IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 1.25 iiiM2A |Z5 |50 "^ IWi ■^ ^ |2.2 Photographic Sdences Corporation \ 23 VMST MAM STRUT WnSTH,N.Y. 145M (71«)«7a-4903 '-^y- o^ CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microroproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques O^ ^, Tachnical and Bibliographic Notas/Notas tachniiquaa at MMiographiquaa Th« Institut* has attamptMl to obtain tha bast original copy avaiiabia for fiiming. Faaturas of this copy which may ba bibliographiealiy uniqua, which may altar any of tha imagas in tha raproduction, or which may significantly ehanga tha usual mathod of filming, ara chackad balow. L'Inatitut a mierof limA la malllaur axamplaira qu'il lui a AtA posaibia da aa procuror. Las dAtaiis da cat axamplaira qui sont pnut-Atra uniquaa du point da vua Mbliographlqua, qui pauvant modifiar una imaga raproduita, ou qui pauvant axigar una modification dans la mAthoda normala da filmaga sont indiquis d-dassous. Colourod covers/ Couvartura da couiaur Colourad pagas/ Pagaa da couiaur Covars damagad/ Couvartura andommagAa D Pagas damagad/ Pagas andommagAas D Covars rastorad and/or laminatad/ Couvartura rastaurAa at/ou paiiiculAa 1 Pagas rastorad and/or laminatad/ Pagas rastauriaa at/ou pailicuMas Covar titia missing/ La titra da couvartura manqua 7 Pagas discolourad, stainad or foxad/ Pagas d4color4as, tachatAas ou piquAas ^— Colourad maps/ Cartas gtographiquas an couiaur ^^ Pagas datachad/ Pagas dAtachAas Colourod inic (i.a. othar than biua or blacic)/ Encra da couiaur (i.a. autra qua blaua ou noira) PI Showthrough/ Tranaparanca __ Colourad platas and/or illustrations/ Pianchas at/ou illustrations an couiaur D Quality of print varias/ Qualit* inAgala da i'imprassion """■ Bound with othar matarial/ RaiiA avac d'autras documants ^— Comprand du material supp*4mantaira Tight binding may causa shadows or distortion along intorior margin/ La rsliura sarria paut causar da I'ombra ou da la distortion la long da la marga int^riaura — Only adition avaiiabia/ Saula Mition disponibia Pao^ Mfhallw t%r nartiallw almeurad hw arrata D Blanic iaavas addad during rastoration may appaar within tha taxt. Whanavar possibia, thasa hava baan omittad from filming/ 11 sa paut qua cartainas pagas blanchas ajoutAas lors d'una rastauration apparaissant dans la taxta, mais, lorsqua caia Atait possibis, cos pagas n'ont pas «t* fiimAss. D tissuaa. ate. hava baan rafilmad to ansura tha bast possibia imaga/ Laa pagas totalamant ou partiallamant obscurcias par un fauillat d'arrata, una palura. ate. ont MA filmias A nouvaau da fa^on A obtanir la maillaura imaga possibia. D Additional comments:/ Commontairas supplAmantairas: This itam is filmad at tha reduction ratio chackad balow/ 10X FWUIII •III m m* III ■■•« ■ 14X u law M UW • wuu bllWII itx ■ •■Wl« 4UW % i-wwa 22X 2BX aox J 12X 1AX aox a4x I 2tX 32X Th« copy ffilm«d h«r« has b««n raprodMcad thankt to tha ganarosity of: Map Library McMastar University L'axamplaira film* fut raproduit grAca k la ginAroalt* da: IMap Library IMcMatter University Tha Imagaa appaaring hara ara tha baat quality poasibia conaidaring tha condition and iaglblllty of tha original copy and In Icaaping with tha filming contract apaclficationa. Laa Imagaa auivantaa ont it* raproduitaa avac la piua grand soln, compta tanu da la condition at da la nattat* da l'axamplaira film*, at 9n conformit* avac las conditions du contrat da filmaga. Original copiaa In printad papar covara ara flimad baginning with tha front covar and anding on tha last paga with a printad or illuatratad impraa- sion, or tha back covar whan appropriata. All othar original copiaa ara flimad baginning on tha firat paga with a printad or illuatratad impraa- sion, and anding on tha laat paga with a printad or illuatratad impraaaion. Laa axamplairaa originaux dont la couvartura an papiar aat imprimia sont flimte an commandant par la pramiar plat at 911 tarminant salt par la darnlAra paga qui comporta una amprainta d'impraasion ou d'iliustration, aoit par la sacond plat, salon la caa. Toua laa autras axamplairaa originaux sont filmte an commandant par la pramlAra paga qui comporta una amprainta d'impraaaion ou d'iliuatration at an tarminant par la darnlAra paga qui comporta una talla amprainta. Tha laat racordad frama on aach microficha ahall contain tha aymbol — ^ (moaning "CON- TINUED"), or tha aymbol y (moaning "END"), whichavar appliaa. Mapa, plataa, charta, ate., may ba filmad at diffarant raduction ratioa. Thoaa too larga to ba antlraly includad in ona axpoaura ara filmad baginning in tha uppar laft hand corner, laft to right and top to bottom, aa many framaa aa raquirad. Tha following diagrama iiluatrata tha mathod: Un daa aymbolaa suivants apparattra sur la darnlAra imaga da chaqua microficha, salon la caa: la aymbola — »- signifia "A SUIVRE", la aymbola ▼ signifia "FIN". Laa cartaa, planchaa, tablaaux, ate, pauvant Atra filmia A daa taux da rMuction diffirants. Loraqua la document ast trap grand pour Atra raproduit an un aaul ciichA, 11 aat fiimi k partir da I'angla supiriaur gaucha, da gaucha A droita, at da haut an baa, an pranant la nombra d'imagaa nicaaaaira. Laa diagrammas suivants illustrant la mithoda. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 *? J -uujf ; THE HISTORY, CIVIL AND GOMMERCIALji a.y T «r BRITISH COLOISMES IN T U i WEST INDIES, i^e. sammsabi jfs, rjf% '* <■ -■ -L2..i^-f '' *;■» •^•' >^f' 'W?" a ■•■»»,*%>**'j-'*"*-^ ""»■■' ' s>«RK HY X ^II^' tmtm iffittum t mmmk^-\ , I V^'j m:^ ■•T'><: '\- ;.iiu»ij,#V ;«<»ii»-i«l!%K». i-ii^.-ftJS,**'^- w . ^i&^mmti0ltlmim^-t'^ .-. , . ^ HUi 5 .A fY.X^%-^. \3C i. \90 (I* -S««^ \jfi •«9 Gg //' («t • /^.••! , .„>.. e^ /■■^i TH£ ■*■%% ■ HISTORY CIVIL AND COMMERCIAL, OF THE BRITISH COLONIES IN THB pf^ESr INDIES. To which U aUded, AN HISTORICAL SURVEY Of THE FRENCH COLONY IN THE ISLAND OF ST. DOMINGO. .-^ AIRIDGBQ FROM ' Th HiSTORT written by Brtan Edwards Efq» \ V ILLVSTRATflD IFITR A MAP. *-v .-;*..• ' LONDON: - PRINTED FOR B. CROtBT, •rATI0NER*4 court; I*Il MOMDBLL k SON, EDINBURGH ; AND J. MUNDBIL, COLLEfil, OLASOOW. 1798. : ' \- -'^■■:*-f • * «.v s ■* r V t n^nWiTrAlv?:/. j-^ s ^'■ ^y, / / K* re' (^/^ ^f/t/' /V^. A'T^^^/WS ¥- H rrvv -^ ;!?>«? " »! 't?ii-.'' ' ,*?•»•;•■»•, -flat's r McMASTER UNIVERSITY UBRAITf '■■' .o ■i-H'Sy a •- - CONTENTS. AdVERTIS£MZNT» BOOK I. . XT CHAPTER I. Geographical Arrangement. Name. Climate, Sea Breeze and Land Wind. Animals and Vegetables. Sublimity of the . Mountains, 5ec. &c. . . . • 1 CHAPTER 11. Of the Caraihea, or Ancient Inhabitants of the Windward Iflands. Origin. Chara£ter. Manners. Perfons, and Do- meftic Habits. Education. Arts and ManufaAures. Reli- gion. Condufions on the whole, - - . 8 CHAPTER HI. Of the Natives of Hifpaniola, Cuba, Jamaica, and Porto Rico. Their Numbers, Perfons, Genius and Difpofitions. Govern- ment and Religion. Mifcellaneous Obfervations refpefUng their Arts and Agriculture. Cruelty of the Spaniards, i8 CHAPTER IV. Land Animals ufed as Food. Fiflies. Wild Fowl. Indian ' Method of Fi(hing and Fowling, Efculent Vegetables, &c. Conclufion, • • • ^x APPENDIX TO BOOK L poDtuning a Short DUTcrtation on the Origin of the CaraiBes* '^0 CONTENTS. A„A^-.,:.r«{h-.- '■'■ •,gif j. 'y ~y : ' : a e ' . 'r ^ c, v. .1.*-:, BOOK II. J 4. M.A I C J. Q -'^ CHAPTER L • Page* pifcovny by Columbus. Proceedings of his Son, Diego, after Columbus's Deceafe. Takes Poffeffion of Jamaica. The humane Charader of Efquivel, the firft Governor. Invafion of the Ifland by Sir Anthony Shirley and Colonel Jackfon. Eftabliihment and Defertioii of the Town of Suilla Nueva. Dellrui^Hon of the Inlians. St. Jago de la Vega founded. Gives Ttle of Marquis to Diego's Sbn, X^ewis ; to whom the Ifland is granted. Defcends to his Siilert Ifabdia. Re^ verts to the Crown of Spain, - - - 4* CHAPTE;R II. Vindication of the Charadler of Cromwell againfl the AUeg^- tlons of thofe Hiilotians who blame him for attacking the Spanidids in the Weil Indies. The enormous Cruelties of . that People defcribed, in direft Violation of the Treaty of 1630. State of Jamaica on its Capture. - - 40 CHAPTER lU. , ,r.. , .. Troceedings in tbe Ifland after its Capture. Difcontents and Mortality among the Army. Exertions of the Proteflor. ' Brayne appointed to the Command. De Oyley reaflumes it. His Defeat of the Spanifh Forces who invaded the Ifland of Cuba. Regular Government eftabliflied in Jamaica. Dif- putes with the Mother Country, &c. &c. r - , S^ - "- .<, ^'■- t- -- ,'- \- ' . .' - CHAPTER IV. '- >- Situation. Ch'mate. Face of the Country. Mountains, and Advantages derived from them. Soil. Uncultivated Lands. Woods. Rivers. Ore. Vegetables, Kitchen Garden pro- iuce ?-d Fruits^ - - r • ^^ CONTENTS. m ,,,•-.■•■■- t' Page- *" ' CHAPTER V. Topographical Defcription. Towns, Villagea, and Parifhes. " * Church-Livings, Veftries. Governor, or Commander in Chief. V Courts of Judicature. Public Offices. Coins. Militia. In- habitants. Trade. Shipping. Exports. Imports, - €| BOOK III. ENGLISH CHARAIBEE ISLANDS. CHAPTER I. . r i >. tARBADOES, . ' ' • • Flrft Arrival of the Englifh on this Idand. Origin, Pragrefs, and Termination of the Proprietary Government. Revenue granted to the Crown. Origin of the Aft of Navigation. Situation and Extent of the Ifland. Soil and Produce, i'b- pulation. Its Decline. Exports and Imports, . ' CHAPTER II. ;■ ;si GRENADA AND ITS DEPENDENClET* 5 'A I)ifcovery and Inhabitants. French Invafion in 1650. Etter- mination of the Natives. Tlie Ifland conveyed to the CoivU: :• \ de Cerillac. Mifconduft of the Deputy-Governor. The Co- /^ lony reverts to the Crown of France. Captured by the En- glirti. Claim of the Crown to lay a Duty of 4f per cent, on Produce exported. Decifion of the Court of King's Bench ©n this Point. Tranfaftions within the Colony. Internal Diflenfions. French Invafion, 1779. Brave Defence, and unconditional Surrender of the Garrifon. Hardfliips exercifed towards the EiigHfli Planters. Reftored to Britain by the Pcace^ Prefent State of the Colony, - - 9* . CHAPTER III. ^,,f^^ St. Vincent's and its Dependents, and Dominica, * io$ r «flr CONTENTS. t*.i Page. -t. CHAPTER IV, Leeward Chtraibbean Ifland GoTcrnmeot, comprehending St. Chriftopher't, Nevis, Antigua, Montferrat, and the Virgin '* Iflands. Hiftory and Defcription of each. Exporti. Pro- fits of the 4i per cent. Dutj. Condufiwi of the Hiftorjr, i 14/ BOOK IV. I CHAPTER i. Summary atfcodnt of the Inhabitants of the feveral Ifland^. Chiffes. Emigrants from Great Britain and Ireland. Pre- dominant CharaAer of the European Refidents. Creoles^ or Natives. Effeft of Climate. Charaaer of the Creole Wo- men and Children. Of the People of Colour, and the dif- ferent Cafts or Tribes. Reftri6lion8 on the Free Blacks and • Mulattoes. Their Charaftcr at length, * * t%i ^- ' • , ' ' CHAl^TER 11/ ' Of Negroes m a State of Slavery. Preliminary Obfervations. Origin of the Slave Trade. Portuguefe Settlement on the African Coaft. Negroes introduced at Hifpaniola. Haw- kins's Voyage. African Company eftablifhed by James the ' Firfl. Charters granted. Defcription of the African Coaft. Forts and Fadlories. Exports from Great Britain. Number of Negroes who are at prefent exported to the Britilh Colonies. State of the Trade from 1771 to 1787. Number of Negroes at this Time exported annually to the different Nations of Europe, - - - • <* - 136 CHAPTER III •- Mandingoes, or Natives of the Windward Coaft. Mahomeuuiib Their Wars, Manners, and Perfons. Koromantyn Negro6s^ or Negroes of the Gold Coaft. Their F«X)cioufnefs. of Dif- pofition difplayed in an Account of the Negro Rebelh'en io^ lamaica in 1769. Their National Mamen^ Warty tnd 8»f ■-'JS': ' ' fi CONTENTS. Or :,.■■.:• u _ Page perftltions. Natives of Whidaw or Fida. Their Good Qua- lities. N CIS from Benin. Perfons and Tempers. Canni- bals. Nil 'Sis of Congo and Angola. Survey of the Cha- ra6lerft and Difpofitions of Negroes in a State of Slavery, 154 CHAPTER IV. Means of obtaining Slaves in Africa. Ohfervations thereon. Obje£tions to a diredl and immediate Abolition of the Trade by the BritiHi Nation only. The Confequences of fuch a Meafure confidered. Difproportion of Sexes in the Negroes 4 annually imported from Africa. Mode of tranfporting Ne- groes, and Regulations recently eilablifhed by Aft of Parlia- ment. Effedb of thofe Regulations, - ^ 176 '^; CHAPTER V. Arrival and Sale in the Weil Indies. Negroes newly purchafed« How difpofed of and employed. Detail of the Management of Negroes on a Sugar Plantation Mode of obtaining them. Houfes, Clothing, and Medical Care. Abufes. Late Regu- lations for their Proteftion and Security. Caufes of their Annual Decreafe. Polygamy, &c. Slavery in its mildeft ? Form unfriendly to Population. General Ohfervations. Pro- pofals for the further meliorating the Condition of Slaves, with which the fubje£i concludes, - •■ - 186 taii». ro^V >■ ■'» Dif. vfcn • , _,iiA )n inr a»f ■M in* BOOK V. 'I: '. . ' AGRICULTURE. V CHAPTER I. ':,.At , /-■ Sugar Cane. Known to the Ancients. Conjeftures concern- ing its Jntroduftion into Europe. Conveyed from Sicily to the Azores, &c. in the 15th Century, and from thence to the Weft Indies. Evidence that Columbus himfelf carried it from the Canary Iflaflds to Hifpaniola. Summary of Labat's Rea- foning to fliow that it was found growing fpontaneouily in the Weft Indies. Both Accounts reconciled. Botanical Namo-i^ \i CONTENTS. I'. Page. iuid Dcrcviption. Soils bed adapted for its Cultivation, and llicir Varieties dtfcrlhed. Ufe and Superiority of the Plough, Method of Boiling and Planting, , - . 201 CHAPTER II. Crop Time, the SeaTon of Health and Feftivity. Mills for grind- i;ig the Cane;;. Of the Cane-Juice and its component Parts. Proccfs for ohtuhiliig Raw or Mufcavedo, Sugar. Melafles, :uk1 its Difixjfal. Proccfs of making Clayed Sugar. Of Rum, Still-Houfcs and StI'Ja. Cifterns and their Ingredients. Windward Iflaiul Proccfs. Jamaica Method of Double Di- ftillation. Due (^afitlty of Rum from a given Quantity of SwcctB rTcertained u:ul flated, - - * 'I J^;. . - CHAPTER III. '' ' " ■ Ciqjital ncccflcuy In the Settlement or Purchafe of a Sugar Plan- tation of a given Extent. The Lands, Buildings, and Stock feparatcly confiJered. Particulars and Coll. Grofs Returns from the Properties. Annual Dilburfemcnts. Nett Profits, various contingent Charges not taken into the Account. Dif- ference r.'jt commonly attended to in the Way of eftimating the Profits of an Engllfli Eftate and one in the Weft Indies. Infurancc of Weft India Eftates in the Time of War, and other occiilional Deduftlons. The Queftion, why the Culti- vation of the Sugar Ifiands continues under fo many Difcou- ragements, confidered and difcuflcd, CHAPTER IV. Of the nuaor Staple Commodities, viz. Cotton, its Growth and- various Species. Mode of Cultivation and Riflts attending it. Imports of this Article into Great Britain, and the Profits ac- cruing from the Manufaftures produced by it. Indigo, iti Cu'tivation and Manufafture. Opulence of the firft Indigo Planters in Jamaica, and Refledlions concerning the Declins of this Branch of Cultivation in that Ifland. Coffee, whether tuut of the Weft Indies is equal to the Mocha. Sitiuition and :*>1 10($ 220 CONTENTS. Vigc. Soil. Exorbitant Duty to which it was fvibject in Great Bri- tain. Approved Method of oultivat'ng the Plant and curing the Berry. Eftimate of the annual Expencct and Returns of a Coffee Plantation. Cacao, Ginger, Amotto, Aloes, and Pi- mento, - - •, ■ - • • ^^9 „.v,... -hv,^ t'* / .«Ji iti- ^*'X. HISTORY ■^ rA* '■^. \ . ;•> .,,' • >;■■♦ ..JLii i OF THl Lr- Mv > ■•» ■ T >« . . f , V* -■■ -/'I., ■>^;: WEST INDIES. % ! ; :i,;:-i BOOK I. 4 I ■ . CHAPTER I. w : in Geographical Arrangement— Name— Climate— Sea Breeze and Land Wind— ^-Animals and Vegetables— Sublimity of th« Mountains, &c. &c. ^ ■'•'-■ • ••'■,'■ - . ^ r 1 HE ever-memorable Columbus was inducyi to fet fail in queft of a new continent, from the re- ceived opinion of his time, that a nearer paifage might be explored to the Eaft Indies, by*& voyage to the weftward. The difcovery of the Pacific Ocean demonllrated this miflake ; but flill thofe iflands which Columbus had vilited, retained th« ♦ ' HISTORY OF THE 1 1 '. appellation of the Weftern Indies, in coatradi- ilindion to the Indies of the Eaft, Under this name arc comprehended that large group of iflands which extend in a curve from the Florida fliore, on the north peninfula of America, to the Gulf of Maracaybo, on the fouthern. Spa- nish navigators have divided them into Windward and Leeward { Borta'vento and SotaventoJ; and, in ftridt language, tlie term Windward applies to the Caribbean Ifles ; and Leeward, to the four larger ones, Cuba, Jamaica, Hifpaniola, and Porto Rico : But, in Engliih geography, they are divided ac- cording to the courfe of the trade-wind ; the Windward iflands terminating with Martinico, and the Leeward ftretching from Martinico to Porto Rico. As all the Wefl India iflands lie beneath the tropic of Cancer, there is little variety of tempe- rature, except fuch as arifes from the elevation of land. The vernal feafon in thefe parts may be faid to commence vVith May. The parched favannahs now change their alped, from a withered brown, to a frefli and delightful green. Gentle fouthern fhow- ers prefently fet in, whicli, falling about noon, oc- cafion a briglit and rapid vegetation. At this pe- riod, the medium h'jight of the thermometer is 75°- , .After thefe vernal flaowers have continued for about a fortnight, tlie feafon advances to maturity, and the tropical fummcr burns in its full glory. WEST INDIES. During fome hours in the morning, when the land breeze has not yet fpriing up, the blaze of the lun is fierce and intolrrable ; but as Toon as this agree- able wind arifes, the extreme warmth is abated, and the cHmate becomes even plealant in the fhade. The thermometer now Hands generally 75** at funrife, and 85° at noon. But whatever inconvenience the inhabitants of thefe iflands may fuflain from diurnal heat, it is amply recompenfed by the beauty and ferenity of their nights. The moon rifes large and refulgent in the cloudlefs horizon : The Milky Way and the planet Venus glow with a brightnefs unknown in our heavens : The landfcape is fair and beauti- ful, and the air cool and delicious. T* ' •-"»'! About the middle of Augull the thermometer rifes to an unwonted height. The refrefliing breeze dies away, and the large red clouds that ikirt the fouthern horizon betoken the approach of rains. The clouds roll horizontally towards the moun- tains : The thunder reverberates from peak to peak, and the whole fcene becomes impreflive and fublime. It is at this period that hurricanes, thofe irrefiftible vifitations of Divine vengeance, are fo frequently felt. *ni: .: rhrl-iv hv- vUfth >» In November or December the north wind commences. It is at firft attended with heavy Ihowers of hail, till at luft the atmofphere bright- ens, and the weather, till March, may be called winter. It is a winter, however, remote from the • A ij HISTORY or THE !^ horror of northern feverity ; cool, wholefome, and delicious. This defcription of climate muft not be held as minutely applicable to all the Weft India iflands. Size, cultivation, a mountainous furface, and other unnoticed circumftances, may occafion a diverfity of climate throughout the whole. Prejudiced and ignorant writers have defcribed the Weft India iilands, when firft difcovered by Spanifti navigators, to have been noxious and im- penetrable deferts. To be convinced that this af- fertion is falfe, we need only confult the expref- fions of Columbus himfclf, when he informs his fo- vereign Ferdinand of his newly acquired domi- nions. " There is a river (he obferves) which dif- charges itfelf into the harbour that I have nam- ed Porto Santo, of fufficient depth to be navi- gable. I had the curiofity to found it, and found eight fathom. Yet the water is fo limpid, ** that I can eafily difcern the fand at the bottom. The banks of this river are embellifhed with lofty palm-trees, whofe ihade gives a delicious " frefhnefs to the air ; and the birds and the " flowers are uncommon and beautiful. I was fo delighted with the fcene, that I had almoft come to the refolution of flaying here the remainder of my days ; for believe me. Sire, thefe coun- tries far furpafs all the reft of the world in plea- fure and conveniency; and I have frequently " obferved to my people, that, with all my endea- <4 (( t( (( (( i( it (( (( C( <( WEST INDIES. g ** vours to convey to your Majefty an adequate «• idea of the charming objedls which continually " prefent themfelves to our view, the defcription " will fall greatly fhort of the reality." Such is the admiration profefled by a man whofe veracity has never been fufpeded. If at any time thefe regions of beauty and fertility relapfed into barrennefs or noxious vegetation, it muft be attri- buted alone to the extirpation of their original cul- tivators, by the fanguinary emigrants of Spain. The truth is, that, in their original ftate, thefe iflands were highly improved by cultivation. Their favannahs or plains yielded abundance of Turkey wheat, and their woods, being cleared below, af- forded a conftant and agreeable (hade, excluding the blaze of the fun, but admitting the circulation of the air. Such were thefe blooming orchards and woods of perennial verdure, of a growth unknown to the frigid clime and lefs vigorous foil of Europe. What European forell ever gave birth to a ftem like the ceiba*, which, hollowed into a veflel, has been known to carry an hundred perfons ; or the ftill more gigantic fig-tree, the fovereign of the vege- table creation — itfelf a foreft. But the majeftic fcenery of the groves is height- ened by the forms which inhabit them. The fo- vereign Difpofer of created beings feems to have been lingularly partial to thefe iflands, in leaving • Wild cotton tree. li\ I I I ( HISTORY OF THE them deftitute of thofe noxious ferpentine tribes, which infell other regions of the fame latitude. The alligator is indeed feen on their banks ; but I cannot be perfuaded by all that has been faid of the fierce nature of this animal, but that he is fhy, and even cowardly : at all times difpofed to relin- quilh the haunts of men. As to their lizards, they gre fportive and harmlefs. Anciently their woods were frequented by a fmaller fpecies of the monkey race, a pleafant and innocent little fporter. But thefe, like the beau- tiful flamingo, a large and elegant bird, arrayed in the brighteft fcarlet, have been nearly extirpated. Still, however, the parrot and the parroquet enli- ven their woods. But the boaft of thefe groves is the humming bird ; whofe minute form and plu- mage of glowing, rich, and diverfificd luftre, ren^ der it the moft beautiful and furprifing of the fea- thered race. h',. -n : It is true, the beauty of tropical birds is all that they have to recommend them ; yet their woods are not deftitute of harmony. The note of the mock-bird is highly pleaiing ; while the hum of myriads of bufy infeds, and the plaintive melody of ftock doves, form a concert, which, if it cannot awaken the fancy, may at leaft footh the afFedions, and give harmony to repofe. > - - But leaving thefe minuter objects, the mind is fixed in deeper contemplation in looking to the enormous hills of thefe regions, which rife above the ftoims, and repofe in eternal fnow. To the m WEST INDIES. ine tribes, latitude, nks; but in faid of he is fhy, to relin- rds, thej ed by a ifant and he beau- rayed in tirpated. uet enli- groves is and plu- tre, ren^ the fea. fpedator looking; down from thefe heights, the whole fcene appears like enchantment. While all is calm and ferene in the higher regions, the clouds are feen below fweeping along the fides of the mountains in vaft bodies, till, growing more pon- derous by accumulation, they fall at length in tor- rents of water on the plains. The found of the temped is diftindly heard by the fpedlator above ; the diilant lightning is feen to irradiate the gloom; while the thunder, reverberated in a thoufand echoes, rolls far beneath his feet. -1'-. ■r1 all that ir woods : of the hum of melody ■ cannot fedions, ,.w mind is to the 5 above To the \« HISTORY OF THE -f ,i. .4 .' > '.-;. f *,!■ !"••' -'i ^ , .4 I - CHAPTER II. Of the Caraibes, or ancient Inhabitants of the Windward Iflands — Origin — QiaraAer — Manners — Perfons, and Domeftic Ha- bits — Education-^Arts and Manufadures — Religion— Conclu- fions on the whole. ^ .' rlwiNG thus delineated the climate and feafons., and attempted to imprefs the reader with fome faint idea of the beauty and magnificence with which the hand of nature hath arrayed thefe iflands, I (hall next proceed to inquire after thofe inhabitants to whofe fupport and conveniency they were chiefly found fubfervient when they firft came to the knowledge of Europe. Hifpaniola was the firft iiland which had the ho- nour of receiving Columbus, after a voyage the moft wonderful and important that is recorded in hiftory. He found that the polTefTors of this and the three other iflands, which by Spanifh naviga- tors were denominated the Leeward, were a Am- ple, hofpitable, and happy people ; but he was in- formed that there lay to the eaftward a barbarous and warlike nation called Caribbees or Caraibes, a race of cannibals, who frequently made terrible in- curfions on their more peaceable neighbours, and carried havock and devaftation wherever they con- quered. Columbus difcovered, in his fecond voy- 4 i WEST INDIES. age, that thefe ferocious cannibals were inhabi- tants of the Windward Ifles. Hiflorians have laboured to difcover by what extraordinary caufes two nations, fo remote in charadler, fhould have lived in fuch propinquity of lituation. ^ Rochefort, an hiftoriographer of this country, afligns many plaufible reafons for fuppo- fing, that the natives of the larger iflands were remnants of the aborigines of the Weft Indies ; and that the fiercer Caraibes having emigrated in a fwarm from the Indians of Apalachia, had extir- pated all the original natives, except thofe whom the lize of their kingdoms and number of inhabi- tants had defended from entire devaftation. But Martyr, a ftill more fagacious hiilorian, has produced powerful arguments againft the above fuppofition. It would be too tedious, however, to enter minutely into this difpute. Certain it is, that the different languages, and diHimilar traits of the two nations, exclude all fuppofition of their origin being common ; but from what nations they emi- grated, or from whence they drew their lineage, is difficult to determine, and unworthy of invefti- gation. Leaving this inquiry, let us proceed to feled fuch uncontroverted fads as may communicate an idea of their manners and charader. In perform- ing this ta-flc, circumfcribed as we are for materials, very important conclufions may be drawn in the ftudy of human nature. The courage or the cowardice of an individual B w IP HISTORY OF THE is always a prominent feature in his charader, and nations are not lefs diftinguiflied than individuals by the extent and nature of thefe qualities. The Caraibes were courageous ; but their cou- rage was that of barbarians, bloated with revenge and difgraced by cruelty. Inured to arms from their youth, and taught to prize no blefling fo highly as military fame ; incapable, from habits of adivity, to cultivate at home the blandiiliments of tranquillity, or the comfortable arts of peace ; they regarded war as the main objed: of their exiftence, and peace as a mere paufe from hoililities, to re- cruit them for new revenge. Their ardour in battle rofe to infatiable fury ; . for they devoured without remorfe the bodies of fuch enemies as they had killed or taken prifoners in; war. This fad, fo difagreeable in relation (though eftablifhed), was at one period ftrenuoully denied by thofe European philofophers, who, zealous in maintaining the dignity of our nature, impeached the Vi^racity of all thofe who afferted the difcovery of cannibals. But the difcoveries which recent voyagers have made^leave us now no room to dif- truft the exiftence of fuch degraded beings. As to the Caraibes, the charge is completely fubftantia- ted ; for Columbus relates, that, having landed at Guadaloup, he beheld in feveral cotta^tes T/.ie heads and limbs of human bodies, recently feparated, and evidently kept for occalional repaftsi .jji 7.,. .orr. Thus far, it muft be confefled, the difpofitions WEST INDIES. II of the Caraibes leaves no very pleafing impreffion on our minds. In contemplating this circumllancc in their manners, we can hardly confider them as human beings, but as monfters whom it was lawful to extirpate from exiftence. But the whole por- trait of their charadter does not correfpond to this difagreeable trait : We behold in the Caraibe, warm friendlhip, energetic and dignified independence of mind, and fome Ihare of the focial paffions. It is allowed, that with regard to the people of Europe, whenever any of them had acquired their confidence, it was given without referve. Their friendfhip was as wari^ ^s their enmity was impla- cable. The Caraibes of Guiana ftill fondly cherifh the tradition of Raleigh's alliance, and to this day preferve the Enghih colours which he left them at parting. > Of the loftinefs of their fentiments, and their abhorrence of flavery, a writer, no way partial to them, gives the following illuftration : " There is " not a nation on earth (fays Labat) more jealous of their independence than the Caraibes ; and when at any time they behold the deference which an European obferves to his fuperiors, they defpife us as abjedl Haves who can be fo bafe as to crouch before an equal." Happy had it been that fuch confcioufnefs of dignity had been adorned with mildnefs or huma- nity ; but their prevailing paflion for war repref- fed thofe inftinds of nature, which the voluptu- oufnefs of climate had otherwife produced. The l( (( «( U 12 HISTORY OF THE ' I pallion of love was not flrongly felt : They fecm- ed, from the nature of their decorations, rather defirous of imprefling terror, than being objeds of admiration ; and, indeed, the hideous fears which disfigured their faces, their mufcular and llout bo- dies, and the quick wild roll of their eyes, that feemed an emanation from their martial fpirit, rendered their whole appearance flriking and ter- rible. As ioon as a Caraibe child v/as born, he was fprinkled withliis father's blood. The ceremony was painful, in the extreme, to the father ; but he fubmitted, from a belief that the hardinefs he dif- played on fuch occafions would be ingrafted upon the fpirit of his infant fon. ^ Before the youth himfelf could be admitted to the honours of manhood, the moll painful experi- ments were made upon his fortitude. Like the Spartan youth, he was tortured by the liands of his nearefl relation, and like him, he eflabliflied his reputation upon contempt of pain. When his pa- tience had outbraved their perfecution, " Now he " is a man like ourfelves" (they would fay); and thenceforward admitted him to their battles and ibciety. The fame admired fortitude, which uphfted the boy to the honours of manhood, was alfo made the teft of fuperiority, when the ambitious became can- didates for principality. The warrior was put to the moil excruciating torture, before he could be deemed capable of adling as chief. The ambitious Caraibe who arrived to this dignity muft have pur- WEST INDIES. 13 chafed his honours at a dear price. From a pe \q fo fiercely independent, no fpontaneous obedience could be expedted. The chief had to confole him- felf with the glory of his title, with the liberty he pofleffed of appropriating female captives to him- felf, and with the gifts he received, the moft beau- tiful daughters of his countrymen, i ;' f, From this lad tribute; perhaps, the practice of polygamy arofe. But, though oeftowed as the re- ward of valour, the females were treated rather as Haves than domeftics. They fuftained every fpe- cies of degrading labour, were treated without hu- manity or refped, and denied the privilege of eat- ing in fociety with men. Such is the fate of all women among favages. The progrefs of a people in every thing valuable and humane is marked by the dignity and happinefs of the female fex. Befides the feather that was inferted in the per- forated cartilage of his nofe, and the teeth of his devoured enemies that were flrung round his legs and arms, the Caraibe warrior could not be faid to have any ornament or drefs ; nor indeed could clothing be neceflary in a climate where the chill- nefs of winter was never felt. A bulkin, or half boot, wove of cotton, was worn by the women af- ter the age of puberty ; but to this diftindlion no captive female could afpire. .. Their long black hair conftituted the chief or- nament of both fexes ; an ornament alfo denied to captives. Like all other Americans, they eradica- ted the beard in its firfl grpwth ; a circumftance «4 HISTORY OF THE which led fome to believe that Americans are na- turally beardlefs ; but ocular demonftration has fhown the miflake. The moft remarkable circumftance about their perfons was altering the configuration of the head, which being fqueezed at birth between two boards, applied before and behind, made the fore and hinder head refemble two fides of a fquare. The miferable remnant of the natives in the Ifland of St. Vincent ftill retain this cuftom. Their villages re- fembled an European encampment, their cabins being made of poles drawn to a top, and covered with the leaves of palm-tree. In the middle of each village flood a lar^e hall, where they conven- ed, and eat in common. Thefe halls were alfo the theatres of exercife, where their youth were train- ed to hardihood by athletic games, and fired to emulation by the fpeeches oi' their orators. Their arts and manufa<5lures, though few, dif- played a degree of ingenuity not to be expefted from a people fo little removed from a flate of mere animal nature. Columbus obferved an abundance of fubftantial cotton cloth in all the iflands which he vifited ; and the natives pofTefTed the art of flaining it with various colours, though the Caraibes delighted chiefly in red. Of this cloth they made hammocks, or hanging beds, fuch as are now ufed at fea ; for Europe has not only copied the pat- tern, but preferved the name. They pofTefTed like- wife the art of making vefTels for domeflic purpofes, which they baked in kilns like the potters of Eu- WEST INDIES. 15 rope. From the ruins of thefe, lately dug up in Barbadoes, we learn that they far furpafs thofe made by the Negroes, in thinnefs, fmoothnefs, and beauty. Their balkets, compofed of palmetto leaves, were Angularly elegant ; and we are told that their bows, arrows, and other weapons, dif- played a neatnefs and polilh which a Ikilful Euro- pean artifl would have found it difficult to have ex- celled, even with his own tools. We are not accurately informed as to the na- ture and extent of their agriculture. Among fuch a rude people, the right of private property could not be definite. We find, accordingly, that there was a community of labour, and a community of goods in every village. All partook of the labour of tilling and fowing; and each family had its fhare from the public granary. Except the circumftance of their eating human flefli, their food feems in all refpedls to have been the fame with that of the na- tives of the larger iflands. But, although excef- fively voracious, they rejeded fome of the beft bounties of nature. They never tafted the peca- ry, or Mexican, hog ; the manati, or fea-cow; nor the turtle. Some have afcribed this abhorrence of thefe delicious rarities to the influence of religious motives ; and fanciful hiilorians have not forgot that the Jews had a fimilar diflike to fimilar ani- mals. • ■■'•:■•!•';-; r,l\ ' ■■, . ■ \ jf,:..^,' •; ••;!.,'.•■■./. In tracing out their religious cuftoms, we find a few the offspring of genuine nature; others, fu- perftitious and unaccountable. On the birth of a i6 HISTORY OF THE \y V < child, the father failed ibr u whole day, a pradice which no rational motives could influence. At the duath of a father, their behaviour was decent and pious ; they bewailed his lofs with unafTedled for- row, then turning from the place of his abode, credled it in a different place. In their religious belief there feems to have been a mixture of theifm and idolatry ; but their devotion was at all times rather the refult of fear than of gratitude. Their ideas of a Supreme Be- ing were grofs and indiilind ; and their prayers, which they offered up to him, through the me- dium of inferior deities, were not to implore his protedion, but merely to deprecate the terrors of his vengeance. Thefe inferior deities were, like the gods of the Romans, divided into fuperior and fubordinate beings, national and domeflic protec- tors ; and what renders the limilarity between the Roman and Caraibbee worihip complete, was their belief that every individual had his own peculiar deity, correfponding to the genius of the ancient mythology. ' i-i.-^-v^.A .^uu.f- tn ^-n^nnnd But beiides their benevolent deities, they paid adoration to other fpirits, in rites of a darker fuper« ftition. To avert the wrath of thefe demons, their magicians offered up their facrifices and their pray- ers in confecrated places. On thefe occafions, the worfliipper wounded himfelf with horrible gafhes, conceiving, perhaps, that the fierce fpirit of the de- mon was delighted with the groans of mifery, and appeafed by the plentiful flow of human blood. WEST INDIES* ty Such arc the moll (Iriking outlines in the cha- raderof tlie lavage Caraibc. Tlie pidure is an al'- femblage ot* hard and uncouth features, whole ex- prelfion, if not pleafing, is yet impreflive, from their mafcuhne boldnefs. Let fuch as are ilruck with the l)arbarity of thefe habits and manners be- ware of afcribing them to the genuine didates of nature. Such ferocious favagenefs is not a ftate congenial to man. Had not the bias of humanity been in llrong contradidion to fuch manners, it would not have required fuch unremitting difci* phne to fteel the heart of the riling Caraibe againft every feeling of fympathy apd remorfe. Compaf- lion and kindnefs conftitute the chief ornament and happinefs of our life ; and to the honour of humanity, they are the earlieft propenfities of our nature. c: M ■ m \M. I 1! i8 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER in. Of the Natives of Hifpaniola» Cuba, Jamaica, and Porto Rico~ Their Numbers — Perfons — Genius and Difpofitions— Govern- ment and Religion — Mifcellaneous Obfervations refpedting their Arts and Agriculture— Cruelty of the Spaniards* I AM now to give an account of a mild and com- paratively cultivated people, the ancient natives of Hifpaniola, Cuba, Jamaica, and Porto Rico; for there is no doubt that the inhabitants of all thofe iflands were of one common origin, — fpeaking the fame language, poffefling the fam- inftitutions, and in the pradice of fimilar fuperftitions. Columbus himfelf treats them as fuch ; and the teftimony of cotemporary hiftorians confirms his opinion. By the formerly-mentioned natives of the Wind- ward Illands, thefe iflanders were conlidered as de- fccnded from a colony of Arrowauks, a people of Guiana ; and there is no room to doubt the fuppo- lition of the Caraibes on this occafion. Their opi- nion is fupported by Raleigh, and others, who vi- fited Guiana and Trinidad two centuries ago. Hiftorians difagree as to the number of inhabi- tants found by Columbus on his firft vifiting thefe iflands. L. Cafas computes the whole amount at fix millions; but, from the accounts of other hifto- rians equally accurate, I am inclined to eftimate the whole number at three, rather than fix mil- WEST INDIES. 19 lions. Indeed, fuch are the accounts of the car- nage made among thofe poor people by the Spa- niards, that we are willing to hope their original numbers have been exaggerated by the followers of Columbus, from a fond propenlity to magnify the importance of their difcovery. The children of both fexes, amongft this limple people, went entirely uncovered ; and the only co- vering for man and woman was a piece of cotton cloth, tied around the waift, and, with the women, faUing down to the knees. In their Ihapes, they were elegant and well proportioned, and taller than the Caraibes, though by no means fo mufcu- lar. Like the Caraibes, they altered the configu- ration of the head ; but their method was diffe- rent ; for the forehead was deprefled, fo as to give an unnatural thicknefs to the hinder part. The Spaniards, in relating this fad, give us an inftance, at the fame time, by what humane experiments they difcovered it. Herrara relates, that a Spanifli broad-fword could not cleave the fkuU at one blow, but would frequently break Ihort of it. Their hair was uniformly black, without any tendency to curl ; their features were hard and unfightly ; the face broad, and the nofe flat; but, altogether, there was fomething in their countenances expreffive of a frank and gentle difpofition. Modern philofophers, in delineating their cha- racter, have grofsly mifreprefented them, and, in- deed, combined fuch inconfiftent qualities as could pot mingle in the fame temper. They have been Cij ^HjHa ;:i' § 20 HISTORY OF THE accufed of cowardice, indolence, and infenfibility ; feeblenefs of mind, as well as of conftitution. Their military fpirit was unqueftionably far infe- rior to the favage enthufiafm of the Caraibbee war- rior; but coldnefs to fenfual pleafures was no part of their charader. The truth is, that love with this happy race was not a tranfient or youthful paflion ; it was the fource of all their joys, and the great objed of their lives. A thirfl for revenge never gave afperity to their tempers, and climate heightened the fenlibility of their paflions* That a people, pofleiTing the means of luxury, without the neceffity of toil, fhould be addicted to luxury, is a circumilance no way furpriiing. The want of labour might in fome degree enervate their bo- dies ; and this conclufion may be admitted, with- out degrading their natures, or pronouncing the climate (as fome have ventured to do) to be in- compatible with bodily vigour. , : .j.^ii.i ' Their limbs, however, were pliant and adivc ; they delighted and excelled in the exercife of dancing; and to that amufement they devoted the cool hours of night. " It was their cuftom (fays Herrara) to dance from evening to the dawn ; and although fifty thoufand men and women were frequently aflembled together on thefe oc- cafions, they feemed aduated by one common impulfe, keeping time by refponfive motions with their hands and their feet, with an exadl- nefs truly wonderful." Another diverfion was prevalent among them, (( (( (( It it tt WEST INDIES. ai them, called the bato; which, by the accounts given of it, feems to have refpmbled the Englifli game of cricket. The players were divided into two par- ties, who alternately changed places ; while an elallic ball, thrown dexteroully backwards and forwards, was received on the head, the elbow, or the foot, and repelled with aftonifliing and inimi- table force. Such exertions belong not to a peo- ple incurably enervated and flothful. European writers, not fatisfied with deprecia- ting their perfonal accomplifhments, have likewife pronounced their natural genius . inferior to our own. Such philofophers ought to have recoUed- ed, that their fituation alone, without recurring to other reafons, fufficiently accounts for the paucity of their ideas. Energy of mind originates not in the nature, but in the circumftances of an enlight- ened European, He is intelledlual and accom- plifhed, not from intuitive knowledge, but from that cultivation of his powers which his neceflities or ambition may excite. But whatever thefe Indians wanted in energy, was amply made up in the fweetnefs of their dif- pofitions ; fince, from the evidence of all writers, the candid as well as the bigotted, they are repre- fented to have been the moft gentle and benevo- lent of the human race. Among other inllances of their benevolence, the following is not the leaft remarkable. Soon after Columbus's firft arrival at Hifpaniola, one of his fliips was wrecked on the coaft. The natives, '22 HISTORY OF THE fcorning to reap advantage from his diftrefs, put to fea with eagernefs to his relief. A thoufand ca- noes were in motion ; not a life was loft ; and of the goods faved from the wreck, not an article was loft or embezzled. Guacanahari, the cacique, wait- ed next day on Columbus ; and perceiving that the Ihip itfelf, and fome of the cargo, notwith- ftanding all exertions, was irrecoverably loft, con- doled with Columbus in terms that excited fur- prife and admiration ; and offered, with tears in his eyes, all that he pofleffed in the world to re- pair his misfortune. Who can be informed, with- out feelji g the ftrongeft indignation, that this un- exampled benevolence was repaid, by Europeans, with the bafeft ingratitude ? The Spanifli ruffians fell a facrifice to the juft fury of the Indians ; but Guacanahari was covered with wounds, in proted- ing them from his countrymen. Columbus return- ed, and the generous attachment of thefe benevo- lent people once more revived. ? , Bartholomew Columbus, who was appointed de- puty governor in the abfence of Columbus, gives us a pleafing account of the hofpitality he met with in his progrefs through the ifland to levy tributes. The caciques, underftanding the fondnefs of the Spaniards for gold, willingly gave all their ftores ; and thofe who had none gave provifions or cotton. Among the latter was Behechio, who invited the lieutenant and his attendants to his dominions. As the Spaniards drew near his palace, they were met by his thirty wives, who faluted them ffrft with a WEST INDIES. «3 but dance, and next with a general fong. Thefe ma- trons were fucceeded by a train of virgins, diftin- guilhed as fuch by their appearance ; the former wearing aprons of cotton cloth, while the latter were arrayed only in the innocence of pure nature. Their hair was tied limply with a fillet over their foreheads, or fufFered to flow gracefully on their fhoulders and bofoms. Their limbs were finely pro- portioned, and their complexions, though brown, were fmooth, (liining, and lo\^ly. The Spaniards were ftruck with admiration, believing that they be- held the dryads of the woods, and the nymphs of the fountains, realizing ancient fable. The branches which they bore in their hands, they now delivered with lowly obedience to the lieutenant, who, enter- ing the palace, found a plentiful, and (according to the Indian way of living) a fplcndid repaft already provided. At night they repofed in cotton ham- mocks, and next morning were entertained with dan- cing and finging. For three days were the Spaniards thus nobly entertained, and on the fourth, the affec- tionate Indians regretted their departure. The government of thefe iflands was purely and abfolutely monarchical ; but the native mildnefs of their characters feems to have infufed a gentlenefs even into the exercife of unlimited authority. Had their monarchs trampled upon their rights as far as their prerogative extended, their fubjedls mull have been too debafed to be capable of any fuch genero- fity as I have related. Their caciques were hereditary, and had other H HISTORY OF THE chiefs fubordinate to themfelves. Oviedo relates^ that thefe princes were under the obligation of per- fonally attending at the command of the Grand Ca- cique in peace as well as in war. Thus their govern- ment feems, in its outlines, to have refembled the ancient feudatories of Europe ; but as to the minu- ter parts of their conflitution, Spanifh hiflorians have not fufficiently informed us. The power of the ca- cique we find was hereditary ; and Oviedo informs us, that one of the many wives of the cacique was held as reigning queen, and that the children of this lady, according to priority of birth, fucceeded to the father's honours ; but in default of iflue by the favourite princejs, the fillers of the cacique took place of the cacique's children by his other wives. It is plain that this regulation was intended to pre- vent difputes among a number of candidates for the throne, whofe pretenfions were equal. The principal cacique furpaifed his feudal depen- dants in exterior ornament and dignity, as well as authority. Like the nabob of the eaft, he was carried from one quarter of his dominions to ano. ther upon the fhoulders of his fubjedls. His will was the fupreme law; whatever his orders might be, even though commanding the unhappy vidim to be his own executioner, the fubjedl fubmitted without hefitation, from a belief that refifi:ance would have been an unpardonable offence againft the delegate of heaven. Their fovereign, when dead, was flill an obje£t of veneration : his body was preferved by embowel- WEST INDIES. 25 ling, if he died at home ; but if his corpfe could not be procured, from his having fallen in battle, his me- mory was fondly cheriflied by the zealous admira- tion of his countrymen. Songs were compofed in his praife, which were called arietoes. The recital of thefe was a cermony of confiderable importance ; it was made at their public dances, and accompanied with their wild, but impreffive mufic of the fhell and the drum. The exploits of the dead prince in war, and his benigni- ty at home, were the themes of thefe efFufions : thus they inllruded the living, while they celebrated the dead. •> In tracing their religious opinions, we are guided by hiftorians to a fingle anecdote, which feems to indicate, that definite notions of future refponlibi- lity for the adlions done in this life were received into their mythology. A venerable old man, in the Ifland of Cuba, approaching Columbus, prefented a balket of fruit into his hands, and addrefled him thus : " Deign, O ftranger, to accept of this gift. " You are come into our country, and we are nei- ther able nor willing to refill you. Whether you are mortal like ourfelves, we know not; but, " if you exped to die, remember that, in the world ** to come, the fituation of the good and bad fliall be widely different. If you believe this truth, you certainly will not hurt thofe who do not in- jure you." But their ideas of futurity, though precife, were not fublime : their heaven was like the paradife of Mahomet, ox the elyfium of the Pagans. D (( (I <( it 26 HISTORY OF THE Still, however, true to the affectionate feelings of their nature, they fondly believed that their prin- cipal happinefs would conlift in the fociety of their departed friends. Like the Caraibes, they had an indiftindl idea of one Supreme Creator, but this belief was clouded with childifli abfurdities ; for their mythology re- lated that their deity changed his abode at pleafure, from the fun to the moon, like a town and country houfe ; and that his aged father and mother were ftill alive. To this fupreme creator they affigned no provi- dence over his works ; but reprefented him as in- different to the happinefs or mifery of his creatures. They believed, however, that his original intention in creating the univerfe was benevolent 5 although the fubordinate gods, to whofe management he had confided his affairs, had grown malicious to man- kind, and introduced evil and confufion. Their idols were hideous and frightful : they implored them not with reverence, but with terror ; not with pious hope, but fuperftitious diftruft. Their bohitos or priefts openly affembled in every village to invoke thefe demons in behalf of the peo- ple. Thefe men added to the profits of their holy profeffion, the pradice of medicine, and the educa- tion of children of the firft rank : A combination of interefts and refpedable profeffions, which muft have made them tyrants of conliderable authority. Here, as well as in Europe, religion was made the inftrument of civil defpotifm. The venerated bo- WEST INDIES. «7 hito fanc^ioned the words of the cacique, by pro- nouncing him the irreliftible delegate of God, and it would have been horrible impiety for the fubjeifl; to have controverted the decree. Columbus and his people, on one occafion, de- tedled this procefs of impofture, hy dafliing down the idol which uttered forth the oracles of the pried : A tube was thus difcovered, which was covered with leaves, and ran to the inner apartment, where the pried applied his mouth and fpoke. The cacique entreated Columbus to keep this datedion a fecret, as from this mode of chicanery he acquired his wealth and maintained his authority. In point of improvement in ihofe arts, which di- verfify the comforts of life, a comparifon has been inftituted between this people and the natives of Otaheite. I think the priority may with little he- fitation be afcribed to the Weft Indians. Their agriculture has been reprefented as imperfedl ; but the diredl teftimony of the brother of Columbus dif- covers that their progrefs in cultivation was confi- derable. *' The fields about Zaabra (fays Bartho- ** lomew) were all covered with maize, like the corn " fields of Europe, for above fix leagues together." Dr. Robertfon, among other authors, has given an unfavourable accouirt of their agriculture ; but he founds his conclufion on no other pioof than that their implements of hulbandry were made only of hard wood. The Dodlor was not acquainted with the foil of thefe parts, eife he would have known / if-. 28 HISTORY OP THE ( I « ! that the foil is incapable of murh refiftance,"and cart be ploughed with materials fofter than iron. •" •• In a country fo delightful, in a ftate of fociety fa fimple, and with difpofitions fo gentle and benevo- lent, thefe natives mull have enjoyed almoft the perfeclion of human felicity ; but they little appre- hended what vipers they cheriflied in their bofoms, when they admitted the emigrants of Spain to their confidence and hofpitality. The enormities of the moft outrageous tyrants, who ever fported with th« eonvulfive agonies of their fellow creatures, fall' in- finitely Ihort of the crimes which were committed in the conqueft which Europe acquired over the New Hemifphere. Ten millions of the human fpe- cies were, at a low computation, facrificed in Ame- rica and the Weft Indies, to the avarice, wanton barbarity, or religious (it fliould be called infernal} bigotry of Spain. '" -^ ^ '■• - ' i- i'.: ' The amiable inhabitants of Hifpaniola amounted, at the arrival of Columbus, to a million at leaft : Within the fpace of fifty years, they hardly amount- ed to fixty thoufand. They were hunted down, like wild beafts in the fields, by a fierce fpecies of dogs, who v.ere trained to feed upon their flefti, and to lap their blood. The more religious part of the Spanilli murderers would force them into the water for baptifm, and cut their throats the next moment lefl: they fliould apofi:atize. It was alfo a common pradice to burn or hang thirteen in a morning, in honour of our Saviour and his twelve 11; ■1 WEST INDIES. 4» apoftles. " To keep their hands in ufc," they in- ftituted games, where their emulation was excited by laying wagers, " who could ftrike oil an Indian " head with greateft dexterity." The Spaniards at home heard of all thefe enormities ; but they had neither juftice nor compaflion to proted the in- nocent. When at laft the delightful plains of Hif- paniola were almoft entirely defpoiled of their ori- ginal cultivators, grants were iflued by the Spanifh court to fupply the mines, which were now begun to be dug upon the ifland, by thofe remaining iiland-« ers, whom they could lieze and drag to captivity. To eflfeft this inhuman plan, veflels were fent out to the Lucayos, whofe commanders informed the natives, that they had come to convey them to the land where their forefathers now lived ; and that in this di'hghtful paradife they would live in perpetual happinefs with their departed friends. The credu- lous people were deceived, and thus forty thoufand were allured to the mifery which awaited them in the difmal mines of Hifpaniola. The poor Lucay- ans, finding their miferable miflake, would refufe all fuftenance, and retiring to the fea-lliore of Hif- paniola, which lay oppofite to their own country, would call many a look towards their native iflands, and inhale with eagernefs the fea breeze which fprung from that quarter *. When nature was at length exhaufted with grief and hunger, they would flretch out their arms, as if to take a laft farewell embrace, and expire upon the coaft. Philofophers have fome- 'I Oae of thefe wrctclicd Lucayauu, mom inventive than hiV I :! f JP HISTORY OF THE times aflerted, that no human being will commit an unjuft or barbarous adlion, without the view of reap- ing an adlual benefit to himfelf. Every adion has furely its motive ; but can it be explained from what profped of advantage the following horrid, but au- thenticated adion was committed by the accurfed executioners of Spain ? L. Cafas (who wrote his hiftory fliortly after thefe enormities were perpetrat- ed, and who muft have been eafily deteded had he uttered a falfehood) gives us the following relation, to which he was an eye witnefs. ... " A Spanifh commanding officer had gone to his " afternoon flumbers, and left his officer on guard " to tranfaci the bufinefs of the afternoon, which " was only to roafl; four or five principal Indians to " death. The officer executed his duty by apply- " ing them to a flow fire ; but the fcreams of tor- " ture, which the poor wretches emitted, were fo " loud as to difturb the commander and keep him " from ileep : he fent orders that they iliould be " ftrangled ; but the officer on guard (I know his " name, fays L. Cafas, and his relations in Seville) " caufed their mouths to be gagged, that their cries " might not be heard, and ftirring up the fire with " his own hands, roafted them deliberately till they ** all expired'." countrymen, having been accuftomcd to build cottages in his own countrj', framed a canoe out of a jaruma tree, and put out to the ocean, in company with a man and woman. His voyage was pro- fperous for 200 miles ; but alas ! w|ien almoil within fight of his long wifhcd for fhores, he was taken by a Spaniih (hip, and carried back to mifery ! li WEST INDIES. Jt CHAPTER IV. J^tnd Animals ufed as Food— Fidies — Wild Fowl— Indian Me- thod of Fifliing and Fowling— Efculent Vegetables, &c.— Con- c"" .on In the Windward Iflands are found feveral fpecies of animals which are not poflelFed by the four larger iflands : and it is likewife obfervable, that all the animals found in thefe iflands are found in Guiana. From this a very probable conjedure may be deri- ved, viz. that the Caraibbee Iflands were peopled from the fouth. Of their animals the mod remark- able are the following : The agouti, or Indian coney, called by Linnaeus the mus aguti^ and by Pennant and Buffbn the cavyt is an animal which appears to be of an inter- mediate fpecies between the rat nnd the rabbit. It is feldom or never feen in any of the iflands to the windward, buL frequently in Hifpaniola, Porto Rico, and the higher grounds of Jamaica. The pecary, or Mexican hog, tailed by Linnaeus the fus tajacu, was fcmnd in abundance in the Weft Indies at the arrival of the Spaniards ; but it is now totally exterminated ; moft probably from its courage, which we are told prompted it to turn upon its purfuers, and thus brought it within the reach of ftiot. It is now brought from the conti- nent as a curioflty: I think it diflfers very little 32 HISTORY OF THE y. ! from the hogs of Europe, except in the aperture of the back, which difcharges a much efteemed fcent, of a mu(ky kind. The aleo was in the New He- mifphere, what the dog is with us. The aleo, how- ever, although fimilar in moll other refpedts to our dog, did not poflefs the power of barking. A Spa- nifli hiftorian informs us, that its nofe refembled that of a fox ; and adds, that the Indians were fo much attached to this little favourite, that they car- ried it about with thtm wherever they went. ' The monkey was found in great variety. From the prejudice of cuilom, we are apt to look upon this animal as unfit for food; it, has been found, however, by tholb who were reduced to make ufe of it, to be palatable and nouridiing : its flavour is like that of a hare. The iguana, or guana, is a fpecies of the lizard (a clafs of animals which hiflorians hefitate whether to rank as quadrupeds or infcds). The guana is generally found among fruit trees ; if is a per- fedly gentle and harmlefs animal ; although its ap- pearance cannot be the moil inviting, being ge- nerally three feet long, and proportionably thick. Its fleih was held in high cftir.ation by the Indians; and I have been informed by a connoiffeur in mat- ters of tafte, that it is no way inferior to green turtle. The French and Spaniards made ufe of it wherever it could be found ; but the Englifh, more whimfical in their palate, feldom ferved it at genteel tables. Labat informs us, that the mode of catching this animal was as follows : They beat among the bufhes WEST INDIES. till they found their game bafking on a tree. A Negro then began whiftling with all his might, and the charmed guana fat dill and lidening, till the man came near enough to tickle his neck with a rod which he carried in his hand. This operation was alfo highly pleafing to the animal who at length turned on his back, and fell afleep, like a cat before the fire. The Negro then llipt a noofe over his head, and carried him home alive. ; , * ^^Hi The mountain crab is the moil furprifing animal to be found in thefe iflands. It now furvives only in few places, and I am afraid it will be foon totally extirpated. This fpecies of animals live in a flate of fecial fociety, and migrate in millions to the fea Jide once a year. The line of their journey is geome- trically dired, and nothing will turn their progrefs from a ftraight line, unlefs they meet with a ftream. They divide into feparate bands, of which the ilrong- eft take the lead, and march like pioneers before an army. They prefer marching in the night, unlefs it rains ; but if the fun fhould break fuddenly upon them, they halt till the exceflive heat is over. When at laft they reach the (hore, they wafh the fpawri from their bodies. The eggs are hatched in the fand, and when the young crabs have formed, they parade back to the mountains, in equal numbers, and with equal regularity. The old crabs alfo re- turn, after difburdening themfelves of their fpawn. They now begin to fatten, and retiring to feparate holes, prepare for moulting or changing their coats. During" this change they remain quite inactive, till \ f 34 HISTORY OF THE the old fhell burfts, and the animal, now covered only with a thin membrane, extricates his limbs by degrees. In this moulting Hate, they are, without doubt, one of the moft delicious morfels that nature can afford. . r -' h? n$ . .