimate aim without foreign afTiflance, and that afTiH:- ance they could not obtain even from the com- mon and inveterate enemy of Britain, while they remained undt-r the character of its fubjefls. The neceflity of their affairs now compelled them to throw off" the mafic. That dffign which they had difguiied under the molt folemn profefTions of loyalty, and of the mofl ardent defire to be united with Great-Britain on con- (litutional principles, ^mJmmimimimfmimAamm' was now to be openly, and as P 2 folemnly >• )■ -W ' •' 1 i\ ■• ' i±- J ... yt ■>. I! ( io8 ) folemnly avowed. To cffcdl this in Congrcfs, much cabal and intrigue was neccDary. Many vf the members, rccoileding their inllruflions, knew the fentimcnts of the people in general, and bcfides faw the ruin and horrors of a mca- fure fo bold and dangerous. Their < abals con- tinued near a month -, the republican fadion met with much cppofiiion, and for a time, dc» fpaircd of fuccefs \ at length, however, having made fome prolclytes to their opinion, ths:y refoUed to rilque the vote of Independence. And yet after all the arts of intrigue had been fo long efluyed, the queftion was put, and the Colonics were equally divided. But upon the next day the quettion being again refumcd, con- trary to their own rules, Mr. Dickinfon, a gen- tleman naturally tiaiid and variable in his prin- ciples, retraced hi opinion, and gave the calling vote. Thus did this great event, which was to fupport a dangerous and feditiOLis fa6lion in the heart of the Mother Country, iind to involve ic in a war v/ith two p »werful nations, depend en the vote of an individual member of its own community. The vote of Independence was foon followed by another, recommending lO the people to abolifh tiie old, and to inltitute new forms of Govern- ment. This meafure was eagerly adopted by their adherents, who had now all power in their own hands. They were combined in Con- grefics. Conventions, and Committees. J hey were arrayed in arms by voluntary aflbciations, and there was moreover a regular armed force under the Coogcfil^ u>4wf)port them ; while the loyalill?, and iriends tj the BritiiU*<;^nUitu- lion, my Ins, ( 109 ) tlon, were without a head, and without weapons. Thcfc had been long fincc dilarmcd. The Go- vernors of all the royal Colonies had been driven froui their governments, while thofe of Penn- iylvania, Rhode-Ifland, and Connecticut, were permirtrd to remain unmoletled, and in office. The King's Governors had given oppofition to their meafures, while the others (excepting the Governor of Maryland) cither had not dif- ap^rovfd ot, or had openly abetted them. 1 he Proprietary Governor of Pennfylvania, if he did not abet, did not, from the beginning of the fedition, difcoyer the leaft diliapprobation of their conduct. His friends, his magidrates, and all the officers of his own appointment, not ten in the whole Colony excepted, were leaders in the oppolition. In the two Charter Govern- ments of Rhode Ifland and Conne(5licut, the Governors were the creatures of the fadkion, and at the head of their meafures. All obilacles being thus removed, they were not long in eftablifhing their new States, in which they ex- cluded every trace of the powers of royalty and ariftocrary. The time was now come when the independent fadlion, having obtained by their arts iufficient power, were not afraid to acknowledge that they had deceived the people from the beginning of jiieir oppofition to Government; and that not- withftanding all their folemn profeffions to the contrary, they ever had independence in their view. Samuel Adam?, the great direftor of their councils, and the mod cautious, artful, and referved n)an among them, did not hefitate, as foon as the vote of Independence had palTed, to declare .J r, . . r y I ^m \. .-U' ( no ) declare in all com panies, that " he had laboured •»^pvvards ot twenty years to accomplifh the <' meal'ure ; that during that time he had car- " rieJ his art and induftry fo far, as to fearch *' after every rifing genius in the New England *' feminaries, and employed his utmoft abilities ♦' to fix in their minds the principles of Ame- ^* rican Independence, and that he rejoiced he ^' had now accompliflied the meafure." We have now before us a brief view of the principles of the American rebellion; and we tind that it has rifen from the fame fource, and l>cen conducted by the fame fpirit with that which cffcfted the deftru6lion of the Englifii Government in the laft century. The leaders in both fet out with a pretence of aflerting the liberties of the people. Profefllons of the moft zealous loyalty and firmeft attachment to the tftablifhed Government, were the veils under which, for a time, they concealed their fedition. The fame arts and hypocritical falfehoods, with the fame kind of illegal and tumultuous violence, were employed by both. Factious conventions, committees and mobs, were the inftruments by which they carried their treafon- able pradices into execution. If the pulpits of the fedlaries in England in the year 1641, rer founded with fedition, the pulpits of the Con- gregational Independents and Prelbyterians, from Nova Scotia to Georgia, rung with the fame flagitious dodrines. Upon a faithful en- quiry it was found, that in the four New Eng- land Provinces, t here were only twelve^ hve hund red