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d^-^iai^^ ^ ^C^« ^ ''-''^ ^ 
 
EDOUARD RICHARD 
 
 ACADIA 
 
 MISSING LINKS OF A LOST CHAPTER 
 
 IN AMERICAiN HISTORY 
 
 BY 
 
 AN' \r\DI.\\ 
 
 bx-mkmi;i:k ,11.- ■nil. n.^Lik ui- lo.mmo.vs or cavad/* 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 NKW VORK 
 
 MONTFiKAl. 
 
 JOHN l^UVKKl, a SOX 
 
Hi 
 
 
 Z63819 
 
 ') 
 
 ,\ 
 
 Enlcreil nccoiding to Act of Parliament, in tlic yoai one lliousand ciglit 
 hundrol and ninety livj. by I-jmhaki. Kn iiakh, in tlie oflice of 
 the Minister <if At^riciillure rnd Stnii>tit>. at Uiiawa. 
 
 I 
 
 
 T ' % 
 
 I I I 
 
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 
 
 The work T am now niulertaking has never Ijeen done 
 bef'oiv. Tliis sweeping assertion may iustonish the 
 leafier: hnt there is this very good reason tor making 
 il : the arehives of the most im[)ortant part of this 
 history have l)een either carried off, or destroyed, or 
 simply lost. Which of these alternatives is the most 
 likeh' will appear later t»n. 
 
 An American writer, Philij) H. Smith, treating of 
 the same subject, gave his book this title : '• Acadia — • 
 A Lost Cliapter in American History." Though he lia<l 
 not the documents neede<l for a comj)lete reconstnit lion, 
 yet, with his sound judgment and great imparti;iiity, by 
 making good ise of what he had in hand, he luis man- 
 aged to hit upon a line of development tliat affords 
 a glimpse of wliat was liiddeu in thj missing docu- 
 ments. 
 
 That lost chapter I believe I have reconstructed in its 
 essential parts. The reader will judge if the title I 
 have chosen suits the work I lay before him. Have I, 
 then, found the missing portion of the archives ? Yes 
 and no. A considemble part of them will, probably, 
 never be found ; but good liujk has put in ray way frag- 
 ments of them, which are amply sufficient to throw 
 light, if not upon the secret details of this history, a* 
 
INTHODUrxOUY KKMAItKS. 
 
 ; I ' 
 Mi 
 
 ! 
 
 
 leiwt upon its main outlines, (lose and continue*! 
 thought has done the rest. 
 
 It is eiusy to untlei"stand what lively interest these 
 events excite in a great grandson of the transported 
 Acadians. That which for others was only a matter of 
 curiosity heeanie for mean intense attraction, urging ma 
 to undertake lesearclies an<l meditations that seem to 
 jiave disheartened those who have hitherto ap[)roaehed 
 the (question. The very mystery that enshroufls it luw 
 ilrawn to it many writers : hut lahor that is continually 
 running against all sorts of diftieulties soon hcciuues 
 wearisome, and so it hius haiijiened that all these writers 
 have ended either hy leaving a hlank here or hy copying 
 the shadowy sketch found in authors who had opened the 
 way. 
 
 All the importauiuj of this history of Acadia, from 
 the English concpiest in 1710 initil 1T<»8, was centered 
 in the events that brought ahout the transportation, 
 in the transportation itself and in its conseipienccs ; 
 that, is to say, in the period that extends from 1743 
 to 1763, or even to 17GG. Before that, tluue is noth- 
 ing but unimportant facts. No one will tarry to de- 
 scribe a river peacefully flowing through a valley 
 where the landscape on all sides is monotonous in its 
 sameness ; but, once this tiresome monotony is past, if 
 we reach mighty and fantastic cliffs, overhanging rocks, 
 foaming surges dashing from chasm to chasm, we 
 stop, we are thrilled with wonder at the wild wreck 
 wrought by the ceaseless buffeting of the waters. This 
 is the aspect of the story I am about to tell. It is 
 the only part of Acadian history that presents a real 
 and varied interest, it ought therefore to have l>een 
 related in detail ; and yet, all we have of it so far \a 
 
iNTi;ni»i < roi;v kkmaijks. 
 
 8 
 
 a MMi^li skt'tcli tliiit h'iivt's out tlu! palpitiiting pity of 
 it all. 
 
 Mow «'iini.'.s it tliiit tlui (locinmMits of so important a 
 period liavi; (lisJij)[K?sirtMr/ Was tliis tin* ii'sult (»! ac- 
 citlciit or (li'sign? Many writci-s have asj<c<l this 
 <]iH'stioii l)oforo. 'riios«j who liav«^ answered il have all 
 done so in tlic saiim way. Otlicrs liavcf ignored it. 
 j;lviii<^ tlie rcadi'r no liint of tins stiani:,'!! disappt'iiiaucf. 
 ( J ranting that tlu'so hitter did not share the suspicions 
 of tlie former, it seems evident that they ought at least 
 to have condjated tliose susj>ieions, or at all events to 
 have mentioned the disai)pearivnee of the doeiuuents, were 
 it only to let the reader know why they were sohrief in 
 their treatment of so imjjortant an ei)oeh. Did tin y 
 think that obvious inferences uni)alatal)Ie to them were 
 easy to (h'aw? Perhaps. 
 
 However this may be, fttw writers have l)estowed on 
 this '* Lost Chapter" as nnuh as one-sixth of thes[)a(i' 
 I am giving to it. Nf)W, unless I be des[»airingly 
 prolix, this fact suilic^es to show that I must have under- 
 gone serious labor ami havt* found much informatiou 
 that is new. On this score I may assun; the reader 
 that he will not be disappointed. What opinion soever 
 he may form of my work, lie will not Ijc able to denv 
 that lie has been interested by a mass of unetlited doi u- 
 meuts, by novel views, and by inferences from which it 
 is hard to escape. Most of my readei-s, I am sure. ■\\ ill 
 readily admit that this book is (juite a revelation, that it 
 solves a problem over which the world has l)een puz- 
 zling for more than a century. 
 
 Kv(M"y one knows how dee[) are the impressions pi "•- 
 duced ou a child by the tales he has heard at the lire- 
 side, esi)ecially when their very character is full of dra- 
 
T"^ 
 
 INTKODl't'TOUV KKMAItKS. 
 
 1^1 
 
 m 
 
 i 
 
 iiMiii' interest ; iind, il' tlit.'se events are jieisoiml to the 
 Jiiitli(ti's of oiii' U'lMj^f, then they take on portenttms pro- 
 poi'tions and iH'eoine ineradieahly riveted in <>ni- minds. 
 So it has h»'iMi I'oi' nie with tho events tliat pieeeded, 
 iieeompiinied iind foUowed the (h'poitation. Sitting nu 
 my Jnolher's knee, I have heard them repeated a hun(h-ed 
 times, and the teaix they often drew Irom me wouhl 
 alone snllie(! to jierpetnate lh(! lememhraiici! <»!' them. 
 The whoU' of my chihlliuod was spent in the midst, of 
 an Acadian settK;ment. 'I'hen were still alive tin; sons 
 of those who liad het'n deported, facts were still fresh in 
 their memories, and each family could reeonstrnct tht! 
 series of its misfortunes from thetinu'it IcftfJraml l*re, 
 lioauhassin or Port lloyal till its linal si-ttlemeut in 
 Canada.* 
 
 Since that time the yi'iicration that was <lyinj,' out 
 has made? way for a new one. I have myself loni,' left 
 my childhood's home, ami those memories, persistent 
 lhout>li they he, have lost the precision tliat was needed 
 to <;ive them the weight of carefully eollei'ted traditions. 
 Uesides, as my lecollections hear only on the purely 
 material facts of the deportation and of the misfortunes 
 that followed in its train, they would affoid but slendei' 
 inttjrest to my readers. This only will I say, that the 
 Invariahle answer of all whom I questioned ivs to the 
 cause of this de[)ortation was : the refusal to take the 
 oath of allesriiuice unless it were stipulated that they 
 should not bear arms against the French. 
 
 " But," I used often to reply, " that cannot be ; your 
 fathers must have Ixumi guilty of some act of hostility, 
 
 * I still have by mo an aged hik-Ii-— Itaphael Richard — who n-iiR'nilHirfl 
 very distinctly ha vinp heard his grandfather relate tho incidents of the do- 
 portatiOD, of which be had l>een himself a Tictim at the age of elovea. 
 
 Il 
 
1 to the 
 oils pnw 
 r minds. 
 ivcimKhI, 
 Itin^ on 
 liuiidrcd 
 ■ would 
 >r llieni. 
 iiidst ot" 
 \\\v soils 
 IVcsli ill 
 nict tilt' 
 iiid I'll', 
 lucnt ill 
 
 :\\['^ out 
 loiit^ left 
 crsistent 
 ■i needed 
 aditions. 
 
 ! piiiely 
 fortunes 
 slender 
 lat the 
 to the 
 ake the 
 it they 
 
 ; your 
 ostility, 
 
 •iiii'mlHirfl 
 tuf thodo- 
 olovoa. 
 
 iNTUoiUMToKV i:i:mai;ks. 5 
 
 in one way or anoilk-r, wliicii foired the ( Joveinnient 
 to ai t with rij,'or : the jmnishinent was too severe, and 
 yet the choice nf means alone seems hlameworthy." 
 Ami there came hack always the |)i*eeise and formal 
 answer — that never, at anytime, ilid the j)eo|ile dwellinfjf 
 in the j»ei:insnla on Mni^lish territory, take n|i or i-veii 
 threaten to take \\[> aims. 
 
 In spite uf their alViriiiatinns I had always tlioiitilit 
 that they were niislakcii ; and. stranj^i' as it may seem, 
 my only wish had Ijeen to convince myself tliat they 
 \\ fit- wrony:. Thus at least would the hitteniess e\ i»kc<l 
 liv these memories have heeii lessened hy tiit; certainty 
 that the cause of all this w(»e was to some extent a 
 righteous one. 1 would then have likened, or. at any 
 rate, tried to liken these sad events to so many ntliei- 
 talamities that have, in l)y^n)iie aj^^es. hefalleii all ntlicr 
 nations indiscriminately. Whatever may Im; the (luclty 
 (if a chiistisemeiit, it is some consolation to know with 
 » crtainty that it was partly deserved : forgiveness and 
 ohlivion l)eeome jxjssihle, nay, ]»erha|iN a duty. 
 
 No such (MHisolation has issued from my conscientious 
 researches. I am convinced, heyond all donht. that 
 tradition faithfully rej»roiluced historic truth : hut 
 — eagerly do I proclaim it. incredihle though it may 
 seem — the Home (fovernnient had nothing to do with 
 either tlie resolving np(tn or the i-arrying out of this act 
 of harharity that has left upon tlu^ civili/ed world an 
 impression of ineradicahle and unassuageahle i)ain. 
 
 'I'here are events ami nu'ii that lill a large ]ilace in 
 the eyes of their contemporaries. I'hey hid fair to be 
 long held in rememhrance and [)erliaps to he immortal- 
 ized in history: yet. hardl}' have they disajipeared, when 
 every trace of tliem is forgotten. Others again there 
 
1: 
 
 
 » ; 
 
 U 
 
 lNTI!nIHr(Vr(MtV ItKMAItKS. 
 
 Hit', apitiii'tMitly less iiii|H)rti(iit, less iioticcMl ut the time, 
 wliiili never seem tf» l«>se the iiitoivst tliiit clings to tliein. 
 Kiiiiilly, there are other events and men that may be 
 Nii<l to |,M(UV in ma<rnitu<h^ with the veiy jjrowth of the 
 (hstiinre that separates us t'roni them. To this hutt 
 <iitei;ory lH*h)n^. in ancient liistory, th«' sie^e of Troy, 
 the hatthi of ihermopyhe ; nuMi like Homer, I'luto, 
 Socrates: and, in modtMii history, the sipnin^ of tlie 
 Mag'na Charta, the massacre of St. Hartholemew, 
 Columhus, Shakespeare, Washinjjlon. So will it be, I 
 venture to think, with the deportation of the Aeadians. 
 This uni({ue fact of the dispersion of a people will prow 
 SIS time prows. 'J'he very effort made to blot out all 
 trace of it, by supjuessinp Iwth the documents and th 
 names that .should enprave it on the memory, vill 
 contribute more than anythinp eb»e to make tli« 
 recfdlection of it lastinp. Where the historian cannta 
 jHMietiate the ])oet enteis. 'I'hese mutilated or lost 
 chapters of history then beeome a field from which 
 the ]K)et pleans the polden prain that has escaped 
 destrut'tion, and pives to prateful humanity tlM«se 
 touchinp poems for which he is repaid by immoi'tality. 
 And. indeed, what liehl can offer him a richer harvevSt 
 than this one? A happy and prosperotis people rudely 
 snatched from its home, dispei-sed on every shore ; families 
 rent usiuider, so that scattered memltei-s .seek each other 
 durinp many long years ; the melanclioly monotony of 
 lives consecmte*! to sorrow and suffering, — all this is so 
 charged with " the slings and arrows of outrageous 
 fortune " as to produce in him who poiulers it all, after 
 more than a century, an indetinable feeling of sadness. 
 The victims of this dismal drama still tug at your lieart 
 strings like the wailings of some hero of ancient trag- 
 
INTItoiMTTnlJY Itl'.MAItKS. 
 
 im|\. riif (M)iisi'C|iU'ii(t's dl" iliis ilispiTsioii (iiiiiiot Imj 
 ini'iisiiii-d : tlii'V liiivc icucIkmI nut into ('V(M'y family and 
 to lacli iik'IiiIm-i' 1)1' cvfiv I'aniily: each licurt litis felt lliu 
 tnitlMf. rarh iicivc llir criU'l tuillj^c. 
 
 if I lia\< not Imtii al>lc to liixl in i1ii'S(> cveiits that 
 coint'oii wliii li ill*- ('t>rlilu<l«' of ii merited cliastisi'inciit 
 mi-^'lit have alVoiihil me. I must admit that theiini>-]iurtiei- 
 |i,iiion of (lie Moiiie (iovei'iiiiieiil has heeii a j^Tt'at lelief 
 fioiii the NJiiisiei' thoughts that haunted niv inain. No; 
 thi- l-Ji^'li>h < ioveiiinienl neverordei v I this de|)oi-tatii)n, 
 iioi cMT 'Hd anyihinji; lliat niiL>hl im|'. it; (|iiite thu 
 eoiitiaiy. This work will yive in(Usputal»h) )iio(»i' that, 
 at the \ery moment when (Jov .or La wn?n . falsely 
 !akin«;llis Ahijesly's name. \\ as exeen ^nj,' the |>r()jeet 
 lu' liail ioni; enlerlaiaed, oiih'ix wrr'-. auihosst'd to him 
 eondenniinjL:'. in eneij^«'lie teiins, the mitiifated jirojoct h« 
 iiad snlanitted to the lamls of Tiad*' It is a stmngo 
 thinj; — w hieh shov.s Jiow sui>erf'ii'ially history is sonu'- 
 tinies wiitten — that not one of the dixMimunts ostublish- 
 itij,' so impoitatit a faet lias Imh'Ii cited hy any English 
 hisioiian. Koi- some, tlm motive of theii* silenee will 
 npjieai- in the eoui'se of this narrative. For others, it 
 was a <|nestion of following tlu; Ix'ateii jiatli latlier than 
 laeing the lalMir o( cutting thiough a jungle. 
 
 It, is not my intention to indicate »'ven hriefly, in 
 these preliminary remarks, the important data on which 
 this l»o(»k rests. Thai would «ause unnecessai-y delay. 
 Siit'tiee it to assnri' those who take a deep intei'est in 
 mailers of hisiory. that they will iind in ihis volume 
 ainph' salisfiiction for theii' curiosity, and, prohahly, the 
 snhition of the riddle that has long tea.sed them. J*er- 
 haps they will he still hetter [)leased to follow gradually, 
 withoul further explanations, the connected series of 
 
8 
 
 lNTIM)l»r(TOI!Y ItKMAItKS. 
 
 hi 
 
 i ' i 
 
 facts brought to liglit l)y mjiiiy hitherto luipublished 
 documents to he found lieiv. 
 
 I iini fully iiwiixe of the prejudices that may uiise in 
 the minds of my leadeis, prejudices whose Jianie very 
 likely is legion ; hut I am also aware that they avIU 
 disappear one by one, till the last of them, I hope, a\ ill 
 evaporate long before the reading of my last clia[)ter. 
 Far from wondering at these prejudices, I should l>e 
 liable to them myself, were I in the reader's i)lace ; I 
 coiild ndt, at first blush, shake off the impression that 
 he who relates events with which his ajieestors have 
 been so painfully connected, cannot view them with 
 that calm im[)artialit3' which is a requisite of liistorv. I 
 unhesitatinglj' confess that these events liave luodnced 
 on me the keiMiest of impressions, that my heart has 
 bled at the recital of the woe that crushed my forefathers. 
 Still, desi)ite all this, I hope to convince the reader that I 
 have not been biassed. No doubt education has a mighty 
 influence in giving, from childhood, a fixedness t<^ the 
 opinions of one's whole life. For most men early educa- 
 tion is everything, they are its slaves from the cradle to 
 tlie grave ; it has eiiuipped them with spectacles, green 
 or blue, through which they look at and^jronoume with- 
 out appeal on the most varied colors. Hut, there are 
 others who, thanks to a more elastic temperament, are able 
 to make a clean sweep of whatever is cumbrous in their 
 past, to begin to examine anew whatever is not certain, 
 and thus to break througb the narrow liorizon that shut 
 them in. Ft)r better or for worse, this is, in a very 
 marked degree, my own disposition. 
 
 This work was first intended for my French com- 
 patriots: but, on second thoughts, I decided to present 
 it also to my Knglish-s[)eaking fellow-countrymen. 
 
INTKODUCTOKY KEMAIIKS. 
 
 9 
 
 lublished 
 
 aii.se in 
 
 line very 
 
 liey will 
 
 ope, uill 
 
 clia[)ter. 
 
 Iioiild l>e 
 
 [)laee ; I 
 
 sioii tliiit 
 
 ors have 
 
 em witii 
 
 story. I 
 
 produced 
 
 leart lias 
 
 •efatluMs. 
 
 lertlial \ 
 
 11 mighty 
 
 !ss to the 
 
 ly educa- 
 
 evadle to 
 
 es, green 
 
 ue with- 
 
 here are 
 
 , aie al)le 
 
 in their 
 
 : certain, 
 
 hat shut 
 
 1 a very 
 
 ch com- 
 ) present 
 len. 
 
 Albeit historians are not wont to dilate on their own 
 pei-sonality, I will, nevertheless, make boid to say that, as 
 far ivs I may jndge, my chief characteristic Is kindliness. 
 Wherever 1 could, without too greatly jeopardizing the 
 truth, I have been delighted to lean to the :idc of indul- 
 gence. When I might have called in question the sin- 
 cerity of several historians, I refrained from doing so ; 
 nay, I have sometimes been so indulgent as to suppose, 
 against my plain convictions, honorable intentions, on 
 the principle i,hat it was better to sin b}' excess of silence 
 and mercy rather than by too great severity. But, when 
 brought face to face with systematic attempts, unmistak- 
 able and continually renewed, to falsify histor}', I have 
 thought that silence l)ecame a fault, and that the finger 
 of scorn must be laid on these dishonest practices, and 
 on those who perpetrated them with malice prepense. 
 
 The exception I have just hinted at bears on the 
 ccmipiler of tlie volume of Archives of Nova Scotia and 
 on Mr. Parkman. Regretfully do I say this ; but the 
 evidence leaves no possibility of doubt. 
 
 As I advance nothing without proof, the public will 
 be in a position to judge whether or not my motives are 
 solidly grounded. I know that I am laying myself open 
 to reprisals; but I believe that I can successfully face 
 them, and that I can defend my position still more 
 strongly than I have done here. However, despite my 
 efforts to master the question, I may have made some 
 mistakes; some secondary or even important facts may 
 liave escaped my knowledge ; this would not be suri)ris- 
 ing, since I am engaged in reconstructing, in a lost 
 cliapter, the fragments that have not been destroyed. 
 If there are mistakes, I will willingly acknowledge 
 them ; but it is one thing to be ignorant of unpublished 
 

 Wi 
 
 \ 
 
 Ml 
 
 » ' 
 
 
 i! 
 
 10 
 
 INTUODUCTOltV It KM AUKS. 
 
 facts, tand quite another to duitoit or suppress what one 
 cannot but know. 
 
 However, my conclusions agree in the main with 
 those of most historians. During more than a liundred 
 yeai*s all that was written on the subject was pretty 
 much from tlie same standpoint. Fii-st, comes Kaynal, 
 who wrote al)out 1780, shortly after tlie deportation. 
 His work might possess some value, if lie had lived 
 in the country, or if, at least, he had visited it and col- 
 lected information on the si)ot. Being a contemporary 
 of the events — he was l)orn in 171-3 — he might have 
 written a work of much weight. Unfoitunately lie did 
 not avail himself of his opportunities. So, without ques- 
 tioning his sincerity, I attach so little value to his say- 
 ings and his opinions that I do not quote him even 
 once. His views have no importance except as a reflec- 
 tion of the ideas and sentiments that then were current 
 in France. Besides, Kaynal does not strike me as a 
 serious writer ; at best, he is a superfine story-teller in 
 the pompous and turgid style of the epoch. The flat- 
 tering picture he draws of Acadian manners is, I admit, 
 too ideal not to have been somewhat emliellished by his 
 imagination. And yet we have numerous proofs that, 
 in Halifax itself, a goodly portion of the citizens did not 
 think him very unreal. Haliburton, who Avrote forty 
 yeais later, quotes Raynals appreciations, and points 
 out that he was not so far from the truth as people might 
 imagine. 
 
 After Raynal comes Haliburton himself (Thomas 
 Chandler Haliburton). Here we have no longer a for- 
 eigner, nor a superfine story-teller, but a son of the soil, 
 whose grandfather, a Loyalist, had immignited to the 
 country after the American war of Independence ; a 
 
INTIIODl'l TOl:V I;K.MAIMv!S. 
 
 11 
 
 uv.xu. inorcover, wlio rose to the Supieine Court lU*ncli 
 (if liis j)i(»viiK;t', a reuiarkable autlior, wlio enjoyed the 
 ies|i('(i of his fenow-eoiintryinen, anil was honored hy 
 ]ii>i Sovereign. His position, his eharacter, his judicial 
 iiiiinl, liis great and varied talents mark him out jus the 
 lujhlest representative of the eminent men this highly 
 favoied province lias produced. 
 
 His Ifistorv of Nova Scotia does not tjive us the full 
 measure of his literary ability : l)ut it does of his noble 
 ( humcter. of his reetitiule, and of the efforts he made to 
 ;u(juire a n^astery of his subject, so as to guide the public 
 along the path liis conscience showed him. He founded 
 ilie history of his ])rovince, for which he received a vote 
 of thanks from the J-.egislature. To this da}^ Jiis work 
 is continually consulted as an authority, and is a founda- 
 tion for most of those who treat of local liistory. This 
 liook was i>ublished in 1820. As it wjis in preparation 
 lor many years previo s to that date, and as he was then 
 ■A middle-age<l man, Ik may 1k! said to have been a con- 
 tempomry of some of the men who figured at the time 
 of the deportation. 'JMins, besides his researches in his- 
 torical documents, he could take advantage of much 
 oral information on matteis that wei'e still fresh in men's 
 memories. The sequel will show that his conclusions 
 do not differ materially from mine. 
 
 Thirty years later (1M")1>), Kameau published "La 
 France aux Colonies '' and, in 1880, ''line Colonic F^odale 
 tn Amerique." In 18(15 appeared ihv " History of Nova 
 Scotia " by Beamish Murdoch. The volume of " Nova 
 Scotia Archives," l>egun in 1857, was completed lnl8r»0. 
 Campbell's " History of Nova Scotia '* came out in lH7o, 
 which year also gave us Moreau's " Histoire de l* \ca<lie." 
 Hannay's '"History of Acadia" is dated 1870: Philip 
 
: I 
 
 ! i 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 i i 
 
 i ' 
 1 ! , t 
 
 rM 1 
 
 M 
 
 I 
 
 i. 
 
 i I 
 
 ^^/ 
 
 12 
 
 INTi:ni)rCTOKY KEMAHKS. 
 
 H. Sinitli's " Aciidiii — A Lost Chapter in Anieriuaii His- 
 tory," 1884 ; ( 'iisg rain's " P^lerinage au Pays d'Evan^t'- 
 line," 1888; and Parkinan's "Montcalm and WoltV;* 
 which contains a good deal about Acadia, 1884. 
 
 With the exception of Ilannay and Parkniaii. and 
 perhaps of Murdoch, wlio, however, liardly expres-scs 
 any o[)inion on the events lie describes, all the oUhm- 
 writers named above hold nearly the same view as Uali- 
 burton. 
 
 Of late years history has been enriched by an exceed- 
 ingly precious collection of documents, which throw a 
 Hood of light on the very darkest i)art of the period. It 
 is leally unfortunate that men like Murdoch and Ilaiuiay, 
 who seem to liave been sincere, bad not access to this 
 collection. As to I'aikman, I have the positive proof 
 that he knew of it but chose to ignore it. 
 
 This voluminous collection is due to the Uev. Andrew 
 Brown, Presbyterian minister, who died at Edinburgh, 
 when he was Professor of Rbetoiic in the university. 
 Wliile living at Halifax, from 1787 to 175*"), lie collected 
 materials with the intention of writini>' a historv of 
 
 O 4 
 
 Jsova Scotia. This history, incomplete and in ni;inu- 
 script, was found with all the original and other docu- 
 ments that accompanied it, in a grocer's slio[). and 
 bought, Nov. 13th, 18r)2, by Mr. Grosart, wlio sold it to 
 the British ]\Iuseum in London. Some years ago it was 
 copied, in whole or in part, by the Historical Society of 
 Iltalifax, in whose archives it is now. T am particularly 
 indebted to this collection, from which numerous extracts 
 have l)een published in " T^e Canada Franqais,"' it I am 
 in a position to recompose, almost entirely, this lost 
 chapter. The imjiortance of this MS. is obvious. An 
 historian was needed who should be a closer contemporary 
 
INTCDIU'CTOItY ItKMAItKS. 
 
 1.", 
 
 ot' lln' ()l)Sfure periotl tliiin Ilalil)Uit(>ii. Tliis want is 
 now supplied, aiul all the more effectually l)ecause 
 Hiowm's [)osition and cliai'aetei' would satisfy the most 
 fastidious critic. 
 
 The volume of iVrchives, published in 1800 by order 
 of the Legislatuie. was edited by Thomas H. Akiiis, 
 Commissioner of the Public Aichives of the Province. 
 I do not hesitate to aflirm that the documents have been 
 selected with the greatest partiality, and with the [»ur- 
 pose, i)Oorly disguised in the very preface, of gcstting' 
 together sucli papers as might justify the deportation of 
 the Acadians. This accusation I liav(^ not delibei'ately 
 striven to support by hunting U[» exam[>les, and y(;t the 
 pioofs of it have incidentally accumulated insmdi j»ro- 
 fusifni as to open the eyes of those who are not wilfully 
 ])lind. It is easy to see that this compilei' aimed at start- 
 ing a reaction against the opinions and sentiments that 
 liad been current for more than a cent uiy. I lis intention, 
 evidently, was to make this volume an arsenal for all 
 who wanted weapons, for he was fully aware that few 
 writei-s would give themselves the trouble to go behind 
 Ills compilation. 
 
 A mere summary of documents will not do duty for 
 the history of this period. He who should accomplish 
 no more than this would have written nothing that even 
 remotely resembled history ; first, because of the scarcity 
 of materials, and then because, up to 1758, we are face 
 to face with the omnipotent authority of the governor 
 an<l of a soldier at that. Inured to military discipline, 
 tliese governoi-s knew only how to command and imperi- 
 ously to enforce passive obedience. Will any one pre- 
 tend that, under such conditions, history can be written 
 solely with the orders of this potentate, and his letters 
 
1 
 
 r 
 
 r 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 I i 
 
 i'li 
 
 I 
 
 14 
 
 iNTUoDicTouv i:kmai;ks. 
 
 to tlie Sccretiiiv ol" State, wliosu ri'inesciitiitives in iliis 
 case were llie Louis ul' Trade ? Siidi a itietciisioii 
 \VL'!L* aUsurd. Clearly, these letters exhibit one side 
 oidy of the question, the governor's; they are sure to 
 contain nothing that is unfavorable to him, nothin;^' that 
 etmUl militate against him and in favor of those who, 
 most of the time, silently obeyed his unjust orders, or 
 wliose recriminations are not recorded, liadtliey plueked 
 up enough courage to contradict hiin or to utter a inui- 
 mur. And yet these are the only <loeuments we possess 
 for this period; nay, even these one-sided statements 
 li.ive, in great part, disa[)peared. 'Vha only thing a man 
 can do who undertakes to give the public a somewhat 
 faithful picture of the reality is — for the satisfaction of 
 liis readers as well as his own — to make the best use of 
 these wretched renmants, to piece them togethei', to try 
 to penetrate their hidden meaning, the motives by 
 wliich this des[>()t may have been actuated: in a word, 
 to get hold of some evidence from which an opinion may 
 Le formed of his character and his acts. If, in the teeth 
 f»f these dirticulties, tlie historian succeeds in explaining 
 the governor's acts by means of tlie hitter's own docu- 
 ments, in which he has said only what he chose to say ; 
 if, moreover, the historian detects the motives wliicli he 
 had every reason to hide with every facility for hiding 
 tliem, so as to convict him of this or that evil design 
 against those who have left nothing in their own defence ; 
 such a result is indeed surprising. 
 
 Yet that is what I have done, and more i)articularly 
 for Lawrence and his accomplices. All, or almost all 
 previous writers seemed to have perceived that the con- 
 duct of the Acadians, even as re[)resented by Lawrence 
 himself, had not justified their deportJition. For a hun- 
 
INTItonrCTnllY UKMAUKS. 
 
 16 
 
 tlreil years tli«M»! has been seareely a dissentient voice an 
 this point. Sueli l)einj^ the ease, if it is true tluit the 
 English Government never ordeied the deportation, Law- 
 rence must h.ave had some motive for acting as lie did. 
 This motive I had some inkling of directly I began to 
 study thy question. Soon I undei-stood clearly what it. 
 was. That was not the difficulty. The great, the im- 
 mense diffi(^ulty, lay altogether in proving the motive, 
 when all helpful documents had disappeare*!. Jt has 
 beejj said, with more wit than truth, that, if 3'ou want to 
 ferret out a crime, you must *' tind the woman in the case.*' 
 Though this may sometimes hold for a crime in the singu- 
 lar, it caiuiot be true of a crime in the plural, as this one is. 
 Here I should say: " Find what profit the criminal got." 
 This profit I have fovuid and the proof thereof, clear 
 enough to satisfy any court of justice, though it were 
 absurd to require the evideiu^e of law courts for events 
 that took place almost 140 years ago. 
 
 It is liompai'atively easy to write the history of a 
 country enjoying representative institutions, or of a long- 
 settled nation like France or England. The State pajjci-s 
 are confirmed ov contradicted by so many other docu- 
 ments tliat there is not much need of commentary in quot- 
 ing authorities. But, in this case, nothing like history can 
 be written without meditating, weighing probabilities, 
 and drawing legitimate inferences. I should have 
 found it much easier to be a mere compiler ; but then, I 
 might as well have done like so many othera and copied 
 right and left, or, better still, have written nothing at 
 all. Othei-s, possibly, may have examined more docu- 
 ments ; but perhaps no one has brought to bear on the 
 question so much of the deep consideration needed for 
 grasping the dominant purpose of the interested parties, 
 
' t 
 
 I. i 
 
 H. 1 
 
 I 
 
 m 
 
 ' ' ' i ii! 
 
 niii 
 
 HM 
 
 11, Hi 
 
 M 
 
 
 16 
 
 1NTKI)IH( r<>i:V I.'KMARK.S. 
 
 the intontions and feelings lurking between tlio lines of 
 ofliiiiil or other doeuments. 
 
 Addressing myself to the subject with all the impar- 
 tiality at my lommand, I thought I should lind at least 
 a ]»artial justilicalion of the dei)ortation. and that thus I 
 should free my soul from a burden that weighed heavily 
 upon it. This justilication I did not discover ; I reached 
 a contrary conclusion ; but I have at all events the von- 
 solation of knowing that the guilt does not bear directly 
 upon a nation, but upon individuals whom history lias 
 not yet properl}' branded. This book will, in my jiidg- 
 ment, effectually clear England's Home Government's 
 honor of the deepest historic stain ever attached to it. 
 Let the stigma be obliterated which England has hitherto 
 boi'ue ; burn it into the foreheads of Lawrence, Belcher, 
 Wilniot, Morris, and their accomplices. 
 
 If it is true, on the one hand, that the polic}- of Eng- 
 land has always been one of self-interest, rather than of 
 sentiment, it may be held that, as far as the Ilonu' 
 Government is concerned, its policy has been in general 
 lionorable and compares favorably with that of any 
 other nation. England owes its high standing to the 
 wisdom and large-mindedness of its statesmen. Minis- 
 tries rose and fell ; but the main lines of its policy were 
 unchanged. Im[»ervious alike to sudden enthusiasm, to 
 gradual apathy, and to unexpected revei'sals, Enghiml 
 pursued its ends with unvarying resolution and change- 
 less tenacity of i»uri»ose. Obstacles seemed only to 
 whet its ambition, and to strengthen its determination. 
 
 The policy <»f France, on the other hand, may be 
 described in nearly opposite terms. Colonies were 
 founded w^ith enthusiasm, only to be left to themselves 
 a few years later. This is precisely what took place 'm 
 
lNTI!()I)rCT(H:V UEMAUKS. 
 
 17 
 
 Acadiiv. About a huiulrt'd fumilies were settled there, 
 and llu'ii Itift without adt'(iuato assislance to carr}' ou 
 heroif! .suugi^des acfainst a much more jioworf'ul ciiciny. 
 \yhen tliis liaiidful ol" colonists became a happy and pros- 
 perous cnihryo nation, when it was seen what stnio 
 England si-t by kccpin;^- its hold i»ii ihcni, France begau 
 again to covet what slic had neglected or forsaken. 
 
 Instead oi" founding colonies by multi[)lying the cohv 
 iiists. she thought she could found them with fortresses. 
 One singhi Jnillion out of Ihi' thirty millions spent on 
 tho rock of Louisburg would ba,vc j)eopled Acadia in a 
 way to insure its permanent {iossession by France. 
 Whilst Canada, with its sixty thousand souls, was clu^ck- 
 matiiig New l^ngland's twidxe hundred thousand, 
 France, the i)rey of courtiers, was making merry. Vol- 
 taire, leader of the high court of witlings, declared that 
 Canada was only " a few acres of snow : "' and Canada 
 was lost. 
 
 These colonies had duties towards France, and the}' 
 fullilled them nobly. Can slie in her turn say as much'' 
 Hits the father of a family no duties beyond the beget- 
 ting of children ? Does he not owe them also education 
 and protection ? 
 
 A fter more than a century of forgetf ulness, that same 
 France has recollected that tliat child, conceived in a 
 burst of love and carelessly cast off, is now grown up 
 and keeps a fond remembrance of his mother. She has 
 likewise perceived that those acres of snow are an 
 empire, the possession of which enriches her rival. Vain 
 regrets ! England has long since appropriated all the 
 desirable lands of our planet. Its tongue, its institu- 
 tions, its capital accumulated through the colonies 
 themselves, now encircle the entire globe. In these are 
 
fill 
 
 ! 
 
 , >l 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 :Vh 
 
 IH 
 
 INTUODUCTOllY ItKMAUKS. 
 
 its might and its wealth. While France was making 
 merry, England svius attending to business ; which was 
 Kurely worth Voltaire's witty saying, which people 
 liiughed at one day, Jind would have forgotten the next, 
 had not France been mourning over it '!ver since. 
 
 J^oor France! In order ever to retain a firm hold of 
 your sceptre, you had invented the Salic law. You 
 would not be governed by queens, and yf)u have been 
 nded by harlots. You were rich and honored ; those 
 wonuni squandered your (;oiiis iind your honoi'. What 
 liiivoe hits wrought in you the; wit of your madcaps? 
 You are now striving to retain the privilege ol' drying 
 your lish on a corner of this continent that once be- 
 longed to you. or at least might have been entirely 
 youis : it wonld still be yours, with all the wealth 
 hidden unch'i' its acres of snow, if you had hud less of 
 the Mil that eVii))oratcs and more of the wit tliat bcais 
 fruit. 
 
 ^'ou arc; u'l'llinu' wisiT : \ on tardilv ackno\vlcd'>c ijic 
 folly of youi' wit : you perceive that Kngland has 
 becouK! strong and wealthy just because; of a wiser 
 ai)preciation of what you despised. But it is too late ! 
 A few acres of sand in the Sahara, where yoiu' people 
 cannot live, a few thousand negroes in Senegal, 
 Dulujuiey or Congo, will never make up for the loss to 
 you i)f those French hearts that would have throbbed in 
 the vast and healthy plains of this marvellous conti- 
 nent. 
 
 O France ! Forgive to a son of those unfortunate 
 Acadians the recalling of these cruel memories .... 
 our sufferings have been so bitter. 
 
 Forsaken, forgotten, the Canadians have always kept 
 their love for France. They i-hanged their allegiance. 
 
 i 
 
iNTi:«»i>r(T«»i!V i:i:mai:ks. 
 
 19 
 
 making 
 
 ch WOH 
 
 people 
 le next, 
 
 hold of 
 ,'. You 
 ve been 
 I; those 
 What 
 ladcaps ? 
 
 f drying 
 once be- 
 
 entirely 
 
 i 
 
 ' wealth 
 
 
 id less of 
 
 
 i:it lu'iivs 
 
 
 t'di^r tilt- 
 
 liilid iu\s 
 
 1 
 
 ;i wiser 
 
 J 
 
 tod lute ! 
 
 
 ur people 
 
 
 Senegal, 
 
 ,| 
 
 le loss to 
 
 robbed in 
 
 A 
 
 )us conti- 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 ifortunate 
 
 
 les 
 
 ways kept 
 
 ille'^iauee, 
 
 but only to bectniie ei'e long the niaslei"S of their own 
 desiiiiv. llieir late, exi-ept inasimieh as tliey were for- 
 irulieii l»y I'ranee, was not otherwise u cruel one. Not 
 s<i wiiii till' Aeachans. Can tliey fnr^'et the woes 
 wiDii^liL by that abandonnienl / 
 
 However, though wo cannot forget the; incalcnlabh> 
 wiongs InHicted (»n us, we now can, with a jnster ap- 
 preciation of facts. f(»rgive the l^nglish (loveinnieiit the 
 share it may have liad in them. IJnt we cannot ae(piit 
 the tnl(^ cul{)rits; we cannot absolve those wlio, without 
 any causi'. without orthu's oi- against tlu; or(h'rs of tin; 
 Home Government, impelled solely by soidid motives, 
 di'spoiled us and cast us on foreign shores. No ; such 
 injustices, such wrcuigs cainiot he forgotten. So long 
 as our children shall Ikj able to retract; their origin, they 
 will recall and l)eni(»an the sutTerings of their fathers. 
 It is not in our power to blot out from our hearts thest; 
 poignant recolh'ctions. We may still cherish and bless 
 the lliig that th)ats al)ove our ia^ads : we may excuse 
 and con<loni' whatever share Kngland may liavi' had in 
 these events; but we cry enough I to those who throw '' 
 dirt at us in order to whitewash a dozen misereanls 
 whom all the wati'rs of Niagara could not cleanse, l.ct 
 honest men ioin in restoring tlu; historic! truth which 
 cci'tain histoiians of most rei-ent date have done tlieir 
 best to i)ervert. l)ritish fellow-countrymen! show us 
 that British fair play is not an em[)ty word. Brand the 
 I'ulpiits with the stigma tliey deserve. Then, will 
 Acadians forgive, bless, nay, perliaps forget .... pro- 
 vided that be possible after so many misfoitunes. 
 
 A veiy natural curiosity impelled me to study this 
 perioil (if history : dee]) convictions led me on to wi'ite. 
 I icgict this curiosity ; it has flung upon iny life a 
 
i't 
 
 fii 1 
 
 fh .i^ 
 
 20 
 
 INTIMHHCTOItV UK.MAKKM. 
 
 uloiiil <ii' siidiicMs which iKilhiiig ciiii icinove. I hiivit 
 «l(M)iin'<l myst'lf to cliiiih iigiiiii imct'iisingly this ("iilviiiy 
 ol" siifl'('iiii|n. huniiliiitioii iiixl i<,Mi(»miiiy, to whi(;h my 
 foicliilhcrs wvAv condfiiiiu'd. 'Sly iiiiiid has lastened 
 itsi'ir ii|ii)ii this iiioiind'ul v[nv us Pygiiiidioii, of ancient 
 i'ahh. livcU'd his soul upon the statue ht; hail made ; 
 with this ossentiid dilVcrcncv' that hc^ h'll in h)Ve with 
 thr work ol his hands, wlieieas I am haunted by a cease- 
 less ami merciless nightmare. I have wished to see ; 
 I liavi! seen : I iceoiled with hoiroi', l»ut the «lie was 
 east, i.ihe the lover who could not icsist his loniriie" 
 to hehold once nunc the dead face of Iht who had 
 chaiined away his heart, I drew back hoii'ilied : and yv\ 
 1 must needs bear the jianj^s my rashness has provoked. 
 A thoughtful writer Thueydides — has said, "Happy 
 the people whose annals are vacant." This saying has a 
 para<loxieal sound to lis who behold on all sides nations, 
 whether mighty or fei^blc, whether lowly or haughty, 
 glorying in their past, viewing it over and over again 
 with complacency, as if to renew in themselves the joy 
 they taste in contemplating the feattnes of their ances- 
 tors magnilied by the enchanting distance and by the 
 illusions of h)ve. Hut can this be the case for Acadians? 
 To recall the contentment and the virtues of their 
 fathers, the joys of the century tiiat preceded their depor- 
 tation, is to recall the deportation itself and the century 
 that followed. Tlieir evil fortune is inseparable from 
 their good fortune ; to look at the one is to look at the 
 other : to magnify the one is to magnify the other. Their 
 history is a Janus with two faces, of which the more 
 recent, tiie fresher to their memory, the hideous one, is 
 ever staring at them. Crladly would they turn him lound 
 to view his other face, on which their eyes would rest 
 
 r! 
 
 '0 
 
INTKOnrCTOKV KKAtAKKS. 
 
 I llllVc! 
 
 I Ciilviuy 
 'liiuli my 
 
 liistened 
 f ancient 
 1(1 made ; 
 love with 
 V a ceasf- 
 (l to see ; 
 : die was 
 s lon^in^' 
 wlio had 
 
 ; and yet 
 [)i()V()ked. 
 I, "Happy 
 yintjlias a 
 !S nations, 
 
 lianglity, 
 iver again 
 es tlie joy 
 leir ances- 
 nd by the 
 Acadians ? 
 i of their 
 leir depor- 
 lie century 
 L-able fiom 
 look at the 
 er. Their 
 1 the more 
 oils one, is 
 
 him round 
 would rest 
 
 21 
 
 witli delight. Hut, whenever they conjun! up the past, 
 tiie sad, the hideous face will always eclipse the sweet 
 and agreeable one : the nearer will absorb tln' larlher. 
 Woo will ever be a mightier reality than weal ; the 
 former is the positive element, the latttr is merely, so to 
 speak, a negative (luanlity. For .\eadians the paradox, 
 " llap|»y the people whose annals are vacant," will bear 
 repeating. 
 
L AM m^^m^^ fff^ 
 
 mmmm 
 
 ^^^ni 
 
 H, 
 
 \\\ ill 
 
ACADIA: 
 
 MISXING LINKS or A LOST CUAl'TKl! IX AMERICAN HISTORY, 
 
 CIIAI'TKU T. 
 
 *fc 
 
 Discovciv of Acadia (ICOl).— Foundation of Port Roynl (160.")).— 
 Brief Suinniarv of the Colony's Histoiy under the French 
 Regiint' until its Cession to England in ITIO. 
 
 With the cliHcoverv of a new continent a new era had 
 beyuii for the civilized world. Coktnibiis had been that 
 providential man who, braving prejudices, breaking- 
 through ol)staelcs, liad dowered the Old World with 
 these unknown lands. 
 
 The liorizon opened out by this discovery to the eyes 
 of wondering F.urope was too innnense, too dazzling in 
 its novelty to be clearly pictured in tlie mind, (neat 
 must have been the sensation produced ; but it were 
 dillioult to realize how far tlie consequences that shouhl 
 flow therefrom were understood. It is possible that tlie 
 enthusiasm of tlie moment gave a, glimpse of the [»ro- 
 digiory development we are wiln-'ssing to day. Tliat 
 enthusiasm, wliieh suiMenly bursts fortli from a great 
 di-^covt'iy. is often tlie best guide to the grasjung of the 
 ivniote coiistMiueiiees it implies. All at once, under its 
 inrtut'iiee, the ntind is illumined like the horizon aflame 
 with the lightning flash tliat cleaves the clouds (.f a 
 sununer's night. In that brief moment, swifter than 
 
nH»B! 
 
 mm 
 
 mmmm 
 
 Hm 
 
 ■i 
 
 24 
 
 VAIN i:ri"()i;Ts at ('()L(>mzation, 
 
 thouiU'lit, the eve lias lollowcc] iluj liiu' of li^lit Icariiig 
 lliroiii^ii spacr: it lias M-fii clouds licaitcil ii[), strange 
 foinis, I'oiitouis vividly outlined; yd. tlic mind has 
 I'clainediscaicely tinytliinnot' this niai;nilict'nt panoiMuia, 
 I'or the view was too sudden and too laijid to enj^iaNe 
 on tlie retina the nniltitudiuous details. The baek- 
 Hioiiiid alone oi" this dazzling- scene Avas visihle ioi- a 
 moment; all the foreground was overlooked. Su( h, 
 likely, was the ease with ("olumbus's discovery. The 
 enthusiasm of the moment afforded a g;limpse of the far- 
 off scene which the new Continent was to lay before 
 Europe. It was a scene of treasures lieaped up, of 
 numberless ships plouohing the main to bring* to Kurojie 
 the wealth of this unknown world, of new gatherings of 
 men, of cities springing up in the wilderness. Kings 
 foresaw em[)ii"es to found, men of wealth and station 
 domains to acipiiie, tiie poor man a plot of land to 
 live on. 
 
 That was, perhai)s, the baekgroiuid of the picluri'; 
 but the eye bail caught nothing of the vague space l)e- 
 tween. That space must soon ix; crossed by whoever 
 longed to I'cacli wliat was promised by the iridescent 
 vision of the tiansient scene. 'I'hen Avere to arise 
 dilTHculties unnund)ered and ever-recurring, luiforeseen 
 obstacles which would cast doubts on the reality of that 
 vision. Nevertheless, the eye had not deceived, enthu- 
 siasm had not warped the judgment. Oidy, four cen- 
 tuiies will barely sulTice to reach the brilliant future of 
 wliicli tliat scene had afforded a glimitse. 
 
 We maivel to-day tliat more than a century was 
 needed to take final possession of the beautiful con- 
 tinent wo inhabit. To understand this fact, we must 
 take inU) account the nuu'.berless diiliculties cnuoun- 
 
 
VAIN KFFOllTS AT COLONIZATION. 
 
 25 
 
 L iL'iin ug 
 , stran<i;e 
 nind li;is 
 iiii(»iiiin;i, 
 ) L'iiyi;i\L' 
 he buck- 
 il)lo lor ii 
 I. Such, 
 'vy. TliL' 
 if llie I'iir- 
 l;iy l)ul'(tre 
 3(1 up, of 
 to Eurojic 
 lierings ot" 
 s. Kings 
 1(1 statiou 
 if land to 
 
 picUuc; 
 spaL'f lu.'- 
 
 wlioevt-r 
 lidescent 
 
 to arise 
 
 uiforc'si'cu 
 
 ity of lliat 
 
 d, fiiUiu- 
 
 four ci-'ii- 
 
 future of 
 
 ituiy was 
 itiful cou- 
 , wo must 
 
 ^.S t'UL'OUU- 
 
 f4 
 
 1 
 
 teivd by the fust exph)iers. Not less then sixteeu legular 
 expeditions were organized by England, Franee and 
 l^orlugal in the eourse of a ceutuiy, eitlier to discover a 
 northwest passage to China, or to explore the North 
 American continent itself, or for purposes of inuuediate 
 settlement. Not one of these attempts had any prac- 
 tical result. Some of them, rather more fortunate than 
 the others, first gave rise to great hopes ; but they weio 
 invariably followed by some other ex[)editions so disas- 
 trous as to remove, for several years, fj-om the nation 
 that had suffered, all idea of founding a colony. TIich, 
 again, a little later, some other nation had its turn. 
 ( )ne, two, and sometimes even three expeditions followed 
 in quick succession, to end in a new disaster, ami the 
 game was given up. Disgust took the place of enthu- 
 siiism ; but as often also, enthusiasm, sharpened \)y 
 gi'eed, ambition or jealousy, was rekindled only to issue 
 in disheartening results. Each nation hoped to do better 
 than its rival, each expedition hoped to avoid the faults 
 of its predecessors ; and the sum total of them all was 
 uniform failure. Tempting, indeed, must have been the 
 jiri/.e, since men were not utterly repelled by the danger 
 and sterility of so many efforts. 
 
 Of these numerous expeditions four were lost in the 
 depths of the ocean, some others were scattered by 
 storms and partly destroyed, and almost all were deci- 
 mated by disease and destitution, so that any fresh 
 attempt was discouraged for a time. 
 
 The expedition which came nearest to lasting success 
 was undertaken in 1541 by Roberval, whom Francis I. 
 had appointed Viceroy of New France, with Jac(iues 
 Cartieras Captain General of the fleet. The enter{)riso 
 wjis on a larger scale than any of those which had [.ic- 
 
Mil!! lUi 
 
 III hlli 
 
 I 
 
 
 Hi 
 
 26 
 
 VAIN KI"I'<H!TS AT r()IA)N'lZATrON. 
 
 ceded it : lait it failed iH'Cinisf tlio ships did not start 
 togetliev iind l)e(*ause ol' misuiMlerstaiiiliiii[;s. Hoberval 
 was ti) })eiisli w itb liis eiiliic fK-et in a I'lt'sli allenipt ; 
 and tims success was delayed for sixty-tJnee years more. 
 
 It would l)e a niistake, however. Id imagine that, 
 besides tliese official ex[)edilions. America was not at 
 ali.oi' was not often visited. As caily as ir)04 its coasts 
 weie fi'e([uent(!d by Basque, Breton and Xornian lisher- 
 men very regularly. "Sometimes."' say> Tla(?kluyt, 
 "there were not less than a hundred boats fishinff 
 there." Lescarbot mentions a man called Savalet who 
 had made forty-two voyages to the coasts of the Gulf (d' 
 St. Lawrence. 
 
 These annual and reqular vovaqes. icijcated ihirinof a 
 whole century, had made the jiublic of the maritime 
 towns both in France and iMiLiland runiiliai' with this 
 part of America. Frant'e was the first lo resume, in 
 the beginning of the seventeenth century, the projects 
 of colonization I'ormtHl and so (jften abandoiuid in the 
 preceding centiiiy. 'J'liis time, if the succi'ss was not yet 
 equal to the hopes entertained, the founding of a colony 
 was to be detinitive ; and the exam])le was soon to be 
 followed bv KiiLi'land and other nations. 
 
 De Monts, a nobleman of Heni'y H'.'s court, organized 
 this ex])edition. He set out from Havre de Cirace 
 ]\Lirch 7, 1<'»04. at'companied by de Pontgrave. the Baron 
 de l^outrincourt. de Champlain, d'Orville. ("hampdore, 
 and oihers. Their destination was the peninsula of 
 Nov;i Scotia, then called la thulic or VArmlic. and the 
 
 place detinitively chosen for the colony was Port Roj'al, 
 of wliieh, with the adjacent teriitor}', de Moots made a 
 grant to his friend Poutrincoui'l. In the course of the 
 following summer a few d\\elling-houses, a store, and a 
 
 |!'i|' 
 
w 
 
 K»)l'NI»ATI()\ OK I'oltT UOYAL. 
 
 27 
 
 not start 
 Kobevval 
 attempt ; 
 •civ.s nioiv. 
 iue that, 
 IS not at 
 its coasts 
 lan tisher- 
 [lackluj't, 
 ts fishing 
 valet who 
 le Gulf of 
 
 1 ihuing a 
 • niiiritinie 
 [• with this 
 rcsuuK', in 
 u' projects 
 lied in the 
 Alls not yet 
 f a colony 
 soon to be 
 
 . organized 
 de Grace 
 , the Baron 
 'hampdore, 
 ninsula of 
 lie, and the 
 ort Royal, 
 )nts made a 
 )nrse of the 
 store, and a 
 
 ptdisailc enclosing ilie Avhole, were i)ut n[). Thus was 
 Port l{(iyiil founded on the very site now occupied by 
 ihc liiv nl' Annapolis. This was the iirst permanent 
 sett IciiH-nt by Kuruj is in these noithern climes. 
 
 A- 1 liave undertaken that e[»och only wbicli l^egins 
 in 1710, when Port IJoyal was taken and Acadia was 
 <lelinitively ceded to Kiiglaiid by the tieaty of Utrecht. 
 I liave no intention of dwelling at any length on the 
 events that marked tlie stormy l)egiiniings of Acadia's 
 liistory. I will merely sum up in a few [)ages a whole 
 ' eiitniv of facts, so as to make it easier to underetand 
 what followed the cession of the country to England. 
 Not that the earlier liistoiy is uninteresting, — far from it ; 
 it were impossiljle to lind on this continent any other 
 s[)ot so interesting, at that veiT time, as Acadia was. 
 'i'he most thrilling <lramas of America in the seventeenth 
 ( eiitury were played in the waters of the Bay of Fuudy 
 ( l»aie Fran^'aise). 
 
 Kxposed as was this feeble eolony, separated from 
 Canada by vast distances and impeneti'able forests, left 
 to its own rcsouices, without inunigration, without 
 assistance proponionate to the dangers of its situation, 
 ii was the theatre of j)crliaps greater vicissitudes of war 
 than have fallen to the lot of any other country in tin; 
 woild. AN'hile. on the one hand, it was. or micfht have 
 been, highly usefid to France: on the other, it was a 
 ronstaiit menace to the conunerce and tran(|uillity of 
 liie Knglish colonies. It is there that expeditions of 
 atlventurcrs were ()rt>ani/.ed aoainst the Xew Kimland 
 colonies : there, too, attacks were made tipon the French. 
 If it was a fine field for organizing, it was e([uallv open 
 to attaik. Whether the two nations were at war or in 
 peace, it was often war anyhow in these parts. A 
 
^Wi 
 
 ^1 
 
 m 
 
 J! ''ill 
 
 f 
 
 28 
 
 FfUNDATION OF POUT IIOVAL. 
 
 
 giieviiiiee or a mere pretext was enou<,'li to (leterniine 
 disastrous liostililies. Boston and Aeadia sonii'tinies 
 watied war on each otlier on their own aci-onnt. in siiitc 
 of temporary peace and amity between the two crowns : 
 and. what is more, on certain occasions, Acadia was the 
 scene of prolonged hostilities between Frenchmen wiio 
 claimed the riglit to govern the countiy. 
 
 Nothing, to my mind, is more captivating than the 
 story of this province fi'om 1(304 to 1710. It is to 
 America what Oreece once was to Europe, and the Hay 
 of Fundy evokes almost as many memoiies asthe .Fgean 
 Sea. The scenes there enacted have been so various and 
 so dramatic, the actors thereof give one such an impres- 
 sion of lieroism and of half-savage grandeur, that one 
 can hardl}'' refi'ain from tieating them as legendai'v. as 
 if they belonged to an epoch that is lost in the mists of 
 anticpiit}'. Biencourt, d'Aulnay, the two de la Tours, 
 Saint-Castin, Denys, Subercase, Morpain, are so many 
 Itifendarv heroes whose names are still re-echoed bv 
 forest and rock from New Hampshire to the imnost 
 recesses of the Bay of Fundy. 
 
 To the many difficulties which l*outrincourt and his 
 son Biencoiu't experienced in solidly founding iheii- 
 colony of Port Royal, there wivs added another of a far 
 more serious kind. During the whole of the sixteenth 
 century, inexperience, stress of weather and disease had 
 been the piincipal causes of the failure of colonization 
 ill the New World ; now came the turn of human 
 l)assions, andjition. jealousy, cupidity. This continent 
 was not vast enough to satisfy llie covetousness of matiy 
 nations. To Samuel Aigall. whose iccord in Viiginia 
 wa,s so bad, belongs the hoii(»i' of having I)eguii the 
 conflict for this immense territory, if, indeed, the acts of 
 
 
FKENCH IJECrlMi:. 
 
 29 
 
 (leterniine 
 
 V 
 
 S()im4inu"i 
 
 
 111. ill sjiiti' 
 
 
 vo d'ONVii-^ : 
 
 ;, r; 
 
 liiv was tlu' 
 
 
 slinit'ii who 
 
 
 r thilll llu' 
 
 < 
 
 . It is to 
 
 
 11(1 the H;iy 
 
 
 the /Kcreiiii 
 
 ■ «. 
 
 various and 
 
 A" 
 
 1 an inipves- 
 uv. tliat oni- 
 
 i 
 
 ioentlai y. as 
 
 ■^■*i 
 
 the mists of 
 
 
 le hi Tours, 
 
 '^1 
 
 re so nvaiiy 
 
 
 re-eelioed hy 
 
 
 the inmost 
 
 
 :oiirt anil his 
 
 
 iiuling their 
 
 
 )ther of a far 
 
 
 he sixteenth 
 
 '^^^K 
 
 1 disease had 
 
 
 eoh)nization 
 
 
 I of human 
 
 
 lis continent 
 
 
 ness of many 
 
 
 \ in Virginia 
 
 
 i>' liegun the 
 itl, the acts of 
 
 
 ))iiiicv whicli he coniniittcd can he ranked as warfare. 
 His lirst attempt was the deslruelion of thi' cohmy of 
 Siiiiil-Sanveiii' in Moniil Desert Ishiiid, on tlie coa>l of 
 Maine : the pretext of this outrane was Cahol's vovaue, 
 one hnn(h('d and sixteen years hefore. and priority of 
 discovery on tliat account. Eniliohleiied by tliis easy 
 \ ictorv, lie Made another attempt and this time destroyed 
 I'oit Royal. 
 
 T'y this one fell stroke was ainiihilaied all I'oiitiin- 
 roiiii's outlay of time and money : and France niust 
 ]ia\"e been strantifelv careless of her colon \. to sav notliincr 
 of lier honor, since she made no move to demand repa- 
 ration for the outrage committed hy Argall. And, 
 indeed, for twenty years afterwards, Acadia is hardly 
 mentioned at all. so little, in fact, that, in 1»)21, it was 
 cecled hy the King of England to Sir William Alexander, 
 Earl of Stirling. And yet the colonists whom Pouti'iii- 
 coiirt liad hrought with him were still in the country; 
 some of them contrived to till the soil of the ui)i)er 
 reaches of the river, a few miles from the old fort; 
 others had sought employment from IJiencourt and de 
 la 'J'oTir. 
 
 Seeing their hopes ruined by the destruction of Port 
 Koyal, Hiencourt and his companions, taking advantage 
 of the friendsliip of tlie Indians, had become wood- 
 rangers (^coin't'i(r>< tie hoix), liuntens. trappers. This 
 state of things continued till the treaty of St. Germain- 
 en-Laye in l<i32, bj' which Acadia was restored to 
 France. Of the Scotch colony founded by Sir William 
 at Port Royal, tliere remained only three or four fami- 
 lies which were soon merged in the French population : 
 for instance, the Colsons, the Pai.sleys, and the Mcllanson 
 family, which became very numerous and important 
 
i-r 
 
 III 
 
 ,1 ' « 
 
 nf- |-"TM 
 
 "I: '< 
 
 
 IN 
 
 :ii,lii 
 
 uUUi 
 
 !; ■ I;,,!: 
 
 l\ II 
 
 i ' it 
 
 t : 
 
 i 
 
 ' 1 
 
 80 
 
 FIM:N(MI lIKiilMK. 
 
 in tlio Aciuliaii f<»l(»iiy under tin- Fiviich form nf 
 ]\lcl;iii(joii. 
 
 After this I'etroces.siou, France once inoic tnrnccl her 
 iitlention to AciuHii. A C'Oin[)iiiiy wiis forniecl ]ia\ in^;' at 
 its head Isaac (h; Ivazilly, his kinsman cFAulnay ih- 
 Charnisay, and Nicolas Denys de hi Honde. As tluir 
 ohject was tratk' I'ather than colonization, they scUKmI 
 with their innnit^rants at T^a Ile\e, \\hich was con- 
 si(U3red more suitable for tral'lic than Port Royal. A> 
 Governor, Razilly bestowed Ujion Denys in lief all tlie 
 (fulf coast from tlie iJay (h's Chaleuis to Canso, and 
 upon La Tour the old post of Cape Sahle and the river 
 St. John. Tn this hitter place, at a spot called .It-nisL'k. 
 La 'I'our l)uilt a fort to which he gave his own name. 
 Thaidvs to liis long ex[)erience and his ac-tivity, thanks 
 also to the .sense of secMU'ity then pervading the countrw 
 lie uiade this a most important trachng- post. 
 
 D(3 Razilly (hed in Ido*) without having heen able 
 to accomplish all the great projects he had in view. 
 l)'A\dnay and de la Tour \\ere both named Lieutenant- 
 (Governors ; but the limits oF their respective tenilories 
 and jurisdiction wei'e so l)adly detined as to lead to 
 hostilities that huig [)aralyzed the development of the 
 colony. AVhatever may have been d" Aulnay's faults, ii 
 seems ceilaiu that he projected a great agricultural 
 establishment and the progress of the colon}'. AVith 
 this object lie abandoned La lleve to settle at I'ort 
 Ro^al, which was much better suited for a colonial set- 
 tlement. After gathering" about him the ])eopl.j thai 
 liad first settled at La Ileve, he went to France, w hence 
 he returned with a score of colonists. It was he also 
 who inauguiated that system of dikes which \\ as after- 
 wards to become so widespread. I'nfortunately, the 
 
i-i;i:n( K uk«mmk. 
 
 31 
 
 foim 
 
 inu'il luT 
 
 ;';'i 
 
 iii\ iiiLj' al 
 
 
 iiliiiiy <lf 
 
 
 As llicil' 
 
 
 y SL'Ulrd 
 
 
 was coii- 
 
 
 )yul. As 
 
 
 c-F all tin- 
 
 
 aiiso, anil 
 
 
 tilt- livei- 
 
 ■ I 
 
 I ,K'iiiM-k, 
 
 /-V 
 
 \.\\\ iiaiUL'. 
 
 ■'.'«;■" 
 
 V, thanks 
 
 1 
 
 Q (Oiintiv, 
 
 
 
 -..*!' 
 
 )ecu ahle 
 
 A^Sk 
 
 In view. 
 
 >B 
 
 L-utiMiant- 
 
 
 territories 
 
 
 () h'a<l to 
 
 
 ut of the 
 
 
 s fail Us, it 
 
 
 riealtural 
 
 
 y. With 
 
 
 i" at Port 
 
 
 lonial sct- 
 
 -^B 
 
 ojde that 
 
 
 c, whence 
 
 
 IS lie also 
 
 
 \\as after- 
 
 
 atelv. the 
 
 'M 
 
 incessant quarrels provoked hy his jm^iiacious humor 
 made his efforts \vell-ui_t>h fruitless. 
 
 When France made no piotest against the destruetion 
 of Port Royal, when she rt-frainetl tVom pnttinga stop lo 
 tlie armed contentions of La I'oui' and d'Aulnay. of 
 La Tour and Le lioryne, of he Hornne aiul Denys. all 
 H'dilinir foi- tlie possession of the countrv. she sIiowimI 
 so little eaie for her lioiior that Cromwell, in spite of 
 the peaceful relations hetween the two kingdoms, con- 
 ceived the idea of scizint-- Acadia. As war was then 
 waging hetween l-jigland and Holland, he gave instruc- 
 tions for the capture of Nmv Holland, and. the fleet 
 heing in thest; waters, for the suhsecjuenl capture of 
 Acadia. Peace Avas signed hcfore New Holland could 
 he taken ; hut Acadia, unal)le to offer serious resistance, 
 was seized (l<)o4). 
 
 In 1ltl>7. it was again I'eturned to l-'iance hy the 
 treaty of Iireda, and in ItiTU M. de (Jrandfontaine came 
 to assume ollicial possession. 
 
 As uiay he supposed, these dissensions, these repeated 
 attacks, the indifference of France, all ihis [mt together 
 scarcely favored the estahlishment of a. colony on a llrm 
 l)asis ; and so the census of the following year, under 
 M. dt! Tirandfontaine, tells a sad tale. After so many 
 saei'ifiees of time and money, tin; po[)ulation showed 
 oidy al)out 400 souls, more than three-fourths of whom 
 were at Poi't Royal. There uuist have heen, in various 
 places, a nomadic population proportionately pretty 
 numerous, Avhieh does not entei' into this census : hui 
 it was made up chiefly of a few half-hreed families set- 
 tled on the coast, especially at r-,a Heve, and of those 
 families which, having intermairied Avith the Indians, 
 had adopted their mode of life. This census, as well 
 
'?r2 
 
 FliENL'H liECIME. 
 
 1 
 
 ! .1 
 
 iif 
 
 
 H !!ili 
 
 'h 1 
 
 ili 
 
 i 
 
 ! . ■ i 
 
 .1 ; ■ 
 
 N 
 
 P 
 
 !, 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 ' 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 i . 
 
 
 
 iis iln' loUow iiig ones, is conliiiod to the population of 
 purely l-'iriu'li orig-in ; and it is cliietly tVoiii this little 
 group nl' 47 fiuiiilies that tlie Acadiaiis spring. Hero 
 are the names : Bditri/t'ois, Gmnlit, Jxi-sxi/, ife Fm'et. 
 H^liert, B(i/)/ii, f>ai<ilr, BhnicIntrJ, Aic-olti, Diipow, Ter- 
 ri'du, Sa»oii\ Corporiiu, Maiiin, Pellirln, 3Ti>r/'n, Thnui, 
 Gduferof, Trn/in)i, Cj/r, Thllxmilciin, J^cflfpify, Boiny, 
 J-iondn'oii, (r iill/xiiif, (j r(nii/cr, LkikJi'//, Doucet, Gir- 
 onnnl, Jln'riif, Bri'ini, Lc Bhni<\ Pt>!rt('t\ Conii'int, 
 PItre, Bi'Uirctiti, Ci)r}iii('i\ Jiiijifxnif, DiiijaH^ R'u'liaril, 
 MelaiH!0)i, RoJtlrlian, LaitoKc, d' J'Jiifirj/ioiif, ih Id Tour, 
 Bertram^ <^<' Belli xlc. These are the main heads ot 
 branches, and several of these families were already 
 divided into two or more branehes, as was the ease for 
 those whose ir.imes are subjoined : Boiclrof, Ginninnl, 
 Giiitth't, Jlelicrt, Boitr;/, JIarf/H, Trrvutu, Blanchanf, 
 AhcoIh, Brmi, 0(nn)n('(niu\ <h' l(t Tour. Each family 
 averaged six; ehildren, and the descendants of each of 
 them now run up into the thousands. 
 
 The census of 1()(S0 exhibits a population of about 800 
 souls, of whom 401 were at Port Royal, 164 at Muies, 
 78 at Beaubassin, 90 in other places mentioned, and the 
 remainder scattered liere and there on the coast; thus 
 the population had about doubled in 15 years. In 1071 
 00 persons. F> of whom were women, had arrived ; but, as 
 the census of lOSiJ registeis only 36 new names, some 
 of these i)ersons may have either gone to Canada or 
 taken service in the garrison and gone back to France 
 afterwards. These are the new names : Le Prinac, 
 Braxsaril, Dowiron, Lcrron. Lorf, Arsenanf, Berfjeron, 
 Belief ontaint', TounoH/cau, Burillot, Godin dif Ohatilloti, 
 Benolf, Pri'jean^ Basfarache, Fardel, Henri/, Gareau, 
 Laperriere^ Michel, Gourdeau, La Bauve, La Pierre dit 
 
FUKNCH KKdLME. 
 
 
 Alation of 
 this little 
 )('•. Hero 
 % Foref, 
 p,'?u', Ti'i'- 
 /•/», Bnni, 
 iH, Bojiyii, 
 meet, Oil'- 
 , Comi'ini, 
 , Eiahai-'L 
 U la To)ir, 
 L heads <>l 
 •ve already 
 lie case for 
 
 G-lrounr'l, 
 Bhinchai-'i, 
 ach family 
 
 of each of 
 
 f about 800 
 4 at Miiu's, 
 led, and tho 
 coast; thus 
 i. IiilHTl 
 ved ; but, as 
 lames, sonic 
 Canada or 
 to France 
 Le Pritme, 
 , Bergeron, 
 it Chatilhm, 
 ry, Gar can, 
 a Pierre dit 
 
 Lfirot'he, Pinet, Riref, Mirande, La Barre, Aiihin-Mi;/- 
 nau/t, Coi'Ini. Coffard, Mercier, LavaUSe, Laija»H^, Blou, 
 Dexorcis, Martfh Biibrenil. The three last named, I 
 think, must have gone to Canada, and Cochu, Cottani 
 and Fardel to France ; at any rate their names do not 
 a}>j)ear in any subsequent census. From lt)H6 to 1710, 
 hCi new colonists, at most, came, and these were, to a 
 l^icat extent, soldiers disbanded from the small garrison 
 which tlic Government maintained at Port Iloyal. * 
 
 Fioni 1»')71 the agricultural population confined itself 
 moic and more to its land ; every immigrant, every dis- 
 banded soldier became a farmer. When, after a few 
 years" growth, families found themselves pinched for 
 loom at Port Koyal, they sought settlements else- 
 where for their children. Thus it is that, one after the 
 otlier, Beaubassin (Amherst), les Mines (liorton, 
 W<jlfeville, Windsor, etc.), Cobequid (Truro), Chipody, 
 I'eticodiac, Memramcook sprang up. Frequently, whole 
 families migrated to these uc», ouLiiements, which had 
 the double advantage of being freer from the vexations 
 of a government that was often too troublesome, and 
 safer from the oft-repeated attacks of the English. 
 
 I'^rom the treaty of Breda till 1710, a space of 40 
 years, Port Royal was besieged no less than five times, 
 
 * Tlic last gouoral list of names, dated 1714, shows 77 new names: L>« 
 Biisiiui', Moysc. Ollivior, Parisieu, Dubois, Bernard, Thibeau, Rossette, Le 
 Breton, Lyoimais, Ijtifont, Allard, Le Marquis, Emmanuel, Dupuis, Di>nis, 
 Baruabe, Beaumont, Le Maistre, Allaiu, Cadet, Lessoile, Raymond, Donat, 
 Maillard, Vilatte, Surette, Savary, Dumont, Lavergne, Lalande, Simon, Bab- 
 ineau. Paris, Cosse, Saint-Scdne, I'Esperance, Mancoau, Pothier, Dambouc 
 I^alibert^, Laurier, Yvon, Samson, Blondiu, Bideau, Gentil, Gousille, Lan^'- 
 lois.Vigneau dit Maurice, Champagne, Cltimenceau, La Montagne, Moutou, 
 Jasmin, Voyer, Toussaint, Boutin, Roy, Chauvort, Boucher, iJarois, Do 
 Saulniers, Boisseau, Herpiu, Gudrin, Longu6p6e, Hache, Lambert, Cbius- 
 son, Malsonnat, Carrg, De Vaux, Ondy, Nuirat, Veco, Leger. 
 3 
 
If 
 
 I 
 
 !!!!) 
 
 
 84 
 
 FltEN(?H IiE(!IMF:. 
 
 whereas, barring ii raid on ncanlKissin uimI Mines hy 
 ('lunch in 169(5, the settlei's in these latter phices were 
 faiily sheltered from the |)erilH that he^set Port lioyal. 
 
 All tilt! names that fi<(ure at Heauhussin and Mines 
 ((Jranil I*re, Kivieie anx ('anards, I'ioiuuit, etc.) are 
 the same as at I'ort Royal. So it was. somewhat later, 
 at ('(>lK!(|nid. I'»!ticodiac, ('hij)ody and MemranK.ook to 
 tlic north ol" the Bay ol' i-'iindy. 
 
 As the census was taken many times during? the 
 l*'n'nch jteriod, it is easy t»» I'ollow up tlie develo|iment 
 of these different groups, and to <>et a pretty fair idea of 
 the iMunher of new colonists that came to swell the 
 orii^inal stock. Thesis were, for by fai' the most part, 
 unmarried men who were oI)liy'ed by force of circum- 
 stances to marry the daut^liteis of the oldest settlers, of 
 the 47 heads of fanulics that had settled in the country 
 hefori! 1<'>71. Thus we see that there were only live 
 women amonj^- the tJO inunigrants tliat airived at Port 
 Hoval in l<i71. \Vhenc(! wc comdudc that, •'»(> or 40 
 years later, the entire pojmlation was linked tofjether in 
 Ixjiuls of kinship that nuist have [)owerfidly eontril)Uted 
 to remove dissensions and to produce that social condi- 
 tion with which we are familiar. 
 
 Some modern writers have treated the picture of 
 Acadian mannei's as a creation of the fervid fancy. It 
 has been held t)i!:t t' e imagination was author of nnich 
 of it, that this ideal society was incompatible with what 
 we know of inu'ian nature. T am willing to grant, 
 indeed, I have no doubt, that the conventional picture 
 has been end)ellished b)- fancy; yet I hold that a close 
 study of the ciicumstances of this people makes one 
 understand better how a state of things clearly proven 
 to have existed was possible. The defects common to 
 
KKKNTM KKdIMK 
 
 85 
 
 Mines by 
 iU'cs wore 
 
 lioyal. 
 11(1 Mines 
 
 etc.) me 
 vlmt liiter, 
 uiK^ook to 
 
 nviii;^ tlie 
 vcldpnient 
 I'iiir \dv'i of 
 swell tl\e 
 most \nivt, 
 of ciifiiin- 
 settlers, of 
 he country 
 } only live 
 ;ed at Port 
 it, :50 .)i 40 
 tooetlier in 
 mtiiltuted 
 'ial L'oiuli- 
 
 )icture o£ 
 
 fancy. It 
 lor of nmeli 
 
 with wliiit 
 to grant, 
 inal picture 
 thiit a close 
 
 makes one 
 arly proven 
 
 common to 
 
 all Frenclimen, |taiticulaily tliosc; which spring from 
 their loo grcuit soeiahility, such as jcahuisy, l)ackhiling, 
 idle gossip, existed there as everywhere else, hut lt»ned 
 down hy the exceptional status of the p»M)[)h'. Ntir was 
 their condition always en viahh;; it certainly was notso in 
 the early <lays of the colony, when these families were 
 strangers to each other, and prohahly also during the 
 greater part of the Kreiieh oecu[)atioii. 
 
 The destruction of Port lioyal hy Argall, France's 
 neglect, the frcfiueiit raids i>i Anglo-Anunieans hud 
 forced ii, certain number of the first colonists to l)ec(»iiie 
 adventunu's. forest rangers (cmii'viirx id' f>i>ii<), lishermeii 
 in tilt! tiaiii of IJieiicourt, Denys, liaTour. This roving 
 cleineiil could not he expected to show as high nuMality 
 as the lirst followers of Poutriiicourt, or as tlui society 
 that was aflerwaid fornu'd when all these separate 
 units coalesced. IJiit Ikuc, as in all other land>, givtMi 
 the tinu! to form new lial)its of order and economy, 
 giv(;n a sedentary life in tlm midst of asoheraud hard- 
 working peo[)le, giviMi a eonii'oitaljle com[)etence drawn 
 from a most fertile soil, a gradual purification of morals 
 was sure to result. At the same time, an adventurous 
 life had stetjled manv men for tin; ceaseless struu'LTles 
 they had to face l)efore tlie final conquest of the country. 
 On th(! other hiind, tlit; abandonment in which Kraiico 
 had so iono- left them, the habit of livinir bevond the 
 s])here of action and tin; regulations of a government 
 jealons of its authority, bred in the Aeadiansa spirit of 
 in(h![)eiidence that would ill consort with the restrictions 
 put upon them in after years by the French governors. 
 In fact, when, after the tr<»aty of lireda. Fin nee took 
 firm hold of the administration in Acadia, there arose 
 much grumbling and murmuring against a government 
 
86 
 
 FIJKNCH ItKOr.ME. 
 
 iil' 1 1; ! 
 
 i:!::! i 
 
 ,(, I 
 
 tliiit took pleasure in tlirowiui^ around tlie people the 
 complicated net-work ot; Old World formalism. Of 
 this we lind j)i'oofs in the correspondence of the gov- 
 ernors: M. de Hrouillan, in one of liis letters, calls the 
 Acadians half-re})ublicans. Howevei-, these difficulties 
 were very rare among; them, and were as nothing com- 
 pared to the troubles that arose among the aharers of 
 authority. 
 
 Necessity had taught the people to govern them- 
 selves, to liold meetings, to consult together, to settle 
 their differences amicably or according to simple rules 
 (juite suflicient for their local needs. They had thus 
 ai;quired a habit of liberty and a taste therefor. They 
 knew by experience that they could dis[)ense with an 
 authority that was only irksome, that did not im])r()ve 
 their condition, that ciisuicd Ihcm no additionalsc(nnity 
 in their relations Avith one another. Hence it was that, 
 under English ride, they got lid, as nuicb as possible, 
 of oflicial regulatio^is and ruled themselves. 
 
 C^ertain it is thai, in their special situation, ])etter 
 results could be hoped for from this method, from the 
 hiixiierfaire, than from the vexatious interference of an 
 uncontrolled authority. INLatters of public interest were 
 decided at public meetings; men worked all together at 
 Avorks of public utility, as when thej' com[)leted a vast 
 system of dikes, which were built in so short a time as 
 to point to unusiuil harmony and good-will among the 
 woikers. 'J'heir reward came in an abundance of all that 
 could meet their needs and their simple tastes, beyond 
 which they had no ambition and weie therefore easily satis- 
 fied. Nor had they any anxiety about the future of their 
 children : the custom had been early establislied that the 
 community was to provide them with all things neces- 
 
 M 
 
FnE^'c^: uecji.mi:. 
 
 87 
 
 ?oi)le the 
 im. Of 
 the gov- 
 calls the 
 ilHiculties 
 iug com- 
 ,haiers of 
 
 in thom- 
 ;, to settle 
 iple rules 
 luid thus 
 or. They 
 e with ivu 
 it ini prove 
 lalstMiurity 
 t was that, 
 s possil)le, 
 
 ion, l)etter 
 U from the 
 reiice of aii 
 terest were 
 together at 
 etecl a vast 
 t a time as 
 among the 
 e of all that 
 es, beyond 
 easily satis- 
 ure of their 
 led that the 
 iiiQ-s necea- 
 
 sary for a homestead, and a few years sulheed to make 
 them as well off as their parents. The good understand- 
 ing must, surely, have been remarkable, since, even 
 umler Englisli rule, there is not on record a single case 
 in which the peoph; disagreed in their ilecisions upon 
 matters of general interest; whatever tlie decision 
 might be, it was always, as far as can be gathered, 
 unanimous. 
 
 When all these exceptional circumstHiices are under- 
 stood and taken into account, the familiar picture 
 of their simplicity of life, morality, abuiidance, har- 
 mony, and social happiness has nothing, it seems, 
 tliat should provoke wondei-; the same cii'cumstances 
 would, I believe, have brouglit about elsewhere some- 
 what similar results. For a cen'.uiy they were strangers 
 to France and Canada; the}' had formed habits and 
 built up traditions that made them a separate j)co[)le. 
 They were Acadians. And, if tlie increase byinnnigra- 
 tioii was almost nil, ([uite otherwise was it with the 
 multiplication of families, siuct?, eighty years later, this 
 small nation counted 18,000 souls.* 
 
 From 1()*.*0 to 1710 was one uninterrupted series of 
 hostilities lu'tween New F.'ijland on the one hand 
 and Canada and Ac -ia ,n the other, the object being 
 either to ca[)tnr»; vssels tisliiug in Fi'ench waters, or to 
 destroy some iV ' r ji tl e badly delined frontier betvfcn 
 Ai'adia and Maine, In 1<!!tO Port Royal was taken and 
 sacked by Admlrai Piiips : M. de Meiuieval. (> • -.or 
 of Ai'adia, was carried ofT a prisoner to Hoston, toocther 
 with his garrison ; but Phips, too much engrossed with 
 
 * Till' I'i'iisus <<( 171 1 Kiv<' 
 
 1737 •• 
 
 " 1747 " 
 
 •2.100 
 7.")0H 
 12,.J0U or tliereu bouts. 
 
 
i 1 
 
 i;!ii. 
 
 88 
 
 FIJKNCH KKdrMK. 
 
 Hi 
 
 the expedition lie was j)rei)ariiig agiiiiist Quebec, iieg- 
 leeted to establish hiinseli" solidly in I'oit Koyal, which 
 was, ac(!oi'dingly, soon reoccupied by the Fiench. 
 
 Tiiis period, from 1<)90 to ITlO, Wi»;, piobably the 
 dark<'st in the ainials of these colonies, and the most dis- 
 astrous for liiitish colonization. For twenty years, witli- 
 out truce or respite, on sea as well as on land, there was, 
 in these parts of America, nothing but devastation, 
 pillage, ambushes and surprises. Sometimes a fort was 
 attacked by France's Indian allies, and, if it was taken, 
 the inmates were massacred; most frecpiently, some dc 
 fenceless settlement was raided by night, and, if any wei.^ 
 made })risoneis, they were held for exchange or ransom. 
 By seductive advantages ofl"ci'(>d to lillibusters and al- 
 luring bounties on Indian scalps, the greed of gain was so 
 keenly excited that organizations sjjrangu]) in the border- 
 ing settlements of New Fngland for the sole purpose of 
 marauding, lilundei'ing and butchery. It was a life of 
 danger, often ending in terril)le reprisals ; still, bold men 
 were never wanting to re[»la('C those who disappeared. 
 In such eonditions. civilized man often surpasses in 
 cruelty the most ciuel savages ; theie were acts of base 
 treachery and harbaiity tliat have never been exceeded 
 iu)r [)erhaps equalled by any savage tribe in America. 
 Very great, no doubt, nuist l^ave l)een the provocation for 
 the Knglish colonists : all the Indians in these parts were 
 allied to the French, so that retaliation, if any, had to 
 come from tlie cokmists themselves. A violent im- 
 pulse born of anger, grief, pecujiiaiy loss and insecui'ity, 
 may have*shaped itself, with many, into the misconceived 
 idea that adoi)tingthe cruel methods of those barbarians 
 Avould inspire such terror, such fear of annihilation, 
 that they would relent from their bloody raids. At 
 
KU KNCH l!K<iI.MK. 
 
 89 
 
 jec, iieg- 
 il, which 
 
 •h. 
 
 )ably tlie 
 most (lis- 
 urs, witU- 
 liere wiis, 
 vasUition, 
 a fort was 
 vas taken, 
 , some (1< 
 f auvwei V 
 or ransom. 
 LM's and al- 
 ;ain was so 
 the border- 
 purpose of 
 as a life of 
 1, bold men 
 isappeared. 
 ir passes iu 
 xets of base 
 n exceeded 
 II America, 
 vocation for 
 
 parts were 
 my, had to 
 violent iui- 
 
 insecurity, 
 lisconceived 
 e barbarians 
 .nnihilation, 
 
 raids. At 
 
 the same time it was hard not to make those answerable 
 \\!.o urged tliem to their bloody raids; nevertheless, 
 liiouijfh these barbarous allies were acknowledged to l>e 
 necessary in the struggle between the two nations, both 
 (pf whiini made use of them when they c(mld. yet nothing 
 (oiil.i justify the use of their eruel methods and tlie 
 iiifringeineDt of all the laws of honor. 
 
 Tliis slate of affairs could not last long. Acadia was 
 i(i(i weak to be thus left as a perpetual menace to the 
 iiuilc and tlie seem-ity of the New England settlements. 
 Drivfii to extremities bv the disasters intlieted on their 
 coinmeree. the Anglo-Ainerieans resolved upon the 
 greatest efforts to emerge from a situation that was 
 (lailv bc.'eoming intolerable. 'J'he final issue was not 
 ilonbt fid. The disparity in the numbers was enormous ; 
 I'laiice was too eareless or too busy else^\ iieic to succor 
 licrcdlonv : yet, tlie eontliet was longer and more des- 
 jierate. successes and reverses more eveidy balanced llian 
 jiiiglit liave been ( xpeeted. No less than four ex[)edi- 
 tii:>ns ^^ere re(|uiic(l 1 h; fore? 1 'oil Royal was taken, and 
 iliere the iiitie])i(l Siiberease. powerfully seconded by 
 Oi-' IVuoii (h; Saiiit-C'aslin and \)y other Captains at the 
 '<■ , ' Mf Inuitm troops. Avrought prodigies of valor. The 
 Hi'Si if lliese expeditions was undertaken by Church, tlie 
 famous "hMju.iw-killer ; "' l)ut, moved by the desire of 
 j 1; 'idci' aiid of easy exj)loits, he made no serious attack 
 on l';iit lioyal, and was satislied with invading Mines 
 and lieaubassin, where he cai-ried off all the cattU; lie 
 \ could seize, after opening the dikes, burning houses and 
 doing all the damage he could. 
 
 A second expedition under Colonel March wa« much 
 more seiious. Rhode Island and New Hampshire liad 
 luiited with Massachusetts for this decisive onslaugiit ; 
 
!r 
 
 l!^ 
 
 : 
 
 !il( 
 
 i I 
 
 'II I 
 
 
 40 
 
 FKKNCH REGIME. 
 
 but, after a seige of eleven days, jMaicli, repulsed at 
 every point, had to re-enibark, and, instead of leturning 
 to Boston, where he dre.aded censure, he took iclnyc at 
 Casco. Thent-e ho wrote of his failure lo (Joveiiior 
 Dudley, attributing it to his ollieers and soldiers, who, 
 lie siiid, had refused to second him. Inunense was the 
 I'hagrin of J^oston ; so little was this result iintieiitated 
 that nreparations had actually been made for a pom[»ous 
 celeb ,tion of the taking «;f Port Royal. 
 
 Hii., h i)ut not discouraced. Gov. rnor Dndlev. who 
 could iKd ' ign himself to disband the troo|)s he had 
 organized with sneh line hopes, sent orders to Maich to 
 keep on board the ships his soldiers, willing oi- unwill- 
 inc, and to letnrn innnediatelv to Port Hoval with the 
 leinforcenient now >(!ttint»" sail. At the same time 
 J)udley appointed tln-ee conunissioners to snpeiinleiid 
 the operations of the siege. March, unabh' to overcome 
 the sadness and dejection to which be was a prey, de- 
 clined the honor of conunanding tliis new expedition. 
 Waiinvright, second in connnand, had to tak(^ ehaige of 
 it ; bnt, after another siege and a long one, he also ic- 
 embark(Hl without effecting anything. This was in 
 August, 1707. 
 
 Tims far, at least, Port lloyal had been revictualled 
 and assisted by France, though inadeciuately. Suber- 
 case had l)een able to satisfy the Indians by some gifts 
 and still more by promises. His kindliness to all had 
 sutliced to inspii'c the courage and ardor that were abso- 
 luteh' necessary in the situation of infeiioiity in which 
 lie Avas left. All the (^aptains of Iiulians, d'Aniours 
 dTvthanffonrs, Saint Aubin, Bellefontaine, de Saillan, 
 Denys de la Honde, de Saint C'astin. de la Tour: the 
 French corsairs, Francis Guyon, Pierre Maisonnat, de 
 
Sri;i!KXT)Kll <U' I'OIIT r.OYAL. 
 
 41 
 
 (ulsed at 
 [•eturniiig 
 icruLjc at 
 (lovt'iiior 
 icvs. wlio, 
 i was tlu> 
 itic'i|>atcd 
 , poniiious 
 
 (Hey. who 
 ])S lie had 
 March to 
 or iiinvill- 
 I with the 
 uue time 
 iijeriiitcTul 
 I ;)vi'r('(tuie 
 I [)rey, de- 
 \l)('ditioii. 
 \ cliarfife of 
 10 also re- 
 is wasi ill 
 
 ■victualled 
 
 y. Suher- 
 
 ■^onie <'it"ts 
 
 to all had 
 
 were ahso- 
 
 iii which 
 
 d'Ainours 
 
 le Saillau, 
 
 Four ; the 
 
 soimat, de 
 
 'i^ 
 
 & 
 
 -m 
 
 Morpaiii, liiid gathered under liim and had helped him 
 tt'ilh a will. With these and the inhabiUuits he had 
 enou<i;h men to niano'uvre outside, to harass the enemy 
 withoJit weakenii!<^ his garrison, which numlxjred only 
 about 1<'>0 soldiers, three fourths of whom were un- 
 disciplined younj men picked up on the (piays of 
 Paris. 
 
 Having heard that a fresh attack was preparing, still 
 more formidable than the preceding ones, Subercase re- 
 peatedly urged the Home Government to send reinforce- 
 ments ; but nothing could rouse the apathy of France's 
 rulers. Kor three long years the colony, destitute of 
 everything, subsisted almost entirely on the booty of 
 the corsairs. As a crowning misfortune, in 1710 the 
 harvest failed, and the corsairs, so numerous the preced- 
 ing year, were driven from Acadia by an e[)idemic: so, 
 when in 8ei)tembei' a large fleet with o,400 landing 
 fori'cs a[)peared before l*ort Koyal, there was but one 
 voice in the garrison and colony in favor of inunediato 
 suiiender. 
 
 Though fully aware of his wtjakness and feeling that 
 he could iu)t come out once more victoiious from a cou- 
 /lict in which all the odds were against him, Subercase 
 jcsolved to tempt fortune, and, without hearkening to 
 the i)roposals of General Nicholson, commander of the 
 fleet, heprepiaed to withstand the enemy. The Knglish, 
 on their part, taught circumspection by the un(!X[iL'cted 
 and repeated defeats of past years, set to work with 
 extreme prudence. Several times they were i-epnlscd or 
 had to desist from their investing 0{)erations ; but Sul'cr- 
 cas*^ no longer had a body of troops to sally foith from 
 tilt; fortifications and worry thi; besiegers. The fleet 
 liad arrived before Port Royal September 24tli, and it 
 
42 
 
 srulJKNDEK OF TOHT IJOYAL. 
 
 ■ i' ■ -slJS 
 
 Mi 
 
 r> I. 
 
 fjf' 
 1,^ 
 
 
 
 IP 
 
 !i! 
 
 h 
 
 
 was not till October 12lli that the ciipitulation was 
 si,t?iie(lon quite honorable terms, so lionorable indeed, that 
 Nicliolson expressed liis regret at having accepted them, 
 when ho beheld the destitution of the garrison. Pro- 
 visions -were so scarce that Nicholson had to jn-ovide the 
 Krent'li soldiers with lations before they embarked for 
 France. 
 
 Port Ivoval had become, and this tinn; for £jood and 
 all, an Knglisli town ; the destiny of the whole of 
 Acadia was soon to be the same. In the course of a 
 \^ ceiJ ay Port Hoyal had gone throug-h moi'e vicissitudes 
 than any other American tu\vn, more even, than any 
 «»ther f:om its foundation to our own day. It had been 
 taxvii.s • 'Ktid, destroyed, abandoned, retaken ; and mean- 
 while France, seemingly unaware of its importance, un- 
 taught l)y the h'ssons of experience, unmoved by its 
 hazardous position or by the unjust and cruel fate of its 
 faithful subjects, ii(>vcr thought of ensuring- its per- 
 manent ])Ossession by making such eff(nls as were called 
 for bv the risks and advantages of this stiouiihold. 
 
 Such criminal neglect miyht seem astoundinu', were it 
 not repeated elsewhere, and everywhere. This bit of 
 exposed teriitoiy had only 2,000 inhabitants when the 
 provinces of Xew ICngland alone had loO.OOO. Was it 
 because the sovereigns that governed France, the gov- 
 ernors that represented them in Canada or iVcadia, did 
 not realize the importance of the colonies they owned? 
 Was it because, as has been said. Frenchmen are not 
 coltiniztMs? No : this is not the true answer. We have 
 j)leniv of documents proving tliat the governors of these 
 provinces generally realized, with great perspicacity, 
 the value of these cohinies and the way to make them 
 prospeious, powerful and useful to the Home (Tovern- 
 
***ll^ 
 
 i;i.iNi)i:i;s dK fi:anck. 
 
 4a 
 
 tion was 
 leed, that 
 ted tliem, 
 )n. Pro- 
 ovide the 
 arked for 
 
 irood and 
 whole of 
 mrse of a 
 icissitiuU'S 
 than any 
 : had heen 
 and niean- 
 itance, un- 
 ved by its 
 fate of its 
 lo- its per- 
 vere called 
 :h()h1. 
 
 ng, were it 
 'his hit (»f 
 
 Avhen the 
 0. Was it 
 :e, the gov- 
 Aeadia, did 
 ley owned ? 
 leu are not 
 We have 
 
 ors of these 
 terspicacity, 
 
 make them 
 >me (rovern- 
 
 mciit. We have also some proof, though rarer, that 
 tlu' sovereigns or their ministers saw things in the 
 same light. We have likewise proofs that the spirit of 
 enterj)ris»'. hohlness and adivitv were not at all lacking 
 in the French colonist. We know that, in spite of the 
 way in wliich Ik; w;is fnisakcn hy France, his activity 
 liatl t'amiiiari/.ed liini with the wiiole interior of the 
 ('untim;nt. at a time when the English had not 3'et lost 
 sighi of the Atlantic coast. IJiit the I'olonists needed 
 hacking, nt least hy numbers; they needed a helping 
 liiuid iVoni the motlier countr\ . In an absolute govern- 
 incnl, which claims all powers and all initiative, which 
 rules and regulates everything, (nen tlie peo[)ling of its 
 (■((Ionics UHist be initiated l^y authority. 'J'he expression 
 of a wish or instructions from the throne would have 
 lifcn enough to create an unflagging movement of 
 cinigiaiion that would have compared favorably with 
 tht; emigration from the llritish Isles. Tlie entire blame 
 lies. 1 helievc;. with the throne : uotsomuch because it did 
 not unch'istand the imi>ortance of colonizing this country, 
 iis because of forgetfulness and uegh'(.'t begotten of that 
 tlioughtlessness and ineonstancy that marked all its 
 ac1.'5. 
 
 '• Wlieii I compare the result of European Avars in the 
 last lifty years," wrote M. d'Avaugour in l(!(3o, "and 
 t he iirogress that may be made i n ten years here, not only 
 does my duty oblige me. but it urges me to s[)eak out 
 
 boldly France can, in ten yeai's and with less 
 
 outlay, secure more real power in America than all its 
 ICuropean wars could win for it."' 
 
 " Who ciin undertake,'" said Vauban, " anything 
 greater and more useful than a colony? Is it not by 
 this means, rather than bv any other, that one can ol>- 
 
'"^il 
 
 i*^«"' 
 
 "'"■•* m 
 
 I 
 
 .J !'■ 
 
 
 Si, 'i ■■' 
 
 44 
 
 BLUNDERS OK I'ltANCE. 
 
 tain, with all possible justice, aggrandizeiUL'ia and in- 
 crease ? " 
 
 And Louis XIV. himself, who for a {'mu-, secnu'd to 
 take a serious interest in his colonies, entirely eon- 
 curred in this view, wlien he so wisely wrolt; in 1t!7t) 
 to M. de Chanipigny, •' riitendanl" of Cinada: •• I'>e 
 thoroughly convinced of tliis nuixini, that it is hettei to 
 occupy less territory an<l to j)eoi»le it entirely, than to 
 spread out indelinitely and to have weak eoloniesat the 
 mercy of the slightest accident." 
 
 That was, perhaps, for the great monarch, only a j^ass- 
 ing thought between two pleasures. Sueeesslully ti> 
 cany out these line projects. Fianet,' was in neeil nt' ealin 
 and peace: but, ever carried away by the piitle. ambi- 
 tion or eaj)ricc of her sovereigns, she always laeked the 
 restfulness that alone wouhl liave enabled her to give 
 to these desions the sustained attention tlie\- deinandiil. 
 She must dazzle, she nuist have gloiy, and. assui('(lly. not 
 in those lowly liandets lost in the forests of Anierieaeould 
 Louis XI\'. attain this enih And yet there, nioic than 
 in auo'ht else, was the futui'e of France. 'I'liie, it was 
 slow, pUxlding work, the Iruils of wliich "were far dis- 
 tant ; but in letnrn what a, rich harvest, what solid 
 glory, what lasting greatness was thus cheaply to be 
 earned by hranct'I 
 
 There is no more striking proof of her carclessncs.s 
 than the way in whii-h she deseited Acadia. In the 
 course of an entiie centuiy this provinci' ret-eived barely 
 two hundred colonists, whereas its dangt-rous situation 
 and its importance would have called for fift}' times as 
 many. This was less immigration in a century than 
 the smallest English colony received in one year. Tn 
 the single summer of 1()20 the colony of Virginia wel- 
 
''^■**. 
 
 I iiinl iii- 
 
 ecnu'il to 
 rely fon- 
 c ill 1''T'> 
 la: -!'<' 
 . l)t.'tk'i to 
 -. lliilli tr, 
 lies 111 tiie 
 
 nly a pas.s- 
 ■ss fully to 
 'd ol" calm 
 ide, anil)i- 
 acki'd tlie 
 vv to ;4ivo 
 ileiuainled. 
 ii'edly. not 
 erieaeoiild 
 more than 
 lie, it was 
 re I'ar dis- 
 ivliat solid 
 jily to be 
 
 irelessness 
 ;i. Ill tlie 
 vtMl barely 
 s situation 
 y times as 
 utury than 
 e year. Tu 
 ro'iuia wel- 
 
 I 
 
 /•At 
 
 t 
 
 I 
 
 
 '■'m 
 
 m 
 
 hia'NIm:i:s of im;.\n<'k. 
 
 45 
 
 1 
 
 :i 
 
 coiiu'l 12«)1 colonists, and it already had «!00, In l»)i'.') 
 tlieie came another thousand, and iis early as l<)4t) it 
 had a ])o).ulation ol -JO.OOO souls. IJelore 1040, 2UH 
 shi]is crowd, •(! with immii,'rants ]ja<l east anehor in the 
 {lOit ol' Ihtston. On the other liand, it is clear that, 
 unassiste<l and unenrouraijed. immicrratiou must have 
 lieen a negative (juantity in a country so lielplessly 
 exi>osed as was Acadia. That it possessed natural 
 advantaj,'es was not enough : over and above this there 
 was needed, at thi' outset, vigorous encouragement to a 
 IhxIv of colonists immigrating all together in suflieient 
 numbers to ensure their being able to protect them- 
 selves, and thus make up by their nuiltitudti for the 
 insecurity of their posit ii»n. This province, which 
 would thus have been a source of stivngth to France, 
 r'-aTiy became, on the contrary, a cause of weakness, an 
 ever menacing danger. Yeiv different, indeed, was 
 the reality fi()m tlu; wise maxims which Louis XIV. 
 retiimmended to his Intendant in Canada. 
 
 J»ut Avhat is more inconceivable still, is that, at the 
 very time when Acadia was lighting heroic battles 
 decisive of its fate, Louis XI \'., easily seduced by great 
 projects, was seized with a new infatuation for T^ouisiana 
 and the inland regions leading up to the Great Lakes 
 and to Canada : a great and noble project in truth, 
 which his habitual inconstancy was to reduce to a 
 costly chimera, furnishing fuel for jealousy and hasten- 
 ing the ruin of his colonial emijire. 
 
 If France can iind in the study of her liistory, as she 
 undoubtedly can, matter for self-glorification, it is 
 smely not in her colonial policy. The wonder is, not 
 that her colonies ended in misfortune, but that they 
 held out so long against such fearful odds. Courage, 
 
II 
 : iiililiWi 
 
 .i ' 
 
 1. ii 
 
 
 '!« 
 
 ^. f! 
 
 ! W 
 
 4e 
 
 BLUNDKltS OF I'UANCK. 
 
 energy and well-directed efforts were not lacking in tlie 
 colonists themselves; this is proved to evidence by their 
 struggles, both in the direction of self-develojunent 
 and extension of French power, antl in the way of resist- 
 ance for so long a time and with such marked sikicss 
 against an «jneniy that outnumbered them sixteen to one. 
 llei'e is cause for nausi'lit but t'lori Meal ion and astonish- 
 ment. 'i'he shame of failure falls entij'cly n|)on tiiat 
 luiskilful administration, that witty incapacity, that 
 proud impotence which stamped the [)oli(^y of !•" ranee. 
 
 The national charact(!)', in its good (pialities as well as 
 in its defects, had already become well-nigh iixed, and 
 Louis XIV^. was its most brilliant ex[)ressi()n. (Jen- 
 erally speaking, the chai-acter of a nation is the result of 
 iijiparently insignilicaut circumstances, scarcely noticed 
 when first they aj^iiear. Latei- on. however, and some- 
 times much later, they make themselves felt. l'\»ra long 
 time, and especially during all the middle ages, the most 
 Sidient points of divergence in the respective character- 
 istics of the iiations of Western Europe were, after all, 
 only shades of difference. England differed little from 
 France, France from Spain ; all three had acc^uired the 
 germs of liberty, and it was the expansion or contrac 
 tion of that liberty which was to have a dominant intiu- 
 ence in fixing the special character of each nation, and 
 in stamping each with its essential differentiation. 
 These distinctive qualities were also to influence the 
 future destiny of each nation. ' 
 
 At that remote period France and England were like 
 two streandets la/.ily meandering on the same table-land, 
 coming near to each other, then winding further a{)art, 
 then winding in again ; their general trend seems the 
 same ; are they going to unite ? Perhaps ; but, at any 
 

 r.l.lNDKItS op I.MIAN(.'E. 
 
 io in the 
 ! 1)V tlieir 
 L'loi/uient 
 of ivsist- 
 
 ll SlU'l'l'SS 
 lislnllisll- 
 
 i|)(»ii that 
 •ily. tliat 
 >f Knmce. 
 as woll as 
 lixt'd, uiul 
 111. (Joii- 
 e result ot" 
 ly noticed 
 and sonie- 
 
 Vovd \o\\'^ 
 s. tlie most 
 
 elraractev- 
 ;, after till, 
 
 little from 
 quired the 
 or e-ontiac;. 
 iuaut intiu- 
 
 ation, and 
 erentiation. 
 
 ueuce the 
 
 d were like 
 table-laiul, 
 
 rther apart, 
 seems the 
 
 but, at any 
 
 '4 
 
 rate, when they have <«jo\vn by the tribute of many 
 rtflluents into mighty rivers, they will surely emi)t.v into 
 the same oeean. Yet faets belie this foreeast : u very 
 slight rise in tiie land will be enough to ehange their 
 course and make vhem How in (H)i)osite direetions : one to 
 the east, theotiier to the west; tliis one toward one oeeaii, 
 tliat one toward another. One was to keep on maje.sti- 
 lally and peaeefuliy flowing through rich meadows: tht; 
 other was to leap wildly through narrow gorges, then 
 sjiread out into a lake, then again narrow into a torrent, 
 crossinu' now eiiohanting seenerv, now desolate burning 
 deserts. A little bit of a hill had been the insurmount- 
 able wall that had decided their respective fates and tlit; 
 flow of their waters. The expansion of tiie liberties of 
 England, the eontraetion of tlios(( of FraiiiH! was that 
 little hill that sent them in opposite direi-tions through 
 experiences so dissimilar. Had it not been for a seem- 
 ing trifle, the course followed by the one might have 
 been followed by the other with reversed results. 
 
