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FROM
C I C E R O
T O
LETTERS,
CATILINE THE SECOND.
' [Price Two Shillings.]
' !
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LETTERS
FROM
CICERO
T O
CATILINE THE SECOND.
I
WITH
CORRiECTIONS AND EXPLANATORY NOTES.
■But he abounds
In the division of each feveral Crime,
Afting it many ways. Nay, had he power, he would
Pour the fweet milk of concord into hell.
Uproar the univerfal peace, confound
All unity on earth. Shakespeare.
L O N D O Ni
Printed for J. Bew* No. 28, Pater-nofter Row.
MDCCLXXXI,
f
ADVERTISEMENT,
SHOULD it be thoughc that the following
Striftures have been wHtten with coo much
afperity, let the licentious demeanour of the men,
who are the objefts of their cenfure, towards the
Servants of the Public, be candidly confidered.
There have been no epithets too opprobrious, no
language too grofs and abufive, either for their
declamations in Parliament, — for their harangues
in their lawlefs Committees,— or for their feditious
publications againft thofe in whom the powers of
the State are veiled. The epithets *' corrupt,
" treacherous, traitorous, tyrannical, defpotic,**
and, as if this world, with all its wickednefs, did
not afford a quality fufficiently foul, either for
their mouths or their pens, they have travelled
into the regions below for the word *« diabolical,"
All thele, with a multitude of others of the fame
indelicate and flanderous complexion, have been
unrefervedly applied to the public Minirters,
without even an exception to that perfon who is
the frft in virtue as well as dignity in the State ;
while, on the other hand, thofe exalted chara6lers,
which have been thus unjuftly loaded with the
groffeft abufe, have demeaned thcmfelves with
a decency and refpeSi towards thefe malicious de-
famerj, to which neither their cxpreflions nor
a6tions
vi
ADVERTISEMENT.
actions have given them the Icafl claim. Fot*
abundant proof of thefe truths, the Reader need
only to look into the republican pamphlets and
daily papers, which have been impudently pub-
liHied under the walls of the Courts of Jufticc
and the two Houfes of Parliament.
Befides, when we fee thefe men not content
with having involved their country in mifchiefs
too great to be defcribed, and which threaten
the freedom and independence of the empire with
ruin, flill perfifling in their fchemes j when we
fee them, in ftridt imitation of their rebel bre-
thren in America, and in dircdl violation of the
ipirit and eftabliflied laws of the moft excellent
of all political inftitutions, rearing up and openly
patronizing lawlefs and feditious Committees, in
oppbfition to the eftabliihed Councils of the
State — Committees which have not only formed
themfelves into permanent public bodies, but have
already aflumed the rights of convening their
members at their own pleafure — of fitting on their
own adjournments — of taking into their delibe-
rations the general affairs of the nation — enter-
ing into feditious refolves refpe^ing thofe affairs,
and openly avowing a defign to change and over-
turn the eftablilhments of the Britifti State; I
fay, when every man who is not blind fees all
this, it would be d^falfe delicacy indeed^ not to treat
them with that honeji plainnefs which is confiftent
with truths
I The
li
ADVERTISEMENT.
vu
The rights and liberties of a great aiul a free
people, are jewels too valuable to be loll through
a fliameful lethargy and tiii^id filence. And
therefore, when thole liberties are thus invaded
by intejlim as well as foreign, enemies^ it is high
time for the viriuou^ and brave^ who wifli to prefer ve
the blelTings of the Englifh government, to call
men thus wickedly a^ingy and things thus dcjiruc-
five of their future fafety and happinefs, by their
proper names — to " cry aloud and to fpare not/*
that fo the indolent may be roufed from their
lethargy, and, alarmed at the impending danger,
may, unitedly, purfue the proper meafures to
pull down the riling Hydras before their powers
fliall be too great for refiilance.
And what has Cicero done more ? Nothing.
Jle has only called Treafon Treafon, and a Traitor
a Traitor i " A Cat a Cat, and Dick a Knave."
J'appelle un Chat un Chat, et Ricard un
ff
if
Fri|:
3on
»>
u
X
LETTERS
FROM
CICERO
T O
CATILINE THE SECOND.
LETTER I.
** Neque nox tenebrii dbCctiriitc castas nefarlos ; he'c prU
•' vata <lomus parietibus continere voCem conjurationis tuse
" pot.'ft." Cicero in Catilinam.
Neither the fhades of night can conceal your traiierous af*
femblies ; nor the walls of your houfe hinder the voice of your
treafon from being heard.
CiCBRO^s Oration againfl: Catiljne.
ALTHOUGH, Sir, many ages have glided
away fince I became divefted of the incum-
brances of mortality, and pafled into the etherial
region of fpirits, my attachment and affeftions
toward mortals remain unimpaired. Having been
accuftomed to vindicate the innocent, to dete<5t
hidden confpiracies againfl the common weal,
and to arraign the guilty culprit at the awful bar
of public juftice, during my abode among men^
B I ^et
'
li'.
T
( » )
I yet continue the friend to their civil rights—
the guardian of their freedom and happinefs : and
by a natural impulfe, I am led to watch over
their public affairs, to fathom the councils of the
wicked and ambitious, to unfold the fecret de-
figns of the traitor, and to guard the people againft
their meditated ruin.
I have felt as much diflrefs, as is permitted Im-
mortals to feel, at the reflc6lion, that true civil
liberty, the greateft and bell gift of heaven to a
people, is long fince banillied by the divine de-
cree from every part of the globe except Great
Britain. That liberty which Rome once enjoyed,
and which I once preferved, and that which was
fo long the boaft of Sparta, is no more ! And
even that which has been fo long the glory of
Britons, which their anceftors have with fo much
wifdom, and at the expence of fo much blood
and treafure, tranfmitted down, feems, from
the fame degeneracy and folly of their polterity,
fluttering on the wing, and about to take its de-
parture for ever.
I do not pretend to penetrate into the fecret
and ultimate decrees of Heaven : Neither angels
Bor archangels are able to difcover them. What
therefore may be written in the facred volumes
of unerring wifdom refpefting the diflblution of
Britifh freedom, is unknown, and muft remain
unknown
( 3 )
unknown until the awful period Ihall happen.
But this we both know, that virtue is the only fure
defence of the civil rights and happinefs of men.
Without a due regard to its precepts, the life of
mortals is a fcene of horrors, and their end the
beginning of lading mifery. Kingdoms the moft
puijfant Jhall hfe their ftrength^ and the moft per-
feSi ftruSiures of civil liberty he levelled in the
4uJ{.
You, Sir, are a member of the only civil fociety
remaining on earth, which enjoys real liberty.
By the fiiifFrages of your fellow-citizens you have
lately been pnpe more exalted to the fupreme
Councils pf ypur country. By their confidence
you are again become one of the guardians of
their freedom and fafety. How arduous the talk!
How important the duties! and how inexpreflibly
wicked muft the heart of that man be who fhall
betray them, who fliail facrifice them at the
a)tar of }ii3 own private gratifications and am-
bition !
: ■(
' r
I have often had occafion to look down with
admiration on your fuperior abilities as an ora-
tor. — All agree that your invention is lively and
profound — yovr language pure and elegant — and
your elocution fcarcely to oe equalled in antient
or modern time. Such is the art with which your
matter and argument are conneftedj; and fuch
B 2 the
( 4. )
the rapid fluency and plaufibility with which they
a.re delivered, that they fiow from your tongue in
all the Ipeautiful ornaments of truth'—captivating
the weak and unguarded^ ^nd flalhing a momen-
tary convidion on the moft intelligent. Poflefifed
of fuch talents, what pity is it, that your condudl
is not direded by virtue, and a love for your
country ! Were this the cafe, there are no public
benefits which fuch talents might not produce.
Like me, you might ftep forth and dete6l the
•wicked xzonfplracies which are at this moment
forming againft the freedom and fafety of your
country. You might drag the fccret enemies of
the public weal from their no^urnal meetingSy
to the bar of public juft ice. So fliould your coun-
try, already torn to pieces by factious cabals, be
rellored to peace j and yourfclf be loaded with
all the honours and rewards which a jufl So-
vereign, and a great and grateful nation^ can
beftow.
But, on the contrary, how dangerous to the
rights of your fellow-citizens — to the order and
fafety of civil fociety, are fuch abilities, when in
the poireffion of a mortal deftitute of every public
virtue 1 whO;, like the deaf adder, hears not the
voice of Wifdom ? That *' thou art the man," is
univerfally confelTed by every good and well in-
formed perfon in the kingdom. To public rnif-
chiefs, too ^reat to be defcribed^ thofc abilities
y have
\
M
( 5 >
have already fccretly nnd even openly been appli-
ed. Diiven to dcTpeiation by frequent difap^
pointmenes, what can ftqp th^ir progrefs ? What
can gratify their lawlefs and boundlefs purfuits?
Inlaciable in their nature, like the great womb of
time, they can never be latisfied. And yet your
aim is, to be eftablifhed the guardian of the public
fafety. Like the wily FOX in the fable, you v/ould
afTume the care and protedion of thofe whom your
infidious heart wifhes to devour. Can it be fup-
pofed in the nature of things, that a man whofe
riot and extravagance know no bounds, and whofe
means, however immenfe, muft be infulFicient to
gratify them, can be aduated by that wifdom and
virtue which are neceflary to manage the arduous
affairs, and to infure the happinefs, of a free and
a great nation ? Is there a nobleman in the king-
dom who would make a man of fuch a chara(5ler
his lleward ? Is there a flxopkecper in London
who would truft him behind his counter ? There
is not 1 Is it then poffible that there can be any
Briton of a fane mind, who can wilh, that a wile
Sovereign, earneftly defiring to maintain the
dignity and freedom of his kingdom and people
among nations, will ever commit them to fuch a
man ? Can he, confiitently with his own maxims-
maxims vvhich he has adopted to preferve the
public liberty and fafety, entruft them to fuch a
fceward ; fubje6ling himfelf and his people to
all the mifchiefs which mud neceffarily arife
from his fecret intrigues and feditious artifices ?
You,
h
\ 'i:
( 6 )
You Sir whofe lively and brilliant abilities render
YOU vifionary. mayexpediti but your expcaa-
tion will prove as vain as that of the foolifh ruftic,
who wifhing to crofs an unfordable ftream, cx-
pcfted it would foon be exhauftcd by its own cur.
fcnt. But , *
Labitur et lahetur in mm voluhilis avum.
CICERO,
( 7 >
'
L E T T E R II.
" Fult : fult ifla quondam in hac republica virtus, ut
*' fortes viri acrioribus fupplkiis civem pcrniciofura quam
-** acerbiffimum hoftem coercercnt.'*
Cicero in Catilinam,
There once was ; I fay there once was, in this our com-
mbilwealth, fuch patriot virtue, that men were animated with
a keener refentment againft a peftiUnt citizetit tl^itn againlt the
moil implacable foreign enemy,
Cicero » Orations againft Catiline,
UP O N a view of youf pad condud in public
life, I was naturally led into the general re-
flexions contained in my firft addrefs. Hence-
forward, my ftriftures Ihall be more particular
and pointed at your demeanor in the high truft
repofed in you by your country.
He who deprives another of his property under
a falfc token, has been juftly ranked in the clafs
of villains — and by the laws of your country de-
ferves death. But how much more criminal is
that man, who, poflefTed of fuperior art and
abilities, wilfully proftitutes them to the pur-
pofes of feducing his fellow-fubjedls into miftaken
and falfe notions refpeding the public interefl:
and fafety— of perverting national truths— and of
leading the great Councils of the State into mea-
fures, which mull produce national difgrace and
ruin I
( s y
ruin ! and that too, only to fubferve the ends of
his own private diffipation and lawlefs ambition !
Mankind, in no language, have yet invented a
phrale emphatical enough to defcribe the enor-
mity of his offence ; nor have the laws of any
country provided a punifhmcnt adequate to his
guilt.
Knowing this, you have a hundred times en-
deavoured to deceive and miflead the national
councils in refpe<51: to the American rebellion*
And fo lately as in your fpeech of the 6th of Oc-
tober, in the H — e of C — ns, on the addrefs to
his Majefl-y, theutmofl: efforts of your oratory were
difplayed for that vefy purpofe. In that fpeech,
after taking notice of Mr. P — -^y's admiffion,
that " America had juftice on her fide, and in-
«* curred no culpability iill the conciliatory propofi-
" tions were rejefled to make room for a claim of
" independence," you boldly affirmed, in con-
tradidion to what Mr. P y had faid, " That
*' America ajferted that claim before the conceffions
of Great Brit ain-^-btf ore the conciliatory "propoji^
tions were brought into Parliament,^'
iC
cc
And upon this ground, without a blufli in your
countenance, and without the leaft fenfe of duty
to your country, you proceeded, in a long de-
clamation, to vindicate the principle of the Ame-
rican rebellion, ' . . ; ;
Now,
( 9 )
I have before mc the votes of tlie Houfe
of Commons, and the proceedings of Congrcfs,
by which it appears, that the foundation up-
on which you ere(5led your pompous harangue,
is a palpable untruth. The firft •* conciliatory
** propofitions'* were brought into Parliament,
and agreed on, the 20th of Feb. 1775. ^^Y ^^^^^^
propofitions it was declared, that if the Colonies
would " grant their reafonable proportion of aids
" for the common defence, and to provide for
" their refpedliveeflablifhments, Parliament would
*' forbear to levy any duty, tax^ or ajfejfmenty except
" only the duties neceffary for the regulation of com-
"■ merce : and that even the nett proceeds of thefe
*' duties fJjould be carried to the account of the colony
" complying with this conciliatory propofttionJ'* This
condefcenfion in the Government of Great Bri-
tain completely met the claims of the rebellious
colonifts, who had hitherto relied their com-
plaints againil the authority of Parliament, in the
right of levying on the Colonies internal taxes ;
agreeing in the fuUeft terms to the right of levy-
ing duties necelTary to the " regulation of com-
" naerce." On the 20th of May 1775, thefe
propofitions, having been officially communicated
by Governor Franklin to the Affembly of New
Jerfey, were by that public body laid before the
American Congrefs, At this time, and long af-
ter, the claim of independence was pofitively and
Ui.»animoufly, though infidiouHy, difavowed by
)',
il
ir
it'
tl
le
( Id )
the Congrefs themfelves; and that in a variety
of their public proceedings, viz.— In their re^
folve of the fame day * — in their truly treache-
rous letter to the inhabitants of Canada -f, and
even in their petition to their lawful Sovereign J,
to whofe Government they had often fworn
allegiance. Nor did their " claim of in-
" dependen '* make its appearance until the
4th of July 1776, thirteen months after thefe
*' conciliatory propofitions** had been under their
confideration, and more than ten months after
they had rejedted them as " unreafonable and
" infidious.'*
To fo zealous an advocate for congreflional
meafures, for withdrawing our troops from Ame-
rica, and feparating the two countries for ever
from each other, in refpe6t to their political in-
terefts, thefe fads could not pofTibly be unknown.
How loft then to all fenfe of public virtue, and
regard for the true intereft of your country,
muft you be, who could attempt to miflead
the national council, in a matter fo momen-
tous to the honour and fafety of the commu-
nity of which you are a member by birth, and
to whofe fovereignty you have often fworn allegi-
ance 1
* See the Proceedings of Congrefs of that day.
f See the Proceedings of Congrefs, May 29, 1773.
X See the Procecdingi of Congrefs, July 8, 1-75.
•> ' This,
( II )
This is a plain queftion : it will be rea-
dily underflood by yoiirfelf and your fcllow-eiti-
zcns. And, therefore, I know that among your
deluded friends you will endeavour to evade it.
You will fay, that you meant the propofitions
fent by the lad commifllon. But this fubterfuge
cannot avail you. The propofitions alluded to
by Mr. P y, were thofe 1 have mentioned.
They were thofe to which you made a reply ; or
otherwife your reply was Ihamefully infidious and
nugatory. It was an infult on the good fenfe of
every Gentleman to whom it was addreffed. And
thcfe propofitions, although your Sovereign,
in order to prevent the efFufion of blood and
the horrors of a civil war, had lefTened the dignity
of Government, by condefcending to offer terms
to the rebellious, were not even condJered by
them, as ^, ground of reconciliation and relief from
their imaginary grievances. They were unjufily
and inftdioufly rcprefented to the world, and re-
jefled with a degree of infolence and contempt y
which the juft refentment of Britons never yet
lufi^ered to remain unpunilhed in tlie maft pow-
erful enemy,.
Thus, it is evident from incontrovertible
proof, that " conciliatory propofitions, as Mr,
*♦ P y obferved,** were reje£iedy to make room
for a claim of *' independence" which was the great
C 'i objed
objecl of the fciHtious part of the Colonlfls, from
the beginning of their conteft with Great Britain,
And therefore, keeping this great point conftant-
ly in their view, inftead of a6ling as good fubjefls
ought, and would have acted, they have not, to
this moment, pointed out the mode of redrefs,
nor even hinted at the relief which would fatisfy
them. They have not only avoided, but pre-
cluded every poflible ground of reconciliation.
They have, in every inftance, abufed and rejefled
the terms of accommodation held out to them—
And, in their " declaration of rights/' made fo
early as the 14th of 0(5lober 1774, their claims
refled in an exemption from the authcrity of Parlia-
ment^ in all cafes whatever* , thus beginning
with, and uniformly and pertinacioufly perfever-
ing in, a claim of independence upon the Parent
State ; to which they were indebted for their free*
dom and exiflence.