and "pry difie ntmg niinift.ei's, and nratltne^thcr Colonies a iiitl'ifis number, who — -"' -» declined 7 ( II» ) declined the rebellious taflc. If the oppofitioil 10 the rebellion in England was compofed chiefly of the members of the eftablilhed Church, the fame people, with the Quakers, Methodifts, &c. as foon as their fcheme of Independence was known, formed the oppofition in America. And if the abolition of the monarchical and aridocratical parts of the conititution was the great obje(5l of the independents in Britain, all , the circumflances attending the American re-' bellion added to the event, prove inconteftibly,- ^ that the American republicans had the fame J defign from the beginning conftantly in their view. The parallel between thefe rebellions might be carried yet further, but enough has been faid to place the motives and defigns of the American infurgents in tnc^ir true light. If indeed there v/as any difference between them, it has confiftcd in the different condud of the Princes, in whofe reigns they have refpeflively happened, towards the infurgents. In the reign of Charles the Firfl, it muft be acknowledged that there were grievances which afforded a plaufible pretext for oppofition, though they could not juftify the extent to which it was carried. Among thefe may be reckoned the frequent difToIutions of Parliament, the raifingof money without the alTent of Parliament, the proceedings againft fome of its members, and a variety of other tranfaftions which did not confift with the free- dom of the Britifh conflitution. But in the") prefent reign there has been no one ad which ^ has had the leafl tendency, or which has diico- x vered the lead wifh in the Prince or his Minilters / to/ •• It 1 I'^i I y/; ■ > ■ k ill v:r;i \\\ !•*•; ( 112 ) tb injure the conftitution of the Britifli Govcfrf- inent, or to opprefs the infurgents ; but on the contrary, there have been the ftrongeft proofs of a defire to preferve the conftitution pure and inviolate. It has been a reign of the moil ample protedlion, without one aft of oppreflion or in- juftice. Having thus traced the American rebelliort from its or;;3inal fource to the declaration of In- dependence, I fhall conclude thefe reflexions with fome general obfervations, which naturally arifd out of the fubjedb. I know it is the opinion of fome men, that Colonies cannot be long kept in fubordination to the Parent State. That, like individuals in the different ftagcs of life, they will in their youth be fubordinate ; but as foon as they are arrived at ftrength and maturity, they will na- turally become difcontented, and throw off their connexion with their Parent State. This opinion I have ever thought ill-founded. It is not fupported by any inftances to be found in ancient or modern hiftory. The revolt of Colonies has ever been occafioned by other caufes. The Colonies of Rome were opprcffcd ; they were compelled to pay exceflive tributes. Thefe were levied by their Governors appointed at Rome. They furnifhed armies for the proiedion of the city, confifting of double the numbers fupplied by Rome itfelf •, and yet they did not participate in the rights of Roman citizens. They were neither enrolled in their legions, nor could vote in their Comitia \ they were deprived of any poflibility of fharing in the emoluments, honours, or dignities of office they were not even treated as members of the State, m- ( 113 ) State, but as flaves; and although they had often folicited the fenate to give them the rights of citizens, the pride, the folly of the fenate rejcded their fupplications, and therefore they revolted. The great miftake of Rome in the govern- ment of their Colonies and Provinces, was found ed in the arrogance of power. Rome fent out colonies, becaufe the principal territory was too full of inhabitants. She feledted for this pur- pofe the loweft and the meaneil of the people. Thefe, and thofe whom her arms had lately con- quered, her pride conHdered as an inferior clafs of mortals, not intitled to the rights of hu- manity. They were therefore indulged with few privileges. The State never confidered that in time, by cultivating the fame arts, and by their fuperior induftry, which the (ituation they were placed in tended to promote, they would become equally improved in knowledge, and poflcffed of equal, if not fuperior power ; and that when this (hould happen, they would na- turally perceive and refent the illiberal and odious diftinflions made between them and the other members of the State. To this folly the revolt of the Roman Colonies can only be juitly attributed. The revolt of the Britilh Colonies has arifen, as we have feen, from oppofite caufes. It is not uncommon for contrary extremes to produce the fame effcdls. If the Romans gave Icfs freedom to the colonid than the citizen enjoyed at Rome, BriiQns^ga ve m ore li bercv to ^ he Amenj:a^{j.- tl^nth e^iuBje^t cnJO yl^ ^" Britain. In (lead of gmng them the laimepnvlte|esrand fubjeding Q^ them . il ;:r» 'll "11 ( if! w . > 1 1 ^-i-.-« '.