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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. rata lelure, A mmmm 32X 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 iplipp""~"''^*''*'p<«fl ^'1 REFLECTIONS ON THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, B Y T H E Right Honourable EDMUND BURKE, CONSIDERED; ALSO, OBSERVATIONS ON Mr. PAINE's PAMPHLET, INTITULED THERIGHTSOF MEN; WITH CURSORY REMARKS O N T H E PROSPECT OF A RUSSIAN WAR, AND The Canada Bill now pending. ' By JAMES EDWARD HAMILTON, Efq. Quid verum atque utile rogo, euro, et totus in hoc fuin. to N D O N : PRTNTE'Dj-FOR THE AUTHOR : And fold by J. Johkson, St. Paul's Church-yard, and by Debrett, Piccadilly. 1791- [Price 2s. 6d.] .■•■■«■ ~Vf,-- X s" «/■•• %. ^; , 1>J- A*.- ., *■ ! : 'V>: PREFACE. M Y obje£t in obtruding thefe (heets on the Public will be fully anfwered, if they Should be the means of attrafting the at-! tention of our governors and reformers to Ariftotle's incomparable Treatife on Politics^ which will enable the one to proceed on fteady principles of policy ; and, perhaps, reftrain the Democratical fanaticifm of the others. . ^ . , , , Though the Stagtrite is an obje6l of uni- verfal praife with every writer who Has had occafion to mention him, yet I am fully of opinion there are but few, who have perufed his works with due attention* However, what Mr, Seldenfaysofhim who was one of the moft learned and judicious men that England ever produced, is fo very re-» ,c:\\v. markable, r [ iv ] markable, that I (hall lay it before the rea- .'(n his Table Talky article l^ruth^ he ler. affirms, that there never breathed that perfon io whom mankind was more beholden. It wo uld be impertinent in me to add any thing after fuch an eulogium from fuch a charac- ter. Though I cannot help remarking that in this work, Mr. Selden feems frequently to glance at the Democratical Reveries of Harrington, Milton, &c. < I have avoided all metaphylical dlfquifi- tions as being of little utility, frequently impertinent, and only bewildering perfons unaccuftomed to them ; it being my view to lay the pure utile before the reader ; con- vinced that in this flate it will make its deepeft impreffion. « ' *. .' z-^' :' I have iuferted a few political reveries of my ov/n, for which I mufl claim the reader's indulgence. Not expecting to have any readers who have not perufed Mr. Burke's ReJiediionSj I thought it unne- ceffary to fwell this effay wAxh a repetition of his atrguments, when coinciding in opi- iiion with him. RE- REFLECTIONS »v.». * ,.J ON THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, ■P M CONSIDERED. XjIaVING been engaged for feme time paft in a literary enquiry concerning the faith of the Chriftians during the firfl ages of the Church ; and though naturally far more inclined to po- litical than ecclefiaftical fubjedts, yet I was fo circumftanced, that, had I paid any particular attention to the former, I would have loft the fruits of what I had collected regarding the lat- ter; my mind unfortunately not being of that pliable nature, as that of fome celebrated Mo- derns, who can vary their ftudies ad lihitum, and I prefume without any of them fufFering by it. In comparifon of fuch geniufes, I can be fcarcely deemed an ideot, being fenfible of an immedi- ate confulion of ideas, when any new fubjedt forces itfelf upon my attention. However, Ariflotle reconciles me fomewhat to myfelf ..>u.*.i for [ ^ ] , for this llmitednefs of intelletle*s Treatlfe on Politics might enable me to form a nru<" judgement upon the qucftion. For, from my knov^'le(^ge of feveral of the Democratifts, I could entertain no doubt of the praife-worthinefs of their motives : and I ihould have made the fame conclufion in regard of Mr. Burke, though I had no knowledge what- ever of his character, except from fame, which has proclaimed him a perfect philanthropill, and as fuch muft, in the main, agree with his op- ponents, in having the welfare of man for his ob- ject, though he might differ from them with re- gard to the means, namely, the mode of govern- ment upon which it in a great meafure depends. I therefore fulpedtcd that there might be fomc- thing wrong in