This truth has been repeatedly laid before the
Public, and Ihall be foon made m.ore fully mani-
feft to the world, by documents and i\5i% which
cannot deceive. In the mean time, proceed,
if you tliink proper, in your hitherto too fuccelT-
• Sec this famous Declaration in the Proceedings of Con-
grefs, which, though made in 177+, was fecreted, and not
published until late in the year i;75, and never tranfmitted
to their Sovereign : and alfo Striftures upon it in a pamphlet
entitled, " A Candid Examination of the Mutual Claims, iS^c."
publilhed by VVilkic in St. Paul's Church-vard.
8 ' fu|
C «3 )
ful career of oppofition to the meafures of your
Sovereign — in encouraging the rebellion in Ame-
rica, and the lawlels and feditioiis aflbciations
and combinations in Britain — and in fiipporting
and ftrengthcning the hands of the common ene-
mies of your country — But remember — a friend
to that country will henceforth watch your
machinations againfl: it; and in future, no af*'*f-
tion, tending to its injury, fliall drop from your
fafcinating tongue, which fhall not be difleded,
its fophiftry and fallacy detected } and all your
fecret intrigues fliall be expofed to the full view
of your fellow-citizens, that they may guard againft
your fedudion, and fave themfelves from that
ruin, which, like another Caiiline, you have long
pieditated againfl your country.
CICERO,
^-
( H )
LET" E R 111.
** Nulla eft enim natic qu.im periimefcamus ; ««//«/ r/jr qqi
•' bellum fo/'ilo Romano inferrc poiru. Ds/r.rjlicum helium nia-
** net ; ir.tus Infid'nt iunt ; intui iiKiufum periculum eft ; intus
*' eft Hojj IS !" Cicero in Catiunam.
For there is no nation which wc have rcafon to fear ; no Hug
who can make war againll the Roman people. But a Jomr-
Jlic nvar ftjll remains ; the treajon, the danger, the r. nicmv i&
WITHIN I Cicero's Orations againft Catiline.
IN my laft I told you, that I (hoiild afliduouny
watch over your fecret intrigues againft the
cornmpn-weal. I did not make that declaration
■with defign to intimidate you into a belief of my
power, but rather to convince you of it j that
your prudence, if fuch a virtue can pofTibly be
blended witli your vices, might dire<5t you to de-
fift from your bold oppofition to the meafures
which are neceHary to the public fafety. It is not
your ruin, but your reformation, I wifh to effedl:,
Rufh not then too impetuoufly into an error,
which in the end may prove fo fatal to yourfelf,
You will relied, that, of old, the confpiracies of
your predecelTor could not, with all his art, be
concealed from my penetrating eye.
CaiWns
'
( ij )
Catiline t\\c rirji, like you, was plaufibl' , rapid,
and eloquent in his harangues. — Of iilu-'ious
birth, he lived without one Ipurk of public \ rtue.
Born to the poirellion of wealth, he became re-
duced to poverty and want by liis vices and ex-
travagance. Prodigal of his own, he coveted
the wealth of his fellow-citizens. He meditated
the profcription of the opulent, that he might
place their riches in his own coffers i but not con-
tent with this, he even coveted the wealth of the
Public. Determined to gratify his boundlcfs am-
bition, as well as his infatiable avarice and rage
for difTipation, he refolvcd to feize into his own
hands the authority of the State. For thefe hor-
rid purpofes he held hi.', fecret cabals, kis noSfurnal
Committees and /Ijfociations, Poflefled of all the
arts and intrigues of a FOX, he was hidden and
fecret in his defigns. Yet fuch were my vigilance
and adlivity, that though at that time my intel-
leiflual powers were loaded with the defcdls of
mortality, by unremitting refearches I penetrated
into the inmoft fecrets of liis confpiracy, dragged
them from their dark recelfes into light; com-
pelled him and his colleagues to fly their country,
and at length puniflied them in a manner their
atrocious crimes deferved. Judge then what are
the powers of my fpirit, when unconhned by time,
and limited to no fpace, V/hat fecret combina-
tions can there be, to the difcovery of which it is
not competent ? Judge, and tremble ! for know,
that
(
J
( i6 )
that in a little while all thofe intrigiie9 with the
common enemy of your country, that fecret cor-
refpondence, and that encouragement and fup-
port which have been given to rebellion by the
leaders of a faiftion in Britain, will be laid open
to the view of the people whofe intereft and fafety
they were intended to betray.
To convince you of thefe truths, know, Cati-
line, that I am not unacquainted even with your
fecret meetings in Warwick-Court, Holborn *,
Neither
* From the year 177410 1777, Mr. Livingfton lodged a. No. 4.
Warwick-Court, Holborn. — There are few places better adapt-
ed for fecrecy and treafon than this court and this houfe. Here
Catiline, his voble uncle, his colleague of St. Omer^s, nvith others
ef the fa£lion, frequently met Laurens, Livingfon, and Dr.
Franklin in the night, fometimes drefl'ed in difguife ; and
when it was cither not convenieut or not fafc to meet, they
correfponded with Mr. Livingfton in cyphers. And here the
plans of their future meafures were finally fettled. This
done, Mr. Laurens and Dr. Franklin failed fcr Atnerica, and
fbmetimc after Mr. Linjingjlon for France, in order to carry
the fchemes thus concerted into execution. On Laurens^ ar-
rival at Charles-Town, he obtained a delegation to Congrefs ;
and from that moment he became the mofl inveterate and
aftive rebel. As a proof of this truth, I {hall mention one
anecdote. There had been a long fubfifting fricndfliip be-
tween Mr, Laurens and Mr. Filher of Philadelphia.— The
former, when in that city, had often, before the rebellion,
made the houfe of the latter his home.~He lodged there for
feveral months, and had received every proof of friendfhip ?incl
cordial
c
d
o
n
O
♦ 1
i '
w
'
c 17 )
ther the houfc nor room In which your nofturnal
(Cabals wee held, and your leditious plans were
concerted, nor the perfons you met, are unknown.
In this place, which was in every refpedt calcu-
lated for black confpiracy, your Gallic Ufjcie, and
your Colleage of St. Omer's, with others of your
faction, frequently met the late Prejideni of the
Rebel Congrefs, now in the Tower — Dr. Franklin,
the prefent Rebel Ambaffador at the Court of
France — and Mr. Liviugfion, now a zealous Rebel
in America. Here the plans of your fedition were
concerted, and finally fettled ; and here you af-
fumed your refpedtive charafters in your intended
tragedy. This done, Dr. Franklin and Laurens
cordial hofpitality. — When the Congress returned to Phila-
delphia, after its evacuaticin by the Britifli troops, Mr. Fifhef
waited on his old friend — determined to avoid any converfa-
tion on politics : — But Mr. Laurens dragged him into it ; and
at length faid, with a fneer, that he fuppofcd he, Mr. FiAier,
** would now give, up his King." Mr. Fifher being a firm
Ldyalift, and rather a warm man, more halViiy than pru-
dently replied : *' No, he had not, nor ever would, and yet
*' hoped that his King would ftill be King of America.'*
Thefe words Mr. Laurens foon reported to Mr. Jofeph Reed,
the Prefident of the Executive Council; a man the fecond
only in murders and treafon to Livingfton, tlie rebel Gover-
nor of New Jerfey. Mr. Fifher, a Gentleman of the faireft
charat'^er, was apprehended for High Treafon — compelled to
give 10,006 1. bail, and efcaped not without much intereil,
from fufFering death. This anecdote is given as an inllance
of Mr. Laurens's enmity to his Sovereign, and of his ingraii-
tnde and infidelity to his frier d, and to prove that he was the
nioft proper inftfument the fadioii could have found to pro-
mote their fedition.
D failed
If-;'
( «8 )
failed for America, and Livingdon for FrancCy
in order to carry into execution your intrigues
with rebels and the common enemy of your,
country, -while you remained in Britain to op-
pofe, enfeeble, and, ifpoflible, to obftru6t every
meafure which fliould be propofed for the fafety
and happinefs of your country.
Nor am I lefs acquainted with the fecret in-
trigues of the Admiral lately high in command,
and as high in the confidence of his Sovereign and
country j but who, by his notorious indolence
in his naval operations, is become the contempt
of a well informed people i an Admiral, who has,
with great fidelity and ignoble fervility, drawn
with his Brother in the yoke fixed on their
necks by your fadionj a fa<^ion as treacherous
to them as to your country. For you have already
deferted them, and left them to that fate, which
is, in ftricft juftice, more properly due to the
atrocioufnefs of thofe crimes, of which you
have feduced them to become the accomplices.
I know the Howe by whom your Admirar^ in-
trigues with that arch-rebel Dr. Frajiklin, were
fought and effeded. I know perfeflly well the
whole fecret of the invitation to a game of
Chefs*, given to the Doftor, through a third
perfon,
• In the year 1775,, the Admiral being a ftranger to Doc-
tor Franklin, adopted the following ftratagem to ciFetl an
inter-
r
•r
I
vy\
( '9 )
perfon, by a La^ly who was an utter ftranger to
the Dodlor, and his confeqtient introdudion to
htr noble Brother the Admiral j even the minutes
of the intrig-Lies which were concerted under lac
dill^iiife of the game of Chefs have been laid
before me. But I fhall forbear, at prefent, to
mention the particulars. My compafiion, from
,1 .
interview. His fifter is a great player at Chefs, The Doc-
tor alfo plays the game well. A gentleman acquainted with
him was fent with a challenge to the Doftor, informing him
that a lady of diflinftion, naming the fifter, had heard of
his fame, and wifhed to try his fkill at a game of Chefs.
The Dftdor was too well bred to refufe a lady's challenge.—
A meeting took place, and the game was played. I am not
informed which of the parties left the field triumphant; how-
ever, this game begat another interview^ at which, with the
Dodor's confent, the Admiral was introduced to his after-
wrds " dear" friend. Many fubfequent meetings fucceeded.
And from this time the General's qualms refpefting the com-
mand in the American war vanifhed ; and in violation of his
f lemn promife to his Nottingham Eledlors, he indireftly
folicits and accepts it, and his Noble Brother the Admiral
joins him in it. The faftion, who before were " averfe'*
to the American war, now wait ^ ■> him and compliment
him on the occafion ; and the plaus of their future op-
pojition to the meafures of their Sovereign were finally fet-
tled. Wheti;er the operations of the General and Ad-
miral have not been conduced with much more conformity
to the wiflies and defigns of Doftor Franklin, and hi»
friends in Parliament, than to their duty to their fovereign
and country, is to be feen in the pamphlet intitled " Letters
*' to a Nobleman, &c." *' A Reply to Lieut. Gen. Sir William
" Howe's Obferrations," and ** A Letter to Lord Vifcount
" H— we."
D ^
the
r aM
( io )
the nature of nn' exiilencc, will ever prevail on
me to prefer mercy to juiliee. And I am led to
this by Ibinc late marks of penitence fliewn by
this deluded and unfortunate nobleman, unfor-
tunate only through your treacherous feducHon,
The letter infidloufly written by a nolle Earl
deep in your treafon, to a gentleman of the firfl:
weight and influence in Maryland, in order to
induce him to take part in your fedition, but
whofe loyalty was too firm for feduclion j and thaC
inhuman letter written by your colleague of St,
Omers, adviGng the imprifonment of every fub--
jedt who was faithful to his fovereign, with
many other things of the fame treafonable nature^
are not unknown to m<^*
Nor am I a flranger to the artifices of youF
fa6tion, in concealing, in the beginning of the
American difcontent, their fc^itious letters to the
zealots fci rebellion. You know (for if you
had a fpark of public virtue left, I would even
appeal to you), that they were fecreted in the
buttons of a coat made for that purpofe in Lon-
don, and worL by the perfon employed to carry
them ; the brother to that wretch whofe heart is
a Teniple * replete with conflagrations, murders,
■ and
• This man is the moft infidious and audacious rebel that ex-
ills. He does not hefitate, in his daily converfation, to
boaft
^l<
( 21 )
and trcafon ; — a wretch, who afterwards was in^
trufted with, but betrayed the caufe which he
boaft of his principles. In 1778, when he accepted of a trufl,
engaged to ufc his endeavours to accommodate the difputc
between the two countries, and went to America for that pur-
pofe; on his arrival at Bofton he treachcroufly informed the
rebels whatever they wilheu to know refpedling the ftate of
Great Britain, and advifed them not to negotiate, but to infifl
on their independence, and afTured them that Great Britain
would foon be obliged to grant it. He is very intimate with
many of the fadllous noblelTe.
From Bollon he pafled thr.^ugh the Colonies to Philadel-
phia, giving the fame perfidious advice to the people of each
province. He carried letters from the rebel Governor Trumbull
to the rebel Corpniander in Chief, and from him to the rebel
Congrefs, warmly recommending hin^ as a friend to their caufe;
and was treated by thofe men, who would have put him to
death had he been faithful to his Sovereign, with every mark
of kindnefs and hofpitality. See the letters from Trumbull to
Wafhington, and from him to the Congrefs, lately publilhed in
the Morning Poft. For fome time before the late mob in St.
George's Fields, he was the conllant attendant, and one of
the advlfers, of the unhappy Nobleman in the Tower for high
treafon ; and after the petition was prefented, he was conllantly
with his Lordlhip twice a day, and had left him only a ihort
time before he was arrefted. He had an intimate colleague,
who, while he attended his Lordlhip, was to perform the exe-
cutive part of the bufinefs- This wretch was a conftant
declalmer at the feditious, though profanely called patriotic,
clubs, He led the mob to the deurudion of Lord Mansfield's
houfe, and in feveral other places, and continued with them
until he heard the firing of mufquetry at the Bank; when he
inftantly fled with his wife at two o'clock at night, and pafled
over to Holland, where he has remained ever fincc.
had
i 1;
' Hi
( " )
had fworn on the Holy Evangelifts to fupport ; —
Vfho was the adive and conllant advifer of the
unhappy Nobleman now in the Tower for high
treafon, and principally concerned in raifmg
a mob to murder the gur^rdians of the public
welfare, and to lay the capital city of the na-
tion in alhes. Can it be poflible? It is too in-
credible to relate ! And yet, this wretched, this
murderous traitor, with an audacious effrontery
equalled by none but your own, at liberty and
unmolefted, walks the flrects of that very city
which he would have laid in alhes.
By thefe intrigues, you and your alTociates
became the joint confpirators againft the com-
mon weal and fafety of your country, and
firmly united with the feditious part of America
in one common rebellion. I fay, Catiline, that
at the very times, and in the very places, and
through the intrigues of the very perfons I have
mentioned, all of them, and many more, at this
moment the aiders and abettors of your fedition,
the plan of American rebellion^ and q( your and their
treafonable oppojition to the meafures of your Sove^
rei^n, became finally a'djujied.
One of your treafonable letters was written,
immediately after you had fettled your plans, by a
Commoner, who had been a Governor of one of
the provinces in America, and then held the high
office
1
1 '
( 33 )
ofHce of a Biltilh Senator, but who has been
lately degraded by his fellow-citizens from that
important rruft. This man, from the year 1769,
held a condant correfpondence with one of the
mod inveterate rebels in Bofton. "With a con-
ftancy, equalled by nothing but the bliicknefs of
his treafon, he has not ceafed, by a great num-
ber of Letters, the originals of which are now in
Britain, to blow the coals of fedition, and to
feed the dame of rebellion* The 'ettcr I in--
tend at prefent to communicate, contains the
great outlines of, and, in truth, the 'very
fyftem ivbicb the leaders in rebellion^ in conform*
ity to its dire^ions, have ever fence literally pur^
fued. But why fliould 1 communicate this let-
ter to you ? you, who knew, and finally fet-
tled its contents, before it was tranfmitted to
your rebellious colleagues in America 1 It is to
convince you, and your fellow-confpirators, that
your and their treafon is difcovered j and that
there are means by which it will be foon yet fur-
ther unfolded to every fenfible and difinterefted
man in the nation, whofe morals are untainted by
your delufive arts and feditious principles.
i
The letter written and publifhcd in America,
to prevail on the deluded colonifts to adopt the
plan of your faftion in Britain, is in thefe words:
cc
I perfuadc myfelf your countrymen are not
** fo contaminated with the effeminacy of this
7 *' nation.
<(
cc
€€
<C
( ^-4 )
*' nation, not to fee that this is the impor/ani
** mjis, when they ought to make ^foletJin, ful-
letjy uniiedi and invincible Jt and againit the cruel,
tyrannoHSy and ruinous fyftem of policy adopted
" and excrciling by this legiflaturc, againft the
" riglits and freedom of America ; and let me
" add, that if the deputies of the federal Provinces,
" when convened in Congrefs, do not, one and
" all, firmly rcfolve to eflablifh, through every
county and townfliip in their refpedive pro-
vinces, a folemn league and covenant, and
*' under an oath or affirmation, not to purchafe
" or to ufe the manufatlures of this country
•' (fave what are colle(5led already within the
«« province), and if pofTible not to export any
<« provifions to the Weft India Iflands, and at
** the fame time do not religioufly refolve to
" meei again in Congrefs once in every fix months,
" for the purpofe of forming a fuitable plan
*f for fecuring American rights and fredom, our
" children will be irremediably deprived of that
*' inheritance of liberty which our forefathers
** carefully ^^ndipioufly tranfmitted to us.'*
In what, Catiline, did the '^ cruelty, tyran-
ny, and ruin of this fyftem of policy" confift ?