■* .^ ^ Of all the delicious birds which the Weft Indian wbods produce, the moft juftly celebrated are the ortolans. They are birds which ufually vifit thefe jflands in Odlober, whither, it is fuppofed, they mi- grate from Carolina when the rice grows hard. It is not, however, within our plan to treat, with any degree of minutenels, of the different ipecies of birds and fowls which their marfties and forefts produce. We fliall only at prefent defcribe two very lingular methods of fowling and tilhing pradiied, in the times of Oviedo, by thefe illanders. j » -^ i>..f > ym.. . ;; " Their method of fi thing (fays that hiftorian) is to take out a remora, or fucking fifh, which is re- gularly educated to the fport. The fifli is about a fpan long ; it is fecured to the canoe by a line many fathoms in length, and as foon as it per- " ceives a fifh in the water, it darts like lightning upon its prey. The Indian loofens the line ; but keeps it from linking by means of a buoy that makes it float upon the furface of the water. *' When the remora feems perfedly fatigued with " dragging about the buoy, the Indian takes it up and feparates the fucker from its prey. Thus, turtles have been caught of fuch weight, as no lingle man could fuftain." h To catch their wild-fowl, they adopted a plan tt t( *t *» t( <« (t (( West iNciESi 35 fe^ually ingenious. When they perceived them fwimming upon the water, a man covered his head with a calabafli, or gourd, and llipt gently into the pond, keeping only his head above the water, and leaving apertures for his breath and light. As the gourd was no uncommon objed: to the fowls, they were not frightened to fee it floating; fo that the Indian had an opportunity to approach them gradually, till at laft, by pulling them one after another, uith a hafty jerk below the water, he faf- tened as many as he could to his girdle, and re- turned loaded with prey. It were needlefs, at this period, to give a cir- cumftantial account of all the valuable efculent » gctables which are produced in the Weft Indies, rl.ors of great information and afliduity have itivoured the world with voluminous defcriptions of thefe produftions ; in particular, Sloane, Brown, and Hughes, have been fyftematical upon the fub- jed. There is ftill, however, a deficiency in every treatife, which the curious reader Confults ; name- ly, the want of punduality in difcriminating the indigenous fpecies of vegetables, from thofe which have been imported from abroad. ^ . -t ■ 'I .•.;/i £ ij ^-'i' A'~ 3 i' ■''!•> iij. 36 HISTORY OF THE (. ■■■' ', APPENDIX TO BOOK I. ■j< Containing a Short Diflertation on the Origin of the Caraibn. Xhe arigin of the Caraibes is not a fubjed of the higheft importance, and there are few materials which afford certain proof of the juftice of either one fuppofition or another with refpedl to their an- ceftry. The queftion, however, has been matter of much learned difputation, and it is proper that I lliould mention the arguments which have in- clined me to form an* opinion on the fubjed. Whatever may have been the origin of the other American nations, the probability feems to be, that the Caraibes (at leaft) derived their origin from* the Eaft. ■-••- -^ ^'^ The advocates for this fuppofition (it is to be acknowledged) have ftretched their theory too far ; they are not fatisfied with proving, that America was, in all probabihty, vifited by Europeans long before the date of Columbus ; but aflert, that na- vigators pafled backwards and forwards from fliore to Ihore, and that the Weftern Heraifphere ^v/as W'ell known to the ancients. We have no proof of a veflel having at any pe- riod returned from America ; but the want of this proof does not eftablifli that America was not vilited by Europeans previous to the date already WEST INDIE^S. ' 37 mentioned. On the contrary, there is dired evi- dence that fuch a circiimftance was poffible, and there is ftrong probabihty that it adually took place. From the authority of Procopius, the fecretary of the celebrated Belifarius, we are aflured that the Phoenicians, Egyptians, and Canaanites navi- gated the Weftern Ocean many hundred years be- fore the Chriftian era. The Phoenicians difcover- the Azores ; their fucceiTors, the Carthaginians, dif- covered the Canaries ; and of the naval Ikill of this latter people we mull form no mean eftimate, from their having failed along the African coaft, with- in five degrees of the line, two centuries and a half before ^he birth of Chriil. The vejllgia adi- ficiorum^ which they there difcovered, are proofs of an advanced ftate of fociety among a people un- noticed in tradition. ^ .... • Notwithftanding the bold rflertion of that cele- brated hiftoriograph' of America (Dr. Robertfon), that nil accounts of Phoenician and Carthaginivin voyages, received thiough the medium of Greek and Roman writers, are tjf fufpicious authority; I cannot help ^.'ppoling, that from the following well authenticated facl, ancient voyagers were capable of as great undertakings as that of failing to the oppofite coaft of America. . " Lybia (Cays Herodotus) is every where fur- " rounded by the fea, except on that fide where it " joins to Afia. Pharaoh Necho made this mani- ** feil. After he had defifted from his projed of / 38 HISTORY OF THE )■: I I r !> i 1^ i( (( <• (( (( (( (i « II digging a canal from the Nile to the Arabiari Gulf, he furnifhed a body of Phoenicians with fliips, commanding them to enter the northern fea by the Pillars of Hercules, and return by that route to Egypt. The Phoenicians, therefore, fail- ** ing from the Red Sea, navigated the Southern " Ocean. At the end of autumn they anchored; " and, going afliore, fowed the ground, as thofe " who make a Lybian voyage always do, and ftaid " the harveit. Having cut the corn, they failed. Thus, two years having elapfed, they returned to Egypt, palling by the Pillars of Hercules, and relating a circumftance, which I can fcarcely credit, namely, that failing round Lybia, the furl rofe on the right hand." I would alk how Herodotus camt to know that Africa was encompafled with water to the fouth, unlefs fuch a voyage had been adiually made. It is true, fuch an attempt would have been im- pradlicable to the limited nautical Ikill of a Greek or Roman voyager; but there is no doubt that the commerce of Phoenicia and Carthage brought the art of fiiip-building and navigation to a great height, in very remote periods of antiquity, al- though the fpirit of difcovery lay for raany ages in darknefs. till it was revived by the improvements of the fifteenth century. . ». . . .^.^ The foregoing rcb.tions evince that the ancients were acquainted with the navigation of the Weft- ern Ocean; and if we inquire into the nature of the winds and currents on the African coalt, wc WEST INDIES. 39 muft admit tliut it could not poffibly happen but that fome velFel, proceeding on fuch a voyage, if Ihe happened to lofe her mafts, muft have been carried before the wind towards the Weft Indies or Brazil. »' In modern times, accidents of a limilar nature have feveral times occurred ; and furely there is no room to conjedlure that they did not occur in more remot je s. Where the ^ame caufes exift, the fame effec... muft follow. " Glafs, in his Hiftory of the Canary Illes, informs us, that a fmall barl^, bound from Lancerota to' TenerifFe, was driven by ftrefs of weather from her courfe, and obliged to drive weftward at the mer- cy of the waves, till Ihe was met by an Englifh cruizer, within two days fail of Caracca, who, after relieving their diftrelfes, directed them to the port of Guaira on that coaft. The fame author relates, that, when he was in St. Jofeph's in Trinidad, a fmall veflel, belonging to Teneriffe, and bound for the Canaries, had been driven from her courfe, and carried by the winds and currents into that ifland. The wretched fea- men, having only fome days provifion on board, were worn down with hunger and fatigue to the appearance of Ikeletons before they reached the port. ' An additional proof that America was vilited by other nations before being difcovered by Colum- bus, is the well known fad of Columbus himfelf 40 HISTORY OF THE having found the Hern pod of a fhip lying on the Ihore at Guadaloupe. It mull have been fome accidental voyage of the like nature which drove the colony of Negroes, mentioned by Martyr to have been found at Qua- requa in the Gulf of Darien, from the African to the American fhore. Although the vocabularies of voyagers, from be- ing picked up among a people, who, deftitute of fixed figns for language, muft have a very indefi- nite pronunciation, yet 1 efteem the fimilarity ob- fervable between the Caraibe and oriental lan- guages to be a ftriking proof of their being origi- nally the fame. If the curious reader will confult Rochefort*s Caraibe Vocabulary, with the ancient oriental dialedls, he will certainly acknowledge a very vifible refemblancc. And confidering that the emigration of the Caraibes muft have taken place many centuries ago, it is evident that no plainer likenefs of words could have been kept up by nations fo remote. The inftances of refem- blance are, at any rate, too numerous to fuppofe they originated in accident. Herodotus tells us that the Lybian voyagers were wont to land on the coafts, and fow their corn. Such a pradice muft have occafioned dif~ putes with the natives, who muft have looked up- on thefe intruders as vagabond plunderers. It is pretty Angular that the name Charaib has exadly this tranflation in Arabic. - .t . >.; 2 WEST INDIES. 41 I the if the Troes, Qua- an to . s,- ■■■. mbe- jte of ndefi- ty ob- 1 lan- origi- Donfult indent edge a g that taken hat no ept up refem- fuppofe oyagers vf their led dif- cec! up- . It is exa<^ly It Is no lefs worthy of obfervation, that the prac- tice of gathering up the feet of the dead, which we are informed by Herodotus and Cicero was uni- verfally pradlifed among the ancient nations, and which by the expreffion of fcripture, " gathering *• up the feet of the dying,** we know was a pre- valent cuftom among the pofterity of Abraham, was found to be ftill retained among the Caraibes of the New World, who always buried their dead in this pofture. By the teftimony of Mofes, we learn, that grief for the lofs of a much-loved friend made it an eftablifiied part of the rehgious folemnities of eaft- crn nations, to wound the flefli, and cut (liort the hair. The Jews, to be fure, were commanded to abllain from fuch a barbarous demonftration of grief; but the furrounding heathens ftill adhered to the prai^ice. The American Caraibe exprefled the violence of his grief for a departed friend, ex- a<^ly in the fame manner. ^ The well-known habit of eaflern Indians chew- ing the beUle, prepared with a mixture of calcined Hiells, is too ftriking a fimilarity to^araibbee man- ners to be omitted. Other inftances of refem- blance might be traced out ; but, from the above illuftration, it will appear plain, that if there be one conjedure more probable than another, as to the origin of the Caraibe Indians, it is this^ *' that ♦^ they muft have emigrated, at feme period, fro^n «' the Eaft." .. - 'W is. r fi^.ii. 'i,> vffr»o ,/ :<:t^ ' -t' j.n ,:I: (j; ii">- 'i'. '"".>r T v^ i: ^^ t.'^ vm o'f/ ?r<.'W "hoD, '• "•.■«*^ V> '•'1 » .'. ■>• ' 4 ;rdii'j--i. J a-; ■i'-yi : ti t\ *f^ n. tv. ■A,,^ . J.4t tf? 1^.*'. 'ionj^ Jiiifj ',:Tt^3]: lu h ri. P. ;;n-'» '■'i\- la (I ;% bur^ -Sfi-r •r^--''fT 9<0'f''* ■•*;',» 5 -.ill^ »-•/ J Jii'^jojy ■|r« » f« , : f i> < •«• a J > -f . :ik i * ;'!f;."? 1 ■ ::jt -u. ni'>'^*> xo '*;rm:rr. It '."icIdi.ifF;* iffTif j: n. 37^! ?j; ^i'H , •' . -. i ,r,»Tt .."1 i SO ;-i ti'ii .1 ■■.•*'\<» i ii u":;^ .rt ■ t'Tvj •f-f' ltd: •noaii Jit it ;j,ci J ii' >):'i v"»ii7:»-.T-6;;j ^1!) iO ii 'I ii m^/.l .1 I'ldJv *"n.: ■^ .-i ' 4N 'jV f r'A s^^s^ ., "■^ ,^:tui5liJ; BOOK II. ' • -'^-1, ^ .fi> JAMAICA. '^^ '^' -' • ' ■ - • ■ . r" ^ ' 'i ■'•^Hi -■/-T -^ r;-5 ^. 1 * • • CHAPTER I. ". 1 .*a/ Difcovery by Columbus — Proceedings of hi*8 Son, Diego, after Cc»» lumbus's Deceafe — Takes Pofleflion of Jamaica — The humane Charadler of Efquivel, the firft Governor — Invafion of the Ifland by Sir Anthoi^y Shirley and Colonel Jackfon— EftabKfhment and Defertion of the Town of Suilla Nueva*- 4 .nv WEST INDIIS» i;,i>efr'5^'' ": ':i3 .^^ ■ '.'■Ml 49 CHAPTER II. •j v.n Vindication of the CharaAer of Cromwell againft the Allegations of thofe Hiftorians who blame him for attacking the Spaniards in the Weft. Indies— The enormous Cruelties of that People defcribed, in direft Violation of the Treaty of i630^State of Jamaica on its Capture. Historians of oppofite political principles have united in cenfuring the conduct of Cromwell in his invalion of Jamaica. Mrs. M'Cauley terms his capture of the ifland " diflionourable and pirati- " ca),*' and Hume condemns it as " a mod un- *' warrantable violation of treaty." But if the candid inquirer will confult the State- Papers of Thurloe (the Secretary), he will find fuf- ficient grounds to diflent from this fevere fentencc upon the Protedlor^s condud : He will find that Spain, by her prior behaviour, juftly merited fuch an 3(51 of hoftihty ; that Cromwell was not the ag- greflbr, but the meritorious defender of his coun- try. I (hall adduce a few remarkable fads to fup- port this aiTertion. t In 1630, three years prior to the Protedor's ufurpation, a treaty was conckided between Spain and England ; by the firft article of which it was flipulated, that there fliould be an amicable cor- refpondcnce between the fubjeds of both kmg- doms in all quarters of the globe. The circum- 50 HISTORY OF THE m ftances which didated this treaty were exceeding- ly urgent, as the Spaniards, previous to this time, had arrogantly alTumed a monopoly of all commu- nication with the New World, and under that pre- tence had committed the moll unwarrantable bar- barities upon all other navigators to the American feas, and the fettlers of every other nation who in- habited Well Indian pofleffions.' '^' All Europe was infulted by this exorbitant iaf- fumption ; but England was peculiarly provoked to exert her energy in maintaining her rights ; for Ihe had already colonized in Virginia, Bermudas, St. Chrillopher's, and Barbadoes ; territories fome of which Spain had not even difcovered, and none of which Ihe had ever occupied. In 1629, the perfidy of the Spaniards was dif- played in a very odious manner. Under colour of attacking the Dutch* fettlement in Brazil, they fit- ted out a fquadron of twenty-four fhips of force, and fifteen frigates, under the command of Don Frederic de Toledo. The admiral, however, was under fecret orders to proceed, in the firll place, to the Ifland of St. Chriflopher's, and extirpate from thence the French and Englilh, who peace- ably poflefled it. The Spanilh force was too great to be refilled. The French planters fled to the Ifland of Antigua, and the Englilh to the mountains. The latter of- fered to treat with their conquerors, but were for- ced to unconditional fubmifllon. Their inhuman invaders, therefore, feledled fix hundred of the '. . WEST INDIES. ftrongeft Englifhmen for the mines, drove the reft, with the women and children, from the iiland, re- duced the ifland to a defert, and proceeded oft their voyage. The abovementioned treaty of 1630 did not put a ftop to their enormities : eight years after the af- fair juft related, they made a defcent on the little Ifland of Tortuga, and put every man, woman, and child to the fword ! -■.,,. England would have avenged their deaths, but was at that time herfelf a blood-ftained theatre of civil war ; fo that the mercilefs Spaniards proceed- ed in their career of guilt unmolefted. r* Santa Cruz was the next objedt of their depreda- tion. In 1650 they aded again the fame tragedy which they had exhibited at Tortuga, butchering even the helplefs women and children. The place being made a defert, a colony of Dutch fettled on it for fome time, but, on the return of the Spaniards, were maffacred in their turn. To fulfil the mea- fure of their guilt, the very fhipwrecked mariners of other nations, who were driven to their inhofpicable Ihores, were condemned for life to labour in the mines of Mexico. Numberlefs applications were, in confequence of thefe barbarities, prefented to Cromwell, requiring him to retaliate upon Spain, and wreft from their cruelty ?nd oppreflion thofe trads of country to which they had no title but the arrogant donation of the Pope. The moft confpicuous of thefe applicants v;as a Gij ■W-^ TT 52 HISTORY OF THE it ;■: brother of that Sir Henry Gage who was killed at Culham Bridge, in 1644; who pointed out the mod probable means of fucceeding, in depriving Spain of her Weil Indian pufleffions. The fame ingenious author alfo pubhftied a book, entitled, " A New " Survey of the Weft Indies," in which he handled the fubjed of the Spaniards exclulive right to thefe territories with great perljpicuity. i:* r j. :■'■ irm I'l Cromwell was roufed to indignation by the re- pvefentations he received of Spanifli inliumanity, and determined upon acls of hoitility. Spain en- deavoured to avert the llorui by the moll paltry ads of negotiation ; but the court of England was expli- cit, and declared a fixed refolution of continuing in peace, upon no other terms, than fecurity for their poflellions in the Weft Indies, and a modification of the horrors exercifed by the inquilition. The Spanifli ambalTador replied, that, thefe de- mands were " like ajking his nwjier's two eyes^^ and could mt be granted. The Protedor therefore pre- pared for war. Hifpaniola was the objed of the expedition which was firft concerted. The fleet was unfuccefsful there ; but accomplifhed their point in conquering Jamaica. The capture was made May 1655 ; but; unfortunately Gage, who had planned the expedi- tion, perifhed in its execution. Not above fifteen hundred whites were found upon the ifland when the Englifli took poflleflion of it. A great trad of the caftward part of the country was covered with horfes and horned cattle ■WEST INDIES/ « in fuch abundance, that they ran wild in the country. For four months, the Englifli foldiers amufed themfelves with fliooting this extraordinary game, and flaughtered to the number of 2^,000. This appears to me an almoft inconteftible proof of the aflertion before advanced, that the country was at one period depopulated of its white inhabi- tants by the arms of the natives. The floth and penury of the Spanifh planters, when the Englifli landed, was extreme. Their principal export was hogs-lard, hides, and caeca ; a commerce no way more refpedable than that which is carried on by the favages of Madagafcar. They had almoft no intercourfe with Europe ; they were ignorant and unrefined. The little work they had to do was managed by African flaves ; fo that, immerfed in floth and ignorance, their lives muft have been fpent in a gloomy Hate of degeneracy. It muft be confefled, however, that if they had degenerated from their fathers in a(5livity xmd per- feverance, they had alfo loft the ferocity and bi« gotry of the firft conquerors of America. Upon the whole, their charadcr was fuch as to leave no fliadow of excufe for the inhumanity ex- ercifed upon them by their Englifli conquerors. The terms impofed upon them were, to furrender their flaves and eftecls, and quit the ifland. They turned from the propofals with indignation, and aftenvards, by their defperate reliftance to the Englifli, fliowed the impolicy of provoking even the vanquiflied by fe verity and injuftice. 54 ihSTORY OF THE ..■J '. CHAPTER IIL In %■> Proceedings in the Ifland after its Capture — Difcontents and Mor- tality among the Army— Exertions of the Protecloi — Braync appointed to the Command— De Oyley re-alTumes it— Plis De- feat of the Spanifh Forces who invaded the Ifland of Cuba- Regular Government eitabliflied in Jamaica— Pifputcs with the Mother Country, &c. &c. . • Jamaica having thus fallen into the hands of the Engllih, it continued to be governed by military jurifdidlion, till the Protedor's death, and the fub- fequent reftoration of Charles. Commiffioners had been indeed left on the ifland, whofe civil autho- rity was intended to temper the rigour of martial law ; but thefe having returned to England, the fole command devolved upon Fortefcue command- er of the army, and Goodfon admiral of the fleet. Soon after Fortefcue died ; and Colonel De Oyley, next in command, fucceeded to his authority as prefident of the military council. Such, indeed, was the lituation of the Englifti at that time, from the terrible incuilions of the difpofTefled Spaniards and fugitive Negroes, as to require the ftridieft dif- cipline that martial law couid enforce. • Cromwell, however, feemed bent upon maintain^ jng his conquefts. Encouragement was liberally held out to the inhabitants of the Windward Iflands, as well as to the fettlers in North America, to change their fituation for fettlements in Jamaica, ^ WEST INDIES. 55 From fimilar offers, vail numbers were allured to emigrate both from Scotland and Ireland. Meanwhile the foldiery in the ifland grew tired of their refidence, idle, and licentious. They had employed themfelves at firft in (hooting down the fcattered cattle of the Spaniards, like wild beails, and for a while lived profufely. But the (lock now began to grow exceedingly fcanty, and no argu- ments could perfuade them to anticipate the dan- ger of famine, by timeous application to railing provilions. Defirous of home, and apprehenfive that they were to be ftationed for life in tbis in- temperate climate, they refolved to abdain from fupporting their own wants, that government might be tired with the expences of fupplying them. But the confequences of this refolution were more fatal than expedlation. The horrors of famine fpread abroad ; they were reduced to devour vile and unwholefome animals, fnakes, lizards, and eve- ry fpecies of vermin ; an epidemic difeafe foon became prevalent, and the miferable colonifts pe- ri(hed in thoufands, The Protedlor falfely imagined, that the cala- mities of Jamaica were owing to the Governor De Oyley's want of attachment to his caufe. This able commander was therefore recalled, and Co- lonel Brayne, from Lochaber, appointed in his place. Brayne fet fail from Scotland, and landed at Jamaica, December 1656. His firft letter to England defcribed, in (Irong language, the mifer- able diftradion which prevailed in the colony : he m 56 HISTORY OF THE 'I n ' requefted a fupply of 5000I. for the purpofe of erecting forts ; and concluded, by lamenting that he found To few men upon the iiland " cordial to the " bufinefs." But Brayne's projeded improvements were not carried into execution under his govern- ment ; for though a very fagacious, he was not a firm man. He foon feemed to become himfelf no way cordial in the bufinefs ; he grew apprehenfive about his health, returned to England, and died, previous to his departure, however, he had nomina- ted De Oy\ey his fucceflbr, and Cromwell, probably difcerning his merit, ratified the appointment. The fucceflion of this gallant man to the govern- ment of Jamaica, proved the benefit of the rifing colony. His foldiers, amid all their mutl .ous dif- contents, and manifold diilrefTes, eileemed and ad- mired his character ; and, as will be immediately feen, manifeded their attachment by the mod fig- nal intrepidity in protecting the ifiand. The governor of Cuba had learnt with fatisfadlion the difcontents, the plague, and the famine, which had brought Jamaica to the very brink of ruin, and earnelUy wifhed to avail himfelf of its miferies. Hav- ing therefore correfponded upon his intended inva- fion with the viceroy of Jamaica, he fent out Don Chriftopher Arnoldo, with thirty companies of in- fantry, to capture the place. ' On the 8th of May the Spanifii force landed at Rio Nuc vo, and pulT-ired the harbour. De Oyley, with 700 Engliftimen, watclicd them by fea, ftorm- ed their fortifications, and drove them, with the lofs ' i WEST INDIES. 57 of colours, ammunition, and half their men, in dif- grace from the ifland. They turned from this vit^ory to a labour Icfs ho- nourable, namely, the purfuit of thofe wretched Spa- niards who, driven from their paternal properties, had Hill lurked in the mountains. Thefc, afrer a vi- gorous (land, were at laft overpowered, and the glean- ings of them driven to their countrymen in Cuba. ' The appearance of the colony low began to brighten. Agriculture was pradifcd induftrioufly at home, and their commerce became extentlve a- broad. Letters of narque being alfo granted to thofe extraordinary adventurers culled Bucaneers, the immenfe Spanilh prizes which they took were brought into the harbours of Jamaica, and by pro- moting a fpeedy circulation of wealth, ftimulated the efforts of the induftrious. The troubles w hich at that time agitated England, contributed not a little to increafe the population of the place ; cfpe- cially in i6()0 at the Reftoration, wlien the friends of the late ufurpation, aiiprehenfive of Charles's re- fentrnent, fought for al'ylum among a people whom they knew to be adherents of Cromwell. On the accellion of Charles, the king, to concili- ate the affecflions of the people, nominated their fa- vourite De Oyley governor in chief, and relea^-ng the people from military law, evedled courts of ju- dicature, and ordered them to be governed by an artembly eleded by the people themfelves. "-^• Thefe indulgcncies from the crown, or rather this eftabiidiment of the natural rights of the inha* n H HISTORY OF THE bitants, was fuccceded by the American tr^ary, con- cluded between Spain and Great Britain, whi t cou- iirmed to the pofleflbrs of eftates in Jamaica the entire right over their property. A furmife had arifen which infinuated, that as the capture of Jamaica was made under the aufpices of the Protedor, the right of the Enghfh was not valid. The vulgar opi- nion, that the Spaniards dill pretend aright to difpof- fefs the landed proprietors of Jamaica, is only a con- tinuation of this error. The treaty figned at Ma- diid is, however, perfectly explicit on this fubjedl, and formally cedes the Weft Indian polTefllons of the king of Britain " to his heirs for ever." It is well known, however, that Charles's propenfity to diminifli the liberty of his people grew very ftrong towards the laft of his days. While he was bufy, in concert with his minifters, in forming plans for the fubverfion of liberty at home, he did not lofe fight of his pofleffions abroad. Accordingly, in the be- ginning of the year 1678, he began to open viola- tion of the rights of the inhabitants of Jamaica. A conftitution was framed, by the terms of which it was enaded, that all bills (money bills excepted) lliould be fufficiently valid, if they were fuggefted by the governor or his council, and fandlioned by his majefty ; while the legiflative aflembly, eledled by the people, had no other talk than to meet and blindly ratify thefe arbitrary didates of their gover- nor and king. , , ^; The moft probable caufe of this unjuft feverity on the part of the Britidi government, was the ftre- WEST INDIES. 59 nuous refufal they had lately made to burden them, felvcs with an enormous internal revenue of 4- per cent, to the crown, on the grofs produce of the ifland. The Barbadians had meanly confented to impofc this tax upon themfelves and pollerity, and minifters, difappointed to find that Jamaica did not follow their example, refolved to deprive the ifland of the bleflings of freedom. The aflembly rejeded the new conftitution with indignation. Among other zealous patriots, Colo- nel Long, at that time chief judge of Jamaica, flood forward with undaunted fortitude in defence of his injured countrymen. Lord Carlifle the governor en- deavoured toextinguifli the fpirit of liberty, by fend- ing home, as a prifoner of ftate, this diftinguifli- ed gentleman; but on his arrival at England, he pointed out, with fo much energy and precifion, the fatal tendency of thofe defpotic laws which they meditated impofing on Jamaica, that govern- ment thought it convenient to abandon the mea- fure, and appointed Colonel Long governor of Ja- mtiica in the room of Lord Carlifle. The contefl; between the mother country and her colony did not terminate here. The alfembly ftill poflefled the power of enacting decrees, but it re- quired the concurrence of the crown to give thefe enadlments the force of laws. Government feemed to confider their abandoning their former unjufl: pre- tenfions to alter the conllitution, as a politive fa- vour, and greedily looked for fome requital. Jamai- ca continued obftinate in refufing this gratuity, allege H ij 6o HISTORY OF THE JA iiig, with propiicty, that fuch a gift would be put by Charles to the moft improper purpofes : and the fo- vereign, to piinifli their contumacy, ftill refufed af- fent to their decrees. Thus the laws of Jamaica continued for fifty years in a perplexed and undecid- ed lituation ; till at lafl: a perpetual grant of bcool. per annum mollified the temper of the king, and brought the matter to a compromife. r In 1687, GhrillophcrDuke of Albemarle was cre- ated by James II. governor of this iiliind. At no lime did government afiume a more tyrannical a- Iped than under this proud mun*$ adminiftration. We may judge, of his general charader by his beha- viour in one ailembly which he called. A patriotic member having exclaimed, " Salus populi fuprema •• lex;" the intolerant tyrant broke up the aflembly in halle, took the gentleman into cullody, and fin- ed hnn 600I. for the heinous ofience 1 • In 1692, the town of Port Royal was fwallowed up by a tremendous earthquake. The inhabitants were l^ardly recovering from its terrors, when they were alarmed by the rumours of invafion. ■ ■■ In June 1694, MonfieurDe Cafle appeared ofl'Cow liay, and landed 800 men, who had orders to ra- vage the country as far as Port Morant. The fol- diers obeyed their orders with llriclnefs, inhumanly butchering and deftroying wherever they went. De Caile on their return failed round to Carlifle Bay, which was fctbiy defended by 2C0 militia. He was upon the point of proceeding upwards to ravage the ivountry, after forcing theie defenders of the brealt- WEST INDIES. work to retire, when five companies of militia ar- rived from Spanilh Town. Thefe hardy troops, though they had marched thirty miles without re- frelhment, charged the enemy with vigour, and drove them to their iliips with their inglorioufly ac- quired plunder. %i •■{ '\i. ,-'\\; ; f-.,\ » -s^-iNS ••i. . 't ^t- i^. *<:> ; ^,a ■ .,-1 ,' ..:;*■ El) ^- : i' ^ 'fZ >\r- i «? s <■ r'j .A HISTORY OF THE #. ,fc^ -'^' I ' ;-> ,^ 't' ' J \{|lii^' •''*'i(?i- ■m. CHAPTER IV. Situation — Climate— Face of the Coiintr}'' — Mountains, and Advan- tages derived from them— -Soil^Uncullivated Lands— Woods —Rivers— Ore — Vegetables- Kitchen Garden produce and Fruits. Jamaica is fituated in the Atlantic Ocean, about four thoufand miles fouthweft of England. It has the Illand of Hifpariiola to the call, Cuba to the north, the Gulf of Honduras to the weft, and the great continent of South America to the fouth. The centre of Jamaica is about 18*^ 12' north la- titude, and 76° 45' weft longitude from London. The reader will readily perceive, that a country fo fituated muft be almoft invariably hot, during all the feafons of the year ; that the twilight will be fliort, and the difference in the length of days and nights inconfiderable. As you afcend up the country from the northern fliores of Jamaica, the eye is charmed with the gen- tle fwell of the hills, and the fpacious vales that lie between them. The dark green woods of pimento, fo beautifully difpofed upon thefe mountains, forms a delightful cpntraft to the frclh verdure of the turf below. From the nature of the pimento tree, the forefts are not entangled with underwood; and from the nature of the foil, the grafs is as fmooth and foft vis an Englilh lawn. To gratify at once the ear and WEST INDIES. 63 onut has the , the the eye, a refreftiing rivulet wanders through every valley, and a cafcade dafties from every mountain. The view of thefe catarads gleaming from the moun- tains, which overhang the fhore, is peculiarly de- lightful to the thirfty voyager, who has long wiflied for land. . • . ,- ; As you approach the centre of the iiland, an im- menfity of forefts prefents the view which melts into the diflant Blue Hills, and thefe again are loit in the clouds. - ' ''• In approaching the iiland from the fouth fide, the eye is rather aftoniflied than delighted, when the huge precipices, abruptly mingling with the Iky, at firfl: prefent themfelves. As you come neare.r you difcern the hand of culture enlivening the fcene, and the flowing line of the lower range of mountains becomes apparent. At length you gain a profped of the wide fprcading favannahs, plains only bounded by the ocean, and difplaying in one landfcape the verdure of fpring and the rich- nefs of autumn ; while the fails of nuinberlefs vef- fels upon the diftant main, complete t.\xQ diverlified beauty of the profped. In attending to thefe majeftic fwellings of the ground from the level of the coumtiy, we ought to re- mark with gratitude the Angular benefits which they ferve. In alcending thefe heights, the traveller feels it a fenfiblc pleafure to efcape from the heat below, to the purer regions of the atmofphere. On thefe higlier grounds the thermometer changes many dc- 54 HISTORY OF THE ; n "ft M' m grees ; in many places the inconvenience of a tropi- cal latitude is hardly felt. Jamaica is one hundred and fifty miles in length, and, at a medium, forty miles in breadth. It is thus computed (fuppofing it a level country) to give 3,840,000 of acres ; but fince the fuperficies of a mountain is greatly larger than its bafe, I would compute the total at 4,080,000 acres. By returns made in November 1789, it was found, that out of all this trad: of ground, not more than i,907,'589 acres were in a ftate of cultivation: the expence of obtaining patents from the crown being thought more than the profit, which could accrue from cultivation of new lands. By the lateft returns, we find the number of fu- gar plantations on the ifland to be 710. Allowing 900 acres to each of thefe (of which one third is referved for firewood and common pafturage), the number of acres under that fpecies of cultivation will be 639,000. Of pens or breeding farms there are 400 ; allowing to each of which 700 acres, the amount is 280,000. About one half of that number may be allowed to pimento, cotton, coffee, and gin- ger, which makes the fum total of acres 1,059,000. The overplus of uncultivated land is 3,000,000 of acres, of which not above one fourth, I believe, is fit for cultivation, the reft being inaccefllible ridges. The produdions of thefe uncultivated mountains are, however, not without their ufe. Of the harder fpecies of wood, they produce in abundance lignum- vitae, logwood, iron-wood, and bully trees. Of the 3 WEST INDIES. 65 fofter kinds, wild-lemon tree, bread-nut and maho- gany. When the lituation of the land enables a proprietor to export thefe varieties of timber, the profit is confiderable ; but in the upland countries, the new fettler finds it his intereft to apply the torch to his forefts, and clear his land inftantaneoufly. Of their rivers, none are fufficiently deep to be navigable, although there are above an hundred in the ifland. Black River in St. Elifabeth, indeed, ad- mits flat bottomed boats and canoes : it is a gently flowing water. The molt remarkable of their fprings is that in the eaftern parifli of St. Thomas, flowing from a rock, and of a heat intolerable to the touch. It is of a fulphureous quality ; peculiarly adapted to alleviate that dreadful complaint, called the dry bel- ly- ache. Ancient writers affert that gold and filver might be abundantly found in the ifland ; and indeed, in many places, the afpedt of the foil confirms the af- fertion ; but the prefent inhabitants are perhaps bet- ter employed, than in the purfuit cf thefe highly va- lued refources. • . Sugar, indigo, coflfee, and cotton are the niofl: important of their produdlions. Of thefe we fljall in future give a minute account; but proceed at pre- fent to make remarks on thofc other clafles of vege- tables, which, though unfit for commerce, minifter to their comfortable fubfiilence. Mairc, or Indian corn, pi'oduccs a double crop : it is planted when- ever there is rain, and yields about thirty bufliels per acre. Guinea corn, planted in September and I 1 66 HISTORY OF THE 'ii i' M gathered in January, yields about fifty bufliels per acre. Various kinds of calavances (a fort of pea) are alfo produced ; and laftly, rice, but to no extent : the labour of negroes being thought to be unprofi- tably applied in its cultivation. The iiland produces abundance of gtafs, both in- digenous and extraneous. The fpecies which is ge- nerally called Scots grafs^ has been by fome efteem- cd an herb of foreign origin ; but 1 am fully per- fuaded, from its fpontaneous growth in the iwamps, and defert places of Jamaica, that it is truly a na- tive of the iiland. It has a long jointed ftalk, that grows to the height of five or (ix feet. Fsfty-fix pounds of it will feed a horfe for a day ; fo that by computation an acre will fupport fix horfes for a twelvemonth. The other fpecies of grafs is by far ^he molt im- portant ; for, to the importation of this herb into the iiland, we may afcribe the origin of thofe innumera- ble breeding farms, which now cover the face of Ja- maica. The introdudion of this grafs was merely accidental: a Mr. Ellis, chief juftice of the iiland, had been prefented with fome extraordinary birds, and fome grafs feeds of this kind were fent from the Coaft of Guinea as their food. The birds happened to die, and tli. fetiis were thrown carelefsly alidc in- to a neighboring fence ; • Jt foon fpringing up and flourilliing, they attraded the cattle by their flavour. Mr. Ellis fortunately took notice of the propenfity of his cattle to this new fpecies of grafs : he according- ly colleded, and fowed the feeds of it, which thriv- a m WEST INDIES. 67 ing in a fhort time, became an univerfal bleffing to the country. European garden-fluffs flourifli here, even with a fuperior flavour to thofe of their indigenous climate ; and the markets of Kingfton are as well fupplied with efculent vegetables as any in the world. The native vegetables of the country are, perhaps, more wholefome and delicious than thofe of foreign growth. No vegetables can furpafs, for the pur- pofes of domeftic ufe, the yam, the plantain, the eddoes, caiTavi, and fweet potatoes. Indeed, the plantain is by Europeans and natives confeffed to be fuperior to bread itfelf. - Their more elegant fruits are both numerous and delightful. No country can boaft of more fragrant produdions than the pine apple, the tamarind, the papa, the guava, the cafliew apple, the cullard ap- ple, the cocoa nut, the ftar apple, the grenadilla, the avocado pear, the hog plum, the pindal nut, the nefbury, the mammee, Spanifli goofeberry, and prickly pear. From Spain I believe were imported the orange, the lemon, the lime, the vine, the Iliad- dock, the fig, and the pomegranate. England has contributed but a fmall ihare to their Hock ; the Itrawberry imported thence will only come to per- fection in a high mountainous fituation. It would be injullice to the merits of Lord Rod- ney to omit mentioning, that the mango, the ge- nuine cinnamon, and I'everal other invaluable orien- tal plants, were prefents from his Lordlliip. Hav- ing found thcfe plants 00 board a French ihip whicU lij ■ r* ~^» 68 HISTORY OF THE accidentally fell in his way, he genrrouily fentthem to Jamaica. The cinnamon is now almoft a native plant of the iiland ; and the mango is as common as th^ . prange. ;, , , .. • 4 »*-*>/ ■'.«; aj:» ;!: I .'i-r, ^'^^ if ' -t; «'(••;« • r i* r'- ■ i. „■<., -v ^'.i-v. •>.ij f^,>. ;jj-l ; ;■/,.',■» ■'t-- ■.^/Ot-J':^ 'I ,-•»-«■ KV-. .s ■ \ It fometimcs happens that, for the fake of conve- nience, two or more of thefe parifhes are confolidat- ed into one : thefe, like the fingle parifhes, are go- • verned by a magiftrate who is called Cujlos Rc.*uiorumt and juftices of the peace. A quorum of tiiefe ju- ftices can decide upon difputes not exceeding twen- ty pounds ; and a iini^le one, upon matters not ex- ceeding forty fliillings. Jamaica contains eighteen churches and chapels, each of which is provided with a redlor. The liv- ings of thefe are from 300I. to 2000I. per annum : the incumbent :ilfo enjoys a houfe and glebe provid- ed by the parifh ; or elfe is entitled to an equivalent of fifty pounds a-year. The additioo of the glebe makes the falary very comfortable. The governor, as reprefentative of his majefty, has the patronage of all thefe livings ; he has alfo the prerogative of fufpentiing- from duty, in cafe of mal-behaviour in tije incumbent. It muft be obferved, that fufpen- lion from duty is equivalent to fufpenfion from the benefice. '" "' " * • '*' The veftries, which are compofed of a cuftos and fome jurtices, the redor and ten veilry-men eled- ed by the freeholders, have the fole power of appro- priating taxes, repairing highways, and coUeding the civil and ecclefialHc^ contributions. Similar to the Englilh courts of judicature, is held at Spanilh Town an aflcmbly called the Grand 9i!*'''^* It is compofed of gentlemen of the ifland, wib ad: as afTiftant judges without fee or reward. Three of thefe eonllitutc a quorum, and the chief jullice of '^: WEST INDIES. 7> the ifland fits as pi> lidcnt *. If the action they have decided upon be above 300I. an appeal lies to the governor and his council ; it' the cafe be felony or death, to the governor alone. ^? By an ingenious mode of arranging the periods of their uflizes, the inhabitants have a law court re- gularly every monih in the year. In addition to thefe, they have the chancery court, the ordinary, and the admiralty. No appeal cm be had from the fupreme court to that of tb' iiizes, but the de- eifions in the aflize court, comi tiie immediate confequents of the other, botii L.^iC decifions are confidered as the determination of one body. The governor of Jamaica pi efides as fole chan- cellor, from the nature of his office. In addition to this vaft fource of emolument and influence, he is ordinary for granting letters of adminiftration, and is the fole officer for the probate of teftaments. His falary is exadly 5000I. currency a year : from the fees of vj^rious courts he draws an emolument of 2550I : from the farm which is allotted to his ufe, and the polink, or provifion in the mountains, which is, like the former ufufrud, plentifully ftored with negroes, he ftiould enjoy loool. So that his whole revenue muil be paramount to 6000I. Sterling; and it is well known the expences of his ftation may be genteelly defrayed upon one half of that fum. The office of enrolments is held uniformly at Spa- nilh Town. In this regifter the laws are kept in re- * The Governor's income, perquisites included, amounts to about 3CO0I. per ?.nnum. '■':a ¥m IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 11.25 2.8 ■u Ui 12.2 Ui lb ^ 2.0 ii fliotographic Sciences Corporation 4^"^^ \ n VMBT MAIN STMIT WIISTil,N.Y. MSM (716) t73-4S03 i\ a HISTORY OF THi cord, as likewife wills, deeds, patents, and Tales; it is neceflary that every peribn who has (laid fix weeks on the ifland Ihould obtain a paiTport from this court before he quits the illand ; ^nd (hipmailers are debarred, by a penalty of a tho aland pounds, froiii admitting any one on board their vefTels un- provided with fuch a pafs. Guardians of orphans and poflefTors of mortgages are alio obliged to re- gifter here the annual produce of the eftates under their tuition. The profits of this office are held by his Majefty*i patent ; their amount cannot be lefs than 6000L per annum, but the labour of the bufinefs is perform- ed by clerks cheaply hired. It was mentioned in a former part of the book, that Jamaica was, at that period, under military law. Accordingly we find the remains of this fpecies of authority in the office of provoll-marlhal-general^ a office of high rank and confiderable prerogative. He holds his office from the crown, his powers and au- thorities are various, and he has the power of ap- pointing deputies over the whole ifland. The office of clerk of the fupreme court is in like manner held by a crown patent, and performed by deputation. It was at one period worth 9000I. cur« rency, though now diminifhed in value. There are numbcrlefs other offices of ^ very lucrative nature, held both by a patent and com- miffion, and executed by deputation ; which (emit to the poiTefTors in Great Britain not Icf^ than^he fum of 30,0001. :i WEST INDIES. 73 ' The legiflative body, is compofed of a captain-ge. neral, or commander m chief ; a council of twelve appointed by the crown ; and a houfe oC aflembly, confiding of forty-three members. It is requifite that every eledloi: pofiefs a freehold of lol. a-year ; and that the reprefentative pofTefs an ellate of 3000I. a-year, or 300PI. of perfonal property. As foon as a bill has obtained the governor's aflent, it pafles into law, and continues to be he^d as fuph till the royal difapprobation be expreffed. 'it ypi'*^f^i6i nfelt , The main objed of enacHiing fuch laws is to fuit thofe lo^al circumilances to which the law of j£n- gland cannot be applied *. Where the £ngh(h fy- ilem will in part apply, but is found inconvenient, it has been altered and modified tg fuit, their ^^^r: lure. ■ • -'t'^ ^ *■',:- The revenues of the iiland are either annual or perpetual ; the latter revenue, as was before men* tioned, w^s yielded up as a peace-offering tp ify§ Britilh government ; the former is granted as a year- ly allowance by the aflcmljly. tiiiu-^ s 'm^r ntjtl The whole produd of the revenue law may li^ i2,oool. The annual revenue may amount at pre- fent to 70,0001. It muft be rem? iked, that the hu-. mane provifion which is allotted to the military re-: fident in this iflaud requires a great proportion of this fum ; every commiffioned officer being allow- ed 20s. per week, befides his majefty*s pay, and every private 5s. The wives and children of the Thug in points regarding th« flave-tra4<. B^tm »jfjCw H HISTORY OF THE !^ foldiers are alfo entitled to a (hare of this provifion* The Aim expended on thefe purpofes is ahout 40,000!. Befides occafional fuppUes voted by the aflem*. bly, as necefllty requires, there is a regularly raifed tax on negroes imported, and negroes kept as Haves, wheel carriages, flock, fpirits retailed and confum- cd, and laftly, a tax (the moft produdtivie of any) of 13I. or fometimes 26I. per annum, on all thofe proprietors of (laves who do not keep one white man for every thirty blacks in their poifeflion. The current coins in Jamaica are half Johannes, valued in England at 36s. each, here at 55s. Of Spanifh gold coins they have dubloons, valued at 5I. 5s. and piftoles at 26s. 3d. They have Spanifli iilver coins, from the milled dollar at 6s. 8d. to the bitt at 5d. Sterling. A guinea pafles for 32s. 6d. This, however, is confiderably more than the ufual rate of exchange* by which lool. Sterling gives 140I. currency. The fituation of Jamaica requires a powerful mi- litia ; and accordingly, in llridlnefs of law, every man from fifteen to fixty ought to carry arms, and provide his clothes and accoutrements. Thi$ law i^ not, however, very e:^ - obferved; for they do not, in tinges of the greateit uanger, muller more thai) ^000 effedive troop?. The bulk of the people of Jamaica are unmarried men ; for Europeans come here not to get families, but to acquire riches. From this circumftance it U difficult to (late, with precifetiefs, the number of yrhite men in the whole ifland. By a computation WEST mDI£& 7S made in 1780, their number was eftimated at A number of loyal Americans have iinee fixed themfelves in Jamaica ; fo that, incluiing troops dind feafaring pieople, their number may probably amount to 30,000. Of the freed negroes and people of colour, there ire, upon an average, ipo in each parifh. Maroons (thofe negroes who foa;;ht for their freedom, and after obtaining it, retired to the interior of the ifland), have Certainly increafed in their numbers very much of late. In 1770, they amounted to 885 ; their number, by the lated computation, is ad- vanced to 1400. The negroes flill in a (late of ilavery amounted, at the lad made calculation, to 210,894. It has been made to appear, however, pretty probable, that from the fraudulent concealment of poiTefTors, not lefs than 40,000 have been kept out of the calcula- tion. The total number, therefore, of the inhabi- tants of Jamaica (at the neareH calculation) a- mounts to 29 1 ,400. The trade of this ifland will be bed underdood from the following lid of the number of veflels of all kinds, which cleared from the feveral ports of entry in Jamaica in the year 1787, exclufive o^ dnaller craft. * ,, Ki> ii HISTORY OF THE $iir hitmi^.-^ 257/ «ti:H'; Number .^^j of Veffels. Tonnigtf. For Great Britain - 24a 63,471 Ireland - « 10 eq y; American btates 133 Britifli American ') ^, Colonies . J , ^ 3^ Foreign Weft Indies 22 f Africa - - i Total - 474 1231 ,<>/ 6133 .*. 1903 109 Men. 7748 893 449 8 85.888 9344 It nnift be obferved, however, that great part of many articles in the preceding account fire brought into Jamaica from the other iflands, and are paid in . Britifh manufadtures and negroes. By the fame medium, quantities of bullion are imported into Bri-i! tain, of which no precife account can be procured. The account of imports into Jamaica will iland thus: Kl . I tt. . . ^ \. i-l J:. ■:;■;. {fi .'.rt I. -.^^li i ■•J.. ::o 1 ^* v,:;l Uvi? l■;^»|J i..,:iu •■"„/■■■ /' ^'ir \V£ST INDUS. 77 tJ i e d rt o r- c oo S ^•5 M ** iiiOi <« ,. ^^ <* *» O ^*' ? bO •^c ii'3 .^ b 4^ O S " a « If «-S t M S,| ft G u -S M V il -»> t> u •^•^ *< *• ^^•^ o.ti .^ tt S ••> .^ o» b?. Jg <- a eral's anuary 1 « c>— » V (4M ** 00 •ti •^■5 *■< s 1 2 i Ih 1 . 1 1 § i €8 8 CO •• NO 1 c i • .tf- roQ <4 00 0)0 2 8 8 • 6 >c (>■ 1^ tr 00 SvO M O OS M <0 N U1 M o 1 • «no coo M o o M ^ « M i^eo M ta oo c« M 00 to •a Ta what Parts. t ■xi ■* "S 1 1 M 1 1 e2 |.| 1 1 1 1 M o • Q 1 c« 1 ♦ o 00 Oi 00 00 to 1 O o u n 1 |l 1 1 1 1 % M 00 M <3 u 1 • 1 "• 1 1 1 I 1 00 M M •• i i >oo o • e H o o • 1 «Ai-i tn 'M H l« 'J' • ■ • I in < U w M O .4 To Great Britain Ireland Amertcan States Br. Amer. Colonic* Foreign W. Indies Africa i3 ;*.- r*.. ;..l^'^'*^-\jp|.i;'4' *■ ■' Mi: •«f :i,.i' *.c»':,; >* Ul it fw HISTORY OF Trii 41 U r^ " ■ « .- .•! .' '^v ;^ ' -''5'f*' •^ -- ■^■-'r ^- '-' ■ . J ?.->■ ~,i-- -i,f '!»*»•£ \ - BOOK III. JUNG LIS/} CH/IRMBEE ISLANDS. , * CHAPTER V. ., .;^t ' Barbadoes, Flrft Arrival of the Englifli on this Ifland— Origin, Progrcfs, and .Termination of the Proprietary Government— Revenue granted to the Crown — Origin of the Aft of Navigation— Situation and £xtcnt of the Iflund-- Soil and Produce— -Population— Its De- clinc^Ex ports and Imports, Previous to the year 1600, it does not appear that Barbadoes was at all obferved in geography. The Charaibes, for reafons which we cannot underiland, had abandoned it ; and the Portuguefe, who dif- covered it probably on fome voyage to South A- merica, beftowed no more care upon it than to ftock it with fwinc. The crew of the Olive Bloflbm (a Iliip fitted out from London, by Sir Olive Leigh) were the firll Englilh who ever landed on Barbadoes. They made, however, but a lliort Hay, and proceeded h iiii I: fi- i;, ,i^' 84 HISTORY OF. THE on their voyage, (lored with the proviiions they had found on the iiland. A (hip of Sir William Courteen's afterwards was driven upon it by ftrcfs of weather ; and the report which they made of it in England induced the trea- furer, Earl Marlborough, to obtain a crown patent for poffeffing it. Under the patronage of Marlbo- rough, Courteen engaged about thirty adventurers who agreed to make a fettlement on the place. Fur- liflied with pro\ifions, tools, and every thing requi- fite for a new colony, they fet fail from England ; and landing on Barbadoes late in the year 1624, founded the city of James Town, in honour of the reigning fovereign. n; Among the numerous perfons of rank who about this period engaged with ardour in the buiinefs of colonizing the New World, the moil didinguilhed was James Earl of Carlifle. In the reign of Charles I. this nobleman had obtained from the Crown a grant of all the Charaibee Iflands ; Barbadoes being included in the number. The grant was no foon-* er iflued out, than it occaiioned a difpute between Marlborough (undoubtedly the legal pofleffor) and the new patentee Carhile. Their contefl ended in this agreement, that Carlifle (hould pay 300I. per annum to Marlborough, and that the other fliould abandon his claim. ' r Marlborough, on patching up this treaty with his rival in polTeflion, immediately deferted his friend Courteen, who was now expofcd to the injuftice of Carlifle. It was in vain that in Carlifle's abfeqcc WEST INDIES. 85 from the kingdom, the Earl of Pembroke embarked in his interefts, and procured for Courteen, as his fecond in title, a grant of Barbadoes by patent. The inconftant monarch, upon Carlifle's return, could not refift the requeft of his favourite, recalled the laft patent, and leftored the former. Carlille thus pofTefTed of the ifland, fold it in parcels ; and fending out Charles Woolferftone as manager, and ,Sir William Tufton as governor of the new colony, obliged Courteen and his friends to fubmit to his au*^ thority. But the conduct of Tufton difpleafing Lord Car~ lifle, a governor of the name of Hawley was fent out to difplace him. His firft exertion of power was to condemn Tufton his predeceflbr to be ihot, upon pretence that the remonflrances he made to the ap- pointment of a new governor were ads of difobe* dience and mutiny. The indecent hurry and (hock- ing injuilice of his execution, excited the indigna« tion of every perfon in the ifland. But the peo- ple were indignant to no purpofe ; Hawley, with all his crimes on his headf was protedled at the court of England, and fent back with renovated authori- ty to the government of the ifland. Here he re- mained odious to the inhabitants, till at lad he was unable to reiifl the public indignation ; and, after a difgraceful reign, was driven from the country. Se- veral governors fucceeded him, who feem to hav^ fl:udied with fome attention the introdudlion of juft and wholefome Uws ; but the imprelflons of difgult 1^ I 86 HISTORY OF THE I I f' at the proprietor ftill continued fo ftrong, that hii authority grew gradually weaker. The civil war at home now broke out, and num- berlefs emigrants crowded to Barbadoes. Such was the wonderful increafe in the fpace of twenty years, that in 1680, 10,000 white men, and a regiment of cavalry, could turn out in defence of the ifland. The new adventurers did not ufe the ceremony of purchafing their grounds, but planted wherever they thought proper ; fo that the proprietor's authority, and title to payments, was at laft tacitly deferted. In 1646, when their pro fperity began to attradl pub- lic admiration, the fon of the patentee put in his claims. He was fupported by the Earl of Wil- * loughby, who ftipulated for one half of the profits, and a leafe of the ifland for 21 years. He ftrength- ened this bargain by obtaining the government of the place. He was graciouily received by the in- habitants, and would have probably fucceeded in le- vying the general tribute, at one time granted by the planters ; but nine years before his leafe was ex- pired, Cromwell's ufurpation had taken place, and }ie was of confequence difmifled from his authority. At the Reftoration he applied for a renewal of his authority, and the Earl of Marlborough being dead, the Earl of Kinnoul, his fucceflbr, made a joint application for his (hare of the profits. The inha- bitants by this time perceiving that the intention of thefe claimants at liome was only to prey upon the wealth of Barbadoes, remonftrated with great free- dom upon the hurdlliip they were likely to fuffer, WEST INDIES* 87 in being burdened with payments to thofe men who ■ I been expofed to no expence in colonizing their lund. While the matter was difcufled in the privy coun- cil, feme gentlemen of Barbadoes, who had been de- legated by the planters there to plead with his Ma- jefty in their behalf, offered to compromife the mat- ter, by paying an annual rent to the king. Charles was gracioujjy pleafed to grafp at the propofal ; but the Barbadians, on underftanding the offer which had been made, difclaimed all willingnefs to pay fuch a tax, and denied that their reprefentatives had any right to propofe it. This occafioned a new difficulty in deciding the conteft. At lail a determination was made, equally oppreffive and unjuft to the inhabitants of Barba- does. Lord Willoughby was ordered immediately to affume the government of the ifland ; and it was paffed into u law, that an eternal revenue of 4- per cent. Ihould be exaded in fpecie from all dead commodities, the growth of the ifland, (hipped in- to any part of the world. The whole of this revenue was at lad to revert to the crown ; but in the mean time a proper allow- ance was to be made to the Earl of Kinnoul, Lord Carlifle's creditors, and Lord Willoughby. Among the gentlemen of Barbadoes who vehe- mently oppofcd this unjuft impolition, Colonel Far- mer took a leading (hare. But his patriotic endea- vours were baffled by the defpotifm of the court. He was arrefted on pretence of mutiny, fent in ..i ' 2S HISTORY OF THE chains to England, and kept in tedious confinement* The perfecution of this man dverawed the other op- pofers of tlie hw, and the Barbadians were thus compelled to fubmit to a tax, which is to this day injurious and oppreifive. Lord Clarendon, who had been the prmcipal hand in adviiing his Majefty to this unjufl meafure, was indeed afterwards brought to account for it by the Britifh parliament ; but thofe who fought the de- itrudion of Clarendon had other objeds in view than the relief of Barbadoes, fo that after the cri- minality of the tax was admitted, its rigour was not modified. ^' ''■ ^ In 1680, Colonel Button, on his arrival at Bar- badoes, informed the council and aifembly, that his Majefty was willing to commute the tax for an equi- valent fum of money. It was therefore propofed to farm the 4-3- per cent, for eleven years, for the annual rent of 6000I. Sterling ; but the offer, upon examination, being judged too moderate, the pro- pofal was rejedted, and the tax continued. But an impofition flill harder than the former was laid upon Barbadoes, by the paffing of the naviga- tion aft. This celebrated law had been made by the parliament after the death of Charles I. partly in revenge for the deteflation which the Barbadians had exprefTed for the death of their fovereign, and partly with a view to prevent the Dutch, to whom the Englifh were at that time very hoftile, from having any further communication with our Weft India iflands. WEST INDIES. 