^ '".f r 1- .;!;.: ( n4 ) them to the fame powers to which the fubjedts in Britain were fubordinate, they gave them rights which, if they did not amount to inde- pendence itfelf, approached as near as polTible to it. Inltead of enflavlng them, they gave them more freedom than was confiftent with true civil liberty. '•' • '- ''■ ' ■ • • Let us fuppofe that Rome or Britain had wifely eftablifhed in their refpeclive Colonies or Provinces, as foon as they were fettled or con- quered, fyftems fimilar in eflential polity to thofe of the State, and had incorporated thofe fyftems with the State itfelf; and that they had been governed by the fame general laws and cuftoms, and fuffered to enjoy the fame decree of liberty, excluding all diftindions between the citizen and the coionift; is there any perfon, acquainted with the influence and cfFedts which civil polity ever had on the conduft of men, who can believe that either revolt would have happened ? It does not confift with reafon, and ftands contradided by all experience. The conduft of the Roman Colonies towards the State after their union with it, is a proof of this truth. For although their incorporation was rather partial than perfeft; although inftead of being united to the old, they were formed into a few new tribes, and were only admitted to vote laft in order, fo that they feldom had an opportunity of exercifing their rights ; yet ever after they fupplied their proportions of men in the Roman armies, and their proportion of aids in the public treafury ; they fought her battles, and remained faithful to the State until they were fevered from it by foreign violence, and 6 the 3Je6ts Ithem inde- ffible ' them civil ( 115 ) the empire itfelf, enfeebled by the immenfe wealth and univerfal luxury and diflipation of its people, was over-run by barbarous nations. But we need not travel into ancient hiftory to fupport this truth. The inftance of Scot- land is within our memory. The extenfion of the Britifh fyftem of government to that country we have feen continually operating on the man- ners and affeftions of the people; fupprefllng their former diflike, and changing their averfion into a fixed affedtion for the State in fo remark- able a manner, that from the molt difaffcfted of Britilh fubjeds, they are become the mod faithful, and in all probability will be the firmed: friends to that conftitution of which they have fo lately been made partakers, when it (hall (land in the moft need of fupport. If thefe obfervations are juft, there can be no reafon to doubt but that the Colonies, fhould they be reduced, may, by proper meafures, be lecured in their obedience to the Britifh State for ages to come. The caufes of the revolt being pcrfei^ly afcertained, the political phyfician cannot be at a lofs for the proper remedy, nor defpair of a cure. Upon looking into the ftate of the patient, he will find every lymptom in his favour. The poifon has not fpread itfelf through 4— the general mafs of the people-, the di faff eft ion is confined to two lefts of JifTenters i while the people of the Eflablifhed Churh, Methodifts, Lutherans, German Caivinifts, Quakers, Meno- nifts, &c. are warmly accached to the Britifh Government, and ready to embrace any reafon- able terms which lliall remove the conftitutional defed in the authority of Parliament, the in- 0^2 ability .:i m ' ^ I .11 ./■ i' /3 f I *'!,■ V..' iiu ''■;« ( Ii6 ) ability of the Colonies, and the caufes of future revolt. In fliort, the Colonies at this moment are in that very difpofuion in which Charles II. found the people of Britain at the time of his reftoration. They have feen the arts and frauds of their leaders, and are daily fuffering under their treachery and tyranny -, their country has been drained of its labourers, and remains un- cultivated } their commerce is ruined, and every neccflary of life is extravagantly dear, and but few to be obtained ; and to increafe this part of their diArefs, the little property remaining is daily feized, and nothing returned for it but money of no value, infomuch that they have i~ wafted upwards of 4q^q qq.>ooo/. fterling? in forging their own chains. Laws the moft unjuft, oppreifive, and fanguinary, have been made for their government. Children have been drivea from their parents, and hulbands from their wives, into the field, to fupport the tyranny of their rulers ; and more than one fifth part of their white inhabitants who were capable of bear- ing arms, have already periflied in a war, unjufl; and unnatural. Difarmed, ruined, and incapable of affifting themfelves, they are looking up to Great Britain with impatience for deliverance from yet more grievous misfortunes. In this fituatioD, no man of refledion can doubt but that thefe unhappy people are ready to accept any juft propofitions for removing their diftrefs, and giving them future fafety ; nor is it polTible not to fee, that this is the critical moment which Government ought to embrace for eftablifhing that fyftem of polity in the Colonies which will hereafter fccure then to Great-Britain. This I ( "7 ) This difpofition in the Americanfi, Govern- ment will certainly meet with propofitions which ihall give them rcafonable liberty, and more firmly unite them to Great-Britain. In order to efFeft thefe great purpofes, tem- porary expedients, lb often tried and fo often ineffectual, muft be avoided. Thefe kinds of remedies are unworthy of wifdom j they have never yet failed to produce greater difficulties than they were intended to remove. The remedy fhould be fuch as to meet the difeafe, and to eradicate its caufes. If it does not do this, it effc(£ls nothing, or fomething worfe than no- thing J it leaves the diforder to break out again at fome future period, with redoubled virulence. The inexpedience of the remedies hitherto applied will appear evident, if an individual may prefume to canvafs the refolutions of the State. 