"Was this unjuft calumny, a calumny invented
to fupport your deep-laid plan of fedition, call
on the mildeft and moftjuft meafures of your
country, founded on any thing elfe than the
fictions
( 25 )
fi6lions of your afTociarcs and abettors? Was
it either " cruel, tyrannous, or ruinous," to
oblige the Americans to pay a fmall proportion
only of what in all cqtiity they ought to pay
towards the fupport of their own civil cftablini-
ments and the national defence ? — Was this
iinjufl:? was it not neceflary to their own
fafety? Are not the Americans fubjeiSts of the
Britifh State? Has not the State in all things
treated and a6led towards them as fuch; and
have they not by a thoufand documents uniform-
ly acknowledged themfelves fuch fubjects, from
the dawn of their fettlement to the moment of
their declared independence ?
Tell me further, thou faithful and bold af-
ferter of the caufe of rebellion, did they not,
at a time when they confefled in their humble
fupplication to their Sovereign, that they could
not prote6l themfelves, implore the aid and
protedtion of that Parliament againft whofe au-
thority they have now rebelled ? And were not
that aid and proteflion immediately fent, and
thefe ungrateful men, at an immenfe expcnce
of the blood and treafure of Britons, faved
from the conqueft and tyranny of that very
Monarch, with whom they are now perfidioufly
combined againft the Parent State, which with
indulgent care reared them in their infancy, and
E which
^1
Iff
( 26 )
which had fo lately favcd them from utter dc-
ftrudion ?
'
In this great flruggle for their liberty and
fafety, what part did they aCl? Did they not,
when folicitcd by the Britifli Minifter, and when
retributions were offered to allure them to the
mod important of all civil duties, refufe thofe
aids which were neceflary to their own defence ?
And were not the taxes of Britons, and the num-
bers of her armies increafed, to make up the de-
ficiency.
Afterwards, when a fucceeding Miniller of-
fered to drop the Bill for raifing a (tamp duty
in America, provided the colonids would grant,
in their own aflemblies, their reafonable aids
towards the fupport of their own civil eftablifli-
ment and the national defence; did they not
again refufe to contribute their jufl: proportion,
or indeed one farthing towards them, leanng
their fellow-fubjedls in Britain to labour under
an unjuft burthen, which they themfelves in
equity and good conlcience ought to have fuf-
tained ? Was this ading confidently with the
duty of citizens and fubjedls? Or could the
State, with any principle of juftice and equity,
longer permit Britons to lavifh their blood and
2 wealth.
;
( 17 )
wealth, and to be " the hewers of wood and
*' drawers of water" for the Americans.
■ •
Not to opprcfs — not to injure, much Icfs to
reduce them to flavery, as you and your fac-
tion have a thoufand times impudently and
falfely allcrtcdi but to induce them to do
equity to Britons, the Tea ac!:!, tlic pretended
caufe of that rebellion you have fo often vindi-
cated, was paffed; and this aft you and your col-
leagues in fedition on both fides of the Atlantic
have concurred in ftyling " a cruel, tyrannous,
" and ruinous fyflem of policy."
If this a(fl was " cruel," wherein docs rhc
cruelty confift? Was it cruel to impofe 3d.
per pound on teas imported from Great Bri-
tain into America, and, at the fame time, to
relieve the Colonifts from the payment of i s.
per pound in Britain ? If it was " tyrannous,"
it was that kind of tyranny which your ancef-
tors had exercifed over the Colonies from the
firft dawn of their fettlement, without objec-
tion or complaint. — And it was that tyranny
which you yourfelves thought jufl: and equi-
table, after twelve months confideratijn, when
you voted for the flamp ad. If it was *' ruin-
" ous," it was only fo in your opinions, be-
caufe it tended to lay a foundation of relief for
your fellow-fubjefts in Britain, from the unjuft
E 2 burthens
w
( s8 )
burthens tliey have long borne to protect the
Americans. Thcfe arc all truths, too notorious
even for a Caiiline to deny.
And yet it is upon this very pjrmind, for no
other have you taken, that you julUfy the Ame-
ricans, in denying the iupreme authority of the
focicty of which they acknowledge thcmfclves
to be members, and in refufing to be repre-
fentcd in that authority j althou^^h tiiat repre-
fentation would at once remedy all their pre-
tended ap[)rehennons, and give them the fame
freedoms which Britons enjoy. It was upon this
ground you advifed the Americans " to eftablifli
in every county and townfliip, a fokmn league
and covenant on oathj" not to *^ purchafe or ufe
the manufaehuTS of Britain," thereby to reduce
to a ftate of bankruptcy the manufacturers of
your own country; and it was upon this ground
the Americans were advifed '* not to export any
provifions to the Weft Indiesj" thereby to ftarve
thofe innocent idanders, altogether unconne(5led
in the difpute. It was upon this ground you
advifed the Americans " religioufly to refolve
to meet in Congrefs, for forming a fuitable
plan" — for refiftijig the neceflfary and conftitu-
tional rights oi your own country. It was upon
this ground you declared to them, that they
ought to make a " fullen, folemn, united, and
inrincible ftand," againil that State of which
you
s I
( 29 )
you were members, and which had expended
upwards of" i'li'ty millions in their protection.
And it is upon this ground only that you
are, with tlie molt audacious elTrontcry, vin-
dicutin(_; the principle, and uniformly oppo-
fing the Kipprcirion of a rebellion, the mod
grouiullels and unjuflifiable that ever has been
produced in the annals of mankind.
Is it pofTiblc, that Britons cannot — will not —
fee through the flimfy veil of your artifices ?
Can it be poOible, that, with their good fenfe,
their manly virtue, their defire to be jufl — juft
to thcmiclves, and therefore jult to all the world
— they cannot perceive the fallacy, the wicked-
nefs, and fatal tendency of your more than facri-
legious defigns?
By your aid and encouragement, the fpark of
fedition, which mufl foon have expired through
its own weakncfs, has been kindled into a flame,
that has enJ-anger?d the freedom and fufety of
the Britifli empire j for, encouraged by thcfe un-
common fervices fo faithfully performed, and af-
fured of your future afTiflance, they have twice at-
tempted to incite a rebellion in the heart of Great
Britain*, and once in Ireland f. In full confi-
• See the fcditious Letters from Congrefs to the people of
Great Britain, in their printed Proceedings, dated Odober
21, 1774, and July 8, 1775.
•j- See the feditious Letter from Congrefs to the people of
Ireland, in their printed Proceedings, dated July 28, 1775.
dencc
'
■J
i
t 3° )
dence of your protection, they have appointed
fpies within the bofom of your country, with or-
ders to give " the earlieft infornnation of all fuch
** condud and defigns of Miniftry or Parliament,
** as might concern America to know, and as
" they might judge to be of importance in this
«f great conteft *." And fupported by your
daily intrigues, and your feditious oppofition to
the exertions of your Sovereign, they have allied
tliemfelves with the perfidious and common ene-
my of your country ! And that enemy, encou-
raged by your unprincipled oppofition, and by
the difunion and weaknefs in the exertions of the
State, occafioned only by fuch oppofition, have
declared war againft your Sovereign,
r»f
For th jfe (ci voices you have received the " grate-
*« ful acknowledgments" of the rebel Congrefs,
who, to fecure your future aid, have filled you
the " truly nolfie, honourable, and patriotic Advo-
«' GATES, who have fo generoufly and powerfully
" efpoufed and defended the caufe of America^ both
" in and cut of Parliament f/' And agiin, the
fame Congrefs, " deeply lenfible of the powerful
" aid their caufe muft receive from fuch power-
" ful advocates," have paid to your Fadlion,
• See the printed Proceedings in Congrefs, July 8, ^775.
f See the Vote of Congrefs in their printed 'Voceedmgs,
Oaober 24, 1774.
" their
» ?
I
( 31 )
*' their tribute of gratitude and thanks for the
** virtuous refentment '*" which you had fliewn
to the meafures of the Britifh legiflature. Such
are the important lervices which you have per-
formcLl for rebels and the enemies of your coun-
try i and fuch the honourable applaufe you have
received as a reward for them. But know, that
however honourable yuu md your fadlion may
efteem thefe teftimonies of your merit, thofe
ferv'ccs are fo many wounds to your country,
at v'hich its blood and treafure are flowing out
apace.
Proceed, then, m your nefarious refolve to
ruin your country, in hope of " riding in the
** whirlwind and directing the florm." But re-
member, that you have impudently threatened
the beft friends of the Public with impeach-
ments and the block. Remember too, there
is a Tower, where that man who was loyal
when you firfl: met hiip, but who^ before you
parted, became a determined rebel, is at this
moment in fafe cuftody. Little did he think,
when he embarked for Holland, that his deflina-
tion, written in the book a^ fate, was the Tower
of London. As little, I fear, do you now fuf-
pedl, what may be foon your own fate. But be
* See the Letter to the Lord Mayor and Livery of London,
in the printed Proceedings of Congrefs, July 8, 1775.
alfured.
T
t
"«Ma>ir^"^"H.K''
1 .« B >l V p I? i» I F V 'F
( 32 )
aflured, that juftlce, though often flow, is al-
ways certain; and that, by its eternal decrees,
the confpirator againft the public weal, fooner
or later, fhall receive the reward of his fuperla-
tive wickednefs.
CICERO.
( 33 )
L E T T E R IV. ■ ' "
*• Non eft ifta mea culpa, Quirites, fed temporum —
'* interemptum effe Lucium Catilinam, et graviffimo Aip-
*' plicio afFedlum, jampridem oportebat— idque a me et mos
f' majorum, et hujus imp€rii fevcritas, et refpublica, poftu-
** labant." Cicero in CATiLiWAM.
No, Romans, it is the fault of the times— Catiline, in
jujiiccy ought long ago to have fuffered the laji funijhment z-—
the cuftom of our anceftors, the difcipline of the empire^
and the intereft of the republic, require it.
Cicero's Orations agaii.ft Catiline.
THINK not, Catiliiie, that the proofs I have
already laid before your fellow-citizens are
all that I am and fhall be pofleffed of— My re-
fearches are penetrating yet further into your
fecret correfpondence with rebels, and your in^
irigues with the cpmmon enemy ; and juft informa-
tion of your fchemes is daily pouring in upon
me. Befides, the adions of men fpeak louder
and plainer than words; and when they ar^
fully inveftigated, they infallibly point to the
nioft fecret fchemes of the heart — Thus your
anions, and thofe of your confederates, Ipeak
louder and plaiqer than all your patriotic decla-
mations, ?»nd fair profeffions of love for your
country. — In them the lion appears through the
afs*s Ikin, the FOX through the unfpotted garb
of the innocent lamb ; and therefore an invefti-
f ^ gatioi^
k
U ;
T 1
< 34 )
gation of your condufi:, and my authentic in*
formation compared together, (hall be the fources
from whence I will draw the evidence of your
guilt.
■ When I furvey your conduct from the com^
mencement of the American fedition, I have full
proof that Catiline loves rebellion more than he
does his Sovereign; and therefore he vindicates
the former, and daringly and inceflantly oppofes
the latter. — Catiline loves the common enemy
more than he does his country ; and therefore he
•g y -i-qges that enemy, and with a fteady uni-
forn of condufl endeavours to fruftrate the
means by v/hich alone the honour and fafety of
his country can be maintained againft that enemy,
— Catiline loves, public confufion more than
Vinion and public order ; and therefore he never
fails te exert all his powers, both fecretly and
openly, to diftra(5l the public Councils, and to
obftruft their execution 3 and even that too, at a,
time when nothing can fave his country but
unanimity in councUy and vigour in execution,
.Your deep-laid fcheme of withdrawing the
troops from Arnerica, in order to give inde-
pendence to rebels, and to weaken the empire,
by difmembering it of by far the greater part of
its dominions i — your wicked attempts to wreft
fron^ pur Sovereka his cpnllitutigjial right of
^:.u.;- 5 .. appomtmg
i \
'
( 35 )
appointing his own fervants, and to compel hitA
to place you and your confederates in their offices,
that you and they may command the purfes, and
riot in the wealth of your fellow-citizens j — and
the horrid defign of your favfUon, to bury in one
general conflagration the capital of .the BritiHi
empire, have all been happily fruftrated by the
firmnefs of your Sovereigni and the vigilance and
wifdom of his Minifters. One would have ima-
gined that, knowing this, you would have feeii
the folly, if not the atrocioufnefs, of your plots,
and, dnmayed at the profpedt, have furceafed
from further confpiracies againft the welfare of
your country. But, Catiline, your dillipation
knows no bounds, your thirft for power no end,
your conference no fenfibilityj and you arc de-
termined, like your predeccfTor of Rome, not to
ftop in your career of folly and wickedncfs, until
the cup of your iniquity Ihall be full, and the
hand of heaven fhall interpofe to fave your coun-
try from the ruin you meditate againft it.
«Jw>»^*ii«>^a.
' At the moment of my addrefs to you, you are
contriving the means of reviving the finking fpi-
rit of rebellion, and of fupporting the inveterate
enemy of your country ! The information I have
received, and your own condu6l, will prove it,
and condemn you in the judgment of your impar-
tial fellow-citizens. This information I Ihall
Fa commu-
( 36 )
coinmnnicatc to them through you, in this and
my fubfcquent letter j not under the leafthopeof
working out your reformation, but to guard them
againft your intrigues, and the dangers and dif-
trefles that may flow from them, unlefs happily
prevented, . ;. . -^ ■ . , /
The following is a genuine extrafl of a letter
from a Gentleman of undoubted veracity at Ne*"^
York, dated the 20th Auguft 1780:
*' I Ihall conclude this account of the Jerfey
expedition with the following authentic anec-
dote.— CoL *** arrived with Sir Henry Clin-
ton, and joined the army in Jerfey. A fervant
of his, who had the care of his baggage, was
taken prifbner by ' ^ rebels, and all the Colo-
nel's letters fell i to their hands. The letters
were examined ; among them was found a
fealed packet with this indorfcment. This not to
be opened but in cafe of CoL ***V death. From
which the rebels concluded it muft be his IFill^
and did not break the feal. A few days after.
Col. *** received a letter from a rebel officer,
enclofing the packet, and informing him, * that
from a regard to his perfbnal gallantry, but
CHIEFLY from the circumjiance of his being the
Brother 0/ their good friend ******* ***, and
Nephew to their illustrious Advocate and
<* Patrok
«c
cc
<c
c<
€t
CC
C(
<C
(C
CC
<(
CC
CC
CC
CC
(t
■ '
C o7 )
*' Patron the Duke of *****»»», he (the rebel
•* officer) did himlelf the honour of tranfmitting
'* to hull (the Colonel) the enclofed packet, fup-
" pofing it to be his Will.
•■'..::. , - .'-T •••• . ■ ■'
'* The carrying private letters from a place of
" fafety into a camp, in an enemy's country,
*' not one mile diftant, and the capture of the
" fervant who had thefe letters in his poffeflion,
** are queer circumftances: And I think this anec-
" dote Ihould be made public, that the good
*' friend, and the illujlrious advocate and patron of
*^ the rebels, may not be deprived of the hot* jur-
** able teftimony of their merit contained in it ;
" and it will doubtlefs raife them ftill higher in
** the eftcem of their brethren the fuper-illujirious
*' Patriots of the Minority'* i ,
Marked as the tranfaftion defcribed in this ex-
traft is with fecrecy, it is not difficult to unravel
it. In every ftep the truth appears *-^>o powerful
for the difguife. Your brother went from you^
the " friend" of the American rebels in London,
to Carolina — thence to New York, and from
New York to Staten Ifland. Whatever eftate
your brother pofleffed, if he really had any ^ he left
in England, and, with it, you and his other re-
lations and friends, to whom he would naturally
bequeath it. His will would have been fafc either
in London, Staten Ifland, or, New York. If,
there-
T
I
[i
( 38 )
therefore, the fealed packet was really his will,
made before his departure, his prudence would
have left it in London ; if made in America, he
would have left it at New York, or Staten Ifland ;
in the firfl-mentioned place, it would have been
fecure from the dangers of the ocean and of war,
and in the fecond and third, from the capture of the
enemy. — The fame prudence would have left his
private and confidential letters from his friends in
thx'ume places of fafety. The «' fealed packet/*
therefore, did not cover your brother's will ;
though, from the deceptive indorfement, it bore
that difguife, but v^as intended as a cover to his
and your fecret deftgns^ and thofe of your faction ;
nor were the private letters taken from his fervant
by the rebel officer, letters to him from his friends
in Britain, but to bis a.nd your y^merican ^^ friends-,"
—thofe friends who have fulfomely ftyled you,
in their congreffional thanks for your numerous
and faithful fervices, " their truly noble, honour-
able, and patriotic advocate/' — and thofe friends
whofe trealbnable practices you have fupported
from the firft dawn of their infurreftion to the
:prelent moment. ^ .. :^
••*,]")
■Catiline, tell me, if the " fealed packet" really
<»ntained your brother's will, as the endorfement
imported j and if the letters captured were really
'•« private letters** from his friends in Britain,
rWhy did he, as a prudent man, commit them to
'^■-"^i . hit
1
( 39 )
his fervant ? Why did he, as a folditr, contvary
to all ufagc, encumber his fervant with them,
from places of fafety, into the icene of war and
danger? And if they were even letters from
yourfelf, containing your daily abufe of the Mi-
nillcrs of the Public, and your intended oppofi-
tion to the meafures of your Sovereign, why were
they, under the fhade of careleflhefs, carried into
the hands of the rebels, unlefs it was to commu-
nicate to them what they ought not to know 3 and
to enable them to avail themfelves of your fecrct
machinations in their favour, againft the fafety of
your country ? .
us
Tell me further — What bufinefs could your
brother's fervant, a ftranger in America, pofil-
bly have out of the Briti(h lines, which ought not
to have been tranfafted under the fandtion of a
flag ? Why did he not leave thefe private letters
in his Matter's tent, where they would have been
fafe ? Could they be necefifary to any bufinefs,
"which cither he or your brother could have to
tranfaft with the knowledge of the Commander in
•^hieff : , : L" ' . .