89 pofed "or the upon pro- r On the 1 6th of Odober 1651, Ayfcue, who com- manded the ParHament*8 forces, arrived at Barba- does. He fpeedily reduced the whole ifland, and obliged them to fubmit, among other articles, to this enadlment of the Cortimoiiwealth, viz. that no foreign fliip fhould trade with the EngUfh planta- tions, and that no goods ihould be imported into England or its dependencies in any but Englifh veflels, or in (hips of that European nation of which the merchandife imported was the produce. Thus arofe the famous navigation ad, which, as it had been evidently inflicted upon the colonies in the way of a puniihment, the Barbadians wer« not a little fur- prifed to fee continued under the reign of Charles II. a monarch to whom they had been attached fo much, to their own detriment. Whether this id- gratitude on the part of Charles was produdlive or not of bad confequences to the population and hap- pincfs of the place, will be feen hereafter. V Barbadoes lies 13' 10' north latitude, and in 59* weft longitude from London. On the fouth it is fronted by the mouth of the Oroonoko, on the welt by St. Lucia, and St. Vincent's, and on the north and eaft it is bounded by the Atlantic. The ifland has different forts of moulds, but the black is the moft favourable. By the aid of manure it yields lugar only inferior to that of St. KLitts. I As far back as the year 1670, we are informed that Barbadoes pofleflt'd 50,000 white, and twice ;*a;/. •%-. M \ m 9a HISTORY OF THE as many black inhabitants ; and that it gave em- ployment to 60,000 tons of fhipping *. Even allowing that this llatement may have been fomewhat exaggerated, there is fufficient evidence that the inhabitants have rapidly declined. In 1 786, the numbers were no more than 16,000 whites, 800 people of colour, and 62,000 negroes. The produce of fugar has kept pace with the de- cline of population. We are informed, that in 1 76 r, the average crop of fugar was 25,000 hogfheads. On an average calculation from 1784 to 1786, the exports of fugar did not exceed 9554. .. * << The hurricanes, it mull be confeffed, which have been fo fatal and frequent within thefe laft twelve years, have contributed their ilhare to the decline both of commerce and of population. The ftorm which took place on the loth of Odober 1780, in particular,, fwept away no lefs than 4526 of its inha- bitants. ,>^> »».J^4 .» * The earlleft planters of Barbadoes were accufed of decoying away the Americans of the neighbouring continent into flavery. The Spe6^ator has handed down, to the execration of pofterity, the hiftory of Yarico's being fold to flavery by the ungrateful Inkle. It may not be difagr^eable to the reader, who has fympathized with poor Yarico, to hear that (he bore her hard ufage with a better grace than might have been expelled. Ligon relates, that (he chanced afterwards to be got with child by a Chriftian fervant, and ** being very great, walked down to a woode, where there was a *• pondc of w^atcr, and there by the lide of the ponde brought her- *' felf to b«dde, and in three hours came home with a child in her «« arms, a lufty boy^ frolic and lively." Jncle's behaviour, how- ever, will admit of no'^palliation. *» WEST INDIES. 9« Neither has the amelioration of the feafons occa^ iioned that return of profperity which might have been expeded. The calamity of the ifland cannot be expedled to ceafe, till it be relieved of that op- preffive and enormous burden, which the ingrati- tude of Charles 11. fufFered to be impofcd. Barbadoes contains five diilridls and eleven pa- rifhes. The capital of the ifland is Bridge Town, which is ftill the chief refidence of the governor. The governor's falary is 2000I. per annum, paid out of the exchequer from the 44- per cent, duty. There is little variation between the civil govern- ment of Jamaica and that of Barbadoes, except that the court of chancery in the latter is compofed of the governor and council, whereas, in the form- er, the governor is chancellor alone. In Barbadoes he always fits in the council, even when ading legif. latively ; in Jamaica, never. The courts of grand feflions, common pleas, and exchequer, are diftind in Jamaica, but united into one in Barbadoes. The reader may form feme idea of the commerce carried on by Barbadoes, from the following ftate- ment. Between the 5th of January 1787, till the 5th of January 1788, there cleared from Barbadoes, Veflels . - . Number of tons - - 343 26,917 Men - . - Value of cargoes (Sterling) 1942 L. 539»^°5 rr ii '^^-"--: - m Id^ HISTORY OF THI^ •- , w- L'-V^^'' CHAPTER II. ' ' -^^^M «Ht*. GRENADA AND ITS DEPENDENCIES, Di'fcovery and Inhabitants— French Invafion in 1650— Extermi- nation of the Natives— The Ifland conveyed to the Count dc Cerilla — Mifconduft of the Deputy Governor — The Colony reverts to the Cro\yn of France— Captured by the Englifti— Claim of the Crown to lay a Duty of 4f per cent, on Produce Exported— Decillon of the Court of King's Bench on this point — Tranfadions within the Colony— Internal Diflenfions— French Invafion 1779— Brave Defence, and unconditional Surrender of the Garrlfon— Hardfhips exercifed towards the Engliih Planters — Reftored to Britain by the Peace— Prefent ^tate of the Co- lony. ♦ 'Ti Vtr?'v Christopher Columbus, in his Jhird voyage, difco- vered this iiland *. Its inhabitants were a nume- rous and warlike people ; but it does not appear that Europeans looked upon them as a proper ob>- je6l of invafion, until Monfieur de Parquet, the French governor of Martinico, in 1650, planned an avaricious and unprovoked attack upon the ifland. The want of territory could not be pleaded as an apology for this invafion ; for the fertile iflands of Martinico andGuadaloupe were ftill, in a great mea- fure, uncultivated : ncverthelefs, the French com- iliander colleded about 200 defperate adventurers to his ftandard, and fet fail for the ifland of Grena- * Anno 1498. ■ i i iiMtei,!; WEST INDIES. 93 ila. The foldiers, previous to their embarkation, all partook of the facrament, and, upon their landr ing, prayed fervently to God for fuccefs. The Frenchman, contrary perhaps to his wilhes, was received with hofpitality by the natives ; fo that, be ng obliged to afFeft juftice in his deahngs, he pre- tended to make a purchafe of the ifland, by prefent- ing fome knives, hatchets, and beads to the people, and regaling the chief with two bottles of brandy. He proceeded next to build a fort in order to fecure his honeil purchafe, and left his kinfman Le Compte as governor in his'ftead. The firft accounts which we hear of this gentleman's condud: in his govern- ment, leaves no very favourable impreflion of his charader. The natives, juftly regaling the bar- gain as an infulting pretence to rob them of their native country, had refifted their invaders, and Lc Compte could think of no better expedient to fecure the fettlement, than the total extermination of the Charaibes. His followers obeyed his orders with ala- ' csity, and ftill farther, to accelerate the bufinefs of death, 300 men were difpatched from Martinique to to their affiftance. " *' . ; / ' ' In one of thofe mercilefs expeditions, the !ii(lorian informs us that forty Charaibes were butchered on the fpot, and forty others, running to a precipice, % threw themfelves headlong into the fea *. A beau- tiful young woman was taken alive, and two French * The fpot from whence thcfe miferable Charaibes threw them- felves into the fea, is to this day called by the French Lt Mome de Sauteurs) i. e. Leapers Hill* • ir^^^j^ i^r '• 0:J'i!:V.->\iV 94 HISTORY OF THE \ officers dilputed about poiTelling her ; but a third coming up, decided thft quarrel by (hooting her through the head. The French loft only one man, and, after burning the cottages, and rooting up the proviflons, came back in high fpirits. After extirpating the natives, the French proceed- ed next to butcher each other. After a long con- teft, which it is needlefs to detail, the governor's party gained the advantage ; but De Parquet's for- tune being much injured by the ftruggle, he agreed to fell his poiTeffion of the illand to tbe Coynt Ceril- Jac for 30,000 crowns. ' ' - Cerillac, injudicioufly nominated to the govern- ment of the place, a proud and rapacious command- er, whofe tyranny at laft driving the inhabitants to defpair, he was tried for his crimes, and in coniide- ration of his noble birth, was fhot in place of being hanged. -- -v From Cerillac the property of the ifland paflbd to the French Weft India Company, who, in 1674-, fur- rendered it to the Crown. This change of pofleflbrs was lefs favourable to the ifland than might have been expeded ; for we find that, even as late as the beginning of this century, the ifland contained no more than three plantations of fugar, and two of in- digo, cultivated by 251 whites, and 521 negroes. Their unfortunate iituation might have continued for a long time, had not the inhabitants, In order to fupply their difadvantages in the want of commerce and flaves, entered into an illicit intercourfe with the Putch; a refource which operated fo powerfully WEST INDIES. 95 in their favour, that in 1762, when the Englifli be- came poflTeifors of the ifland, they found its annual produce to be no lefs than j 1,000 hogfheads of fu> gar, and 24,000 pounds of indigo. The ftipulations in favour of the inb^bitants at the furrender of Grenada to the Britilh, were as follows: Their privileges and taxes were to be on a footing with thofe of the other Leeward Iflands ; and fur- ther, with refped to religion, they were to be upon a footing with the Roman Catholics of Canada. In 1763, his Majefty iflued a proclamation, de- claring, that all inhabitants of this ifland (hould en- joy the benefit of the laws of England, and of ap- peal to the King and Council. It alfo declares, that exprefs orders had been given to the governor, to form, in co-operation with the council and houfe of reprefentatives, a fyftem of laws as agreeable as pof- fiblc to the fpirit of the Englifh fyftem. General Melville was the firft governor appoint- ed. The aflembly met for the firft time in 1 765, kiid a queftion of the greateft moment was fubmit- ted to their coniideration. ^ ■ ; r The reader has been informed upon what pre- tence the unwarrantable duty of 4^ per cent, had been laid upon the Ifland of Barbadoes. Unjuft as thcfe pretences were, ftill more defpotic was the right which the royal prerogative aflumed, when, without even the apparent confent of the people, a duty of the fame nature and amount was laid upon Grenada; ^^u^ — <».. • - - — That Grenada was a conquered country, was the 1" HISTORY OP TttE main apology oftered for the meafurc. It was urged in addition to this humane argument, that it would be as impolitic to put Grenada in a better iituation than our other Leeward Iflands of the Weft Indies, as it would be to put her in a worfe. If Grenada paid more taxes, it would be injurious to her; if (he paid lefs, the inequality would be baneful to the others. ' ^ fV' ^„>ak.. hvav The cafe was fubmitted to the Court of King*i Bench, and, after four elaborate pleadings, judg-^ ment was pronounced by Lord Mansfield, to the ho- nour of his integrity, againft the Crown. It is pleafing to contemplate this vidory of the colonifts, becaufe it difplays the uncorrupted and undiftinguifliing uprightnefs of that court before which the queftion was tried ; but our fatisfadion is fomewhat abated, when we confider the grounds upon which Lord Mansfield went, when he gave this impartial decifion. iS >.., ^-:i The noble Lord refted his determination folely upon this argument, that the King's proclamation, by which it was declared to the inhabitants that they were entitled to choofe their reprefentutives, and be governed by the laws of their own aflembly, wasif- Tued out previous to the mandate for colleding the controverted revenue. Had not his Majefty given this prior declaration, Lord Mansfield alFerted, that by the rights of conqueft he was entitled to im- pofe upon the inhabitants whatever regulations or taxes he thought fit. He then adduced, as illuftra- tions of this pofition, the feveralcales of Wales, Ire- t ill WEST INDIES. 97 land, Berwick, and New York ; in all which cafes he cnUeavuuis to fubflantiate his argument, " tliat they received their laws from England, as laws im- pofed upon a conquered country, and not as regu- lations of thei '' own adopting. Admitting*, for the fake of argument, that Britain had coriftitutionaily a right*: to impofe laws and taxes of her own fabrication upon a con- quered country, which, by the way, is far from being felf-evident, it cannot be her right to do fo from the didlates of juftice. If ufage be an honour* able pretext for an adl which reafon condemns^ Grenada, and the other colonies, have no right to any conilitution but what the royal authority im- pofes : but if jullice and truth be independent of cuflom, and immutable in themfelves ; if it be the duty of men to beftow on their fellow -men the fame privileges which they aiTume to themfelves ; this I * Mr. Edwards here enters into a minute difcufiion upon the iiN flancesof Ireland,WaleB,&c. in which he combats, with great ability* this opinion of the Lord Chief Juftice, and fliows, pretty clearly, that, even upon the ground of ufage, Grenada, as a colony of Great Britain, had a title to impofe taxes upon herfelf, and that the King of Great Britain, even upon a conquered country, can impofe no con- ftitution but that of England. It is a pity, however, that thr queftioii fliould be put to a trial of this kind. Suppofmg it to be the fad, that the Kings of England at one period impofed arbi* trary laws upon conquered countries, what has that to do with Grenada ? Is not fclf-taxation the right of every people I We cer- tainly acknowledge that it is by the ftru6lure of our own conilitu- tion, and ought Britons to deny to fellow-fubjefts what they wotild not part with themfelves ? ' ''- ; • '" N :% m j)8 HISTORY OF THE. colony has a right to annul every revenue but what her own reprefentatives didate, and the tax aforementioned is moft unwarrantable injuftice. The firft aflembly, as was juft now mentioned, met in the year 1765. At this time their attention was folely engrofled by the queftion of felf-taxation already detailed, but a difpute of a different nature was now preparing to break out. . -• In i;68 orders were ilTued out by the Crown that the Roman Catholic capitulants fhould be eli- gible into the legillative afTembly and the gover- nor's council, as alfo that they fliould be capable of adling as juftices of the peace. This mandate of his Majefty*s occalioned a very ferious agitation in the ifland. The Proteftant party declaimed upon the palpable infringement of the teft aft, to which the Catholics rejoined, that the teft ad: was only applicable to England and Berwick upon Tweed. Minifters, however, continued unfhaken in their determination to maintain the privileges of the Ca- thohcs, fo that the zealous part of the Proteftant reprefentatives finding it impoflible to acquire a triumph over thofe of the oppofite creed, retired from the houfe in a fit of illiberal difguft, meanly conceiving that the fole good they could perform to the public was the fupprefllon of every opinion but their own. Their apoftacy was produdive of tlie moft inju- rious confequences. At no period was there a fuf- ficicnt body to be colleded when the public exi- gency required. At laft the French, underftanding -,• WEST INDIES. ■^ tax the perplexed fituation of the ifland, formed, sind fuccefsfully conduded, a plan for its recapture. Twenty-five fhips of the line, lo frigates, and 5000 troops, arrived, on the 2d of July, in the harbour of St. George. Eftaing, the commander, next day at- tacked, with 3000 men, the fmall body of troops which defended the Hofpital Hill, confifting of the 48th regiment, 300 milkia, and 150 feamen. The French at laft fucceeded in carrying the pofl, but loft 300 men in the conflid:. Lord M'Cartney, then governor of Grenada, retiring with his brave followers, took pofleffion of the old fort at the foot of the harbour. It was in vain, however, to refift fuch fuperior force. The guns taken from his own party at the Hofpital were turned upon the fort, and he was reduced to the fad neceffity of uncon- ditional furrender. To the honour of the French it fliould be told, that the town, though hable to be pUmdered by the pradlice of war, was proteded from outrage, and fafeguards granted to all who applied. -i r *' ^ : But the fubfequent behaviour of the French was not quite fo generous. The new governor gave ftrid orders that no debtor fliould prefume to dif- charge his debts to a Briton, or even thofe debts for which a Briton was fecurity, under a fevere pe- nalty. Thofe eftates, alfo, which were poflefled by Englifli abfentees were poflefled in the interim by a tribe of devourers, called Confervators, whofe oftenfible duty was to preferve, but whofe real pradice was to plunder, the property configned t* Nij ' i\ I 'J? too Htstonir or tHE I: their protedion. It mull be confefled, however, that report of this injuftice was no fooner made in France than it was condemned by adminiftration, and the Whole crew of confervators difcharged. The peace of 1783 reflored Grenada^ along with other of her iflands which the French had captured, ' Great Britain. Every friend to humanity mud fubicribe to my wi(h, that thofe unhappy difputes which made it fuch an eafy prey to the arms of France, may never, « any future period, l^e re- vived ■^^ M'^'''' ■'•*'■''■•■'»'■''- i' '>»•■''•< IV* ■ . ■itp.iiit ■i.i-Tl^t.^r^. ■' * ■ ' ^ * We (hall conclude the hiftory of this ifland with a fhort account of its population, agriculture, and trade; to which it will be neceflary to premife, that, fince the peace of 1 783, a Hne of diitindlion has been drawn from eaft to weft between Cariacou and Union 'fland, the latter ifland and all its ap- pendagfes being now attached to the government of St. Vincent. -.-t-:^^ ..f*.v« m-m -^i^rqn;^ Out of 8o,oco acres of land not above 50,000 have ever been cultivated. The country is wa- tered with fprings, and various in its furface, al- though no parts of it are fo impradic^ble as the high lands of Jamaica. There is a vaft variety of foil ; but in general the ground is fertile, and its produftions are almoft numberlefs. The exports of this ifland and its minor iflets, in 1776, were no lefs valuable than 6oo,oool. Sterling, which, confidering it to be the produce of 1 8,coo negroes, was altoge- ther furpTifing. ' ' f>ii '» T' Tr^fW oi?6; ;tfr)l tin WEST INDIES* lot It contains fix parifhes, and its dependent ifland jCaiiacou forms a feventh. Since its being ceded to Britain, the Proteilant has been made the ella- blifhed religion. There are, accordingly, five eftabliihed clergymen, whofe ftipends are each 360I. currency, and 60I. for a houfe. The church lands belonging to the Roman Catholic clergy were, by (Confent of the Crown, applied, partly to the better fupport of the Proteftant clergy, and partly diftri- buted among the Romifli diifenting prieils. > >: The capital of the ifland is St. George, the ca- pital under its French pofibiTors was Fort Royale. The remaining towns are only petty villages fitua- tcd upon their harbours along the coafts. From whatever caufe it has originated, the po- ipulation of the white inhabitants in Grenada has fenfibly decreafed of late years ; at pr^feilt they do not exceed 1000; in 1771, their number was known to be fomewhat above 1600. •.* gt Previous to the capture of the ifland in 1779, the blac^ population amounted to 35,000; in 1785, they amounted to 33,926. . >fe,;. 1 v: ; v tv 5 ^^ii •4 But though the blacks and whites have been declining in numbers, the fame cannot be aflerted of the people of colour. In 1787, the number of this mongrel breed was upwards of 1100. At- tempts have indeed been made to prevent or di- minifli this mixture of blood, by impofing fines upon manumiflion ; but the law is evaded by re- forting to another place. The governor here, as in Jamaica, is fole chan- m I m I y>'! . i ^ 102 HISTORY OF THE cellor. His falary is 3200 1. per annum of Grenada currency. Their legiflative affembly is compofed of 26 members; their council of 12. A freehold of 50 acres gives a right to fit as the reprefentative of any of the parifiies, and a rent often pounds in fee, or for life, qualifies a voter. ^'J^rif si*^-' ' ':: Their courts are of different kinds. They have a court of grand feflions, of common pleas, of ex- chequer, of admiralty, and laftly, a court compofed by the governor and council for deciding upon all appeals from the court of common pleas. In all cafes not anticipated by the laws of the ifiand, the common and the ftatute law of England are made the ftandard of decifion. The pradlice of Weftminfl:er Hall is reforted to when difficulties occur. It is but juftice to fay, that the decifions of their affembly are at all times impartial in an eminent degree. ■■]i r^.rs:. i^!;v<.^i:jia<;s«t Q><*iv ^u ' All that remains is to take notice of the dependent iflands or Grenadines, the principal of which are Ca- riacou and Ifle Ronde. Cariacou, befides maintain- ing its labourers, yields annually a million of pounds of cotton. Ifle Ronde is of much fmallcr extent, and entirely devoted to pafturage and rearing of cotton. In eftimating the commerce of Grenada, the reader may form a tolerable conception of its ex- tent from the following flatement :.«,,<«<,. ^n im^j •y In January 1787 there cleared from Grenada 118 fhips, containing in all 25,764 tons burden, wrought by 1826 men, and valued in all at 614,908!. Sterling. WEST INDIES. 103 r ■ >.•> V ^ - it CHAPTER III. '^ .ST. VINCENT'' S AND ITS DEPENDENTS, AND DOMINICA* In the patent which the Earl of Carlifle obtained from Charles the Second to colonize the Weft India iflands (a circumftance before taken notice of), were included the two iflands of St. Vincent's and Dominica. The Englifh, even as early as that period, made feveral attempts to get the natives into fubjedion by enfnaring pradices; but the French being equally afliduous in purfuing the fame objedt, they were at laft obliged to give up all thoughts of becoming mafters of the ifland. At the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, thefe two iflands, with fome others, were therefore de- clared in a ftate of fubjedion to neither kingdoms. No fooner had this mutual agreement been en- tered into, than both parties appeared diflatisfied with the compromife. We find accordingly that a very different agreeme^it was made at the end of the war which fucceeded that treaty. Neither party feemed to remember that the Charaibes had a right to the dominions which they fo unjuftly afliimed, but fairly determined that, in confidera- tlon of France poflefling the ifland of St. Lucia, Tobago, St. Vincent's, and Dominica ftiould be given up to the Englifli. It muft be confefled, indeed, that by this time the ancient poffeffors of the ifland (that is, the yellow Charaibes) had been reduced to a mifcrable remnant, not more than 100 families furviving in 17^3. i.ti I I y t04 HISTORY OF THE ' SECTION I. •■••='- 8T. VIKCENT'S. :''■•' •'•■' St. Vincent's was fo called by the Spaniards^ from the faiot's name on whofe day it was firll dlfcovered. It does not appear that the Spaniards ever reduced them to fubjedion; but another people whom they at firft received on their Ihores, probably from companion, accompliihed in time that conquefl which no European nation could •btain. ' ^ ' "^' ' • ^ Some time towards the end of the lad century, a Guinea ihip, with a large cargo of flaves, was wrecked on this ifland. The negroes efcaping to the mountains, were fuffered to remain by the na. tives, and in time grew fo numerous, by means of marriage with the Indians and acceilions from the runaway flaves of Barbadoes, that, commencing hoftilities on the natives, they reduced their num- bers very rapidly, and drove them to the north- weft corner of the ifland. They acquired in time the appellation of the black Charaibes, in contra- diftincflion to the aborigines, who were of a lighter complexion. The unfortunate Indians complained of their hardlhips alternately to the Englifh and French. At length the latter were perfuadcd to embrace their caufe ; and landing on t\.z iffand in 1719, began to ravage the plantations of the negroes. Thefe, though unable in open fight to refift their WEST INDIES. .105 invaders, became fufficiently terrible, when they fallied out at midnight from their retreats among the mountains. They obliged the French to delill from all thoughts of obtaining conqueft by vio- lence ; fo that, by mutual confent, a peace was agreed upon t the articles of which compromifed, that the ifland lliould remain under the protedlion, but not the dominion, of France. In the year 1723, an attempt was made by the Britifh to obtain poflelfion of the ifland, by the molt frivolous proceedings that could be imagined. The Duke of Montague had obtained a grant for pollef- iing St. Lucia, and St. Vincent's ; but the Britifli force which took pofTeffion of the former, were dri- ven out by the Frt -irh; fo that they turned all their attention towards occupying the latter. According- ly Captain Braithwaite was difpatched thither, to try what effedt perfuafive meafures might have in re- ducing the natives to the Britifli yoke. Coming to anchor on the ifland, Braithwaite beheld the ftrand all covered with crowds of Indians, among whom was one white, who turned out to be a Frenchman, lie went, however, afliore in company with one of his countrymen, and a Frenchman ; but v/as not a little furprifed, on getting among them, to find them armed with cutlaflTes and fire-arms, and drawn round him in a circle, to take him prifoner. They imme- diately proceeded to carry him up the country ; and bi^iught him at laft to their general, who fat in great ftate, environed with his guards. The captain was then interrogated, From whence he came, and for O .■^^■4 'm ■. 1 f • ill : io6 HISTORY OF THE what purpofe? He replied, That he was an £n« ghdiman, and that he put into the coad for wood and \;atcr. The general told him, That he had been informed his vifit was meant for a different pur- pofe ; namely, the fubjugation of the idand ; and inlilled upon his immediately retiring from their Hiores. Captain liraithwaite then returned to the lliip without molellation. As foon as he got on board, he fent afhore the fliip's boat, with rum, bread, and beef; and fent a meffenger to the gene- ral, to inform him, that though he denied to ftran- gers the common privilege of water and wood, yet, that he had fent him a part of what his fliip's fl:ores afforded. He received in return a polite reply from the general, by two meffengers, who offered to (lay in the fiiip as hoflagcs, provided he wiilied to go again on Ihore. Returning, therefore, to the gene- ral, Captain Braithwaite received a more gracious reception than before ; and i'o far ingratiated him- lelf with the negro chief, as to perfuade him, along with ibme others, to pay a vilit to the veffel. After opening their hearts with abundance of wine, the Englilh were at laft fo candid as to tell them the real objed of their embafly. The negroes replied. That had fuch a confeffion been made on fliore, all their authority over their countrymen could not have prevented them from becoming facrifices to the general indignation. They declared, That their country, though proteded by France, was not fub- jed to her power; nor indeed would they ever fub- mit to be the flavcsof any European nation. Braith- Ui WEST INDIES. 107 waite, therefore, finding that all further intrigue would be fruitlefs, difmifled the negroes with pre- fents, and returned to Martinico. After this period, for the fpace of 40 years, no- tliing worthy of detail too)c place in the ifland, ex- cept the inceflant hoflilities between the black and the yellow Charaibes. It may be eafily guefll?d, from the diminiflied numbers of the latter, on which fide the vidory lay during thele contefts. It is re- markable, however, that this vidorious people (viz. the Charaibes) fhould have borrowed from the van- quiflied a national and extraordinary cuftom ; name- ly, flattening the foreheads, fo as to augment the thicknefs of the Ikull, The peace of Paris gave up St. Vincent's to the Britifti. It was accordingly divided, and fold to dif- ferent proprietors in lots. It mull be obferved, how- ever, very little to the credit of the Britifii govern- ment, that the extent of thefe fales was not limited by the lands inhabited by the Charaibes ; but com- prehended the whole ifland, from one end to the other. It is not wonderful that the Charaibes, in- dignant at feeing their country parcelled out by thofe who had no title to the poilefliion of it, fliould have taken up arms againll fuch ufurpers. Hoftili- ties were fcverely retaliated by the Britifli, for it was the objedt of miniitry to extirpate the natives ; but the remonilranccs of the military employed in the ifland, obliged them to abandon the fcheme. • During the American war, St. Vincent's was ex- pofed in a Hate fo defencelefs, that it was fubjeclcU Oij ni 4 i i^i I*! V H|l f ;« inl • . 1 : HilR'' • i U^^i^ '^■Eu jI, Wf: Hi fl||ii; 1 08 HISTORY OF THE to the arms of France by no more than 650 men. Perhaps the jundlure which the black Charaibes ibrmed with the French immediately on their land, ing, made the conqueft iUU ealier. At the peace of 1783 it again reverted to the Britilli. Out of 84,000 acres of well watered, although in general mountainous and rugged land, which St, Vincent's contains, about 46,000 are at prefent cuU tivated ; one half of which is pofleiTed by the Bri-^ tilh, and the other by the Charaibes. In the Britifli territory there are five pariflies. There is only one confiderable town in the ifland ; namely, Kingfton, the capital. Tl/(y others ar^ no more than defpicable villages. The fyftem of civil government, in all refpeds, affimilates to Grenada. The governor's falary is 20C0I. per annum. By the laft eftimate which was made, the white) inhabitants amounted to 1400, the blacks to i;, 850, In this latter number, however, we mull include the negroes of the fmaller dependent iflands ; fuch as Bequia, Muftique, and Union, which contribute a coniiderable ihare to the general eilimate. The reader may form a tolerable notion of the trade which fubfifts between St. Vincent's and Great Britain, by the following ftatement. In the year 1787 there failed from St. Vincent's and its appen- dages, 122 veflels, manned in all by 969 men, whofe f argoes were valued at 1 86,450!. 14s. 8d, Sterling, , 'iVi! i n I ■> ^H- i ' ii: 'fjr i •1- ri - i -WEST INQIE5* fOf ' ! SECTION II. DOMINICA. This iiland was fo called from being difcovered on a Sabbath day. Little notice was taken of it before its falling into the pofTeiTion of the £nghfh in 1759. Previous to this time, it had been fettled upon by a number of French planters, who, upon taking the oath of allegiance to the Englifli government, and paying a fmall quit- rent, were all confirmed in their property. The remaining land, when fold in fepa- rate lots, brought the fum of 312,092!. lis. id, Sterhng. To this day, however, the French inhabitants conditute the niore numerous people in the ifland. Thele receive their manners and reUgion principally from Martinique, on which this ill^nd is looked up- on as an appendage. Pominica was riflng into afHuence and confidera- tion at the eve of the American war : She main- tained a traffic with America, with the other Weft India iilands, with France, and with Spain. But unfortunately the conteft between the mother coun- try and her colonifts blafted the growing expeda- tions of the iUand. Such was the (liameful inatten- tion to this once Houridiing ifland, that, during the hotteft of the war, no greater mihtary appointment was allowed to Dominica than fix officers and 100 men, , , . : . i- f ] 1 i 110 HtSTORY OF 'rtlE This carelcfTncfs on the part of Britain undoubted- ly attraded the attention of France. It was fuf- pedcd alfo (I know not if from fufficient authority) that fome French inhabitants attached to their for- mer mailers, invited an invafion of the French from Martinique. On the feventh of September 1778, a a French vefTel of 40 guns, three frigates, and about 30 fail of fchooners and floops, having on board above 2000 regular troops, befides a banditti of vo- lunteers, appeared ofl'lhe illand, commanded by Ge- neral Bouille. By the treachery of fome of the in- habitants Fort Cafliacrou was reduced to their pof- fcirion. They then proceeded towards the town, which was but feebly defended by its ill provided batteries; and to accelerate the progrefs of the in- vafion, the French inhabitants kept aloof from ac- tion. But the fmall remaining body made a gal- lant defence ; and, although their bravery was not fuflicient to repel their invaders, it procured them very honourable terms of capitulation. They were permitted to march out with military honours, and to retain their religion, government, laws, and pof- fclTions. Dc Bouille, after his conquoft, returned to Mar- tinique, leaving the illand under the command of the Marquis of Duchilleau, whofe condud during four years was infolent and tyrannical. J" ^ He difarmed the EngliQi inhabitants, and forbade them, under the penalty of being ihot, to aflemble more than two in a place. He prohibited them from walking the ftrects, after a certain hour, w^th- WEST INDIES. HI out a candle, and rewarded, with promotion, a cen- tinel wlio fliot an Englifli gentleman attempting to go on board liis own veflel in the harbour. Every private letter, before delivery, was fubmitted to his infpedlion; and he frequently defcended to the meaniiefs of going himfelf in difguife to lillcn, unob- i'cived, to private domeftic converfations. *' - ' By his fecret orders the town of Rofeau was fet on fire. Inftead of relieving or affifting the fuffcrers (as common humanity would have didated), he pre- fidcd on the occafion to fee that no afliftancc ihould be given to the Englifli houfes that were on fire, but gave permiflion to the foldiers to load thcm- felves with the pillage. On this melancholy difafter the fuirerers were computed to have loll 200j0ccl. Sterling, i .r .» aioc. •:iL]..ijLtjinj vj.. - J (n '^ ...i The profperlty of Dominica vaniflied with her li- berty. During five years its commerce was annihi- lated. All connexion with France was given up, fo that their commodities were either fent to Eng- land, and 'Ad at a low rate, through the medium of Dutch neutral ftiips, or ell'e conveyed by imperial vellcls to Oilend, and there vended at a rate fliil lower The dellrudion of commerce proved in a Hi jrt time the ruin of the planters, numbers of whom abandoned their property in defpair. At length, after groaning five years under the govern- ment of tyrants, the happy day arrived, when, to the indefcribable joy of the inhabitants, their pri- vileges, their property, their hopes of profpcity, }' f i 1 1 1 HISTORY OF THii were reftored by the return of the Britifli govern- ment*. V • - .' ■ .. '- Dominica contains 186,436 fquare acres of land^ and is divided into ten parilhes. Its capital is Ro- ieau, a town of an irregular figure, about half a mile in length, and two furlongs in breadth. The fur. face of the ifland is very various, fometimes fwelling into bold irregular hills, and fometimes fpreading into wide fertile and beautiful valleys. The higher grounds ilill retain volcanos, and hot fprings of fa- lubrious quality. , The ifland is watered by thirty beautiful rivers. The foil is of various kinds. That of a black colour molUy adjoining the (hore is in general of the richefl: quality. Of fertile land, however, there cannot be faid to be any coniiderable portion in Dominica. It contains 50 plantations ; and thefe, at an ave- rage of one year with another, hardly produce above 3000 hogfheads of fugar. It muil be allowed, however, that coffee is here a more produdlive crop. The number of white inhabitants of all, by re- turns in 1788, were 1236, free negroes 445, flaves 14,967, and about 30 families of the native Cha- raibes. Thefe arc a quiet inoffenfive people, that live principally by filhing and fowling. They are ama- * The clvfl government, rcinftated by the Britifh, was like that of the other iflands. Their legiflature was vefted in an affembly of ttinetcen, a cobncil of twelve, and a governor, whofe falar}' is twelve hundred a-vcar. WEST INDUS. »I3 zinglj dexterous at managing the bow, and difplay much ingenuity in weaving bafkets and panniers of flraw and the barks of trees. In the year 1 787 there failed from Dominica 162 vefiels, wrought by 1 8ti46 men, the cargoes amount^ ing to 302,9871. 15s. Sterlings -> \ i:-.:i.r^' ' i: _^vr-i3-rt ,;,j^, ** f-'-ff' Ttfi • !' m i I 114 HISTORY 0> THE y&in\tb' hfth ,Wk.v mU fmli^hihiV :fi ij-L-o'f^jxrJ) vl.;:ni.s 'io ^'ii^ii-^zq h.i Leeward Charalbbean Ifland Government, c6mprehchdfng St. Chrf- ftopher's, Nevis, Antigua, Montferrat, and the Virgin Iflands — Hillory and Defcription of each— Exports — Profits of the 4f per cent, duty — Condufion of the Hiftory. ,,-,, , ,_ ,. Since the year 1672 thefe feveral iflands have con- ftituted one government, and are fubjedl to the au- thority of one who is called Captain General of the Leeward Charaib Iflands. The refidence of this go- vernor is at Antigua, although he occafionally vifits the others. His vicegerent is a lieutenant gover- nor, who refides at the fame place. During the ab- fence of both from the other iflands, the prefident of the aflembly takes the executive authority. SECTION I. . < ST. Christopher's. This ifland, fo called by the natives from its fer- tility, was difcovered by Columbus, and honoured with his name. Though never cultivalled by the Spaniards, it is the oldefl: of alltheCharaibbeanfettle- ments, French and Englifli. Captain Roger North, on a voyage to Surinam, was accompanied by a mariner of the name ofPainton, a man of diflin- guiflied abilities, to whofe fagacity in demonftrating the utility of a fettlement on this ifland in prefe- rence to the continent, England \vas firft indebted for 'it .WEST INDIES. lis the pofleffion oi St. Cfariftophefs. This intelligent feanian communicated his intention to his frif.nd Mr. Warner, who refolving to put the plan into ef- fect, failed with fourteen affociates to Virginia, from whence he proceeded to St. Chriftopher's. He ar- rived there in the month of January 1623, and in the fpace of nine months reared an excellent crop of tobacco. :ij,fi lu .,i.:yj^.;,. ., ..ifif'.>» n,., •■ -ut 1 It has been a common miftake to fuppofe that the entry of the French upon this ifland was coeval with the fettlement of the^Englifli. Defnambuc, the leader of the firft French colonills who ever landed on St. Chriftopher's, fet fail from France two years after Warner's arrival. The miftake has undoubted- ly originated in this circumftance, that Warner's colony having been reduced by a hurricane to the neceflity of returning home, he made liis fecond voyage to St. Chriftopher's at the fame time with the French. The truth is, Defnambuc had been attack- ed in his paflage by a Spanifli galleon, and obliged to make for this ifland in order to repair. He was kindly received by the Englifli, who, at that time, confcious gf the injuftice of their behaviour towards the Indians, were glad of an acceffion to their llrength. Fortified by this alliance, they proceeded to the moft unwarrantable barbarities towards the Charaibes, murdering their warriors, and making flaves of their women. Irritated by the wrongs of their countrymen, the natives of other iflands flock- ed in numbers to invade them. A bloody battle cnfued, in which the Europeans loft a hundred men r I.I 1:^ 1! I H. ii6 HISTORY OF THE ! :i?T1 kS upon the field, but remained viftors by the fupeii* ority of fire-arms. ^; - The refpedlive leaders, Warner and Defnambuc, foon after returned home, in order to fortify their fettlement with frefli adventurers. The latter, un- der the patronage of Richelieu, obtained a charter for a company to trade to his colony ; but the (hips fitted out for this objed were fo ill ftored with ne- ceffaries, that the greater part of the crews perilh- ed for want on the %'oyage. The remainder, on landing at St. Chri{topher'$, formed a treaty offenfive and defenfive with the Englifh inhabitants ; but, as we before mentioned, their united forces were unfit to refill the invafion of the Spaniards. But, indeed, when we refled on the behaviour of both to the miferable Charaibes, we can but half regret (though we fcrioufly condemn) the cruelty of thofe invaders \yho malfacred them in their turn, ^i--, • k fr-s-r « '^v * The ifland had fcarcely been reftorcd to its ufual population, after being thinned by the fwords of the Spaniards, than national animofities began to be kindled up. In the reign of King Charles II. the French inhabitants rofe upon the Englilh and drove them from the ifland. They were reftored by the peace of Breda, but again driven away, as before, when James II. had abdicated the throne. Eight months after, the Englifh returned in greater num- bers to retahate hoflilities, overpowered the enemy, and tranfported numbers of them to Martinique, t In 1 705, a French armament landed on the ifland, and committed barbarous deyafiation on the En- WEST INDIES. 117 glifti property. Parliament, however, humanely recompenfed the fufFerers ; and happily this was the Jail difplay of national refentment in the illand. By the peace of Utrecht it was ceded entirely to the Britifh ; and fuch of the French inhabitants as chofe to Iwcar allegiance were naturalized. ^ M Till 1782, St. Chriftopher*8 continued in our pof- feflion. At that period it was captured by the arms of France, but reftored at the peace in 1783. St. Chriftopher*s com ins about 43,726 acres of land, of which about 21,000 are devoted to paftu- rage and the rearing of fugar. The interior of the country is mountainous and barren, although the fertility of the plains makes ample amends for the fterility of its hills. . The foil of St. Ghriftopher's is eflentially different from that of the other iflands. It is light and po- rous, and appears to be a mixture of virgin mould mixed up with ferruginous pumice. In all proba- bility its qualities were occafioned by fubterraneous fires. For the produdion of fugar it is certainly unequalled. The choice lands of this illa^ i yield, at an average, 32 cwt. of fugar per acre annually; and canes planted in particular fpots have adually yielded the aftonifhing quantity of 8000 pounds per acre. St. Chriftopher's contains nine parilhes. Bafle- terre is ftill the capital of the ifland. Of the fum allotted to the falary of the governor, this ifland contributes loool. currency.^^;*^-^^ ' ^'^^^''i^^'^"'* • The houfe of aflembly confifts of 24 members ; 1 II ^ - p ■ * hit' •» i ii8 HISTORY OF THE the council of lo.- The governor a6ls as chancel- lor ex officio^ and executes his duty alone. It was at one period propofed to join other gentlemen of the ifland to his office, but the inhabitants rightly objedted, that perfons thus eledlcd would be intc- refted in the decifion of every caufe that prefented. - There is only one court of jurifdidlion, of which the chief juftice is appointed by the King, and holds a lalary of 600I. a year. -i Uid'^fyHii?i^ 'm f'tts '. The inhabitants are computed at 4030 whites, 26,000 negro flaves, and 300 free blacks and mu- lattoes. Every white from 16 to 60 muft enter with the militia, fo that their number is pretty confiderable. They have two regiments of whites, befides a corps of blacks. ^. In fadt, the number of militia, and the peculiar nature of the ifland, was a reafonable enough ex- cufe urged by government for refufing to proted this colony with Britilh forces. A thoufand effec- tive men, well armed and fupplied, upon ground fo unequal, might "have ealily rcliiled'all invaders when it was lafl captured. ' ■ SECTION II. , ■V'^^h ■^*^L} Mi NEVIS. The ifland of Nevis rifes like a lingie mountain from the ocean, its bafe not exceeding eight leagues. The crater upon the fummit of the mountain, and the hot fprings, impregnated with fulphur, leave us no room to doubt that this fpot was a volcanic WEST INDIES. II eruption. The fummit probably emitted a finoke at its firft difcovery by Columbus, and hence it was denominated Nieves, or the Snows, by the Spa- niards. . From the whole furface and appearance of this ifland there can be little doubt entertained that it was produced at fome remote period by an explo- lion of a volcanic nature. The top of the moun- tain is exadlly a hollow or crater, and it contains a hot fpring of water, which is to a very great degree impregnated with fulphur. The ifland is a& well watered as it is beautiful. In general the foil is exceeding fertile, but in fome places it is of a dry nature. This, however, is, upon the whole, no material difadvantage, as in thefe places yams and other vegetables are abundantly produced, which perhaps would not accommodate fo well to a more fertile, but more w^atery foil. The Englifli firfl; occupied this ifland in 1628. The number of its white inhabitants is eftimated at 600 men ; the blacks amount to 10,000. This makes it neccifary for them to maintain as refpedt- able a militia as their numbers will admit of. In- cluded in their militia they have a troop of 50 horfe, but no Britifli troops are ever quartered in the ifland. - • . • • " 4 '■• f.< ii' BOOK IV* CHAPTER I. iSummary Account of the Inhabitants of the feveral Iflanda Claffea— .Emigrants from Great Britain and Ireland— ^-Predomi- nant Charaftcr of the European Refidents— Creole:, or Natives — Effea of Climate— Charafter of the Creole Women and ChiU dren— Of the People of Colour, and the different Calls or Tribea — Rellriaions on the Free Blacks and Mulattoes — Their Cha- rafter at length* From the moft exad account the prefent popula- tion of the Weft Indies ftands as follows : Whites. Blacks. Jamaica 30,000 - 250,000 Barbadoes - 16,167 - 62,115 " Grenada 1 ,000 - 23,926 St. Vincent*s 1.450 - ".853 Dominica 1,236 . 14,967 Antigua 2,590 . 37.^08 : Montferrat - 1,300 - 10,000 ' *Nevis 1,000 - 8,420 • St. Chriftopher*s 1 ,900 * 20,435 _ Virgin Illes - 1, 2 DO - 9,000 Bahamas 1,060 - 2,241 Bermudas 5462 - 4.9 9 Total 65^305 - 455»684 O M ^^- H J. ■ i 12Z HISTORY OF THE Befides the four great clafles into which Weft Indians ought propeny to be divided, viz. Creoles, or native whites — i.uropean whites — Creoles of mixed blood — and free blacks — and laft of all, Ne- groes in ilavery, there are other relidenters who deferve notice. From North America there are many emigrants ; and the Jews, who have pene- trated to every quarter where the human race have exillence, are alfo found in thefe iflands. They are permitted the exercife of their religion without reftraint, and they have accordingly abundance of fynagogues over all the Weft Indies. In a politi- cal view, they rank as inferior to the other whites, being incapable of voting at an eledlion, or of be- ing fent as reprefentatives to any afTembly. In their manners they exadly refemble thofe of their brethren in other countries *. It is the common imagination of thofe who, from motives of improving their fortunes, retire from home to the Weft Indies, that they fliall live ac- cording to their willies upon lefs application to bufinefs than they have been hitherto accuftomed to give. But the fallacy of this belief is foon ex- perienced ; for in no part of the world is afllduity in bufinefs fo continually and indifpenfably necellliry. * M. Neckar gives the following eftimatc of the whites, fn . negroes, and (V^ves of the French Weft Indies : Whites he com- putes at 63,682 ; free blacks, 13,429 ; flavcs, 437,736. Since the lime of this eftimatc their numbers have probably increaftdv WEST INDIES. 123 Indeed the firft poiTefTors of thefc iflands took poflelfion of their eftates with very different pro- fpedls than thofe of wealth and idleaefs. It was to enjoy the hberty of civil and religious opinions that the firft adventurers abandoned their homes, when they faw a government, either monarchical or re- publican, ereded in England contrary to their principles and inclinations. At prefent the profeflions of law, phyfic, and divinity are filled up in the Weft Indies by men of talents and refpedability, and it is but juftice to fay, that their abilities are accompanied with liberal public encouragement. Local and contra(^ed pre- judices may inchne fome individuals toconfideran encomium on the genius of thefe men as undefer- ved and partial; but let fuch perfons recolledt that Nature has thrown the feeds of genius on every foil, and that fuperior abilities, in a general fenfe, are the refult of cultivation, and by no means a local quality. * From the fea and land fervice of Great Britain numbers of fettlers accrue to the Weft Indies. Such men, tired of that variety of hardfliips to which their profeflion expofes them, wifely prefer a more fober and induftrious life. After enumerating the tribe of fadors, clerks, and tradefmen, who become attached to the foil, we may take notice of the man whofe bufinefs is to cultivate the land. This profeflion, known by the various names of planter, overfcer, and mana- ger, is ufually compofcd of thofe who have been 124 HISTORY OF THE \li : i I ,1 educated to no particular bufinefs at home, and who imagining the talk of fuperintending the lives and labours ot African flaves, and managing a fugar cftate, to require no uncommon ftock of fagacity, embark in offices for which they are not always capable. » '* It will readily, therefore, appear, that iincc the generality of fettlers in the Weft Indies are emi- grants from the mother country, their habits and manners will be nearly the fame with thofe of their countrymen at home. Notwithftanding the fiur- nefs of this conclufion, there are authors who, in treating of the lives and difpofitions of thefe Weft Indians, hold them up to the world as cha- laders the moft depraved, licentious,- anddeteftable; iis if, in the change of chmate, Britons aflumed a new, but degraded ftamp of charader ; or, as if Britain, in colonizing her fettlements, expatriated every vicious, but not one virtuous, individual. The pidure they have drawn being fo grofsly overcharged, is too unnatural to excite belief, What fliould alter their charadler fo much to the worfe ? I confefs that, from a change of circum- llances and habits of living, fome difference of manners muft arife ; but I hope I fhall be able to Ihow that the change tends rather to meliorate than deprave them. ; In removing to the Weft Indies, the emigrant fuddenly finds himfelf among a people where the diftindion of colour conftitutes a marked difference jn point of refpedabihty. His complejtion places * 1F7EST INDIES. 125 him in that clafs to which pre-eminence is ftrongly attached ; and if it be allowed that to make a man confider himfelf as refpedable, is as certain a method of making him alTume a charader really refpedluble, as to degrade him in his own opinion will be to fmk him to the level of his fuppofition, it mull readily occur that the new fettler will rather rife than fall in the fcale of true refpedabi- lity. Indeed the confequence I have mentioned adually takes place. The pooreft white feels him- felf more upon a level wiHi the rich than a Euro- pean in the fame circumftances at home, and there- fore addreffes him in a llyle of franknefs and manly jndcnendence. " Where flavery," fays a great writer, " is efta- " blifhed in any part of the world, thofe who are ♦• free, are by far the moll proud and jealous of " their freedom. Freedom is to them not only " an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privilege. ♦' Not feeing there, that freedom, as in countries " where it is a common blefling, may be united " with much abjed toil, with great mifery, with all *• the exterior of fervitude, liberty looks among " them like fomething that is more noble and li- " beral. Thus the people of the fouthern colonies " (of America) are much more flrongly, and with " a higher and more ftubborn fpirit, attached to li- " berty, than thofe to the northward. Such were *• all the ancient commonwealths ; fuch were our ** Gothic anceftors ; fuch in our days are the Poles ; 126 HISTORY OF THE " and fuch will be all matters of flaves, who arc *' not flaves themfelves." Thofe who are inclined to undervalue the cha- radler of the Weft Indians. Tax them with oftenta- tion and felf importance. The charge mutt in part be admitted ; but let not thefe im^erfedions be ex- aggerated or too feverely reprehended, when the virtues of benevolence and hofpitality are fo ftrik- ingly their concomitants. From the prevalence of the latter virtue, there is not a tolerable inn throughout all the Weff Indies *. To the fame independent fpirit, which I before remarked arifes from the confcioufnefs of equahty, may be attributed the unfubmitting Htigious temper which the Weft Indian difcovers ; for vices and virtues grow up naturally together. This litigious temper is not wholly without fome advantages to counterbalance its evil effefts. Thus accuftomed to argue upon their moft important rights, they acquire by habit a knowlege in law matters far fuperior to the people of other countries, indepen- * There are peculiarities in the whites as well as negroes, which deferve to be detailed to thofe who ftudy their hiftory. Nothing can be more ftriking than the vaft difparity between their tables and their houfes. Their fide-board is loaded with plate and choice wines, their dinner is ferved up in twenty covers, and all this in a hovel worfe than a European barn. The negro attendants are numerous, but meanly habited ; none but the principal fervant wears Jhoes or llockings, the rcll are half naked when they wait al, Ubk, .pv: WEST INDIES. 127 dent of that Ihrewdnefs which the excrcife of their ; faculties, mull occafion. < - But for the true features of the Weft Indian charader, we muft principally confult the Creoles or natives. In their perfons the Creoles are taller than the generality of Europeans ; and although they want that thicknefs which is requiiite, ac- cording to .our ideas of beauty, to complete the figure of a tall man, yet they have amazing dex- terity and fupplenefs of limbs, and a graceful eafy carriage. There are two remarkable circumilances about their bodies, which Ihows how provident the hand of nature is to obviate the phyfical dif- advantages of an intemperate climate by wife and merciful means. The focket of their eye is re- markably funk in their head, by which means the impending eyebrow fliields the fight from the intolerable blaze of the fun. In the next place, there is a confiant coolnefs to the touch in their Ikins, which is certainly occafioned by fome effec- tual means which are appointed to preferve the body in a moderation of temperature unneceflary to the inhabitants of colder latitudes. « j i The ladies of the Creoles are fober, temperate, and poflefled of great felf-denial. Except the exer- cifc of dancing, they have no other amufements to excite the fpirits to a volatile gaiety ; for the ruinous attachment to mafquerades, gaming-tables, and afl^embhes, fo prevalent in England, is happily here unknown. Nothing can exceed the fobriety of their diet. Lemonade is their chief potation. '■' fSi I J. I ^vT- 128 HISTORY OF TH« I H' and their food is in general of a vegetable kind* It cannot be denied that in many refpeds they are infinitely inferior in attractions of perfon to our countrywomen ; for though their figures are fine, there is not much fpirit or animation either in their features or manners. They want, too, that indifp'enbfale requifite of complete beauty, the glow of youthful vermilion which heightens the graces of the Englifh fair. But their inferiority in beauty of complexion is recompenfed by the brilliant luftre of their large and expreflive eyes. Their teeth are alfo remarkably fine, owing to the precautions they take to preferve them clean, and the conftant ufe of the chew-ftick, whofe qualities operate as a ftrong detergent. The mod prominent circumilance in the charac- ter of the natives is the aftonifhing progrefs of the mitid at a very early period of life. The philofo- phers of Europe have taken notice of this pheno- menon ; but arguing in an analogical manner from the nature of plants to that of animals, they have produced, as far as I can judge, an unfounded afler- tion. They tell us, that as vegetables in a warm climate rife fooner to perfedion, and fooner ready than thofe of European growth ; fo the Weft In- dian mind unfolds its powers at an earlier period, and alfo proportionably foon falls into decay. Let fuch philofophers, however, recoiled, that in a cli- mate fo warm the mind is more eafily led into li- centious habits, and confequently, with equal dura- bility of powers to the European, muft, from thit 3 WEST INDIES. 129 I circumftance, fooner fall off, without alleging natu- ral imbecility as the caufe. Again, let it be remem- bered that, from local fituation, the mind is in- capable of finding objeds whereupon its faculties may be exercifed, and its vigour confequently aug» mented. And, laftly, that in thofe inftances where the faculties of a Weft Indian mind has been unfe- duced to wafte its early faculties upon unworthy ob- jefts, and where favourable circumftances have in- duced habits of reflexion, its genius has remained undiminidied to a late period of life. But the qualities of the heart are more conducive to general happinefs than thofe of the head ; and in thefe qualities I cannot certainly fuppofe the Creole inferior to any other of his fpecies. Their difpofitions are as generous as their manners are frank and independent. They have no falfehood, no meannefs, no concealment in their character, and judging of mankind by themfelves, they fufpedl not another of fuch unamiable difpofitions. Philofbphers have been gravelled between the two opinions refpeding the effcdl of climate. Since the hiftory of mankind, it has been obferved as a gene- ral rule, that conquerors have ccme from the north. Again, in the warmeft latitudes, courage and ftrength have been eminently confpicuous ; and, when we travel to the fart he ft boundaries of the north, we behold.thfc courage of man expire in the Laplander. Are we to believe, then, that timidity is the confe- quence of heat ? I admit that indolence may refult from fuch a caufe ; but indolence and timidity are ■ PI lUi' 130 HISTORY OF THE not caufe and efFed. The Creole is attached ta cafe and pleafure ; and he is not fond of exerting the facuhies of mind. But when the dormant qua- lities of his foul are excited, he evinces ability to adt and to think with the mod fpirited energy. In perfonal courage the Creoles are by no means de- fedive, as, upon innumerable occafions, they have lignally difplayed. The Wed Indian, it is faid, has a ridiculous pro- penfity to magnify his hopes of profperity, and to gratify his imagination with dreams of improbable wealth and abfurd anticipation. There is no qua- lity in their foil or their climate which contributes to this effed, as writers have fancifully fuppofed. It arifes very evidently from the nature of their pro- perty, which, unlike European eftates, yields a cer- tain and flated return, when fubmitted to the in- duftry of farmers. The Weft Indian becomes his own farmer ; and as the difference of one year's pro- dudion with another's is altogether aftonifhing, the Weft Indian is ealily betrayed to hope for a fudden accumulation of wealth. .^ ;. Of the people of mixed complexion, who are cal- led people of colour, there are various degrees. A fambo is the offspring of a black woman by a mu- latto man, or of a mulatto woman by a black man. The mulatto is the offspring of a black woman by a white man ; the quadroon is the child of a mu- latto woman by a white man, and the muftee of a quadroon woman by a white man. The Spaniards WEST INDIES. X3» introduced nicer diftindions, which it is needlefs here to enumerate. ' " ' ^ I believe, over all our fugar iflands, the defcen- dants of negroes by whites, whom the law entitles to the full privileges of freedom, are fuch as are three degrees removed from the negro venter. All below this go by the general term of Mulatto. In Jamaica there was anciently a diilindlion be- tween thofe born of freed mothers and fuch as had been immediately releafed by the will of their owners. This arofe from a maxim of law which originated from th^Mjther country, and was efta- bhfhed over the colonies, that the property of what is born accrues to the pofleflbrof the mother. Until the year 1748, perfons born under the latter cir- cumftances, that is, whofe mothers had been manu- mitted by their mafters after their birth, were de- nied the trial by jury, and held unworthy of giving judicial evidence. Thefe hardships have been in part mitigated ; but much yet remains to be done. In mod of the Britifh iflands, their evidence is only received in thofe cafes where no particular adl is paffed in favour of the wh^te perfon accufed. The negro has a mafter to proted him from grofs abufe ; but the mulatto, by this partial inflitution, has no fecurity againft hardfhip and oppreffion. They are likewife debarred from being appointed to the low- eft offices of public truft : They cannot hold the King's commiffion even in a black corps ; nor can . they vote for reprefei tatives at eledlions. It is to be acknowledged, that their degraded fitu« R ij 'Ji ■ » z'. 