1 he matters in difpute between the two countries lie in a very narrow compafs. They may be all reduced to one great objefV, viz, The right of the fupreme authority of the State over the Colonies. The ftatefman in Britain con- tends, and jultly contends, for the necejfity of a fupreme authority over every part and member of the empire. In this he is fupported by all precedents, by every known fyftem of polity, by the reafon and nature of civil fociety, and by the concurrent authority of all writers on Go- vernment. On the contrary, the Americans aflert, that by the conftitution of the Englilh Government, fettled and confirmed by the great Charter of Rights, it is eHential to the freedom of America, that its landed intereft or free- holders (hould be reprefcnted in the great Councils, i.fl M ■? '- 'I mil :% a Alt: •■m:. ( 118 ) Councils, which make the laws by which ibe:'r properties^ their liberties^ and their lives are to he affe£led\ and that without this the Britilh Go- vernment is certainly defpotic over them. Now thefe propofitions are both true \ and while the parties reft on them, it is impofTible that an union, on principles of genuine policy, (hould ever take place. They are fo repugnant, that they cannot be reconciled of themfelves, without fomc intermediate propofition which Jhall include the affirmative of both — or which (hall leave the parliamentary authority fupreme over the Colo^ nies, and at the fame time give the Colonies a reprefentation. None of the meafures propofed by Greats Britain to the Colonies have tended to thefe purpofes. The propofition of the Houfe of Commons in the year 1776, did neither give up the authority of Parliament, nor conftitutionally modify it, but ultimately retained it on thofe very principles on which the Americans had denied it. The Colonies were left in the pof^ fefiion of the right which they had exercifed be- fore, of granting aids to the Crown -, but if thofe aids were not approved by Parliament, it$ right to tax them, though not reprefented, re- mained in full force. Befides, this propofition rtlated only to the right of taxing the Colonies, but the denial of the authority of Parliament regarded all legiflative adls over them. Nor was the political incompetency of the Colonies, iirifing from their difunion, in any degree re- II oved. Hence, however the propofition might and ought to have ferved as a ground for nego- tiation. ( 119 ) ciation, it did not meet, nor tend to remove, the great objedt of difpute. From one extreme Great-Britain, pufhed on by a number of events as iinexpe(5ted as unfor- tunate, ran into another. Diimayed at a feries of ill fuccefles in America, occafioned by the mifcondudl of her Generals, and the ho(lile declaration of France, and totally mifmformed, by the arts of the fadlions on both fides of the Atlantic, in refpedt to the defires of the Ameri- cans in general, the terms next offered, fo far as they were made known, if they did not amount to abfolute independence, were Jittle Ihort of it. The right of Parliament to tax the Colonies was explicitly given up. The inftruc- tions of the Americans to their delegates in Congrefs, the repeated declarations of Congrefs before, and even at the time of their declaring their independence, to be more firmly united on conjiitutional principles^ were forgot, and all that Government feemed to expedt was a foederative " union of ford' between the two countries. If Great-Britain was too tenacious of the ancient authority of Parliament in the firft, (he was too inattentive to her rights in the laft propofitions. If (he fell (hort of the wilhes of the Colonifts in general in the firft, (he infinitely furpaded them in the laft; fo that none of them were agreeable to the people in general of America, bccaufe they did not contain any ground upon which might be creded a conJlituHonal union between the two countries. They did not meet the allegations of the parties, nor tend in any degree to recon- cile the difl^erence. Thefe r4' I' • Hi " 7 III ■1 \ r I. ■'". is efTential in the conAitution of all States. That it ifl this authority, the fame fundamental prinr ciples of polity, and the fame general laws per- vading the whole fyitem, whatever may be its form, which create in the fubje^ts the fame habics, manners, affections and prejudices, fix the national attachment, form the cement of union, and by an imperceptible impulfe compel them to a£b, on all occafions, in concert for the common good and fafety : And that to give up one of the rights of this authority, and more efpgcially t he jpoft im portant of ajl, the right of^t^nc^n Oirr^tll 6e only the prelude to a i^eedy lufrcnder of the whole. We fhall here alfo perceive, that the Bricifh * Government is a mixed monarchy, in which the principles of the three Ample forms of Govern- ment are fo wifely mixed and tempered* as to .....,- guard. ^:m T every pedl to lion, is That al prifir ws per- i be its le fame ces, fix lent of compel for the Bricifh ieh the rovcrn- » as to gnarcl. ( "3 ) guard, with equal power and