Tell me yet more — If thefe private letters did
not convey fome fecret information from you and
your fadlion j if they only related to your bro^
ther*a private affairs, they could be of no more
Vf^ to the rebels, than knowing in what manner
■ ' 'he
f!
I
f
( 40 )
he had difpofed of his enormous eftate. Why then
did not the fame *' regard," which the rebel Of-
ficer felt for the ** perfonal gallantry" of your
brother i but chiejly from the circumftance of hi«i
being the " brother** of you, " their good friend^*
and the " nephew of their ilhijlrious advocate and
^' patron^** induce him to return the " private
" letters,'* as well as ^he " I'ealed packet," in
which he conceived the will was enclofcd ? • • *
Thefe are fifting queftions. You cannot,
you dare not, anfwer them. The very anfwers
would yet further demonftrate your guilt and
your treafon.
Although thefe private letters have not yet rcr
crolfed the Atlantic, th/sre are means by which
they may be procured •, and not only thefe, but
many others wrote by your fafbion to incite and
fupport the rebellion. The letters wrote to
Wafhington and other principal rebels, fent over
about fix months fincc by pr. Pearcc *, with a
fuperb
"iiM
• Information was made againft this man, by a per^n ef
credit, that he was about to fet ofF for America, intending to
fpend the remainder of his life under the tyranny of the 'new
States (fuch was his republican enthufiafm, and his hatred
to the Government of his country !) ; that he had already taken
under his care a number of letters from thofe who ftile'them-
felves Patriots in Britaii^y for their adherents and ^* friends"
in America, and was to receive many more before his dep^f-
ture ; and thit he wa$ to be the carrier of a faddle, decorated
with
li
fiJ
fe
til
ce
( 4- )
fiiperb faddle, aprcfcntto the Rebel Conimaiulcr
in Chief J and in particular that accurfed letter
wrote early in the rebellion by your jrfuiiical col-
league, advifing the fcizurc and imprifoninent of
every American who was loyal to his Sovereign,
and faithful to your country j — that letter, in pur-
fuance of which, tlioufands of your innocent and
virtuous fellow-fubjedts have been profcribed,
their eftatcs confifcated, their families ruined,
and many of them have perifhed by lingering
difeafe in loathfome dungeons, and many fuf-
fered an ignominious death on a gallows, will be
brought to light. For think not, that it is within
the confines of polTibility that all thofe proofs
of the guilt of your faflion can long be con-
cealed in the gloom ofyour treafon. No ! Thofe
rebels, who, with a load of perjury on their fouls,
have defcrted and betrayed their Sovereign, and
the caufc of their country, fhall, as foon as you
can fupport them no longer, defert and betray
you and your aflbciaces.
CICERO.
with the fuperbeft ornaments, as a prefent from the Juftto hx
Britain to the Re&el Commander in Chief in America. An
oath was made before the proper authority, and a warrant
iffued for apprehending him.— But the Dod\or having fome
fufpicion, from a confcioufnefs that he had difclofed his
fecrets to more than one, h.iftily fled two days before the
time he had fixed with his friends for his departure, and ef-
caped the officers of juftice.
V ;
t
( 41 )
LETTER V.
T" O tempora ! O mores! Hie tamen vivit — vivlt ! immo
•' verum in Scnatum venit : fit public! concilii particeps.
** Nos autem, viri fortes fatisfaccre Reipublicce videniur, C\
*' illius furorem et tela vitcinui !"
Cicero in CATILI^AM.
O degenerate times ! corrupted manners 1 The traitor
lives — lives did I fay ! He mixes with the Senate: while we,
magnr'-jnous Counfellors of State, judge that we difcharge
our duty if wc efcape his fury and his fword.
Cicero's Orations againft Catilini.
"IT 7 HEN I take a retrofpeft of your various
' » intrigues, and particularly of thoft* which
your fadtion is at this monnent meditatinj iinft
the fafety of your country; when I confider your
fecret cabals with the rebel Prcfident, and the
rebel Ambafiador — the private meetings of your
favourite, the indolent Admiral, with the fame
Ambaflfador — the numerous letters replete with
treafon, wrote by your confederates in the early
ftageofthe rebellion — the private letters lately
carried by your brother's fervant to the rebel
officer — and thofe more lately fent by that fo-
menter of fedition, Do6lor Pearce — the feveral
large fums of money collefled by your adherents
in Britain, and tranfmittcd through France to the
O,
(c<
rebel
( 43 '/
rebel infurgents, in one vcflcl not lefs than 40,000
guineas* — the dreadful and univerfal conflagration
of the capital of the kingdom, lately attempted by
your fadion, and nearly efFedcd — and, above all,
— . ' , the
'I
• Captain l-urpinc, of the Fiir French man of -ivar, In-
formed a Britifh Colonel, now in London, when a prilbncr
on board his fhip, coming from the French Weft Indies to
France, that, to his certain knowlcge, '* the infurgents in
** America had a po'werful party in England \ and that large
** fums of money, collcdcd in Britain, had been often con-
*' veyed through France to America, for the ufc of the infur-
** gents ; and particularly, ia one fliip, 40,000 guineas."
Can it be neceflary to remind Britons, that there has been long
a committee for raifing fubfcriptions for the relief of the rfA.'/
prifoners in Britain ? that, in this committee, there is not ojur
man that has a fpark of loyalty in his brcall ; wlule its Treafurcr
Is the rankeji of rebels. What would a State, whofe councils
nvtre not in coHfufion, do with ich a daring combination in favour
t>i rabdliont What would have been done to fucli a daring in-
i'ult on the powers of Government in the year 1745 ? What
would the Court of France do to a committee of rr;jnclnncn,
who' Ihould dare to open fuch a fubfcription for the relief
even of captured Britons, to fay nothing of rebels? And
what inilant punifliment would have fallen on an American
committee of loyalilts (fond as the rebel Congrefs are of com-
mittees), ihould they jia-e attempted to open a fubfcription
for the relief of their J'tllo-w fubjeSls captured in oppofing rchcl-
lion? Let the loyal part of Britons feriouHy think of this
combination ; let them who underltand the riplitful powers ct
the Britifh Government confider, what may not be done in fup-
port of rebellion, under x\{\s fretemled charity. If they do not
know it already, I will icll them. Under this combination,
forbidden by the laws of the land, under this humane adh:-
rtnce to tht enemies of the Cro^vn, thoufands, and tens of thou-
G I fands.
n
: ( 4+ )
the hoit of feditloiis committees and aflbclations,
and your numerous followers and adherents dif-
pcrfed throughout the kingdom, all of them def-
perately daring and ready for every kind of mif-
chief, however atrocious; — I fay, when thefe truths
pafs in review before me, if 1 did not know thai;
the decree is paffed, ** Thus far ftialt thou go and
*' no farther," my fpirit would take the alarm,
and defpond of the fafety of a people, whofe
liberty 't admires, and whofe fame is the firfl: oh-
jed of its care, - . ,
-J " ^ . ■ ■ . .
The plot to compel your Sovereign to with-
draw his troops from Amer'ra, and to furceafe his
endeavours to reduce the rebellion, you are ftill
determined to purfue in the prefent Seflion of
Parliament, This plot has been long fettled
v/itli the rebel Congrefs, and tlieir prefent Am-
bafTador at the Court of France I want no
proof of its exiftencc. I have feen your
f.i.(fllon repeatedly moving and contending
for this meafure in the Senate, under the artful
difguife of reftoring peace to your country;
but, in reality,, with a defign to afliil the com-
fands, may hav« been fubfcribed, and tranfmitted, by the
rebel Treafurer, to the American infurgents, while the un-
happy -leluded prifoners have received hat a /mall pittance o{
thofe liberal fums which have been paid by the republican
and traitorous fadion tc^vards the fuf fort of the rebellion,
mon
II
T
tM\
^ 45 )
mon enemy, to give independence to the Colo-
nies, and by that means to render the preient Mi-»
niftry deteilable in the eyes of a free and mag-
naninaous people, for having loft fo great a part
of their dominions, and in the refult to facrifice
thi^it Minidry to your ambitious and traitorous de-
figns. Your uniform condu6l in the Senate for
three years paft, when rightly confidcred, de-
monftrates this to be your horrid purpofe, with-
out other proof. — But I have other proof — It
comes from one of your faithful allies, through
different Gentlemen, whofe honour and veracity
cannot deceive. The latter are, what cannot be
faid of you, or any of your fa^ion, faithful fub-
jed? of your fovereign, and as zealouily attached
to i:he caufe of your country as you are to that of
rebellion. As a proof of their fidelity and honour,
while you are exerting your utmoft abilities to
overthrow the government which has given you
freedom and protection, they have facrificed their
fortunes, and the independent happinefs of their
familier, i:o its prefervation.
The information before me is contained in the
following genuine extradts of Letters. The firft
is dated New York, Auguft 28, 1780, in thcfc
words :
*^ We have alfo an account from a confiden-
^f tial friend, that Dodtor Franklin had advifed
3 << Congrefs
■ii
'C 46 )
<f Congrefs to mufier all their forces, and to ap-
«« oroach as near New York as pofTible, to give
*' THEIR FRIENDS IN England an Opportunity
*' of declaring that New York was invefted by
" the French and Rebels — that the Britifh forces
*' dare not flir out of their lines — that there was
*« no profped of an end to the war — and to in-
" fid on a recall of the King's forces. This
<* account comes from your old friend **** f,
*< who had it from Timothy Matlack, a Mem-
** ber of Conorefa."
The extract of the fecond letter, dated New
York, September 7th, 17 bo, is in thcfe words :
*' Do6lor Franklin has wrote a letter to Con-
^' grefs, defiring them to raife all the militia in
*^ their power, and to let them, together with
" the Continental troops, lie as near the Britilh
" lines as pofTible, in order to give it the appear-
*' ance of being hejiegedt he afliires /i^^w, that he
<« expedls every salutary coNSECiyENCE from
** fuch a meafure, as it will enable their friends
*< IN Parliament, during the winter debates,
*< to hold it up as a hefieged place^ and to infift on
*« a recall of the Britilh troops. Beware of this
" device 1" ...
f The name of Cicero*s friend is left blank, as the men-
tion of it would prove the ruin of a faithful fubjed of the
Crown, and a man of virtue and opulence.
• 1^1. •»,»«■.■ ^m^m ym i,i|f M"
i '
( 47 )
In full conFinTiation of the truths contained in
thefe extra6ls, and to prove your treafonable in-
tentions to fupport and co-operate with the rebel-
lion from the beginning j I have the bed autho-
rity to add the following anecdote : " When
" Dodlor Franklin, between whom and Mr.
" Galloway there had been a long and continued
" fricndfhip, endeavoured to prevail on him to
*' accept a delegation to the fecond Congrefs,
** and to throw his weight and influence into
*' their fcale j he, among other things, exagge-
" rated the refources of AniCrica, and diminifhed
" thofe of Great Britain. But Mr. Galloway,
'* well acquainted with thofe refources, deteding
'' his fa6ls, and refuting his arguments, the
" Dodor candidly unfolded to him the true
f foundation upon which the American rebels
built their hopes of a fuccef.ful oppofition.
*' He told Mr. Gallow y, that America would be
" united^ and alwavs able to diaw her powers
«' into exertion, wiaie the Britifh nation, anH its
" public councils, ivere^ ard would he yet more^
" divided and dijira^fed. Ths^- the fr'mds to the
*' American caufe in Britain^ would inceffanth main-
tain and increafc that divijion and dift ration, by
opp'ifing the meafures of GovernmeiU j and confe-
quently, that though he confeifed the "efources
" of Great Britain, from whence th^ upplics of
*« war mufl be drawn, were very great, yet i\\2i\.Jhe
c
(C
ce
cc
C(
I
^' never
fe'C
( 48 )
*' never would he ahk to command them^ iior to
" make the exertions necejfary to reduce the Colonies *
" Mr. Galloway, in his turn, wilhing to convert
" the Doctor, and knowing that, in his then dif-
pofition of mind, nothing could efFe6l it but
a full convidlon of the impradicability of his
** fcheme, reminded him of the common and ap-
pofite fable of the two Bull Dogs tearing each.
other to pieces, yet, on the appearance of their
** common enemy, their enmity inftantly ceafed,
*' and their whole powers became united^ and exerted
*' to reduce him. That fuch had often been the
" cafe of Britons, and certainly would be fo
*« again. Here the two friends parted as they
" met, unconverted to the principles of each
« other.'*
(C
<c
(C
i(
upon a review of the preceding Letters and
Anecdote, the authenticity of which can be
folidly fupported, ho'v glaring does the confpi-
racy of your fadion with the rebels, and enemies
of your country, appear ! So early as in the be-
ginning of the rebellion, the only hope of the firll
of rebels depended on your alliance andfupport^—'
in the confufion 'ujhich your oppojition Jhould create in^
the Councils of the S.'ate^ — and in the imbecility of ^
exertion^ which that cppofttion fljould occafion : ^ .
And how literally has the condud of your fac-
tion correfponded Vt^ith that hope ! With what
unremitting afliduity have they exerted their
abilities
?' m
i
( 49 )
abilities to diftracft the public councils, to oppofe
the wifell meafures, and to fupport the rebellion !
Has there been any .cheme, which your fubtilc
inventions could devife, that you have not ftea-
dily purfued, to eflfeifl thofe feditious purpofes ?
Has there been one .ncafure propofed and adopted
by the Councils of the State, which you have not
cppofed, mifreprefented^ and ahufed ? Has there been
one officer, either naval or militaryj one coward,
who from fear j or one traitor, who from trea-
chery, has neglected his duty to his country,
whom you have not embraced, jujiijied^ and defended ;
and, in one injlance, even crowned with honours and
applaufe? Has there been a moment loll, by your
induftrious confederates, in devifing plans to cn-
grofs and wafte the precious time of the national
Councils, and in fabricating the moft trivial,
falfe, and infamous charges againfi the Servants
of the Public? Have you not had the audacity to
threaten thofe Servants with impeachments, and
the block, for purfuing the wifefl, and the only
proper meafures to enfure the public honour and
fafety? Has there been one feflion of Parliament,
fince the rebellion began, in which you have not
contended for the principle , and vindicated the juf-
tice, of the American rebellion ? Has there been one
revolving year in which you have not, by your
^crct cabals, your publications, and your fe-
ditious harangues, even in the Senate, endea-
voured to incite a rebellion in Britain, and cppofed
H thofi
^i'
:^
i'^
."i
i
%
I
( s° )
ihofe meajures which were necejfery to fuprefs that in
Jmerica ? Have not the indolence and treachery
of the creatures of your faction, to whom the duty
of fuppreifing it was unfortunately, and, through
your intrigues, committed, rather lupported it ?
And have not that indolence and treachery en-
couraged France and Spain to declare war againft
your country, and involved it in all its prefent dif-
ficulties and dijirefs ? All thefe queftions muft, if
they are anfvvered by the voice of truth, be an*
fwered in the affirmative.
Had you a<5ted a faithful part to your country,
the rebellion either would not have happened,
or the fubjeft in controverfy would have been ea-
fily accommodated. While you were oppofing
the meafures of your country, to reduce its un-
dutiful fubjeds to their ufual obedience, you were
exhorting them to perfevere in rebellion j to
** make a folemn, fuUen, and invincible ftand,**
againft that authority to which they had fubmit-
ted, without a murmur, for more than one hun^
dred and fifty years, . . ; •.
Why did not your faflion, if they intended
good, either to Britain or to America — if they
had any thing in view, but the accomplifhment of
their own finifter defigns, become the mediatO|§
in the difpute ? and, in the courfe of fix years,
in the place of this treafonable projeft, of with-
, drawing
( 5' )
drawing the troops from America, propofe fomc
plan by which the two countries might be bound
together by mutual policy and mnlual intereft ?
If you really thought that America was opprefied,
why have you not, in the courfe of fix fedions of
the Senate, brought in a bill which would have
relieved her from that opprefllon ? This was
more your duty, than that of tliofe who differed
in opinion from you. You evidently wanted not
abilities. If your hearts did not feel a greater
defire to [gratify your rapacioufnefs, and lull for
diflipation, than love for the two countries, you
would have done this. You would, in the one
hundredth part of the time you have fpent in
your fcditious defigns, have looked into the
caufes of the controverfy, and, perceiving the
remedy, have propofed it. You would not —
you could nor, had your hearts been thus dif-
pofed, have projefled the rebellion; — and ad-
vifed its leaders to make a " folemn, /"lien, and
** invincible ftand" agalnfl: the authority of a
country which gave you hirihy and in the Councils
of which too many of you, fojfefs cm honouralle
Jhare, ' _ ., .