132 HISTORY OF THE I ation is in fome degree mitigated by the generofity which the members of Welt Indian affemblies are ready to grant to. people of colour, whofe education and baptifm entitles them to refped even in contra- didion to exprefs ftatutes on the fubjed. Still, however, partial inftances of generofity do not jullify the humiliating ilate of fubjedion to which this unfortunate people are reduced. The loweft and moft worthlefs while will behave with infolence to the bed educated free man of colour ; and as contempt always degrades a charader, they are unprofitable members of the community. , . Whatever may be faid upon the propriety or impropriety of equalizing thefe people with thofe of a different complexion, can vt be denied that wifdoni and humanity demand the immediate re- drefs of one intolerable grievance? The injury I allude to is their incapability to appear as witneffes, even in cafes where they complain of perfonal in- jullice. What attachment to his foil ; what grati- tude to the protedion of laws; what motive to benefit the fociety to which he belongs ; or, in fine, what dignity or independence of mind can that man poflefs, who is confcious that every mifcreant of a paler complexion may infult him with impunity ? < Not only from the fphere above him has the free mulatto reafon to exped ill ufage : Situated, as he is, in an infulated and intermediate ftate between the black and the white, he is deipifed by the one, and envioufly hated by the other. The black may confider his fubjedion to a vvhite man as in fome WEST INDIES. 133 jneafure tolerable, i)ut the idea of being the (lave of a flare he utterly abhors. • - '^ In their behaviour to whites the mulattoes arc modefl and implicit. They are accufed, however, (I am afraid with juftice) of abuling their power over the blacks. Indeed, a different line of condudl cannot be poffibly expeded. The flavc who is made a mafter is ever the mod unfeeling tyrant, as the r .. ,nc- ^rafite of profpt 1: , i;; the mod info- lent infulter ol misfortune. r ' There is one charge brought againft the mulat- toes, which, though it cannot be denied, confidera- tion of circumftances will enable us to palliate : I mean the incontinency of their women. Thefe are over all the Weil India iflands maintained as kept miftreffes to white men. But if we ex- amine the iituation of thefe unfortunate women, we ihall find much more reafon to blame the cruelty of their keepers, in inviting them to this difgraceful life, than of their imprudence in accepting the offer. Uninftruded in maxims of morality, untaught even in the iimplcft parts of education, unable to procure huflsands either from among the whites or the young men of their own complexion, (the former regard- ing fuch an union as bafe and degrading, the latter, too degraded themfelves to form fuch a fettled con- nexion) ; under fuch circumftances, they have a ftrong apology to plead for their condud. Belides, this connedion between the keeper and the miftrefs, if not in the light of wedlock, is con- lidered at leaft as equally innocent. They call their I- ! Vfi I! W^l m 134 HISTORY OF THE keeper by the endearing appellation of hufband ; they are faithful and affei^ionate to his interefts ; and to the reft of mankind they behave with de- cency and diftance. Few, very few indeed, aban- don themfelves to that infamous fpecies of proftitu- •Ik' tion which is openly avowed in the populous cities of Europe. ■ii The injuftice of retaining fo many beautiful, and in all refpedls amiable women, in the difgraceful ftate of concubinage, demands immediate redrefs. But by whom Ihall the example be fet ? By the vidlims of this iiijuftice it cannot^ and by the fe- ducers I am afraid it will not, be effeded. To the humane difpofitions of thefe people of colour, the moft agreeable teftimony is given by a refpedlable author, Don Antonio de Ulloa, when fpeaking of the forlorn and friendlefs circumftances to which many poor Europeans are reduced (who, emigrating to the Spanifh Weft Indies in hopes of better for- tune, can find no means of fubfiftence). Many of thefe (fays the Spaniard) traverfe the ftreets till they have nothing left to purchafe food or lodg- ings. Wearied with going in queft of employment, aflfeded by the difappointment of their hopes, and the unfavourable change of climate, they retire, fick and melancholy, to lie down in the fquares of churches and porticoes. The people of colour here difplay their generofity, when the rich and felfilh merchant refufes his mite to relieve their miferies. The mulatto and the negro pitying their afflic- tions, carry them home to their houfes; they nourifh. WEST INDIES. 133 comfort, and reftore the poor fufferer, and if they die, fay prayers for their fouls. Such is the pleafing account of the generolity of the mulattoes of Carthagena, and any one acquainted with thofe of the other Weil Indies will not helitate to afcribe thc,fanie charadter to them which we have here affigned to the former. In treating of the Creoles or natives of the Weft Indies, and of the mulattoes or thofe of mixed blood, we have confined ourfelves to thofe who are either partially or entirely white. We fhould now treat of the free blacks in a diftind chapter, were there any flriking diilimilarity between thefe and the blacks in a ftate of flavery. Our next chapter, therefore, is appropriated to the confideration of the negro charader in general. M>A • i j'^'"- / - , II ■ ■- - *' i 1... ^ I - v ■ - ■ ^ •' 1 ' ■ 1 » ■■ > ' ' - *ii* : 1 '■ -'4 -"•*<« ► ,'.)v] /'H.Vki 1 ■ ' i . : , i •J v>;; ii^'^tf. *:.':■' •'■»; t36 IIJSTORY OF THE - /^ CHAPTER II. Ot" Negroes In a State of SlavciT — Preliminary Obfervatlons — Origin of tijc Slave Trade — Porcuguefe Settlement on the . African Coall — Negroes Inlroduceil at Hifpaniola — Hawkins's Voyage— Afiican Company eilabliflied by James the Firft— Charters granted— Defcription of the African Coaft— Forts niid Faftories— Exports from GreatBritain— Number of Negroes who are at prefent exported to the Britifh Colonies— State of the Trade from 1771 to 1787 — Number of Negroes at this Time exported annually to the diiTerent Nations of Europe. The number of negroes at prefent in the Britilli Weft Indies is no lefs than 450,000. To contem- plate the fubjedion of fo many of our fpecies to the abfolute difpofal of others, is no very pleafing profped; and the pidure is heightened in its de- formity when we refled on the numbers of thofe who, from their native foil, their homes and their friends, have been dragged into this degrading condition. .. '- -i,..-.- .^ ■ • .■■^'■^" i:..,. ..Ji^i^ : Yet, however odious and improper the traffic may be, it is evident that the trade may be bad, and yet the poirefTor of the Haves be guiltlefs of the crimes with which it has been fafliionable of late years to load him ; and accordingly, whatever malice I may excite among thofe whofe indigna- tion is too zealous to feled the jufl vidims of in- dignation, I fliall confider myfelf juftifiable in at- tempting to refcue from unmerited opprobrium the charaders of thofti who are at this time fubjeded to WEST INDIF.S. Hi popular condemnation. By what means have the greater part oF the poflcllors of (laves in tlic vVed Indies come into their ellates? By inheritance, and by accident. It may be faid that ihey fliould abandon their property, when they find that the pofleflion of it is not to be juftified by humanity. This has in fad: been done. Humane men in Britain, influenced by the univerfal (ympathy for the real or fuppofed injuries of the African nej^ro, fent out orders to the fa(5lors of their Well India pofleflions to enfranchife the flaves upon their ellates. They have, liovvevei, been fince convinced tliat fuch well meant benevo- lence is not even conlillent with the interetl of the Haves themfelves. Tlie vSociety eftablidied in Great Britain for Pro- pagating the Gofpel m Foreign Parts, are alfo puflef- fors of eilates in the Weil Indies, as a collective body. The feelings of thefe men were as fenlibly alive to the futl'ei ings of their fellow creatures as any other Chrillians ; and if they had conlidered it as the real benefit of the negro to be immediately emancipated, they would doubtlefs have thought it their molt facred duty to have done fo. But, upon fcrious and mature deliberation, their judgment convinced them to the contrary, and they have been alio obliged, in order to divide the work, to purchafe others, and keep them in the fame fitua- tion. -.• .. , . ■.•'... The fole objed of inveftigation ought then to be, is the condu6l of the Well India planters to their Haves, confidering the ordinary defed of humai\ S i!fl m It 53^ HISTORV OF THE It I power, worfe than the iifage of a mafter to bi§ rervants fhould properly be? We iliiiU now proceed to lay before the reader fome account of the origin and exifting ftate of the .ilavc trade. The following chapter lliall contain an uccofint of the negro, his character and difpo- fitioti, of tlicir conveyance to, and treatment in the Weft Indies; after which I Ihull take notice of the abufes which ar© laid to cxiil in the pradlice of the trade. ^ - .■ . ^. ^ Under the celebrated Prince Henry of Portugal, in 1442, the liril African flaves were carried from home by Europeans. Anthony Gonzales had cap- tured two moors near Cape Bojador, and brought them home; but being ordered by his Prince to re- ftore them to Africa, he fold them at the Rio del Ora, and received from the moors ten blacks and fome gold dull. The avarice of the Portuguefe was awakened by this fuccefsful exchange, and a traffic was begun on a large fcale. Forty years the King of Portugal aiVumed the title of Lord of Guinea. As far back as 1502 we hear of negroes em- ployed in the mines of Hifpaniola. Ovando, in- deed, forbade their importation on account of the wickednefb they taught the Indians ; but fo bufy were the Spaniards in extirpating thefe unhappy people, that negroes were found indifpenfably ne- ceflary, and permiffion to import them was again reftored. . * . : ^ ^^ m ^ t '/ Twelve years after, at the inftance of Bartho- lomew, a man whole philanthropy engaged him WEST INDIES. 139 very cordially to befriend sind protccl the Indijins, a patent" was granted entitling certain pcrfnns to import annually 4000 negroes into tlic Spariilh Well Indies. Las Galas is acculed of inconiiflency in thus alleviating the inii'erics of one race of men at the expence of another. But let it be remem- bered, that fimilar evils inllided upon different in- dividuals v;ili not produce invariably the fame de- gree of harddiip. Las Cafas faw with grief and in- dignation the deplorable calamities of the unfriend- ed Indians. He beheld a o ice happy and an innocent people, who had never known calamity till it was inflidled by the hands of Europeans, re- duced in a Ihort time from 1,000,000 to 60,00.: in- dividuals. He compaflionated their llavery th ; more becaufe they had known better da; h, and were unaccuftomed to the talks that were mipofed. He calculated, therefore, very wifely, when he advifed the avaricious Spaniards,, fince their minds muft be kept in employment, rather to devote a hardy and i'avage people, accuilomed to the fevereft tyranny at home, to the talk, than thofc to whom oppreflion was new, and w^hofe minds were too delicate for flavery. ?. t-r, • „■ >' ■ ' : ^ -i^. .-. .%■- . - The negroes imported froMt Africa were, from their earliell years, the objetHis of feverity, and their tempers had been confequently inured to the pain of it, and their bodies were, befides, of a firmer texture than thofe inhabitants of a delicious cli- niatc, to whom the fruits of the earth fprung up iilmoft fpontaneoullv. Las Cafas could not be ex- Rij I , .H ■i <'i f W\ 140 HISTORY OF THE pe6led, unlefs endowed with infpiration, to calculate the future effects of the traffic, and his condudt was theiefore as humane as it was judicious. ' John Hawkins was at that time in the fervice of Elizabeth, by whom he was afterwards knighted. Underftanding that ilavcs fetched a good price at Hilpaniola, h:: was tempted to fet fail with a fleet of three fhips, one of 120, another of ico, and one of 40 tons burden. His armament was manned with 100 men. He fet out for Guinea, October 1562, and landing at Sierra Leone, by the raoft horrid and unjullifiable means collected 300 Haves. Touching at Hifpaniola, he made a profitable ex- change, and returned to England after u months abfence. - ; ''n; .^••' ;; ».,.'v: :=-\i :;;'.;. ; ,,v-w j^i- ; The toUowing year he failed with fix fhips, among which was the Jelus of 700 tons, and being joined in his voyage by two others, proceeded to Guinea. After fome difalters, he k'.nded at Cape de Verde on the African coall. Hcfc he laid fnares for the na- tives, whom the hiftorian of this voyage reprefents as " a gentle and loving people ;" but the crew of the Minion *, probably iliocked at the unmanly method he took to procure his cargo, gave a private warning to the unfufpeding natives; and Hawkins watched for them in vain. The admiral then parted from the Minion, and proceeded to the Ifland Alcatras, . -■» •■ . >■ <\' \ ^«vt.i^«rc- ••'.fv/v * One of the two Hiips who joined Hawkins after he had put ♦o fi.a. WEST INDIES. 141 Here the Englifh again tried their fnares to in- veigle the Africans, but they avoided them. They followed them in vain with their fire-arms, for they retired into the woods. Difappointment forced them to proceed to another illand called Sambula, The natives of this ifland, it appears, were canni- bals; and the Englifh, humanely determining to puniih their cruelty, burnt and deftroyed their vil- lages w^ith great zeal. The natives, however, were too nimble for their fearch, efcaping all their pur- fuits. w > , Leaving the further particulars of this gallant admiral's exploits upon the African fliore, we pro- ceed to remark, that the French and Portuguefe at this time maintained a contract with the natives to fupply them with flaves. Their condud was more humane, for they only bargained for fuch of the natives as were ilaves already, and who w^re occa- fionally ufed as a repaft to the natives. Hawkins (unprincipled villain !) made a third piratical voy- age ; but, by the mercy of Heaven, periflied, with all his gang, in the attempt. In i6r8, a company of merchants in London ob- tained a patent for exclulive trade. They were ob- liged, however, to abandon their projed, from the fcantinefs of the profits which accrued from their expeditions. Under Charles L it was again grant- ed to another application, and the profits turned out to be more confiderable. But their fuccefs at- trading noiicc, others embarked in an illicit traffic, 1 ..fe' 142 HISTORY OF TttE n and interlopers of all nations pouring in upon the coaft, this monopoly was abandoned, and never continued till 1662. Ten years after this period, no lefs a fum than iii,oool. were raifed in nine months by the fubfcribers, for conftituting a com- pany ; a third of which fum was devoted to the pur- pofe of building forts upon the coaft. One imme- diate benefit that refulted from this eftablifhment, was the creation of manufactures at home. The Dutch had formerly fupplied the Guinea traders with all the (lores for the voyage ; but woollen goods and feveral other iiiiportant articles of trufiic were now produced in Britain for their fupply. They ex- ported thefe to the value of 70,0001. per annum. But the profperity of this company was of Ihort duration. Among other benefits of the Revolu- tion, the abolition of all monopolies, the gifts of the crown, was obtained. The trade to Africa became free, and the adventurers who embarked in it were numerous. For fome time, however, the merchants, who had been difappointed in their profpeds of wealth, attempted to maintain the continuation of their monopoly, till, by an adl of William and Ma- ry, their right, which before had been virrually, was now exprefsly cancelled. It was by this adl de- clared lawful for any of his Majefly's liege fubjeds to trade from Africa to the plantations in America, between Cape Mount and the Cape of Good Hope, upon conditions of paying ten per cent, ad valorem^ for exported goods, at the time of entry. r r \'. WEST INDIES. Hi It was ftipulated by the fame adt, That any per- fon, for the payment of an additional duty of ten pec cent, for the goods imported, fliould have the ftill more extenlive privilege of trading between Cape Blanco and Cape Mount. The produd of thefe du- ties was deftined for the good of the company. This law gave general difcontent, and innume- rable petitions were prefented againft it. The com- pany prophefied their own ruin, and their fears were likely to be verified ; for they had declined fo pro- digioufly in 1739, that the Parliament were obliged to vote lOjOCol. annually for the fpace of nine years * In the year 1750, after undergoing fo many changes, the African Have trade aflumed a new a- fpedt. A law was paiTed for its encouragement and improvement, of which it is needlefs to detail the particulars, as the adt may be confulted. I Iliall new proceed to give a brief account of the countries with which this traffic is maintained. From Loango, St. Paul's in Angola, to Cape Blanco, extends this line of coall to the length of 1300 Engliih leagues. , -. In the province of Senegambia the Britifli have an eftablilhment. It is watered by the rivers Gam- bia, navigable for many hundred miles up tlie coun- try, and inhabited by the Mandingoes. Jv * In tlic year i 744, the grant was 2o,oool. which makes up the fum of lOOjOCol. granted by Parlhjneiit for the fuppoit of tlie riave trade. 144 HISTORY OF mt ij V. - From Roxo to AppoUonia, the fettlements are principally Portuguefe. The natives are called Man- dingoes, though different in language. ' ' ^^ From AppoUonia to the river Volta, the Gold Coaft extends for looo miles, and is divided into a number of petty dates. Shantee, Akim, and^A- quambou, three large kingdoms, of which little is known, form the inland country. Over all this coaft the language is pretty limilar. The natives are denominated the Koromantees, from Koroman- tyne, a fadtory very refpedtable while it remamed in poflellion of the Englifh, but fallen into mfigni- ficance iince it was taken by the Dutch. - . The next divifion is the Whidaw country, by fome denominated the Gold Coaft Proper. From Popo, a principality in this divifion, the natives of Whidaw are, by the Britifti traders, commonly de- nominated Papaws. Next to this is the great em- pire of Benin, beginning on the weft bank of the river Lagos, and extending as far as Cape Lopez. The negroes on this coaft are in general denominated Eboes. A particular tribe are diftinguiflied by the name Mocoes. The language of thefe is different from any other on the coaft. -^ To the fouthward of the river Congo, the Portu- guefe have confiderable pofleffions. They have built and ftrongly fortified the city of Loango, St. Paul's, and, extending their commerce to the eaftern coaft, travel with caravans quite acrofs the country. In reckoning the forts and factories eftabhflied by WEST INDIES. HS European fcttlers, we Ihall find the following num- ber poflefled by the following nations : 15 40 4 4 3 ■> By the Dutch, — the Britifh, — the Portuguefe, — the Danes, — the French, From Britain there is continual exportation to Africa of woollens, linens ; Sheffield, Birmingham, and Manchefter goods ; filks, cottons, cloths, arms, powder, fhot, wrought brafs and copper, and feve- ral other commodities, which annually return to England about 8oo,oool. There is an immunity of trading in few places of Africa. Wherever a brifk trade is kept up, the king, or chief man of the di- ftrid, claims a duty upon all exports. The exchange of commodities is managed in different ways. Some- times the Britifh purchafer comes up to the houfe of the black merchant, but more frequently the fhip is made the market-place. The faclories eflablifh- cd on the coaft undertake to procure cargoes for their own vefTels ; and the officers of the forts alfo, according to their circumltances and ability, fell Hayes to the Guinea traders in private bargains ; bi't the natives themfelves bring flaves cheaper to mar- ket than any in the Britilh ellablifliments. Previous to the exchange which takes place be- tween the European and the African trader, there is a continued chain of merchants at different di- fl^nces, up the country, who fend them down T 14^ HISTORY OF THE to each others hands, from diflant places, yet unex^ plored by any white. Though the trade upon the coafl is regular and conftant, I am forry that, froin deficiency of accounts, I have not been able to pro- cure a precife eftimate of all the Africans who have been, fince the firft commencement of thefe fettle- ments-, tranfported into the Britilh Weft Indies. I ihull, however, lay before the reader all the infor- mation I have been able to colledl ; and he may probably be enabled, by his fagacity, to guefs at a number not very remote from fad. * It has been ftrongly afTerted by the enemies of the Have trade, and never deified by its abettors, that, from 1680 and 17CO, no lefs than 300,000 Africans were reduced to llavery by Britiih merchants. From the latter period till 1786, there were taken from Africa in all 610,000 into the fingle ifland of Ja- maica. A proper cllimation may be formed in the reader's mind of the number exported, during the fame period, to the fouthern provinces of North A- merica, as well as the Windward Iflands. Reckon- ing on thefe grounds, we may fafely fix the whole nuir.ber of negroes imported from j686 till 17B6, at 2,130,000. Ihfs is a fmaller calculation than is ufu- ally made, but I apprehend it is founded in truth. It leems, that before the period of the American war, the flave trade had come to its higheft pitch. The following has been given to the public as an accurate account of the fhips which failed from Eng- land to the coaft of Africa, in 1771, and of the WEST INDIES. 147 flavcs, for which they were provided. Its authenti- city. I believe unimpeachable, i ;.ai - ■' ^> v' ' ■ Ships. Negroes; To Senegambia, - 40 fot SSic* .- Windward Coaft, - 56 — 1 1960 — Gold Coaft, - 29 — 7525 ■ — Bight of Benin, - 65 23301 — Angola, - 4 — 1050 iTotal, 192 — 47146 Of the above 192 fhips ■ ■■ ■ ,. Negroes. 107 failed from Liverpool, for 29250 58 from London, for 8136 23 ■ from Briftol, for 88io 4 from Lancafter, for 950 lar countries whence fupplied, the following account' was tranfmitted by the merchants of Liverpool to the Lords of the Privy Council, and it is undoubt- edly as authentic and particular a return as can pof- fibly be obtained, viz. By the Britifl), French, Dutch, Danes, Portuguefe, No. of flaves exported. 38000 20000 4000 2000 1 0000 Total, 74000 •Vi;./ WEST INDIES. 149 No.offlave*. Of which Gambia furnilhes about - 700 I Ifles Delos, and the adjacent rivers, 1500 From Sierra Leone to Cape Mount* 200O Cape Mount to Cape Palmas, 300O — ' — Cape Palmas to C.Appolonia, 1000 Gold Coaft, • - locoo — — — Quitta and Popo, - - 1:^00 Whidaw, - - 4500 Porto Novo, Eppee, and Bidagry, 3500 Lagos and Benin, - 35^o Bonny and New Calabar, - 14500 Old Calabar and Cameroons, ^ - 7000 Gabon and Cape Lopez, - 500 Loango,Melimba, and Cape Renda, 13500 Majumba, Ambris, and Miffoula, loco Loango, St. Paul's, and Benguela, 7000 Total, 74200 Extenlive and various as the coaft is from whence thefe natives are taken, it is perhaps impoflible to difcriminate between the charader of one nation and that of another. Among flaves there is uni- formity of character in every climate on the face of the earth, from the fubjedion to which they are yoked, and the total want of opportunity to call forth the latent energies of their fouls. Well has it been remarked by Homer, that " the day which makes a man a Have takes away half his worth." A perfon, however, who has lived in k m ii- • 150 HISTORY OP THE fuch a lituation as to behold and reiled upon the mofl minute manners of the negro, will be able to obferve fome (hades of diftindion which llavery has not effaced* After fome obfervations, there- fore, on thefe features of difcrimination, I fhall proceed to invelligate the negro charader in ge- neral. "■If i WEST INDIES, CHAPTER III. »5t •a: Mandlngoes, or Natives of the Windward Coaft— Mahometans— Their Wars, Manners, and Perfons — Koromantyn Negroes, or Negroes of the Gold Coaft— Their Ferocioufnefs of Difpofition difplayed in an Account of the Negro Rebellion in Jamaica in fpj^o — Their National Manners, Wars, and Superftitions— Nar lives of Whidaw or Fida— Their Good Qualities — Natives frcm Benin— Perfons and Tempers — Cannibals — Natives of Congo and Angola — Survey of the Char: ers and Difpofitions of Ne- groes in a State of Slavery. , Over, all Africa to the weft ward and northward of Sierra Leone, the natives are Mahometans in their rehgious faith. In ftridl imitation of the founder of their religion, they are perpetually at war with the nations around them in order to enforce their creed. The prifoners, therefore, taken in thefe religious wars, cannot furely be faid to be harfhly ufed, when it is fo likely they would fufFer death from the vengeance of their enemies were they not ranfomed by the fadories. I am inclined to fuppofe that, when they fight among themfelves, the Mandingoes are impelled by lucrative motives, that is, to ferve the merchants on the coaft with fuch prifoners as they can furprife and take. Thefe they carry down from great diftances to the fea- coaft, and difpofe of to the beft advantage *. m I i'j * This Mr. Edwards relates upon the authority of a flave from whofc mouth he wrote down the relation. The flave hirafelf had i^j. HISTORY OF THE The Mandingoes, though i1vv?dcd into many tribes, very different in appearan . , have yet a na- tional conformation of perfon, and eafily known from the natives of a different part of Africa. Some tribes among them are tall above the common rate of negroes. It is remarkable in all the Mandin- goes, that they are lefs difgulUng in features, and more free from a fetid fmell, than any other Afri- cans. They arc, with all thefe good qualities, in- different performers of any work they are fet to. The Koromantyn negroes come next under confideration. Their charaderiftic diffindion is a firmnefs of body and mind, which modern ideas of fuperiority would denominate ferocioufnefs, but which the ancients would have culled by the ap- propriate term that comprehends all the virtues. They encounter danger and death without feem- ing to flirink. They have conftitutions fitted for the fevered labour, and from cuftom appear not averfe to employment. Of thcfe negroes there are many V '. m been kidnapped by fome of the Mandingoes, and fold to a fliip bound for Jamaica. Having left Iiis country very young, he could not relate many circumftances about the peculiar manners of the natives, but recollefted that they pradifcd circumcilion, and were exceedingly fuperftitious. .He chanted a fentence which Mr. Ed- wards fuppofed to be the Arabic La Ilia ill Ilia (there is no God but God) in the Alcoran. On Friday, he faid, they fafted with great devotion, and (in his own phrafe) it was almoil held a fin to fwallow their fpittle on that day. Mr. Edwards alfo relates' that he had another fervant who could write the Arabic alphabet very beautifully pnd exactly, and fome feledt pafiages of the Akoran. WEST INDIES. ^53' who, in being reduced to Weft Indian flavery, only make a change of mafters, as thofe whom I quellioned moft minutely on the fubjedt, and on whofe veracity I could principally depend, inform- ed me that they had been fold by their owners to the Guinea traders. But in the private wars of one ftUte with another among thefe Koromantyn Africans, it muft frequently happen that thofe of fuperior ftation, and who are themfelves pofleflbrs of flaves, < iliould be taken in battle. That fuch people, when fold into llavery, fliould manifeft the moft enterprifing attempts to take vengeance on their enflavers, is ndt to be wondered at. We find, accordingly, that nbt many years ago, when a re- bellion broke out in Jamaica, in 1761, it was infti- gated and led on by an intrepid negro of this de- i fcription, who had been a chief in his own country on the coaft. It broke out on the frontiers of St. Mary's parifti, and had not great courage and con- duct been difplayed on this occafion by a gentle- man who refided in that quarter, Mr. Zacharj^ Bayly, it cannot be doubted but that the revolt would have been wide and deftrudive. We ftiould not omit mentioning a fadl which occurred at this period, and which rcfleds much honour upon the infurgerits themfelves, as well as on the individual to whom the a.-•- ,i..- At a very early period of life does t}iis fuperior hardinefs of mind and body difcover itfelf in the Koromantyn negro. A gentleman in Jamaica, who had purchafed twenty young Africans, ten Ko- romantyns, and ten Eboes, ordered them to be marked with a filver brand on the breaft. The operation is by no means fevere ; for the filver being dipped in the fpirits of wine, and apphed tq the fkin, the pain is of no continuance. But the Eboes believing it to be exceffivcly painful, fcieamcd out in terror, and the gentleman defifted frcrm tlie operation. The Koromantyn youths, to manifcft their contempt of the operation, voluntarily ftept up, and underwent the impreflion without fymptoms of apprehcnfion. Whatever inhumanity thefe people may difplay when they have an opportunity of revenge, I think it indifputably evident, that they frequently difcover marks of a truly energetic mind, which, it is to be regretted, has no opportunities of exercifing itfelf in generous and noble virtues while kept in a ftatc ol WEST INDIES. 157 fubjeclion. I Ihall conclude my obfcryations with giving a concife account of their religious tenets. They believe in a Supreme Being, the God of the Heavens, and the Creator of the Univerfe, whom they denominate Accompong. They pray to him and adore him ; but offer no facrifices along with their worfhip. : .^ifh-^ *• ' •^:«. f^ To the god of the earth, J^ffarUy they offer the fruits of the ground ; to Jpboa they facrifice a hog ; and to Obboneyy their malicious diety, they offer up human facrifices, captives of flaves. They have their houfehold gods, like the ancients, who is fuppofed to have been once a human being like themfelves. To thefe they facrifice a cock or a goat, upon the grave where they are fuppofed to have been buried, and then relax themfelves in a Ibcial feflival. -rf>fi .. t. .. v .f/- ; Their oaths are adminiftered in a manner very impreffive to a fuperftitious mind. The perfon fworn drinks water mixed with human blood and earth from the grave of a near friend, wilhing that his belly may burft, and his bon-s rot, if he fpeak not truth. It ftrongly refembles the oath of bitter water among the Ifraelites. The negroes of Wiiidaw or Fida arc beyoixi doubt the moft valuable negroes imported to our illands. They engage in every work with alacrity ; and, from being accuftomed to agriculture at home, are ufeful labourers of the ground. They have not the fierce temper of the people lail defcribed, and are alfo happily free from the melancholy call of I r ill i-yj 1*1 158 HISTORY OF THE >^ .0^. '^^:^ v^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // :/_ m, m 1.0 I.I 1.25 I^ IM |2.5 •so ■^~ H^H IIIJ4 1.4 111.6 ■^*. /^ %^^ :> "> .^V ^ ^^!»* % Photographic Sciences Corporation as WfST MAIN STRHT WitSTIR.N.Y. U9M (716) •72-4503 o^ 1 66 HISTORY OF THE «-", %■ (faid to be the branched calalue or fpecies of to* lanum) which occafions a trance or profound fleep of a certain duration, endeavour to convince the de- luded fpedators of their power to reanimate dead bodies. ;.*' As far as we are able to decide from our own experience and information when we lived in the ifland, and from the current teftimony of all the negroes we have ever converfed with on the fub- jedt, tlie profeflbrs of Obi are, and always were, na* tives of Africa, and none other ; and they have brought the fcience with them from thence to Ja- maica, where it is fo univerfally pradifed, that we believe there are few of the large eftates poflefling native Africans, which have not one or more of them. The oldeft and molt crafty are thofe who ufually attradt the greateft devotion and confidence; thofe whofe hoary heads, and a fomewhat peculiarly harfti and forbidding in their afpedt, together with fome (kill in plants of the medicinal and poifonous fpecies, have qualified them for fuccefsful impoiition upon the weak and credulous. The negroes in ge- neral, whether Africans or Creoles, revere, confult, and fear them ; to thefe oracles they refort, and with tlie mofl: implicit faith upon all occafions, whether for the cure of diforders, the obtaining re- venge for injuries or infults, the conciliating of fa- vour, the difcovery and punifhment of the thief* or the adulterer, and the prediction of future events^ The trade which thefe impoitors carry on is ex- tremely lucrative ; they manufadure and fell thei| WEST INDIES. ' 167 Obies adapted to different cpfes and at different prices. A vail of myflery is fludioufly thrown over their incantations, to which the midnight hours are allotted, and every precaution is taken to conceal them from the knowledge and difcovery of the white people. The deluded negroes, who thoroughly believe in their fupernatural power, become the willing accomplices in this concealment/ and the llouteft among them tremble at the very fight of the ragged bundle, the bottle or the cgg-fhells, ^hich are fluck in the thatch or hung over the door of a hut, or upon the branch of a plaintain tree, to deter marauders. In cafes of poifon, the natural effeds of it are by the ignorant negroes afcribed entirely to the potent workings of Obi, The wifer negroes heiitatc to reveal their fi\fpicLons, through a dread of incurring the terrible vengeance which is fulmi- nated by the Obeah-men againfl any who fhould betray them: it is very difficult therefore for the white proprietor to dillinguifh the Obeah profeffor from any other negro upon his plantation ; and fo , infatuated are the blacks in general, that but few inflances occur of their having afTumed courage enough to impeach thefe raifcreants. With minds fo firmly prepoflTeffed, they no fooner find Obi fet for them near the door of their houfe, or in the path which leads to it, than they give tbemfelves up for loll. When a negro is robbed of a fowl or a hog^ he applies diret^ly to the Obeah man or woman ; it is then made known among his fellow blacks,,(hat Obi is fet for the thief; and as foon as the latter hears i6B HISTORY OF THj: the dreadful news, hi« terrified imagination begini to work, no refource is left but in the fuperior (kill of fonie more eminent Obeah-man of the neighbourhood, who may counteradl the magical operations of the other ; but if no one can be foun<| of higher rank and ability, or if, after gaining fuch an ally, he Ihould ftill fancy himfelf affeded, he prefently, falls into a decline, under the inceflant horror of impending calamities. The ilighteft painful fenfation ip the head, the bowels, or any other part, any cafual lofs or hurt, confirms bis ap- prehenfions, and he believes himfelf the devoted vidim of an invifible and irrefiftible agency. Sleep, appetite, and cheerfulnefs forfake him, his fi;rength decays, his difturbed imagination is haunted with- out refpite, his features wear the fettled gloom of defpondency : dirt, or any other unwholefome fub» fiance, become his only food, he contrafts a morbid habit of body, and gradually finks into the grave. A negro, who is taken ill, inquires of the Obeah- man the caufe of his ficknefs, whether it will prove mortal or not, and within what time he ftiall die or recover ? *rhe oracle generally defcribcs the diftemper to the malice of fome particular pcrfon by name, and advifes to fet Obi for thui fon ; but if no hopes are given of recovery, immediate defpair takes place, which no medicine can remove, and death is the certain confequence. Thofe ano- malous fymptoms which originate from caufes deeply rooted in the mind, fuch a^ the terrors of Obi, or from poifons, whofe operation is flow an4 #E6t t!tdl£S.' 164 intricate, will baffle the fldjl of the ableft phy- ficiail.^ ' % - ^ CbnUderirig' the mulWtudc of dccafions whicU may provoke the negroes to exercife the powers of Obi againft each other, and the aftonifhing in- flaence of ' this fuperftition upon their minds, we cannot birt attribute a very confiderable portion of the annual mortality among the negroes of Jamaica to this fafcinating mifchief. i-nmmy " The Gbi is ufually compofed of a farrago of materials, mbft of which are enumerated in the Jamaica law, viz. *♦ Blood, feathers, parrots bealcs, " dogs teeth, aHigators teeth, broken bottles, grave- " dirt; itim, and egg-ihells." >^ ^ ' -^ , 1 .-^ ' ** With a- view to illuftrate the dcfcription we have given of this pradtice, and its common efFetSs, we have fubjoined a. few examples out of the very great number which have occurred in Jamaica ; not that they are peculiar to that ifland only, for wc believe fimilar example^ may be found in otheif Weft Iildia colonies. Pere Labat, in his hiftory of Martinjco, has mentioned fome which are very remarkable. "It may feem extraordinary, thaf a pradice allC^ged to be fo frequent in Jamaica fliould hot have received an earlier check from the legilla- ture. the truth is, that the Ikill of fome negroei. In the art of poifonin"g, has been noticed ever fince the colonittsf became much acquainted with them. Sloanie and BaThdm; who pradifed phyfic in Ja- matca' in the laft century, have mentioned partti. Y r7P llJSTpRY OF THE tular inftances of it. The fecret and iniidiouf manner in which this crime is generally perpe« trated, makes the legal proof of it extremely dif- ficult. Sufpicions therefore have been frequent, but detedions rare; thefe murderers have fome- times b(sen brought to juftice, but it is reafonable tp believe that a far greatei; number have efcaped with impunity. In regard to the other and more common tricks of Obi, fuch as hanging up feathers, bottles, egg-ihells, S^c. Sec. in order to intimidate negroes of a thievifhdifpolition from plundering huts« hog-fty^s, or provifion* grounds, thefe were laugh- ed at by the white inhabitants as harmkfs ilrata- gems, contrived by the more fa^acious, for deter- i;ing the more, iimple and fupe^ftitious blacks, and ferving for much the fame purpofe as the fcare- crows which are in general ufed among o^r Engliih farmers and gardeners. But in the year 1760, ^hen a very formidable infurredion of the Koro- m^sntyn or Gold Goail negroes broke out in the parifh of St. Mary, and fpread througl^ almolt every other diftridt of the ifland, ap old ICoro- mantyn negro, the chief inftigator and oracle of the infurgents in that parifh, who had adminillered the fetiih or folemn oath to the confpirators, and furniflied them with ^, magical preparation which was to render thein invulnerable, was fortunately apprehended, convidted, and hung up with all his feathers and trumperies about him; and his exey cution Aruck the infurgents with a genera]^ panic, from which they never afterwards recovered. Th^ . i^ WESt INDX£tf. I7» > ny of the negro ilaves in Jamaica to engage in the rebellion which happened in that year, and which gave rife to the law which was then made againft the pra<^ice of Obi. »^*? ~ " Aflurance was given to thefe deluded people, that tbey w. .-t'tb3j-.«^«j' ^imtiuueu v«ijt:i-5i4.ii,JAi/i ar-lii ;el«? iirivr ■iV-"- k. 17^ HISTORY OF tH£ CHAPTER IV. V* Means of obtaining Slaves in Africa— Obfcnrations thereon«-Ob- je£iions to a dire£l and immediate Abolition of the Trade by the Britifh Nation only—The Confequences of fuch a Mcafure con- fidercd — Difpropurtion of Sexes in the Negroes annually im* ported from Africa — Mode of tranfporting Negroes, and Rcgu< lations recently eftablifhcd by Ad of Parliament— Effeftt of thofe Regulations. ^'F^' »-" "'i^pTFC*^*fTH^5' " ^"?» ij^y '- ',V,- -^^— «*f* In calculating the fupplies of negroes which might probably be colleded from Africa by the various modes which are faid to be ufad for that purpofe, we cannot aflign a greater number than 74,000 in- dividuals. It is left, therefore, to inquire by what means the remaining number are obtained. In an- fwer to this inquiry, it has been ftated by thofe who Are moft minutely acquainted with the Have trade, that not only the people upon the coaft, but alfo thofe in the interior of Africa, are fubjedted to unli- mited tyranny either of a monarchical or ariitocrati- cal kind ; on which account the fubjeded Have very frequently, as a puniOiment for his crimes, is taken to the Guinea merchant, and if refufcd, is put to death. Thofe fathers who are free themfelves, have unlimited power over thei. children ; but in the few inflaqces where fuch power is converted to a bad purpofe, the public deteftation is very ftrong againft the vender of his children. The free man himilclf. may, by many circumftances, be degraded to the rank of a flave ; fuch as debt, adultery, and the ima- WEST INDIES. ^77 ginary crime of obi or witchcraft ; and in cafes of this nature, the friends of the accufed are involved in a common fate.' The above account has been given by a number of witnefles, but their evidence is difputed in many points by witneflfes no lefs refpe ' ment of the Have cargoes* On a late occafion, they evinced their difintereftednefs ; for the aflembly of Jamaica) difregarding any addition that might be made to the price of flaves from 'the ads of parlia- ment pafled in favour of negroes, concurred in the general Vfifh for correcting the errors of the trade, and even entered with zeal in the caufe of refor~ matioH. ^We have now treated of the means by which, the Guinea traders are enabled to ftore their ihips, and the regulations which hav6 been adopted by the Britifh parliament for the more comfortable conveyance of thefe Hates from the coaft ; it re- mains, therefore, to fpeak, in the next chapter, of their treatment, (ituation, and diftribution among the Weft India planters* » I Aa ■^ ^i '■ ■ I - *.i2fc DV 1 80 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER V. M 'i Arrival and Sale in the Weft Indies— Negroes- newly Purchafed«— How Difpofed of and Employed—- Detail of the Management ;| of Negroes on a Sugar Plantation-— Mode of obtaining theni_ Houfes, Clothing, and Medical Care — Abufes— Late Regula> '/tions for their ProteAion and Security — Caufes of their Annual Decreafe— Polygamy, &c.— Slavery in its Mildeft Form Un- friendly to Population—General Obfervations— Propofals for the further Meliorating the Condition of Slavesi with which the fub« jedl concludes. Mm^ >ihiUi^ vIThen a Guinea fliip arrives in the Weft Indies, it is announced by public advertifement. The fales, which formerly took place on board the (hip, are now (moft properly) conduced on fhore, and care is taken that no cruel reparation of relations ihould take place. It is obvious, however, that notwithftanding the beft intentions, fuch melan- choly accidents (hould fometimes occur ; but there are feldom inftances of purchafers willingly dividing the members of a family. To behold a number of human beings, naked, captive, exiled and expofed for fale, muft, at firft light, affed the mind with melancholy reflediions ; but the vidims themfelves feem to be hardly con- fcious of their fituation. The circumftance of be- ing expofed, is to them no way difagreeable ; they have not been accuftomed, under their own intoler- iible climate, to wear any quantity of clothes, nor are they deftitute of decorations, on which they fet »• WEST INDIES. 187 a higher value i..^a we are accuftomed to do on the more elegant articles of apparel ^. v^ In the market they difplay few indications of be- ing deeply afieded with their ^ fate. AppriCed of the intention of their owners to fell them, they dif- play impatience to be nurchafed ; and when any one of their number is fo unfortunate as to be re- je^ed, on account of fome perfonal defe^, the reft ezprefs their derilion by loud and repeated laughter. ' The negro, when fold, is provided with the ar- tides which are in future to c0nftitute his drefs, and fent off to the plantation where he is to relide f. At this period, they are ufually conligned in dif- ferent lots as peniioners on the provifion.ground of the negroes already fettled, an allowance being made for their fubfiftence. At firft fight this cuftom may appear a harfh impofition on the induftry of the eftabliihed Have, who muft (hare his hardly-earned property with others newly imported. But, on due confideration of the cafe, and principally from ap- pealing to the choice of the negro, it has been found to be rather a favour than a difadvantage. The k * The negroes are alfo fond of imprefllng fears upon their faces, vrhich they imagine contribute to their better appearance. Indeed, the praAice of tattowing is very common among them. Ignorant declaimers on the flave trade have falfely attributed thefe marks to the inhumanity of their nvillers. f In 1 791, the prices of negroes were as follow : An able man in his prime, 50I. ; an able woman, 49I. ; a young man, 47I. j a young woman, 46I. ; boys and girls, from 45I. to4ol. Sterling, bcfides the duty. The pnidicc of marking them is pretty omch ia difufe. ■ Aa ij .1- -i?;!^ li 1,88 HUHOa^Y Of 7HE fettled negro fbrnw » Arong attachment to the youth who is thus conflgned to bis pttronage, and the af* feiflion k perfe^ly reciprocal. On the fide of the young ftranger it conilitutes a renovation of the fo^ ciety of his country meo^ which moft certainly pleafe more than to be conflgned to the care of a white ; and» on the other hand, the old negro it delighted to fpend hit old age among his adopted children, whoTe fociety mud alfo awaken, his mind to a plea- ling remenibrBiice of his youthful days. ,^ The above pra^liice i* connzron to Weft Indian eftates of all kinds;. but» in the following reflexSions, I (hall confine myfelf chiefly to the economy af fu- gar plantations. On theie eftates, the labcnsiers are u^aliy feparated into three gangs. The fbft ooniifts of the ftrongeft individuals, men and women, of the whole (lock, whofc occupation is to clear the ground, plant and cut the canes, and attend the procefii of fugai- making. The fecond iet confifts of the younger negroes and convalefcents, whefe chief employment is weeding, or any fucb light ex. ercife. The third group is the children, fuperin- tended by old women, who pull green meat for the cattle, or weed in the garden. The firft gang is fummoned before fun.rife to their labour, and are attended by a driver. They work two or three hours, and then are allowed half an hour for breakfaft, which coniids of boiled roots or vegetables, highly feafoned. At noon they are in- dulged with two hours of refrefhment. At two o*clock they refume their taiks, from which they are WEST IltDii*.'' i99 rekafed at fon.(et ; and, if their labour bas been hard, or the day wet, they are granted an allovir. ance of mm. Thus their whole labour amoiintt to no more than ten hou. s a-day, Sundays and holi« days excepted *. It is true, at the crop feafon, they are obliged to fubmit to night attendance on the fogar-making ; but from being diTided into watches, and plentifully £ed with fyrup and ripe canes, they prefiei ve their health remarkably well. '^ The judicious plan of exciting the induftry of the negro, by affigning him a certain portion of land to cultiTate,is now become exceedingly common. The Have thus is tranfmoted into a ibrt of tenant, and the furpltts of bis gains accrue to gratify his palate, and clothe him well. In Jamaica, where ground is plenty, the tSStQ» of this are greatly felt ; and to prevent the mi&hief which might arife from that foolifli propensity of the negroes to rear articles of food precarious from the hurricanes, every proprietor is bound to have an acre of proviiion-ground for every iteve, excluiive cf the other grants he may give. V' i^ i ! .:,,i M * Befides holidays and Saturdays, the negroes in Jamaica are allowed one day in a fortnight for cukivating their own ground. Some of them allot this day to the nianu&diiring of coarfe artidea^ whijch they £ell at the market of liingfton. At this place they are fecn to afTemble on Sundays to the number of ten thoufand, where they exchange their hand>work for falted beef and iron, or fine linen,, or ornaments for their wives. There is never an inftance of a mafter interfering with the property of the negro which his induftty h»»«c« quircdi. 190 HUTORY OF THE ' * \ - The liegtees commonly aflemble their cottaget into villages, which, being interfperfed with fruit trees, produce a pleaiing profpedt. Whatever idea an Englifhman might form of their huts, they cer- tainly are (conlidering climate) more comfortable lodgings than the ordinary abodes of the Scotch or Irifh peafantry. The building is commonly from 15 to 20 feet in length, and is reared of hard pods interlined with wattles. The roof is of cocoa or palm leaf, and completely ihelters it from the rain. The bedflead, the table, two or threv (lools, a jar, and fome calabafhes, compofe the furniture, and their cookery is conduced in the open air. But how- ever indifferent the furniture of the ordinary ilave may be, the tradefman and domeftic are much bet- ter provided, when their own private property has made them independent of their maiter's bounty. The clothing of the negro is fupplied by a daily allowance of Ofnaburgh linen, woollen cloths, &.c. from his proprietor. Their common garb is, to be fure, far from being good ; but on holidays they contrive to appear not only decent, but even gaudy. ^ very principal circumftance, and which mu(l greatly conduce to the comfort of the negro, is the jegular attention paid to their health. Every planta- tion is attended by a fkilful pradtitioner in the heal* ing art; for the planters being in general men of in- formation, do not permit fuch ill-qualified practi- tioners as abound in England. The moil loathfome difeafes which are prevalent n WEST IN0I£9« L J9« among the negroes, are the cacaby and the yaws. The former is a dreadful diilempert fuppofed to be the leprofy mentioned in fcripture ; tlie latter, which is infe^ious, if it attack adults, is feldoni capable of cure ; but children often pafs through it, on which account they are frequently inoculaicd for it like the fmall-pox. Beiides thefe, we ought not to omit mentioning a fpecies of the tetanus, or lock-jaw, fo fatally in- curable among children; and the llomach-evil, more common to thofe advanced in life. The un- happy vidlim of this diforder feels a continual cra- ving for earth, which he eats greedily. It was com- mon, at one period, among the brutal oyerfeers, to puniih this propeniity with the lalh. Invalids, and women in labour, are accommo- dated with hofpitals and nurfes, and, where the proprietor is a man of generolity, with even the more expenfive cordials that alleviate didrefs. On the whole, make allowance for a few circumflances which time will in all probability remedy, and the negro ilave may be pronounced happier than one half the peafantry of Europe. The reader who wifties to draw a parallel be- tween the peafant of Europe and the Weft Indian Have, cannot find a more fenfible comparifon than "^hat is given by Baron Wimpffen, in letters from St. Domingo. ;a Speaking of the negro, " It is certain,'* fays that author, " that, thanks to. the ciima|;e, which re- duces their wants to a mere trifle ; thanks to edu- ffi ill m tg^ HISTORY Of tm, catiojl, which leaves them ignorant of rights and enjoyments, of which they can form no idea; thanks to the thoughtleflhefs of their charaAer, and the ficklenefs of their humour ; and, laftly, to the intereft which their owners have in their well- doing, the lot of a negro flave, all things coniider- ed, and efpecially when he has the happinefs of belonging to a matter who does not meafure his humanity by his avarice, is preferable to that of the peafantry of a great part of Europe.— *Let us defcend to particulars. " Without any other property than the uncertain retribution of an uncertain labour ; or with a pro- perty which nothing but the moft adive induilry can render equal to his neceHities, the fubfiftence of the peafant, and a family, frequently numerous, depends from day to day on accident, on the ftate of his health, and on a number of circumflances, which it either is not in his power to forcfee, or which, if forefeen, prove a new fource of wretched- nefs. View him alternately humbled by the pro- fperity, always humiliating, of his equals ; by the pride of his fuperiors ; by the comparifon of his povcrtjpi^;^ltlt'jtheir opulence ; and, finally, by all the'dM^^SMdns which compofe the long chain of fubordination, of which he is always the laft link. " He is free, it is true, at leaft he is taught to believe fo; but what is this liberty for a man, who, jn whatever direftion he attempts to move, is either detained, or pulhed back into the circle of wretchednefs from which he hoped to efcape ; now K WEST INDIES. 193 by the want of means, which only renders his po- verty doubly poignant ; and now by the opinion of the world, which makes him but the more (eih- fible of his own nulhty, ,,v;r. - *v' fj>^* He is certainly, if not better, at leafl more clad than the negro: but the negro has no need of clothes. The habit which with the one is merely an article of luxury, is with the other an object of indifpenfable neceflity. ^ -..■.,' •.,,,>:^, .:,. ^^ ,.. ■, »v,? " The cottage of the one is larger, and better fur- nifhed than the cafa of the other ; but its repara- tions, and its moveables alone abforb no inconfider- able part , of his earnings : it mud be repaired in fummer, it mull be warmed in winter, " The one can only provide food and raiment, difcharge his taxes, &.c. with fpecie, difficult to be procured; but of which the other has no need. -># " The European, by dint of labour, of numerous privations, and of unremitting induftry, has fcarcely fucceeded in acquiring a moment's eafe, before a melancholy prefage of the future intervenes, and blafts his fugitive delights. He mud think of his - children, who are growing up, ^nd oi^^fild age which is fall approaching. If he Iddks ^tfed^hc fees his own wants multiplied in each of the inSl-- . viduals who call upon him for (belter, food, and raiment. If he turns an eye upon himfelf, he be- holds the enervated arms which will Ihortly fup- ; port him^ no more in the combat he has dill to wage with poverty — even after a ftruggle of three- ^ore years ! .^, ,^, ^tv,, ; ,,h ^..h. -"-K.rT ;?^- ., ^ .,.., Bb ^ liw ' . . 'S ^ '.'-^ ■ 'fiiH f? ] .ift "■iff il I ip4 HISTORY OF THE *^ The negro, too, has his I'ufFerings ; I do not wilh to deny it : but, exonerated of the care ot providing for himfelf for the prefent, and for his family hereafter, he fuffers lefs from the hardfliips neceffarily attached to his condition, than from the privation of certain enjoyments. Miif " The unhappinefs of the latter therefore is," if I may fo exprefs myfelf, local and negative : that of the former univerfal and pofitive. It is dift'ufed over all his exiftence, and over all his connedions; over the future as well as the prefent. The per- ception of what he fuffers, and the remembrance of what he has fuffered, inceflantly admoHifh him pf the fufferings he has yet to undergo ! " When the negro has eaten his banana he goes to fleep — and though a hurricane deftroy the hopes of the planter ; though fire confume the buildings credted at a vaft expence ; though fubterraneous commotions ingulph whole cities; though the fcourge of war fpread devaftation over our plains, or ftrew the ocean with the wrecks of ourfcattered fleets — what is all this to him I Enveloped in his blanket, and tranquilly feated on the ruins, he fees with the fame eye, the fmoke which exhales from his pipe, and the torrents of flame which de- vour the profpecls of a whole generation I" That the more cruel circumftances in the lot of the negro have continued and will continue to be gradually alleviated, appears from the interference of the legiflature of late in their behalf. It like- wife appears, from numerous inftances, that in cafes WEST INDIES; «9S >Vhere the cruelty of the mafter to his flave has been brought to hght; the vengeance of the law has been juftly eXercifed upon the offender. It will readily, howeverj occur to the reader, that in a country where the evidence of a negro is not taken, the laW can only^ in very peculiar circum- ftances, afford a Ihelter to the flave from the vin- didive fpirit of his mafter, fhould he unfortunately fall into the hands of fuch a proprietor. That all the narratives of whippings, mutilations, &c. of flaves, which have been told in Europe, are abfo- lutely falfe, would be ah improper alTertion ; but allowance muft be made for exaggeration fo feldom disjoined from a deftription ; and in general terms it may be afferted, that the treatment of Weft Indian flaves is mild and indulgent *. .'{,rt',r m^.: ?r 5,3 i" A lady, whom I have feen, a young lady, and (I 1 * It vmf appear a mark of difrefpeft to the authority of Mr. Edwards, to fubjoin in this place, a quotation which declfively proves him to have given an account of the ufage of the negroes by far too favourable. But the caufe of truth demands more re- fpedl than Mr. Edwards ; and though it be deviating from the direft line of my fubjeft, I (hoiild deem it unjull; not to contrail Mr. Edwards's evafive confeflion of Well Indian cruelty, with fome fafts drawn from the refpeccable authority of the writer lately quoted) Baron Wimpffcn. Mr. Edwards informs us, that the treat- ment of the negroes is mild overall the Weft Indies. Let any one perufe the fubjoined fpecimens of barbarity, and pronounce whe- ther, in a country where fuch cruelty is perpetrated, where luth monfters are permitted to live, the unhappy being who is fubjedcd to the bare poflibility of fubmitting to their capricious revenge can be faid to be mildly treated ? E '^ \) jg6 HISTORY OF THE I i I s 1 one of the handfomcft in the iiland, gdve a grand dinner. Furious at feeing a dilh of paltry brought to the table overdone, fhe ordered her negro cook to be feiz^d, and thrown into the oven^ yet glowing with heat And this horrible Megsera, whofe name 1 fupprefs out of refped to her family ; this infernal fiend whom public execration ought to drive with every mark of abhorrence from fociety ; this worthy rival of the too famous Chaperon *, is followed and admired for Ihe is rich and beautiful 1 " So much for \That I have heard, and now for what I have feen. ...