certainty, againft the two great enemies to civil liberty, defpotifm and licentioufnefs. That a reprefcntation in its fupreme authority is the elTcnce of its free- dom i and that its power over a diflrifl of ter- ritory whofe people are not rcprefented, is defpo- tic, and not free. Upon confidering the nature and dcHgn of inferior and fubordinate focieties, we (hall find, that they are intended to fupport and (Irengthen the principal fyftem, and not to weaken, oppofe, or to deftroy it % and therefore that they (hould jbe formed on the principles and fundamental laws of the State iifelf. That inferior demo- cratical focieties, or thofe whole powers and rights are not properly mixed and balanced, :annot ilrengthen, but mud weaken a mixed form of Government. That the fimple prin- ciples of ariftocracy or democracy will not fuic under a monarchy, and fo mutatis mutandis i nor wijl the principles of any of them un* . fpixed, and not duly balanced, agree with a mixed monarchy. Upon looking into the Governments of the Colonies before they were annulled by the rebellion, we (hall perceive that they were a chaos of political abfurdities, conionant to no fyilems ^ver yet invented i that they neither harmonized with each other, nor with the State itfclf ; and that they have been fettled through the indo- lence, or ignorance, or corruption of former politicians, on principles totally heterogeneous and repugnant to thofe of the Government to which they were intended to be fubordinate. In %\i% Royal Colonies, the powers of Government -^ R 2 arc I ^%4 ;'• ■gi >^ ^ ^ ( ««4 ) are divided between the reprefentative of the Crown and the people, without the kail interme- diate check to an excefs of conftitutional power in either. In the Proprietary Colonies, the regal power, or the reprefentative of the Britifli State, has fcarcely retained the fhadow of its authority. All the executive and foederative rights of the State are granted to the proprietaries and their kgirSy and all the powers of complete IcgiQation are divided between them and the people, with- out any mean check or controul. In one of the Charter Colonies, the reprefentative of the Britidi State has very little more weight in the legiQative and executive powers, than the Doge has in the councils of Fenice ; and in the other two the Governments are, to all intents and purpofes, independent democracies j fo that they are truly fo many inferior political monfiers^ which have^ and ever will coakfce to difturb the peaQi and order of the fociet^y and in the end to dejiroy it. And we mud further confider, that men can only be governed either by fear or art. That fear mull be fupported by force, and that force will not anfwer our prcfcnt purpofe. For, however it may be ufed with fuccefs by defpotic Govern- ments, it cannot be fafely employed in one where freedom copftitutes its effence, and a great number of people are to be governed by it. We mull therefore apply to policy for the means by which the two countries mull be united, if united for any feries of time. This will teach us to remove, as much as poffible, all dillinfiions in refpefltothe power, rights and privileges, which have too long fubfilled between • a fub-. V •; ( "5 ) a fubjefl in Britain and one in America, and con* fequently to carry over the Atlantic the fame fun* damental rights and powers, the fame conftitu- tional privileges, the fame general laws and max- ims of polity, underand by which the habits and manners, the pafTions and attachments of the fubjeft in Britain have been formed, directed and governed -, becaufe it is this policy alone that can eradicate tha t averfion to a mixec monarchy which has been fufFered to exift al- reaay too long in the Colonies, and which can form a folid and permanent union between the two countries, making them one people of one mind, in refpe£i to their common intereji and fafety, . It is much to be regretted, that neither country feems to approve of an American rc- prefentation in Parliament, becaufe it is a mea- fure the moft confident with thofe principles upon which the unity and freedbnfi of the Bri» tilh Government is eftablilhed. However, iince this \% defpaired pf, it will be wifdom, fecondary wildom at lead:, to adopt the next beft. An American legiflature, incorporated 7 v A-' with the Britilh Parliament, for the purpofesof s > "^ American regulations, in which the Colonifts ^ ihall be reprefented, and in which they Ihall be ^ capable or giving validity to no ad but what fhall be approved of by Parliament, is that meafure. Indeed there Is no other folid, or even rational mode of union in polity, except a re- prefentation in Parliament. It is this joint con- lent which conftitutes the unity of the Britilh, iind of every oth^r mixed form of Government. .. By I L %4 \M M m ( 126 ) By this Icgillaturc, if properly conftituted, the rights which the Americans claim may be re- ilored, their political inability to grant their reafonable proportions of aids towards the na- tional defence may be removed, a fecurity that they will give thofe aids on all occafions may be obtained i and their fubordination to the Britifh State may be eftablilhed on fuch principlesi a3 will unite them with Great-Britain for ages td come. i-t "r — -^:>'■;^^.'»■< "' ,-:.»c..'