 VVHiile the Knglish nobility shut themselves up in 
 their demesnes, thus preseiving a certain inde[)endence 
 in respect of the sovereign, and some interest in consort- 
 ing with the people for the conservation and increase of 
 their common liberties, in France all the nobles rushed 
 to court, drawn thither by royal favor and tlie fascina- 
 tion of pleasure. However insigniticant this slender 
 historic detail may .seem, it prepared France for the 
 abandonment of the germs of liberty it then possess "n ; 
 this was the little hill that altered its course and its 
 destiny. 
 
 'i'hese men, who had become courtiers in quest of 
 honors and favors, athirst for ])leasure, held their peace 
 before the encrorchments of the king. Deprived of its 
 
 >S£i 
 
I 
 
 I 
 
 •i,.ti4 
 
 ltd' 
 
 ,1 ■*- 
 
 m 
 
 lit 
 
 Wlj 
 
 48 
 
 GUOWTII <>1" l.IUKItTV 
 
 dt'l'iMulers, the jieoph^ could not witlistiind the clijipiufj 
 of their liard-wou jU'ivik'ge.s. Tlius it was tiiiil, our 
 litter another, tho concjuests of lihcrty, hoth for nol)h>.s 
 and roninioni'rs, tlisapi)eare<l. Wlien Loni.s XIV. 
 deci^Uid to he his own prime minister; when, waite(| 
 nixiii. after the (h'ath of ('ardinal Ma/.arin, hy tlie fiuie- 
 tionaries of state, and asked to wliom tliey nuist in 
 future Jip])!}' on (juestions of [)uhlie business, he replied, 
 imicli to tiieir astonishment, "To myself," tluin was 
 liht^'ty undone. There iiMuained only the; precarious 
 splendor of the thrctne and the d(nd)tful prestige of the 
 past, until the day should come when the state woidd 
 be the l*omi)adour or any other favorite courtesan, 
 until, sinking still lower, Louis XV. should be shameless 
 enough to say, '• After me the (Uduge." Nor was this 
 deluge long delayed ; a deluge of blood, the pielude of 
 freiiuent fruitless efforts and violent leactions, of scenes 
 of anger and bailed, glory and humiliation. 
 
 England alone escaped the wreck of her liberties. If 
 she was saved from disaster, it was probably not because 
 she had acquired, in that seventeenth century, more 
 wisdom and maturity than other nations, but because of 
 her insular position, because of some insignilicant de- 
 tails resulting rather from an api)arently fortuitous com- 
 bination of circumstances than from her own foresight. 
 "England." says Macaulay, '' escaped from absolutism, 
 but she escaped very narrowly." It is well for mankind 
 thai this exception arose. Those liberties, preserved 
 and increased, constitute England's greatness; her ex- 
 am])le has set her up as a beacon light to guide the 
 nations in the proper channel. 
 
 Viewing the results, men have ascended to the cause 
 thereof and traced out the methods that produced them. 
 
 T 
 
 '1 
 
 1 
 
^ 
 
 (JUONVTII nr |,||ii:i;TY. 
 
 4'.» 
 
 1 
 
 ■I 
 
 ■ w 
 ■fM 
 
 Tlicv liiive imitiilctl Kiij4hiii(l ; tlu-y liiive uUo iniitiiled 
 llii- iiati(tii that .sinaiiy' fioiii Kiiif,MiUi<i, huilt up Ijy Imm 
 (HI this c-oiiliiiL'iil mil iil' siiitiiblc i:lcim'iits, »•(tlulili(»ll.^, 
 lusli's iiiid tt'ii(U;ii(it's, ill ;i lu'W liuid lived I'ldiii Hid 
 Wdi'ld ties. Iii.sti'iid oi' (iiic iiiodtd now thiMC aii' two. 
 With iu,niird tn l'jiL;iiiiid, the cMiliil ion w ii.s thi; work of 
 setMiiiiii; (haiii'c, ill iiii.swi'i- to {\n- nceossltii's ol' llic 
 nioiiii'iit. ill ordrr to tsciiiic iKmi ihr niiiioii.s ('ii[»i'ir(' oj 
 a duspot, to siitisfv thiiL di'siic of lihcMty which wc all 
 ft'cj luuic or less : hut hy little and littli; tin? liiists were 
 lifird. till- consi'iiucmjcs, if not of the fiituii', at least of 
 the past and the present, were Ijetter and butter undei- 
 htood. li soon heeanie evident that the <(rowth of lilM5i ty 
 must 1h! aeeonipairu'd hy the growth of iMlui-ation, that 
 the OIK! was tlu; reason of tlie other, and that the two, 
 ^v•orking together, were the fountain-head of all the 
 material [)rogress whieh our century enjoys. 
 
 To study the effects of liberty one must not stop at 
 abstract theory, but must go on to exainiae methods and 
 facts. Excellent as liberty is in itself, it may i)e the 
 source of many evils. The study of actual methods 
 teaches that solid results are ol)tained only by agitation, 
 i t'., by a continual, thoughtful, calm effort leaning on 
 public opinion which it first creates, advancing method- 
 ically step by step, by legitimate means on what we 
 might call an easy upward gradient. One reform, one 
 new franchise, becomes a solid and permanent acquisi- 
 tion, as well as a step to other reforms. It is a process 
 of building up and consolidating rather than of de- 
 struction. 
 
 This method, more even than the liberty it won, is 
 what gives to British institutions that progressive sta- 
 bility which all the world admires. The most impoitant 
 
50 
 
 GROWTK OF LIBK15TY. 
 
 
 effect of this method is the moulding of the nation's 
 chamcter. It is this " hio.(.dening from precedent to 
 precedent " that has imparted to the English character 
 that cahnness, moderation, firmness and dignity which 
 insure its superiority in great undertakings and in its 
 diiTt'rences witli other nations. It is thi.s, too, that has 
 made respect for law and authority almost an instinct 
 with Englishmen. What lias been ac(piired by dint of 
 patient effort is loved and revered ; nor are such con- 
 quests any longer open to attack. Tviilers themselves 
 will respect what is only one step more, one slight sac- 
 rifice to the will of the nation freely expressed by it* 
 legitimate representatives. 
 
 However tardy was sometimes the advent of long- 
 looked-for reforms, no one ever dreamt of imposing 
 them by force against the will of the majority, when 
 experience showed that constitutional agitation and ar- 
 gument gave the best chance of success and the most 
 solid guarantees, provided one were on the side of riijlit 
 and justice. Under these circumstances it was to be 
 expected that the debates of contending parties would 
 necessarily be stamped with calmness and dignity, which 
 were, besides, conducive to success. 
 
 One of the lesiilts of this well-ordered march from 
 liberty to liberty, from reform to reform, was that parties 
 Avere generally separated only by shades of different e; 
 essential harmony was rarely marred. When a scarcely 
 perceptible line of demarcation parts us from an adversary, 
 it is possible to come to an understanding with him. 
 The separation was, so to speak, a movable fence that 
 might be shoved back and fortl). Instead of living in two 
 distinct camps, quite estranged from one another, tlictd 
 was a certain amount of intercourse, proposals and con- 
 
 « 
 
 J* 
 
(JIJOWTH OF LIBERTY. 
 
 51 
 
 line ; 
 •celf 
 
 lliim. 
 that 
 two 
 
 con- 
 
 cessions were in order. Self-possession, moderation, 
 })eaeeful and courteous discussion were obviously called 
 for in order to husband or to increase one's strength. 
 The distance between one pfirty and the otlier was some- 
 times so slight that a little cautious diplomacy was often 
 enough to secure either consent or n. niajoiily. 
 
 Because she was deprived of these liberties and thrown 
 violently backward, France rushed into revolution. iVot 
 l)eing allowed legitimate freedom of evolution, she went 
 into revolution, and overthrew law and oidor. I'crliaps 
 it was her only M'ay out of the chaos and luin that 
 threatened her. When Louis \IV. confiscated tlie 
 liberties of France and thus tlu't^w her back, he little 
 dreamt that he was preparing the ruin of his dynasty 
 and the death of his second successor, lie liad himself 
 cliarged the mine that was to blow u[) his throne. Me 
 was called great because he knew liow to dazzle; but, 
 if greatness l)e measured by the solidity of one's struct- 
 ures and the clear view of consequences, he \va.s very 
 small and very fatal to his country. 
 
 This confiscation of the liberties of France is i-esponsible 
 for tlie momentous events of which she has since been 
 the scene, and these events in their turn have intensified 
 both her own native (h.'fects and those which she shariMl 
 with other nations govei'ned as she was. Had she slowlv 
 developed along the lim^s of freedom, she would, by tlu? 
 very foice of circumstances, have not only ke|)t her own 
 good qualities, but also acquii'ed most of those which 
 have accnuid to Fnghmd. For want of this wisdom, 
 she lias I'ushed into a seri(>s of revolutions of which the 
 end is probably not yet. Fieedom foiced upon people 
 by bloodshed cannot be true freedom ; it will always bo 
 odious to many and thereftn-e of luicertain temu-e. If 
 
i 
 
 52 
 
 C.UOWTH OF LIBKItTV. 
 
 imposed l)y revolution, the same means will be employed 
 to destroy it : lienee eontempt of law and of one's 
 adversaries, raneor. injustices, conspiracies ; hence a 
 special tendency of the national character that stiffens 
 into a llxcd habit of mind. IJetwccn the man that 
 desires a rc])ublic and the man ihat desires a retui'n to 
 the old (U'der of things yawns a gulf that is very hard to 
 bridge. Tliey have no points of contact; even socially, 
 they are str.'uigers, and if tliey have any know! ,e of 
 cacli oilier, it will be mostly founded on slander. "J'lieir 
 natuial wea[)ons will be violence and insult. 
 
 Thus the slight divergences of three or four centuries 
 ago have l)ccome strong contrasts through the choice of 
 different methods. Tliis we I'eali/.e to-day: but our 
 forefathers did not. It was not in view of an ideal 
 (beam or atH'oi'ding to a preconceived plan that liluM'ty 
 gradually was introduced into England. Men acted 
 merely according to tlu! exigencies of the moment in 
 Older to sujtply fresli wants. Yet ex{)erience has set 
 great store by these liberties thus acquired. Peo{)le 
 were gradually educated up to an intelligent compre- 
 hension of what is called tlie theory of social evolution, 
 a theory which, in France, lias recently been styled opjior- 
 tunism. Thus it is that w'e are ever advancing toward 
 new horizons that should be studied and, if possible, 
 foreseen : thus it is that events are ever occurring the 
 tendency and ultimate significance of which we cannot 
 so much as conjecture. 
 
 Whilst England, by lier steady progress in the widen- 
 ing field of liberty, grew greater and greater, France, 
 tending towards absolutism, was, amidst bursts of daz- 
 zling glory, gradually losing as much as her rival gained. 
 The time came when the latter sought not only to re- 
 
GROWTH OF LIHKUTY. 
 
 53 
 
 cover what she liad lost, wliat it liad cost England three 
 huiitlied years to maintain and develop, but also to lake 
 a forward leap of several <;enturies. Then a useful 
 ex})erience prove<l that the social edifice has no stability 
 unless it be built up slowly, stone upon stone, with 
 plunil)-line aiul cement carefully applied to each. 
 When, however, the edifice has been raised without 
 these precautions, and consei^uently threatens to fall, it 
 ma}' lie necessary to pull it down. 
 
 All the teachings of the piist lead to the l)elief that 
 England followed the true, the lietter course. But, in 
 such matters, error is always possible, because, to the 
 inunediate and visible i-esults, nuist be added others 
 that are invisil)le and distant, and sometimes very dif- 
 ferent from those which seem startlingly clear. Wc are 
 witnesses, on the one baud, f)f the first oonse(|uenccs of 
 evolution ; on the i>tlier. of revolution ; or ratiicr of 
 slow evolution and rapid evolution. P^or this century, 
 at least, the advantage is clearly on the side of slow 
 evolution. Hut who t.-an foretell with cei'tainty the 
 remote consecjuences in future ages? It is the secret of 
 Pi'ovidence. In all so(M'al questions this i)i'in(;ii)le holds : 
 immediate or proximate results may be very different 
 from remote conse<[uences. The human mind is, after 
 all, despairingly limited. It often happens that what 
 is {(ractical wisdom in the long run comes from re])Uted 
 fools. Statues are erected \n hoi:or of those who hnve 
 foreseen inunediate or proximate effects. Those who 
 have had intuitions of more distant results are some- 
 times locked up. 
 
 It may be for the interest of mankind at large that 
 nations work out their destinies in various ways. Hu- 
 man jn'ogress is a congeries of ac(juired experiences. 
 
i 
 
 'ill!' 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 I pi 
 
 54 
 
 GIIOWTH OF LIBERTY. 
 
 The doings of one people are noted by another, matured, 
 weighed, accepted or lejected entirely or partially ; the 
 residuum of good becomes the property of the civilized 
 world. 
 
 One thing seems (piitc certain: England has won the 
 first game. Her methods of success have been studied ; 
 they have been and still are useful to all nations. Shall 
 she lose the next innings ? It is the secret of the future, 
 the secret which statesmen are striving to discover. 
 All nations may have special hopes and consoling fore- 
 (!asts; bul.al any rate, it is undeniable that England, by 
 opening u[) the [)ath, has got a start tliat she ma}- very 
 well be j)roud of. Some may question if her advance 
 lias not been too slow, if the habits thns formed may 
 not 1)0 some day a source of danger. For her that slow- 
 ness was a necessity ; she was feeding her way from the 
 kjiown to the uidcnown. Now that the territory is 
 UKtstly ma[)pe(l out, it is easy foi- other nations to take a 
 sliorl out and su])prcss some of the old, painful, round- 
 about trami)ing. But England's traditional wisdom 
 gives us every reason to trust she will always be willing 
 to move on in time to avoid any dangers that may 
 thi'eaten her. 
 
 Highly as 1 value the good points which liberty and 
 the struijole therefoi- have broujjht out in the institu- 
 tions and character of England, 1 am far from admiring 
 everything English or blaming everything French. 
 The scope of this work does not admit of insisting on 
 the defects of the picture. Else 1 might point to a 
 series of shameful acts very often far worse than the worst 
 deeds of France. Taking all in all, not only was Eng- 
 land's seventeenth century no better than the same period 
 in France : but, in many respects, it was worse than the 
 
(JUONVTH OF LIUKUTV. 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 eighteenth iu France. Nevertheless, in the midst of her 
 (IcHpesi hiuuiiiiitioiis England was collectin<>- materials* 
 lor future <(reatness. If deeds of shanie were, in a 
 sens*,', an outcome of the struggle for liberty, it was the 
 siublxtrnness and encroachments of the crown that pro- 
 voked them; they were the olfsj)ring of al)S()lutism and 
 ot ihose who sacriticed to it the interests of the nation, 
 ni>r eaii they he fathered on the valiant defenders of 
 lilKiity. Courage and (hsinterestedness werii needed to 
 ixpose oii(;"s self to the loyal displeasure, to persecu- 
 tions, to iiiin, to decapitation. No wonder most of the 
 lii<rh functionaries sacrificed, when the sacrifice was an 
 essential eondilion, lionoi', principles and liumanity in 
 order to presei've o" obtain royal favors. Thosi' men, 
 mIio seem to us bereft of all lionorable feeling, mio-lit 
 liuve ])een, under othei' circumstances, the oi'iiament of 
 their lace: in fact their only fault, perhaps, was lating 
 ambition al)ove virtue. 
 
 In this world of ours tlieie is no sucli thino; as un- 
 mixed good. The purest joys are the reward of suffer- 
 ing. Tliis is true of liberty, and still more tine of tlie 
 struggle to obtain and preserve it. This struggle was 
 necessary, and the defections, treachery and crime were 
 unavoidable. Would li])erty have given to England 
 such favorable results, had it be(Mi accpiiied witbont 
 resistance? Would it be as iiighlv value<l '/ Would it 
 have taken on that stability which has hitherto secured 
 it from all vicissitudes? i^iobabiy not. 
 
 So long as England was in the painful period of 
 incubatioji, s(^ long as the natiojis of Europe could see 
 only the evils accompanying tlK>se conflicts for liberty, 
 it was i)eihaps impossible for them to grasp the good 
 result that was to follow. The veiy bitterness of the 
 
56 
 
 GKOWTH OF LIBEIJTY. 
 
 contest for freedom nmst necessarily have produced 
 special crimes from wliicli tlie undisputed absolutism of 
 the French monarchy was exempt. The fruits of lil)erty 
 could not he lasted and a})preciated until the conflict 
 liad cooled down hy the final triumph of Parliamentary 
 suprema«!y. No wonder, then, that Louis XIV., or even 
 the French nobilitj', seeing contemporary facts, judged 
 that the al)solute inle of the sovereign was the only 
 means of ensuring unity of action, stability, order, har- 
 mony and the elements of greatness. What they wit- 
 nessed in their own day nuist have convinced them that 
 they were right. Very likely they saw, in those intes- 
 tine struggles, only the attempt of a few to gratify their 
 j)assions or fiu-ther their own interests at the expense of 
 the nation's weal. Could they then descry the far-ofP 
 (effects of this liberty on the national character, effects 
 that weie oidy as yet dimly outlined in a maze of strik- 
 ing disadvantages? So long as France was in the 
 hands of a sovereign like Louis XIV., who dazzled her 
 by his greatness, she could delude herself with the 
 fancy that things would remain ever thus. It needed 
 the follies of the Regency and of Louis XV. ; it needed 
 ruin and humiliation to rouse her from her torpor, to 
 make her realize that she was at the mercy of the in- 
 frequent virtues and very frequent vices of her kings. 
 Fnince has had many severe lessons. Will she profit 
 by them ? We must hope so. Will she get Iwck what 
 she has lost? This again we may hope for: one or two 
 centuries are of small account in the life of a nation. 
 We may hope that she will at length reach a state of 
 equilibrium, and, having secured that, will advance with 
 constiint and measured steps. She will always be, we 
 hope, great in her genius, in her activity of mind, in 
 
 f 
 
(iUOWTH OF LlBEltTY 
 
 Oi 
 
 noble and geneious ideas, in seieiico. in llie love of tlie 
 Iteauliftil. liut, what she will never if^iiiii is the hiijh 
 place she h.us lost, the part she onee played in tlu- civil- 
 izing and peopling of the globe. If France has declined 
 somewhat, oi rather if .she lias not advanced as niiicli :is 
 was to be expected ; if she be destined to declinest ill moic, 
 she can trat^e this decline to her want of ex[)ansion. to her 
 lack of colonies. When France and England were con- 
 tending for the possession of North America, the latter 
 had only thirteen millions of inhabitants, whereas the 
 former had twenty-seven millions. Look at the sitnaiion 
 to-day. The United Kingdom has thirty-seven millions, 
 Fi-ance only thirty-eight millions, while in North 
 America alone there aie almost seventy jnillions ol' men 
 that speak the language and are im])regnated \\\{\i liie 
 ideas and special characteristics of !>ritain. How shall 
 it be in one, two or three centuries, Avhen l"jigland will 
 have develo})ed mighty empires in the vast colonies 
 under her sway ? Tt matters little that these colonies 
 should become independent of the mother country; 
 even Avhen her daughters leave her. their intlueme and 
 prestige is none the less traceable to their fruitful 
 parent. 
 
 Yet, not to the unfruitfulness of the French lace is 
 this contrast to be attributed. Any doubt on this ques- 
 tion would be set aside by the prodigious ex[)ansioii of 
 the Canadians and ^Vcadians, an expansion the only 
 equal of which perhaps is that of the Boers. 
 
 When European governments, in the last two cen- 
 turies, strove to found colonies, they did not, as fir as 
 we can judge, reckon with this increase and spread 
 of population. They were naturally inclined to iliiidc 
 their colonizing movements would weaken the mtulier 
 
68 
 
 (JltOWTFf OF LlBKIiTY. 
 
 country. Tliey simply yielded to the pressure of com- 
 nierciiil inteiesl. Hut exi)erience has since proved that 
 the increase of population wa*» largely due to increiised 
 spate and to the ell)ow-room thus afforded. Here, again, 
 is one ol' those far-off nonsequences, invisible to one 
 generation and yet visible to another, to which I alluded 
 a moment ago. 
 
 It is highly probable that British statesmen did not 
 f(»resee, any better than those of France, the future of 
 their colonics. Neither did they create and develop 
 these colonies according to a set plan and on fixed prin- 
 ciples, foreseeing, arranging and maturing everything. 
 The contraiy of all this would be nearer the truth. In 
 this rcs])('ct the English government was not more 
 active, nor more provident than the French. True, 
 British immigration was considerable from the outset ; 
 but it was mostly all due to private initiative. As for 
 the Puritans and the Quakers, it was an asylum from 
 intolerance. They wanted and hoped to govern them- 
 selves, or at least to be free; from hindrances to freedom 
 of conscience. France never held out similar hopes to 
 the Huguenots. All other immigrants were either 
 traders or colonists pure and simple. 
 
 While the pernicious influence of the French court 
 wivs weakening the nobility, in England the gentry and 
 the ricli mcrchauts were eager for distant enterprises. 
 Ill this latter country it was enough to let that private 
 initiative have its way which in France was excluded 
 and paralyzed by the habit of waiting in all things for 
 the ordei-s and regulations of royalty. Had the Hugue- 
 nots been allowed the same freedom of action as the 
 Puritans, they would have been only too glad to set up 
 for themselves outside of France in her colonies ; so 
 
 r 
 
tiWnWTII (M MIIKKTV 
 
 51) 
 
 wonl'l tilt' leliq-ions oi<U'r.s : but, for tlu; latter as woU 
 as lur tln! loiiiH'i-, il was t'earod tlial tlu'V iiiiglit ac((uirt! 
 ton iniicli iii(lL'i)t'ii(lL'iict' ami powrr. TliiLS, iHitwceii 
 inaction oil tli(! oiu! liaial and ol)stailt's on tlieotlior, tlio 
 (■(.lunit,'s were let! to stninj^lc on in tlicii' iiujioti'iit way. 
 I am not aware that the Knqlish (loveniiiient made 
 iiioK' rtToits at the onlsel for thi; jjeoplinjj^ of her eoh;- 
 iiies than Franee did. The ohstaeh'S the hitter ojiposi'd 
 to the Iliinueiiots the former also opposed to the Piiri- 
 I ins : hut — -here eonie^s in an inij)orlant (HfTereiiee, on 
 w hirli peiliaps depended th(; fatt; of tht; Hni^'lisli eoh)nies 
 — En>fhind yielded to eiitreaties, and less than a eeutury 
 later tliat flourishinjLr eolony of the Puritans numbered 
 7o,00(> souls, lour times the entire ))opuliitioi» of New 
 Franee. So true is it that the fate of i-mpires frequently 
 nuns on aj)pare)itly uisiflfuificaut events. 
 
 Xoi- did Fntjland <,»'overii her eolonies mueh better 
 than France did hers. Like Fianee, England granted 
 jidiiulous charters which lianded over and eonfiseated 
 vast domains, ill-delined charteis which aniuiUed each 
 other or which were aiuiulled according to caprice. 
 Nor. ayfain, were the liritish inniiip-rants any better than 
 the French. Quite the contrary: when France under- 
 took to send colonists, slie was t(t(» fastidious, while 
 I^ngland was perhaps not sulliciently painstaking in her 
 choice. 
 
 Htn"e the Puritans are ncjt included: they were not 
 xciit tothe colonies: haviuyf left Knjifland, thev had taken 
 refuge in Holland, and they succeeded in effecting a co- 
 lonial settlement in America only by dint of begging for 
 permission to do so. 'j'heir motives were of the most 
 exalte<l kind. Most piaiseworthy wei'e the morals of 
 those families seeking an asvlum wliere tliev might live 
 
60 
 
 (iiMAVTii OF i.ini:i;TY. 
 
 ' iiiii 
 liil 
 
 according to tlicii' conviclions. 'I'liey sonolil iieiilun' 
 riches nor pleasure, nor the satisfactions of vanit}' and 
 anihition ; yet tliey found, tojrotlier with the asylum 
 they liad desired, all (liat frugality, orderliness, economy 
 and intelligence could [)rocuie. It was this undesired 
 emigration that turned out best for the strength of 
 England. 
 
 Not so with the colony of Virginia. At first picked 
 families were sent thither ; but soon recruits came from 
 all quarters, and immigration, lajrsing into a commercial 
 vejiture, gradually deteriorated till it became altogether 
 bad. High bounties made the recruiting of clorks and 
 servants for the great colonizing companies a matter of 
 money grabbing. Boys of 14 and 1 o and even sickly 
 youths, says Rameau,* were kidnapped from sea-[)ort.s ; 
 agents embarked all the vagaboncts and jail-birds tiiat 
 felt the need of going far away from })laces where they 
 were too well known. A still moie revolting s[)ectacle 
 on the shores of the New Worhl was the sale of con- 
 tracts which were often wholly fictiticms. In truth this 
 was the organizing of a white slave trade with slavery 
 for a term of years ; from that to the negi'o slav(^ tra<le 
 Avith indefinite slavery was only a step, and that step 
 was soon taken. 
 
 " As early as 1619,'' says Hildreth. ''1,200 immigrants 
 came to Virginia; among them Avere 100 vagabonds or 
 old offenders, who were sold like the rest, and also 20 
 negroes, who were brought thither and sold by a certain 
 Dutch captain ; these were the first." 
 
 The Britisli (Jovennnent, taking the hint thus given, 
 saw its Avay to getting rid of all its prisoners : tians- 
 ^ortation, in fact, saved the expenses of their mainte- 
 * Quoting Cadior and Bancroft. 
 
<ii;<»\VTir ni- MMKItTV 
 
 »;i 
 
 iiiuicf ill lioiiic, wliilf tliu siilij of their services actually 
 Idoiinlil ill iiioik'v . Tlii'se living coii.sigiimunts hccanie 
 ti(<|iu,'iit : iM»)" was the iran.spoitatiuii contined to crini 
 iiials ; it ^\ as s(»<)ii cxteiidetl t(» political prisoners, and 
 tlius tlie civil dissensions ol' Kngland became a fruit lid 
 source of Knglisli cndgr.ition to Virginia, and afterwiiid 
 >naduallv to tlic oilier colonii's, even to New Enijland. 
 
 '• This traClic in men of Uritish i-ace became so coiii- 
 inon * thiit not only the Scotch who had been made 
 jirisoners at the battle of Dunbar, were sldpped to 
 America to be there made slaves, but also the royalists 
 tliat fell into the powei- of the I'ailiamentary party at 
 the battle of Worcester, as well as the leaders of the 
 revolt of Penruddoi' Avere embaiked for the colonies. 
 In Ireland the transj)ortations of Irish Catholics weic 
 numerous and frequent, and accompanied with such 
 cruel treatment as to be scarcely better than the atroci- 
 ties of the African slave trade. In lOSo nearlv a 
 thousand prisoners, compiomised in the rebellion of 
 Monmouth, were condemned to deportation, and forth- 
 with many of the men that were influential at Court 
 wrangled over this prey as over a most proiitable mer- 
 cliandise." 
 
 Thus the British Government had but a small share 
 in the peopling of the colonies, and this share is per- 
 haps not ver}^ creditable. However, for one reason or 
 another, the blunders of England were not so grave as 
 those of France, with this further difference that the 
 very blunders of England became ultimately profitable. 
 Perha})s it was better to be less exacting in the choice 
 of emigrants and to fill up the colonies than to remain 
 inactive and especially to hinder emigration. Thq«e 
 
 * Uatneati i^uuUug Curlier uud BtiucroCt. 
 
(12 
 
 liiinMrii or i,iiu;i;tv, 
 
 'i*.« 
 
 i '■ 
 
 ciiiniiiiils must livo soinculu'ii!, iiiid it may liiivc iH-fii 
 |>it'lci'iil)l(' t»» suffer tlicm to settle in a mnv coinitiy. 
 wlit'ie, liiidiiij^' moi'u iiiimeroiis iiiid varied advaiitaufes, 
 they mi«,'lit becomu moral and [jrosperoiis subjects. The 
 oii^'iiijil i)()pulati()n was UKual and niunorous tMiough to 
 absoi'l) without toomiieh haini to itself those outcasts of 
 society. Nevertheless, if the facets themselves aic ex- 
 cusable, tlie method of o[)eratioii was not so: iiothinir 
 can excuse the; liiitish rjoveinment for havino-. imi oolv 
 toleiated, but oi'iginated that hateful whit(! sliivc tnide 
 which was soon to issue in the regular negro slave trade 
 and to taint in their very fountain-head the really ex- 
 cellent (qualities of an infant nation. 
 
 France made another mistake in not coloni/iny, as 
 she might have done, tlie Atlantic coast fiom X'irginia 
 northward, or at least a considerable! [)ortion of that 
 toast, so as to secure a greater variety of climate. Trade 
 WHS, of course, the motive power at the time the colonies 
 weie founded. France mad(? the iirst choice, and, as re- 
 gards the fur trade and the fisheries, that choice nnist 
 have been considered, at least for the first half century, 
 the best. Similarly, it was the gold craze that tirst led 
 multitudes to California in 1849 ; yet, in the long- run, 
 the soil and the climate were found to be greater sources 
 of pi'osperity than the richest mines. This climatic; 
 blundei' may have contributed more than anything else 
 to keep F^ ranee in astateof great numerical inferiority in 
 Amei'ica. People did not care to emigrate to A' dm 
 because it was too unich exposed to attn^k .*• to 
 Canada beciause the climate was too sevei not suf- 
 
 ficiently varied. Probably it was to repair i > mistake 
 that Louis XIV. liad conceived the project of coloni ingf 
 the Illinois country and the Upper ]\Iississsipi ; but it 
 
CKOWTII oi' MUKKTY. 
 
 !*>> 
 I)>l 
 
 was then too latt;. Voltaiic yiivi! «'X[»res8i<)M to this idtsi, 
 when, with his witty flippancy, lie saitl tliat, after all, 
 France was {j'iving up " only a finv acres of snow." 
 
 It has become the fashion tosay thatthe Frenchiniin is 
 no colonizer. No douht he has now )io<>reat reputation 
 in that lin«5 ; hut the leason is that France has nolonticr 
 a single colony favorably situated as aliome for the white 
 lace. TIk^ I'^rcm-hnian is no Ioniser a coloni/cr, because, 
 ainid the tuinioil of revolutions and counlcr-ivvolutions, 
 iiiuid constant strugj^his with his FiU()])ean neinhbois, he 
 neV4!r has had Icisuic to take a serious interest in his 
 colonics, lint 1 cannot admit that the Frenchman, in the 
 sev(!ntcenth or eighteenth century, was not (piitc! as 
 good at coloni/.ing as the Knglishman, tht! Spaniard or 
 the Dutchman. The only things that handicapiK'd the 
 Frenclnnan were his patcunalism in govcrnnu-nt and the 
 disadvantages of his position in lMir<ti)c. As to Freuc li- 
 nu;n themselves, what they achieved hi're on American 
 soil sccnis utterly lo contradict the assertion that they 
 did not know how to coloni/e. 
 
 Having explained their numerical inferioiity b}- causes 
 that do not imply an absence of the coloinzing spirit. I fiinl 
 that those who settled in Canada gave proofs of physical 
 iijttitudc, of energy, (jf skill, of courage, which, in many 
 respects, seem supeiior to anything of the sort the 
 llritish ('(jlonists could show. Flse, how could the 
 r'rench have hekl their own during a century an<l a half 
 against an enemy that outnumbered them sixteen to 
 one? What wonderful achievements would have been 
 theirs, had they been, I will not say sixteen times a,s 
 numerous as the English, but fairly matched in point of 
 numbers ? Were they not singularly gifted, those men 
 who penetrated into the interior of the continent and 
 
U4 
 
 (iitoNvrii o; i,ii',i:i;i'\ . 
 
 "4 
 
 
 I^P 
 
 ill -'• 
 
 foiiiidt'd sctllciiKMils iiiid »iiil[»(»sls in count i'ic;.s that wtsre 
 as'vd nnUnown to the Ani(Mi(^iiii (colonist? 'I'lic sclllc- 
 nu'iils of I''i'ontcnii(', Detroit, (iiecn liuy, VinccMiiujs, and 
 oilier colonics in Illinois dati; hack as far as KIHO. S() 
 f^Mcat. was llu' activity and holdncssof the inhahitants of 
 Detroit that, they ofl'cued to throw thi(!e thousand col- 
 onists into the adjoinint^' tcM'i'itoiy, so as to connnand tlie 
 whole interior of the contiiuMit, provided tlui French 
 rJovernmcMit would (ill up the void by encouraging a 
 strong emigration to Canada. 
 
 Forsaken hy the inothei' country, without direc^tion or 
 assistance, tht^ cohtnisis faced thedilVuiulties of their posi- 
 tion with ii. courage and an intellisj-cnce that were sehloiu 
 :it fault. I>3 thesu|)eiiority of their methods aiul hy their 
 wis(» forecasts they ae([uir(!d a grciat asiHMidaney over tlu; 
 minds o( the Indians, It is remarkable that the French 
 iievei' had to tight the Indians of the countries they 
 occupied, nay, that they made them their faitliful .allies 
 even in the most critical junctures. Iwerybody knows 
 tliat it fared (juite otherwise with the IJritisli colonies. 
 Whether through acts of injustice, or haughty and arbi- 
 trary measures, or for some othei' cause, they did not 
 know how tt» make friends of the IndiauA : luMico terii- 
 ble deeds of vengeatiee provoking the liritish settlers to 
 exierniinate the savage in self-defence against dangers 
 th;it they had not the wisdom to avert. 
 
 *• In line,"" says ]{ameau, "the point in which the 
 inlelligence of the I'^reneh i-olonists shone forth with 
 especial brilliancy was theiikeen appreciation of topog- 
 raphy and '^f their local enviionment, of which they 
 unfailingly made an exet'llent use. This it was that 
 enabled them to maintain the defensiw and to succeed 
 ii! attack. Their (juitkn^'ss and suieness in seizing tlie 
 
<JIU)WTH ni' liim:ktv 
 
 65 
 
 iiiiiiii point, their skill in planning-, tlieir promptness in 
 (lt'(i(lin<;-, tlieir enerj^^y in iictiiiji,' \v(;re no whit inferior 
 to their lohnstness o[ constitution, suppleness of hody, 
 sohriety and austei'ity of hiibit." 
 
 When linally lliey sueeumbed, it was only because 
 \]\ry seemed exliansted by theii' victoiiijs after haviii!^ 
 for a long time and i(;[)(!atedly gained advantages that 
 made the ultimate result <loubtful. When Port Royal 
 fell, it had twice; resisted an army tliat was more 
 numerous than the entire [)oj)ulation of Acadia. And, 
 wluMi Canada in its turn was forced to yield, to the iii- 
 vad(;r, it had only five or six thousand soldiers left to 
 withstiiiid the sixty thousand of the enemy, (^anada 
 had then but sixty thousand souls, whereas the British 
 provini;es had more than a million. 
 
 I have not the slightest wish to depreciate tlie Eng- 
 glish colonists, nor to extol unduly the French, nor even 
 to institute comparisons ; l)oth had their good (jualities 
 and their defects, rather diflicult to estimate satisfac- 
 torily ; but, to any one who will put away from him 
 the glamour of success and view the question on its 
 merits, it will appear evident that, minor differences 
 apait, the Frenchman was, at that time, as good a 
 I'olonizer as any other European. The failure of French 
 colonization is traceable entirely to the faults I have 
 iiointed out, all of which are to be imputed to the Honu; 
 
 .Government and to an untoward combination of events. 
 5 
 
t>« 
 
 rOKT JK3YAL AKTEll ITS SUllllENDEli. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Surrender of Port Royal, Oct. 18th, 1710 — Articles of the capitula- 
 tion — (Jession of Port Royal with the territory " within cannon- 
 shot " — Vetch named governor of the place — Five inhabitants of 
 Port Royal made prisoners — The garrison decimated by sickness 
 — Saint Castin comes with 43 Abenakis to direct operations 
 against tlie fort — Battle of • ' Bloody Creek " — Port Royal 
 besieged — The Acadians of the ceded territory withdraw — Tlie 
 garrison is reinforced and the projected siege is abandoned. 
 
 The surrender of Port Ro^-al to Nicholson by de 
 Subercase was signed Oct. 1-Uli, 1710. lie liud resisted 
 most heroically for nineteen days, and merited no less 
 honor by his surrender than he had done in the two 
 preceding sieges by repelling the enemy. The struggle 
 was liopeless and surrounded with circumstances which 
 would induce even the bravest to withhold makincf anv 
 effort. Alone with a few chosen officers, he withstood 
 the general call for an immediate surrender. It was 
 difficult to impose his will and to revive men's courage 
 when there was no hope of success; when to want, to 
 privation, to the superior strength of the eneni}', to the 
 uselessness of his repeated efforts, was added a still 
 graver circumstance, complete abandonmentby the Home 
 fiovernment. There was room for no feeling but dis- 
 (!ouragement, when Suberctase displayed such energy 
 and skill that he restored tlieir drooping spirits. His 
 constancy won for liim the admiration of his enemies 
 
rOKT JIOYAL AFTEll ITS SUIMtKNDKI!. 
 
 07 
 
 together with most honorable conditions of surrender, 
 wliich were carried out by the Englisli General with 
 great fidelity. 
 
 The articles of the capitulation refeired only to Port 
 Itoyal and the dependent territor}-^ within cannon-shot 
 thereof. To be brief I omit the articles of the capitula- 
 tion which relat.3 to the garrison, and restrict my atten- 
 tion to what concerned the inhabitants of the ceded 
 territory, for there is no (question at all of the rest of 
 Acadia. 
 
 AirncLK V. "That the inhabitants within cannon- 
 shot of Port Royal shall remain upon their estates, with 
 their corn, cattle and furniture, during two years, in 
 case tluiy are not desirous to go befoic, they taking the 
 oath of allegiance and fidelity ^o Her Sacred Majesty 
 of Great Britain." 
 
 In a memorandum accompanying the articles of the 
 capitulation, (rcn. Nicholson declares that "within can- 
 non-shot " ought to be understood to he " three Hiiglish 
 miles around this fort." The number of persons com- 
 prised within this space according to a list presented to 
 the General was 481. 
 
 To have a correct view of the situation we should not 
 lose sight of the fact that this capitulation was limited 
 oidy to Port Royal and the country comprised within 
 a radius of three miles from the fort. Thi; inhabitants 
 of this district had two years at most allowed them to 
 pass over to the Fren(;h territoiy witli all their mov- 
 able goods; l)ut, pending their decision t]iereu])on, they 
 were to take the oath of allegiance and fealty: which 
 they did. We find nowhere the terms of this oath, but 
 we suppose it must have been very carefullv woidcd, 
 in oi'dcr to make sure that, in tlie meantime, they \\<niM 
 
68 
 
 POi!T KOVAL AFTKi; ITS sri;i:KN"DKi:. 
 
 %li 
 
 i J 
 
 i*l|B 
 
 :. iiilii 
 
 do nothing' agiiinst the peace and tlie interest of tlie 
 English goveriinient, until their final decision to remain 
 or de[)art within two years. The circunistanees thein- 
 selves preclude any other interpretation. We should 
 not forget tliat wliatever was outside this three-mile 
 radius remained meanwliile French territory ; it is well 
 also to i(Mnark that the war between the two nations 
 continued for nearly three years until the treaty of 
 Utrecht. A clear view of these facts is necessary for the 
 hetter undi'rstanding of what follows, and for avoiding 
 the (confusion into which so many historians have here- 
 tofore fallen. 
 
 After the departui'e of the French garrison, Nii-hol- 
 son reimharked with his troo[)s on the "JHth of October, 
 leaving- in the fort, as liicutenant-governor, Colonel 
 Vetch, with al'out4r)0 soldiers. From IJoston Nicholson 
 set out for London, wluire he succeeded in oro'ani/,int<' an 
 expedition for the conquest of Canada l)y land and sea ; 
 lie himself had the eonunand of the troops wlio were 
 to operate on Montreal through Lake Champlain; but, 
 owing to the unskilfulness of Admiral Walker, the 
 fleet suffered grievous disaster opposite the lie aux 
 Qiiufs, and so the expedition Avas abandoned. 
 
 During this time, desertions, but, still more, sickness, 
 reduced so greatly the Annapolis (Port Royal) garrison 
 that, according to au eye-witness, there remained only 
 a hundred able-bodied soldiers at tlie end of the follow- 
 ing June. 
 
 With the enemy in such a plight, it became easy 
 enough, for the Acadians who were outside the limits 
 comprised in the capitulation, to engage in hostilities and 
 even to seize upon the fort. Here was au excellent and 
 easy opportunity for retaliation. This they signified to 
 
POirr PtOVAL AFTEi; ITS sntllENDKIl. 
 
 69 
 
 the 
 im'ui 
 lein- 
 DuUl 
 •mile 
 well 
 tioiis 
 ty of 
 ^v tlie 
 iding 
 
 here- 
 
 'icliol- 
 •tober, 
 olonel 
 holsou 
 :ing an 
 lul sea ; 
 ,C) were 
 II ; l)ut, 
 :ev, the 
 Ic aux 
 
 c-kness, 
 .•arrisou 
 hI only 
 follow- 
 
 iie easy 
 e limits 
 Lties and 
 Lent and 
 nitied to 
 
 de St. Castin who had previously been mimed Lieuteiiaut 
 of the King of Fiiinee in this district. The movement 
 WHS sufhciently apparent to make the governor of the 
 garrison anxious, and often detachments of his troops 
 ventured abroad in order to wateli the mancjeuvres of 
 tlie people both within and without the bounding circle. 
 In one of these excursions two deserters of the garrison, 
 one being a certain Abraham Gaudet of Heaubassin, 
 and tlnce half-breeds, strangers to the place, captuicd 
 the conunissaiy of the garrison whom, however, they 
 released, for a small ransom. The governor, thinking 
 that there liad been connivance between tlicse men and 
 some iidiabitants of Annapolis, arrested \Vm. Bourgeois, 
 I'etcr Lebhvnc and John Comeau of Annapolis as well 
 as (icrmain Boursreois of Beaubassin and Francis 
 Brassaid of Chipody, who were passing through Anna- 
 polis. We have no account of what may have been the 
 result of their trial. * 
 
 Saint Castin, whose warlike luunor was never at 
 rest so long as there were blows to be given or received, 
 was easily pi-evailed U[)on to come and take part in the 
 struggle which the Acadians up tlie river were [irepar- 
 ing lo have with the English. With forty-two Abenakis 
 of tlic Penobscot river he succeeded in crossing the Bay 
 of Fundy and by his stealthy mai'cli es(;aped even the 
 suspicion of the garrison. In one of their usual sallies, 
 
 * Kiililiurtoa j^ivrs (|iiit(> a diffcrtMjt version from tluit of Munloi'li, 
 Aci'<.inlint; in the foriiuT theno arrests were iuteuded to koep tbesnj men us 
 hostages, and by means of threats to jireveut those who were not inchided 
 in the capitulation from committing any hostih^ act. " Tliis liostile disjiosi- 
 tiou of the French settlers," says he, " induced the ofTlcer commanding at 
 Port Royal to apprehend the priest and live of the most res|iectiil)lo 
 inhabitants of th(» district as hostages for the good behaviour of their 
 countrj'men, who were informed that, upon similar attempt, these prisoners 
 should suffer military execution." 
 
'"•Il**- 
 
 ., li 
 
 ^ 
 
 70 
 
 rOKT ROYAL AFTKI! ITS SUIMIENDER. 
 
 eighty men of the garrison untler the comnuuid of Captain 
 Pigeon advanced as far as twelve miles from the fort, 
 intending to surprise some Indian warriors who, by their 
 threats, were preventing the inhabitants of Annapolis 
 from furnisliing the wood necessary to the fortifications. 
 Saint Castin, who was watching the movements of this 
 troop, surprised them in a place ever since called Bloody 
 Creek. Thirty soldiers and officers were killed and 
 the rest made prisoners. 
 
 The position of the garrison was becoming critical, if 
 it be true, which, however, leaves rot>m for doubt, that, 
 before this encounter, there remained only a hundred 
 soldiers able to bear arms. This event was unfortunate 
 as are all those tliat result from war ; but it cannot be 
 judged otherwise than as legitimate warfare, since the 
 action took plaee twelve miles from Annapolis and nine 
 miles outside the territory ceded by the capitulation. 
 The successful combatants were French subjects on 
 Flench territory : it was in time of war and moreover 
 an act of self-defence against their assailants. Some 
 writers, forgetting the terms of the capitulation, speak 
 of this affair as if at that time the whole of Acadia had 
 been ceded, and as if these men had been guilty of 
 treachery. This is clearly a mistake. 
 
 Duj'ing this time Abb<i (niulin, parish priest of Mines, 
 tried to organize an expedition against Annapolis. He 
 succeeded in getting together two hundred men, whom 
 he intrusted to Saint Castin. Annapolis was invested 
 for the purpose of attacking the fort, when the ammuni- 
 tion aiul camions, which they expected from New- 
 foundland, should arrive ; but, as this help did not 
 come, and as, on other hand, the garrison received a 
 reinforcement, they gave up their project and dispcrscf^ 
 
 
 f 
 
 i 
 
POUT ROYAL AlTElt ITS SUUIIKNIJKK. 
 
 71 
 
 Before investing Annapolis, writes Murdoch, "All the 
 iiihal)itants withdrew out of eiinnon-shot from the fort, 
 and they also transported their cattle up the river. 
 Those of the banlieue (witliin cannon-shot) intimated 
 to the governor that lie had violated the articles of the 
 capitulatiori to their prejudice, and that they were 
 thereby freed from the oaths they had taken not to bear 
 arms ; after which they joined their compatriots in 
 blockading the Fort." 
 
 I have much jespect for this author, whom T look 
 upon as a sure guide in all questions of fact : j'ct I must 
 say I have nowhere found the confirmation of the last 
 part of tliis citation. Was it simply an inference from 
 the declaration that precedes it ? I think so. Though 
 not a strictly logical inference, it might be justifiable. 
 \\\ what did the governor violate tlie articles of the 
 capitulation ? I do not know, and strong reasons would 
 be required to justify such conduct. The time was 
 likewise badly chosen to take advantage of any viola- 
 tion whatever, and the circumstances give rise to a seri- 
 ous suspicion about the fairness of these reasons. 
 
 Nevertheless, for want of precise information on the 
 nature and gravity of these reasons, we can perhaps 
 supply more or less what is Avanting liy a document 
 Avhich has an intimate connection with the question, and 
 which makes us see, as far as we can judge by the ac- 
 count of one side onlv. what was the fate reserved for 
 the Acadians by Governor \"etch. Some months before 
 this incident the inhabitants residing within the limits 
 of tlie territory comprised in the capitulation sent to 
 the Governor of Canada, M. de Vaudreuil, by M. de 
 Clignancourt, the following letter: 
 
 " As Your goodness extends over all those wlio, being subjeols of 
 

 72 
 
 PORT ROYAL AFTER ITS SURRENDER. 
 
 His Majesty, liave rcoourse to yoji to relieve tlieiii in their misery, we 
 pray you will vouchsafe us your assistance to withdrnn} i/iirsrh-p.t 
 from thin conntri/. . . . M. de Ciignaucourt will tell you heltci- than 
 we can do by a letter, tliv harsh inannev in ivhirli Gonrnur Vrlrh 
 treats us, keepiuf/ iis like nitii'ites, and wishing to persuade us that 
 we are under great obligation lo him for not treating us much \vor>e, 
 being able, he says, to do so with justice, and without having room 
 to complain of it. We have given to M. de Ciignaucourt copies of tlirre 
 ordinances which M. Vetch has issued. We pray you, sir, lo liave 
 regard to our misery, and to honor us with your letter for our conso- 
 lation, expecting that you may furnish the necessary assistance /or 
 our rctiriny from this unhappy country.''^ 
 
TI:EATY OF CTUECHT. 
 
 78 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Treaty of Utrecht— Ossion of Aciuli.i— Clauses of the treaty and 
 letter of Queen Anni' — Lieuteuant-Oovernor Vetch opposes the 
 departure of the Acadiaus — Arrival of CJovernor Nicholson — MM. 
 de la Ronde and l^insens at Port Royal to remove obstacU-s to 
 their <le|)arture — Referred to the Queen — Subterfuges — Cliar- 
 acter of Nicholson and of Vetch — Compilation of the archives 
 of Nova Scotia — Artitices of the Comjjiler. his partiality, etc., 
 etc. 
 
 Thk wiir between Franco and EmuIiukI was iii lust 
 terminated, and, April 18, 1718, at Utreclit. was sitiiu'd 
 the treaty of peace which delinitively ceded Acadia to 
 England. Nothing in tliis treaty detined the extent 
 and limits of the conntry which France ceded, bnt these 
 were to be determined, later on, b^' a connnission to be 
 appointed by the two Crowns. J*endino- this decision, 
 France, by. the terms of the treaty, ceded: "All of 
 Nova Scotia or Acadia comprised in its ancient limits, 
 as also the city of Port lioyal." It was, as may be 
 seen, difficnlt to make such a badly woidcd declaration 
 the basis of a mutual undcrstandino-. What Acadia 
 was, what Xova Scotia had beiMi or then was, had never 
 l)een defined with precision : but the question, alicady 
 so knotty, was still nioiv stupidly complicated by this 
 additional clause, "as also the city of Port Royal." as^ 
 if Acadia or Nova Scotia composed only one i»art of 
 the peninsula to which the ti'eaiy, by extension, added 
 on Port Royal. This could not be the intention of the 
 
 m 
 
i4 TIIKATV OK ITTKIX'HT. 
 
 piiilies, since Port Royal was essentially a part of 
 Ac ivdiii, since it had l)een its cradle and the seat of 
 goveiinncnt lor a whole century. It was a gross error, 
 80 gross that it could not be invoked or maintained as 
 far as Poit Uoval was concerned ; but the insertion of 
 this additional clause still left in the mind the vague 
 idea that Acadia or Nova Scotia could at most be under- 
 stood only of the peninsula. These diflu^ilties were to 
 be resolved fifty years later by force of arms. 
 
 Article XIV. of tlu! treaty of Utrecht, which defined 
 the situation of tlu! Acadians is couched in these terms : 
 
 *«!I'«*1| 
 
 " It i>< expressly provided that in all the said places and eolonies to 
 be yielded and restored by the Most Christian King in pnrsnance of 
 Ibis treaty, the stibjeelsof the said King luay hiicc libertii to reiiiopa 
 Ihiiiixt'lccs wilkin n i/i'dr to iinii olliir jilarc, as they shall think fit, 
 with till l/icir iiKDuthIr I'Jf'crls. Hilt those who are willing to remain 
 here, and to besubjeels to the kingdom of (Jreat Hritain, are to enjoy 
 the tree exercise of their religion according to the usage of the 
 t'hiiri'h of Rome as far as the laws of Great Britain <lo allow the 
 same."" 
 
 The better to define this situation, but still more to 
 please the king of France, in return for some of the 
 hitter's acts of kindness to his Protestant subjects, 
 Queen Anne agreed to lelieve the Acadians from the 
 rigor of the terms of the treaty. The new terms are 
 contained in her letter to Governor Nicholson, dated 
 June -in, 17ir, : 
 
 " To our trusty and well-beloved Francis Nicholson, Governor of 
 our Province of Nova Scotia or Acadia, etc., etc. 
 
 •' Whereas our good brother, the Most Christian King, hath, at our 
 desire, released from imprisonment on board his galleys, such of his 
 sultjetts as were detained there on account of their professing the 
 Protestant religion ; We, being willing to show by some mark of our 
 favor towards his subjects, how kind we take his compliance there- 
 
 If" 
 
TliKATV OF rTIIKCHT. 
 
 76 
 
 ill. liJiM- tlu'i'i'fni')' lli()ii<{lil (il )i*M'*-b,v to ^iK»>'.v oiir ulll ami plt-asiiro 
 III ynii. tlijit you pcrinit .siicli of llit'in a« have any lands or li'iifiin'iits 
 ill iii<> plact's unil«M' our (iuvcrnnuMit in Acaiila and Ni-wt'oiindianii, 
 til, a liavi.' Ix't-n or uif lo he yielded to us hy virtue of tlie late treaty 
 of peace, and ai'e willinj,' to eontiniieour suhjects, In rrlnin uml rnjni/ 
 II,' ir siiiil Iniiils iiikI h'liiiiiriilfi irltlionl iiiii/ iiiDlfshilinii, as fully and 
 iiiMJy as other oui' suhjects do or may jiomsoss their lands or estates, 
 iir III sell Ihf miniv, IJ'lhii/ sliitll fitUlcv rhitnxr In rciiinrt' ctsiii'ficrc. 
 And for so doing, this shall he yoiu- warrant. 
 
 " Ily Her Majesty's roniinand, 
 
 " Daktmoi rii." 
 
 .^^■m 
 
 The situiition of the Acadiaiis wiis tlms established hy 
 ,\il. XI \'. of the treaty and Ijy this h'tter. In its essen- 
 lial points this situation was very elear. They had, 
 li('si(h's the free exercise of tlieir religion, the ehoic^e 
 fither to remain in the country, ketiping the ownership 
 (it all they possessed, or to lemw the comifri/, ltritii/fti</ 
 (i/r<ii/ icifh tlii'iti all their movable ffooch and aho the prO' 
 crrds of the sale of their inuiioimhle propertij. This 
 letter did not specify any time for their departure. 
 This omission, if it were one, miglit throw some doubt 
 on this ])oiiit. The treaty, which was three months 
 previous, fixed the delay to a year. Was it then to be 
 understood that the time fixed by this tieaty continued 
 to be what the treaty had mtide it, or did it become un- 
 limited? The remark tliat the compiler of thearcliives 
 of Nova Scotia adds at the foot of the document might 
 inakti lis believe that he adopts the second interj)reta- 
 tion. Such, however, could not be. his intejition, for, 
 when we liave better miderstood the motives whieli 
 always animated this compiler, we shall understand 
 better that lie could not accept an interpretation which 
 would have been so favorable to the Acadians. I am 
 inclined to believe iuid I deem it mv dutv to sav so, that, 
 
 '$'■•': 
 
 liT 
 
 
liii 
 
 llfr 
 
 76 
 
 TKKATV OK irilKCllT. 
 
 strictly spt'ilkill^^ llic ih-lay lixcd I)y llu' tiviity whs not 
 inodiiied l)y tlu; lettei- of (^iitHii Aiiiiu. 
 
 This distinction is at'tiT all of little in)[)oitanco, 
 beeansc, from lliat linic foilli llu' Acadians had dccidecl 
 to leave the province, and (!ven then they weit' actively 
 |ii'e;)iring to do so. 'I'his de[)artuve wonld have hetii 
 aeeo. jplished in the autnnin of 171)»,*had it not heen f( . 
 the oi.st'.U'les ojujoscd thereto by (JoNcrnoi \'ctch. and 
 repeated nnder different forms by Nicholson, Caiddlieiu. 
 Doueette. Phillips, Armstrong-, and later still IiyCnrn- 
 wallis. During seventeen years (171-}-17.)<)) all the 
 events of Acadia are connected with the aitiliies used 
 to pi'event this de[)artvire and rivet the Acadians to the 
 soil by an oath of alle«»iance. To suppress these facts 
 is to render the history of this perioil unintelligible and 
 altogether false. Kor some reason or othei', whi'ilicr it 
 l)e for not having had access to the docnnu'iits which 
 we possess or for other less avowable reasons, these facts 
 have not come to liglit or even been touched either by 
 historians or by the compiler of the andiives of Nova 
 Scotia. 
 
 As to this gentleman, I have declared in my [)reface, 
 without hesitation and without reticence, that the 
 volume which he t;ompiled has Ijcen ])ut together 
 with great partiality and with the intention of [)rej- 
 udicing the public against the Acadians. This grave 
 accusation I have uttered delil)erat(.'ly after mature re- 
 Hection and without laying aside for a single moment 
 the benevolence and charity that animattis me; but to 
 judge it well, it will be necessary to peruse this work, 
 since ray reasons are based Ujion the facts and developed 
 from them as they present themselves in the course of 
 the narrative. To explain the circumstances of this 
 
 V^ 
 
t'oMl'lLAI'InN ol" TIIK AliC'lllVKH. 
 
 77 
 
 jiiihlicalioii !•■( nic siiv iit tlic oiiisct tlml tlic Lt\t»'isliuivt' 
 A-ist'iul)ly i)i Novii Scotiii on April W. 1H.")7, on molidii 
 »tt' lloiionibU! .)ost'[)li IIdwc. iidojtUMl the I'ollowiiig les- 
 rilitlioii : 
 
 ••'I'lial Mis Kxi'i'llt'iicy t'lc (titviTiior lie I'fsiii'ct fully rofiut'slfd to 
 i'iiii»i' lilt! aiicii.'iil records and din'iiini'iils iiliisliiitivc of ilic liinlory 
 ;uid prouri'sH of society ill IIiIn I'roviiiee. to lie examined, preserved 
 and iiiraiiued. eiilier for reference or piililiealioii, as the LogiHlatiirt! 
 may lioreaftei delerniine." 
 
 What ))i('('('(los, iis also what follows, is ("xtfactcd tVotii 
 tlir voiy i»i('i'n(i' of ihc vt)liime of the Aichivt's, t'ompiled 
 hy Thoiiias W. Akiiis in virtue of this resolution and of 
 those whic'h'followed. 
 
 •• In the followiiiu; year llie Lieiil.-* iovernor was auiliurized i)y the 
 Assembly to procnre from lln Stufr I'djiir Ojfirr, in Kniildtnl, 
 oojiicH of any dispati-lies or dociinieiits that may he found inrcsstir;/ 
 to '■DiiqiUtc our , III 1,1. 
 
 " [n l!S.'>!), hy another vote of ihe House, he was empowered to 
 proeiu'e from Ihe (Jovernmenl of (,"ana<hi, r«y//e,s ni' kkcIi jioiti fs in 
 Ihe Archives of Quelwr as ndated to the early Iiistory of Acadia." 
 
 The compiler afterwards adds his personal rellections 
 in the following- manner : 
 
 '■ The (\\piUsion of tlie Acadians from Xova Scotia is an important 
 event in the history of IJritisli America, and has lately derived pecu- 
 liar interest from the frequent reference made to it by modern 
 writers. Although much has been written on the subject, yet, tinlil 
 Itili'hj, it has undergone little actual investigation, and, in conse- 
 ijui'uee, the ncri'Hxit ij for their reinoral has not been clearly perceireil 
 (iinl the iiiutivfs mhirh led to itx enforcement have been often niis- 
 unde.rslooil. I hove, th"refi>re, carefiilli/ selected all dornments in 
 possession of the (iovernmentof this Province, that could in any way 
 throw lifiht on the. history and conduct of Hie Acadians.''^ 
 
 In this preface two distinct parts are to be kept in 
 view, (1) that which relates to the end the Legislature 
 had in view, namely : to unite in one volume the most 
 
 
 Uut 
 
 -.>v: 
 
 \/^] 
 
 .n.Ai 
 
 
(5*1 
 
 78 
 
 CO.MIMLATION OF T»:;: AUCIIIVKS. 
 
 H ^?' « 
 
 imj)(>i'tiiiit (loiHinients that might -■•erve for the q^eueral 
 liistory of the Province, and to procure in London and 
 Quebec tliose which shouhl hi; judged useful to lill up 
 the delicieucies of the Arcliives of Nova Scotia : and 
 ( -) tiiat which rehites to the compiler's own v-iivate ends. 
 Even without reading between the lines, ii is easy to 
 see that the eud of Mr. Akins was not exactly the:.ame 
 as that of the Legislature. 
 
 The special purpose he had in view was to comprise 
 in this volume all the documents tiiat could throw sf)me 
 light on the causes that furnished motives for the cxpul- 
 sioji of the Acadians. In substance he says, vp to the prrs- 
 eiittiuw t lieae motiveis have nor hev: 'LtHlcrHtooJ. Precisely 
 so ; during a century historians had been astray, and 
 he, j\lr. Akins, was going to set all future historians once 
 more on the right path; he was going to grouf) together 
 all that might l)e injurious to the Acadians. and to 
 make his volume a convenient and easy arsenal wliere 
 writers might come to seek weapons against thosr poor 
 Acadians, to whom all this would be a mystery, and 
 who would suffer in silence whatever insults these 
 writers would be pleased to heap upon them. 
 
 In matters of history, any jilausible opinion, whether 
 it be or not the I'csult of the aberrations of the mind or 
 of the heart, is to be respected, and Mr. Akins could 
 very well entertain the opinions wllich he expresses in 
 his preface; but I am surely justiiied in finding him 
 i)resum}ituous when he ventures to condemn the writers 
 of a whole century, including those Avho were contem- 
 poraries of these events : and in branding as unbecoming 
 and injudicious his inserting in a })reface his own o})in- 
 ions on events which were nariated in the com[)ilation 
 he was charged to make. This compilation had to be 
 
O.MlSSKfNS OK I'MK ("OM |>I l.Kl;. 
 
 T9 
 
 
 impartial, oi* it would deviate from the end wliicli the 
 Ijt'gislature liadiii view ; and, if the iitiiess of things did 
 not move Mr. Akiiis, his shrewdness should have niadi; 
 liim liold liis tongue lest his work should seem biassed. 
 And to vhow how gi-eat indeed was his want of tact. I 
 may say that his preface itsidf made me believe that lie 
 nnist h(i ^)artial and prejudiced, aud, starting therefinm. 
 1 studied him closely, comj)ai'ed, meditated, and linally 
 airived at this clear and plain co'K'lusirn, that his jiar- 
 tiality was outdone only b}- Ins bad faith. 
 
 Foi- the moment, let it be sufficient to say that this 
 volume is in 7'eality not, as the Legislatuie wished it to 
 1)0. acollection of the most im[)ortant documents relating 
 to the general histoiy of th(^ piovince, but a collection 
 of all that could appear to justify the deportation of ilic 
 Acadians ; that it omits all or nearly all the exjilana- 
 tions that might be favorable to tlumi, and systematically 
 t-xcludes all that was unfavorable to the goveiiiors. 
 .\inl, let not the I'eader imagine that I hiivc purposely 
 hunted up the omissions I charge him with in ordci to 
 introduce them into this work ; the very importance of 
 those vvdiich I point out l)y the way, shows that f have not 
 stopped at the trifles which abound, but that, on thecon- 
 traiy, T have kept silence on many grave facts in order 
 not to encur.ibe- my work. 
 
 The firs': doc nments, introdu(?ed into the volume of the 
 archives, iv. e dated November, 1714. It seems to me 
 clear that the intentio)i of the legislature must have been 
 to compi'ise therein all the documents since the taking 
 
 of Port Royal in 1710, or at least since April. 171:'). tli 
 date of the treat3M)f peace. The documents bctwt 
 
 en 
 
 
 this date and NovemlxM', 1714. wci-e particularly ini]i(ii-i- 
 ant, in order to determine in a [>iecise manner what had 
 
i*'« 
 
 l<«S: 
 
 mil 
 
 'I'i 
 
 80 
 
 OMISSIONS OF TMK COM I'l I,Klt, 
 
 bcL'U (lone both by the governors uiid by ihc Ai-adiaiis 
 in respect of those chiiises of the treuty tliat referred to 
 llie <le]iiulure. The Acadiaus had the space of a year 
 to witlidraw witli their effects, their cattle and the out- 
 come of the sale of tlieir immovable goods: we know 
 by the sequel that very few of them left their country 
 at that time ; but did they wish to leave ? were they pre- 
 vented from doing so ? that is what we might expect to 
 see in the volume of the archives. To find light on this 
 oljscure point. I had to search elsewhere, and, as will l)e 
 seen, the result of my researches is of great importance 
 and diametrically opposed to the pretensions of the 
 Compiler. 
 
 By leaving out all the documents betweeii 1710 and the 
 end of 1714 he has led into error nearly all the writers 
 that have written the histoiy of Nova Scotia. They 
 begin where the Compiler begins; they finish where he 
 finishes ; they omit wliat he has omitted, they skip wdiat 
 he has ski})ped. I suppose all this is done in very goo<l 
 faith, and if I mention this, it is rather to show that the 
 Compiler has attained his end, that he will continue to 
 do so just so long as his motives are not understood, so 
 long as it is not known that there is beyond his volume 
 a vast unexplored held, whicii explains what he did not 
 wish to disclose, which makes us take the proper meas- 
 tn-e of the man and his work. In the part which claims 
 our attention at present, unless we search elsewhere 
 foi' the means to hll up this serious void, he obliges us 
 to enter on the scene in the second act of the drama : 
 which may leave many things unexplained and inexpli- 
 cuble.* 
 
 *'lo ho brief aud to uvoidall cimtusion, I will licroufttT u^'i' tln' tt'rni • Tin* 
 Coiiipilor ' to designate Thomas 1'.. Akins, (•omi>iler of tLe areliivcsof Nova 
 rS-^otia. 
 
 '1,1 # • 
 
 i; (fills'' ■ 
 
'I'llH ACADIANS liKPAi; rrUK OIM'OSKI). 
 
 HI 
 
 At tlu! takiii<>' of Port l{oyal. Colonel Veteli, hs I havf 
 saiil, had been ii[)poiiit(Hl lieuteiiaiit-govenior of the 
 j»laco. 'i'he t'ollov^ iiig year he went to rejoin Ni«.-hol.soti 
 in his projei-reu expedition aj^ainsi Montreal, leaving in 
 })is phice, as adniinibtxaioi. Sir (^harles Hobby ; when 
 this undeitaking was abandoned, he returned to his post, 
 where he rfiissunied his otTiee and exercised it till 
 the suninifi of 1714. Octolter 20. 1712, Nieholson had 
 l)een a[»])()inted governor, but, during his absence. Vetch 
 tultilii'd liis functions with the title of lieutenant-scover- 
 i)(ir of the ganison, in whicih olliee lie was replaced in 
 1714 by Major (^aidfield and later by Captain Don- 
 tette, while Nicholson remained titular governor until 
 1717. 
 
 1 liiive said that since the signing of the treaty the 
 Acadiaiis had almost decided to leave the country, but 
 that they were prevented l)y all imaginable means and 
 artiiices. In fact in August, or perhaps even In July 
 171-^. they sent delegates to Louisburg to come to an 
 understanding with the Frencli governor on the con- 
 ditions to be held out to them if they were transported 
 over to the French territory. These delegates sent in 
 their report, and the answer of the Acadian people dated 
 Septeml)er 23, 1713, implies a refusal. They do not wish 
 tn accept an establishment at lie Royale (Cape Breton ) 
 without effectual assistance, since the soil there is of 
 aniid'erioi' (juality, woody, and without natural m(;adow- 
 land to pasture their cattle. If, however, they are 
 tibliged to take the oath, they will depart anyhow: — 
 
 
 ''^^I^ 
 
 
 " Resides," says their rpport. " we do not know yet in what man- 
 ner the English will use uh. If they hurthen us in respect to oar 
 religion, or cut up our settlement to divide the lands with people of 
 our nation we will abandon them absolutely." 
 t> 
 
 (1 
 
 w 
 
 w 
 
82 
 
 THK ACADIANS DErAltTUHE OPPOSED. 
 
 ^' 
 
 ■ 4 'VI! "ail, 
 
 The govtM'iior ol" Louisbui'jr, M, de Costabellc, was 
 sorely vexed al this re[)ly. and still more so at a letter 
 from Father (Jaiiliii, whom he had hoped to enlist as an 
 ally in his dealings witii the Aeadians. The latter had 
 riij)lied "that lie eould not lend himself tohis mano'uvies, 
 as he did not see any snflicient guarantees for the assist- 
 ance; which he, M. de Costabelle, j)romised. ;ind that 
 it did not hecome him iw i niploy missionaries in an 
 at'fiiir, the pnrposi' of wiiicli appeared to he to Avarp liis 
 jndgment in order to deceive; others; that, if he could 
 not oiYei" any better guurantees for his good intentions, 
 he preferred to see the A(;adians remain on their lands 
 with the English, njio are doing all in tlieii- ]»owei- to 
 j)revent them from ile[)arting. "' * 
 
 The more tlu; Freneh goverinncnt desired, as will l>u 
 explained further on, that the Aeadians should take 
 advantage of the treaty to go over into Freneh territoiy, 
 the more were the authorities of Po't. IJoya' opjtosed 
 thereto. Negotiations weie I'csumed between I lie Aea- 
 dians and the governor of Lonisburg: lands were otVeivtl 
 on Prinee Edward Island (^llle Saint-Jean), and divers 
 advantages whieh were eonsidered aeeeptable by the 
 Aeadians. The}' Avished to leave ; Colonel Veteh 
 opposed this under the pretext that he was only lien- 
 tenant-governor, and that they had to wd'ii for the arrival 
 of Governor Nicholson. He arrived (»nly the following 
 summer, when the year stipulated by the treaty liad 
 just expired. The following letters, both from Major 
 I'Hermite who replaced de Costabelle at Louisltnrg, 
 refer to these event. The lirst is dated July 11, 1714, 
 and is addressed to Nicholson himself : — 
 
 * CnntdbeUp an Minhfre, Nov. \l\ii—Mimhicli , vol. i. p. 338. 
 
 I* 
 
TUK ACADIANS DKl'AUTr It K Ul'TOSKD. 
 
 88 
 
 " llaviiifi; Iparnt, sir. from stniTnl inlialiilniits of Port IJoyal, of 
 Mint's 1111(1 IJt'auliassiii, tliat lio wlio coniiiiaiKis in your absciu'o at 
 Port Uoyal (Col. Votrii). //(/.s inrhiililrn IIh'hi, f<> Irarc. ciid rri.n n- 
 I'ustil fliv iKiiii'tKsiiiu to (liom- who a.sh'cd liim t'or II, wliioli I'veiit 
 inaivt's luosf. of llu' Ai'adiaus now «'stal)lislit,'(l on the lands of Ihr King 
 (if Kiifjlaiiil uiiiihlf to withdraw Iliis ytnir 
 
 '■ 'I'liat. is wliat has (It'tcrniini'd ni'-. (ifcoy<lhi<i to Ihr nrilcr <i'n-i'\) mi' 
 III/ till' Kin<i, to send ihltluM* M. iW la Itondc Dciiys, into wliox' liands 
 I have rt'inlttod the ordrrn of (/men Aiuii; ; he will confer wiili yt>u 
 iitioiil th(> reasons why flici/ (irr ihtuinnj. \ hope, sir. ynu will 
 render all diu^iusliee, and that you will have no other view llian to 
 obey tlie behcxtx <^' the Qneoi.'''' 
 
 The other h-tler is from the same to the Minister ami ilated An.Ltust, 
 li'.i, 1714 : '■ He who eommands Port l.'oyal has forhidden the Arndi- 
 aiis to leave the eountry before the ariival of ^Ir. N'ieliolson. so tliat. 
 all tliose who hav(> ooni(> here had esenped. 'I'hey represented tci me 
 liiat it was necessary to send an otlieer there in order to uphold their 
 riiihis. the Kiiijlish haviiij; forbidden the niissionnries to meitdle with 
 theaffairs ofthe Acadians."' — (Archivi's dela ^rarineet dcs Colunies.) 
 
 This is L'l(*;u' eiioiio'li. Tlie yeai' liad just, cxjuicd, iiiid 
 the proliibilions of (lovciiior \'ctcli wcri' of stii'licieiitlv 
 ilisliuit date to have yiveii thi; (iovcitior of Loiiishtiru- 
 time to be informed of them, to commiiiiifiUt! iliis iii- 
 forinatioii to the Kiiii;' of Fiitiice : itiid the latlci' liad liad 
 time to obtain an ordef ivi^wx tlic '^ticcii of Kiinhiiid, to 
 tiansmit all dociimt^iits to th(i (invcriior of !.oiiisI)mo;, 
 to a[»[)oiiit M. dc la Koiuh' and to write lo Ni'-liolson 
 under date of July 11. 1714. 
 
 And what \vi;re these or(h'is of (^ticcii Amic to Nirh- 
 olson ? l^vidcntlv. lo let llic Acadians dt-part, cilice 
 they were within the limits of tlic year when t'le com- 
 j)laints w'erc! made, and siiu-e Maj<»r rili'iinitc sum- 
 iiioncd Nicholson to execute the beliests of tlic Qikm'Ii. 
 \V(! shall see how he icspccted ihciii, or i-.itlier wliat 
 lueasiircs lit; took to elude them. 
 
 Messr.s. de la Roude and I*inseiis, bearei.sof the orders 
 
 All. 
 
 <:i-^ 
 
 mm 
 
 
»J:h 
 
 IP 
 
 'mi 
 
 ■0^ 'M f ?}• i- 
 
 ill 
 
 
 Nil 
 
 III 
 
 H4 
 
 IIIK ACADIANS DKI'A i;Tf!:K (>I'IM)SKI». 
 
 (il (^iiccii Aiiiit'. mrivcd at I'oit lloyal about .luly 20, 
 at tlic saiiif lime as Nicholson himself. lie ''"av*! tlieiu 
 a supeil) i('ce])tioii. look eofTnizaiiee of the* orders vvhieli 
 tlicy liorr. and ])roinisod to let the .\t'a(hans depai't 
 within till' lapse of another year, should they decide 
 io do so. I Fe i»('rniitted them to hohlassend)lies in order 
 to make sure of the intentions t)f the Aeailians. All 
 itMlerated the determination to abandon the country.* 
 Xicholson seemed to aijree to everythint;' ; l)ut, under 
 the jiretcxt of icfening the matter to the Queen, lie lin- 
 i>hed by refusino- everything. It reqnire(l a more than 
 »)rdinary dose of bad faith Io lefuse to obey the formal 
 orders of his sovei-eign : that is, however, what luidid, 
 ;iiid we lia\c the pi'oof of it in the following official doc- 
 unu'Ut, which is an account of the negotiations of 
 .Messrs. de la Kondc and I'insens with Nicholson : 
 
 " In 1714 Messrs. dc l;i IJoiulo and Pinscns, captains, were stMit to 
 Ai .idi.i to <)l)taiii fioni .Mr. Vicliolsoii freedom for the .\cadians to 
 witli'lraw witli their catthr an<l grain lo He lioyale." 
 
 "Mr. Xicholson iH'rniittt^d these otficers to assemble the inhabit- 
 ants in order to know their intentions. They all declared that they 
 wanted to retiii'ii to their lawful sovereign. 
 
 • Mr, Nicholson was asked to allow these inhabitants, conformably 
 to Art. XIV. of the treaty of peace, the space of a year to remain 
 on their land unmolested ; 
 
 " That they might be allowed, during this time, to transport their 
 grain and cattle, to construct ships for the transportation of their 
 gooils, and to receive from France the rigging and complete outfit for 
 those which would be built at Port Koyal or elsewhere. 
 
 '■ T/if'sc ftra orfich'N loeri' stnif hack for the decisifDi of the Queen. 
 
 * The Governor of Aciuliu. Mascaroncwritinp; to Shirley, Governor of Ma.H- 
 -.ivhusett.s, April 0, 1748, said: •' M. Nicbolsou caiiK^ over as (rovornor, 
 and proposed to the .\('a(lians the terms agreed on for them at the treaty, 
 which were to Iceeji tlieir jjosscssious, etc., etc., or to dlspt>se of them, if 
 they chose to \vithdraw within the space of a twelvemouth. They, to 
 a man, chose the L^st. " 
 

 TMK ACADIANS DKI'A Itir K K ( tlM'OSKO. 
 
 S.'i 
 
 " Th<'.v iiskoil also tliiit llicy iniylii ln' iillowwl to sell ilicir pioporly 
 or to leave therefor letters of attorney. 
 
 " 'J'his article was answered : • Remitted to the t^iieen." more- 
 over referred to htir letfei' which is to i)e a sure j;uaraiitee ther-efor. 
 
 " Mr. Xicholsoii promised, l)esides. a promjjt dispatch of all these 
 articles, hnt since that time there has heen no reply aboni this mut- 
 ter.""— (Conseil de Marine, March 2Slh, ITHi.) 
 
 This ofHfiiil dociuiu'iit is coiiHi'ined by sevtU'iil otiiuis ; 
 l)iit 1 will oivc only tlie foUowiiio'. bccaii.se it contains 
 oilier iin[)oilanl facts. It is addrL'Sscd by the coiii- 
 niaiider of Loiiisl)iii<>- to the niinistev, and dated .\nytist 
 20,1714, that is. iintnediately after the return of Messrs. 
 (le la Uoiide and IMiisens : 
 
 ".June |:;ih I had Mr. de la Itonde leave for I'orl Itoyai. I send 
 yonr llij^hness the copy of the letter ihat I wrote to Mr. NichoUoii 
 and (>f the instructions tliiit I ^avc lo .Mi', ile hi Honde. / .(,„//./<«/ 
 Ill lilin tin' (irdirs of Ihr Qiinit In J^Jii</lix/i tiud Fniicl/. 
 
 " Vour Iliijhnv''^ A lells me that yon arc procinintt I'or- tiicni ilir riu'- 
 puii that I had re(iucste 1 ; hnt it will <'omi' late : liefore they receive 
 il, the S(>asun will lie already advanced. 77/c Ai-inlixiix liml ii-riltrn 
 lo lidsldii I') liin'i' sDiiir : Mr. S'liJiiilsiiii J iii'liiiili' il. ninl i ri'n si i\i il lln- 
 xhijix (iii'l hiiiila IIkiI I/iii/ IiihI liilill. 
 
 " They a|ip( ared decided nnl In hnri' l/n !r fdiinlri/ ln'i'orr IkiiIhii Vr- 
 vciviil Mr. .\'ir/i(il.s<iii' .•< ilffisiiiii. Il is l<n(twn in' will do all in his 
 powt'r to r.'tain thcni : flic!/ htn-r n-ru iilmnlii hriri' In hi II mniiril 
 irilh the rii'lii <il' lriir!,i;i I'nrl Itminl.'' 
 
 Nicholson, who had jiisl arrived, had probably not 
 had time to reidi/.e the dicadfiil ronsetiiicnces lesuitiiiu' 
 to the eonntry from I he dcjiai'ltire of the .Acadiaiis. 
 That is wliy, at liist, wlieii lie look coLiiii/ancc ol' tin- 
 orders of the Queen, hi; promised to obey them and nid 
 to oppose the departure of the Acadians; bnt. when he 
 was informed by his offieers of the disastrous coiive- 
 quenees of this departure, lie betbouo-ht himself, iu 
 order to gain time, to refer the (piestiouto the Queen, to 
 
 ■\fn^^ 
 
 ^:'^^ 
 
I B:' ' 
 
 ^'i' 
 
 
 
 1)1111 
 
 ill: I 
 
 .s»i 
 
 TIIK ACADIANS DKI'A I; If i; K ( »l'l'( >SKI>. 
 
 iviiiv to her what shu uideieil him In dn. td rcmil to luu- 
 (h'cisiun the chjiir and fonnal fhiii.scs of ;i tit-aty. 'i'ho 
 subtei'luge was a yro.s.s one, hut he hiid iiu others at 
 eoiiunand just then. 
 
 riit"oitunatt'ly for tlie .Vcadians tht; (jiiceu diedalew 
 (lays after August 1st, 1714 ; else it is i)rohahle that, in 
 s[)it<i of the eonse(iuenees, she would have made it a 
 point of honor to have lier deeisions i'es[)eete(h Numer- 
 ous I'omniunieatious were suceessively achh'essed to the 
 J^ords of Trade t(j re])reseiit to them in sombie colors 
 the many iueouveniences lesulting from tlu' departiwe 
 of the Aeadians, if it were not prevented : and that is 
 Avh}' the questions referred to the Queen by Nieholson 
 were never settled in either sense ; that is why for a 
 long lime the Aeadians were kept under the impression 
 that the questions sul)mitted were still l)eing eonsidered 
 by the authoi'ities, when, in reality, these latter were 
 perfeetly determined t() put all possible obstaides in the 
 way of their departure. In their child-like belief that 
 justice gave rights, that treaties were sacred, that honor 
 was tht.* basis and support <»f governmeii >, the Ai'adians 
 waited long for this reply, Avhich they wi'ie always told 
 was undei' consideration : but they waited in vain. They 
 felt so certain that justice would be shown them, and 
 tliat their departure could be effected in the course of 
 the following sunnner (171 ')), that nuuiy did not even 
 sow their lands in the spring. 
 
 M. de Costabelle, in a letter to the minister, dated 
 Sept. 9th, 1715, informs him. " that the Ainulians of 
 Mines had not sown their lands that year, that they had 
 grain to live upon for two years, and had kept them- 
 selves ready to abandon the eouidry." * 
 •"Father Dominic on bis return iireseutwl liiiii (M. d« Costabelle) a 
 
 iii' i- I 
 
 lflll«i'rlHii 
 ,ill|ililll>M|i 
 |fa|i||IMIJi|i 
 
 ililiiii;: 
 
TIIK Ar.VDlANS l)KI'Ai:Tli;K OlTOSKD. «» 
 
 It is clearly iippaiviit by tin; (locunuMits which I have 
 iui>(lncc(l. all of ail oHicial luiturc, and hy sonic others 
 iil.so which I have seen, that, in the aiiliinin oi" 1T1:>, 
 only a few moiilhs after the sigtiin*,^ of the treaty of 
 peace, ilu- Aciiilians announced to hieiitenant-Ciovenior 
 \Ctih their iiilenti(tii to leave the country ; that from 
 i!:;it nioiiieiit they jirepariMl for their departure, hut 
 v,.'ie jircveiilcd h)- N'elch under the pretext that they 
 hud to await the arrival of (lovernor Nicholson; that 
 the hitter, without I'eoaid f(U" the conditions of the treaty 
 uiid th<! fornial orders of the Queen transmitted to him 
 li\- M. de la Konde, and without any other motive but 
 til ^fiiin time and <leprive the Acadians of the ri<fhts 
 i^Miinted to them by the treaty, refeiTed their recjuest to 
 the Queen ; that, siibsecpieuth-, after having refused to 
 transport the .Veadians in English vessels, he also re- 
 fused to French vessels entry into the ports of Acadia; 
 that their determination to leave the country was such 
 that they built vessels themselves : that, wishinrr topi'o- 
 cure at Louisburg rigging to e(}uip them, the}- wei-e re- 
 
 m 
 
 meiiKiif, frmu which it ajiin'iirs that tho Ai'adiaiis wi'it- ftctiTiniiieil to 
 (iIhiikOiii nil in orihr to letire the connti'ij ; tliitt imixt of t/ii'iii did not irlsh 
 III so(r tlifir IiiiiiIk ill /(')/)('s of retiring in Hie Sjiring. That several had 
 liuilt ships for th(^ transport of their families and their elTt'cts." ( Couseil 
 d" lii Marine, 2H mars, 1710». 
 
 " T/o' KiKjIish lire doing nil tlieij eon to reliiin tin- Ai'oilion.t. not onli/ li;/ 
 avoiding iisele.ss iiniileiliiilnlne!<.-), lint uho hi/ ri'fnsing them the things neeen- 
 Kiirg fur their /Kissiige, nnd Inj niith'ing t/iein nnilerstand tlnil theg irill not 
 jiennit them to ilis/iose of their innnocdiile goml.i nor of their entile, that 
 imthiuif lint II feir firorifiion.i ininld be left to theni.'' (Letti'r of Intelidant 
 Ite^'on'. Qin>)iee, Sept. 25. 1715. > 
 
 •In ids I, .tier of Nov. (Jtli. 1713, lie (M. de Oostaliellei .says tliut lie 
 S[Kike to .^fr. Capon, scut liy tiic> t,'overn')r of I'ort IJoyal. of the hard and 
 unjust way in wliieh .Mr. Nicdiolson liad treated tho Aeadiaus, altoj^ether 
 ennlraryto theorders of (^ueen .\niie and to the word ho had ).;ivon to 
 M'"-srs. de la lionde anil I'insens. 
 
 • .Mr. <'ajion a«rc>ed that Niehol.son's eonduet had not tieen approved l.y 
 any oftii'cr of his nation, but that Veteh. tin; lioutenant-jjnvernor, eoidd 
 ehiiiitje nothing without new orders from the kinRof En^lantl ; ami thus all 
 further movements for the free departure of the Aeadians are suspended 
 uutil mure amplo deeision bo giveu thereon l>y the two crowus." 
 
 ! '*• 
 
H8 
 
 TIIK ACADIAN; 
 
 DKI'Ai; ITI.K nl'l'OSKI). 
 
 II. I' 
 
 fiiHed jM'nnissioii ; lliiit. ImviiiLj' iipiilicil lo iSostdii loi' 
 \]io siiiiH! <»l>j»'cl, tlicy iin'iiin iiu't willi ii rt'liisiil. ;ii:il 
 inoi'covci' tlit'ir vessels were siM/cd. 
 
 Nothing;' of wliat pi'cccdcs is round in the Miliinii' I'f 
 tli«' iircliivt's ; it is ])ns>il)l(' the ( 'iniipilcr wa-. ii 
 <|iiaiiit(Ml with sonic ol' lliese fa(!(s, juhI that, in f^\)'\\>' ol 
 thoif iiiipoi'tancr. he nniy thus fS('a])0 ceiisuic. 1 1 ,- 
 mission, as ini|iosf(l npon liini 1)y the h-gishitiiiT. w i-. 
 icsli'ictcil to the dnty of (olhu^tiiig nialt;iiais in llalii'.ix 
 and Lon(hin and those of tlie Arr/iirrs dr ht Mnriih' 
 thai wcie liktdy to lu- found in (^uehcc. Hut. ainony- 
 tilt' dociiniciits I lia\t' cited ai'c : ( 1 ) a Icttciof ( 'ostahclle 
 to Nicholson. ( :i ) the oi'dcis of (^itcen Anne, of whicli 
 .Mr. dc la Kondi-wiis hearer, trunsiuitlcd to N'ieholson. ( :"') » 
 tho accomd of their inoeeedin<»'s. all of whit'h must have 
 
 jccn in \\n) archives ol 
 
 11; 
 
 ilihix : and, nevertheh'ss, in 
 
 s[)ite of their exlreiue iinportaiicc!. they are not in tiie 
 volume of the archives. However, the iiiunl)er of ini- 
 l)ortant doeumeiits omitted, all havino' tht; same general 
 drift, is so considerahle that \ am perlia[)s wron;^ in 
 dircctinjif attention to such a coTnparative tritle as tiio 
 non-ai^pearanee of three documents. He was not. how- 
 ever, ignorant of this question of the obstacles put \o 
 the dei)artiire of the Acadians : for, as it will he >ce!i, 
 there are many othei' documents iA the same kind \\ ith 
 whii'ii he was a,(;([uainted. The (|Ucstion seems to Imve 
 
 ma^ 
 
 de 1 
 
 um s(jmew 
 
 hat 
 
 uneasy 
 
 for 
 
 volume, 
 
 wiien the (.'Vents lie was then considerinir 
 
 on page 
 Ih 
 
 ± 
 
 •o ol 
 
 lus 
 
 referred lo the transi)ortation of ITo."), In; has tiie fol- 
 
 low 
 
 inu' note, relvinir on a ( 
 
 decl; 
 
 iratioii of (rovernor 
 
 M 
 
 Us- 
 
 Ciireue 
 
 (lovcriior XidiolsoM ciniic in A)iiiii])«)lis in ITN. iiiul tlu-n pvo- 
 
 pVi^ed lo llic Acadians Ilic icrins ai^rctMl on t'or llicm. whicli wcro. 
 
 li> 
 
 1:1; ^i *■'"■■; 
 

 THK ACADIANs DKI'AI{T1-HK on'OSKli. 
 
 S!) 
 
 kfrp llH'ir liiiids oil their bwonilnK siibji'ds di' ilir Uritisli Crown, or 
 to (lisjjosc of Iht'ir proiji'ity and witlulniw from lln- ntiiiitry. if iluy 
 rliost>, within oii<> year. I'hcy all chost* the latltT. iind pi't'|mi)il to 
 leave the coiiiitiy; /)///, Ihv rfMHiln itritiHisnl fhini /nnii Cuiir Hi-'lmi 
 
 tar l/ll' pitl'lJilsr iif llirlr rinmrdl Hill III hill si'tll, lln jl ii'i rr ritnifi Hiil 
 
 Id miiiiui." 
 
 In tlu! loit'ooiiig vt;iy little is tjxiujt, l)iil I In- Com- 
 piler offers us a new prnof of iin (mtrii,o(! wlijch tln! 
 (Uicinneiits alrciuly cited point out. 'I'lms llir Aim- 
 (lian8, aceordiiio- to the ('onii)il('r, if we underslaiid liini 
 ii«>;htly, woidd not liiivc lt;id tlii^ privilege tlnil the 
 treaty idearly gave them; iianifly: to traiis[K)it (heir 
 goods, tlnMr cattle, et(!., etc. ; hut only to dis[)osi' of 
 them bet'oie their dejiarture. Now, as they were the 
 only inhiibitants of the countiy. the rt'(hicing of their 
 right to tj'ansport their cattle and effects to a nieie per- 
 mission to dispose of them would have heen illMsoi\- and 
 a new imjiosturo. Hut, says he, they wnv not alilr to 
 dt'part, because the vessels pi-omised fi'om tjie islainl of 
 Cape Breton did not come. 
 
 There is not a word anywhere to sustain the Com- 
 piler's assertion. Can it be* supposed that the French, 
 who had so nuich interest in this tiansmigration, wouhl 
 have neglected to send them vessels for that objecC/ 
 Sucli a supi)Osition is absurd, lint, then, why were the 
 Acadians prevented from setting out in their own .-^iiips 
 and procuring theii' ecjuijjmentat Lonisbnrg and even at. 
 Boston? Clearly, this building of boats to (jiiit the 
 country was but theontctimeofaprohibition toleave it in 
 French or English shi})s. 
 
 The absurdity of the Compiler's pretension would be 
 
 alone sufficientto jnstify us in lejecting it with contempt. 
 
 This strange pretension having never been given nut in 
 
 1714 or 1715 or even afterwards, one cannot expect to 
 
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90 
 
 TIIK ACAIMANS DKI'A i; Tf UK n|'|'oSKI». 
 
 m. 
 
 li 
 
 m 
 
 fijid it contriulicled or tlisputfd : Iiowevur. we luivo it 
 incideiituUy contradicted in a very oxplieit manner in 
 two documents ; here is one of tliem : 
 
 " I'lif iili.iiplnlf rc/iimit whif/i the KnuUn/i (jontrtiorx /inre alwuf/a 
 mudi', til iirniiit mil fhr Khif/'s rfxufls to riiiiti' tit .iciiiliii in nrih'f 
 to triiUKiiiH't Ihnxt viliii ilvxiri'il to ilc/mrt, or to Inul riiii/in;/ /<o' the 
 Hhi]>K ir.'.li'h thv ArniUiiiiH hail fniilt ami whicli llu'v wtTt- ul)li<;*>«l to 
 inA] to tin- Rii<;lisli ; the prohiltition iniimsnt on t/icni oftrnnxportittii 
 xrilli thill oiiji (ii'f Htiirkor firoiunlons of i/rnhi : tlii' urii'f of iibandoii- 
 iiii; till! ln'icdiliiry estati's of llieir falliprs, llicir own work iiii<l llioir 
 ohildn'ii's. witlioiit any iriinlmiscinoni or <'oinpt'iisalion : all lliost> 
 infrini;(Mnonts art' llif iirinripal reasons of the inaction in wliioli tliey 
 have r«Mnaint'tl." — (t'onscil dt; la Marine, year 17l!>. vol. iv. folio JHl), 
 
 Tilt' (itlicr document is from Mr. <lc 11 1'ou 11 Uin, gov- 
 ernor of Lonishiirg, and is not less explicit.* (Archives 
 de la Marine, vol. MI., fol. ISO). 
 
 Moicover, as we have seen dsewheie, Nicholson 
 had lefeiied the (jiiestion of the de[)aitnr(! of the Aca- 
 dians tt» the Queen, and this nevei-to-l»e-settled referein-e 
 is most likely tiie [ne'.ext afterwaids used hy the 
 (fovernors to [)revent tlie Acadians from depailinL!; in 
 any kind of shi[>s, Kiiirlish or Kn-nch, <\v of their own 
 make. This is stren<'thened hy the fact timt. (»n the 7th 
 of Novemher ''oUowing said references (1714). Mr. «lt! 
 l*ontehartr;tin. Minister of Maiine, sent the French Min- 
 ister at London a copy of the i'c])ort of Messrs. de la 
 Kuiidi* ami l*insens, with instructions to hasten the so- 
 lution of the (pu'stious referrtnl hy Nicholson. The only 
 action ever taken upon it was the suhmitting of the 
 «piestion to the Lords of Trade by the Secretary of State, 
 liord Townshend. 
 
 * " The Acadians, says Haliburton, alleRed that they had been detained 
 toiitniry to their desire, that they had Ix'i'U refused leave to de|)art iu 
 EiiKlisb-built vessels, and that, upon niakiuK apniieation to einlxirk on 
 Inmrd of French ships, they were informed that suen vessels eould not, eou- 
 sisteutly with the navigation laws, W allowed to enter u colonial hurtK>r." 
 
NM'lloLSdN AMI VKTCll. 
 
 91 
 
 Till' ( nmjtili-r lias not ;i wunl ahuiil tlii> ivlt'icsu'c lo tlic 
 (^U'.«'ii. Iiiit it iif tan icasoiiahly pictciKl llial il was not 
 jK»sil)lc t'ltf lii]ii to know most of tlu' (locmnciits I have 
 filed, lit'causc tlicy wcrt' not tomid in tlio uicliives of 
 Halifax. London or (^)Mt'lK'f. tliis cannot Im- the case for 
 tliost! wliicli I am lii'ii' al»ont to otYi'ito tlic leader: — 
 
 (■(H.ONKI. \ IK II 1(1 I in; lid.VKM <H TliAIH: 
 
 Mv I.olM)- 
 
 •■ Mar. itlli. IT!:.. 
 I I'iMilil not lull Jiiili,')' it my iliily out ot'ii trt'W <■< 
 
 III- 
 
 (■•■rii fur ill)' |iiililii-k ;;oi>il : in |iiit \'niir l.ttriNliips in iiiiml of tlio cir- 
 <iiiii"'laii<'f. of I 111- I'oiiiiiry. tlic Acailians licin;; in a iiiaiiiicr (ihli;;fil 
 
 to 
 
 a\i' till' t'oiintrv hii llii- l.rinli 
 
 ,1 Ih 
 
 'it If I'f rri I'll 
 
 I h 
 
 M, 
 
 Mch- 
 
 iiIkiiii irli'ili iinn nitif llii ri : as will bi' iiiailf apjicar lo Your Lonl- 
 sliij)': liy Ilii' alliflavils of sonic pfi'soiis lately ronii' from lliciicc * : lo 
 whiili F liiinil»l> i>ray Voiir i,orilsliiiis to In- iflVicd : what I am now 
 lo iiitiinalt' to 'I'oMr LoitNhiiis i». tlial as llic season of lln' year now 
 
 a ivanccs, nnli k.s sniiirsiifiili/ nrih rs iii'r HI III III I'l'i ri III llir .li'inlhllis' 
 ri iliorill ii'illi lliiir I'lllllf mul i-flrrls lo ('(l/n llrillniiii unit ji'ill 
 
 ii'liiil'if striji iiii'l liiiliif .S'lii'ii Sriillii, ,s(i /,' fill iillnnii' iiiiiki' Cd/w 
 llritliiini It iiDiiiilnim mul ii'ill slnrkiil Ciiliiii!/, n'linli iiiinii/ i/i'iirs ntiil 
 (If III I X/triisi- ralilil itnl Imri iluin' illri rlli/ frniii Friiiirv as I already 
 oliscrvt'il in Aj'iiriiK r iminr." 
 
 It lias been socti tliat. iieeordin^' to tlie Compiler, 
 Nieliolson. at tlie end of .Inl\'. 1714. liad tiiven a year to 
 tiie .\eadians to ii-iiie. Tlie almve letter is dated 
 Mai«'li Otli. 171 .'), eiylit niontlis after this promise. If 
 
 ismli were Die «ase, w 
 
 :liat I) 
 
 ■eame of tlie promise, wlien 
 Vetcli tliiis lH';.^oed for jiidiiipt orders to ])i'ev( lit tlieir 
 
 dt'partiire 
 
 .A 
 
 fii'ii/i/ oi'i/iiK tn jiri-i'itit thill' I'l'iiiori. 
 
 t 111 
 
 And Wleli only repealed wliat lie had already saifl in a 
 li'tter of Noveniher liltli |treeedin<;. 
 
 The followiiiL!' letters throw more li'dil on tlit; sittia- 
 
 'Yri.-li liaii Uic'ti lii'.'M in T.oiiiloti -iini-i. tin- pr.-civliiii^ S«'|it('mlH'r or 
 
 (X'tv^'U r. 
 
92 
 
 MCHoj.snN .\NI> \i:i< M. 
 
 
 lion. Wv. repioiliicf tlinii. like tin- foicyiiinj^ Icltcr, in 
 
 Ihfir oriy;inal spelling : 
 
 roi.oxKi. Vi:i« II ro IJoviiD or Tkaiik. 
 
 •I^OXDOX, Sviit. "ill, 171". 
 " M. Nicliolstjii's <lisc(>iir:i<;('iii<;, mi- iuHhm' (liscliar,y;in!; all I'lul"' 
 tlii'i'c III (lie Aciiiliaiis, and cansiii;; kt^pp tlic ^atcs of l1i<> Fort >1iiiii 
 aizaiiisl lh<-in iii^lil aiitl ilay. tliat lii<*y may havt^ no iiiaiiiKT of i-oin- 
 iiKM-cc w'llli tli<> (iarrisiiii. ami liaviii!{ liy I'i'oflaiiialioii ilUi-l)ai'i;i><i 
 Iht.'ir liarlioiii'jiiir oc lociiiim any of th<^ iiativt's, with whom ilny 
 used Id havt' a consiihTahlo 'I'raih' for I't'lliy, halh >o ilisrinnaufil 
 I hem from siayinji '/'"' ""'.V '""' '»'"'" nhtniilnnfc nf xmull i-is.sils to 
 riirijf lilt iiitfiilcCH and vft'i.cfx to Cape Brittomi, whirh ua>i wli.it tln> 
 FitMii-h orticers so much sollicitf'd." 
 
 V(ft('l« carefully iil)s(ains from n)entionino' tlie iciisMU 
 that ]>n!V(Mite(l tli«j Aeadiaiis tVoin leaving in tlienuni>T- 
 ons ships that they liad hnilt, hnt (»ne \Vf»nhl e;isily 
 giiess it. if one did not know it already ihiongh nuiny 
 other eiiannels. 
 
 (.'()i-ONi:i. Vf:t< II n> lJ<i.\i!i> or 'ri!Ai»i:. 
 
 ■' i^oMiox, FiliriKiri/ I'Ist. JTM". 
 
 '• As to till! Acatlians.hy what I can learn, there is not many of ilicm 
 it'iuovcd uolAvilhstandinj,' the dlsconni!;t'mi'nls they itiell witliHl ^i-me 
 time ai;i». ami will, no douht. j^ladly leinaiu upon their pjanlation — 
 some of whli'h are cotisidcialtle — i)iovidin,u ihey may he piolecii-l hy 
 the I'rown. and, as no country is of \alne wilhoiil iidiahilaiii-. so, 
 llir niii'inil (if thrill iinil llifii' fiilllv In (Jnfii' lirHfimn inmlil III- II 
 i/riiit tiililUiiiti In Hull iii'ii' ciiliiiii/, MO it ii'iiiitil Iflinlh/ I'lilin \t>i'il 
 Si-iiliii unless stipplyed hy a Itritisli Colony, which could not he ilom> 
 in several years. .\t( llml tin- ArmHnns iritli tliiirsturktiil'iiilih rr- 
 iinthiiuii tlirri is viri/ iin'ili fur tin' iiilriiiitniie nl' tlir l^nm'ii." 
 I>ii;i T.-<;ovi:i:\ni! (' Ai i.rii;i.i) TO Cui.. Vi.ic ii. 
 
 I am I 
 
 " Ann M'ot.i- Ittiv AM-. I'd .Xm-.. 171". 
 lilt ti)<> sciiccalile of ( 'olonel Nickolsou's unpresiMlelltetl 
 
 malice, ami, h:nl his desii^ns taken their desired ett'eci. I am ]ier- 
 swaded there had not heen att tins time an inhahitanl of any kind in 
 the country, nor, indeed, a garrison: when I recolli'ct his dei jara- 
 tion to the .Vcailians and afterwards to the soldiers, wherein lie told 
 
 iilLi, 
 
NI(^Ht)LS(»N AM» VKT« M. 08 
 
 tlif lattor tlitit the ficiicli wi-ir nil nhilli. and woulil pcrluinly cut 
 ihfir liiroiits if llicy went iiilo lluir Imuisi-.. tflliii!; uf iin tli;it we miiHt 
 havi- ia> muniH'r of iDrnjspoiKlaiicf willi tiu-iii. ami onlfn-d tin' nalcs 
 of III)' ^iiirisoii to l>t> sliiit, tiio' atl llic saiiic liiiit- lie vviifs seiiciiihli^ 
 that we nxilil not siilisjsi t|i<> i-iisiK'lii.u winter. Itnt by tiicir inain>, 
 ilniiht't'inii no oIIh-i- idospt'cis left to u> . . . If tin- wlioh? st'incuf hit 
 aihninislralion Imm'<' was |ilainly laiti iluunc. ill would In* very di til 
 • nil to find one instance of all his i>ioeeedini;>. w lien-liy the j;arrisoii 
 or I'olonuy could receive ilie least lieiielil."" 
 
 Adams rot aimain Sikki.i,. 
 
 :.Mtli ./</ 
 
 ItUillU 
 
 \1V- 
 
 .... "We were in iKipcs heie upon (Jeneral Nieholson's arrival, lie 
 would settle the place on a j^cxtd fooiinL.'. hul on the contrary, put us 
 ill tlie jireatesl confusion. piilTd down the fVorts. I)rove away the 
 .\cadians. and carried away all the Kn^dish he eou'd. that the place is 
 now desolate. In short, if his coininission hail heen to destroy the 
 "iMintry. he could no! havu dischaig'd his trust to heller purpose than 
 he did. hi' employed all his liine here in pursuing his iniplacahln 
 malice against (;overiior \'elch. when in iiiith he did the English in- 
 ttn-st in this country inori' ilamagi' in the two months he was lier« 
 than Oovr Vetch cou'd have done in all hislif4'. if he hati been a.s bad 
 as he would fain make tin- world believe \\o was, he used to cmse and 
 damin (iov. Vetch and all his friemls. There is not one soul in the 
 plai'c, french or english — save •! — but hate and abhor his natiie." 
 