the principles upon which each of them had founded very different conclufions with refpedl to the French revolution. Before I proceed farther, I donot think it irrele- vant to obferve here, that until within thefe two years, I have been among the foremoft of the De- mocratifts ; nor did I begin to fufpedtthe political foundnefs of the principles of this party, till the buiinefs of the wool bill had been fettled about two years ago in Parliament, fo much againft the true intereft of Great Britain : But during the dilcuflion of which, though a bill of the moft jlrioNs confeqiicnceSj there could fcarcely be got a fufficient /. [ 5 ] fufilcicnt number of Members to form a Houfe upon the tiays on which it was to be agitated ; for the very obvious rcafon, that had they at- tended and voted, agreeably to their convidion, againft the bill, they would have thereby endan- gered their being returned reprcfentatives in the following parliament. — For, not like the fcat- tered country gentlemen, who never aft upon fyftem, or as one body, had the manufacturing promoters of that bill been difappointed in their objedt, the manufacturers throughout the king- dom, in every branch, would have entered into a private, nay, perhaps into a public combina- tion, to vote againft thofc Members, who were inimical to it. I am inclined to think that the Minifter himfelf might have got a hint, that if the bill, did not pafs, the manufacturing intereft would declare itfelf againft him, for, from the difficulty of making up a Houfe at times I weakly imagined that the bill would fall to the ground, for th-- reafon only, being the mildell death it could receive. — But fuch a hint, if there was a hint given, quickly pro- cured a fufficient number of Members to attend. This affair fatislied me, that there was fome- thing wrong in the principles I had adopted. For I at once faw, that, were there eftabiilhed fuch a reprefentation of the People as I had hitherto [ ! > \ •1 > I J [ « ] hitherto contended for, it would be inipoflible, witb'ut bloodflied, ever to reftify fuch devia- tions from univerfal benefit to the peculiar ad- vantage of one clafs of the people, in whofe power the eledling the P.cprefentatives would neceffarily ever hereafter be. I thence con- cluded, that in every well ordered State all perfons depending on otherSy (as manufacturers upon the Mafter-manufadurers)/(?r their daily bread, ought not to be entrujled with any political privileges, either in regard of choojing Members of Parliaments, or eWing Magijirates, For, depending on their employers, their extreme ignorance might ren- der them dangerous inftruments in the hands of a fadlion. Such mechanics Ariftotle calls flaves, ^ouAoj, 1. 3. ch. 5» It is with difficulty men corredt their own erroneous notions ; yec, by the current of my thoughts concerning the exclujion of thofe per- fons from having a Ihare in the government who depended upon others for their daily bread ; I was, I may fay, neceffarily led to difcover that there was another clafs of people, which, in like manner, in every well-ordered government, ought to be equally excluded from interfering politically in what concerijed government ; namely, all thofe who bought to fell again, or who lived by traffick. For fuch perfons, being necef- , farily i ' cha- C '9 3 chara^crs wherever they are likely to be met with. Ariftotle, having fct forth thefc three forts of direSl government, obferves, that there are cor- ruptions of each of them : of the Jirft, when the King, inftead of adting upon principles of gent' ral good, adts ivomfelfijh motives, preferring his own intereft to that of the citizens at large. This mode of governing he calls a Tyranny. Secondly, when the Ariftocracy, or the befl and richefl Members of a (late, manage the public affairs with the view of benefiting themfelves, regardlefs of the general interefl of the citizens : this he calls an Oltganhy* Thirdly, when the powers of government being veiled in the general body of the citizens, the public affairs are carried on in fuch a manner as to favour the Poor only, who arc neceffarily the majority of every fociety, regardlefs of the rights of the Rich : This fort of government he calls a De^ ptocracy. According to this philofopher then there are three forts of direSi or lawful govern- ments, namely. Monarchy, Ariftocracy, and a Po- liteia, or a Commonwealth compofed of an Arif- tocracy and a Democracy combined in one Cottn- cH: and three corruptions of thefe : Tyranny, Oligarchy, and Democracy* All other forms of C a , govern- i t i I !ii f! I I !i ii !