-' Sincerely difpofed, as the greater part of the people in America are, to l>e more Brmly united with Grelat-Britain on conftitutional principles, is it not much to be lamented, that the Briti(h legiflature, feeing the defefl: in its conflitutional authority oVer the Colonies, and knowing that it is the great foundation of their difcontent, have not taken it into their ferious confideration, and adopted the meafure moft proper for re- moving it ? Had this been done in the begin? oing of the oppoficion to the authority of Par- liameht, thie republican faction mufl: have been deflitute of the means by which they have in- ilamed the minds of the Americans, and le4 them to a revolt. But I am not fond of dwell- ing on pad errors, further than is necelTary ta amendment. It is not now too late *, and per- haps, all circumftances confidered, this is the moft proper time for doing it. The ftrong de- fires of the people, the feverity of their newr laws, the fuperlative tyranny of their rulers, the extreme diftrcfs they have fufFered, and arc likely to fuffer,**and the apprehenfions they juflly entertain of the inHdious defigns of the courts of Verfailles and Madrid, point out this 35, V / '• ' V ( n; ) ai the* fortunate moment. Men tired of their pre. fent mi w-ry, and having yet greater in profped, will cheerfully embrace fuch propofals as evi- dently tend to their future fafety and happinefs. Befides, a meafure of this kind will falfify the declaration of Congrefs conftantly held up to the people, that the Parliament intends to enflave them. It cannot fail to remove their fears, and fix a confidence in the juilice and upright in- tentions of the State towards thrm ; and it mult do more towards breaking the confederacy of the. Colonies^ and reftoring their obedience to Go- vernment, than any other meafure th^t can be poinbly deviled. The remarkable fuccefs of this policy, when adopted by Rome on a fimilar occafion, will, i truft, prove a leiTon of inftruclion to Britain. Thie. fupreme authority of that city was abfo- lute over her Colonies and Provinces. A con- Aitutional participation in the rights of that authority, though polTeHcd by the citizens, was imprudently withheld from the colonics. This diuinClion, in refpeft to their politic rights, gave great difcontent to the latter. To obtain the fame rights which were enjoyed by their fellow-fubjeSs in Rome, they entered into a confederacy, and took arms. The Social war enfued. Many battles were fought ; the colo- niits often triumphed } and Rome was reduced ro the greateft extremity. At length her obili- nacy and folly gave way to her fafety. A law was pafTed, called the Lex Julia, becaufe pro> pofed and obtained by Lucius Julius Cxfar, granting to fuch of the Colonies as (hould lay tlpwn their arms, the conftitutional rights of Ro- \ man i 'I ( i4« ) man citizens. This law being immediately com* tnunicated to the Colonies, what were the con- fequences P Thofe Colonies which were tired of the war, thofe which were content with the terms offered, and thofe which wifhed to be united with Rome, although the mode of the grant was not perfectly agreeable to them, laid down their arms, deferted the union, and returned to their former obedience. And Rome, whofe armies had been defeated in almod every battle, now, and not till now, triumphed in her turn ; and foon after, honourably to herfelf, ended the war, and recovered her loft authority over her Colonies. All this (he performed, although, like Britain, civil broils and factions engaged her councils at home, and a dangerous combi- nation of two powerful Princes, the Kings of Pontus and Armenia, employed her arms abroad. This policy, this aft of public juftice to her fubjefts, together with a fiirmnefs of fpirit which •' never defpaired of the commonwealth" faved Rome, and in all probability, if purfued, will fave Britain. The fame caufes will ever produce the fame effedls. Should Great- Britain offer to ^ the Americans a civil conftitution, containing a jneafure of power, and a degree of liberty com-' xnenfurace to her own polity, excluding all dif- tindtions between Britons and Americans, and removing the great caufe of colonial complaints^ is there not the ftrongeft of all probabilities, to induce us to believe, that it will produce the fame happy effedls which the like meafure pro- duced in the Roman Colonies i* If this meafure, propofed ( 129 ) propofed to a people, at a time when their arms were crowned with vidories, and when the State which they were oppofing was reduced to the greateft difficulties, could recal to their minds their former connexions ; could remove their fears excited by frequent denials of their reafonable petitions •, could revive their former attachments and affedions ; could difTevef their* union, and bring them home to their obedi- ence ; furely there is more reafon to convince us that the Americans, dreading the ambitious defigns of their infidious ally •, deftitute of the great refources of war ; without men, and without money ; their commerce loft, their for- ces generally defeated, and their country ruined by the ravages and expences of the war, will fee their own intereft, and embrace thofe terms when offered which they would have accepted in the time of their profperity. Should it be objected, that the moft liberal terms of accommodation have been already of- fered without