 We liave likewise, willi the saiiie import, a letter of 
 ( ajttaiu Aiiustfotig wlio became later on Lieiiteiiant- 
 (iuveniof of the Pfovince. 
 
 Ill our first ehapter we reinodticed a letter of the 
 Aeadiaiis t<» Mr. de Vatidieuil, in whirli they eoin[)laine(l 
 of l)eiii<,' treated as negroes by (Jovernor Veteh. If 
 sueh were the ease, and it is dillienlt to doidtt it. »>ne 
 must not he astonished at the efforts they made to leave 
 the eountiy, nor at the siihterfnges invented to deter 
 them from doing so. 
 
 There Wiis. evidently, great animosity between Nich- 
 olson aiifl W'tch, and, what is almost as evident, it had 
 its so\irce in covetousness. It seems that Vetch, who 
 
 -.l^^ 
 
i>4 
 
 NiniOLSoN AM> VKTCH. 
 
 1:1- 
 
 was tlien in London, sonylit to sii|ii»liini Nicholson, by 
 iiUcj^ini^ llic tcsiinionii's of tlic |ii inri|i;il ollict is of 
 Anniipolis. tfsiinioMi''> wliirli Ik- Iransniittt-d lo t!i(> 
 Lords ol" 'I'riulc. Al llic smimc tiim-. In- sonL;lil to j.iovt' 
 to tlirni thiit lif niidfistood Ix-itci' tliiiii NiclioKoii tlit> 
 interests of ilit> conntiy. iinil tluit lu* wiistlic tniin la-i'dt'd 
 in tin* ciicnnisliinct's. It wonld Ik- cnrious to know the 
 counli'i-iiccusations of Nicholson ; for he conld not toler- 
 ate snch an attack withont a icjoindci- most injniioiis to 
 
 Vct<l 
 
 I s I'cpnlation, and 
 
 soli<l 
 
 reasons were not wantnii; 
 
 to liiin. I'or N'ctch nnderwent a trial in 1T<«; iM'I'orr the 
 legislatnre ol' .Massachusetts, with therestdt that he was 
 oondennicd to pay tliOO "/>>,• Imi'luii xnpjil ieil l/ir Fi'iii>-h 
 
 .Ind'^inLT the 
 
 ICI 
 
 tl, 
 
 tniinniinfiDii mn 
 
 stiti'rs lit H'lii 
 
 ([Uairel l»y itsresults, we have reason to think that holh 
 siH'cundnMl in one connnon delV-at. heeanse I'orltoth the 
 ciueei'of honors seems to have terminated there : \"cti h 
 obtained nothing, and NiehoUoti h)sl his position two 
 yeai-s later. As it ol'teii happens on those occasions, both 
 siieeeeded in [)rovintj that they were eciually unworthv. 
 We are luMter ac([nainled witli lla; aoensations laid 
 aj^ainst Nicholson, and. even should allowance be made 
 lor exaLTtJ'eration. this allowance eamiot be considerable, 
 siiu'o the accusations ri'st on tjie testimony of three [)er- 
 sonsAvlio wen; regularly appointed lieutenant-governors 
 of Nova Scotia, namely: X'etch, Canlliehb Armstrong, 
 and on the testimony of Adams, who, in 17^0. was f 
 some time administrator of the provinci 
 
 or 
 
 myp 
 
 Without tiiis 
 
 (piarrel, without this rivalry we shouhl know nothing of 
 the character and conduct of Nicholson and Vetcli ; were 
 we to trust the f'omi)iler, we should think ourselves in 
 the ])resence of irreproachable men to whose memory 
 posterity should raise statues. 
 
 r'li,!/ 1 
 
 m I 
 
MCllMl.SoN \NI» VI:T( II. 
 
 05 
 
 Wlial i> li» !»•' ilionnlit «•!" llic ('niin)ili'r wIki li.is 
 uiiiiltfd tlu'si' (locmiH'iits'.'' Wfic tlu'V uiiimpditiiiil 
 111 loo iiiconveiiicnlly iin[Mtrtiiia '.' Was lie, tw could lie 
 Itc i<'iu)raMt of tlicin '! Coilainlv iH)t, since tlicv are all iii 
 thu Colonial IJccoids in London (Nova Scotia section ), 
 uh.'iv tin* ('oinj)ilcr Wiis cliarj^i'd to procure copies ot' 
 ill the documents tliat interested tlie province. Tliev ar(! 
 to 1h; t'onnd in volumes I. and II.. alon;;si«lt! ot" t Iiose vcrv 
 ilociuneiits wliicli lie [tiocured and wliicli we lind in his 
 iiun compilation. What could be mon- interestiiii;' t"i' 
 history than (hieiiment.s such as these, which. a[)art t'lnm 
 ihcii' importance arising from the [tuhlicity of the facts 
 tiicv contain, otl'er us a rare opportunity of jndijinn- the 
 
 iiaractci-. tlie temperament and tlie motives oi the pci- 
 
 )f th 
 
 -ons w 
 
 ho li;^fl 
 
 tl 
 
 rure in tliem s(t consi)icu«»usiv 
 
 Mr. Akiu- 
 
 is not only a compiler, lie is 
 
 at tl 
 
 It! same tune a I»io''ia- 
 
 i)licr. 
 
 Ilel 
 
 las inseilcM III his vo 
 
 Innie 
 
 nniiieroiis notes, in 
 
 \\hi(-h he gives us his ap^ireciation of the i)ersonages who 
 
 played any part in tlu'st; events : hut. invariai)ly, when 
 iliric is (|iiestion of a govi'inor or any man that had 
 iclations with the Acadians, he is suave and culo<>ist ic 
 witli regard to ihei.i. Vet liere was an excellent op[ini-- 
 tuiiity to give his judgment on Nicholson, in wliich the 
 viitii'.'s he might have would he judiciously coupled 
 with his faults, so as to show forth the most salient, 
 traits of liis character. This stndv was easv, thanks to 
 
 the well-grounded opinions or iour lieuteniiiit-goveriMUs : 
 l»erformed with intelligence and im[)artiality. it wouhl 
 have powerfully assisted the reader to pass an eiiliglit- 
 t'lied judgment ou the wliole eoiiisc of events. 
 
 The letters <juoted ahovt^ are ini[)orta;it from another 
 and not less striking point of view. They explain the 
 deep interest the governors had in jireveiiting the eiiii- 
 
 A*:; 
 
 ?::' - 
 
 
00 
 
 NICIlol.snN AM> Nlircil. 
 
 »«.■•■ ' I 
 
 j,'i.iti»»ii (.;■ tlic Ata<liiiiis. A> N'ch li .>iiv>. tlii> tlcpart iirci 
 WdiiM niin tin- ctiiiiitiy : iiiid, tlioiiL,^! fiiL;)it iu<iiilli> IkhI 
 iiol 3t'l tlaiiscd siiifc Nii'liolsou had (It'cidt'd in jtrL'Sfiic*! 
 (if Messrs. do la l{i)ii(K'aJid IMiisimis to ivfLT lliis (jiu-stioii 
 of tlic d«'{iartur«r to tin* (^lU'cii, lii* docs not liesitatt! tn 
 ask tlio Lords of Trade foi- pciniission to iirt'vent tlicir 
 ile|iarturc' : " I'lih-xx xnnic xj>i'f</t/ m-ilfrx tin' xrtif In pr,- 
 rcnt the Ai'iiilhiiix ri'inonil ivlth thi'lr ciitth' ami ej}\'clx /o 
 Co/If /i/'ffiiii, (in it ii'ill irhoUif Htr!i> (itnl ruin Noiui Srotia, 
 t H'ill at oiiif inalii- Cajh- lin'ton a popular and iref/- 
 
 Ki> I 
 
 ftiK-heil rnjoiii/." And, as lie says elsewlieiu, " T^iri/ 
 hatl haiJt ahi(nihiiii-f of small vrnxelH to rarri/ thfrnxehux 
 and cff'ci-tH to t'ape Untnti." lie is careful not to say 
 that he had prevented them from leaving in those same 
 vessels; hut the eonelusion is self-evident. It is eiusy to 
 see that fraud and force had nnieh more weight in his 
 mind than justice and right, [n a nvan who u few yeai-s 
 before had, through greed of gain, '• xiipplivi the French 
 with anununition aiiiJ ntoren of trar,'' and had l)een con- 
 demned for this act, this is not surprising. Besides, it 
 
 was no 
 
 t otl 
 
 lerwise wi 
 
 thli 
 
 IS successors. 
 
 Another not less grave reason against the de[)aiture 
 of the Acadians is, that the Indians of Acadia and of 
 
 es 
 
 all tliat forms to-day Maine and the maritime i)rovin( 
 were, from time immenmrial, sworn enemies of the 
 Knglish. This departure w».nld have left Nova Scotia 
 without an iidiahitant, and in the impossihility of peo- 
 
 dailv 
 
 jihng it with colonists, who would have been 
 exposed to 1m? uiivssacred by these Indians. Possession of 
 
 tl 
 
 le countrv won 
 
 Id h 
 
 lave hecome u 
 
 seless ; and, if the 
 
 Knglish had persisted in keeping a fort and garrison 
 there, this hitter would have Im-cu provisioned (tniy at. 
 great ex[>ense. Suih n\:i> the [lerplexing situation of 
 
 ilf' ill 
 
NUIIOLSON ASM VKTCII, 
 
 m 
 
 the ^ovoinors itii<l <»l' tlu* Hoint' (lOvtMimicnt. All the 
 foiiuimiiioatioiis rxchiingi'd In'twiieii those two make us 
 clearly see that tin- situation was thus uudei-stood, and 
 all the obstacles aicuinulated to hinder tlu; <le])aiture of 
 the Aiadians have never had any other motives than 
 the various interi'sts which have \hhiu brought to light 
 ill the j»recediiig doeunu'nts. Anent this last niotiv*' — 
 jear •>!' the Indians — I will (!ite on»! letter from Kieu- 
 tcnant-(iovernor Caulliehl to the Lords of Trade, not 
 because it stands alone, but onaccoujit of itslx;ing more 
 explicit than othei-s: 
 
 '• 1 luivc always obsorved, since my coming iicre. the forwardness 
 of tlie Arailiaiis to serve us when occasion otTered." [This is aston- 
 isliiiij;. after their liarsli treatment and tlie trickery resorted to l)y 
 Nicholson and Vetch]. " And if sonit; Knglish inhabitants were sent 
 ovfi, especially imlnstrions laborers, tar and pitch nialters, carpenters 
 and sinitlis, it wonld be of great advantage to this colony ; hut in 
 fi(Mf //(■ Acndinits (/itlt un, wv Hfntll never he ahle to maintain or pro- 
 txtvur Emjliiih fnmih/'s/roni !/e insnltx of i/e Indiant*, ye toornt 
 enrmirs, inch ye AniilidnH hy their stuyiny ii'ill In a (/reat measure 
 «r<i/*'/ off' for their ovni sakes. Yonr Lordships will see by ye stock of 
 catteil they have at this time tliat in two or three years, with due 
 encouragement, we may be furnished with everything within our- 
 selves." • 
 
 And elsewhere, in the correspondence of the governors : " As the 
 accession of such a ninnber of Acadians to Cape Bretton, will make 
 it ai once a very populous Colony ; so it is to be considered, one 
 liiindred of the Acadians, who were born upon that continent, and 
 an' perfectly known in the woods ; can march upon snow-shoes, and 
 understand the use of bircli canoes, are of more value and .service 
 than tive times their number of raw men newly come from Europe. 
 So their skill in the fishery, as well as the cultivating of the soil, must 
 make at once of Tape Bretton the most powerful Colony the French 
 }iave in America, and of the greatest danger and damage to all the 
 British Colonies as well as the universal trade of Great Britain." 
 
 •Statetl by Votch to b<» about 5,000 black cuttle, besides a great number 
 cf Hb)H^p and hogs. 
 7 
 
im 
 
 NICHOLSON ANI» VKT<!H. 
 
 With what we know of huiuaii nature, with the 
 teachings of history in general, and ptartieularly of this 
 history, no one, Uiking into account tlie grave interests 
 that the departure of the Acadians compromised, will 
 (lonht the olwtacles of every kind o[)po8ed to this 
 tit'paiture. ICv«'n without proofs the presumptions 
 would l)e of great w«'ight : hut, when the fact is sus- 
 iaine«l, without contradiction, at least without explicit 
 contradiction, hy a mass of ollicial documents, itlx'conies 
 a certainty of the first oider, which remains fixed in 
 history as a question withdrawn from debate, in spite of 
 the compiler, in spite of those who, like Parkman. have 
 accepted witho\it further iuvestigatiou his biassed and 
 ill-matured assertious. 
 
THE OATH UEgUlUED. 
 
 90 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Lieutenant-Oovprnor CaulHeld— H«' Meiidn Petpr Caf)oon and 
 ThoniiiM Huttoii to Imve the AcatliaiiH takt* tiu> oath of alU>- 
 fiance — AiiHut-rH of th»> Ac^uiians — Oini>4sioiiH of th«' ('<iiii|iil«'i- — 
 Lw'Utonaiit-Ciovt'rnor John lJouct'th'--N»'W injunction to takf 
 the oath — Th«'y «'onsent to remain in tlie country on certain 
 conditions with regard to tlie oath — Other omissions. 
 
 With this chapter we enter at hist into the volume of 
 the Archives. 
 
 It will be admitted that the two chajiters immediately 
 preceding are not wanting in signilicanctj. The stMjuel 
 will show that the evtjnts of these live veal's have in 
 themselves alone more real impojtance than those of tht; 
 tifteen succeeding y<''«'^'>'' In fact, sul)se(|uent events 
 are so conne('ted with those; we have just sketched, that, 
 without them, they become unintelligible or assume a 
 different signilicance. 
 
 While waiting till the course of our narrative; has 
 made the learne<l methods of the Coiupiler familiar, I 
 will leave the reader to his own reflections ujton the 
 jK)ssil)le motives of these strange omissions. And, if 
 now and then indignation suggests expressions that 
 may seem severe, I beg pardon foi- the moment, until 
 this j)ai(lon I now solicit shall become (M)m[»lete and sludl 
 be spontaneously offeied by whosoever bears with nic ii> 
 tlie end. 
 
 The Compiler makes us begin at the second act of the 
 drama. As the curtain rises, we jKMceive Li»'utenant- 
 (iovernor (.'aulfield, successoi- to Vetch, Ilobbv, and 
 
 }fi ^ '' 
 
\\i 
 
 KM) 
 
 THK n.VTII IMJ^nUKD. 
 
 Nit IidIsmii. ilic I'niiiili oil tlu' lisl, ill tlic year 171.'), 
 nidtriiiir Messrs. W;[rv ('iijmkhi iiiiil Tlioniiis Hnttoii, 
 itriiffi'. of till' ^'iinisoii, to ln'tiik*' tluMiiscIvcs to Mint's, 
 to I5(iiiilnissiii, I I I't'iioljsiot, to ItivtT St. .lohn and to 
 otlicr j)liU'»'s : 
 
 '• DlriM-tlii),' Hint Mis MomI SftPii'd Majesty. fJcoriif, Kiiii; of (Jroat 
 liriiaiii, /V/zf/rc ami Irclaiiil, he |ii'iiclainii-<l in all partM ol his (iovfrn- 
 iiiiMil. Voii an- liki'wisc to IcikIit tin- oaths of iiUcvtiaiicf to yt- 
 A< inliaiis ill yi- form pn'Mcrihi'il." 
 
 On iIk; loth of tlic foiiowini^ May, (.'aiillii'ltl ac- 
 <iuaiiits tlu; Lonls of Trade with tlm result ol' tlio mis- 
 sion ot' I'etcr Capooii und 'IMioiiias Itutton. 
 
 " //((•' liirliinnl tirr thr IniiinilrHiins of M. M. Illlf toil ami Capooil, 
 liy uliicli yoii will find that y<> inliahltaiits, liccini; most of (Ikmii 
 Fii'iicli, icfiist'd tin' oath, /nirhiu, us I •'<// hil'oriiifil, yfi'iiHul In i/iiif 
 fill riillinniif intircly und to s«'Mlt' niidt'r ye froncli KoviTiiinent, and I 
 liiiinhlic desire to he infoi'iiD'd how I shall hchave to thrill .... The 
 A( adians who always iiiaintained this •'arrison with corn, nrr moxt 
 )>/ thrill t/iiiftiiix' fhr rolloiiiu/, specially at Mines. 
 
 " How istliis?" must tlu; intoUiijtMitivatlciof tlie com- 
 jiiler's extract.s say, lie ulio knows notliiiig of what hap- 
 jit'iit'd lH;t ween 1710 and 171"): "It is now five years 
 since tlie takinj; of Poit Royal and two yeai-s since tlie 
 treat\- of peace, and tho.se Atadians are wtill in the 
 coiintiy, they refuse to take the oath of allegiance and 
 «*ven to go away? Wliy. the governoi-s must have Ikjcii 
 very good and very paternal not to have constrained them 
 by force to either alternative? '* 
 
 That i.s indeed what the reader must have said to 
 liim.self in good faith, since liistorians, who have writ- 
 ten since the compilation of this volume, liave said sub- 
 stantially the same thing. The Comjiiler knew well 
 that he was constructing thereby an ar.senal where men 
 
 
TiiK HATH i:i;c.ii ii:i:i>. 
 
 lOl 
 
 would coiiu' for iinns witliotit taking the troiildc to inok 
 any faitlicr. Ilu knuw well that most ol' tliosu who 
 write histoiy, even wlien they liiivf iipfitndc Un- it, 
 wliioh soni(;tiniustlicy liiive not, Inivc seldom the patirncc 
 to meditiiti*. comitaic, oitscivc and iicnctiati'. Ilo knew 
 Well that many of them t'ollow one another in a low to 
 lull into t lie same nil. Thcie were, however, very sini|ile 
 (jiiestioiis to Im' aske(| lien', siieh as these : " W hat had 
 hapiteiied since 1710? Why does the C'omjiiler lieyiii 
 hiH volume with the year 171'»? Wliy '^'0 not the |iro- 
 posed formula for the oath, the lejiiies oj 'e Aeadians 
 and th«' repoit of ('a|)oon and Uiilton in the volume of 
 the Areiiives? Why does CauUielt' , 'fin lo des'i md 
 to liavt! ordered the depart lire ot Hie Aeat'ian.-., thoU!4;li 
 Ki ;. sul)se(|Uent letter he says that their do| ilure wmild 
 Ik- the ruin of the country? Why doe/» the ( onipiler 
 almost always omit the r"plies of the Aeuilians? Tlu! 
 documents from them arc^ rare eiioiii'li to havt; made it 
 a lK>unden duty for him eagerly to '^raiit them a place 
 ill his volume as well in justice to them as in oidcr to 
 permit us to pass an eiiliLjhteiuid jiid^nieiil on the 
 events that depend thert^on. lie was not unaware of 
 these replies, since the vt-rv letter of CauHield to the 
 Lords of Trade, which we have just »|Uote(l, refers to it : 
 ** Herein eiirfosiif nn' tin' friiiiniirfiniiK nf' Missrs. Hiiffnn 
 iitiil Cdjxxiii."' 
 
 I am j^oiiiLf to sup|tly in part the omissions of the 
 Compiler. In the Colonial Itecords, N. S., \'ol I., ww 
 lind, just alongside the documents produced in the 
 archives, the formula of the oath proposed hy Caultield 
 and tlie replies of the Aeadians. 
 
 "I. A. IJ., siiu't'it'ly proniis*- and swi'iir that I will Ix- faillit'ul aiut 
 luaintAin a true alloglance witli Ilis Majesty, King George."' 
 
 ''•«if>*(«: 
 
 ■'■.' 
 *.*■' 
 
 M •' y 
 
102 
 
 THK OATH i!K(;rn:Kn. 
 
 :.;-t- 
 
 Koply f f the Aciuliaiis of Minos to Messrs. Capoon 
 and Hutton : 
 
 I'-'s' 
 
 " To iinswor what yoii Iikvo (1oih> lu tlw honor |)iihli(>ly to announow 
 to us last Wi'tliu'S(hiy, and tor replying to wliich we begged you givft 
 IIS till last Stintlay, in wiiicii time we liave not beenahitt to aceouipli.sh 
 what we iiai! pioniised, seeing that severiil learn nothing from writings 
 but only rim rorr, and, not even knowing exactly of what there was 
 (|nesiion, retiuiied home without giving any .answer. 
 
 '■ We have, the honor to signify to you, that no one can be more 
 thankful than we are for the kindness that King CJeorge, whom \\v. 
 reeogiiize as the lawful sovereii;n of (Ireat Urifain, so graeiously shows 
 tis. under whose rule it will be for us a real joy to remain, as he is 
 such a gootl prince, if \\r had nut. .s//trc lout, i^idiuiicr, iikhIc I'lKjid/c- 
 Tiiriils In rdnni iiuih r the riili' of llif I\iiiij of Fniiic(\ iKiriiKj vcvn 
 <l'iri)i imr siiiiidtiircs tu tlif nfflrrr sriit ill /lis vdtiiv (M. de la IJonde), 
 iiiiil rnri/ In u'hi'-li irr riiiiiiiil iicl, iiiilil. Tficii' tii'o Miijcsl Irs of Fniiii'c 
 iiiiil Kiiijliiiiil lidrv ili.siinsi il if ns othci'iri.ii'. However, w(^ bind our- 
 selves with idcasuic and gratefulness, while W(> remain here in 
 Acadia, to do or undertake nothing against His IJritannic Majesty, 
 King (icorge. of whose itroclaination to the crown wc arc witnesses, 
 wliicli was made by yon, sirs, in presence of the inhabitants of the 
 said i)laccs, at Mines, this lUth of March 171."), wc, the undersigned, 
 aciiuitaud being authorized by all tht> inhabitants to act according 
 to (he power of attorney which tlicy liav(> given us. 
 
 (Sitrnctl) .lacipics I,e lilauc, Antoine Lc Hlanc. Cliarlcs Habin, 
 Jassemin, I'hilippi^ Mclaucou. Claudia fjandry, I'icrre Tcrriol, Uene 
 liC lilauc, Pierre Itichard, .Iavi|ucs FiC IMauc, Franvois Ilimbaut, 
 (icrmain Terriau, Jean Lc lllaiic, Martin Ancoin, etc., etc." 
 
 We luive also the iej)ly of Ihe Aeadiaiis of Beaiibassiii ; 
 its })iif]>ort is exactly the .same; it is siti^iied by Mi(!liel 
 Poiiief, Martin liii'hiiid, Michel Hourg, Chailes Hour- 
 tifeois, Fraiu^ois Doiieet, Jean Cyr, Alexis Cormier, as 
 arhitiMs tor the whole population. 
 
 Those t)f Port Royal seem to have acted otherwise. 
 Instead of refusing the oath presented to them, they 
 j)roposed another formula as follows : — 
 
 " 1 sincerely promise and swear that 1 will be faithful and main- 
 tain a true allegiance to His Majesty, King George, as long as I shall 
 
THK OATH KK(^rii:i:i>. 
 
 103 
 
 
 b<' in Acadia or Xova Scotia: and [I st,i|)idat«'] tliat [ shall ho ptM- 
 iiiiili'd to withdraw wlHTcsonvwr I sliall think fit with all my inov- 
 alilc goods and ofFocts, when 1 shall think tit, witliout any one b«;iii;; 
 aiile to hintler me." 
 
 It is sigiiod by tliirty-six names, twenty of wliicli are 
 narked with flosses, and jii)|)cais to liave been a('ee[)ted 
 by ("aullield. 
 
 Witlionl being veiy i'xplieit, these <loeunients hint at 
 many things. One sees clearly that Freneh delegates 
 had some months prcfvioiis conferred with (rovernor 
 Nicholson; that the (jnestion of the departnre of tlie 
 Acadiaiis had been referred to the (^ueen, and that the 
 oath offered them conld not be taken into eonsideiation 
 l)efoi'e this decision. The pnblishingof these docnnients 
 would have been a key to guide the reader in researches 
 which would have revealed what we liavt' set forth elst;- 
 where, and what the volume of the aichivcs concealed 
 from view. 
 
 Tluis, these documents contirm anew on certain points 
 those which 1 hav(! pioduccd. and overthrow tin; vague 
 insinuation of ('aullield, when he says: "having, <is I 
 am hifornu'il^ refused to <iuit this colony entirely and to 
 settle under the French government.*" He seems to 
 wish to insinuate thereby that he gave orders to the 
 Acadians to take the oath or to leave, and t litis he mis- 
 represents their situation to the Lords of Trade. His in- 
 structions to Capooii and Huttoti show nothing of the 
 kind ; the replies of the inhabitants i)rove the contrary: 
 and a sid)se(|ttent letter to the Lords of 'j'lade shows 
 that he consi(lere(l the departure of the .Vcadians as a 
 (•alamity. It is therelore ridiculous to suppose that he 
 gav(! suc^h orders and receivecl such replies. Moreover, 
 we have seen I)y several documents that the greater 
 
 ' •» 
 
 
104 
 
 THK OATH i;i:(,»rii!Ki). 
 
 number of the Aiadiiiiis, in this year 171'), did not even 
 sow tlieir lands, so truly did they expect to leave in tiie 
 course <>r tlie sinniner. AjuI, if lie liad jriven such 
 ordei's, he woukl be so nuieh the more culpable, since he 
 knew that, a few months before, this ([ucstion of tjie 
 d(;{>artnre had Im'cu referred by Xicholson to the decision 
 (»f the Queen, and that tiie reply had not yet been given. 
 
 The only means of reconciling his insinuation with 
 possibh; facts would be to attribute such a reply, I mean 
 the refusal to depait, to some inhabitants of Penobscot 
 or of the St. John Uivcr, where the Messrs. Tapoon and 
 Hutton likewise betook themselves to have the oath 
 taken. These were upon a territory that Franct; 
 claimed; whence their declaration that they wo\U(l not 
 leave the country. This is tiie only possible interpreta- 
 tion that I see, otherwise his assertion, " that )iiosf nt't/wtn 
 arc (jHittiii;/ t/it' (;oUo7in I/'' would be contradictory and 
 absurd. 
 
 In May of the following year Caulfield writes to the 
 Lords of Trade : " I received a letter from y Acadians 
 of Mines of their resolution to continue in this govein- 
 ment, and are making all pre[)a rat ions for im[)rovcnients 
 as formerly, and they seem impatient to heai' what is 
 determined on their behalf.'"* 
 
 This letter miiiht seem contradictorv ; but as t!ie last 
 part shows us that the Acadians were impatient to know 
 the decision respecting the questions submitted to the 
 Queen by Nicholson, it must bo inferred that they were 
 always determined to depart as soon as tliis ri'[>ly would 
 be known and the means afforded them for di'[iartiiig ; 
 else, why would they have been impatient for a re[ily 
 which was to decide their departure, if their intention 
 
 * This It.'ttiT is (iiuitti'ii ill tlii' vipliinit; nf Uio Aivhivos. 
 
A KESEUVE TO THE OATH WANTED. 
 
 105 
 
 was to remain in any case ? Tlie first part, then, means 
 that tliey agreed to prolong their sojonrn till after tlie 
 liarvest (they liad not sown the preceding year). 
 
 In the ensuing October (171(3), writing to tlie I.ords 
 of Trade, he informs them tliat he li.as proposed the oath 
 to the Aeadians and sends them their replies.* We infer 
 therefrom that they reiterated their determination to 
 leave the country, for he adds : " at the same time I am 
 persuaded it will be with reluctancy they leave the eoun- 
 trv." 
 
 Caulfield was replaced as Lieutenant-Governor by 
 John Doucette (1717). Addressing lirst the inliabit- 
 ants of Annapolis, the latter severeh- enjoined them to 
 take the oath according to the formula which he com- 
 municated to them. Tired of waiting in vain for a 
 response to the questions sulnniitcd to the Queen by 
 Nicholson, despairing of ever obtaining the facilities 
 necessary to their transmigration, they answered that 
 they all desired to come to a connnon decision, and lor 
 that purpose it was advisal)le to have all the iidiabitanis 
 of the other localities as.>~ nblcd at the same time : 
 
 " For the present we can only answer, that we shall be ivaily to 
 carry into effect the demand proposed to us, as soon as llis Maji^ty 
 shall have done ns the favor of provldnii^ some means of shelterlnii us 
 from the Indians, who are always ready to do all kinds of misriiii'f, 
 proofs ofwhiehliave been afforded on many occasions since the piMie. 
 
 " That iniless we are proteeti'd from them, we cannot take tlie oiuli 
 demanded without exposing ourselves to have our throats cut in our 
 bouses at any time, which they have already threatened to do. 
 
 " in case other means cannot be found, we are ready to take an 
 oath that we will take up arms neither against His Britannic Maji'sty 
 nor against France, nor against any of their subjects or allic-.'" 
 
 Up to that time the Aeadians had reftised to accept 
 any oath that tied them to the country ; they Avishcd to 
 * Documents omitted iu the volume of the Archives. 
 
 Wh 
 
 l-rt^* 
 
 
106 
 
 A ItKSKUVK TO THK OATH WANTED. 
 
 u-,.: 
 
 iWll 
 
 I'luJHI 
 
 depiirt and liatl been wuitiiig to be enabled to do so. 
 From that moment they no longer refused tliis oath, 
 proviiled a chiuse were inserted exempting them from 
 bearing arms against the French or Indians, their allies. 
 
 The situation presents no difficidties. Either they 
 nuist be aHowed to leave with their goods and cattle, as 
 signiticfl by the treaty and the letter of the Queen, and 
 obstacles must Ixj removed and tlie assistance requisite 
 for their transmigration granted them, or the conditions 
 they imposed on their sojourn in the country must be 
 accepted. It might have been disagreeable to have con- 
 ditions imj)osed by poor peasants ; but either this must 
 be endured or the inconveniences which their departure 
 entailed, at least if justice should regulate the relations 
 bclween the high and the low, between the weak and 
 the strong. Tlieir conditions were certainly not friv- 
 olous. The onlv enemv that EiiLfland had to combat in 
 these places was France. Without the acceptance of 
 this condition they could be obliged to take up arms 
 against their compatriots and still worse against their 
 brethren, their relations who icsided on the north side 
 of the Bay of Fuudy at liiver 8t. Joiin, ("Iii[)ody, Peti- 
 codiac, ]\Iemramcook and even at Heaubassin on a 
 territory which, it is true, was disputeil, but which might 
 eventually be adjudged to France by the commission 
 ii [(point I'd to decide thereon. 
 
 Xotliiiig was more reasonable tiian the exemption 
 whiiii tlicy claimed, especially when they were de^jrivcd 
 of ilu! rioht of ooiiinr iiway ; and those who treat their 
 claim as frivolous have evidently never sounded their in- 
 most hearts to see what would be their sentiments in a 
 similar situation. Later on we shall iind that the Ameri- 
 can colonists, who t'-<tabii-<li('<] tlu'iiisclvc-^ in IT'lOon the 
 
A IJKSKItVK T<» THK OATH WANTKl). 
 
 107 
 
 
 laiiils of tliu Aciulians, avlto i-xcmpli'il fnmi Iwariiig 
 anus iifjiiiiisi tlu'ir hrelliieii of Nrw KiihIuikI at tliu time 
 »it" till' war of iiidepeniUMic'e : Imt in thai rase it was 
 »li'einecl(iuite natural toj^rant tlieni thisexcniittion. Not 
 \\itIioiit lu'art-rentlint>- grief had the Ai-adians resolved 
 to leave theii' country, their property, these abodes of 
 their ehildhood bedewed l)Vthe sweat of several ijenera- 
 tions. (^h ! assuredly, they woidd have preferred by far 
 t(i leinain ; but in those days of prejudice, intolerance anil 
 al)solutisni, they feared the caprice of their governors, 
 they feare(l that, sooner or later, oltstacles would be 
 laised to the free exercise of their religion. Will it 
 bi' said that their fears were not rt'asunable, seeing that 
 for three years they had been retained by force in violati(»n 
 of a treaty, at a time when Kngland had not yet cjuerged 
 from the most intolerant period of her history '/ 'I'hey 
 might perluijjs run these risks, but. at least, they did not 
 •A ish to have to combat their fellow-i'ountrymen anil 
 tht'ir brethren : they wislie<l to put themselves in a 
 ].ii>ition to be able at any time to tpiil the country, if 
 ilic I'onditions im[)osed by them should Ije violated. 
 i'|p(tn siil'ticient reflection we shall tind that the senti- 
 imnts that actuated them arose from the noblest of 
 iiioiives. This persistency in icfusing during ioi'ty years 
 .my oath that exposed tli;'m tn be obliged to combat 
 ilicir comjjatriots, does an honor to ihcni of which their 
 dt'srcndants may I'iglilly be proud. Parkman could 
 ciUflessly assert that llicy WiMe "weak of pur[)Ose :" 
 but wluMi thert! was (pu-stion of eontravening the ele- 
 mentary dictalt's of human nature, or of conscience, 
 then this lirmness energetically fat-cd consiMjuences from 
 wir.ch men of our civilized time and probably Parkniau 
 himself would shrink. 
 
 Jtfk!i 
 
 !#^^i 
 
108 
 
 A lIKSKItVK TO TIIK OATII WANTKI>. 
 
 
 P''"!!;!!];;! 
 
 
 'r Ilii 
 
 't-i 
 
 It was siilh-asit'r lor Ijp^Iiiiid to^n'iaiil tlicii' tleniaiids, 
 iis WHS <l(>in? ill 1T.")(), than for tin; Acadiaii.s not to make 
 tiii'iii. Ill tlii'ir simplicity, tlu'y tlioiinlit pi'iiiaps that in 
 these proposals tlu-yhad found a very aeeeptahle middle 
 term, which, whil(! allayiiij^ their iipj)reli(Misi()ns, would 
 permit tliem to prestjrve their property and their father- 
 land. It was a proposal that could bo considered, dis- 
 cussed and nietl)y another proposal. Could not the local 
 authorities effect a compromise? could tliey not make al- 
 lowance for sucii justifiable repuf,niance, for tlu! obstacles 
 opliosed to the execnition of a ritjht so evident as was 
 that of their departure ? couhl they not, I ask, limit this 
 exemption of bearin<( arms to a deliiiite leiiytli of time '.' 
 liiit no; no coneession I "We are the authority, and 
 we do not treat with private individuals. Vou shall not 
 de2)art, and you must take tlie oath without reseive, you 
 irast depend on our good pleasure." 
 
 Moreover, if tlu-}' felt no such natural re[)U!:;iiance to 
 fig'bting the Indians as they felt to liifhtiiig their own 
 countrymen, their own safety led them to shun all 
 Iiostility to the savage. We bave seen that Vetcli and 
 C'aullield were of oi)inion that there would be no security 
 for Englisli colonists to settle in the country on account, 
 ofthehostility of the Indians. Would it have been othci- 
 Avise witb the .\cadians, if tbey had been forced to take 
 up arms against the Indians ? There were certainly be- 
 tween tliem friendly ties wliicli dated far back ; but what 
 would these ties have availed under these new ciicum- 
 Htaiices ? Does not our friend or ally of to-day become 
 our enemy to-morrow, if be lights against us? And 
 in tbat event, what greater security could they have 
 enjo3-ed tlian tlie English colonists? In view of their 
 security the objection to bear arms against the Indians 
 
 iiiiii 
 
 '?i' '1 
 
A i:kski:vk m Tin; oath wantkm. 
 
 lo'.j 
 
 \Viis iniU'li unnv scridus than tlio <tbjt'(li»iii to lifiiv tluu; 
 iiirainst tlio Ficiicli. What did they really «I«'iiiaiid, 
 wJR'ii answeiint^ tin* suimiKtiis \o take tlie oath '/ Ndth- 
 iii",' more than this icasoiiahh! agrt'oinoiit : "Find 
 soiiit! moans to piotect us aj^ainst the Indians, and we 
 ask no exenij)tion witli ivi^ard to them, in spite of the 
 threats wliicli they use against us every day. In (h- 
 fault of tins means, we will agree to remain in the coun- 
 try and take the oath of allegiance, provided we he ex- 
 empt from any obligation to bear arms against the 
 FitMich and the Indians." 
 
 Ceitain historians speak of the efforts made by Frencli 
 authorities to pn^vail on the Acadians to emigrate, as 
 if. by doing so, they liad been guilty of reprehensible 
 intrigues, unworthy of a great nation. It may be ae- 
 c'ttuntecl ingenious to get quit of one accusation by an- 
 other; there are always some peojile who let themselves 
 lie duped by any subterfuge, liowever gross it be. That 
 the French made efforts to engage tlie Acadians to take 
 advantage of the clauses of the treaty, is a fact not to 
 be doubted. That was their right and their interest, as 
 it was their duty ; the Acadians having decided to urge 
 the English authorities to grant all the facilities re- 
 (juisite for their departuie, France was a party to the 
 treaty, and, in virtue of this, she had the o])ligation to 
 protect her former std)jects against any violation of those 
 clauses which were profitable to them : and, if France 
 is to be blamed, it is for not liaving urged the matter 
 with sufficient energy, when the Acadians so earnestly 
 claimed her supi)ort, and when her own interests were 
 all in favor of it. It has been pretended that France, 
 under the i(h'a that Acadia might return to her, giad- 
 ually fought shy of the departure of the Acadians. 
 
 <f\^^- 
 
 M ^ 
 
 
 i/^l 
 
 J'i 
 
 iiJAf 
 
 l---^ 
 
 
 -A'V-'-- -' 
 
I» ■ 
 
 ■'% li^Mllj 
 
 
 
 ■ti 
 
 1 i 
 
 
 i \y ^ ,J,.; 
 
 
 1 p''"" 
 
 
 1 
 
 iill. 
 
 ¥ 
 
 
 1 
 
 .. 1 
 
 if:-: 
 
 1 
 
 P 1 wifcrlivl 
 
 
 p .»*»- >,- 
 
 1 
 
 f *'*■ 
 
 , ' 
 
 i& 
 
 no 
 
 A UKSKKVK TO THK ((ATI I WANTKO. 
 
 That was quite possible; allliough lu;r iiKlifferciife to 
 this (leiiaitnre coiihl only Ihj partial, since, l)esi(les tlie 
 uncertainty of sucli an issue us the return to Kiench 
 dominion, and the fact that tlie departure of the Acadians 
 would l)e the ruin of Nova Scotia, there still remained 
 a not less urgent interest for France to people her colony 
 of Cape Bieton and Prince Edward Island and to gain 
 strength for future conflicts. 
 
 Hut, we have not heie to consider the interests of 
 Fiance and England otherwise than as they explain facts. 
 For the moment, I am examining only the (question of 
 right, and 1 assert that, for l)oih France and England, 
 tl»e lawfulness of their efforts to decide the Acadians to 
 depart or not to depart, was limited to persuasive in- 
 fluence, and that, while France, perhaps on account of 
 circumstances, employed oidy this expedient, the Englisli 
 authorities used every unlawful means that ruse and force 
 could suggest. Such is the difference, and it is really 
 enormous. And yet, we might view all this with a certain 
 indulgence, if only the English had taken into account 
 their own unlawful conduct in their subsequent proceed- 
 ings with regard to the Acadians. 
 
 As a <|uestion of fact, the idea of departure Mas or 
 appears to liave been spontaneous on the part of the 
 Acadians. Port Royal had been in the hands of the 
 English for only thi-ee months, when they averred, in 
 an address to the Governor of Canada, that Governor 
 Vetch wsis treating them as negro slaves, and that they 
 desired to move into French territory. Immediately 
 after the treaty of Utrecht, it was still, as far as we can 
 judge, by a spontaneous movement, that they sent 
 delegates to Louisburg to treat this same question. 
 
 After having given the above response of the Aca- 
 

 A KKSKKVK To TIIK OATH WANTKU. 
 
 Ill 
 
 (lians to the .suiiunons ot' (Jovenioi' Doucette, the ('on\- 
 ]iiler plunges us again into darkness by letting us re- 
 main ignorant of what ensued. 
 
 We ran here clearly j)er(*eive an omission of live 
 U'tters, three of which are from the (lovernor himself 
 and two replies, one from Ahb^j Pain, curd des Mines, 
 the other from Mr. de Brouillan, governor of Cape Ure- 
 tiiii.* By the former's reply wo may judge what was 
 tlie drift of the hitter's answer. 
 
 Minks, I'O Miircli, \1\<. 
 •' I haw rcrcivod tlio Icttor, with which yoii honon-d iiir, umltT 
 (lato of Di'O. ."), 1717. I liav<^ the honor to signify to yon, sir, t!i;it 
 tlieso Acadians nnist he snJlioiontiy a('(|uaint('«l with tlu'ir dntics mid 
 obligations iriUtintf ncitliiiij m;/ li'lii/ur wliiif i/dii ih'sirr un- h> ili, mlth 
 ri'ijitfil t<i Ukiii. . . . Allow nie to dfclare to yon, so that yon may 
 have nothini; to say ai^ainst my behavior in this inattor, that 1 am 
 rt'solvt'd to jiivc no advice for or against tho nieasiirc: thus yon will 
 recognize their natural intentions," etc., etc. 
 
 Fki.ix Pain . 
 
 From this re})ly it api)ears evident that the (Jovernor 
 solicited liie concurrence of this priest to intluence the 
 Acadians in the direction of an unconditional oath, in 
 justice we must say that he declares himself satisfied 
 with this reply, and with the priest's intention not to 
 meddle witli temporal affairs. We have likewise the 
 reply of the governor of Cape lireton, and it contirnis 
 all that I have previously said respecting the obstacles 
 opposed to the departure of the Acadians. 
 
 liOuisburg, 21 July, I"is. 
 
 " Concerning your complaints that the inhabitants of Acadia hud 
 not departed as agreed upon, and that this delay has cansetl l(»s to 
 His IJritannic Majesty, you must have known, sir, the impossibility 
 in which Mr. Nicholson and other rulers of Acadia have put them of 
 executing wliat hail heen agreed upon; some not wishinsj; to let llnin 
 carry away their effects, and the others not wishing us to send them 
 
 * Colouiul Ik'cords, N. y., Vol. II. 
 
 H 
 
 ^f<^ 
 
 UJmi 
 
 W.I-. 
 
 
 .l\f^ 
 
 4Kf^^ 
 
 
 
 WWTAKO 
 
 
m 
 
 112 
 
 A !!i:sKltVK T(» Tin: OATH WANTKD. 
 
 tin- ripniiii; !•• i'<|<iil> lJi«' littlo ships tlioy hail Imilt, and which in I'oii- 
 8p<|U»'iic(' they wt'ic ohliiicd to sfll almost for notliing to Kn^iish iiicr- 
 rhaiits. I will not fail to liiforni tlif Kinu my master of all yon iv- 
 uiark to mo thercou, du thai Uu luuy givu thuorUcni that he will jiiclgo 
 proper." 
 
 !!t 
 
 T 
 
 i 
 
 
 IP lff**r'<l<4 
 
 pw;ii5( . 
 
 I 
 

 OOVKIlNOK I'KlLll'PSd OHDEUB. 
 
 113 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Administration of Philipps (17"-iO-1722)— TaltinK the required oath 
 of iillt'Kianc e or departure within four months witliout carry- 
 ing away uiiythiiig — Decision to depart — Disap|K>intment of 
 i'hihpps — New oniirtsions of the Coininler — Tlie Acadian-, 
 undertake to open a road in order to effectu. te tlieir departure 
 — l*iiilipi)s orders the suspension of tiio w.:rk8 — Prolongation 
 of tile delay — I'ajoleries t<» keep back the Acadians — Import- 
 ant letter t)f the Secretary of State Cragga — Parkman, 
 
 In 1720 General Philipps, who in reality had already 
 been tor almost three years Governor of Nova Scotiu, 
 came to Annapolis to take charge of his province, lie 
 was invested with more ample jurisdiction than his 
 predecessors, and his high position in the army added 
 weight and importance to his authority. At first he 
 dealt very haughtily with the Acadians. Hardly had 
 lie arrived when he issued a pioclaraation ordering them 
 to take the oath without reserve or to leave the country 
 within four months, without being able either to dis- 
 pose of their goods or to transport them. " It is ex- 
 pressly prohibited to those who will choose to leave the 
 country to sell, dispose or bring with them any of their 
 effects." These conditions were excessively hard. Is 
 that tlie reason why the Compiler omits this important 
 document, this proclamation? 
 
 Thus the temporizing plan invented by Vetch, and 
 continued by Nicholson and his successors, attained the 
 desired result. The only fault of the Acadians was 
 
 tW^f 
 
 \m 
 
 
114 
 
 <;oVKl!Nni{ I'lllLiri'SS OKDKKS. 
 
 llieii liiiviii^ let theiiisi^lvcs Ih.* (Iu[R'(I and their having 
 so meekly awaited a reply, whieh the rulers took good 
 ciin; not to give tliein. 
 
 IMjilipps's intention wiis evident. lie well knew that, 
 without means of transport, the Acadians could not de- 
 part, especially on such short notice. He Ixjlieved that 
 ilicy were so attached to their property that his pr(»lu- 
 iiition to carry awsiy anything with them would force 
 tlicm to accept his t«'rnis of the oath without reserve, 
 and even all the conditions that he would l>e pit ii>ed to 
 rxact. lie was, however, deceived. Nevertheless, such 
 severe orders spread consternation all around : llie ayita- 
 li<»n was most violent; a [»ronipl decision was inipciative. 
 They replied in substance as follows:* "We cannot 
 take the oath which you demand of us, and tJie (luestinii 
 is still more diilicult with regard to the Indians than 
 to the French, because the former daily threaten w,s 
 with revenge if (Uir reservation (h) not extend to them. 
 Since ytm cannot grant us this reservation, there only 
 remains to us the alternative of retiring from the coun- 
 try even on the hard conditions you impose, life Jjeing 
 dearer to us than all our goods. As the sowing season 
 has just elapsed, and tliere remains haidly any more 
 grain to nourish our families, the only favor we beg of 
 you is to prolong the delay a little, so as to give us time 
 to gather in our grain and permission to carry it away 
 with us, and also to make use of the vehicles that wc 
 (iwn or of those we might make or otherwise piocurc, 
 lio])ing that Your Excellency will permit us to seiul to 
 Cape IJrcton Island to ask help for our departuie." 
 
 I have in hand, relating to these facts, six documents 
 or letters, all most important and absolutely indi.v 
 
 ♦ Col. liecoids, X. S., vtjl. 3. 
 
:'< ■. : 
 
 <!ovei:n()i; imiilii'I'ss oi!I)ki:s. 
 
 115 
 
 j»ensable for the clt'iir uiuKMstiUMlin^f u|" ilu'si- rvi'uU. 
 They consist of u reply of Futlier .Instiniiiii to IMiilipps, 
 JlOth April, 1720; t\\H> nienioriuls of tlic Acadnins of 
 Aniiiipolis iiiiil Mines to IMiilipps, Im)IIi presented May 
 L'ttth, 1720, a letter of the (Jovernor (»!" liouislmr^ to 
 IMiilipps, June Hth, 1720 ; a hater «)f the Acadians to 
 the Ctovernor of Louishur^' and the hitter's rejil\ . None 
 nf these documents are found in the volume nf tin; 
 Archives, and yet the lirst four are foun<l in the ('dloiiial 
 Records in I^ondon, just alongside those which llic (nm- 
 jiilcr produces; his voh.ine contains all the lettcr> of 
 Phili; MS to the jtersons mentioned ahove, hut nut a 
 siiigk one of the icjilies. Oh I I am wrong : there is 
 one, not here mentioned, and it is tlu; one that is the 
 worst drawn U[>, the least explieit. Is that the leason 
 why it is there '/ Is that also the reason why we liiid in 
 his volume a letter of the Acadians to the Ciovcinoi of 
 houishure;, when theie was another far supcrioi' to it as 
 a statement of the situation. The Compiler renders his 
 case more complicated by the insertion of this docuuient, 
 for this lett<'r of the Acadians to the (iovernoi'of Louis- 
 hurg, it will he understoo<l. could not reasonahly he 
 found in the archives either of Halifax or of London ; it 
 could lie hailoidy in the archives of the Marine in Paris. 
 Did he go there to ferret it out ? If so, then, he studied 
 those archives, and why in the world did lu- go (>tit of 
 his way. while he was passing over so many important 
 tlociunents in London, which should have been hroULiht 
 to Halifax? Howevci', not to run the risk of being un- 
 just to him. I will not liold him lesjionsible for any olhei' 
 omissions than those iclative to the archives of these 
 two last j)laces. 
 
 In spite of my desire to till up the void that the Com- 
 
 ■k 
 
 '■>Mt 
 
 n 
 
 i^\f 
 
Ili3 
 
 OllSTACLES TO I)KI'Ai;Tri;K. 
 
 k'' ' . 
 
 ■I fill 
 
 t:;:: 
 
 I 
 
 H 
 
 \n\vv liiis left, ill spite of tiie impoitanco ol' llu; documents 
 oiniLk'd, I sluiU present only short extruets. The letter 
 iuldiessed h}' the Aeiidians to the Governor of Louisburg 
 contains anion*,' other thing's the following-: 
 
 "Von iirc, sir. aware of the (liMieultics opposed to otir dcparturo 
 wlion wi" pi'tilioiit'd for it, and the impossibility in which we were, to 
 acconiplisii wiiat was demanded of us. And yet. now they wish to 
 constrain iis to talie tins oath, or to abandon the country, and it is 
 iiii]i'>s<ible to do either. . . We are resolved not to take this oath im- 
 posed upon u-<. lint we <'annot <|uit the country without suitaljle 
 facilities, such ;is were i)romised to us by the Court of France and re- 
 fused i»y the Court of Kn-iliiud. Our situation is painful and per- 
 jilexiuij;. and we best'ecdi you to assist us." 
 
 In his reply to lMiilip[)s, Mr. de Brouillun, governor 
 of Louishnrg, .says: 
 
 ".Vllow me to state, that the inaction of tlu; Acadians neither can 
 nor should be imputed to them, both on account of their want of 
 the ;issislan<'e essentially retpusite for their transniij;ration, and on 
 account of the obstacles which the (Governors, general or local, who 
 pieceded you, hiive put in their way. 
 
 •• I cannot, moreover, refrain from representing to you that the 
 claiises of your proclamation that refer to the term antl the circum- 
 stances of their dej)arture soeni to me but little in keeping with ordinary 
 kindnrss, especially after a treaty and an ajjreement of nuitnal good 
 faith between Queen Anne and King Louis XIV., a treaty that ha.s 
 been executed in its entirety by France and partially by England. 
 
 " Vou are aware, sir, that by this agreement the lot of the inhabit- 
 ants of .\eadia was to be the same as that of the inhabitants of Plais- 
 anc«f. It were impossible to aild to the kindness and sincerity with 
 which this evacuation of IMaisance was accomplished, and I have the 
 honor to represent to you. that nothing could be harsher than tlm 
 extremity or rather the impossibility to which these poor people 
 would be rediu'ed, should you not consent to be less severe for the 
 time and the maimer in which you e.\act their departure." 
 
 To prove the obstacles opposed to the departure of 
 the Acadians, T have quotetl, so far, more than twenty 
 
 'B 
 
 M 
 
OJiSTACLK.S TO DlOI'AllTUItK. 
 
 117 
 
 
 documents, all of which aro omitted in the volume of 
 the Archives. What is there in this volume against 
 these clear and precise afTirniatioiis? Nothing. No- 
 where do we find that these allirniations have been 
 contradicted in reply to thost; who made them. Neither 
 Nicholson nor l)()U(;ette replied to the athrmations of 
 Costahelle and de Brouillan. The only passage that looks 
 like a formal contradiction of these allirmations is found 
 in a letter of Philip[)S to the Lords of Trade, in which 
 he says : 
 
 " At llie time of llic; surrondcr of the coiiiitry, it was slipiiliiti'il in 
 lifliiilf of llic Aoadiiiiis, to have thoir (•lu)i('c, cither to iciriaii! in tiic 
 I'lnvincf, if llicy would transfer llicir allegiance, or, in ease of tin- al- 
 ternative, to (//.s/H(.se of their estate (//*'/ i [f'trts to the hoi, advanlii.i;e ; 
 to (ieterniine which, one year's time was allowed them; i)nl. at the 
 ex]iiration fheicof, finding their new masters in no condition lo 
 olilige them to the ohservance, of one or the other, they havo 
 remained." 
 
 l*liilip[)s himself knew nothing (d" the obstacles we have 
 i;uMitioned ; he conld, doubtless, be iidormeil by N'cLch, 
 ("aullield, I)oucett(!, iiixl oilier ol'licers of thc! garrison; 
 biU. it is clear that they were not eaucr to accuse 
 themselves of their own trickery. We mtiy judge of the 
 credit we should give to the <leclaration of lMiili[)ps l)y 
 the trouble he takes todisligure tlu! tietity he had under 
 his eyes. Clearly, the treaty gave the Acadians the right 
 to carry awiiy their nuivid)le eft'ccts, their cattle, etc 
 i'hilipps converted this clause into a light to sell or 
 dispose of them, aiul nothing more. If he erred so 
 grossly as to the terms of a treaty, what tire we to think 
 of his seconddiand assertions ])icked up from persons 
 interested in deceiving him ? This proliibition to carrv 
 iniythiug away with them was not only inhuman, it was 
 
 '■^^4 
 
 P"'' ' it 
 '.#^1 
 
 
118 
 
 ACADIANS MAKE A ROAD. 
 
 lit " 
 
 also a fraud. lie well knew that, since they were the 
 only inhabitants of the country, they would have no one 
 to whom they might sell their goods in case they de- 
 jwrted, and that is why he chose this means of attaining 
 his cn<l, amd preventing their departure. He w.is soon 
 to be coiivineed that the people about him had deceived 
 him respecting the reasons that had prevented their 
 departure, and that lie deceived himself, if he fancied 
 his barbarous orders were going to produce the result 
 he expected. 
 
 As the Acadians no longer lioped to work upon the 
 (Toveriior's determination, as they no longer hoped either 
 for timely help or for a prolongation of the appointed 
 delay, they set to work to devise ways and means to 
 effect their (le[)artnre. Unable to withdraw in ships, 
 they had no other alternative than the land route ; but, 
 for that, the}' would be obliged to open new roads where 
 there were none. 
 
 Tlie lieaubassiii [)eople could easily withdraw by Bay 
 Verle, but the case was otherwise with those of Mines, 
 and especially of Auiia[)olis. Hetween these two places 
 there was a space of from twenty to tiiirty miles which 
 had never yet been opened to veliicles. 
 
 To tliis point the Acadians of Mines first directed 
 their efforts, and thus came to the assistance of their 
 Aiuiapolis brethren. .\11 the able-bodied population 
 s<!t lesolutely to work, and the road-making was rapidly 
 advancing. In presence of this determination to leave 
 the country, which was shown in so inimistakable a 
 way, Philipps was alarmed ; but what could be done ? 
 Could he reasonably oi)pose these works, indispensable 
 as they were to the transmigration? Certainly not, 
 since it was the only means left them to depart and to 
 
 ♦'*"*■■'■;' II'' 
 
I'HILIPl'S 1-OUIiIDS n(»Al)-MAKIN«i. 
 
 119 
 
 
 coiiJ'oiiu to tlie alternative of his proclamation ! 
 
 Au«l, nevertheless, they must not Ihj allowed to depart! 
 His conduct would be incredible, had I not before me 
 the official documents that establish indisputably the 
 means which Philipps used to balk the Acadians once 
 more, as had previously done Vetch, Nicholson and 
 Caultielil. 'J'here was only one means; it was to forbid 
 tiic coniiuuation of these works ; he did so. 
 
 " At a Couiioil helil, itc, At. 
 " l'r>'st>iit : 
 
 " His Jlonor Li*'iit.-<iovt'nior Annslrong, «frc., &c., &c. 
 
 " TliH IlonoraWlc IjitMit.-Clovernor aoi|uainte(l tho Board, that Ifis 
 Kxi't'll' /ley. (ii'in'ial Pliilipps, having advice that the Acadians of this 
 river arc cuttius a road from here to Mines, which gives him suspicion 
 that thi'y design l)y it citlicr to inolcst this place, or todrivc otf tlicii- 
 cattle and carry their ctTccfs from hence by that way, in order to 
 settle in a l)ody. either there or at Beanbassin, and stand in defiance 
 of the Government, Advised and agreed : 
 
 " That His Excellency he desired to send his special orders to the 
 Acadians of this river and Mines not to cut any such road without 
 having His Excellency's leave in writing." 
 
 We have also the proclamation drawn u[) conformably 
 to tlie above ordcr-iu-council. In this pioclaii itioii he 
 adds: "Ami T do further forldil anij pi'rm)ii< to (jKt't their 
 /(((hitatimis cJoin/ext/iief// and /rlth'iuf inij leaiu-." 
 
 Naturally, as ini<iht be expected, the order was drawn 
 U[i as if he suj)[)osed other dcsions tlian tluit of (putting 
 the countiy, but ontjs jicreeidions wouhl have to Ije very 
 (hill indiied not to understand the true scusi' of what 
 was meant by this order, " not to cut a road nor ([uit 
 ihcir habitations without leave." 
 
 IMiilipps and his coiuicil were well aware that their 
 ol)j('ctcould not have been to molest anybody, but merely 
 to leave the country. When writin;^ to the Lords of 
 
 ^Wr 
 
V20 
 
 VEXATlors I'ltOHlHITlONS 
 
 
 
 Trade, he does not teel consliainod to disguise liis pur- 
 pose under false pretexts ; lienee, in rendering an ac- 
 count of these events, lie does not make a mystery of their 
 intention, which, he says, was, or must have heeii, to 
 leave the country hy way of Hay Verte: " Being joined 
 in alxjdy, they can intirch, 'iff ((t their Ii'Ihiuw fni tin' ivnij 
 of the Ban Verte \\\i\\ tiieir effects, and destroy what tliey 
 leave behind, without danger of being moleste<l by tlie 
 giirrison." So, as is clearly shown, in this opening of a 
 road, Philipps did not see anything but the means and 
 the design of leaving the country. Mis fear was not 
 that his garrison might be molested by them, but, on 
 the contrary, that his garrison might not be able to 
 molest them and prevent their marching off. The case 
 is widely different. 
 
 It reminds us somewhat of the fable of the crocodile 
 and the child: — "Why do you shed tears at the l;ua- 
 entations of thiscliild? Have you of late become so 
 tender-hearted?" was remarked to him. — ''I wee[), " 
 retorted the crocodile, " because I could not reach him 
 and swallow him up." 
 
 It was the settled fate of the Acadians tlmt ihcy 
 should not leave the country except by deportation. 
 Once more were they detained against their will. \\\ 
 alternative had been offered them, but eventually tlicy 
 liad none. At first, they had thought they could leave 
 in English vessels; these were refused. Tliey had 
 asked that French ships might be allowed to enter the 
 ports of Acadia: this was o[)[)Osed. Having constructed 
 small vessels, they wished to [)rocure the necessary 
 equii)mentat Louisburg : this was forbidden ; at liostou, 
 forbidden again. This tinu; the order to take away 
 nothing extended even to vehicles, and, as that did not 
 
VEXATIOUS PROHIBITIONS. 
 
 121 
 
 suffice to deter them, the route by land was likewise 
 forbidden. There still remained the air route ; but the 
 manageable balloons of the twentieth century, nay, 
 even the primitive le-balloons had not yet been in- 
 vented. The letter Queen Anne extended their right 
 to the selling of their innnovable propert}', but, with 
 obstacle on obstacle, restriction on restriction, ruse on 
 ruse, the result was this much simplilied statement : " If 
 you go away, you shall not take even your effects with 
 you." And to strike the lowest note of the scale : '"Go 
 away, if you like, but you shall not take away even your 
 bodies ; your bones will have to remain here. When 
 the time for your dei)arture shall come, we ourselves 
 will see to your transportation, and we will scatter you 
 upon all the shores of the new world."' Considered in 
 all its naked reality, such was the situation. 
 
 Only peaceable persons, as they weie. could have sul> 
 mitted to so many unjust impositions. They could put on 
 foot six times more fighting men than were numbered in 
 the garrison of Annapolis. The decision of the Aca- 
 dians had rendered Philipps's situation very perplexing. 
 In the same letter to the Lords of Trade he writes : 
 
 m 
 
 5sf-i:*: 
 
 'Wv 
 
 v'T^M 
 
 " For the s((h-p of tidinliir/ tiiin\ And keeping all things quiet till I 
 have the honor of your further conimands in what manner to act, I 
 have thought it most for Ills Majesty's service to send home the 
 Acadian deputies loilhsiuoofh tconl-s and promiaeH vf inlaryeitiCiif nf 
 time." 
 
 He ends his letter as follows : 
 
 •'m- 
 
 " They say they will oblige themselves to be good subjects in i\('ry 
 respect, excepting that of taking up arms against the French and 
 Indians. . . . And I would humbly propose that if an oath were 
 formed for them to take, wliereby they should oblige themselves to 
 take up arms against the Indians, if required, etc., etc., how tar this 
 may be thought to bind them." 
 
 iS!M 
 
 '-m-': 
 
 
122 
 
 PHII.IIM'SS HUMILIATION. 
 
 *;' 
 
 lii 
 
 -<l«*)|IVi| 
 
 It is easy to see, while following this correspondence 
 of Philipps with the Secretary of State and the Lords of 
 Trade, that lie was profoundly humiliated by his want 
 of success. 1 le had flattered himself that his high posi- 
 tion in t!'o army, the renown of his name, would over- 
 throw all the obstacles that a little simple and ignorant 
 populali(jn might oppose to him. Arriving with the 
 air of a conqueror, he had issued a pompous and severe 
 proclamation which admitted of no reply ; then he had 
 encountered difficulties which he could have smoothed 
 away, but which he had only increased by his demeanor. 
 He would have liked to retrace his steps and to resort 
 to conciliation, but he had sown mistrust and was rea])- 
 ing alarm. He had thought that these Acadiuns were 
 so attaciied to their goods that the short delay granted 
 them to leave the country and the prohilntion to take 
 away their effects would infallibly determine them to 
 accept the proposed oath. As totluit, he had fallen into 
 the same error as Nicholson, and, like him, he found 
 himself obliged to prevent at any price the departure of 
 the Acadians, with this diffeience, that Nicholson could 
 use subterfuges, while he had not even this resource. 
 His own order, which forbade the inhalntants to open a 
 road leading out of the country, while his proclamation 
 to evacuate it was still fresh, nuist have jarred his sense 
 of consistency. And. what a humiliation here for a man 
 that deserved, I believe, on other occasions, the reputa- 
 tion of being able, affable and conciliating. 
 
 The more meek and amiable he became towards the 
 Acadians, the greater was his bitterness and the more 
 malevolent his insinuations with regard to them in his 
 corresi)oiidence. He liad suffered failure. To justify 
 or attenuate it, he did wliat has ahvavs been done, what 
 
 •t* 
 
 I >!»»►. I 
 
MLS lUTTKIINKSS. 
 
 128 
 
 
 is still (lone: he laid the blame on othei-s. In order to 
 do so, he liad to lepresent the Aeiidiaiis as headstrong, 
 ungovernable, directed by '* bigoted [)riestH;"" this he 
 did to the Ijest of his ability. 
 
 " Th«^y will never, saitl he. in .substance, make i^oocl siihjeets. They 
 eaiinot l)e Wl uo now at least : their departure, if they weiU to swell 
 tilt' colony of ('ape Breton, wouhl render oiu- neishbors loo power- 
 ful : we need them to ere(!t our fortitications and to provision oiu' 
 forts, till tilt Enx'ltiili iirr jiotrcr/nl t:itiiH<ili(>/ thriii.silrcs to ija on, 
 iiiid thi'U must not vil/nlrdir hcj'in-c a conKidcrKhlr nnnihi-r nj 
 Jiritish si.hjectft he Hettled in tlnir xti'inl. On the other hand,//' 
 llifi/ t'-Ulnlran; In sintcof us, a great many tine possessions will be- 
 <i)nie vacant. 1 believe it will not be difficult to draw as many people 
 almost from New England as would su[)ply their room, if it were not 
 robbing a neighboring colony vlthonl ijuhi'mu nnn-li hi/ thr r.r- 
 fl((tniji' ; therefore, hope there are schemes forming al Home, to set- 
 tle the country with British subjects in the spring, hi/on' irhhli limr 
 fhi se inhohitniltsilo not think' itl' nmrinii, hurin;/ the luii'lit nf oildi'ir- 
 mint of time I <jr<uile<l, luitil 1 shall receive youi' further conunands. 
 Whut (.s to be apprehended in the resettling these farms isitisturtxmre 
 j'rnin the hi'Udvs. who do not like of the Acadians going off, and will 
 not want prompting to mischief." 
 
 In his vexation Philijips had shown only the dark 
 side, and had painted it so vividly as to affect the 
 l.oids of Trade, who wrote under dale of December 
 •JOth. 17-20: 
 
 " As to tlie .Vcadiansof Xova ScoIIm. who pppcar m» 
 
 u-ureriiifi in their inclinations, we areapi)r('hensi\c they will nexcr be- 
 come good subjects to His Majesty. . . . W'c Ill-Ill/ iijiinioii the;/ <>ii<l/it 
 tu hr I'lnwved us soon as tln/ori-i s I'-hirli ire /mrt' iiruimstil lit lir sint 
 III 1/(111 shall Ui'rirf in i/mir I'riirinrf, Inil lis i/iiit lire mil til iillriiij>t 
 thiir riiiinrnt irithiiiit His Miijisti/'s piisitire nnlrr foi' that pur]>i)se, 
 y(Hi will do well in the meanwhile, tn rimtiniii' the siime iirmlnit iiii'> 
 
 rniit 
 
 iniis I'll 
 
 mluct tniriu-ils till 
 
 to endeavor tu mul 
 
 iiilrrilri' Hum rim- 
 
 virnin;/ the exercise n/ tin ii' reliiiinii which will douldless !»' allowed 
 them if it shniihl hi' tlnnii/ht iirninr tu Irl them sttii/ ir/iirr lliei/ urr." ' 
 
 *Pai'knuui luul this ilncument het'ore liiii 
 
 F 
 
 III iii>toriiiii I't' lip'. 
 
 ^Iiiiiilinq be slmuld have cmu'itIv seized a letter that tliicw >■ 
 
 IjKII 
 
 hj^ht on liistury ; it was a real tit-liit 
 
 (A 
 
 
 
 ^^''^ 
 
 ■\n f^-- 
 
 
 but it was not i([ tile light kiml. 
 
124 
 
 CKAG(;.S TO I'HILIIM'S. 
 
 fi'"' 
 
 •% 1 .;«. 
 
 "•^iMiil 
 
 On reading this oiiu fuels iis though a leaden cloak 
 were falling on his shoulders, and as though there was 
 not enough air to breathe freely. The sinister project 
 of the deportation has just been hatched. A cold shiver 
 runs down one's s])ine. One fancies he hears tin- 
 first blasts of the trunijjet that Wias to order the endjaik 
 ation. 
 
 I api)end, by way of elucidation, aversion of the same 
 letter in familiar style: 
 
 m 
 
 in; ;. 
 
 ^|:ila 
 
 mm 
 
 "My 1)k.vi{ Piiii.HM's: 
 
 "I s<'t' you do not get the bottor of the Acatlians as you expoetcil 
 before yoiw depailuie. It is singular ail the same that these iieopii- 
 should liave prefeired to lose their goods rather than be exposed lo 
 light against their brethren. This sentimentality is stiii)id. Tln-e 
 jjeople are evidently too nnieh attaehed to th(»ii' fellow-couiitrynnii 
 and to their rtligion ever to niaki' true Englishmen. It mu>t be 
 avowed your jtosition was deueedly eritieal ; it was very diliieiilt to 
 jirevent them from dei>arting. after having left the bargain lo tlu-ir 
 elioiee. However, you did well toaet thus, it was yoiuonly resoiirei-. 
 The treaty l>e hangfd I Don't bother about justice and other baubles 
 any more than Xieholsou and Veteh did ; those things will not ;id- 
 van('<' our interests. Their departure will, doubtless, iiu'rease tlie 
 power of France : it must not be .xo : they must eventually l)e tr;uis- 
 l)orted to some place, where, mingling with oiu' sul).jectx, they v.ill 
 soon lose their language, their religion and the lemendjrance of the 
 past, to become true Englishmen. For the moment, we are too weak 
 to undertake this deportation : but we purijose etfecting it in the 
 spring time, when we shall have sent to you the re(]uired troops. Do 
 nothing of your own accoi'd before we liave given you orders. Mean- 
 while, my dear friend, lay aside your high and nnghty air.-, -.linw 
 yourself affable and kind towards them. Encourage them with any 
 hopes you choose, say what you like ; provided you obtain the desired 
 enil. which is none other than to prevent their departure, you will 
 
 merit our gratitude. 
 
 " Your.s, 
 
 'TliAOOS. 
 
 " Secretary of State. 
 
 " N. B.— Make tbeiu believe that we shall leave them the free exer- 
 
Flits r HINT OF DKl'OllTATION. 
 
 12-) 
 
 
 cist' of their relisiion ; we shall son Inter on what we shall do oti this 
 
 score, if it be decidetl to leave them in tlie eoiintry. In this ease it in 
 
 probable we shall allow theiu th(> free exercise of tlieir religion. 
 
 " p. s. — There is a great storm brewing against Aislabie, Stanhope 
 
 and myself relatively to the Sonth Sea Co. . . . I am all of a tremble 
 
 at it. . . . Must I. . . . 
 
 "Chaihjs.* 
 
 
 The reader will find the document I have just para- 
 phrased hardly agrees with the declaration of my intro- 
 ductory remarks, exonerating the home government from 
 all complicity in this iniquitous deportation. It was, in- 
 tleed, a Secretary of State who liad resolved to execute 
 it, but a man of the stamp of Craggs is rarely met witli 
 in history. There was certainly no question here of a 
 government project, but of the scheme of a single indi- 
 vidual, who had begun his career by a fraud that 
 brought him to the Tower, and ended it by another 
 which ought to have sent him back thither. Tluis, the 
 deportation was conceived b}- a barber who became 
 Secretary of State, and it was executed thirty-five years 
 later by a house-painter who became I*rovincial Gov- 
 einor. It was conceived by a pluiulerer and executed 
 for the sake of plunder. One man died as he was plan- 
 ning it, the other as he was realizing it. The one had 
 l)een shut up in the Tower, and avoided a return tliither 
 l.)y an opportune death ; the other escaped the same fate 
 in the same manner. Under such exceptional circum- 
 stances I think it would be unjust to throw the 
 
 * C'raRj?s had befjun life as a barber. He then became a footman, and, 
 later ou, an army clothier. His dealings as such Ijeiug iuvesti^ated, he n- 
 fiised to produce his books and was sent to the Tower. Twenty-two years 
 later he was Secretary of State, with Aislabie as leader of the House of 
 Commons. When the Smilh Sfd Ptulthlf expiorted, Aislabie was oxpt'lN'd 
 from the House for his shameful conduct in connection with tho famous 
 Hnhhie. C'ra^irs "'sciijied tlie same fate by a timely death. Groen, in his 
 history, say.-< that he died of terror at the punishment he expected to 
 meet. 
 
 m^% 
 
 m* 
 
 
126 
 
 Ai'AKiANs i'kackaum:. 
 
 <M 
 
 ::iii 
 
 tk ll'l 
 
 Ul'i; 
 
 
 responsibility of tliis ddi'iinient on the lionie fjoverninent 
 in virtue of the ministeiiiil responsibility. It wiis none 
 the less an unfortunate deed; for Lawrence, who knew 
 of it, took pattern from it; he saw or thouglit he saw 
 therein liis jnstilication. 
 
 The good-natured souls who have pitied the deporta- 
 tion and sad fate of the Acadians, says Kameau, have no 
 need, by way of explaining the fact, to credit them with 
 imaginary crimes. After this document, it ma}' be said 
 that the proscription was not a deed improvised in 
 anger: it was jiremeditated as early as 1720. Lawrence, 
 upon whom this crime is chaiged, v.a.i accjuainted witli 
 this document. 
 
 It cannot be said that the Acadians had been rebel- 
 lious, nor even that they had had recourse to violence, 
 since their submission embraced evtni obedience to the 
 Older to depart without taking awaj- anything, and to the 
 still moi'e unjust order that put a stop to their depart- 
 ure, and this, when they were powerful eiu)ugh to snap 
 their fingers at authority. Examples of such peaceable 
 dispositions are very rare in history. Their extreme 
 peaceableness was their misfortune. Had they not been 
 so meek, they would have had to be let go. 
 
 This document, llameau says again, would suffice, in 
 default of others, to show what nervous apprehension 
 the Hoard of Trade in Europe and the Governor of 
 Annapolis in America felt lest the Acadians escape from 
 their control. They wish at all costs to avoid this 
 misfortune; so, in spite of the bitter anger which 
 Philipps's disappointment caused him, see how lie 
 lavishes kind words upon them, with what insinuating 
 sweetness, while praising the tenderness of King Creorge, 
 he slips in those perfidious assurances of liberty, of 
 
PHILirrs \VMKK1»L1N(;. 
 
 121 
 
 jteaeefulness, of reli<;ioll^^ tret'doni, in order to j)rotriict 
 tlieir present eondition and make them aiieept a pio- 
 vi.sional toleranee tliat should not he hinding lor the 
 future, vnitil the favorabh* lioursliould strike wlieu they 
 might be deported without lisk. 
 
 Philipps perfeetly uiuhirslood his instructions ; lie, 
 who had made his foitune amid the intrigues of the coui t, 
 was now altogether on liis own ground : he put away 
 his great sabi'e and the high-flown phrases of his lirst 
 appearance on the scene, and continued the [)oliey 
 he had just inaugurated: wheedle the Acadians s(»as to 
 make them remain on their lands, exact allegiance if 
 the occasion j)resents itself, if not, then lavish line 
 words without promising anything detinite ; keep a 
 way open for retreat, so as to pi'ove no promises had ever 
 been made, but oidy attempts at agreement. Thus 
 was obtained from the Acadians the desiied amount of 
 usefulness, Ijy freely granting them toh;ranoe without 
 ever affording them any certainty. 
 
 IMiilipps made this situation last two years more with- 
 out allowing their departure, but also without accepting or 
 refusing the restricted oath which the Acadians claimed ; 
 he still kept them on their lands by protrai'ting their un- 
 certainty, lie thus reached the year 17-l2, when he le- 
 turned to Europe, leaving in his j>lace Captain Doucette 
 as lieutenant-governor. 
 
 In his work entitled " Wolfe and Montcalm " Park - 
 man, falling in with the Compiler, alHrmed that the 
 Acadians had remained in the country of their own frc(i 
 will. Since writing whsit precedes I have noticed in his 
 new work, " A Half Century of Conflict," that he has 
 modified his first opinions on this subject. It was indeed 
 difficult not to yield to evidence that was supported by 
 
 ArC'i; 
 
 * V ' 
 
 "Hr^ 
 
 XM^ 
 
 ].'' 
 
Ii^'"» 
 
 'l,ii;i' 
 
 ■ fH'i-f 
 
 I ■ 
 
 ^::m 
 
 
 i4 
 
 
 1'2H 
 
 I'AKKMAN i:kti:A(Ts. 
 
 such ii coiisidrriildc mass of (Incimu'iits as tliiit cnlli-ctcd 
 l)y ('iisgniiii ill iUc •• Ciiiiadii l''raii<;ais." IlowlM-it, it is 
 witli plt'asiiiv I j,'ivt! Parkiiiaii ( rt'(lit tor tliis iiiiplird 
 cuiK-L'Ssion. I ciinuot reasonably expect him to do as 
 imich with respect to all hi.s other erroi-s, for then it 
 would bo necessary to destroy almost all tliat he has 
 written on the liistory of Acadia. 
 
 " Govonior Xioholsmi,'' says lie, '■ like his prcMecossor, was ri'solvfil 
 to keep the AcadiaiiH in thoProviiiPo ifliocoiiltl. Tliis persona^f, ablr, 
 i'ii('i';;t'li<', lifadsiroiij^, ptTvcrsc, iiiiscnipiilous, coiKJuf'tt'd hiiusclf even 
 towarils tliL' Knglisli olliccrs ami soldit'is in a luaaiuT tlial setiius mi- 
 aPcoiintal)l(' and that kindlod lliolr utmost iiidii,'nati()ii. Towards liic 
 Acadiaiis Ids Ijcliavior was still worse. . .Tho Acadiaiis built small vos- 
 scls ami till' French authorities at Lonishurs sent them the iiect'ssai " 
 riyj^in;?. Nirlmlxun ordvrtd it hack, forbade the sale of their landi 
 ami liouses (Uid a'aiihl not evr)i ht fhi'in sill flu h- piTsounl effect ■•< ; 
 cotdly setting .at nanjiht both the treaty of rtiecht and the letter of 
 the Queen. Caultiehl and Doiieette, his deputies, both in one degree or 
 another, followeil his example in preventing, so far as they could, the 
 emigration of the Acadians." 
 
 All that this citation contains is, in a general way, 
 true ; but, as a question of fact, it is not strictly 
 accurate ; thus, Nicholson did not order the Acadians to 
 send back the rigging to liouisburg, but forbade them 
 to procure any, nor did he forbid them to sell their 
 effects, but only to take them away with them. Though 
 these variations would be unimportant in an ordinary 
 chronicler without sncli }»rf. tensions as Parkman has to 
 historic accuracy and fi irness, still, it would have been 
 better to be absolutely precise, when it was so easy for 
 him to be so. 
 
 After having made this concession, apparently so 
 frank and candid, let us see how he sets to work to 
 nullify it : 
 
^Si 
 
 Nl'l.r-IIMKS MIS UKTIIACTATION. 
 
 1:20 
 
 " If lln'v liail wislit'tl tt> fiiiiLtriitt', till' l*;n;;lisli Oovcriior liiul im 
 |K>wer to otnp iIk'Iii. . . 'I'lu-y woic iirmt'il iiiul (nroiitiiiiiiilicitvl flii> 
 Kii>:li>l> K<"Ti!)oii, 'I'o siiy tliut tln'v wi-^lit'il to l«'!iv«* Aciitlia, hiil W)>r<> 
 l>rt'veiili'(l from soih'ii;,' l>y ii |n'lty >,'iirriNoii at the otlu-r cml of tlm 
 I'roviiicf, vo fi't>l)l(' i',;i: it could Iiiinlly liolil Aiiimpolis itself, is an 
 unjust n-pi-oacli iipnn a pi'ople wlio, llioiiuiiijiiioraiit iiiitl »r*'(iA- nf 
 p»(r/('(.vr. wcir not want iiijj iti pliysjcal couraiii'. 'I'ln* truth is, tluil 
 j'riiiii l/iia liiiii to llii'ir ft)r('fil cxpalrialion, all Hit* Aciuliaiis, t.ccipl 
 thiiKC »/ AniKijiolis, wfiv fi»M' to iin or stay iil will." 
 
 It is pcrtVctly true, its Parkiiiiin says, that the Aca- 
 
 <liiiiis. t\fff[)t t/io-v of AnHnpnllx, had the imiiiciical 
 
 .'^tiviigth to eiifoice theif (U'partHK; tfom the coiiiitiy; 
 
 i'or, as is most jnobabU'. were they wanting in [)hysi('al 
 
 courage, iiiid they nndonhtedly ]iad th(! right to aet 
 
 iliiis: but we must not judge tlieir aetions aceording to 
 
 otn' own ith'ius. Parkman, as all this history (dearly 
 
 proves, should have understood that these people, these 
 
 if,'norant peasants, as he never tails to call them, had, far 
 
 f>therwise than we, the love of peace, respect for and 
 
 submission to authority. Instetid of overthrowing by 
 
 force the iniquitous obstacles opposed to their departure, 
 
 they applied to the French authorities to put an end to 
 
 them. In their naive ignorance the stipulations of a 
 
 treaty seemed sacred, and, thought they, eventually 
 
 justi(?e would prevail ; they did not suspect, so well as 
 
 we should, the perverseness of their rulers. It is this 
 
 spirit of submission that later on enabled Lawrence to 
 
 <lei)ort them. Would Parkman have it imputed to theuj 
 
 as a crime? And, because they might have effected 
 
 their departure in spite of the authorities, does this fact 
 
 relieve the authorities from all blame for their unjust 
 
 proceedings ? Did that iniquitous detention oblige the 
 
 Acadians to take the oath exacted of them? Is Mr. 
 
 Parkman's indulgence and commiseration invariably for 
 9 
 
 m 
 
 w. 
 
 
lao 
 
 KKASONS AiiAlNST DKI'AIJTING. 
 
 
 I >- 
 
 f n 
 
 III i' V "' 
 
 the oppressor as against the op])ressed ? To depart 
 without having tlie recpiisite faeilities for deportation 
 meant to leave behind iheni their effects and tlieir cattle, 
 all which was very painful, especially when the right to 
 take them away was guaranteed by a treaty. 
 
 'I'here are still other ver}' imi)ortant considerations to 
 which Mr. Parkman, from the snugnessof his easy chair, 
 did not even take the trouble to advert. Thus, if it be 
 :rue that the Acadians of IJeaubassin and Mines had 
 sulllicient strength to effectuate their de[>arture. and 
 ihey would. I believe, have succeeded therein, it was 
 not so for those of Annap(»lis, as he adnnts. liy with- 
 diawing.the former would leave these Litter behind llieur, 
 they would leave a large iuuid)er of their compatriots, 
 their relations and brethren at the mercy of a power that 
 held out no ho[)cs of equitable treatment. Not being 
 able to depart in Knglish, French or even Acadian ves- 
 sels, it was expressly to permit those of Anna[)olis to 
 effect a union with themselves that the Acadian» of 
 Mines had set to work to oi»en a roiul between the two 
 places, in which attempt they were frustrated by an 
 order from Philipps. To withdraw thus and leave their 
 relations behind would mean a lifelong separation, un- 
 less they should chance to meet as adversaries upon the 
 held of battle, in case a war should break out between 
 France and Encjland. Parkman makes no account oi 
 this se[)aration, or more probably he did not even think 
 of it : these ignorant people, who were guided in their 
 actions by the humane feelings inherent in our nature, 
 l)ore most heavily thiy separation with all its dread. "ill 
 consequtnices : tliey had W(Mghed and [)ondered it: they 
 liad felt the delicacy of their situation ; they had seen 
 
 'Ff.K"' 
 
REASONS A<;A1NST DKI'AUTINC. 
 
 farther and more correctly than Paiknian with all his 
 learning. 
 
 Pursuing the same idea Parkman iuhh. . 
 
 " The year had loiif; ago expin'd, and most of tliom were still in 
 Aoadia, unwilling to leavo it, yet, refusing to own King (George." 
 
 Thus does Parkman endeavor to nullity all the merit 
 of liis formei' a(hnission. Me had admitted that Vetch, 
 Nicholson, C'auKield and Doucette, in one way <»r an- 
 other, did all in their [)ower to render the departure of 
 the Acadians impossible, and yet these Acadians, in spite 
 of all these etTorts, "were unwilling to go." It is very 
 hard to I'cconcile these two conflicting statements, hut 
 we nnist h(! prei)ared lo see Parkman I'ontradict himself 
 on one and tlie saine i^nge ; * the puhlie was so eagerly 
 bolted his first ten volumes that he ceased to be on his 
 guard in the eleventh. After he had said in a general 
 Avay that the Acadians " wei'e unwilling to leave," I lind, 
 thirteen lines further on, the following, r<;lative to the 
 proclamation of Philipj)s : 
 
 " Tlioy profosU'd to M. df IJioiiillan that tlntj iniiilil iiIkiiiiIuii nil 
 Ttit/nr than rcnouin'e thoir rcli:.'ioi'. and llicii' Kin^; "' '/" sdmr (inn- 
 III' 1/ f)fi'iiiirri1 fur II i/i'iuriil iiiiitirnl imi hi/ inn/ nf tlir istlnmis nail 
 liai/ Vrrtr. when it would liavf Ix'cn impossihlo to sto]) them." 
 
 The contradict^ ,.. j:? i^i^vant enough, but it would be 
 still moie so, if l" rkuian, by a trick that is familiar to 
 him, had not. .. it were, cut his sentence in two. -o as 
 not to let us kiK ',v wlial. this time, had prevented the 
 departure of the Acadians. We have only i.t uud. in 
 order to comnleti the tintinished sentence, the foUowinjx 
 words: " but they w<M'e slopj)ed in their prei)aiations by 
 
 * A IMf Cmtin-j nf Coiittl't. \,. 108. 
 
132 
 
 GAHHLING 
 
 
 an ovcUm- of Govei'iior Pliilipps, i'oiljiddiiig their cutting 
 ii I'oiul between Annapolis and Mines and i'orbidding- 
 their leaving their habitations." This addition is not 
 long, and these few Avords su^jplj- the reader with in- 
 formation of great importance. liy cutting his sentence 
 in two, Parkman stoj)ped, so to speak, on the brink of a 
 precipice, for I am merely yielding to evidence in saying, 
 that the avowal, which the com[)letion of his sentence 
 entiiiled, would have been extremely painful to him. 
 Should the reader doul)t it, I can assuie him that his 
 hesitation will be dispelled long before reaching the 
 end of this Avork. 
 
 And, when Mr. Parkman added: " Vft, rffusuii/ to 
 oini Kiiii/ Georin',''^ had he absolutely persisted in in- 
 troducing these incorrect terms into his account, he 
 might have explained in a few words that the Acadians, 
 when they saw how their departure was made impos- 
 sible, luianimously offered to (xovernor Doucette to take 
 the oath of allegiance with a clause exempting them 
 from bearing arms against the French and the Indians 
 their allies; or simply against the French, if means were 
 affoi'ded to protect them against the Indians ; and that, 
 fiom that time up to their deportation, they never refused 
 such an oath. Many of Mr. Parkman's readers might 
 liave found this detail veiy instructive and very im- 
 portant in order to judge of the spirit that animated the 
 Acadians. Leaving the public under a contrary impres- 
 sion, through omission and misconstruction, was allow- 
 ing unjust prejudices against them to circulate ; which 
 is equivalent to falsifying history. 
 
DErAKTUKE OF rUlLlPPS. 
 
 133 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Departure of Philipps (17:32) — Dourette reassumes his functions 
 as lieutenant-governor, which lie exercises till 1725 — Total 
 absence in the volume of the Archives of documents foi- tliis 
 }M'riod — Armstrong succeetls him — His character — Taking 
 of the oatli at Annaoolis — Captain Bennett and Philipps 
 make the tour of the ])rovince for the same purpose — Tlieir 
 failure' — Armstrong confides the same mission to Officer 
 Worth — Incomplete success — His report. 
 
 %^^ 
 
 
 .*^a 
 
 Philipps returned to Kiigl;iii(l altogetlier disgusted 
 with everything : with the ungrateful task that had 
 fallen to his lot, with the state of the fortilicalions, 
 with the weakness of the garrison, with the indiftereiiee 
 of the authorities in regaid to his projeets, with his own 
 inability to enforee obedienee. I le felt himself huntl)led 
 by his failnie. Moreover, this life in an out of the way 
 <7arrison, far from comfort and civilization, coincided so 
 ''■"Ue will; his tastes of a great loid and courtier that, 
 i faidless of the general o[)ening of hostilities with tlie 
 Ijidians, he end)arke(l for Kngland in the course of the 
 ■ununer of 1722. He neveitheless remained titular 
 governor of the province with all the emoluments of 
 his ollice till the foundation of Halifax in 174*.t, at 
 which time he had nearly attained the age of ninet}- 
 years. 
 
 John Doueette, who liad been lieutenant-governoi* 
 some time before the arrival of Philip})s, lesumed his 
 functions, whieh he exercised till 1725. Oddly enough, 
 
 
 fWA 
 
 ih 
 

 :ii.i '^t jir 
 
 1:34 
 
 GAr IN THE AltrHIVKS. 
 
 tile volume of the archives does not eontaiu a single 
 document of the period extending from 1722 to 1725. 
 Given the partiality of the Compiler and his efforts to 
 combine in this volume all that could he prejudicial to 
 the Acudians and justify their deportation, here is tlie 
 explanation that seems to me most probable. Philipps, 
 for feai' of seeing the Acadians escape, had shown him- 
 self meek and amiable toward them, and up to his 
 departuj the burning question of the oath had been 
 kept piar- • in. the shade. The pro])or thing to do 
 was to letsv j-vl years glide by, to await the favorable 
 moment, and, umil then, to treat the Acadians with the 
 greatest regard. This policy was all the more com- 
 mendable because the Indians of Maine Avere in open 
 war and those of Nova Scotia threatened to follow their 
 example, and in fai-t were already committing depreda- 
 tions. Under such circumstances Philipps could not 
 have failed to recommend strongly to Doucette mainte- 
 nance will) regard to the Acadians of that same prudence 
 and forlunirance which he himself had inausjfurated. 
 The inter]>()siti()n of the governor in the affairs of the 
 Acadians became almost null, and that is why his corre- 
 spondence contained nothing or almost nothing relative 
 to them, and especially nothing that could be turned 
 against them. Put, some will say, this volume was to 
 have been a compilation to serve for the general history 
 of the province. That is veiy true : but the Compiler 
 thought otherwise. For him, as 1 have said, and the 
 thing is evident, this volume was the combination of all 
 the documents that could throw some light on the 
 reasons that might have called for the de[)ortation ; 
 and, wiiatever did not tend to confirm this proof, or 
 whatever tended to overthrow it, was extraneous matter. 
 
GAP IN THE AHCHIVES. 
 
 135 
 
 '-"*.-■ 
 
 So true is this tijat, up to the foundation of Halifax, 
 this volume contains nothing Imt what relates to the 
 Acadians and to tlieir priests ; and, wlien a letter men- 
 tions something that does not relate to them, or some- 
 tliing that throws discredit on the governor or some 
 oilier important otlicial, this pari is systematically sup- 
 pressed, and this is done even when the omitted part 
 explains or exhibits in a different light the inserted 
 part. In this period, from 1722 to 1725, the Acadians, 
 (MMiformably to the orders of Fhilipps, had been left to 
 themselves, and the C'om})iler, Hnding nothing in 
 Diiueette's correspondence to support his proofs, found 
 nothing worth re[)roduciiig. Yet it is certain that 
 Doihettc nnist have had regular correspondence with 
 tlie iJoard of Tj'ade and with Fhilipps. If we suppose 
 the small number of four dispatches a ytiAv to the Lords 
 of Tiiule, as many to Fhilipps and the replies thereto, 
 we should have forty-eight documents, of which some, 
 though they contained nothing for or against the 
 Acadians, miglit at least be useful for the general 
 liisKjiy of the piovinee. Such had been the intention 
 of the legislature. 1 have sejn some of these docu- 
 ments, which in fact contained nothing of importance 
 to the Acadians. 
 
 In striking contrast with Fhilip[)s, Armstrong, who 
 succeeded Doucette in 1725. was a man of violent 
 tempei'. of a rough and disorderly ciust of mind, alto- 
 gether luitit for the fuiietions of a governor, even under 
 the most favorable eireumstanees, and still less suited 
 to the task of smoutiiing out dillieulties such as then 
 faced him. The most salient feature of his character 
 was, however, the capriciousness of his humor. Some- 
 times affable and obligiuf-, he was most often so harsh 
 
 
ii'S\ 
 
 186 
 
 AUMSTUONc; S AXTECKDKNT.S. 
 
 ^illllil 
 
 .i.i' ! 
 
 i 
 
 rm 
 
 mM, 
 
 and brutal sis to provoke officers jiikI soldiei"s to insult 
 him i)ublicl3\ 
 
 Tlie new governor was that same Captain Armstif»it<^ 
 concerning whom, ten years before, Ijieutenant-Govcnior 
 CaulHeld addressed complaints to the Lords of Trade in 
 the following terms : 
 
 " 1 must own 'tis 7i'illi If ,i;reute.st reluctancy immiujimthU: that J 
 am obliged U) aciiuaint Your Lordships of ?/e /■;•«/» ewt tiitshi-hiirioiiy 
 of ra])tain Annstroui; of tiiis jiariison /(nofov/.s sprcnil uilnil'i/inils 
 licff. and by my next sliall transmit to Vour Lordships tlie several rom- 
 plaints ill behalf of yo said inhabitants." 
 
 In-. I '.od with absolute power over all the Province, 
 lie could liardly be expected to do aught else than vex 
 and worry it. And, in point of fact, lie was continually 
 at log^or-li ids with everybody : with the priests, with 
 his officers, with his soldiers, with his council, witheacii 
 member of his council, even more than with the Acadi- 
 ans. The volume of the archives, as might be guessed, 
 indicates only his (piarrels with the priests and the A( ;i- 
 dians, according to the above-mentioned policy of ex- 
 cluding wliatever might discredit Armstrong and woakon 
 the effect of his sayings and doings in regard to ilicin. 
 Fortunately, the hostilities of the Indians liad eii(k-(l 
 before his arrival at Annapolis ; else he would perluqis 
 liave plunged the Province into a nuist deplorable situa- 
 tion. At first, he seemed to wish to make Canso the 
 seat of liis government and assembled there a quorum nf 
 liis councillors ; but, the following year, he established 
 himself at Annapolis. 
 
 Tlis nomination to the post of lieutenant-governor had 
 alarmed the Acadians. From the moment of his arrival 
 at Canso, he spoke of nothing less than crossing Nova 
 Scotia in battle ari-ay and thus cutting the (xordian 
 
 
 
 m !'i 
 
^i*^*^ 
 
 ai;msti:ong s antecedents. 
 
 1 '>'^ 
 
 knot, if only the necessary troops were furnished him. 
 Writing to the Seeretivr}' of State, he said: 
 
 " T have written fo tlio (JoveniniPiU, of Xew Engliind to '^oikI iiie 
 sixty Indians of tliat country, with twelve whale-boats, which, joined 
 with so many of our troops and forty men from Commodore St. Lo, 
 1 intend to take a tour throiish the rrovince to humbletlic villainous 
 french inhabitants. . . 1 hope we shall do our duty and },'ivpa ^ood 
 account of ourselves."' 
 
 All this had no other foundation than the taking of the 
 oath, and he relied on terroi- to exact it. However, lie 
 did nothing of the sort; but the Acadians long since 
 knew what they might expect from him. In the course 
 of the following summer they prepared for a general 
 emigration, fully resolved, should circumstances .,(> per- 
 mit, not to take any account of the prohibitions that 
 might be opposed thereto. Some families withdrew 
 that very year to settle in Prince Edward Island, where 
 the French goveriuneiit were preparing to receive them. 
 In July of that same year Armstrong wrote : 
 
 " They are resolved to quit the Province rather than take the oath, 
 and as I aminformed, have transported several of their cattle and other 
 effects." 
 
 Yielding to his irrepres.sil)le temper, he had hoped 
 violently to break down all opposition by spreading ter- 
 lor around him, and the only result he was obtaining 
 was the hatred and contem[»t of his officers and the de- 
 parture of the Acadians. The threatened exodus must 
 be stopped, or he would incur a severe reprimand and 
 ruin his dearest hopes. 
 
 Was lie going to let France strengthen her colony 
 with so many iisefid subje(,'ts? Was he going to let his 
 Province be deprived of the oidy inhabitants that he 
 
 Aig 
 
 y. 
 
M! 
 
 m 
 
 138 
 
 Ai:MSTi:«)N<; skntimkntaf.. 
 
 ';tJ'« -v I' 
 
 '; 
 
 : ii 
 
 
 I ; 
 
 lil'Nnff 
 
 had to govern .' What wouhl [»e(>i»lu say of him ? 
 What wouhl hi'come of the goveinmeiit with which he 
 was eliarged, what wouhl Ix'couie of his own [josition ? 
 All this tilled him with fear; his manner and tactics were 
 suddenly t'lianged; he inveigled the Acadians to well- 
 |)rei)ai('d meetings, where he stroke feelingly of the great 
 advantages they would secure hy accepting the oath 
 and cordially becoming the loyal subjects of King 
 (Jeorge. Then, as soon as he thought that the favor- 
 able moment had come, he proposed to them the taking 
 of the oath : 
 
 " lie liopt'd tlu-y had coino with a full rt'soiiitioii to tiikc tlu' oath 
 oi tiiU'lity ]ik«' ijiooil suhji-cts, iiuliircd witli .siiict'ic honest jiriiiciplt's 
 of .siihmissioii ainl loyalty lo so ijood and jjfi'acioiis a Kini;, who. upon 
 their so doiny, due and faithful observation of their saered oaths, 
 hiid promised them, not only the free exereise of tiieir religion, hut, 
 e\en the enjoyment of their estates and other inumniitics of his ow n 
 fice l)orn subjects of (J reat Ihilain ; and that for his part, while he 
 had the honor to eonunand. Ids (>nd«'avors should always be to main- 
 tain lo tlieni wliat His Majesty liad so graeiously vouehsafeil to 
 grant. 
 
 "Whereupon, at the re(|uest of sonu' of the iidiabitants, a french 
 translation of tlie oath recpiired to !)<• taken was read unto them. 
 
 " Upon wliieh, some of them desirinij that a elaiise wlierehy tiiey 
 may not hi' oltli<;ed to carry arms mii;ht he inserted, 
 
 '■ I told them thai Ihey had no reason to fear any sueh Ihiui; as 
 that, // fii'inn confriirii to the Jairs nf (tvcnt Urilaiti, llidt <i liiininii 
 C'lilhnllf shoiilil '"'rve !» IIk' (iriin/. His Majesty h(ir'ni<i xa nnittij 
 fdillit'iil Protrslimr snl'Jcrtft Jirsf t<> proriilr for, that all Ilis Maj- 
 esty requireil of them was fa In- J'dithfiiJ xnhji'rls. 
 
 ini. 
 
 and 
 
 B;i;^;^■ 
 
 '• P.ut they, upon the motion made as aforesaid, still refusii 
 desirinsj; the same clause to he inserted, the (iovenior, with the 
 advice of the Council, siraiited the same lt> he written iiixni the )nnr- 
 f/in n/ Ihr J'renrli tniiixltitidn, in orilcr to (jet tlicnt nrer tnj ilajrees. 
 Whereupon, they look ami subscribed the same tutthinfrpvcti ami 
 eniillsf,. . . And havin-j; drank His Majesty's, the royal family, and 
 several other loyal healths. / ///</ tlicm ;io(><l nii/lil."' 
 
 Such is the report drawn up by Armstrong himself. 
 
IIKiM COMKDV. 
 
 189 
 
 When a man of his position has tho rrtVontiMy tlius to 
 jtaiade his knavery in a public tlotuinent of this kind, 
 we naturally infer that his honor is not worth much. 
 This document is cui-ious, it throws a slronji' litrht on 
 the kind of diplomacy tliat was iLse<l toward the Aca- 
 dians. Itameau, from whom I «lraw, has analyzt'd it 
 MJlh much skill. 'I'he dramatic oi't-uj) of the whole 
 iitfair, says this historiiin, the feigned <>;ood-nature and 
 honeyed speeches of the man, tlie "Howing howl " that 
 wins consent, and the cordial " i(Ood-idght " that sends 
 everybody to l)ed "midlow *" : all this shows the consum- 
 mate craft of an artful dodgei'. A master-stroke is that 
 marginal note which he makes believe to accept in order 
 •• (o </ii fhi-ni over hij ijcji recti,'' and which he carelessly 
 inserts in only one of the reports read by no one and 
 never seen again. An admirable fabrication is that 
 subterfuge about militar}' service. 
 
 What I siiys Armstrong, 3'oa fear to be enrolled by 
 force? Know that, as you are Catholics, you would 
 not even have the right to enlist of your own free will. 
 His Majesty reserve's this honor for his Protestant sub- 
 jects only. Assui'edly this is one of the daintiest hoaxes 
 ever invented in the lealm of knavery. It belongs to 
 high comedy, not to history. A pity it is tliat Molieii' 
 )iever lieard of this adventure I " What ! "" would Scapin 
 have exclaimed, "Aie you afraid 1 will take your 
 purse? Why, my dear fellow, I wouldn't have it, ev<Mi 
 though you beggi'd me to take it."' 
 
 Scai'cely hadlii^ linishrd with the taking of the oath by 
 the inhabitants of l*ort Koyal, wdien he arrested Fathci 
 (Jaulin. their parish priest, '' that old nuschievous incen- 
 diary (Jaulin " as he calls him, on the plea that he had 
 meddled with affairs that did not concern his ministry. 
 
 i^-: 
 
 ' 1. 
 
 
 
 '/*,'i 
 
< : I 
 
 '^ I III ! 
 
 140 
 
 AHltKST OF Aimi-: (iATMN. 
 
 # ii I i I 
 
 The offeiK^o, if it sliould be really coiisideied one, and if 
 the aeensatioii were well grounded, was ceitaiidy trivial: 
 at any rate thi.s ari-est might be ini|tolitic under the cir- 
 eunistanees. There still remained for him lo cause the 
 oath to be taken by the inhabitants of Grand I'le, 
 I'igiguit, Cobe(iuid. IJeaubassin, ete., that is by moic 
 than three-fourths of tbe entire population ; butsuch was 
 the irrepressible violence of his character that lie couhl 
 not control himself. His efforts to induce tlu; peojile of 
 these places to take the oath wcie ineff(!ct,ual. ('apt. 
 Bennett and Ensign I'hilipps, whom he had sent for this 
 purpose, returned without having ac<'omplished any- 
 thing. However, lu; does not attribnte tbe (;ause of it 
 to the arrest of Father (iaulin, if we judye bv his Ictlcr 
 of April :}<), 1727. to the Secretary of State. 
 
 The pid)lie will be surjjrised to learn that he imputes 
 liis defeat to the instigations of some merchants of 
 Boston and to Major Cosby, iifterward lieutenant-gover- 
 nor of Auna[)olis : 
 
 " SiiK'O my liisl I liiivc tlic^ mortification to tell Your (Jracc thai, 
 then; aiTivcd Iutc from Kostoii one M. (iambcll, a licuttMiaiit in lin- 
 army, avIio. I am told, rami' from lOnglaud witli .MiiJoiC'ostjy to l>o>toii, 
 wlicrc tli(! Majoi' still continues, ilio" I have ordcfcd him to his [tost 
 at Canso, and in dotiancc and disobedience to my oideis. stays In 
 New England lo know the result of the said (Jandx'H's false com- 
 plaints ajjainst me. After his arrival here frt)m England, heassoiiated 
 himself with some Buxlun (iiilUiiiinarchicnl t nnhru, who, to;;ether 
 with some ev:i intended french inhahilants. . . . incited them to 
 sign such oomiilaints as he had formed against me, telling them, that 
 I had no power nor authority to administer lliem such oaths, and also 
 that Major f'oshy woidd he with them this sjiring with full power to 
 
 govern the Province \n(l all this occasioned l)y tin- incitements 
 
 and ill conduct of the aforesaid Gambell. and three or foui' \ew Jmiij- 
 laiul iradi'rs," 
 
 Mr. Parkman. it seems to me, ought not to have 
 
 ,■( 'I 
 
MOSTON a<;ainst ai;msti;(>n<;. 
 