• government he (hews to be deviations, more or lels, from one or other of thefe. Ariftotle further ihews, that the natural pro- grefs of governmeni is firft Monarchy — fecondly Ariftocracy-^thirdly Oligarchy — fourthly Ty- ranny—fifthly a Democracy. Alfo that wealth is the polar liar of Oligarchies : honour of Arif- tocracies • and liberty of Democracies : the truth of which both ancient and modern hiftory have evinced. Our modern reformers would think their caufe was loft, v/ere they to admit that Kingly government was the firft lawful go- vernment, as founded upon confent : and ftill more, that Ariftocracy was the next in fuccef- iion. But this was no ftumbling block in the way of Ariftotle : For he placed the foundation of government upon the afifent of the citizens, that is, of thofe perfons who had entered upon their fiftieth year, and who were able to iup- port themfelves without labour : and who mull: in every government be a very different fet of people from a bafe populace, or fordid ihop- keepers, n^anufadturers, and tallow-chandlers, as they are in general : In ihort he lays it down, that an equal Commonwealth can be only con- ftituted among a highly improved people, in which the citizens Ihould receive a public edu- cation. ■|' ■i' f ^» 3 cation, that they might hercaftei be ufeful ci- tizens. We modern reformers, it feems, are always above or below the mark. If a public educa- tion is to be the adopted mode, our notions become fublime; and -all the people are to be publicly educated. The Grecian common- wealths are quoted as examples of its fea- iibility. But no Greek ever entertained fuch a romantic idea. The ordinary education of -the middle clafTes in life does not fecure them fi*om falling vidtims to every fpecies of vice : and yet he would be a hardy adventurer, who would declare, that the education intended for the cjiildren of the poor by Sunday fchools, approaches, in rii> cffential refpeft, to that which the children of the decent clafles of life a^ually do receive. Ariftotle., having difcriminated the abovcrmen- tioned fix: forts of government, obfervcs, that all the evils which have fprung up in focieties, have arifen from two caufes : firft, by thofe perfons, who being fenU'. le that they were equal to other perfons in o»e refpedt, thought they were equal to then[i in every refpedt : for thefe having fhewn, that by nature, all men are equal, they there- fore claimed equal rights : but he obferves, that thiM n>ode of ^rguing is fophiilical, being from the • iii .jlff [ " ] the particular to the univerfal : befidcs, though it be granted, that by nature all men are equal, yet fociety having had for its objeft the prefer- vation and fecurity of the already acquired property in the individuals, in whom it was at that time . veftcd ; its firft members, therefore, mull have been proprietors. Hence it is evident, that if other individuals, without property, joined them- felves to this fociety, they would not be intitled to a portion of the properties of the firft, or conftituent members of the fociety. It is even obvious, that they might think themfelves fortu- nate in being entertained as fervants or flaves. . The fecond caufe of the misfortunes which fpring up in focieties, is, that thofe individuals, who, in fome refpedts, as the advantages of for- tune, birth, &c. being fuperior to other men, conclude that they ?re therefore fuperior to them in every refpedt : this being alfo obvioufly argu- ing from the particular to the univerfal : for perfons of this difpofition, proud of their acci- « dental advantages, by claiming the folid ones of governing their inferiors, gave rife to fedi- * tions, which terminated either in victory or de- ^ feat, in an Oligarchy or a Democracy. Few, I apprehend, are fo unverfed in human affairs as not to have been frequently fenfible of thefe fo- phifticai l<'H , though •e equal, e prefer- ipr9perty hat time lufl have , that if id them- i intitled firft, or is even es fortu- flaves. 