*... ,,■<-«. *^ " The day after my return, I was walking before the cafa of a planter with one of his neighbours, when we overheard him bid a negro go into the enclofure of this very neighbour, pull up two young trees which he pointed out to him, and replant them immediately on a terrace he was then form- ing. " The negro went : the neighbour followed him, furprifed him in the fad, and brought him to iiis mtifler, whom I had by this time joined, in the • hope of witneffing a fccne of confulion which pro- niifed to be amufmg. " r v«)^^5rj»i • " Conceive, Sir, what pafled in my mind, when, on the complaint of the neighbour, I heard the * A planter of St. Domingo, who, in the fame cIrcumftancM, feeing the heat (hrivel and draw open the lips of the unhappy ■fgro, cxclaiined in a fury, " The rafcal laughs." , WEST INDIES* i 197 mafter coldly order another of his negroes to tie the pretended culprit to a ladder, and give him an* hundred' lafhes ! We were both of us ftruck with fuch alloni(hment, that, ilupified, pale, and fhud- dering, while the unhappy negro received the bar- barous chaftifement in filcnce, we looked at one another without being able to utter a fingle word And he who ordered, he who thus punifhed his own crime on the blind inftrument of his will; at once the daftardly perpetrator and the unfeeling witnefs of the moft atrocious injuftice, is here one of the firft organs of the law, the official protestor of innocence ! Heavens ! if a pitiful refped for decorum forbids me to devote the name of this monfter to eternal infamy, let me at leaft be per- mitted to hope that Divine Juftice will hear the t:ries of the fufferer, and fooner or later accumu- late on the tyrant's head all the weight of its vengeance I" To the honour of the legiflature of Jamaica, they have inflituted a council of protedion, exprefsly for the purpofe of examining into the cruelties committed upon negroes; and whenever a com- plaint, or probable intelligence, is received of any- unjuft punifliments, the ftrideft inquiry is made. Beiid«s this humane inftitution, the. furgeon of every plantation is required to give in an annual accouiU of the increafe and decreafe of the flaves, declaring, in the cafe of decreafe, the caufe which his own unbiafed opinion leads him to afcribe. The grand argument againft the continuation of 1 93 HISTORY OF THE li '' l.i flavery in the Weft Indies, undoubtedly is the wiifte of life which it occaiions ; and tliat the iflands, un- able to fupply themfelves with the offspring of the flaves they already poffefs, are forced to depopulate Africa, by a continuation of the trade. What has been formerly brought forward upon the vaft difpa« rity between the males and females among the ne- groes, is in part an anfwer to this objedion. But it Ihould alfo be mentioned, that the pradice of poly- gamy, which fubfifts among the blacks, operates as another very powerful caufe of decreafing popula- tion. It may be, perhaps, fuppofe.l that the influence of legal prohibition might conduce to obviate this unfortunate circumftance ; but any one who is ac< quainted with the habits and temper of a negro, would pronounce it impracticable to reform the evil. No hardfhip could be impofed upon hinx more fevere (in his eftimation) than an obligation of fidelity to one objedt. The natural confequcnce of this fuperiority of number in the males, is abandoned profligacy in the other fex, whofe irregular habits expofe them to continual abortions. It need not be denied that flavery itfelf is a very powerful circumfl^ance in producing thinnei^ of num- bers. Sentiment muft combine with inflindt, be- fore the offspring of man becomes an objedt of due regard ; and that is a quality feldom abundant in a Numberlefs fchemes have, at various times, beea prefented to the public upon the favQurite fubjedf of improving the condition of thefe people. The ■ : ■: ':■$ ■ WEST INDIES. 199 molt commendable plan that could be followed to accomplilh 'his end, would be, in the firft place, to afiign to the labourer a certain and Rxed talk for the day ; after the performa. ce cf which, all the reft of the day fhould remain at his own difpofal, and libe- ral encouragement might be held out to employ the fpare time to his own adviantage. Their property acquired thus, Ihould be carefully watched over by the laws ; and to accuftom them to right notions of juftice between man and man, they ought to be made arbiters in difputes among themfelves, and conftituted into juries. Befides, the day of reft ihould be more religioufly obferved than their efta- blilhed cuftoms have taught them to do. The Sab- bath, inftead of being a day of markcL^ Ihould be to them a ceflation from all employment, i ud an op- portunity for mental improvement. By obferving thefe modes of improvement, and equalizing the fexes, by importing more females from Africa, the condition of the Have would gradually meliorate, and the flave trade ceafe to exift. But the grand evil which demands to be removed, and which is too notorious to admit a Ihadow of pal- liation, remains to be mentioned. It is in vain t j in- ftitute regulations in favour of the flave, whilft he continues expofed • o the dreadful hardlhip of being fold off the property to which he belongs, to defray the debts of his proprietor, after he has become at- tached to the foil, and fomewhat enriched by his in- duftry. When the good negro hns been comfort- ably fettled upon the provilion-ground, which affords ''■S,i( if I' 200 HISTORY OF THE WEST INDIES. * I him, befides rubfiftence, fome luxuries of life, be may be feparated from bis wife and family, fold by auction, and dragged to the mines of Mexico, where, exclu- ded from the light of heaven, he fuffers, unheard of and unpitied, not for bis own guilt, but for the mif- fortunes of his mailer. Let this iniquitous law be therefore abolifhed ; let the negro be fold along with the property to which he is attached, but in no other manner. The injuflice of hurrying away the unhappy vidim of his mafter's failure and debts, to regions where ilavery exifls in its mod frightful afped, admits of no arguments, and no palliation. Cruelties of a different nature, though fevere in themfelves, happen unfrequently, and are therefore much lefs to be dreaded ; but, while the fyftem re- mains as it is, there is no end to the continuance of tJjjsmifcrx, !;=•,. I *■'■ S - ■-.- > - ■ ^ .'V- ''' " '' ' ' ; '-\ * '1 ' : * • 4?-: ■Ji.v; • • 1 ^': ■■..^: ■'" (;,/,!. i^i--*- : ... * - c . * ■ - ^..,;.:, ■'. .5 - > -t- m-:.. .■.>^iMv^_/ '■ '. ■ ■ ^'.f :* 't Vf "'--'-■''' ^' ' ■ *. ' "iri'T* ■ i\:,r»r:v-« ''■"' i ■' ■"-. ■-, ,4 i';-*^- *v .. V^^J' ^is tj/^i;:..» % -.'>»»V^ f,kfp "Jiii. ,iv*>U4 ' '■i.'"^''* "■■' '■? *■, ^.U^- V n*s)^ -•^r;^ '■'^A^i^hf fi^4k 'ivf*<* 4/^J-nlf i); .t^v.1.. ' .'5 ai ti^a^^i - i ■ mM^-\<^ ki^iM-' ? '.^it iHi#jw.i^4* 11 ^??ifi^rj BOOK V. ,j.,,,^ e t»Ji3/I1:>'^rfll l»ft^ AGRlCULrURE. , ^™-^^ i^^t^ CHAPTER i. ff r'"^ ''( jS^: Gugar Caae-> Known to the Ancients— ^Conjedlurcs concerning its Introdudlion into Europe— Contcyed from Sicily to the A- zorei, &r. 'n the 1 5th Century, and from thence to the Weft In- dies'—Evidence that Columbus himfclf carried it from the Canary Iflands to Hifpaniola-~Summary of Labat's Rfcafoning to (how that it was found growing fponianeoufly in the Weil Indiei-^ Both Accounts reconcilcd-^Botanical Name and DefcHption— Soils bed adaptied for its Cultivation^ and their Varieties defcribed -— Ufe and Superiority of the Flough— Method of fioiling an^ Plantin^^ ... •>- The fugar cane arrefls the principal regard of any one who attends to the agriculture of the Weft In- dies. Sugar was by the ancients denominated y/7r- charum^ transformed by the monks into zucharum, and from thence at laft converted into its Englifh name. Sugar, from the teftimony of Lucan, Was well known to the ancients, and probably found its way from the eaft at a very early period. From thf. Holy Lund, where it was well known to the Cru- faders, it made its way to the Morea and iflands in the Archipelago; from thence to the illand of Sicily y , ^ - Cc, s ■ 'i ' p "* ' S Im ii » i> 1 202 HISTORY OF THE I, li and from Sicily it appears to have been tranfplanted by the Spaniards to the Azores, Madeira, Canary, and Cape de Verde Iflfes. Hiftorians difpute about the time w hen it was tranfported to the Weft Indies ; but, from the m ft probable teftimony, it feems to have been introduced thither by Columbus himfclf ; for we are informed by Martyr, that upon his arri- val at the Weft Indies, he faw no plants or trees with which he was acquainted, except the pine and the elm. Now, it is well afcertained, that the cane was well known in Europe previous to the difcove- ries of Columbus ; and it is Hngular, that if it had exifted in the Weft Indies, Columbus iliould not have found it. Other hiftorians, however, aflert, that the cane is a native of America, and was found growing fpon- taneoufly in all regions of the newly difcovered he- mifpherc. Among the authors who adopt this fide of the qucftion, is P. Labat, who, in fupport c f his argument, informs us that Gage, an Englifli voyager» gives ah account of fugar canes being prefented, a- mong other articles, to the crew of his ftiip by the Charaibes of Guadaloupe. The Spaniards, conti- nues the fame author, had at that period never cul- tivated an inch of ground in the Smaller Antilles. Their fhips, indeed, commonly touched at the illands for wood and water; arid they left fwine for the bene- fit of fucK of their countrymen as might occafion- ally land there again. But it is abfurd, in the higheft degree, to fuppofe that they would plant fugar canes, and at the fame time put hogs aihore to dcftroy WEST INDIES. 20J them. Neither had the Spaniards any motive for be^ blowing this plant upon illands which they coniidercd as of no kind of importance, except for the piirpufe we have mentioned ; and to fuppofe tliat tlie Cha- raibes might have cultivated, after their departure, a production of which they knew nothing, betrays to- tal ignorance of the Indian difpofition and cbarader. The fame author continues his arguments in the following words : " We have furer teilimony, and fuch as proves beyond the pollibility of contradic- tion, that the fugar cane is the indigenous produc- tion of America. For, bclides the evidence of Fran- cis Ximenes, who, in a treatife on American plants, printed at Mexico, aflerts, that the fugar cane grows without cultivation, and to an extraordinary liz.e, on the banks of the river Plate. We are aflured by Jean de Lary, a Proteftant minifter, who was cha- plain, in 1556, to Che Dutch garrifon in the fort of C^oligny, on the river Janeiro, that he himfelf found fugar canes in great abundance on the banks of that river, and in fituations never vifitcd by the Portu- guefe. Father Hennepan, and other voyagers, bear teftimony, in a iimilar manner, to the growth of the cane near the mouth of the MiiTiilippi, and Jean de Laet to its fpontaneous produdl:ion in the liland of St. Vincent. It is not, therefore, for the plant itfelf, but for the fecret of making fugar from it, that the Well Indies are indebted to the Spaniards, and thefei to the nations of the call." ,- , Thefe feemingly contradidory aflertions are not however totally irreconcileable. Canes might have C c ij ■■■; %M 104 HISTORY OF THE grown in the Weft Indies, and yet have been alfo carried thither by Columbus ; but, at any rate, the induftry of the ancient Spaniards muft have far exceeded the moderns; fince, in the year 1535, th iry fugar mills were eftabliftied. The fugar cane is a ftrong yellow coloured and jointed reed, terminating in leaves, and containing a pithy juice, of a fweet the moft agreeable in na- ture. The general diftance between the knots of the cane is from one to three inches, and the reed is ufually an inch in diameter. The height of the cane varies with the mould, but is in general from three to feven feet; and below, it Ihoots into ftolci or fuckers *. The cane thrives on various foils ; bin it appears to agree beft with that which is exceed- ingly rich. St. Chriftopher's contains the moft ex- cellent foil in this refpedl. The foil called brick mould in Jamaica claims the next rank. It is deep, "warm, and eafily wrought; and has the fingulav quality of requiring no trenching, even in the wet- teft weather. In the French part of St. Domingo, this foil greatly abounds, and gives a prodigious va- lue to the property. In favourable feafons it has fre- quently returned two tons and a half of fugar for the cane plants of an acre. The black mould is of dif- * On the top af the cane there often rifea an arrow, which con- tains a white feed ; but this never vegetates when fown : A fort of proof that the cane is not indigenous to the foil. l. U^tk k^ N. B. There are other fpecies of cajie befides this. Captain ^ligh brought home one from the South Sea, which was in kngtL^ far greater thau that of the Weft Indian produ6tion. " 3 WEST INDIES-^ aojj fercnt kinds, which it were needlcfs to pavticulariio, Wc ought not, however, to pafs over that other fpc- cies, chiefly found in the parifli of Trelawny, in Ja- maica, known by its peculiar aptitude for thofe fu« gars which are to be refined. It has a glofly and • ibining appearance ; and when fpecimens of it are dried, they greatly relemble gamboge. Though deep, it is not heavy, and naturally dry. It is chief- ly to be ufed for what are called ratoon canes ; that is, the fuckers from the roots which have been pre- vioufly cut for fugar. In the cultivation of other lands the plough has been ufed, which, though advantageous, is, I fear, from the nature of the lands, incapable of becoming univerfal. It is, however, furprifing, that the pradlice of hough- crofs ploughing, and round ridging, harrowing the fame lands, ihould have come to prevail among the proprietors of Jamaica. Undoubtedly a much better management is to plough in the fpring, leave the land fallow in the fummer, and then hole, after the ancient method, in autumn. ^>ut the advantages of the plough are ineftimable. The labour of one man, three boys, and eight oxen, with a common fingle- wheeled p'ou^h, by returning the plough- fhare along the back Oi the furrow, will eafily hole 20 acres in 13 days. When the old laborious mode of holing is prac- tifed, the procefs is as follows : The land being clear- ed and weeded, is divided into plots of 15 or 20 acres, with inte rvals for roads between. Each part 19 fubdivided into fcjuares of three feet and a half by t ' li'.: i4 i f^ ' k\ ao$ HISTORY OF THE a line and wooden pegs. You place the negroes in a row in the firft line. The labourers are ordered to begin with the divifions of the firft line, and pro- ceed backwards, making in each hole an excavation of 15 inches in width at the bottom, and two feet and a half at the top. When the trenches arff • formed, the cane is placed longitudinally in the cane- hole, and covered to the depth of two inches. In 12 or 14 days the fprouts appear, fo that it is ne- ceffary to fupply them with new earth, till,' in the courfe of four or five months, the banks are com- pletely levelled. At this time it is of the greateft importance that the overfeer ihould be pundual in frequently cleaning them, and alfo in removing the lateral fuckers which draw fo much nouriihment from the plant. : . 5. w ^^ -ay-Lh., The cane ought to be planted between the be- ginning of Auguft: and November. Canes which are planted after this time, loiing the advantage of the autumnal rains, never fprout till May, when they rife both at joints and fuckers. Thofe planted late in fpring are feldom more fortunate ; and the Janu- ary plant introduces diforder into the period of the crops : befides, being cut in wet weather, they are 9pt to fpring afreih, and have an unconneded juice. Indeed, no error can be more egregious than to mif- time the returns of the crop. An eftate being like a complicated machine, whofe parts muft ad always in unifon with one another, before its efFedt can be properly produced. It muft, however, be confefled, that the Weft Indian planter (even allowing his pru- 'wist INDfES. iof dcnce to be capable of avoiding every procedure conncded with misfortune, and of adopting the wifeft plans for the regulation of his eftate) is liable to calamities which no foreiight can obviate, and no management prevent. The chief of thefe calami*- ties is called the Blaft, (the Aphe of Linnaeus), which confifts of myriads of little animals invifible to the naked eye. Searching for their food in the juice, thefe minute ravagers wound the blades, and check the circulation of the fluid till the cane withei-s and dies. Befides thefe (though lefs generally deftruc- tive), we may mention the grub, called the Borer, and another known in Tobago by the name of the Jumper Fly. The firft mentioned plague, namely the Blaft, I am informed, is never found in thofe plantations where the formica omni'VQra^ or carni- vorous ant is prevalent. Whether this be authen- ticated, I cannot decifively pronounce ; but it is certain this little ant exterminates almoft every fmailer infed. Spani(h hiftorians have, indeed, told us wonderful ftories about the ravages of this ant, but I am inclined to believe they are perfedly ex~ atrcerated ''"* '^^'-i i-iiiT^nf M-**^d»". t*&t.'» ■■• trop Time, the Seafon of Health and F^ftivlty— Mills for grinding ^ the Canes— Of the Cane- Juice and its component Parts — Pro- cefs for obtaining liavr or Mufcavedo Sugar— MclafTes, and its Difpofal — Procefs of making Clayed Sugar — Of Rum, Still- *"• Houfes and Stills— ^Cifterns and their Ingredients — ^Windward • Illand Procefs-~ Jamaica Method of Double Diillllation— Due - b; Quantity of Rum from i given Quantity of Sweets afcertained and ftated. .YOr 'T„i>. As foori as the fugar-mill is fet in adlion, the fickly looks of fuch of the negroes as have been hitherto indifpofed, are changed into an afped of health and vigour. The horfes, the oxfcn, and mules, even the pigs and poultry, partake of the general feaft, and fatten fuprifingly upoii the tops and refufe. A fpedator cannot contemplate this fcene of induftry and plenty without emotions of fympathetic plea- fure. — ^ That fdgar fhould operate fo wonderfully upon the animal economy, as to raife it in a few weeks from iicknefs to vigour, may fefcm furprifing to thofe who regard it as unprodudive of nutrition. But the benefits of this plant have been explained by thofe of an oppofite creed in medicine with fuch convincing arguments, that its utility feenis now to be little difputed. He (fays old Hare, a phyficiatl of fomc diflindion) who attempts to argue againft fweets in generd^ takes upon hinr a Very difficult talk ; for nature feems to havq|gfecommended thiii tafte to all forts of animals. Tht birds of the air, the beafts of the field, many repffles and flies, feerfl B d m ! 1 24 -p!« ! ;i, :2I0 HISTORY OF THE to be pleafed and delighted with the fpecific relilh of all fweets, and to diftafte its contrary. Now, the cane or fugar I hold for the higheft ftandard of ve- getable fweets. To the influence of fugar may be, in a great meafure, afcribed the extindlion of the fcurvy, the plague, and many other difeafes former- ly epidemical. The fugar-mill is a iimple machine ; it confifts principally of three upright cyhnders, plated with iron, from 30 to 40 inches in length, and from 20 to 25 inches in diameter. The canes are twice compreflcd through thefe . rollers ; for, after being paiTed through the firit and fecond, they are fixed to the middle one by a frame called the Dumb Re- turner, and then fqueezed back till they are pulve- rized between the other rollers again. The receiver of the juice is a leaden bed, and the refufe, called Cane-trafh, is ufed for fuel. Jamaica has of late been indebted to Mr Woolery for an ingenious improvement upon the conftruc- tion of the fugar-mill, viz. the addition of a lantern- wheel, fixed to the middle cylinder, with wallowers or trundles. The effedt of this is to produce, du- ring the work qf an hour, in place of 300 or 350 gallons, 500 gallons, fuppofing ten mules are em- ployed. Dedttding four hours out of 24 for lofs, this yields pei|day 10,000 gallons, which by com- putation amot»b,,to 36 hoglheads of 16 cwt. of fugar per week. The cane-juic#:is compofed of dne part of pure water, one of fu^, one of grofs oil and mucilagi* WEST INDtES. 211 11 nous gum, with a portion of eflential oil. This is a medium eftimation, for the proportions vary in juices of different qualities. Other fubftances fome- times enter the green tops when ground, and occa- fion fermentation in the liquor. The ligneous part of the cane is frequently found mixed with it, and the cruft or black coat which furrounds it between the joints, from the blacknefs of its colour, is apt to have fome effedl in diminiihing the value of the fugar. The juice runs from the receiver to the boiling- houfe in a gutter of wood, lead-lined, and is re.eived again into the copper clarifiers. Of thefe there are three, the lize of which muft entirely depend upon the celerity with which it is neceflary to difpatch the manufadory of the canes. When the grinding mills fupply very rapidly, there are clarifiers capable of holding looo gallons; but in general they do not each exceed a. third part of that fize. When the cla- rifier (lands at one of the boihng-houfes, the teache, or a boiler capable of holding from 70 to 100 gal- lons, is placed at the other end, and between thefe there Hand three other boilers, which diminiih in fize as they reach from the boiler to the clarifier. When the clarifier has been filled 'With liquor from the receiver, in order to get rid of the fuperabun- dant acid, the temper is ilirred into it, which is ufu- ally Briftol white-lime. To eflfedt a feparation of this acid, it is a common pradicc to allow to an hundred gallons of liquor a pint of Bridol lime. This occafions a black calx to be precipitated to the bot> torn of the vefiel, and affeds the fugar fo, that Httle Ddij i; :i ' 212 HISTORY or THE m I t'i 1 k; more than one half of that quantity feems neceflary, and it is alfo proper to boil it in water. From the reafonings of Mr. Boufie (to whom the. affembly of Jamaica voted a reward of loool. for his improvements in this procefs), it appears that fugar manufadured upon a vegetable alkaline bafis is in general as much fuperior in colour as that pro- cured by lime is in grain ; fo that it feems highly probable (at leaft the queftion merits inveftigation) that vegetable fweets and lime, if combined, would prove a better temper. The fire being increafed, and the fcum formed on the top, the liquor is not fufFered to boil, but the quantity of heat is denoted by blifters and froth. After this, the damper is applied and the fire put out. The liquor being allowed to ftand, its fcum thickens, and it is drawn off by a channel from the bottom, clarified, and al- moll tranfparent, to the grand copper, while the fcum on the top gradually finks unbroken till the ^ liquor is all off. This mode is far fuperior to that former one of ebullition and fcumming ; for it is plain, that (befides the difadvantage of labour) the circulation of the fluid in boiling mixes all the grofs particles, which would otherwife come to the top. In the large copper the pradlice of fcumming is more advantageous. When the quantity of liquor is reduced by evaporation, the boihng and fcum- ming is continued, and lime thrown in if the cla- rification needs it. When reduced ftill more, it is laded into the third copper boiler, where the fame operations continue, and at lail it is brought into WEST INDIES. filj the teachc. Thus there muft be three copper t)oiler$ and three clarifiers. Evaporation continues in the teache till it is laded, or (truck as the phrafe; expreffes it, into the cooler, being now confiderably thicker than before. i , ■ . j The cooler is a ihallow wooden veflel, which contains about an hogfhead of fugar. Here the fugar form? into a mafs of femiformed cryftals, after which it is carried to the curing houfe, where the melafles drains from it, But previous to this change, it fhould be obfeyved, firft, that the liquor jn the cooler ftiould cool very flowly; and, fecondly, that the cooler, if exceflively narrow, occafions aa unfavourable fmallnefs of grain. To judgp whether the fugar be fufficiently evapo* rated to undergo the above-mentioned procefs of ftriking or for paffing from the teache to the cooler, requires much attention. Experienced negroes will calculate by the eye, but the moil common way is to judge by the touch. The thread which follows the finger will break at different lengths in proportion to the time wbich the liquor bas. boiled. On an experiment depending fo much on practice, little farther can be faid. A method more fcientific was recommended by a Mr. Baker of Jamaica, in aa eiTay printed in 1775: " Provide (fays he) a fmall thin pane of clear crown gl^fs, which I would call a trier ; on this let fall two or three drops on the fubjedt out of the other, and carry your trier out of the boiling houfe into the air. Obferve your fubjedt, and more particularly whether it grsiins ■:W. iil . . ■ .> 214 HISTORY OP THE i)i freely, and whether a fmall edge of melalTes fepa- rates at the bottom. I am well fatisfied, that a little experience will enable you to judge what ap- pearance the whole Ikip will put on when cold, by this fpecimen, which is alfo cold. This method is ufed by chemifts to try evaporated folutions of all other falts ; it may feem, therefore, fomewhat ilrange that it has not been adopted in the boiling hoiiie." f^"^ '''»j'^» ir; . ,; s ;f>-,Mv. To Mr. Baker, alfo, the Weft India planters are indebted for the prevalent method of clarifying the fugar by means of veflels hung to feveral fires, and dampers to prevent ebullition. The curing houfe is a large building, provided with a ciftcrn, the fides of which are floped, and over which there is a frame of joift work covered with empty hogfheads without headings. Each hoglhead has the ftalk of a plantain leaf through it, fix or eight inches below the joifts. The melafles drains through the fpongy ftalk into the ciftern, leaving the fugar behind, which commpnly dries in three weeks ; and from this procefs obtains the name of Mufcavado fugar, in contradiftindlion to that manufadlured in a different manner, called Lifljon, or clayed fugar, • ' The procefs of obtaining this fugar is as follows : The fugar from the cooler is put into forms or pans, conical downwards, leaving a hole of an inch and a half for the melafles to drain through. The hole, it muft be obferved, is clofed with a plug till the liquor comes to a confiftency. Twenty-four l; WEST INDIES. ai^ hours after the plug is removed, a flratum of moi- ftened clay is fpread over the top of the pan, by which means the water oozing through the fugar, carries away more of the melaifes than would otherwife come. The fugar thus pro-^uced is fupe- rior to the Mufcavado, and the French planters pradife it generally ; but the Britilh planters de- clare that the lofs of weight accompanying this mode more than outllrips the advantage of quality. Where 60 lbs. of fugar are made in the Mufcavado manner, 40 are only procured in this procefs ; but as the lad drawn off melaffes yields about 40 per cent, of fugar, the difference is reduced to about one-fixth part of the weight. We proceed to offer fome obfervations on the art of procuring rum. This procefs is far more curious than the former, as it obtains from the vc^ry dregs and feculencies of the plant one of the pureft and moft fragrant fpirits that can be produced by diftil- The ftill-houfes of Britifh planters are of various fizes ; in general, however, equal in extent to the boiling and curing houfes together. Some are fo extenfive as to contain 2000 gallons ; but as there are few of that extent, we fhall confine our remarks to fuch as would correfpond to a plantation capable of yielding, in ordinary years, 200 hogflieads of fu- gar. For fuch an cflate two copper ftills, one of 1200, the other of 600 gallons, are neceffary. The tank or tubs muft, if poflible, be kept in a running water, and in that cafe need only be of fufficient Si Y jzi6 HISTORY OF THE width to admit the worm. A (lone tank is preferable to a tub, if running water cannot be had, becaufe it heats more flowly, and if capable of holding 30,000 gallons of water, may be kept cool enough to con- denfc the fpirit. Befides thefe, the diftiller muft provide a dunder ciftern of 3000 gallons, a ciftern for the fcummings, and 12 fermenting vats to contain 1200 gallons each.- .<. i^, .,,:;;-;^;., . , ,, ,,, .,n-,.^<.>,*.-j :*^/k ^Tmn. , The ingredients of this apparatus are melaiTes drained from fugar, fcummings of the boiled hquor, or fomctimes the cane juice even raw, lees or dun- der, and, laftly, water. Of thefe ingredients, the dunder, and alfo the water, ferve for the purpofe of making the fweets combined with them yield a far greater quantity of fpirit than they would otherwife afford. The proportions are, in general, fcummings, lees, and water, one-third of each. ., ► . ,„, ,„ . ,. . When thefe are well mixed and pretty cool, in 24 hours the firft charge of melaffes may be put in, of which fix gallons for every hundred gallons of the liquor in a llate of fermentation is to be given at twice, viz. three per cent, the firft charge, and the other three a day or two afterwards, when the liquor is highly fermented ; but the heat of this fermentation muft never exceed 94 degrees in Fah- renheit's thermometer. In feven or eight days it is fit for diftillation ; after which it is to be con- veyed to the largeft ftill. Here it fliould be kept above a fteady and regular fire till it boils, and then the fuel may be gradually abated. The fpirit, coi>- WEST INDIES. ='7. idenfed by the furrounding fluid, then runs in a ftrcam through the worm, clear and tranfparent. This fpirit, called Low Wines, becomes rum by the fecond diftillation. It may not be untimely to obferve, however, that in the firft procefs, the Ja- maica diftiilers ufe dunder more copioully than thofe of the other iflands. The ufe of dunder, as was before mentioned in different language, is to diffolve the faccharine fweets. Its ufe and applica- tion requires a ikilful mixture : When the fweets confift of mclafles, and not of cane liquor, the dun- der fliould be liberally applied, becaufe the melaf- fes is a more tenacious fubdance than the other ; but where the cane juice is the principal part, not above 29 per cent, of dunder is required. In order to augment the vinofity of the wafli, many fubftances are recommended by Dr. Shaw, fuch as tartar, nitre, common fait, and the vegetable or mineral acids. The diftillers of St. Chriftopher*s, indeed, are faid adlually to ufe fea water as an ope- rator of the fame tendency, and it is looked upon as a real and confiderable improvement. Dr. Shaw alfo defires the diftiller to introduce into the fer- menting ciftern a few gallons of the vitrified fpirit, which, he aflerts, will much augment the evapora- tion. Whatever advantage might refult from fol- lowing thefe prefcriptiqns, it is pretty evident that a certain quantity of vegetable alkali will be of lingular utility ; but this advice mull be taken in moderation, for if too large a quantity be infufed, ;}ic fmc clicntial oil, the flavouf of the fpirit, will - ■ ■ - . , E e I ••' '1 1 ■'4 Mi i*r i"< «1« Tt' "•'i'' a'! 2lB HISTORY OF THE be kept back. The objedl of greateft moment is cleanlinofs in the cifterns, not only for the mehora- tion of the rum, but becaufe the foul vapour, which it collects while uncleaned, is frequently fatal to the firft who approaches it. * >' It was mentioned juft now that the Jamaica mode of mixture is ditferent from the pradlice of the Leeward Illands. The proportions they obfcrve are as follow : Dunder, one-half, or Sweets, 12 perlMelaflcs, cent. tScummingS; Water, - - - - 50 gallons 8 100 gallons According to the Jamaica mode, the low wines are drawn off in a butt, and conveyed to the fecond ilill of 600 gallons, to undergo a fecond diftillation. In the courfe of a day there is obtained from this two puncheons of rum, in which olive oil will (ink; and thus the procefs is iinilhed. Seventy gallons will yet remain in the ftill, fo that in fa; ?"«i .^..«^*N f(T¥^MfU^$W^t".t CHAPTER III. : ^f^l^j Capital neceSixy in the Settlement or Purchafe of a Sugar Plantar tion of a given Extent — The Lands, Buildings, and Stock fe^ parately confidered— Particulars and Coft — Grofs Returns from the Propertied— Annual Difturfemertts — Nett Profits, various Contingent Charges not taken into the Account— Difference not commonly attended tc in the Way of eftimating the Profits of an Englifli Eftate and one in the Weft Indies — Infurance of Weft^ India Eftates in the Time of War, and other occafional De- cUidions — The Queilion, why the Cultivation of the Sugar Iflands continues under fo many Difcouragements, confidered and dlf* cuffed. In the blilinefs of fugar planting there is no me- . dium between immenfe lofs and immenfe gain. To embark in this bufinefs with any tolerable pro- fpedl of wealth, 30,0001. is no more than a moderate capital. This may be ealily conceived, if it be taken into view that the expences attending a fmall eftate are more than proportionable to its extent, if taken in com^arifon with thofe attending a large one. When we fpeak of capital, we either mean cafli or folid eftablilhed credit. It muft here be confidered that Weft Indian loans are very dif- ferent from thofe of Britain, where the mortgage is marketable ; but in thefc iflands it is not. When the money is called for, there is no one ready to ap- propriate the debt to himfelf and advance thefiun; fo that when credit is fuddenly withdrawn, the unfortunate planter is fpeedily ruined by felling / his property far below its value. • wist INDIES* 211 " We begin then with appreciating the Aim to be paid for, and the profits to be reafonably expeded from, an eftate yielding, communibus annis^ 200 hogf- heads of fugar*, and thirty puncheons of rum. In the Jirji place, we examine the lands. An eftate yielding the above returns cannot be of lefs extent than 900 acres, of which there aro iifually allowed 300 for canes, the fame number for efculent vegetables, fuch as yams, plantains, potatoes, &c. and a third proportion of the fame ex- tent which remains under native wood for fupplying the timber neceflary for the eftate. The general run of eftates are rather above than below this extent, not owing (as fome have aflerted) to the avaricious temper of Weft Indian proprietors, but to the quality of the ground, which is fo exceedingly valuable as to oblige the planter to take in large tradls in order that the fcanty produce of the one ] Hi HISTORY 0^ 'tkit To 600 acres of land - - L. 8400 To clearing one half for canes, at laL per acre - - '-. ' . 3600 Clearing and planting in efculent Ve- getables 100 acres, at 7I. per acre 700 To clearing another 100, and foM^ing Guinea grafs, at the fame rate - • 700 Enclofing and fencing the whole - 700 « , Total Currency L. 14100 .4 • or Sterling 10071 ■i! 1 The buildings on fuch an eftate may be reckoned as follows : 1. A water-mill (if it can be obtained), or (if it cannot) an allowance equal to what it would cod is to be made ,^ for either a wind-mill and a cattle- mill, or for two wind-mills 2. A boiling-houfe, including the coil of three clarifiers and four boilers 3. A curing-houfe adjoining, contain- ing one-half of the crop, and a melafles ciitern to contain 6000 gallons - - - 4. A diftillery-houfe, with two ftills, the one holding 1200, the other 600 gallons, a tank holding 30,000 gallons of water, twelve cifterns fixed in the earth, and a rum ilore Jamaica Currency L. 1400 zooo V •>. 1800 1600 Carry forward 5800 WEST INDI£8« aaj Jamaic: 1 Currency. Brought forward L. 5800 IJ, The overfeer's houfe 600 |5. Two trafties coycred with ihingles. at 3C0I. each ... 6qo 7. Hofpital, lying-in and prifon rooms, do£tor*s (hop, and (lore- houfe for uteniils ... 30Q 8. A flable for 60 mules - 150 9. Shops for tradefmen - • i5« JO. Sheds for wains, &c. .. JO iplxtra expences 350 Total L. 7000 ^fcf W.«] Or Sterling money 5000 rt '■ .'t I STOCK. The (lock neceflary for fuch an eftate may be ^ pftimated as follows : Jamaica Currency, 2150 negroes, at 70I. each - . L. 17500 80 fleers, at 1 5I. - . - 1200 60 mules, at aSl. - - 1680 Total L. 20380 The whole amounts to — - Lands - , - 14100 Buildings - . T 7000 Stock 20380 Total in Jamaica Currency Which is within 50J. of 30,000!. Sterhng. L, 41480 224 HISTORY OF.THE Ml To calculate in Sterling money, the returns of fuch an eflate will be-^ Sterling. 20O hogflieads of fugar, at 15I. Ster- ling per hogfliead - - jL. 3000 130 puncheons of rum, ^t lol. Sfei:- ^ ling per puncheon ^ m^-^>^^ 1300 Grofs returns L. 4300 It is a common miftake to imagine that all the cxpences of the eftate are obviated by the return of rum ; but the following eflimate of expences will evince the falfity of fuch an opinion : -^ -^.^j. f The annual fupplies from Great Britajn are of the following kind : 1. Negro clothing, fuch as Ofnaburgh, penni- fttnes, fhirts, blankets and bats. 2. Tools for the carpenters. r . 3. Mifcellapeous articles, fuch as nails, rivets, chains, hoes, bills, knives, hoops, barrels, tobacco pipes, lead, train-oil, grindftones, &c. 4. Provifions, fuch as falted herrings, beef, pork, butter, foap, candles, fait, flour, peafe, groats. The above articles, at a moderate eftimate, can- not be lefs than 850I. Sterling. To thefe muft be added the charges of falaries to overfeer, clerks, and fervants, bills to tradef- m€n, taxes, wharfage, ftaves, and other occalional fupplies, which^ by computation, amount to 1300!, Sterling, or 1840I. Currency. , WfiST INDIES. 225 ? The annual charges of all kinds will therefore amount to 2150I. Sterling, exaftly one half of the produce of his property. In this eilimation no notice is taken of the tear and wear of buildings, or the expence of fix per cent, for legal com- miflion to his agents, fhould he be abfent him'* felf from the fpot. It is not, therefore, wonderful that a Weft Indian eftate fhould not be at all times a mine of wealth, or rather that it fhould not very frequently be a mill-ftone about the neck of the proprietor, and drag him to deftrudion. In comparing the value of Wefl Indian with Britifh property, it is reafonable to hold in view* that the Weft Indian planter is both landlord and tenant of the little eftate which he cultivates. Should an intemperate feafon occur, the Englifh proprietor is no more affei^ed by the difference in the produce of his eftate, than in as far as he may fympathize with the unfortunate fituation of his tenant. The moft deftrudive war does ii^t affed his eftate as it does the Weft Indian refident in Britain, who, unlefs he fubmit to pay a high pre- mium for fecurity againft the rage of the elements and the ravages of war, muft pafs many a fleeplefs night in dreadful fufpenfe for the fubfiftence of his family, while creditors grow more importunate as clanger increafes. "^ *-A queftion here naturally ftarts up from the na- ture ot the fubjed. How does it happen (it is de- manded) that whilft the charges of a Weft Indian property are fo large, and the profits fo fmall, that Ff If &i ii6 HISTORY OF THE I fo many ihould embark in the attempt, and the fugar iflands be fo rapidly cultivated and improved ? To fuch as advance this quellion, a more proper fubjedl cannot be held out to view than the fitus- tion of numberlefs unfortunate men, vi'ho have fallen vidims to the misfortunes attendant upon fuch a mode of feeking riches. The failure of thefe has given an opportunity to others of a ra- pacious temper to take advantage of their diflrefs, and purchafe their eftates, moft probably, at a very low rate. Like the Comilli pedfants, who behold a ihipwreck without compaflion, and even decoy the pilot by falfe lights, they not only refufe fup- port, but even delude the planter to ruin. The, rich man of this unfeeling ftamp lends the adven- turer a fum of money fufficient to purchafe an cftate, who, in the hopes of being continued in credit, prepares to flock his property j but juft as his induflry has enabled him to do this, the unfeel> ing creditor pretends immediate neceflity for his rtioney ; the law is rigorous ; the lender (fince others are deterred from purchafing the ground by the cxpences which it mud yet require) gets the eftate at his own price, and the unfortunate planter is ruined for life. Thus oppreffion in the creditor, and misfortune in the adventurer, contribute equally to advance cultivation. .^•^^•^ c ft^*..*-- To the philofopher fpeculating in his clofet, the fluctuating nature of Weft Indian property would feem a fufficient objed to prevent him from em- barking in this fpecies of trade; yet it may be of WEST INDIES, 227 looked upon as in reality the caufe of fo much money being expended in attempting to obtain the advantage of fortunate returns. The price of fugar is exceedingly variable, and the principal caufe of the inequality of the profits which it yields, arifes from the comparative good- nefs or badnefs of its manufadure. Every one who fees the method of fugar-making, regards it as a very limple procefs, and by a natural propenfity to imitation, wifhes to er j..ge . he bulinefs ; bu ' where fo many unqualified expenmenters come for- ward, there mull be more who fail than who fucceed; and their want of fuccefs is certainly owing to themfelves, though they afcribe it to the capri- cioufnefs of the market. The above may be looked upon as caufes much contributing to the rapid cul- tivation of the Weft indies : that there are other (perhaps more material) caufes of improvement, will not be denied ; but thefe it were foreign to our purpofe here to difcufs. The above minute remarks on the growth and manufacture of fugar may, perhaps, be thought tedious by thofe who do not attend to the impor- tance of the fubjed ; but as fo many individuals are more or lefs conneded with the trade and ma- nufadures of the colonies, it is prefumed that the interell excited by the above obfervations will be a fufficient apology for their introdudion. We proceed, in the next chapter, to lay before the reader all the information that could be coUeded upon ,thc jjilnor articles of Indian produdion, fuch a^ Ff ij : ,.Mm i aiS HISTORY OF THE cotton, indigo, coffee, cacao, pimento, and ginger, wliich, with fiigar and rum, principally contribute the bulky freight which at prefent employs more Ihips than all the towns of England amounted to at the beginning of the prefent century. '^' v;i ':< i. '7'>>"1T ■•:';' f.l "^ '^rttf '; ■/> • '% -. ^. ■,.!,■ ■ *^iUO. .;U; t .*f ^r K'lli'n t)}'- -;'3^'!■.4fi^> WEST INDIES. aa^ -'^i^ti^'bni '^ --:•• ;, ;-i ■■■■■;: ,■•';•■ f^Mdf' CHAPTER IV. Of the minor Staple Commodities, viz. Cotton, Its Growth and various Species— Mode of Cultivation and Rliks attending ItT Imports of this Article Into Great Britain, and the Profits ac- cruing from the Manufactures produced by It— Indigo, Its Cul- tivation and Manufadlure — Opulence of the firft Indigo Planters in Jamaica, and Refledtions concerning the Decline of this Branch of Cultivation in that Ifland — Coffee, whether that of the Weft Indies is equal to the Mocha — Situation and Soil — Exorbitant Duty to which It was fubjed In Great Britain-^ — Approved Method of cultivating the Plant and curing the Berry — Eftimate of the annual Expences and Returns of a Coifee Plantation — Cacao, Ginger, Arnotto, Aloes and Pi- mento, ..... COTTON. ^ This plant, one of the moft valuable gifts of a bountiful Creator, is found in all the tropical re- gions of Alia, Africa, and America. The cotton wool manufadured into cloth is of two kinds, greenfeed and flirub cotton. The latter is fub- divided into two fpecies j the one of fuch a nature that the wool can be feparated from the feed by no way but by the hand. It is ufed, therefore, prin- cipally for wicks to the lamps which are ufed in fugar-boihng; although, if it could be feparated like the other kinds, it would be a valuable acquifition to our manufadures. The fecond kind of the greenfeed, though vaftly finer than the other fpecies of cottons generally ufed, is yet inferior in finenefs to the former; it has a duller green and pi m \i w 2^0 HISTORY OF THE larger feeds. Both thefe kinds rife into large trees, which bloflbm from Odlober to January, and bear pods from February to June. The flowers are com- pofed of five yejiow leaves, beautiful but not fragrant. Each leaf has a purple fpot at the bottom. The pod, when ripe, opens into three or four partitions, and difcovers the cotton in as many white locks. The fmall and black feeds are interfpefed in thefe locks. The flirub cotton refembles an European Co- rinth bufh, and is divided into feveral varieties. \fty The common Jamaica, which is coarfe but flrong, though the brittlenefs of its feeds, and the difficulty of its cleaning, make it lefs profitable than other kinds, yet the obftinacy of habit keeps it in a^. The brown bearded has a fomcwhat finer flaple and a better ratoon, but it is attended with this difadvantage, that it is more difficult to clean. 3^, Nankeen, different only in colour from the laft, and giving a name to the cloth called after it. 4/i&, French, or fmall feed, generally cultivated in Hifpaniola, is finer and more prolific than the Ja- maica, or brown bearded, but lefs hardy than either. , V ^th^ Kidney chain cotton, or the true cotton of Brazil. From its being exceedingly good, prolific, and eafily cleaned, it is the higheft imprudence in the planter to mix it with any other. The mode of culture is the fame in all thefe va- peties \ and us drynefs is the moft favourable cix- S WEST INDIES. 231 cumftance in the growth of cotton, they correfpond in this quality, that they will ilouriih in the murH: rocky foil, piovided it has been exhaufted by for- mer cultivation. From May to September inclu- five, is the fcafon fitted for fowing cotton. Eight or ten feeds are buried in every hole, becaufe the chance of Tome being devoured by the grub, and of others rotting, muft be calculated. The fprouts rife in a fortnight, and great care muft now be taken in clearing every impediment to their growth, leaving, however, only two or three (the ftrongeft) in each hole, in cafe the grub fhould attack them. Three or four months after they are topped at the head to make them flioot laterally. At the end of five months the plant puts out its beautiful yellow flowers, and in two months more the pods appear. When the wool has been gathered, the feeds are feparated by means of a fimple inftrument, called a Lin, com- pofed of two parallel rollers, turned in oppofite di- redtions. The cotton is put through thefe, and th« feeds being too large to pafs in the interfpace be- hind, they are thus feparated. The wool is then hand-picked, that it may be cleared of all the ex- traneous fubftances which attach to it, and, after being packed into bags of about 200 pounds weight, is fent to the market. In the cotton- wool produced in the Weft Indies, there is confiderable difference of quality. V , ;■ _-' f,r ;frf -# . . * .t"'.r< m > .Ac¥^'^ ■ik ■'"'> i32 HISTORY OP THE Per Pound. The wool of fierbice was fold, in 1780, for 2s. id. . Demarara, from is. iid. to as. id. Surinam, — — as.^j Cayenne, — — 2s.pi .^^/..t'i St. Domingo, — »>ni f is. lod Tobago, — — is. 9d. , ^^ Jamaica, — — is. yd. !H . Though the prices may have fincc changed, yet the relative value flill continues the fame. It is al> fo worthy of obfervation, that the difference of price in the Berbice and Jamaica cotton is from 25s. to 35s. per cent, in favour of the former : A decided proof that a proper choice of the feed is abfolutely neceflary. », >.> .,^.,,, In edimating the cofl of a cotton plantation, axicl the returns to be expeded, I fix on a fmall capital, becaufe the cafe here is different from. that of a fu- lmar plantation, where an immenfe flock is neceflary to the adventurer on his firll outfet. Here a mode- rate beginning is perfedly ft^^cient. In many parts of the Wefl Indies, land fit for the rearing of cotton may be had for 5I. Jamaica currency per acre ; but, as it is proper to change the ground at certain pe- riods, we mud allow double the quantity to be pur- chafed which is laid under cotton. The coft k tncretore, ^^. ^^ ^.ui.tfM. a**.- 4**. .*k»;*' '• J8.S - rt .-• '*•<:■» i ■ 1 ,T . WEST INDIES. 13 3 '' * " Jamaica Cm rtacy. For 50 acres, at 5I. per acre, - L. 250 o o . Expence of clearing and planting 25 acres, at yi. per acre, - 175 o T .^'elve negroes, at 70I. each, 840 o O . ^ ' A year's intereft, at 6 per cent, 75 18 o ' A year's maintenance, clothing, and medical care, • - 120 o o ', / ...i^^-iis.nM' j 'j.'*i - Total, a;' L. 1460 18 o Or L. 1040 Sterliug. It has been a common mode of calculation in Ja- maica, to allow i2olb. to the acre planted in cot- ton ; but, from the average of fucceliive crops, I ima- gine that Ji2lb. is a more reafonable allowance. Allowing, then, the price of cotton to be is. 3d. Sterling per pound, and fuppofing no more than loolb. to be produced on an acre, the whole pro- duce of 25 acres will be x 75I. Sterling. If we de^ dud incidental expenceSj to the amount of 25I. the remainder, in Stirling money, is 150I. an intereft on the capital of 14 per cent. If the cotton be 2s. per pound, the profit is 20 per cent. \ But, to counterbalance this return, cotton is,!"! its nature, a moft precarious commodity. The grub, iht blaft, and the rain continually threaten its deftnic- tion. In the Bahama Inlands, during the year 1788, no lefs than 280 tons were devoured by the worm. It cannot, however, be denied, that as the prefent demand for cotton is fo great at home, the cultiva- G g 1t[ 'If 1 ^1 I m \^lM ii Hiffi [wj 11 t-'^l 334 HISTORY OF THE tion of this commodity bids fair to be a lucrative employment to thofe who fliall hereafter engage in it ; and the profits will be ftill more enhanced, if at- tention be paid to procure and feparate the more valuable fpecies of feeds. ^ ' '■ I Ihall conclude the fubjedt with prefenting to my readers the following tables, drawn from authentic fources, which cannot fail to furnifh abundant en- couragement for fpeculation and adventure. .V It jin Account of Foreign Cotton-wool imported into the _,._ J,, Brityh Weji Indies^ in Brityh Ships, , ..^. . k^.:r ^- v» ■ \-£ ■- * ■> t ^ t».l.,l.t Yearg, 1784 -. — 1785 - - 1786 — — 1787 — - lbs. t *> ^i^- '^k^. 1398500 1346386 1158000 -■^'^'Xi^W^ An AccotttU of Foreign Cotton-wool imported into the Brityh Weji Indies ^ under the Free Fort ASt, ! ft > lbs. - ,.v ' V 1784 — — 2^69000 • 1785 — — 1573280 1786 — — 1962500 •:iiri;^ 1787 — V « — 1943000 '- .•u jnr^^Si'S i:')-^^.5W- ' **'■. •;tii "v.: ^i3>^r-.v.. ,'v.^ii^^.. U. .- 1 .::, ' ,f;.':^*--- -.4' :^ v yfUTivmE9» ] 335 Ah Account of Cotton-wool, Britijh and Foreign, iiU' ported frsm the, BrUi/bWjifi Indies intQ GreS J^rUam* lbs. 1784 —m^-^ 6893959 ,;a««|,«^; 1785 , ,.|-1;#^<|-^^J^ 8204611 t^ttfH^U/^ 786 —^vj .(ii^j— 7830734 a9T«,i.r^787 — — 9396921 ^« Account of Cotton-wool imported into Great Britain, .*i* /row all Farts, ■'%'"■} Years. .\. lbs. Suppofed Value in Manufadures. J 784 — 11280338 — L. 395COC0 Sterling. 1785 — 17992888 — 6000000 ^^^ 1786 - I9ISI867 - 6500000 .: ^^^^ 1787 TT J=^^.^O^OP^, ^ 7500000 : ,- Machinery eftablifbed in Great Britain {iJ^'j)for the ^_^ Cotton Manufaaory, ^^ , 143 water-mills, which coft — L. 715000 20500 hand-iiiills, or jennies, for fpinning the ftiute, for the twifted yarn , ' ^ I. fpun by the water-mills (inclnd- ,! ing buildings and auxiliary ma- \^ chinery), r-'t... — 285000 Total, L. 1 000000 Ggij - .Ir! ■■ 23(5 HISTORY OF THE ) From the conftrudlion of the machinery, it has been aflerted, that a pound of Demarara cotton has been fpun into as much thread as would extend 169 miles. In Great Britain not lefs than 600,000 peo- ple find fupport from the cotton-manufadlory. By the neareft computation, the number of individuals maintained upon the woollen-manufadory are not a million, fo that it does not exceed th« importance of the cotton in a twofold proportion. „ ^ ^ . ^ . *^V' ! iAK" INDIGO. v.. In the Britifh Weft Indies there are three fpecies of this plant ; the firft of which, though hardier and finer, is cfleemed lefs valuable than the other two, becaufe it is not fo prolific in its returns. All the fpecies agree in this quality, that though they thrive on niggard foils, and though the longeft heat does not kill them, yet that a fpell of wet weather en- tirely deftroys them. In cultivating indigo, the land, when cleaned, is divided into trenches, and the feed ftrcwed by the hand at the bottom ; a bufhel of feed being quite fufficiept for four or five acres. The fea- fon moft proper for planting in the Weft Indies, feems to be the month of March. In America, thet proper feafon varies with the feafon of fpring, which, on that continent, is 'Exceedingly various. The plant is a child of the fun, find certainly flourifbes to ad- vantage nowhere but in tropical countries. The in- fed moft deftrudlive to the profpcrity of the indigo plant, is a fpecies of the grub or worm. There is. WEST INDllES.'Hr 257 no other remedy but to change the foil; and the want of attention to this circumftance may be af- fcribed as a fufficient reafon for the many recent failures in this bufinefs. The iifual return of indi- go (if the grul> be prevented), for the firft cutting, is about 8olb. per acre of Pigeon's neck, or 6olb. of the Guatimala. The yielding of the fubfequent cut- tings is lefs;- but if the land be new, fometimes the whole five cuttings amount to 3001b. per acre of the fecond quality. For rearing the produce of five acres, four negroes, who can otherwife maintain themfelves, are only requifite. For obtaining the dye, two cifterns are neceflary, placed' the one above the other. The firft is called the Steeper, the other the Battery. Be0des this, it is neceflary to have a lime- vat, witn the top-hole, or plug- hole, placed at leaft eight inches from the bottonii in order to leave fufficient room for the lime to fubfide entirely before the lime-water is drawn oflT' into the battery. When the plants are wet, they^ are laid in ftrata in the fteeper till it is about three parts full ; they are then prefTed with boards, which are wedged, or loaded, to prevent the plants from buoying up ; and the plants themfelves are faturated with water. They are then left to ferment ; but great care is taken that they fh all neither draw off the pulp too foon, nor occafion putrefadion of the tops by retaining them too long. To ascertain the due time which is neceflary for the fermentation of indigo, the Chamber of Agriculture in Hifpani- ola have made repeated experiments, and, for the ii 'Mm, ^ '& *'4 m 238 HISTORY OF THE benefit of the public, have been fo kind as to publiih the following receipt. w-ttst f ** After the indigo has been deeped in the ciftern eight or nine hours, draw off a little of the water, and, with a pen dipped into it, make a few ilrokes upon white paper. The firft will probably be high coloured, in which cafe the indigo is not fufficiently fermented. This operation is to be repeated every ^[uarter of an hour, until it lofes its colour, when it is arrived at the true'point of fermentation." It is aftonifhing that an experiment fo iimple in itfelf, if it anfv;ers, Aiould have been for fo many years unknown to the indigo planters in general ; and I confefs, that, although I have liad no oppor- tunity- of gm<)g it a trial, I am mylblf foroewhat doubtful of its efficacy. The following method, which I give on the authority of Mt, Lediard, is, I conceive, attended with much greater certaioty. r '^ " I^t a fmail hole be made in the deeper, fix or eight inches from the bottom, exclulive of the open^ ing or aperture for drawing oiF the impregnated wa- ter ; let this hole likewife be dopped with a plug, yet not fo firmly but that a fmall dream may be permitted to ooze through it. After the plants have been deeped fome hours, the fluid oozing out will appear beautifully green, and at the lower edge of the cidern, from whence it drops into the battery, it will turn of a copperidi colour. This copper idi |)ue, as the fermentation continues, will gradually afcend upwards to the plug ; an4 vvhenthat circum- I ' ' '' WEST INDIES. ^i9 ^m ilance is perceived, it is proper to flop the fermenta- tion. " During the progrefs of this part of the bufinefs, particular attention Ihould be paid to the fmell of the liquor which weeps from the aperture ; for (hould it difcover any foumefs, it will be neceflary to let the fermented liquor run immediately into the bat- tery, and lime water of fufficient ftrength muft be added to it, until it has loft its foumefs. As it is running off, it will appear green, mixed with a bright yellow, or ilraw colour, but in the battery it will be of a moft beautiful green." -'^ After the tindlure has been difcharged into the battery, the procefs of churning mufl now be put in pradlice. This was at one period efFedted by mere manual labour ; but now it is performed by means of levers, wrought by a cog-wheel, and kept in mo- tion by a horfe or mule. When the fluid appears curdled, it is impregnated with lime-water to pro- mote feparation, and prevent putrefaction ; but the operator muft carefully diftinguifh the different flages of this procefs, too fmall a degree of agita- tion making the indigo green and coarfe, and too much making it almoft black, After the pulp has granulated, and the flakes fettled at the bottom, the fuperincumbent water is taken away, and the dye, when dried in moulds, is fit for the market. From the prolific nature, and cheap apparatus at- tending the manufadure of the plant, as alfo from the fmall number of negroes requilite for its culture, it is, at firft fight, a matter of aftonifhment, that an '\'\ .1 • *1 • 2^0 HISTORY OF THE article \|(hich ihould yield in the proportion 120Q pound to the twenty acres, ftiould have proved an unfuccefsful fubjed of employment in the hands of many who have tried it. \ et certain it is, that the planters who, after embarking in the cultivation of indigo, have failed with exceeding lofs, were in ge- neral men of found mercantile fagacity, and of pro- perty and induftry. The mod fatisfadtory reafon that can beaiiigned for their misfortunes, is the dread- ful mortality among the negroes (ariiing from the vapour of the fermented liquor), which inevitably attends an indigo manufadory. This has, com- bined with lelTer evils, blafted the hopes of ac- quiring wealth by this purfuit, and has diverted their indudry to a diHerent channel. yi.^\ '■: i«»' '>ki'*< f COFFEE. >iti I- Th£ public has been already favoured with fd many eifays on the beneficial properties of this berry, that it is almoil impoflible to bring forward any thing additional to recommend its advantages. Among the many able performances on the fub- jed, none has attracted more general approbation than a work of the ingenious Dr. Benjamin Mofeley, which, iince 1785, has gone through five editions in Englilh, and has been tranflated into moil of the languages of Europe. It has been long admitted, that the Wed Indian coffee is inferior to the coffee of Mocha ; but it has been alfo erroneoufly fuppofed that this inferiority WEST INDIES. 241 arifes from the Well Indian being the produce of a coarfer fpccies of tree. In refutation of this fuppoli. tion, and to prove that the whole difference depends upon the foil, climate, and mode of curing, it need only be mentioned, that coffee tranfplanted from the Weft Indies to an Englifh hot-houfe has, under pro- per management, proved confiderably fuperior to any that ever came from the £aft. The fmall berry, which, both In Arabia and the Weft Indies, grows in dry doping ground, is found moft agreeable to the Englifh ; but the beans produce!^ upon a rich deep foil, which are of a dingy green, and continue fome years unfit for ufe, proves the favourite of American cuftomers. It might be ex- pedted, therefore, that, while the taxes impofed by the Britifh government on coffee were fevere, and while, of confequence, America was found a more profitable market, the latter would be more gene- rally cultivated. Since the 1783, however, the Bri- tifh duties have been lefs enormous, and a wonder- ful change in the diredion of the coffee- trade has taken place. The Britifh demand has increafed fo rapidly, that the planters have changed the nature of their commodity to the tafte of their cuflomers. It is tru3, indeed, that the foil before mentioned as beft fitted to produce the fmall berry, cannot always be found ; but it is of importance to fpeculate be- forehand in the choice of foil in a country where fach variety of ground is to be procured. The whole . of the Weft Indies, but more efpe- cially. Jamaica, abounds with red hills of that warm. . . Hh ^:. i'' ' Ai Ml m 24^ HISTORY or THE gravelly mould fo remarkably favourable to th© growth of coffee bearing high flavoured fruit. Up. on good land the plants may be fafcly expofed all the year round, provided proper care be adminifter- ed that they ihall not be blalled in the bloflbms by the north wind, fo fiequeotly fetal to this produdlion. The mode of planting is to fet the young plants eight feet diftant from each other, in all diredions, in holes made large enough to hold the lower part of the ilem and all its roots. Although eight feet be the ufual diflance between the plants, yet, as it is often found, in rich foils, that the trees grow fo luxuriant as to impede the growth of each other, it is then advantageous to cut down every fe- cond row within jo or 12 inches of the ground; and it frequently happens;, that old plantations cut in this manner will yield a tolerable crop the fecond vear. The average produce of a co£fee plantation mud depend upon the nature of the foil. On dry ground a pound and a half of prepared coflTee is accounted good bearing- for a iiogle tree ; but in rich fpongy foils the jjroduce (though inferior in flavour) is fre- quently iix. Upon the whole, the following maj be looked upon as an average calculation. When the trees are raifed from old ones, the firft year's re- turn may be eflimated at 300 ; the next at 500 ; the third at €00 or 700 lbs. per acre. Trees raifed from young plants yield nothing till the third year ; and, at the end of that period, 750 pounds may be rea- fonably looked for. , , , '•>fi.jr;*t» Ml4- ,i1 West iNtifES^ Of gathering the Crop. HI According to La Roqiie, the pradlice of gather- ing and curing the crop is coniidered thus : " When the planters perceive that the fruit is come to maturity, they fpread cloths under the trees^ which they ihake from time to time, and the ripe fruit drops off. The berries thus collected are after- wards fpread upon mats, and expofed to the fun with the pulp on the berries, uhtil they are perfedly dry, which requires a confiderable time ; after which, the beans are extricated from their outward encum- brance by the preflure of a large and heavy ftone roller, when they are again dried in the fun ; for the planters confider, that, unlefs coffee be thoroughly dry, there is danger of its heating. It is then win- nowed with a large fan, and packed for fale." The Above procefs is undoubtedly better calcu- lated to preferve the flavour of the berry ^ but I believe the aforementioned method pradifed in the Weft Indies, by being infinitely lefs" tedious, muft enable the merchant to furniih the market with cheaper coffee than the Arabian manufadurer could procure. The negro who is appointed picker goes about with a bag hanging from his neck, kept open by means of a hoop in its mouth. If induf- trious, he may ealily pick three bufhels per day, and 100 bufhel« of coffee in the pulp will yield 1000 pounds of the prepared commodity, fit for the market, ^y-,^, Hrr '\>?m '■•'s.