efFeft, my anfwer is, that pro*' pofals for accommodating a difpute of fuch magnitude and importance to both countries, fhould not only be properl y timed, but ex_Q Ucit»> )d clear fro m a ll ambi g ui ty. They fhould alio fully ancT equitably meet the fubjecl matter in controverfy, and, if pofllble, the wilhes of the people to whom they are made. Now none of the terms offered to the Americans came within thefc' defcriptions, as 1 have before (hewn. ]t" then we have been guilty of miftakes through the want of right information, we certainly ought not to fuffer thofe miftakes to prevent our takine; fuch meafures as weouoht to have taken S at ^•r| pi] i ( 130 ) at firft. Rome at length found it neccffkry to her fafety to be jiift, and to do that in her dif- trefs, with little credit to herfelf, which flie might and ought to have done in her profpe- rity, with greater advantage and better grace. Had Rome continued obtlinate, or had (he ul- timately offered to her Colonies equivocal and inadequate propofitions, her glory, if not her exigence, mull have been facrihced to her oblli- nacy and folly. Why then (hould not Great-Britain, when involved in the fame difficulties, attended by the fame circumftances, and having the fame profpeft of fuccefs before her, follow a prece- dent which promifes fuch beneficial confe- quences ? Is it becaufe the earneft wifti of the people of America is not known ? This cannot be the cafe, becaufe it is fully afferted in their inftrudions to their delegates in Congrefs, and a variety of other public documents, and de- clared to be a conjlitutional union in polity with Great Britain. Is it becaufe the Congrefs have artfully avoided to gratify the defires of the people in explicitly afking for that union, or becaufe they have infolently refufed to treat with this country, contrary to the general fenfe of their conftituents ? Both thefe reafons are the ftrongeft that can be offered in favour of the meafure. Is it becaufe a meafure, which evi- dently tends to break the confederated force and union of the colonies — to remove the fears of the loyalifts, and to gratify their reafonable de- fires, which perfeftly coincide with the true intereft: and permanent fafety of both countries, is unworthy of the ferious deliberations of a Britilli ary to ler dif- ch Ilie arofpe- grace. (he ul- :al and lot her r oblli- when ided by le fame prece- confe- of the cannot in their efs, and and de- liiy 'with els have J of the lion, or •eat with fenfe of are the r of the lich evi- brce and fears of lable de- the true ountries, )ns of a Britifli ( 13' ) Britilh Parliament ? Or is it becaufe a feditious 'A fadlion within the bowels of the State, by their / intrigues and cabals, fo inceiTantly engroflTcs I the time, and diftra6is the councils of Par- ( liament, that it cannot purfue thole means \ which the didates of reafon and common fenle ] point out as neceffary to the fafcty of the / empire ? Whatever may have been the reafons that np adequate propofitions, no terms which could lead to a more conftitutional union between the two countries, have been fettled in the Britilh councils, and tendered to the Americans, Jt-ig^ ceriainly high tim cj a (|er a four ^ars military. ^^ contei V th^ It ifiould^rdo ne. True wifdom diredls, that reformation ii«yiild take place as foon as defedls and miilakes are known. A procraftination of remedy ever gives to the evil intended to be removed, time to encreafe, and often places it beyond the reach of the niolt perfeft ikill, To conclude thefe reflexions : When I take a view of the prefent (late of Europe, nothing is wanting to convince me, that the welfare and cxiftence of Great-Britain as an independent empire, depend on the recovery of her loft authority over the Colonies, and on a more per- fect union with them. When I confider the principles which ever did, and ever muft bind the feveral parts of civil fqciety together, I am alfo convinced, that the duration of that union muft depend on the prin-^ ciples of polity by which the two countries (hall be united, and that it will be longer or fhorter 9S thofe principles accord or difagree with the S ^ fundamental ■J ( 13^ ) fundamental rights upon which the Britifh Go- vernment is eftablifhed. And when I refleft on the prefent ft ate of the . Colonies, I am equally fatisfied that this is the I favourable moment for fettling that union, and fecuring the fubordination of the Colonies to the latcft period of the Britifh Government. Imprefl'ed with thefe fentiments, I have been induced to lay the foregoing fads and refleftions before the Public. I have briefly rtcited the caufes of the prefent rebellion — the means by which it has grown to its prefent maturity — the ftate of American parties — the difpofition of the Colonifts ; to which I have added fome general remarks on the incompetency of the meafures propofed for reconciling the unfortunate difpute between the two countries, and on the prcfpeft of fuccefs which other meafures, founded in the merits of the difpute, muft be attended with. If, in doing this, I fhall have contributed to throw any light on the fubjedt, or to point out thofe meafures which will unite the two countries to- gether, my purpofc will be attained, :; ■■■: . •; '; • l Iw ■h '.