1
But however well your colleagues in the Se-
nate know this to have been their duty, had
^America been really oppreffed, you alfo know
. that the oppreffion complained of, was vifionary
,, and fiditious i and that the rebellious part of the
H 2 Colon ills
( SJ )
Colonifts wiihcd that no propofals of accommo-
dation Ihould be made on the part of Great Bri-
tain; but intended, from the beginning, to throw
off their allegiance^ and to feparate the Colonies
for ever from the Parent State. Their whole
conduct told you this truth j and you muft have
known it, had you not been admitted into their
fecret councils. You alfo knew that any pro-
pofals would have given them difguft and
offence — would have been a breach of your
mutual ftipulations — would have broken your
union. — And both your fa61:ion in Britain, and
your rebel colleagues in America, fiirther knew
that an accommodation with the Colonies would
have, at once, fubverted the foundations of your
defigns againfl the liberties and fafety of your
country, and deprived you of the only means
- and hopes of deflroying its peace.
How palpably con trad i(5lory has your condu<fl
been to thofe principles, which a little regard for
your country, and that humanity towards Ame-
rica, which have been the conftant themes of
your declamations, would have di(flated ! Inftead
of taking any one ftep towards reftoring the union
and peace of the two countries, you have uni-
formly oppofed both the coercive and the pacific
meafures adopted for thofe purpofes. You have
in every inftance exclaimed againfl the fending a
force to reduce the rebellion— and when ient, you
have
c
e
a
( 53 )
have prevented, by your fiidlioiis intrigues, the
great and beneficial effe6ls which mull otlicrwifc
have been the natural confcqucncc. Vv^hen you
found you could not obfl:ru(5t a meafure fo evi-
dently necefTary to reduce the rebellious fubjedi
of the State to th.eir former obedience, vou infi-
dioufly prevailed on them, in two diiierent in-
(lances, to rejecb with audacious contempt the
mod liberal propofitions li.at were ever offered by
a State to its undutiful fubjeds — proportions to
which many of your faflion had infidioufiy afient-
ed ; when you had, by your intrigues with
your favourite General and Admiral, facrificed
the Northern army, brought on a \var with
France, and prevailed on that perfidious Court
to fend a powerful fleet to the afiiftance of youp
American allies; when you had compelled your
Sovereign to abandon Philadelphia, in order to fave
his fleet and army, at a time when the leaders in
rebellion were in the lad ftage of defpondency ;
and when you had, by thefe means, revived the
fpirit of the rebels j elated with your fuccefs,
you thought you had reduced the Minifters of
your Sovereign to fuch uncomnK)n difficulties,
that you could further compel them to adopt
your enfnaring and perfi'dious motion. You
then began to move in Parliament, that the Bri^
tijh troops Jhould be is^ithdrawnfrom America. And
although the virtue and magnanimity of the Se-
nate, encompaflVd as it was by the diHiculties
and
f
f
%
( 54 )
and dangcii) which your Icdicious intrigues had
cflc6ted, repeatedly overruled your motion; yet
having brought Spain into your alliance, and
prevailed on France to lend her forces to Ame-
rica, you have refolved, in your Tec ct cabals
with Dr. Franklin, to renew the moLion ** dur-
" ino: the winter's debates."
Left you fliould ftill fufpefl that I have not
difcovered your whole intrigues, I will be yet
more particular. Believing the rebel relburces,
which you took from their own reprefentations,
were much greater than they really were,
and relying on the indolent condu6l of your
favourite General and Admiral, it was agreed
between you, that the rebel army, alone,
fliould, in 17; o and 1779, draw near New
York, " to give it the appearance of a place be-
" fieged." This was accordingly done j and
upon this you founded your feveral motions in
the Senate in thofc years. Had you fucceeded
in your oppofition to the meai'ures of your Sove-
reign, either in preventing the necciTary fupply of
troops from being fent to America — or in your
motions in the Senate, for recalling thofe already
fent — the whole powers of the combined force
of France and Spain were to be employed in the
conqueft of the Weft Indies, and in plundering
and laying wafte your country; until its diftreffes
fhould compel your Sovereign, and his Parlia-
ment,
T
( 55 )
ment, to cede to America that independence,
of which you and yonr confederates have, by
their repeated aObrances, become, in a manner,
the guarantees. But this was not the ultimatum
of your plot — for thefe diltrefles were further
to be continued, until your Sovereign IhouKl
be compelled to abandon the faithful fervants
of the Public, and to eftablilh your rapacious
confederates in their places; and until you and
your noble uncle had obtained ahjolute -power
ever the lives and properties of your fellozv- citi-
zens.
I
But finding yourfelves deceived in the exer-
tions of America — failing in your fcheme for
recalling the troops — and perceiving i\\Q rebel-
lion falling under the weight of its own tyranny
and cruelties — you were obliged to fufpend
the profecution of your defign, until the proper
ineafures fhould again be taken, to give it fome
plaufibility and profped of fuccefs. For this
purpofe, France agreed to fend over a large na-
val force, and 10,000 men, and the rebels were
to raife 35,000. With this combined force
New York was to be befieged j and you,
whom Dr. Franklin calls " their friends in
<* Parliament," and whom the Rebel Concrrefs
fliles *^ their truly noble, illuftrious, and pa-
*' triotic advocates," were to renew your mo-
tion* ' ~ ' -^ "^ - * • - - -< " - '
Had
m
r "it
rv
( f6 )
Ttad this plot ruccccdcci, what an cxtenfu'C
fi<fkl would there have been opened for your in-
tended inocion, and your treafonable declama-
tions in Parliament ! How would the changes
have been rung on the injuflice of the American
war, on the ruin in which it muft involve Great
Britain, on the impoflibility of raifing the fup-
plies, and the necejfity brought on, by the indo-
lence, ignorance, venality, and treachery of the
lervants of the Public, of giving up by fur the
groatefl: part oftlicBiiiifb dominions! Here, Cati-
line, all your oratorical figures and flourifhes would
have been exerted — you would have even eclipled
yourfelf — your jefuitical colleague, the traducer
of his King, and blafphemer of his God, with ail
your fpcech-making, difappointed, defperate and
abandoned crew, would have followed you j and
all thefc falfehoods would have been audacioufly
thunc'ercu ir. th'* ears of the Senate ; although 1
know, and you know, that ihct very necejfilj
would have arifen from your oppofition to Go-
vernment, and your intrigues with rebels and the
common enemy of your country.
But, infatuated men ! you were again difap^
pointed. The French deceived you, the rebels
deceived you. Inllead of 10,000 troops, the for-
mer could only fend 4,500. — Inftead of an army
of ^'?5,ooo men, the latter could raife only 10,000
for a few months ; and this number has finee
decreafed to 6,000. Here again difappointed.
5;!
* ] >
( 57 )
what could your fadion, the Court of France, or
even Dr. Franklin (of" whom you and that Coi "t
have been long the dupes), do in lb great au.-
lemiTi I i more efpccially as you all had, in your
perfidy, crolfed the Rubicon ? — Your fadlion de-
fponding, the Court of France in the fame dif-
mal fituation, deftitute of refources to carry
on the war for the accomplilhment of its ambi-
tion, and her fie 't blocked up at Rhode Iflandl
this forlorn (late of your affairs flared you in the
face. — You had deceived France, France had
deceived you, and Dr. Franklin had deceived
you both — all of you ading from different mo-
tives, and having different fchemes in view.
Yet, not feeing the art and duplicity of this po-
litical quack, you fuffer him to deceive you
again. He now affurcs you, that the militia in
America, difpofed to rebellion, is vaftly nume-
rous i that although the Congrefs have failed in
bringin g into the field nearly three-fourths of the
number flipulated ; although nodependancec anbc
placed on the militia j yet that they may be eafily
drawn forth '* to approach near New York, to
'' enable you, their friends in Parliament ^ during
" the winter's debates, to hold it up as a place
** befieged, and to infifl on a recal of the Britifli
" troops."
i
i
\ ■ Having thus concerted the plan with you
and the perfidious enemy of your country, he
wrote the letter mentioned in the preceding ex-
I trails.
k
^
( 58 )
tra6ls, infornning the Congrefs of It, and advH
fing their co-operation. — The utmoft exertions of
Congrefs have been made in purfuance of that
advice ; and this contemptible militia, that is,
all that they could raife of it, have been drawn
*' as near as poflible to New York, to give it the
*' appearance of a place befieged."— And you,
" the friends in Parliament" of the Rebel States,
have already prepared on paper, thofe declama-
tions upon which you intend to found your trea-
fonable motion.
l|;;-
Is it poflible for the acutefi: invention of the
moll inveterate enemy of your country, to devife
a plot more infidious and replete with treafon
againft its intereft and fafety ? Should this mo-
tion, thus devifcd by the combined enemies of
Britain, and rraitoroufly adopted by your iaftion,
fucceed, your country is undone for ever. All
hopes of reducing the rebellion, and of a re-
union with America, muft vanifh 5 her indepen-
dence in that moment will be fecured j her com-
merce with all the world, except your country,
fettled ; her refources of war ellabliflied ; her
whole powers thrown into a naval force, which
will harafs and ruin your commert,e; and the
treafon of America (hall combine with the per-
fidy of France and Spain, in purfuing ibeir un^
provoked envy and malice"^ againji Great Britain to
her final deflruElion, To the lofs of America, the
lo Tes of the commerce of your country, of its
bcft
m
( 59 )
beft nurferies of feamen, of its naval ftrength, of
its poiTeflions in the Eaft and Weft Indies, if not
of every other part of its foreign dominions,
will fiicceed. For know, that it is recorded
among the decrees of heaven, " that when Great
Britain Jhall lofe America^ jhe Jhall be loji her-
self — her fame amon^ nations Jhall be forgot y and
her independence exifi no more !'\
cc
IS
it
How long do you think, Catiline, you will be
permitted by infinite juflice to abufe the patience
of your fellow-citizens ? How long to trample
on the la'vs of yoir country and the excellent
conftitutioli of its government, by your lawlefs
committees and feditious aflbciations ? How long
to infult the Majefty of your Sovereign, and to
provoke the refentment and juftice of his Parlia-
ment, by your feditious harangues and treafon-
able propofitions ? How long to continue in
combination and co-operation with rebels, and
the conftant enemy of Britain, by your fedi-
tious intri^yues? Will not fome latent fpark of
regard, which poffibiy may yet remain unquenched
in your bofom, for your bleeding country — a
country bleeding at every pore through the in-
trigues of your faction — nor the fear of the in-
dignant refentment of your injured fellow-citi-
zens which you have too long provoked — nor
the dread of that punifhment which you have fo
long deferved — will nothing ftop the precipitate
J % career
i
T
( 60 )
career of your defperate audacity ? Refle<5b but
for a moment before it be too late ! Perceive you
not, that your dark confpiracies are brought to
light ? that all fenfible and good men are already
alarmed at your fecret intrigues, your nocturnal
aflTociations and committees j and that, in confe-
quence of that alarm, their indignation and re-
Icntment have already fallen on thofe men of your
fa6tion, who have been the conftant aavifers and
abettors of your treafon ? — Where arc thole fore-
runners of your pack, your mod fleady adhe-
rentSj a P — n — 1, a L — tt — 1, a C — g— r, a
H — tl— y, a M — r— d — th, and a H — we, who
have long fupported the rebellion ? — They are
juftly excluded from the Senate, notwithftanding
their infidious foHcitations, as unworthy of that
public truft which they had laboured fo long to
betray. And with what contempt was the whining
Jefuit of St. Omer's, your firft and mofl- faithful
colleague, juftly degraded from a feat in the pubr
lie councils of the State, by the fuffrages of the
virtuous and free people of the fecond city in the
kingdom !
Perceive you not, that the refources of Ame?
rica are exhaufted, and that the rebellion, the
ground of your intrigues, the darling child of
your hope, notwithftanding all your fupport, is
expiring under the weight of its own tyranny ?
Perceive you not, that the virtuous 3nd deluded
pa^-t
?
( 6i )
part of your fadion, whether in the army or navy,
^re deferting you, and the fpirit of Britons is
roufed into indignant refentment at the multitude
and magnitude of \!i\?'. injuries they have received
from their intefline as well as foreign enemies ?
Perceive you not, that your Sovereign, whofc
rights you wifli to ufurp, is furrounded by a powr
erful band of faithful fervants, determined to
preferve thofe rights, and with them the liberty
and fafety of their country ? Have you not lately
feen that fovereign, when your faction meditated
the deilrudion of the capital, and the Daughter
and ruin of its inhabitants, with the fame firm
and undaunted virtue, by which I faved the city
of Rome, fave the cities of London and Wefl-
minfter from a general conflagration ? Yes, you
have feen all this — your fadion have feen it. And
you alfo know that your Sovereign, his Senate,
and the virtuous part of your fellowrcitizens,
are aware of your defigns, and prepared to meet
them.
Your predeceflbr, of Rome, faw and knew as
much. And yet your degenerate fouls, like his,
loft to all fenfe of public as well as private vir-
tue, and debafed below the wretch who robs on
the highway, or plunders his neighbour's houfc
jn the night, remain undifmayed at your danger,
and unmoved at the enormity of your treafon.
pefperate, and prepared for death, or to riot in the
fpoils
fe
( 62 )
f
/polls of your country,'you are refolved t.^ proceed
to the end. Think but a moment on the fmall de-
gree of that man's guilt, who has taken a (hilling
rotTi another, only to fupply his wants, when
compared with that of your fadlion, who have
long meditated the deflrudion of millions, and
of the freedom and happinefs of a whole nation.
But why fhould I reafon with Catiline, who has
t)ani{lied reafon and virtue from his heart ? Ceafe
then, my fpirit, and give him up to his doom-—
for quos Deus vult perdere priiis dement at — *^ Thofe
** whom Heaven cannot reclaim confiftently with
" its unerring decrees of mercy and juftice, it
♦' gives up to the infatuation of their wickednefs,
f ' and abandons them to their fate,*'
CiCERO,
i
( 6J )
LETTER VI.
** Hoftis eft enim non apud Anienem, quod bello Punico
*' gravifliraum vifum eft, fed in Urbe, inForo. Dii immor-
** tales! (fine gemitu hoc dici non poteft :) Non nemo etiam
'* in \\\o facrario Reiptihlica ; in ipfoy inquam, Curia non nemo
*' hoftis. Quid tandem fiet j hsc elapfa de manibus noftris,
** in eum annum, qui confequitur, redundarint!"
Cicero pro Mun^ffiNA.
The enemy is not on the banks of the Anio, which was
thought fo terrible in the Punic ivar^ but in the City and in the
Forum. Good Gods! (I cannot /peak it •v:ithout a Jigh) there
ZTt/ome enemies in the very Saniluary, fome, I fay, in the Senate!
What will become of us, entering into a ticw year, with thefe
dangers around us ?
OF all the confpir^cles which ever entered
into the hearts of the wicked, that of Lu-
cius Catiline was the mod horrid. More than
1700 years have lince elapfed, and it has remained
unparalleled until the period of your faction. It
has been left by myriads of millions of the human
race who have fince exiAed, to be equalled in
the extent of its mifchiefs, and the horror of its
wickednefs, by that which has been formed by
you and^your abandoned confederates. How-
ever difagreeable it may be to you and them,
as it will prove a leffon of ufeful inftrudion to
your fellow-citizens, I mean to compare them.
The parallel will hold up a mirror, in which your
characters, your meafures, and the dreadful ex-
S tent
( 64 )
tent of your treafon agalnft the public weal, may
be clearly traced.
I fincerely lament, that the times, which you
have thought the mod proper for the execution
of your defigns, too much refemble thofe em-
braced by Lucius Catiline for the like horrid pur-
pofes. In Rome, at that day, as in Britain at
this, the immenfe wealth brought from foreign
countries, produced a boundlefs luxury amongft
the citizens j this begat covetoufnefs, rapacity,
and a fhameleis venality. The people themfelves
were in general debauched and corrupt, and loved
to be corrupted : And therefore^ the liberties of
Rome were not to be preferved without bribing
the very people who were interefted in their pre-
fervation. The virtuous magiftrate, the faithful
conful, who wilhed to preferve the freedom of
his country, was obliged to conform to the times.
Thefe circumflances gave L. Catiline an oppor-
tunity of procuring a needy, difcontented, and
rapacious band of profligates, who were always
at his beck. Thofe who had become abandoned
through their vices, thofe whom luxury had made
rapacious, and whom the want of means to gra-
tify it had rendered defperate, wilhing to obtain
the offices and emoluments of the Public, were
his colleagues and creatures. Nor was this def-
perate band to be found in the city of Rome only ;
they
( 6J )
they were difpcrfed in the country, and even in tht
Colonies,
How exaflly correfpondent are the prcfent times
which you have embraced for the execution of
your treafonable defigns, with thofe I have men-
tioned ! The immenfe wealth poured in froHi
foreign parts, has rendered too many of the foi*.
of Britain luxurious. That luxury has naturally
produced a wicked diflipation j that difllpation,
a rapacious covetoufnefs never to be fatiated.
Their defire of eafe, pleafure, and fenfual enjoy-
ments ever exceeds the means of gratification.
Impctuoufly led by their vices, nothing will fatisfy
them but the emoluments of office, and the fole
difpofition of the public wealth. Their Sovereign,
however difpofed he might be, for the fake of
peace and union in his public councils, to em-
ploy them, feeing no bounds to their iawlefs de-
fires, nor one fpark of public virtue in which he
can repofe a confidence, has hitherto declined it.