^'^m w^'i ■.\i W m 244 HISTORY OF THE \^'\ Coffee is cured either with or without the pulp. When cured with the pulp on the berry, it is fpread to the fun on a Hoping terras or platform of boards, and is ufually dry in the fpace of three weeks ; lifter which the huiks are feparated from the feeds by a grinding machine. When the pulp is re- moved, as foon as the coffee comes from the tree they make ufe of a pulping mill (a machine com- pofed of a fluted roller, a breall board fitted to the grooves of the roller, and a Hoping trough to feed them), which, when wrought by only one negro, will pulp a buftiel in a minute. The bean, ftill in its parchment ikin, is then wafhed in wire fieves and expofed to dry. It has been long difputed which of thefe methods of pracflice is mod advantageous. The former, I believe, gives a higher flavour; but from either method good coffee may be obtained by the afliff- ance of age, which is its moft effeftive improver. The membrane or flcin, which ftill adheres to the bean, is feparated by means of a machine of thfc following conllrudion : A perpendicular axis isfur* rounded by a circular trough, and about a foot from tke level of its furface there are tenanted in the axis four horrizontal arms, to which are fitted as many rollers. Thefe, on being turned round, bruife the coffee, fo as to feparate the Ikin from the bean, and when the feparation is effected, the flcins are carried off by a fan. In this manner 1500 lbs. will be cleared in a d:iy. The method of clearing by ftoves has been found fo prejudicial to the taftc WEST INDIES. 24s t'5 and fmell of the coffee, as to be now almofl entirely laid afide. Indeed there is no fubftunce io liable to imbibe the exhalations of any thing with which it is in proximity. " Coffee berries (fays Dr. Mofeley) are remarkably difpofed to imbibe exhala- tions from other bodies, and thereby c»cquire an adventitious and difagreeable flavour. Rum, placed near to coffee, will, in a fhort time, fo impregnate the berries, as to injure the tafte in a high degree ; and it is related by Mr. Miller, that a few bags )f pepper on board a fhip from India, fome years fince, fpoiled a whole cargo of coffee." We cannot conclude this fubj<»61: more properly , than by drawing out an eilimate of the expences attending the culture of this commodity, and the returns which may be reafonably expedled from its crops. I conceive that it is the moil advantageous and equally productive plant of any that the Weft Indies affords ; for giving all due regard to the ar- gument which is fo generally advanced againft the probability of its being a lucrative article of culti- vation (viz. that the duty falls upon the confumer, and not upon the merchant), yet it is evident, that if the '1 ity fhould ever become fo enormous as to diminifh the confumpt of the article, the planter has lefs temptation to cultivate that commodity than others in more general demand. For five years that the.exceffive duty on coffee continued, not 7,000,000 of pounds were imported into Britain, while St. Domingo has every year fupplied Europe with 70,000,000; and although the demand of I ^4<^ HISTORY OF THK Great Britain has incrcafed fince the laft dimint^- tion of the duties, yet fixpence per lb. may ftill be reckoned too much to allow coffee to be a general beveridge, -irfr; . EJlimate of the Expence and Return of a Coffee Plan- tation in the Mountains of famaica^ 14 miles from the Seat calculated in the Currency of that I/land^ being 40 per cent, worfe than Sterlings viz, Firft coft of 300 acres of mountain land, "*"" of which one- half is referved for pro- viiions and pallurage, at 3I. per acre, Ditto of 100 negroes, at 70I. per head, Ditto of 20 mules, at 2 81. Buildings and uteniils, mills, and negro tools, --.«-- Expence of maintaining the negroes the firil year, before provifions can be ^ raifed (exclufive of other annual ex- * pences charged below), 5I. each, L. 900 70C0 560 •»4'>^ *i 2000 500 Compound intereft for three years, be- fore any return can be expeded, at 6 ' * per cent. . - - - . » ^ •'' Carry oVer ifSn^-'Ai\' ■ ' '. ■ ' ■ ' < 10960 2093 X-. 13053 WEST INDIES. ^•' Brought over Annual Expunges, viz. H7 L. 13053 Wliilcovcrfeerand maintenance, L. 200 One other white fervant, Medical attendance on the ne- groes, - - - - Negro-fupplies, viz. clothing, tools, falted fifh, and other provifions, exclufive of the produce of their own grounds, Colonial taxes, - *• 70 25 200 100 595 3 Total for three years, before any return can be expeded, - 1785 uLcii lur lurcc ^c«tis, uciuic uuj return can be expeded. Compound interefl, as it arifes in the feveral years, 221 Total expence, ■*»« ,U^^ ;^-A 2006 L. 15059 Riturm of the fourth year, at 4/. per cwt. being the average price of Coffee for five years previous to 1792, viz. From 150 acres of young coflfee may be expefted the fourth year 45,000 lbs. L. i?oo Carried over L. 1800 I m 248 HISTORY OF THE ••<\' Brought over Dedu(5i annual charges for the fourth year, - - L. 595 Sacks and faddles, - . 40 L. i8oe ^35 Clear profit, - . L. X165 (being equal to 7I. 14s. per cent, on the capital.) GC. Returns the ^b and fubfequent years ^ viz. m 150 acres, yielding 750 lbs. per acre, 112,500 lbs. at 4I. - - - Dedud annual charges, as before, L.595 Sacks and' faddles, - <• 8q Repairs of mills, &c. - - 100 Clear profit (being equal to 2^\ per cent, on the capital), - - - - L.450f> ■jf *. 775 CACAO. L. 37^5 ■-; ^.■|^^v-> The Cacao, or Chocolate Nut, is a native of South America, and is flill an article of confiderable commerce with the Spaniards. In its cultivation, a level and (heltered fpot is chofen, in which the planter digs a number of holes a foot in length and width, and about fix or eight inches deep. His next procefs is to take the banana or fome other West iNt>i£s: m large leaf, and to place it within thie circumference of each hole, leaving, however, the fides of the leaf fome inches above the ground, after which he rubs in the mould very lightly till the hole is filled. He then feledls three nuts for each hole, folds the leaf over them, after having lightly covered them with mould, and places a fmall ftone on the top to pre- vent their opening. At the end of eight or ten days the leaves are opened, and the plartTis then Iheltered with palm leaves ftuck in the ground; and alfo the Erythrina or bean tree, for the young ca- cao will only flourifli in the fliade. If the three nuts fpring up, one of them is cut down as foon as the plants are r8 or 20 inches high. It feldom happens that the other two take root. , ,, The tree is in full perfedtion at its eighth year, and frequently bears for 20; but many plantations of ca- cao have periflied without any vifible caufe. The fuperftitious have always regarded comets as harbin- gers of its deftrudion. But in fpite of this fatality i the Britiih Weft; Indies at one period abounded in plantations of this commodity, and its cultivation would ftill continue extenCve and profitable were it not for the heavy hand of minifterial exadion. At prefent, the only cacao plantations of any ac- count, in our colonies, are in Grenada and Domini- ca ; the quantity exported from which illands, I believe, amounts, on an average, to fomething more than 400,000 pounds weight, valued in the London market at 10 or 11,000 pounds Sterling. ' /■^?^^ m ^ym m 250 HISTORY OF THE GINGER. f-^-'-.. '■' Ginger was conveyed from the Eaft to the Weft Indies by one Francifco de Mendoza ; and as far back as the year 1547, it was exported to Old Spain from thence to the amount of 22,053 ^^^' Ginger is of two forts, the black and the white ; the former is procured by prefervation in boiling water, the latter by infolation, and is confiderably more va- luable. Both fpecies of the article are procured with no more attention to cultivation than potatoes in Great Britain, that is, merely planting and dig- ging, unlefs where they are intended for fweetmeats, in which cafe they are dug while its fibres are ten- der and full of juice. The average quantity im- ported into Britain from her own iflands is ftated at io,ooc bags of one cwt. each, which fells at Lon- don at the rate of 40s. the cwt. ii ARNOTTO. 'V This indigenous plant is called, by Bolanets, Bixa. It rifes to the height of feven or eight feet, and produces long hairy pods, fomewhat refembling thofe of a chefnut. In thefe pods the feeds are found, which have an unpleafant fmell, and re- femble red lead mixed with oil in appearance. In- deed,, it was ufed by the native Indians as paint in decorating their bodies, at the time thefe iflands were firll difcovered. The method of extradling III WEST INDIES. 251 the pulp is by boiling the feeds till fully "xtricated, and then taking them away. The water is then drawn off, and the fediment dried in fhalluw ^elTels. Thus prepared, it is ufed in the compoiition of Spanifh drugs, and many wonderful efFeds are afcribed to its medicinal qualities. The Dutch heighten the colour of their butter by infuling it, and it is faid to be ufed in fmaller quantities even in Englifh dairies. Arnotto is, however, upon the whole, a commodity little in demand, and of no great commercial confequence. > ALOES. The moft valuable fpecies of this commodity is that called Socotra, but the only fpecies known to our colonies is the Hepatic. It is propagated by the plantation of fuckers, and will thrive in thofe dry and barren foils where lefs hardy vege- tables would fpeedily perifh. When the plant is pulled by the root, it is carefully cleanfed and put into nets or balkets, which are boiled in large cal- drons, and always renewed till the liquor grow* ftrong arid black. The procefs of boiling is repeated in another veflel till it becomes of the confiftency of honey ; after which it is poured into gour<5 ,, and then dried and fent to market. 'Ml 1^ fef i^V?H PIMENTO, OR ALL-SPICE. This elegant produdion grows fpontaneoufly, II JJ 1ml 252 HISTORY OF TKE but in more abundance in hilly fituations near the ' fea, forming extenfive groves of the moft delicious fragrance. It is purely the child of nature, and mocks every attempt to improve its qualities. A pimento walk is procured by no other labour than appropriating a piece of woodland in the neigh- bourhood of a plantation already exifling, or in a country where the fcattered trees are found in a native ftate, the woods of which being fallen, the trees are fuffered to remain on the ground till they become rotten and perilli. In the courfe of twelve months after the firfl: feafon, abundance of young pimento trees will be fpund growing vigoroufly in all parts of the land. : There is Bot in the vegetable world a more beau- tiful production than a young pimento. The trunk is fmooth and glofly, free from bark, and 15 or 20 feet high ; its leaves are of a deep green, like thofe of a bay tree, and form a beautiful contrail to its white exuberant flowers. The leaves are equally odoriferous with the fruit. As to its preparation for fale, the berries are always gathered green, for the admiflion of ripened fruit would conlidera- bly diminiili the value of the commodity.' They are gathered by the hand, fpread on a terrace, e^nd expofed to the fun till they become of a red- difli brown; and wh^n dry are fent to market, fingle tree has been known to yield one cwt. of dried fpice, pr 150 lbs. of the raw fruit; but as good crops are only contingent, the value of the cpramodity is not fo alluring as others, fp that many WEST INDIES. 253 plantations of pimento are now exchanged for fu- gar. Jamaica is the only one of our colonies which produces it, and there are annually exported about r)000 bags of 1 12 pound each. It is fold in com- mon years at J od. per lb. the duty attached to it being ^d. M ill BOOK VI. GOVERNMENT AND COMMERCE. : 'Ai CHAPTER I. ; Colonial £{tabli{hments— Of the Captain-General, or Chief Go- vernor; his Powers and Privileges— Some Refleftions on the General Choice of Perfons for this High Office — Lieutenant- General, lieutfiant-Guvernor, and Prefident— Of the Council; their Office anl Funf^ions— Origin of their Claim to a Share in the Legiflature^ -Its Neceffity, Propriety, and Legality confi- dered— Some Corredion in the Conftitution of this Body pro- pofed. - , ' • « Xhe internal conftitution of the Britifti Weft In- dies conforms, in almoft all refpeds, to the conftitu- ticn of England. The balance of power which, itl the mother country, divides the legiflature of the mother country into three branches, is imitated by thefe colonies, whofe different orders confift of a go- vernor, whofe prerogative refembles the King's ; a council or upper houfe ; and a body of reprefenta- tives chofen by the people, limilar to the Britifti Houfe of Commons, but more fairly and equally cleded by their conftituents. r 2s6 HISTORY OF TH£ ft : ' r'iK'^ "^6 I'^^fi'"' **?^?'? f^* •'?'*v*T "rv? ;/l ■•.'ST*;,! ••'^i/ »*iV- ,-\-;.,.r^.; jr. h- GOVERTTOR. ' '"'-"' ''^' ^*"''" Every chief governor in the Weft India Iflands, as commander in chief of the forces in his jurifdic- . tion, has the appointment of all officers not upon the llafF; and, in a civil capacity, nominates and fuper- fedes the judges of the different courts of common law, the cuftodes of the pariQies, the juftices of the peace, and others employed in iimilar departments. The advice of this council, which he is bound to alk, cannot be looked upon as any conliderable .'check ■ upon the exertion of this prerogative; for he has the continual refource of expelling all oppofers, on , frivolous pretences, and iilling their ipVdces ifi/lanter with more complying members. In the general af- fembly, which is fummoned, diflblved, prorogued, and adjourned at his pleafure, he has a negative voice ; and in this alfo his council offer him their advice. He has the power of appointing ^ro tempore .. perfons of his own choofing, to occupy fuch places as ' have not been filled up by the King ; and the pow- er of fuch fucceiTors continues till the one chofen at home arrive to fuperfede them. In cafes of an ex- traordinary nature, the governor has even been known to fuperfede, for a time, officers of high and lucrative appointments, who had been nominated by other powers, and of filling their places by others, till the King's pleafure lliould be known. Like the King of Britain, he pardons the condemned culprit olf every defcription, unlefs thofe guilty. of murdev %W WEST INDIES. 257 and high treafon; and even in thefe cafes he can re- fpite, till word be fent to fintain, and his Majefty's kijundlions fent back. In general, every governor in the Weft Indies ex- ercifes the extenUVe powers of the Lord High Chan- cellor of Great Bmain ; being keeper of the great feal, and prefiding in the high court of chancery. As ordinary, he appoints to all church benefices, gives licenfes for marriages, and is fole judge of the con- iiflorial and eccleiiaftical law. He prefides in the court of error, and determines upon ail appeals of the kind liable to be brought before this court from other courts of common law. As vice-admiral f)f the Weft Indies, he has the right of jetfen flot- fam, ^c. and grants commiilion to privateers, through the medium of the court of vice- admiralty. This court, it may net be improper toobferve, is in- vefted with a power concurrent with that of the court of records. When an ad of parliament rela- ting to the trade and revenues of the Briti(h colo- nies in America is infringed, the judge of this court (to the great injury of the colonifts) decides, from his own authority, without the intervention of a ju- ry ; and is nominated to his office by a gift of the Crown. ^efides the profits of feveral employments, the governor of every colony has a liberal falary attach- ed to his office of government ; but, in order that he may have no temptation in view to court the fa- vour of the leading men of the aflembly, he is not iiUowed to accept of any falary, unlefs it be fixe4 Kk 1 i . t ,:fll:i' Si a58 HISTORY OF THE y &' ;;;! (in fuch a manner as cannot be recalled) within tlio fpace of one year after his arrival in the WeR Indies. . • ^Xv f « iv^. ...ww*- r^ Confiderin^ the fallibility of bpman nature, the dillance of the governor's feat^of jurifUidion from the mother country, and, abov^ all, his cxtenfive prerogative, it is not wonderful that he (bould at times be intoxicated by the inikience of his power. That fuch extenfive authority, more unlimited evcr^ than the power of the King of Britain, ihould not be conferred without much caution, mud be evident .to every one ; but it is a truth, to be regretted, that in the non^nation of this important office, attention is not invariably paid to the merit of the individual; and that, from the influence of party fpirit, men di- ftinguiihed for no other quahties than vice and ig- norance, are fent out to recruit, by the emoluments of a government, the fortunes which have been ruin- ed by their forme profligate, diflipatioq at home. From perfon? fo deditute of character and ability, what evils may net be expeded ^ Indeed, fuppo- iing the governor fent out by the Britifti miniftry to poflefs a found underflanding, and an uncorrupted mind, unlefs acquainted with the laws of thofe whom he is to govern, he muft be betrayed into many in- confiftencies ; and the improper adions they thus commit, prove fertile fources of fiiture damage, by Handing as precedents of injuftice. A glaring in- ftance of this was afforded, while Nortli America was a B^tifli colony, by a governor of one of the northern provinces, who orderc4 a criminal to be J *i WEST LN'OlfiS. «S9 hung fome days before the time ordained by his fen- tence. " He meant well (fays Stokes, who relates the inecdote), but being a military man, concei- ved that, as he poflefled the power to reprieve after fentence, he had power to execute alfo when he pleafed.'* And the criminal was actually hanged fome days fooner than his fentence enjoined, as the governor ordered. Nor could his excellency be perfuaded that, by this very adl, he was committing felony. Another military governor, the fan." a- thor informs us, fufpended a gentleman frc » the council, becaufe he had married his daughter ^# out his confent. Befides thefe fpecimens of unwar- rantable ftretches of power, many tnflances of mif- conducl could be produced, ftill more glaring in their enormity, and more baneful in their effedls to the public ; but the talk of numbering faults, is no way pleafant, and Ihall be therefore declined. ' "* "The moft flagrant impropriety in the nomination of a Weft Indian governor, is the feledion of fuch men as cannot be expected, from their paft (ituations in life, to be acquainted with the laws of their coun- try. That fome knowledge of law is requifite in a governor, is evident from the nature of his office ; yet the military profeffion, of all the moft unlikely to furnilh men minutely acquainted with that fcience, is the general fourcc from whence the Weft Indies are fupplied Svith rulers. It would be improper, however, not to ftate, that fome gvovernors, whofe lituation iii ths w®rltl precluded them from be- ing acute lawyers, have filled their governments Kkij i \i ■ : ■ , ■'" \m , '■ ■; m f&':^ tfira !, -'i-i wm 1 IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) A % ^£o 1.0 I.I Ui fii 112.2 I' m ■ 40 IL25 i 1.4 1^ m 1.6 A." o %' A 'VlV Hiotographic Sdences Cbrporalion ^^^"^2%^^ ^^' 23 MnST MAIN VmUTIt.N.Y. (7U)«7X STMIT MSM 4903 '^ j|;5o IttttO&YOFtHE with honour. For inftance, Sir William Trelawney^ Sir Bafil Keith, and Thomas Earl of Effinj^am* were men of uprightnefs, as well as judginenti and were juftly revered by the people. The gratitude of Jamaica, in particular, was fo ftrong to the me- mory of the laft named governor, that they voled a magnificent monument to be erected to hiy name ; and evinced their veneration of his merit, by the words with which it was infcribed. But partial in- ilances of this nature cannot apologize for the ge>- ncral impropriety of feleding for governors ta the colonies, men equally deftitate of worth, of inte- grity, and the knowledge requifite for their ftation. LiEUTENANT-GENERAL. LIEUTENANT- GOVERNOR, AND PRESIDENT. When a government comprehends fevcral iflands, a lieutenant-general is ufually appointed to be the next in fucceffion, who is commonly lieutenant- governor of one of the iflands included in the jurif- didion of the captain-general. Each of thefe iflands, during the abfence of the chief governor^ is managed by a lieutenant-governor, or more frequently by the prefident of the council ; the lieutenant-governor's appointment being, in £i£t, a finecure of 1 20dl. a year. A lieutenant-governor, of dormant commif- lion, is feldom appointed in Jamaica while the com- mander in chief is prefent ; for, when that officer re- figns, or obtains leave «f ai^ftnce, a lieutenant- 1^ >' .^^ WEST U9BIX8. 261 governor is difpatched from home, who enjoys the full power and profits of the office. About the year 1767, when the Marquis of Lanfdown, then £arl of Shelbume, was fecretary of ftate, fome gentlemen of Jamaica foUcited the minifter to have a deputy- govttnoTt who ihould be ftationary on the ifland. I,K>rdShelburne, to obviate the expence of the office, took away from the profits of the governor the com- mand of a fortification, called Fort Charles; and bar- gained with Lord Trelawney, that he fhould refign FortCharlestoSir WilUamBalling. The refult of this ftipulation was, however, unfavourable. Lord George Germaine, Lord Shelburne*s fucceflbr in the miniftry, regarding loool. per annum as no defpicable ob- je^, did not chpofe to continue the falary of the command of Fort Charles, as a fund for fupporting the deputy- governor, affigned it over to one of his dependents, who refides at home, and enjoys the profits of the office, while the fort is commanded by bis deputy's deputy. •.»* . .Cfc.-' >Ai*Wt "V*^ THE COUNCIL. ^^: Thi members of this board, who are appointed by the King, and inferted in the governor's inftruc- tions, amount, in their full complement, either to ten or twelve, in proportion to the lize of the illand. When their number is reduced below feven, the commander in.cbief i^ enjoined to fupply new mem- bers to that amouiit, butto no greater. Thefe mern- bers,by courtefy fly led Honourable, take precedency I ±62 rilStORY OF THE next the governor, ancf the cldeft fupplies his pUdt when he is abfent or dead. They (land in the fame refpeft to the govr^rnor as the privy council to his Majefty; but I conceive that he can ac^even in cort- tradidion to their opinion. They ire nominated juftices in every commiflion of the peace, ahd fit with the governor as judges in the courts of error and appeal from the court of records. Laftly, In- dependent of the governor, they fonw an upper branch of the legiflature, clain^ing the privilege of parliament, ordering attendance, entering protefts, and keeping up all the offices and infignia of a Bri- tifh Houfe of Parliament. This double office of le- giflators and privy council may feem inconfiftent. Governor Lyttleton fays, " The admitting (bch a di- ftlnftion may be fuppofed to free them from all ob- ligation of the oath they take as counlellors ; be- caufe their duty to the people, as legiflatoff, mtif feem to oblige them very frequently to fupport opU nions repugnant to a governor's." But this objec- tion is unjufl ; for thet)ath they take as cdunfellors, certainly does not bind them to adt indifcriminatcly, according to the direction of the governor. As counfellors, as legiflators, their duty is equ.i ind- ing, to ferve the true interefts of the people. Territorial qualification is not indilipenfably re- quifite to the admittance of counfellors as of hietn- bers of the aflembly, Perfons are therefore, 1 aiti afraid, too frequently admitted, who'can have little real coricern in the welfare of the community, aftd who are confequently mofe obfequious to the ttiea- WeST INDIES. 26i f\xic$ of the governor than to the didates of public Utiiitje B«t it frequently happens, that even thefe men, unconnedc(i with the interefts of the country, are lefs overawed by the influence of the governor than the members who have property in the iflaodis. In fa<^, the Inilability ojf this board, and the power of fufpenfion lodged in the hands of the governor, maHes it at all times dependent; and until that evil be remedied, thd people have more to feat fjfom its compliance to the governor, than the go- vernQr from its attachment to the people. It is giyen a9 the decided opinion of many intelligent people, that this board of council have adually no right to lit as legiilators, that their real and appro- priate office if) to lit as alTeiTors to the governor, and that they are warranted by no pretention to the branch of power they now poiTefs. In fupport of tbis,afl*ertion, it has been urged, in the firft place,. th9t a colonial council bears no iimilitude to tine peers of Great Britain, and confequently ought not to fupply their place in the government of the Weft Indies. The privileges enjoyed by the Eugliih Houfe of Lords are facred and independent ; and though the fovereign can add to their number^ he cannot diminilh it by any lawful exertion of his power ; but the councils of the Weft Indies, as has beeii mentioned before, can be changed as well as prorogued by the iarbitrary will of the viceroy^ and are therefore endowed with privileges by no means comparable to the Britifti Lords. It has been farther urged, that ^ven the prerogative of the Crown does 264 HISTORY OF THE not warrant impofing the authority of fuch a body ok nif^n upon the colonifts. The King, fay the abettors of this aflertion, has the right of putting a w/0 upon the proceedings of the other branches of the legifla* ture; but being, at the fame cime,from the nature of his office, not a feparate legillator himfelf, he cannot juftly aflume the charader of fuch, far lefs can he impofe an authority upon any part of his doipinions which it requires the united aflent of all the parts of the conilitution to make facred. To thofe who objed to their authority from argu- ments of this nature, it may be replied, that if, on feverai occafions, it fhould be found that the ex- iftence of fuch a power fhould be indifpenfably re- quifite to the welfare of the community where they are appointed, it is not abfolutely neceifafy to fuppofe that their origin has been coaftitutionally legal; for the view of public advantage ought to fuperfede law. But in averting the utility of this branch of Weft Indian government, I do not mean to imply that it was originally intended that thei?e ihould be a feparate body of this kind, intermediate between the aflembly and the governor. Its origin feems to have been founded in the want of nobility in the Weft Indies, and the neceffity of having jome legiflative houfe, not intermediate between the governor and the aflembly, but between the aflembly and the Crown. In order to corroborate the influence of the King, the governor was ad^ mitted into this convention, and was fiirther iU" ftruded to tranfmit, from time to time, the naiiH^ 2 •*WEST INMES. 165 of fuch of the principal inhabitants as might ap- pear bell qualified to fupply vacancies in ihe council ; and accordingly it is very rare that any perfon is appointed who has not been prcvioufly Tccommended by the governor. '>: The government dill fubfifting in Barbadoes is a fufficicnt proof that the original objedt of inftituting the council was this ; for there, in enabling laws, the governor and council form but one conftituent branch in the conftitution, fitting and deliberating together. In fadl, throughout all the royal go- vernments in the Weft Indies, this pradice was originally followed ; nor was it difcontinued till the governoir's avcrfion to become odious to the affem- bly by palling unpopular bills, induced him to de- cline attending in the council, and to allow the tafki of ena'iSling difagreeable laws to be performed by the boai d of council alone. The council them- fclves, we may fuppofe, were not unwilling to dc». liberate feparately; the Grown found it conducive to its own purpofes ; nor did the reprefentatives of the people tefift this mode of deliberating, not re- garding it in the light of an innovation. If they had thought fuch, they had it in their power to proteft againft the change ; but it does not appear that any colony oppofed the right of the council to nefgative bills without the concurrence of the go- vernor. By the fame right which they exercife of rejeding bills, independent of the opinion of the governor, they are evidently entitled to amend par- ticular claufes in all bills but thofe for raifing mo- iU' i m ml 266 HISTOaV OF TU£ ney ; bccaufe, if the houfe of reprefentatives diflikc their amendments, they can efTedt their purpofe in an indired manner, by rejeding the bill after its iirft ftage. The authority of the council feems ta extend thus far and no farther. That fuch an au- thority, exercifed freely and independently (lay- ing afide at prefent all objedions againd the influ- ence poflefled by the governor over the council), is of eflential advantage to the conftitution, feems evident, if we reflect upon the difagreeable dif- cord which muft otherwile take place were not the interefts of the people and the Crowa balanced by an intermediate body. Whatever may be faid of its illegal origin, it feems to claim the fandion of prefcription, and to be at prefent in the eye of law a legally conftituted body. It may not be impro- per to remark, before concluding this apology for the feparation of the council, that the colonies have adually been benefited by it, fince it confirms them in the much wifhed for privilege of having their laws immediately fandioned by the governor, who, unable to do fo while conjoine4 with the board of council, was obliged to tranfmit them to Britain to wait the , tedious confirmation of their authority by his Ma- jefty. What has been faid, does not plead, in the moft , iliftant manner, in defence of that undue influence which the governor adually enjoys over the dehbe- vations of this body. The remedy of this evil de- mands very ferious confideration, and the more fo, becaufe the rights of the council are fo unfleadily ■v^ .jr; m WEST INDIES. to/ nxedt that in fome inftances they nave been degraded beyond the dignity they ought unqueftlonably to claim, and in others they have affumed fucb powers as are utterly inconfillent with the liberty of the people. The affembly are the fitted, body for effedl- ing this change, and they feem competent to bring it about by a proper exertion of their ftrength. It ihould be their objeA, on the one hand, that the right of fufpenfion, now vefted in the governor, be at leaii confiderably abridged, in order to give energy and independence to the council ; an advantage never to be enjoyed while its members can be fufpendedupon the mod frivolous pretences. On the other hand^ caution is requifite even in communicating this rei ftoration of vigour. To make them incapable of removal would be a dangerous expedient, if we may judge from the unwarrantable authority which fonict colonies in the Weft Indies have arrogated to them- felves, even in fpite of the general dependence of councils upon the governors. At different times they have fined of their own authority, have arbi- trarily imprifoned for contempt, and have even claimed a right of originating mohey bills at theit own board, amending money bills pafled by the affembly, and appropriating the public revenue. A council difpdfed to fuch arbitrary meafures (hould be reiiiled, inftead of being corroborated by thc^ people. To permit the increafe of fuch illegitimate power, would be to found an impregnable and ty- rannical fyfteni of ariftocracy. -'ttjimt ^^ 26g HISTORY OF TH£ CHAPTER II. 4 ;w| . . . - ''>*i'*. f^i Houfe of Aflembly— Prerogative denied to be in the Crown of cftablifhrng in the Colonies Conftitution» lefs free than that of Great Britain^Moft of the Britifli Weft Indian IfTandt fettled by Enugrants from the Mother Country— Royal Proclamations and Charters are only Confirmations of Ancient Rights— Bar- badoes and fume other Iflands originally made Counties Palatine — Their Local Legiflatures how conftituted, and the Extent of their Jurifdidlion pointed out— Their Allegiance to, and Depen* dence on, the Crown of Great Britain, how fecured^— Conftitu* tional Extent of Parliamentary Influence over them. i^ The object of this diflbrtation on the colonial aC fembltesr is to difplay the principles on which Britain confirmed to her fubjeds in tho Weft Indies the right of enading their own laws ; after which, it remains to be explained by what means the alle- giance and fubordinatioii of thefe colonies are fe- cured to the mother country. The fubjedt has un. dergone difcuflion from many i writers, and on that account no povelty can be expeded ; but to be plain and perfpicuous is at prefent entirely our wilh, and the rights of which we treat happily depend upon no metphyiical arguments. It has been lately aflerted, that the Crown of Bri- tain had a juft title to inveft the Wed Indian qoun. ' cik with legidative authority, becaufe the meafure is founded in juftice, and is of great utility to the public intereft; but it is not, however, to be deduced from this maxim, that the Crown of Britain, by the fame right, is warranted to impofe upon her colonies rope^ the WEST INDIES. 269 my form that his Majefty may think proper, or that fuch a form is to be eftabliihed as does not conduce to the freedom of the colonial inhabitants. It is true, though juftice and utility be the principal pil- lars of the liberty of the colonies, yet even were the didates of propriety fet afide, the charters, procla- mations, and grants, have given to the Britifh colo- nifts in America a legal and constitutional right to the privileges of Britons. But, indeed, it is ceding by far too much to fuppofe; for one moment, that were there no charters and proclamations in exigence to ratify the rights of Weil Indians, that their rights, as Britifh fubjeds, are therefore to be called in que- ilion. The law of England certainly does grant to all the provinces of the Britiih dominions the full privileges of the mother country, whether thefe pro- vinces were obtained by conqueft, or colonized by emigrants from home. Of the firitilh poiTellions in America, fome Were obtained by force, and others occupied upon being found deilitute of inhabitants ; but even the injuftice of forcing the original natives from their ppfleflions does not impart a right to Eu- ropeans of fubjugating thefe unjull invaders, after the mother country has participated, in the profits, as well as the guilt of the invalion. To ufe.the words of Mr. Long, " Shall it be affirmed, that if Englifh forces conquer, or Engliih adventurers poilefs them- felves of didant lands, and thereby extend the em- pire, afid add to the trade and opulence of England, the Englilhmen (o poflelling and planting fuch ter- ritory ,ought, in Coniideration of the great fervices ^1 V a 70 HISTORY or THH thereby eflei^lcd to the nation, to be treated worfe than aliens, to forfeit all the rights of Englifh fub- jedb, and to be left to the mercy of an abfolute an4 arbitrary form of government.." '• In addition to Mr. Long's ftatement of the argu< ment, may be quoted the opinion of Locke on the right of a conqueror over the conquered. " The conqueror gets no power (fays Mr. Locke), by his conqueft, over thofe who are conquered with him. They that fought on his fide muft at leaft be as much freemen as before. And mod commonly they ferve upon terms, and on condition to ferve with their leader, and enjoy a part of the fpoil and other ad- vantages that attend the conquering fword ; or at lead have a part of the fubdued country bellowed upon them. And the conquering people are not, I hope, to be Haves by conqueft, and wear their lau- rels only to (how that they are facrifices to their leader's triumph. We are told by fome that the Englifli monarchy is founded on the Norman coor quell, and that our princes have thereby a title to abfolute dominion ; which, if it were true (as by hi- ftory appears other wife), and that William had a right to hiakc'war on this ifland, yet his dominion by conquell could reach no fr ther than to the Saxons and Britons that were then inhabitants of this coun- try. The Normans that came with him and helped to conquer, and all defcended from them, are free- men, and no fubje(5ls by conquell, let that give what dominion it will." The opinion of Locke has been quoted at fuH VTEST INDIES. a7i length, becaufe it furniflies an unanfwerabk argu- ment againft thofe who, founding all the right to freedom which individuals enjoy upon the bads of forms and conilitutions, throw out ot* their conlide- ration all the duties which we owe to our fellow- men, in contributing to their happinefs from motives of natural juftice. ' From attending to this remark, it will therefore appear evident, that the royal pro- clamations and charters ilTued from Britifh princes to their fubjeds in the Weft Indies were not meant to declare that their liberty was now given them, and fhould henceforth commence, but to acknow- ledge that their liberties had formerly exiftcd and ihould ftill remain undifturbed. The return requi- red for protedmg them in the pofleffion of tliefe rights, beftowcd by nature and not by man, was al- legiance to lawful authority. Of thefe rights, one of the moft material was this, that the laws by which they were governed fhould be enadled with their own confent, and that the framers of the law Ihould be equally bound with thofe who were governed by- it, Thus, in America and the Weft India Illands were eftabUftied colonial aftembhes, whofe members, delegated by the people, and hving in thefe coun- tries, were too intimately allied to the interefts of the ftate not to fupport them with all their power. It might appear at hrlt fight a reafonable enough allo^yance to the colonies, that they ihould be go- verned by their own laws only, in this refped, that they fhould delegate reprefentatives to the Britifti parliament, and thus be fairly yeprefented. Iti fad, M ,1 272 HISTORY OF THE Barbadoes and the Charaibean lilands, as well as fome provinces of North America, were adlually modelled at one period into this form of reprefenta- tion. But the abfurdity of attempting to rule dates fo far from the mother country upon the fyftem of delegation, was foon difcovered, and the propriety of colonial aflerablies confirmed by experience. The colonifts have, therefore, an indubitable right to re- prefentation of fome kind ; and fince it has been found that to reprefent them by delegates fent to Britain is impoflible, the propriety of colonial aflem- biles incontrovertibly follows. The aflembly, thus conflituted by juftice, allimi- lates in its formation, and the extent of its jurifdic tion, to the parliament of Great Britain. The fuf- frages being taken, the elecSled member is fummoned by royal authority. The aflembly when convened are addrefled by his Majefty*s reprefentative, and proceed to hear grievances, and corredl thofe abufes which are liable to their difcuflion. They commit for contempts, impofe taxes and laws, and exerting along with the governor the higheft ads of legifla- tion, on fome occafions confign the vidlims of law to execution, even before the royal aflent has been received *. * The following proceedings of the leglflature of Jamaica will convey to the reader, who gives himfelf the trouble of peruHng thi» note, a diftant idea of the power claimed by the colonial affcm- bii,cs : WEST INDIES, svi «73 V' T^e only reftridion kid upon the delibenative powfits o£ the aflemblies of the cplonies, isy that) iti ** To his Honour Rogkr Hope Ellbtson, E^uirc, bw Majefiy's Lieutenant Governof and Commander in Chief i? t^'^A^ aiad oter Chii his Majefty»i Ifland of Jamaica, &c. &c. ■, *t May It pleafe your Honour, ^■ M We, his Majefty's moll dutiful and loyal fubjedlt, the affitmbly «f Jaroaicaf thoroughly convinced' of your Honour's readinefs to hear, and in^fiaation to redrefs, as nuich as in you lies, every grie- vance that may affeft any of Kis Mi^efty's fubjefts, beg leave to reprefent to you one which calls aloud for immediate relief* it being in itfielf of the moft dangerous and alarming nature, a^ Having alt ready given birth to fuch confufions and diftra^ions in this unhappy country,, as have not at any time before been known in it. "^^ •* Our anceftors, ISir, who fettled this Britifli colony, wereEo' gliftimen, and brought with them a right to the law^ of ^England as theis^ inberitancet which they did not, nor could forfeil by fet- tlii^g here. Ever £nce civil government was tiril eftaUifKed among us, which was very foon after the Reftoration of King Charles the Second, we have enjoyed in this colony a conilitutioa and form of government as nearly refembling that of our mother country as it yiOfi pcchaps poffible to make it ; our lives, our liberties, and our prpperties,. fecured to us by the fame laws, have ever been deter- mined and adjudged by fimilar jurifdidiions, and fuch monies as have been neceflbry for the fupport of his Majefty's government here, have," as in England, ever been raifed upon the people, with their own confent, given by their reprefen- tatives in afiembly; our courts of juftice, where life, liberty, and property are adjudged, are governed by the fame laws, and ftand in the fame 4'9gi'«es of fubordination to one . another, as the courts which they refpe6kiyely itand for, do in England ; our houfe of aflcmbly, ai reprefentiug the whole body of our people, does, and ever did, hold the fame rank in the fyftem of our conftitution, as the Iloufe of Commpnt does in that of our mother country j here^ •'• Mm 374 HISTORY OF THE their trade-laws, they muft aft not repugnantly to thofo of the mother country ; and it is expedlcd, in return,' fs in Eogkuid, our reprefentatives In afTembly are the grand inqueft; of our community; they have the power, and it is their duty to inquire into the corruptions of office, the abufes of government, and the ill-adminiflratlon of juftice, and for that purpofe it i» that this body has here, as in our mother country, ever enjoyed a fupe- riority over all the courts of juttice, And a power of examining their condud: ; and all judges; magiilrates, and public officers, have ieveir beeii amenable to the aflembly, and their conduft liable tb its ih- fpe£lion; vnA here, as in England, we owe it to thewholefome and frequent exertions of fuch a power in the reprefentatiye b6dy of the peopk,' that we arc at this day a free people : without it we can have no fecurity or defence againft the corruption of judges, and the abufes which may happen in evefy department of admini- ftration. ;'JD .1; O- w. /ii.OU - " It is againft a irtoft flagrSrtt," ti*if)rovoked, and lirffrecddentfed attack and violation, which Mr. Lyttleton, our late chancellor, ifiade upon this indubitable right of the people, that w^ now refort to your Horiour for redrefs. ** ^ ** In December 1764, Pierce Cooke and Lachkm M*Niel, two men who had been committed by the aflembly for breach of privi- lege, and were in cuftody of Edward Bolt, the meirengef of the houfe, by virtue of the fpeaker's waiTant, did, in contempt of th< power and jurifdiclion o^ tlie houfe, apply in the firft inftance to Mr. Lyttekon, as chancellor, for writs of habeas corpus upon the Aatute of the thirty -firft of Charles the S&ond, and upon the rcr turn of the faid writs, he did, in a court of chancery which he called for that purpofe, rcleafe the prifoncrs, and declare as follows : * That it did not appear to him, from the words of any aft of par- liament, or of , any aft o*^ the governor, council, and affembly of this ifland, or of his Majefty's commifllon or inftruftions to his Excellency as governor of this ifland, or by any other means whatfoever, that the commitment of the faid Pierce Cooke into the cuftody of the ^id Edward Bolt is legal j and his Excellency the chancellor was rn>?r ■^ WEST INDIES* 2yj th&t the Icgiflature of Britain will not interpofe in affairs belonging to the colon* in order that thefe therefore pleafed to ord^r, adjudge, and decree, and it is hereby ordered, adjudged, and decTvied, Taat the faid Pierce Cooke be, by- the authority of this couit, releafed and dil'charged from the Cuftody of the faid Edward Bolt ; and did alfo niake the fame de- claration and order as lo the faid Lachlan M'Neil,' which orders and declarations of his, he did moft irregularly call decrees, and order them to be enrolled among the records of the court of chan- cery* ** It irevident from the opinions of the able ft lawyers in England, tver fince the pafiing of that ilatute, from the opinions and declara- tions of judges, the uniform determinations of all the courts in England, and the conilant declarations and pradlice of the Houfe of Commons, that the faid ftatute was not, nor couldfk, intended to extend to conunitments by either houfe of parliament, and that the Houfe of Commons is the only proper judge of its own privileges and commitments. This determination of Mr. Lyttelton's tends, therefore, manifeftly to degrade the reprefentatives of the people, in the fyftem of our conftitution, from that rank and authority which is held by the like body in our mother country, and if fuffered to remain, would fubvert the fundamentt^ls of that fyftem, by giving the court of chancery a power to controul the proceedings of the aflembly, and b''' reducing them to a dangerous and unconftitutional dependence upon governors, would.leave the people without that prote£lion againft arbitrary power, which nothing but a free and in- dependent aflembly can give them. " Every court of jullice, from the meaneft quarter feflion up to the two houfes of parliament, has a power of committuig for con- tempt, and this power requires no adl of parliament to confer it, it being incident to the inftitution of every court of juftice, and ne- ceflary for its exiftence, for it would be impofllble to fuppoi;t any authority Without it. " The courts of juftice here ftanding in the fame degrees of (ubordination to one another as they relped^vely do in England, Mm ij ayS HISTORY or THE may not be diilradled by fubjcdion to twolegifla- tures i^o remote in lituation. u <::>\; ii. commitments by tlie inferior maybe, and frequently are, eamincd and determined by the fuperior courts; and as commitmentf by tho Houfe of Commons cannot be, nor ever were^ difcbargcd by any of the inferior courtsy fo this extraordinary uSt of Mr. Ly tteltoa ftands in our country without a precedent, &ch a thing having oevcr before his time been attempted. . ijumn ** The power of • commitment by the Houfe oTGoimnDiM i* thcir's by the common law, as well as their privileges, of which they are the only competent judges, for they judge of thefe msitterfr by the law and ufage of parliament, whicli is paitof the commQA' law. ^^r -^' •* As all t% inferior courts here enjoy and exercife tfc« fivme« powers wrtii tftfe they ftand for in England, it is furely reafooaUe and juft that the rcprefentatives of the people here, called by %ht fame authority, and conllituted for the fame ends, fliould «Ub enjoy the fame powers with thofe o Great Britain* 4,-, ** We beg leave to reprefent futther to your Honour, that by the thirty-firil claufe of an a£t of the governor^ council, and aflembly of this ifland,. entitled, * An aA for granting a revenue tfO hk Ma^ jefty, his heirs,. and\fucce(rors, for the fupport of the gOKemment of this iHnnd, and for reviving and perpetuating iiSa. ada and laws thereof,* which has received the royjd approbation, ft it> declared^ * That all I'uch laws and flattites of England as have been at ai^ time efteemed, introduced, ufed,, accepted or received aa laws in this iiland, fliall and are hereby declared to be and continue laws of this his Mojefty's ifland of Jamaica forever ;*• and that the afiemblies of Jamaica, as appears by their minutes^ confidering it thfcic duty to aflimilate their proceedings to thofe of tlie Houfe of Commoni^ have conftantly governed themfelvcs in cafes oi commitment, and in the exercife of their jurifdit^ion, by Uie law and uiage of parliament^ which being undoubtedly part of the law of £ngla&d« the ufe wmI beneiit thereof was confirmed to them by virtue of tJte above «^ beyond a fofllbility dF doubt* . f.^jfjf^M • i* WEST IHDIES. 377 Notwithitanding all the rights which I have aflert- ed belong, independent of all other authority, to the •*^ T1h8 arbitrary mefrfiire of Mr. Lyttletott, fo totally uaprece- dented cither in England or here* fo repugnant to reafon, to jnftice, and law, and io evidently fubverfive pf otir rights, liberties, and properties^ w3I thereforo, we doubt not, be confidered by your Honour as it defenres to be ; and as it marks that gentleman's ad- miniitration with the moft odious colours, fo, we truft, that the de- ttrudiott of it will diftinguifh and udom your's. ■* It is in full confidence of your Honour's juilice and love of li- berty, that we this day, in the name and behalf of ourfelves, and of aU the good people in this colony, lay before your Honour the ill confequences and ii\juftice of the aforefaid determination, and be- feech you, as the only means of quieting the diftutbance and ap- prehenitons they have raifed in the minds of his Majefty's moft loyal and faithful fubjeAs, to give orders that the fame be vacated, and the enrolment thereof cancelled from the records of the court of chancery, in fuch a way, that no traces may remain of icy wicked and dangerous a precedent.' i» '"'The preceding application from the houfe of aflembly having been fubmkted by tlie lieutenant-governor to the council for theiv advice, the board addrefifed him as fi^ows : ^*^^*'' " May it pleafe your Honour, •• We, his Majcfty's moft dutiful and lioyal fubje^ts, tlie oounci! of Jamaica', have, agreeably to your Honour's meiTage, laying before us the addrefs of the houfe of aiTembly to your Honour, taken into ©nr ferimjs conlideratitm the fubjeft. matter thereof: we have alft> examined and confidered the proceedings now in the ol!^:e of the regifter of the court of chancery, and the determination of his Ex- cellency the late chancellor, touching the releafe of Pierce Cooke and Lachlan M'Niel, from a commitment of the aflembly. » Al- though we have the moft favourable opinion of the late chancellor's intention in that decilion, yet finding th4t no chancellor or judge 11 i :-'■:■ *' ' l^i ' HISTORY OF THE inhabitants of the colonies, yet ilill.their allegiance and fubordination are perfedly fecured to Britain, in this ifland, ever before took upon himfelf to make any determi- nation upon a warrant or commitment of either branch of the le- giflature, it is with concern we obferve, that fuch proceeding of the late chancellor in fo new, in fo deh'cate a cafe, by discharging the faid Fierce Cooke and Lachlan M'Niel from the commitment of the houfe of aiTembly, was unprecedented and irregular. " It is alfo with forrow of heart we have feen and felt this hi« Majefty's colony, ever fince that determination, labouring under a variety of diftrefTes, flowing chiefly from the apprehenfions of his Majeily'a fubjeds, that the eftablifliing a precedent of this nature in the court of chancery, might lay a foundation for chancellors and judges of inferior courts to interfere in, and to take upon them to determine on the piivileges of the legiflative bodies of this ifland. " Permit us therefore to recommend it to your Honour, as the only expedient which we conceive will be effectual to quiet the minds of the people, to unite the feveral branches of the legiflature, and to reftore peace and tranquillity to this country, that you will be pleafed to caufe the faid determination made by the late chan- cellor, whereby the faid Pierce Cooke and Lachlan M'Niel were difcharged from their commitment, and all their proceedings there- on, to be brought before you, and in the prefence of the council and aflewibly, that you will be pleafed to' caufe theregifter of the faid court of chancery to enter a vacatur on the faid determination, or otherwife reverfe it ifi the mod effedtual manner, fo that the fame may not be made ufe of as a precedent in future." On receiving this addrefs, the lieutenant-goyemdr came into council, and having commanded the attendance of the afiembly in the council-chamber, was pleafed to make the following fpeecU i " Gentlemen of the Council, Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of «« the Aflembly, ,*., " In qonfequencc of the addrefles I have received from. ea,ck of WEST INDl£i^* m by the cxtcnfive influence which the Crown poflef- fes over them. Thus, as to the fuprfcmacy of the Crown, ^mong various other prerogatives, the King preferves to himfelf not only the nomination of the S";;VO ^^ 'a!)f'. 'i your bodies, I now meet you here, and as the determination upon record in the office of the regiiter of the court of chancery, appears to have been irregular and unprecedented, whereby the minds of the people have been greatly difquieted, and many diflrefTcs and cvih have arlfen to this country ; ttnd having nothing fo mdch at heart, as the fupporting the honour iand dignity of the Crown, and promoting the peace ^and happinefs of the people, I have, agree- ably, to yourrequefts, taken, as chancellor, fuch order therein, that the faid proceedings, and the entry upon record thereof, are vacated, annulled, and made void, to all intents and purpofes whatfoever ; and for your further fatisfaftion liereiri; I have ordered the regifter to attend forthwith in the council-chambet with the faid proceedings, and the book of records in which the fame are entered, and that he do, in prefence of the three branches of the legiflature of this ifland, enter a vacatur in the margent of the faid i'everal proceed- ings, and the entries of the fame in the faid book of records, and that he do in your' prefence draw crofs lines over the faid proceed- ings and the entries thereof, in the ufual form and manner. ;*f This meafure, adopted upon your united recommendation, cannot, I am perfuaded, fail of producing every happy confequence, by reftoring and firmly eftablifhing that harmony and unanimity fo earneftly wiflied for, and fo effentially neceffary to his Majelty's fer- vice, and the welfare of this community." The regifter of the court of chancery attending, being called in, and having produced the records,^ and read the feveral proceedings in the faid addrcfs mentioned, he did then, by the command, and in the prefence of his Honour^ and in the prefence of the council and afTembly, enfcer a vacatur in the margin of the faid feveral pro- ceedings, and draw crofs lines over the faid proceedings and the entries thereof, and cancelled the feveral papers relating thereto. ■1^ ■• , a8o HISTORY OF THE feyeral governor, the members of the council, and mod of the public ofiicen of all defcriptions, but he pofleiTts the right of putting his vetg to a law, even after it has received the fandion of his reprefenta. tive, the governor of the colony where the law is propofed. Nor is the regal influence lefs felt over the executive, than the kgiilative power ^vithin the colonies. The governor is ufually chancellor by his office ; but an appeal lies to his Majefiy from every decree that he makes. The reafon aifigned in law for allowing fuch appeals is this, that, without fuch a check, the pradice of IvW in the coloniet might infenfibly deviate from thofe of the itiotber country, to the diminution of her fuperiority. Again, the King, as head of the empire, has the fole prerogative of making peace and war, treaties, leagues and alliances with foreign ftates, and the colonies are bound to (land to all confequences de- pendent upon fuch tranfadions, although the power which his Majefty pofTeiles of qi?artering the troops, of augmenting their number, and retaimng them againll the will of the aflemblies, mufl be taken yfiik a grain of allowance. The power of making peace and war, which is veiled in the King of England, is amply checked by the interpoiition of parliament ; and it is therefore juft, that a power of fimilar controul fhould be en« joyed by the legiflative bodies in the colonies. It has been, indeed, ufed as an argument againft the inutility of checks of every kind, that military force can never be legally employed to unjuft purpofe?, 4 WEST INDIES. d8l tor to violate the lights of the fubjedl. The indif. puti^ble power, however, which always attaches to the pofleiiion of military force, is a fufficient anfwer to fuch reafoning. Nolr is it a perfect fecurity to the liberties of the Wefl Indians to fee their rights will be proteded by their fallow fubjeds at home ; the liberty of every one ihould be upheld by his own protection, not be dependent on the fympathy of another, although there is nothing more evident, than that the freedom of Britain is in the utmofi; danger, when the rights of the colotiies are violated and overthrown ; or, as it has been elegantly faid, *♦ When the liberties of Britain (hall be devoted, (he " will feel fubjedion, like the coldnefs of death, •* creeping upon her from her extremities." From reports made by the Lords of the Commit- tee of Council on the fubjedt of the flaVe trade, it appears that the value of the exports from Britain to the Weft Indies, in the year 1787 (and fince that time they certainly have not dimini(hed), amounted to 1,636,7031. 13s. lod. the whole of which, except about 20o,oool. confifted of Briti(h goods and ma- nufadlures. To this eftimate we muft likewife add the coft of manufactures, of provifions from Ireland, and wines from the Azores and Madeira, thefe being purchafed with Briii(h capitals, and conveyed to the Weft Indies circuitoufly in Briti(h ports. The lum- ber and fi(h of America, tranfported in Britifh velTels, ought to be mcluded in the ftatement. The official accounts of the exports from Ireland for the years 1790, 1791, and 17.92, make the ave- -. -..■ , N n I 2S2 HISTORY OF THE rage value of thefe years amount to 277,218!. Ster- ling. We may bring the whole into one point by ftating it thus : Exports from Great Britain direa, - L. 1638703 13 10 from Ireland, 277218 o o L. 1915921 13 10 Add 20 per cent, for freight, &c. &.C. - - 383184 6 2 L. 2299106 Exports to Africa for the purchafe of ne- groes, - - - 668255 from Madeira and the Azores, 30000 ■■. United States of America, 72CC00 _-^-~— Britiih America, - 100506 Total, L. 3817867 The imports from the Weft Indies into Great Bri- tain, will appear from the following Table ; -6 • d • 00 >i 00 r^ H .s • ■0 9k •1 55 1 *» < < & J I 9t > n H < ^ 5 • 'M c • M « CO 0) M A 2i w M i H " CO 14 & B M M H M P< n u A ^ ^ ; a ( c * • w h ■ t^ I ' tu n ' ■ i\ "/i WEST INDIES. 