■/ 1 ", ,» \' . \il APPENDIX, '■■ t. [h Go- of the s is the n, and nies to nt. re been ledions :ed the ans by y — the 1 of the general leafures difpute )rorpe(St d in the rith. If, throw K thofe lies to- NDIX. APPENDIX, ;. - 1. EXTRACTS from the Journals of the American Congress, -f • . ■ ' ' * '. »■ ...... .^ .' , 1 - . . . . . Saturday J July the Zth, 1775. • npHE letter to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, "*• and Livery of London, being again read and debated, was agreed to as follows : ■^:{ <* My Lord, ' ' "Permit the delegatesof the people of Twelve ancient Colonies to pay your Lordfliip, and the very refpeftable body of which you are the head, the juji tribute of gratitude and thanks for the virtuous and unfolicited refentment you have Jhewn to the violated rights of a free 'people. The city of London, my Lord, having in all ages approved itfelf the patron of liberty, and the fupport of juft government againft lawlefs ty- ranny and oppreflion, cannot fail to make us deeply fenjible of the powerful aid our caufe muji receive from fuch advocates, A caufe, my Lord, worthy of the fupport of the firft city in the world, as it involves the fate of a great continent, ?^nd threatens tofhake the foundations of ajlouriflj* f«^, and until lately a happy empire, , . j^ « North u u m \-i*- ( 134 ) " North America, my Lord, wilhes mod ar-* dencly for a lading connection with Great- Britain on terms of juit and equal liberty -, lefs than which generous minds will not offer, nor brave and free ones be willing to receive. ** A cruel war has at length been opened againft us *, and whiUt we prepare to defend ourlelves like the defcendants of Britons, we ftill hope that the mediation of wife and good citizens will at length prevail over defpotifm, and reftore harmony and peace on permanent principles to an oppreifcd and divided empire. We have the honour to be, ..^ My Lord, with great efteem, , . Ijr YoMT hordih'ip*s faiihful frie fids ' ' ' , . , ,,, And fellow JuhjeRs^^^ Ordered — That the above be tranfcribed, and then figned by the Prefident. The committee appointed to prepare a letter to Mr. Penn, and the colony agents, reported a draught, whjclif w^$ r^^d ^n4 approved, a« follows: ;:,■/>,,: .. '* Gentlemen* •* The perfcverance of the Britilli Miniftry \t\ their unjuft and cruel fyftem of Colony admini- ftration, has occafioned the meeting of another Congrefs. ** We have again appealed to the juftice of our Sovereign fpr protcdion againft the de- ftruftion which his Minifters meditate for his American fubjedls. This petition you will, pleafe, Gentlemen, to prefent to the King with all convenient expedition, afier which we deftte a ( 135 ) if may he given to the Public. We likcwife fend you our fecond application to the equity and in^ tereft of our feliow-fubjefts in Great-Britain, and alfo a Declaration fetting forth the caufes of our taking up arms\ both which we with may be immediately put to the prefs, and communicated AS UNIVERSALLY AS POSSIBLE. . •* The Congrefs entertain the higheji fenfe of the WISE and worthy interpojition of the Lord Mayor and Livery of London in favour 0/ 1 n ju r e d America. They have expreffcd this their fenfe, in a letter to his Lordftiip and the Livery, which we dejire may be prefented in a manner moft agree- able to that respectable body. ** You will oblige us. Gentlemen, by giving the moft early information to the Congrefs, and to the Speakers of our refpeSlive ajfemblies, of your proceeding in this bujinefs ; and fucb further in- telligence as you may judge to be of importance to America in this GREAT contejl. We are, with great regard. Gentlemen, &c." Ordered— That the above be fairly tran- fcribed, and then figned by the Prefident, and by him fent under cover, together with the Pe- tition to the King^ and Addrefs to the Inhabit tants of Great-Britain, and the Letter to the Lord Mayor, &c. to Richard Penn, Efq; and that the Prefident requeft Mr. Penn, in behalf of the Congrefs, to join with the Colony agents in prcfenting the Petition to the King. FINIS. Lately puhlijhedi By G.WiLKiE, No. 71, St. Paul's Church -Yard, I. The EXAMINATION of Jose.'h Galloway, P^fq; late Speaker of the AlTembly of Pcnnf;'lvania, before the Houfc of Commons, in u Committee on the American Papers. With Explanatory Notes. Second Edition. O(3avo. Price 2s. II. LETTERS to a NOBLEMAN, on the Strength and Praflicability of the Middle Colonies, in rcfpcdl to Military Operations j on the Difpofition of the People in general of the Revolted Colonies ; and of the Condudl of the War in the Colonics of New York, New Jerfey, and Pennfylvania. With a View of the Britifli and Rebel Force operating in the Middle Colonies in the Years 1776, 1777* and 1778. llluftrated with a Plan of the Operations of the Britifli and Rebel Armies, in the Campaign 1777, and a Plan of Mud-Ifland Fort, and its Environs. The Third Edition, Odlavo. Price 2s. IIT. A LETTER to the Right Hon. Lord Vifcount H E, on his Naval Condud in the American War. Odavo. Price is. IV. COOL THOUGHTS on the Confcqucnccs to Great Britain of American Independence. On the Expence of Great Britain in the Set- tlement and Defence if the American Colonies. On the Value and Importance of the American Colonies and the West Indies to the British Empire. O6lavo. Price is. M J, a. ;th iSt he of :w a in \v\ of 7» lis. int ar. to :e. et- ES. AM iSH