This virtuous refolution to preferve his own
rights, with the rights and liberties of his people,
which cannot be fevered without a diffolution of
the government, is, and, it is hoped, will con-
tinue to be, a bar againft entrufting the fafety of
bis crown and the liberties of his people to their ma-
nagemefit. Thus reltlefs in their paflions, diiap-
ppinted in their views, and inftigated by their
K vices.
i! '
( 66 )
vices, they have been the proper fubje«5ls ofyoqr
arts, and the fit inftruments of your treafon.
Nor is your band unlike L. Catiline*s in its
numbers and extent. Your confederates are not
confined to the cities of London and Weftmin-
fter i — they are to be found in every fliire in Great
Britain— in Ireland, and in the Colonies. If the
Roman confpirator had his nofturnal meetings in
Rome and its mvirons, you have yours in Lon-
don, Weftminfier, Yorklhire, and various other
parts of England, You have your aflbciations
and committees, who not only meet in tlie night
to fettle thofe parts of their treafon which will
not bear difguife, but appear in open defiance of
law at noon-day i and fuch is their indifcretion,
fuch their audacity, that they do not refrain from
their freafonable declamations and refolvcs againlt
the wifefl: meafures, and even againft the long ^(la-
blifhed principles of that Government which they
are determined to deftroy *,
If L. Catiline raifed a rebellion in the Roman
Colonies, your fa6tion has raifed another in the
Britifh Colonies.— If he had armies under his con-
federates, Manlius in Etruria, Pifoin Hither Spain,
and P. S. Nucerinus in Mauritania, you have alfg
P 5cc the Refolves of the Wellminfler Aflbciation, j^ajim.
your
( c? )
your adherents in the Britifli army and navy, and
you have an army under W»*fhington, in New
Jcfey, one under Gates, in South Carolina, and
another under your faithful friend and ally M.
Rochambeau in Rhode Ifland.
tc
<c
cc
C(
€f
<C
it
The refemblance in the charad^ers of the lead-
ing confpirators of the two faflions is equally
ftriking* — " Lucius Catiline, like you, was of an
illuftrious family. — His anceftors had enjoyed
fome of the higheft offices of the State i he was
poor and neceflltous through his own extrava-
gance J he borrowed of his friends until no
man or woman in Rome would truft him, but
" his favourite flrumpet Oreflilla; his avidity
after money exceeded rapacity itfelf j his difli-
pation and profligacy even furpaflTed the means
" he poffefled of gratifying them. — He had a
** head to contrive, and a tongue to perfuade, and
took pleafure in civil broils i of a fpirit daring
and infidious — expert in all the arts of difguife
and difiimulation J greedily covetous of other
** men's wealth, lavifh of his own ; violent in his
^' paffions i eloquent, but not endued with
,** much wifdom :— His boundlefs ambition hur-
" ried him into extravagant and romantic pro-
" jecls ; making him afpire to things greatly be*
" yond the reach of his abilities. Loft to all
*' fenfe of virtue and religion, he feared neither
*< the Gods nor men. His luft f9r power was fo
K 2 ** bound-
((
cc
cc
( 6S )
'* boundlefs, that he was ready to wade through
*' murder and treafon to obtain it." What a
mirror is here, CatiHne, in which you may fee
an exadl portrait of yourfelf ! Not one lineament,
trace, or fhade is to be found in it different from
your own. Whether I confider your family, your
abilities, and their fitnefs for intrigue, your paf-
fions, your poverty, your profligatenefs, your
vices, youf irreligion, your love of wickednefs,
and your lull for lawlefs power, in order to gra-
tify your lawlefs defires, it is an exaft refemblance
of Catilme the Second,
1, I
L. Catiline had alfo, like you, his principal
'heroes and leaders in his confpiracy. They were
to be feen ** in every public department j in the
" Senate, and in the ''"omitia ; and numbers of
" lefler villains amon^^ the populace, down to
" the gladiator and the flave." Have you not
like wife your fadlious and feditious coadjutors in
both Houfes of P— t, ftridtly purfuing your
plans, and boldly pulhing forward your execrable
defigns ? Arc not the inftruments of your fedi-
tion in the army, the navy, among the clergy,
and even at the bar ? Have you not a H e
and a B— y in the army, a H— e and a K— -
in the navy, a P e among the divines, and a
D — g at the Bar, with many others in thofe feveral
departments ? Have you not a P e and a
H y.
1
( C9 )
H y, with hundreds of others of the fame
rank in life, who have been long inccfTantly en-
gaged in deluding the ignorant, and diftufing,
by their publications, the poifon of your fedition
among the people '—Have you not a numerous
band of low mifcreants, from a Temple and a
Smithy down through all degrees of journeymen
tradefmen, to the tinker, cobler, and chimney-
fweeper> ready to execute your dark purpofes ?
Tell me, Catiline, whether your fellow-citizens
have not lately feen thefe deluded wretches, in-
ftigated by your fadlion, exerting their utmoft
endeavours to put to death the moft virtuous of
your feUow-fuhje^Si and with torches in their handsy
to lay the cities of Londoi and Weflminjler in
ajloes?
If your fa6lion refcmblcs that of Rome in the
number and different ranks of confpirators, the
fimilitude is no lefs glaring between the charac-
ters of their principal leaders. For had the he-*
roes of the two factions been begot by the fame
parents, educated in the fame fchool, trained in the
fame habits of vice and criminal dilTipation, and
daily le£tured with the fame leflbns of fedition,
their refpeftive likenefles in their paflions and
principles could not be more ftrong.
r
In the Senate, the firft and principal confpi-
rator, on whom L, Catiline molt relied, was Caius
Cethegus^
n
Ui
( 70 )
OtheguSt dcfccndcd from the Cornelian family ^
a Nobleman to whom, in cafe of fiiccefs, the
moft bloody and dcfperate part of the plot was to
have been committed. — *' His temper was fierce,
** impetuous, implacable, and daring even to an
" cxccfs of fury. His ambition was boundlefs i
*' and by that ambition, and his intrigues, he
•< afcended to the firft offices in the State, and
" acquired confiderable influence, for a time,
** in its public councils -, but his intrigues
«* and audacious infolence of office foon brought
<« him into difgrace, and he was degraded as
•* a Nobleman unworthy of public tnifl:.*'
Can any perfon, who knows the character, the
paffions, and temper of your noble Gallic Unclc^
" the illuftrious advocate and patron" of rebel-
lion, be one moment at a lofs in finding ano-
ther Cethegus ? Whoever will look into the public
charadler of this Nobleman, will find that he has
rofe into the firft offices of the State by his in-
trigues: — That he has been juftly degraded by
his Sovereign for his over-ruling infolence :
That he \sjiercey impetuous, and implacable in his
temper; and never yet forgave what the info-
lence of his pride taught him to believe was an
injury, or even fo much as an inadvertent neg-
led. That uncle is the only Nobleman in the
kingdom, who has had the impudence, in tlie
public Senate, to treat Majesty itself with
inftilt I and whofe ambition afpires after nothing
fbort
( 7« )
Jhort of the defpotic fojfejfm of fh$ Tbroni
h
•t
In the chara(fler of the Earl of • *, your
fellow-citizens have the cxa<5l delineations of that
o( Pubtius Autronius* With an immenle eftate in
his poflcfllon, he canrot, or will not, pay his juft
debt, even to a worthy perfon of his own family to
whonfi it has been long fince mortgaged j the noble
Ear! intends to avail himfclf of the privilege of his
nobility. He is ^^ artful^ eloquent^ fhrewd^ fenfibk^
" infidiouSy and falfe" Nor has he hefirated, with
unparalleled folly, to aflert to the face of his fove-
reign an undifi^uifed falfehood, in which he was
inftantly deteftcd. And yet, I know, Catiline, with
all thefe vices, he is not fo deep in your confpiracy
as you could wilh. He has a latent fpark unex-
tinguifhed, of an attachment to the fafcty of his
country. He defires not the final deftruftion of
its honour and independence, however far his
ambition might lead him, to acquire the emolu-
ments of office. And therefore, he occafionally fees
through your perfidious defigns, of giving inde^
^endence to the Colonies.
In the character of the Marquis of * * *,
you have that of Pub It us Cornelius Lentulus,
^' He was a Nobleman of the Patrician branch
** of the Cornelian family — tueak, vain, and
'* ambitious. He had been in the Senate, and
% " pro-
( 7^ )
'^ promoted to the Confulihip fomc years before
'' the confpiracy, but was afterwards degraded by
" the Csnfors for his mifcondud. His moderate
" abilities, his vanity and folly led him to hope,
" thit in the change of public affairs, or thefub-
*« vcrfion of the Government, he might rife to the
*^ higheft honours."
'.
It is impofiible to give a true defcription
of the abandoned ^inius Curius, whofe fcan*
dalous debaucheries in private life, and infamous
conducl: in public, knew no parallel in his time,
without holding out a mirror, which will Ihew
ihe ex ad rcfemblance of your colleague, the
infamous traducer of his King, and blafphemer of bis
Cod. In this man's countenance may be feen per-
fidious adultery, black treafon, and profane blaf-
phemy, trampling on virtue, loyalty, and reli-
gion.- -Like Quintus Curies, " defperately wick-
*' ed he is, yet has not more boldnefs than levity j
<* for whatever he hear: he difclofes -, he cannot
" conceal even his ozvn crimes ; in a word, he con-
''* fiders neither ivhat he fays^ or what he does.'*
He has been expelled the Senate^ not indeed by
the Cenfors, as ^intus Curius was, but by
the voice of the Senate itfelf, for his fcandalous
crimes.
Such are the characters of fome of the leaders
of your fadion. To carry the comparifon
through-
cc
cc
f 73 )
throughout, would be an endlefs tafk. Enough
has been faid to prove of what flamp you are,
and how far the rights of a free people are to be
trufted in fuch hands. I will therefore only add,
that the reft of your fa6lion, like thofe of the Ro-
man traitor, are " all of the fame ftamp and cha-
** rader, men whom dif appointments^ ruined fcr^
tunes, and flagitious lives, have prepared for any
defign againft the State •, and whofe hopes of eafe
*' and advancement depend on a change in public
•' affairSi end the fi'lverfion of the Government'*
The times, and the Dramatis Perfona^ of your
intended Tragedy, bearing fo ftrong a refem-
blancc to thofe of your predeceffor, it is natural
to conclude, that we fhall find, on further en-
quiry, that your meafures and ultimate defigns
were nearly the fame. As to your meafures, you
and your fa6tion have trod ftep by ftcp in the
track of the Roman confpirators, fo far as they
were permitted to go. But having fome particu-
lar advantages, your procefs has been lirfs diffi-
cult, and your progrefs greater. You have de-
luded your incautious fellow-citizens with more
eafe and in greater numbers than your predecef-
for did ; and your fadion have proceeded to the
a6lual conflagration of a part of the cities of Lon-
don and Weftminfter. L. Catiline could derivt^:
no advantage from that fource of delufion, pub-
lic fraud and fcdition, the licmtioufnep cf the
L prefs.
( 74 )
prefi. Yet he found means by his arts and fair
pretences, his runners and his agents, to diflemi-
nate his fedition through the Roaian territories.
Thefe formed his cabals, received his intelligei.^
of the flate of affairs at Rome, and of his intended
intrigues, and diffufed the poifon of his treafon in
the diftant parts of the Commonwealth. He held
at Rome, under the nofes of the Senate, the
Confuls and Praetors, nodurnal meetings with
his affociates, while his agents held them not only
in the immediate territory of Rome, but in the
remote Colonies. Hence, a partial, though a
dangerous, difcontent and fedition took place
throughout the Roman empire, at a tim.e when
the people had loft the virtue of their anceftor?,
and had arrived at that degree of licentioufnefs
which was incompatible with the freedom and jull
rights of civil liberty.
You, indeed, and your fadion, have poflefled
an advantage which your predeceflbr had not.
The liberty of the preis, degenerated into licen-
tioufnefs, has given you that advantage. Befides
your runners, your eftablifhed agents, your law-
lefs and feditious committees and affociations,
your conventions and congreffes, in every part of
the empire, you have a number of preffes at your
command, and in your pay. You have a hoft of
republican and ciefperate fcribblers, from P- -e and
H — y down to the common Garrctteer. And
you
C 75 )
you have even thofe republican defamers of their
Sovereign and the fervants of the Public, thole
Stink- Bingzims and Skunks * of fedition, the Au-
thors of the L n C— — t, and G 1
A r, in your laudable fervice. By fiich dc-
fperatc inftruments as thefc, you have prevailed
on many of your innocent and virtuous fellow-
citizens, to become the accomplices of your trca-
Ibn. Thefe unhappy deluded men, with a hoft
of republican enthufiaftic wretches, you have en-
I'ifted in your traitorous defigns againft that Go-
vernment, which alone can fecure them in the
poneflion of their civil rights. You have made
them rebels, and traitors i traitors, not onlv to
their Sovereign, but to their own fnfety and haf-
finefs.
• The Sfin'i-BrMgzim h an animal very fair to behoM. of
about the fize of an hare, which infclh the country near the
Cape of Goat/ Hope, When it finds iticlf clofely purlucd, or
is inclineii to annoy ai:\ ether animal, it lets fly from behind a
hlaj} of avind, of fuch a Stygian /cent, that no living crcatuie
that ha? a nofe is able to endure it. If hunted, the dogs are
immediately thrown out by the horrible fmell, and thehuntl-
men are obliged to retire as fall as they can ; or the animal
which it means to offend is glad of an opportunity of (lying,
while the delicate creature remains fecure under the protec-
tion of its o\vx\ fa;tid atmcfphcre. The Skunk is an animal of
the fame_/a/> (xtcrnal cippearanfi', and of Jimilar internal q:ia-
lilies, common in feveral parts of America. The chief dif-
ference between thon is, that the former does execution
\)\ its at7>rt', and the latter by its --vait-r, Sckiblervs.
L % Yoi:
l:
: 1
. You have done all this, under the fame,
clifguife, and fair pretences, which L. Catiline
made ule of in deluding the Roman people to
form his band of confpiratCrs againfc the Govern-
ment and liberties of Rome : he and his confede-
rates, like you and your aflbciatcs, " afliimed
<-^ the charaders of Pairiots, and covered their
** fecret and wicked dcfign under their clamours for
*' Liberty -," although they intended to ufurp a
defpotic power over the lives and eftates of their
fellow-citizens. " The caufe of the poor, they de-
ff clared, was their caufe;" becaufe the pocry zvhen
deceived, 'were neceffary to their detefiable defigns \ yet
in their hearts they hated the poor, " They com-
" plained of the national poverty and diftrefs,"
"johen the national refources were greater than they
had ever been from the foundation of the city. They
perfuaded the people, " that the powers and
•^ emoluments of Government were engrofled by
** a/dz:.'," in order to induce all to hope for a parti^
cipatioHy when they knew it was impojfibk. They
declared, " that the worthy and the brave were
*^ excluded from public offices and emoluments,"
le^'aufe they themf elves, the mofl abandoned and pro'-
fligatc of men, were not admitted to participate in
them. The officers of Government, whofe lives
and ellates depended on the prefervation c>f^ its
civil conftitution, " they repiefented as tyrants,
*' unworthy of public trufl: j as men ^vho in-
^* tended the defl:ru£lion of the frcedom of that
** Govern-
( 77 )
f' Government," zvhich it was their biterejl^ ani
the interejl of their pofterity^ to maintain. *' They
^* abiifed in their cabals their faithful Consul,
*' and every worthy Magiftrate" who they thought
would oppofe their horrid dejign. This they did not
.dare to do in the Senate, ajs your faftion has
done : the Sons of Rome were not so dege-
nerate AS to suffer it.
'■-■
All thefe ineafures being taken, and the plot,
as it was thought, brought to its maturity, L.
Catiline, in order to " bind the confpirators
** more firmly to each other, caufed a bowl of
" wine, mixed with human bloody to be handed
^* round from one to another, after the man-
^* ner of their folemn lacrifices. Of this all the
^* confpirators participated.'* This you have
not done: not becaufe the precedent was too
horrible for your mind, but becaufe not confident
with the religion of your country — and therefore
you feared it would not hf^ binding on your con-
federates. But you hriVt- ' bflituted in its room
what is tantamount to '' in wickednefs and vil-
lainy, and more effeftual. You have confidcred
their enthufiafm, as well as their republican Ipi-
jrit, and have fenfibly adapted your meafures to
their principles. And therefore you have recom-
mended to your fellow-confpirators in America,
to enter into a folemn league and covenant by oath^
imprecating the 'vengeance of Omnipotence if they
8 . fiiould
( 78 )
Jhoiiid break ity to make " an united, folemn,
«' fullen, and invincible; ftand" againft your and
their country.
M
The covenant of union being thus folemnly
made, it was refolved " that Lucius Catiline
" fliould put himfelf at the head of the difaffed-
*« ed and fadlious part of the troops — that Ronne
'« Ihould be fired in many places at once^ and a
<V maflacre begun at ^\\t fame time — that in the
*' conflernation of the fire and mafTacre, he
«' fliould be ready with his army to rake the bc-
*' nefit of the public confufion, and make him-
" fdf mafter of the city.'* I cannot fuppofe that
you, Catiline, was to take the command of the
military part of your faftion, who ihould at the
proper time revolt from their Sovereign — You
have no military genius. But you have an Uncle
deep in your treafon, befides many other military
confederates more proper for that fervice, who was
probably to have taken that command. The cities
of London and Weftminfter were to have been,
and aclually were, fired in many places at once.