2S3 00 00 H o 4-* c M M a M H M 14 S n M M pq V a o w h O 1} » i • J ! I irjv _fl^ J .ji; '« o O "flJV. o OTioe »M 00 00 ^ is. •0 Wt »M S! 00 M - »o o M G •0 «o o 00 O <• H M «o •«» « •^ 00 M M 00 M f« 00 ' 5 •0 l« « «o H %9 •o f M :; 's. «o i 00 00 * •0 "T «# M «0 >o •0 5^ 0? »»» •0 IS t« Ok 8i *»oo 00 r<> 00 » » o 8^^ 00 a«^" «2 ♦<» 00 f* •*» o>^4Jeo ,««»»: ^"^ SS ^*oo ,^ «* £ •« -^ «* «o ■ft r f L-? ■r ■ )•. ■> ^W' J' -4 •o 3 •s • i .t» I • I • jJjJJC i 5 S «i s ^ J £ ^O «»^ CQQ fi i ill II 11 09 •r III ^^ SS V o o •? O U O N n ij I ..9 u ■si • ?! .S ^ e* s *•• s u ^ ja a-a - " g 2 ^ ° 8 s< 3 o u a % 00 oc e h HISTORY OF THE I * M No account bas hitherto been given of the direct imports from thefe iflands into Ireland and America, for the year 178S. Upon the authority of the Infpec- tor General, I therefore give the following : To Ireland, - -r L. 127585 4 5 American States, - w 106460 8 o Britifh Anierican Colonies, - 100506 17 xo foreign Weil Indies, - ^ 18945 12 6 Africa, ... t;68 15 o Total, L. 443666 17 9 Confidered as a Britifh capital, the value of the Weft Indies has been elHmated by the Privy Coun- cil at fevcnty millions of pounds, by the following mode of computation : 450,000 negroes, at 50I. per head, Lands, buildings, uteniils, and crop on the ground, Value of houfes in towns, trading vellels, and crews. L. 22500000 O Q 45000000 9 O Total, 25000000 o o L. 70000Q00 o o We cannot conclude upon this fubjedl, without llating, briefly, the (hipping and Teamen to which the fugar colonies diredly give employment. In 1787, it appears that there cleared, from Great Britain and Ireland, to the Weil Indies, O89 * vef- *- t Including 14 from Honduras, WEST INDIES. 385 fds, containing in all 148,176 tons, and navigated by 13,000 feamen; which, as before mentioned, is equal to the whole commercial tonnage of England a century ago. The value of thcfe feamcn is cer- tainly fuperior to that of the NewfouifHand faiiors, of whom fo many remain during the winter in the country, and cannot be added to the naval force upon a fuddcn emergency. V •■■f. J U.-!^'..iii .1 c; or H- [V'- ■^^, 286 HISTORY OF TH£ ici-,\i^rTiflm'jm &ii CHAPTER Ill.f^u:^ i^^,,^^.:^ Trade between tlie Britifli Weft Indies and North America pre- vious to tlie War— American Supplies— Ships and Seamen- Advantages of the Trade to Great Britain — Meafures of Go- vernment at the Reftoration of Peace— Deftrudlion of Negroes in confequence of Scarcity, - - After America had got her independence fairly fandioned by the peace of Verfailles, the new par- liament, by a mod unprecedented mode of condudt, gave up to his Majefty the fole decifion of that very important queilion which was at that time under confideration ; namely, Whether liberty ihould be granted to the States of America to import lumber and provifions into the Weft Indies ? A committee of council was therefore feleded, who, though in all probability influenced by the beft motives, fuf- fared themfelves to be led alide by the fuggeftions of felf-interefted men, the determined enemies of the new republic. Thefe advifers, blind to the didates of humanity, wiflied for nothing fo ardently as the ruin of Ame- rica ; and, though to forbid the intercourfe between the States and the Weft Indies was evidently accom- panied with moft dreadful calamity to the latter, yet, in order that no fcherae might be left untried to wound the riling commonwealth, they ftrongly advifed the committee to debar an intercourfe fo favourable to our recent enemies. The Weft Indians, fcarce recovered from the ca- WEST INDIES. i87 lamities inflidted by the pad war, and dill more di- (IrefTed by the effects of thofe tremendous hurricanes of 1780 and 1 781, attempted to excite the atten- tion of their fellow fubjeds, by reprefenting the hardlhips of their iituation. They appealed to the knowledge of all men acquainted with America, if thofe remaining States which were ftill fubjed to Britain were in any way adequate to the taflc of fupplying them with lumber and provifions. They ilated, that Nova Scotia had never been able to fupply her own inhabitants with the neceilary grain, and could not confequently be expeded to be a market for them, and that all the lumber it had ever exported did not amount to what deferved the name of merchandife. The Ifland of St John (they reprefented) was ftill more barren ; and, although Canada might occafionally afford fupplies of wheat, yet it was proved, that in 1779, 1780, 1781, and 1782, the fcarcity of wheat in Canada had been fo great, that all exportation had been forbidden by law ; and, even at that time, foreigners were fupply^ iiig her market. The hardfhips attending this pro- hibition cannot be better underftood, than by giving an extrad from the reprefentation of the committee of the uflembly of Jamaica, on the fubject of thofe lofles of negroes which they felt in a principal de- gree from this caufe. " We ftiall now (fay the committee) point out the principal caufes to which this mortality of our Haves is jultly chargeable. It is but too well known to the houfe, that in the feveral j^^ears 1780, 1781, it 288 HISTORY OF rut f f i I 17S4, 1785, and 1786, it pleafcd Divine Providence to vifit this ifland with repeated hurricanes, which rpread defolation throughout mod parts of the ifland; but the parities which fuiTered more remarkably than the reft, were thofe of Weilmoreland, Hano- ver, St, James, Trelawny, Portland, and St. Tho- mas in the Eaft. By thefe deftrudlive vifitations, the plantain walks which furnifh the chief article of fupport to the negroes, were generally rooted up, and the intenfe droughts which followed, deilroyed thofe different fpecies of ground provifions which the hurricanes had not reached. The ftorms of 1780 and 1 78 1 happening during the time of war, no foreign fupplies, except a trifling afiiftance from prize- vefTels, could be obtained on any terms, and a famine enfued in the leeward parts of the ifland, which deftroyed many thoufand negroes. After the florm of the 30th of July 1784, the lieutenant-go- vernor, by the advice of his council, publiihed a pro- clamation, dated the 7th of Auguft, permitting the free importation of provifions and lumber in foreign bottoms, for four months from that period. As this was much too fhort a time to give fufficient notice, and obtain all the fupplies that were necelTary, the fmall quantities of flour, rice, and other provifions, which were imported in confequence of the procla- mation, foon rofe to fo exorbitant a price as to in- duce the afTembly, on the 9th of November follow- ing, to prefent an addrefs to the lieutenant go- vernor, requeuing him to prolong the term until the latter end of March 17855 obferving, that it was 3 WEST INDIES. : 289 impoffible for the natural produdions of the coun- try to come to " fuch maturity as to be wholefome food, before that time. The term of four months not being expired when this addrefs was prefented, the lieutenant-governor declined to comply there- with; but on the il\ of December following, the houfe rcpreicnted, that a prolongation of the term was then abfolutely necelTary : They obferve that, perfuaded of the reludance with which his Honour would be brought to deviate from regulations which he felt himfelf bound to obferve, it would give them much concern to addrefs him on the fame occaiion a fecond time, were they not convinced that it was in a cafe of fuch extreme neceflity as to juftify fuch a deviation. Accordingly, the lieutenant-governor, by the advice of his Majefty's council, direded, that the time formerly limited fliould be extended to the 31ft of January then next enfuing (1785) : but, at the fame time, he Informed the houfe, tha he was not at liberty to deviate any longer from the regu- lations which had been eftablilhed in Great Britain. " From the 31ft of January 1785, therefore, the ports continued (hut, and the fuft'erings of the poor negroes, in confequence thereof, for fome months af- terwards, were extreme : Providentially the feafons became more favourable about May^ and confider- able quantities of corn and ground provifions were gathered in the month of Auguft, when the fourth ftorm happened, and the lieutenant-governor imme- diately (hut the pcits againft the exportation of any of our provilions to the French and vSpanilli iflands, i fir 1 I ■: ■1; 290 HISTORY OF THE which were fuppofed to have fuffered more than ourfelves ; but not thinking himfelf at liberty to permit the importation of provilions in American veflels, the produdlions of the country were foon ex- hauded, and the ufual attendants of fcanty and un< wholefome diet, dropfies and epidemic dyfenteries, were again dreadfully prevalent in the fpring and iummer of 1786, and proved fatal to great numbers of the negroes in all parts of the country, "On the 20th of Odober in that year, happened the fifth dreadful hunicane, which again laid wafte the leeward parillies, and completed the tragedy. We decline to enlarge on the confequences which follow- ed, leil we may appear to exaggerate ; but having endeavoured to compute, with as much accuracy as the fubjed: will admit, the number of our flaves, whofe deftrudion may be fairly attributed to thefc repeated calamities, and the unfortunate meafure of interdiding foreign fupplies, and for this purpofe compared the imports and returns of negroes for the laft feven years with thofe of feven years preceding, we hefitatc not, after every allowance for adventi- tious caufes, to fix the whole lofs at fifteen thoufand : This number we firmly believe to have perilhed of famine, or of difeafes contracted by fcanty and un- wholefome diet^ between the latter end of 1780, and the beginning of j 787." But it was found, upon a fair trial, that the idea of the Britifli provinces fupplying America with llorcs was abfurd and chimerical. The Gulph of St. Lawrence continued, as ulual, blocked up for feveu months in the year by the ice, and Nova Scotia wai WEST INDIES. 291 flill far from being fertile. It was therefore found abfolutcly neceilary to permit the importation of lumber and provifions into the latter place from the United States. The confequences of this permillion were fpeedily felt ; for, in the year 1790, there were adually fliippcd to Nova Scotia from the United States, no lefs than 540,000 ftaves and heading, . 924,980 feet of boards, 285,000 fliingles, and 16,000 j hoops, 40,000 barrels of bread and meal, and 80,000 bufhels of grain ; an irrefragable proof that Canada had no furplus of either lumber or grain beyond hev . own confumption. What were the exports from Canada and Nova Scotia, fince the war, I regret be- ing unable toafcertain, as the committee of council for the Have trade are totally filent on that head. The exports for the year 1787, from the Britifh fugar iflands to all our remaining American pofleffions, including Newfoundland, confided of 989icwt. of fugar, 874,580 gallons of rum, 81 cwt. of cacao, 4cwt. of ginger, 26,380 gallons of melafles, 20olb. of pimento, 573 cwt. of coffee, 1750 lbs of cotton- wool, and fome fmall articles, fuch as fruit, &c. of little acpount. The value of the whole, according to the current prices in London, was 100,5061. 17s. ipd. Sterling. The fliipping, to which it gave em- ployment, was navigated, by 1397 feamen. To the United States were exported, the fame year, 19,921 cwt. of fugar, 1,620,205 gallons of riim, 124 i-half cwt. of cacao, 339 cwt. of ginger, 4200 gallons of melaifes, 64501b. pimento,32461b. of coffee, 3000 lb. of cotton- wool, 291 hides, and 737 barrels of fruit ; r'cuiL O oij- ^...iK;c ;.,'-;,. 292 HISTORY OF THE the value of which, in Sterling money, according to the current prices of London, is 196,4601. 8s. That this abatement of the unjuft rellridions laid upon the commerce between them, has been of fervice in relieving for a while thofe calamities with which the iflands have been fomctimes vifited, is true, but the cure is not fully performed by fuch partial attenuation of the evil. While the inter- courfe with America is thus limited, and while everyone of the iflands continues occaiionally fub- jc£l to hurricanes, and many of them to fucceflive droughts, which dcftroy the fruits of the earth, and leave the wrctclicd labourer to depend folely upon the provifions which may be imported, the mofl deplorable miferics may at fome future period be yet expc(51:cd. Should the fame vifitations happen again, as the planters have no veflels of their own to employ, and thofe of America are denied admit- tance to their ports, how are even the mod opulent among them able to avert from their labourers the repetition of this memorable famine, which fwcpt off fuch numbers in Jamaica? From thcfe confiderations, it fliould certainly oc- cur to the minds of all fuch as are difpofed to con- demn the planter for ads of inhumanity to his flaves, that, to contemplate, with indifference, this unjuft and cruel fyftem of policy, is to fandlion the more dreadful calamities than the mod fevere matter will ever fuffer to be impofed upon his flave. To this iniquitous fyftem many ^houfands of the unhappy Africans have already been facrificed; and, in all probability, many thoufands more will yet perilh. WEST INDIES. •293 th'-' •*"ii'i^ Ml CHAPTER IV. ...L Objcftioiis againft the Advantages arifing to Britain from her Weft. Indian C ilonicS confiderc — Whether the Duties on Weft In- dian CoiTimodities imported fall on the Confumer. and in what Cafes — Drawbacks and Bounties, explanation of the Terms, and their Origin and Property traced and demunllrated — Of the Monopoly Compa6l, its Nature and Origin— Reftridtions on the Colonifts, and Benefits thence refulting to Bril.'iiii — Advantages which would accrue to the Planter, the Revenue, and the Public, from permitting the Inhabitants of the Weft: Indies to refmc. their raw Sugar for British Confumption — Projcdt of eftablifhing Sugar Plantations in the Weft Indies under the Protedion of Government confidercd— Remonftrances which might be of- fered againft this and other Meafures— ConclufioB. In order to reconcile the nation to thcfe in prudent m afures by which America was feparatcd from the Britifh, it was for a long time confidered as an excellent objeiSl of difcuflion to gleflen the value of the. colonies in the public cftimation. It was in particular held out as a. political maxim, too evi- dent to fuffer contradiction, that Britain, by adhe- ring to the fyftem of fupporting her W^ft India poffeflions, incurred a number of certain and in- evitable difadvantages, in return for which Ihe reaped no folid rqcompenfe. To the' utility of the Weft Indies, the following are the three objec- tions which are held out to the public view. By thefe objedors it is ttated, in the Jir/i place, That the duties which are levied on the products of the Britilh Weft Indies imported into Great Britain, though paid in the firft inftance by the proprietor m ^94 HISTORY OF THE or importer, ultimately fall on the confumer, and on him alone. It is afferted, in the fecond place, That the pradice of allowing drawbacks on their ye-exports, is dangerous and deftrudive to the true interefts of commerce. Thirdly, That the mo- nopoly of fupply veiled in the planters, is partial, unjuft and oppreffive. '■'■'■ I (hall con-'der thefe feveral pofitions in the order in which I have placed them. The inveftigation of , them is necelTary to the completion of the work, and with a few general obfervatigns, we fliall con- clude. The planters have affirmed, and they repeat, that there is not an axiom in mathematics more indif- putably eftabliflied, than that the value of all com- modities at market depends entirely on their plenty or fcarcity, in proportion to their demand or con- fumption. If the quantity at market be not equal to the demand, the feller undoubtedly can, and al- ways does, fix his own price on his goods ; but if, on the contrary, the quantity expofed tor fale is fuper- abundant beyond what there are purchafers to take up, the value of the commodity will fall in fpite ot" all that the vender can do to fupport it. If the de- mand, therefore, be great, and the quantity fmall, the feller will not only reimburfe himfelf for his original charges and duties, but will alfo be enabled to reap a confiderable return of profit. Reverfe the cafe, and he is as confiderably a lofer. He depends upon his ability to feed the market, or to make the fupply no more than adequate to the demand. Thus, in tVEST INDIES. 2:95 Is I the common articles of ufe, fuch as leather, foap, candles, malt, beer, and fpirits, the price may be faid to fall on confumers when a tax is impofed^ the market being always fed in the above men- tioned proportion ; becaufe, if the vender of thefc articles Ihotild find the market overilocked, he will betake himfelf to another method of living. ' The fame remark, as to the effed: of the impofition of taxes, applies to the growth and manufadure of thofe nations over whofe commerce we have no controul. The merchant regulates his imports by the quantity which he is likely to vend, and ceafes to import where he mifles his profit. But it muft be taken into conlideration, that the fituation of the Britifli Weft India merchant is precifely oppofite to this ; for (with a few exceptions) he can refort ta no market except to the mother country. The price is therefore folely regulated by the quantity which is brought to fale, and the confumer is not at all concerned what duties have been impofed on the commodity, or what expences it has coft the vender ; the proportion of the quantity to be fold to the confumer is all the fource of dearth or cheapnefs. By what means, then, can the merchant make the confumer pay for the dift'erence of duties, fince he can inftitute no ditference of price but what arifes fi om the fcarcity or plenty of the article he fdls ? The prices may indeed be altered by the pradices of I'peculation ; but neither the planter abroad, nor the fador at home, is culpable for what they are not conceracd with. 'm 296 HISTORY OF THE But even admitting that the confumer were to pay the duty, or that the vender had it on more occaiions in his power to raife the price as he de- fired ; yet it mud be remembered, that as the pro- dudts of the Wed Indies are rather articles of luxury than of neceility, numbers of people will. abandon their confumption, when frugality requires it. When the Mufcavedo fugar, in confequence of many captures in the lad war, rofe to an enormous price, the diminution of its confumption, in many parts of the kingdom, was in a much greater proportion. - The indance of indigo has already been given to evince tHe eifed of duties in diminidiing, I ihould rather fay abolifhing, its cultivation in the Britifh colonies. The growth of cacao, which was at one period the pride of Jamaica, and her greated export, has been now checked beyond the power of recovery; and though the indance of coffee plainly difcovers what has been gained by the prudent redudion of exiding duties, yet in calculating the ededls of duties, it (hould be remembered that ginger, which fucceeded cacao in being the daple commodity of Jamaica, met with the fame fate as its predecedbr, and its cultivation is now gone almod entirely into difufe. From what has been faid, it follows, that in nine cafes out of ten the duty falls upon the planter, not the confumer; and that in that tenth cafe, where the confumer is brought in for his Ihare, the tax is jud; for every WEST INDIES* 207 ^rie Ihould fupport taxation in dired proportion of his ability to pay. ' "We come, in th&fecoTid place, to the confulera- tion of drawbacks and bounties. The term drawback, in the language of the cuftcmhoufe, is applied to the tax repaid upon the exportation of raw fugar; and the word bounty, to the exportation of what is refined and exported in loaf unbroken. The word drawback fufliciently cxpreffes its meaning; for the original duty paid at importation is refunded at exportation, without di- minution or addition. This is at prefent 1^ {hil- lings the hundred weight. As to the bounty, the cafe was once different. To encourage the re- fining trade in Great Britain, government gave an adtual premium on the export of refined fugar in loaves in addition to the drawback, and the col- ledlive fums fo refunded and paid, amounting to- gether to 20 fliiUings the hundred weight, obtained the name of bounty. This repayment of duties has been unjuftly confidered as a matter of favour to the colonift or importer ; but a few arguments will be fufficient to fliow that it is founded upoji ti confcientious right, of which he cannot be deprived as long as equUl juftice is made the bafis of a free government* » * An importer of merchandife cither comes volun- tarily into our ports to feck the beft market for his goods, or elfe he is compelled to do fo, that the nation may be benefited by having the firlt oirer •111 :m- P 2<)% HXSTOHY OP THE of the purchafes to be made. In the former cafe, h0 has no right to complain of difappointment, much lefs can he reafonably expedt a drawback of duties Hiould he withdraw his goods from the market in qucHion. But where compullion is employed, the cafe is totally changed : The fugar planter muft not only bring his fugar to a Britiih market, but he mud tranfport it in a Britiih bottom, and is be- fides forced to pay certain duties before he is per- mitted to fell. It is not until the home confump- tion is fupplied that the fugar can be fent to a foreign market; and if the cargo ihould perifh by any accident, the owner lofes both capital and duty. How then can it be a hardfhip for the mother country to reftore the duty paid upon a freight, of which Ihe enjoyed the firft offer, and of which fhe confequently received the greateil chance of advantage ? The foreign market, indeed, will not bear this additional duty ; and if it be re. quired, it is an extortion which has not neceflity for its plea, as fugar is not a neceflary but a luxury of life. Hitherto we have only fpoken of raw fugar, but thefe obfervations apply equally to refined fugar ; for what is called bounty, is little more than a modification of the drawback, the money al- lowed beyond the original duty being no more than adequate to the lofs of weight in the raw Commodity. '^^- ''^ . By the neareft calculation *, the apparent lofs to * For this the reader is referred to the original work WEST INDIES. fl9y to the revenue is but one lliilling the hundred weight, and no more ; but as every hogihead of fugar lofes confiderably in weight after the duty is paid, and before it is worked, and as, by the pre- fent regulations refpeding it, there is duty paid for more fugar than the caik contains, it is a moderate calculation upon all fugars to fay, that every hogf- head lofes ydlb. which, at 15s. per cwt. the import duty, is a lofs of 78. 6d. to the planter, and the like clear gain to the exchequer. The average annual import of raw fugar is about 160,000 hogf- heads of 12 cwt. nett. Now, fuppoiing every ounce of this to be exported, and receive 15s. per cwt. of drawback ; yet, from the difference of weight occafioned by unavoidable walle, government would have received in duties between 50,0001. and 6o,oool. per annum more than it refunds in drawbacks and bounties on the fame commodity. We come, in the nexi place, to anfwer the third objedlion, vit. commercial monof^ly. As a compenfation for the reftridlions to which the colonifts muft fubmit, they have been entitled to this exclulive privilege o; accefs to the Britifli market for the fale of their produce. This arrange- ment has been called the Double Monopoly. The price at which the colonifts purchafe their fliare of the advantage is the following : They are pro- hibited from purchafing from foreigners many articles which Britain does not fupply of herfelf, and which foreigners could fell at a cheaper rate ; fo that Britain is benefited by a double freightage. V! Pp ij 30O HISTORY OF THE^ The articles which foreigners could afford at a more reafonable rate, are very numerous ; yet fo ftridly have the navigation laws been adhered to, that on one ever memorable and dreadful occafion, the lives of 15,000 miferable negroes were facrificed to the fyftem, as has been before related. On the fame principle, Great Britain does not permit the Weft Indian to avail himfelf of the cheapnefs and fecurity of neutral bottoms in the time of v;ar, that her naval power and (hipping may continue the more formidable. Great as this hardfliip is, it is inferior in preifure to that reftridion which inter- dids the colonill from refining, beyond the firll ftate of manufacture, the ftaple produce of his iflands, and binds him to bring home every com- modity in its raw ftate. This is effeded by means of enormous duties. To prohibit a great body, fays the author of the Wealth of Nations, from making all they can of every part of their own produce, or from employing their ftock and their indiiftry in the way that they judge nioft advantageous to them- felves, is a manifeft violation of the moft facred rights of mankind. But to this violation the Weft Indian muft fubmit, as the price for what advan- tages he may reap from the double monopoly, and the benefit of being confidered as a Britilh fubjed. From this interdidion impofed upon the manufac- turing of articles of Weft Indian growth in their own foil, no advantage arifes in the main ; on the contrary, Great Britain would be a confiderable gainer if full liberty was permitted to the planter to refine the fugar which he raifes. To iiluftrate West indies* 30 X this in as brief a manner as poffible, it need only be mentioned, that the drainage of raw fugar, oc- caiioned by its paflage homeward, has been valued, at an average of four years, at 560,0001. and the lofs thus fuftained by the revenue may be eafily calculated. In the next place, there is a pofitive lofs, at the bpft calculation, of il. 5s. 4d. value of melafles on every hogfliead of Mufcavedo fugar ihipped to Great Britain, exclufive of the lofs in the raw material before ftated. Laying afide the confideration of freight, it muft occur to every one, that great and decifive advantage would accrue to the planter from the refining of his own fugar, from the circumftance that his capital and his flock are already provided to his hands. He not only poffeffes the raw material, but alfo the build- ings and apparatus of all kinds, requiring but fmall additional expence to complete the manufadure. There is no doubt but that the lofs fuftained by the government, from the lefTer exportation of Mufcavedo fugar, would be made up by additional levies upon the article in a ftate of refinement : but in this cafe, the revenue would not be diminiflied ; the profits of the planter would be perfedly luf- ficient, and Britjiin would purchafe her fugar cheaper than flie can obtain it at prefent. • '^ h ^ But it is Angular, that in fpite of all that the public has feen and acknowledged upon the reci- procality of benefits that takes place between the colonies and Britain ; though it has been proved on feyer^ QCCJ^fions, and. by ^ thoufand unanfwerable i-^ ■h':.A. 30? HISTORY OF THE arguments, that the Wcfl Indies, in return for thcf snonopoly which binds the mother country to en- courage and proteiH: her commerce, yields a com- peniation of benefits not inferior to what fhe re- ceives ; yet of late the public attention has been violently attradted to a projed which, without conferring benefits upon the Britifh themfelves, nufl cruelly and undefervedly procure the ruin of thefe iflands* This propofal is to cultivate fugar upon the diflant plains of the £afl Indies, and to procure our fugar from colonies who purchafe no article worth confideration from home ; who have rather feemed difpofed to ruin than augment our manufadures ; and ladly, whofe diftance mufl make their commerce lefs profitable than that to the Weft. Befides, it is not propofed to be a change from monopoly to free trade, but only a tranf« ference of monopoly from the Weft to the Eatt. ' la fine, Were an uncourtly Weft Indian permit- ted, freely and explicitly, to expoftulate with mini- fters upon the treatment of the colonies for thefe 20 years paft, he might difplay a ftatement of fadts, unpleafant indeed to hear, but extremely difficult to controvert or elude. Such a perfon might, without any deviation from truth, prefept them witt) a de- tail not unlike the following, ^n UVUfc-' . ' " It is well known (he might fay) that the fuf!br. iags of thofe colonies which fell under the domi- fiion of France were very great ; and that, at the concluflon of the war, fuch of the planters as fur* yived the vexations of the enemy, t^nd were not ac* 4i IRTEST INDIES. 303 tually bankrupts in their fortunes, as a great many were, were reduced to embarrafTments nearly 9^ proaching to it. For the honour of the Britifh name;, it ought to be recorded, thatinoifooner was an ifland taken from under the Mliii pvotediion, than the property of its inhabitants was treated, to all intents and purpofes, as the property of natural-bom ene^ mies. Your veffels of war cruifed upon them, and made prize of our effeds, wherever they were to be found. Even neutral flags afforded no protedioa againfl your depredations ; until the higheft autho-> rities in the law had pronounced fuch conduct to be illegal, and parliament interfered, to facilitate the pafTage of the produds of Grenada, which, having fiirrendered at dtfcsetian, were ilill expofed to cap- ture. Even the fhurricane, that moil: awful vifita- tion of Providence, which ufually arrefls the ven- geance of men, and by exciting fofteraffedion»» dif- pofes them to ads of fraternity, loll its ufual effed of procuring a pafTage eveu for the necefTaries of life; and thofe whom the ftorm had fpared, your rapacity would iiave flarved. « ^ ** The war ceafed, and with it the dominion of France over all the iHands (Tobago excepted, which was ceded to her in perpetuity) ; but our miferies flill furvived; for the treaty of 1782, which gave peace and independence to North America, only transferred hoililities to the fugar colonies ; as they have never ceafed, from that time to the prefent, to be haralTed with vexations of one kind or another. The firft meaiure by which they were annoyed, ifi 't ••nil 'r 3o4 HlStORY Of tttfi iarbfe in the policy of the ftate. It was thought fte- ceflary to diflblve their connexion with the conti- nent. The confequence of which was, that Ja- maica, being deprived tof its produce of negro provi^ lions, by a feries of tc^Spfts and unfavourable fea- fons, loft 15,00b of her flaves by famine. And yet you talk of humanity, as if it were a .national " What fince has been the difpolition of Great Britain towards us, may be learnt from the popular converfation at this day ; from the condudt of large bodies afTociatcd for the abohtion of the ilave trade, and ultimately of flavery itfelf ; from the eftablifti- ments projected, and in execution, on the coall of Africa, with views declaredly hoftile to our inte- refts ; from the numbers of inflammatory paragraphs and calumnious pamphlets that daily iflTu^ from the prefs, to prejudice the Weft Indian planters in the public opinion ; from the indefatigable circulation of addrefles, exhorting the people to the difufe of Weft Indian fugar ; and laftly> from various propo- fals with refpedl to the redudtion of the price of the commodity. In fo many Ihapes does this fpirit ma- nifeft itfelf, as to give juft grounds to conclude, that fomething like a decided purpofe is entertained for the total ruin of the fugar colonies, and that the vexations we have hitherto experienced, are only preliminaries to the fyllem which is to be confum- mated by the grand meafure of railing of rivals to Qur monopoly in your eftabhfhments in the eaft. ^ " It has been imputed, as a reproach to the fu- ''•tVEStii^is. 305 gar (iolonifcs, that they are expenfive, and that they enga^ you in war. Never were the Weft Indian colonie'^ the caufe of war; but whenever the two nations of France and England are engaged in any tiuarriel, ftom whatever caufe it may arife^ thither they rtpair to decide their differences. They are made the theatre of war ; they are the viftima, but never the origin of the conteft. The inhabitants ot the French and £ng1i{h iilands live in an habitual intcrcourfe of good offices, and would wifti for t :«** hal peace; and they have reafon for it, for what are they to gain by war? '''■ ' •^■' ''•- •* When, therefore, we refleft upon the various hieans wftich have been employed to prejudice the Weft Indian planters, we find ourfelves totally at a lofs to conj^dture what it is that could excite fo much acrimon) againft us ; as there exifts none of thofe cairfes which ufually provoke the envy of men and exafperate their malignity. The Weft Indians are not remarkable (with very few exceptions) ei* ther for their gigantic opulence, or an ofterttatious difplay 6f it. They do not emerge rapidly from po- verty And infignificance, into confpicuous notice. Such of them as poffefs fortunes of diftinguiftied niagnitude, as fome gentlemen of Jamaica are happy enough to do, are not the creation of a day. Their names are to be found in the earlieft records of the ifland, and their adventures were coeval with the firft eftablifliment of the colony, and of courfe their properties, fuch as we now find them, are the fruits of the toil of fuccefllve generations. Many there ■^r "Hi So6 HlSTOftY OF THE are, indeed, who have competencies that enable. them to live, with economy, in this country : but the great mafs are men of oppreffed fortunes, configned by debt to unremitting drudgery in the colonics, with a hope, which eternally moclcs their grafp, of happier days, and a releafi^ from their embarrass- ments. Such are the time$ which we have lately fcen, that, if fuflfered to continue, might poflibly have given eifedl^to their exertions, and have lifted them out of their diflrefTes. But it feems that po- verty is coniidered as the legitimate heritage of eve- ry Weft Indian planter. They may encounter lofs, and ftruggle with adverfity ; but never are they to profit of contingencies that may enable them to re- pair the difafters of adverfe fortune, to which they are peculiarly fubjeded by their pofition, .^^ ;^vr -^>.. ; /' If the minifter means the ruin of the Weft In- dian colonies, he may effed it by promoting the ex- tenfive cultivation of the fugar-cane in the £aft In- dies, with a view to the fupply of any part of the European market ; and we have only equity to op- pofe to power, for we cannot repel injury. Mur- murs would be unavailing, and our refentments im- potent ; but it would be a bafe defertion of intereft, to fuffer ourfelves to be intimidated into a volun- tary furrender of right. We proteft, therefore, a- gainft any innovation, and adhere to the fyftem of double monopoly : There we are at anchor ; and if there is no fecurity any where againft the ftorms and afflidions of Providence, fo neither is there againft the injuftice. of men ; but we (hall at leaft have the WEST INDIES. 307 confolation of not fufFcring the reproaches of our own bofoms, or of leaving accufers in our poile- rity !" To a remonilrance like the foregoing, it is diffi- cult to conceive what anfwer could be given. If, however, it is not the wifh or intention of govern- ment to violate the national faith with the colonies, their apprehenfion on that head may be eaiily re- moved. In this important bulinefs, fatisfadtion being given to the reft, if candour were to di<5tate an an- fwer, although much muft be admitted, much too might be faid. It might be urged. That to the mo- ther country the colonies are indebted for their birth, origin, and government. If, during the fa- tal conteft which terminated in the difmember- ment of the empire, they fuifered their (hare of ca- lamity, it muft be remembered that all the iflands, Tobago alone excepted, which fufTered the horrors of capture, were, at the peace, reftored to the blef* iings of Britilh liberty and protedion. They pof- fefs every charadteriftic of a free people ; in their in- ternal concerns, they are taxed by their own re- prefentatives, and have not the image only, but the fpirit and fubftance of an Engliih conftitution. ill n Q,qii . xi •U ;i5 ; »•* V>t .?.'iia^i rzn-'ff ^xnsvog'lo fTobir.j.ij lo rDiw mIi Jon :'i li ^rrryf/od S^noloo ofij rfii'r dif./l ijmouxiii ^rfj 3iihovd3iiri »}i>ld Mil OJ IrjuoWm ..y:iniiq odi ?a ,3i5vsr .3iu?qsc» xo •loq^adT" .tjoifi^ovq 6f5B Y3i.>dil /linhE "io aijnfl ^m liridj ni i 9iq*>':q 'jy/i t'io oihirjf'^u-iitdiiX^'Sr^^i,^'. .**ri rr#© ifl^^ 'xd b'jyjBt ^s xsrff .^rnsarioo Ita-Ji ^t'-Pii. -f' •' . ^^ ■vji. 'A.Fi' > ?• ; "1 APPENDIX. i*- ff y," wy - ' . 'gi ii '^«jta«a:3 ij r v^jw --g«< a '^ ' > ' "'j^.' -Jar'Kr*'? '■siajHr^w- i.ifria^».-imgilirfctg 'TTi-i ™iri~intsu.-s ^%. t'iUfau'-iit Jam. n l.ih ,> •■>;»• ,,.if^f..i;; laws % ..llfVKffWtf i hm: i^rn^ APPENDIX.^ ' •> -'^^^ From the following appendix, the reader may form a tolerable notion of the protection which the law maintains over Haves in the Well Indies. In the work from which this is abridged, the lateft ad of the alTembly of Jamaica upon the fubjedt, has been given in full ; but in what follows there is merely a feledion of all the material claufes of the ad. 1 * * -•' 4 Ij^him '^mh. u-:ii •J ml 'i' Jamaica,^ An act to repeal an ad, entitled " An aft ■ to repeal feveral adls and claufes of a6ts re- fpeding (laves, and for the better order and government of flaves, and for other pur- pofes ;" and alfo to repeal the feveral ads and claufes of ads, which were repealed by the ad entitled as aforefaid ; and for confo* lidating, and bringing into one ad, the fe- veral laws relating to llaves, and for giving them further protedion and fecurity; for "''^' altering the mode of trial of flaves charged with capital offences ; and for other pur- ^ Whereas it is for the public good, that all the laws refpeding the order and government of ilaves, % 3^2 ArPENDIX. -ratTT ■.■«•■ ■-• fliould be confoliclatecl and brought into one law, in order to prevent cont'ulion, and tliat jullice ma y more effedually he^dfLdiuttd rcfpadihg flaves ; and whereas it is found ncceflary, for the purpofc of giving further fecurity.tojlaves, that the mode of trial of flaves charged with capital offences fhould be altered ; and whereas, in order thereto, it is ne- celTary'that all the herein after mentioned laws, and cl^ufes of laws, fhould be re^pealed ; viz. &c. &c. Sc-c* We, your Majefty's dutiful and loyal fubjedls, the affembly of this your Majefty's ifland of Jamaica, do mofl humbly befeech your Majefty that it may be ena(fled, Be it therefore enaded, by the Lieutenant-Governor, Council, and Affembly of the faid ifland, and it is hereby ena<^ed and or- dained by the authority of the fame, That from and after the pafling of this ad all and every the faid herein before mentioned laws, and claufes of laws, and every part thereof, be and fl.and annulled, re- pealed, and made void, to all intents and purpofes whatfoever ; any thing in the faid laws, and claufes of laws, or in any other law contained to the con- trary, in any wife notwithftanding. „,.,^u;t And whereas nothing can contribute more to the good order and government of flaves than the humanity of their owners, in providing for, and fupplying them with good and wholefome provi- iions, and proper and fufficient clothing, and all fuch other things as may be proper and neceffary for' them, during their being in a ftate of ilavery ; For which end and purpofc. Be it further enadted APPENDIX. 3^3 by the authority aforefaid, That from and after the paifing of this adl, every mailer, owner, or pofleffor, of. any plantation or plantations, pens, or other lands whatfoever, (hall allot ai\|[l appoint a fufficient quantity of land for every flave he (hall have in pofleflion upon, or belonging to, fuch plantation or plantations, pens, ( ji r lands, as and for the proper ground of evei^ .ach Have, and allow fuch llave fufficient time to work the fame, in order to provide him, her, or themfelves, with fufficient pro- viiions for his, her, or their maintenance : and alfo, all fuch mafters, owners, or pofleflbrs of plantations, pens, or other lands, fhali plant upon fuch planta- tions, pens, or other lands, in ground providons, at lead one acre of land for every ten negroes * that he Ihall be polfefled of on fuch plantation, pen, or other lands, over and above the negroe grounds aforefaid ; which lands fhall be kept up in a plan- ter-like condition, under the penalty of 50I. And, for the better encouragement of flaves to do their duty to their mafters, owners or pofleflbrs. Be it further enadled by the authority aforefaid, That every mafter, owner, or pofleflbr of flaves, fliall, once in every year, provide and give to each flave they fliall be poflefled of proper and fuflicient clothing, to be approved of by the juftices and yeftry of the parilh where fuch mafter, owner, or * In the former aft an acre of provifxona was allotted to every four negroes, exclufive as above, but it was found an exorbitant and unneceflaiy allowance, and the alteration was made as it n«w itandi exprefgly that the law might be enforced. Rr 3^4 APPENDIX. pofleflbr of fuch flave refides, under the penalty of } And be it further enacted by the authority afore- {aid, That every matter, owner, proprietor, or pof- feflbr of Haves, his or her overfeer or chief manager, at their giving in an account of their flaves and ftock to the juftices and veftry, on the a 8th day of December in every year, fhall, under the penalty of 50I. for every negledt, alfo give in, on oath, an account of the quantity of land in ground-provilions, over and above the negro-grounds, upon fuch plan- tation, pen, or other fettleraent, where there are lands proper for the cultivation of fuch proviilons ; and where there are not lands proper for fuch pur- pofes, then an account, on oath, of the proviiion made on fuch plantation, pen, or other fettlement, or means adopted for the maintenance of the Haves thereon ; and ihall alfo, at the fame time, and un- der the like penalty, give in an account, on oath, of the nature and quantity of the clothing adlually ferved to each flave on fuch plantation, pen, or other fettlement, for the approbation of the juftices and veftry as aforefaid ; and ftiall, likewife, at the fame time declare, on oath, that he hath in^pe^ted the negro-grounds (where fuch grounds are allot- ted) of fuch plantation, pen, or fettlement, accord- ing to the diredions of this ad. }C And, in order to prevent any perfon from muti- lating or difmembering any flave or flaves, Be it further enaded by the authority 'aforefaid, That if any mafter, miftrefs, owner, pofleflbr, or other per- APPENDIX. 31 J fon whatfoever, ihall, at his, her, or. their own will and pleai'ure, or by his, her, or their diredion, or with his, her, or their knowledge, fufFerance, pri- vity, or confent, mutilate or difmember any flave or Haves, he, Ihe, or they fhall be hable to be in- didled for each offence in the fupreme court of ju- dicature, or in any of the affize courts of this ifland ; and, upon conviclion, Ihall be puniftied by fine, not exceeding lool. and imprifonment not exceeding 12 months, for each and every Have fo mutilated or difmembered ; and fuch punifhment is declared to be without prejudice to any adion that could or might be brought at common law, for recovery of damages for or on account of the fame : And, in very atrocious cafes, where the owner of fuch flave or flaves ftiall be convided of fuch offence, the court, before whom fuch offender fhall have been tried and convided, are hereby empowered, in cafe they fhall think it neceffary, for the future protedion of fuch flave or flaves, to declare him, her, or them free and difcharged from all manner of feryitude, to all intents and purpofes whatfoever : And, in all fuch cafes, the court are hereby empowered and autho- rizcd, if to them it fhall appear neceffary, to order and diredl the faid fine of. lOol. to be paid to the juftices and veftry of the parifh to which the faid flave or flaves belonged, to the ufe of the faid parifh; the faid juflices and veftry, in confide ration thereof, paying to fuch of the faid flave or flaves fo made free the fum of lol. per annum for his, her, or their maintenance and fupport during life ; and in Rrij ■•.? ]( 31 6 APPENDIX. cafe any flavc or Haves ihall fufTer any before de- fcribed mutilations, fuch Have or flaves, on his, her, or their application to any juftice of the peace, the faid juftice of the peace fhall be, and is hereby di- refted, required, and empowered, on view, and cer- tain convidion of the fad, to fend fuch flave or ilaves to the neareft workhoufe where fuch otFence Ihall be committed, and fuch flave or flaves fliall be there fafely kept, and carefully attended at the ex- pence of fuch parilh, until fuch time as there may be a legal meeting of the juftices and veftry of fuch parifh; which juftices and veftry fo met, are hereby created and appointed a council of protedion of fuch flave or flaves : And the faid juftices and veftry, fo met, are hereby diredled and empowered to make further and full inquiry, upon view, into the commitment of the mutilation of fuch flav6 or flaves; and, if to tliem it fliall appear proper, the faid juftices and veftry arc hereby empowered and required to profecute to elfed fuch owner or owners; the expence of which profecution ftiall be paid by the parifti where fuch offence fliall be committed : And in cafe the owner or owners of fuch flave or flaves fliall appear capable of paying the cofts and charges of fuch before-mentioned profecution, the faid juftices and veftry are hereby empowered to commence fuit or fuits againft fuch owner or owners of fuch flave or flaves, and recover all cofts and charges out of purfe, by them laid out and expend- ed in fuch fuit or fuits : And the keeper or fuper- Yifor gf the workhoufe where fuch mutilated flftve APPENDIX. 317 or flaves Ihall have been firit committed, is hereby dii^ded and required, upon due notice of the firft meeting of, the jullices and veftry of the parilh where the offence was committed, to produce fuch mutilated Have or flaves, for the infpedlion and di- rcdion of fuch juftices and veftry, under the pe- nalty of 20I. for every negled, in not producing before fuch juftices and veftry fuch flave or flaves. ♦ And be it further enadled by the authority afore- faid, That if any perion hereafter fliall wantonly, willingly, or bloody-raindedly kill, or caufe to be killed, any negro or other flave, fuch perfon fo of- fending Ihall, on convidion, be adjudged guilty of felony, without benefit of clergy, and ftiall fuflfer death accordingly for the faid oflfence : Provided always, that fuci: 1 idion fliall not extend to the corrupting the bi - ^, or the forfeiture of lands or tenements, goods or chattels ; any law, cuftom, or ufage to the contrary thereof in any wife- notwith- ftanding. * ti -i-And bp it further enadled by the authority afore- faid. That from and after the pafling of this ad, any perfon or perfons that fliall wantonly or cruelly whip, maltreat, beat bruife, wound, or fliall impri- fon or keep in confinement, without fufficient fup- port, any flave or flaves, fliall be fubjed to be in- dided for the fame in the fupreme court of judica- ture, or in either of the courts of afllze, or courts of quarter feflions in this ifland ; and, upon being thereof kgally convided, he, flie, or they, fliall fufler fuch punifliment, by fine or imprifonment, ox 3«8 AppEKDia:. both, ad the judges or juilices of fuch courts {hall think proper to inflift ; any law, cuftom, or ufage to the contrary in any wife notwithftanding: And fuch punifhment is hereby declared to be without prejudice to any adtion at common law that could or might be brought for the recovery of damages for and on account of the fame, in cafe fuch Have or ilavcs ftiall not be the property of the offender. And be it further enadted by the authority afore- faid, That for the future, all Haves in this ifland jhall be allowed the ufual number of holidays that were allowed at the ufual feafons of Chriilmas, Eaftcr, and Whitfuntide : Provided, That at every fuch refpedtive feafon, no two holidays fhall be al- lowed to follow or fucceed 'mmediately one after the other, except at Chriilmas, when they fhall be allowed Chriflmas-day, and alfo the day immedi- ately fucceeding ; any law, cuflom, or ufage, to the contrary notwithftanding : And if any matter, owner, guardian, or attorney, of any plantation or fettlement, or the overfeer of fuch plantation or ffttlement, fhall prefume, at the feafons aforefaid, to allow any holidays to any flave belonging to any fuch plantation or fettlement, other than as direfted by this adl to be given, every perfon fo offending fhall forfeit the fum of 5I. '^' And be it further enadled by the authority afore- faid. That every field-flave on fuch platitation or fettlement fhall, on work daysj be allowed, accord- ing to cuttom, half an hour for breakfaft, and two hours for dinner ; and that no flaves fhall be com- APFSNDIX. 3x9 pelled to any manner of field-work upon the plan- tation before the hout of five in the morning, or after the hour of feven at night, except during the time of crop, under the penalty of 50I. to be reco- vered againft the overfeer, or other perfon having the care of fuch Haves. vf- •^^. And be it further enaded by the authority afore- faid, That on the 28th day of December in every year (the time of giving in as aforefaid), or within 30 days after, the owner, overfeer, or manager of every plantation, pen, or fettlement, Ihall give in, on oath, an account of all the births and deaths of the flaves of fuch plantation, pen, or fettlement, for the preceding year, under the penalty of 50I. to be recovered from the owner of fuch plantation, pen, or other fettlement. -r And whereas the permitting and fuffering negro and other flaves to keep horfes, mares, mules, or geldings, is attended with many and great mifchiefs to the ifland in general; In order, therefore, to re- medy the fame. Be it further enaded by the au- thority aforefaid, That from and after the pafling of this adl, the mailer, owner, proprietor, attorney, guardian, executor, adminiftrator, or other perfon, in pofTeilion of every plantation or pen in this ifland, having on any fuch plantation or pen any horfe, mart, mule, or gelding, the reputed property of any flave or flaves, knowing the fame to be fuch, ftiall caufe them to be taken up, and fliall produce them at the moft public place in the parifb where taken up, ^t fuqh tim^ as the juftices and vellry ■pill "">-M't M 320 APPENfDiX. fhall, by advertifement in the j)ublic newfpapers, appoint for that purpofe.and that fuch horfes, mares, mules,* and geldings, be then and there fold and difpofed of at public outcry ; and if any mafter, owner, proprietor, attorney, guardian, executor, adminiilrator, or other perfon as aforefaid, (hall ne- glect or refufe fo doing, each and<;every of them fhall, for every negledt or refufal, refpedively for- feit the fum of 30I. to be recovered in a fummary manner before any twojuftices of the peace for the parifli or precindt where fuch negleft or refufal fhall happen, by the oath of one or more credible wit- nefs or witnefles ; which penalty Ihall be to the ufe of the perfon ihforming. , h And be it further enadled by the authority aforefaid. That from and after the palling of this adl, no mailer, owner, proprietor, attorney, guar- dian, executor, adminiilrator, or other perfon, in pofTeffion of any plantation, pen, or fettlement, Ihall knowingly permit or fuffer any flavc or flaves to keep on fuch plantation, pen, or fettlement, any horfe, mare, mule, or gelding; and, in cafe of fo doing, lliall, for every offence, forfeit the fum of 30I. to be recovered in manner aforefaid. And be it further enabled by the authority afore- faid, That in all cafes where the punifhment of death is inflifted, the execution fhall be performed in a public part of the parilh and with due folem- nity; and care fhall be taken by the gaoler or de- puty-marflial, that the criminal is free from intoxi- cation at the time of his trial, and from thence to APPENDIX, 3^1 and at the time of his execution, under the penalty of 5I. and the mode of fuch execution fhall be hanging by the neck, and no other; and the body fhall be afterwards difpofed of in fuch manner as the court Ihall direcfl: : And provided alfo, that where feveral flaves fliall be capitally convided for the fame offence, one only fliall fuffer death, except in cafes of murder or rebellion. And whereas there are m^ . ir " or crimes and mifdemeanours committed by flaves, .»'hich ought to be puniflied in a fummary manner, by order of the magiftrates ; Be it therefore enadled by the authority aforefaid, That, from and after the paf- fing of this acl, it fliall and may be lawful for any two juftices of the peace to hear and determine, in a fummary manner, all fuch crimes and mifdemea- nours, giving fufficient notice to the owner or pro- prietor of fuch flave or flaves, or his or her attorney or attorneys, or the perfon having the care of fuch flave or flaves, of the time and place of trial, and to order and diredt fuch punifliment to be infli<^ed on them as fuch juftices, in their judgment, fliall think fit, not exceeding 50 laflies or flx months confinement to bard labour; the expences of which trial fliall not exceed ics. to the conftable, and fliall be paid by the mailer, owner, or employer of fuch flave or flaves ; and in cafe fuch mafter, owner, or employer of fuch flave or flaves fliall refufe or negled to pay fuch expences, it fliall and may be lawful for the faid juftices, or either of them, to ilTue his or their warrant, under his or their hand 9 8 322 APPENDIX. and feal, diredled to any conftable, for levying the fame on the goods and chattels of fuch mafter, owner, or employer, and to fell the fame at public outcry, for the purpofe of paying fuch expences, together with the charges attending the granting and executing fuch warrant apd fale of goods and chattels, returning the overplus, if any, to the owner. And be it further enacHied by the authority afore- faid. That it fliall not be lawful for any juftice of the peacp, fitting on the trial of any flave or flaves, or otherwife, to fentence or order apy flave to be mutilated or maimed for any offence whatfoever. *♦*-<■ tt I • ■ ! ^wu., M SHORT HISTORY imtpm: OF THs Ik: ■ ^ t"RENCH COLONY IN ST. DOMINGO. tt" CHAPTER I. t'olitical State of St. Domingo pircvioua to the Year 1789. X HIS colony, like all other Well India fettlements^ was inhabited by three different orders of people. The pure whites conftitute the firft diltindion, the free blacks and the people of colour formed the fecond, and lowed in the fcale flood the unemanci* pated negroes. The people of colour, known by the name of San^ Melee^ or Gens de Couleufy were illegitimate defcenda^nts of black and white parents. According as they approached to the complexion of negroes or whites, their ca^s and appearance were various ; but they were all known in common lan- guage by the name of Mulatto. From the unfre- quency of marriage in St. Domingo, their numbers became almoft equal to thofe of the whites ; the latter being eftimated at 30,000, the former at 24,000. Previous to the year 1789 the government of St. Domingo was adminiftered by an ofHcer called the Intendant, and a Governor General, both nominated Ssy 3^4 HISTORY OF b^** the Crown, and inverted with authority for three years. Their powers were in fome cafes diftind, in others united. In the latter inftances their joint ad- miniftration was arbitrary, unlimited, and minute, extending to every poflible queflion in finance and police. The laws were enaded at their command, vacancies in councils and courts of judice were filled up by their choice, and the crown lands were diftri- buted by their bounty. The fole fecurity of the people lay in the contention that happily arofe be- tween the fliarers of this exorbitant power; but even in thefe difputes the governor's authority pre- pondcratcd. His fupreme command over the na- val and military force ; his power of imprifoning without a caufe, and of allowing no arreft but with his own approbation ; made the adminiilrators of juftice his Haves, and his will fuperior to the law. The office of the intendant, though lefs abfolute, was dill more dangerous to the virtue of its pofleflbr. The man who had the controul and infpeclion of all duties and taxes, and who was permitted to ap- ply thefe treafures as his choice direded, mull have been blefled with uncommon integrity to avoid cor- ruption. The taxes and duties, of which we fpeak, were impofed by a feif-eledled aflembly, compofed of the two fupremc officers juft now Inentioned, fome commandants of mihtia, and prefideiits of provincial councils, and, in mockery of the people, was called the Colonial Afiembly. The colony v/as divided mto three provinces, the Northern, Weftern, and Southern. There lay an 4 ST. DOMlKGO. 3^S appeal from the fentences of the inferior courts di- ftributed throuch thefc divifions at the fupcrior courts of Cape Francois and Port au Prince. Thefe were compofed of the governor and his deputies, the intendant, King's lieutenants, twelve counfel- lors, and four affejfeurs. The lieutenants were mi- litary officers, unconnedcd with the civil power, and wholly under the authority of the governor. The counfellors were little more independent. The Prince de Rohan, when ading as governor in this colony, feized them on their feats of judice, and put them on board a fhip in irons : They were convey- ed to Paris, and for a long time immured in the Bailile, without the benefit of a trial. The confequence of fuch undue influence over the miniilers of juftice may be well conceived. Cor- ruption and iniquity were notorious in their de- cifions. An appeal Ir.y, however, to the king, and tlie decifion was generally more fair. The colony was divided into fifty-two parifiies, each of which furnilhed one or more companies of whites, blacks, and people of .colour, to ferve in the militia. The eilablifhment of the King's troops was from 2COO to 3000 men. A colony thus governed mufl have depended for its happinefs principally upon the difpofition of the governor who was impofed. Happily the progrefs of improvement had fo far emancipated them from their ancient prejudices, that all refpcdability and happinefs were not allowed to centre in high birth and connexions. The fruits of commerce and in- ^;V». Ji6 HISTORY OF duftry had fo far blefled the plebeian part 6f tbdf community, that they enjoyed their wealth without being defpifed for the want of titles. But the tri- umph of jullice over prejudice extended only thus far: Whatever apology may be offered for the pre- valent cuflom of undervaluing individuals from the fole circumdances of their colour, the faifl cannot be denied, that the people of colour in this colony were fubjeded to the mod flagrant injuftice and contempt ^. The negro that was enflaved had a mafler, whofe interefl was pledged to defend him from injury ; but the mulattoes, confidered as ilaves of the public, were injured and infulted, without hope of redrefs. When they had completed the age of manhood, they were compelled to ferve three years in the army -, and when their military fervice expired, they had to work the greater part of the year in a dreadful ftate of Havery upon the high- ways. That every fpark of generous ambition might be quenched in their minds, and every pof- iibility of emerging from their debafement excluded from their fituation, they were not permitted to hold any office of public capacity, and were befides debarred from following any profeffion in private life that conferred refpedlability, or required a libe- ral education. The mulatto was prohibited by law * Mr. Edwards, in this place, endeavours philofophically to ac- count for, in other words, to palliate, this prevalent propenfity of mankind to deipife the colour of the individual, without regard to his merits. ST. DOMINGO. 