 141 
 
 v.a 
 
 II >st 
 
 ill 
 iiii- 
 \M 
 
 1 In 
 
 i;\t 
 r to 
 
 (Mils 
 
 (le|iiive<l liis leadtMs of this dociimtiiit. iiiul of tlie other 
 still more imporlaiitoiie that precedes it. Thoy would 
 1h' iiilerosttid to know the tiiu^ iii\viirdn«'ss of the wrangle 
 to which Arnistronf,^ alludes. He must have had a 
 s])«'eial gift f(<r making enemies, sinee we have here 
 leagued againsi him a major of his own regiment, a 
 lieutenant from some oth(,'r regiment, and three or foui' 
 nierehants who liad come from Hoston to dissuade the 
 Aeadians from taking the oath that he proposed to them. 
 \V«; can understand his havin^r enemii;s in Acadia, hut 
 liis having- enemies as far as Boston is beyond us. That 
 there should he Frenehmen or piiests to dissuade tin? 
 Aeadians from taking the oath is oidy natural ; but that 
 Knglish oOieers and English mei'chants should do so is 
 most astounding. And if his yoke was hateful even as 
 far as Boston, what must it have been at Annapolis and 
 in Acadia? 
 
 Undejected by the failure of Bennett and Plnlipps, 
 Aimstrong- despatched to the Aeadians of the district of 
 Mines and Beaubassin a young offieer of the garrison 
 named Robert Wroth. He gave him some veiy detailed 
 instructions on the way he was to proceed. First, he 
 was to pioelaim tiu; accession to the throne of Flis 
 .Majesty (reorge II, and to celebrate the event by pulv 
 lic festivities, aftei- which he would make them sign the 
 proclamation of this event, and then, in the niek of time, 
 he was dexterously to slip in the oath of allegiance : 
 
 '' Vouare to behave st'eitiinyUf I'uth nn iilr of indiffcri'nn', aii.i yyi 
 are to represent to them hov^ Dirinc Proi'Ulenvc by wuijx uriforesepn 
 . . . .You are not to depart from my instruetions unless where circuni' 
 istaticcx loiil jihicr 111(11/ xo r)'<ii(ir(." 
 
 (I 
 
 lave 
 
 In realitv Wroth had great latitude a.s to the oath 
 
 
m 
 
 i - ''i 
 
 142 
 
 i;nm:KT nvumth. 
 
 lie Wiis to at'ccjtt. TIh' iii.striiclioiis ol' Ainisliony In 
 Wiotli. tin- i('|)(Ht ol' tlu' latter, tlio text of tin- oatli aiid 
 «i| tilt; couviMitions coiicIikUmI iM'twci'ii liiin ami tlic 
 Acadians iiic loiiiid in tlir Colonial liecords. Wlir 
 OIK' reads tlwse «lot'unients, it is easy to understand why 
 they were suppressed at Halifax, and still <'asiei- to 
 leuli/.e the fraud and duj>lieity with whieh Arnistr(»ny 
 presided at the taking of the oath. 
 
 "<'o|)y oC till' iiiilli of ffiilty which I left to thr iiihiihiliiiit^ of 
 ISrauhiissiii iiiKl ils(h>i><>uih'iici*-M: 
 
 "I (hisinccrt'ly rroiiiisc and swfiir that 1 will he faillifiil and Juar 
 'I'nu' Allciiiaiici' lo Mis Majesty Kiiij; (Jt'orj;*' the .Second. >io hidp nir 
 (iod. 
 
 " Orijiinal of llic arlicics tlial I ;,'ranl<'(l to tlio inhaljilant> i>f JMaii- 
 
 hassin 
 
 I. Itohcrt Wroth, <'lc.. rtc, inoMiisc and tji'ant in tlic iianif of the 
 
 kiiiii ftc, <'tt 
 
 lo tiu' inliahliants of licaiiltassin. etc., ftc 
 
 ailicU's ht'i'i' h<dow that Mioy liavc iciiiit'.'itt'd of iiif, iiaiiiidy: 
 
 •■ I, Tliat they shall he cxt'inpt from taking up arms af^ainst imy- 
 oiii'. so lun^ as Ihi'v shall Ix' under th(> rule of tin- kin;; of Kni;laiid. 
 
 ■'!'. That they shall he frci- to withdraw whithiTsocvcr they will 
 think lit. and that they shall h<> <lisi-hari;t'd from this signed ai^n-c- 
 iiiciit. as soon as they shall he outside the domination of the Kin;,' of 
 Knylaiid. 
 
 ■■ ;!. That they shall have full and entire lii>erty to practise their re- 
 ligion and to have (."atholie, Apostolic and Koman Priests. 
 
 " HOIJKKT Wkoth." 
 
 This oath did not differ perceptil)ly from tliat aecepted 
 by Arnistrono- from the inhabitants of Aimapolis, since 
 he liiniself had agreed to their exemption from military 
 seryiee and the otiier articles had been provided for by 
 the treaty of Utrecht. 
 
 The rei)ort of Wroth to the governor is very long 
 and detailed. It is very interesting retiding : step by 
 step, says Haniean, we can trace his method, \yluoh does 
 
 *'-4^^' ti'' 
 
 ^j .';,! ' ij 
 
AN AMI. Mil. i; l;l.A< KJil Ai;i». 
 
 ll: 
 
 iiitt tlifl'ri- ruHii Armsti'oii;,'"s ji.s I'lir as I'liiud ^(ifs : Imt, 
 wliilo tlir liiltrr is iiiUM'rioiis iiml jiiissionatf, flic foiiiirr 
 is an ainialilc black^niairl wlio atlciids t(» liis alTairs 
 wliilr t'lijoyiiiLj liiiiiscH' ami wlio ciijuys liiinscir so as to 
 .iltcinl to tlicni iM'ttcr. Wlit'icvcr lie shows liiinscll,, lie 
 KjH'iis ])ro<'(MMliiijfs l)y l)aiH|iii'ts : a liaM(|iii't tlu^ liist (hy, 
 ,1 liaiMint't llic sim'oimI; tlicii! is I'alin;^ and diiiikiiiif. 
 I lie liist day no special topic is iiitrodiicccl ; next da\, 
 ilic kinj^'s death is annoinnu'd and the accesNiun ol his 
 siK'cessor, who is j^'rcatly inU'restod in tim weHarc of ihc 
 Acadians. They diink in nx-nioiy of tin; (h-alh of tin! 
 former an<l foi- tlu; liealth of the; hitter: tlu'v diink in 
 honor of His (Jracions Majesty, they drink the iicalth 
 of the (^)Meen rejrnant, of the other (^>urcn ; they drink 
 t<» all the other I'oyal and htyal toasts; ihen thisamiahle 
 ltlack_t,njard winds up hy drinkint,' with feelintfs of coni- 
 
 lunction 
 
 to n 
 
 irnit' 
 
 t'liVlilt'Ufi' II 
 
 hi ill Uif iiuiifs lint 
 
 tiff 
 
 xirii. 
 
 Afl. 
 
 kliicli," icsiiiut's Wrotli, "1 jiiilf,"'! Ill" iiiuiiiriil liivoiiiljlt 
 
 lo iiilrniliK'i' my littlf (liscoiirsc us follows: 
 
 " I (loiil)i not, my iVii'iiils, you know wliat liiiiij,'s me Iicrc. how tliiit, 
 liy lilt' (It'iUli of till' Kiiif,', my iiiiisttT, of i,'lorious mcmoiy, Dn-'nif 
 I'riiriiliiifi- lias tiiifiiriibntstii iitfonlt'd you tin' ocrasioii." .... 
 
 Here, lie extols the kin^ and his bounty, hut makes 
 no mention yet of tlie oath, which was the ol)ject of his 
 
 mission ; on 
 
 ly, h 
 
 le convokes them to anotlier haiMiuct 
 
 duriuij which they wei'e to iirocetid to the jiroclaiminn' 
 of the king, and Wroth improves the occasion liy ex- 
 horting th(^m to bring as many friends as jxi.ssible, for 
 that they were to acclaim and sign the Proclamation of 
 the king. 
 
 The way was thus skilfully ^irejiared ; but in spite of 
 orchestral .symphonies, boiiliies, discharges of musketry. 
 
 
144 
 
 i»()rr.i,H-i>KAi.iN(;. 
 
 m' fi 
 
 liurralis, LMitluisiastu- tosists, yen even the fumes oi 
 liquoi', these Aeiulians I'ad not (juite lost tlieii- wits, 
 and, when ho finally presented the written oath to liave 
 it signed, they respectfully reminded liim that lie had 
 forgotten to complete it, and requested him to insert tlie 
 restrictions they had always demanded in such an emer- 
 ijeney. Tic flew into a rarje, cooled down, returned to 
 the attack on the morrow ; but, with their simple good- 
 nature, he found them still inexorable. 
 
 ,tfi;f 
 
 fiff^' , 
 
 " They still insistod upon the saiiio ih-mauds, and after having seri- 
 ously weii^hed them, and not judging thoin repugnant to Treaties, 
 Acts of I'arliiiinenl and Trade, 1 granted them as an indulgenee, and 
 l)y reason of their ditlidenee of my authority, / icus obUycd to certify 
 the sitnte in llio body of the oafh." 
 
 It was the same at Mines : the same matmnivres, the 
 same results. There, objections were made with refer- 
 ence to the word " obeirai," 
 
 "... lohieh'juce me no conrern,the ewilixh lieuvj what Iliad to^ovrvn 
 myself til/ ; and finding hy adviee, the same might he translated in a 
 manner more agreahle to them, and. at the same time, as eonformahie 
 to the english and as binding ; I thoiiijht jiroper to alter the Nin)!!-, 
 as appears hy the oath they took." 
 
 So, here we have, nay?. Rameau, a man who does not 
 scruple, in a treat}^ of which two copies were extant, to 
 alter one of them so as to render the agreement more 
 acceptable, and who is, meanwhile, fully aware that tiie 
 French will understand the text in one way, while he, 
 the Englishman, will understand it in quite a different 
 way. After all, says he, I will sign whatever they 
 wish ; for nte, only the English text will count. 
 
 Wroth was very badly received by Armstrong, and 
 yet he had not swerveil from his instructions ; he had, 
 
DOUBLE-DEALING. 
 
 145 
 
 substantially, followed the same line of conduct as 
 Armstrong himself. By a decision of the council the 
 oath obtanied by Wroth was declared null and void • 
 but, most strange to relate-for tliese negotiations are a 
 series of surprises-it was declared in the same resolu- 
 tion that, since the inhabitants had signed these acts and 
 proclaimed His Majesty, they had become his subjects 
 and would enjoy all the privileges attached to that 
 quality, which no doubt also implies all the obligations 
 resulting therefrom. 
 10 
 
 **« 
 
 A*?i 
 
 Vl^' 
 
 
146 
 
 PHILIPPS KEDUX. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 k] . > 
 
 Return of Philipps— All the Acadians of the peninsula take the 
 oath — Nature of this oath — It was entitlfd '•Oatli of failty,'^ 
 (" Sermerit de Fidelite"), and tlif Acadians e called 
 
 " French Neutrals " — What the Compiler thinks ol vliis — Park- 
 man. 
 
 Whoever confronts Armstrong's reports on the ques- 
 tion of the oath witli his letters to tlie Lords of Trade 
 after his operations at Annapolis, the other letter that 
 followed the failure of Captain Bennett, his instructions 
 to Wroth and the hitter's report, can easily account for 
 the indignation the Lords of Trade must luive felt in 
 presence of this series of administrative tomfooleries 
 and tricks, wortliy, at hest, of a horse-jockey or a street 
 mountebank. The exploits of Wroth had filled u[) the 
 measure ; all this nonsense must now be stopped : the 
 Government's dignity gravely compromised by Arm- 
 strong must be restored; a linal and fairh' reasonable 
 settlement must be made of this eternal Acadian 
 question. 
 
 The Ivords ol" Trade had recourse to Pliili])[)s. who 
 always retained the title of Governorof Xova Scotia. It 
 was not without regret that he (piitted London where 
 he led so pleasant a life of leisure on his large salarv. 
 He himself, in his first attempt, it is true, had not been 
 more fortunate than Ai'instrong ; but he was able at least 
 to command attention by his high position, bis coiully 
 manners, his urbanity ; and, at all events, the digiiitv of 
 
HE ADMINISTERS THE OATH. 
 
 147 
 
 the crown would be safe in his hands. Moreover, 
 knowing by his own experience the inflexible determina- 
 tion of tlie Acadians with regard to military exemption, 
 he brought with him or was expected to have brought 
 a solution to tlie difiiculty, a middle term, wiiich, lie 
 trusted, would give them satisfaction. We know not 
 the tenor of his instructions, but his subsequent acts 
 permit us to form a very correct estimate thereof. 
 
 Hardly had Philii)ps landed at Annapolis wlicn he 
 set to work, and three weeks later, he wrote to tiie 
 Lords of Trade that he had administered the oath to all 
 the inliabitants of Anna[)olis, and that at the opening of 
 navigation he would do the same for the inhabitants of 
 Mines, Cobequid and Beaubassin, who, it was said, were 
 all disposed to take it resolutely, '' as they are pleased to 
 exprc:;s that the good likeing they have to my Ciovein- 
 ment, in compariHon of what they e.rpet'lenced iiftcncanh^ 
 did not a little contribute, and therefore, rcservt'd this 
 honor for me ; indeed, 1 hare had no ocea^^iun to make 
 nse of threats ami eonipalifiijn.''' 
 
 Philipps liad arrived in December, 1720. On Sep- 
 tember 2nd following, he infoi-med the Lords of Trade 
 that he had completed the tendering of the oath to all the 
 Acadians of the province. " ^V work." says he, " wliit-h 
 became daily more necessary in rt'gai'd to tlie great in- 
 crease of those people, who are this day a formidable 
 body and, like Noah's progeny, spreading themselves 
 ovei' the face of the Province. Vou are not unae(|U!iinted 
 that for twenty years i)ast they have contiimed stubborn 
 and refractory U[)on all sunnnons of this kind, /"'/ 
 harhii/ ensai/eil the dlfferenee of Goi<ern)ne)it in mif 
 absence, they signilied their rciuliness to comjily .... 
 Thus far the peace of the country is settled." 
 
 li: 
 
 ^m 
 
148 
 
 ORAL PROMISE. 
 
 
 
 How had Philipps been able to ol)tiuii, andiiiipareiitly 
 with so much ease, what he himself and otlieis liad 
 hitherto failed to obtain? Was tiiis, as he boasted, (hie 
 to tlie superiority of his metiiods, to the niildiiess of liis 
 govermnent? What had really liapjx'ued ? What wa< 
 the nature of the oath obtained ? Was tliere a clause 
 exempting tlie Acadians from bearing arms against the 
 French and their allies ? And if so, was it written or 
 verbal ? 
 
 The answer is easy. Philipps, it is true, did not ex- 
 jilain that to the Lords of Trade, he merely says that he 
 took care not to imitate Wroth's shameful surrender. 
 Any further statement was unnecessary, since he had 
 but just come from England, his instructions were quite 
 fresh, and the question must have been discussed in all 
 its different aspects before his departure, l^hiiipps well 
 knew by his own sad experience that lie could not hope 
 for an unrestricted oath ; lie must therefore have come 
 with a solution all prepared, and this solution was — to 
 agree hi/ word of month with the Acadians that they should 
 be exempt from bearing arms. A written promise an- 
 nexed to the oath was the difficulty that the authoiities 
 could not surmount ; it was, thought they, a shameful 
 capitulation, a derogation from the dignity of the crown. 
 It was not so for an oral promise, and that was, I have no 
 doubt, the concession which Philipps was instructed to 
 grant; for, in England at least, it was very well under- 
 stood that the Acadians could not be obliged to take up 
 arms against their fellow-countrymen. For the Acadians, 
 the objection to an oral promise was the lack of security ; 
 but this obstacle was not insurmountable. With a 
 man of Philipps's high position, newly arrived from Eng- 
 land, who vouched for the word of his sovereign, the 
 
 ,»••«-: 
 
HALIBUUTON S VI KW. 
 
 149 
 
 guarantee seemed sufHcieiit, and dirtideiice ceased. Such 
 was, I firmly believe, the compromise j)roposed, discussed 
 and accepted ; it readily explains the prompt success of 
 the negotiations. 
 
 When Ilaliburton wrote his liistory of Nova Scotia, 
 he had not access to the documents wc now possess. He 
 does not even seem to liave seriously ti'ied to penetrate 
 the problem ; but, with his knowledge of this people, his 
 great talent of observation, developed by liis experience 
 as a lawyer and a judge, he innnediately perceived that 
 the Acadians could not have accepted an unrestricted 
 oath : but he supi)Oses treacliery ; he recalls Armstrong's 
 impostures, and supposes that some artifice of the kind 
 had been practised. He camiot have convinced these 
 men, he must have deceived them, says he. He was 
 right in tlie sense that the Acadians did not indeed take 
 an unrestricted oatli. Hut I do not think they were 
 deceived. The promise was only verbal, but was ac- 
 cepted as a solemn promise. Haliburton, judging accord- 
 ing to previous events, cannot believe the Acadians 
 accepted simple oral promises. His mistake arises from 
 his not adverting to the wide distinction they drew be- 
 tween a man of Armstrong's character, so violent, so 
 crafty, so lickle, so little respected by the people about 
 him, a man whose position was after all only secondary, 
 and Philipi)s with his imi)Osing dignity, his high position 
 and the autliorizatiou wl)ich he had brought with him 
 from England. 
 
 Contrary, then, to several historians, who have su^v 
 posed a written restrictive clause annexed to the body 
 of the oatli and afterwards supi)ressed as was the oath 
 itself, wliich is not in the an-hivcs of Halifax. 1 assert 
 that, in all likelihood, the Acadians were not deceived by 
 
 'U'^\ 
 
 •* 'l!' 
 
 ,m 
 
 \r 
 
150 
 
 lawkexce's testimony. 
 
 i I 
 
 w 
 
 
 >?li III 
 
 Philipps, that the restrictive clause about not bearing 
 arms was only verbal, and was accepted as such. 
 
 I would Jiot undertake to establisli tlie proof of this 
 restriction, had not the Compiler objected to it, and 
 Paikman accepted his ol)jection. According to them 
 the oath of fidelity was taken by all the Acadians vol- 
 untarily and without any written or verbal condition. 
 
 In sui)port of my contention, I shall first cite Gov- 
 ernor Lawrence, the very man who deported the 
 Acadians. In his circular to the governors of New 
 England, whicli accompanied the transports laden with 
 exiled Acadians, I iind the following : " The Acadians 
 ever refused to take the oath of Allegiance, without hav- 
 infi at the Kanw t'nnc from the Governor an axaurance in 
 7vrithi(/ that they should not he eaUed upon to hear arms 
 in the defence of the Province, and with this General 
 Philip})s did conijdi/^ of which I lis Majesty disap- 
 proved." 
 
 This would seem to prove clearly that there was a 
 written promise; l)ut Lawrence, 1 have every reason to 
 believe, was mistaken in that detail. The point on whicli 
 he wished to throw light was the restriction in the oath, 
 and that alone is well founded ; the details, which were 
 only incidental to the principal fact, are false ; and it 
 is equally false that His Majesty disapproved this re- 
 striction, for not the slightest trace of such disapproba- 
 tion a[)pears in the public documents. All we see there 
 is a small discussion between the Lords of Trade and 
 Philipps on the construction of a sentence in the oath, a 
 mere matter of grammar. Lawrence, avIio was not very 
 particular, has construed this simple question of syn- 
 tax into a formal disapprobation of the oath. 
 
 In another letter of Lawrence to Sir Thomas Robin- 
 
 

 A (JLOUD OF WITNKSSKS. 
 
 l.")! 
 
 son, of November 30, lT')o, wo find the follow! iiuf. 
 relative to the AcacUans of I>eaul.)a«sin: 
 
 " They were the ilesccndants of those French who had taken the 
 oath of allegiance to llis Majesty in the lime of Gntrrdl P/iilijtj'K's 
 Government, with the reserve of not taking arms." 
 
 Another letter from Lawrence, in the Archives of 
 Nova Scotia, page 259, contains this passage : 
 
 " As the Acadians of this Province have never yet at any time taken 
 the oath of allegiance uiKjunllfieil.'''' 
 
 Governor Cornwallis, in his letter, dated Septeml)er 
 11, 1749, to the duke of Bedford, writes: 
 
 " I cannot help saying that General Philipps deserved the highest 
 punishment for what he did here, fiLs allowing) a reserve to tin' oath 
 <it' (ilhi/lcncr."' 
 
 Tliesame Governor, addressing the Acadian deputies, 
 said : 
 
 " Yon have alwai/s re/useil to tak<> this oath without an expressed 
 reservation.''^ * 
 
 Governor Ilopson, writing to the Lords of Trade, 
 December 10, 1752, said : 
 
 " Lord Cornwallis can likewise acquaint you tha„ he inhabitants of 
 Beauhassin who had taken the oath with General Philipjjs's eonill' 
 tion " 
 
 Governor Mascarene, in a letter to Shirley in April 
 1718, said with reference to the oath obtained by 
 Philipps : 
 
 " The Acadians intending to have a clause not to be obliged to take 
 up arms against the French, though not inserted, they have always 
 
 ♦N. 8. Archives, p. 174. 
 
 ■*-. 
 
 1 1^ ju^^diJiii 
 
 ::m 
 
 fc 
 
 M-"5 
 
 I/'- 
 
152 
 
 ACADIAN CERTIFICATE. 
 
 1. 1«! 
 
 mm 
 
 stood was promised to tliciu ; <iitd I hacv heard it owned by Umsv who 
 were at Miiien when the onth wan adinhustered at that itlnre, that 
 snrh a proin'me w(ik ijircn. Tln'ir ploa with the French, who pressed 
 them to take up arms, was their oath.''^ 
 
 In 1744, when war was raging between France and 
 England, an attempt was made to oblige the Acadians 
 to serve as pilots and guides ; but tlie Acadians, believ- 
 ing that their oath exempted them from a service that 
 appeared contrary to their neutrality, addressed a petition 
 to the govei'iior to ask liim his opinion on this point. 
 Governor Mascarene replied : 
 
 " If in taltini; this oath of allegiance, the Government was kind 
 enoui.'li to say to yini, that it vniilil not roniini i/oit to tiike mi unns, it 
 was out of puri' doferenee. That they were not thereby exempted from 
 serving as pilots and guides. . . . Whereupon, they withdrew their 
 petition. 
 
 There are other proofs of the same kind in twenty 
 different places in the volume of the Archives, and 
 particularly on pages 204, 233, 234. 
 
 It was not without some apprehension that the Aca- 
 dians consented to waive their claim to a written proof; 
 so, in order to provide for emergencies, they, immediately 
 after the taking of the oath, drew up a certificate, which 
 was signed and attested, and addressed to the minister 
 of foreign affairs in Paris, to be, in case of necessity, 
 appealed to by the French Government. 
 
 " We, Charles de la Goudalie, priest, missionary of the parish of 
 Mines, (Grand Pre and River aux Canards) and Xoel Alexandre Xoir- 
 ville, priest bachelor of the faculty of theologians of la Sarbonne, mis- 
 sionary and parish priest of the Assumption and of the Holy Family 
 of Pigiguit, certify to whom this may concern, that His Excellency 
 Richard Philipps, etc., etc., has promised to the inhabitants of Mines 
 and other rivers dependent thereon, that he exempts them from bear- 
 ing arms and fighting in war against the French and the Indian*, and 
 
 |fc'' ;i 
 
 
"FRENCH NKUTRALS. 
 
 loa 
 
 
 iiof 
 
 |oir- 
 Inis- 
 luily 
 ]noy 
 
 lines 
 
 Ipar- 
 
 aiid 
 
 that tho said inhabitants have only accopted allegiance and promised 
 never to take np arms in the event of a war against the Kingdom of 
 England and its government. 
 
 " The present certificate made, given and signed by ns here named, 
 this April 2."», 17o0, to be put into the hands of the iidiabitants, to be 
 available and nsefn! to them wherever there shall be need or reason 
 for it. 
 
 '• Signed : de la Gondalie, parish priest; Xoel Xoirville, priest and 
 missionary. 
 
 "Collated by Alexander Bourg Uello-IImueur, this i*")th April, 
 1730." 
 
 It would Ijo (lifficult not to admit tlio foi'oo of tlie 
 proof I Imve just given. I miglit add thejtgry signili- 
 oant fact tliat, since 1780, the Acadiaiis Avere univeisally 
 known bv tlie name of '•'' French Ni'Kfraf.s.^'' Thus are 
 they very often designated by the olTicial document.s 
 emanating from the governors of the province and from 
 the Lords of Trade. To pretend, as the Compiler does, 
 tliat their oath contained no restriction, woukl be to de- 
 •stroy all the signitieance of this appellation, and to sup- 
 pose an absurdity. 
 
 In spite of all this evidence the Compiler says : 
 *' Governor Philipps, on his return to Anmipolis iit 1780, 
 brought the people, at last, to take an unconditional oath 
 iriUintjly.'''' The reader will be curious to know what 
 grounds the Compiler had to establish a pretension that 
 was never alleged at this epoch, and which is expre.s.sly 
 and repeatedly contradicted by all the governors of 
 the Province, who succeeded Philipps, namely : by ^[as- 
 carene, Cornwallis, Ilopson, and Lawrence. The reply is 
 very sim})le : his pretension is utt(;rly groundless. In the 
 entire volume, which he himself compiled, there is not 
 one sentence, not one word that sup])orts his pretension 
 or implies it, whether directly or indirectly. This may 
 appear strange, but it is not so for me who am accus- 
 
 >^e^ 
 
 kA 
 
 ■Am^ 
 
 w:. 
 
 'W. 
 
 f- 
 
^ ' ^ 
 
 ir,4 
 
 THK COMl'ILKU INVKNTS. 
 
 tonu'd to tlio artifices of the Coniijiler. It would be 
 dinii'ult to express in fit language tiie conduct of a man 
 who dares to uphold such views not only without any 
 proof, but against a mass of documents that destroy 
 them. 
 
 " In April, 17-50,"' says tlui Com[»ilei-, '' Ciovernoi" Phil- 
 il51)s ann()uiict!(l to the council the utnindllfwd sul)- 
 mission of the inhabitants." No such thing occurred. 
 Neither to his council, nor to the Lords of Trade did Phil- 
 il)ps ever use the expression " uiuiudllficd^'' nor any other 
 equivalent one ; at least there is not a trace thereof in 
 the Compiler's volume, and there can be no doubt that 
 any document that contained such an ex[)ression would 
 not have been omitted, as he omits such documents only 
 as are unsuiled to his jjui'pose. 
 
 Until now I have had to attack only his bad faith, 
 and that was bad enough ; but it is, if such a thing be 
 possible, outdone by his presumption. Listen to him : 
 
 " The term " Xoiitral French"' having been so frcqnently applieil 
 to the Acailians in pnhlic doeinnents, tlieir constant denial of an nn- 
 qnalifieil oalli ever havinj; l)een lalten by them, tlie reiterated asser- 
 tions of tlieir i)riests. . . led the governors at Halifax, in 174i), and at 
 subsequent periods, crronconsUi to mtiiposc that no unconditional 
 oath of alleuianee had ever been taken by the people of Acadia to 
 the British Crown." 
 
 This is really ridiculous. A man must fancy himself 
 endowed with intuitive cognition and born with infused 
 science, before he thus ventures to substitute his own 
 groundless view for the wisely formed o])inions of all his 
 predecessors, and to set himself against them all. lie 
 is ludicrously in earnest when he proclaims to the world 
 that the term "French Neutral" never had any foun- 
 dation in fact. The contemporaries of these events, the 
 
 n „ '\ 
 
TIfK rOMl'ILEU INVKNTM. 
 
 i:>r, 
 
 governors and Lords of Trade, \vlieii tlu-y iimde use 
 of it in public doeunients, kiievr not what they weie 
 sayiuj^'. Masearene, wlio had Ijeeii i)res(.'iil at the liikiii^^ 
 of I'ort Koyal in ITlO, wlio in 17-)0 was counseUnr to 
 Philipps, and in 1740 oovornor liiniself, knew nothing'. 
 'J'he ttrfii'crs of tlie <^arrison wlio h;id lu'cii, some of them, 
 witnesses of tliis ttmcU-ring* of tin; oalli, and who iiad 
 rej)orted it to Masoarene, Cornwallis, liopson and Law- 
 rence, knew nothintic. All these governors had a thou- 
 sand ways of ascertaining the true stale; of the i-ase ; 
 yet, they knew nothing. The facts that they so posi- 
 tively allii'm were contrary to their interests and desires, 
 and, nevertheless, they let themselves he imposed ui)on 
 by the aflirniations of the Aeadians. What a fraud 
 history is, if this be the case I Hut, considering that 
 this attempt to overthrow one of the best established 
 historical facts is supported only by the qixe dij-it oi a 
 man living in a dilTerent century, even though he be a 
 com[)iler of archives, I prefer to say : What monumen- 
 tal audacit}' ! 
 
 " Their constani <hnii<tl Jed the f/nvermrrn to Re- 
 lieve '' , as if there had then been a great contro- 
 versy on this subject between the Aeadians and the 
 governors ; whereas, I repeat, there is not one sentence, 
 not one word in the whole volume of the archives, com- 
 piled by himself, that shows it was so. It is a pure 
 fabrication. And, if in reality this (piestiou had been 
 the object of a controversy, it would be necessary to 
 believe that the Aeadians were able to satisfy these 
 governors that their pretension.s were well founded, and 
 then it would be rash for afu-de-niecle compiler of the 
 nineteenth century to dispute the validity of facts a 
 century and a half old, already pondered, matured and 
 
 M 
 
 \m 
 
 \tx 
 
 KB 
 
 l^r'*^ - 
 
 ^ 
 
 P)^' 
 
 ^ 
 
 ¥% 
 
 
 
100 
 
 I'AKKMAN UKUTIFIKS, 
 
 III III 
 
 m' 
 
 If*?' 
 
 m 
 
 accepted by contemporaries wliose interest it was not to 
 admit tliem. " 'IMurir fotiHfitnf dvnlnl of an nntiualilied 
 oath, and the nitcnttvij (ism'rfloHx of their priests . . . hid 
 the governors erroneonsly to ixdieve ". . . . Accordinj^ 
 to this ineffahU,' compiU'i', the testimony, the constant 
 allirmations of the Acadians and their piiests, all count 
 for nothing, are not worth the least verbal report of tlio 
 vilest soldier of the garrison : that is no doubt the 
 reason why he lias systematically omitttid the few 
 documents coming from the A(;adians. In this spirit 
 has all this volume been comjjiled. 
 
 llaliburton, it is easy to sec, cannot have known the 
 opinion on this subject of the four governors I have 
 just named ; however, his powers of observation and his 
 legal instinct, aided by his impartiality, had guidi'd him 
 securely in this search for truth, lbs had not been able 
 to believe in an oath without restriction : tlu' subse- 
 ([uent discoveries showed he was riglit. Thus is true 
 histoiy written; one must possess these (lualities to 
 write it ; otherwise it is only a lie. 
 
 Parkman, on this point, as on man}- (»theis, has 
 endorsed the opinion of the Compiler. It is so conven- 
 ient to find opinions ready-made. Hut, there is this 
 difference between them: while the Compiler had abso- 
 lutely no ground for his opinion, Parkman liad at least 
 the excuse of resting on the Compiler's authority. 
 Slender as this is, let him have the benefit of it.* 
 
 *Sinco tho furogoiug was written. Mr. Parkman iu liif' ii<'v. 
 Half Century of Couillct" lias recUlk'tl in tLi'so terms %vl 
 nicrly said : 
 
 " Hoeontly.howover, ovidoneo has appearod that, so far at 
 the Acadians on and noar tho Minos IJasin, the cflt'i't of the 
 lli'd by a promise on tlie part of I'hilipps that thoy should not i 
 to tako up arms cither against French or Indians." 
 
 Mr. Parkman had accepted tho opinion of the Compiler without verify- 
 ing it. I must do him tho justice of admitting that ho likes to found his 
 
 
 A 
 
 
 i ->r- 
 
 I-' 
 
 ivfjards 
 
 w 
 
 isi(uali- 
 
 
 iMpi i-(>d 
 

 I'AUKMAN UKCTIFIKS. 
 
 • }i 
 
 aUitomt'Utt* on Koiiiething ; hut ln' is wr<>ii>{ in miyiiiK: " nri'titli/ t>viili<ii(>i> 
 hiis iiiipcarcil," U>r witii tin- cxcoiitinii of tlio iillldiivit nf Mi'ssrs. di' In 
 (iiiiiilitlii>, Noirvillo iind Unwru, tint cntirit iiniiif I iiitvc |iriiiliii-oi{ in ilruwu 
 fnmi till- vnliimiMif tli(« Arcliivi's ItHi'lf, wliii'li li(< (lUoti'M fri'iiiii'iitly In hu 
 fcirint'r worli, " Wolfe iind Montciilni ; " liowi'V(<r, sonio liilior Is ni'i'ilcil to 
 niniliin<> th«» fiii'tors of tills proof. lJ<>Hl(lcs,liis i-orroction is iiu'oniiili'ti', us 
 he apiilios to the AcinliuuH of Miues whut shuuld iii>|)ly touU. 
 
 
 4' 'IS., 
 
 •'A 
 .1 for- 
 
 \r 
 
 v.iify- 
 nd his 
 
 j.'^'if 
 
158 
 
 QUESTION APPARENTLY SETTLED. 
 
 rHAPTER VIII. 
 
 ,i "' 
 
 i 
 
 Pliilipps returns to England 1731 — Armstrong resumes the admin- 
 istration of tlie i)rovinfe — His character, his difficulties witii 
 Major Cosby, Blinn, Winniett, etc. — His relations witli Mau- 
 geant — The Conii)iler. his omissions, his artifices — Suicide of 
 Armstrong, Dec. 6th, 1739. 
 
 At liLst, this question of the oath, so long an occasion 
 of strife, vexation and uncertainty, Avas, apparently at 
 least, settled for good. There was no more question of 
 it for twenty years till the foundation of Halifax in 1T4!>. 
 Until then, the Acadians had been held captive in the 
 eoinitry by the orders and hindrances of the governors, 
 who had refused to accept in good faith the treaty and 
 conventions of Queen Anne. 
 
 Wearied of a bootless struggle, the Acadians had 
 accepted the oath of fealty Avhich granted them tlie 
 exemption Avhich they clung to so earnestly. They were 
 becoming English subjects, and were iinally giving up the 
 ever-entertained idea of a departure. Their agricultural 
 holdings, which had suffered from this uncertainty, were 
 about to make rapid progress. Peace and contentment 
 were about to take the place of distrust, and prosperity 
 was going to spring up anew. 
 
 This period of twenty years was the most tranquil, 
 tlie happiest and most prosperous in the history of 
 Acadia. The Acadians had still to suffer from Arm- 
 strong, who, for nine years after the departure ul' 
 
"PROCUL A JOVE. 
 
 159 
 
 Philipps, once more filled the office of lieutenant- 
 governor; but as much might be said of the garrison, 
 the officers and the council, all of whom suffered perhaps 
 even more than the Acadians, because the daily contact 
 they had with him exposed them still more to his whims 
 and bursts of anger. On the whole the Acadians did 
 not feel the yoke too severely ; in fact, those of Mines 
 jind Beaubassin were almost left to themselves. For a 
 long time there was almost no other garrison in the 
 Province than that of Annapolis. Outside this place the 
 authority of the government was in no way represented, 
 except perhaps by the notary, who was at the same time 
 receiver of the rents Jind revenues of tlie Crown, which 
 were very little. These notaries, moreover, were them- 
 selves Acadians,* and, during six months of the year, all 
 communications between these places and Annapolis were 
 interrupted. Disagreements between Acadians were 
 rare, and were usually settled by arbiters, except tliose 
 arising from the limits of their lands, which were re- 
 ferred to the Council of Annapolis. These latter seem 
 to liave been frequent after 1730. These properties 
 had never been regularly surveyed, and, as the popula- 
 tion rapidly increased and the government refused or 
 delayed to make new concessions, the result was re- 
 peated subdivisions of the land and frequent conflicts, 
 which were submitted to the decision of the council. I 
 shall return to this subject. 
 
 I would like to speak as seldom as possible of the 
 Com[)iler, but, in spite of myself, I am forced to return 
 to him, because he puts me in the impossibility of passing 
 
 * Jean Duon was notary at Annapolis, Pierre BerKoron at Beaubassin, 
 Alexauiln* Bourj^ at Min(>s. Saint Cenne was physician at Annapolis, , 
 Bugeaud and Moutuu at Mines. 
 
 
 
 iikk 
 
 Hl/1£ 
 
 »w 
 
 w^ 
 
 i^4 
 
lt)0 
 
 GRAVE LACUNAE. 
 
 K**V 
 
 an enlightened judgment on many a phase of this 
 history. His volume, which, in the intention of the 
 Legislature, was to serve for the general history of the 
 province, is, as I have already said, only a compilation 
 of complaints against the Acadians and the clergy. 
 Insignificant as they sometimes are, they take up the 
 whole of his space during Armstrong's administration, 
 from 1725 to 1740. There is not in the volume of the 
 Archives a single document emanating from the Acadians 
 or their priests during these fifteen yenva ; it was not, 
 however, hecause they were completely wanting, since 
 in several of Armstrong's letters to the Loi-ds of Trade 
 he makes mention of copies of such documents which he 
 communicates to them. 
 
 Not only does the volume of the Archives contain 
 nothing hut letters setting forth complaints against the 
 Acadians and the clergy, hut these letters are mutilated 
 in such a way as to exclude all that does not relate 
 thereto. It is easy to understand that Armstrong in his 
 letters to the Lords of Trade must have most carefully 
 avoided whatever mijjht damaqe him ; hut his other let- 
 ters, treating of his endless difficulties with his officers, 
 his council and all his attendants, are quite sufficient to 
 give us a clear insight into his charactei', and these 
 were omitted hy the Compiler, who, I have no hesitation 
 in saying it, has carefully eliminated all that might 
 direct suspicion to Armstrong. And, if Armstrong's 
 own letters are a sufficient portrait of himself, how much 
 more life-like that portrait would he, if in each case the 
 letters of others ahout him were also shown ? Did the 
 Compiler imagine that writers who like to get to tlu- 
 hottom of a (question were going to accept as proved 
 and indis[)utahle every accusation hrought hy Arn)- 
 
Alt.MSTUONC; S MlSDEliDS. 
 
 i<n 
 
 strong, even were this nmii what the Compiler litis eii- 
 deiivored to make him ? With some {)eople, doubtless, 
 he luis suceeedcid ; but all this deception will come to an 
 end : for, not to speak of the researches of painstaking 
 writers on this sul)ject. the (rovei'iiment of Nova Scotia 
 will. I trust, understand bow it is its bounden dutv to 
 
 have the Archives 
 
 d that 
 
 ilati 
 
 nave me Arciuves overJiauieu ana mat cominiation 
 com[)leted and corrected, whitli has issued so incomplete 
 and so one-sided from the bands of Thomas B. Akins. 
 
 'riu'ougb the fMult of this Compiler, I am unabU; to 
 salinity myself and the i)ublic fully as to Armstrong's 
 administiation, whicb occupies, in the period of history 
 I am engaged on, fifteen years, that is, nearly one-third 
 of the whole. Though tbe Compiler's liandling of tbe 
 othei' two-thirds is not niucb better, I have at least bad, 
 in certain parts, tbe advantage of receiving more com- 
 plete information from documents outside the volume 
 of the Archives. 
 
 I will, however, try to make up, as best I can, for the 
 Compiler's omissions, and to show, what he hides, tbe 
 chaiacter of Armstrong ; for that purpose T shall in eei- 
 tain cases receive help from the curtailed portion of the 
 documents that he delivers to us, in others, from new 
 documents coming mostly from Armstrong himself. 
 Thus, to a great extent, which ivS certainly a rare priv- 
 ilege, Armstrong shall be judged by himself. 
 
 We have already seen what Lieutenant-Governor 
 (^aultield said of him to the Lords of Trade, when Arm- 
 strong was as yet only captain in the regiment gar- 
 risoned at Annapolis in 1715. We have seen how be 
 had made himself enemies at Boston among the mer- 
 chants of the place. AVe have seen, ])esides, by another 
 
 letter dated October 24, 1735, not cited iu the volume of 
 11 
 
 lim 
 
 m 
 
 !^P 
 
 i'<*k» 
 
 
 
J 1; 
 
 1(12 
 
 AlIMSTIJONti S MISDEEDS. 
 
 
 ^ii?'" 
 
 i 
 
 fttr 
 
 1 1 ' I- 
 
 Ihe Arcliives, tliat, a« soon as lie arrived at Canso fiom 
 Loiulon with liis commission as lieutenant-governor, lie 
 wrote to the T^ords of Tiade, that he had asked to have 
 from Boston sixty Indians and twelve whalers, tliat he 
 liad fioni Commodore St. Lo the promise of sixty 
 maiines, that, with all of these joined to the soldiers of 
 ills gariison, he intended to traverse the province for 
 ;lit' purpose of forcing the Acadians to take the oath. 
 He ended his letter thus: "T hope we shall do our 
 duty, and give a good aci-ount of ourselves." True, he 
 (lid nothing of the kind ; hut pei'haps he could not help 
 himself. At all events this letter speaks volumes for 
 his character. 
 
 At the same time he complained of Captain John 
 Kliot, Captain Fraidclin, Captain Kenwood and several 
 others. OnSe2;iember 28, 172*5, he accused his servant, 
 .lohn Nichols, of an assault on his person. In the month 
 of July following. Mr. Shirrcff, secretary of the council, 
 lesigned his position after some diffieulties he had with 
 Armstrong. A month later, as Murdoch writes: "A 
 discord ai'ose between Armstrong and M. M. Winniett, 
 James Bliim and Bissell, merchants, connected with the 
 sup[)lics for the garrison." August 2Bd, Armstrong in- 
 formed the council: "of M. Blinn's insolent behaviour 
 t(i him on ]\Iouday last, u})on the public parade, before 
 most of the oiliccrs and soldiers of the garrison, wliere, 
 after a great d(>al of disrespectful language and unman- 
 jierlv Q'cstures, he. at leiinth, told him that he would 
 not give him two pence for his commission." 
 
 In September of ihe sanu; yenr he noli tied the inhabi- 
 tants of Annapolis to take the oath. Tliev refused un- 
 h^ss he Avould insert the restriction, ]]() impi-isoncd llie 
 tlnee delegates they sent him, l.,an(liy, Bourgeois and 
 
'. r i: 
 
 III 
 
 WINMKTT 
 
 168 
 
 Richard : " It was ordered that they .shouhl he sent to 
 prison and laid in irons." Landry's wife applied to 
 Armstrong, in consequence of her hnshand heing 
 dangerously ill, to grant his liherty on s\irety for his re- 
 turn when recovered. Her piayer was rejected. 
 
 July 12, 1728, Armstrong wrote to Mr. Stanion. of 
 the ofhce of the Secretaiy of Stale : " Several com[»laints 
 heing sent against me hy two or three malicious leachMs 
 in this Province, although not exhihited, hut lodged in 
 the hands of Governor Philipps, who. I am suie, only 
 wants a proper o[)[)ortunity of making his own use of 
 them to my i)rejudice." Mui'docli. the ostimahle author 
 of a history of Nova Scotia, to whom I owe some of my 
 quotations, saj's, that Armstrong had, in 1711 and after- 
 wards, undergone some losses, and that in consetiuence 
 he hecanie '^ miha/tpi/, irrifafiJi', iwu] jt'o/diis. lie sus- 
 pected Philipps and Coshy <»f heing his enemies." the 
 last named gentleman hecause he had niarried the 
 dauohtcr of Winniett, with whom Armstrono' Imd had 
 some dilliculties. '"Mr. Winniett," continues Murdoch, 
 "seems to have heen maiTJed to an Acadian lady and 
 to have had great personal inthience among the Aca- 
 dians, hut I helieve it was never used for any inqtroper 
 purpose, and that he was upright, loyal and kindly dis- 
 l)osed.'* ^ 
 
 .lune 2;>, 1720, Armstrong wrote again to the Lords 
 
 1 Wiiinii'tt, who wtiH a mcrfbant at Aimaixilis and I'ouusollor of tbi' rov- 
 iTiKii-, had inarrii'd in 1711 Marii' Maili'liiiii' Maisoiinat. sccoml daii^rhtiT 
 nf I'it'rn- Maisoiiiiat anil .Miirt,'ni'riti' limirKt'ois. Tliis Tii'iTi' MaiM'hiiat, 
 ill till' wars tliat in'cci'iicd thr caiitiiri' of I'oi't lioyal, was, top'tiicr with 
 PiiTi't^ Moi'|iaiii and Francis (iuyoii. till' terror nf liostnii I'oninn'ri'i'. lli« 
 was kiiDwn tliroiij;lif>,.t all N'l'W I'.iij^'laiid liy tin- naiiii' of '•/.'((/.,''.-•/(." 
 Toward 17(1(1 Ids vi'ssi'i was talii'ii and lio liiiiisrif liiii\i},'lit prisoner t" ISns- 
 t<Mi. Ill 1707 111' was i'.\chaii>,'i'd for llov. Jolm Williaiiis, tin' iinfortuii.iti' 
 vii'tini (if till' niassai'ii' of I)i'i'rtli'lil. Major t'osliy. lii'Uti'iiant-),'ovi'riior of 
 the >,Mrrison of Anua|Kilis. inarrii'd Anno, the eldest dau^'hter of Winniett. 
 I'iorre Maisoiinut settled about 1712 at ]}eaubassin with his wife's relatives. 
 
 
 
 
 !?»^** 
 
 ir 
 
 iH 
 
Ill 
 
 It 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 .f8 
 
 
 104 
 
 MAUCEANT. 
 
 of Tiadi'. Ill this letter, wliioh is very long, lie coin- 
 i)liiiiis of everj-body, of Major Cosby in particular, of 
 Father Hreslay, of the French papists, of the collector of 
 customs, etc., etc. 
 
 On the arrival of Philipps, in IT^iO, Armstrong went 
 back to England, whence he returned the following 
 year. Here is what Pliilipps Avrote to the Secretary of 
 State a few weeks after his anival at Annapolis : '• I 
 found at my coming <( (/cncrdl (lixsafisf'ivfin)! hi nil 
 />rt/"^v,iind disagreement between the two lieutenant-gov- 
 ernors (Cosily and Armstrong) aliout the I'ight of 
 pow(!r and command, which drew the inferior oflicers 
 Into parties; but I assurt' Voui'draccit is now the reverse. 
 -Tot/ and sttf/xfacfion appear in everij rountenancc amonif 
 till' pi-oplt'^ and in the garrison tranquillity.'" ' 
 
 This letter is in the volume of the archives, l)ut tlie 
 part I quote is omitted. Doubtless it is by mistake the 
 Compiler dates this letter January 8, 1T2J\ for in 
 ieality it .should be January o, 1730. 
 
 The followino- fact is a rev(dation of Armstrono-'s 
 eliarac'ter. In 172(3, tliei-e arrived at Annajiolis a 
 Frenchman by the name of Maugeant, who, when ex- 
 amined by the council, admitted that lie was fleeing 
 from French justice for a murder he hsid committed at 
 Quelicc. He pleaded as ail excuse .self-defence. Arm- 
 .'•;trong made him his man of business, his instrument, 
 and, as far as we can judge, his intimate counsellor. 
 With Armstrong's contidciice and protection, Maugeant 
 incurred the detestation of evervbodv: oflftcers, soldiers, 
 and Acadians. His infatuation for Maugeant was so 
 great tliat he took him with him to England, on the 
 arrival of Philippts. Here is what Philipps wrote of 
 him, September, 2, 1730 : 
 
VHILllM'S AM> Alt.MSTItONO 
 
 m 
 
 " Tiiont.-(\)l. Annstrong who is none for Enjihiml, t'aniod with 
 him one Maugoiint, a I'lvnch papist, who fled lately Iroin Canada into 
 this rnnincf for a harharous nmrdcr. The liicnt. -Governor look 
 him into his protection and admitted him to take the oatli, after 
 which ln^ rendered himself exceedingly odious to the inhaiiitants, 
 hoth English and F'rench, they, Ijelieving that the Lieut. -(to\eri\nr 
 acted toward them hy his council and advice. At my arri\iil. he, 
 finding many complaints were ready to l)c I'xhihited against him. 
 petitioned for leave to^retire, which, hcing granted, with a dcfen>e 
 nevci' to return, gave a general satisfa<'tion, and pi'ovcd a great in- 
 dueement towards their suhmission to the Crown of (inat Mritiiin. 
 The fellow's character is very bad, hut is allowi.'il to have a genius, 
 and would make an excellent minister to an arhitrary i)rincc." 
 
 This lottci' is also in llu; vnlnint; of the tifcliives, 
 exi'epi, liowevof, this citiitioii ; and nevertlieless this 
 sliort e.xtiiiet says niofc as to the chai'actef of Aini- 
 sti'oiifr and is moi-e iis(!ful to the oenwial liistoiy of tlie 
 Pfovince tlian many othei' docnments found tlieiein. 
 
 IMiilipjjs sang liis own prai.ses rather hmd whi'ii he 
 attributed his proinjjt sueeess to the good remenihiance 
 everv oin; had })reserved of liini. and to the diffcrenee 
 hetween liis athninistration atid .Viinstrong's. He ean- 
 not he judged exactl}' hy liis own valuatif)n : for, 
 thougli he undouhtedly possessed great practical judg- 
 ment, tact, iind m.iny of the (jualities that go to make a 
 o-ood administrator, vet all tliis was favored and en- 
 lianeed by circumstances ; the contrast made him .seem 
 jrreiiter than he retdlv was. 
 
 Obliired to return to Eno'land for affairs of his ref>i- 
 meut, lie Avas again replaced by .Vrmstrong. At the 
 moment of his departure, Philipps wrote to the Duke of 
 Newcastle: " It imports me much to be very careful of 
 delivering up the Government to l>ieutenant-CTOvernor 
 Armstrong with the greatest exactness, who is turning 
 up every stone and raking into every kennel, to find. 
 
 i ^<'0- 
 
\\t '}■ 
 
 liU...<r 
 
 1H6 
 
 I'HILIIM'S AM) Ai:.MSTl:(>N(5. 
 
 'i 
 
 
 some (lilt to bcspaltrr iiic witli, in hoju's tliiit some 
 may stick, etc., etc." He ueeust's him of iiijLjnititiKlc. 
 
 FFiiidly liad Pliilipps jl,'oiil' home, wheu Ariustrong's flif- 
 fieiilties C'ommeiu'ed aj,'aiii worse than before with Cosby 
 and Winniett. Cosby (li<l not wish to sit with Arm- 
 strong, and the eouni-il was leibiccd to foui- eouneiUoi-s. 
 Twice in the coiii'se of tlie autnmn of 17o2 did Arm- 
 strong comj)lain of l)oth tliese connciUoi-s lo the Lords 
 of Trade. At that time lie wished to establish a fort at 
 Mines, but was prevented by tiie Indians. Murdoch says 
 in reference to this : " Armstrong accuises and suspects 
 everybody in his disappointment." 
 
 There is reason to believe that Armstrong's unpopu- 
 larity and his ever-ieeurring ditlicultics embittered him 
 more and more and drew ui)on him a severe reprimand 
 from the Lords of Trade; for he ended b}' committing 
 suicide. Deiemln'r (1, 17ot>. He had made his will a 
 month liefoie. and a few weeks after his d(!atli all hisgoods 
 were seized in the hands of his executors, to pay for 
 rents and govennuent fees wliich lie had collected for 
 several years witliout rcndeiing any account of them; 
 in othei' words he was a peculator. 
 
 1 ask the readei- : Is th(! wiiter that does not get firm 
 hold of these facts a person capable of forming a sound 
 (estimate of events ? \\y sih'utly igncning them, does 
 he fulfil his duty towaids the [)ublic as an historian ? 
 I think not : on the contrary. I think that, when there 
 is (picstion of a governnuuit the power of which is 
 centred in the haiuls of a single man, the first duty of 
 the historian is to seek to penetrate the character of 
 that man. This once fouiul, he has the secret that will 
 enablt! him to disentanole and elucidate manv confused 
 situations, to s\d)stitnte light for dai'kness. 
 
SOMK VIltTIKS, MAN'V VICKS. 
 
 V\l 
 
 I iui_L;lit )»('ilia])s t'X[)i«'ss an opinion altout some of 
 AiM)stroiiy;*s (litlii'iiltics: I will not do so: it is not 
 lu'i'f'ssai'y. It matters little, after all. wlietlier in this or 
 tliat particular ease lie may have lictMi riirht oi- wron^. 
 The fact that he was in a (Continual turmoil (luriu!"- his 
 whole administration, with everybody and everywhere, 
 is am[)le evidence that he himself was the author of his 
 troubles through his eross-grained and hot-temjiered 
 nature. His was an ill-balan(!ed mind. This makes it 
 nioi).' difHeult to understand and judge him than a man 
 whose character is (inn and steadfiust, whether foi- good 
 nr evil ; however, enough is known of him to preclude 
 all danger of a mistake, lie was by turns kind and 
 tvrannical. Amidst his fits of rage and liisbi'utalities he 
 sometimes gave prof)fs of Innuani! feelings and of a sin- 
 ceie desire to promote the interests of his govermnent. 
 Though des[)otie at times, he was the lirst to suggest 
 to the Lords of Trade the esiablislunent of a j-epresenta- 
 ti ve assembly, and. when he saw that his idea was for the 
 iiiomeut impracticable, lie nevertheless granted the Aca- 
 dians, aiid that spontaneously, the privilege to name 
 (Jejiuiies, Their functions and powers were almost null ; 
 yet this creation of his was wise and disinteresttMl ; it 
 piodnced excellent results under his successor. 
 
 While passing judgment on his chanicter and admin- 
 istration, we cannot foru'et thesi; facts: liowevei\ thev 
 atone but very poorly foi' his long series of administra- 
 tive buffooueries, his fi'auds, his unspeakable l)rutalities. 
 Ht^ made enemies of all the jjeople about him : of Major 
 ('#osby. of the secretary of the (^ouucil. of the mer- 
 eliants, the Acadians, the clergy, an 1 even of rMiili[)j)s, 
 with whom it was so much his interest to be on good 
 terms. His authoritv had so fallen into disei'i-dit that 
 
 m 
 
 '■Bm 
 
 f/N^jri 
 
 ;W 
 
 t^''t^;-??i: 
 
 ..... \ , 
 
ir,8 
 
 a<:adian li:ttki:s missinc!. 
 
 he was even puMicly insulted hy a iiiercliiintot'llic iilinr 
 and .suffc'i't'(l n [)t'isi)nid ussiiult iVoni Ids servant. 1 1 
 W()nl<l indeed be siiinetliing (pnte nniiret'edenicil if dif. 
 lieulties so IVe(iuent and persistent ci'ossed the jjiitli 
 of one who knew liow lo iisi- Ids authority witli din'iiity 
 and justiee. The tree is judyiMl l»y its I'ruits. 
 
 NothiuL,^ jTfives ns a hetter insig'ht into Arnistnini^'s 
 chai'acter than his ivhitions with Mau^cant. 'Plioni^h 
 the hittei' had been expelled hy I'hilippson a('<;ountot"his 
 criniinal record, and for having made himself odious to 
 ijveryhody, Armstrong took him with him to I'^ngland 
 as a cliosen companion. l)rnught liim hack again aftei' 
 eiglitecn months' absence, and, in direct (^p^jositioii to 
 the orders of his chief, retained him lu-ar his own person 
 even till death, as his intimate counsellor and the instru- 
 ment of his ca[»iicc. In view of tlieso facts it is noi 
 surprising that Armstrong's authority had fallen so low. 
 
 It will be readilv understood tliat what T have allegcil 
 embraces only a vciy small part of Armstrong's deeds 
 and feats, for, I lia\t' hardly touched on the last seven 
 years of his ailministration, the years that immediately 
 preceded his suicide. Very little is known of the 
 events of that period ; presumably, this suicide was 
 brought on by the aggravation of his faults and disup- 
 l)ointments so keeidv felt bv his ill-balani;ed mind as to 
 throw it (iompletely out of gear ; but the ( 'oni[)ilei' cun- 
 ningly saw that all this would throw too much light on 
 Armstrong's administiation and character, and defeat 
 his i)ur[)ose ; so he deemed it ex[)edient to eliminate 
 carefully whatever might reflect upon Armstrong, in 
 Older, thereby, to animadvert with cumulative force 
 upon the Acadiaiis and the clergy. AVhen the docu- 
 ments contain nothing against them, his occupation is 
 
ACADIAN m:tti:i;s missincj 
 
 i»;o 
 
 troiie : he croiitcs ,i vuciimn. 
 
 tiU'tirs, tliiit li 
 
 And. so I'lir (lid lie cMiiy 
 luse tiU'lU's, riiiit iw. t;ven ciuufully omitted all doiii- 
 nients which would let the iciuler kii<t\v ol' Annstionn's 
 suici<li'. 
 
 'I'he better to exhibit his iirtilice, I lii'ie L;ive the iimu- 
 bef of the dncMuueuts that the voluine of the Archives 
 contains for each year of Arnistrontjf's adniinistiation : 
 17-2r),a— 172r,,4 i't-JT.II ITiiSj— 1T21M— 17:n.:)— 
 1732, 0—17:?!'.. 0—17:54. 0—1785, 1—17:50, 2—17:57. 0-- 
 1738, — 1~?)\\ 0. Kxcept live or six documents of the 
 Council, this collection is wholly made up of ,\nti- 
 strong'.s own letters to the Lords of Trade, 'riien,' is 
 not a sinjfle letter tVom tin; Acadians or the priests, 
 and yet there were sucdi connnunications, since even 
 Armstrong's letters mention several of them. \N'riting 
 on Juncf 10th, 17:52, ho says : '' I transmit the enclosed 
 letters; Nos. 4, '), (>, from priest de la, (Joudalie : 7. H, 
 are mine ; No. is from Kc'iic l.c lllanc." In another 
 letter of Nov. 22nd, 17:50, he writes : - No. 1 is M. St. 
 Ovide's firxt lettei-, No. 2 is my answer : No. :^ are the 
 minutes of the Council; No. 4 is M. St. Policy's decla- 
 ration in Council ; No. o are the minutes of Council: 
 No. 6 is the petition of the Acatlians." 
 
 
170 
 
 »TK(>N(i I,AN'(!U.V(JK. 
 
 CHAPTER JX. 
 
 m 
 
 \i 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 ii*i^' ^ 
 
 ! 
 
 Armstroiu ".'• diflficulties with tho cU'r^y — Tho case of Abb* d« 
 Bresla.v, .^ bin- iHidoiv, and M«'ssis(;iiuiivn'iilx aiulduHt. Policy — 
 Painlui f)if "Hon of the clergy — Their attitude. 
 
 In the precetlin^ cliii|)tei' T have, of Armstrong's diffi- 
 culties, touiihed only on those which he had with liis 
 olliceis, his couiicil, and the EnoJish inerehajits of Aniia- 
 [)olis. It may reasoiialily ht; sn[)[)()sed that lie had some 
 also with th(! [MJests and the Acadiaiis. Strange to say, 
 those he had with the A(;adians are tew in mimher and 
 relate only to liie ([iiestion of the oath hel'ore it was 
 settled hy IMiilipps in ITHO, and they are of so trivial a 
 nature that the reader mwy well he s[)ared the recital of 
 them. All may 1h^ leduced to some complaints to tlu- 
 Lords of Trade eoneerning their ivfusal to take the oath 
 iu the form desired ; hut, if the facts are in themselves 
 insignilicant or justitiable, the expressions Armstrong 
 uses are not wantiug in force. Their conduct, iu so 
 resisting his wishes, is repeatedly termed: uudutiful, 
 insolent, contem[)tuous, etc., etc. 
 
 lie had far more trouble with the clergy; but, just as 
 it. would be impossible in most cases to judge between 
 Armstrong and Philipps, Armstrong and Cosby, Arm- 
 slioug and Winniett, so it would be iuipossible for me 
 to judge between Armstrong and the priests with whom 
 he was at variance. After what is known of Armstronir, 
 Avho would venture to accept as the exact truth all he 
 has said of [^hilip[)s and Cosby, and to believe, upon his 
 
M. i»i: Mi;i;si,Av 
 
 171 
 
 siinplt' iiniiiiiiition, tliiit he svuh vh^Ul iUid they wort? 
 wmiiiir / No oiu', I piesunit', would In; so nish. Simi- 
 liiily, I iim utterly iiiiiible to (Ici'idf hctwot'ii Armstioiiijj 
 ;iiid tlit'st.' pru'sts. I n'l^it't it : I'or, I would act with 
 iln' smut; fivedoni of niiud iis it' tlu'ie wciv (iiu'stiou of 
 iiiiytliinjjf fise ; I i«'i,M'et it, heciuisi*, fur from di.sctiuiiiif- 
 iiiuf me, problems of this sort liavc a j)articular attrar- 
 tioii. The reproach I should feel uiost would hi' that 
 I let luyself \)e iulhitniced hy prejudices, likes or dis- 
 likes, all of which it is my uiost siucere desir»; to esi-hew. 
 It wei'O. I thiuk, a le_<fitiuiate iufttreuoe, after what has 
 Ik'cu said of Anustroug, that, in his ditHiculties with 
 l'hilip[)s, Cosby or others, the blaiue was j;eiu.'rally nii 
 his side, aud, when it was not wholly so, lie was guilty 
 of liaviug drawn the (piarrel upon liimself. 
 
 The lii'st im[»ortaiil difticulty of this kind was witli 
 y\. do Hreslay, })arish-i)riest of Aniuipolis. All that we 
 know of it is contained in a letter of Arinstroii!.','s to 
 the [.ords of Trade, dated June 2nd, 17-JO. This l.-itci, 
 as a matter of cotuse, is published by the Compiler, biu, 
 as he only gives f/n- Diiili/fr of it (the part indieatt il 
 Iierein by italics), I transcrib(! it here almost in full, 
 because the passages he has suppressed modify consid- 
 ei'ably the part he has given. Ainistrong lirst speaks 
 of a series of insults commit te*! against him [)y diveis 
 jM'i'sons of his garrison and (»thei's: 
 
 • Tlirouf^li the inalicc of some jicople who are abetted ami fii- 
 (•uiirii;r<'<l l)y tlie favor and couiiteiiiince of Major t'osin'. the 
 Lieut. -( lovernor of tliis <;iinisoii. wlio. foigettinj;' liis eliaraeter ami 
 diiriiity. lias eondoseeudt'd to tu'come a party in the lualiciou-^ con- 
 trivjiuce's of my enemies, who. witliout any regard to truth or 
 Justice, or His Majesty's service, iiave obstructed, vilitied and niis- 
 rt pre-iented all my actions. 
 " Tlie Jlrst jieraoii I slmll take intt'n-c of for lu's notorinu^^ iiim)- 
 
 id "h. 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 i.^'v 
 
 ^^\ 
 
m 
 
 ,*<■»! 
 
 H'i 
 
 f^y 
 
 172 
 
 M. Pi: iw;i;si, 
 
 Iiiii'i is M. ill' liiisliii/. tlir I'l'/iisli i>riist nf litis rii'ir. irlin, iinrinif 
 for simir lime imst iinli'inuiiiri'il In irilhiliuir llir pioiilrfrniii llinr 
 liifiniilnicr dii It. M's (Idi'i'nniii'iil . In/ (issiniiiin/ id liiiiisilf llir 
 iiiilliiiiKi/ i>f II JiiiUji' ill ciril a(liiirs. iiiiil iiiiiiloi/iiiii his s/iirihiiil 
 
 •sill I'on-r llicni In a siihiiiissiiu 
 
 11 i 
 
 IS I iisiiii'iicr mill ii/riniii/i 
 
 ijroiri i<i III liisl iiisiippniiitblr. I sriil llir iiiljiiilinil In *■ iiii li>lii< 
 lioiisr. loih'sitT Id . ■:!':■ u\' irilli liiiii. Iiiil his i iililliiiriicr jirurn' .v.. 
 (jihhI, Ihoiiifh iiDbiiii,/ iriis nciiiiiiiiiliil Ihnririlh Inil MhJdi < 'nsh i. 
 lliiilybvfDvi' till' iiiljiiiliiiil ( Diilil riiicli his liDiisr. hr inis i/dih' d//', ninl 
 liiis rnr siiirr ahscDiiiliil in Ihr iroDils. uhniil Ihis rirrr, inmniii lln 
 liiih'iins. piirsiiiiiii liis fiirmi'r priirlins uf Dhstriirliiiii II. M < 
 sirvii'i. iiiiil r.rriliiiii llir siiruiirs Id iiiisriiirf. 'in prrrriil trhirh, 
 .1 lliDiiijIil jiroprr. hi/ uii onlrr. piihlishril nl Ihr .1/((n,s liiiii.'ir. In 
 nHiiiiiHuil him Id lir ijDiir mil nf Ihr riDriiirr in n iiiniilh's linir. 
 
 'I'lic Sii'iir M;iiiK<'itnt. wluun 
 
 I 
 
 iiniildx I'll 
 
 lo rc;l(l the s.ili 
 
 (ii (lii'iii in I'rciicli. ill (lie pirsi'iuc <>r (lie , i(i( .\liijitr. M. W'l'oth 
 
 ;iiiil siimc 
 
 >lll 
 
 'lltlcilH'll. wllicll. li;i\ill^' (lullc. ;is tlicy Wrrc li 
 
 tiiruiiij:: hack to iiiakc iiic a rciioit, aiiioii.t;sl a crowtl nT ]m'(|>|i'. 
 tlii'v lia|)|H'ii('il (o iniH't Major ( 'osliv. (lie l.iciil .-( loMTimr. on tlw 
 In.uliway. who, witlioiit any provocation, insiihcil and alm^cd the 
 saiil Maii^caiil. . . MaJ.ir ( '(isl)y sent me iiniiKMliali'ly a complaint 
 auJiiiist tlic said !\lau}i(>aiit. alli';iiii,n' that hr liail alVrontcd him. \>\ 
 j:;rinniii.i;- or lauuhii.j;' in liis lace I loiiiid M. ('oshys ailc.uati' 'iis 
 a.Ciiinst IMau.ucaiil to he frivolous and .i;roiindl(ss. and (he trin- 
 reason of the atl'ront and insult to proeeed I'roiii his reseiitim;- tiie 
 services M. Man.nfant had done His Majesty Ity reading and piih- 
 lisliin.i;- my orders to the |ieople against llieir departing; tiie I'l^v- 
 iiice without leave, ami a,i;ainst M. de. Hicslay. the I'opish priest. 
 
 h( 
 
 )se t-ause 
 
 he i\\ 
 
 vowedly es|)ous('s merely in opposilion to m 
 
 Sticli was tilt' iU'i'Usatioii. 
 
 T\ 
 
 u' (ibviotis iiilV'rciiicc Is 
 
 that M. (Ic Hfcslay had hccii i-hoscn as ai'hitci' : lluit 
 (MIC «)rthc ttai'ties refused to siihmit to his dot'lsioii. and 
 tliat lu' had iiiaiU use of ei-eh'sirstieal eeiisiires to eon- 
 strain him thereto. Hnt (liere was (|iiestioii here 
 neitht'r <)( eonspiraev aoaiiist the safety of the state nor 
 of ihreel iWYence a;;ajnst anthority. .\rhitratioii has 
 always heen allowahle in (he settlement of differenees, 
 ami it is devoutly to be wished that this practice were 
 
MlCil Aln> Altnl r .Mfllll Ni;. 
 
 178 
 
 iiiiiic j^ciit'iiil. 'I'lir liivl tli;it Mill idiis Jill' ;i(l()i»iiji^ it ill 
 oiii uwii I ill ic is ( till' III' I lie lic'ilt liicsl sit,'! IS olsociiil ['I<»l;- 
 rcss in this iiiiictcciit licnil inv. 'I'lic (•riisiii(\s iiiiiy liii\t' 
 liccii iiiisiis>(i or iiilliclcd loi lrivi;i,l motives; hut siidi 
 ahi!<<' Imiic y.ith it its dwii iciiirdv. hv iiAcrtiiii;' suitors 
 IVoiii ;iii Jiiltitci' who hiid so liinh-liiiiidcd ;i \vii\- ol cu- 
 hii('iii<4' his judi^iiiciits. It wiis iiiih'ctl \ciy im|iolitii' 
 ot'thr j)i'i(!sl, thus ill omc to iiiiii th( j)o|)iil;iiit \- of lii>, 
 iriliMiiiil. However. AniistioiiL;' - I»iut;ilitv must iis- 
 suifdly have iieeii most tei'ril'yiiij^ to ohli'^c him to (le(! 
 into the woods lor si'.eli a peeeaililhi ; and it is kii(»wn 
 iVoiii otlier s(tiirees tliat lor more than a \'ear he did not 
 dare i)resent himsidf at .\iiiia|polis. \'eiy likely the 
 case is not, rully slated I v A riiist roii;_;' in his letter. I'oi- 
 M. (h' Hrcshiy, hel'ore ret ui'nin<4'. lodL,''ed his eom|)liiiiits 
 ir I'Jioland Mild (hd'eiided himstd I' against the accusation 
 III meddiiiiL^ with th(! afVaiisor tli(! iroverimuuit, hy [no- 
 dueiiig cei'tiliciitos fi'om IMiili|i|is and Cosliy, iiffestiiig 
 lliaton all occasions, as lar as they knew, he had ]>c- 
 liav(Ml well,* 'IMiiit. pint, ol" Ai'msti'onL,'''s letter whieii is 
 eliiiiiiiiited hy tli(^ Compii ;!• shows us that Coshy liiul 
 I'Sjionscd tli(! ciiUsiMif !\r. de I'reslay. This was impoi- 
 taiit. Itwas ('ii.a.:diUed to throw some doiiht on th(; 
 justice of Ann'IroiiLi^'s pr<)c(!ediu!^s. and the ronipiler 
 would have ac'ed very kiiidlv had he. not deprived the 
 pu])lic of this infonnation. Very little is known of 
 Cosby, lit! may have Ix'cn no hettiM' tlian Aniistioii!.r ; 
 
 f^r 
 
iAih 
 
 b'^ 
 
 «»( I 
 
 
 ¥.t 
 
 if-!| 
 
 174 
 
 AN INTKUDK'TKl) I'ltlKST. 
 
 1ml it must (('itaiiily liiivc IjctMi very (lisiit^i'('('al)l(! to luni, 
 li<'iil.('iianl-^f()V(Miioi' (tt" tli(; giiiTisoii, to scv. IiiinscH" 
 fast into tlic shade, siipplantiid in liis autlioiity l»y Uiis 
 MaiiL,'<'aiil. Willi tli(! al>ov(^ remarks, 1 leave tlie 
 (le IJreslay iiie.ideiit to tlu! leader's jiidniiKiiil. 
 
 Aiiotliev of Aiinstr* 
 
 ))l'" s 
 
 (liflictillies was eoiiiieeted 
 
 ^\ 
 
 itli Fatlier Isidore, \v!i(» was an intcM'diejed piiest. 
 Armstroni;" wished to plai e him over tlu! parish of Mines. 
 lie oui^ht to ha\(^ had sense; enoiii^h lo niideislaml 
 that a, Catholif^ |)o|»nla,tion would nevtr consent ti> mc- 
 ee[it an interdicted ]triest. By the; I'iict of his interdic- 
 tion he had no more rij^hl than Armstrong- hi mse If to say 
 mass, hear cuntessioiis, or administer tlu! sacraments: 
 
 in (Jipiomatic itariance, /its i(f<fj KliirHx irux ijnn 
 
 ■full 
 
 In I 
 
 us 
 
 ai 
 
 iffer Armst roiiij- did not uiidei'sland the oI)slacle-> he 
 
 Avas I'uiuiiui;' up aj^'aiiisl, he w;she(| to impose 
 
 Fath 
 h 
 
 Isidore an\how: hut in iliiscase he was powerlos to 
 accomplish his will : there ever reinaiiUMJ to the in- 
 hahilanls the ])iivileo-e of not atteiidinn' elmrch. and. 
 at»'iiiiist thai Armslroiin- eould elTeet iiolhin^'. That is 
 jirecisely what they did, and, to use an alioLi'ether 
 modem expression, I'^ilher Isidore \\\is /loi/rofffi/. finfi' 
 ii-'tr. ArmstroiiL,'' e<)uld jtunish the parish hy vet'usinj^ 
 it another ]»riest : Ik; did so as lonq- as his nv^o lasted. 
 
 Th 
 
 le most si'i'ioiis diftieullv, oral least that which is 
 
 sometimes cited with accents ol indi<;na(ion a<4'aiiist tin; 
 insoleiic(i of the priests, particularly hy I'arkliliin, 
 relatestoMessrs.de ("hauvreiilx and de St Policy. A>; 
 there is here (question of tlu^ actions of tlu^ Conneil, (he 
 case would seem to <leserve special altciitioii : hut, it must 
 not he foi'Li'otteii (hat A rmstroiifjf alone was iio( far fi'om 
 cfHislitulini;' the whole force of the Council. I lis hiiital- 
 ities had dis^-iistcij the most important niemhers and 
 
IN IIMill OriXiKON. 
 
 1 
 
 )•> 
 
 ]<»'pl lliciii fr(»in altciidiii;^' it : lliosc wlio st ill cunsfiitcfl 
 to ultt'iul (;iim1 tlic iminhcr w ;is. ;i1 \\u: iiriival of 
 IMiilipps ill 1T'>0, IK) Idiiycr siiniciriil (oi ;i (pioiimi') 
 liad <'vi(l('nlly t(»L;iv<' up t heir iiKlcpciKlciicf. 'I'li('\- Imd 
 cithci' t(» siihiiiil t<t liiin or to rt'sii;'!!, or iti. Iciist lo ahsciii. 
 
 tliciiisclvcsoii en 
 
 tical 
 
 occasions. 
 
 A ftci' lliis necessary cxplaiiat ion I sliall reproduce in 
 llieii- cssentiiil pai'ts the iiiiimlcs of the ('oiincil relatiiej^ 
 to llie cast! ol' Messrs. de ( 'Iiaii vreiilx and de St. i'oiic\-; 
 it is Ili(! last (loci 111 lent that the ( 'oiii|)iler Iransniits to us 
 coiiceriiiii<^ Ariiistroii!4''s adniinistrat ion. the docunieiit 
 nearest to tht! time of" his suicide. 
 
 '• V. licr('ii|M)ii, M .M. lit- St. I'oncv and lic < 'liaiivrcuiix, tlic two 
 ildiiiisti piii'sls, \vcr<' ciillcd in ami iiitormed llnil it inis /iiil<ii il 
 (/(■(T.s.svny/ Ix'forc M. dcSt. I'oi'cv's ilrpMrt lire lor ( '(ilii'(|iiid, that he 
 i>r M. i\r ( 'haiivri'ulx sliduld JirsI ijtt to I Nihoi net nip. mIoiij:; with M. 
 d'I'ailreiiioiit and Aiidicrsl. I<> use cndcaxors lh;il rcslitulinn in:iy 
 lie made III' liie vessel's sails and such olher ellecls a-- llif Indians 
 !iad taken. 
 
 '' Thi'v. thereunto, answered His lliiiKHand the liomd in ;i most, 
 iirNoient. aiidaeiiiiis ami disrespe<'triil inaniier, saving, that .altso- 
 Iwlely tliey would not j^o, and tiiat thev wnuld have ixtthin^ to do 
 in (he ad'air : ami, liein^:; asUed if they would nol ol»e\ the just, 
 and lawful onlers of II. M.'s (iovernmeiit. to which M. de('liaii- 
 •.I'eulx answered conleni|)luonsly with unliecij.ninK aii' .iml iiii- 
 Miannerly j;:eslures. sayinj.';: 't^ue je suis ici de l.a p;irt dii I'ni 
 dr l''rance.' imd M. de St. I'oney atridntin^^iy atlinuinj; the same 
 also, in words to the same etrecl. 
 
 ■•|lis llonoi- therefore told them that he had a nnnd to xMid 
 liiciu to I'rance. 
 
 " Tliey replied with a tailed i and a most haiiKldy insolent air: 
 ■ with all their hearts." then turn their hacks and went out of the 
 room, seem!n;j,ly in a^ great passion, slamming and throwing the 
 doors in a most riidu and insolent iiiamier. and without His 
 Honor's leave left the F^oard. 
 
 •Then !\I. d'Kntn'iiiont heing called, he said he was very sorry 
 lor it. for it was his opinion that tlif mo>l expedient luetliod to 
 I'liiii; these Indian'- to ie;e<iin an(l r<'^titution woidilhe to -m nd a 
 
S' ;■'-''! 
 
 «„ ' ■, iW 
 
 
 m^i 
 
 
 \i^: 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 p -'li^ 
 
 170 
 
 I.Ml'KIMOrSNKSS. 
 
 Iiricst : a priost being also imich neeiled to Iniptizi* and adiniiust.'r 
 tlif Sacrament. 
 
 •• It was resolved to send tliem out of the Province. 
 • Whereuiion, the two priests appearing again, their sentein-c 
 was read ; thev resumed their former insolence, calling for chairs 
 to sit down, saying that they did not ai)peiir as criminals, and tlutt 
 tfic!/ IkkI )io biixiiicsH with thiii'jx teiiipond." 
 
 Had the Compiler i)io(liiced tiie declaration of M. lU- 
 St. Poncy, which Armstrong' comnuiiiicated to the F.ords 
 of Trade with th(! minutes of the Council, we jshovdd 
 probably be better able to understand the situation. 
 After all, even according- to Armstrong's own statement, 
 it was a storm in a tea-cup. The demand was an impo- 
 sition, though it might have been ac(;epted if prelerit'd 
 as a polite recpiest and not as an insulting coniiuand. 
 How that command was intimated to them is what we 
 should know in order to be in a position to judge ; but, 
 even though this detail be not known, Armstrong is 
 sufficiency known ; we know he had the knack of 
 offending everybody, and that his difficulties were almost 
 always the consequence of his petulance ar.d fits of 
 anger. It must have been so in this case ; otherwise it 
 would be inexplicable that two persons, even though 
 not clothed with the priestly dignil}-, should become, 
 l)oth at the same moment, on hearing an unforeseen, or 
 apparently unforeseen injunction, so enraged as to 
 answer and act as the minutes of the Council represent 
 them. This is a most exceptional [)roceeding : a polite 
 retiuest is usuall}- followed by a polite repl}-, and an 
 insolence generally proceeds from a [)rcvious insolence 
 either in the form of words, the attitude and mannei', 
 or in the matter, by uttering an imi)erious or(Uu' whefi 
 one has oidy the right to make a request. Armsti'ong 
 prudently throws a veil over his o\\ n manner on tiiat 
 
 lit 
 
 lllti 
 
 i i.\ 
 
 
ri.oA I'IN(; A I'.lMd ANTINK. 
 
 177 
 
 (i('oasi(»ii ; hut if oiu' ('xnniiiu* closely, lie will see there 
 \v:is (|nestic)ii hcie of an ordiT. which was more than he 
 ]ia<l a I'ight to use, ou a [»oint that did not regard tht! 
 <liitics of these priests: hut even this does not alto- 
 LH'ther sutili('(! to explain the t-ontents of the minutes of 
 ihe Council ; the order nuLst lia\'e het'U accompanied hy 
 
 unheeomiiiL'' eoiu 
 
 hict. 
 
 or j»erhaps then; may he some 
 
 ot 
 
 lici' fact which we do not kn 
 
 ow 
 
 in 
 
 tl 
 
 e ease of 
 
 M. dc I'l'eslay, 1 am of o|)inion that Ai'instrong, here 
 also. Old)' makes known a ])ai't of the })roceedings, and 
 ihat what is omitted is the nmst imi)ortant i)art. 
 
 To su])])ort my statement I have at hand a document 
 
 I 
 
 that would warraid very diffinvnt conclusions, wer» 
 t distrustful of possihle rashness in deciding (j 
 
 no 
 
 ues- 
 
 tions of this nature. The document bears upon this 
 ver}- incident. It seems that the religious persecution 
 which .Vrmsti'ong exercised iipon the Acadiansof Anna- 
 polis had become so intoleiabh) that they addressed a 
 ])etition to the King of France to interpose in their 
 favor with the English government, so as to put an end 
 to the persecution by determining more precisely the 
 position and the duties of the French priests in Acadia. 
 
 •• We besepch,"' say they. '■ Your Majesty to permit us to repre- 
 sent the sail situation to which we are reihued, declariux truly 
 that in the parish of Annapolis Royal, May 29th. 1736, contrary to 
 tli<- treaty and to (ill the promises iiioih' to iia when ire took the <mth 
 c/feolfi/ to His Majesty (ieorjje II.. (Joveruor Annstron^ t'orbadn 
 ^lessrs. de St. Poney and Chauvreulx. our two missionary priests, 
 ;is worthy ones as we have ever had, forbade them, we repeat. ti> 
 say mass, to enter the church, to hear our confessions, administer 
 The sacraments to us, and discharge any of their ecclesiastical 
 fmutions. arrested and obliged them to depart, though the gov- 
 f rnor, or other persons whom he had gained over to his opinioi;. 
 were unable to show or prove that our above-named missionaries 
 have any other faults than those of which they pretend to Hrid 
 
 I f - l^ 
 
 1 , i rt •' 
 
 m 
 

 I •( 
 
 mT'M 
 
 \^*'->r.'^ ill 
 
 
 178 
 
 ri:i:si'X TTioN. 
 
 thpin guilty, iiamcly, not to hare been iriUiinj to go far f mm our 
 jtiirisfi to float a Itricfaitthif, which in no way concerns our niis- 
 biunuiies and tlieir functions. 
 
 " Oil t]it' tollowing .Sunday the governor assembled the deputies 
 and forbade them to do anjithing or say any prayer in the vhapol 
 i(j) fill' riri-r. Tliese are the sad and deplorable conjunctures to 
 which w<? are daily exposed with respect to our religion, wliich 
 oblige us to implore respectfully Your Majesty, that you would 
 deign to have determined and permanently settled the conditions 
 by whicii our missionaries may hereafter abide, in order that we 
 may not be dcjirivi'd of spiritual succor, at the least whim of those 
 who command."' 
 
 'I'lius, tlierefore, according to this document, wliich 
 did not proceed ah irafu as Armstrong's letters generally 
 did, it was not, or it was not only, in ordei- to make the 
 Indians restore the effects they had carried away from 
 a shipwrecked vessel, that Armstrong ordered M. de 
 St. Poncy to repair to Pobomcoup, but also to oblige 
 him to help in floating this stranded vessel. Thus 
 Armstrong w^as imposing on a French subject and a 
 missionary the compulsory labor he was wont to exact, 
 and had the right to exact from the Acadians, as being 
 Piritisli subjects. If such were the case, and the affirm- 
 ation of the many persons that signed the petition is 
 sui'ely worth Armstrong's counter-affiimation, we find 
 ourselves in presence of an act of persecution and abuse 
 of authority that is a worthy complement to what we 
 already know of him. This fact explains in a rational 
 manner the insolence of wdiich Armstrong complitincd. 
 and it would be difficult to explain it otherwise than l)y 
 an act of this character. 
 
 Moreover, even though his severities towards the \\\o 
 missionaries had bf en justifiable, was not his foibidding 
 the Acadians to make use of the chui'ch to ])ray tlierciji 
 anothei" t'<|ually tyrannical act ? The autlnir of ilic o-ie 
 
TERSKCrTION. 
 
 17'.^ 
 
 might very well be the avithnr of the other. Can any- 
 thing hut a h)ng series of arbitrary aets and perseeu- 
 tious, of which, in fact, the jjetition coniijlains, have 
 forced these people to implore the intervention of the 
 King of France in their favor? * 
 
 Fi'om all that precedes it must be evident that the 
 volume of the archives is nuu;!; too fragmentu y and 
 incomplete for the purposes of history. With all my 
 efforts to complete it by the analysis of wluit it contains 
 and by my researches in other (]uarters. I feel that tlui 
 result is unsatisfactoiy : but I ex[»erience at least the 
 satisfaction of a conscientious effort to throw some light, 
 on this " Lost Chapter."" The reader must have already 
 understood what methods the ("onipiler follows, and also 
 that, when I accuse him of partiality and l)ad faith, I 
 assert nothing without ])Owerful leasons therefor. 
 
 As we are just now concerned with the Acadian 
 clergy, I shall immediately comi)lete my vi(!W of them. 
 The facts I have pointed out must be tlu; most im- 
 portant of the individual cases, for they are almost the 
 oidy ones that have fomid a. place in tlu) volume of the 
 archives. Nevertheless, insinuations of a g'Mieral char- 
 actei' were not wanting against them; far fi-oiu it. 
 Often, indeed, weiv i-omplaints made of their influence 
 and the exci'cise of this influence over tlu; Acadians. It 
 was supposed that tjie [iricsts did all in their }»o\\er lo 
 
 When I iiiiiliTtiKik this wefk. I iiiti'inliMl to I'lihlisli milya scrii's of 
 articles ill lectin. Mtii)!! of what I ticeincd the errors of an articli' iuscrtiMJ 
 ill ''The Week" of 't'ofoilto from the pell of tile lilstoriaii, Stevens fierce 
 Hainilton, who coiiiinitted Miicidc at tlie liei,'iiiiiink' of this year ,ls',»:ti. 
 His (•oiiciusioii.s were to a ^f'at extent ilrawn from tlii> allirmations of the 
 self-rimriiered Arnistronj; and e>|,ecially of what lie said of Messrs. c|e 
 Ciiaiivreiilx and de St. Policy. I tlioiiirht that tlie iiitem[ieraiiee of his \« i\ 
 v>'as ex|ilaiiied hy his suicide, tliat lie who wrote on the eve of his own 
 self-destnictioii'was not in a suitalile frame .if mind to form ii sound esti- 
 mate of history. This is the reason why I have (lro|i|,ed out his nam.' and 
 trausfornied my ariicles iat.i the work whi.-li I now oU'ei to the jmlili.j. 
 
 
 »■■■■■!■ ' f. ■ 
 
 lis • \ 
 
 
 ii 
 
180 
 
 I'AKK.MAN KXAiKiKKATKS. 
 
 i 
 
 w 
 
 
 preserve tlnMu in llieir iittiicliiufiit Id l-'ruiice. to avert 
 tlicin i'loiii lilt! oath iiii<l iiidiici' tliciii to leave llie 
 I'onntry. We are at lilu-rty to l)elifvc that thrse aceu- 
 .satioiis were well-foiindcd or not, or that tht'V were; so 
 to a certain extent. The authorities knew that the 
 jii'iests jiossessed intlneiiee over them, they knew that 
 the Aeadians ohstinately refused to take the oath thrust 
 n[n»n tluMu; this was enou<;h to give rise to sus[)ieions, 
 which sonietinies prohahly had more or less foundation. 
 Here there can Ik; little else than eonjeetiuv, and the 
 conclusions may vary aeeordiny to the })oints of view, 
 aeeordiiiin" to one's greater or less knowledge of the 
 heluivior of the elergy ; for no douht this inthu'uce, if it 
 really wert; exoreised, nuist have heen usi'd discreetly 
 enough to luaki' it almost impossible for the authorities 
 to detect it. 
 
 (rranting the morality of the Aeadians which was 
 uu»h)ul)tedlv "■I'eat, their isfuoranee which was not less 
 so. their peaceful maunei's, their isolation, their lively' 
 faith, the strictness of the principles of their religion, 
 the clery'v's intiuence over them nuist have been irreat. 
 But, great though it was, Parkmau lias exaggerated 
 l)eyoiul all measure both this influence and its exercise, 
 with the evident object of giving a brilliant illustration 
 to his favorite theory about the enervating action of the 
 clergy on Catholic peoples. Uncpiestiouably, whoever 
 abdicates his liberty of thinking and acting in the 
 oi'dinary affairs of life, loses all initiativ^e, becomes ener- 
 vated. 1 lowever, I shall have to animadvert on too many 
 greater shortcomings of Parkman's, to hold him to any 
 severe account for what is, after all, only an exaggera- 
 tion of facts in themselves partly true. I blame him 
 only for his exaggerations, which are inexcusable. 
 
VAHIOrs PLANS. 
 
 181 
 
 Enough on a point that wouhl call lor vi'iy special 
 tieatnient. Certain it is that the situation of the piiests 
 of Acadia at thattinie was extremely delicate and IViiunht 
 witli danger. They Avere French suhjccts mid niission- 
 aiies to their c()ni|)atriots in an Knglish country Ixir- 
 dering on the French posst;ssions, wheic tlie interests of 
 hoth nations were fi'e(|uentl3' in direct contiict. Their 
 position was awkward and diilicult in n\any ways, and 
 the remedy to this state of things eciually (lilheult to 
 lind. 
 
 Armstrong thouglit of I'eplaeing these Ficiich priests 
 hy others of F]nglish or Irish nationality. This [Jiojcct 
 could not have been realized: amove in that direction 
 would have provokeil the de[)arlure of th«! Acadians. 
 Th(! only remedy to this anomalous situation was to 
 <'reate amou''' the .Acadians a national clerL;\'. The 
 authorities c(Uild reason;d)ly say to them: \\'i' are 
 loyally hound to grant you tlu; free exercise of vdur 
 religion : hut. in our interest and yours, to save you and 
 to save us from a- delicate; situation, ht-set with diintjei's, 
 it is Ix'coinino- tliiit \our priests be chosen tVoui aiiuMiijf 
 3'our children, in ordei' that their interests may he 
 identicid with yours. As this I'annot he accomplished 
 at shoit notice, we give you eight or ten yeais to attain 
 this object. We shall permit two French pi'iesls. of 
 whom ou(! will be stationed at Mines and the other at 
 Aunajiolis, to bi! exclusively occupied in educiiting 
 young men for the priesthood. After this period has 
 elapsed, you must provide for yourselves, and we will 
 no longer permit any French priest,; to enter into the 
 province, at least so long as France will be our neigli- 
 bor. 
 
 This plan does not seem to have occurred to any ono 
 
 V 
 
 i%\ 
 
 f .-•'*^.: 
 
 f- ' 
 
182 
 
 VAKIOt'S I'hANS. 
 
 at tlie tiiiKV, it pi'ohahly (lid iiol t'vcii enter tlio m\\u\ 
 of any ol tliu govurnors. I'nlii 1T'50, tlie ([iiestion of 
 the oath and of the departure! of the Aeadians (>(!eu[)ied 
 too nnieh phiee to leave ntoin f<»i' any sneli desit^n. 
 After 17-50, Aiinstron;^', as I have just said, thoiirrht i>f 
 I'Jiglish or Frish priests ; hut the only [jrojeet enter- 
 tained ill the secjuel was, either to e\'i)el the (^atholie 
 [)riests and rei>Iaee theni hy Freneh Protestant ministers, 
 
 m 
 
 trod 
 
 uenic 
 
 at tl 
 
 le same tinn; amonii' the 
 
 Acad 
 
 lan iioi)u- 
 
 popi 
 
 lation Freneli Pi'otestants oi- sinijily Fiiiu'lish ministers 
 and Knji'lish colonists, as anc shall see later on. There 
 was sonuitimes a tendency to adopt the lirst project, 
 because it wasthout^ht more acceptable to the Aeadians; 
 but oftenest the second prevailed. The sentiments of 
 the Aeadians thereon must have been little known to 
 those who con(H'ive(l either plan, and inian'incd that 
 
 tlicy would sul)nut losuch a poorly dis^'uised conspiracv. 
 To formulate such a |»lan supi)Oses that respect foi- 
 treaties, for conventions, for prt>mises and i'or libeity of 
 conscience nnist have been o-reatly weakened, though, 
 indee<l. it nuist be said, to the honor of the lb mie ( Jovern- 
 ment, that these inicpiitous projects fornKsd at y\nna- 
 poiis and Boston nevei' received, as far as I eau see, the 
 
 least 
 
 encourati'ement u\ 
 
 Loud 
 
 on. 
 
 T am consideiinjjf in this cha[)ter only the attitude; of 
 the clergy from the treaty of Utrecht till 1740. 1 am 
 tryini^ to show it in a light that will most truly and 
 clearly set foilli their shai'e in the events of this epoch. 
 The best way to do this is to examine the state of minds 
 at this time and the interests on which the influence of 
 this clergy could be exercised. Tt is well known that 
 ])rejudices and fanaticism were never more rife. We 
 naturally expect expressions of contempt from Protes- 
 
WHAT IIAINTKI) TIIK (iOVKUNDKS. 
 
 ls:i 
 
 t,i!ils to Ciitliolics iiiid tVuiii ('atli(tlics to IMott'stiiiils in 
 convcrsjitioii mid piiviiU' ditcimu'iits ; Itiil, in [»»'rusiii«^ 
 till- aicliivt's of Nova Scolia. we arc asloiiiidcd to liiid 
 iliat t'vcii tlit'se piihlic dociiiiu'iits are full of iiiveetivf. 
 Aiiiistroiin' and Ids predecessors, in their dis[)atelies to 
 the holds of 'I'liKh', invariahly use such expressions as 
 •• l'a[)ists," "l*i»j)ish superstition," •• Mass house," etc., 
 etc. *• What Ix'ttei' proof of their had faitii ean Igivu?" 
 said Ariuslrony, " they an; pii[)ists." 
 
 So loiiM' as Catholics and I'rol(.'stauts stru^^'i^lcd in 
 cadi statf to riMuaiii or to hcconie the donunant eleiuent, 
 llic persecution was intense and [dots frecpient. When 
 the li^ht for sn[)reuiacy was over, this o-ra(hially ahated ; 
 liMt there reniainiMl the settled idea that the minority 
 wi'ic always j)lotting, whereas in ivality, if there were 
 .still any plot, it was oftenest that of the c()n(|ueror to 
 dciinitividy crusli the (•un(iuered. The hniiian mind is 
 ini'liiicd to fall into extremes on (piestions of this sort, 
 ^leii either sleep peacefidly while their enemy is work- 
 in!4' out their ruin, or they aie morhidly sensitive to 
 imaijiiiarv iutriLTues that have no foundation in fact. 
 Thus weic the governors of Acadia haunted hy the i(h'a 
 that the priests were constantly conspiring aj^ainst the 
 sai'ety of the state. 
 
 'I'he hetter to conipreliend the situation, let us con- 
 sider the points on which the inlhu-nci^ of the cleri^'y 
 could he brouglit to bear. First, there was the (luestion 
 of tlie oath and of the departure. Did they use their 
 intluence for either alternative? There is room for 
 ilouht. hut I think it prol)ahle that some of the ])riests 
 did to some extent seek to pei'suade oi' eonlirm the 
 Acadiaiis iu the idea of departure or of an oath with 
 j)roper restrictions. 
 
 
 
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 IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-S) 
 
 1.0 
 
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 1.25 
 
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 2.5 
 
 2.2 
 
 IAS IIIIIM 
 
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 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
 Corporation 
 
 33 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 WEBSTER, NY. 14580 
 
 (716) 873-4503 
 
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 1H4 
 
 NO I'UIESTLY CONSPIRACY. 
 
 Practiciilly, ontsiile tlie fantastical picture drawn 1»y 
 Parkman, liere is what j^'cncrally liappcns and what 
 must naturally liavc hai)[>encd at tiiat time. I'licsts me 
 not wanting whom no om- dreams of consulting ahout 
 worldly mattci-s, ln'caus**, dt'Vot«!d entirely to spiritual 
 concerns, they hold themselves entirely aloof from 
 pundy temporal interests. Others there arc who are 
 very glad to give their opinion when asked : these arc 
 consulted hy a small number of persons, and their o])iM- 
 ioii has more or less W(;ighL according to the importance 
 ot the question an<l the reputation for wisdom they may 
 Jiavc earned. Finally, there aie others, few in nundier, 
 who seek to impose their ideas and somctinies hy unduly 
 interposing spii'itnal motives : but, in such cases, there 
 is almost always agitation, murnuiring, discord, religious 
 coldness, decrease of inlluencc. One single iiiter[)Osi- 
 tion of this kind by a priest is more remarked than the 
 silence of twenty others, an<l, at a distance, the noisy 
 oxcej)tion easily j)asses f<»r the nilc. Thus peihajis 
 may l)c explained Parkinan's extravagant exaggerations. 
 The rule, however, was not different then from what it 
 is to-da\', since, tifteen yvuvs later. Abbe Le Lout re was 
 severely reprimanded by the Bishop (tf Qiu'Iht for 
 having meddled with temiK)ral affairs that did not con- 
 cern him, contrary to the instructi(»ns the i>ishop had 
 given liini. 
 
 I am of ojjinion, however, that the majority of tiie 
 jtriests expressed j)rivately their opinion on this ([lU's- 
 tion of the oath ami the departure, but that opinion was 
 so ol)vious and so manifestly correct that this expression 
 of it was not necessary and had probably but little intlu- 
 ence on the result of the deliberations. Kven were il 
 otherwise, it would be veiv hard to blame a wise and 
 
CLKltlCAL rLACE-KKKI'KHS. 
 
 185 
 
 piiulent infliUMici* exerted on tlit; «fxi'ieise of a ri<,'ht so 
 evident as was that of the departure, and on a petition 
 so i'easonai)le as was that of addini,' the restrictive 
 ehiuse to tlic oath. It was certainly not conspiraey to 
 rej)eat to th<^ Acadians what tliey couhl not otherwise 
 1k! ignorant of: that they had tlie right to <iuit the 
 conntr}', that obstach's to their <h'parture were unjust, 
 that, if tliey reniaiiu'd, they shouhl impose tlie condition 
 of not being re(piired to bear arms against tlie French. 
 Wliat can veiy pi'operly l)c termed conspiracy is the 
 action of the governors from Nicdiolson to Armstrong, 
 wlio liad recourse to all iinaginablt! artifices to prevtuit 
 the Acadians from taking advantage of the treaty. 
 Moreover, if these priests exercised so much influence, 
 it is astonishing that the Acadians, sliortly after the 
 treaty of Ttrecrht, ofFercMl to remain if they were ex- 
 empted fr<mi ])earing arms against the French, nt a 
 time when France, by this decision, would be dejuived 
 of all the strength that this [)opulation would have 
 added. Either the priests did oidy feebly ijiteipose in 
 these (juestions, or the}' did not, as people seem to think, 
 busy themselves with the interests of France, or. at any 
 late they gave precedence to the interests of the Aca- 
 dians. 
 
 Nevertheless, it need hardly be said that in those days 
 of rampant jirejudices, any inter[)osilion of the priests, 
 however insi<;niticant in itself, must have aroused great 
 anger against them. If such would have In^en the feel- 
 iTJgs of j)urely civil rulers, how much greater must hiive 
 been the anger of a militaiy authority at a time when 
 its designs could not In; thwarted without ])eril. 
 
 Still, I believe, and all tli«* evidence confirms this be- 
 
 /U 
 
 lief, that the action of the clergy was on the whole (.on- 
 
186 
 
 AN AST()UNI>IN(} KACT. 
 
 flucive to the preserv.ation of i»eace and the suhniissioii 
 of tlie Aeadiatis. Was there (hiring this period of 
 almost thirty 3'ears, from 1718 to 1740, a single insur- 
 rection, even a threat to tiouble the peace, or a siniph' 
 brawl? Wiis there as nnich as one act of resistance to 
 the ordei-s of the authorit}', or even one single murder? 
 I see no trace of anything of the kind in the whole vol- 
 ume of the archives. During all this time there wsis, 
 properly sfieaking, only one serious cause of dissension, 
 always the same, the difficulty Jihout taking the oath. 
 
 Over and over again were the Acadians ordered to 
 meet and send delegates to Annapolis; sometimes anger 
 got the upper hand, and these delegates, simple Ijearei-s 
 of a general decision, were put in irons: and 3'et, in 
 spite of this {)rovocation to disobedience, did the}' ever 
 lefnse to ol)ey these onlei-s? Is it not astonishing 
 tliitt so many hindrances, so many base subterfuges weif 
 unabjt' to produce a single ml of j)rolonged insubor- 
 dination, when the government, with its little garrison 
 of one hundred to one hundred and fifty soldiers, was 
 unable to constrain by main force a population cf»mpar- 
 atively numerous, scattered in places of dilVicult access, 
 in summer difficult, in winter imj)ossiblt^? This is, if 
 well pondered, the most astounding fact in the; present 
 history, and it must be well understood in order to 
 a|i|irci-iate all the rest. It may. therefore, 1h> a mere 
 niaitcr of justice to give the elergy some credit for it 
 especially if they had as nnich influence as is generally 
 attributed to them. 'I'lie advantages I have had for 
 forming a correct judgment on this j)oint and the inten- 
 sity of niy meditations tlieref)n have. I make bold to 
 say. never been equalled by any of those who have 
 written on this subject : 1 know whei'eof I speak. This 
 
KXTi:A«H:iHNAi:V OHKIUKNCK 
 
 187 
 
 point lieiiii,' uii(I«MstniMl, the reiulrr will l>o convinced, in 
 K{>ite of iiititcaniMccs, that I am not indul^inj^ in special 
 plciuhM!:r. hilt that I aiii ehi-onidiiiH; facts in all their 
 siiiiphcity. 
 
 In spite of the noisy and ill-soiin(Hii<j expressions of 
 IMiilipps and Aiinstioie^f, whiih niav Ikj imputed to their 
 vcxatinii at not Immii^ able to force tlie Acadians to take 
 llie oath. I <!<» not find, from 1T1.'5 to 1740. a single well- 
 moiuuhMl. or rather well-ih'tined conij.iainl against them, 
 except the following: 
 
 Fiom 1720 to 1724 there were general hostilities of 
 Indians on all the frontier of these Knglisli colonii's and 
 particularly in Maine. In Nova Scotia they were lim- 
 ited rather to dejtredations than to a serious open war. 
 
 El 
 
 even Indians sei/e<l a merchant vessel in Mim's Hasin 
 
 and plundered it. P}iilip|ts was highly indignant hc- 
 causc the Acailians of the jilace had not interfeivd to 
 o|)po<c the sci/.urc of this hoat, or to hunt down these 
 Indians. The Ae:idians were ordcied to piepare a 
 doi'Umeiit in wliieli they were to express "in une(|uiv- 
 
 ucil 
 
 1 t 
 
 erm.> 
 
 tl 
 
 le eliormitX' n 
 
 f tl 
 
 leir otVenct 
 
 aiK 
 
 1 tl 
 
 lis 
 
 document, signed hy all the inhahitanls, must he deliv- 
 eied hv the delegates and the [»arisli ]iriest of the place, 
 and the value of the ctTccts caiiied otT must he paid hy 
 them. All which was faithfully done. 
 
 This liapi»ened at the heginning of the year 1721. 
 when IMiilipps had just ordered the Acadians either to 
 leave the country without c;iiryiiig anything away oi to 
 take the oath, and when he had just forhidden them to 
 
 ipeii a roail so a> to witlnliiiw ii 
 
 thdi 
 
 rom tl 
 
 le jHovmce. 
 
 It 
 
 IS 
 
 piohahle that the .\cadians preferred to sign such a 
 document and reimhiirse the losses rather than to expose 
 themselves to the venireance of the Indians ; for we 
 
 ■f^l 
 
 "p-n 
 
 ^ 
 
ii 
 
 188 
 
 THK rLKn(}V SAVKM < ANA!»A. 
 
 know, from oilier sources, that those \vlio(lis|)liiye(l tlieii- 
 zeul ii^aiiist tlu* Indians lia<l l<> suffer disastrous ven- 
 peanee from the latter, the LCovtMnmeiit l)eing poweiless 
 to jii()t«;ct tliem. I'liilipps acted veiv injudiciously in 
 exacting sucli amends when he had just shown Iiimscit' 
 so unjust an<I cruel towards the Acadians. It wi> 
 I)recisely in order to av(»id the reprisals to which they 
 wojdd Ih' «'X|>osed from the Indians, that they hitl 
 stipulated for exemption from hearing; arms iii,Min>i 
 them, and it was on account ()f this same danm'i- thai, 
 for forty years, Knj^'Hsh colonists covdd not lu; persuatlcii 
 to settle in the coiuitry. It is not easy to understand 
 why IMiilipps thus force<l the parish-priest tA' Mines 1m 
 take part in the didegation, if the tfovernor was ^o 
 anxious to exclude tlu' priests fiom all temporal affair-. 
 Did he think that the priest himself shouhl have taken 
 uj) arms to lepulse the Indians? 
 