MafTacres of the public fervants were fought
for, and attempted — and would have been com-
mitted, had not mcafures been taken to prevent
it. The furies of that faclion, which your fedi-
tious cabals had raifed and united, were let loofe,
ols were
The
op(
charged — many private houfes, and tvzx\ the
publiq
//f
H
t 79 -)
public buildings, were laid in alhes ; while the
innocent and virtuous part of your fellow-citi-
zens flood aghaft at the threatened defolation and
ruin, hclplefs and hopelefs, not knowing where
to look for relief from dangers fo immediate, and
of fuch mighty magnitude. Thus the plot of
your faftion was, from Friday to Wednefday,
daily ripening into that confufion which would
have enabled them to make themfelves mailers
of the city, to put to death the guardians of the
public weal, and to have Jeized into their own
hands the powers of the State. Had this been
done, lav/lefs profcriptions, and cruel mafiacres
of the rich and innocent citizens would have fuc-
ceeded of courfe. But your Sovereign^ with a
fecrecy which proved the wifdom of his councils^ and
a caution which difcovered his exalted humanity,
Jiepped forth and faved the two capital cities of the
empire from defirutlion^ and the liberties of his
PEOPLE from the TYRANNY OF YOUR FACTION.
i
CICERO.
Il
<t 80 )
;■' '
it
n i'-
'»
LETTER VII.
•' SeJ ut vitiis tuiscommoveare, at legum pcenas pertimi/-
** cas, ut temporibus reipublica: concedas, non eft poftulan-
" clum. Neque enim is es, Catilina, ut te aut pudor a tur-
** pitudinc, aut metus a periculo, aut ratio a furore revo-
•* carlt.'* Cicero in Catiunam.
But there yvas no liope that Catiline would ever be induced
to yield to the occajlons of the State, or moved with z fenfe of
his crimes y or reclaimed by Jhamey or fear ^ or reafott, from his
madnefs and treafon.
CiCERo*i Orations againft Catiline.
IN what mighty mifchiefs, Catiline, have not
your treafonable pradliccs involved your coun-
try ? To give a faithful hiilory of your cabals in
Britain, in Ireland, *n France and America — to
trace in detail the variety of your political ma-
noeuvres—to mark out the verfatility of your fe-
veral plots, and to paint the hideoufnefs of your
black defigns againft your country, would employ
more time than I have to fpare. — Altliough I
know them well, and all the fac^s are before me,
yet it is not my prefent defign to undertake fo
tedious a talk. It will anfwer beft my 'honeft
purpofe — my defire to refcue Britons from the
threatened danger, to mark the great outlines of
thofe practices which have hitherto proved fo pro-
pitious to your defigns, and ruinous to your coun-
try. In doing this, 1 fliall trace your fadion from
its
( 8i )
its formation, marking its progrefs up to the
fummit of its glory, the co)jfagration of the Cities
of London andlVeflminfler, 1 Ihall relate fafts tliat
cannot deceive, truths fo notorious, that they
cannot be denied.
In tlie year 1764, unanimity prevailed in the
Councils of the Sta-e, refpedting its riglt to tax
America^ and the jujlice of the meafurc. The
bill commonly called the Stamp A5i pafTed
without one difTcnting voice. It pafll-d with the
concurrence of every leader of your prefent fac-
tion then in Parliament. For your audacious
defigns were not then concerted, nor your fac-
tion formed. But, as foon as they found a law-
lefs refiftance arifing in America to the execution
of that Act, they inflantly united into a feditious
confederacy againfl Governincnt. They began
with oppofing that very meafurc which they had
by their aflents pronounced rightful and jufl:.
They invited and feduced the American mer-
chants in every part of the kingdom, contrary
to their own, and the real inrerefl of their coun-
try, to petition a[rain(l ir. They encouraged the
fadlion in America, by innumerable letters, to
perfeverc in their treafon ; nor did they ceafe from
their intrigues, until they had compelled the
Councils of the State 10 repeal the aft. By this
meafurc they intentionally laid tlie foundation of
future infurrcftions and rcfiflance to the fupreme
M, authority
ri!
'^*! \
:i
( 82 )
authority of their country ; to that very authority
which they were hufid by oath to preferve.
When the bill commonly called the Tea ASi
pafTed, they infidlouriy made little or no objec-
tion. But as foon as they knew that the Americans
were forming an oppofition againft: this A6I:, they
inftantly united in fupport of them, and all their
joint powers were exerted to procure its total re-
peal. Failing in this meafure, they advifcd the
Americans not to import teas from Great Britain,
and either to fmuggle them, or not to confume
them, in order to prevent their contributing the
duty towards the relief of their felloiv-ftibjetts in
Britain,
Again difappointed in feeing that the Ameri-
can Aflemblies were content under a partial re-
peal of the a(5t, and that the American merchant
would import Britifli teas, notwithftanding their
infidious advice to the rontraty, they remained
quiet for a time, but incelTantly watching fqr
another opportunity of clamouring againft, and
traducing the meafures of Goverment.
When the bill pafTcd, enabling the Eaft India
Company to export and fell their teas in Ame-
rica (an A6t in every refped greatly beneficial to
the Colonifts, as well as to the India Company),
the fat^ion advifcd their confederates at Bofton,
not to fuffer them to be landed. And when they
were rlotouily deftroyed, they openly vijidicated
the meafure,
Whpi)
f;
o
fc
o
o
Ci
ai
( P3 )
\Vhen the Parliament was about to pafs the
bill to compel the corporation of Bollon to do an
adl of the mod evident juflicc, and to pay for the
damage fuftaincd by the India Company, tbcy
Jlrenuoujly oppofed it.
But failing in their oppofition, and perdving
that the fervants of the Public were determined
to proceed with firmnefs in fupprefling the rifing
Icdition, and fupporting the conftitutional aiitho'
i'ity of the State, they laid the plan of /Imsrican
rejijlance, Th'^y advifed their feditious confede-
rates in the Colonies, to break off all commerce
with the Parent State, and to unite in a *' folcmn
** league and covenant on oath," to make a
" folemn, fuiien, and invincible ftand" againft
t'lt authority, which, by their oaths of allegi-
ance, they were hound to excrcife and fupport.
When they had thus advifed and created a
treafonable oppofition to the fupreme authority
of their ountr/, a principal leader * in their
junto
* This Nobleman, once the friend of his Sovereign, tlie
father of his Country, lie I oart of Britons, and the ornament
of the age, fulFcred his pride and ambition to conquer his rca-
fon and patr jtifm. lie joued the fudlion againft the intcrcft
of that peopl> whofe reputation he had raifod to the fummit
of glory. l\\ i.iis Hate >»f delulion, he wnrmly efpoufcd the
caufe of rebellion aguii.fl the fi ncme authority of the State;
and did not bluih when he declared, that he ** rejoiced
M 2 •* tnat
s>.
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■( 84 )
•junto did not hefitate to declare in the Senate^
that he " rejoiced that America had rejijied,'*
Before this time you Catiline had revolted
from your Sovereign, and took a leading part
with the fadlion in oppofing his meafures.
And now— fearing the " Hand," thus advifed,
fhould not prove, as you wiihed, " invincible j"
and knowing that to fupprefs the rifing fedition,
.would be to deftroy the foundation and fource of
your intrigues, you oppofed fending troops to
America, ■ '
** that America had fefifled." But, unlike the generality of
his aflbciates, he had either fixed bounds to his ambition ; or
his confcience /mote him for the mrfchiefs in which his novel
principles and feditious harangues had involved the public
fafety. Therefoi-e, convinced of his error, inftead of con-
tinuing to approve of the American refiftance, in his dying
J'peech he condemned, and declared that ** he rejoiced, that
** he was yet alive to give his vote againfl fo impolitic, fo in-
*• glorious a meafure, as the acknowledgment of the inde-
*' pendency of America ; that he would rather be in his grave,
*• than fee the luftre of the Britifli throne tarnilhcd, the dig-
*' nity of the Britifli empire difgraced, the glory of the
*' nation funk to fuch a degree as it mull be, luhen the depen-
* ' dency of Avierica on the fouereignty of Great Britain iijas
** foregone.*^ — The Noble Earl declared further, ** that he
** was exceeding ill ; but as long as he could crav/1 down to
«• the Houfe, and had ftrength to raife himfelf on his crutches,
*' or to lift his hand, he would vote againft giving up the de-
•• pendency of Ameri<:a on the fovereignty of Great Britain ;
** and if no other Lord was of opinion with him, he would
*' fingly proteft againll the meafiue." Thus Heaven in its
Knening wifdom refolved, thac he fhould yj-a/ that truth which
he had wantonly violated, ivith his death.
8 Here
I
>»
or
Kjre again iinruccersful, by your arts yon
procured the conrimand of "-hofc very troops, and
of the navy which attended them, for iujo of your
fadion, who were " averfe to the meafurcs"
they had infidioufly undertaken to execute, and
who you knew wouki co-operate in your defigns.
One of this par nobile fratriim had hekl his fccrec
cabals with the rebel agent Dr. Franklin y and
the other had promifed his Conftituents, firil,
that he would not " accept the command /'
and afterwards, when he had violated his pro-
mife, declared to his conftituents by words of the
flrongeft implication, that be 'would not f up pre] s the
rebellion.
Having thus infidioufly over-reached the Coun-
cils of the State, and laid a broad foundation of
your future meafures, you conceived you had every
thing in your power which was neceflary xo your
final fuccefs. Your faflion wrote many letters to
men in America, whom you thought of influence
in that country, and fit inftruments of your trea-
fon. With thcfe you have ever fince regularly cor-
refponded ; conftantly blowing the coals of fedi-
tion, and exerting every nerve to prevent either
an accommodation of the d'ljpiite^ or the fupprsjfion of
the rebellion.
,;?'
You rcfolvetl, in your fccret cabals, that the
American war was " unjuft and cruel i" and you
even
Vi
( 86 )
even have repeatedly declared it Co in the great
Council of the nation. You further refolved,
that the termination of the rebellion was incom-
patible with your defigns, and therefore // Jhould
not he fupprejfed. In ftri6c conformity to thele
refo3ves, you your f elves, and your numerous agents
in Britain^ France, and Jmerica, adbed in dircft
oppofition to the meafures purfued for reducing
the rebellion. And although your General and
Admiral undertook the war with a force vaftly
fupcrior to that which they had to oppofe, two
years were infamoufly wafted in fhameful indo-
lence J battles were fought, and the enemy de-
feated, but never purfued ; and the moft obvi-
ous advantages of victories negligently loft. A
province was conquered, and afterwards infa-
moufly given up to 3000 men, when there were
near 40,000 to defend it. A Britifli army, of
near 40,000 veterans, was befieged, haraffed,
and diftreffcd at New York, from December to
June, by 4000 undifciplined troops : and in the
year following, another of near 20,000, at Phila-
delphia, during the fame length of time, by lefs
than 4000 men, who were daily periftiing, either
by famine or difeafe, and without the neceflfary
horfes to remove cheir baggage or cannon *.
* See the Letter from a Committee to the Congrefs, m
the Appendix to A Reply to Lieut. Gen, Sir William Howe,
&c. publiflied by G. Wilkie.
And
I
iv
^ ISi
( 87 )
And although, during the fame time, your
noble Admiral had not Icfs than 80 ihips of war
(a force tenfold greater than that of the rebels,
and more than fufficient to feizc and deflroy the
whole of the rebel navy, with all the trade, ia
their dcfencelefs ports, in a few months), yet no
one rational ftep was taken to effect thofe import-
ant purpofes : but on the contrary, while the
amazing naval armament under his command
■was for the moft part lying ufelefs in the harbour
of New York, he fuffered the rebels, whom lie
was fent to fubdue, to carry on from their ports
an open trade ; to import all the neceiTaries of
war, of which at that time they were in a manner
deftitutej and even to fcize the military and naval
flores, which were fent from Britain for the Britifh
fervice *. And although, notwithftanding all
this truly Ihameful condud, the feeble efforts of
rebellion had been fo reduced as to " intimidate
'* its leaders, and nearly induce them to a general
*f fubmiffion f j" yet the Northern Army, con-
trary to the pofitive orders of your Sovereign, was
deferted J, and left to be captured i a war with
France was brought on your country ; the fpirit of
* See a Lettpr to the Right Honourable ILord Vifcoqnt
JFIowe, ^c. pajftm.
f Sir William Howe's Narrative and Obfervations, p. 41.
X See Letter from Lord George Germ ine, dated the 3d
March 1777 ; and A Reply to Lieut. Gen, oir William Howe,
■baffim,
\ ^ rebellion
■''
n
p.: I:
'I
U
C 88 )
rehdlion fufftred to revive i and '30 millions of the
national treafurc mofi '-j:;ickcdly and 'wantonly "jjafted.
Nor did your fecret intrigues flop here. Ha-
ving thus involved your country in a war with
France, and perceiving that the vigilance of your
Sovereign was prepared to meet her naval force,
by a fleet greatly fuperiory you again infidioufly
procured the command for your relation, the Lee^
Jhore Admiral^ a zealot of your fadion, and deep
in its ledition. That man, commanding this fu-
perior force, met the enemy under every advan-
tage of wind and fea in his favouri but, agreeably
to your preconcerted plan, which was, that no
fuccefs fljould attend either the naval or military ex-
ertions of your country, while the prefcnt fervants of
the Crown fhould hold their offices to the exclufion of
yourfelf and your adherents ; when Heaven had
placed victory before him, and when the laurels of
glory remained only to be plucked, he moft fhame-
fully and moft treacheroufly fuffered that vidlory,
and thole laurels, to efcape from his hands*; and
that too, under the moft ridiculous and inglo-
rious pretences that ever difgraced the name of
any naval commander. He was, it feems, afraid
of a lee-fhoret although that ftiore was not within
ninety miles of the fcene of aftion. And he would
not figlu his enemy, though drawn up in a line
• Sec the PoRfciipt to this Letter,
^f
d
( «9 )
of battle, challenging hiin to tlie combat, be-
caiife he would run the rifqne of fmn^ him the
next day, and beating him bandfomely. With what
indignant contempt would a Blake, a Hawke,
or a Rodney, look down upon fuch p:iltry apo-
logies for cowardice and treachery ! yJnd thus the
honour of your Sovereign, the naval force of Britain^
and the inter eft of your country y fell a facrijice again
to your intrigues*
Having thus involved the Councils of the
State in almoft infuperable difficulties, and com-
pelled them to offer the mod liberal terms of
accommodation to the rebels — terms by which the
moft eflential prerogatives of the Crown, and the
moft important rights of Parliament, would have
been facrificed, had they been accepted; yet,
not having obtained your ends, and forefeeing
that an accommodation between the two coun-
tries would ruin your traitorous project, you ad-
vifed the Congrefs to treat thofe terms with con-
tempt, and told the Americans, if they would re-
ject them, that they would foon obtain, by your
aids, their wlfhed-for independence. They followed
your advice, as they had done before in refpeft
to the firfl conciliatory propojttions. And thus you
fruftrated the meafures of your Sovereign, and
prevented any negociation between the two coun-
tries from taking place.
ik
N
With
^iV
( 90 )
I
i
■'■If
11: ji
41 t '
11
• With much art and indiifliy you brought all
thefe difficulties upon the Councils of the State,
and thefe misfortunes on your country, with no
other defign than to diftrefs, and render odious
in the eyes of the people, an Adminiftration whofe
meafures, right or wrong, you have uniformly op-
pofed, and whofe offices you wifhed to obtain.
But failing in your defign, you recalled your
General and Admiral, with their numerous fa-
vourites and dependants. With thefe you at-
tempted to deceive the public Councils, and the
people at large, in the following important par-
ticulars : I ft, " That America was impradlicable
*' in refpeft to military operations. 2dly, That
^* the Colonifts were univerfally difafFcdled to the
*< Britifh Government. And jdly. That it was
^' im.polfible to reduce the rebellion with the im-
*« menfe force which had been fent over for that
*' purpofe,'* Thefe pofitions, you and your fac-
tion knew to be palpable untruthsy and the mofi
"Wicked of all public imp oft t ions.
Had you fucceeded in this national deception,
you forefaw that all the odium and public deteft-
ation of the authors of thofe enormous misfor-
tunes, which your cabals had brought on your
country, would have been transferred /r<?w jca to
the prefent Miniftry, And in that cafe, you ex-
pected that your Sovereign would have been com-
pelled, by the public clamours, to give way to
your intrigues, and to deliver up the right s, liber-
tieSf
C 9' )
ties, and fafety of his crcwjiy and of his "people, into
your hands \ and upon your failing in this mea-
fure, your next refolution was, to impeach the
fcrvants of the Crown of high treafon, and to fa-
erifice their lives to your lai^Hefs ambition. But tlie
American Minifter, not fo much deceived by
your General's and Admiral's artful letters and
mifreprefentations, as you expected, perfeclly ac-
quainted with the real ftate of America, and ron-
fcious of the reftitude, practicability, and ne;-
ceflity of the meafures which had been adopted,
met with undaunted firmnefs your infidious at-
tempt, and defeated ir.