327 from becoming a prieft, a lawyer, a phyiician, a fuigeon, an apothecary, or fchoolmaller. The fmall- eft affinity to African blood tainted the whole cha- radcr of the individual with contempt ; and of con- fequence no white man of charader would deign to connect himfelf in marriage with a woman of colour, or a negrefs. The pradice of the law impioufly gave fandlion to popular prejudice. The mulatto who only ftruck a white was condemned to have his right hand cut oflf; whilft the white man, for a fimi- lar oifence, was puniftied with an inflgnificant fine. It is true this feverity of the law was in fome mea> fure modified by the manners of the people, who would have been unwilling to adhere rigoroufly to fuch unmerciful edids. Another circumftance in favour of the mulattoes was their ability to hold property to any amount, by which means the more opulent had the power of bribing the venal admi- niilrators of juftice, though at the fame time this fuperiority of wealth did not abate that infolence which the meaner whites were at all times difpofed to fliow them. The enflaved negroes, who conftituted the third clafs of inhabitants, amounted in the year 1789 to 480,000. As early as the reign of Lewis XIV, a code of legiflature had been palTed in their favour, humanely intended, and honourable to its author. But where fear is the foundation of a government, as in all countries where flavery exifts it muft necef- farily be, the dodrine of coercion, and not of right, is to be enforced, or authority cannot long be main- 328 HISTORY OF tained. The ufage of the negroes in the colonies of Britain has been already defcribed ; and in this co-r lony their ufage was almoft exadly fimilar. If any difference is to be obferved between the ufage of French and Englifti flaves, it is, that in the latter, they receive more aifimal food ; in the former, they are more comfortably clothed. Upon the whole, the (ituation of all ranks of people in St. Domingo was lefs mifefable than might have been expeded to refult from a government fo depraved as we have feen it. In fpite of political evils, figns of profpe- rity were vifible ; their towns were opulent ; their markets plentiful ; their commerce extenfive, and their cultivation on the increafe. Such wa§ the Hate of the French colony in St. Don^ingo in 1788. In this eventful year the principles of liberty, which had been brought from America to J'rance, began to pervade alfo her colonies. The ncceffity of new arrangements, and a fevere amendment of invete- rate and multiplied abufes, became apparent. From the efFefts of this vigorous effort, the reformation of evils, many important leffons are to be learned : We Ihall therefore make them the fubjedl of the follow- ing pages. ■■? '•i j'-' t iiv. i ^f . DOMlNGdj * ^^P 'jf^,'-'' t%,f^^- ?f' CHAPTER II. From the Revolution of 1789, to the Meeting of the Firfl Genc- i ral Colonial Affembly. At the ever memorable period (December 1788), when the States General of France were convened j the governor of the French part of St. Domingo was M. Duchilleau, a man who was fuppofed fecretly to favour the popular pretenlions. But the influence which he had been permitted to retain from this fup- polition, gradually vaniflied from his hands as the fpi- rit of innovation became bolder and more decifive. It was therefore in vain that he attempted to fupprefs the meetings of the revolutionilb, who, in fpite of h^s proclamations, eleded and fent home to France eighteen reprefentatives (fix for each province), as the new conflituentsof St. Domingo. By the time of their arrival, the States General had declared themfelves the National Afleniuly ; but though friendly to the fyftem of reprefentation, that auguft body ftrenuoully maintained that eighteen members was too great a number for St. Domingo to fend, and lix were only allowed to fit. Though admitted to a fliare in the legillution, the Weft India colonies were at this time far from benig popular in France. The nation, enthuliailic in tiieir fentiments reipecling the rights of mankind, could not look with pleufure upon a body of men who challenged freedom to themfelves, but refufed it tQ T t II 33^ HISTORY OF Others. The popular indignation was made ftronger every day by the fpeeches of that powerful aflbci- ation of Amis des Noirs * ; and the extravagancies of the French planters refident in France ferved al- fo to augment the general deteftation. The fociet;y of the Amis des Noirs was an imitation of a London airociation, who had alTunied the fame name, but not for exadly the fame purpofes. The fociety of Englifhmen had endeavoured to mollify the treatment of flaves, by perfuading government to interdidl the African trade. The fociety we fpeak of avowed their deteftation of flnvery itfelf, as well as the trade, and condemned thofe abettors of liberty who dared to declare themfelves pofTeflbrs of men. At the fame time, the Amis des Noirs kept up an intimate connedlion with thofe mulat- toes from St. Domingo who were educating in France, endeavoured to convince them of their right to be emancipated from the miferies under which they laboured, and warmly appealed to the genero- fity of the narion in their behalf. The heart of every Frenchman was interefted in their hardfhips, and the indignation againft the white planters bore a ferious afped:. This animolity againft the pofleflbrs of flaves had probably fome fhare in the minds of the aflembly itfelf, when they pafled their celebrated declaration, in which they maintained that all mankind are born and continue equal and free in their rights. Hi- *" Tlie friends of the blacks.. ST. DOMINGO. 31^ therto the white inhabitants of St. Domingo had re- garded the Amis de Noirs, and indeed the French nation at large, with no very favourable eye ; for they felt that the fentiments of unqualified freedom, which were avowed in the mother country, threat- ened deflrudion to their authority over their Haves. This declaration perfeded their diflike to the Amis de Noirs ; for they regarded it as a dangerous and unpardonable blow, levelled at rheir power over the negroes and mulattoes. ■ he French, before this period, had decreed the inftitution of colonial aiTemblies ; but the orders had been effeded in a dilatory manner, and the coloniils of Sc. Domingo did not wa4t for their command. Large aflemblies had been conftituted in the provinces, and paro- chial meetings were held for the better communica- tion of their fentiments. The provincial aflemblies, among other refolutions, decreed their intention of being better reprefented, and declared their purpofe of holding a legal and full aflembly of colonial re- prefentativcs, as a meafure of expediency, u o.ders to that purpofe did not arrive withi three months. In the mean time, the mulattoes in St. Drmiingo, in- ftrudled in their rights, and informed of the fenti- ments of the French in their behalf, called aloud for emancipation.and became excellively turbulent. But they were foon overpowered, for they could not ad in concert. The provincial alfemblies, it is but juilice to fay, did not feem averfe to moderation, and were lefs feverc in their treatment of prifoners than might have been expedcd. But the rage of the populace •.. s Ttij ■- 33^ J HISTORY OF was brutal and unreftrained againft the mulattoes themlelves, but more efpecially thofe whites who had the dilinterefted generoiity to avow themfelves their friends. A magiftrate at Petit Goave (Monf. Ferrand de Beaudierre) had refolved upon connedl- ing himrelf in marriage with a woman of colour ; but, apprehenlive of being blamed for the mcafure, 119 attacked the ellabliftied prejudices of his coun- trymen againll the people of colour, and drew up a memorial in their behalf, in which they were made to claim the full benefit of the national declaration of rights. He was arrelUd for fedition, and impri- foned by the parochial committee ; but the mob took him by force from his confinement, and, in fpite of the municipality, barbaroully put him to death. , ij. Early in the month of January 1790, the roy^l mandate for convoking an afiembly was received. The time and place of its meeting, as well as fome other circumflances relative to its conRitution, be- ing thought inconfillent with the welfare of the co- lony, they were treated with contempt, and matters accommodated to the willies of the inhabitants. Word was fpeedily conveyed to the mother coun- try of the difpofitions of St. Domingo ; and the mercantile towns, alarmed by the danger that threat- ened their commerce, implored the government for conciliatory meafures. The afiembly took the mat- ter into folemn confideration, and, by a great majo- rity, it was decreed that their intention never had been to inteimeddle with the internal aflairs of the t>- '■ "^'"S**' ST. DOMINGO. 333 colony ; that the management of their internal le- gidature was entirely their own ; and that the af- fembly pledged themfelves to make no innovation, diredtly or ii Uredlly, in the fyftem of commerce, in which the colonies were already concerned. How- ever grateful this declaration might have been to the whites of St. Domingo, it occalioned difcontent and remonftrances on the part of the philanthropic friends of the blacks. They regarded it as an un- warrantable fandtion of the African traffic, and a •confeffion that the planters of St. Domingo were not colonics, but an independent people. The in- tention of the aflembly feems, however, to have been patriotic ; and it is certainly mod reafonable to fuppofe that this refpedable body of legiflators had ihe prefervation of the colony, and not the continuation of flavery, in view when they paffed the above decree. With the example of Ameriea before their eyes, it was hardly to be conceived that the inhabitants of St. Domingo would have conti- nued long the colonifts of France, had the animoii- ty which once prevailed been kept alive by a de- cree of an oppofite nature. How far the provincial reprefentatives were difpofed to be independent in their proceedings, will be feen from what paffed in all their meetings till their •final diffolution. Of ^hefe we Ihall treat in the fubfequent chapter. ill 334 » HISTORY OF CHAPTER III. Proceedings of the General Colonial Aflembly, till its final Dlf- folution, and the Embarkation of its Members for France. On the i6th of April 1790, the General AlTembly of St. Domingo met at the town of St. Marc, and confifted of 213 members. The provincial aflem- blies, however, ftill continued to exercife their func- tions, or appoin<^ed committees during their intcr- mifiion. The amelioration of the (lave- laws, and the relief of the people of colour from fome of their fevered hardfliips, were prudently made the firfl: fubjeds of their deliberation. The redification of grofs abufes that prevailed in the courts of judica- ture, and could no longer be endured ; in fucceffion to this bufinefs, the plan of a new colonial govern- ment kept them in employment till the 28th of May. At this period the governor- general was a Monf. Peynier, a man of Itrong ariftocratical prin- ciples, and from whom the whole tribe of civil offi- cers, whofe views had been blafted by the late revo- lution, derived fecret encouragement and fupport. Thofe officers alfo who held military commiffions, and had been accuftomed to fliare in the fyilem of tyranny, joined the hidden aifociation, and medi- tated the ruin of the new conftitution. Peynier continued at the head of this infamous coalition till he was difplaced by the fuperior abilities of Cheva- lier Mauduit, colonel of the regiment of Port au cla the del lo) rell St. DOMINGO. 335 Prince, who arrived at St. Domingo. He had come by way of Italy, and at Turin had taken leave of the Count d'Artois, to whofe fortune he was attached. His firft proceeding evinces that he was a villain of the mod accompUQied kind. He declared himfelf the patron and protedtor of the mulattoes, till his uhfufpeded hypocrify gained them over to his fide. With their affiftance, he propofed to eftablifh once more the ancient fyftem of injuftice ; and thus unfortunately fucceeded in dividing two clafles of men, whofe views, if cemented by good underftand- ing, might have effe(5led their mutual happinefs, and averted many calamities. Had the planters been Heady to each other, the projeds of their enemies might perhaps have been blailed ; but the provia- cial alTemblies difputed with each other, and thus gave an opportunity to their common enemy, the executive power, to declare hoftilities with more ef- fect. The oftenfible motive on the part of govern- ment for beginning their attack upon the reprefen- tatives of the iiland, was the following celebrated decree, which the Aflembly had made on the aSth of May 1790. The preamble to the decree de- clares the right of confirming the laws inherent in the aflembly, and confequently incapable of being delegated. The articles fubjoined are the ten fol- lowing: — III ■1 r f " I. The legillative authority, in every thing which relates to the internal concerns of the colony {re- gime interieurj, is veiled in the aflembly of its repre- 53^ rtlSTORY OF fentatives, which fliall be called the General AJfemhty of the French Fart of St. Domingo. " 2. No adl of the legiflative body, in what re- lates to the internal concerns of the colony, fhall be confidered as a laxv definitive^ unlefs it be made by the reprefentatives of the French part of St. Do- mingo, freely and legally cholen, and confirmed bjr the King. " 3. In cafes of urgent neceffity, a legiflative de- cree of the general affembly, in what relates to the internal concerns of the colony, fhall be confidered as a law provijional. In all fuch cafes, the decree Ihall be notified forthwith to the governor-general, who, within ten days after fuch notification, fhall caufe it to be pubUlhed and enforced, or tranfmit to the general affembly his obfervations thereon. " 4. T^e neceffity of the cafe on which the exe- cution of fuch provifional decree is to depend, fhall be a feparate quedion, and be carried in the affir- mative by a majority of two-thirds of the general affembly ; the names and numbers being taken down. (Frifespar ' appel nominal. J " 5. If the governi^r-general fliair fend down his ^ obfervations on any fuch decree, the fame fhall be entered in the journals of the general afiembly, who Ihall then proceed to revife the decree, and confider the obfervations thereon, in three feveral fittings. The votes for confirming or annulling the decree, fliall be given in the words J^es or iVb, and a minute of the proceedings (hull be figiied i>y the members '■^ prefent, in which fliall be enumerated the votes oa ST. DOMINOO. 337 fcith fide of the queftion ; and if there appears a majority of two-thirds for confirming the decree, it ihall be immediately enforced by the governor- general. » " 6. As eVery law ought to be founded on the confent of thofe who are to be bound by it, the French part of St. Domingo (hall be allowed to propofe regulations concerning commercial arrange- ments, and the fyllem of mutual connexion f^'^P" ports commtrciaux, et autre s rapports commmsj, and the decrees which the national aflembly ftiall make in all fuch cafes, p?aU not be Enforced in the colony, un- til the general ajfevihly Jball have confented thereto, " 7. In cafes of prelling neceffity, the importa- tion of articles for the fupport of the inhabitants fhall not be confidered as any breach in the fyftem of commercial regulatidhs between St. Domingo and France ; provided that the decrees to be made iri fuch cafes by the general affembly, ihall be fubmit- ted to the revifion of the governor general, under the fame conditions and modifications as are pre- fcribed in Articles 3. and 5. " 8. Provided alfo, that every legillative a(5tof the general affembly, executed provifionally, in cafes of urgent neceffity, (hall be tranfmitted forthwith for the royal fandion. And if the King fhall refufe his confent to any fuch ad, its execution fliall be fu- fpended, as foon as the King's refuiai _hall be legally notified to the general affembly. " 9. A new general aflembly Ihall be chofen every two years, and none of the members who have ' U u ■ 5'". jy 338 HISTORY O^ ferved in the former aflembly, (ball be eligible in the new one. s " 10. The general aflfembly decree that the prece- ding articles, as forming part of the conftitution of tfie French colonv in St. Domingo, fhall be imme- diately tranfmitted to France, for the acceptance of the national aflembly, and the King. They Iball likewife be tranfmitted to all the parilhes and di- ftri'ils of the colony, and be notified to the governor- general." -4 . Among men, even of oppofite fentiments, this de- cree excited dilTatisfadlion. It was held as incon- fiflent with the very exiftence of colonial fubordina- tion, that the King's delegate (hould be debarred from negativing the adts of aflembly. In extenua- tion of this inconfiftency, atld the ftill more daring innovation of conftituting themfelves the judges of all ads of the national aflembly of France, in cafes of external regulation, it can only be faid, that the circumflanccs were new, and the legiilators inexpe- rienced. That they had it in view to throw oif the authority f the mother country, is not to be be- lieved; but the report was fpread, and credited, that the colony was fold to the Englifli, and that forty millions of livres had been taken by the aflembly of Sr Domingo as a bribe. The weftern pariflies re- called their delegates, while thofe of Cape Francois renounced their obedience to the whole aflembly, and petitioned the governor to ftrip them of their % ithority. Peynier was pleafed at the difgrace of # ST. DOMINGO. 339 the rcprefentatives,both parties were averfe to com- promifement, and a circumftance occurred to make the breach irreparable. The Leopard, a (hip of the line, lay in the har- bour of port au Prince, and the commander being attached to the governor, gave a fumptuous enter- tainment to his partizans of the place. The feamen, talcing offence at this meafure, mutinied, and decla- red themfelves in the intereft of the aflembly ; and the aflembly, in return, made them a vote of thanks. Some partizans of the aflembly at this time feized a powder magazine at Leogane. Two days after the vote of thanks had been returned to ihe crew of the Leopard, the governor declared them adherents to the traitors of the country, and called on all ofiicei*s, - civil and military, to bring them to punifliment. His firft dired: attack was an attempt to arrell the '^ perfons of the weftern provincial aflembly, which had been fo zealous in their attachment to the ge- neral aflembly. He underftood that a committee of them held confultations at midnight at Port an Prince. Monf. Manduit headed the enterprife, and feledling loo of his foldiers, reforted to the place. The houh was defended by 400 national guards, and a flcirmifli enfued, of which the particulars are not perfedly known ; but Manduit returned with- ^ out accomplifliing his purpofe. The general alfembly, on receiving notice of thin attack, immediately called upon the people to af- femble, and defend their reprefentatives. Armed troops accordingly took the field on both fides of the U u ij ' . 'IfiU 1*! i- if I 34© History of ilifpute, and blooddied Teemed now inevitable ; but a fudden relhlution of the afllmbly averted the im- pending war. They refolved in a body to repair to the mother country, and jullify, in perfon, to the King and national aflembly. their paft conduft. Their numbers were reduced, by iicknei's and defertion, to ICO, and of thefe ^5 embarked on boaid the Leo- pard, amidll the applauies of people of all parties, wlio contidered their condudl as noble and heroic. Of the 85 who embarked, we ought not to omit niciifioning that 64 were fathers of families. The coudud of this body of legillators was undoubtedly, in fome inltances, llretched beyond their legal pre- rogative ; but neceflity is a ftrong plea, and in a great degree juftifies their boldell meafures. That the governor and Manduit had ferious intentions 06 reftoring ancient delpotilm, cannot he doubted. It afterwards appeared that, diftrufting the French foldiers, they had written to Cuba for Spanifh fub- fidiaries. But we mull deviate trom this detail for a moment, to commiferate the fate of brave, but uiii fortunate charaders. ' '-■ '%%: '.l,^- ■■ •^1*^ «• ' 'iM{' ^irl.'i.Zt-^'i^i {^*^m *#tl*' *■»•■:,< ST. DOMINGO. CHAPTER IV. 341 !H Rebellion and Defeat of Oge, a Free Man of Colour. 1 HR££ hundred people of colour had been collect- ed by Manduit to oppolc the forces of the aflembly ; but they foon became fenlible of their error, de- manded and procured their difmiflion. Indeed, during the whole continuance of the colonial af- fembly, they remained much more peaceable than could have been expected ; but thofe who were re- iident in France entertained fomewhat more violent fentiments and wiflies than their brethren in St. Domingo. Among thofe whofe enthuiiafm in the caufe of delivering the people from oppreflion was cherifhed by their connexion with the Amis des Noirs, one of the moft dillinguifhed was James Oge, a young man under thirty years of age. His mother poiTeiled a coffee plantation in St. Domingo, and fupported him in Paris in fome degree of affluence. Under the patronage of the Amis des Noirs he had been initiated in the doctrines of equality and the rights of man, antt had learned to edimate the ab> furdity and monilrous injudice of that prejudice which (faid Gregoire), eftimating a man's merit by the colour of his Ikin, has placed at an immenfe di-> ftance from each other the children of the fame pa- rent ; a prejudice which ftifles the voice of nature, and breaks the bands of fraternity afunder." Ani- piated by their advice, Oge conceived the plan of 342 HISTORY Of heading his people and procuring redrcfs of their wrongs. In order to evade the notice of government, the fociety refolved to procure arms and ammunition in America. Oge accordingly embarked for New England, with money and letters of credit, July 179b; but with all the fecrecy that was intended, his plan was known at Paris, and his portrait fent out to St. Domingo long before he arrived. He land- ed in Odlober, and got the arms he had brought con- veyed to the place appointed by his brother. Six weeks after his arrival, he publiflied a manifefto, de- claring his intention of taking up arms, if the privi- leges of whites were not granted to all perfons with- out diftindlion. Puring this interval, he and his bro- ther had been bufy in calling upon the people of co- lour to join their (landard ; but the mulattoes feemed unwilling to hazard an open revolt, and only 200 came to his affiftance. He pitched his camp at Grande Riviere, and appointed his brother and one Chavane his lieutenants. Chavane was fierce and intrepid, but by no means fo generous in his difpo- litions as Oge, who, with all his cnthufiafm, was mild and humane. He ftridly cautioned his fol- lowers againft the Ihedding of innocent blood ; but it is to be regietted, that the fenfe of their injuries too keenly afFedled the minds of his followers to permit moderation in their proceedings. They put to death the whites wherever they met tliem j and by a ftill more unjuftifiable mode of conduct, took ven- geance upon thofe of their own colour who refufed fu ST. DOMINGO. 343 to join their ftandard. The townfmen of St. Fran- cois immediately difpatched regulars and militia to fupprefs the revolters. Their numbers being fupe- rior, they overpowered them, and took many pri- foners ; but Oge and his brother, with his aflbciate, took refuge among the Spaniards in Cuba. The whites, exafperated at this efibrt of the mulattoes, vowed vengeance upon the whole race, and a malTacre was thought to be at hand. The petit blancs in particular were keen in their fentiments of retaliation ; fo that the mulattoes feeing danger impending on all fides, flew to arms in felf-defence, and fortified camps in many places. Their largeft force was aflembled at the town of Verette. Thither a numerous body of whites convened to vefift them. M. Manduit was their commander ; and by his means a confultation took place inftead of a battle. The par- ticulars of the interview are not perfedly known ; but it is aflTerted that Manduit traiteroufly perfuaded the mulattoes to retire for a while, till a better op- portunity of efte(5ling their veng^^ance iliould occur; that the King was their friend ; and that a counter revolution would raife them to the privileges of the v.'hites. At Aux Cayes alfo, Monf. Manduit eflfect- ed a truce with Rigaud, the mulatto leader; but the latter declared that the calm of peace would not be permanent. ^ ^1' - Monf. Peynier refigned his government to Monf. Blanchellaude in November 1790, whofe firft mea- fure was to make a peremptory demand of Oge , from the Spaniards ; fo that the unhappy fugitive and his companions were delivered up and brought ■pi ■'^f f' i -,v 344 HISTORY OJ to a trial. Twenty of his followers were coridemfti ed to be hanged ; but a more dreadful fate wai referved for himfelf and Chavane. He was fenten^ ced to be broken alive, and left to perifli on thd wheel. Such was his punifhment ; and his crimd was aflerting the rights of his people ! Chavan6 died as became the martyr of fuch a caufe ; amid the extremity of his torture, he uttered not a groan. Oge, poflTefred of more fenfibihty, was overpowered by the horror of his fentence, and prayed for his life with many tears. He was even fo far weaken- ed as to forget all his former magnanimity, and of- fered to difclofe fome feerets if his life was fpared^ It cannot be at all afcertained whether or not he made confeffions of any importance ; but it is faid by fome that he fully difclofed the mod ferious pro- jeds of infurredion, and named the places where the framers of thefe plans were in the pradlice of con ven- ing. The condudl of the court before whom this con- feffion was fuppofed to have been made, in hurryjng the unhappy Oge to immediate execution, and their "Well known attachment to the ancient defpotic {y- Hem, leaves room to fufpedt that thefe confeffions were fuppreffed, out of refentment to the whites of the colonial aflembly intereft. Certain it is, that the royaiifts and republicans were equally hoftile to the planters of this defcription ; and unlefs we fup- pofe the confeffions of Oge not to have been found- ed in truth, the condudl of the ariftocratic gover-* nors who fuppreffed his declarations, is to be regard- ed as a plan of Machiavehan policy much to be "^^ndemned, ' "' 3 ST. DOMINGO. 345 •f (CHAPTER V. I'roceedings in France— Death of Colonel Mauduit — Decree of the National Affembly of the 15th May 1791 — Its Confe- quences in St. Domingo — Rebellion and Enormities of the Ne- groes in the Northern Provinces— Truce between the Men of Colour and Inhabitants of Port au Prince — Proclamation by the National Ailembly df the 20th of September. W E have already recorded the embarkation of the patriotic aflembly of St. Domingo for F" ranee, and the motives which impelled them to that decifive refolution. At Breft they were received with marks of approbation that feemed to prognofticate fiiccefs to their defign ; but whether from the inlidious pradices of the ariftocruts in their bv^n ifland, who detefted their fyftem of reprefentation, and fecretly undermined their character, or from the boldnefs of their late condudl being deemed illegal by the na- tional affembly, they were received by the re pre - ibntatives of the French with marked fymptoms of averlion. Their refolutions were pronounced im- proper, they were perfonally arrefted, and orders given for a new affembly to be collected. The King's order was alfo requefted, to augment the iiu- litary and naval force already in St. Domingo. A- ihong the friends of the royal party, the difgrace of the colonial members was a matter of much exulta- tion, but the illanders were in general difpleafed. Their indignation was moft particularly levelled at Mauduit, colonel uf the regiment of Port ay Prince, e^ ^ M I 1 1 i IH ■V' i( 34^ • HISTORY or whom they regarded as the infidious calumniator of their conllitucnts. The regiment of this unprin- cipled raan had hitherto been his firm adherents, from the bribes which he had diftributed among them ; whilft the national guards, and the other re- giments from France, held them in abhorrence, and Tefufed to do duty in their company. Finding themfelves fo uncomfortable, under the contempt and averfiort of all around them, they began to con- iider their commander as the caufe of their difgrace, and their gratitude for his pail favours was cooled by this refledion. It was formerly related, that Mauduit, at the head of ico grenadiers, had made an attack upon the rendezvous of a committee of the St. Domingo reprefentatives. On this occalion he had carried off a iland of colours belonging to the national troops, and the offence was not ye«; crazed from their memories. Mauduit, to appeafe the florm, offered publicly to reftore the trophy, and, in prefence of a vaft multitude, adlually re- ligned the colours : at the moment he gave them up, one of his own regiment called aloud, that he lliould afk pardon on his knees for fuch a tref- pafs. He bared his bofom on hearing the demand, and it was pierced with a hundred wounds, all from his own grenadiers. No better reward could be ex- peded from the perfidy of bribed adherents. His foldiers added cruelty to their bafenefs, and dif- graced humanity by the infults they pradifed on his dead body. In the mean time, the friends of the nuilattoes in re( ST. DOMINGO. 347 Europe, and the people of colour refident in the mother country, were more eager in the caufe of emancipation, than even the mulattoes in St. Do- raingq. The intereft of the people of colour was fo Itrongly fupportcd in the national aflembly, that they paiTed a decree, ordaining, among a number of other articles, that every perfon of the age of 25 years and upwards, poiTefling property, or having refided two years in the colony, and paid taxes, fliould be permitted to vote in the formation of the colonial alfembly. The people of colour knew not in what acceptation to underiland this decree; for they iiad never, on any former occafion, exercifed the light of voting on occafions of thi^i kind ; and yet, as they were not excluded by name, the decree feemed virtually to comprehend them. In France the queftion ftill remained to be decided. Whilft Abb^ Gregoire, with all that eloquence for which he was diftinguiflied, fupported the caufe of the mulattoes, the public mind was roufed into indignation a- gainit the colonifts, by theatrical reprefentations of the late barbarity they had Ihown to the unfor- tunate Oge. Their caufe at lall prevailed. The mulattoes born of free parents were not only pronounced worthy of chooling their reprefenta- lives, but alfo eligible themfelves to feats in the co- lonial affemblies. The confequence of this decifiv« decree will be immediately feen. .. On the 30th of June 1791, the news of it was firll received in St. Domingo, at Cape Francois; but tijo words can adtqualcJy dcfcribe the idignation 3 ^^'j f p; 1] ' 11 348 HISTORY OF whieh filled the minds of all parties in the ifland. . They refolved to rejedl the civic oath, and to con- fifcate the French property in the harbour*. It was even propofed in the provincial aflembiy, to pull down the national colours, and hoift the Britifli ftandard in their (lead. The governor-general was conilrained to be a filent fpedator of thefe enormi- ties, having no profpedl of ever recovering his au- thority. The eledion of a general aflembly was the next public event of importance. They met at Ciipe Ita: ^ois, and hopes were entertained that their ni ifu' i might etiedl a reconciliation of parties ; but the muiu toes had perceived too evident fymptoms pt then danger, and were too juftly alarmed by the piorcii': tir'n that fecmed to threaten them to conti- nue anj- longer iuadlive. They collected in armed bodies, and waited with anxious expedation to fee what meaiures the colonial aflembly would adopt in their favour. ; v ^ ' At this period an event, more dreadful than all the forme difturbances, took place. The blacks thought the prefent occafion for recovering their freedom too important to be pafled over. They accordingly proceeded to the alfertion of that freedom, but with all the fanguinary fpirit of revenge which charac- terizes the debafed adions of a l^ove, and which the moft ardent advocate for lii^erty mull condemn and deplore-]-. ^,, .^' ••'^. •■ t :": :.r-v ,,.*.- * An embargo aftiially took place. .v!,v^,i^ . \ P! f The account of this rebellion,, as detailed by T^Tr. Edwards.., is U not for ST. DOMINGO. 349 - On the morning of th 23d of Auguft 1791, Se town of the Cape was alarmed by a report of the negroes in the adjacent parilhes having revolted. The firft tidings were confufed. but at day-break the arrival of thofe who had narrow!) efcaped the maf- facre too well confirmed rhe tidings. The rebellion had broke out in the parifh of Acul, nine miles from the city, where the whites Had been butchered with- out diftin61:ion ; and now the re volters proceeded from parifh to parifh, murdering the men, and ravifhing the unfortunate women who fell into their hands. In a fliort trme the fword was exchanged for the torch, and the cane- field blazed in every diredion. I'he citizens now Clew to arms, and the command of the national troops was given to the governor, whilfl "^ the women and children were put aboard rhe fliip^. m the harbour for iafety. During this period the lower clafs of whites, regarding the mulattoes in Cape Francois, as the immediate caufe of the rebel- lion, marked them out for deftruftion ; but the af- fembly generoufly took them under their protedion. . In gratitude for fuch klndnefs, the mulattoes otiered to march as mihtiamen againfl the rebels, and their offer was accepted. After the afTembly had fpent a night in dehberation, amidll the glare of the iur- rounding fires, the militia and troops of the line were fent to meet a body of the rebels, and repuUed is long and minute. The particulars are not here given fo fully ; not from a wifh to conceal them, buc bccaufe they are too horri^ for relation. :. t: J f ;. B i1 m ^1 350 HISTORY or them ; but the numbers of the infurgents increafing in a confiderable proportion, the governor faw the propriety of adling folely on the defenfive. The entrances to thfe town were therefore fortified, artil- lery were ftationed on the heights, and at the river which iflterfedls the main road ; the town was palli. faded on all fides but next the fea, and the fhips in the harbour fecured, againft the lall extremity. At the fame time the whites in the furrounding planta- tions formed into camps, and maintained a chain of pofls ; but at two different places they were over- powered, and killed in great numbers*. .uni In the fpace of twoanonths it was computed that * Amidft the difgraceful fcenes which at this time took place, from the undfftinguifliing barbarity of the negroes, thert was oae ftriking example of fidelity, which deferves to be related. Monfiettr and Madame BaiUon, their daughter and r truce, between the inhabi- tants of Port au Prince and the mulattoes ; of whi'ch the terms were, that holblities fhould ceafc, and the decree i)f the 15th be adopted. The affembly of Cape Francois paiTed many refolution^ in favour of the people of colour, and teftified a zeal for their intereft ; which kindnels, if fhown at one period, would have prevented many a dreadful tranfciclion, but the cure was now adnuniilered too late. n ;. ri;;^" jrua ♦'< . .( , ; ift \ .ii-i^ u/j '•■;v;ly- '::r-! »■-- , '- ' ', 1'.- ,,r ■ i^^V .ffi .' 1,. &fjr i-.;.c'- :^,:.r'.f[.;.VI. '.'■^ ■ t: 'in. y^ ST. DOMINGO. 353 .?*' CHAPTER VI. Repeal of the Decree of the 15th of May— Civil War renewed-^ Port au Prince deftroycd by Fire — Cruelties on each Side- Arrival of the Commiffioners from France — Appointment and Proceedings of the New Commiflioners — Appointment of Gol- baud — Hoftilities on both Sides — The revoi'cd Negroes called in — MafTacre of the Inhabitants of Cape Fian9oIs, and Confla- - gration of the Town. " -- . • »' About the beginning of Septehiber, the new^ jf the reception given to the decree of the 15th o May, were received at Paris, and the lofs of the co- lony was univerfally apprehended. By this time moft of thofe members whofe opinions upon colo- nial matters had before been regarded as fagacious, were treated with difrefped. At length (llrange to tell)', on the 24th of September 1791, a repeal of the celebrated decree was actually made. To fucli abfurdity muft every government be driven, that attempts to rule the adions of a colony at the di« fiance of 3000 miles. - ' Previous to this time, the mulattoes, dill fufpici- ous, left their rights which had been recognized, Ihould not be adually obtained, had procured a fe- cond inftrument, and a fupplementary agreement of the 20th of Odlober ; but when authentic hiforma- tion of this fecond enactment of the national aflem- bly was received, all profpedt of reconciliation pe- riftied for ever ; for the mulattoes could not con- ceive the planters as guilf; of the tranfadlion. They Yy Y\\ I h i'< 1 ,Mtfl ill li y^^ 1^, IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) <_ ^ A ^\<^ 1.0 I.I 1^128 |25 Ui lU 12.2 1 2.0 ^ m us |40 m IL25 i 1.4 1.6 Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 33 WIST IMAIN STIMT WIUTIR.N.Y. I45M (7t«)t73-4S03 /j \ 354 ^ HISTORY OF accordingly flew to arms, and being in many places joined by the negroes, terrible engagements took place. In the diftridl of Cul de Sac, 2000 blacks were left dead on the field. The whites were victo- rious, and getting the mulattoes into their pofleffion, fatiated their revenge with the moft unheard-of cru- elties. The fpecimens of enormity committed on each fide of this unnatural difpute, are too hideous for defcriplion ; but it is but juftice to fay, that the whites fet the example. It was fondly expedled that the horror of thefe mutual enormities would be afluaged by the arrival of the three civil com- miflioners from France, who landed in St. Domingo juft ut the clofe of the year 1791. Unhappily, however, their fuccefs did not verify the pubhc ex- pedlation. Roomc, Mirbeck, and St. Leger, were the names of the commiflioners. The two laft were men of no very reipedable charadters. Roome alone conduct- ed himi'elf without offence, but none of them poflef- i'ed abilities for the arduous talk of extinguifliing a civil war. After a fliort flay at Cape Francois, they vifitod the other parts of the colony ; but finding their authority dwindle away, they returned to France the following fpring. In the mean time, the Amis de Noirs in the mo- ther country had once more gained that afcendency which the revocation of the celebrated decree of the 15th May 1791 evinced them to have loft. The firft figaal evidence of the change that had taken place in the minds of the legiflature, was the famous ST. DOMINGO. 35S decree of the 4th of April 1792, which it is necefla- ty the reader fhould have at large, to underftand the effeds that arol'e in confequence. New commif- fioners (Meffrs. Santhonax, Polverel, and Ailhaud) were now appointed to fulfil this decree, 6000 cho- fen men from the national guards were embarked for St. Domingo, and a new governor (Monl^ Dei-. pardes) nominated as commander in chief. The former governor was fent home to France on their firft arrival *. It was ftrongly fufpeded that the in- tention of the commiffioners was to procure an un- quahfied freedom for all the blacks in the illand ; but they declared, by a folemn oath, that their fole purpofe was to efiablifli the rights of the mulattoes, as decreed by the law of the 15th of May. The firll petition of the whites was therefore to convoke a colonial alfembly ; but inftead of their wifhed-for houfe of reprefcntatives, the commiffioners fubfti- tuted what was called Une Commiffion htermediarcy by nominating 12 perfons, of whom fix had been of the laft aflembly, and the other fix were mulattoes. Their legiflative authority extended to the raifing of contributions upon the inhabitants, but the commif- fioners referfed the power of appropriating it to themfelves. The new governor, finding that the commiflioners ufurped all authority, complained, that he was but a cypher in public affairs. His complaint was anfwered by an arreft upon his per- fon, and he was fent home ftate prifoner to France. 6 ■ *3. * He was aftenvards guillottned, Yyij 35^ HISTORY OF The tyranny of the commiffioners did not flop here, they overawed the members of the commiflioa Intermediaire^ by arrefting four of their number, and laftly difagreeing among themfclves, expelled Ail- haud from their triumvirate. War was by this time declared between the mother country and Britain, and prudence compelled the government of France to take fome care of the injured colony, which lay trampled under the avaricious controul of Santhonax and Polverel, and Galbaud, a man of fair character, was ordered to fdl the place of governor, and to put the ifland in a (late of defence againft external in- vafion. On the loth of June 1793, the three com- miffioners had their firft interview with the new go- vernor. The former aiked him if he had acquainted the executive council of his being a poflefibr of Well Indian property ? a queftion which utterly dif- concerted him ; for he never recolleded, till that moment, that this circumftance, by law, excluded him from the place he affei^led to hold. Skirmiflies foon after took place, with various fuccefs, between the alTociates of Galbaud and thofe of the commif- fioners. In one of thefe, Polverel's fon was made prifoner. When propofals were made to him for ex- changing the young man with the brother of Gal^ baud, who was made, on the other hand, prifoner by the commiffioners troops, he fternly replied, That his fon knew his duty, and was prepared to die in the caufe of the republic. But the mod dreadful enormity that St. Domingo witnefTed, remains to be mentioned. On the ap- ST. DOMINGO. 357 preach of Galbaud, with a body of his adherents, the commifTioners offered to purchafe the aid of the rebel negroes, by the offer of a pardon, freedom in future, and the plunder of the capital. Two of the rebel chiefs refufed the bafe terms ; but a third (af- ter Galbaud had fled to the fhips), with 3000 re- volted negroes, entered the town, and began an in- difcriminate maffacre. The miferable inhabitants lied to the fhores, but their retreat was flopped by a party of mulattoes, and for two days the llaughter was inceflant. The town was half confumed by flames, a capital once flourifhing and beautiful. The commiflioners, terrified at the deftrudion of their own hands, fled for protedion to a fhip of the hne» and from thence publifhed a manifeflo, which, while it tried tp extenuate, evinced a confcioufnefs of ^jieir guilt. li w ■ » .■*-■*:. -'l£*^ ' ' Atm .'lAi* .it ■* ' 35« HISTORY OF »?>/)»»* i* CHAPTER VII. Situation, Extent, and General Dcfcriptlon of St. Dominp;o— • Original of the Fl-cnch Colony— Defcfiption of its Produce > and Population — Shipping and Exports. j/ Ot. Domingo lies about 3500 miles from the Land's End of England, the eaftern point being in north latitude i8° 20', and in longitude 68 '^ 40' vreft from Greenwich. The breadth of the iiland is about 140 miles at its utmoft latitude, and its length from eaft to weft 390. The foil is diverfified, but in general rich. Indeed, fuch was its flourilhing litua- tion, that until the late undiftinguinung ravages of civil war, it might be juitly called the paradiie of the new hemifphere. ^ The beautiful favannahs in the interior of thQ country were depopulated by the mercilefs Spa- niards, and their habitations converted into a deferr. But the crimes of thefe men were amply punifhed by that aflbciation of daring adventurers called the Buccaneer's, i his aflbciation, it is well known, arofe from a body of French and Engliih planters, whom the cruelty of the Spaniards drove from St. Chriftopher's. In open boats they had efcapcd to the fmall and unoccupied ifland of Tortuga, within a few miles of the northtn coaft of St. Domingo, and were here joined b> a number of Dutch refu- gees, who fled hthei iVom .ViUnta Ciuz. before the perfecution of the Spaniards. The three tribes of of Ca eig pri a 50 tecl ST. DOMINGO. 359 fuffcrcrs continued to live here in tranquillity, ufing the large and deferted plains of St. Domingo as their hunting grounds ; but referving Tortuga as their home. Simple and harmlefs as their lives were, they did not efcape the notice; of the Spanifli go- vernment ; for, upon no other pretext than their living upon a hemifphere which the Spaniards claim- ed exclufively to themfelves, they were affailed with all the vengeance of perfecution. Thus driven to defpair, they retaliated hoftilities with all their ef- forts ; and as they were inured to hardlhip by their manner of life, performed a6ls of valour, which, con- lidering all circumftances, never were nor have fince been equalled. From a party of thefe adventurers, the French colony of St. Domingo firft received its name. Of the progreflivc improvement of this colo- ny, from their firft footing in the ifland, till they were received within the proteftion of France, a very fatisfadory account may be had in the hiftory of he ifland by Pere Charlevoix. The pofleflions of the French in St. Domingo are divided into three provinces, the Northern, the Wellcrn, and the Southern. The moft remarkable of their towns and harbours are Cape Francois, and Cape St. Nicholas. The former contained between eight and nine hundred houfes of ftone, a church, a prifon, a playhoufe, a fuperb barrack, an arfenal, and a good hofpital. To the eaft of it lies a plain of 50 miles in length, and 12 in breadth, once cultiva* ted folaly for fugar, the plantations of which yield- " f . ■ ■ ' ♦* '. '*^ 360 HISTORY or ./ ,v cd greater returns than any other ground of thii fame extent in the habitable globe. The town of St. Nicholas confifts of about 2$6 houfes, moftly built of American wood. It is chief- ly known, for the fafety and extent of its harbour, and is juftly called the key to the Windward Paf- fage. '^ - > Port au Prince (except in time of war) was con- fidered as the capital of the colony. To the eaft of it lies the noble and beautiful plain, the Cul de Sac, extcn jng from 30 to 40 miles in length, by 9 in breadth, containing an hundred and fifty well v^atered and valuable plantations. The population, in 1 790, appears to have been 30,831 whites of both fexes, cxclufive ofEuropeari troops and fea- faring people. The number of ne- gro flaves amounted at that period to 480,000 of alt defcriptions. *' The number of the free people of colour was not accurately afcertained ; but the general opinion fix- ed them at 24,000. The quantity of land in a flate of cultivation throughout all the parifhes, was equal to 229,480 acres of Englifh meafure, of which about two thirds vi'ere fituated in the mountains. In the beginning of 1790, the colony contained 431 plantations of clayed fugar ' 362 - - of mufcovado. Total 793 plantations of fugar, Carried over, 793 ' *' =. V « I" ST. DOMINGO. 361 Brought forward, 793 fugar plantations. ' ' 3,117 of coffee, 789 of cotton, 3,160 of indigo, 54 of cacao, or chocolate, 623 fmaller fettlements, chiefly for raifing grain, yams, and other vegetable food. Making 8,536 eftablifliments all kinds throughout the colony. In the year 1787 there were freighted 470 fhips, containing 112,253 tons, and navigated by 11,220 feamen. The following is an accurate account from the intendant's reports of the general exports on an average of three years : Litrrei. lbs. 58,642,214 — 41,049,549 lbs. 86,549,829 — 34,619,931 lbs. 71,663,187 -r- 71,663,187 - lbs. 6,698,858 — 12,397,716 Clayed fugar Mafcovado Coffee Cotton Indigo - Hhds. Molaffes . Hhds. An inferior fort"! of rum, called vHhds. taffia J Raw hides Tanned ditto 951,607 — 23,061 — 8,564463 2,767,320 2,600 — 312,000 No. 6,500 No. 7,900 52,000 118,509 The total value at the ports of fliipping, in livres of St. Domingo, was 171,544,666 being equal to 4,765,129!. Sterhng money of Great Britain, Z z 3^» HISTORY Of . vYr ' T . ,, rfidijWitwfi . t^flMfti ■ 9iu4 %; ' i'i CHAPTER VIII, Overtures to the Britifh Government — Slavery abolifhed by the French Commiflionirs — Surrender of Jeremie and the Mole at St. Nicholas — Defeat at Tiburon — Capture of Port au Prince -— Sicknefi and dreadful Mortality among the Troops— Revolt of the Mulattoes at St. Marc — Second Attack of Tiburon— .Gal- lant Efcape of the Garrifon. FTER the mafHicre at Cape Francois, numbers of the: unfortunate natives emigrated to America ; and, tq f he honour of that country, were hofpitably received. But fome time previous to this period, individuals in a higher flat^on of life h'cul reibrted to Britain, and, in the heat of their indignation at the injuries they had fuftained, called upon the Britiih government to take the idand into their poiTeilion. Thefe en- treaties were at firft difregarded, but when the war broke ou.t between the two nations, the plan was taken into ferious confideration. The republican commifHoners had brought out from France (ix thoufand chofen troops. To this; force was added the greateft .part of the mulattoes and free negpoes, compoiing in all a defperate band of about 25,000 men. But as their force was greatly diminidied by being neceflarily fcattered over the provinces, the commiffioners, in order to ftrengtheq their party, declared all flavery at an end, on con- dition of the blacks relorting to their (l^ndard. Numbers joined them in qonfequence of this decla »t, DOMINGO. 363 ration ; but many remained with their refpedlive mafticrs, and about lo.ooo retreated to the moun- tains, where they kept in a neutral (late. There ftill remained, however, about 40,000 of thofe ne- groes who had formerly revolted, who were inured to murder and devaltation, and the fworn foes of both invaders and inhabitants. General Williamfon* was thtf man to whom the BritilH government eiuruded rhe diflribution and management of this important invalion. Infpired with a fiital confidence in the promifes of fupport which he received, he feems to have mifcalculated the force neceflary for fuch a bufinefs ; for the wiiole armament defined to fubdue an extent of country equal to that of Britain itfelf. Was the 13th regi- ment of foot.fevcn comjianies of the 49th, and a de- tachment of artillery, amounting altogether to about 8 70 rank and file fit for duty. On the 9th of September, Colonel Whitelocke failed with the firft divifion, and took poflTefTion of Jeremie, with confent of the inhabitants. Shortly after, the garrifon of the Mole of St. Nicholas decla- red an inclination to furrender, and poiTellion was accordingly taken of the harbour and fort ; but the future progrefs of the Britilh arms did not equal the expedations excited by thefe furrenders. An attack upon Tiburon, which terminated in difailer and difappointment on our fide, was but a prelude to the mortifications thett enfued. The inceflant rains and feverity of duty overpowered and debili- tated the foldiers, while the horrors of the yellow ^■ 7. U 3^4 HISTORY OF iever confuiiimated their mifery. A fmall reinforce^ inent iiom Britain, for a moinent, alleviated their danger, and a Tecond afluult upon Tiburon was pro* pofed. By the fingular gallantry of Major Spencer, and liis rei'olute i'ullowers, the place was carried by ilorm. Surpriling to relate, only three Engliili foU diers were killed, and feven wounded, in forcing a poll oF fuch importance. The next attempt was on the town of Port Paix, where Lavaux, the commandet of the French troops, was olfered a bribe if he would betray his truft. But the brave veteran anfwered this odious propofal, by challenging to iingle com- bat the Britilh commander, who had fo grofsly in- fulted him. Colonel Whitelocke, who ^had con- duded this abortive attempt, fucceeded better in his next object, which was the redudion of Le Aeul, i(i the vicinity of Leogane. His orders for ailaulting the fort were gallantly and rapidly executed by his troops; but a number of valuable oHicers were wounded and killed in the engagement. A de- feat from fuperior numbers at a place called Bom- pard, fifteen miles from St. Nicholas, and a fally from the newly obtained fort of Tiburon, which, though fuccefsful in repelling the enemy, was ef- feded with much blood, ferved to check the for- tune of our army. On the 19th of May 1794,3 fecond reinforcement of three Britilh regiments arrived in St. Domingo 3 ,,| fo that new hopes arofe, and new attacks were me- ditated. Port au Prince was all along the grand ." objed '* hit ■ V i,. mi ■ - -■-ft?; hii» ■ •■it s cs HISTORY Of vn , . . , CHAPTER IX. .w Ancient State of the Spanlfli Colony-— The E/lablilhment of the Town of St. Domingo — Pillaged by Drake in 1586 — Number* ^ and Charadler of the prefent Inhabitants. , f 1 HE Spanifh colony in Hifpaniola was the carlieft ever eftabliftied in the new world ; but in lefs than a century, the difcovcry of gold and (iWer in Mex- ico led the Spaniards to abandon the exhauftcd mines they had dug here, and repair to the conti- nent for new fupplies. Of the French lettlement we have already defcribed the origin. The Spanifh territories are, upon the whole, lefs fertile than the other parts of the ifland ; in parti- cular, the whole tradl from Ifabella to Old Cape Francois (Puerto de Plata alone excepted) is en- tirely a defert for 15 miles. Nor, after palling the Bay of Samana, does a much better profped offer, until coafting round the eaftern extremity, we reach a vaft extent of level country called the Plains, at the weft end of which, on the banks of the river Ozama, ftands the metropohs, which was founded by Columbus, 1498, and named St. Domingo, in honour of St. Dominic, for many years the ca- pital.ftf the new world. Oviedo, a Spanifli hifto- rian, who refided m it 30 years after its firfl efta- hHfbment, gives the following account of it, the tranilution of which is Hill preferved. " t ■-■' ST. DdMINGO. 3^9 " But howe (fays the Hiftorian) to fpeake fum- what of the principall and chiefe p' > of the iflande, which is the citie of San Domenico : 1 faye, that as touchynge the buildyngs, there is no citie in Spaine, fo muche for fo-muche (no not Barfalona, whiche I have oftentymes feene) that is to bee preferred before this generallye. For the houfes of San Do- menico are for the mode parte of ftone, as are they of Barfalona. The fituation is muche better than that of Barfalona^ by reafon that the ftreates are , much larger and playner, and without comparyfon more direde and ftrayght furth. For beinge bulyd- ed nowe in our tyme, befyde the commoditie of the place of the foundation, the ftreates were alfo di- tedted with corde compafe and meafure ; werein it excelleth al the cities that I have fene. It hath the fca fo nere, that of one fyde there is no more fpace betwen the fea and the citie, then the waules. On the other parte, hard by the fyde and at the foote of the houfes, paifeth the ryver Ozama^ whiche is a marvelous porte ; wherein laden (hypes ryfe very nere to the laiide, and in manner under the houfe wyndowes. In the myddeft of the citie is the fortrefle and caftle ; the port or haven alfo, is fo fayre and commodious to defraight or unlade lliyppes, as the lyke is founde but in few places of the vvorlde. The chymincis that are in this citie are about fvxe hundreth in number, and fuch houfes as 1 have fpoken of before; of the which fum are fo fayre and large that they maye well re- reave and lodge any lorde or noble munrie of 3 A 37° HISTORY Of Ptu Spayne, with his trayne and familie ; and efpecial- ly that which Don Diego Colon, viceroy under your majeftie, hath in this citie, is fuche that I knowe no man in Spayne that hath the lyke, by a quar- ter, in goodneffe, confyderynge all the commodities of the fame. Lykewyfe the lituation thereof as beinge above the fayde porte, and altogyther of ftone, and havynge many faire and large roomes, with as goodly a profpedl of the lande and fea as may be devyfed, feemeth unto me fo magnifical and princelyke, that your mageftie may bee as well lodged therein as in any of the mode exquilite builded houfes of Spayne. There is alfo a cathe- drall churche buylded of late, where, as well the byfliop accordyng to his dygnitie, as alfo the ca- nones, are wel indued. This churche is well buyld- ed of Hone and lymc, and of good woorkemanfhyppe. There are further-morc three monafteries bearyng the names of Saynt Dominike, Saynt Frances, and Saynt Mary of Mercedes ; the whiche are well buylded, although not fo curiouflye as they of Spayne. There is alfo a very good hofpitall for the ayde and fuccour of pore people, whiche was founded by Michaell Pafllimont, tbreafurer to your majeftie. To conclude, this citie fro day to day in- crcafeth in welth and good order, as well for that the fayde admyrall and viceroy, with the lorde chaunceloure and counfayle appoynted there by your majeftie, have theyr continuall abydnge here, as alfo that the rycheft men of the ilande refort Iiyther, for theyr mofte commodious habitation and ST. DOMINGO. 371 trade of fuch merchaundies as are cyther brought owt of Spayne, or fcnt thyther from this iland, which nowe fo abundeth in many thynges, that it ferveth Spayne with many commodities, as it were with ufury requityng fuch benefites as it fyrft re- ceaved from thence." Sixty years afterward? it was attacked by Drake, who, after polTeiling it a month, thought himfelf juftified to fet it on fire. Of this barbarous tranf- adion the following record is preferved in Hak- . luyt*s CoUedtion : " We fpent the early part of the mornings (fays the hiftorian of the voyage) in Arc- ing the outmoft houfes ; but they being built very magnificently of ftone, with high lofteSj gave us no fmall trayell to ruin them. And albeit, for divers dayes together, we ordeined ech morning by day- break, until the heat began at nine of the clocke, that two hundred mariners did nought els but la- bour to fire and burn the faid houfes, whilft the fouldiers, in a like proportion, ftood forth for their guard ; yet did we not, or could not, in this time, confume fo much as one third part of the towne ; and fo in the end, wearied with firing, we were con- tented to accept of five and twenty thoufand du- cats, of five fliillings and fixpence the peece, for the ranfome of the rell of the towne." •--- -«- i *• It is difficult to obtain exad information refpeft- ing the prefent condition of this once fiouridiing city. It is certainly on the decline, but not, as Raynal aflerts, abfolutely in ruins. As little i'eems to be known about the ftate of agriculture 3 A 2 / 372 HISTORY OF in thefc polTeffions, as about the prefent condition of the Spanilh capital. Their exports ot fugar and tobacco are undoubtedly very incondderable ; for the chief article of exportation appears to be the hides of horned cattle. It feems probable, in- deed, that the greater part of the Spanifh property in this iiland, once the paradife of a happy people, is now abandoned to the beads of the field, and the vultures that hover round them. „^ The accounts of their population are alfo fcanty and unfatisfadory. By the earlieft hiftorians we learn, that there were at one period 14,000 Caftili- ans in Hifpaniola. Its mines were at that time a very pro4udxve property, yielding an annual reve- nue of more than loopool. Sterling ; but when thefe were exhaulled, the colony dwindled into penury, floth, and depopulation. '^^''^ The origin of the introdudion of Haves has been traced in another place ; but this does not feem tq have augmented their population. In 1717, the number of all inhabitants, ilaves and freemen, was only 18,410, and iince that time their numbers have certainly decreafed. Of pure whites the number perhaps is 3000. The charadler of thefe SpaniQi colonifts, if we may judge from their condud during the prefent war, is not of the mofl unexceptionable kind. Their behaviour to the French loyahfts was marked with the meanefl national animofity, and to the Englifli they were jealous and treacherous friends. On the wimple, there is reafon to fuppofe, that a great part ST. DOMINGO. 371 of them are a bafe and degenerate race ; a motley niixture from f^urope^n, Indian, ^nd African an- ceftry. They are neither poHflied by intercourfe ivith mankind) nor Improved by cultivation, but live in a gloomy languor, enfeebled by iloth, and deprelTed by poverty. Of thofe negroes in St. Domingo whom the in- terpofition of France has let loofe from the fetters of flavery, it is difficult to fee what will be the fu- ture fituation. If, from having witneiTed the bene- fits of civilized life, they fhould difmifs the feroci- ous purfuits of favages, they may yet attain to an pminent rank in the knowledge of truth and the pradicc of virtue. But experience has ftiown us, that emancipation, though requifite to make men dignified and good, will not operate without other means to fublimate human nature. The Maroon negroes of Jamaica, and the Charaibes of St. Vinf cent, are not the (laves of white men, but they are (liil favages in the midlt of poliihed fociety ; and wh^t thefe now are, it is, alas | to be feared, that jhe negroes of St. Dommgo will hereafter be, ,:ihi: iittiili isi I ;b§^<^ FINIS. t' ;;-;ij;ij ;■ -.fufiuiic^iu. LIST OF BOOKS ' Printed for and Sold by Mundell &■ Son, Edinburgh ^ iiiiR,(ti(i2ffrf J. MuNDELi, College^ Glafgow, .7.:-.">v ; > . 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