 The influence of the clertjy. I repeat, must have h(»en 
 exercised to foster peace and suhmission to the author- 
 ities. All the history of Canada is theic to j»rove llii> 
 assertion. After the treaty of Paris, the l»ishop of 
 Quehec even went so far as to exconununicatt' those 
 w 
 
 fiV( 
 
 ho 
 
 would not sul)mit to the ICnsflish ii^overnmcnt. iiinl 
 persons were, in virtue of this excommunication, 
 denrived of Catholic l)tirial. If (^anada is still a liritish 
 
 poss(?ssion. Kni;land owes it to this .sime influence. Let 
 tlie situation of Canada in ITTo he horne in mind. The 
 
 country was nfoverned in a 
 
 militi 
 
 ly 
 
 that 
 
 IS. despot ic 
 
 manner, and did not contain live thousand Knylishmen. 
 Krance liad just thrown her sword into the scales on the 
 side of ther«?volted colonies. Lafayette deputed French- 
 men to (^neh(M', and Montreal to incite the people to 
 shake off the voke of the 1 Ion«e ( lovernment. The cleif,^v 
 
THK CLKlMiY SAVK1> TANAbA. 
 
 ISO 
 
 o|)j>oso(l with all its mirrlit any (•(•Ihision with tin.' I'liitrfl 
 Stati's. tht' pt'dplf took iiji aims to (K'tViid theii' soil, and 
 th«' country ivniaiiu'd ICnyiish. Altt-i' the victory ofTra- 
 faljrar, so disasti'ous I'oi- Fiance, a solemn Tf fh-um was 
 sung in the Cathedral of (^uehec. In \><'M , in spite of 
 well-founded ^nievances. much more serious than th()>»' 
 which LTave rise to the ind«'pendence of the I'liited 
 States, it was still the (deri^v's efforts that paralyzed tlit! 
 rehellion and made it miscariy. Whether or not these 
 ])i(>eeediniTs of the reliLfious authority l>e appioved. they 
 are none the less a fact, they constitute none the less. 
 for tlio clergy, a ]ioint <»f ti-adition, if not of ahsolute 
 doctrine. They hold that there can he no lawful revolt 
 aij-ainst legitimate authority. «!Xcept when pci-secution 
 hecomes intolerahle and when iclicrious interests are 
 gravely threatened in their very foundations. Tf Cajiada 
 were ever to se[)arate from the mother country hy an 
 act of rehellion, I do not hesitate to say that the 
 Catholic clergy would he the last hulwark of British 
 U)iion, the liust ivftJgeof toryism. 
 
 It was not (»thei'wise in Acadia. The priests might 
 <lesire that the country should again hecome a French 
 colony, much more through Tear of religious fanaticism 
 than thi'ough pure love of France: perhaps they may 
 have fosteied in the Acadians their love for France, they 
 may have sometimes advised them as to their rights and 
 the means of intluencing the atithorities of Aiuiajmlis. 
 counselled them to quit the country when they had a 
 right to do so, suggested a restriction to the oath, eom- 
 m\inicated in geneml terms to the French authorities 
 their feais and their hopes. All these things may be 
 8U|)j)Osed, if they cannot he prove<l, for they are pos- 
 sible and even prolMvble. These things may be approved. 
 
 t^. 
 
 r 
 
 Q 
 
 ■1 
 
 ^ 
 
 t 
 
 M 
 
 4 
 
 M 
 
 w 
 
 ^» 
 
 i 
 
 r 
 
I I 
 
 li 
 
 1<«0 
 
 THK CLKKCJY SAVKD <,'ANADA. 
 
 ii 
 
 (1 
 
 !* 'M. 
 
 Ijliiineil, diiiiiiiished or cxiiggenited at one's choice ; hut 
 what cannot lie douhted by uny one who knows that 
 clergy — unless, of coui-se, the fact may liave orrnrrpd 
 exceptionally or in cases of doubtful interpretation — is 
 that the j)riests, whatever may he thought of them in 
 other respects, did nothing to make the Acadians swerve 
 from their fidelity to tlie oath and their lawful duties 
 towards the English Government. 
 

 A I'AliAUON. 
 
 VM 
 
 niAPTKH X. 
 
 
 Major Paul Masoareno sncc«>»'<ls Armstrong — His cliaraotor — His 
 skill— His siu-ct'SH— ( 1 740- 1 744). 
 
 With lively siitisfiiL'tioii <lo I now psiss to the adininis- 
 tration of Masciarene, called to replaeu Ainistnmi; in 
 the oftice of lieutenant-governor of the jirovince. 'V\w 
 death of the hitter, hv creating a vacancy in IMiilipjts's 
 regiment, promoted Major Coshy to the rank of lieu- 
 tenant-colonel and Captain Mascarent! to that of major; 
 hut, as Hi-st counsellor of the governor, the latter, 
 according to custom, Injcame lieutenant-goveiuor of the 
 piovince. 
 
 For several years Mascarene. prohahly through disgust 
 for Armstrong's hrulality and eccentricity, and in order 
 to avoid the inevitable jars his presence at Annapolis 
 might draw upon him, luul i)assed the greatest part <»f 
 his time at Boston. He was still there in the month 
 of December, 1739, when Arm.strong put an end to his 
 life, and it was only in the following spring that he was 
 able to enter on his oftice. 
 
 It would be difticult to imagine a more striking con- 
 trast than that which existed between Mascarene and 
 his predecessor. Whereas Armstrong was impetuous, 
 tickle and passionate. Mascarene was (;alm. tirm and 
 gentle. The one could not stir without getting into 
 
 m 
 
 \K 
 
 ^ 
 
lt»2 
 
 A l'Ai:A(i(»N, 
 
 triHiMc; tlic otlnT IM-MT j;ii\f ;iiiy liouMc at all, mid 
 had lliti uilt ot" siii(»(»lliiii<' d(»Nvii wlialovcr din'uullii's 
 iiiii,dit occur, however coinpliciiled they mii»'lit he. 
 
 I'aiil Mascareiie was the son of a French Protestant 
 Avhom the revo('ati()n of the edict of Nantes had oIiligc(l 
 to <ro into voluntary exile. While still youin^, he fol- 
 h»wed his father lirst to (leiiova and a few years later 
 to I'.nirhuid. Ife joined the army and i,Ma(hially, hy 
 slieer merit, raised himself to the [)osilion in which wo 
 at present lind him. ('onciliatin_<,% clever, well-instructed, 
 of a lofty turn of mind, he oaiued the esteem and con- 
 fidence of everyliody. All his correspondence is instin(.'t 
 with the same .si)irit. ami gives the highest idea of his 
 character and education. It would he dilTlicult to find 
 in his conduct a single point that could he seriously 
 hlajiie<l; it would he hard to note in his character one 
 striking «lefect ; we hehold in him nothing but good 
 qualities of a very high order. He could be severe 
 nay, very .severe, but also as humane and kindly as he 
 was severe. lie meant to command and he respcu'tfully 
 obeyed, and he was oV)eyed. He was [)atient, exceed- 
 ingly particular; he i)ushed the love of (U;tails even to 
 importunity, but he was loyal, just, compassionate ; and, 
 though he did not always succeed in convincing, yet he 
 seldom failed in securing most absolute obedience. 
 His vigilance bore on the minutest details of his admin- 
 istration and extended to the remotest parts of his prov- 
 ince. Nothing escaped him; the least delay, the least 
 infringement of his orders and regulations became the 
 subject of a long correspondence, in which he paternally 
 reprimanded and uttered warnings of danger. lie 
 punished sometimes : but most often sent away the 
 delinquents with kind words ; and, when he did punish, 
 
sii'i:i;.MK Ai'.iurv. 
 
 VM 
 
 [1, mikI 
 li'stiint 
 rs later 
 
 aiy, l)y 
 
 liith we 
 
 liuctetl, 
 
 11(1 eoii- 
 
 instinet 
 
 a of hi>* 
 ; to tiiul 
 seriously 
 .cter one 
 L)Ut gootl 
 e severe 
 lly as l>e 
 ^)eotfnUy 
 , exieed- 
 eveu to 
 ate ; au<l, 
 
 IfT, 
 
 }' 
 
 et he 
 
 Midienoe. 
 is achnin- 
 his piov- 
 the least 
 aiue tlie 
 ateriially 
 1. He 
 vway tlie 
 I punish. 
 
 it was only al't(M' Imviii;;' licaid, wci^'hcd, nialiiitMl his 
 
 (K'fision, and <n\t'n cvciv chanci' ot" srlt'-di-ffm 
 
 II. 
 
 united in a hi(,di degree tli)> most eoiiiinenduhle ijiialities 
 ot the French eliaraeter with the steilinij worth of the 
 Kniflish ; from the fimiiei he took the alYahility. 
 courtesy, reyanl for the \veal<. the desire and the art to 
 
 1 
 
 »leas(* 
 
 fi 
 
 oni tlie 
 
 hitt* 
 
 det 
 
 er, ealniness, (Icterinination. wise 
 
 delilteraleliess and |ieiseveiaiiee. Devoted to his (»nirc. 
 to his duty and to his adopted country, he was even 
 more the man of h'tters of ex(|uisite taste tliaii the 
 sohlier, and that is what gave him such su^ieriority as 
 an aihninistrator. 
 
 His position alToi(h'(l him a fine o[»portunity to take 
 revenge on the Aeadians and the priests for the intoh'i- 
 ance of whieli his family had l>een the ohject. lie, liow- 
 ever, did nothing of the kind. We need no otlier proof 
 (tf this than tlie results he ohtaiiied in the most dith- 
 ciilt eircuinstanees of this history ; and his merit was 
 all the greater because he liad to struggle against the 
 prejudices of the people almut him and of Shirh>y, 
 governor of Massachusetts, to whom tlie imperial gov- 
 ernment had given a voice in the administmti*)!! of the 
 ])roviuce. His tact, superior to that of others round 
 liiin and even to Shirley's, showed him the line of con- 
 duct he was to adopt in the difficulties incidental to the 
 war. Without offending anybody, his skill triumphed 
 over all oi)position; and T have no hesitcition in declar- 
 ing that not one of the governors who preceded or fol. 
 lowed him would have been able to overcome so man} 
 obstacles. He had that supreme ability which is the 
 result of high breeding in a man gifted with a clear 
 bright intellect and a noble heart. 
 
 Surrounded with counselloi-s who knew nothini; Itut 
 13 
 
 'M r} 
 
 ^ 
 
 fc'kf 
 

 !|l! 
 
 tM 
 
 HTimrr WITH THK J'LKIHSY. 
 
 the iubitmry wayH and rough iiianiu'i's of tlu> laiiip. hin 
 iiiitiiml l>iiiH strikeri lis an having Imhmi occasional ly tVi- 
 tcre«l by liis unvimnincnt ; lie showiMl more severity 
 than he woiiM have wished, in order to avoid tho 
 reproach of letting himself Ik; guided by latent synipa- 
 thy : and yet in reality his great powers of olwervat ion 
 \\Mu\v, him understand that mildness and persuasion were 
 tliif most eflicaeiouH means of securing the fidelity of 
 the Acadians. 
 
 lie was especially severe towards tlu; clergy. Was 
 he, whose family had siiffere<l pei-secution and cxili- (Hi 
 account of tlusir religions lu'licsf, now giving way to tinj 
 preju<lices he must naturally have entertained' I'cr- 
 ha[>s his family hud been humiliated, crushed by this 
 same clergy : he, in his turn had now the [lowci- they 
 formerly had against him : he could ImmkI them to o' v 
 his will, and even his caprices, if he so desired. It would 
 not be astonishinjj if this feelini; had sometimes mtt the 
 U[>per hand in spite (»f his lofty intelligence and just 
 and kindly spiiit. Nevertheless, I have good reason to 
 think this wius not the case. Tt is true he imposed on 
 the clergy numerous restrictions ; but, be always had 
 the condescension to discuss them point by point, and, 
 as a general rule, be obtained assent and obedienci'. 
 Moreover, in the particular circumstances in which, these 
 l)riests were then place«l, I am of opinion that these 
 H'strictions were for the most part perfectly justifiabK'. 
 
 'I'Ik^ volume of tbe archives (jontains five letters of 
 Mascarene to tbe missionaries De laGoudalie and Descn- 
 claves, ill which he most couiteously discusses tin- 
 motives of bis restrictions. The Compiler, as usual, 
 gives non(.' of the replies; but. bei'c, at least, tlu-ir 
 preseutx' is not essential, ami could merely .satisfy our 
 
HTIMCT WITH IMF, ri.KIHIV. 
 
 vx 
 
 curiosity; In'sidt's, we niii ttftni I'ttiiii ii siinii-it'iitly pre- 
 iisu t'stiiuatt! of what thcsi; n*)>li*-s coiitaiiu!!!. 
 
 " AnotluT iMiiiit of your li'tter." saiil Mart«"ar»'ii»' to M. rw»»n« 
 t'lavit4, " Ih that iii wliich you iiK-ntioti tli*> temporal to Ix- >oiiit- 
 tiiiH'H HO foniuTtt'd with till' spiritual as nut to Im- al>lc l<> hi' tli- 
 vi.l..<1." 
 
 Appiii'tnilly tlio \v(,'it,'lit of his reasons piodiitod an 
 iiiiiiiTstaii(liii^n>ii this knotty point, i'u: in anothrr K>tt(>r 
 he said to him : 
 
 •' I am k'i"' to sff from wliat ) lotc to you. that vnu arc M«iisi- 
 tili' of tli»' ill constMiucnccM tlnr n .ill follow f'rniu coi iicctiiin tho 
 tcin|Kiral with tlw spiritua'. ' 
 
 In aiiothrr ho iniornis hiti'. )i' the sittiation in l-!nropt> 
 imd I'oiH'w inishini a<'ains( tin- danircM's that a war wtndd 
 entail on IIkmii and on ihr Aiadians: 
 
 "The alfairs in KmoiM' ar<> mitch »'iuhroil> il, ainl. in case tla-y 
 should (N-casion a rupture hi'tw*-i>n (in-iit Mritain ami FruMct', tlu^ 
 Miissionarit's must *>.\p<M-t to fall very naturally uinlcr Nuspirjon, 
 and tln'n'forc ou^ht to he niort' circumspect in their conduct in 
 re>;ard to tht>mselv«>H and towards the inhahitants." 
 
 tfv( 
 
 ' i V 
 
 To Ahhe do hi (loiuhili.', vicai-Lrent'i'al ol' the ck-itrvot' 
 
 yy 
 
 th 
 
 provinci', he writes 
 
 " I found you so well dis|)osed since I have personally known 
 you during; yoiir residence hereto conform to those rules, that I 
 make no douht of your continuing in the same <;<iod intention, 
 and that hy your example and admonitions yon will (-ontrihute 
 to keep the missionaries to act in concert in maintaining; tiie ii\- 
 hahitants in their ohedience and duty to the govermnent." 
 
 To the same, a year hiter : 
 
 "Tam well satistied with the assin*ances yon j::ive jne on your 
 side a.s well as those uf the other missionaries to act in concert in 
 
 
 r4 
 
 \,' • 
 
 
IW 
 
 STIDV TIIK IM'LKl;? 
 
 I 
 
 ^N 
 
 ^ 
 
 nn 
 
 inniiitaiiiiii;; tlic iiiliiiltitiiiits in |M-iic<- ;ii!<l tr:iM(|tnIlity nnil in tlu'ir 
 duty tDuanls tlii' (Jovciuinciit as tin- oath tlicy li.ive taken ohlij^cs 
 tln'Mi ti(." 
 
 Ill less tliiiii two yciirs. !\I;i.s(*cii'ene, l>y liis so t'liiiuk- 
 iibly skilful iiiid just iulministnitiou. iiiul extirpated all 
 raiisos of (lissuMsiou. Tlu'it! \\\nv. noiu^ left: lie \nu\ 
 only t(» o'ivf an order and lie was eagerly olx'ved in the 
 most distant j)arts of the provinee. tlioiioli the only fort he 
 had was in ruins, and his uarrison coiinnised only 100 ahle- 
 hinlicd soldiers. Tlu-se faets are elo(jUeiit to sh(»w what 
 niio'hl he expected from this peaeeahle and suhmissive 
 people, jirovided they were ruled with ecpiity hy humane 
 ami eoiieiliatory governors. The keystone of all histoiy. 
 es[ieeially in ahsoluti; g'overiinieiits and more esjieeially 
 ill small ones, is the character of the ruhirs : hence the 
 cart.' I have taken to give an accurate pii-ture of each of 
 the o-overiiors. Those who net'leet this cannot tliidw 
 light on diriicult situations nor faithfully discharge the 
 duty inciunbeiiton him who undertakes to write history. 
 Some om; has said : " Tell me what company you keep, 
 and I will tell you what youare." Still more appositely 
 may we say : '• Ciive me the eharaeter of him who rules, 
 and I will tell you the character of the people he rules." 
 If this man be an Armstrong, we may unhesitatingly 
 declare that, should the population he governs be 
 naturally unruly and turbulent, he will be continually 
 causing trouble, and perhaps a rebellion ; and that, how- 
 ever submissive the po[)ulatio!i may be, dissensions will 
 unavoidably arise even when the situation would call 
 for nothing but harmony and peace. If, on the contrary, 
 lie be; a Mascarene, he will maintain order and peace in 
 the most diflicult crises. The blame, or at least most 
 of it, lies at the door of the government. 
 
CIIAMPKI) Koi; i;nnM. 
 
 VM 
 
 story, 
 keep, 
 )Ositely 
 luU's. 
 ule>." 
 itiiigly 
 us 1)0 
 
 mually 
 it, liow- 
 jiis will 
 ulcl call 
 ntrary, 
 )eace in 
 <t most 
 
 Mascarene was liardly iiisiailed ii> liisotlice when lie set 
 to work to rt'ineily the painful situation in wliieh t'oinier 
 luleis liad placed the Aradiaus l>y refusing to tliein, 
 sinoe the treaty of L'ti-eeht, any new grant of lands, 
 Fioni •2..')00 souls in 171:1. the Acadian population had 
 reaehed in 1740 ahout 0.00() souls, and, nevertheless, 
 stiauge to say, this po[)nlatioti was confine(j within 
 the same extent of laud as in 171o. Nov. lo, 174<>, 
 Mascarene, in a letter lothe Lords ni 'I'rade, re[iiesente(l 
 to them in the following terms the injustice and incon- 
 veniences of this state of things: 
 
 '• Till' incrcasf of tlie Acailians calls lur sonic fresh iiistnictioiis 
 1h)\v to dispose of tlicin. Thri/ harr iliridrd niiil siihih'riilril 
 aiiioJifist tlo'ir vliildrc'ii the Itniils thiif irfir in posscssiim uf, . . 
 Tlicy applictl for new grants which the (Jovcrnois Philipps ami 
 Arnistrongtlid not think themselves anthori/.ed to favor them with, 
 as His Majesty's instructions on that head piescrihe the giant (^f 
 unappropriated lands to l'nttist<nit snhjicfs unl/f. This long delay 
 has occasioned several of them to settle theniselvi-s on -cmie of 
 the skirts of this Province, pretty far distant from this place, not- 
 withstanding Proclamations and orders to the <'ontrarv have heen 
 often ivp(»ated. . . . //■ fill'!/ nrf ih'barvi'il J'nnii in'ir iinssrssimis. 
 tlicjj III list tire III' !■<' iiiisi'nibli/. iiuil. (•(nispiiiii'iitl//. Ih' trniihliaitnir. or 
 else, they will possess themsehes of new tracts contrary to orders, 
 or they must he ma<le to witlidiiiw to the iieighhoring fiench 
 colony. 
 
 "The French of Cape Breton will naturally watch all opportuni- 
 ties of disturhing the peact- of this Province, sjiecially ai this 
 juncture, in case of a \^•ar with France: and. if occasion of di>- 
 gust was given to these peoph' here, they would soon make an 
 advantiige of it. and, hy the iiumi)ers of these Aca<lians. they 
 would soon distress the garrison if not taking the fort wliicli is in 
 u very ruinous condition." 
 
 After this statement it is not astonishing that Aini- 
 strong .should write: "They are a litigiotis sort of 
 people, and so ill-natured to one another, as daily to 
 
 ■^ 'I 
 
 X*t "»»! 
 
 n i|.f H', 
 
 ■Ui 
 
 
 HI 
 
bl" 
 
 III 
 
 198 
 
 CKAMI*KI> I'Ol; ItOOM. 
 
 etKMOiuli upon their neiglilM>ur*s pro[)erties." Parkman, 
 who has searched every nook an<l eoriier to find where- 
 with to liesniireh tlie Acadians, did not fail to fasten on 
 this seiitenee. What cared he for Ai'nistrong's charac- 
 ter, wliidi, by tlie way, lie was ciirefnl not to descril)e 
 to the public? what caicd he for the atitual circvun- 
 stances which he passes ovei' in silence? He had at 
 hand what he was looking for. and with this bit of a 
 sentence he was able to draw his conclusions against a 
 lumdred contiary statements : " They were vexed with 
 incessant quarrels among themselves aiising from the 
 unsettled Iwundaries of their lands." and nuu'h more to 
 the same effect. Could it be otherwise, when the 
 jiopulalion was four tinu's as large as inlTlo, when their 
 lands Jiad been <Iivide(l and subdividc(l so as to leave 
 nothinu' but morsels, and when these lands had never been 
 surveyed bv the m)vernment? With what we know of 
 Aiinstionii'. of bis cbai-acter and bis exacft^cration in all 
 thiiiirs, of bis violent lanijuaoe. are we not instified in 
 supposing thut tbe cxprijssions be made use of magnified 
 iM'vond mi-asurc tbe j-iain of tiutli that constituted tbe 
 foundalictn of this fact? 
 
 Wby does not Parkman. wb(» busies himself so mucli 
 with tbe character (»f tbe Acadians, and always with the 
 evident aim of reversing the invai'iable verdict of 
 bistorv. wbv «loes be not sometimes, since he is so [rood 
 a judge, make known to us what was tbe character of 
 the goveinors? It nuist be easier t(» judge a man than 
 a wliob; nation. 
 
 After having kept tbe Acadians in the country in 
 spite of themselves, it was a shame to refuse them grants 
 of land and thus drive them into indefinite subdivisions. 
 This ictardeil their progress, produced discontent, 
 
KXTKNSIVK MOomaSG. 
 
 199 
 
 [novoked (lisoliedienee, troubled lianuony. weakened 
 tlu'ir lo\'alty. exposed the rulers to j^rave disa]ii)oiiit- 
 iiit'iit ; such was Mascarene's view. He tells us, itideeil, 
 that, in spite of injunctions, several took up lands on 
 the confines of the province; hut what is surprisinj; 
 is that the greater niunlxM- submitted to such tuijust 
 <n<lers. I have serious doubts whether the colonists of 
 New England, and in fact any other colonists, would have 
 snbiuiited during forty years to such a system without 
 it'volting against authority, especiall}' if that authority 
 li.id been represented by only 100 soldiers or a propor- 
 tionately small nunil)er? 
 
 Miiscaicne tells us that the instru(.'tions of His 
 .Majesty were to bestow giants of land onl}- on Protes- 
 tant subjects. This is undoubtedly true ; but it is not 
 improbable that this order was obtained thi-ough the 
 influence of those who had voted to themselves agjant of 
 100.000 acres of land at TJiand Vvr and heaubassin in 
 Aimstrong's time, and among whom, besides Ai'mstrong, 
 I'liilipji and his comicillors, iignrcd King (}ould. 
 Allured l*oi)ple, Henry Popple, Andrew Robinson, 
 Henry Daniels. I^squiics. all of Kngland. We know not 
 the eliaraeter of these gentlemen, except that of King 
 ^Joiild. who was tinaiicial agent for I*liili[)ps : but I 
 li;ive good reason to believe that one of them. Alhiri'il 
 popple was no less a [x'rsonage than the Alluied Po|)ple 
 who was then the Secretary of State. With an inter- 
 ested party of such position and influence it was easy t(» 
 setiiie and maintain the deeree excluding the Acadians 
 from anv new errant, in oider to oblige them to buvland 
 fiom these fortunate grantees. In fact, I find nowhere 
 that the wise recommendations of Mascarene had their 
 effect, and T have reason to believe that this iniquitous 
 
 
 ^1 
 
 oe^li 
 
•JOO 
 
 KXTKNSl VK HOODLING. 
 
 Ill I 
 
 situation contiinu'd till the tiiii*' of the <lepoitation. 
 These hinds, j^iivnted to the iilx)ve Kiiglishmeu. sui- 
 lounded tliose tliat were next to the Aeadians' hinds in 
 tlie two most in'i[)oitiint (•(•ntres. 'Phis must liave heen 
 a sjHM.uhition at their cxptMise. like the one tliat provoked 
 and followed theii' deportation. I jiave not strive.i to 
 dear up this matter, hut I recommend it to Mr. Park- 
 man's notiee.* 
 
 * This Kfant, or what \Vii>' Mi of it, was oschf'jit»^d on the 21st of April, 
 ITCiO, f<i l(c j;raiitt'd afrcbli tu (tovrruur Luwreuce's coiiucillMrs after tbH 
 tl<jNirtation. 
 
 m 
 
 P.I. ii 
 
 i 
 
 i>iii 
 
MASCAUENK ANXIOUS. 
 
 201 
 
 CHAPTEK XI. 
 
 '>!^ 
 
 War declariMl Ix'twopn Fram-H ami EiikIhiuI— Acadia invadoil l.y 
 the FrencJi undtT the coiiitiiand of Diivivier and De (iaiitu' - 
 Efforts t(i stir up tho Acadiaiis to r«'volt — Tho exixHlitioii witli- 
 draws — New »'xpetlition by Marin and later l)y RameHay — fJattlo 
 of (irand Pre — Fidelity of the Acailians — TestiinoniL's of .M,i.m ,i- 
 rene. ftc. . etc-. — Tlie Compiler— I'arkuian. 
 
 Mascahkxk's wise and pnuleiitcoii(luctlia«l pindin .mI 
 the Ijiijipiest results. Not (tiily had In; gaiiieil ili.' 
 esteem and eon tideiiee of nil ; hut ho luid in all tliiii'^x 
 established regulations and iiroccdurcs, whicli. in Ins 
 relations with the cleiii^y and the Acadians. ensuiecl 
 harmony and put an end to all the niisunderstandinus so 
 frequent in Arnistronof's time. On June :i8, 1T4-, he 
 wrote to the Duke of Newcastle : 
 
 •'The frequent rumors we have liad of war being on tlie point 
 of being declared against France. Iiave not as yet niatle any alter- 
 ation in the t^'injH'rof the Acadians, wlio appear in a good dis|)osi- 
 tion of keeping to their oath of lideiity. and of submitting to the 
 orders and regulations of tliis govennnent for maintaining peace." 
 
 However, lie was still very anxious : he knew that, if 
 the French invaded Nova Scotia, they would not fail to 
 make great efforts to })ersuade the Acadians to join 
 them. His fort was in ruins: Ik; had oidy live com- 
 panies of tliirty-one men each, a third of whom wcic 
 invalids. In his letter of December, 1718, to the 
 Secretary of State, he complained bitterly of his 
 situation : 
 
 m 
 
 r-tt 
 
 
I 
 
 \'i 
 
 m 
 
 fif'i' 
 
 I 
 
 ilM 
 
 \H-'r 
 
 
 
 
 
 I. 
 
 •*^.H 
 
 S :?i K 
 
 202 
 
 hoVALTV sK<[i:i:i>. 
 
 "Tlio inhabititiits are all Firnrli Koiiiiiii Catliolics ; in cast' of a 
 rupture with France, it is as iiiucli as we eun exfMt't if we can 
 keep tlu'iu from joining with tho eiuMuy or In'ing stirreil up by 
 them to rebel. To prevent this, I luive used the best niean» I 
 ••oukl by making them sensible of the advantage and ease they 
 enjoy under the British (lovermnent. wlierebyto wean them from 
 their old masters, but to do t\>'*- effet'tually. a considerable time 
 will 1m' rtMjuired. this Province in the meantime is in a worse con- 
 dition for defence than the other American Phmtations." 
 
 Will" Wiis (b'olai-ed on Miirch l')th()t' tlie following year 
 (1744). Tills untoward evtMil was going to submit 
 the tidelily of the Acadians to a hard trial. With a few 
 more y«'ars of peace, Mascarene, by following tlie line 
 of conduct which his tact and benignity «lictated to 
 
 h 
 
 niu. Would liavc I)een able, as he hoped, to give rise to 
 a s(»lid sentiment of loyalty based on ties of affection 
 and gratitude strong enough to resist all allurements. 
 His nii'iliods and his results would have; 1 
 
 )een a sate 
 
 j»reeedent, from which his successors would not liave 
 dait'd to depart. 
 
 France, which had done so little to eoloniz*' and 
 
 l>i 
 
 eserve Acadia, had never lost the 1 
 
 lOJt 
 
 te of reeoiKiucr- 
 
 ing it : and it is evhient, from the documents of French 
 oiigin. that the authorities of Canada fhittt-red them- 
 si'lves with the 1io[)e that tlu; At-adiaiis would sei'/e on 
 the i>i»portuiiity about to be offered tluMu of shaking off 
 the Knglish yok(^ The couist^ of events will, however, 
 show that the fears of Mascarene and the hopes of the 
 
 V 
 
 iciicii had !!(» touiK 
 
 lat 
 
 ion. 
 
 If Mascarene had not had tiiue to establish the loyalty 
 of the Aoadiaiis on the luore lasting basis of affection, 
 this loyalty was none the less really established on the 
 gi'ounds of inteit'st and of res[)ect for the oath: *" Their 
 plea with the French who pressed them to take up 
 
ACAIUANS IIAKU!Kl» UY THK FHKN'CH. 
 
 203 
 
 arms.'" said MascareMe in 1748, when tlit* war had conio 
 to an end, " was their oath ; their living easy nnder tho 
 (rovernnient, and their havinji; no ioni[)hunt to inak*> 
 against it." This was the result ol a tew years of a just 
 and (conciliatory adniinistratioii. 
 
 During four years Acadia was invaded at least four 
 times by the French: Annapolis was besieged three 
 times, always in the hope of taking it with the concur- 
 rence of the Acadians, for whom thev had broutrht arms: 
 but they were obliged just so many times to withdraw 
 without tliis concurrence, and without having made any 
 serious attempt. Every means was tiied to overconic 
 the resistance of the Acadians, From Matteries the 
 French passed to threats, and from threats to 0|tt'ii 
 force, without shaking their determination, and tliis 
 ha[)j)ened at IJeaubassin as well as at (Irand Pre and 
 Annapolis. 
 
 The disa2)j)ointment of the French must have l)ccn 
 extreme to induce^ them to have recourse to such means, 
 since the result could not fail to diminish tiie sympathy 
 the Ac-adians nnist naturally have felt for the French. 
 
 Aflei' having exhausted all the means of jjcrsuasioii, 
 Duvivier and de (rannc, who connniindcd the tirs' ex[>c- 
 dition, issued the most severe orders : 
 
 " AVc order you to (U'livcr up yoiu" arms, aniniunitioiis . . . atnl 
 tliiisc wlio coiitrHvetH* tlicsc orders sliall lie punished aud delivered 
 into tile liaiids of the Indians, as we cannot refuse tiie demands 
 tlioe savap's maive for all those who will not submit theiuselv.'s." 
 
 ;«^-.:'r!3 
 
 m 
 
 
 f 6 ■ 
 
 •' I' '■ > ; 1^ 
 
 Here is one of the replies of the Acadians : 
 
 '• \Ve. the inhabitants of Mines, (iraml Pre. Uiver Canard, Pi.Lri- 
 ^uit and the surroimdin^ riveis. i)e.n' that yon will be jileased to 
 eiiiisider that while there would be no dittii-ultv. bv virtue of the 
 
 .. (/■• 
 
 ™1 
 
 ■.-■k 
 

 m 
 
 I 
 
 1' 
 
 Mi; 
 
 ttl 
 
 
 ! r. . .. 
 
 1 
 
 ft ■'■ 
 
 i 
 
 't*^^ . 
 
 !l^1 
 
 iilHr- •:fll 
 
 204 
 
 At'AIUANS IIAKIMKI* MY THK FUKNCH. 
 
 Htron)< fore*- voii coiniiiaiHl. in .supplying yoiirst'lt' witli tlu> ipiiin- 
 tity of )^Hin ami iiirat you liuvo onlcrctl, it would ho «|uit«« iiii|MM- 
 HJhle for us to furnish you tlu< <|uantity you (h-umnd, or fvcii a 
 HiiialK'r, without placing ours«>lv«>s in great peril. 
 
 '• We lio|M', geiitlenuMi, that yiui will not plun>?e lM)th our-.elvi> 
 and our faniili<>s into a state of total loss ; and that this considera- 
 tion will eause you to withdraw your savages and troo|»s from 
 our districts. 
 
 " We live under a mild and tranquil (lovennuent, and we have 
 nil K'Mxl n-ason to he faithful to it. We hope therefore, that yi'U 
 will have the pmmUipss not to separate lis from it. and that yuii 
 will grant us the favor not to plunge us into utt<'r misery. Tliis 
 we ho|K' from your goodness, a.ssuring you that we are with muih 
 resjM'ft. 
 
 Your very hundtle and ol)edient servants. 
 
 Acting for the conunimities ahove intMitioned, 
 
 .lacipies Le HIanc. Pierre l^e Hl.iiic, 
 Francois Li«> Blanc, Hen«* ■ (Jrang(>r his mark, Claude Le Filain-. 
 JaL(iues Teriau, .\ntt)ine Liindry, Joseph ,< (Jranger his mark. 
 Pierre Richard,* Hene Le Blanc. 
 
 Mines. 14 Oct. 1T44." 
 
 "We have remaining," says Murdoch, "as many as twelve i>r- 
 ilers issued liy Duvivierfrom the French camj). f>f this n.'iture, cotn- 
 manding theservices of individuals by nanu' — the furnishing horses 
 and men to lea<l them, the bringing in |Kjwder. horns, etc.. the 
 swearing allegiance by the deputies and elders, furnishing ladders. 
 j>ickaxes, shovels, cattle, wheat — baking of bread — to forbid buy- 
 ing arms — tlie supplying of shirts, fiu-nishing canoes, etc.. el<'. 
 lJisobe<lience to these, is usually menaced with death, sonietime.s 
 with corporal punishment. . . I do not know whether we should 
 attribute this to the jtride of noblesse, then so predomiiuint, to the 
 liarshness of military sentiment at that time, or to peivonal in- 
 capa<'ity on the part of Duvivier : b>it. from whatever source, I 
 l(>f)k on it as having been fatal to his cause." | 
 
 * I'rothi'r of my aiK'i^stnr Ren''- Richanl. who camo to Oaiiailii iiftiT tho 
 i|i'|Mii-t,ition. 
 
 + •' DuviviiT issin'cl pcrt'inptory unliTs to tlic A<M(liiiiis fur sn|i|plifs. . . 
 X'ltwitlistaiiilint; his Hic'iit. tho Ac-ulians wore very iiiuvilliiiK t" uivo him 
 liny assistance, aiitl liis l)riKht hopes <>f a spontiuiooiis risinj^ (>ftho.\oa- 
 fliaii po(i|)|o a$;aiiist Hritish powoi- vaiiishod liofon- tlio I'liillin^ reality. 
 A now KonorHtion had «ro\vn n|> who woro not disposed to wi^lconu' thosa 
 ■who Would hrin;? war to tlicir ilnuv!<."-if(tnu<iij, History of Aeudia. 
 
DlVlVIKi: n.\I-FLKI>. 
 
 I'o: 
 
 Tlie liiisty retit'iit of Dnvivicr ciiii ht; (^xpliiiiicd only 
 hy till* (lisiipiioiiitniciit lie must Imvi! felt in not ht'iiii;- 
 supported hy tlic Acjuliims. A FrtMuh sijuadion \v;is 
 daily cxpcctt'fl in Annapolis liiirltur. and nolliinij sccnitd 
 t'l call lor tiic raisincr of tlie siene. Tliis sijnadioii, 
 licariiin' To onus, arrived a tew days after his departure. 
 Not lindiny tlie troo[)s lie liad reckoned upon meet iii<4 
 there, unable with liis crews alone to I'ecluce tlie Ljarrisoii, 
 tlie eoniinaiMler put out to sea ayain without having" 
 made any atteni[)t. This new hasty departure wa> as 
 disastious t(» the Fi'ench as had heeu that of I)uvi\ ier, 
 for there? came from Boston, four days after this <h'- 
 jtartiire, a wholes convoy huleii with provisions and 
 ammunition for tlit; iLjnirison, which would have un- 
 avuidahly fallen into the hands of the commatuhM' of 
 the Fi'cnch sijuadion. 
 
 Hannay, speaking,' of the expedition of Duvivier, says : 
 " Duvivier, unsuceessful at Anna[>(dis, returned to Mines, 
 where he proposed to remain for the wintei' with his 
 soldiers, hut tlie Aoadians sent iusneli a strongly worded 
 remonstrance that lu; was constrained to withdraw. At 
 T>t'auhassiu he found the {)eople ecjually aveise to his 
 remaining and finally returned to Louishourg." 
 
 .\s soon as war was declared, Masearene aetively 
 employed hims(df in [>utting the fort of Annapolis, the 
 oidy one in the province, in fit eondition to resist a 
 siege. The.se woiks were consideral)le, since the walls 
 had fallen into ruins. For the materials espe(!ially. hut 
 even for the manual labor, he eould count but little on 
 any but the Aeadians. Of course in sti'ict justice, they 
 weic bound to do this work : nevertheless the actual 
 fining of it was a great proof of good will. Masearene 
 had gained such an {uscendancy over them that they 
 
 ^Mf 
 
 ;.'r*s| 
 
 r". '-■••«,; 
 
 P'^l 
 
 1''% 
 
 m 
 
I. 
 
 [ ! 
 
 E' i 
 
 I, 
 i 
 
 120(5 
 
 ACADIANS ItKl'Ain FOi:T. 
 
 iu'V«'i' ininle any ohjectioii. Writing toSliirley lie siii<l: 
 "Tlu" Aiiiulians showed themselves ready, not only to 
 get tin; lindHM' neeessary For that kind of work, hut to 
 Im? eini)loy('d in the repairs, when, on the 1st of .July, 
 the first ])arty of Indians, consisting of about 800, came 
 to interrupt us." 
 
 Later, aftei- the departure of Duvivier, Mascareiie 
 I'esunicd the works that had l>een abandoned and 
 demanded anew the assistance of the Aeadians : '• I also 
 ])ievail(Ml with the deputies of the Aeadians of this 
 river." said he to Shirley, "to furnish the engineer the 
 material requisite for our repairs, which they seemed to 
 undertake and perform cheerfully." 
 
 The fruitless expedition of Duvivier was followed in 
 the succeeding year by that of Captain Marin with the 
 same results. 
 
 The moral decadence of France, commenced under 
 Louis XIV., continued and hastened under the regency, 
 was, under Louis XV., about to consummate its degra- 
 dation and provoke the great catastrophe which would 
 later ruin or regenerate it. This moral degeneiacy had 
 its effect on the warlike virtues of the nation, and this 
 war was going to give the measure of the evil. Watch- 
 ful I'iUgland was ready to realize this, and to take upon 
 itself, a few years later, the task of completing the 
 liumiliati(m of a too restless rival, by overthrowing its 
 piestige and d(!priving it of what might yet re-establish 
 its strength and its renown. 
 
 England's apprehensions were greatly relieved when 
 it became evident that the Duke D'Anville's jiowerful 
 fleet, dispersed by storms, weakened and demoralized by 
 death, sickness and dissensions, was no longer to be 
 dreaded. 
 
 .fS f- 
 
OUANI) HIIK KAID. 
 
 207 
 
 De Ramesay, wlio liud waited under the walls of 
 Annapolis for the L'o-oj)emtion of this flnet, waH obliged 
 t^> withdraw upon Mines and soon after on Reauhassin. 
 
 Here comes tlie only glorious feat (»f arms for Kranee 
 in this part of the (country, and it was accomplislu'd l)y 
 the Canadians whom d«^ Uaniesay commanded. While 
 this officer was at lieaubassin, Masearene, after having 
 revictualled Annapolis, stationed in the district of 
 Mines a detachment of 470 men eonnnanded hy ('oloiicl 
 Noble of Massachusetts. This armed body were billeted 
 for the time being at the village of (irand V]6 in tlu; 
 hcmses of the Acadians. De Ramesay conceived the 
 daring project of traversing on snowshoes the long 
 distance that sef>arated him from (Jrand V\C\ and of 
 surprising during the night the troops stationed there ; 
 a raid winch, though it won renown for the Canadians, 
 produced no practical result. 
 
 We have seen, from divers exti-acts, wliat was the 
 attitude of the Acadians during these four years of 
 repeated invasion by the French troops: let us now 
 listen to other testimonies gleaned from the correspond- 
 ence of Crovernor Mascarene himself. 
 
 At different times he l>ears witness that, during tlie 
 intervals between these successive expeditions, the 
 Acadians came to inform him of the movements of the 
 Frencli and to work at putting the foundations in a lit 
 state to withstand their attacks. 
 
 m 
 
 'r 
 
 m 
 
 To Governor Philipps, on June 9tli 1744, he writes: "I have 
 (lone all in my power to keep the Acadians in tlieir fidelity wlio 
 promise fair and a.s y<>t assist )is in repairing our breaches." 
 
 To the Lords of Trade on tlin same date: "These latter (the 
 Acadians) have given nw assurances of tiieir resolution to keep 
 in their fidelity to Ilis Majesty, wlucii tliey seem to justify in 
 
 i/' 
 
 M 
 
1 1' 
 
 20H 
 
 mas(Ai:i;nk i'i:aisi:s thk acaiuans. 
 
 haviri;; liitlicHo ^i^'*'" ">* tli«'ir I'SHistaiict' in tluMV(irks|j;((iii;; on fur 
 tin- it'iuiirs »»l" this Fort, whirii iiccordin^; t<» my foi'inor rcprt'st'ii- 
 tatiniis of tlic iititiirc of tliesc iiilial>itarits is tlu* utmost w(> can «-.\- 
 pcct from tiit-m." 
 
 To tlif Scciclaiy of War. .Inly 'Jnd 1744 : " Tlio Acadians of tliis 
 rivt'i- iiavt' kept hitlu-rto in tlicir tltlrlity. and tin irtiifs JDi'tirti with 
 ///«' ('//f'M///, wiio has killed most of tlicir ctittle, and tlu* priest n-- 
 siding amongst tht-m has Iteliavcd also as an hunt'st man, thougli 
 none of them dare come to us at present. They helped in the re- 
 pairing of our works to tlir rcrif ilai/ pirt'cdhid tlir nttiick'." 
 
 To(iovernor Shirley. July '-^Hth 1744: "The Acadinus, as soon 
 as tlie Indians withdrew from us. brought us jtrovisious and coii- 
 tiime to testify their resolution to keep to their lidi'lity as long as 
 we keep this fort. Two deputies arrived yesterday from Mines, 
 wlio liave brought mea |>aper contaiiung mi (is.ii)viiiti'())i sigtu'it ti// 
 most i)f tin' iiilitil>it((nts of tlidt j)ltici' to pverciit cuttle bi'iu{i traun- 
 ported to tite Freuch, according to the prohibition sent them from 
 hence. These Acadiaiis are certainly in a very perillous situation. 
 Those who pri'teiid to be their frien<ls and old mastei"s having let 
 loose a parcel of banditti to plimder them, whilst on the other 
 baud they see themselves tlireatt'iied with ruin and destruction if 
 they failed in their allegiani-e to the British Goverinuent." 
 
 To King Gould, on the .same date : " The Acadiuns still keep 
 in their fidelity and have not anyways joined with the enemy, 
 but we have lost their a.ssistance in the rejjairing of our works. 
 they being in dread of the Indians." 
 
 To Dec. 1744 : *' To the timely succour received from the 
 
 Governor of Massachusetts, and our Freneli iiiliubitantH refiisitHj 
 to take Hpariitsdyaiiist lis ireuire our j)reserr(ttioii. If theAcadi- 
 ans had taken up .vrms they might have brought three or four 
 thousand men against us." 
 
 To dear Ladevese, 1747, at the close of the war : " The great 
 
 french Armada under Duke D'Anville which would have swal- 
 lowed us up, was by God's Providence, weakened and shattered by 
 sickness and storms. . . In these several struggles I used our 
 Acadians with so much mildness, administered justice so impar- 
 tially and employed all the skill I was master of in managing them 
 to so good purpose, that, though the enemy brought near tiro 
 thousand men in arms in the midst of them, and used all the 
 means of cajoling and threatening to make them take up arms, 
 having brought spare ones for that end, they could not prevail 
 upon above twenty to join them." 
 
'#"1 
 
 Tin; roMi'ii.Ki: at his tihcks. 
 
 20! ♦ 
 
 To tilt' Diikf of MfdI'oid, .Iiiiif ITitli 174H. nft«'r the war: "Th.- 
 rtpoiiU'il iitf»'mpts of the I'lUMiiv on Nova Scotia hav*- not had tlu* 
 mu'rt»rtH tlii-y »'.\|M'<-t«'«l ; aii*l. notwitliMtiiiu'iiiK tlu- nu'ims tlu-y 
 liavt' iiHcd to ciiticfor t'orcc into o|it>n rclicllion tlu> Acadians, who 
 arc all of lit'Mcli extraction and |ia|iiHt.s, tlicy have not licen ahlc 
 to provail except n|>on a few of them : and. after having entered 
 this pi'ovince three ditferent tiinen. witli forces far sn|)erior \>> 
 what roidd he op|M».se»l to them, they were at last ohiiged to retire 
 t<» (.^ttehec." 
 
 'I'wo numtlis IiitiT. in Aiiijusi, 174M, MiiscurcMcni'dcn'il 
 I.ieiiti'iiiiiit-Cohnu'l (torliiiiii '"to piocccd to Mines to 
 jiiiy ilic Aciidiiins for provisions jind other iicet'ssurics, 
 also for lal)or and losses ini-iirred by tlicni for houses 
 liurnt and fences destroyed to the value of over ten 
 thousand ])oiinds." 
 
 I would liave the reader remark, in})assing, that none 
 of tlie letters (|uoted above are found in the volume of 
 the archives except two, which are the le.ust important. 
 I would also have him remark that, from 'luly 4, 174<i 
 to Ociobei' 27, 174"), this volume contains forty-three 
 documents of divers kinds, while it contains not a single 
 one from October, 1745 to A})ril, 1748. 
 
 Why, one naturally asks, this accumulation of forty- 
 three documents within tlie four years befonj the war 
 and nothing within the three years during the war, that 
 is, during the most important period? The reason is 
 not far to seek ; it is always the same: suppression is so 
 plainly a set plan that one only need open his eyes to 
 detect it. Before tlie war Mascarene entertained doubts 
 of the fidelity of the Acadians and gave utterance to 
 them ; in the tirst years of his administration he had 
 discussions by letter with the priests before inducing 
 them to accept his regulations concerning themselves 
 and concerning the Acadians. Tliese documents also 
 
 I' 
 
 
 W.t 
 
 m- 
 
 m 
 
 iiil 
 

 210 
 
 MUIIDOCH DEFENDS ACADIANS. 
 
 contained remarks favorable to the Acfidians, which 
 the Compiler could not easily separate : he has allowed 
 a few of them to pass. But, to include the documents 
 of the period of the war, wius to make known to the 
 ])ul)lic that the Acadiaiis liad been faithful to their oath 
 in the most perplexing of situations. Therefore, these 
 documents must not be included. So manifest is this 
 set i)urpose of his, that, in spite of this gap of three 
 years he found means, before creating the gap, to in- 
 sert in a note a letter of M. de Beauharnois to the minis- 
 ter at Paris, in which this gentleman expressed the hopes 
 he entertained that the French would be supported 
 by the Acadians. This document is, clearly, foreign to 
 the archives, but the Compiler, however shortsighted he 
 may sometimes be, has found means to ferret out tiiis 
 one somewhere. Nevertl.eless, tins document had no 
 real importance. Hoi^es ! why, every one has them ; 
 M. de lieauluirnois was welcome to have his ; he was 
 quite free to believe that the Acadians would take U[> 
 arms against tlie English. But the real facts were far 
 more important, and they were to be found in the docu- 
 ments of which the Compiler has deprived us just in the 
 very place where he has created a gaping void. History 
 is based on facts, not on the vague hopes of this or that 
 individual. 
 
 lioth the fears of the English and the hopes of the 
 French had, therefore, no serious foundation, as the above 
 citations abundantly prove. This war had submitted 
 the fidelity of the Acadians to a hard trial, such as ougiit 
 to give the exact measure of what might be hoped fioni 
 them under equitable treatment. " When we consider 
 these matters," says Murdoch, summing up tlie events of 
 this war, *' we see more clearlv how it was that the little 
 
MUKDOCH DEPENDS ACAUIANS. 
 
 •Jll 
 
 army from Louisbourg, wliile it was largely reinfon'ed 
 by the Mit;mac warriors, who had always l)eeii taught to 
 believe that the Freiieh king had not ceded their terri- 
 torial rights, received no effective aid from the Acadians. 
 Although there were always a portion of the inhabitants 
 of Beaubassiii positively disaffeeted to English rule, in 
 the other settlements of ('ol)e«[uid, Pigiquit, (irand Pre, 
 River Canard, as well on the Annapolis river, flicrr were 
 ver^ few perKoits who were cceu Kiinpected of wiHitif/It/ nid- 
 iufl the invai<ioii^ and Duvivier received ius little sup[>ort 
 from the Acadians after he crossed the Avon, as 
 Prince Charles Stewart did in the next 3*ear after cross- 
 ing the Tweed." Mascarene had notified the Acadians 
 that their neutrality did not lelieve tliem from the duty 
 of instructing him with the movements of Hie French 
 whenever they could ; as a result, the latter never moved 
 to another place without having j)reviously guarded tiie 
 reads, to prevent them from connnunicating with the 
 English. 
 
 It is undoubtedly true, as !Mascarene says, that the 
 French had " a few sympathizers amongst them.'" He 
 fixes the nund)er at about twenty. This account seems 
 to me exact, considering that it fairly tallies with 
 French rc[)orts. Twelve of these sympathizers were 
 arrested upon the denunciations of Acadians. How- 
 ever, it should 1)0 carefully noted that no Acadians were 
 arrested for having taken up arms, but only for having 
 advised and assisted the enemy, or for having i'"glected 
 to give information to the authorities when tney were 
 able to do so. 'J'he names of those twelve pei-sons are: 
 Louis (lanthier and his two sons, Aiinand lUigeaud, 
 Joseph LePtlam; dit Le M.iigre. Charles and Fraii^ois 
 Raymond, Charles antl Philii)[)e Leroy. Joseph Brassard^ 
 
 .:m 
 
 
 1-^' 
 
 "<|i;i 
 
 IN 
 
'2V1 
 
 |-|:\V SVMI'ATHIZK WITH THH FKKNCH. 
 
 i 
 
 It.': - 
 
 ^^ 
 
 Piern^ CfHediv (liiilt-I)ie(l) and Louis Jlebert, fortiior 
 servant to Captain Handtield. Some were condemned; 
 others were released, their ex[)huiations having beisn 
 jndi^'ed satisfactory. 
 
 The wonder is, not tliat twenty persons thus lent as- 
 sistance to tlie enemy, but rather that there were not 
 more, as this war lasted four years, and the province 
 was invaded so many times. There must necessarily 
 liave been officious persons giving information to one 
 side or the other. To sui)[)ose the contrary would be to 
 be totally ignorant of human nature. The French re- 
 jiorts show us that there often came to them soldiers 
 who had escaped from the Ainiapolis garrison. These 
 deserters informed them of the situation of the English. 
 Sucli isolated facts belong to all times and places, and 
 no unfavorable conclusion can reasonably be drawn 
 therefrom. 
 
 It is useless to insist on this point; the fact remains 
 established, that the Acadians, in this juncture, the 
 most difficult in their liistory, superabundantly proved 
 the great esteem in which they held tiieir oath of 
 fidelity. " Their plea with the French who pressed 
 them to take up arms, was their oath," said Mascarene. 
 Besides, these facts .are not disputed, except by Park- 
 man wlio dissents only by implication, by making use 
 of expressions that give quite a different impression. 
 This writer, who, in his work " Montcalm and Wolfe," 
 devotes only three pages to the account of the events 
 that occurred from 1710 to 174!^ sums up in three lines 
 the events of the war of which we have just sketched 
 the most important phases : " This," he says, - restored 
 comparative quiet till the war of 174"), when snme of tlie 
 Acadians remained neutral, while some took arms 
 
A PAUKMAN DOIKiK. 
 
 218 
 
 against tlie Englisli, and manif ofhem aided the enemy 
 with information and supplies." This sentence, appar- 
 ently simple and candid, is distinctly insidious and dis- 
 honest: latet anguis in herha. It specifies nothing; but, 
 through crafty insinuation, it leaves the reader under 
 the impression that al)out one third of the Acadians re- 
 mained neutral, that another third took up arms, and 
 that the remaining third aided the enemy in different 
 ways. This trick is a great favorite of his, I could 
 quote several examples of it without even going out- 
 side this subject. A dodge of this kind might be con- 
 sitlered, in common parlance, smart , some people 
 might admire it in a lawyer or a politician driven into 
 a corner ; but there is question here of history, the mas- 
 ter quality of which is impartiality. However, no 
 Acadian, so far as j. know, was ever accused of having 
 taken up arms during this war. 
 
 In presence of this fidelity, preserved in spite of all 
 sorts of seductions and threats, what becomes of Park- 
 man's accusation that " the influence of the priests was 
 always directed to alienating the Acadians from their 
 allegiance?*' an accusation which he repeats in every 
 key and in the most positive terms. If the people re- 
 mained faithful, then the priests had not the influence 
 which he attributes to them, when he tells us that the 
 Acadians had no will of their own, that they were the 
 <lo('ile instruments of these priests. Either these priests, 
 having the great influence which Parkman attributes to 
 them, exercised it in iiistilling fide'ity to the oath, or 
 the Acadians had the firmness and independence ntM-es- 
 sary to resist them. Surely, the Acadians needed a 
 strong dose of firmness to resist the solicitations anil 
 threats of llii; Frem-h, especially if, as Parkman avers, 
 
 
 w 
 
 w 
 
 mc:^ 
 
I 
 
 Si"" 
 
 III 
 
 
 If, 
 lit ' ' 
 
 214 
 
 ACAOIAN STUBBOHNNESS. 
 
 they had likewise to resisttho.se of their priests, piessing 
 them in the same direction. 
 
 Parkman, in order to prove brilliantly his theory of 
 the debilitating action of the clergy, had to snppose, 
 firstly, a great influence of this clergy, secondly, a con- 
 tinual exercise of this influence, and. in order to draw 
 conclusions fiom his theory, true in itself, if taken in 
 the abstract, false or exaggerated in the concrete reality, 
 he had to infer that the Acadians h.ad lost all initiative, 
 all will, all energy : in a word, to make of them, as he 
 does, men who could hardly stand up alone. That was 
 giving free rein to his fancy, and if the conclusions do 
 logically follow from the premises, these latter lested only 
 on one crutch, i^taus pede in ntio. 
 
 Although I sometimes pass judgment on the character 
 of individuals, 1 have no inclination to do so in the case 
 of a nation; it is so easy, in such matters, to be too abso- 
 lute. However, I will venture one such judgment on 
 the Acadians, and it will bear on a defect in their char- 
 acter, and one direct 1}' opposed to what Faikman blames 
 in them, namely: "that they were weak of j)urposc." 
 The most characteristic fault of the Acadians is to be 
 extremely headstrong. Even to this day, in the pro- 
 vince of Quebec, when people wish to express in a strik- 
 ing phrase any one's obstinacy, they say: '• He has the 
 head of an Acadian," which is tantamount to sa3'ing: 
 *• He has tlie stubbornness of a mule." Firnmess is a 
 beautiful ({uality ; but stubbornness, which is its fii-st 
 cousin, is a grave defect, and it is the besetting sin of 
 the Acadians. But Parkman, who beats the air at 
 random, without seeing anything else than his theory, 
 has. as might have been expected, hit upon the opposite 
 defect. Men rarely make a bull's eye when they tire 
 
MISTAKK IN KIIKNCH POMCV. 
 
 •215 
 
 ^^i 
 
 with their eves shut. Was this detect acquired by the 
 Aeadians in their struggU-s on the (juestion of the oath, 
 or was it in them before that '! I know not. If Park- 
 mf instead of theorizing in a vacuum, had made a 
 mt ■ careful study of their history, he wouhl have 
 become convinced of this fact, which is too evident to 
 es<3ape observation. 
 
 The efforts of the French to engage tlie Acadians 
 to viohite their oath of fidelity, merit, in all respects, 
 severe condemnation, and these efforts were continual 
 from the Ijeginning of this war until the taking of Beau- 
 s^joui- by the English. True, with the help of tlu; 
 Acadians, Annapolis would have been taken ; but the 
 definitive conquest of Acadia would not have been 
 thereby decided. Even had the taking of Annapolis 
 meant the comiuest of Acadia, the French were none 
 the less in lioiior bound not to urge the .Vcadians to 
 swerve from duty, and not thus to expose them to the 
 direst calamities. Tiieir lot, till then, had been as favor- 
 able as they could have lioped it to be under a military 
 administiation, with the intense piejudices that then 
 prevaile<l. France, for a Avliole century, had done 
 ]iotliiiig to people Acadia and to make of it a self-pro- 
 tecting province ; she had done nothing to])reserve and 
 support it in the moment of danger. If. at the eleventh 
 hour, she wished to repair the errors of her past, she 
 must first reconquer tlu; country with her own troops, 
 and then protect her comiuest effectually. 
 
 I am convinced that the conduct of France towards 
 the Acadians during this war caused lier to lose their 
 sympathy, which she had been able t(» retain up till that 
 time. If England, oi' rather her representatives, had 
 luiderstood the Acadian character, if thev had trusted 
 
 ^'11 
 
 
 iMP 
 
 m 
 
 
 .*ul^ 
 

 iili 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 216 
 
 MISTAKK IN FKENOH I'OLICY. 
 
 them and mad«^ tlie most of their faitlifuhiess, we should 
 not have to deplore the misfortunes tliat ensued. At 
 any rate, these incessant attempts to seduce them, far 
 from heing prejudicial to them, shouhl have Wimi an 
 additional proof of their fidelity, a certain pledge for \\w 
 future. At the same time, their conduct, interpictcd 
 with kindliness, should liave hecome for the l^nylisli 
 authorities an earnest of lasting friendship and prnctiral 
 gratitude ; for, as Mascarene said, '* without the nou- 
 trality of tlie Acadians, the province would liave het>n 
 lost;" it would likewise have been lost, if they liad 
 emigrated to the Freiich possessions of Cape Breton, for 
 then they would have been sohliers of France in the 
 
 war. But gratitude is a rara uvin. 
 
 I. I 
 
I'UOKELYTIZING SCHEME. 
 
 217 
 
 ril AFTER XII. 
 
 Other events of the war (1T44-1T4H) — Ini<|uitnus projects of Shirley 
 against the Acadians— Tlieir ahirins — Letter of Sliirlej' repudi- 
 ating the supiKtsed projects — It is not judged satisfactory — 
 Shirley procures the authorization of the Secretary of State and 
 issues a proclamation to the Acadians — His correspondence 
 with the Duke of Newcastle — Pro(!laniations of the French com- 
 mander to the Acadians — Firmness of the Acadians. 
 
 Other circnnistances a<l(I a new and immense ^veight 
 to the titlelitvof the Acadians in tliis war. If Mascarene 
 had not been obliged to endure the meddlesomeness of 
 Shirley, governor of Massachusetts, there would prob- 
 ably not liave been a single exception to ihe strictest 
 lidelity. Mascarene, by his conduct, admirable in every 
 respect, had gained the esteem and confidence of the 
 Acadians to an almost incietlible degree. They came to 
 him as to a friend, as to a father. Whenever any diffi- 
 culty arose respecting the extent of their obligations, 
 they came to submit it to his decision, and his reply was 
 invariably accepted without a murmur. Tlie documents 
 in hand offer several examples of this, among others Uu^ 
 following: Some English officers obliged some \v:\- 
 dians to serve as guides and pilots against the Freneli. 
 Interpreting these orders as contrary to their neutrality, 
 they addressed a petition to Mascarene, enti'eating him 
 not to oblige them to such service. He entered into 
 lojig arguments with their delegates to show them that 
 their oath did not exempt them from this service. 
 
 
 im 
 
 /:^: 
 
 rei 
 
 !*•' 
 
 fill'' 
 
1'18 
 
 VUOSKLYTIZIN(J SCHEMK. 
 
 It 
 
 Without hesitation they withdrew their petition, and 
 afterwards no longer objected to any assistance that did 
 not imply the liearing of arms. 
 
 Shirley, wlio was not animated with the same spirit, 
 came near ruining everything, and, once more, Ma.s- 
 carene sa\e<l the situation. Toward the beginning of 
 the wai'. Shirley, somewhat through distrust for the 
 fidelity of the Acadians, but much more through 
 fanaticism and contempt of riglit and liljerty, had 
 proposed a project in regard to them which Murdoch 
 thus epitomizes : " He proposes to intei'sperse Protestant 
 settlements among the Acadians, taking part of thf 
 inarnhlandH from them for the new Hettlern. . . .he recom- 
 mends i/ratitini/ xmall privilefien and immtmitleH for theen- 
 coHrai/i'hient of siwh an should come over to the Protes- 
 titnt raitiniHnion and send their children to learn 
 English." 
 
 This upright historian cannot help condemning the 
 project : " This suggestion of offering worldly advantages 
 in exchange of profession." says he, " can hardly be com- 
 mended incur days."' 
 
 This plan included a further injustice, that of 
 arbitrarily dei^riving the Acadians of the best part of 
 their lands, of that which had entailed the most labor. 
 tlic marshes. Would his suggestions have been 
 adopted? Certainly, if Shirley had been master of the 
 situation ; but, fis we shall see elsewhere, the authorities 
 in England were far from taking the same view. The 
 Duke of Newcastle may have been a great briber, he 
 may not have known, as Parkman says, where Acadia 
 was situated on the map ; but, at least, he had respect 
 for certain things. Shirley himself may have been very 
 sagacious ; but he was laboring under a strange delu- 
 
SHIHLKV A TUIMMKR. 
 
 •219 
 
 sion when lie imagined that, with siu^h projects, he could 
 retain tlie Aeadiaiis in tlie province. 
 
 This design hecame known to the Acadians in the 
 second year of the war, 1 74r), but was falsely represented 
 to tliom as a plan for their expulsion. They were 
 greatly alaiined thereat. Tlie French took every 
 advantage of this rumor to increase this alarm and to 
 overcome the resistance they were meeting with. They 
 argued that such arbitrary acts released them from theii 
 oath of fidelity ; that sooner or later they would 1h; 
 wholl}^ deprived of the free exercise of their religion, of 
 their pi'iests and their language; that their properties 
 would be confiscated, etc., etc. In this perplexity 
 Acadian deputies from all parts of the province ^^■ent 
 to consult Mascarene. Tie combated their apprehen- 
 sion, and promised to procure a speedy denial from 
 Shirlev, and assurances guaranteeing anew the free 
 exercise of th(;ir religion, etc. 
 
 Shirley clung tenaciously to his project, for, at tliis 
 very time, August 15, 1740, he wrote to the Duke of 
 Newcastle : . . . " IJy which means, an<1 rfnini'ini/ ///-' 
 .RiiiJiixh priests oi(f oft hi' P/'orliire, ntid iiit/'o<h<fini/ /*/<>. 
 tentaut IJiii/llsh ai'IiO'iLs ami Ftrndi Protcntatit ininixti'rx 
 mill ihd' I'licdiii'di/t'tneHt (fii'cn to .siirh nf tJw Atuvl'iKiix us 
 iih<(ll i-iiiifiii'in f'l tin' Prntcstavt ri'ii(/io)i, and send thcii 
 children to English schools, in the next generation they 
 would in a great measure become true Protestant sub- 
 jects." 
 
 When the Acadians had resisted all seductions and 
 saved the province l)v their neutrality and their labor iu 
 repairing the fort, at that very time did Shirley renew 
 his infamous project. 
 
 St'ptember l<»tii, four weeks after tlie above h.'tter, 
 
 -y 
 
 •B5 i! 
 
 'jM 
 
220 
 
 LKTTKI! TO THK UL'KE. 
 
 Shirley, as lepresentative ol' His Majesty, addressed to 
 the Acadians a letter in which he affirmed : »• I'hat Ww 
 apprehensions of being removed were groundless, and 
 that they might Ije iissured that he would use his In-st 
 endeavors to obtain the continuance of the Royal liivor 
 and protection." 
 
 Three days later, September 10th, Shirley made tin- 
 Duke of Newcastle acquainted with the situation. A^ \\v 
 have seen, Shirley's plan was not expulsion, but it w;is 
 none the better for that: it was ecjuivalent to an expul- 
 sion and more odious than a mere order to depart, which 
 would have left the Acadians free to go where tlicy 
 liked. It was tiierefore easy for him to rejjudiate it 
 proje(!t, which, litcially, he had not formed, and to re- 
 main vague on other matters : but the Acadians wet e not 
 to be taken in by assurances that were so little dctincd 
 and so unauthorized. 
 
 November 21st, Shirley wiote to the Duke of New- 
 castle to inform him that his letter to the Acadians had 
 not had the effect of quieting their fears : 
 
 *' Tliey are still alarmed at the rumor of the design to remove 
 them. New assurances should l)e given by His Majesty at once : 
 if this was done it would have a great tendenc}' to remove their 
 present apprehensions of being sent off. . . . These measures, to- 
 gether with the iiitrndnviug of French protectant ministers and 
 English schools, and so)ne snmll eneonragenients hi/ pririleffes fn 
 Hitch as shoiiJil conform to tlie Protestant religion : the ttisalloiranci' 
 of the public e.rercise of the Roinish religion, at least after a short 
 term of i/ears, and forbidding Romish priests under sei'ere 2)enal- 
 ties to come into the coiintrij 
 
 "Just as I had finished the last jiarapraiih. a letter from Ad- 
 miral Knowles was delivered to me in which he informs me that 
 he has given his opinion to Your (irace, that it will be necessary 
 to driv(5 all the Acadians out of Acadia. . . I am of a contrary 
 opinion. . . It seems very difficult to drive all the Acadians out of 
 
LKTTKi; TO Tin: lU'lvK. 
 
 2-Jl 
 
 1 
 
 Acatlia. 77(/.s inmld stninjlliin tlir h'mirli cnnshlerdhl/i. ami 
 ii'iiidil iitdkv the rcchiiiniiKj of till' IiiiiiaiiH iiiipiiivfirnhli'. . . . Hut, 
 nfXcY their luiviiig i<'iiiaiii<'<l so loiiK in tlit- country upon tin- loot- 
 ing of Hritish subjects, iimlrr Ihr siincfiini of tliv tiriitij of ('fri'clil, 
 ami making inil"'*'^'"'"*'"*'^ •'" tl't-ir lauils for one or two goiu'ia- 
 tioiis. ami Ixiiig growii up itito-iicli a ninnlH-rof fainili«»s. to drive 
 tiieiu all otr witliout lurtlier eiupiiry snuis In hf liiihh' lo nimiif oh- 
 je.i-tiims. Among others. // iiiiiji hi ilonhfnl wlietlier uniler the 
 rirriniistances of tiiese ))eoj)le it imnlil vlrnrl// uii/H'iir to hv n jiisf 
 
 iisiii/i' of tlii'iii Till' ''.ii'iujitioii of not bi'iiri III/ onus upon 
 
 anil (tovouiit ijii'i'ii to flii'in hi/ Gorcrnov I'liiliiifix. on their rnnxeiif- 
 iiifl to tiiki' fin oiifli ofiilli'i/iiini-i', wlietlier it was done hy him with 
 .>r without authority. // nini/ inrliops hv ihiniiil too riijoron.s n 
 jninislinii'iif tliiif ironlil nirolri' tliv iniionnt iritli tin' {/niltn in the 
 lo-s of their estates and the expulsion out of the country : it is not 
 improhahle hut that thtMe may lie many among them who would 
 .xt'ii prefer His Majesty's (roveiiniieiit to a French one. ami have 
 done nothing to deserve such fate. Sonif iilloinnnT miiy ULTirisr 
 If niaih' for tin'ir hint nit nation hifinrn ('uniuliiins, Tniliitiis anil 
 IJii/tisli. the riiriii/i's of all n-hirli thr/f hiirr fi'll hi/ turns in tin' 
 coll rsr of the war : iliirini/ irhieh thi'i/ seem to hnre hecn voiit inn- 
 nil 1/ /}laee.<l between two furs, the force anil meiiiires of the ('ana- 
 ilia IIS aiiit Indians pill nileriinj them of irhatecer theij wanted and 
 deferring them >>i the stronijest manner from hariiii/ any conunii- 
 iiieation with His Majesty's ijarrison ov the one hand, and the re- 
 sentment of the gar rinnn for their iritliholdinij their intelligenee 
 and supplies on the other, though at the same time it was not in a 
 ronditinn to protect them from the enemy. Wherefore, it seems a 
 matter wortljy of your (rrace's consideration whether, under such 
 douhtful circumstances, the driving all the Acadians off tlie coun- 
 try, thereby greatly strengthening the enemy, is more eligible than 
 treating them as subjects." 
 
 Such is the man whom Parkman .sets on a pedestal 
 for the admiration of his fellow-citizens. True, he was 
 *' determined," " energetic," " resolute," and these qual- 
 ities appear to be those which Parkman appreciates 
 above all others. I am willing to make allowances for 
 times and circumstances ; but I refuse to believe that 
 this conduct of Shirley's was comformable to the code 
 
 /Ha. 
 
 'I«l, 
 
 m 
 
 n 
 
 I \.' 
 
 i^w 
 
!! 
 
 0')-) 
 
 A rUKClKSOll TO LAWKENCK. 
 
 of luinor tliat (Iumi previiiled, how low soever tlisit was : 
 and yet all this vile stuff was written to a tluke and 
 a secietaiy of state, and it was the third time \\v re- 
 peated his projeet, at the very moment when he had just 
 assured the Aitadians "of his Ijest endeavors to olilain 
 the eontinuanee of the Royal favoj' and protection : '" 
 when, as ho himself said, *' they were under the sanetion 
 of a treaty," and, when, as Masearene said, "they hud 
 in no ways joined the enemy." 
 
 Need we Im; astonished, after this, that a man (-(lUidly 
 " fuin and resolute,"' but moially nuich infeiior to Shir- 
 ley, deported the Acadians without more reason than 
 Shirley would have had at this time ? Shirley, however, 
 keeps within bounds ; feelings of honor stop him some- 
 where; the limit is not very high, it is even very low; 
 but we ean guess at a vague boundary line whieh hi; 
 prefers not to oveileap. This \ague line is the treaty, 
 that oath with a restriction, the dilheult position of the 
 7\c'adians, their i-t'sistance to the seductions and threats 
 of the enemy. On second thoughts, he asks himself 
 whether the Acadians should be blamed for, some- 
 times, not giving information to the government, when 
 tliey were prevented from doing so by terrible threats, 
 and when this government was unable to protect them. 
 
 These objections would hardly be obstacles, " hi(t tin' 
 departure of the Acadians would (/reafli/ atreni/theu the 
 enem.if avl would make the reclaiming of the Indians im- 
 practicohie.''^ This is the serious point. At bottom, the 
 politic aspect alone interests him, and, for this reason, 
 " it is more elijiihle to consider them as subjects." 
 
 Between Shirley and Admiral Knowles who left such 
 a poor reputation at Boston and elsewhere, there is at 
 least this difference that the fcnmer is amenable to 
 
NKWCASTI.K TO THK liKSCl'K. 
 
 -'•J3 
 
 (liploniiitic I't.'iisoiis, wliilt' tlic^ liitter stops at iiotliintj. 
 Hut, liiul Sliiilcy's diploniiicy Iuhmi iinytliin^' nioic tliiiii 
 xkilful wire-pulliuj^, lie iiiust have understood that not 
 an Aeadian would remain in the conntiy, if they wtMo 
 deprived of their relif^ion. It is truly leniarkable that, 
 not on(! of these ji;overn()rs, except MascarcMie and Ilop- 
 ^on, roali/ed this, thou;>h tin; proofs of it stareil them in 
 the face. Evidently they judj^ed others hy their (»\vu 
 feelings. 
 
 Let us pass to the reply of the Duke of Newcastle i 
 May :}Oth following- (1747) : 
 
 )ii 
 
 I. ; ■{ 
 
 ^, ,,. )" 
 
 "Ah you aii<l ^fr. Waircii hiivc rcjjroHeiitcd that an opinion 
 prevaileil amongst tlw Ai^atlians, that it was intended to rtniovi- 
 thfin from tlieir settlements and liahitations in tlie Province ; and 
 as tliat reiK>rt may prol)al>ly iiavi' Ik-cm Jirttnlly spread amongst 
 tliem in order to induce liu-m to witiidraw tiiemscives Ironi their 
 allegiance to His Majesty and to taive part with the enemy: His 
 Majesty tliinits it necessary that |)roper measures should l>e taken 
 to remove any sucli ill-grounde<l suggestions: and. tor that jiur- 
 |M)se, it is the King's plejisure, that you sliouhl decliire in some 
 public and autlu-ntic manner to His Majesty's subjects, the Aca- 
 (iians of that Province, tliat there is not the least foundation for 
 any apprehension of that natur*^ ; on flic roiitniri/. it is His Maj- 
 esty's resolution to protect and maintain all sucli of them as shall 
 continue in their duty and allegiance to His Majesty, in the (piiet 
 and peaceable possession of their res])ective liabitatioiis. and tlnit 
 they sliall ('(nitiuue to enjoy tJie free cvereise of tlieir rrliffioii." 
 
 TTore aq-ain is a strikinof instance of the immense 
 superiority of the I Tome authorities on the .score of justice 
 and honor. The provincial government systematically 
 misstates all the facts so as to deceive the Home Govern- 
 ment; and yet the latter never swerves, to any great 
 extent, from its righteous line of conduct. When Shirley 
 has done all he could to get his infamous project ap- 
 
 r':i? 
 
m 
 
 ■2-JH 
 
 SHIULEV (lAinsLKS AXI» KXI'LAINS. 
 
 , 
 
 MM 
 
 Hi 
 
 
 Itidved, the answer conies back tliat the Acadians should 
 he promised ^^ the free exercitti' of theii' rellj/t'on.'^ 
 
 What is Shirlej- going to do? We shall see. Hut 
 first. I shall produce an extract from another of Shirley's 
 letters to the Duke of Newcastle, addressed to him a few 
 days before the receipt of the preceding one. On July 
 8th he represented to him that the French had just left 
 Grand Pre to retire to Beaubassin ; that they ought to 
 be dislodged, that English-American colonists ought to 
 be settled there in place of the Acadians of this district, 
 " a7id fhene AcadhinH trauHplantt'tl In Netr Enqland, an<f 
 dixfribiifed nmonij f he four t/ove rumen fa there.'' 
 
 This shows I was quite right in saying that Shirley's 
 scruples were of a very low order, almost infinitesimal. 
 He was nuich put out b}- the orders of the Duke of 
 Newcastle, so much so that, for a long time, he did 
 nothing at all. It was important for the safety of the 
 province to allay as soon as possible the api)rehensions of 
 the Acadians, lest they should weary of waiting and 
 allow themselves at length to be seduced and convinced 
 by the French. But Shirley persisted so strongly in 
 his project of Protestantizing the Acadians, that he did 
 nothing for several months, and, when he made up his 
 mind to act, he simply suppressed that part of the Duke 
 of Newcastle's letter which ordered him to promise tliem 
 the full exercise of their religion. 
 
 He explained his conduct to the Duke on Oct. 28th, 
 when a whole year had elapsed since he had promised 
 the Acadians to procure from the King himself the 
 promises the}- solicited. In this letter of Oct. 28th, 
 1747, he informs His Grace that he has just drawn up a 
 proclamation conformable to his letter of the preceding 
 30th of May ; but that he has taken upon himself to 
 
 }''*.■ ' 
 
SHIRLEY GARBLES AND EXPLAINS. 
 
 ■2-2-i 
 
 omit the clause concerning the free exercise of their 
 religion : 
 
 " Because the treaty of Utrecht does not seem to lay His Majesty 
 under an obligation to allow the Acadians the exercise of the 
 
 Roman Catholic religion.* And, as His Majesty is as y«'t 
 
 under no promise to do it, / sliould hope tluit methodx might h' 
 found for weaJcening the ties of coHsangidnity and religion. . . 
 which may possibly be cut off o/- at least obstructed by His Majesty 
 making a promise to continue the Acadians in the free exertiist' 
 of their religion. . . Therefore, I have taken the liberty to suspend 
 promising them tiiefree exercise of the Romish religion, thougli 
 it is mentioned in your Grace's letter to have been part of what 
 wan to he included in His Majesty's in";ended Proclamation, till I 
 could transmit my sentiments to your Grace, and I should liavt» 
 His Majesty's farttier directions upon it ; and have in the mean- 
 time ma<le a declaration of such points as seemed necessary to be 
 ascertained to the Acadians for quieting their minds and ivould 
 not admit delay."" 
 
 m 
 
 :5?i' 
 
 28th, 
 ru up ii' 
 
 ;eding 
 Uelf to 
 
 What an accumulation of frauds from Nicholson to 
 Lawrence! Pelion on Ossa. Shirley would, indeed, 
 have included in his proclamation the promise of the 
 free exercise of their religion, but that promise, emanat- 
 ing from His Majesty, might ^^ possibli/ ^* have been 
 " an obstruction.^^ A trifle, a mere nothing which could 
 not embavf-ass a statesman ! A simple question of not 
 pleo riu! imprudently the name of His Majesty without 
 a'«olut3 necessity, in order to be more at liberty to seek 
 %fme I'leans of weakening this senjieless attachment they 
 Lave for their religion ! 
 
 Muscarene communicated u ' . Acadians Shirley'.s 
 
 ♦ By the treaty of Utrecdt : " The Acadians are to enjoy the free exeroiBe 
 qI their religion according to the usage «f the Church of Ron\e, as far us 
 the laws of Great Britain do allow the sjvme." In 1730 the Acadians n»?r(>»«rt 
 to take the oath only because this iiriviloge was more explicitly <»i-aiited 
 to them anew by Philipps. 
 15 
 

 MMi^'^- 
 
 'Sik) 
 
 MASCARENE THE COMFORTEB. 
 
 inoclamation on Oct. 21st, 1747. To their deputies he 
 wrote : 
 
 " You have in possession His Excellency William Shirley's Pro- 
 clamation, whereby you may be made easy in that respect, you are 
 senxible of the promise I made to you, the etfects of which you 
 have already felt, that I would protect you so long a by your con- 
 duct and fidelity to the crown of Great Britain you would enahl« 
 me to do so, which promise I do again repeat to yov." 
 
 1 do not believe the Aoadiaus were fully satisfied 
 with Shirley's proclamation. The tenor of Mascarenes 
 letter seems to indicate that he was anxious about it, 
 and that, knowing* the confidence he iutjpired them 
 with, he relied quite as much on his own pci.-<()nal assur- 
 ance, to dispel their doubts, as on Shirley's ijiolUuuu- 
 tion. They had been left more than a year under an 
 impression that was but too well grounded. During all 
 this time, in order to maintain their fidelity to the oath, 
 they had resisted the arguments, cajoleries and threats 
 of the French ; and if, by exception, some assisted the 
 enemy, these exceptions were so rare tliat, taking ail in 
 all, they count for nothing ; and it may be reasonably 
 supposed that these exceptions would not have existed, 
 if the projects formed against them had not come td 
 their knowledge. 
 
 In all this 1 fail to see the •' weakness of purj ■.>■ "" 
 witli which Parkman entertains us ; it is rather a fii lu 
 ness that resembles obstinacy. The sequel will show- 
 how far this funmess went. Here I shall lay aside the 
 documents 1 possess in order to quote Parkman him- 
 self, who, to my surprise, sums them up faithl'ully 
 enough in his new work " Half a Century's Conflict : "" 
 
 ' De Ramesay, who was at Grand Pre, on learning the iij)pr(>iiL'» 
 
 I 
 
FltiHT AT OKANl) IMtl. 
 
 227 
 
 ln>\v 
 
 liiiu- 
 
 illv 
 
 Ivoac'i 
 
 of an English force, hiul tried to persuaih' the AcatUans tiiat they 
 were to be driven from their lionies, and tliat their only hope was 
 in joining with him to meet force by force, but they trusted 
 Shirley's recent iussurance of protection, and replied tliat they 
 would not break their oath of fidelity to King George. On this, 
 de Ramesay retreated to his old station at Btniubassin. and Noble 
 and his men occupied Grand Pre without opiwsition."* 
 
 A few months later, in February, 1747, took place the 
 memorable light at Grand Pre, which we have aheady 
 mentioned. Surprised during the night by the French 
 under the command of Coulon de Villiers, who haci 
 taken advantage of the darkness and a blinding snow- 
 storm, the English troops occupying this new post were 
 obliged to capitulate after losing, according to French 
 reports, a hundred and forty offic^ers and soldieis killed, 
 among whom were Colonel Noble, his brother. Lieu- 
 tenants Lechmere, Jones and Pickering, and iifty-four 
 taken prisoners, among whom was Edward Howe, com- 
 missary of the English troops in Acadia. f Not long 
 before, when some Acadians had warned Colonel Nol)le 
 that the French were planning an assault on (Irand Pre, 
 they were laughed at: " They, the people of Mines," 
 says Murdoch, " had assured the English that the French 
 would come and attack them, but the English were in- 
 credulous, relying on the severity of the winter." | 
 
 The Frencli then found themselves masters of (iiand 
 Pre, after a battle in which they had defeated iuid driven 
 
 * Piirknuiu must bo li(>ri> iilludin^ only to thi> lli'st Icttor of Shirlt-y totht) 
 Aciuliaus and not to his i>ro('liiniatiou, siiiL-o Onmd Prt'i was occupii'd by 
 Col. Noblo in tho aiitunin of 1740, and the proolamutiou is dated Oct. '21st. 
 1747. 
 
 t The French-Canadiau nobility wore numm'ously repri'st'iitcd at this 
 eomlwit: " Cotilondc Villiors, LaCornc do St. Luc, do Boaujou, do I,ory, do 
 (raspo, de Lotbiniore. de LiKni'Hs, do RopontiKny. do Hif^auvillo, do Lau- 
 gis, do Hoishi^bort. do Lusignau, do la Columljioro, do fiuilleul ;" wero 
 j)rosont also MM. Marin, Morcior, Ma.jur. 
 
 J Cf. Ilauiuiij, Hist, of Acadia, p. 349. 
 
 j'"^ll 
 
 »,..^. 
 
 }^m 
 
 ill 
 
 i-i 
 
 
 
\ 
 
 228 
 
 PilESSUUK IMMENSK. 
 
 away the English ; after a capituhition in virtue of 
 which the coiiqueied had given up the post with all it 
 contained, and had pledged themselves to retire to 
 Annapolis and not to bear arms for six months. It was, 
 properly speaking, a conquest of this part of Acadia. 
 Tlie Acadians, who dwelt therein, thus changed mas- 
 ters, at least they might have reasonably believed they 
 did, and it was possible to find more arguments in favor 
 of this view than of the contrary one. De llamesay 
 directly understood the advantage he could derive from 
 this situation : he avail'^d himself of it to issue a proc- 
 lamation in which he declared that, by this battle, 
 France had reconquered this part of Acadia ; that the 
 Acadians had thereby become once more French sul>- 
 jects, and that therefore they owed submission and 
 fidelity to the French Government ; that they should no 
 longer entertain any relations with the English under 
 severe penalties. 
 
 To this proclamation the Acadians replied by a letter 
 of which we have only the conclusion : 
 
 " Thus, sir, we beg of you to regard our good will and at tlie 
 same time our powerlessness, poor people as we are, burdened, 
 most of us with large families, without succor if obUged to evacu- 
 ate the country, a disaster that daily threatens us, that keeps us in 
 continual fear, for we see ourselves in proximity to those who 
 have been our rulers for such a great number of years." 
 
 Meanwhile, they wrote to Mascarene, explaining their 
 situation and communicating to him a copy of de 
 Ramesay's proclamation. 
 
 Not content with the result of his proclamation, de 
 Ramesay applied to the Governor of Canada to obtain 
 from him orders confirming his own. Upon receiving a 
 
BUT UNAVAILING. 
 
 
 reply, he addressed a new proclamation to the Acadia*!!, 
 ordering thera in the name of the King of France to 
 take up arms against the English, and adding an extract 
 of a letter of the Governor of Canada, which was as 
 follows : 
 
 " We consider ourselves as masters of the districts of Beaubas- 
 sin and Mines, since we have driven off the Englisli. Tlierefore, 
 there is no difficulty in forcing the Acadians of these parts to 
 tiike arms for us : to which end we declare to them, tliat they are 
 discharged from the oath that they formerly took to the English, 
 by which they are bound no longer, as had been decided by the 
 authorities of Canada and Monseigneur our bishop." 
 
 The pressure, it must be admitted, was immense. It 
 was Ramesay's second proclamation, and this time, 
 besides his jjereonal opinion on the lawfulness of his 
 pretensions, he produced thtat of the Governor of Canada 
 and even that of the Bishop of Quebec. Besides, every- 
 thing seemed to show that the conquest and capitulation 
 did indeed release the Acadians from their oath of 
 fealty. 
 
 Nothing of all this seems to have had any effect on 
 the Acadians. On June 8th following, Shirley wrote 
 to the Duke of Newcastle : 
 
 " I have nothing to add to my letters, which I have latelj' trans- 
 mitted to Your Grace, except that Mr. de Ramesay is still at 
 Beaubassin with liis party in expectation of a reinforcement from 
 Ciinada. . . and that he has not thought fit to venture again to 
 Mines, but insists in his messages to the Acadians there, that they 
 should look ujwn tliemselves as subjects to the King of France, 
 since the New England troops were obliged to retire out of their 
 District by capitulation, but that this /(fi.s had )io effect vpon the 
 Aendianf, the reinforcement which I sent there afterwards having 
 taken repossession of Mines, . . . and the deputies having there- 
 upon renewed their oath of fidelity to His Majesty at Annapolis." 
 
 "^, 
 
 
 is -'r ( 
 
230 
 
 BUT UNAVAIF.INO. 
 
 It is not easy to see in all of this any sign that the 
 Acadians were " weak of purpose," and such slaves to 
 the influence of the clergy, since they resisted even the 
 opinion of a bishop, if it be true that this opinion was 
 not invented or misapplied. Subsequent events will 
 abundantly prove that their firnniess or even their 
 ol)stinacy was the same up to the deportation. 
 
 What more, then, was wanted to satisfy the Govern- 
 ment and deserve its gratitude ? Mascarene perfectly 
 understood that the safety of the province was due to 
 the firm attitude of the Acadians, and, had he been left 
 to himself, I doul)t not they would have received from 
 him a most equitable treatment ; but Shirley was far 
 from allowing himself to be guided by such high 
 motives.* 
 
 * Not a single one of the docuiueuts cited iu tliis eliapter is I'ouud iu the 
 vulumo of the archives. 
 
 1*1,! iHj-; 
 
LUt'lSBUUG UESTUUEU. 
 
 231 
 
 CHAPTEIi XIII. 
 
 Signing of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle — Cape Breton restored to 
 JVance — The Frencli remain in their jxwitions on tlie north side 
 of the Bay of Fundy — Founding of Halifax, June, 1749 — Proc- 
 lamation of the new governor, Edward Cornwallis — Oath with- 
 out restriction exacted or departure within three months — 
 Refusal of the whole population — EmbaiTassment of Cornwallis — 
 Temporizing — Founding of Beausejour by the French — Their 
 efforts to attract the Acadians. 
 
 Peace was coiKtliided in October, 1748, at Aix-la- 
 Chapelle. The treaty left the respective situations of 
 the two nations as they were before the war. The 
 l^rovinces or towns, that were conquered, were restored. 
 1/ile Royale (Cape Breton) was given back to France. 
 
 Foi" special reasons this restoration was particularly 
 vexing to the Anglo-Americans. To them, indeed, 
 belf)n<Ted the honor of having taken Louisburj^f. where 
 their militia had given proofs of much courage and skill. 
 This fortress, which had cost France so much mone}-, 
 had been a continual menace to the Englisli posses- 
 sions : the news of its fall had been hailed with great 
 rejoicings, and its restitution left bitter regrets. 
 
 Nearly forty years had elapsed since the treaty of 
 Utrecht, which had stipulated that France was to cede 
 Acadia, but without otherwise specifying what consti- 
 tuted Acadia. Its frontiers, as well as those of the 
 whole of Canada, were to be determined by commis- 
 sioners to be appointed for tliis purpose. Nothing had 
 
 ■MM'-': 
 
 ft'.-*.;''' '.I' !■' 
 
 J <<*•*''■ 
 
232 
 
 WHAT WAS ACADIA ? 
 
 yet been regulated at the time of the treaty of Aix- 
 la-Chapelle, nor did this treaty decide the question. 
 
 The neglect to settle the frontier difficulty was to 
 give rise to many other difficulties, find eventually to 
 inflict on France, not only humiliation, but a blow tlu' 
 consequences of which were the most disastrous it had 
 ever experienced. Until now France and England 
 seemed Ui istruggle with ec^ual chan(;es of success fm- 
 the empire of the sea; Spain had been left in the lurch. 
 The Seven Yeai"s' War was about to decide that Kuu:- 
 land should definitively occupy the first pliice ; that 
 its language, civilization, and institutions .should spread 
 over all colonizable countries, sill the strategic points 
 of the Old and New worlds ; that its industry and its 
 commerce should assume an immense development and 
 bring it great wealth ; that its wares and its money, 
 scattered broadcast over the surface of the olobc. sliould 
 secure for it a preponderating influence in tlie council 
 of nations. 
 
 The English claimed that Acadia ought to comprise 
 all New Brunswick, besides the peninsula ; wliile the 
 French, on the other liand, claimed all the country to 
 the north of the Bay of Fundy and even the east coast 
 of the peninsula ; nor were reasons wjuiting to support 
 each of these alleged rights, since these rights were 
 based on undefined or contradictorv charters granted 
 n.ore than a centur}- before. In each case and for 
 similar reasons the conflicting parties asked for more 
 than they knew tliey had a right to or than they hoped 
 to obtain. 
 
 Meanwhile, Captain ^larin, after the treaty of Aix-la- 
 Chapelle, occupied the north coast of the Bay of Fundy, 
 that is, all the countrv that is now New Brunswick, 
 
t 
 
 WHAT WAS ACADIA? 
 
 
 leaviiit^ It) ilii! Kiiurlish, until tlie decision of the com- 
 iiiission, the present province of Nova Scotia except 
 the island of Cape Breton. Marin's territory comprised 
 the Acadian settlements of the river St. John, of Chi- 
 jiody, Memranicook and Peticodiac. Beaubassin was 
 situated partly on the Fiench side, partly in the penin- 
 sula. 
 
 This state of affairs awakened in the mind of tht; Kiig- 
 lish authorities the idea, often expressed by Philijips, 
 Mascarene and Sliirley, of founding English colonics in 
 Nova Scotia. The two fii-st-named suggested the estalj- 
 lishment of a fort at Beaubassin, and the colonizing of 
 the isthmus from the eastern extremity of the Bay of 
 Fundy as far as Bay Yerte. Shirley, as we have seen 
 elsewhere, proposed moreover to take away fioin tlie 
 Acadians a part of their lands and to introduce thereon 
 colonists from New England, in order the moi'c effect- 
 ually to make the Acadians English and bring about their 
 conversion to Protestantism. Whatever may have been 
 the reason, whether neglect, or the dangers of the situa- 
 tion on account of the liostility of the Indians, or 
 because these projects implied too great an ex[)en(liture 
 of money, or because already those colonists of Massa- 
 chusetts inspired the imperial government with distrust ; 
 at any rate nothing had been effected. 
 
 The first of these projects had become harder to realize 
 on account of the great expansion of the Acadian popu- 
 lation in these parts ; on the other hand Shirley's pro- 
 ject, which implied spoliation and an odious infringe- 
 ment of the religious liberty guaranteed by a treaty, 
 was not to be encouraged by the English Government, 
 always more equitable and humane than the colonial 
 authorities. 
 
 m^ 
 
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 ,mf 
 
 ■0' 
 
 iiir 
 
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 234 
 
 rtAFIU INC'RKASK. 
 
 The Acadian population had increased tvith surprising 
 rapidity. From 175 lieads of families who arrived in 
 Acadia at different times in the course of a century, a 
 little nation had sprung up, which, at the time of the 
 cession of the country, counted 2,500 souls, 7.11-4 in the 
 year 1739, and about 12,500 in 1749. Of this number 
 nearly 3,500 dwelt north of the present bordei-s of 
 Nova Scotia on the territory then occupied by the 
 French. 
 
 The position of these latter Acadians was going to be- 
 come exceedingly critical and perplexing. Until then, 
 this part of the country had, jjroperly speaking, been 
 held neither by France nor by England. The inhabit- 
 ants, who occupied it, especially those of River Si. 
 John, Chipody, Meniramcook and Peticodiac, had 
 governed themselves, or rather lived peacefully without 
 goverinnent, without control, without intervention. 
 As France had ceded Acadia, and as they were the sons 
 of the Acadians established in the peninsula, they made 
 no difficulty in acknowledging themselves English sub- 
 jects, and in 1730 they took the oath of fealty. 
 
 The encroachments of France, before the decision of 
 the commission appointed to fix the limits of Acadia, 
 determined England to found an English colony and a 
 fortified post that might serve as a counterpoise to 
 Louisburg. Chibucto Bay was chosen, and the found- 
 ing of Halifax decided in March, 1740. Fourteen 
 ships, bearing 2,750 persons with all the necessary pro- 
 visions and a complete civil organization, comprising an 
 administrative council, magistrates, a schoolmaster, a 
 minister, as well as merchants, artisans, and clerks, set 
 sail on May 14th, and entered Chibucto harbor June 
 27th following. Edward Cornwallis was the new 
 
STi;ATKtH<' VALl'K OK HAMI AX. 
 
 •2:V) 
 
 Sjovenioi 
 
 flalit'tix Wiis t'uiindeil. The plmMj was most 
 judii.ioiisly chosen. Tlie French had made the mistake 
 of oveilookiug the advantages of this harlx)i' and of j)rc- 
 ferring Louisburg to it. The English were perhaj>s 
 wrong in <lehiying so h)ng to occupy it. Acadia had 
 been forty years in their possession, and yet, in t74H, 
 there were not a dozen English colonists in the whoh; 
 province. Tlie consequence was that the Annapolis 
 garrison would not have l)een able to subsist without the 
 Acadians, and this dependence on them had been partly 
 the cause of all the efforts and frauds of the governors 
 to retain, against their will, a population whic^h had for 
 a long time wanted to withdraw at any cost. 
 
 The much-delayed foundation of Halifax repaired to 
 a certain extent this error, which had no grievous c(»ii- 
 sequences for England, tiianks to the mild and peaceful 
 manners of the Acadians , but, later on, it enabled an 
 unfeeling and conscienceless governor to crush this little 
 nation and inflict on it woes, the remembrance of which, 
 after more than a century, still tills with anguish the de- 
 scendants of those who were his victims. 
 
 If, upon the whole, regard Ijcing had to the times, tlie 
 Acadians had been hitherto governed with gentleness, 
 they met with different treatment after the foundation of 
 Halifax ; which proves that this gentleness originated in 
 the weakness of the rulers and the submissive spirit of tlie 
 governed, ii^ the fear of losing a population whose as- 
 sistance was indispensable. How could they have been 
 governed harshly, when there wt i. only from a hun- 
 dred to a hundred and fifty soiuiers at Annapolis, 
 when the mass of the population was far distant from the 
 only fortified place in the whole country ? Such a state 
 of things would have been impossible with any other 
 
 ;^• -iii: 
 
23tl 
 
 STl!ATK(il(J VAU'K <)1" IIAI.ll AX. 
 
 but a pcacciiblti imd siibiuissivf pfoitlc. Oidcis iiiiiy 
 sometiiiies havo been oxtHUtcd rehutaiitly or slowl.v ; 
 but instaiict's of tliis kind are so ip><i*riiilicant that lliuy 
 would not deserve to l)e inenti(»ii cm they not tlie 
 
 only instances on rec^ord, and liiid not the deportatinu 
 invested them with a certain interest, lilven when, 
 under Armstrong's adniinistr;ilioii, several [triests were 
 arrested, and ill-used, and the chnichi's dosed, wo do 
 not hear of any tlireat or ael of resistance from the Aca- 
 dians. We shall see tiie same self-restraint later on, 
 despite })rovocations and an evei'-increasing o[)[)ressi(m, 
 all of which was sei-nungly designeil to provoke a [)re- 
 text for depoiting them. 
 
 As may be sn[iposed, this new town suddenly aiisiui,^ 
 must have greatly exercised the Acadian centres. An 
 event of this importance could ii' "ail to entail upon 
 them very serious proximate or 'e eonseciiiences : 
 
 they must have understood its bearings and coinment«'d 
 at length upon the new situation. Cleaily this was a 
 serious enterprise, a colony that would In; strongly en- 
 couraged and assisted b}- England. What boded it for 
 them? Would the actual state of affairs be changed 7 
 Would their hai)piness be ti'ouliled thereby, tin- free 
 exercise of their religion restricted, or entirely taken 
 away from them ? Mad they not reason to fear that a 
 part of their lands wouhl be conliscated ? It may well 
 be supposed that these (juestions and others of like 
 natiu'e were so many prol)lems stated and discussed at 
 the fireside in evening chats. In this leview of [)(»s- 
 sibilities it was very likely the j)essimistic opinions 
 that generally prevailed. 
 
 The fleet, as I have said, had entered Chibucto harbor 
 June 27, 1749. A few days later, the Acadlans of 
 
('()HN\V.\M>IS ANSWKItS A DKI'lTATlOX. 
 
 2:^7 
 
 Hiver C'luiurd, (iiiiiul Pre and IMj^iguit, Hunt three dei*- 
 uties to the new j^overnor lo present him in their :>auie 
 their respects an<l their honiuj^e. 
 
 Jean Mehin(,'on, ChiiKh; Lelilain^and Philippe Mehin- 
 «,'on were the three deputies admitted to tlie presence of 
 the Governor. Tliey weie asked if they had any petition 
 to present from the Aeadians of their district ; they re- 
 plied that they liad t;ome simply to offer their resj)ects 
 to His Excellency and to know if their condition w.'uld 
 remain the same as hefore, esj)ecially with regard to the 
 free exercise of their religion. His Kxcellency, who 
 had just drawn up a proclamation enjoining upon the 
 Aeadians to take the oath without restriction, communi- 
 cated it to them with the order to publish it, to post it 
 up in all public places, to return within fifteen days 
 with the other deputies, and to give an account of the 
 resolutions of the inhabitants of their respective districts. 
 
 On July 29th, the date tixed for their return, despite 
 the long distances they had to travel, the Acadian depu- 
 ties of the whole province, including those residing 
 north of the Bay of Fundy, had reached Halifax, namely : 
 
 Alexandre Hubert, i * v 
 
 r 1 T^ i Annapolis. 
 
 Joseph Dugas, ) ^ 
 
 Claude Le Blanc, | Grand Pr^. 
 
 Jean Melan^on, j Riviere aux Canards. 
 
 Baptiste Gaillard, | p. . ., 
 
 Pierre Landry, j & & • 
 
 Pierre Gautereau, — Cob^quid. 
 
 Pierre Doucet, i .j , 
 
 ^ . Tj i Beaubassin. 
 
 tranqois Bourg, ) 
 
 Alexandre Brassard, — Chipody. 
 
 " They were called in before the Council and asked what reso- 
 lutions the inhabitants had taken in consequence of His Majesty's 
 declarations. 
 
 
 m 
 
 ■^ ,'-f 
 
 ;v <lfl»| 
 
S'- 
 
 2;{H uKsi'Krriri. riioTKST. 
 
 ".Iran Mt>l!in<;ori(K<livi>n<(l to His Rx«'oll<'iu\v ii letter wlieicin. In- 
 said, was coiitaiiUMl their answer, which letter, heiiifj; read, llic 
 Coiiiieil AILS «)t' opinion that with regard U> that ))art ol'tlieii li'ittr 
 dentandin^ an exemption t'roni hearing; arms, it was the o|)jni(>n 
 ol the ( 'onncil that no exception shonid Ih< giixded them, Ixit lii.ii 
 they shonid he told jteremplorily that they innst lake the oath ;is 
 ulh'retl them. That His lOxeelleney will send persons as soon , is 
 possil>l(> to administer tlui oath, and tiiat all sneh as are willing to 
 eontinue in the possession of their lands, nuist appearand take the 
 oath iM'fore the '-itUli of Octoher. which will he the la.st day allowed 
 tluMn. 
 
 "This declaration Iteinjj; read to them, they asked whethei. it' 
 they had a mind toevacuate the conntry they would have leave to 
 sell tiicir lantls and cirects. His Kxcellcncy answered, that. Iiy 
 the Treaty of I'trecht. tlu're was one year allowed them, wherein 
 they nii,L,'ht have sold their eirects. hnt that at the present time, 
 thosi' that shoidd choose to retire conld not he allowed to sell or 
 carry »>IV aiiytiiinK. 
 
 'The dei)iities hej; leave to retnrn to their Departments and 
 <ons)dt with the iidiahitanls. I'pon which they w»M'e warned, 
 that, whoever shonid not have taken the oath hel'ore the 'Jtlth of 
 October, shonid lorleil all their possessions and ri^^hts in this 
 
 •ovince 
 
 I'l 
 
 "They then asked leave to f::o to the trench }j;overnor and sei> 
 what condiiion miKht he otVered them. His Kxcellency's order 
 was. that whoever siiould leave this Province without taking the 
 oath should immediately lort'eit all their rights. 
 
 • The secretary was ordered to write all the pritvsts to repair 
 liither." 
 