Thus again difappointed, when you thought
you had arrived at the goal of your wiflies, cha-
grine fucceeded to difappointment. All hope of
obtaining the powers and wealth of the State, by
fecret intrigues and public deception, without open
violence, was loft. Open violence was therefore re-
folved on. For finding that neither the Ameri-
can rebellion, the lofs of the Northern Army, the
treachery of the two Brothers^ added to that of
your relation the Lee-fhore Admiral'., the war with
France and Spain, the millions which had been
wantonly and treacheroufiy wafted, with the mil-
lions which will be neceftary to recover the nation
from thofe misfortunes, could lower into defpond-
ency the fpirit of Britons, nor compel the virtue
pf your Sovereign to remove his faithful fervants,
^ % .and
m
:
It
it
V
( 92 )
and to receive your fafV.ion in their places ; — I fay,
not only perceiving all this, but that the fpirit of
your country, and the virtue of your Sovereign,
were riling into union, and determined with firm-
nefs to oppofe their domejlic as well ^% foreign ene-
tnies i your fa6t'on refolved, in ftri(ft imitation of
your great mailer Lucius Catiline, to wade through
confl'igrations and innjjacres, pubiic confufion and dif-
trejs, to the objects of your avarice and ambition;
and, in order to create that public confuftoni to
bury, by a general conflagration, one of the mo ft
fopulotis, wealthy, and flourifhing cities in the uni"
verfe in its own ajhes.
•k
If
m
What a fcene of terror and wickednefs is here
laid before the view of your fellow-citizens ! Did
not your hearts, when they meditated the de-
flruction of all that magnificence produced by the
art and labour of ages, and of all thofe inftru(51:ive
curiofities which had been collected by fo much
induftry from all parts of the globe, feel fome re-
morfe? Did not your confciences, when they re-
fieded on the ruin of thofe facred domes in which
your anceftors had worlhipped, feel fome compunc'
iion ? Had you loft all compaflion and mercy
for the thoufind? who muft have peri (bed, and the
hundreds of thoufands whom you would have re-
duced from opulence to want, dependent on the
cold hand of charity for their poor exiftence \
And;, above all, did not your fouls fhudder at the
• • ... '; thought.
I
t 93 )
thought, that you had refolved on the ilcflruclion
of the niofl: pcrfed fyitcm of liberty remaining
on cartli, for no other purpofc than to gratify your
lawlefs third /c/r wealth and dcfpotic power ? No 1
You did not i for your confederates adually at-
tempted, and partly executed, this infernal plot !
while the leaders of your faclion, unconcerned at
Ithe rapid progrefs made by their agents in the
horrid mifchief, remained inactive fpeftators.
Your hopes hourly rcfe, as the terror and difmay
of your innocent fellow-citizens incrcafcd. You
impatiently waited for the moment nf univerfal
ruin and confufion-, a moment fo propitious to your
pxeciable deligns, that you thought, when it ar-
rived, you might ftep in and " dire6l the ftorm.**
You would not fuffer yourfelves to refledl, that a
part of the dominions of your country, contain-
ing near 3,000,000 of your fellow-lubjeds, had
been reduced by your arts, from the higheft ftate
of human freedom and felicity, to the lowefl: of
human tyranny and mifery. Nor would you per-
mit yourfelves to confider, that already more
than 100,000 of your unhappy Americau fellow-
fubjc6ts had fallen the viclirns to your ambition
and treafon. Nor did even tlic lofs of thofe gal-
lant Britons in the military and naval fervice,
who have fallen, and who muft fall, in vindicat-
ing the independence and fovereignty of your
country againft the rebellion you have excited, and
. ^he war you had effecced witli the two Houfes of
2 Bourbon^
fc
I
( 94 )
Bourbon, in the lead difcouragc you from your
nefarious defign. Refolvcd to gratify your dif-
fipation and ambition, the lives ot your fellow-
citizens were matters of no confequence, when
compared with the objedls of your wickednefs and
trealbn.
1
r
I
U J
Longj Catiline, did your predecefTor and his
facftion riot undetecfted in his public villanies.
The wealth of Rome, the difTipation and profli-
gatenefs of the people, rendered them the eafy
dupes of his fair pretences and infidious arts.
For a time, while their credulity was more pow-
erful thflii their reafon, and all the virtuous qua-
lities of the mind were led in captivity by his
fedudion, they thought he was 2^ friend to liberty^
and therefore fupported his meafures ; and while
they imagined, by following Lucius Catiline, they
were purfuing their true intereft, they embraced
his treafon. But in that very moment, which
relieved them from his enchantment, as foon as
they perceived that the ultimate wiili of his heart
was to bury Rome in its own afhes^ and to ufurp a de-
fpotic power over their lives and efiates, they deferted
him and his fadlion. They faw, like a fenfible peo-
ple, who knew their own good, that thefe traitors,
notwithf^anding their long-continued profefTions
of difintereftednefs, of public virtue, love of li-
berty, and regard for the poor 5 and notwith-
ftanding their clamorous declamations, however
^ " plaufible.
'
( 95 )
plaufible, againfl the fcrvants of the public,
pofiTefleJ not one fpark of public virtue; that they
detejled the poor^ and abhorred the very name of
liberty j and in thole rare moments, when their
iicads were laid on their pillows, and their lei«
furc permitted them to reflect on their wicked-
nefs, they admired the virtues of the men, whom,
to gratify their own ambitious defires, they mofi
abufed, and intended to dejlroy. And hence the
people of Rome were perfe<5tly convinced, that
Lucius Catiline and his fadion meditated the de-
Jlrudion of their country and its freedom, in order
to divide its fpoils^ and riot in its ruin.
Thus at length delivered from the fafcination
of the confpirators, reafon^ public virtue, a fenfe of
their own true interejl^ and of the national honour
and f^fety^ took place j and the Roman peo-
ple invoked the immortal gods to punifj them.
Nor were they deficient in their duty to them-
i'elves and to their country. As the inllruments
of unerring Wifdom, they compelled L. Catiline
and his atrocious confederates to feek a tempo-
rary aiylum in open rebellion, where they fell
facrifices to the hideoufnefs of their treafon ; and
their country and its liberties ivcre delivered from
utter dejlru^ion,
I have thus, Catiline, laid before you the true
flate of your dcfperate affairs, that you may, if
you
miTr*: -Sii ' M n p, ^ r»*ii *
r
s
< 96 )
you pleafe, avoid the fate of your predccefTof.
Bur this I have done only in compliance with the
will of Heaven. — I know, that *' neither the oc-
«' cafions of the State, a fenfe of your crimes, or
** Ihame, or fear of punifhmcnt, or reafon, can
*f reclaim you from your madnefs and trea-
*' fon." — You will proceed in your inextinguifti-
able and infatiate ambition, until all virtuous
men fliall pronounce you the tnofl abandojitd of
cofifprators, and hlackejt of all traitors-, and the
judgment of Omnipotence, when it Ihall fall hea-
vy upon your faftion, fhall be acknowledged to be
jtijl both by heaven a?id earth,
CICERO.
P, S, It has not been uncommon for the moft
important truths to remain problematical for a
time, amidft the confufion of party, and the rub-
bifli of mifreprefentation and falfehood. The
minds of men, which can contain and compare
a certain number of ideas only at once, become
perplexed, and their judgments confounded in
the multiplicity of contradictory pofitions, Rea-
fon is blindly led aftray from thofe material fads
and circumftances, in which truth is always to be
found.
I
This was truly the cafe in refpetSt to the corl-
duifl of the two Brothers in the American war.
The public, for a time milled by their miffev
prefentationsj
III
lit
( 97 )
pfefentations, aiiJ tin* ni;i'Utlcrs falfchoodi; and
grouiidlcfij clamours of a fadio;!, believed tluic
they had tlifchan^ed their duty to their country
wicli fidelity dnd iionoiir, and that all the failures
and ill fuccefs in that war, had been owinnr to
the neglect or treachery of the fervants ol' the
crown. But as foon as thofe few leading facfls
and circumftances that were necelfary to dilpel
the mifis which the faction, with infinite indullry,
had raifed, were candidly related, reafon afTum-
ed its throne in the minds of the public, and up-
right decifion univerfally followed i infomuch that
there is now no man in the kingdom who has
read them, but is convinced, and none, who are
not of their party, that will not confefs, that y^d-
miniftratioji have faithfully difcharged their duty,
and the two Brcthers betrayed their country.
In the fame problematical fufpcnfe the condud
of the Lee-Jhore Adrairal has remained before the
public. The fame caufes have produced the like
doubts and contrary opinions, refpeding his na-
val condufl on the 27th of July. Truths which
always fhines mod in its native fnnplicity, has
been fufrounded and almoft totally inveloped in
party cabrls, mifreprefcntations and falfehoods:
whereas a few efTential f^icls, which cannot de-
ceive when fnnply pi.,, together, would have re-
lieved her from her embarrafsment, and flallied
convidlion on every mind which was difpol'ed to
fee her in her pure and native light.
O What
..I
U
I'M
( 93 )
What then are thofe fadts which will inform the
candid enquirer, whether the Admiral dilcharged
the duty of a gallant officer and a friend to his
country ? Was he furnifhcd with a force equal to
that of the enemy he was fent to combat ? is the
firft queflion which every man of fenle and can-
dour will alk. The anfwer to this queflion is
contained in the following authentic lift of the
two fleets.
jr^ Comparifon of the Forces of the Britifh and French
FleetSy when they met offUfhant on the I'jih of July ^
1778.
Forces e q^u a l.
Ii
French line.
Guns.
Guns. Britifh line;
Le Bretagne,
100
100 Vidory
Le Ville de Paris,
90
90 Queen
Le Couronne,
80
80 Foudroyant
Le Robufte,
74
74 America
L'Orient,
74
74 Egmont
Le Glorieux,
74
74 Valiant
Le Conquerant,
74
74 Courageux
Le Fend ant.
74
74 Ramillies
1/ Magnifique,
74
74 Hedor
Le Palmier,
74
74 Monarquc
L'Intrepid,
74
74 Berwick
L'Aftif,.
74
74 Elizabeth
Le Zodiac,
74
74 Cumberland
Le Diademe,
74
74 Robuft
Le Bien Aime,
74
74 Centaur
Le Solitaire,
64
64 Sterling Caflle
Le Vengeur,
64
64 Worcefter
Forces
( n )
Forces e c^u a l.
French line. Guns, Guns, Britijh line.
Le Reflechy,
L'Artificn,
L'Actionnair,
L'Indien,
^4 64 Exeter
64 64 Bienfaifant
64 64 Defiance
64 64 Vigilant
1542 1542
Fo
R C E S U N E
Le St. Efprit, 80
Le Dauphin Royal, 70
L'Eveillc, 64
Le Sphynx, 64
Le Roliand, 5^
L'Annphion^ ^o
392
Q^U A L,
90 Ocean
90 Formidable
90 Sandwich
90 Prince George
90 Duke
74 Vengeance
74 Shrewfbury
74 Thunderer
74 Terrible
746
Total guns in the Britifli line, ^
Total guns in the French line, ^
Difference, In favour of the Britilh —
2288
'934
354
I^y this hfl It appears that the BritiHi line was
greatly fuperior in force to that of the enemy
liie former had three iliips of the line more than
^ 2 (lie
h
I
Hi.
( lOo )
the latter, fliould l/Amphion carrying only
50 guns be ranked of the line; in the Frcnc!^
line there were only iwo three deckers. In the
Brmihfeve}!, In the French m?ie of 64 ^uns, and
mie of 50. And in the BntiH^Jix only of 64, and
nil tPje others of 74 and upwards. And the Britifli
had the lliperiority of 354 cannon. Thefe cir-
cumftances alone, when candidly weighed, mull
give to the Britilh Admiral a great luneriority of
force to that of his enemy.
Every focicty, whca it confers on an officer the
command of a force in any degree fupcrior to that
of an enemy, expe6ls to have in return a defeat of
that enemy, or fome advantage gaijied. BrilonSy
whenever they have fcnC out a force only equal
to that of the French^ liave ever been taught to
expect, from the iuperior itrength, {leadinefs, and
gallantry of their men, to look for certain vi61:ory
and fucccfs. And events have ever proved their
expeclations juil and reafonable, except when,
there has been fome intervening treachery or cow-
ardii'C) or ibme very extraordinary and unfore-
fcen accident. From fuch a fuperiority of foice
on the 27th of July, what ought Britons rationally
to have expelled ? Might they not — Had they not
('. right ]u^\y to have looked for a total defeat of
their inferior enemy, if not a termination of the
war ? Was there any thing wanting in the equip-
ment of the fleet ? Or did any thing happen aut
:. of
( lot )
of the common courfc of naval expeditions,
which, when placed in oppofition to this great
fuperiority of force, could rcdnce it to a balance
with that of the enemy, or which ought in reafon
to apologize for the want of fuccefs? No. None
of thefc circumdances have had an cxillence. Nor
have any of them been produced in the Admiral's
vindication. FJfis force was well appointed i his
ihips were well manned j the wind and fea fa-
voured both his manoeuvres and his atlion i
v/hile they diftrefled thofe of his enemy, and ren-
dered his exertions greatly embarraffed and lefs
erfeftual. The gale was fteady ; the Britifh line
was to the leeward of tne French. This circum-
ftance alone gave the BritiHi Admiral an oppor-
tunity, by proper meafures, to receive his enemy
in ivbat manner he pie afcd. Befides, it placed the
lower batteries of the French (liips nearly even
with the water, a circumftance iibich grciilly ob-
firuoied their life : while it elevated thofe of the
Britifn, and gave them every advautage in aoVron,
Flence it muft be obvious to every pcrlbn verfed
in m.arine affairs, that the truly lliperior prowels
of Britifh feamen, all the advantages tliat wind
and weather could afford, and a great fuperiority
of naval force, placed vic^lury and fuccefs before
t\\Q. Britifh Admiral, had he been dilpofed to im-
prove thefe advant.ige.s. V/hat would a Blake,
an Hawke, or a Rodney, have done under tlic
like circumilances, pronrifing fo much fiime to
himfcT,
V
1
( 102 )
himfelF, • and iuch benefits to his country ? Let
the voice of truth j let the glory of their aclions
proclaim it in the ears of Britons. They wouKl
have burni, funk, or taken the greater part of this
jjojiile fleet.
And yet notwlthflanding all thefe aufpicious
circuniilances, alluring the Admiral to crop the
laurels they had placed before him, he was at-
tacked by this inferior enemy. His fecond in
command, witli all the gallantry of a Briton, ««-
(onrxtied ijc'ub fa^ioiiy fuftained the heat of the bat-
tle, occafioned by his AdmirdV^ twjl'ilful or trea-
fberous manceuvres, %
The plan of the naval combat being difcon-
certed, the enemy again drew up in a line of bat-
tle, and challenged the Britilh Admiral to a fe-
cond adlion. He by this time was to leeward,
and could do no more. But the Britifli Admiral
rcfufed the challenge, in order tp have an oppor-
tunity of beating him the next day handfomely.
What were the meafures he purfued to effeft this
purpofe ? — The very reverfe of what he would have
done had he meant to carry it into execution.
The French Admiral having out-manoeuvred him,
or excelled him in fidelity to his country, was
now to the leeward. He kept up his lights during
the whole night, and continued his courfe under
an eafy fail, hoping the Eritifli Admiral would
do
I
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I
( >oj )
do the fame, and again try his fkill. But h\s
hopes deceived him. The Eritifli Admiral had
no fuch dcfign. For although this manoeuvre
waL the only one which would enable him to kcej>
tip with the enemy the next day, it waa neglected.
His lights were cxtingiiifhed at eleven o'clock at
nighr, that his fleet might not be {cen by chat
enemy from which he intended ignnminioitfly to fy.
And accordingly he fufFered his fleet to fall in the
rear of the French at day-break. And alchou.Q-h
they were within fight he tacked, inglorioujly fled
from an inferior enemy ^ and tock refuse in Ply-
mouth,
Such are the important facets — fuch is the truth,
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, when
iindifguifed by the arts of defigning men. — Upon
thefe fads then let impartial Britons decide, whe-
ther there is not demonftration itfelf, that the Ad-
miral intended from the beginning to helrcy his
country to the intrigues of his faSlion,
The time has been when Britons inquired who^
fought i and who did not fght. Upon thefe cir-
cumftances only, the prowefs or the treachery of
their fervants was decided. The Romans would
not truft, a fecond time, even an unfortunate Ge-
neral % — and a Byng was executed only for an
error in judgment. Such has been the public
virtue of Romans and Britons. But now difll-
pated
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( 104 )
pated luxurious Britons have lod the virtue anJ
iiigacity of their anccftors, and, miOed by fiidion,
know not zvhat ihey do»
T
For on account of this inglorious condudi,
through the ii ''■\mous arts of that junto, who im-
pudently ftile themfelves Patriots, the cities of
London and Weltminfter were illutninatcd, the
Admiral carried in triumph through them, ai 1
the thanks of the nation, tlie higlicd reward ■^'
the 'Virtuous m?d the braver were proltituted to ti, i
betrayer of his country^ while that gallant ofTiccr,
\i\\o fought in his country's caufea greatly fuperior
force, until his fhip was utterly dilabled, has been
falfely accufed, his public fame infamoufly tradu-
ced, and his houfe dellroyed by the milguided rage
of his deluded fellow-citizens. The moft precious
gift in the power of Britons to bellow, has been fo
infamoufly proltituteci to reward the coward or the
traitor, that the brave and the loyal will efteem it
hereafter a difbonour to accept it. O tell it not
within the walls of the H — e of C ns I nor ever
let it be remembered in the JJle of Great Britain,
'.h :.■.
HT
Jy.
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FINIS,
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