 A j>i'(icl;vii\iitioii coiironnivblo to the I'oply of tlit^ 
 o-ovi'iiior w;is Iclt in the liiuids of tlu; tlopiitie.s to lu; 
 ]iul)lisluHl ill tlioiv ivs])Ot'tivo districts. A few weeks 
 !;Hcr the same (lei)Uties returned, bearing a letter to the 
 o'ovt'ir )r, signed hy a thonsantl persons, iii whieh they 
 most eoiirteonsly expressed tlieir views : 
 
 "We are very i-ontrite. sir. when we consider the p»'iviK'ges 
 which were granted to us hy (Jeneral Philipps, after wc liad taken 
 tiie oath of allegiance to His ^hijesty. . . . ., 
 
RKSI'KrTI'TL I'lJOTKHT 
 
 •2W 
 
 ■ Tint i/iiirs iiffo. llix Mdjr.tt// irn.s jtlniHi'tl ^» f/niiit iin HmrH/ni/- 
 Hii lit (if (iiir firojx'rtf/, c/c, rlr. U'#' harr ircvivt'd all flii'Hc i>n>nn'm'H 
 Its I'oiniiuj ffoni llix MujiHtif ; irr liavi' t:nrniirii(iin(ilfi rvlml upon 
 tln'iii itml liarf midvtnl svrrice to tlir (Uu'vriiinnit, never liitrinfi 
 IkiiI the Irish to ri(>l<tte. niir ndtli. We Ix-lifvc, Your Kxccllcncy. 
 Iliat if f lis lyiiijfsty hud Ihtii iiir<>rinc(l of our coniluct. towiinls his 
 (tov«>rnuu'iit, he woulil not propose to uh jim ojith whir^h. if JaKi-ii, 
 would at any nionirn' •'X|«>h(^ our liv«'H to^n-at peril from thf sav- 
 aK«' nations, who hiiv(( repn)a<;iif«l us in a Htranx*' inaniM-r, as to 
 the oath we have taken to His Majt-sty. This one hindinK us still 
 more strictly, we should assuredly he(!oine the victims of their 
 harharons «-ruelty."' 
 
 "The inhahitants in general, sir. have resolved not to take the 
 oalh whicli your Kxcellency reipiire of us ; l)ut, if your Kxcelleiiry 
 irill tjriDit IIS our olil odili, irliieli. iriis ifirni to doreriior Phili/))is, 
 iritli on <:riiiif>tioii from tiilcitiij up (inns, ire irill aeee/it it. 
 
 " Hut if YoiU' Kxcelleiicy is not (!is|)osed to ^rant us what we 
 t.ike the liherty of askinj^, ire ore resolretl rnri/ one of iis to Iriire 
 the eoinitrif. 
 
 "We take the liberty, sir. to Im-j;- N'our Ivxcellencv irhetlirr or 
 not His Mo jest !/ lias on nulled the oiith ijirni to us tnj (li'uenil 
 I'liitipiis. 
 
 " Thereupon, we hope, sir, that you will take notice of our liiini- 
 lile su|)plications. and that Your Kxcellenciy will allow yourself 
 to he moved hy our miseries, and we. on our |)art, we will exert 
 ourselves to the utmost in praying to (fod for the preservation of 
 your person." 
 
 ("oiiiwiillis lijul [)i'(!vi()iisly told tliciii tliiit lliey i^oiil*! 
 <liiit tlu! ('(umtiy, but lliiit tlic}' .sliould tiiki; iiolliiiiLj 
 awiiy willi tliein. llu liiid commiUed tliu same blunder 
 as liis pi'edeeessors. He had tliought that these tneu 
 were too mueh attached to th«;ir goods to lesigri tluiin- 
 selves to the utter abaudoiiineut of the fruit oi their 
 patient labor. Like his predeee.ssors, he was deceived. 
 I*erhaps lie did not yet see his mistake clearly ; but he 
 was soon to be convinced of it. 
 
 His reply was, as the preceding ones had been, luirsli 
 and haughty : 
 
 bA 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
240 
 
 COUNWALLIS WAXES WKOTH. 
 
 
 '• Yoifc do nothing but repeat the same story without the loa.st 
 change ; you want to be subjects on such or such conditions. That 
 cannot be. All those who chose to remain after the Treatij of 
 Utrecht have become British subjects and could not have imposeii 
 conditions to their becoming sue).. You Imve always refused to 
 take this oath without an un&rpressed resen^ation ; I tell you that 
 Governor Philipps who granted you such reservation did not do his 
 duty. It is only out of pity to your inexperience that we con- 
 descend to reason with you, oth£rwise the question would not be 
 reasoning but commanding and ig obeyed.'" 
 
 Thus did he dismiss them with these harsh words, 
 without reiterating or even mentioning the orders con- 
 tained in his proclamation, and without so much as 
 communicating to them a written answer, which they 
 awaited in order to transmit it to the inhabitants. 
 
 His letter to the Lords of Trade, five days later, 
 shows us clearly enough the state of his mind and the 
 current of his thoughts : 
 
 "The Acadian deputies have been with us this week. They 
 came, as they said, with their final answer. Your Lordships will 
 see from the enclosed copy, that they are, or say they are, resolved 
 to retire, rather than take the oath of Allegiance. As I am sure 
 tliey will not leave their habitations this season, when the letter 
 was read to the Council in their presence, / made them answer 
 without changing anything of my former declaration, or saying 
 one word about it. My view is to make them as useful as possibh 
 to His Majesty while they do stay. If, afterwards, they are still 
 obstinate, and refuse the oath, I shall receive in the spring His 
 Majesty's further instructions from Your Ix>rdships. 
 
 " As they stayed to have copies of my answer in ivriting, I saw 
 some of them in the afternoon by myself, and exhorted them to 
 be faithful to His Majesty. . . They went home in good humour 
 promising groat things." 
 
 Cornwallis seems already to be doubtful of the result. 
 Had he known tlieir history and the relations of his 
 
INJUDICIOUS AStKOGAXCE. 
 
 241 
 
 predecessors with ilieni, lie would have iininediately 
 understood that his haughty numners, his arrogance as 
 of a Roman proconsul, must, while alarming them, 
 produce an effect just the opposite of what he intended. 
 Any humane and tolerably observant man would have 
 realized this. He had ilattered himself that, by dc- 
 liveriiig, in a magisterial tone, these subtilties to poor 
 ignorant people, he would lord it over tliem and thus 
 stamp out all resistance. Tliis showed great ignorant-e 
 of their character. Besides, it was a very bad begin- 
 ning : he was entering upon a line of conduct that 
 could bring l»im only deceptions and humiliations ; he 
 was about to traverse all the phases througli which 
 Armstrong and Philip[)s had passed, before making up 
 his mind to adopt mild and conciliator^' measures, and 
 then it would be too late. 
 
 Other deputations followed ; memorials were pre- 
 sented in W'hich were narrated the facts relating to 
 their sojourn in the country' and to the oath. They 
 recalled the treaty of l^trecht, which gave to all those 
 who did not desire to become English subjects the 
 right to depart within the space of a year taking with 
 them their movable property ; they mentioned the let- 
 ter of Queen Ainie which enlarged the privileges of 
 the treaty. They reminded him that their decision 
 had been to quit the country, but that they had heeu 
 always prevented by all sorts of means. "■ In presence 
 of so many obstacles we have," said they, " offered and 
 taken several oaths, all of which were based on that 
 promise of exemption from service in war ; if we have 
 stayed in this country, it has been with this explicit 
 reservation, and the finest phrases could not change oui- 
 
 conviction on that point." " Your oaths are illegal," 
 16 
 
 1,-1" - 
 
 M 
 
 m 
 
 .""si 
 
 ' :Mi 
 
•242 
 
 HIS HKJH MUaiTlNLSS. 
 
 said Cornwallis, "and if the preceding governoi's sanc- 
 tioned them by their promises, they delivered to you 
 titles that are null and void; you aie here subjects of 
 the King of England, even without having taken the 
 oath of tallegiance ; you have tlierefore lost all your 
 rights, and it is a favor he granted you when he con- 
 sented to admit you again to the benefit of his alle- 
 
 giance 
 
 The Acadians replied that their claims were founded 
 on authentic acts, which could not be repudiated or 
 distorted by mere Avords. " Governor Philipps had 
 l>egun by denying our claims; then, after examining 
 into them, he recognized our rights and consented to 
 grant this exemption from bearing arms ; he assured 
 us he had full authoi'ity therefor. If we have been 
 deceived, the King cannot turn against us such a 
 fraud: if the condition of our sojourn be withdrawn, we 
 should, at least, be rephu'cd in the position that the 
 treaty guaranteed." Then these unfortunate persons, 
 who naively believed in justice, brought forth the copy 
 of the acts they had signed. "We have always lived 
 thus on our plighted oath, without having lieard from 
 any one that these agreements were null ; on the con- 
 trary, they were recognized and acted upon in the last 
 war. As for ourselves, we have preserved inviolate our 
 fidelity to the oath, despite seductions and threats."' 
 " So much the worse for you," replied Cornwallis, '' if 
 you knew not the invalidity of these conventions, y<»u 
 now have only to submit, or you shall be despoiled of all 
 you possess." This is a pretty fair summary of these 
 negotiations, says Rameau, whom I am quoting. 
 
 Obliged, before this quasi-Majesty to couch tlicir 
 thoughts in terms of the most profound respect, obliged 
 
< ; K i:at kx( ; i t i:.m kn t. 
 
 24.i 
 
 to avoid even the appearante of a contradiction, they 
 were condemned beforehand to be in the wrong. It 
 was the eartlien jar against the iron pot. 
 
 However, says Murdoc^li, the liistorian of Nova 
 Scotia: " The memorials wliich these Aca(hans sent to 
 tlie Council were all stamped with a respectful modera- 
 tion and also with a profound conviction. They all 
 rested on this fundamental point ; an oath of allegiance 
 taken with all due restrictions, from which they had 
 never consented to swerve since the concjuest.'' 
 
 The Acadians invariably asserted that they willingly 
 recognized themselves to be the very faithful subjects of 
 the King of England; that the obligation to bear arms 
 against their compatriots was repugnant to their 
 feelings; that, if an oath like the one they had already 
 taken were accei)ted, they would be hapi)y to renuiin in 
 the country and maintain, under all circumstances, the 
 inviolability of this oath. 
 
 While these negotiations were being carried on, the 
 excitement, as ma}- well bo expected, was increasing in all 
 the Acadian centres. Would their reijuests be granted? 
 Should they depart or should they not? ?.iany were 
 getting ready to go away; the majority did not wish to 
 do so without an express authorization of the governor. 
 The French still occupied the north of the Bay of 
 Fundy : they were building a fort which tliey called 
 Beausejour at a mile and a half from the village of 
 lieaubassin. (treat efforts were made by Abbe Le 
 Loutni and the French to in(hu-e the Acadian colonists, 
 and particularly those who dwelt nea; this frontier, to 
 emigrate ovei' to the French side. The haughty and 
 \nijust conduct of Cornwallis was begiiuiing to produce 
 the results he ouglit to have foreseen. Irritated by the 
 
 *f 
 
 m 
 
 ^iti 
 
244 
 
 ( ; It EAT KXC rTKM ENT. 
 
 efforts of the French to attract the Acadians to their 
 settlements, he gave Captain (.'obb the foUowing order : 
 
 "You iiro herebj' to proceed to Cliignecto (Beaubassiii) to seize 
 and seeuri' as many of the inliabitants as you fan. or. in case tliey 
 t|uit tiieir houses upon your ai)proacli, you are to seize and secure 
 an many of tlieir wives and children as you tliink jn'oper and de- 
 liver tliem to the fii-st Enj^lish Fort you wliall come to, to remain 
 as hostages of their better behaviour."" 
 
 This oi'der however, was not carried out. 
 
 So, while on the one liand lie was forcing the 
 Acadians to choose between swearing allegiance and 
 leaving the country, on the other he was giving orders 
 to prevent them from taking advantage of his alter- 
 native. 
 
BKIEF RISTKOSI'FXJT. 
 
 245 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Cornwallis's proclivniation is followed l)y the departure of some 
 families — The emigration threatens to heconie general — In the 
 beginning of May, 1750, the Acadian deputies, assembled at 
 Halifax, ask leave to <iuit the country — Cornwallis, frightened, 
 changes his tone — He avoids giving an answer ; will give it when 
 they have done their sowmg — Seed-time over, the deputies 
 return to Halifax — Fresh subterfuge. 
 
 CojiNWALLiR seemed at lengtli to understand tliat he 
 •was not going to obtain from the Aeadians the oath he 
 required; tliat they would submit to the cruel alter- 
 native of abandoning their property and leaving the 
 country rather than consent to an act that did violence 
 to their feelings. All the old artifices, all the cheats of 
 Nicholson, Vetch, Armstrong and Philipps were to be 
 repeated to prevent their departure. 
 
 In Nicholson's time, as we have seen, the Aeadians 
 were not allowed the benefit of the clauses of the 
 treaty. Under various pretexts their departure was made 
 impossible. On the one liand, French vessels wore forbid- 
 den to enter the ports ; on the other, the Aeadians were 
 not permitted to take passage in English ships. They 
 built themselves small vessels ; but, when they wanted 
 to equip them at Louisburg, this was refused. Later 
 on, they were forbidden to apj)ly at Boston. Undis- 
 mayed, they begged the French authorities to act as 
 mediators in tlieir favor at the KiiLrlish court. When 
 
 the order of the 
 
 English 
 
 (lovenn)ient instructinsr 
 
 I 1. 
 
 'imk 
 
 \r 
 
 i 
 I* 
 
 lilt 
 
246 
 
 FKKNCH NElTltALS. 
 
 I' ' 
 
 Nicholson to give the Acadiaiis full permission to leave 
 was handed to Colonel V^etch, he pretended that he had 
 no authority to act, that he must await the arrival of 
 the governor. Nicholson, on his return, in order to 
 avoid obej'ing ordei-s, reserved certain points to the 
 decision of the Queen. 
 
 For three years the Acadians, who, i)ei'haps, trusted 
 artlessly in the good faith of their rulers, waited for the 
 answer to these reserved points ; it ntjver came. SuIh 
 sequently, Philipps, thinking that the time had come 
 for exacting an oath of allegiance, issued a iiroclamatioii 
 ordering the taking of this oath within four months, or, 
 in defaidt thereof, departure from the province without 
 taking awa^- anything but clothes. Ill infoimed of the 
 character of this people, he believed, as his predecessors 
 did, that love of property and the absence of all means 
 of transportation would force them to accept his pro- 
 posals. Great was his surprise when he saw them at 
 work opening out a road for their departure. Tliis 
 contingency had not entered into his calculations. lie 
 was equal to the emergency and forbade them to ct)n- 
 tinue that road. 
 
 At last, finding that inatteis could not be settled 
 otherwise, the Acadians resigned themselves to remain 
 in the country and to take the oath, on condition that 
 they should not bear arms against the French. This 
 condition being accepted, the struggle came to an end. 
 Thenceforth thej^ Avere called by themselves. l)y their 
 rulers, by everybod}-, "• The French NentraUy During 
 twenty years, relying on this solenm agreement, they 
 lived in the most peifect tranquillity. Not onl}'" the 
 agreement was not disavowed, but both sides observed 
 it scrupulously during all that time, and especially 
 
FRENCH NKlTltALS. 
 
 247 
 
 (luring the war. At bottom, there. Wiw good fuiih only 
 on one side ; the government was waiting for an opjmr- 
 tunity to repudiate what had been merely a makeshift 
 to get out of a difficulty. 
 
 The opportunity was now at hand in the foundation 
 of Halifax. Cornwallis could now, he thought, speak 
 as a master, ego nominor leo ; agreements were of litth* 
 weight with him ; nor was it necessary for him to {)lea(I 
 want of iidelity on the part of the Acadians, for of this 
 he says not a word. Might for him was all sufficient ; 
 with that, a soldier of his importance could snap his 
 fingeix at arguments. Like his predecessors, he believed 
 the Acadians would elect to take the required oatii 
 rather than lose their jjossessions. Instead of a year or 
 four months — the delay granted by Philipps — he allowed 
 three months on!}' ; and, like Philipps, he forbade them 
 to take anything away. When, at last, he came to 
 realize that the Acadians would quit the country rather 
 than submit to his oath, he, too, adopted ''ways that arc 
 daik : *' " Ax they sfai/ed to have eoplex of viif aiiHicer in 
 •ivrifitii/, I mode them answer, without rhnH(jin;i ani/thiti;/ 
 of mij fanner declaration, or saijin;/ one word ahoiit it. 
 My view in to make thou a.s useful as possible while the// 
 do stay.''' 
 
 This happened in September. He hoped that, when 
 the season would be more advanced, there would no 
 longer be question of leaving in winter; by the time 
 spring came round, he could find some other pictext, 
 should they persist in their intentions. 
 
 The French, as I have already pointed out, remained, 
 after the Treaty of Aix-la-ChapcUe, in the northern })ai't 
 of the Bay of Fund\-. This territory was disi)uted by 
 the two crowns, and the question referred to a comniis- 
 
 '■:M 
 
24ft THK (lOVKHN'Oir OK TANADA IXTEllFEHES. 
 
 Rion. As soon as the foundation of Halifax was lesolvtvl 
 upon, the French, supposing that tlie intention of the 
 English was also to occupy and colonize the district of 
 Reauhassin, liad a mind to settle there permanently. 
 Cornwallis's prochimation to the Aeadians deterniine(l 
 the KrencJi to improve the occasion and try to win thoni 
 over. The Governor of Canada, M. de la Jonquicre, 
 sent the Chevalier de la Coine with reinforcements 
 stiongly to occupy the isthmus from Beaubassin to May 
 Verte. 
 
 During this autumn of 1T40, the English were loo 
 busy putting things into shape at Halifax to make any 
 effective opposition to the mano'uvres of the French. 
 The lattei-, taking advantage of the state of alarm into 
 which the Aeadians had been thrown by the Proc- 
 lamation, left MO stone unturned to induce tlicm to 
 choose the alternative of departure and emigrate all 
 together. The Fieiuih had to make haste, for the 
 English would not fail, the next year, to thwart their 
 plans. ^leanwhilc, as a check on them, Cornwallis 
 threw a small garrison into Giand Pre under Captain 
 Handtield. Instigated by the French, no doubt, three 
 hundred Indians in October (1740), blockaded this 
 gariison with a view to enable the Aeadians to quit tlie 
 country without being molested by the soldiers. The 
 attemj)t was made in vain ; not one of the Aeadians 
 wished to leave before obtainiuLT a final answer from the 
 Governor and without his permission. A few days 
 later, seeing the usclcssness of their efforts, the Indians 
 raised the bloi-kade, taking away with them the notary 
 Le Blanc, Cai)tain Hamilton and eighteen soldiers who 
 liad been surrounded and made prisoners in one of the 
 sorties of tlie garrison. As no one was killed, it is 
 
A NKNV DOIMJK. 
 
 249 
 
 pvident that tlu; oiilv object of this Jittaok was to facili- 
 tate the (lepaitine of tiie Acadians. 
 
 Oil the allidavit of Iloiiore Gauterot, a warrant was 
 issued for tlie arrest of Chark^s Uelxirt, Fra)ivois Kb 
 I'i'ineu, (^laude Le Prince, Henauchon Aiicoiii, Joseph 
 V^incent, accused of liaving- assisted the ludians : hut 
 tliey couhl not he arreste(h At C'olwquid, where there 
 were no troops, no i)rotection of any sort, tlie Imiiiins, 
 by threats and viohMice, forced a ))art of tlie j)opiilatii)n 
 to follow them before tin; arrival of tlie troops. 
 
 In the followinjjf March (17o0), Cornwallis wrote to 
 the Duke of IJedford : 
 
 '' T proj)nsi' to defer i)ressin}< tlu'in upon that lioail (tliH oath of 
 allegiance) till we Hee what can be dont' at Bfauhassin, and what 
 settlers come from England : then I irill ileiiiaitd a fieremptor/f 
 inisu^er," 
 
 This letter had not yet reached its destination when 
 ( 'ornwallis received front the Secretary of State tiic order 
 not to tixact the oath for the present, and to treat the 
 Acadians Avith kindness in order to wean them tioni 
 their intention of (luittin^r the i-ountry. 
 
 At last, in the montli of May. when the Acadians 
 came to Halifax to beg leave to de[)art, there was noth- 
 ing left but to choose betwtMMi consenting and inventing 
 some new dodge. Pretexts were getting rare : Nichol- 
 son, Vetch, Armstrong and Phili[tps had almost ex- 
 haitsted the supply. However, listen to Cornwallis: 
 
 " You were indebted to nte for not havi'nq made ifon leave tlie. 'iX 
 
 country even during winter. But. after having past the winter in 
 the province, it is ridienlons to come and tell me. that i/on irill not 
 sow having resolved to withdron'. My friends, ijon must go and .so/r 
 your lands in order that they may be left in that condition in which 
 
 
 .'IvJi 
 
200 
 
 COUNNVALLIS COAXKS. 
 
 they inight fn hr at fhinm'(isnii, in'thniif tUiit you will luvve no riglit 
 to export tliv h'iiHt /iiritr from the KovcriiriH'nt. When yon hniv 
 done your ihity in this respect, I n'iU yice yon a more preeise rejily 
 to yonr ret/next." 
 
 'riit'V luul not hoeii allosvud to leave in English, 
 Kieneli or Aeadiiui vessels, by sen or land, in the autumn ; 
 now llic springtime is <lenied them, for they must sow 
 their huMJ. 'I'his long" series of subterfuges, whieh 
 would l)e incredible if ihe proof were not before oui 
 eyes, consigned in documents written by the governors 
 themselves, is, however, not yet ended, as far as Corn- 
 wallis's contrilnuion is concerned. The Acadians weic 
 deteiinined to liave the last word. Seeing that, in order 
 to obtain permission to (juit the country, they had to 
 sow their land for tht; btMielit of strangers, they did so. 
 When this worlc was over, on .May ^oth, they once more 
 st(»od btil'ore the (TOviM'iior, hoping that this lime no 
 new objection would In; raised. Once more they were 
 (loomed to disappointnu'Ml. 'IMiere yet lemained one 
 pretext which had not been uneai'thed by Nicholson, 
 nor Vetch, nor IMiilipps, nor hitherto by Cornwallis him- 
 self. <-)nly, there was danger lest the Acadians, detect- 
 ing his purpose, should refuse any longer to submit to 
 his trickery. Hence the oratorical precautions with 
 which he a[)pi'oachcs tlu; subject. The irrepressible 
 martinet, who, slK)rlly befoie had been so harsh and 
 haughty, linally understood that he nuist change his 
 face: he became gentle, insinuat ug, ; flittteriug. 
 
 J'arkman, who has noticed " ' , of the farce played 
 anent the Acadians, or w .^ purpose! ignored it, 
 
 is deeply affected by Cornw lis's words : 
 
 " We proniisetl to give a iJiecise reply lu the inhabitants, witli 
 
I'Assi'oitTs i!K(?ni:i:i), 
 
 251 
 
 it'rtpi'ct to tlu' |M>rrnissioii tli»'y nsk U» Inivc tln> F'rovince when they 
 shall Ihii'i' HDirn their hinds, imi\,(ts it (ippeiirH that i/on htire olyej/eil 
 our (mhi-H in that ptirticulai', w«> will expluin to you our smti- 
 iii»'iit.>< on that very iui|Mjrtant atfuir, with the smiie sitieerity Hint 
 in hare iilinii/s iiidilr use of toirnnls yon, 
 
 " My friends. tlu> nioint'ut that you ha\-tMl('clar«>(l your dcHiri' to 
 l»'av»' an<l submit yourselves to another government, our deter- 
 inination was to hin«ler nobody from followinK wiuit he ima^ciiied 
 to be liis interest. 
 
 "We frankly confess, however, that your determination to leave 
 t fires lis pain. 
 
 " We lire ii'ell aim re of your inilnstry ami your teiiiperanie, 
 anil that yon are not aililieted to any rice or lieliaurhery. This 
 PriH'hiei' is yonr eonntry: yon or ijonr fathers hare enltirateit it ; 
 iiatnrnlly yon oiiijht yoiirselres to enjoy the fruits of yonr labour. 
 
 " When we arrived here, we ex|»ected that nothing? would K've 
 yoii so much ))leasure as the determination of His Majesty to settle 
 this Province. Certainly nothing more ailvantaKt*ous to you could 
 take place. You possess theoidy cidtivated lands in thisTroviiu c ; 
 they jiroduce ^rain and nourish cattle sutlicieiit for tlu' wlioli- 
 colony. \\\ ^\\oy{. ire flat fereil oiirselres that we iroiihl make yim 
 the liajijiiest iieople in the irorhl, . . In your petitions you ask fur 
 a j;eneral leave, .l.s // is inii)ossihh' that yon eonid all meet at a 
 i-irtaiii rendez-rons in order to .set out all loijether, icith all yonr 
 fiiiin'liis. one must midcrstand by th(^ expression, ' eonije ijeiieral.' a 
 jjreiieral permission to set out whenever yon shall thitik projier. by 
 land, or by sea. or by wliatevei- conveyances you please. In order 
 to etfect this, we should have to notify all tlu; conunanders of His 
 Majesty's sbi[is and troops to allow eveiy one to i)ass and repass 
 whicii would cause the greatest confusion. . . 
 
 •• Till' only manner in irhieh yon ean irithdrair from the Pror- 
 iiirr, is to folliiir till' riyiilations (dready established. The order i-i. 
 that all peisoiis wisliiu}^ li> leave tlu- Prt)vinco shall provide them- 
 selves irlth one imssport. And we declare that nothin>^ shall i>re- 
 veiit us from giving' such ])assports. //m' moment that peace and 
 trauipiillity are re-established in the Province." 
 
 C'oniwiillis must luivc thouglit hirnselt" very .skilful, 
 \\\\i\ iudoetl lu; showed great skill in striving to reverse the 
 unfortuuiite impi-i^ssioii lie had at first produced, and to 
 prevent at any cost the departure of the Aeadiuns. Tired 
 
 «!• 
 
 "v pi 
 
 ,1^' ! 
 
252 
 
 TH?: I'OWEU OF KINDNESS. 
 
 of short-lived tricks, which had several times betrayed 
 his bad faith, he was now to hold the key of the situa- 
 tion ; he would make that situation last as lon^ as he 
 pleased. Nol)ody could leave the country without lirst 
 coming to liini ; it was always in his power to refuse 
 under pretext that the country was not quiet, or under 
 any other pretext, it mattered little which; the nuiiii 
 thing was to put an end to these deputations that 
 worried him. 
 
 This subtei'fuge was, I believe, Cornwallis's last ; the 
 country was tranquil, and would never be more so. The 
 Acadians seemed to understand that those passi)orts 
 would never be granted to them ; for thencefortli they 
 ceased to press their claims. They had l)een told to 
 take the oath or go ; and, in point of fact, the}- had no 
 alternative but to remain at the good pleasure of the 
 rJovernor or leave without permission. They remained 
 quietly on their lands until tiie time of the depoitation. 
 Tliose who had chosen to emigrate to French soil luul 
 done so, for the most part, the previous autunm after 
 Cornwallis's proclamation. 
 
 Cornwallis's behavior t( ward the Acadians was not i 
 only unjust, it could not have been more unwise than it 
 was at his arrival in the country. Me was confnmted 
 by a moral and peaceful people, from whom he had 
 reason to lioj)e for the most willing assistance and t'w. 
 most complete submission. To ensuie their j)ermanont 
 attachment to the Crown, all he need do was to let them 
 understand that they had nothing to fear from him, and 
 to treat them with gentleness and humanity. 
 
 After giving such evident proofs of their fidelity t<» 
 the oath during the recent war, in exceptional eircnni- 
 stances \vhich eidianced their merit, after receiving the 
 

 THE PONVEl: OF KINDNKS.S. 
 
 253 
 
 assurances of His Mtijesty through the Secretan' of 
 State, the Duke of Newcastle, the Acadiaiis might have 
 hoped that the bearing of the governor's would not 
 change. Cornwallis had only to let his better nature 
 appear. JNfildness and justice have always been infal- 
 lible methods of action ; otedience and sympathy spring 
 fi'om kindness as water from its source ; no bond is 
 lasting that is not woven of sympatliy and justice. 
 Scarcely liad Cornwallis touched the soil of Acadia, 
 when the Acadian deputies hastened to do him liomage. 
 What must they have thought, when, instead of the 
 cordial welcome they had a right to expect, they were 
 received with arrogance, when so severe a proclamation 
 was flung in their teeth ? Did not this sudden change 
 seem to sa}- : " So long as we were weak, we had re- 
 course to all sorts of subterfuges and stratagems to kee[) 
 you in the country ; now that we are strong, we are 
 going to speak as your loids and masters ; we mean to 
 treat you in a veiy different way?" Had they not 
 reason to fear that their prisileges would be taken from 
 them one by one? that the free exercise of their religion 
 would be impeded, perhaps done away with ? Since the 
 solemn agreements made twenty years before in the mat- 
 ter of the oath were no longer respected, why should 
 their other privileges escape the same fate ? 
 
 For still another reason was this an excellent occasion 
 for winning their affectionate fealty. The way the 
 French officers had treated them during the invasions 
 of the late war had considerably weakened their natural 
 sympathy for France. A little kindness, together with 
 the assurance that the foundation of Halifax would not 
 alter the good undei*standing of the last ten years, would 
 have suty\.ed to bind them to England more closely, and 
 
 
 (■-■■1 . ■^: 
 
 m 
 
 'mm 
 
 >'\'' r ':~-iT- 
 
 
2fA 
 
 A LION IX THK PATH. 
 
 to iiuluee tliem later on, without pressure and without 
 trickery, to take the much-desired oath. 
 
 Tt would seem, at first sight, that with the foundation 
 of Halifax the retention of the Acadians had ceased to 
 be an important object. Their farms were the mo.st 
 fei-tile in the province, their system of dikes represented 
 an enormous expenditure of labor ; these farms could 
 give plenty to a population of 12,000 souls. Quite 
 true ; but there was a lion in the path, as ready to 
 devour now as he was in 1713. The Indians Avere still 
 the irreconcilable enemies of the English. Thisliostility 
 was skilfull}' fostered by the French of Cape Breton. 
 .So long as the latter owned a square mile of territory 
 thereabouts, it would be impossible or, at least, dangerous, 
 to establish new colonies without effectively protecting 
 them at great expense against those Indians. Otherwise 
 no one would risk settling there. 
 
 However, the strongest motive for keeping the Aca- 
 dians was the increase of strength the accession of their 
 ijreat numbers would give to France. This considera- 
 tion, weighty enougli in the days of Nicholson and 
 Philipps, was doubly so now. The addition of thirteen 
 thousand souls might make the situation of England in 
 llie peninsula very precarious. This Avas cleai- to 
 Coinwallis, and just as clear to his successor, Ilopi^on, 
 when he besjijed the Lords of Trade not to force him to 
 urge this question of the oath, alleging that, for the 
 moment, it was inq)ossible to make them take it. and 
 that their departure would be the ruin of the country. 
 
 The Freni'h were as much interested in getting them 
 to quit Acadia as tlie English were in keeping them 
 there. The question of the oath hi\d l)ei'U settled under 
 Philipps for the benetit of England, and thenceforth 
 

 ItRJHTS OK THE FItENCH. 
 
 2o/> 
 
 France had seemed inditferent. Jiut Corinvtvllis's 
 pit/clamation, by withdrawing the long-standing agree- 
 ment, had re-opened the whole question and now left 
 the Acadians free to depart. As the proclamation 
 itself said, the only issue was submission to an unre- 
 stricted oath or departure. 
 
 Cornwallis severely criticises the conduct of the 
 French striving to win over the Acadians, and their 
 conduct was indeed blameworthy, rather in its nietliods 
 than in its purpose, for it was France's right and duty, 
 as a party to the Treaty of Utrecht, to have an eye to 
 the fulfdnient thereof. Since the Acadians had the 
 undoubted right to quit the country, the French had an 
 equal right to persuade them to do so : further than 
 persuasion this right did not go. Because they used 
 undue pressure and violence, they are to be blamed, and 
 this blame they deserve to receive much more fiom the 
 Acadians than from the authorities at Halifax. How- 
 ever, the guilt of the French does not surpass nor even 
 equal that of the governors : in the one case there was 
 violence in the exercise of a. right, in the other, violence 
 (Ufahist the exercise of a right. This oath, agreed to by 
 Philipps, was for the Acadians the necessary condition of 
 their remaining in the country, it bound the English 
 Govermnent quite as much as the Acadians. To say 
 the least, they ought to have been restored to the 
 position they occupied before Philipps's compromise ; 
 that is, they ought to have once more become free to 
 withdraw within the space of a year with all their 
 effects, and even with the proceeds of the sale of their 
 property. Cornwallis had, with no little subtlety, laid 
 down the principle that no man can be a subject 
 conditionally. But governments, as well as individuals, 
 
 ' i.i- f pi'' 
 
 'it-;., J- '*l 
 
 jr '•>'\i 
 
 Jr-lil 
 
 ■%; 
 
 
 
 3 .!-''» 
 
 ■' , .ilM •Willi' 
 
 
II 
 
 it 
 
 256 
 
 ItliiHTS «)I' THK KKKNCH. 
 
 Tl, 
 
 are l)onn<l to the coiulitions which they accept. iiieie 
 is no k)opli()le of escape liere. Either leave to depart 
 must be granted to the Acadians who chiinied it as a right 
 recognized by a solemn treaty, or the conditions of tlieir 
 settlement must be sanctioned. This latter alternative 
 liaving Ijeen accepted, the Government was as strictly 
 l)ound as private persons are by contracts. Did not the 
 autocratic Tzar accept the settlement of the Mennonites 
 in liis empire under the same condition of not bearing 
 arms? True, this agreement was revoked a century 
 later, but after notice given long beforehand and with 
 the privilege of selling and carrying away all that 
 belonged to them. Could a constitutional government 
 like that of England do less ? As the Acadians wished 
 to leave, they would have been justified in taking no 
 account of Oornwallis's hindrances, and in departing 
 witli their effects and without passports, since the 
 exacting of the latter was only a trick to keep them. 
 But the generality of them did no such thing. They 
 once more withstood all the seductions and threats of 
 the French, as they had done during the war: a new 
 proof of their firmness and submission to the Govern- 
 ment ; a new proof also, may be, of the non-intervention 
 of their clergy, if not of the slight influence of the 
 latter. 
 
 E!'i 
 
: »»l 
 
 MISSION AKY TO THE INDIANS. 
 
 257 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Doings of the Frencli — The Abbe Le Loutre — His character — 
 
 Parkman's opinion. 
 
 The entire summer of 1750 was devoted by the 
 Frencli to fortifying Fort Beausdjour, which they had 
 begun the previous autumn. It was in the most land- 
 ward part of tlie Kay of Fundy, on a high hill north of 
 the village of Beaubassin and of the little river Messa- 
 gouetclie, whicli the French considered as the frontier 
 of Acadia, until the decision of the commission then 
 sitting. This district of Beaubassin, or Chignecto, as 
 it was sometimes called, had become very populous, and 
 contained a vast extent of very fertile meadow land, of 
 which a large portion was enclosed by strong dikes. 
 Northward of this frontier were the settlements of 
 Chipody, Petitcodiac, Mtnnranicook, Jolicanir, Aulac, la 
 pree des Bourgs, la pree des Richards, Cocagne, etc. 
 Southward were the village of Beaubassin, the Riviere 
 des Heberts, Menoudy, etc. Thus lialf, or nearly half, 
 of this district was on English territory, and the French 
 naturally expected that the English would lose no time 
 in occupying it, were it only to prevent the emigration 
 of the Acadians. 
 
 In the mean time, the Abbe Le Loutre, who was a 
 
 self-constituted agent of the French, made great but 
 
 vain efforts to determine the Acadians that lived near 
 
 this frontier to go over to the French side. Here it 
 IT 
 
 
2C8 
 
 INDIANS HATE THE ENGLISH. 
 
 m 
 
 will be well to pause and consider this Ahh6 Le Loutre, 
 who played so considerable a part in tlie events of this 
 epoch. He has brought upon himself much hatred, not 
 less from the French officers and even from the Acadians 
 than from the English. 
 
 For about ten years lie was a missionar}' among the 
 Micmac Indians of the liver Sliuljenecadie. between 
 Cobequid and Chibouctou (Tinro and Halifax ). We 
 hardly ever hear of him till the war of 1744. In 1745 
 he accompanied the Indians of his mission and others in 
 an expedition against Annjipolis, after which he with- 
 drew to Bay Verte (on French territory or claimed as 
 sucli by France) with his Indians. Shortly after, he 
 went to France, whence he returned in 1747, Avhen the 
 war was drawing to a close. Thenceforward, until 1755 
 he resided at Beauscjour. 
 
 Tlie foundation of Halifax alarmed the French ; they 
 had always hoped tliat some day or other a treaty or the 
 chances of war would restore to them Acadia, which 
 the English did not seem to value very highly, as they 
 had done notliing to consolidate their conquest. The 
 foundation of Halifax dashed these hopes ; it foreshad- 
 owed a colonizing policy, which, in a few j-ears, was to 
 endear this province to England by its sacrifices and its 
 population. Honor showed France what her duty was ; 
 but honor in America Avas, between the two historic 
 rivals, an evanescent quantity which frequently went 
 no deeper than the surface of things. To save appear- 
 ances was the main point, and these ai)pearances were 
 screened by tlie Indian allies of eitlier nation. In the 
 west, England had her savage allies, whoni she occa- 
 sionally used to defeat French plans ; there France also 
 had hers, so that neither the one nor the other could 
 
'"if 
 
 INDIANS HATE THE ENGLISH. 
 
 259 
 
 move witliout difficulty. Hut in the east all the Indiana 
 were friendly to France and sworn enemies of England, 
 which, exasj)eratod by their continued attacks, liiui" 
 fought them with a barbarity that frequently surpassed 
 that of the savages themselves. These Indians had 
 many wrongs to avenge, and so intense was their hatred 
 of the English that it was always easy to urge them t«v 
 hostile acts. 
 
 It was dread of these Indians that, for half a century,, 
 j)revented liingland from colonizing Xova Scotia. The 
 French imagined that, by harassing the new colonists 
 and sjn-eading terror thi-ough skilfully managed hostili- 
 ties, they would disgust tlunn with the country and frus- 
 trate England's projects. It was an iidiuman and insane 
 policy, which could only end in embittering England, 
 and in increasing her efforts to dislodge a lival wliose 
 presence would ever be an obstacle to her connnerce 
 and to her expansion. 
 
 The influence of the French on the Indians of these- 
 regions was artfully disguised ; but we know enough 
 about it to visit it with unqualified reprobation. The 
 instrument emploj^ed by the governors of Canada tO' 
 carry out this wicked and fatal policy was that Abbe Le 
 Loutre whom I liave just mentioned. His blind zeal, 
 his efforts urging the Indians to worry the colonists 
 introduced by Cornwallis, his unjustifiable methods for 
 forcing tlie Acadians against their will to cross the 
 frontier, deserve to be condemned by every one and 
 especially by the Acadians, 
 
 Before proceeding, it is well to explain an important 
 point which has never yet been cleared up. All histo- 
 rians speak of the Abbes Le Loutre, Germain, Maillard, Le 
 Guenie, as if they had been missionaries to the Acadian* 
 
 m 
 
260 
 
 A MISTAKE CORRECTED. 
 
 on English territory. On this supposition, their efforts 
 to subserve the interests of France are iuterpieted us 
 shameful. Now to obviate the confusion introduced by 
 these writera, let it be well understood, once for all, 
 that not one of these priests ever was, as far as I know, 
 a missionary to the Acadians in the peninsula. Mail- 
 lard, until the dispersion, was never employed as a mis- 
 sionary elsewhere than in the island of Cape Breton, 
 which belonged to France ; Germain ministered to the 
 Malecite Indians in the upper waters of the St. Joim 
 River ; Le Guerne was missionary among the Indians of 
 the north shore of the Bay of Fundy, and also attended 
 to the few Acadians living on these coasts. Le Lontre 
 was long a missionary to the Micmacs of tlio Shube'iie- 
 cadie River ; but during all that time ho never caused 
 any trouble ; when he decided upon anotliei- line of 
 conduct, he withdrew with his Indians to Bay Verte on 
 the French territory. Consequently, all of these priests 
 were on the territory claimed and occupied by France ; 
 hence their patriotism, ardent thougli it was, was justi- 
 fiable, if not deserving of credit. If their actions were 
 not honorable, let them be condemned. Because Le 
 Loutre's conduct is condemnable, I stigmatize it as it 
 deserves. But it is a sovereign injustice toward these 
 men to leave the public under an impression that blames 
 what is honorable, and brands with infamy what is merely 
 blamable. 
 
 This important distinction ought not, in fairness, to 
 have escaped the attention of these writers, still less 
 that of Parkman, who lays especial stress on the doings 
 of this Abb^ Le Loutre. Yet he seems to have done 
 his best to increase the confusion. Thus, when he tells 
 us that Le Loutre was Vicar-General of Acadia ; that 
 
re 
 
 WILFUL DECEPTION. 
 
 261 
 
 the Indians to whom lie ministered lived a day's march 
 from Halifax on the banks of the Shubenecadie Rivei', 
 which implies that that was his residence, he is know- 
 ingly guilty of a twofold deception, because Le Loutre 
 was not then Vicar-Generfil, and because both he and 
 his Indians had long since left the Shubenecadie River, 
 and then lived at Bay Verte on (he territory claimed 
 and occupied by France. I might add that the decej)- 
 tion is threefold, because Le Loutre was named, four 
 years later, Vicar-General, not for Acadia or the pe- 
 ninsula, but for the northern part of the Bay of Fuiidy, 
 then called French Acadia to distinguish it from Canada 
 and from the peninsula which the French called Eng- 
 lish Acadia.* 
 
 I should be glad to be able to say that Parkman 
 merely blundered ; but I cainiot : I liave studied too 
 closely his methods, I am too fully aware of his con- 
 stant efforts at disguising tlie truth, not to recognize, 
 here fis elsewhere, the elaborate system of deceit that 
 underlies every page he has Avritten on Acadia. Dura 
 Veritas, hciI veritaH. 
 
 I Ijavc sought to })enetrate tlie character of this 
 Abbe Le Tioutre who has heaj)cd well-deserved hatred 
 on his own devoted head. The undertaking was far 
 from easy ; however, I think I have liad a large meas- 
 ure of success. Parkman, who " rushes in where 
 angels fear to tread," soon measures and weighs him. 
 In a few words, with the laconism of Cjesar describing 
 his conquest in Gaul — " veni, vidi, vici," he says 
 oracularly : '' \jQ Loutre was a man of boundless egotism, 
 
 * Parkman saw tho proof of this last fact in a report of the Acadian Mis- 
 sions by the Abbe de L'ile-Dieu in 1755, who was himself Vicar-Genenil of 
 the diocese of Quebec, on which the missions of Acadia depended, and who 
 was, therefore, the best authority on this question. 
 
 #"l| 
 
 
2(;-j 
 
 CLAI'TKAI'. 
 
 a violoiit spirit of (loiniiiiilion. an intense hatred of the 
 Enji'lish, and a fanaticism lliat st()[)[)ed at nothini(." 
 .Sir Oracle " opes his month; let no dog hark." As a 
 literary efft^ct it is startlinsf ; the common herd likes to 
 be tlins whirled at a gallop through the obscurities of 
 history: nothing is so popular and catchy as this sem- 
 blance of devouring activity which pierces to the quick, 
 <;uts out and fashions, as by magic, a sometliing that 
 looks surprisingly like a brand-new bright and polished 
 gem. Serious writers. Innvever, disdain this claptrap. 
 Seldom, if ever, can a striking portrait of the inner 
 depths of a man's chara(!ter be drawn by a few strokes 
 of the pen. Caricatui'es can ; and, as a caricature, 
 Parkman's porti-ait of Le Loutre may bear a distant 
 resemblance to the original. Macaulay also seeks con- 
 ciseness and ra})id movement ; but he does not seem to 
 have discovered I*arkman"s secret; on the contr.ary, like 
 the great masters, he Hums his portraits with the 
 greatest care, the result being that they ai-e generally 
 good likenesses, thanks to the after-touches of pen and 
 bi'ush, to the delicacy of shades and tints, to the pains- 
 taking patience of the artist. 
 
 With some corrections I might admit, as a back- 
 ground, one or two of the four pen-strokes of Parkman; 
 but I refuse to subscribe to the " boundless egotism " of 
 Le Loutre. I see no proof of this assertion and much 
 proof of the exact ojiposite. To arrive at a fair esti- 
 mate of Le Loutre, one must enter into the feelings and 
 thoughts that generally actuate a Catholic missionary. 
 Clearly, this was difficult, not to say impossible for 
 Parkman, even if he had been gifted with that rectitude 
 which, to my mind, he lacks, and with that penetration 
 in which, though to a less degree, he is deficient. 
 

 
 FAITH AND rSKAITH. 
 
 •2t;8 
 
 Moreover, tliis elmracttn must be viewed in tlie liii^lit 
 of the ideas of the time luiil of the speciiil eircumstaiiccs 
 of the phiee. (heat was national fanalu-ism, but <^rt'aU'r 
 still was relit^ious fanatii-isni. Piejudires had struck 
 deep roots. I'ersecution was only he^inninu^ to relax 
 its revolting rigor; but intoK'ranec still subsistetl in all 
 its strength. Not long before, France had ex[)elle(l the 
 Huguenots; Ireland was gasping under England's hei'l ; 
 everywhere minorities were oppressed. Wliat crimes 
 were committed in the name of religion ! What acts 
 of cruelly done in the name of a good and merciful 
 (lod ! Was this a fruit of Christianity or of human 
 interests and passions? Was this a permanent result, 
 or merely a transient phase, a bad dream that would 
 wear itself out and indirectly serve the cause of Chiis- 
 tianity and civilization ? This last question must have 
 been in many people's minds ; two answers were to bo 
 given to it : unbelief, fruit of a spurious and merciless 
 Christianity ; and a return movement to the pure 
 Christian spirit, all impregnated with charity, love, and 
 mercy. Man moves and (iod directs. In the life of 
 religions as in that of commonwealths nothing happens 
 without an aftermath which no one had suspected. 
 Small events added together produce great events ; 
 fact is linked to fact by invisible bonds, as thread to 
 thread in the weaver's loom. 
 
 Though the true fibre of Christianity was warped, 
 faith was strong ; in other words, motives weie excel- 
 lent, methods often deplorable ; this double aspect of 
 things should be borne in mind when judging Ahh6 Le 
 Loutre. It is no easy matter for us, men living in the 
 world, to realize the faith that animates those who con- 
 secrate their lives to Christian education, especially to 
 
 .J 
 
 <<i 
 
 ■iMi 
 
2f;4 
 
 LE LOUTHE NO E(J(>TIST. 
 
 the irksoiiiL' ciiteehoticul labors of a CiitholicniissitJiiiiiy 
 Stiugglin^f as we are with one aiK iher for the iiet-es.saries 
 or the comforts of exislenee, absorbed and, as it were, 
 overwhehned by the thousand and one details of ways 
 and means for needs and pleasures, we easily lose sight 
 uf tlie motives that actuate and the spirit that aiiimateii 
 the missionary. That 'boundless egotism' which Purk- 
 man attriimtes to Le Loutrc, a{)plicable, as it very ofteu 
 is, to ourselves, can hardly be applied to the missionary. 
 He wlio, like Le Loutre, had forsaken fortune, [)leasure, 
 kindred, frit'uds and fatherland, to spend his life in the 
 lieart of the forest with coarse and cruel savagi's, he 
 wlio, in order to evangidize these savages, liad volun- 
 tarily end)raced privations of all sorts, from which the 
 most devoted of men would recoil in disgust and horror, 
 could not be, what Parkman fancies him, 'a man of 
 boiuidless egotism.' 
 
 No doubt liuman nature is very complex, no doubt a 
 man's high calling does not destroy his natural bent ; 
 still, as a general rule, incompatible defects disappear 
 or are dwarfed and replaced by other defects compatible 
 with the new vocation. Tn the case of a missionary^ 
 egotism, having nothing to feed on, must l)e diminished 
 or obliterated, thougli it may sometimes be replaced by 
 otlier defects wliich are, so to speak, the human excres- 
 cences of the divine gift of a lively faith. From thia 
 view-point must we examine into the defects of Le 
 Loutre. 
 
 In what he did where is the proof of that ' boundless 
 egotism ? ' In that he harassed the English settle- 
 ments ? In that he tried hard to force the Acadians to 
 emigrate and thus be deprived of their property ? Other 
 motives may explain these acts, but certainly not ego- 
 
MOTIVKS FOR ALAUM. 
 
 mVy 
 
 tism. No other motives at all eoiimieiisnrate with his 
 selfless activity can be assigned hut religion and pa- 
 triotism, es|)eeially religion, to which \\v. had sacrificed his 
 life, lie iiad spent twelve peaceful years among his 
 Indians when Halifax was founded. From that mo- 
 ment, his ai;tivity, his zeal, his fanaticism lose to a high 
 key; he is no longer a mild and peaceal)le missionary ; 
 he is a dictator, an energumen frantically striving to 
 snateli the A(!adians from their countiy, as if he were 
 struggling with a madman on the briid< of a pret'ipice. 
 Unable to persuade t^ven those who lived near the 
 frontier to emigrate willingly, ho gets the Indians to 
 burn down their house.s in order to constrain them. 
 What liad liappened to liim? Whence this change? 
 Evidently, something liad filled his soul with anxiety, 
 and that anxiety eoidd be only the effcu-t of some im- 
 pending danger to religion. The change wrought in 
 him can scarcely be explaiut!'' otherwise. 
 
 This impending danger is eaf.ily found. Have we 
 not seen that Shirley had entertained tiie project of 
 Protestantizing the Acadians, of ex})elling their priests? 
 that he had reaffirmed this project with extraoi'dinary 
 jjersistency ? that, a vague rumor of it, liaving reached 
 the Acadians, had given them great alarm ? What 
 wondei" that Le Loutre should have been inexpressibly 
 shocked at it and profoundly convinced that this project 
 would soon be realized ? Since it had been conceived 
 in time of war, when the neutrality of the Acadians was 
 most needed, when these very Acadians were withstand- 
 ing seductions and threats for the sake of fidelit}' to 
 their oath, when Acadia was piactically at their mercy, 
 defended, as it was, by a mere handful of soldiers, had 
 they not everything to fear now that Halifax was. 
 
 ■A 
 
 
 
 m 
 
I 
 
 fiil! 
 
 
 266 
 
 MOTIVES FOR ALAinr, 
 
 foundtHl? Had not Coriiwullis marked his ari'ival l)y « 
 proclamation which aiinaUod the agreemt'iit of IToO 
 and tlie recent entraiifements oi tlie Kiiiu' thronoli his 
 Secretary of State, tlie Dv^ke of Newcast'j/ Had not 
 the deportation itself been aheady thou<rht of I)y a 
 Secretar}' of State (Crai^t^s) ? liadnou the same idea 
 been entertained by Admiral Knowles and by Shirlev 
 himself, and in eacli case without any excuse? Even 
 though Le Loutre may not have known all these thiiios, 
 he surely knew enough to feel his soul stirred to its 
 depths. I do not hesitate to say that his fears were not 
 only justiiiabiu but, to all ap[)earances from what we 
 now know, founded U[)on stubborn facts. T'nder such 
 circumstances we need only consider the ardor of his 
 faith and suppose that he was hot-tempered, to lind a 
 satisfactory explanation of his conduct, without drav, - 
 iiig on our imagination for a fancy picture that lias no 
 solid foundation. 
 
 How far removed soever we may be from the ideas of 
 11 man we Avish to judge, we must, in ordc to pass judg- 
 ment on him with some degree of precision, put aside 
 our own views and enter, as far as possible, into his, 
 taking into account his beliefs, his education, his sur- 
 roundings. ]je Loutre had sacrificed everything to one 
 single idea; he had sacrificed the enjoyments of this 
 world for tlui joys of the next. To us, to the man of 
 the world, this Abbe's ideas seem very narrow ; to him, 
 perhaps, our struggles to acquire things frivolous and 
 traiisitory must have appeared very mean ; we lind him 
 cruel to deprive the Acadians of their homes; for him 
 the sacrifice was nothing compared to the loss of relig- 
 ion. The scientific theorist buried in meditation, and 
 the astronomer soaring in thought through inteistellai 
 
A GENEROUS SOUL. 
 
 2H7 
 
 space, botli straiit^ers to this nether earth they tread, are 
 also to tht! Avorldlint'' veiy narrow-mi luleil ; yet we, in 
 our feverish moving" to and fro, a[)i)ear to thcin, from 
 tiieir liiu'h vantaire-uround, as so many littU' aiils has- 
 tliiiijf around an ant-hill. 
 
 J^e Louire's faults, to my thinkinf,^ ai'e atlrihutahle 
 rather to his ill-bidineed mind than to a disordeied will. 
 Like all men ri (jio idea, lie was ignorant of th-j world 
 and unsuited to the governance of men. Ilis letters to 
 his superiors are impregnated with an ardent faith and 
 the purest spirit of the gos[)el. In 1740 he wrote to his 
 superioi': " Rememl)er that I am hei'e oidy in ohe- 
 dijuee to your orders; I iu'i here for the glory of (lod 
 and the salvation of souls." In 1747, wlien he had 
 returned to Fr.mee, his superiors, thinking that he had 
 had his share of hardship, proposed that he should re- 
 main there. Deeming that he had not done enough for 
 his salvation, lie refused all .such offers. We know that, 
 on several o(;casions, he .saved the lives of English 
 ofiieers ; that Oaptain Hamilton, who had ^vitnessed his 
 kimliiness, esteemed him highly; that, after the deporta- 
 ion and liis return to France, he became a ministering 
 angel to the Acadian refugees, that he devoted his 
 time and his money to the alleviation of their ^ot. 
 
 His friend. Abbe Maillard, who had initiated him 
 into the Micmac language and the management of 
 missions, was himself, though in a lesser degree, 
 involved in the same condemnation. He spent the last 
 years of his life at Halifax, in the midst of those who 
 had been his enemies. Now, he concpiered them all by 
 the irresistible ascendency of his talent and virtue. 
 There stood by his dying bed the Protestant minister 
 whose friendship he had won and who read certain 
 
 » 
 
 mm 
 
268 
 
 A GENEROUS SOUL. 
 
 prayers to him at his own request ; the elite of Halifax 
 society, civil and military, the government and the 
 council followed his remains to the tomb. Perhaps, 
 under similar circumstances, Le Louti would have 
 received the same homage. What we know of him 
 rests on so valueless an authority — Pichon — that no his- 
 torian, except Parkman, has consented to use it. More 
 of this anon. 
 
mm 
 
 FOKTS BLALSEJOUIl AND LAVVRENX'K. 
 
 •2»Ji) 
 
 
 w 
 
 
 ,:^^l 
 
 
 1 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 i&i 
 
 Murder of Edward Howe — Wliat Parkman saj's of it — He accuses 
 Le Loutre — His partiality and his ruses — " Les Meuioires sur le 
 Canada" — Pichon — What lie was. 
 
 CoRNWALLis's proclamation had revived in the 
 Freneli tlie hope of regaininr^ the synipatliy of the 
 Acadians, whicli the events of the hist war had severely 
 shaken. De la (lalissonniere, the new governor of 
 Canada, hoped it would now be easy to decide them to 
 emigrate. For tliis purpose he needed a man active, 
 determined, known to the Acadians and ahle to exert 
 influence over them. He was not slow to understand 
 liow serviceable would be Ke Loutre, wlio was already 
 heading a movement in this direction. 'J'henceforlh 
 until the fall of Beausejoui', four years later, I.e I^outre, 
 owing to his high standing witli the governor, shared 
 with the local authorities the conduct of affairs in this 
 part of the country. He seems to have inspired all tiie 
 operations directed against the p]ngiish in the penin- 
 sula. 
 
 Surmising that the English would soon occupy Reau- 
 bassin and build a fort there, the French vigon»usly 
 pushed on the works at Fort IJeausdjour. They had to 
 make haste and lay waste the English side of the 
 frontier. Having liitherto failed to make the Ai.'adians 
 emigrate voluntarily, Le Loutre, in ordei' to gain his 
 point and to leave the English in a wilderness, decided, 
 
 m 
 
 f 
 
 Hl^!^ 
 
 «iUl 
 
270 
 
 KDWAKD HOWE, 
 
 ■ill 
 
 
 ^ ^'^f '," 
 
 K 
 
 as ;i la.st resort, to tire the dwellings of the Aciuliiuis. 
 On the approach of tlie Eng-lish, eoniniantled hy Law- 
 rence, the Indians, douhtless obeying Le Loutre's orcU'is, 
 set about their incendiary work and destro^-ed most of 
 tlie Acadian liouses. The pretty village of Iieaul)assiii, 
 whicli contained over one hundred ])uildiiigs, was 
 reduced to ashes, the church with the rest. 'I'lu' 
 i'^luvbitants, left without shelter, were obliged to take 
 refuge on the Frencli side of the frontier. Lawrence, 
 finding notliing but ruins, and having too small a force 
 *:'} resist if attacked, re-embarked with liis troo[)s and 
 withdrew. In September, he returned with seventeen 
 small vessels and seven luridred men. After a slight 
 skirmish with the French outposts, he established 
 himself on the site of ihe village of Beaubassin and 
 built a fort there, which he called Fort Lawenoe, less 
 than two miles from Fort Beausejour, and a few 
 liundred yards from the little river Messagouetche, 
 which the French looked upon as the frontier letween 
 the two countries. 
 
 Lawrence was succeeded the following year by (^ap- 
 tain Scott, and it was shortly after the arrival of the 
 Latter, in October, 1751, that occurred the murder of 
 Edward Howe, which made such a noise at the time and 
 threw a shroud of sadness and stupor over both camps. 
 Howe had been for many years judge of tlie Court of 
 Admiralty and commissary of the English forces in 
 Acadia. He had been first counsellor to Governor 
 Mascarene, and, when Cornwallis became governor, 
 he sat in the council next to Mascarene.* As com- 
 
 * Acpording to a onstoin estftblishod at tho ocouptition of tlio country. 
 Howe should hiivf sufM-ccdcd Masi'mviR' as jjovcriior ; luit tin- fouudatit'U 
 of Halifax li'(l to a diTciffatimi fi-um this. ruJi'. Some wi'oks hcf.iri' Howi-'s 
 Ueutb, Coruwallis had asked tn Ik; rclii-ved, imt he had also .-u^Ljesti-il 
 
 

 EDWAHD HONVK. 
 
 iil|; 
 
 
 missary of the forces, lie had had long and con- 
 tinued intercourse with the Acadians, and, as he 
 spoke French flueiitly, he was Mascarene's principal 
 adviser and go-hetween in the efforts made to keep 
 them faithful to tlie Govei'iunent. His influence with 
 the Acadians rivalled that of Mascarene, and he Avas 
 distinctly the man for all difficult missions. lie was 
 acknowledged on all liaiuls to Ije a man of great worth, 
 of tried and trusted bravery and devotion. 
 
 The mission confided to him by Corn wall is at Fort 
 Lawrence seems to have been to negotiate the return of 
 the Acadian refugees, to conclude a treaty with the 
 Indians and to withdraw from their hands tlie prisoners 
 made by them two years before at Grand Pre. 
 
 t'i 
 
 m 
 
 Lawrence as his successor, on the plea that Mascarene " had solil out and 
 was worn out, and that Howe, not being a military man, was unlit." Pos- 
 sibly, Cornwallis's objection to Howe might not have been ai'ee|ite(l, for 
 Lawrence was not appointed his successor. Howe is almost invariably 
 designated under the title of Captaii'. ; the reason probably was that he was 
 commissary of the forces and had often bern charged with mihtary ojMTa- 
 tions : thus, when Annapolis was first attackM by Duvivie' , he was ordered 
 by Mascarene t<> 'Msiodge the enemy and to raze the hcasos that jtrotected 
 them. Ac the bittlf of Grand Pr^, Howe fell grievously wounded b"side 
 Colonel Noble. .\s he was fust bleeding to death fr<im a wound he had re- 
 ceived in the left arm, he askr(i a French officer to have tin- wound dressed 
 by their surgeon; but the hitter was busy with M. Coulon de VMIier:-', also 
 bad'y wuunded; then H^we begged the French oflieer to transmit his re- 
 ((Ut'st to the English surgeon. This led to nvertures of surrender, and 
 Howe, weakenetl though he was, acted as interiiretei- during the negutia- 
 tious. Ho wasallowed to withilraw to.Vnnapolis on par<il(», and afterwards 
 ho was exchanged for M. I,acroix and all the Canadian prisoners then at 
 Boston. 
 
 Murdoch says of him: "He left several chii«lren. The esteem he won 
 while living, tlie gt^neral iisefulness of his conduet as an «>arly fnunder of 
 our colony, and the cruel ci rev. instances of his death commend his memory 
 to us who enjoy a happy, jieaceful and prosjM'nms home : for the security 
 find comfort of which we are bound t > be grateful tf> those who pioneered 
 the way in the earliest p<'riods under many an<l serious circuinstanees." 
 
 Edward Howe is one of my ancestors. His des<*endauts are numerous 
 in the Districts of Three Rivers and Montreal. C'lU^picuous aiiKnig them 
 are Theodore Doucet. Esi]., N. P. : h's sisters Lady Middleton and the 
 Comtasse de Bhgnv; Edmund lijimard, Es((.. (^ C. ; Lieutenant-Coloii(>l 
 Hughes, Chief of Police in Montreal : Odilon Doucet of the Post Offl.-e De- 
 partment in Ottawa: .Vntoni" Prince, M.P.P, : Auunsfe Kichard, Viee- 
 Consul of France in Winnipeg; Canons Jean and Joel Prinee. 
 
 mm 
 
272 
 
 PAKKMAN S STOUY. 
 
 !<' ' 
 
 Listen to Paiknian relating \n his own way tla' 
 cireunistanees of liis death : 
 
 '• Among the English officprs was Captain Edward Howo. an iii- 
 telligt'iit and agr»'t'abl»> person wlio spoke French tluently,and luni 
 been long statione«l in the Province. Le Loutre detested liini : 
 dreading his iiiHuence over the Acadians. by many of whom he 
 was known and liked. One morning, at about eight o'clock, the 
 inmates of Fort Lawrence saw what seemed anotWcer from Pean- 
 sejour, carrying a tlag, iuid followed by .several men in iinil'oriii, 
 wading through the .sea of grass that stretched beyond the Mis- 
 sagouetche. When the tide was out, this river was but an ugly 
 trench of reddish mud gashed across th* face of the marsh, with 
 a thread of half fluid slime lazily crawling along the bottom ; but 
 at high tide it was filled to the brim with an oj)a(iue torrent that 
 would liav(\ overflowed, but for the dikes thrown uj) to contine it. 
 Behind tlie dike on the fartiier bank stood the tteeitiiiH/ officer, wav- 
 ing his flag in sign tliat he desired a j)arley. Jfe iras in vmliiji im 
 officer, hilt oiieof Le Lout re's Luliiiiis in dififpiise, Etiennele Batanl, 
 or, as others say. the gri'utciiief Jean Paptiste Cope. Howe, carry- 
 ing a white flag, and accompanied by a few officers and men, weiu 
 towards tlic river to hear what lie had to say. As they drew ne;ir. 
 his look and language e.\citedtlieirsusi)icion. But it was too late; 
 for a number of Indians, who liad hidden behind the dike during 
 tile night, tired upon riow(> across the stream, and mortally 
 wounded liiin. They contimied tiieir fire on his companions, i)ut 
 could not prevent them from carrying the dying man to the fort. 
 Tht^ F^reiicli ottici'rs, iiulignant at this villainy, itid )i<^f Jiesitate fn 
 elnirije it upon Lc Lontre: for, .s«//.s one of tlieni : ' What is not u 
 wieJi-ed priest capable of doing ? ' "' 
 
 Tlie very .'Special interest T have taken in tryino" to 
 get at tlie facts in this nionrnfnl tragedy will easily be 
 credited on the score of my descent; yet. the true state 
 of the case still seems to me very doiilitful. 1 should 
 never drcitni, in putting an\- version ,)f tlie story before 
 the ])id)lic, of beino' as dd^iualical as I'arkrnan is. I 
 believe I have seen all the docunieiils he has seen him- 
 self; at any rate, I have seen all those he quotes ; how- 
 
w 
 
 ^•d' 
 
 mi:m(i||;ks sri: \.i: canada. 
 
 liT:5 
 
 all 
 
 ever. In; i^ivcs lu'W (Iclails. wliii'li I liii\c' ruiisoii to think 
 liave Ix'fii I'VolvtMl l)y his iiiiiiniiiiitioii iilom;. Thu 
 :>tory is based on ihri'c (»r four dit"t'(;ft!iit iu-foiints. ull 
 niort' or h-ss coiilriKHctoiy : he has adopted tiic otit; 
 vvliich setMiis to nu' the h-ast [H()bal)le, the least hoiior- 
 abh;. Tlic authority he I'elieson is sd (luestioiiable th:it. 
 serious wi'iters lio-lit sliy of it, or, if they lefer to it, tliey 
 aie eaiidid t'uougli to wain the reaih/i- and K'l him know 
 their i(;asons I'oi' distrusting' that iiuthoiity. 
 
 Some i(U'a may l»e formed of Parkman's (;alibr(i as an 
 liistorian by the faet that tliis rejeeted authority, and 
 another ahuost as ([uestional)U', su|ti)ly mueh of the nia- 
 terial foi' the two clia[)ters wliieh he devotes to the his- 
 toiy of AeaiUa in his '* Montealm and Wolfe." These 
 two chapters, oi Hi entitled '' Conlliet for Acadia," and 
 the other, "The Uemoval of the Aeadians," eontaiii 
 ninety [)ages. Ilci skim.s lightly over the events of the 
 first foi'ty years in ten ])ag'es, in oi(h;r to get quickly to 
 Abbe l^e Loutre and to (h'vote to liim the greater [)art 
 of his narrative. 
 
 Tlie doings of this ai'dent al)be were too keenly in- 
 teresting to Parkmaii to allow of his losing this oppor- 
 tunity. What a sensational chapter he could i-reate oni 
 of the chaos of historic data I I7nfortunately, most of 
 wliat we know of the doings of Le Loutre rests on the 
 two (juspicious sources I have just mentioned. The 
 less contemptible of the two is an anonymoux work 
 styled "• ^[enu)ires sur le Canada, 1749-1 It iO." Parknuin 
 takes good care not to .say that the Ixiok is anonymous, 
 that the author professes a deep hatred for the clergy, 
 that he is so partial to the ijifamous Tntendant Bigot as to 
 call him an honest man. This autlior's hatred for t!ie 
 
 clergy is «o glaring that Murdoch, who incidentally 
 IS 
 
 
 ,f^'i 
 
 il^' 
 
 .m ' 
 
 4?l 
 

 
 
 
 ?;?^' ' 
 
 
 274 
 
 A DISTKUHTED TKAITOU. 
 
 quotes him in referenee to other inatters, lias the frank- 
 ness to cast doubts on his veracity : 
 
 " It mnst neverthelcsH be, n'tnemheiTd that ice have derived our 
 ill format ion of 1a' Loiifre from sources not friendly to priesfx — 
 ttie Frenvli of tliat period being tinged irith the philosophy of ]'ol- 
 taire." 
 
 Tliis is the caution of an historian worth}' of the 
 name ; but Parkman, as usual, is silent about all such 
 matters, nay, he emphasizes liis inferences l)y layino- 
 stress on the fact that he is (juoting an authority tliar is 
 Frendi. His fraud, however, does not stop there. To 
 add weight to his assertions, he sometimes uses the 
 author vaguely a; '■'' if Catho/lc rontrinpornr//." as if a 
 Voltairian could be a Catliolic. and thus we cannot evt-n 
 Sfuess that he is alludino' to the " Mcmoires sui' h- Caii- 
 ada." Xo altt»rnative is h'ft to the ingenuous iinkUm' 
 but to suppose that there is (juestion of some additional 
 authoi'ity cori'oborating what was said by anotlicr wvitev 
 or confirming the •' iSremoires " themselves. 0\ onr 
 poor authority he cunningly builds up two appaiently 
 good ones. This is killing two birds with one stone: 
 multiplying by dividing. Between such double-dealing 
 and th(! caudoi- of ^lurdoch yawns a bridgeless gulf. 
 
 J*arkman's other authority is verv much worse yet. 
 and, in passing from one to the other, he falls out of 
 the frying-pan into the tire. T refer to Pichon. a Fiei;rli 
 subaltern, who, after having been several years at 
 Louisburg, was transferred to Beaiiscjfuir in 17o3, tli;it 
 is. f/rn i/ears after the events ive are no/r ronf<(ilerni;i. 
 Cajitain Scott was then in command at Fort Lawrenct-. 
 Pichon found means to siM^ure an interview with him. 
 in the cours«? of wliich he offei'ed his services, ])ledging 
 
1 ■" 
 
 A nisTitrsTEi) Tit.vrroK. 
 
 27.) 
 
 himself, in return lor a [jeciiiiiary ruwanl aiul proiiiLscs 
 (jf prott'i'tion, to eoiunmiiieate all the infonnalion hti 
 could get hold of on the aetions and i)lans of tlie French, 
 and copies of all the documents that miglit pass through 
 his hands. Pichon transacted this hateful business 
 with great assiduity, in his communications, first with 
 Scott and later on with C'ajttain Ilussey, wlio soon snc- 
 fceded the former in the conunand of Fort F.aw renrc 
 I'ichon continued his treachery at Halifax. LouishuiL;' 
 and I'hila(lel})hia ; after which he withdrew to Fnglaiid, 
 whei'e he published a pamphlet entitled, *• l^etters and 
 Memoirs relating to Cape Hreton." 
 
 Such was the man and siudi the i)ait he playt'<l. A 
 creature of this stamp is, cvidenily, not a weighty 
 authority, even if tliert; weie nothing worse agiiinst 
 him ; but we have })leuty of other reasons for discredit- 
 ing his testimony. lie w:is all that his dirly work 
 imjjlied. Captain Ilussey, when transmitting to the 
 (lovernor the information he had received from I'ichon, 
 gave his reasons for believing and for doubting him, 
 and frequently pointed out liis inconsistencies and the 
 slender credit one could give to his allirmations ; so 
 nuich so that he ended by ex[»ressing the opinion that it 
 would be better to cease all intercourse with him. Dr. 
 Blown also discusses tin; testimony and the writings of 
 Pichon, and veiy sagaciously sets off the baseness they 
 ]"eveal. Admiral Hoscaweii would not l)elieve i'ichon, 
 and Murdoch, having to ([uote him with regard to the 
 taking of IJeausejour, begs the readei'"s pardon. ;iiid 
 alleges as an excuse the a])sence of all other sonrces of 
 information.* 
 
 * Ciqil. iIu^M'> to ("aiJt. Si'olt, lltli of Xov. I7")4. The iiiconsist- 
 eiicy, tlii: fiMi' of guilt, nmk< thi: iinilt i/ ruiiunil nlmiirditiis ruinuuti to 
 
 I !'. 
 
 
 isn 
 
 # 
 
 <d 
 
' 
 
 H : .'^t 
 
 m 
 
 I'.VIIKMAN IHSSKrTi;i». 
 
 Wiiliotit llic " Moiiidi res sill' U^ Ciuiailii "* and |*i(lioir.« 
 iiiiiiifii>ii> (Iciiiils, I'iiiUmitii Wdtild hii\T ti> lost' all hi- 
 aiit'cildtfs ahoiit Ia' liuulro and llic ninsl intcri^stiiii^ 
 j)ait III' liis two chapUji's. He I 
 
 viK'W Imw al 
 
 tl 
 
 lal 
 
 winild l)f cau'erlv dt'voiirt'd. iiow liis <jil'ts ol" Wdnl- 
 
 j)aintiii,!4- wm 
 
 lid tell ill the book-market. What 
 
 \Vil> 
 
 t 
 
 (I he (lone 
 
 Tl 
 
 le sitiialioii was 
 
 tiekl 
 
 isli in 
 
 tl 
 
 le ex- 
 
 treme, I'lill of teni|)ta(i(His and daii^-ers. Must lie let 
 so liiK! a plum fall without [diiekin^' it whilst it i> 
 
 itl 
 
 Witliin easv Jcaen 
 
 I 
 
 iiie, no one 
 
 iiad 
 
 ever ilaitMi to 
 
 toueh it bel'ore: but tliis only made it moi'o of a temjit;!- 
 
 ciiixciri s 
 
 TrailDis ail' never cordially l>elieveil : how is ji 
 
 tl, 
 
 to hiiKJ lliem l)v oidinaiv lies '.* ' 
 
 lllisslli 
 
 halef, lliisse\ to Seoli : ••eiicloseil vdu iia\e some letters 1 rerri\cii 
 
 floiii I'ielioii. / ////(.s7 cniil'iss I lull 
 
 xniiic sii.siiiciiiiiK III lii.s miiri ri 
 
 iliissev to the ( oimiiissioiier in ( liiel', iL'tli Nov. IT')4: 
 
 I 
 
 le ".Mil (.1 
 
 this inonlli 1 I'ei'eived I 
 
 le eni'losei 
 
 I letter, which, ii'lirtlnr inilhiut'i 
 
 >/. I think mv diitv to tiaiisniit lo von. 
 
 jK rti.i;/ 
 
 I'ii-h 
 
 I cniiiiiil liclp SI 
 
 mil s .sniriri 
 
 hi Ills lilli 
 
 Ijl, and '■(/■// nil, 11 liiiil i/niil iiifniisiNhni'li 
 
 I eaiinol Iml icinaik. that in this, sir. he makes t 
 
 le I'ov- 
 
 ernnr nf ( anada say that he enuaues ],{• I.ont re and ile N'eiiior to lind 
 some plansihlr in-eiexi to make the Indians lireak i>m, and tells nn' 
 that de \'eri;(>r ii'lll tulc- i-urr tluil tin;/ ilo iml nlli m/il iiiii/l hhi'i 
 1,1 >;■." 
 
 " He hath also, ever since I have heeii here, complained Imir mir- 
 rmi'lll Ik' Ik iilisiri'iil iind limi' Jinhiit.s Lr Limtri — whom in contempl 
 
 he styles Moses 
 
 /■ /// 
 
 IS III llllll 
 
 which I think. Is n lilll 
 
 ii-illi his I rust nil/ liiiii villi liis Ifttirs si>/ii)'(is In Ink 
 
 I- niriinsisliiil 
 r riiiilrs iil tlii m. 
 
 1 tldnk, sir, / Imrr iimnl ri'iisniis to liclirrc that, the letter Piehnn 
 
 calls Mr. l)nsi|iiesne"s is n/ liis mi'ii ciiiii/iiisiir 
 iufiii'iiii'il I'riiiii. 
 
 I, I'l'i- I 
 
 illii litis iiiiiriiiii;t 
 
 Mr. !'i(di(>n is ulsn , 
 
 ihil, 
 
 rii II 
 
 liiiill. 
 
 woidd yon thiidv prnper 
 
 ot' my keei)ini; up this oorres])ondence with him dnritiLt the winter ".' 
 
 The l.'ev. .Mr. lirown devotes a whole chapter to dissect iiiir I'ichon's 
 ineonsisleneies and character, with lht> title: '• Casual hints from the 
 let 1 1 MS of I'iehon indicating the state of his nund diirinji his traitor- 
 ous correspondeiu'e." 
 
 Ailiniral IJosea wen. writ ini; to liord f'hathani after the takinji of 
 Lonist)in'i;' in IT.")S. says: '■ 1 received this stalemein with hnt a mod- 
 erate amount of lielief in its accin"icy, as Pi<'hon my informer was no! 
 there himself, and, hi'liii/ ini njicn srcp'cr iit llic inuistlinnil, without, 
 iinpiignini; his veracity, I think he was prone to helleve any riiiKif'!^ 
 ]w heard that tended la ,lisiiitrii;/r Fniirli niitlinritirs m- jiriisls. It 
 resembles too closely the harsh I'harge.s of pillage at LJeuusejour fur 
 
 which we have only his assertion. 
 
FIVK TKM.'KS. 
 
 •277 
 
 tion and a ivlisli. tSV non e lu-ro, e Ik n frovafo. At 
 last, llu! iiie vital >lt.' has come to pass; Paikinaii yields 
 and sei/,('s tin; forbidden tVuit. Still, we must give Iiini 
 credit for having loner lufsitated before plucking it, as 
 is evident fiom the great pains he takes to disguise 
 I*i(!hon's identity and to sui)press whatever might de- 
 pieci 
 A I 
 
 ate 1 
 
 nm. 
 alvsi 
 
 >t' I'arki 
 
 Midi 
 
 il 
 
 assment is extremel , 
 interesting; it constitutes a sort of vivisection of the 
 ways and n:eans, ruses and shifts that may be adopted 
 by a tricky writer. We witness the fluctuations of a 
 soul l)uffeted to and fro l>y glee and distress, and yet 
 maturing the most skilful combinations of a fertile 
 brain. 
 
 As to the •* Meinoiitjs sui' h; (^iiiada," lie seems to 
 hav(! made up his mind reailily enough. After all, 
 thought he, there was no need to follow Murdoch's 
 example ; it was not absolutely nect!ssary to say that 
 the work is anonymous, that it exudes hatred of the 
 clergy. Hut, in the rase of Pichon. the j)roblem was 
 far more dilhcult ; something must be said of the j)art 
 he played. Here several alternative courses were open 
 toParkman : he might (1) (juote IMchon under the vague 
 designation of '• a French officer ; " (2) simply refer to his 
 letters or to the page of the volume of the archives for 
 tliose of his letters that are there ; * (•') mention his name 
 Avithout comment: (4) acknowledge Pichon's odious oc- 
 cuj)ation and yet say something in his favor to act as a 
 buffer against the sliottk of the disclosure : or, (5) linuUy, 
 take shelter behind some respectable name. Instead of 
 choosing one of these numerous alternatives, Parkman 
 
 l-.jl: 
 
 * Till* Compiler has yiddiMl tn (In- nuhii' ti'ni|>tfition ; hi- lias iiiiscrted 
 SOmc! <^f tMc^'linii's IcttiTs ill thii volume of the iiri;bivos. Arrdilei' ambo. 
 
IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 
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 |;a 1 2.0 
 
 1.8 
 
 U III 1.6 
 
 
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 /] 
 
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 /!;« 
 
 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
 
 Corporation 
 
 33 WESV MAIN STREET 
 
 WEBSTEi;, N.Y. 14580 
 
 (716 873-4503 
 
A. 
 
27 H 
 
 FIVK TRICKS. 
 
 thought the best way out of tlie tangle was to take 
 them all up one after another, in skilful gradation, so 
 as proi)erly to prepaid the reader. Thus, in case of 
 attack, he had five dooi-s to escape through, not to speak 
 of the windows. In sheer astuteness it would be hard 
 to lind a iNimllel to this feat. All Parknian seems to 
 care about is to cover and protect his retreat in case of 
 an attack, which was very unlikely. Who would be 
 painstaking and suspicious enough to search and fer- 
 ret out, to weigh and compare? Certainly not the 
 Aeadians, whose astuteness would not rise to the level 
 of such refined tricks. If we could have read Park- 
 man's thoughts and seen him chuckling over his discov- 
 ery of these five tricks for whitewashing or concealing 
 Ms Pichon, we should have witnessed a scene of high 
 comedy. 
 
 Fii-st trick: Pichon's name does not appear; Park- 
 man quotes him in this way : " A French officer says," 
 " a French writer relates," doing like the naughtj- lioy 
 in tlic Spanish proverb who throws a stone and then 
 puts his hands in his pockets, " lira la piedra y eHconde 
 la manor Second trick : a little further on, he refers 
 to the pages of the volume of the archives, still with- 
 out naming Pichon. Third trick : he names Pichon 
 without a word of comment. Fourth trick : he tells us 
 very briefly what Pichon was, but does his l)est to raise 
 him in the reader's estimation : " He was non' acting the 
 part of a traitor, carrying on a secret correspondeiKU'. 
 He (i'a>i a man of education, born in France of an Enf/lixh 
 mother, he was author of genuine letters relating U) 
 Cape Breton, a work of »ome valae. " 
 
 Thanks to this method, the reader is not aware that 
 Pichon has been really quoted al)out twenty times. If 
 
WHITEWASHING PICHOW. 
 
 279 
 
 he know8 nothing of Pnrkman's dodges (and how could 
 he know them ?), he supposes that tlie " French ofllicer " 
 was very respectable, and that his testimony is all the 
 more convincing Ijecause he relates facts that tell against 
 his fellow-countrymen. In the second alternative, the 
 authority is, apparently, no longer " a French officer," 
 still less Pichon, but the volume of the archives, there- 
 fore, some official document ; this satisfies the reader, 
 and saves him the trouble of consulting that volume. 
 In the third alternative, he reads Pichon's name ; but, 
 lus he does not yet know who he is, he pays no special 
 attention to that name. At length, in another chapter, 
 towards the end of the story, and far apart from the 
 first, he learns that a certain Thomas Pichon, a store- 
 kei'pt'r, was a traitor to his country : but there is nothing 
 to show that hv is the Frcttr-fi offin-r ijuoted in another 
 chapter, especially as Parknian, by another chamcter- 
 istic ruse of his, speaks of him, no more as an officer, 
 but as " Connnissary of stores." Moreover, the reader, 
 being intiodueed to a man of whom Parkman writes 
 favorabl}', lays no further stress on the matter. He has 
 l)een deftly thrown off the scent. 
 
 It must be admitted that all this is " very smart," 
 and such smartness, with an attractive style, is a 
 quality witli which Parkman cannot but be credited. 
 Yet he seems, at last, to have been tashamed of himself, 
 or rather, to have feared lest perhaps his artifice should 
 he discovered; for -and this is the fifth trick — after 
 what he has admitted about the traitor, lie sidds, while 
 • luoting Pichon once moie, " Pichon cited by Murdoch. ' 
 Evidently he felt he was not quite safe ; lie must seek 
 shelter behind a respectable name. But Munloch, who 
 really does cite Pichon once or twice, speaks of hi in at 
 
 
 
 iV'"* 
 
 m 
 
 fPI 
 
 lit 
 
 
 ^i^ 
 
2H0 
 
 I'ICHON S STOIIY. 
 
 some length and tells us immediately and without suh- 
 t^M'fnge what he was. lie cites him anent the siege of 
 Heaus{^j()ur on questions that have no further imjiortanc c 
 than to satisfy curiosity; ami, even then, he seems to 
 have felt scruples, and so excuses himself by the Jilisencc 
 of f)th('r sources : " In the following account of the siege 
 of Heaus<';jour we hav«! not any Knglish account, ofliciiil 
 or private, to ludp us. . . . The nmin i)arts of our n;u- 
 rative are derived from I*i(;hon.*' 
 
 Thus, Mui'doch's use of him, far from being blame- 
 worthy, gives us a high idea of the historian's character ; 
 while Purkman's methods j>roduce a diametrically o[)p(t- 
 site imi)ression, and, in p.articular, his attempt to enlisl 
 Murdoch as an accomplice, aggravates, instead of attenu- 
 ating, his guilt. 
 
 r*ainful as is the task I have uiulertaken with respect 
 to Parkman, \ venture to think that the interests of 
 historic truth make it imi)erative. Leaving to others 
 the duty of applying a similar analysis to his other 
 works, I will confine myself to the ninety j)ages he has 
 written on the subject in hand. 
 
 After this long paienthesis 1 return to the murder of 
 Edward Howe and to Parkman's acc<mnt of it, drawn 
 from Pichon, who was then at Louisburg ; for, as luis 
 already Im-cu said, he did not come to Beausejour till 
 two years hiter, in 17o8, so that he was not even a resi- 
 dent, still less an eye-witness. We have read how 
 Parkman said : "■ 7*//*' Frenvh officerg indignant at this 
 villainy, did not hesitate to charge it upon Le Loutre, 
 for. sdi/x nut- lit' them : '' What in not a wicked priest capable 
 of liouiif/ 
 
 Now, I am going to give Pichon's account of tliis 
 
m 
 
 A TKLL-TALK PHI: ASK. 
 
 2H1 
 
 mui<lt'r. It is to Ixj I'ound at page 195 of the Voluino 
 <»f the Archives : 
 
 -■•i 
 
 ** Itwiis very wrongfully ami with tliegroiitpst injuBtirc that the 
 KiikUhIi accused the French of having a hand in the horrors coni- 
 niitt^Hl daily by Le Loutre with hi.s Indians. i\'hut in not n iricknl 
 fpriettt capable of doiiiy / Heclotlu'd iti an ujfficer's reyhiiciitais an 
 Indian named Co|h.>, and laying an anilnis(>a(h> of Indians near t4) 
 the Fort, he sent ('o|H' t«i it, wiiving a irliiti- handk'. rcliief in his 
 hand, which was the tistial sign for the adniittan(;e of the Frencli 
 into the English Fort, having affairs with the <-onnnander of the 
 Post. The Major of the Fort, a worthy man, and greatly beloved 
 by all the French oflflcers, taking Co|k> for a French officer, came 
 out with his usual politeness to receive him. But he no stKnier 
 appeared than th(> Indians in and)ush fired at him and killed 
 him. All the Frencrh officers had the greatest horror and indig- 
 nation at Le Ix)Utre's barbarous actions: and. I dare sav. if the 
 Court of France had known them, they woidd have been very 
 far from approving them ; but he had so ingratiated himself with 
 the Martpiis de la (Jalissimniere that if heeaitie a crime to write 
 aguinxt him. It is nee»lless to explain further Le I^tntre's execra- 
 ble conduct. Critelty and inhinnauit/; hati ever Iteen .siicerdittaf 
 from (til ages."' 
 
 On comparing Inchon's narrative with Parkmau's, it 
 is esisy to see that the one is tiie offspring ol" the other. 
 We have Parknian ckitljed in Pichon's rei/lnietitafx witli 
 some additional trimmings (hawn from liis imagination. 
 On one point Parkman lias heen imi»rudent. By yiehl- 
 ing to the temptation of (pjoting Pichon's !pftii<f<hna 
 verha : " ^V^l<lt /« not a wickeif prieKf capable of ilolnji y 
 he has furnished us with indis[)ntable proof that the 
 officer on wliom he relied was none other than Pichon, 
 ;'^id that Piehon himself wius also his oidy authority for 
 jferring to "the French ollu'ers" in geiuaal and to 
 jeir supposed in<lignation at Le Loutie. Was it pos- 
 sible to doubt tliatLe I^outre was the real culprit, when 
 
 ^:i 
 
 iM 
 
 ■^Mtll 
 
 iP 
 
 li 
 
 
 mm 
 
282 
 
 C'OUSWAM.IS'S A(X'Ol'NT. 
 
 Pui'kinan was Uicked, apparently at least, by the Fieiieh 
 officers themselves? " The Freifrh officers,'" says he, 
 *" did not hesitate to charge it on Le Ijoutre, for, hii//» 
 one of them, etc." 
 
 There is much scientiHc work in all this, and the 
 public, it is to be regretted, seemi indulgent wlien 
 smartly taken in. "Qui nescit dissiniulare nescit 
 regnare " is one of Machiavelli's sayings. The s[»irit 
 that animated Pichon is manifest in the closiiii; .sen- 
 tence : " Crneltt/ and inhumanity has ever been naoer- 
 dotal from all ai/es." The hypocritical traitor thus 
 aimed at flattering the prejudices of those whom he was 
 writing for and increasing ' is chances of reward. Let us 
 note, by the way, that Edward Howe was neither major 
 nor conunandcrof the fort, as Pichon calls him. 
 
 Cornwallis, writing to the Duke of liedford less than 
 a month after the nnirder, says: 
 
 " I liave iu)\v an afrairof iiioit»extraord.iiarya nature to infonn 
 you of. Captain Howe was i-niployt'd on the i'X|K'tlition to Beau- 
 baHsin as knowing the Counliy well, and lieiii;; better actpiainted 
 botlt with tlie Indians and inhabitants, and. p<H)r man, fancied he 
 knew the Frenoh i)etter. and pei-sonally tiiose villains «le la ('orn<' 
 and Le Loutre. His whole aim and study was to try a |»eaet' with 
 the Indians and to yet our prisoners out of their hands. For 
 which i>urposi', he had frequent I'onferi'uces with Le Loutre anil 
 the French ofhcers under a flag of truce. La Conn'* si'tit. one 
 day. a tlajj, of truce ?>// (t Frviirh ojficcr io the water .side of a small 
 river that parts his pi'oph' from our troops. Captain Iloweawf/ tt)e 
 ojlficir held a parley for .some time across the river. IJoire iiad no 
 soomr taken leare of tin- ojl'iccr, than a party that lay jM'rdue fired 
 a volley at him and shot him through the heart." 
 
 Cornwallis's account is, clearly, very different from 
 the Pichon-Parkman one. True, Cornwallis speaks dis- 
 
 * Do lu CoruL' was fonuiiiuidiug oflleer In those parts. 
 
J 
 
 I 'I', i, 
 
 VAhlilKllKS ST«H!Y 
 
 ii8.{ 
 
 paragiiipfly of tlie French, and especially (»f f)e la Come 
 and Lf Loutre in cunnection with this nuirder. It is 
 clear tliai he entertained snspicions of i-oniplicity, but 
 it is <M|nally clear thai his suspicions are of a vague, 
 general character. Other aecJ»unts there are wliich 
 I'aiknian knew of, since he refiMs to them at the f(H>t of 
 tlu; ]>agc. I'revost, int'Ciulant-conunissary (eoniniissaire- 
 onlonnateur) at Louishurg, says distinctly that Howe 
 had l>een forewarnol by i^e Loutre himself of the risk 
 he ran by trusting too much to the Indians, and that 
 it was owitig to his own imprudcnite, and for not having 
 followed Le Loutrc's advice, that he was killed. 
 
 "Mr. Howe," says l*r(!Vost . . . ^' hnvinij Ioh;i tin- 
 voi/t'il till- ImfianK, took it into his head to risk it again. 
 iiotirlthxftitiilitii/ thi' tntniiiK/K of AhhS Le Lout re anil rr»ti 
 uj' t/f Imit'tniM f/wniKt'/n-ft. lie came, with a white tlag, 
 opposite one of them, and the Indian, having a /v>/ Hag, 
 fned bis gun at him and stretched him dead." * 
 
 The A\)])v .Maillaitl seems to coidiini I'revost's testi- 
 mony, "^"ir that man <li(l iu)t wish to perish in this 
 Avay, he ought to have carefully avoided any meeting 
 Avitli the Micmacs. He had been warned to that effect 
 shortly bi'foie this fate befell him." 
 
 Another version is from M. de la Valliere, an ollirci 
 ulii» was llien at Foil IJeausejoui' and who kei)t a journal 
 of hual events fioiu September \S\ 17')0 to .July '2f^. 
 17')1 : therefore, to all a{»[)earanees, a man well able l<» 
 form a c(»rrect opinion. 
 
 He thus related How(;"s death : 
 
 ♦Two yt'Uis liiti-r this saiiii- Pivvost, wiitiiij? to tbr .Miiiir'tfr. siiid : I 
 Iiav<' l«'Jirnt timt tlio iniiii imint'il '()/,,',» Imd Mii'iiiac who Ims always t>f«'ii 
 iiiiiv'iUiiu iu hislH-ha\ jni' ami siisiH-otcJ by both iiatinus. has inadi- st-vt-nil 
 joiirm^ys to tlic F.iiKli»h s<'ttl<'Hii'iits in Ai^adia. am) tliat lie ha-* cihI'mI liy 
 sigWJug at Httlifax a »<iit n[ tn-aty." 
 
 : I. 
 
 
 
 >i5?^ ii 
 
iiH4 
 
 VALhlKKES 8TOUY. 
 
 " About llie loth of October, tlie Fiulians, who WmI 
 observed and had been informed that Mr. Howe, iom- 
 missary of the English troops, often came to walk on 
 the river Ixmk, where he liad already had conferences 
 with the otHcei's and missionaries, in order to speak to 
 the inhabitants and pei'siiade them, by making many 
 promises, to come over to the English side, went dur- 
 ing the night into ambush with some Acadians iH'hiiid 
 a levee that runs along the river ; and, at alx>ut eiglit 
 o'clock in the morning, Stephen Batard went with a 
 white flag opposite on the other side of the river. The 
 Indian, after putting a few (juestions to Mi-. Howe, 
 threw down his flag and gave the signal to his men, 
 who lired inunediately on Mr. Howe an<l wounded him 
 mortally." 
 
 These are the only authorities I know ; I'aikmaii 
 mentions another in a note, " Les Memoires sur le 
 Canada," which, he says, declares that Le Loutrc was 
 present. So it does, but it does not accuse him ot' cum- 
 plicity in the murder, evil-minded though its author al- 
 ways is against the priests.* Now, whosoever wcigits 
 and compares these different accounts cannot help think- 
 ing that Parkman's view, expressed with so much assur- 
 ance and as though it w;is the only one, is In- far the most 
 improbable. I felt a lively personal interest in ascertain- 
 ing tlie truth, and yet 1 am now far from inclined to ad- 
 vance a positive opinion in favor of any view : in fart, 
 no one could do so with the diverse aiul conflicting 
 testimonies which we possess. 
 
 * ThiSiUKmynious wiitiT, oftou quoted by I'arkmau, is so iiuiOfiii-.«t»' in 
 ill! that I'oiictTus At-adian affairs that it is better to iguore hira. His ver- 
 sinii <if Howo'rt iminicr is a uew one aud evidently absurd iu more than 
 one point. Wp should bear in mind that the author must have reside.! in 
 Quebec or Moutreai, as his book treats chiefly of CauadiaD affairs. 
 
I'Kohaiim-: kxim.a nation. 
 
 28") 
 
 Although 1 luivc not yt't solved the proMuin, I will, 
 liownver, hesitiitiiigly hazard aiu'X[»hinalioii. Ilowe, as 
 may have h«en gatlHMvd t'loiii Coniwallis's letter, had 
 K'cii sent to this post with a view to eoiuludiiig a 
 treaty witii the Indians and to withdrawing from their 
 hands the prisonei-s they held. Having l)een tinMo 
 some weeks, it' not some months, In; had already hail 
 .several conferences with the Indians on the hanks of the 
 little river that was the horder-line l)etweeii them. 
 Though he ha<l hithertc) l)eeii unsuccessful, he still 
 persisted in his efforts. He also had frciiuent inter- 
 views in the same place with Le Loutre and tin; French 
 officers. My view is, that, on this occasion, Howe went 
 t(» tlie usual place to meet an oHicer, who wius [)erhaps 
 accompanied hy Le Loutre; that Cope, chief of one 
 Indian trihe, Le Batard, chief of another, and some 
 other savages, were in ambush along the Icvce, watch- 
 ing for an interview between Howe and the Ficucli 
 oHicers in order to carry out their purjtosc; that, di- 
 rectly after the French ollicer and \a' r^outre had left, at 
 the end of the interview, and bcf(»re Howe had with- 
 drawn, the Indians waved a flag as a signal that they 
 wished to have a parley. This interpretation has, at 
 least, the merit of reconciling otherwise irreconcilable 
 differences in the various accounts. I'ichon says Howe 
 went dowu to the river bank to n\eet au Luliaii dressed 
 as an officer. This is scarcely possible, as Corn wal lis, 
 who was not likely to be mistaken about a fact which 
 he could verify, says that " ffowe and the offici-r hhi a 
 parley iov some time across the river." " Howe had no 
 sooner taken leave of the officer than a party that lay 
 perdue, etc." The Indians had to make haste in order 
 not to let Howe escape ; consequently, the French 
 
 i 
 
 ii 
 
 
 '■■■n 
 
 i ,'■ 
 
 
 m 
 
 0f\ 
 
 
280 
 
 <oN.in:iN<; with witnkssks. 
 
 onii'iM' and \a- LouUe, il" iiidctMl tiu* liitttu' was piofiii. 
 caiiiiot liavt! Inm'II tar oH'. I'rt'vo-st preteiids that tin- 
 Indian wlio kill«Ml Howt; \va.s('o|M'; La VullicMf act-u^o 
 SU'pluMi Lu HuUu'd; perhaps lx)tli of iheni had a huid 
 in it. 
 
 Cornwallis makes it (leaithal Howe had a conrereiK**- 
 witli a j^'enuine ollicer, that he hehl _/'(»/• mdhh- fimr a |iaiit>\ 
 with him, that \vh»'n tht-ir parley was over they took 
 leave of eaih other. It eould not have Ix^en so il that 
 man liad l)een an IncUan in an «>lli(er's icginienlaU. a> 
 the frand wt)uhl snrely have l>een dctei-ted at onee : and 
 this is made clearer hy Cornwallis's further stalenuMii 
 that it was after taking leave of the Freneh ollieei' that 
 " a party tliat lay perdue fired a volley." The absurd story 
 of an Indian clothed in an ollieer's rej,'imentals is not al- 
 luded to hy any other than Pichon, and is, inferentially. 
 eontradieted hy ("ornwallis. Moreover, aeeordinij to 
 Cornwallis, that ofTieer was sent hy De la Corne himselt, 
 so that, if then; was an ambush by others than Iiulians, 
 we should have to eonneet with it theeommander of the 
 French post and the ollieei' who lield the parley. Thu^, 
 Parkman, wIkj, for these i)artieulars, had the testimony 
 of the English governor al)out facts part of which he had 
 been able to verify and control, has preferred to accept 
 ill all details the fanciful and absurd story of Pichon, 
 for no other motive, it seems, than the better to eoniictt 
 Le Loutre with this nmrder. 
 
 To sum up in a few words : Parkman's proof of Lc 
 Loutre's complicity in the murder of Howe has no other 
 foundation than the testimony of Pichon, of Pichon who 
 then, and for the two subsequent years, lived at Louis- 
 burg. Directly, inferentially or in essential details, he* 
 was contradicted by Maillard, Prdvost, La Valliere and 
 
CON.IUKINi; WITH WITNKSSKS. 
 
 •JH7 
 
 Cornwallis, tluit is. by a (lisliiiguiKlied priest, two of- 
 Hcers of high niiik aiKl oim govuriioi'. The odds wuro 
 thus very heavy ugaitist the version Piirkiuaii sought to 
 ftu.st on the piihlie, and few even of tlie most artful and 
 unscriipuhius writers wouUl have faced siuh odds. 
 I'arkiUiui. however, <hd. lie wais lK)iind t«» get I'ii lu>u 
 admitted and to givt; liini a solid iNU-king. Auda«>ity is 
 
 an iusittiai>k' rraving which every suecess develops more 
 and more. Parkman luul succeeded so well in recom- 
 mending the " Memoires sur le Canada" thanks to his 
 little trick of division hy which this witness s»ispecte<l of 
 paitiality and irreligion is made to reappear incoi/. under 
 the veil of "a ('atholic contempoiaiy." that he thoutfjit 
 he eouhl adopt similar tactics in Pichon's case;: only lie 
 mu.«»t make them more elal)orate to tit the higher impor- 
 tance of this jiew accusation. His lirst stcji was to give 
 Pichon an air of respectability by speaking of him. with- 
 out naming him, as *' a French otlicer." His next was 
 to make use of this oflicer as a voucher that all the 
 French ofHcers held the same opinion. I>ut now Park- 
 man wius confronted with a more serious dilliculty. 
 What wiis to Ih! tlone abo\il Maillard, Prevost, i.a Val- 
 liere an<l Cornwallis? Must lit; reproduce the substance 
 of tlielr version, or should he ignore them completely? 
 Neither of these extreme courses suited him ; he sou<:lit 
 and found a third alternative. lie ingeniously con- 
 trived to put their names at the foot of the page with 
 an uiiimi»ortant remark al>out each of them, .so worded, 
 however, as to create the impression that they had not 
 taken a different view of the matter, but that the little 
 they had said tended to corroborate his " French 
 officer.'' 
 
 So with nothing, or something worse than nothing in 
 
 ■m 
 
 ^if 
 
 
 
 ■<ifj 
 
 '.-1 
 
 III 
 
 ^i^^ 
 
 >3l 
 
 »«l 
 
 M ill 
 
 I.,. „, ■ e* 
 
 % 
 
•JHH 
 
 MAI.M'K AS A IMNK Al!T. 
 
 liis favor, tiiul with an ovfrwiifliniii^ [)ro()l .i^uiii^i lii> 
 fliiiix*'^' I'arkimiii liiis coiisUucted iMusliiii^ uviih'iu • 
 ii^iiiiist \a' liiMitiu. Il(; has so twisted aiui <listi^iii)*l 
 every authority as to niakt; it appear that Ia; liOiitre was 
 aciustMl and eoiideniiied on all sides: by ''a French 
 orticer," "all the French oflicers," * by Provost, Mail- 
 lard, La Vallierc, Cornwallis, and " Lcs M<Jinoires siir Ic 
 C'ana<la.'' 
 
 Tlius, I'arknian has given an honorable character t<» 
 the woi-Mt accusations against Le I^outre, particularly to 
 that which iniplicate<l him in a murder. Aft(;r that, he 
 liad no doubt peo[)le would belic^vc whatever he chose 
 to advance against him. 
 
 With such methods you <;an prove anything, (five 
 Parkman a blackmailing letter from tin- veriest black- 
 guai'd, and, if not clostdy looki-d after, he might bring 
 about the (conviction and electrocution of the President 
 of the United States. Have \\v not a right to apply 
 Piclion's virtuous indignation to Paikman and e.xelaim : 
 '• What is not a wicked stoiy-teller capable of doing?" 
 
 Let us not foiget that the lirst ust; made of Pichon 
 is about L(! Loutre ; that, sid)sc{puMitly, lu! (piotes him 
 no less than fifteen or twenty times in live difl'erent dis- 
 guises. He could safely divulge tiie name and charac- 
 ter of Pichon wIkmi once ho had extracted from him all 
 his venom against I^o Louti'c, and when the divulging 
 thereof did not remove the euphemism under cover of 
 which he had administered his poison, f 
 
 It may be very diilicult to get a correct idea of the 
 details of Howe's death ; but I refuse to believe that an 
 
 * It i8 Pii'bon who suy.s that the Freuch officers act'\iso(l Li- Loutre. 
 
 f Pichon is iiitrodiici'd iiH "a French Officer" iu Piirkiimns J)ookiit pigrt 
 IIH. in the fourth chapter; and it is not till jkiko 243, in the eijfhth chap- 
 ter, that liis name ami his vile liusiuess are revealeil. 
 
.... 
 
 LE LUUTIIKS C'OMPI.HITY IMPOHHIliLE. 
 
 •JHII 
 
 officer or a pii«'Ht, ^reiit iw iniiy liave l)een thuir prejii- 
 dices or tlieir faiiatitisiii, can have had tlie smallest share 
 ill a criine of tliis sort, when they had nothing to gain 
 or nioic to lose than to gain by even an indire(;t partici- 
 pation in it. Harharian.s alone could have conceived 
 and executed su(;h a (M-inu^ 
 
 I do not lielitive that suspicions were tlien entertained 
 at Halifax of Le Loutre\s complicity in the nuirder ; 
 though, if they w»Me, these suspic "Hs would lead, as a 
 natural conscciuencc, to the furthei supj)osition that he 
 was capable of any villainy. P'li if, in fact, ■ i.ording to 
 the affirmations of Provost ah i Maillan'< Le Loutre liad 
 really warncci llowt* of the dangt r 'le ran, we are con- 
 fronted no longei with a crinu, noi with the suspicion 
 thereof, hut ^^ ith a i)raiseworthy action that exhibits Le 
 Loutre in a less unlikely character and one fiir nioie in 
 keeping with his past devotedness as a missionary. 
 
 In order to elucidate this niystv'rious affair. I have, as 
 I usually do in sutdi matters, tried lo fathom the mo- 
 tives of the actors therein. I lind that, though Le 
 Loutre may have been jealous of Howe's influence with 
 the Ai-adians, this jealousy is far from sufficient to 
 implicate him in this murder. My liist reason is that, 
 without convincing evidence, no one can be warranted 
 in making a monster of a man who had sacrificed all the 
 comforts of life to the salvation of his soul and to the 
 higher interests of religion. Secoudl}-, this crime would 
 be altogether at variaiu^e with what we already know of 
 him. Thirdly, it were impossible to suppose him short- 
 sighted or blind enough not to have foreseen the disas- 
 trous, and inevitable consecpicnces of .such a deed for 
 him and for his dearest interests. Fourthly, to connect 
 
 Le Loutre with this crime seems necessarily to imply 
 1!> 
 
 m 
 
 m^ 
 
 
 h 
 
2tlO 
 
 LEI/)UTH1*:S COMPLICITV IMPOSSIDLK. 
 
 the complicity of fcrtain French officers, in j)iirti('ul.ir of 
 the Commandant De hi Corne, and thus charcfc them 
 with the same perverseness and blindness. Now wo 
 have tlie clearest proofs that these oHicers had oxct'lleni 
 reason to he jealous, and were indeed jealous, of L(i 
 Loutre's influence and of his share in the <(Mi(hul of 
 military and civil operations. Mdieover, we know that 
 Howe was held in hij^h esteiMU by these sanu' Krciicli 
 officers. Therefore, I infer, they cainiot have conspired 
 with Le Loutre against Howe. 
 
 What, then, can have been the motive of the Iixlian 
 assassins? I do not know. Written proofs are wantr 
 ing, as they are wanting in so many other chaptei-s of 
 this history, where clearly-defined facts are the excep- 
 tion. Though the Indians may have had many a 
 long-standing grudge to wipe out, they probably had no 
 more valid excuse than the harm Howe wiis doing them 
 by his zeal for the service of England. 
 
 However, we are justified in supposing that Le 
 Loutre, by his overstrained ardor and his violent dia- 
 tribes, may have, indirectly and unconsciously, influ- 
 enced to some extent the conduct of the murderous 
 Lidians. For many yeare he had been fanning the 
 flames of fanaticism ; and to the savage mind tiie 
 logical and practical consequence might have been the 
 removal of the man who personified all that made against 
 their nation, against France and Catholicism. This is 
 the conclusion I am inclined to arrive at, in virtue, not 
 of documentary evidence, but of arguments based on 
 the study of human motives and the teachings of his- 
 tory. 
 
 Seeing that Parkman undoubtedly aimed at imparting 
 a flavor to his narrative by implicating a priest in this 
 
LEOEl{r)?:MAIN NOT ANALYSIS. 
 
 21>1 
 
 murder, lie miglit have Jittained his object in a less 
 sensational fashion hut more plausibly, had he used the 
 method I have adopted. This method, albeit necessary, 
 
 le St 
 
 Id 
 
 om 
 
 foil 
 
 ows. 
 
 For him, as all hi> works hhow. 
 
 history is merely a clever f(ame of lefjerdemain, a hunt 
 aftei' anecdotes, a salmagundi of items picked U]) every- 
 where without nnieh regard to their origin or their 
 valu(\ lie has no misgivings, he cuts the toughest 
 (iordian knots with a few swift strokes of the pen, with 
 a few admirably balanced sentences which give the 
 reader no inklingof the tremendous dilllicudties involved. 
 Small wonder that he should thus (le[)ort himself; 
 analysis would shackle his (hiinty feet, woidd over- 
 weight his style; analysis is a painful [jrocess. whic'h 
 suits the sincere writer alone; analysis is the \v('a[»on of 
 him only who, seeking in history nothing but the truth, 
 is not afraid to place the reader ina})osition to judge by 
 himself of the facts at issue, and of the value of con- 
 flicting testimony. Hence it is that Parkman, even if 
 lie had the necessary peneti-ation, seldom sifts and 
 analyzes evidence in such a way that the public may 
 judge of his power of analysis. 
 
 The facts that form the basis of the foregoing chapter 
 are important, not only in that they afford full play to 
 Parkman's peculiar methods, but also in their bearing 
 on the subsequent history of the Acadians. Howe's 
 death had much to do with the sequel of that sad 
 history. By increasing the irritation of the English 
 against the French it made the deportation possible.^ . 
 
 1 Sinpo writing the abovo. I seo that Parkman, in his last work, says, 
 without explanation, that Le Loutro's coniiilicity is not provoil. '■ (jnnn- 
 tiiin tnntalus ab illo ! " Wheueo comes this chauKeV What has hapi^etii'd';' 
 Nothing, except that CaHjjraiuhas biken exception to his inferpnc("-. Idliug 
 him that La ValliSre, Provost, Maillard, whom he cites, draw irifeniices 
 wry different from his and from what he leads the reader to infer ; but 
 
 '■If. J 
 
 ^fw 
 
 r 
 
 eS! 
 
 ' ill'- 
 
 
292 
 
 GOING BEHIND THE RETURNS. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Intrigues of the French to urge the Indians to hostilities — Letter 
 of La Jonqui^re to the Minister — Indian warfare against tlie 
 English — Hostilities between Englisli and French— Le Loutre's 
 methods against the Acadians — He is blamed by the Bisliop of 
 Quebec — Divers acts of cruelty against the Indians of Maine. 
 
 I A^r proceeding with a sincere desire to discover the 
 share of bhime which belongs to each of tlie conflict- 
 ing parties ; endeavoring to be just to the English ns 
 well as to the French, to the Home (Jovcrninciit as well 
 as to the local authorities, to the Acadians as well as to 
 the priests. The materials for this history' are so scanty, 
 there are so mfiny gaps to fill, that here, more than else- 
 where, it becomes imperative to enter successively into 
 the minds of the interested parties in oi'der to detect 
 the motives that impelled them to adopt one course 
 rather than another. One must become, so to speak, by 
 turns, a missionary, an Acadian peasant, an Englishman 
 and a Frenchman, a Catholic and a Protestant ; one 
 must divest oneself of preconceived notions, narrow or 
 broaden one's views, penetrate into the prejudices of all. 
 This is not always easy, nor equally easy for every one. 
 My life has been spent amidst these opposite elements, 
 
 Casprain has produeod no now proof. Truo, Casgrain ha8 not discovorod 
 the j^iviit secrt't ; but ho may bo on tho right scout, and ho must thoreforo 
 bo iiuniodiatoly turned away' from it by somo concession; olso either ho or 
 soinoVjody else miglit nmko further researches and possibly ferret out 
 Parkman's artful dodges and his dear Piehou. Matters had reached a 
 point where Parkman might say. as children do whoa they play Hunt tho 
 Slipper : " It's getting very hot 1 " 
 
INDIAN ALLIES. 
 
 29a 
 
 Mi 
 
 i»^^- 
 
 and, owing to exceptional circumstances and perhaps 
 also to my turn of mind, I experience no difficulty in 
 seeing with the eyes of others. If some writers have 
 examined more documents than I have, perliaps no one 
 has more honestly and deeply ])ondered the true inward- 
 ness of the facts. 
 
 Under different circumstances it is possible, 1)}- a mere 
 compilation of documents connected by such explana- 
 tions as are necessary for understanding the narrative, to 
 compose a history that would be a pretty faithful picture 
 of events : in this case, such a compilation would be 
 altogether insufficient. Not oidy are materials few, not 
 only have the most important been suppressed, but 
 those which remain are generally but the story as 
 written by one side, in stiff official letters calculated to 
 show merely the deceptive surface facts, merely what it 
 pleased the wrii r to say. Motives, intentions, secret 
 thoughts, all the inner springs of action, which are 
 revealed in private letters, secret journals, documents 
 from the otlier side, are completely wanting here. 
 
 The circumstances did not favor an international code 
 of honor equal to that which obtained among the civil- 
 ized nations of Euro[)e. Tlie interference of Indian 
 allies in war made i)eace factitious, war doubly cruel 
 and hatred incredibly intense. Each nation had its 
 savage allies, sometimes fighting on tlieir own account, 
 oftener egged on l)y one or the other of the two nations. 
 Even when they spontaneously took to the war[)ath, 
 they were suspected of doing so at the suggestion of 
 interested whites. An act of hostility committed on 
 the great lakes was avenged later on in New England 
 or in Nova Scotia, and vice versa. 
 
 Numerically, France was much inferior to her rival. 
 
 ., s 
 
 I 'i 
 
 m 
 
 ^m\ 
 
294 
 
 INDIAN ALLIKS. 
 
 Tlie assistance of \hv Indians was, tlierefore, a necessary 
 condition of her existence ; and so we (ind that Fiance 
 always mon; assiduonsly and more snciMissfidly cnlti- 
 vated llu'ir friendslii[>. Iler most powerfnl lever Avas 
 the missionar}'. Whilst this si)urner of ereatnre-com- 
 forts phiiiji^ed into the forest to follow the Indians in 
 their expeditions for the diase, for barter or for war, 
 .sharini^ their privations, assoeiating with their daily 
 life and their interests, the Protestant minister, lK)und 
 to eivili/ation by family ties, coidd not ex[)ose his loved 
 ones to the trials of sneh a life and to the contact of 
 those barbarians ; yet this was the best means of evangel- 
 izing them and nltimately of winning them to civiliza- 
 tion. We can readily nnderstand how, for the mission- 
 ary, tlie interests of religion were closely linked with 
 those of his nation, since his efforts l)ecame or might 
 become useless as soon as the territory passed into 
 English hands. It was, assuredly, very natural that 
 the missionary should preserve his love for France; 
 but Parkman, in viewing liim as too exclusively domi- 
 naied l)v this sentiment, does not realize the intimate 
 connection which the missionary saw between his 
 religion and his country. 
 
 Those vast and fertile regions that had no other 
 masters than a few savage tribes were coveted by both 
 nations, and had to be occupied as early as possible, so 
 that the rival nation might not step in beforehand. 
 However, there were no exact and definite titles to 
 legal jiossession accepted and recognized jis such ; much 
 stress must also be laid on the friendship of the Indians, 
 often an uncertain and easih'-broken bond, often threat- 
 ened by underhand seduction. Thus it happened that 
 there was no distinct line of demarcation beyond which 
 
'>Ij*d 
 
 DKKiJS OK sham::. 
 
 
 honor coiild not siit'ely go. In l^uropc the most iii>in- 
 nificiint lU'tions wt'ic (h)nt! hcl'oii! tlic eyes ol" all, Ikhmm- 
 was held in eheclc by |)ul»lie opinion, ever sueh a 
 might}' power. Here, the blackest erinies frecjnently 
 were without echo, or were lost in the stditude of the 
 forest. We need not, then, be siirpiised that rival 
 interests should have proni[)ted many acts of duplicity, 
 and that both nations are responsible I'oi- deeds the 
 memory of which may well make them blush. Indul- 
 gence is, thei'efore, o[)portune ; still, there are misdeeds 
 80 blameworthy that history cannot ignore them ; and, 
 if such blame is deserved by France, it applies pai- 
 tieularly, I believe, to lu;r conduct in this part of 
 the country, and at the very period upon which we are 
 entering. 
 
 The eight years' peace, from 1748 to 1750, in America, 
 was nothing but a series of continued liostiliti<;s, getting 
 worse each year. Macau lay says : " The peace was, 
 as legards Europe, but a truce ; it was not even a truce 
 in other (piarters of the globe." 
 
 Cornwallis's proclamation, ordering tl»e Acadians to 
 take an uiuestricted oath, was, for Acadia, the cause or 
 the pretext, at first, of secret hostilities, and ultimately 
 of o[)en war. 
 
 The enmity of tlie Indians for the Englisli liad always 
 been carefully fostered ; it was the counterpoise which 
 equalized the advantages of the two nations in this i)art 
 of the continent. We shall presently see, as I'arkman 
 rightly says, that nothing was neglected by the French 
 to urge them to hostilities, whether with a view to dis- 
 courage the colonists introduced by Cornwallis or to 
 force the Acadians to cross the frontier. A few days 
 after this proclamation, De la Jonquiere wrote to the 
 
 ^i'ifr 
 
 I 
 
 i#f 'i ^ 
 
 i» 
 
 M 
 
 i'lt 
 
290 
 
 rSIN(} THK INDIANS. 
 
 Minister of Colonies tluit Cornwallis, on liis arrival, had 
 issued a proclamation rec^uiring from the Aeadians an 
 unrestricted oatli ; that this proclamation Imd tilled them 
 with alarm ; and that he liimself had given instructions 
 to Captain de Roishdbert to favor their departure. Tie 
 informed liim of tlie conferences he had liad with the 
 Indians : 
 
 " I dill not care to give them any advice upon the matter, and 
 (confined myself to a 2»'oiniNc that I uumld on tto acvoimt (tbamloa 
 tln'ui ; and 1 h<tre provided for mipplijiny thvm with I'verythinij , 
 whether {irnis. anununition or other necessaries. It is to 1m' de- 
 sired that these savages should succeed in thicartiny the desiyns of 
 the EiKjIixii, (iiid eren their settlement at Halifax. They are bent 
 on doiiKj so ; and if they can carry out their plans, it is certain 
 that they will give the English great trouhle, and so harass them 
 that they will he a great obstacle in their path. Tiiese Saraijes are 
 to aet (done ; neither soldier nor French inhabitant is to join them; 
 ei'erything will be done of their oini motion, and without showing 
 that I had any knowledge of the matter. This is very es.^sntial; 
 therefore. I have written to the Sieur de Boishebert to observe 
 great prudence in his measures. a)id to aet very secretly, in onler 
 that the English may not perceive that we are proi'idi nij for the 
 needs of the said Savages. It will be the missionaries n-ho will 
 vianarje all the negotiations, and direct the movements of the SaV' 
 ages, who are in c.i'cellent Inntds, as Father Germain and Abl)e Le 
 Loutre are very capable of making the most of them, and using 
 them to the gradcst advantage for our i)dcrests. They will man- 
 age their intrigue in such a way as not to api^ear in it." 
 
 He went on to say that he hoped thus to prevent the 
 English from making any new settlement, to remove 
 the Aeadians from them, and to discourage them by con- 
 tinual attacks of Indians, so as to make them give up 
 their pretensions to the territories of the King of 
 France. 
 
 Nothing can he clearer. De la Jonquiere's sugges- 
 tions, it appears, were ap[)roved by the French govern- 
 
I i 
 
 rsiNT, THK INDIANS. 
 
 2l»l 
 
 ment. This iipproviil is lH)th contemptible and iiioxcu- 
 sable. This (locHiim.'iit is a stigma on France's lionor, 
 and is dttnbly so, as it directly involves tlie Home 
 Autlioritics. True, hostilities liad been connnitted- 
 shortly before in these parts by the English on the 
 Krencdi and Indians; it would be no easy matter to 
 ascertain satisfactorilv which side was the lirst airirressor 
 and on whom the l)lame, or most of it, rests; yet, as 
 this letter shows that peacre might have l)een restored 
 without these insti<;ations, France's truilt cannot be ex- 
 cuseil nor diminished to an}- great extent. The same 
 reprobation may be applied, though with less force, to 
 the participation of Le Loutre and (Jermain ; history is 
 justified in charging them with the vexations and atroc- 
 ities committed by the Indians on the colonists oi 
 Halifax. However, in all fairness, I must once more- 
 direct attention to the fact that Fathers Germain and Le 
 Loutre were missionaries among the Indians of Frencli 
 Acadia (New Brunswick), and not among those of the 
 Peninsula (Nova Scotia). 
 
 I have already mentioned how Le Lotitre failed to 
 make the Acadians of Grand \*v6 and of all the Klines 
 Basin emigrate ; I have also indicated the moans he 
 used toward those who dwelt at Beaubassin near the 
 frontier. For fuller details as to these latter, I will 
 quote Parkman, not because of the absolute .accurac}- of 
 liis facts, for liis information is mainly derived from tlie 
 questionable sources examined in the previous chapter, 
 but because, in the absence of all other information, his 
 account may be received as containing a substratum of 
 truth, now that the reader is in a position to estimate 
 the value of his authorities. 
 
 At page 116 of his work, " Montcalm and Wolfe,'* 
 
 
 ,.|: 
 
 :•"■■■ j»f 
 
 [•.T 
 
 !i 
 
298 
 
 HL'KXINCS llnrsKS. 
 
 I'lukniiiii Siiys : '• ResolvcMl that tlie peopK; of Ii«.';ni- 
 biissiii slioiilil not live under Knglisli iiitliu'ncr, he 
 Loutre with his own hand (?) st;t tin' t«) the paiisli 
 cliurch and this conipelh'd the Acadians to cross to the 
 Frencli side of the river.*' 
 
 Speaking of the inliahitantsof Coheijnid (now Truro), 
 he says : '• 'I'hi'V began to move their baggage only 
 wlieu tlie savages eonipeUed thenu" 
 
 When Lawrence lan«h'd witli his men to found Fort 
 Lawrence on the frontier, then; still remained, in the 
 iieif;hl)orhood of iJeauhassin village, which ha<l l)een de- 
 stroyed some months before, an«l, on the Knglish side, 
 quite a luunber of houses an«l barns that had not been 
 burned. " Le I^outre's Indians," says Parkman, " now 
 threatened to plunder and kill the inhabitants if tliey 
 did not take aims against the Knglish. Few complied, 
 and the greater {>art tied to the woods. On this the 
 Indians and their Acadian allies set the houses and 
 barns on tire, and laid waste the Avhole district, leaving 
 the inhabitants no choice but to seek food and shelter 
 with the French." 
 
 At jiage 120 Parkman says: " Le Lontre, fearing that 
 they would return to their lands and submit to the 
 English, sent some of them to isle St. Jean. They re- 
 fused to go, but he compelled them at last, by threaten- 
 ing the Indians to pillage them, carrying off their 
 wives and children, and even kill them before their 
 eyes (?) " 
 
 After making allowances for the exaggerations of 
 details, I am not far from believing that these events 
 really occurred pretty nearly as they are descril)ed. It 
 must be said, however, in extenuation of Le Loutre's 
 conduct, that he acted on the luiderstanding that the 
 

 LV: LOrritK IlKIMtlMANDKD. 
 
 
 Aciuliiins would In* tnlly iiMlumiiilicd lor nil tlu'ir 
 losses, and, if thesi' promises were piirtiiilly fnistriit(.'(l, 
 tln' fault lies at the door of Inteiidaiit Hiijot, Vendor 
 and tlH;ir acconiplicies. who kept, foi' their own iM'iielil, 
 the funds set apart for the relief of the Aeadian ref- 
 ugees. 
 
 Men who, like l^e i^outre, allow themselves to he 
 carried awa\' hv reliiiious fanaticism, almost alwavs he- 
 come dangerous as soon as they (piit thc^ s[»hei'e of re- 
 liction to come <lown into the aiena of worldly eonfliets. 
 He should have ceased pesterinf^ tlu; Acadians to move, 
 .'18 soon as he met with decided resistance on their [)art; 
 and, sinc(> he was so vij^orously o[»posed hy those who 
 lived near the frontier, he had nothini( to hoi)e for from 
 those whos(! remoteness placed them heyond his reach. 
 His machinations coidd oidy serve to agi,'ravate a situa- 
 tion that was ali'cady painful enough. Although the 
 Acadians, as we shall see, never did anything that could 
 justify either their deportation or any severity even re- 
 motely comparal)le to that, yet, when they weigh all the 
 causes of their exile, they cannot shut their eyes to the 
 unforgotteu fact that the conduct of France toward 
 them was impolitic, selfish and cruel, that it (piickened 
 latent })rejudices and antipathy against them, aiul paved 
 the way for the misfortunes that ensued. And here, as 
 Parkman, in quoting I'ichon, states facts of a puhlie 
 nature, which could not he altogether unknown to the 
 Halifax authorities, and which are partly sustained hy, 
 or in line with, De la Jonquiere's lettei-, I would find no 
 fault, provided he had given out the name of his author- 
 ity, objectionahle though it he. 
 
 The following letter of the Bishop of Quebec to Le 
 Loutre shows what the prelate thought of his behavior: 
 
 m 
 
 ■ y 
 
 IK; h^ 
 
 
 II 
 
 hWi 
 
:')0() 
 
 LK LOl TKK UKrillMANDKD. 
 
 " Yoti have nt last, my cloar sir, Kot into tho very troul>lt> whiolj 
 I foresaw, and which I predicted lonj; a^o. 
 
 "The refnfjees could not fail to K«'t into misery sooner or later, 
 and to charge you with l>ein^; the cause of their misfortunes. Tin; 
 Court thou(;ht it necessary to facilitate their departure from tlieir 
 lands, hut it is not tlie concern of our jtrofi'ssioii. It was my 
 opinion that we should neither say anything against the coursi; 
 pursued, nor anything to induce it. I reminded you a long time 
 ago, tiiat a jiriest ought not to meddle with temporal alTairs. and 
 tliat, if he did so. lu; would alwavs create enemies and cause his 
 people to he discontented. 
 
 " T am now persuaded that the (Jeneral and all France will not 
 approve of the return of the refugees to their lands, and the Kng- 
 lish Government must endeavcmr to attract them. . . Hut, is it 
 right for you to refuse the sacrainents, to threaten that they sliall 
 he deprived of the services of a priest, anil that the savages sliall 
 treat them a.s enemies V I wish them conscientiously to ahandon 
 the lands they possessed under English rule ; hut can it he said 
 that tiiev cannot conscientiouslv return to themV" 
 
 The above letter shows the vast difference hetweeii a 
 (listiiiguishecl prelate and a liery abhe of lie Loiitre's 
 stamp. 
 
 In the absence of clear docimientary evidence to prove 
 which side i)rovoked the hostilities, j)rior to De la Jon- 
 (piiere's letter, we have to giii<le ourselves by the cir- 
 ciinistances of the time, which show that the French 
 had every motive to hinder the English from colonizing 
 Nova Scotia, wliereas the latter were just as much inter- 
 ested, for the moment, in avoiding all .aggressions. 
 
 The first attack made by the Indians occurred August 
 19, 1749, about six weeks after Cornwallis's arrival at 
 Halifax. They captured twenty persons who were cut- 
 ting hay at Canso, and brought them as prisoners to 
 Louisburg, where they were freed on the intervention of 
 the French commandant : " The Indians pretend they 
 did this," says Cornwallis, "because a New England 
 
.' IT 
 
 CANSn AN!) HKArnAHSiS ItAIDS. 
 
 :5<H 
 
 flll 
 
 man wlm ]iiul ijiiisonu'd his vossel of them for JtlOO, 
 aii<i left his son hostaj^'e, never returned to them, thoii<;h 
 Colonel llopson iidvaneed him the money. I have 
 written t*) Boston to iiavi; this examined and have the 
 master, one Kllingwood, taken up." 
 
 In Seittrndjer, Oornwallis again informs us, the In- 
 dians, under pretext of harter, attaeked two vessels at 
 Beauljassin ; three Knglislnuen and seven Indians were 
 killed. On the 30th of this same month, four men 
 who were working in a mill were killed by the Indians, 
 an«l another ma<l(! prisoner. The next day, the Council 
 of Halifax i)ass('d a resolution ordering all the com- 
 manders " to annoy, distrt^ss, and destroy the Indians 
 everywhere. That a [jremium of ten guineas he prom- 
 ised for every Indian killed or taken prisoner."" 
 
 While throwing most of the hlame on the French, I 
 think it only right to refer to the counter-accusations 
 consigned in the French archives or elsewhere. Invari- 
 ably the archives of one or the other nation contain 
 nothing but accusations against the ojjposing nation ; 
 so that history l>ased on the exclusive testimony of one 
 of them, as has been more especially the case for Acadia, 
 cannot but l>e altoijether one-sided and incorrect. 
 
 •• Evervbodv knows," wrote to the French Court the 
 Comte de Kaymond, commander at Louisburg, '• that, 
 since the year of the last peace (1748), there has hardly 
 been a month in which the English have not sent armed 
 corsairs to visit the coasts of this colony." 
 
 "Since the end of the year 1749," says he elsewhere, 
 "a date at which the Enijlish bci»'an to come in crowds 
 to Chilx»uctou (Halifax) to settle there, the French 
 have not Ijeen able to navigate in safety along the east 
 coast, and even in the neighborhood of the island of 
 
 Kii- 
 
 41 
 
802 
 
 r'OMI'LAINTS OK TIIK IKKSrU. 
 
 Ciiiiso oil uct'ount f)t' tli(^ fr('<iiuMit tlirt'iits iiikI.' 
 
 tlicic. Tluiy liavi! (•(uitimiud to ciiiduic! vcssfls of ;ill 
 kinds, to liiy luiiids on wliiitt'vcr tlicy coiilaiiH'd, and. ;it 
 tli(! sanu! tinu', to sci/.t! on tin* iiiaiincis (ln.'m.s(dvt'.s."' 
 
 'i'luf Conitc iU'. ({ayiiiotid supported tlu'st; acciisatiuiis 
 l)y a miniltcr ol" facts related with tlic most cijciinistiiii- 
 tial and precise (Kttails. lie niciitionod, ainon<jf other 
 things, that the ICii'dish had seized, in this very vcur 
 174t>, in a port of ('a[)e Micton, thrt-e lM)ats toj^clhir 
 with tlieir crews, and had released them only after 
 tiikiiip; all the codlish the hoats contained. 
 
 "They attacked and ca[)tnred Kreneh hoats ply int,'- 
 betwtH'ii ('a[»e lireton and Piince I'Mward Island, ill- 
 used the (Mews, laid hands on their cargoes and some- 
 times on their lK)ats." 
 
 On OctolMT 1(), 17'>0, a hri<j;^antino belonging to the 
 French navy, the Saint Frain,'ois, laden with the pro- 
 visions, clothing an<l arms destined to the French jiosts 
 of the St. John Hiver, was captnred and looted. 
 
 In the Left res et MSmoircn sitr le Cap Breton (^Picho)i) 
 we read : 
 
 "Towards the end of July, 1740, when tlie news of 
 the truce between the two crowns had not yet reached 
 New France, the Indians had taken some of the English 
 prisoners on the islai .d of Newfoundland ; but these 
 prisoners, having informed them of the truce signed the 
 previous year at Aix-ha-Chapelle, they believed them on 
 their mere word, treated them as brothel's, released them 
 from their lx)nds ; but, in spite of so much kind treatment, 
 these perfidious guests massacred, during the night, 
 twenty-five Indians, men and women." 
 
 " Towards the end of the month of December, 1744," 
 says another document, " Mr. (lanon (?), commanding 
 
HB 
 
 COMPLAINTS (»F TIIK KUKNCII. 
 
 :5()3 
 
 a (IctjU'linicnt of Kn^'lisli troops . . . . I'ound, in Ji lonrly 
 ])lnce, near Atiiiiipolis, two liiitsof Micuuu; Iiidiiins. In 
 those huts \vi;ie live woiihjii aiul tliit'o children, two of 
 tlie woiiUMi hoiiif,' pn'^iiiiiit ; hut, di'spiti; the feelings of 
 liuiuanity that such persons were likely to excite, tin; 
 Knglish not only plundered and hurned these huts, hut 
 also niassa(M'ed the live women and the thr(;e cliildreti. 
 It was (!V(^n found that the pregnant women liad heen 
 
 hsendiowe 
 
 ^lled. 
 
 I hav(! no intention of (hawing a parallel hetween tlie 
 misdeeds of the two nations, ho as to decide which of 
 them deserves more hlame for the cruelty practisnl hy 
 th(! savages in the wars hetween the two n;'t;ons or in 
 those which they wag(Ml against tin; Indians. Owing to 
 tlie (!ireumstanccs of the Linu*, the historian nuist shut 
 his eyes, provided the authorities took reasonahle pains 
 to repress cruelty. A distinction must also he made 
 hetween the conduct of suhalt«!rns and that of sujxirior 
 oHicers. But the atrocious ciimes perp(!trated hy the 
 whites themselves against the Indians are inexcusahle, 
 and, in particidar, those which are traceahh; to the 
 authorities of Massachusetts against tlie Indians of 
 Maine far exceed all other atrocities committed (dse- 
 where, even those of the Indians themselves. I do not 
 think that the French ever were guilty of anything that 
 can remotely he compared to what I am ahout to relate. 
 These facts are told in the same way by many historians ; 
 but I take them from Ilannay, whom I have at hand : 
 
 " The Eastern Indians renewed the war in June, 10H9, by the 
 destruction of Dover. N. H., where Major Waldron and twenty-two 
 others were killed and twenty-nine taken captive. Waldn^n 
 richly deserved his fate, for more than twelve years before he had 
 been guilty of a base act of treachery towards the Indians, which 
 
 i^''^-*^!' 
 
304 
 
 WALDRON AND CHURCH. 
 
 has doubtless since caused the spilling of much innocOi ' blood. 
 In 1676, Waldron, then commander of the militia at Dover, had 
 vuule peave with fonr hundred Indians, and they were encamped 
 near his liouse. Two companies of soldiei-s soon after arrived at 
 Dover, and by their aid Waldron contrived a sclieme to make the 
 Indians i)risoners. Ho proposed to the savages to liave a review 
 and sliam figlit after the English fashion, the militia and soldiers 
 t(j form one party and tlie Indians another. After manoeuvring 
 for some tinie, Waldron induced the Indians to fire the first volley, 
 and the instant tliis was done they were surrounded by the soldiers, 
 and tlie whole of them made prisoners. Some of them were set 
 at liberty, but over two hundred were taken to Boston, where 
 seven or eight were hanged and the rest sold into slavery. It 
 was to avenge this despicable act that Waldron was slain in 1689." 
 
 Again, page 238 : 
 
 " One hundred and fifty Penobscot Indians made an attack on 
 York in February, 1692. The place was surprised and all the inhab- 
 itants wlio wei'e unable to escape killed or captured. About 
 seventy-five were slain. Several aged wc>men and children were 
 released and allowed to go to the garrisoned liouses, to requite the 
 Englisli for si)aring tlie lives of some of the Indian women and 
 children at Pejepscot a year and a iialf before. This proves that 
 the savages were not wholly destitute of gratitude, and that they 
 had rather a nice sense of honor, for. it is worthy of note that at 
 Pejepscot Clun-cb did not spare all the scpiaws and children, but 
 onlj' the wives of two chiefs, their children and two or tlnee old 
 squaws. All the other Indian women and the children, of wliicli 
 there was a large number, this squaw-killer Church slew in cold 
 blood." 
 
 Elsewhere, again : 
 
 '• During tlie winter tlie English were guilty of an act of treacher- 
 ous folly, unpaiiilleleil aiiywliere. Stoiighton. Governor of Massa- 
 chusetts, sent a message to tlie Indians, telling them to bring in 
 their prisoners for exchange. They brought five English jn-isoners 
 to Pennuiuid for exchange. Captain Chubb persuaded them to 
 deliver them u)). i)romising to send to Boston at once for those 
 desired in return. A conference was proposed inside the Fort, 
 nine Indians and nine English only to be present without arms : 
 
CllLni! KASLH. 
 
 :iO."i 
 
 the nine En<rlish liud pistols wmcealed in tiieir bosoms. Tliey wero 
 surroimdt'd hv a party of soldiers and all killed except two who 
 escaped. Three of the Indians were chiefs of great renown. It 
 is unnecessary to enlarge npon tiie character of this scandalous 
 transacti(jn. further than to observe that it was ;» crime not only 
 against the Indians, but also against the English settlers, who. in 
 the end. were the greatest sufferers by all such treacherous acts. 
 Such inexousahle crimes against faith and honesty as those of 
 Waldron and ('liul)b, made it impossible for the Indians t(j believe 
 that tlie Eiiglisli would kecj) any truce with them ; for those 
 instances of English treachery were told at the camp Hresof every 
 tribe from ( 'ai>e Breton to Lake Superior, and they were repaid 
 in kind in after vears." 
 
 '■'I'm 
 
 It will not be amiss to iiisei't heiu the ti'eiitnuMit oF 
 Fatliei' Kaslc, who had })eeii a uiissionaiv on the Kenne- 
 bec Hiver for forty years. 
 
 '• This Romanist," says Smith, * ■" was higldy accomplished, and 
 his life literally one long martyrdom. Being a correspondent and 
 frientl of the Governor of Cana<la, the English believ, d he might 
 be the instigator of liostilities of the Indians. Tlieir village was 
 taken by surprise ; Father Ralle, in hopes of diverting the atten- 
 tion of the enemy to himself and screen his beloved dock by liis 
 voluntary offering of his own life, fell together with seven Indians 
 who had rushed out to defend him with their bodies. "When the 
 pursuit had c(\ased, the Indians returned to find their missionary 
 dead at the foot of the village cross, his body perforated with balls, 
 his scalp taken, his skull broken with blows of hatchet, his mouth 
 filled with nuid. the bones of his legs l)roken and otherwise maii- 
 gl '(!. The death of Ralle caused greut rejoicings in Massachusetts, 
 ard when Harmon, who was senior in command, carried the 
 scalps of his victims to Boston (this string of bloody trophies in- 
 cluding the scalps of women and children and an aged priest), he 
 was received as if he had been some great general, fresh from the 
 field of victory. I 
 
 * Philip H. Smith: .\widiii— A Lust Chapter iu Aiiierictiu History, p. 119, 
 t This episode is related otherwise l)y Piiricman. I hav(> not tried to 
 jjetatthe most correct versiou ; I Kivo this one us I Hud it without voui'li- 
 ing for its exaotness. However, this is the version mlopted by all ttn- hi-*- 
 torians I have aeeu. Munlocli attrihutos these cnu-ltics and others of tlin 
 Huuio kind to tlve pfculi.if r."ti"ii^ nf tlic I'uritaus, •■ Wi- mii<t lit-ar iu 
 
 2U 
 
 ii 
 
 4.!|l 
 
 fl 
 
 II 
 
 
 it 
 
;J0(> 
 
 SCAIJ'S OK MEN AND WOMKN. 
 
 "A ceitain Captain Lovewell," says Hannay, "enm- 
 lous of Harmon's fame as a taker of scalps, and with 
 patriotism fired by the hiige bounty offered by Massa- 
 chusetts for that kind of aiticle, gathered a band (»f 
 volunteers and commenced scalp-hunting. They kiUcd 
 (»ne Indian for whose scalp the company received £100. 
 lie started next year witli forty men, surprised the 
 Indians whose scalps netted £1,000. In a subsequent 
 light he lost his own scalp, as did thirty-four of his 
 men." 
 
 These barbarities were not, as is clear, perpeti ated by 
 irresponsible individuals aciting on their own inipidse, 
 but by superior officers yielding to the stinuilus of a 
 government bount}'. In the war which had just come 
 to an end (1744-1748), this veiy government of Massa- 
 chusetts had offered a bounty of £100 for the sca][) of 
 each male Indian above twelve years of age, and of £;'iO 
 for the scalp of ctwh iroman or t'liihl. I am aware tliat, 
 in certain circumstances, the French also offered 
 bounties to the Indians for the scalps of their enemies, 
 but I have yet to learn of a single instance where this 
 bounty was applicable to either women or children ; 
 and — an essential difference — this hateful work, instead 
 of ])eing performed by whites, as was continually done 
 in Massachusetts, was left to the savages. Moreover, 
 during the last fifty years of the French regime in 
 America the manners of the Indians had become more 
 gentle, most probably thaidvs to the missionaries, so much 
 so. indeed, that the usual custom was to make prisoners 
 wlio weie afterwards released on ransom. 
 
 iiiiuil,"' says be, " that the doctrines of the New Englauil Puritiius at thiit 
 period were d(>e]ily tiujjred with ideas drawn from the aucieut Jewisli iii-^- 
 t<iry. in theOUlTcstament, whence they also drew theirmaxinis of repri.--nl< 
 uud retaliatiiiu." 
 
«CALPS OF MKN AND WOMex. 
 
 " " "'^^^' "Jot 
 
 exasperation. Tl,e/ o, It, ' h'' '" ■" " •^'""- "' sL 
 ™«ans of putting a sto. Ton! *^'" "'"' ""' ™'ly 
 
 "'■ «pAal. i„ kind 't IVr ""T "■'" '" "'»l>-« -« 
 «ve,y point of view; it wa, ", "'"' '''""*' ''"<» 
 
 ^oi'ing .i,e wofk „" ; ^; :» '■'"'■«'• 'lela,ins and 
 """ ^^'"tc n,on should W f " ""'«'■ T'"' le^'»t 
 
 _^«'ge.s, by .sparing ,|,e liC„ , ""'^■'■"''""■'"'»'' 
 
 "'e-'e Itulian, wSe as . .t ,""""''" ""'1 .l.ildren. 
 
 '■-venge;andneve ,^nl' ' - '" ^'"'•'"'^'' - '" 
 
 •"'■ 'l-r "ot re.speote .f ■', ""T' '"" " ' 
 
 ""ch ba,l«,.i,ies as "' "S't^^ml al«l,,ined fron, 
 
 Indians of New H.nn.svi kl'M;' ''"''"■ ^" "- 
 >)aki.s, Medoctete.s, con ,i „, » ■"'" '^ ^'•■"'■-'^S Al,,- 
 ■"■•'« of Acadia, o,n;'t .,*■'''''''*'■ ""'■ ""■ ^'H- 
 "f kindred and friendthnT'^: """'" ''-^ '""^ l«>"<l.^ 
 tl».'se tril,e« rankled for a io„t • "''""■'' ''""" '" """ "f 
 .•;- others as a pe.ona, v ^I ""f- .^ "'*' 'T^ "' ^» 
 " '" "ot to 1,0 ,vo„dero,l at if M /""'■""'='' ooi.ditioas 
 ^''wa.s the tnortal c-ne,;':: If ^ KSf ^-'''^ «- 
 
 ,.'1. 
 
 
 ..■•;m\ 
 
 m it 
 
 I l,*l 
 
 
 iif 
 
 ilii 
 
 ^•i; 
 
i]08 
 
 CLAIMING SCALl' IJOUNTV. 
 
 CHAPTF^R XVIII. 
 
 Treaty of ])eiK'f' concluiletl between the Englisii and tlie IndiaiiB of 
 Acadia during the autumn ol' 17.VJ — An infamous deed com- 
 tnitted by Conner and (xrace. two inhabitants of Halifax, puts 
 an end ti- the treaty — Revenge of the Indians — Captivity of 
 Antiiony Casteel. messenger of tlie Council — His journal — Mis- 
 takes of iiistorians with regard to these two incidents. 
 
 Wm-ycHKK it was that tliu Fieiicli were aslumied of 
 tlieir own coiiduet, or that thcv beoan to see it was iiii- 
 [)olitii'. or that they met with more apathy on the part 
 ol" the Indians than tlie}- had expected, or, perha[)s, for 
 all tliese motives together; at all events, we have every 
 reason to believe that they soon oavf up the odions 
 plans they had formed against the English settlements ; 
 this, at least, is the inference to l)e diawn from the 
 general trend of events. 
 
 In November. 175'2, the pr«;liminaries of a ti'ealy of 
 peace between the governor and the Micmac chiefs wtnt^ 
 arrano-ed at Halifax. Thiee vears befoi-e, a similar 
 peace had heen signed with the Indians of the St. John 
 River, and until now this peace had not been broken. 
 However, this peace was so short that Le Loutre and the 
 French are almost invariably accused of liaving pre- 
 vented the treaty from being concluded. This might 
 be considered probable if we had not manifest evidence 
 of the contrary. 
 
 The act wliich gave rise to this accusation was the 
 following : In April, 1753, two inhabitants of Halifax, 
 
AN ATROC'IOIS CIMME. 
 
 809 
 
 John Conner and Jpnies Grace, came before the council 
 and prese' ed seven Indian scalps for which they 
 i;lainied tl tisual bounty. They related how that, with 
 John Poor and Michael Hagarthy, they were wrecked 
 on the coast ; that their companions were killed and 
 scalped ; that, after several days of captivity, the}' took 
 advantage of the absence of the Indians to butcher the 
 wcnnan and the child tliat liad been left with them ; and 
 that, on the return of these Indians, they had fallen upon 
 them, killing and s('al[)ing them. 
 
 The tale was improbal)le. It was hard to ex[)lain 
 Avhy they had been left alone with a woman and a child, 
 and still more difticult to account for their rmt havinor 
 run away instead of waiting for the return of the In- 
 dians. This was, doubtless, the imj)ression produced on 
 the council, which ordered : " tliat John Conner and 
 .lames Grace do give security for their appeartince at 
 the next general court, in case au}^ complaint should be 
 biought against them by the Indians." 
 
 §■■- 'I I.I \m 
 
 iil 
 
 '' This is the substance of ilu'ir story," said the sur- 
 veyor Morris, afterward judge of the })rovince, writing 
 to Cornwallis, who was then in England ;" but, as the 
 Indians complained, a little aftei' tlie sailing of Conner's 
 schooner, that one exactly answering her description 
 put into Jedore, Avhere these Indians liad theii' stores, 
 and robbed them of forty barrels of provisions given 
 them by the Government, 'tis supposed that these n)en 
 might afterwards have been ap[)rehended by some of 
 this tribe whom they kilUMl as they describe. 
 
 " If this be the case, V/.v o twrt/ nti/inpj)i/ acnih)if at 
 this juncture, and time oidy can discover what its eon- 
 sequences will be. The chief's of every tribe in the 
 
310 
 
 AN ATltOClOUS CUIME. 
 
 
 Peniiisula had sent in messages of friendship, and, 1 
 believe, ivonhl have ultfited articles of peace tliis spring, 
 if this acciihnl does not prevent them.'" 
 
 The Reverend Andrew Brown, who eonnnents on 
 Avhat Morris called an unhuppif nrrlifeiif, adds these 
 remarks : 
 
 •' Tims far Mr. Morris ; but the facts were still l)Ia«jker than he 
 8US|)ectt"tl. After having robbed the Indian store-hcjuses, Conner 
 and the crew of his unfortunate seh(K)ner were obliged to encounter 
 th«' ftiry of the deej). They suffered shipwriH-k : the two survi- 
 vors. I'onner and (trace, were foinid by the Indians drenched 
 with water anti destitute of everything, were taken home, cher- 
 ishe<l, and kindly entertained, yet watched their opportunity, 
 and to procure the jnice of scalps, mm-dered their benefactors, 
 and cime to Halifax to claim the wages of their atrocious deed. 
 
 ••The Indians, as may well be supposed, were exasperated 
 beyond measure at this act of ingratitude and murder. (Revenge 
 boils keenly in their bosoms, and their teeth Avere set on edge.) 
 To procure innnediate retaliation tliey sent some of their warriors 
 to Halifax, to comi)lain of the difticulty tliey found to keep their 
 jH'ovisions safe during the fishing season, and to reipiest that the 
 Goveinor would send a small vessel to bring their fanulies and 
 their stores to Halifax. In compliance with this desire, the vessel 
 and crew mentioned in the Jom^nal of Anthony Ca.steel were 
 engaged, tho" several suspected from the fij'st that it was an 
 Indian feint to spill blooil.'" 
 
 The ruse the Indians had adopted foi- the sake of 
 revenge mot with comi)k'te success. A schoonei- was 
 put at their disposal inoider to bring back their families 
 to Halifax. The erew consisted of Anthony Casteel. 
 messenger of the council, of ('a[)tain Bannerman, of a 
 Ml'. Cleveland, and of four sailors. All were butchered 
 iind scalped except Casteel. How he was saved is ex- 
 I)lained minutely in the journal he kept, which, on his 
 return, was sworn to and transmitted by the Ciovernor 
 to the Secretary of State. It is a thrilling tale and 
 
Ill 
 
 CASTKKLS NAItllATIVK, 
 
 311 
 
 was an 
 
 slutws tilt! Ikisc tiviiclit'iy of wliicli (\)inier and (Jnice 
 liad lx'»Mi guilty iigaiiist tlie Iiidiaiis. 
 
 C'a>itoel. after the luassaere ot" his companions, was 
 diaginreil fiouj .ledoie, not far from Halifax, to Bay 
 Veite. Near this plaee they reached a camp of almost 
 liv«' hundred Indians, who made a circle arountl him. 
 After deliherating on his fate, an old man, the father-in- 
 law of the chief wliose prisoner Casteel was. «leclared to 
 him that his life would he spared on paynient of a 
 ransom of three Ixundred fivn-s, •• We were on the 
 ])oint of signing a lasting peace," said the old nuin : "• we 
 had for a long time abstained from any act of hostility 
 against your countrjnnen ; but now that the English 
 liave begun, we will not sto[). We had sheltered two 
 sliipwrecked men. who, the day before, had stolen most 
 of our provisions: they were almost lifeless: we had 
 l)roug]it them into oni- camp, wheie we fed and took 
 t'aie of them : we were soon to take them to Halifax 
 when, takino- advantage of our absence, they massacred 
 during the: night two men, three women and two chil- 
 (b'cn. one an infant at the breast. In retuiii for such a 
 deed our vengeance would not be satistied even if we 
 had kille<l as many English as their victims had hairs 
 on their heads. We have hitherto always spared 
 wt.iiicii when we could ; henceforth, we will not even 
 spare the infant in its mother's womb." Then he tore 
 up before Casteel the paper that bore the preliminaries 
 of the treaty. 
 
 These facts, Casteel goes on to say, weie conlirnied 
 b\ other pei-sons. The culpilts were Conner and (Irace, 
 who, some weeks l^fore, had brought to Halifax seven 
 scalps, for which they claimed the bounty. 
 
 The chief who held Casteel prisoner stoppeil at the 
 
 ■ ■ • •] 
 
 ft' 
 
 li 
 
 £mT' 
 
312 
 
 CASTKKLS NAKUATIVK. 
 
 liouse of an Atiuliau naiueil .Islcques Vigneau <lit Mau- 
 rice, Tliere lie met .some Indians and a Fiench oftitLT. 
 One ol" tliem asked liim wliat mnsom lie wanted IVn- lii> 
 juisoner. *• Three hundred //rrf;»," said Casteel's mas- 
 ter. " 1 will jifive them to you." said another Indian, 
 "my father was handed .at Boston." Me rushecl ai 
 CiWteel to stab him: l)ut the French officei", who had 
 In'en watchiuiT the Indian's movement, irave Castctl a 
 great shove that stretched him on his back and >:i.Vfd 
 him fi'om the blow. The sons of .fames Vigneau carried 
 him into a little room, where he swooned away. When 
 became to himself. Vigneau's wife offered him a gla<s 
 of wine and asked him if he was wounded, lb- said 
 no. She then went to a chest, opened it and tor»k fiom 
 it lifty pieces of six lir/wn forming the thi'ee bundre<l //'•/•'>• 
 of his lansom. Jacques Vigneau called Civsteers mis- 
 ter and counted out the money to him saying: "This 
 man belongs to me ; let none of you come here to 
 molest him, or I will break his bones." " I then 
 asked Vigneau," says Casteel, "if he would take my 
 note, he answei'cd no: that he believed I was an honest 
 man. but, if he was never to receive one farthing, that 
 should ))ot hinder him saviiii; the Eno-Hsh to the utmost 
 of his pow»!r. (!vcn to the last shirt on his back. The 
 next day Vigneau gave me a shirt, a few other articles, 
 a six-h'vrc!t piece, and we }).arted." 
 
 I have dwelt at some length upon these two incidents, 
 the Conner and (iiacc butchery and Casteel's advent- 
 uics, because all the historians that mention them point 
 to the murder of ( "asteers«companions as to au infamous 
 crime traceable to French instigation. Some of them, 
 litmally Ixdieving the declaration of ronner and Grace, 
 count this as another crime referable to the same source, 
 
THK FKENTH rNJI'STLY ACCUSED. 
 
 nt8 
 
 althouj^h the eonipiiuions of these two ini.scieanls leally 
 perished wlien their vessel was wrecked. 
 
 l*ark)naii, as usual, must needs fall into the worst 
 possihle view against the French. It is amusing to see 
 with what a sagacious air of superior penetiation lie 
 strives to entangle the facts and cireumstances so as to 
 implicate the French. He harks back five years in orikr 
 U) weave a chain of circumstantial evidence that jus- 
 tifies liim in concluding, or in insinuating, tliat the 
 preliminaries of the treaty in the previous autuuni were 
 (mly a stratagem invented by the Freneli. 
 
 It is true that the Compiler lias not sununari/ed the 
 contents of Casteel's journal as satisfactorily as could 
 have been wished. However, there is enough in what 
 lie. has given, provided tlie sunnnary of Casteel's journal 
 l>e compared with Conner's declaration, to show that 
 tlie incidents of tlie one are connected with tliosc of the 
 other. There might still remain some unc«Mtaintv ; 
 but, if Parkman was in doubt, he ought either not to 
 have touched the matter or to have pushed his researcbes 
 farther. Instead of a cruel crime committed by Tndiiins 
 at the instigation of the Fiench, we thul an act of excus- 
 able hostility done by these Indians to avenge a shameful 
 crime committed against their tribe by Conner and 
 (irace.* 
 
 Though the responsibility of this deed rests (tuly on 
 two unimportant individuals and not on the govern- 
 ment, yet it is none the less certain that the peace, 
 which Avas about to l)e detinitively signed, was broken for 
 a long time to come on account of this crime, and that 
 
 .• ■»,, 
 
 
 * About this time, the cnw of a vosh(»I LailiuK from Boston liatl troacli- 
 erously killed, near Cajje Suble, two ludiau girls and an Indian boy, wlio 
 had been invited on board their ship. 
 
 ^*''*k 
 
ai4 
 
 THK (lOVKHNOR S STliANCK CONDUCT. 
 
 deeds of blood were the outcome of it, deeds that exits- 
 perated the autliorities and hugely contributed to shape 
 the unfortunate events that followed. It would seem 
 that the fioveinor's duty was, as soon as he had discov- 
 ered the atrocious conduct of Conner and Grace, to 
 confei' with the Indians, repudiate this crime, and give 
 them satisfaction in some way or other. Nothing of the 
 sort appears. Those haughty soldiers had too muoli 
 contempt for the savage to treat him as a human being. 
 We do not even hear of any i)unishment inflicted on 
 the monsters, Conner and rjrace. One thing I cannot 
 understand is the striui<.;c conduct of the Government 
 signing the preliminaries of a treaty of peace with the 
 Indians in the autumn, and yet keeping up, during the 
 ensuing wintei- and spring, the bounty on Indian scalps. 
 
 In a letter of .Inly 28rd, 17o8, the CJovernor, coni- 
 numicating to the Lords of Tiade the sworn deposition 
 of Casteel, mentions the facts of the ciise. This lettci- 
 is in the volume of the Archives; but the Compiler has 
 thought })roper to sui)prcss all that it contains on this 
 subject, just as lie has completely omitted another 
 letter of the 20tli relating to this affair. Whatever may 
 have been the Compiler's motives, his omissions have 
 had the effect of leaving the question somewhat mud- 
 dled ; hence it is that some historians have eluded it, 
 and others have fallen into an erroneous interpretation 
 of it. 
 
 Mistakes of this nature, shifting the crimes of one 
 parly on to the shoulders of another, are not calculated 
 to inspire confidence in history. The events related 
 above contain the key to an imjiortant situation. By 
 throwing on the Indians or the French the odium that 
 really belonged to English subjects, the entire sequence 
 
MKItCILKSS OlM'ICKKS. 
 
 31i 
 
 "■'n 
 
 of fiut-i ill this ol>s«!iue epocli iKicomes very seriously 
 <list<»rtf(l. Iliid not Casteel escaped the fiite of his oom- 
 paiiions. or had he not kept a journal of his adventures, 
 \veslH»nhl never have been ahle to get at the truth of 
 this storv: for, even with his sworn deelaration Ix'fore 
 th«'in. men have found means to palm off as the truth 
 what is only a sl»ameless counterfeit. All liist(U-y. and 
 particuhnly the history of Acadia, is j)erforee honcy- 
 
 dnd with 
 
 ilar li 
 
 c-oniiH'H \vitn similar lies, whicU one writer passes (»n 
 to another, and which ultimately crystalli/.e into indis- 
 putahlc facts. 
 
 The most l)arl)arous have not always been the Indians. 
 It would be liard to tind any Indian misdeeds that (tan 
 l>e ••oinpaicd to the dui)lieity and atrocity f)f the crimes 
 attributed to Stoughton, Church, Waldron, Chubb, Love- 
 well and narmon. And these were not irresponsil)le 
 indivi<bials like (xraee Jind Conner; one of them was a 
 governor, another a colonel, a third a major, and the 
 three others captains. It may truly be said that the 
 j^oveiiiment ol" Massachusetts is resp()nsil)le for tlicse 
 Iiorrois. since it tolerated or enconiaiu'ed them l)y tenipt- 
 in<; l^uinties for scalps of Indian men. squaws and 
 children. 
 
 In stiikiiH'- contiast witli these colonial cruelties is the 
 Waring of the Home (ioveriimeiit toward the Indians. 
 Had its counsels been heeded manv misfortunes miijlit 
 have Ijcen averted. Such acts as I have just related 
 i-fiuld only ])erpetnate hatred and revenge. Twiee was 
 Coiinvallis lectured by the liOi'ds of Trade because he 
 wished to waofe against the Indians a merciless war : 
 
 ■• As to your opinion of never hereafter niakinjr jieaee with the 
 Indians and of totally extirpating them, we cannot hut tliink that 
 as the prosecution of sucli a (h'sign must he attended « itii acts of 
 
 
31fi 
 
 KN<J1.ISH VKKSrs KllKNCH MKTHoHS. 
 
 Kn-iit H<>v«'rity. it may prove full of (liin)r(>rouH constMim'iu'fs to tli* 
 Hafety of Hih Mii.j«'sty's other colonies u|K)n tiie continent, liy (ill- 
 inf< the niindH of the hordering IiuliiUiH witii ideiix of our cruehy 
 and inHtigating them to a dangerouH si)irit of resentment." 
 
 Ill a subsi!(|Hoiit loiter the liords of Trade, apparent Iv 
 (Injadiiig Cornwallis's iinpetiiositv, renewed the same 
 advice: " G(Mitler methods and offers of peace ha\t' 
 more frequently jH-evailed with the Indians than the 
 swonl." 
 
 'I'hese gentle methods do not seem to have been con- 
 genial to the Knglish national character ; ami, though 
 circumstances made it the evident interest of Kngiish- 
 mcn to adopt these methods, they seldom have Imjimi 
 able to count on the absolute lidelity of any Indian 
 tribe. One would think there lies, deep down in the 
 Anglo-Saxon, a rock-bed of roughness which the best 
 instruments of civilization catniot smooth, just as in the 
 (laul there lurks a mercurial substratum of levity which 
 no disasters can solidif3\ In spite of his defects, the 
 Frenchman was nnich the more successful with the 
 Indians; he honestly strove to makt; the lattci- forget 
 the <lift"er(Mice between the pale-face and the red-nun i. 
 whereas the Englishman ever sought to emphasi/.e his 
 own superiority. The former's first thought was, '• How 
 shall 1 win the Indian's heart?" The hitter's main 
 (juestion was, -r seems to have been, •' How shall I 
 
 make that d d redskin respect me?" and he i)ni- 
 
 ceede<l to enfoite this respect by a dignified demeanor, 
 if Ik; was well-bred, or by surliness, if he was a (ad. 
 This scornful bearing led to brutality, and brutality led 
 to that curions historical fact which Sir Charles Dilke 
 chronicles when he says that the Anglo-Saxon is the 
 only race that extcMininates the savage. 
 
KN(iMSM VKI.'Srs I'ltKNTH M KIMHUlS. 
 
 -Wl 
 
 Soon iit'tiT llu' L'Vcnls recdrdt'd iiliuvi' it .st'ciiKMl likely 
 tliiit ;i I r(!iity of {)t'ii('(! wtmlcl Itc niiulo lM;twt'(.'ii tlio 
 Kiiglisli ;m(l the Miciiiiic fiidiiuis. ('aptain Ilussoy, 
 toimnaiKliny; at F<»rt Lawreiict', iiotilii'd Le Loutic to 
 bring with him, accoriUng to agiL't'ineiit, a dck-gation nl" 
 Indians to (confer about th».' pitdiininaritNS t)f a treaty. 
 Mo received theni, says Le lioutre, with such dischiiiifn! 
 haughtiness that tlie Indians, who liad taken the troubU? 
 to c(»ni(; from a h»ng distance, went baek greatly of- 
 fended. The negotiations were broken off. History is 
 full of similar incidents. What disasters might havo 
 been averted had the advice of the Lords of Trado 
 recommending gentle measures btieii followed ! S(tme- 
 thing of the same kind oeeurre<l about this time, when 
 General Braddo(;k undertook his disastrous expedition 
 to the Monongahela River. He received the Indians 
 with such contemptuous stiffness that they all abau« 
 doued him with the result we know. 
 
 
318 
 
 CORN W ALUS IMFKOVES. 
 
 CH APTKU XIX. 
 
 Peaco-making — PrrcgiiiU' Tlionias Hopsoii succeeds Cornwallis in 
 1752 — His conciliatory spirit — lit' inspires great confidence iiiul 
 secures liapj)y results — Al'ler fifteen months his health obliges 
 hiiu to return to Kngland. 
 
 Lk l.oi'TUK.s t'ffoits to make tlio Aciulians emioiatc 
 were soon exhausted. He may have heeii disheartened 
 hy his I'aihire ; Jie may even liave eiiaiiged liis mind as 
 to tht; advisability of sueh a course ; btit probaoly whal 
 made liim give up was especially the way the English 
 tliwaited him. 
 
 On the other hand, there was no longer any talk at 
 Halifax of reciuiring the oath from the Acadians, who, 
 relvinur on the riohteousness of their elaim and on their 
 experience of the past, must have believed that this 
 silt;nce was e([uivalent to a definitive return to the old 
 state of affairs. This was a cruel illusion. Meanwhili', 
 however, ([uiet was restored everywhere ; so nuieh so, 
 imleed, that, from IToO to September, 1752, the dale of 
 Cornwallis's departure, hardly any mention is made of 
 the Acadians in the despatches of the governor or in the 
 <leliberations of the council. The most important refer- 
 ence to them is in a letter of Cornwallis to the Lords 
 of Trade in September, 1751 : 
 
 " There is a visible alteration in the behavior of the Acadians ; 
 they Iiave this year cultivated well their lands and have great 
 crops, a (juanlity of corn to dispose of over and above what will 
 serve their fauiilies ; this will be of great service to this settlement 
 

 AN KI:A «»K Hl'MANITy. 
 
 ;n9 
 
 .it this <?ritical junctuii'. Hotli as to the Acadians and Indians, 
 it would be improp«?r to send the Germans into that part of the 
 country."' 
 
 Hitherto Coruwiillis luul sevei-al times .suggested tliat 
 l^rotestant eoloiiists should he phieed here and tliere 
 among the Aiuidiaus, "in order to remove theii- i)reju- 
 dices in favor of the Komish faith.'" Hut eaeh tii'M! the 
 Lords of 'I'iMd(i liad rejected his suggestion ; iiiid now 
 (V)i'iuvallis seemed won over to tlieir views. His atti- 
 tude! towards tlie Acadiaiis appeals to liave ncjtidily 
 altere(K In Septeud)er, IToO, lie liad applied foi' Icavtj 
 of al)seuc(;, suggesting Lawrenee as his suhstitut<' : and 
 yet we find Hop.son succeeding Cornwallis at the latter's 
 departni'e in 17")2. In 1 T^O r'ornwallis leaned to harsh 
 measuies, aiul in this polic\' Lawi'tnee was the man to 
 continue and improve vpou his predecessor. I'ndoul)t- 
 cdly, fi'om 17i)0 to Hiy'I, a great change had come over 
 Cornwallis; he S(!ems to have realized that he had 
 blundered, that harshness and stiffness raise uj) obsta^'les 
 instead of removing them. Had harshness hcen the 
 basis of his character, he nev(!r could havt; so mateiially 
 alteretl liis demeanoi'. Strongly indjiutd with inilitary 
 notions, having but an imperfect knowledge of the 
 special status of i]\(; people under his jurisdiction, he 
 had houestlv tlu igiit that it was wise to act as he did 
 on his nr ivai. lie had the rrood sense to turn back 
 from ih- evi'O!- oi" his ways. However, the consequences 
 of his ilrs: n.istake were too disastrous lO admit of 
 complete reparation; and, able and ^. ~ ^ - tliough lie 
 may have oeen at bottom, the change came too late for 
 a full development of his latent virtues. 
 
 Peregrine Thomas Ho])son. who succeeded Cornwallis, 
 had been commander-in-chief at ]y.»uisl)urtr« and. wlien 
 
 ,m 
 
820 
 
 FfOTSOX, COPK, AND LK LOrTIti:. 
 
 this fortress was surrendered to France, after tlie tn-aty 
 of Aix-la-Chapelle, he, with the troops under his eoni- 
 uiaiul, joined Coi'uwallis at IJalifax. I venture to say 
 ^ that TTopson shared with Mascarene the iionor of hein^ 
 the most straightforward, huu)ane and conciliating of all 
 the governors of Acadia since the Ti'caty of Utecht. 
 His letters, orders and all his acts prove this assertion. 
 Though Cornwallis left him a legacy of trouhle, yet he 
 managed, in it very short time, to make peace with 
 every one. Despite an unfortunate event tliat hindered 
 liis liherty of action, he would probahly have reconciled 
 the Indians to {'English rule had not ill-health v wVIged 
 him to rifsififu after Hfteeu months of office. 
 
 His kitidly disposition led, only two months aftt' his 
 inauguration, to offers of peace from John Baptist Cope, 
 the great chief of the Micmacs. An uudei-standing was 
 arrived at, and some weeks latiM- a treaty of peace was 
 concluded and signed between Cope and the govern- 
 ment. Cope pledged himself to exert his influence to 
 persuade all the Indians of his nation to make a final 
 treaty the following spring. 
 
 Was this peaceful issue duo to the good reputation 
 Hopson had alread}' earned? Was this a bona fidt; 
 jdedge on the part of the Indians, and what share in it 
 should we attribute t(^ Le Loutre? For this John Bap- 
 tist (^ope was, r believe, chief of the Indians in Le 
 lioutre's mission. The; latter could not but be aware of 
 this step : and if he really v/ielded over the Indians the 
 powei' that is commonly attributed to him, this treaty, 
 whether feigned or sincere, must have been, at least in 
 part, his work. True, it was broken eight months later, 
 but the motive, viz., the infamous crime of Conner and 
 Grace, affords a full explanation of the rupture ; and for 
 
HOPSON T'LEADS FOR THE ACADIAN'S. 
 
 :J-Jl 
 
 eight entire months tlie IniUans observed the treaty 
 faithfully. Now if, as seems probable, Le Loutre favored 
 this treaty, the question naturally presents itself, why 
 did he favor it? Tlie only reason I can see is the con- 
 fidence ins[)ired by llopsoii's noble character and the 
 sincerity of his dealings with the Acadians. This makes 
 the infereiu'e probable that, had there been no violence 
 nor arrogance on the part of Cornwallis, Le Loutre 
 ■would have done nothing to force emigration upon the 
 Aca(hans or to stir up the Indians to hostilities. Per- 
 haps the very foundation of Fort Beaus^jour had no 
 other motive than resistance to the arbitrary proceed- 
 ings of C'oi'invallis. 
 
 C^n the 10th of Dccembei., 17')8, soon after the de- 
 parture of Cornwallis, Ilopson wrote to the Lords of 
 Trade : 
 
 "Ishoukl bo glad to have Your Lordships' opinion as early in 
 the spring as possible, concerning the oath I am to tender to the 
 Acadians. as directed by the 6Hth article of my instructions. 
 
 " Mr. Cornwallis can thoroughly inform Your Lordships hou^ 
 difflculf, if not inqiossibh: it Diay be. to force niicIi (I thing itpoii 
 them, and what ill vonseqiienres niaij (dtend it. I believe he can 
 likewise ac(iuaint you that the inhabitants of Beaubassin — who 
 had taken it before with Genernl Philij)i)s'.s conditions — made it a 
 pretence to quit their allegiance and retire from their lands, 
 thougli it was not otlierwise offered to them than by issuing the 
 King's I'roclamation to that effect. 
 
 " As they api)ear to be much better disposed than they have 
 been, and ho|)e will still amend, and. in a long course of time. 
 l)econie less scrnpnlons, I beg to know from Your Lordsiiips in tlie 
 spring how far His ^Lajesty would approve my silence on this head 
 till a more coiirenient (}j)poytintit!i. 
 
 " Mr. Cornwallis can inform Your Lordshii)s //oi/- useful and nee- 
 essdt'if these people are to us, how impossible it is to do without 
 them, or to replace them even if ice had other settlers to ji^d in 
 their places ; and. at the same time, how obstinate they hav© 
 always been when the oath has been offered. 
 '21 
 
 ■'/^n 
 

 •NVOHKIXCJS OF C'ONSCIENCK. 
 
 It appears evident by this letter that Cornwallis had 
 come round from his earliest impressions and shared 
 llopson's views as to the maimer of treatinj^- the Aca- 
 dians. How easy it is, on reading this letter, to iVcl 
 that we are in the presence of a man inwliom kiiidlimss, 
 gentleness, calnniess and reflection predominatf I lie 
 Jieither can nor will blame liis ijredecessor : yet he none 
 the less implies that there hasbeiMi l)lnnderiMo-, that time 
 and tact will be needed to bring back the spirit of tiust 
 so rudely shaken, and to do away with the urmp/fs 
 .iroused by exacting the oath. Xo stranger is he to the 
 •oc .,igs of the Acadians ; he lias put hiniself in their 
 pii.c , he seems to expeiience their own sentiments. 
 He has gone down into his own soul to listen there to 
 the canswer of his conscience, and has lieard his own 
 heart tell him that, were he in their place, he could not 
 easil}' make up his mind to bear arms for strangers 
 against his brothers, for enemies of his religion ayainst 
 liis co-religionists, for people whose language he does 
 not understand against those with whom lie lias familiar 
 intercourse ; hence he sees before him "a long course of 
 time " before their scruples can be effaced. That phrase. 
 " less scrupulous," shows that he has in very deed eon- 
 suited his conscience and his own feelings. 
 
 Cornwallis had perceived merely the material aspect 
 of their situation. He had thought that attachment to 
 their property was the great, the only motive of their 
 actions ; it had seemed clear to him that all that was 
 needed, to get the better of their sheer stubbornness, was 
 resohitely to place them face to face with the cruel 
 choice between abundance on the one hand and desti- 
 tution on the other. Rut, when he saw deputation aftei' 
 deputation unhesitatingly accepting destitution, begging 
 
If i-' 
 
 NO KXCITEMKNT. 
 
 3-J3 
 
 for leavo to <le])ait, lio was (|uite upset; he could make 
 uotliing out of such conchict ; eitlierlie himself is really 
 
 mov 
 emotioi 
 
 or 
 1 a 
 
 lie wishes to mov<! them hy his words, but his 
 
 11 t 
 
 urns on tiie en 
 
 th 
 
 M'>}' 
 
 ment or the loss of their 
 
 goods: ''Your lands produce [^^rain and nourish eattle- 
 .suflicient for the whole eolony. It is you who would 
 liave had the advantatjes for a hmij; time. We llattcred 
 ourselves wo would make you the hap{)iest peo[)l(' in 
 
 tl 
 
 le woi 
 
 Id. 
 
 II( 
 
 eh 
 
 d 
 
 far- 
 
 di 
 
 h 
 
 lopson s vision was clearer ana more lar-reaeinng : ne 
 saw that conscientious motives threw all })urely material 
 interests into the shade, and therefore he implorrs the 
 Lords of Trade not to oI)li[,^e him to urge tlu; (jmistion 
 of the oath. "Mr. Coruwallis can inform you how use- 
 ful and neeessaiy these jieople are to us, how impossible 
 it is to do without them, etc., etc." 
 
 ("ould such a description ap[»ly to a turbulent and 
 dangerous impulatiou, ripe for revolt? ("leaily not. 
 And yet the period we have just traversed has been more 
 atjfitated than that which is to follow and which imine- 
 diately precedes the deportation. We have reached 
 IToS, only two years before the terrible event. Ad- 
 visedly do I use the Avord "agitated," for I int(ind to 
 convince whoever is open to convi(;tioii, without hiding- 
 anything and without going beyond oilieial documents, 
 that nothing uiore serious than agitation occurred 
 throughout the whole extent of the peninsula. And 
 what did this agitation amount to? Merely peaceful 
 meetings of men who discussed the situation. simi)l(V 
 peasants wOio weighed the pros and cons to decide upoii 
 the alternative imposed to them. This agitation, if 
 indeed it deserves the name, lasted some months, at 
 most one year, the lirst of Cornwallis's governorship. 
 
 U 
 
 f: ..: I. 
 i '1i 
 
324 
 
 KVION-IIANDKD .1 USTICK. 
 
 There is not tlie slightest sign tliat these meetings wcif 
 seditious or even noisy ; (luite the reverse. Wiien ilu-y 
 liiid decided to clioose the alternative of leaving tlic 
 countr3% they went directly to inform the (roverin)r and 
 to ask Ids permission. IJefore granting it, lie obliged 
 them to sow their fields; without a murmur they diil 
 so ; they sowed what they believed would be reaped li\ 
 others; then tliey came l)ai;k for the promised ]»ernii>- 
 sion; again were they put off with wretched pretexts, 
 again did they return to their homes without a nuuimii 
 and remain perfectly quiet. In all this there is not the 
 vestige of a single act of insubordination or even of re- 
 sistance. And yet there were strong excuses for sedi- 
 tion. Seeing that they had been kept in the oountiy 
 against their will, that a com[)romise had been made 
 wi.l: them in 1730, they certaiidy had the right of eany- 
 ing off their movable goods, which was an important 
 consideration for them. To deprive them of this liglit 
 was to cast them from plenty into beggary. And yet. 
 without complaint, they yielded up this maiufest right. 
 Does not this submissiveness afford a safe standard bv 
 Avhich to judge of their dispositions and of their subse- 
 quent conduct? 
 
 Cornwallis had mapped out his plan of action before 
 hearing them ; lIo[)son had taken pains to see and lieai' 
 evervthint; and consider the motives on which their 
 claims were based. The following order, addressed to 
 the commanders of Forts Vieux Logis (Grand Pr<j, now 
 Horton), and Edward (Pigiguit, now Windsor) by Hop- 
 son, reveals the same kindly temper observed upon 
 above: 
 
 . " You are to look on the Acadiuns ;"/; the name light with the rent 
 of His Majesty's subjects, us to the protection of the laws and Gov- 
 
imf 
 
 EVEN-HANDKI) .JUSTICE. 
 
 :52o 
 
 frnment, for which rcaaon nofhhig is to he takni from fhcjn hi/ 
 force, or any price set upon their j^ootls but wliat they themselves 
 agree to ; aud, if at any time they sliould obstinately refuse to com- 
 jily with what His Majesty's service may require of them, i/oa 
 (ire not to I'edretis yourself by mil iUtry force, or in any unlawful 
 manner, but to lay the case before the Governor and wait his 
 orders thereon. You are to cause tlie following orders to be stuck 
 up in the most public part of the Ft)rt, both in English and 
 French. 
 
 " 1st. The provisions or any other commodities liat the Acadians 
 shall bring to the Fort to sell, are not to be taken from them at 
 anj' fixed price, but to be paid for according to a free agreement 
 made between them and th<! purchasers. 
 
 2d. No ofticer, ncjn-coinmissioned officer, or soldier, shall pre- 
 sume to insult or otherwise abuse any of the Acadians. who are 
 upon all occasions to be treated as His Majest\''s subjects, and to 
 whom tiie laws of the country are open, to protect as well as to 
 punish. 
 
 " At the season of laying in fuel for the Fort, you are to signify 
 to the Acadians bj' their deputies, that it is His Majesty's pleasure 
 they lay in the quantity of wood that you require, and when they 
 have complied, you are to give thenx certificates specifying wliat 
 quantity they have furnished, which will entitle them to payment 
 at Halifax." 
 
 P. T. HoPSON. 
 
 i'; 
 
 1 
 
 This order was evidently intended io modify or com- 
 pletely cliiinge previons orders ; else it wonld have been 
 jnirposeless. It amounted to .saying: Hitherto the 
 Acadians liave not been on the same footing as the rest 
 of His Majesty's subjects; henceforth they »h<tll be. 
 You shall take nothing from them by force ; they shall 
 have, like others, the privilege of making bargains for 
 their produce ; and if you have reason to complain of 
 them, you siiall not employ force or any other illegal 
 means. 
 
 This order is just as eloquent a eulogy of Ho])son'.s 
 character as it is a powerful plea against Cornwallis. 
 
iiiit; 
 
 WHAT THIS ()l!l»KI! IMI'LIKS. 
 
 Tims, to ill! apiJoaiaMci's, undiir tlui lattor's goveniiiKMit 
 the livatiiUMit of the Acadiaiis was oiii! tliiiij^ and tlial 
 (tf His Maj(\sty's oilier sul)jt'c;ls was <(iiitt; aiiotliei'. The 
 pettiest sei'j^eaiit could lay hands on Acadian produce, 
 and any resistance niiifht he punished as ho chose with- 
 out trial and without appea'. Whci one retK'('ts on the 
 tyranny insi-parahh; from a niilitaiy rule, even in our 
 day, a tyranny sonietinuis bearahle from supi'rior olli- 
 cers, but ever growintj less endui-able witli h'sser raid<, 
 one feels that the abuses of this power conunitted to 
 subalterns must surely have Ihhmi occasionally dt;[»lor- 
 able. Yet, save in ()ne instance under tlie ferocious 
 Lawrence, tlu're does not a{)pear in the entire volume of 
 the Archives a sint,'le case of recrimination on the part 
 of the Acadians. 
 
 Perhaps this ordcir may have been inspinid by the 
 Lords of Trade; but, as the Compiler does not publish 
 so much as one of their letters to Ilopson, we can only 
 indulge in conjecture. However, this dt»cunient is al- 
 together in keeping with what we know of Ilopson's 
 character. 
 
 On another occasion he; gives \is a new proof of his 
 excellent sentiments. Among the emigrants landed at 
 Halifax in the course of the autumn of 1752 were a 
 certain '"unber of decrepit old men and some orphans. 
 Hopsoii eom[)lained to the Lords of Trade against such 
 people being sent out to the colonies. In the course of 
 his letter he cannot refrain from pitying the woes of 
 these wretched beijigs : " I can assure you, my Lords, 
 that I thid this very shocking, for no mortal that has 
 the least humanity can do otiierwise than feel to the 
 very heart at the sight of such a scene of misery." 
 
 The character of Coruwallis does not stand out so 
 
"M. 
 
 ACAIHANS THAIt INHIANS. 
 
 ■vi: 
 
 clcuily; 111! iiiiiy Iiiivt; Im-cii iiificly IniULflily uikI iiii|ii;- 
 jioiis; but li(! hIkiws no siifiis of coniiiiiscriition. I lop- 
 son, on tho contiiiiy, ]H'ovrs lli;iL lit; Wiis not only lull 
 of c'cjuity and kindlintjss, hut iilso that hf had tlie jj;\h 
 of ex(|ui,site .sympathy. All his ac-ts mv. iini)rt!ssed with 
 the sauK! stani[); and so his administration, uiifortii- 
 jiatfly too short, was i'cjrtilc in ha[)|ty icjsults, and would 
 liave lujcn still hap[(i(;i', had it not hcon for th<.' dastardly 
 crlnu! of Conner and Grauo which levived liidian hos- 
 tilities for a tiuK!. 
 
 If Ids administration liad lasted sf)nHi ycsars, lie would, 
 most likely, liavt; won fi'om the Acadians, without any 
 show of foi(;(3, the unreserv(!<l oath i'iM|uir(!d of them. 
 II(! wrote, -lul}' 2.')r<l IT')-*, to the liOi'ds of Trade that 
 he was pi'ivatel}' informed that some Acadians who liad 
 Ictt ihcir lands had l)een delegated to confer about the 
 situation with their fellow-countrymen dwelling on 
 English territory; 
 
 ■' That they went so fur as to hold consultations whetlKT they 
 slinulfl not tlirow tlicniselvcs under the protection of the Eufj^lish 
 (lovcrninent (tiid hccoinc siihjtvts to nil intents <inil ]tnrj)(>.s('.n ; hut 
 there arose ;i coi\sideriii)le ohje(rtion to tlu'ir taking this steji. which 
 was. tliat, (IS till'!/ livi'don farms nri/ rcinoti- frnni oiu' (luatln'r, a ml 
 ofvoHVsc are not capable i if resist i nij (niykinilofenenii/, the French 
 might send tlie Indians among them and distress them to such a 
 degree, that they iiumhl not he able to remain oh their farms." 
 
 Was Ilopson's infoirnation correct? Most probably, 
 for what he relates is iu full accordance witli the well- 
 known sentiments of the Acadians. No dou))t tla^y had 
 the greatest repugnant-e to the obligation of bearing 
 arms against the Fiench; but the danger of Indian hos- 
 tility was an equally imjwrtant matter, and recure in all 
 tlieir petitions whenever the question of the oath is 
 raised. Cornwallis and afterward Lawrence laughed at 
 
328 
 
 HKALIZIN(} THE DANCEll. 
 
 lliis as at a foolish dread. Hut, as wu liave hcif tlicir 
 dt'libt'iatioiis ainoii^ tlu'iuselvt's, unknown to tin- au- 
 thoritios and fnjo from all outsidu pressure, it is easy to 
 see that this danger wius thoujifht by tlicm to be a seiious 
 one, sinee it alone stood in the way of their aceepting 
 the oath. 
 
 Wcndd they really liave been molested by tbo Indians 
 at the instigation of tlit; Fn-nch, if they liad taken the 
 oath? I cannot say ; howi'ver, I am inelincd to believe 
 they wouhl not. It was plainly in tlu; French interest 
 to perpetuate thc^ status of neutrality ; thi!y tried to 
 make the Acadians believe that they would be molested 
 by the Indians if they took the oath ; but, once that 
 oath had biu-omo an aeeomplisbed fact, I am convinced 
 tliat no hostility woubl have been manifested on the 
 part of the French or Indians until tbe Acadians should 
 actually liave bad to take up arms against either of 
 them. Fi'om that moment, however, they would have 
 been just as much expostid to the liostility of the In- 
 dians, just as much their enemies, as were the English 
 colonists, and tlien, as Ilopson says, "As they live on 
 farms very remote from one another, and of couise not 
 capable of resisting an}- kind of enemy," their position 
 Avould have been untenable. The Acadians, deliberat- 
 ing with a full sense of their grave interests at stake, 
 and Avitb long experience of tbe character of these In- 
 dians, must be considered the best judges of what was 
 likely to happen. Hopson seems to admit the force of 
 their reasons ; unlike Cornwallis and Lawrence, his 
 delicacy of feeling and sympatbetic nature enabled him 
 to enter into tbeir views. 
 
 Although there is nothing surprising in these delibera- 
 tions of the Acadians, there is something that rather de- 
 
IIOMK, SWKKT IIOMK 
 
 829 
 
 fi 
 
 tnwts from IIk; liciowt aspect \ve are wont to view tlit'in 
 
 111, since tlicy now wcic leiuly to sucn 
 
 \yU 
 
 ilicctl 
 
 icir sciitiinuiits 
 
 to their iiiiitcriiil iiitt!rests. However, the residm; of 
 viriue in tlietn is <iuite siilVuieiil toendear them to their 
 
 • k'se^'iulanls. 1 leroie sactriliees arc; ahovt; natun 
 
 U'Sl- 
 
 taiicy iM'fore makin<( them is tlierefnre not asttniishinj,'. 
 More than ;; centuiy had elapsed since their torefiithers 
 had opened out th(! country, several jjenerations hud sat 
 
 hv th 
 
 r>y the sanu; lu^aith. Whatever makes man, es[)eeially 
 the hushan(hnan, cherish lite, whatever is dear to simple 
 and hon(;st hearts, they saw thert; in Acadia. 1 1 was 
 their fatherland, tlie home of their ancestoix, all the 
 dearer to them heeause theyhiid founded and (U'eated it. 
 Each hill and dale, eacdi glim[)se of smiiinj^ landscai)o 
 was sparklinj^ with sweet nuunories. Tliosi; luxuriant 
 meadows that fed their imuKMise herds had heen wrested 
 frrun tlie sea hy theii* own [)atient and painful toil. That 
 eliineh wliither they (!ame to kneel each Sunday had 
 witnessed the only imjiortant events of their sim[)le and 
 l»eacefnl lives. That j,'raveyard held the remains of 
 tlieir kindred, and told iu its inscriptions the story of 
 those wlio had j^one l)efore. How their hearts must 
 liave 1)een wrung at tlu; mere thou<,dit of ,t^<»ing away ! 
 rioing! Why, that meant hi dding an everlasting fare- 
 well to liome and country, to all the}' had and all they 
 k»ved, quitting ease and plenty, the joys of the dear old 
 fireside, for exile, separation and penury. 
 
 Dear were the homes where tliey wer' '■'i,rv,, 
 Where slei>t their honored deail ; 
 And rich and wide, on every side 
 Their fruitful acres spread. 
 
 On the 12th of Septemher, 17o3, Hopson read to his- 
 counc"! the following petition : 
 
 
35iO 
 
 I'KTITIONS. 
 
 " Tlii> inlialti(;iiilH()f (Jniml I'lv, Kivcr( 'aiiiinl. I'i^'iKnit, t'tc, ctf.. 
 «'lc., taki- the lil)«Tty <il" pri-st'iitiiiK tlicir very luiiiil)lf |M'titi<iii tn 
 Y'diir Kxccllcrwy, hcj^'niiiK yoii to rcinovt' the (lilliiiilly w lii<|i 
 presents itsell' witli respect to the missiniijiries wliu came here, hy 
 
 exeiiipliiiK them from the oath of allej^iaiicc uhici jiiireil of 
 
 them. 
 
 •• We ho|)e, sir, that Your Kxcelleiicy will he 1<intl eiioiiuli to 
 Kraiil that favor, inasmuch as, wiieii we idok ihe oath of .\lle;;i- 
 unce to His liritaniiic Majesty, we took it only on condition that 
 We shoulil he allowed the free exercise of oui' reiij^ion, and a suf- 
 ficient numl)er of ministers to jierfomi tiie services. 
 
 " It appears, sir, tliat we would he deprived of this last article, 
 if the (<o\ernment wei'e to force them to take this oath, hecause 
 the missionaries would certainly not remain amoii^ us on terms 
 which they caimot afjjrec to; wi- should therefore s«'e ourselves 
 deprived of the main jtoint j^ranted to us. 
 
 " Morettver, sir, when we suhmitted on the terms by which the 
 practice of our relif;ion is granted to us, it was hy no means speci- 
 lied that our missionaries should be oblig(>(l to take this oath. 
 That is ])roved by the two missionaries who wi>re present when we 
 took the oath, and who were also entrusteti with our irs, with- 
 out its being thought necessary to exact of them v • now re- 
 (piireil of them. Notwithstanding all the exjjense Have in- 
 curred in endeavoring to get them at Louishurg and even at 
 Quebec, the dilHculty of this oath prevents them from settling 
 amongst us." 
 
 llop.soii gniiited tliis request on cniidiiicjii tliat tlie 
 pricst.s would confonu to what Ava.s ro(Hiired of tlieui in 
 tlio n'cculatioiis. It wa.s Cornwallis who had, on tlie 
 31st of July, 174!), issued an order obliging the priests 
 to take the oatli of allegiance. Here again Jlopson 
 gives a new proof of his liberality. 
 
 On the 27th of the same September another petition 
 was presented to him by those Acadians who had crossed 
 the frontier three years before : 
 
 '* We. the inhabitants formerly settled at Beaubassin and vicinity, 
 beg to inform you that the reason which causeil lis to leave our 
 property was the new oath which His Excellency M. Cornwallis 
 
EliH 
 
 I'KTITIONW. 
 
 am 
 
 wished til cxMcl I'l'mn lis, dcsiriiin l<> Im-iiU iiml revoke tlie mie 
 Knmli'd t<i ns lieluie. Hiivin^' leninl siiiee nur ile|iiirtiiie. tliai if 
 we were willing to retiiiM, we should liiive Ihi same liiMUs Hint 
 werr' ;;raiiled lo lis l(iriiierly, we iire ready to lu-eept it under these 
 conditiiiiis. It is iiM|iossiltle tor us to si^ii any other i atli "// ffc- 
 coiiiif of llii' /*/'//(( ;/.v. as we liave slaleii on several .leeasioiis to 
 His Kxcellencv M. ('ornwailis. //' In' hml kiinini hrltrr oiir cir- 
 (•lUiixtoiici'x he ii'iiiihl Iniri' son lluif it irns iiiiii(tsnihli' for its lo siijn 
 (llijl iiflnr thilii Unit ii'lilrli irr Itiiri' siiliiiil. 
 
 •' We liope that these articles will lie ;;ratiled to us liy \i)\\r lv\- 
 rclleiicy. '/;/(/ iTiti rdti'lirtf />// tlir ('i)iiit of KiHjhniil, no thai lliosf 
 irlio nun/ siK'ci'i'd )'oiir E.vccUnivji slnill not tnokf IIk' iirt'lc.rt tlicf 
 Jlis K.rci'llincn M. ( 'oviiu'itlliH ukkIc in sdjiiim tintt M. I'hilipiis 
 liitil no (iiilhoritji from the Court of Eiujlnnil for titc lutth which hv 
 (irnnliil ns. 
 
 "These heiiiK K'"''i"ted, we shall feel ((iiistraiiied to continue, 
 and even increase? our prayt'r i'or Yuur Excellency's health and 
 prosperity. " 
 
 This i)ro))o,su(l rotiiiii of tlio volimtury oxilos Wiis 
 {iiiotlicr liJippy result (jf tlio ^mnd r(.'j)titiitioii IIopsoii 
 had so soon oiiniod. lie gfiiiited all llicir nMiuosts 
 exce})! that which ])()ic on a restriction to the oath, for 
 lie ]iad not then the necessary authority for making this 
 concession. 
 
 It is woi'th notinif that tlie petitioners, thougli ahva^-s 
 respectful, yet, lieing safe from restraint Ix'yond the fron- 
 tier, freely stigmatize its a pretext Coriiwallis's j)roceed- 
 ings towards them when revoking the agreement entered 
 into witli Philipps. The statement was true, but they 
 would not have dared to express it in tliis way had they 
 still been under English rule. Now, if their pro[)osition 
 was accepted, they wanted to be shown an express rati- 
 fication from His Majesty. 
 
 Hcj-e ends Tlopson's career as Governor of Acadia. 
 Ill, and perhaps disgusted with the part he had to play, 
 he set sail for England, leaving the temporary adminis- 
 
 V::'d 
 
882 
 
 PETITIONS. 
 
 tiation of the province to Lawrence, his first coun- 
 cillor. Hopsou carried away with him the esteem ami 
 the confidence of every one, after fifteen months of a 
 firm and energetic administration, tempered by a spirit 
 of justice and conciliation the like of which no other 
 governor but Altuscareiie had showu. 
 

 HOPSOK S SUCCESS. 
 
 333 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 General Considerations — England and Finance. 
 
 It is painful to take leave of so worthy a man as 
 Hopson, endowed with all the gifts tliat were called for 
 by the perplexiiig condition of the province. He had 
 governed it but one year and a quarter. In that short 
 space, without violent orders, without threats, without 
 apparent effort, by the mere t)ersuasiveness of his kindly 
 character and gentle ways, he liad so far restojed confi- 
 dence as to induce the Acadians, of their own accord, to 
 consider the question of an unrestricted oath. Had it 
 not been for the dread of Indian hostility, the problem 
 was in a fair way of solution. Those Acadians who 
 had crossed the frontier, learning of tlio Governor's 
 favorable dispositions, asked leave to return to their 
 farms. 
 
 During these fifteen months, in spite of Indian hos- 
 tility aroused by an untimely crime, for which the 
 Governor was in no way responsible, the greatest tran- 
 quillity reigned in the Acadian setth^nents ; no sign of 
 discontent, no act of insubordination is mentioned any- 
 where. Is this not a fresh proof of the mild and peace- 
 able character of the Acadians? A little kindness, 
 some consideration for their difficult position, care not 
 to alarm them by arbitrary or violent measures, whicli 
 might make them fear interference with the free exer- 
 cise of their religion : this was all, and yet this — if sup- 
 
 h^a 
 
384 
 
 PEHSONAL GOVEUNMKNT. 
 
 plenieuted by protection against huliau attacks — was 
 enoiiyli to win from the Acadians the desijed coiisfiit. 
 
 This fact also proves to a demonstration that the luiids 
 of small absolute governments are alone responsible' for 
 the good or evil conduct of their subjects. 'J'lieiefoie 
 it is strange that tlie majority of thn.e Avhohave wriueu 
 about this period of Acadian history have laid no stress 
 at all on the respective characters of the various gov- 
 ernors. Surely tliis point was here ore than in most 
 countries, essential to a clear underN .ndingof thefaeis. 
 In a representative and responsiljle commonweahh it 
 might have l)een overlooked as of slight importiuu.e ; 
 but here was an absolute ruler, and what is more a sol- 
 dier, whose will was law, whose wishes were commands. 
 In such small despotic goveriunents good rulers make 
 good subjects, l^et the governor be kind, humane, just, 
 careful of the interests of all ; peace and contentment 
 will flow from liim as naturally as water from a spring. 
 Let him be haughty, arbitrary or cruel; mistrust, discord, 
 uprisings perhaps, will be just as certain to follow. The 
 mass of the people will have remained the same ; the 
 governoi-s only have changed. So true is this that the 
 Home Office might have said to each of these governors : 
 " Your administration lias been marked by nnich trouble 
 and dissatisfaction ; therefore you have ruled unwisely ; "' 
 or, " During your governorship there have been no 
 complaints, no unrest; therefore you have been a wise 
 ruler." 
 
 The first thing, then, is to study the character of the 
 governors. When this has once been carefully done, it 
 is easy to pass judgment on the various events of their 
 administration. Those who are unable or too careless 
 to undertake this critical examination should refiaiu 
 
:■;, :-^M 
 
 PERSONAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 from writing history. Though sometimes difficult, and 
 especially so here, this inquiry is, nevertheless, possible, 
 even without any other assistance than that supplied in 
 the official documents. 
 
 We cainiot expect that an autocratic governor, when 
 writing to his superiors, will make a clean breast of all he 
 does and of alibis plans. Far from it. He has every in- 
 centive to show liimself in the best light, to omit facts that 
 tell seriously against himself, to defend himself against 
 all comers, to throw the blame on all who thwart his de- 
 signs or interfere with liis tastes aiul caprices. And 
 yet the attentive observer will almost always detect, 
 either in the details or in the general tone of bis cor- 
 respondence, something that will reveal the undercur- 
 rent of his character and his secret motives. 
 
 Other historians of this period give us little or no in- 
 sight into the character of the governors. They pass 
 from Armstrong to Mascarene, from Mascarene to Corn- 
 wallis, from Cornwallis to Hopson, from Hopson to 
 Lawrence, as if tliere had occurred no material change, 
 as if they were talking of an impersonal being, devoid 
 of passions, interests, caprices, prejudices and defects. 
 Yet, what a fathomless abyss yawns between a restless, 
 whimsical spirit, like that of the ill-balanced Armstrong, 
 by turns benevolent and tyrannical, and ^Mascarene, the 
 cultured quiet gentleman, too particular perhaps on oc- 
 casion, but ever paternal, firm and kind ! Again, what 
 a striking contrast between Hopson, so upright, so con- 
 ciliatory, so humane, and Lawrence so false, so despotic, 
 so cruel ! 
 
 After carefully weighing the whole matter, and with- 
 out taking into account the possible adverse action of 
 Hopson's successors, I feel convinced that the latter. 
 
 'A 
 
 '■,.1 
 
 
 \,r 'v} 
 
 M' 
 
 it;.. 
 
 
 ||j,..:^ft6»||| 
 
336 
 
 WHAT MIGHT HAVE BEEN. 
 
 in a few years, thanks to his kindliness, would have ol> 
 tained from the Aoadians an unrestricted oath. Their 
 attachment to France was no douht great, hut not great 
 enough to have heen the sole motive, as Parkman and 
 other writers make it, of their refusal. Indeed, tlio 
 Aeadians did not object to remain liritish subjects. 
 What is more, I do not hesitate to say that, if the re- 
 striction to the oath liad been maintained, if furthei' 
 grants of land had been made to them in proportion t<» 
 the growth of their population and to their needs, if 
 they liad had no cause to dread any interference with 
 the free exercise of their religion, they would probably 
 liave preferred to see Acadia i-emain an English posses- 
 sion in order that they might enjoy their neutrality. 
 So long as the restriction subsisted, they were under the 
 protection of a contract that ga^.-e tliem the undoubted 
 right to leave the province if the stipulations of tliat 
 contract were violated. To take an uiu-estricted oatli 
 was to forfeit this right. This they must have realized. 
 
 To l)ear arms against the French was a thing they had 
 a horror of. It seemed to them a monstrous crime 
 against nature. Yet, such was their situation, so badly 
 had they been treated by them, that they would perhaps, 
 at this time, have sacrificed this question of sentiment, 
 with the vague hope that they would never be actually 
 culled upon to fight the French. But, what they never 
 would have sacrificed — and this was the most delicate 
 question of all — was tlieir religion, which they thought 
 threatened and exjjosed to cureless ills by the rescinding 
 of their neutrality contract, as it was indeed menaced 
 by projects of Avhich they had heard. 
 
 Never was a people in such a desperately critical 
 situation. Both French and English were too busy with 
 
NAL(;HT lUT THK MUJHT OF MIGHT 
 
 •)-j» 
 
 the I'OiniiiiJ' coiiflift to take serious thous'lil- of Aciuliiiii 
 seiitiment or it» pity the woes of Aciidia. Tliis |)eo[»le, 
 with its s[)irit of obedience, liiid iioshiehl but the might 
 of virr]it. They were eh;arly free eitlier to go if they 
 refusiMl the i)roposals of England or to aeeejjt tlieni and 
 remain. They iirlUissly thounht that justice would 
 liniilly ])i'evail. The l)oi(l intriguer wlio suci-etMUnl 
 
 II( 
 
 opsdii was aliout cruelly to undeceive them 
 
 th 
 
 the A cadi 
 
 had of 
 
 As to tli(! lusurniouutahle norroi' tiie Acadians nad oi 
 heariiiL;' arms against the Freneli, w(! Friuu-h Canadians 
 and Acadians bv descent can thoroughly understand it 
 an«l speak of it knowingly ; for we need only analyze 
 oui' own fceliii<js. 
 
 We esteem KuLjlaud and Ihu- institutions the blessins's 
 of which we enjoy ; we admire her creative genius, lier 
 civilization, the wisdom of hei' statesuuiu, her far-seeiiig 
 ])lans and the tenacity with which she carries tliem out. 
 We have served her faithfully ; we an; willing to do so 
 again. We have had more liberty than Freiudi rule 
 would have gianted us. We are satisfied; our lot is 
 just about what we should liave chosen ourselves. Ami 
 yet, after 130 years of separation, we still love France 
 as we did in 1763. Is ours an ('xce[)tional case, or 
 woulil Eufjlishmen feel as we do if tliev were in our 
 place? iruman nature is pretty nearly the same every- 
 where, lint the(piestion is not practical. since England 
 — however the fact may lu; ex[)lained — has always man- 
 aged to kee[) her eomjuests. and above all she has never 
 been forced to abandon her children to the enemy. 
 
 Our love for France seems to stirpriseour English fel- 
 
 low-eountrymen. They seem to think love of country 
 
 is a chattel that can be transferred by order from place 
 
 to place on a given date. Is this thoughtlessnesvS or 
 22 
 
iia« 
 
 LOVK von FllA^UE. 
 
 narrowness of mind ? Does it arise from the fact that 
 Englishmen have never had any personal experience n\' 
 a situation like ours ? Or are they less sensitive to thu 
 finer feelings ? 
 
 Suppose, for a moment, that the Province of Quebec 
 became once more a colony of France. Ask the Englisii 
 residing in Quebec if they would not feel scruples and 
 iV an insurmouutal)le horror at the thouij^ht of liiihtinLi- for 
 ■/ France against England, against Ontario, even after a 
 century of allegiance to France with the greatest pos- 
 sible freedom. Their answer admits of no doubt; l)ut, 
 whatever it might be, this is our view: nothing could 
 induce us to fight against France on foreign battlefields ; 
 and if the refusal to do so were to entail upon us what 
 the Acadians suffered, our hesitancy would Ijc short, 
 with tliis difference, however, that we would meet iowv 
 Avith force. Cold-blooded leusoning hits no place here ; 
 we are not free to change the feelings whidi are in- 
 U'rained in our nature. Should Knolislimen act diffe!- 
 ently in similar circumstances, tlie inference would be 
 tliat their nature is diametrically opposed to ours. 
 
 It is a matter of common ol)servation that a French- 
 man is swayed more by sentiment tlian by self-interest ; 
 that an Englishman, on the contrary, 2)liU'es .self-interest 
 alongside, and sometimes above sentiment. Some think 
 this distinction is merely a difference of degrees and 
 shades, not of natures. But may not the divergence be 
 radical ? 
 
 When the United States revolted against the mother 
 country, the Acadians, unable to understand such cimi- 
 duct, never called that struggle by any other name than 
 the mad war. Still, .the Americans, struggling for tlieir 
 money interests, were iighting for a principle ; whereas 
 
THE IMMIGRANT AND THK NATIVK. 
 
 ):J9 
 
 the Acadians could have invoked no i)iini:iple t(» justify 
 tlieir taking np arms against Fiance. 
 
 An important distinction must Lo drawn hclwceu the 
 immigrant and the man tluit claims the couiiiiv he dwells 
 in as the home of his forefathers. The immigrant's oIh 
 ject is business ; unwittingly, perhaps, lie has made U[> 
 his mind beforehand to become, to all intents and [im- 
 poses, a citi/.eii of his new countiy. His children, if not 
 himself, will claim hardly any other country than this 
 ni!W land of theirs. The native, on the other hand, is 
 still more iirmly rooted to the soil. His attitude to- 
 wards the immigrant must be carefully eonsidercd. His 
 traits of chaiacter, his customs, traditions, lanouaye, are 
 all dear to him ; he means to eling to tlicm as long as 
 possible, he ho[)es, forever. His eye is on the innni- 
 grant, who may easily excite his siisjiicirns. If he finds 
 out that the newcomer wants to dislodge him, he will 
 never forget it ; he Avill ever attribute to him the same 
 purpose, even in the Litter's most harmless behavior. If 
 the natives constitute a j)eople, be it ever so small, they 
 will close up their ranks and become more and more 
 clannish ; and, should they come of a strong and manly 
 race, whose past histoiy is glorious, there is no knowing 
 Avhat complications may ensue. 
 
 Hut if the incoming settler is prudent, gentle and 
 trenerous ; if he lets the native know that, far from hav- 
 ing any designs upon the autonomy and maintenanee of 
 the native nationality, he is anxious to keep up all the 
 dearly loved traditions of the country, then a few gen- 
 erations will sullice to win ovt-r the native element to 
 the immigrant nation, fusion will take place Avithout 
 friction, without hiteh. without bitter regrets. A con- 
 trary course on the settler's part would leave the various 
 
iUn 
 
 i.ivK .\Ni» i.r.r i.ivK. 
 
 
 clt'iiifiits uiiliannniii/cd ;iltci' t<'n j^fiitMiitiniis. Tlu'ion- 
 .s('(|Ut'iit iicfd iA' |irii(l(>ii('(' is ('s|K'ciall\ >j;rri\{ wIutc the 
 liillivt's iUf I"'rt'ii(li, lifcaiisi' of tin- t-xtiriiir (lcluiu\ of 
 tlu'ir rc»'liii;4s. 
 
 Ill itdttiiics ((imiilcit'd hy l''ii<_;IaiMl. llic l''iiifli.'>li stt- 
 llci's have aliiutsi always striven lo iiii|ilaiit tlicii Imi 
 
 UU 
 
 iit^c ami it'linioiis lu'licl's l»y st lata^rm or li\ Utu 
 
 T\ 
 
 it'V arc striviii'"' 
 
 to (1 
 
 (> s(» nioif or less ex rii now 
 
 T! 
 
 n'li 
 
 ijicat ()l»i('ti si'cins to 1h' the roiniatioii of (»iic solid, ho 
 iiio'>('iu'oiis, dcsiiairiii''l\ iiioiioloiioiis mass of liiiman 
 lu-iiio's iiisiiiict wilii tlif same ideas, the same tastes, thr 
 same reelings, as it" this ol)jeiii\i' wi-re iiidis|ieii.sal»le lo 
 tile security and progress of the eoiintiy. Tliey seem lo 
 
 ii'!4i'l that sii' 
 
 •h ill-( 
 
 oiiecaU'd striviii;^s prodiiee an t 
 
 11 « 
 
 exactly eoiii laiy to that which was expected, and tend 
 tt) weaki'ii those hoiids of syiiiiiathy which a kindls ol)- 
 
 siTvaiiei' of the advice 
 
 li\(' and h't live 
 
 would iiavi! 
 
 helped to streiin'theii. ^\<4Teement in essentials is c^iiitc 
 iMminrh ; to aim at more is to secure less. 
 
 l"'ranee. with all her faults, has i-ver adopted a very dif- 
 ferent liiii' of conduct w i til inucli more satisfactory rcsnlis. 
 Her Urittanv, aftei' so many centuries, still >peaks 
 
 r.ret 
 
 on, and IS none 
 
 the 1 
 
 ess ver\' I*'rench 
 
 Al 
 
 sace w a- 
 
 (Jeriuan, spoke and still speiks (lennaii ; liut, afti'r two 
 centuries i)}i l-'rench inK'. it groans in (Jennaii under the 
 (u'rman yoke, and si^hs for return to I*' ranee. Corsica. 
 Nice, Savoy, treated as sisters, never uttered a nuirmur. 
 The iVral), reconciled after a short resistance, ilies for 
 France on every field of battle, only too proud to he able 
 to tlefeiid her flag. In spite oi' the errors and the levity 
 of France, the nations she takes to her bosom become 
 French in heart and mind. 
 
 While France was ursed on by her feelinos, Kmjlaiid 
 
W i N >M ' 
 
 I i;.\sri; 
 
 lil- 
 
 lis. 
 
 .Us 
 
 w ;is 
 
 the 
 ica, 
 uur. 
 for 
 il.h- 
 :ity 
 >m(' 
 
 uid 
 
 Wiis stinnilat(Ml by hvv interests. While the I'oiiiuti' 
 iiiined at iissiinilnting lier new siihjeels hy res|»e(tin^ 
 their eustdiiis aiid tradilioiis, l)y making,' them shaicns in 
 the privih'm's :in<l rights coninion to Kienehnien, hy 
 aits (»f kindness and urbanity, the hitUsr strove to brinLj 
 the (•oh)nists into lino by sheer force or I)y eral't. Had 
 I'^niiiiind a,(hh:d to her (»th(;i' <ril'ts, so nunuirous and so 
 
 iinixM'ial 
 
 run] 
 
 ler <>ltt ol 
 
 \\ insonitiness. 
 
 sne 
 
 \\|>M 
 
 Id 
 
 hav(? been !)y this time (h)nblyth(! mistress of the \\ni Id ; 
 the whoh' of tliis continent would now ])e liers ; I it-land 
 wouUf hi- to hei" a i^ailand ol honor insttiad oi' a tlioin 
 in her si(U'. Alas I It is with nations as with indi- 
 viduals ; tht.'re nw. virtiles tliat, exclude out; another. 
 
 Throuifhout all her vicissitudes France alway-^ rt;- n 
 mained, politieally and economically, one with bur ■ 
 colonies. In wai', in peace, in revolution ; under king, 
 emperor or icpublic ; under Hourbons, IJonapaites or 
 the Orleans eiti/(Mi king; with ont; taiitV oi' another, 
 llie colonies submitted to every change without com- 
 plaint. Nev(!r could England achieve such a result. 
 Self-iuteiest bars the way. 
 
 Zs^> 
 
 r'-f ^; 
 
 Vf 
 
342 
 
 AMBITIOrs AND HKAIiTLKSS. 
 
 CIIArTER XX r. 
 
 Major Charles Lawrence, President of the Council, acts as a«l- 
 niinistrator in exp<H'tation of Hopson's return — His cliaracter — 
 His beliavior towards tiie English colonists, the (Jernians and 
 the Acadians, causes great dissatisfaction. 
 
 Thk good feeling wliieli Hopsou had .so lui[)j)ily 
 restoied was to disa|)])ear Avith him. lie had made the 
 governorship an easy task, if only his siieeessor had had 
 .some of the virtues for which he himself was so emi- 
 nently distinguished, rnfortunately, Lawrence, a first- 
 rate soldier, a bold and active man, endowed with moic 
 than connnon intelligence, with that insinuating mannei- 
 whieh so often is the intriguei's passport to succe.ss, 
 was totally devoid of moral sense and utterly heartless. 
 The be-all and end-all with him was his ambition, to 
 which lie had vowed all the resources of his lively mind. 
 Imperious and cruel to his subordinates, he was supple 
 and obsecpiious to hi.s superiors. Oi humble birth, 
 having begiui life as an ap[)rentice to a house-painter, 
 he had raised himself, while yet in tin; prime of life, to 
 a positiou which a nobleman's son might have envied. 
 
 .V knowledrje of the character of this mail is verv 
 important : for on the judgment that shall be meted out 
 to him depends, to a great extent, the judgment histoiy 
 iiuist pass on the extraordinary act that marked his 
 government. By the help of the public documents 
 alone — his own documents, garbled as they are — anyone 
 
liALKiOMA.NS |)I;SCU1I5K LANVIiKXCK. 
 
 :U:J 
 
 cau convince liinisell' that niy opinion of him is iiot too 
 sev«'ic. since, thron^fhont his whoh.' ciinier, one lo^>ks in 
 Viiin loi' ;i single deed, iind, in all the documents, for a 
 single lint! liiat might hint at the semhhincu of any ft;el- 
 ing tif delicacy. 
 
 My searcli after further ini'ormation to c(»nlirm or 
 modify ihe impression produce(I upon me I)}' the mere 
 perusal of the volume of the Archives has been rewarded 
 lieyond my hopes ; and I can now safely assert that my 
 lir>i view fell far short of the realitv. I will adduce 
 some of my proofs in the course of the nanative : for 
 ill*' present. I need only give a short extract from a long 
 petititin addressed by the citi/.ens of Halifax in IToT to 
 a disiinguished person in England whose name does 
 n'li appear in the document supplied by Kev. Andrew 
 Ijruwn. 
 
 • W.- iuc extri'iiu'ly olilij^t-il U) you lor your favor of the 3rd of 
 July last and for i/aiir (issidiu'lif In mir ajfalrs. 
 
 • W.' can assure you. sir. tliat we wore almost without hojxs of 
 li. !:!.: loiisidcrtMl as Eii;;lish subjects : the linncility aiut tUfidtihifiif 
 Im l-iiriiDir iif (iiir ifovvnior to all our rcinonstntiices, (iUIioikjIi 
 fiifl' ml irilli till' iitiiioNt Hiibminsiuu, gave as much reasfju to 
 iiiiiik ]if Wius countenanced at Home 
 
 • V"ur letter has revived the hopes of the inhahitants. and it 
 l!;i> (><•( 11 !;reat eoinfoit to them to find an Eii^^lishmaii in Enf;laiid 
 win 1 lias ///('/(■ auhapj)ij stiite mid CDiiilition ttt liriirt diid CDininlsrr- 
 iit> •< fix I r hi>iida<ji' under oppression mid ti/rdinii/ 
 
 •Tiii'seaie all the friends (ioveriior Lawrence has at Iloiiir. 
 /",■• oil (hin slili' of the irofcr he has in^iie, either of the lidiol>itmits 
 III- <!< iitleiiieii of tlie iirmi/, iriio hold him in the utmost contempt, 
 (^■rcejit those fornierl// mentioned to i/oii liis agents in ojipres- 
 sion. . . . 
 
 •perhaps you will lie surprised to hear how this gentleman, 
 who. some time ago. was only a painter's ajtprentice in London, 
 should have advaneeil himself to such heights. We are obliged lo 
 confess that he has a gooil addiv^ia. it (jreat deal of /on- en nnimj, 
 is a must consuminute flatterer, has icords fidl of the warmest e,r- 
 
 irm 
 
 ^t: ;i 
 
844 
 
 IMITMTY. 
 
 piT.Hsiou of nil iif)ri{flit iiitvntinii, thon\ili iii't'cr iiitnuh'd, iiml iriih 
 niiirh art iimst solifitinislif i-niirtx nil slrmifirrN ii'lioin In- lliinlx cnn 
 Ih' nf nii/f .sc/r/r'C /o /(///(, Hif tln'si' and siicli mislins lir risni f,, !„■ 
 what In' in, ainl,rlah'ti iritli liin sin'risx, is (intrniiiinmln In nl npnn 
 llie (It'slriirtinii nf i'ITi'i/ niir Hint dni's tail roncnr in la's innisiirrx, 
 '* Alintllcr nf t)u' ( lOV'iTllor's iU'ts /s la iiiiKrrprrsi'nt niid nlillsi- 
 all liiinir liiiii. Ilr IniH piililiclii cnlliil liisf 'ninicil n inwliif si-diiu- 
 (Iiu'Ih, tin' nnivlniiits a parri'l nf rillaiiis and linidi'rniils, mul Imn 
 ri'pn'sfiilcd III llnint' llir irlnilc ns n jiatjilc itisciinti'iitrd ii,i,l rr- 
 bt'llinns." '■'' 
 
 Siifli Wiis, nccoi'diiiL;- to Ills I'l'llow-toiiiitryinoii. tin- 
 iiiiiii wlio cuiiccivcd iiiid ciinicd out llio dcpoiiation of 
 tins A(!iidiiiiis. If lit! piiiiitcd tlit; citi/ens of lluliriix in 
 sn(!li s()iid)ri! colors, wo. need not wdiidcr tliat tlir 
 Aciuliiiiis should Iiuac met willi tin' siiint' Ircatnicnl. 
 Nor sjiould \\r. wonder lliat lie uricvoiisly o|i|irc-s((| 
 tlicni, since the oppression he exercised on those wiiom 
 it was iiiiinil'(!stl_v iiis interest to spare hud diiven them 
 to extreme exasperation. 
 
 His must lia\e heen a strangely cruel and pel verse 
 nature, sinc(! hv could not curl) it when his I'ellow-tMti- 
 zeus might (h^uoiince him, ovei-wludm him with (listiT.iee 
 and ruin liis ])i'ospects t'orcvei'. Mut what had he to 
 fear from the Acadians? \Votdd their complaint^ timi 
 an echo beyond the sea? Would these complaints even 
 so much as leach England? (Mearly not. 
 
 In d(!aling with a man of this stamp, would it he wise 
 to tak(! his own (h)cuments lileially, garbled as tliey 
 were j)urposely lat(M" on by himsidf and his aci^omplices, 
 in order to justify an unjustifia1)le act? ffav<> \\ )t 
 
 at least the I'ight of retjuiring tVom 'in Yell-j)roved 
 facts and not, unsuppoited assertio .sow, as f 'i 
 
 about to demonstrat(^ in all that pa >f the Arc'hive.s 
 
 * Seo ApiJeudix, Vol. II. 
 
I.IIMinU S ATAKIANS. 
 
 \\ 
 
 liiili rcffis lo Law n-i 
 
 ices ;i(lmiiii.striUioii, (If.sjtiu- tlio 
 
 iiiit-si(l('(]ii('ss (lispliiyt'd ill llio coinpiliitioii (if tliiit 
 volunu', tlii'ic is 111)1 our siiiLflo iiistiiiicc, tlir()U<f1i(»iil the 
 wlmlc fxtt'iit <>t tlic jii'uinsiila. ol" rt'sisliiiicc, tliat ciiii ho 
 iiii|)iil('(| to llic Aciuliaiis, siihjt'rhMl ihouuli t lit-y w i-k; to 
 iiitol(;i'iil)l(> pi'ovociitioii. 
 
 TIk! l)('tt»'r to set this forth, I will ii'vii'W thr doru- 
 lueiits foiitiiiiH'd ill th»^ Vftluiiif of tiic An hives, dwrll- 
 
 II 
 
 ij^f rspccuiiiy on tiios«! wiiicii coiiiiiiu i^(•l•nsauoll■^ of 
 (•oin[>hi,iiits ilijfiiilist the Aciidiiiiis. 
 
 At lirst, wliih- IIo|isoii, ahsciit on ]^•■,\\^■. htr his hfiiith, 
 Wiis exput'lcd to ictiirii. I^aw rcMic was int'rtl\ Adniiiiis- 
 trator /*/•" ti'in. of tho piovinci! with the title of I'lesi- 
 di'iil, of th(i Council. My inakiiiL;' hinistif niciisiirahly 
 aLfn'cahlc to tiit; pcojdc under his care, and still more to 
 the Lords of 'Liiidf, Ik; could icasoiialjly hope. pio\ided 
 his friends liclpttd him at hoine and llopson did not. 
 ivtuni, to 1)0 soon aj)poiiitcd u()vcrnor. The nomination 
 was slow in comiiiy, l)Ut it canu! at lust in the Noveinher 
 of th(! following yoar. !'[) to this time his coiiducf, 
 seems to have been more guarded iuid jierhaps iilso less 
 liaish and more just. 
 
 On DecemlH!!' otli, lTo»), shortly alter 1 lo[)soirs depart- 
 ui'c, he wi'ote to the Lords of 'l'rad(,' : 
 
 " 1 take tlie earliest opportunity of doiiin inysell' the hoaour to 
 write to Your Lordships, tliougli hardly anytliiiiji; worth your notice 
 has liapptMied since (iovernor FToi)son's <U'i)arture. . . . 
 
 " T come next to the Acadiaiis wlio are toh'rahly <|iiiet .is to 
 fjcoverunient matters, hut exceedingly litigious amongst them- 
 selves. As this sjtirit shows the value they set uikiu their posses- 
 sions, it is so fai' a favorahle circiunstaiKie. Ihit. <is Ihrrr i.s int 
 rviptlar iiicfhixl i>f adininisfcriiKj Jiistia' <nii<)ii<j.sf fhein. (hci/ ijroir 
 verfi iinetinjf at the decision of their disputes hariiig been so Iniiij 
 put off. To give them a hearing in our t'ourtsot' Law vvouhl lie at- 
 tended with insuperable difKculties ; their not having taken the 
 
346 
 
 LITIGIOUS ACADIANS. 
 
 
 oath of allegiance is an absolute bar in our law to their holding any 
 landed possessions, and Your Lordships may imagine how difficult 
 it must be for tlie courts to give judgment in cases where the pro- 
 prietors' claims are far from being ascertained, and where the dis- 
 putes comnionly relate to the bounds of lands that have nether as 
 yet been surveyed that I know of. 
 
 "The French emissaries still continue to perplex them with dif- 
 ficulties about their taking the oath of allegiance ; and though they 
 have not been in the least pressed to it of late, yet they seem fn 
 think we only trait a cont'enient opportunity to force it upon them, 
 us they every day magnify to themselves the difficulties theyshonhl 
 lie under with the Indians if they take the oath, as well as the no- 
 tion that it would subject them to bear arms." 
 
 From the foregoing it appeals that the Aeadians 
 were tlieii " pretty quiet as to government matters, hut 
 exceedingly litigious amongst themselves." There is 
 no reason to question this statement. Hopsou liad 
 given them satisfaction on many important points, and, 
 for a long time, there had heen no talk of the oatli ; 
 this was all that was needed to ensure quiet. Nor 
 have we any motive for doubting that there must have 
 been difticulties among themselves anent the limits of 
 their lands. More than twelve years before, Mascarene, 
 in a letter T have produced elsewhere, had begged tln^ 
 Loi'ds of Trade to alter the I'ejTvilations excludinof Catho- 
 lies fiom Crown Land grants : 
 
 •• They liiivc." said he, •' divided and subdivided amongst their 
 cbiklrt- II th<' lands they were in possession of, ;is His Majesty's in- 
 structions prescribe tliegnuitof unappropriated lands to Protestant 
 subjects only. ... If they are debarred from new possessions, they 
 must live here miserably and consequently be troublesome, or they 
 must withdraw to French colonies. If we give occasion of disgust 
 to these people, the Frencih in case of war will soon make an ad- 
 vantage of it." 
 
 Now we gather from Lawrence's letter that nothing 
 had been done to right this crying wrong ; and yet the 
 
Kin I , 
 
 NO NKW O It ANTS. 
 
 347 
 
 sinister forecasts of Mascarene had not been realized, in 
 otlier words, the Acadians had neither given trouble to 
 the goveriinient nor left the country because of a wrong 
 which was in itself so grievous. In spite of this *' occa- 
 sion of disgust," and of Shirley's plans more disgusflnif 
 i/et^ the French had failed, during the late Avar, to shake 
 their fidelity. How grave soever was this question of 
 land grants, it was after all a matter of secondary im- 
 portance to the Acadians in comparison to the oath and 
 its consequences, and therefore wiis not made the subject 
 of comi)laint to the authorities. Still it stands to retuson 
 that lands which had never been suiveved, and whiih 
 had been divided and sul)divided into small parcels 
 during forty years, must have given rise to many dis- 
 putes. And, as if to pei'petuate tliis state of affairs, ilif 
 settlement of the difliculty was indefinitely postponed 
 and evaded, for the unavowed reason th.at the non- 
 acceptance of the oath " was a bar in our law to their 
 holding any landed possessions." This really meant, 
 according to LawrtMice's contention, that the Acadians 
 had no legal right to the property wliich they enjoyed in 
 virtue !il" the treat}- of I'treclit. 
 
 rp to 1730, in spite of the growth of the ^uipulation, 
 the Acadians did not address themselves to occupying 
 new land noi- to lixing the limits of tlie old, nor to 
 making improvciuients, for the very obvious reason that 
 their stay in the country was uncertain. After the 
 agreenuuit with PhUipps, exempting then) from military 
 service, they thought theii- status wius definitely settled, 
 and then only did the land cjiu'stion assume impoitance 
 in their eyes. As new grants were refusiMl to tin in, 
 thev were t'orcecl to subdivide their old farms, and as 
 these had never been pi()[)eily surveyed, difficultie* 
 
 ■t 
 
 
 ](: H 
 
 nm 
 
348 
 
 POSSESSION DIXLAKKI) I N LAW III- 
 
 arose. Their disputes were submitted to tlie mivcjiior 
 as early as 1731, when Armstrong said of theiu that 
 they were litigious. Tlie only way to settles the lival 
 claims was to have the land surveyed; bnt, in Law- 
 rence's time, ten, fifteen, twenty and moie years had 
 elapsed since the disputed clainis had het'ii tiled and 
 placed in the governor's hands, and as yet nothing had 
 l>een settled. No wonder Lawrence could say : •■ Thrv 
 grow mieaxji at the decision of their disputes having 
 been so k)ng put off." Surely there was more than 
 enongh to make them uneasy. Lawrence lets out, the 
 secret of these endless delavs when he savs : "• Their not 
 liaviiig taken tlu; oatli of allegiance is an absolute bai- 
 in our law to iheii' holding any landed posscssidns." 
 Tliis amounts to an avowal that, since 1730, the; delay 
 of surveys and settlement of claims was intentional, and 
 was owing to the resti'ictive clause contained in theoatli 
 accepted by (lovernor Philii)[)s. f)ut, then, it becomes 
 evident that the acce[>tance of this oath was only a 
 <leception, since it did not give the Acadians any right 
 to their land. Tf, however. I should hapj»cn lo have 
 mistaken the drift of Lawrence's letter, there i.s at- 
 least this other infei'ence to be drawn, lliat the gover- 
 nors were but very little conct>rncd to end the bickerings 
 of the Acadians, oi- they might hnve leadily done so by 
 ordering the necessaiy surveys. < 
 
 To deprive them of new grants called for by the in- 
 crefise in their numbers was not enongh of an injustice: 
 \\\cy must, furthermoie, be refused all right to the |iai- 
 cels of land which they held in virtue of a treaty. They 
 Avere ordered to take an unresti'icted oath, which would 
 not even have criven them anv claim to new ffiants of 
 land, these grants being reserved, by regulation, " ^» 
 

 ACADIANS COMI'AltKD To A.MKIMCANS. 
 
 :;4:) 
 
 Protesianf nuhjcrt.s onli/.'' Thus was being secretlv 
 piepiired for theni the fiite of outcasts and pariahs. 
 Perhaps their only resounie now was to huy land fioni 
 tlu)se Englislinieii who had taken up, as 1 mentioned 
 elsewliere, 100,000 acres around the settlements ot 
 Mines and IVaidwissin. But it is easy to understand 
 that the prceariousness of their position was apt to make 
 them mistrust such [)urchases. Besides, was there any 
 security against future annulment of all their title- 
 deeds in virtue of Lawrence's contention as to their 
 being barred out by the law? 
 
 Tliese few considerations uivc an inklinu' of Law- 
 rtiuce's deep-laid schemes. Tlu; sequel will show that 
 it is well nigh impossi1)le to find one; ot" his state papeis 
 that is not a fresli masterpiece of duplicity. 
 
 ■^rhe Acadians nuist, forsooth, have been the most 
 submissive and peace-loving [)eople vnider tlie sun. 
 "■ The lenity and the sweet of Englisli r\de,'" on which 
 Parkman dilates, may ap[)ly reasonably enough to the 
 Home Government, but assuredly not to the provincial 
 administration. Had the New England colonists lieen 
 in the same situation, they would long ago have raised 
 the standard of revolt and broken every trannnel, as in- 
 deed they did a few years later to destroy abuses that 
 were far less blameworthy and affirm ricrhts that were 
 far less important, for the sake of stamps and tea, when 
 their language, their religion, their feelings, their lands 
 were in no way threatened. Because the Acadiaii> 
 scorned rebellion, because they were too nobly obedient, 
 they were deported like cattle, tliey were hunted like 
 wild beasts, while statues were raised in honoi* of suo 
 cessful rebels ; and, to crown their misfortune, they have 
 to-day to bear the humiliatiou of the dying lion kicked 
 
 
350 
 
 LOKDS OF TIIADK PElll'LKXED. 
 
 by the ass from one who — be it said without blame- 
 bends low before the heroes of the revolution. To the 
 vulgar mind success is the proof of merit, and the old 
 
 saying, 
 
 Donee eris felix, niultos niimerabis amicos, 
 
 is accepted as an exhortation to the worship of success. 
 Had England quelled the revolt, as she very prohubly 
 would liave done without the timely succor the Fiemli 
 gave Wasliington, and had slie deported the Anierii.-au 
 rebels, true rel)els these with far less grievances than 
 the Acadians, liow would Parkman have attuned his 
 lyre ? 
 
 It is strange that Mascarene's equitabli; suggestions 
 were not acted upon by the Lords of Trade. Tlieir 
 conduct in this matter contrasts with their usual eciuit y. 
 Had tiie grantees of the 100,000 acres — amongst whom 
 were .i Secretary of State, his brother and a future 
 Secretaiy of State — enough influence successfully tu 
 plead in bar of Mascarene's request ? I cannot say. 
 
 Lawrence's letter threw the Lords of Trade intd 
 great perplexity, as may be seen by the following 
 extract from their answer of March 4th, 1754: 
 
 "The more we consider this point, the more nice and difficult it 
 appears to ns ; for. as on tlie one hand great caution ougiit to lu^ 
 used to avoid giving any ahirm and creating sucli a diffidence in 
 their minds as might induce them foqitit the Pi'ovinvi\ and hi/ tlicir 
 iniinlwrs add sfrengfJi to the French .settlewe)itn,HO, on the otiur 
 hand, we should be equally cautious of creating an improper and 
 false ('onfidence in them, that by a perseverance in refusing to take 
 the oath of allegiance, they may gradually work out in their own 
 way a right to their lands."' 
 
 To a man of Lawrence's character this was tantamount 
 to saying : Deceive them if necessary, give them 
 
KEVOLT OF (JEUMAN SETTLERS. 
 
 iiol 
 
 vaguely to understand that titles will be granted to 
 them, taking great care, however, not to commit your- 
 self to any formal promise. Nevertlieless, do all that is 
 needed to prevent tliem from leaving. 
 
 And yet this much must be said in palliation of the 
 Lords of Trade : from their point of view, they were 
 imparting counsels of prudence and modeiatiou that 
 might serve as a check on Lawrence's impetuous and 
 perverse nature. Of course there is no denying the 
 ti'ickery implied in this letter ; but we should bear 
 in mind that, for the last forty years, trickery had 
 become so interwoven with the traditional policy that 
 it was impossible for the best of well-meaning men 
 entirely to fi'ee themselves from its meslies. Moreover, 
 this letter was written at a time when the Lords of 
 Trade liaidly knew what decision to take on the matter 
 at issue ; and, in order to be pei'fectly fair towards them, 
 this letter should be collated with another dated on the 
 29th of the ensuing Octobei', which may be viewed as 
 completing and greatly modifying it.* 
 
 In the letter cited above from Lawrence, there is a 
 loner account of an insurrection of (lerman Protestant 
 settlers at Lunenburg, who belonged to Cornwallis's 
 colon}-. Before becoming president of the council, 
 I.iawi'ence had been commandant at that place, and his 
 presence had been marked by troubles and by many 
 desertions doubtless due to the severity of his rule. 
 Directly after his departure the discontent broke out, 
 men rushed to arms, and to avert the actual shedding of 
 blood nothing less was needed than the presence of 
 troops from Halifax, and as ^Murdoch says: " Monckton 
 advised that, as the people there were so generally im- 
 
 * This letter is iuserted further uu. 
 
 ! iill 
 
 |;i!il"f 
 
352 
 
 i;i:v(»i/r or (jki;.man si:rTLi:i;s. 
 
 l)lic;iUHl, the ])etlt'i' (•(•urse would ))l' lt> gniiiL ii gfiioral 
 forgiveness, hut Lawreueo desired to [»uiiish tlie riiin- 
 leaders. . . ." 
 
 According 1(» his iuviiriahle hahit the Conipih^' ii;is 
 nuitihitcd Lawrence's letter, leaving out all that iclalcs 
 to the insuiTection of the Luneidmrg (iolonists. As we 
 know the (Compiler's pui'[K)s<;, we (j^uitt! understand that i*^ 
 would havelH-'ou inipolitic for him to hring to light such 
 facts, for they constitute a glaring contrast to the 
 ohcdience of the Acadians, alheit the latter must liavc 
 heen still worse treated than those Protestant colonists 
 Avho had hccu hrought out and established at the 
 expense of the goveriunent. 
 
 Now tliat we know the effect of Lawrence's adminis- 
 tration among the English and German colonists, and 
 what, the}' thought of him at the outset of his career, 
 uc aiv in a position to judge of the reputation he had 
 left behind him among the Acadians according to a 
 letter from (^i[)tain Murray, conunandcr of Fort Edward 
 (Pigiguit) to Lawrence himself, wherein he reports to 
 him what the}' hiul said of him : '•• That he was a man 
 they personally hated, and dislike his government so 
 much tlici/ u'ouhl iievrr he ecxi^j/ uiuhiv if, hohiixing tivniud 
 them so harshly when amongst them." However, hr 
 had never bci'ii al)lc to provoke the least resistance, 
 whereas the (Jciinaiis had no intention of so meekly 
 enduring oppression. 
 
 On .June "21st, 1754, Lawrence '• informed the Council 
 that he had received a letter from Captain Scott, ccmi- 
 mandant at Fort Lawrence, acquainting him that on 
 the 14th of .lune instant, the deserted inhabitants of 
 Beaubassin District who had petitioned for leave to 
 return to their lands, came and brought him their 
 
UEAV HASSIN IlKFL'CiEKS. 
 
 3."):] 
 
 
 answer in relation to the resolution of Couneil of iTtii 
 September lust, wliieh was that, unhstt the President of 
 the CoiuK-il ii'ouhl aHUure them, from under his hand, 
 that the 11 nhoulff remain neuter and be exempt from takin;/ 
 up rt/•//^s• against any person whatsoevei', it woukl Im' 
 iinj)()ssible for them eiwn to think if retyrnivt/, as the// 
 u'oidd ever// dai/ run the risk of having their throats eut 
 and their rattle destroijed hij the savages, and this they 
 gave as their last answer." 
 
 " Wherein it was resolved that nothing further would 
 be done than as resolved by the Council on the said 2Tlh 
 (»f September." 
 
 This resolution of September 27th had been passed 
 under llopson's administration, and the communication 
 of the vXcadians mentioned above was the answer there- 
 to ; but, since that time, Ijawrence himself had made 
 proposals to them inducing them to return to their 
 lands. He had declared to them that it was not his 
 intention at present to oblige them to military service ; 
 which meant that he bound himself to nothing. Such 
 an offer coming from Ilopson would have deserved con- 
 sideration ; coming fiom Lawrence, it was worthless. 
 Some more formal engagement was needed, with his 
 signature into the bargain ; else it were impossible 
 " even to think of i-eturning." 
 
 Their motives for mistrusting Lawrence were too 
 numerous to admit of their falling into the snare, and 
 they had been too often deceived to be satisfied witli 
 vague promises. But, why was Lawrence so anxious 
 for their return? For we must not forget that the 
 deportation is now less than a twelvemonth ahead. 
 Had the Acadian voluntary exiles been turbulent, sedi- 
 tious, dangerous, it would have been the acme of im- 
 23 
 
 WA 
 
 ■It- :, 
 
 ;!*■■( 
 
 
854 
 
 BEAUBAaSIN REFUGEES. 
 
 prudence to receive a hostile element in the very heart 
 of the province, and woi-se still to invite them to come. 
 Now, contemptible as Lawrence was, he was no fool. 
 Therefore, we may safely say, the presence of this new 
 Acadian element was desirable, useful, almost or quite 
 free from danger ; therefore their behavior had been 
 liitherto submissive enough to warrant Lawrence's press- 
 ing invitations ; therefore, in fine, to justify the deporta- 
 tion, motives must be sought in the twelvemonth that 
 followed. In point of fact no valid reason exists any- 
 where, not more and perhaps less during this twelve- 
 month than before it. 
 
OfiNEUAL CHARGES. 
 
 355 
 
 CHAPTEK XXII. 
 
 Lawrence becomes Lieutenant-Governor — His accusations against 
 the Aeaiiians — Project of expulsion — The Lords of Trade. 
 
 Mv aim has been to pick out by preference and relate 
 the facts supposeil to tell against the Acatlians, a.s they 
 are to be found in the volume of the Archives. Thi.s 
 I liave faithfully done hitherto and will continue to do. 
 The following letter from Lawrence to tlie Lords of 
 Trade, dated August 1st, 1754, is clcai-ly the document 
 that contains the gi-avest accusations against them. I 
 produce it almost entile despite its length : 
 
 "Your Lordships well know, that the Acadians have always 
 affected a neutrality, and as it has been generally imagined here, 
 that the mildness ot an English CJovernnient would by degrees have 
 Jixed them in our interest, no violent measures have ever been 
 taken with them. But I must observe to Your Lordshij)s, that this 
 lenity has not had the least good effect : on the contrary, I Ijelieve 
 they have at present laid aside all thouglit of taking the oath vol- 
 untarily, and great numbers of them are at i)resent gone to Heau- 
 sejour to w(jrk for the French, in order to dyke out the watei' at 
 the settlement I informed Your Lordsliijjs they were going to make 
 on the north side of the Buy of Fundy. notwithstanding they were 
 refused passes which tliey applied for to go thither. And upon 
 their complaining that they could get no employiuent with the 
 English, they were actpiainted that as many as would come to 
 Halifax should be employed, tho' in reality, I had no employ- 
 ment for them, but I pro) ed to order them to widen the road to 
 Shubenecadie, as I very well knew if I could get them once liere, 
 it would put off their journey to Beausejour, and would be no ex- 
 pense to the Government, as I was sure they would refuse the work 
 
:5.)(i 
 
 I)i:i'oi:tation fo[:kshado\vi:i). 
 
 lor IViir of tlisol)li;;iri;:; tlic Indians. Hut, iis they did not coini', T 
 have issued a Proclamation, ordering them to return forthwitli to 
 tiu^r lands, as tiu-y should answer the contrary to their peril. 
 
 "They have not for a loiij; time brought anything to our mar- 
 kets. l)ut on the otiier hand have carried everytlung to the I-'remii 
 ami Indians whom they have always assisted with provisions, 
 (piarters and intelligence, and. indeed, while they rem.'iin without 
 taking the oath to His Majesty — which they never will do till (hey 
 are forced — and have incendiary Freud i priests among tiiem, thero 
 are no Iiopes of their amendment. 
 
 " As till'!/ ))()ssi'ss the hi'sf tnid liirfirst fractsof land in this Pn>r- 
 iiirr. it cannot l)e settled with any effect while they remain in this 
 situation, atnl. thoiiij}i I intiild he ri')// ftir froiii (itt('iiii>fiii(/ sm-li u. 
 stij) iriflioiit )'<>iir l^indshi/ts' (ijiprobtitioii, yi't I viiinntt ln'ljt 
 heinfj of opinion tJittt it mnild In- iinu-li In'ttcr, if they refuse the 
 oath, tliof fhcji ici'ir ointij." 
 
 Wliy this cliiiuge of tone from the pres.sing iiivifcition 
 to retiifii Avliieh he sent to tlie eiingratcd Acadiaiis a 
 few weeks ago? The reason is very j)lain : r.,awreiice 
 had jnst made up his mind to deport the Aeadians, nor 
 does he scruple to let liis intention be known. Up to 
 this time he had been oidy president of the Council 
 awaiting IIo[)son*s return. Now lie must be aware that 
 Ilojjson is not to return and that his own iippointmeiit 
 as lieuteinint-governor is sure ; it was, indeed, oHieially 
 announced a few weeks later.* 
 
 Tiie better to prepare the Lords of Trade for his per- 
 iidions designs, he had to depiet the conduct of the 
 Aeadians in the most sombre colors. The above letter 
 is the result of his efforts in that direction. As the 
 correspondence and the othcial acts of the governors 
 
 * Philii) II. SiiiiHi, who, ia his " Auiulia ; a Lost Chiiptor iu AmoricMU 
 History," sliows so luiK'h fairness uud perspicacity, .says of this letter aud 
 the following ones: " The reader cannot full to note the change in the tone 
 of the letters .sent to the Home Government relative to the French Neutrals; 
 Lawrence proved himself the sort of ruler that was needed to carry out 
 the harsh measure of the deportation." 
 
TUADlN(i WITH THK KUENCH. 
 
 8o7 
 
 for tlie past four years did not hint at the slightest iu- 
 fringenient of orders throughout the entire i)eninsula, 
 it U'hooved Lawrence to pave the way for specific alle- 
 gations by general complaints, so that his change of 
 tone might seem to he supported by facts. This is the 
 onlj'^ explanation that can l)e oft'ered of the general ac- 
 cusations contained in the above letter, which are either 
 false or greatly exaggerated. 
 
 My purpose being to reply to each and eveiy one of 
 Lawi'ence's accusations, I now take up those which are 
 contuincd in the foregoing letter. He accuses the 
 Acadians of intercourse with the French and of having 
 assisted the latter by selling them their produce. This 
 must have been true in Mascarene's time, and before, 
 when there was only one fort at the extremity of tlie 
 province, and when there was practically no protection 
 of ihe frontier line. But no o-overnment hiis a riyht to 
 com[)lain of such infractions, when it neglects the 
 necessary precautions against them. Experience proves 
 that, when breaches of a law are easy and unaccom- 
 pjvnied by risk of punishment, the most virtuous and 
 loyal i)eople will wink at them. Loyalty and ol)edience 
 offer no remedy to the greed of gain. Surely, the 
 Acadians would need to have been endowed with super- 
 human perfection, if they had not sometimes taken 
 advantage of a situation that enabled them to do a good 
 stroke of business without let or hindrance. Moreover, 
 Miiscarene never complained of these business relations 
 with the French in time of peace ; on the contrary, in 
 one of his letters he very wisely remarks that this traffic 
 should be ignored, because the Annapolis garrison 
 could not consume all the produce of the farmers, and 
 therefore, to stop that traffic was to paralyze farming 
 
 mi 
 
 9m 
 
308 
 
 Tun-LEa. 
 
 interests ; besides, ho adds, it is a source of profit to 
 everybody because it brings into the country French 
 money, which otherwise would go to ( iinada or else- 
 where. When war broke out in 1744, thi- Acadians, as 
 we have seen, whether at the (iovernoi\s suggestion oi- 
 perhaps of their own accord, foimcd an association to 
 prcv»;nt all such business relations. Tliey thcn)selves 
 undertof)k police duty for the Ooveinnient against their 
 fellow-countrymen, and, after the wai', those of them 
 who were suspected of infringing the [nohibitory decree 
 were arrested on complaint of the members of this 
 association. The most loyal of subjects could have 
 <lone no more and would have been justilied in doing 
 less. 
 
 Since the foundation of Halifax and the buildintj of 
 forts at Grand IMc, I'igiguit and licaubassin, the 
 English Government had the nunins of preventing all 
 commercial or other relations between the French and 
 the Acadians ; and, in point of fact, such misdemeanors 
 in this line as eluded the vigilance of the English nuist 
 have been few and far between, as the iVichives do not 
 mention one single complaint before the courts. Had 
 there been any complaints, Lawrence would not have 
 been slow to order an investigation and severely to 
 punish the guilt}'. 
 
 Granting, however, that there may have been some 
 breaches of law on this score, they would be but the 
 veriest trifles, occurring in all times and places and 
 among all nations, subject to the cognizance of law- 
 courts, and at any rate (juite too unimportant to figure 
 as an argument in a tragic event like the deportation. 
 
 " They have not for a long time brought anything to 
 our markets," was Lawrence's perfidious assertion, I say 
 
LOCAL CONIHTIONS OF SALK. 
 
 359 
 
 iKTlldious, hocimse he wrote these wordn to the Lords of 
 Titide on \\ni 1st of August. At that date it could not 
 well Im"! otherwise : the preeeding harvest must liave 
 been sold or consumed loiijjr before, and tl.o coming har- 
 vest was still standing. Probably Lawreiuje's implied 
 accusation had no other giound than this ; but this was 
 a plausible ground for a man that was on the look-out 
 for pretexts to make his point. lie relied upon ilw 
 Lords of Trade not noticing that the iM'ginning of 
 August was a date far removed from the usual time for 
 the salt^ of last year's «rrops. There were also other 
 local (!onditions which would no doubt esiai»e their 
 notice. F'or instance, it cannot be supposed that the 
 Acadians went one by one to sell their produce at Hali- 
 fax, which was so far off, and the road to which wtus 
 almost impassable on foot. They must have employed 
 agents to cai'iy their prodiic',! by water. Now the only 
 commercial agents in Acadiuii centres were Knglisli : 
 lilin, Donnell, Winniet, Jr., at Annapolis ; Rogers at 
 (^obc(|uid ; Arbuckle at Fort Lawrence; Dyson and 
 ^liiuger at IMgiguit and CJrand ]'n'. Mauger had 
 another store at Halifax, and, if I mistake not, Blin, 
 Donnell and Winniet had other stores cither at Grand 
 Prd or Fort Lawrence.* To these men, therefore, must 
 llic Acadians have sold their produce, and through tliem 
 must all pui'cbases have been made. As in Lawrence's 
 mind the smallest things easily usurped the proportions 
 of great ones, or took their place when the latter could 
 mit be found, he has taken the trouble to enter the 
 following item in his otBcial papers : " Their desiring — 
 
 I 
 
 * Alain, Nicholas Gautbior ami Joscpb Lc IJliiiK- liail cIosimI tln'ir storos 
 during the war, and, as far as I can ascfrbiiii, thfrt^ was not at this tiiuo 
 out' Acadian merchant in the whole pt-niusula. 
 
 a\i 
 
 5|i' 
 
3'oO 
 
 LOCAL CONDITIONS OF SALE. 
 
 the Acacliaiis — to sell thc-ir graih to ?J]'. Dyson ;tii(l in- 
 fusing it to Mr. Maugev for the same money appedi-ii 
 verif extraorilinary.'''' 
 
 Wliile tlie puhlic documents do not contain, to the 
 hest of my knowledge, one single specific case of com- 
 mercial I'elations between the Acadims and the French., 
 atti'ibnted l)y name to one in particular )r to 'several C( tlln- 
 tively, they do contain many cases of l)nsiness iiiiiis- 
 actions between the French and some English merclmnl ,, 
 particulaily Arbnckleand that very Manger whom I^aw- 
 rence seems to have taken under his protection.* And 
 as to sfeneral charijes ayainst Fnijlishnien, maiiv will be 
 found at ])iigcs 080, (538, (>4() of the Arcliives. I will 
 ()iUote one only. Wiitinvj; * o the Lords of Trade, Xcveiii- 
 her "27th, 1750, ("ornwallis said: "lam assured the 
 New England peo])lc have this year carried nuinbt^s ul" 
 dollars to Louisburg. . . . They supply Louisburg \\ it li 
 every necessaiy, and the advantage ui)on this tralVu; 
 is so great, that they go sooner there than to this Poii." 
 
 1 am almost ashamed to have to weaiy the reader witli 
 these trifles ; but, as the de[)ortation has no more solid 
 basis than tluse, and as its justifiableness must stand or 
 fall with the accusations of its author, I am forced to 
 discuss these childish charges v.ith becoming gravity. 
 
 In the letter of August 1st, 17.")4, Lawrence speaks but 
 tentatively and hesitatingly as yet of his deporting plan, 
 though this is clearly whal he means in spite of the 
 care with which he veils his design. He is content with 
 humbly submitting to the Lords of Trade his opinion 
 that, if ihe Acadians, irlio have the fiuvxt farms of tlie 
 
 * MtiiiK''!' iiocami^ a inciiilu'r "f tlic Hoii.so of Coiinnons ia 17(W. Miir- 
 <lucb iiiciitiniis, as diiiii)^ tiusincss at Louisburg witli tlif l-'ivuL-h : W, 
 Bliu, ]<arh(3r, S, I'litlcr, J.'iikius. lirocd, Lord, Turner, Clarke, Aubin. 
 Given, Dyke, all fioni New luig'and. 
 
 
■SKIl.rrii SLKiGKSTION. 
 
 nni 
 
 prooincr, refuse to l;ike the oatli, ■' it would be much 
 letter that they were aieai/, thonijh''^ he '•'• would he very 
 far fi'oin attempting sneli a step teithout " their '" Lord- 
 ship/ approhatioti.'''' Doubtless the deportation is aheady 
 decided ujxiu ; the means tliereto and the dale alone 
 remain to be settled. Lawrenee's only concern now is 
 to prepare the Lords of Trade for an approval of I he 
 deed beforehand, if possible, or for an acceptance.' of 
 accomplished fa(!ts whicih is to be Avrung from them by 
 dint of misrepresentatioi s. This letter is the lirst step 
 in the course he lu\s alieady planned. He cannot ho[)e 
 to bring the Lords of Trade to approve so cruel a measiiie 
 lus deportation would be ; so, as yet, he conlines himself 
 to an indefinite suggestion : " it ironld he letter that Ihci/ 
 were aivaij ;"" and he submits his Avill to theirs with the 
 most huii.ble deference: "' I would he rvri/ far from, 
 attemptinif such a step vjithout Your Lordships' approha- 
 tion.''^ For the time being he intends merel}' to predis- 
 pose them against the Acadians. Hy a skilful renewal 
 of the dose he hopes to biing them gradually round to 
 liis way of thinking. Besides, has he not full power in 
 liis own hands? Can he not, by continued severity, 
 provoke she Acadians to some acts that will justify on 
 his part an increase of rigoi' ? 
 
 Vhun Lawrence wrote that the Acadians liad better 
 \^- away, his real intention cannot have been to let them 
 join the French at Beauscjour, since he had, precisely at 
 tliat time, issued a i)roclaniation obliging, under severe 
 j)cnalties, those who hiul just left the countiy to return 
 immediately. lie knew of the pressing and reiterated 
 instructions of the Lords of Trade to his predecessors, 
 and to himself a few months ago, urging the governors 
 to avoid whatever might, by alarming the Acutlians, 
 
362 
 
 WHAT LAWltKNCK MKANT. 
 
 lead to their departure. The oonsequencea of their 
 voluntary de[)arture uuust have seemed to him too dis- 
 astrous, oi- at auy rate too tlireateuing, to be thought of 
 for a nK.meut. No; what he had in view was, mani- 
 festly, a forced departure to places chosen by himself, 
 that is to say, a deportation such as he accompli^ .ed 
 twelvtj months later. 
 
 For the past four years at least the only act of dis- 
 obedience specified in the volume of tlie Archives is 
 mentioned by Lawreuce in the lettei- I am now review- 
 ing. Three hundred Acadians had gone off to Reause- 
 jour, as he tells us, to assist theii- emigrated countrymen 
 iu the work of dike-l)uil(liiig. Had they or had they not 
 left with the intention of returning no more? It would 
 be hard to say. What we know, tlirough Lawrence 
 himself, is that they tusked leave to go and were re- 
 fused. Nor should we forget tliat, live years before, 
 Cornwallis, driven to liis wits' end. liad i)romised pass- 
 poi'ts, as soon as the state of the country wouhl allow, 
 to all who might wish to quit the province. If the three 
 hundre(t intende<l not to return, then, with or without 
 j)assports. it was high time to take advantage of the 
 promises of Cornwallis, whether tliese were sincere or 
 not. If, on the othei' hand, those absentees had left 
 with a mind to come back, then Lawrence mi>dit l)e 
 justified in taking jnoper measures to enforce their 
 retuiii and e\en to punish theii- disobedience. Very 
 likely some of them had left for good, while others in- 
 tended to decide at IJeausejour whether or not they 
 would return. Lawrence's increasing severity was al- 
 ready making people anxious, as this unauthorized de- 
 partuie shows. 
 
 The season for the building of dikes was a very short 
 
WHAT LAWIJKXCK MKANT. 
 
 mi 
 
 oiu'. and i1k> present iiiKlertaking at lieHUsejoiir was the 
 iirst serious attempt to secure farms for those who had 
 emigrated in Cornwallis's time. These refugees were 
 the rehitives, tlie }>rothers of the Acadiaus, wlio miturally 
 Avislied to assist them in a hibor that promised to lift 
 them out of poverty and furuisli food for their fami- 
 lies. Tlie helpers who had gone to Heausejour weic 
 tlieniselves ex])oscd, at any moment, to be expelled from 
 the pi'ovinee if tlie uniestrieted oath were exacted. In 
 such a juncture they would he glad to find beyond the 
 frontier relatives and fii»;nds able to help them in their 
 turn. Thus in a way they were really working for 
 themselves. 
 
 Tliey were ordered lo return dii-ectly. In all likeli- 
 hood the order was pi'omplly o])cyed by those who, in- 
 tending to I'eturn, had left their families behind; else 
 the Archives would ceitainly mention severe measures 
 against the disobedient, their families oi' tlujir property. 
 When Lawrence gave an order, he \\as not to be triiled 
 ^vilh. as the Acadiaus knew to their cost. 
 
 That Lawi'eui'c had l)y this time determiru'd on tlie 
 deportation is. 1 think, clear enough. Trtu^-. the evi- 
 dence is still vague and iiideliiiite, though convincing 
 as far as it goes. Patience will be needed by those who 
 follow ]iiy line of ])rool' : for the chain of evidtuice is a 
 
 l.>i 
 
 \<J one 
 
 r)Ut ev<'r\- Imi 
 
 theiv. The last letter I 
 
 have (juoted fioni bawreut'c is, jirojierly s[)eakiiig. onlv 
 the Iirst link in the chain that eoustitutes tlu! main 
 strength of this i^ost Chapter. The entire evidence, 
 strong in iudiu.'tion and an.dysis. will be eiptally strong 
 ill otilicial documents of undoubted authenticity. 
 
 Howevei'. iM'fcnc 'proceeding further, let me aiitici[)ate 
 an objection which doubtless is already taking shape iu 
 
364 
 
 HIS SKCKKT I'UKl'OSK. 
 
 the readers miiul : viz., the improbability of such an in- 
 liinnaii purpose based on no grave eanse and boin of 
 sheer ci'uelty. Riglit liere, then, U't nie afHirni tliat the 
 deportation, in tlie mind of ils chief anthois, was nei- 
 ther a justifiabk; act nor a dtu'd of ciuelty pnie and sini- 
 j)le, b\it a means of acquiring weiillh by (U'spoiling tin- 
 Acadians of their cattle and their hinds. On this point 
 I entertain the hope tliat, long beft)re tlie leadei has 
 iinished the book, lit; will be full}- convinced that I am 
 indulging in no historical tiction. 
 
 Forestalling somewhat the strict cliroiiological 
 sequence of events. I will now give (he answer of the 
 Lords of 'I rude to Lawrence's insidious letter: 
 
 " ll'<' (unniof form <i jtropcr Ji«lf/iin'iit >r (jirc a Jiinil njtiin'oii of 
 what nioasurcB may he necessary to l>e tiikeii witli regard to tliose 
 inhabitants, initil iit hare /aid the irholi' r.fntc of thf (■(^s■^ lirlon- 
 Ill's Maje.st;/ oikI rvccirt' lii.s iii.stnictioii.s upon if. 
 
 " We were in hopes that the lenity wliich had heen sliinsii Id 
 those people l)y indulging tliem in tlie Tree exen se of their ivli^'- 
 ion, and the (piiet jiossession of their lands, would hy de<;ree-i ha\ c 
 gained their Iriendsliip and assistance and weaned tlieir atrictii.ns 
 from the French, and we are sorry to Jiear tiiat this lenity has 'ad 
 t<o little elTect. 
 
 '• It is certain that hy tiie Treaty of L'lrerht tiieir heconiiii^ sub- 
 jects to (heat Britain (which we ai»prehend they cannot be Imt by 
 taking the oath rut|nired of subjects) is made an express condition 
 of their continuance, after tlie expiration of a year, and therefore 
 it maybe a (piestiou well worth considering how far tliey can lie 
 treated as subjects without taking such oatlis, and whether their 
 refusal to take them will not ojiera.t; to invalidate the titles to their 
 lands ; it is a question, /loircrcr. irliirii ire irill not t<ik'r npoit mtr- 
 seh'es absoliifeli/ to deform inc. but could wish that you would 
 consult tlie Chief Justice U]M)n this ])oint and taki' his opinion, 
 which may serve as a foundation for any future measure it may be 
 thought advisable to jiiirsne. 
 
 •■ .l.s /() fJiosi' of fill' District of licanbiissin n-lio ore ncfi((i/lii ijone 
 over to tin' French at Bcausi'jonr, if fJie L'liiif Justice slionld be 
 
UNSATISKACTOllY KKl'LV 
 
 805 
 
 of opinion that hy refiimKj to fair oaths irithoiif o rcsenv or />// 
 'irseHing their settlcvioifx fa Join the FrcncJi. fhci/ hare forfeili'it 
 their title to their lainlx, ire coiihl irisii that jirojter iiteasiires iivra 
 jiiirsiied for carrying such forfeiture into execution by legal ^iru- 
 
 T^iiwreuce must liavo expected sometliiug better. Of 
 course lie liiul gained his point in tliat lie liad indis- 
 posed tlu' Lords of Trade and prejudiced tl.eii- minds ; 
 but he may have hoped that their reply would contain 
 some declaration that should he a more definite step 
 toward his chos(!n goal. Unfortunately for him hi.s 
 proposal, "it would be better that they weie awa^-," 
 was nuM'ely referred to His Majesty or rather eluded. 
 Politeness foibade the Lords of Trade expressing doubts 
 about Lawi'ence's accusations ; but the difference of 
 tone between him and TTopson in so short an interval 
 must have struck them, as tin? tenor of their letter 
 seems to show. lb)wevci', they in no way depait from 
 their habitual wisdom and serenity. They seem to 
 fear that he may act arbitrarily; they strongly ad\rise 
 him to keep to the rules and traditions of his otTice, to 
 I onsiilt the Chief Justice as to whether the refusal to 
 taKc the oath will invalidate the title-deeds of those 
 who remain in tht^ province, and even to ask his opin- 
 ion on this matter with respect to those wlio have ([uit- 
 ted the province. Should the Chi<'f Justice decide that 
 these latter have by their departure forfeited their 
 titles, resort shoitld be had to legal [.rocess of confis- 
 cation. 
 
 This letter is a fair average specimen of all those 
 addressed to the governors of Acadia ; and fi'om one 
 who, like myself, seeks nothing but historic truth, dis- 
 tributing praise or blame irrespective of persons, though 
 
;}t3t> 
 
 FAIUNKSM OF THE LOUD9. 
 
 always linding it more agreeable to praise than to hlauie, 
 this letter naturally elicits the remark that the Lords 
 of Trade hardly ever swerved from this wi.>?e and 
 prudent course. If we take into account the circum- 
 stances of time and place, the pressure exercised iiixm 
 them, the misrepresentations made to them, their con- 
 duct, viewed as a whole, certainly deserves no very severe 
 censure and is often praiseworthy. I have not llie 
 slightest doubt that they would have treated the Aca- 
 dians very differentl}' in the matter of the oath, iutd 
 they been aware of all the facts I have recorded alioiit 
 the hiiidering of tlunr departure by Nicholson, X'ctch. 
 Armstrong, IMiilipps, and Cornwallis. These hindrances 
 aie, for obvious reasons, not mentioned in the lellers of 
 these governors; they could not mention them without 
 condenniing themselves. This important fact must not 
 be overlooked by those who wish to be just to the Lords 
 of Trade. 
 
 Furthermore, this letter seems to prove conclusively 
 that, when Cornwallis placed the Acadians in the cruel 
 dilemma of taking the oath or of leaving without their 
 movables, he must have been going beyond his orders, 
 since the Lords of Trade here show that they are 
 doubtful even as to the Government's right toconfiscute 
 the iiiiiiiuoubles of those who had left the province. 
 
DATE OF LAWRENCES DECISION. 
 
 367 
 
 CHAPTER XXI II. 
 
 Lawrence's jierseciition — Its effect — Complaints to justify the 
 deportation collected in the Archives — Order not to quit tl»e 
 province under pain of military execution for the families of 
 delin(iuents. 
 
 It was all tlie easier for Lawrence to be tyrannical 
 and cruel because he was naturally so violenth- pione 
 to sucli beiiavior tliat he persecuted his fellow-coun- 
 trymen of Halifax and his German co-religionists 
 of Luneidjurg, when it was liis interest to stand well 
 with them. From the Acadians, on the other hand, he 
 had nothing to fear; and if, as seems likely, he had 
 already planned their deportation, it became his interest 
 to drive them to acts of insul)oi'dination in order tf) t»ive 
 a semblance of justice to the execution of his project. 
 
 Nor is it at all difficult to follow cveiy step Lawrence 
 took as he matured liis decision. Tiiis decision was 
 come to in or about July, ]T.'')4, when it was known tliat 
 Hopson was not to return and that lie, Lawrence, was 
 to succeed him. Hitherto he had laid no cliaices 
 against the Acadians ; he had even gone the length of 
 be<Tfri»ff tliose who had emigrated to return ; and. to 
 all appearances, he had not indulged in excessive rigor. 
 Now, however, comes a complete change. On the 1st 
 of AuiTUst he addresses to the Lojds of Trade a letter 
 filled with accusations, concluding thus : •• theij h<ire, 
 the lest lands in the Province, it would be better that 
 
3tJ8 
 
 nKV()KlN(J HOI'SON S OUDKl: 
 
 tliuy were uway." I lis resolution is taken. PeisecU' 
 tion begins. Ilopson, iis ue liiivo seen, had ordered the 
 officers to treat Acadi.ins in all cases exactly like tht; 
 othei' subjects of Tlis Majesty, and not to take anytliiii!:,' 
 from them l)y force or without a voluntary agreement 
 on their part as to prices. Lawrence's fust act after his 
 letter of August 1st was to revoke the just and humane 
 orders of Ifopson, and — a circumstance wortli noting 
 — this ini(piity /run rviiHuinmatcd oti Amjuxt the. rtth^ four 
 ihfi/'t lifter til)' Ji'tter just referred to. Here is the order, 
 bearing the above date, addressed b)- him to Captain 
 Murray, Commandant of Fort Edward, at Pigiguit. 
 Similar order.s were sent elsewhere: 
 
 " Yua life not tu hunjabi witli the Acadiaus for their paymeut; 
 
 Ijiit, as tlii'y bring in what is wanted, you will furnish tln'in with ccr- 
 Yj;^ tificatcs, which will ontiflc them tc snch payments at Halifax as shall 
 ;. -^ bethought reasonable. //" tliiij slioiiUl immediately fail to c»mi)l!/, 
 
 you will assure tlieui ///"/ the iic.ff ronricr will, hring mi order /or 
 
 ■iitllitunj r.i'eeiifiun upon the (lelincpients." 
 
 In another letter to the same, dated 1st of September 
 following, we find this : "iVb excuse will be taken for not 
 fetching in firewood, and if they do not do it in proper 
 time, the soldiers shall absolutely take their houses for 
 fuel,'''' This was over and above the military execution. 
 
 As always happens when the documents have not the 
 
 desired tendency, these letters are not to be found in 
 
 the volume of the Archives, lialibiirton, who rej)rO' 
 
 duces them, adds: 
 
 "The ro(|uisitions which were occasionally uiado of them were 
 conveyed in a manner tiot mitcli calculated to conciliate affectimi, 
 and when they were informed by Captain Murray, that unless they 
 supplied his detachment with fuel military execution would follow, 
 they were not slow to notice the difference between tlie contracts of 
 Government with the Eugllsli and the compulsory metliod adopted 
 towards them." 
 
UKSi'KCTiri, i)KMri:i:KK. 
 
 '.V>\) 
 
 With ift'cii'iu'c to the saiiiL' ordi-is Philip IF. Siuitii 
 
 say; 
 
 " Miuiay wa-^ ill (■oiiiiiMiiil of a liaiidt'ul of men a( Fori FMwan) 
 (now Windsor), and liiic otlicr iipslart despots, laboring under an 
 ahidin.<; senses of Ids own iiiiporlaner, clothed with absolute aiitlioiiiy 
 over life and properly, and sefMU'e in the fact that French evidenee 
 would not he reeeived ai^aiiisl him, he was not liktdy to be at a loss 
 for a pretext to display his authority." 
 
 Thi'si' ofdeis, as may ho readily supposed, provoked 
 discontent : hut thi'y were oheyed everywhere, except 
 lit IMojo-tiit, and even in tliis case there was no relusal, 
 merely (U'hiy until tlie inhid)itants should receive an an- 
 swer to their re])resent<itions iuldressed to the Governor. 
 
 This incident would seem unimportant, since the 
 peo[)le decliired that, it" their demurrer were not favor- 
 ably received, they would obey. This is what Murray 
 himself wrote to Lawrence : 
 
 "All the affair of the Indians or inhabitants taking up arms is 
 false, for M. Desehanips * told nie this morning that, in eonversation 
 with some, of the Aeadians, he told them what Daudlii (the jiriesi) 
 had .saiil, they were astonished and deelareil that they had no inten- 
 tion ever to take np arms, lor, if at the return of the party from 
 Halifax, they were; ordered to bring in the fuel, nntidtliKtinvliinj tlnW 
 rejir('s<')it<itions, they tocre resolved to obey.'''' 
 
 A great fuss was made about this disobedience, which 
 in reality was no disobedience at all, since the Aeadians 
 made the execution of these orders depend on the (lov- 
 ernor's answer. At most it was a short delay. Was 
 the right of complaint by petition, one of the basic 
 rights of British freedom, non-existent for them? [n 
 the name of the most elementary common sense, was it 
 not fitting to grant them the slender satisfaction of 
 
 * Deschamps, lator a judge of the province, was then a clerk at Mauger's 
 store at Pigiguit (WiDUSor). 
 24 
 
 ii-i'i 
 
870 
 
 ori)ei:ed to Halifax. 
 
 Mailing till llio iiiiswor came? Surely, any man wiili 
 the faintest .spark of kindliness would have done this: 
 nay, T feel confident that Lawrence himself, in spite of 
 liis ferocity, would have waited, had he not intended to 
 t'XusjHirate them by his severity, to make trouble and 
 ihns crea((! pretexts for deporting them. 
 
 Iiut h(! would brook no delay. The foUowing order- 
 iu-council, refusing to entertain their petition, left thoni 
 no time to obey and summoned to Flalifax five of the 
 principal citizens together with Abb<:! Daudin their mis- 
 sioiuuy. 
 
 " The Couucil having taken tl»e 8!iiiM' into consideration, were of 
 opinion and tliti advise tliat tlu; commanding otiicer shonid \n- in- 
 structt'd to repeat his orders to brini; in the firewood Tijuin imin of 
 military execution. Aii>l if n'os lik-rnufie ri-snlffil that Mr. Daudin 
 and five of the i)rineipal of tlie said inhabitants shonid be ordered to 
 repair immediately to Halifax to give an account of tlieir conduct."' 
 
 Captain Murray ordered live of the principtd inhal>- 
 itants to appear before him. viz., Claude r^rassard, 
 Charles Le lilanc, Baptiste Galerne, Jacques Foret and 
 Joseph ITebert. " As they had the impmlence," said 
 Murray to T.,awren(5e, " to ask me to show them }-our 
 instructions, I turned them out of the house." Daudin 
 iind these five inhabitants were taken to Halifax, es- 
 corted by Captain Cox, Lieutenant Mercer, Ensign 
 Peach, and a .strong detachment of soldiers. 
 
 After a week's detention the liiymen were released ; 
 but Daudin was kept prisoner till an occasion should 
 offer for sending him out of the province. The docu- 
 ments here given by the Compiler are not sufficient to 
 afford a clear notion of Daudin's part in this affair. 
 The charge was that he had used disrespectful language 
 towards the authorities, that the insubordination of the 
 
PAUDIN. 
 
 ilTl 
 
 iiiliabitmiis dated from liis ivtuvn from Amiapolis. 
 Daudiii })r()du(!t!d a wiitton (lefcncti wliicli was not 
 deemed satisfactory. It do(;s not ajtju'ar in tlie volume 
 of tlie Ardiives. 
 
 Murray, i('[)oiting to Lawrence liis conversation with 
 l)au<lin, said : 
 
 " Daiuliii said to iiu' tlial he was i<;n(iraiit of llif rciui'sciilation 
 inailc by the inhabitants until Monday morning. 'Dial 1 liiui lalttMi 
 a very wroMji .sti'p in not consulting liini litiforc 1 aciiuaiMlfii you of 
 the affair, wliicli, if I liad, lii> would have bi'i>ui.dit ilic iiilialijliinls 
 in a very submissive manner to me, l)Ut, tusliinl ni' llmt. I I, ml sr„i n 
 Ih'tiu'hmvnl to i/nii vhn vns a nmn tlic inlKiliiliiiiln in rsmiiilh/ hiitnl, 
 iiiiil iVisl'iki'd i/tiiir <iiirir)iiiiiHf ki> miirli, llicij mnlil niri r hr mni/ 
 illlilir il, iKiriii'l Iri'illiil till III sii liilr.s/ili/ ir/n n iiiiinniisl t/ii hi." 
 
 This would seem to show that Daiidin had known 
 nothino- of the resolution of tin; inhahitiints till after 
 they had formed it; that, on tin; contrary, he would 
 have been ready to use his inthiciice in bringino- them 
 to obey the Government's orders; and that he merely 
 objected to Murray's proceedings. The hist part of the 
 above tjuotation is probably what constituted the - (bs- 
 respectful language toward the authorities.*' l^awrenee 
 was not likely to forgive so ])ersonal an offence. 
 
 f gather, moreover, from all the foregoing incidents, 
 that the Acadians expected Muriay would jircsent 
 their petition to the Governor in the usual way. without 
 attaching to this step nor to their momentary suspension 
 of work more importance than was projicr; that, instead 
 of doing so, .Miiiiii}' confided the petition to a dctacli- 
 ment of troops, thus giving an exaggerated idea of tlie 
 affair and exposing the Acadians to fresh severity from 
 Lawrence : and they were evidently in mortal terror of 
 this despot. 
 
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 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
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 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
 Corporation 
 
 73 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 
 
 (716) 873-4503 
 
 
 

 if 
 
 
 %^ 
 
 \ 
 
 > 
 
ail' 
 
 HUIM'OSKI) FUKNCH DKSKISTKKS. 
 
 Such is the conclusion (Unluced from the sole testi- 
 mony of the accuser. This is one of those rare cases in 
 which we might have been allowed to study both sides 
 oi the Dandin incident, since Daudin produced a written 
 defence; but this defence is wanting in the volume of 
 the Archives, which also omits the petition of the Aca- 
 dians. With such one-sided testiuKUiy it is impossible 
 cither to exonerate or to condemn Daudin. We must, 
 however, Ix^ar in mind that in Captain Murray, as will 
 Ik* proved later, we have the most inhuman of all the 
 othcei-s in Lawrence's cli(jue. Murray was a great han<l 
 at makini; much ado al)out nothing, and this seems to 
 have been a case in point. 
 
 Another incident that occurred eight months after 
 the one I have just related is inserted here, in spile of 
 its futilit>", because it will serve to show that, in culling 
 from the volume of the Archives, I negh'ct none of 
 those documents that might militate against the Aca- 
 dians and their submissive spirit. T'nder date of the 
 :27th of the following May, 17')'>, I^awrence wrote to 
 Murray informing him that he had been advised by 
 Major Ilanillield of Anna])olis that three French sol- 
 dier's from Beausejour were in the Mines district, ostisn- 
 sibly as deserters, in reality to .seduce the inhabitants 
 an<l urge them either to take up arms or to leave the 
 province: 
 
 " 1 would liiivo you Issuo .1 Proolaniatioii oflforing a reward of 
 twonty jtoiuidM 8ttMliii>5 to wlioiusoever shall discover wiieii anyone 
 or nu)re of tlu'se prcttMidcd deserters may be apprehended. You will 
 publish this rroelan.ationby means of the Acadian Deputies, and you 
 must assemble them for that purpose and infonu them . . . that if 
 any Inhabitan' eitlier old or younji ulioiihl offer (it tjo ^• Henusvjour, 
 or to take arr.ts or induce others to commit any act of hostility upon 
 the English, ur make any declaration in favor uf the French, they 
 
SUPPOSED FKEN'CH DKSKKTERS. 
 
 873 
 
 will be troatiMl as rebels, their estates contiseat«H], and their familifs 
 undergo immediate military execution. 
 
 " 1 desiru also that you will immediately publish a Proclamation 
 offering a reward of twenty pounds sterling to any person that will 
 apprehend and bring Joseph Dugas of Cobequid, or any or more of 
 the couriers who arrived at Beans^jour on the 5th May instant with 
 letters for Le Loutre, also the same n>wanl for apprehending the 
 couriers who arrived at Beausejour the evening of the said 5th May 
 with letters for said Le Loutre from Mines and PIgiguit." 
 
 The infornuition Lawrence had received might be 
 true or false, we liave no means of knowing which ; 
 but, {IS the volume of the Archives repoi-ts no later pro- 
 ceedings with regard to these proclamations and the 
 possible results thereof, I am inclined to think that the 
 whole story wjis a groundless rumor. Nor is there .any- 
 thing surprising in that, since the events that led Law- 
 rence to write were siipposed to have occuned in the 
 immediate neighlwrhood and in the jurisdiction of 
 Captain Muri-ay himself, wheresvs the information came 
 from Annapolis at the other end of the province. At 
 any rate these events are of no real importance, except 
 inasmuch sis thi!}' prove that Lawrence's rule had lK?come 
 so oppressive and so odious that the French were re- 
 newing their attempts to make the Acadians emigrate. 
 
 And yet the above facts must have l)een the gmvest 
 that could lie trumped U[), since they are the only ones 
 tliJit occsvsioned governmental interference, or at least 
 the only ones that figure in the volume of the Archives. 
 Tims — incredible as it may seem — these are the onl}' 
 facts on which the reader can base his jmlgment as to 
 whether or not the deportation wjis justifiable. Barring 
 the 1-efus.al to take an unrestricted oath, there is not, up 
 to tlie very de^iortsition itself, one single other incident 
 that might, by any constructive process, be twisted into 
 
:574 
 
 (NSKSXIFICANT PHKTKXTS. 
 
 a pretext therefor. Would any man in his senses niain< 
 tain that such petty incidents, trifling in themselves 
 and (Ijvoid of all general significance, could constitute 
 ade(][uate motives foi' inflicting upon a whole people a 
 chastisement that injplied the accumulation of all 
 human ills? In the Pigiguit incident the only culprit 
 was Lawrence himself. His ordei-s upsetting the equi- 
 tahlc regulations of Ilnpson wei(^ unjust and kirlKuous. 
 He ought at least to have allowed them the right to 
 make respectful remonstrance, especially when they 
 had declared that they would <>l>ey directly if their 
 petition was rejected, and when Lawrence was informed 
 of this hy Murray himself. In the case of tin* French 
 soldiers coming to seduce them, the Acadians (M)\ihl not 
 1k' bliimed unless they listened to their proposals. 
 Scductiojis of this kind, hut much niort; sciious, were not 
 lackint; duriimlhc war from 1744 lo 1748. and we know 
 how inopt-rative they were. If sufh motives could 
 justify Lawrence's eonduet, he mij^lit liiivt! found still 
 stiongei" ones against the (Jei-mans (»f Luneiil>urg, and 
 jicrhaps against the eolonists of Ilidifax, though in both 
 these instances his govennnent was far more equitahle. 
 Tlie fact is, a despot can always find means to justify 
 any act ol ciueity : and we read of no other peo[tle 
 Avho, if situated as the Aea<liaiis were;, would have 
 l)orne such injustice and so much [»rovocation with so 
 little nnndincss. 
 
 It will he reinend)ered that Cornwallis, after exhaust- 
 ing numy suhterfnges to prevent the departure of the 
 Acadians, finally took refuge in the passport rus«'. 
 Kvents are there to jnove that his promise waw nothing 
 hut a suhterfugc. and now we have Lawrence carrying 
 ferociousness to the extent of threatoninsjf with militaiy 
 
KLKVKN SlIiTKUFntKS. 
 
 .^7") 
 
 exetutioii tlif fimiili«'s (»f tliosf who slioiiM leavu the 
 eountjv. 
 
 Aa th«' li.sl of suhterfugi's is a lontf <»in*, T may be 
 all«>we(l to siiiniiiiiri/.i' them thus: 
 
 1st. subtt'rfjijjc (Vktcii) — Voii sluill not «)o|>art iM-fnic Nichol- 
 son's return. 
 " (Nk iioi.HioN) — Yuu shall not. tli-part till after such 
 
 aixl such |N)hilH hIihII have liccn 
 •h'cidcd l»y the (^neeii. 
 " (Vkt<ii) — You shall not doparl in Kuglish vessels. 
 
 (Vkt(ii)— French 
 
 " (Vkt<ii) — Voii cannot procure rijiginj; at Louis- 
 
 hurg. 
 " (Vktcii) — You cannot prcKture ri^jsini^ at Hoston. 
 
 " (Vktcii) — You shall not <lepart in your own 
 
 vessels. 
 " (Piiii.ii'i's)— Vuii shall not make roads to depart 
 
 l7;Mt — Hestricted oath acceptec!. 
 lT-4!» — Your oath was worthless. 
 " (CouxwAM.is) — You shall uotdepart this autumn. 
 
 " (CoitNWAi.i.is)— You " " " tillafteryou 
 
 have sown your tlclds. 
 " (CottNWAt.Ms) — You shall not depart without 
 
 passports. 
 
 iud 
 
 :ird 
 4lli 
 r>th 
 
 ah 
 7th 
 
 8th 
 
 mh 
 luth 
 
 nth 
 
 After thLs hist siibterfiige, they now were prisoners, 
 kept in th^iir country in spite of tlieniselves^ herded like 
 a lot of cattle awaiting the butcher's plejusure. Does 
 not this atford strong presumption that, when Lawrence 
 wrote the Lords of Trade, ''it would be better that they 
 were away," he had not in view a free exodus but a 
 deportation such as really took place ? 
 
 I 
 
376 
 
 FKENCH MISRULE. 
 
 ( HAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Situation of the Acndiaiis at B«'aust'jour — Venality of Vergor 
 and tli«' French oftieers — Le Loutre. 
 
 'J'HK linn; lias iiinv roiiie lo review briefly the priii- 
 eij»ul events that had occurred within the hust few years 
 at Heansejonr on French territory. I liave ahcady 
 sjtokcn (if the efforts Le Lontre liad made to force the 
 Heanl)assin Acadians lo c »ss the frontier. lie then 
 lia<l a promise from the (Jovernor of Canada that tlutse 
 wlio sliouhl eniiirrate from Knjjlish territorv woulil 
 receive compensation for their h>sses. A line of (Hkcs 
 Wi\s to l)e constrncted that wonld provich- f(»r the 
 iiiajority of them excellent farms ready for tillage. 
 Unfortunately Le Louin;*s efforts seem to have het-n, 
 for a lon<j^ time, frustiated by the extortions and venality 
 of tlie Fi'ench oflicers. France was then traversing one 
 of the most shameful epochs i)f her history. She was 
 takinjif all available roads to ruin. Kvery incentive to 
 great movements and noble undertakings, whatever had 
 hitherto conunandcd respect and provoked entluisiasm 
 was fast disappeaiing under the polished irony of gentle- 
 manly scamps whose wh amused France and stood to 
 hei' instead of glory. There wiis pulling down without 
 building up. All that had l)een the strength of France 
 was wasting away In'fore this destructive blast, and 
 nothing remained but the wilderness it created. Plea-s- 
 ure was the standard of all things. The example Wiuj 
 
I.K LOl'TUKS THKE-BriIJ>l>'(5. 
 
 •'?: 
 
 set l)y tli«? tliroiH' mid iiiiitatiMl in tliu liigher ihu».ses of 
 .society. In this nuulcap race after sensual deli^'lits tlio 
 ti-easury, carelessly guarded, lx}canie a j)rey to favorites 
 and venal hangei-s-on. 
 
 In Canada Intendant liiy;ot was tin* vampire wliicli, 
 sucking tlu' life-hlood of France, was rapidly huiiying 
 lier to ruin and«lislionor. Not content with his perxmal 
 delinquencies, he incited his fiiends to siniilai- pti ti- 
 liitions. Thus he wr<»(e to V'ergor, commandant at, 
 Heausdjour : •• Make \\\v Ijest of your position, my dear 
 Vergor ; shear and pare to your heart's content, so as to 
 join me one day in Frances and Iniy yourself a man>ion 
 near mine.*' As might well Ik; supposed this invitation 
 to ]>illage was sure to tind a response in that venal 
 wretch, and so the jjromise of assistance to the emigialed 
 Acadians wa.s made void. In the face of all these 
 «)l»stacles Ke Loutie went to France for the lu'lp li»^ so 
 mui'h needed. A sum of lifty thousand francs was 
 conlided to him, and on his return dike-huildinir was 
 vigorously pushed. To prote(^t himself against the 
 venality of middlemen, he personally j>rocurcd tlu; 
 neces.sary provisions and distributed them to the Acadian 
 workei^s. This is. I hclicve, what atTorde<l a pretext for 
 th«.* charge that Le Loutie was engaging in connmMcial 
 transactir)ns on his own account. Tht^ otl^icers. whom 
 lie Wits thus balking in their attempts to defraud the 
 treasury, were naturally very jealous of his great 
 inrtuence. They nmst hav«; dreaded an«l hated him. 
 This Ixiing the case, one understands I'ichon's savins;: 
 " He had so ingratiated himself with the Manjuis de la 
 (Jalissionniere that it became a crime to write against 
 him." 
 
 Oddly enough, I'arkman has failed to give publicity 
 
 li 
 
 it 
 
878 
 
 nKArHF:.ioL'it acaihaxs. 
 
 to this clmixf <>t uiiiniestly truHic. l'erliai»i he wan not 
 aware of it, fur I'iehon, I think, does not mention it. 
 Or |u'rhii)>s I'aricnian'H silence may l)e due to the fa(;t 
 that hi' liad found means to im[)licate him in a murder, 
 compartMl to which the peddling of wares hy a priest 
 became a mei'e ()eccadillo. 
 
 The funds did not arrive till the autumn of 17r>8, too 
 late to Inigin operations that year. So far, little had l)een 
 done to allav the distress of the emigrated Acadians. 
 They led a mther miserable existence, working some- 
 times foi- the French of lieaus<!jour, sometimes for tht! 
 English of Fort Lawrence, in full view of the lields 
 they had watere<l with their sweat and where they hud 
 spent hapj»y yeais in phiiityand pj'^ace. Their lot wouhl 
 have Ik'cu nuue endurable had there been any [)rospe»t 
 of stability in the future ; but the part of the (jountrv 
 offered thiMU was <lisi)Uted territory. The Connnissicju 
 appointed to settle tlii^ frontier line Avas then sitting: it 
 might decide that their new lauds belonged to Kugland ; 
 in whicli case thev would have either t(» no into exile 
 once more and face its concomitant tribulations and dis- 
 tress or to accept conditions tlioybad just rcfust-d at the 
 costof tlic greatest sacrifices. Tlic circumstanccsof tbeir 
 •Icpaiturc, their forced ex[>atriation after the destruction 
 of their dwellings, wore so many overwhelming memo- 
 ries. 'IMie storm which Cornwallis bad raised about the 
 (Kitli had long since been lulled. Their relatives, their 
 brothers, their friends of (riand Pre. I*igiguit and 
 Annapolis were no longer molested. They dwelt in 
 tranquillity and abundance as in the happy days before 
 the foundation of Halifax. They were once more 
 l»eginning to hope that the <iuestion of the oath wouhl 
 never again be raised. To Coinwallis, himself consider- 
 
MKArsiJoriJ ACAIHANS. 
 
 379 
 
 uhly hnmuni'/.t'd during the hiMt two yuurs of his adniiiiiii' 
 trutioii, had sii((«>cded a kindly iind Hyinputlielic nmii, 
 the piuise of whost* intentions and actions was in every 
 lunuih. Tlie combined result of all their surroundinjjs 
 was an increase of feai- on the one h»nd und of regret on 
 the other. Many crossetl over with their families and 
 their cattle to \\v Saint-Jean (Prince Kdward Island). 
 There at least, if they took up land, they ran no risk of 
 
 ito the state of affii 
 
 k'hich had h 
 
 relapsing into 
 alH)Ut their departure: for the island was incontestahly 
 French soil ami not disputed. Hut there als(» they 
 W(»iild havea precarious and dangiMous situation. This 
 islancl, being long and nan<»w. left them ever exposed, 
 in case of war, to the depredations of corsairs and to 
 the lu)rrors of an invasion. Jlowever no choice was 
 left to them, und so most of them preferred this alter- 
 native. 
 
 As \vc have seen, those who remained at lieatiscjunr 
 had addressed a petition to (Joveruor liopson, e\[ncss- 
 ing their tlesire to return to their fainis, prctvidcd they 
 wt'vc exempt from hearing arms. This [>roposal had 
 Itei'ii rejected. In the lirst monllis of his administra- 
 tion, when Lawionce ha<l not as yet conceived his sinis- 
 ter desJLrn. he had made overtures to them throuiih the 
 eomniandaiit of Fort Lawrence. lie had authorized 
 him to deel;ire that he had no intention, t(f pn-Kruf, of 
 ohliging them to hear arms. His guarantees were 
 deemed insuthcient. 
 
 Ill making a report to the Lords of Trade of those 
 )iegotiati(Mis, Lawrence said : " I was privately informed 
 that at their return, they were in a very ill humor with 
 I-.e l..outre and with the French commandant ; and that 
 they represented to them the hardshijis they liil)Oied 
 
i\HO 
 
 rH'H<»N nS |,K l,«)rTi:K. 
 
 iimltT ill not iK'injj suflfi'iod to lui'ept tlu' proposals of 
 tlu? Knj^lish ill a rcnioiiHtrarice tliiit I am told was wry 
 little sliort of a mutiny." Tliis inl'ormatinn was I'ui- 
 iusIhmI liy I'ichoii. 
 
 Some iiinntlis lat(!r, when Ahlx' Daiidin was anvstcd, 
 IMelion, writing to Captain Srott, told him '•tlialtlif 
 affair of Ablii- Daiidin was making a great stir at ISean- 
 s<5joiir; tliat I^e lioutre had preaclu'd a very violent 
 sernioTi, in which lie aluised the Knglish, and showed 
 tlie Aeiidians what they could expect from a treacher- 
 ous nation whicli thus expelled a holy priest ; that the 
 same fate was in store f(»r tli«f other priests, and that, if 
 tliey recrossed tin; frontier, they would peiish niiserahU. 
 deprived of the sacraments and of the helps of thcii- re- 
 ligion. " Mr requested them — this is the suhstaiice nt' 
 IMchoiTs further statements — to meet at tin; ("onniiaii- 
 dant's after Mass, .saying that he liad to read to them a 
 letter from the fJovernor of Canada. Hut the refugees 
 did not come. M. de Vertjor twic»? sent a serm-aiit to 
 notify them. Only about twenty canus As tlie\ 
 seemed loath to enter the house, the Commandant got 
 angry and ordered them to enter under [)ain of heing 
 ]iut in iron^ 
 
 The letter of the (lovcrnorof Canada. 
 which Piehon said was a forgery, was then read to them. 
 It promised various kinds of assistance. '• Vou must 
 
 know,"contLiiues Piehon, •* that, hist month, eiirhtv-thi 
 
 ce 
 
 numhcr wiih 
 
 of tlie Acadian refuijees sent two of their 
 
 a p»'tition to the Ciovernor of Canada, in which they 
 
 requestc'd to Ik.' allowed to return to their farms, .seeing 
 
 that 
 
 we ciMild not srivc 
 
 thei 
 
 n sui 
 
 lal>l 
 
 e ones, 
 
 tl 
 
 lose w 
 
 hich 
 
 \N<' offered tliem iM'iiig claimed liy the Knglish (tovcin- 
 ment. They furthei- said that the>- did not deem thein- 
 Belves releiised from the obligations of their oath of 
 
ninl'llKTir AI.AIIM. 
 
 381 
 
 fiilelity to tin' Kln^' (tf CJiviil niitaiii, mid tliiit tlicy 
 wnc thiTutt'iu'd with the jmnislinu'nl (»!' rebels should 
 they he taken iinioiij,' the French." 
 
 It is ini[i()ssihle for nie either to contriidiet or to eon- 
 liiin these assertions of Piehon. T quote liiiu because 
 what li»; relates is not unlikely; on {\\v contrary, his 
 story is (|uitt' in kcepini,'' uith the idea I hav(^ formed of 
 the situation and of l,e I.outre's motives. Theie is this 
 contrast In'tweeu I'ichon's accusations anent tlie Howe 
 uujrder and bis j»resent testimony that he is now on the 
 sjiot at neaus^jonr, and therefore able to bo thoroughly 
 well-informed. In this ciuse he seems to liuvc had no 
 motive for lyini;-. 
 
 Alter the excitement (laused l)y (^ornwallis's eon<bict 
 on liis hunling at Halifax. Lo Louti'(( had eonsich'rabjy 
 cooled down, m(»st probably because tlie danger In; had 
 foi'cstvn liad, for the time bein^;, disappeared. Hut when 
 he saw that Hopson was not coming back, and that 
 Lawrence, whom he had had occasion to know, became 
 tituljir governor and was already yielding to liis erne! 
 instincts, he once more took alirm. Ami when his 
 colleague Daudin was <b'agged to Halifax and con- 
 deuuied to (piit the country, no doubt his impetuous zeal 
 found in this incident all that was needed to set it 
 atlame. Fi'om his point of view, and I am inclined to 
 think it was the right one, Daudin was a victim of per- 
 .secution. This was, as I'ichon makes liim sa}', the 
 beginning of a regime which would soon deprive the 
 Acadians of their priests and of the free exercise of 
 their religion. Was he mistaken ? Certainly not, and 
 this certainty increases in the light of subsequent events. 
 He knew enough of Lawrence's character to suppose 
 him capable of any crime. Of course Le Loutre's ini- 
 
 i 
 
3H2 
 
 I'KOPHKTIC ALAKM. 
 
 jtulsivoncHs, liis religious uiithusiaHin — some would say. 
 Ills faiiiiticiHin — might (;loud his l)cttcr ju(lgn)(!Mt aiul 
 make him scu intcntinns that did not exist, or at least 
 «'xaL,'gerat«5 them; hut I am jonvincu'il that, Cassainlra- 
 like, he saw elearly the woes that were to whelm tilu- 
 Aeadian people, if the FruiM'h wtire dislodged from their 
 lioM oil the Hay of Fundy. Ahhe he (Juenie, who was 
 also a missionary n»'ar Hisius^jonr on the French side. 
 without sharing he houtre's ardor and vehemence, 
 thoroughly shared his fears. \\v himself tells jis that 
 he lioutre, after the taking of iJcjaus^'jour, and on leav- 
 ing the country, strongly urged the Aeadiaiis to Ikj 
 suhmissive towards the English, in order, if possible, to 
 avert thu niisiurtunes which hu saw threatening thum. 
 
A FOKGEl* LKTTKK. 
 
 383 
 
 CHAPTKK XXV. 
 
 Pic'hon's letttT |)r<)V(ik«'H an <-\|M'<liti*>ii iin'»''Jf*t rU'iiUM«'jour— Pif|i- 
 arutiuiiH in Now Kngluiui— Moiiktoii. ajtsistcil liy liit'Utciiaiil- 
 t'oUdiflH WiiiHlow atxl Srott, aiiivcH al Fnrt lijiwrciicf with 
 U,<KK) iiii'ii, June Slid. 175r>_(:onHt«»ni .'.'"U of till' Frcncli aial 
 weakneHHof tli«>K»<°>'i!^')i> — AKsiHtantt' ini|> «Mil)lt' — SicK'' "' Fttaii- 
 Ht'jour — TIh' Acailians ifl'iiHc lu-li) — Tiirn' liinidrcil an- lun -d 
 to take lip arms— Capitulation-- .e Loutn-H (V,,lii— Piclion 
 claims his reward — What KiiK'nii-. owes to th • Acadians. 
 
 nri.MNo till! iiuiumii pn'ci'iliii;^ tlf liiptiirf ••!' lii'iui- 
 s^^jmir, IMchoii romiiiimiciitcd tit ( aptiiiii lliissi-y, tlu'ii 
 (toniniiinding at Knit Liuvieii'M', a Ictti-r supposi'il to 
 liavi' lu't'ii aililrt'sst'd to Im Loiitro In I)iii|iH!siu-, (iov- 
 einor of Canada, in whioli wis the t'ollowiiitr : "J invite 
 yon and M. dti Vingor to seek a [)laM.sil)|i' piiitext for a 
 vigorous attack on the Knglisli.'* Ilnsscu wlicii tians- 
 niitting this letter to Captain Scott, cnmncrated at 
 some length the reasons for which he helieved that it 
 nmst have })een fabrieated bv IMchon himself.* Yet, 
 three weeks later, Lawrence wrote to Shirley : 
 
 " BtiiKi ifill hiforiiiiil that the Froiich havo dosignsof purroiirhin;; 
 still fartlicr iii)on Ills Majesty's right in this Provinee, and that they 
 propose, the iiiouient they have repaired tlie fortitications of Louis- 
 burg, to attack our Fort at Chigiiei'to (Fort Lawrenee), I tliink it 
 high time to make some effort to drive them from the north side of 
 the Bay of Fundy." 
 
 * See Chapter XVI. 
 
 if 
 
 I! 
 
384 
 
 A COMPIiETK sriJI'iaSE. 
 
 Under other cireumstiinces Lawrence would have 
 hesitated to base an iniporUmt decision u[)ona letter the 
 spuriousness of which was demonstrated to him hy solid 
 arguments ; hut, in view of the projects he enteitaincd, 
 he now thought it advisable to seize the opportunity and 
 to act as if there were no doubt as to the contents of 
 that letter. I Fe said Ik; was " widl informed," for he knew 
 that this would be ([uitc enough to make Shirley, whose 
 ardent natui'c was cousin-german to his own, chime in 
 with him and help him Avitli all his might. Nor was lit* 
 mistaken. Sjiirloy immt'diatcly resolved to levy 2,000 
 men in New England for an ex[)edition destiiKul to dis- 
 lodge the Fi'ench from their strongholds on the istlnnus 
 the following sj)ring. I*rej)aralioiis wei'e pushed on 
 with vigoi'. and tin; lleet, comprising thirty-three vessels 
 under the oi'dfrs of Colonel Monkton, assisted by 
 luieutenant-(;olonels Winslow and Scott, appeared befoie 
 Fort Lawi'cnce on the 2nd of June, ITr)'). 
 
 There is reason to believe that the letter sent by 
 Pichon to Ilussey as if it canii' from Duquesne, was 
 really, as Ihissey thought, "of Pichon'sown comjjosing;" 
 for, since the preceding autunui. the French had done 
 nothing to give a color of likelihood to this letter. Tlu! 
 Indians wei-e quieter than tliev had been for a long 
 time. The garrison of lieansejour had not been rein- 
 foi'ced and nnndxM'cd hardly 100 soldiers : the fortihea- 
 tions had not been improved. At the very moment 
 Avhen the fleet aj)peared at the entrance of the Bay, 
 Le L<nitre was busily engaged in the building of those 
 dikes that were to ensure farms to the Acadians. So 
 skilfully and secretly- had this expedition been organized 
 and conducted that its appearance before the fort was 
 the first intimation of the danger that threatened the 
 
 |i ' 
 
1 
 
 DE vp:iu;oii s vain thukats. 
 
 :;«;> 
 
 Frencli. Altliough the two nations were, ostensibly at 
 least, on terms of peaee, tlieie was no mistaking- the 
 ])Uipose of this display of force : and great was the 
 consternation at Beansejour, whieh liecanie (greater still, 
 a fe'W days afterwards, when it was leali/.ed thai no 
 assistance eonld Ik; ho[)ed for from Cape Hrelon: for 
 English vessels werc^ (•rnisin<r heforc; Lonishnri"-. and to 
 forct; the blockade i:i order l.o assist lieaiisejonr wonld 
 expose Lonisbnrg- to be taken b}- snrprise. 'riitic were, 
 it is trne, on lim I'"'rench side of the frontier, from twelve 
 to lifteen hundred Aeailiaiis able' to bear arms, and this 
 was ([uite enough to hold the besiegers in cheek and 
 pei'haps to make; the ex[»edition a failure ; but foi!uan\- 
 reasons De Verg'or could not count nj)oii them.* '^i'hose 
 who had always lived in this [)art of the couiiliv. and 
 they were (he majority, were undoubtedly Freneli sul»- 
 jects. So were also those who, in C'ornwallis's lime or 
 later, had chosen to emigiale ; on their arrival they had 
 taken tlie oath to the French government; but Law- 
 rence, knowing tlieir dispositions, had shrewdly ]»layed 
 U})on their feelings by signifying to them that the}- 
 .still remained British subjects, and that, should they 
 ever be taken in arms airainst Kniiiand, thev wiMild be 
 treated as ivbels. lie knew that this detdaration. how 
 absurd soever it was from a legal point of view, would 
 trouble their consciences and give them scruph's of 
 which he would take advantage. These scruiiles coupled 
 Avith his threats would produce the desired effect. 
 
 Do Vergor issued severe orders, conniianding all able- 
 bodied Aca<lians to re[)air without delay to the fo]t for 
 
 I ! 
 
 * D(> V(>rf;;iii', in ii li'ttor tn M. clc Pruciiui-t tin- |irocoiliiif,' yi'ar. saiil that 
 ill east' of attack he could uut rely na tin? asbistaui'oof tliu At'adiaiis, wLdiu 
 tln' Eiiglifili iutimidatoil l,>y their throiit.s. 
 
 < \' 
 
:J«t; 
 
 I.K SIKCK 1)K VKI.nllis. 
 
 eiilistiiu'iit ; I)Mt, llioiij^h his oidi-rs weiv repoalud and 
 iici'OMipaiiit'fl l)y threats, tht-v li'iiiiiim'tl deiif to his cnm- 
 niaiids: '• lie sent them orders U[»on orch'i's," says Mur- 
 doch ; "• they aiiswensd that lie shouhl have used them 
 l)etter when (hey wei-e in his j»o\ver." De N'eri^oi'eoidd 
 t,'et tojifether only ahout three hundred of those who, 
 havinn" no homestead, lived in Foit lU'ausejour, and, 
 rei'eivinn' rations fiom the (lovernment, were under its 
 eontrol. Hut even they, in the straits to which they 
 were I'educed, with a view to |trotecl themselves anainsl 
 disaster, stipulated that the orders should he repeated in 
 writing-. This force was insullicient for a long- resist- 
 ance, esj)ecially as two thirds of it were men who had 
 never done military duly, and, what is worse, were 
 lighting unwillingly under c(»m[)ulsi()u of the most tei- 
 rihle threats. ^ Many of the Acadians," Murdoch a(hls, 
 '•escajx'd from the Fort, hut seventeen of them were 
 caught and hrought hack." 
 
 Nevertheless, had the chief heeu hrave and deter- 
 uiined, it would hav(.' still heeu possihle to make a line 
 stand and save the honor of France ; hut the defence was 
 most mi.serahle : nothing- that I know of in the military 
 annals of that nation ai)proaehes, in point of stupidity 
 and cowardice, the conduct of this siege, which the 
 French themselves derisively jueknamed " the velvet 
 siege." With Vergor ami his kinsman and accomplice 
 De N'annes, the g^reed of gold had .stifled every feeling 
 of honor and patriotism. Their only care .seems to have 
 been to save their ill-gotten gains an<l their precious 
 persons. Without waiting for the investment of the 
 fort, without any deadly tight, despite the protests of 
 Le Loutre and some officers, De \'ergor made overtures 
 to Colonel Monkton, and on June ItJth, only fourteen 
 
THK riJKNCII WITHIMIAW. 
 
 8»7 
 
 days after the arrival of the ex[)edition, Beaus>djour 
 capitulated on the foUowin*^ terms : * 
 
 *' 1st. The cunimandant , otticors, staff and otliers, omployod forthe 
 Kin^, and the garrison of li«>aust>j<)iir, sliall gc) out with arms and 
 baggage, drums beating. 'Jud. The garrison sliall b«! sent direct by sea 
 to l^ouisburg, at. tlie expense of tin- King of (Weat iiriiain. ;!ril. 
 The garrison shall have provisions sutHeient to last until thfiy get to 
 ]iOuisl)urg. 4th. As tit thr Antdions, as fhii/ nun: /orrcd (n hear 
 iiriiiK iiii<li-r fiiNii <)(' ilf'iilli. tlii'i/ xlidll lir jiiiriliitifit. .')th. The garri- 
 son shall not bear arms in America for the space of six montlis.t 
 
 " Ko»KRT MONKTOX. 
 " At THK r.\MP ni'.FOIlK BKAt'S^.rOlJK. 
 
 " Kith June, IT-'w." 
 
 This capitulation involved at the same time that of 
 Fort Ga.si)ereaii on Bay Verte. This latter was de- 
 fended hy a mere handful of soldiers and ^va^^ strictly 
 sjieaking, only a storehou.se for provisions and ammuni- 
 tion. Vergor ordered M. de Villerai. the commandant, 
 t<^) surrender his fort ; which he <lid a few davs later. 
 I'eausejour was mmcdiately occupied hy the Knglish 
 troops and its nan. ; changed to that of ('und)erland. In 
 tlu! course of the ton days that followed the ca[titulation, 
 all the Acadians came one hy one to surrender their arms 
 to Colonel Monkton. Not long afterwards the French 
 also evacuated the fort of the River St. John ; thus there 
 remained no vestige of French domination north of 
 the Bay of Fundy, except the trading posts at Mirami- 
 chi and on the Cfulf coast in the neighhorhood of Bay 
 <les Chaleurs. Le Loutre had [)rudently slipped off 
 
 * B<>for«? th(! overtures for a siuTondcr a Ixjiulj thrown by tlii- I.i->i.-gfrs 
 fel! on one of the casemates that was usimI as a prison, and l<ill -d f.mr 
 J'renchnieu and Mr. Hay, an English clTlccr who was a |)risuni'i-. This 
 olTlci'r had l)ceu captured some days liefm-e by the Itidiaiis. wh') wt-re t;i't- 
 tiuK ready to sciilp him wlien he was snateiie<l from tln-ir liarids hy an 
 A<*adian named IJrassard ami led tutlie Pott, wiicri- !)«• was vi'ry kindly 
 tn'ated. 
 
 t Document omitted in tbo volurao of the Archives. 
 
888 
 
 ncnox I'LK.vns koi; iwv. 
 
 before' the oceupiitioii ol" Fort lieaiisojour, and on liis 
 way to Quebec, tlii'ou<^li tlu; solitudes of the St. John 
 River, h(.' had leisure to meditate on the instability of 
 liunian aft'aiis. Fioni Quebec he endKiiked for France 
 in ihe foUowint;' August: but another niisfoitune awaited 
 jiiin : the ship he was on was taken at sea by the Fng- 
 lish, and he was imprisoned in I'ili/abeth Castle in the 
 Isle of Jersey, whence he di<l not recover his freedom 
 till eight years later on the conclusion of the peace. 
 
 The captui-e of lieaus^^jour was really I'iehon's work. 
 It was the letter of T)u(|uesne, whether true or forged, 
 that gave rise to the expedition. According to a j)re- 
 vious agreeujent between him and Captain Scott, instead 
 of accom[)anying the l'"'rench garrison to Louisburg. he 
 was held [)risoner for some time at Ueansejour. then 
 sent to Foit JMlwaid at l*igiguit,and tiuallv to. Halifax, 
 where lit^ remained a[>parently a prisoner, in order that 
 he nii'»ht minole with Ihe French oflicers who weie 
 already there or who would be biought thither, and leain 
 the secret plans of the French. 
 
 It was time for him to claim the full price of his serv- 
 ices. The memorial he addressed on this subject to 
 the rrovernor's secretary bears, as may well be supposed, 
 the stamp of Ids baseness and cupidity. Men of this 
 kind can hardly possess aught else than second-rate 
 skill, ingenious enough, perhai)s, in the [ilaying of their 
 vile parts, but puerile and lame when they have to seek 
 theii' own interest, for then all the vileness in their 
 make-up oozes at every pore. Pichon's memorial con- 
 tains, together with nnich s^^cophancy, a long enumera- 
 tion of liis sewices and losses : " I have lost," he says. 
 "a fine future witli m\' countrymen, in order to attach 
 myself to the fortune of a nation which I loved, and which 
 
I'ICHON I'LKADS H)|; I'.W. 
 
 :1S9 
 
 1 knmr tn Jtc t/ic most i'i(tx.i>n'.il>h uml tin' most ijcneraiOi of 
 
 nUthoxi' that exixt in /mf/i Jn-mixpherts ^[l■. Scott 
 
 liad idoinistMl that he would sunoinid mo with comrort 
 and case. Am 1 not now warranlod in desiriiiir the 
 fulfdiiuiiil of those promises, hy seeming for myself a 
 xolid and (i(h'(vtttti/co)is position '/ . . . Kindly boar in 
 mind that I had a good soeial status in !•' ranee, where I 
 still own propeity. Tin; Court had charged me witli .... 
 Tiieso jiosts would have been V(,'ry profitable; I have 
 had to give them up, as well as all I have in Fianee, 
 Mhither I nuist never think of returning. I have lost 
 the extensive 2)i'oi)eity I liad bought near Fort IJeau- 
 sejour. moreover two liouses and gardens on a very liiu^ 
 site. By the taking of this fort I have lost two valuabh; 
 hoisi's. a (luantity of piovisions, furniture, linen, clothes, 
 books and <i f/ioiisainf i/niin'ftK xto/r/i front iiw 
 
 •• There are eireumstanees when a man should bo 
 allowed to s[)oak in praise of himself, and when it is his 
 interest to make himself known and lo direc^t attention 
 to the services he has rendered. . . . 
 
 •• I am well aware of all the power the Admiral wields 
 and of the advantages 1 niay hope for fiom his illustrious 
 patronage and fiom that of His Exeelloney the (Jover- 
 
 : the honor of a reeommendation 
 
 •y 
 
 'p 
 
 from them to Cieueral Sliirlo}-, as Tvell as to the other 
 governors of the English piovinees, in oider to invit(; 
 them to exercise their generosity by doing good to the 
 
 inosf ili-voti'ij of mv 
 
 t 
 
 n m 
 
 th 
 
 le serviee of the vixext of un- 
 
 to ns , 
 
 The main point would be to beg theii- Excel- 
 lencies to giant me their jtowerful patronage at the Court 
 of England and Avilh the Prime Minister, in order to 
 obtain special favors for me. I am pretty well stricken 
 
31W 
 
 srnuKNiJKi: uvi: to akcadians. 
 
 in yeiirs uiid liiivu lejiclictl an age when mu'x neiih /'fcj/nr 
 ycneraUif ///•l7/^'/^" 
 
 Among .servifesiendeied, I'iehon ineniionedliisluiving 
 biouglit about the surrender of H(,'ausdjour, by persuad- 
 ing tlie Aeadians that were in the fort to refusL' to 
 fight at all and to insist on inunediate surren(K'r. 
 Although any assertion of I'iehon's earries very little 
 weight, es[)eeially when, as in this instanee, it was jiis 
 interest to make the most of his serviees, still, with due 
 allowanee for his bragging about his inlluenee in the 
 matter, his anirmalion may Avell be true as to the 
 Aeadians refusing to light, a faet whieh eoidd easily be 
 verilied at the time and which is sustained by nuieh 
 other evidence. If so. as we already have i>roof that 
 the great majority of the Aeadians refused to iicar 
 aims, we may also rest assured that those who, under 
 })ressure of cruel threat.s when they were absolutely at 
 tlie mercy of the authorities, consented to enlist, did, 
 by refusing to tight at the critical moment, bring about 
 the surreiuler of Beausejoui-. Ah to the Ai'dtfimix, said 
 that article of the capitulation which concerned them, 
 an the// irere forced to hearun/ix under jmin nf tJenth, tln-if 
 are pardoned. 
 
 All this proves that Lawrence was not mistaken wlu'ii, 
 at the begimiing of his administration, he wrote to the 
 J^ords of Trade concerning the Aeadians who had emi- 
 grated : '"• I believe that a very large part of them would 
 submit to any terms rather than take up arms on either 
 side.'' Lawrence knew them well and could make correct 
 forecasts with respect to their future conduct. And yet 
 this opinion of Lawrence seems strange. Why should 
 they not have taken up arms for the French ? Wert; 
 they not subjects of France and as such had they not 
 
LAWKKNCKS ("OlIKKCT l-OUKCAST. 
 
 391 
 
 tilt' light to .serve liei cause / Uiuloubtedly. Tlie 
 greater part of tliem had dwelt tor generations in this 
 jiart of tlie country ; the leniaindei- were those to whom 
 C'ornwallis, revoking the ooniproniise of l|30, had given 
 the choice between an unrestricted oath and departuie, 
 that is, the choice between English and Frendi alle- 
 giance. " My friends," he had said, " the moment that 
 you have declared your desire to leave and snf>niif t/our- 
 xelf to unothi-r Gorcnimi-nf, our di'termination was to 
 hinder nolwdy." Even had he not made this <leclaration, 
 it is evident that, by levoking the condition of their 
 stav, he set them free to dei)art, and. once <M»ne, as soon 
 as they dwelt on French territory, they l)ecame French 
 subjects. It mattered little that the jnirt of the country 
 where they took refuge was then dis[)Uted by the two 
 crowns. The telling fact was that it was then occupied 
 by France; this was enough to settle the (juestion of 
 their French citizenship in virtue; of the nu)st elementary 
 principles of the law of nations and esjjcciall}' of the 
 diplomatic formula vfi jinxs/'iji-fix. IIow, tlien, could 
 Lawrence, in the teeth of this evident right, l)elieve that 
 they would not take up arms against him ? Simply 
 because he knew that a cpiestion of this sort, clear 
 enough in itself, would not appear to them clear enougli 
 to satisfy their conscience ; that the scruples that would 
 l>eset them v.'ould sufTice to keep them from acting ; 
 that the oath they had formerly taken and the liabit of 
 looking upon themselves as British subjects would be a 
 powerful deterrent ; that long years of peace had made 
 them lose the taste for fighting ; and that, by taking up 
 arms, they would provoke their tyrannic oppressor to 
 wreak his fury on their brothei-s of the Peninsula. To 
 make his belief a certainty, Lawrence had taken care to 
 
3^2 
 
 ACADIANS DKSKUVK (JKATITUDE. 
 
 issue ii proL'liiinatioii in wliicli lie wiuned tlieni tlmt they 
 still reiiiiiiiied British suhjeets, that they were not re- 
 leased from their oath of lidelity, and that, should they 
 be taken armed, they would he treated as rehids. 
 
 Lawrence's forecast was fully conlinued. I)esj»ite 
 the efforts and threats of the Freueh, out of lifteeii hun- 
 dred Aeadians only three hundred took up arms, and, 
 even of these, several deserted : linally those who re- 
 mained refused to liyht, and lieausejour had to cajutu- 
 hite.* To an impartial ohservi-r these Aeadians would 
 seem to have won for tluMuselves, not merely the par- 
 don which the eajiitulation i^rauted them, hut tlic eter- 
 nal gratitude of l^n^land lor the territoiy, the picstige 
 and the glory they had hrought lier. At any rate the 
 ofli(ual pardon in the deed of surnmch-r should have im- 
 plied perfect inununity from annoyance for iinything 
 that might have hai)i)(Mied in tlui [)ast. "We shidl see 
 that it was not so, and that, for want of valid motives, 
 Lawrence made the events just related serve as pre- 
 texts for the de[)oi'tation of the Aeadians of the Penin- 
 sula. Ilenee the importance, on the reader's part, of 
 deeply fixing these events in his menioiy; tlu-y will 
 helj) him to understand subsecpient develo[)jnents. 
 Aleaiiwhile, the conduct of the Aeadians on either sich) 
 of the frontier shoidd he separately examined. I will 
 iirst take up the case of the Aeadians who remained on 
 English territory. 
 
 * Do Vorgor and Do VilloAy wcro brou>?ht tioforo a council of war at 
 Quebec, tlirue years later, oujaccount of their cowarilico at the sie^e «>t 
 Beausejour and ftas])er<Niu. '• I)i' Vorjjjor and l)i; Villeray," says /j^s 
 Mnnoiren siir If (Jantuld, "were diseharKod ; the rtrst explained his feeble 
 defence by the fact that tho Acadiaus refused to assist them and raised a 
 mutiny." 
 
 % 
 
<tlgtj