8 which ividuals^ s of for- ler men, to them fly argu- fal : for icir acci- lid ones to fedi- ■y or de- Few, I iTairs as thefe fo- phiftical i [ 23 3 phiftical modes of arguing in the advocates of Oligarchy and Democracy. The great obje<5t of every legillator, accord- ing to this profound philofopher, ihould be to difcover what mode of government would moft conduce to the happineis of thofe individuals, who can live according to their fancies , that is, idle lives, without following any calling or profeffion. This I apprehend is contrary to every political idea actually received among mankind, be them advocates of tyranny — of Oligarchy — of Arifto- cracy — or of Democracy — I truft, however, I Ihall evince its juftnefs. Such a mode of government he lays down :o be this : the magiftratcs to be ELECTED by the people ; for thefe Ihould always be the princi- pal perfons of the State. — Secondly, a Council, Senate, or Parliament, partly chofen by eleBion^ and partly by fuffrage, and of courfe compofed of the firft and richeft citizens, and of the bed and moft virtuous : each thus tempering the otn. :. — The ultimate judgment, or of giving verdidts, to be in the citizens, that is, of thofe who had a wherewithal to fupport themfelves without labour. Ariftotle farther obferves, that no pcrfon Ihould be capable of ading as a citizen, or as we would fay, of having the privilege of voting for a Reprefentative in Parliament, or ading as a Jury. \Vh y 1 l ' : I I'! l/,i,i! I [ H ] a Juryman, before he had complcatcd \i\% forty* ninth year : neither ihbuld he be capable of being returned as a Reprefentative for Parliameut, nor of ading as a Juryman after his feventiith year. In what light would our beardlefs legif-^ ktors hold fuch a regulation ^ Jt was not ad- vanced upon the authority of Vandalic or Gothk nvifdom, or rather abfurdity. It is the refult of the combined and matured wifdom fortified by experience of the wifeft people hitherto known^ Before men have arrived at the perfection of their rational faculties, which Ariftotle fixes at x}[it\x fiftieth year, they ought not to be entrufled with the management of the public concerni of a great nation, where an error may entail fo many evils upon pofterity. At the age of feventy, men begin to be too cautious, and have not fuificient enterprize to feize the fortunate incidents per- petually offering themfelves, which would tend to the benefit of the community, Ariftotle obferves that the feafible only ihould be attempted, when a reform in government is In contemplation. Might not then a partial re- form take place immediately among ourfelves : but with regard to this laft particular concern- ing the legiilative ^ge, the evil day, " when •* children would ceafe to rule over us, ' might , i_ . ■ ,. ■ .-*• — , ... . . . , .••.. ,r^^-.-; .. De, II ;-| tlfe- ^ ; ;:i : •* '\i 1- ■ * i\ 1 : M [ »5 ] ^ be, and perhaps with advantage too, poftponed for twenty or twenty-five years. Perhaps it may be thought, that Ariftotlc having chiefly in view the fmall Grecian repub- lics, his obfervations concerning the bed form of government relate only fo very circumfcribed flates : but he will greaiiy deceive himfelf who makes fuch a conclufion. For this philofopher's wilh was that all Greece Ihould be reduced into a fingle republic, in order that it might be en- abled thereby to conquer the world, and effec- tually promote the happinefs of all its inhabi- tants, by the eftablilhment of good govern- ments : and doubtlefs intended that his maxims ihould be applicable to a commonwealth, com- pofed of all the republics in Greece, which would have been, with regard to extent and po- pulation, the moft extenfive and populous hi- therto known : and evinces, contrary to what has been advanced by Lord Kaimes and others, that a republican form of government is not folely adapted to ftates of fmall extent; at leaft that they are not fupported in their notion by the ' greateft, without comparifon, of the antients. Perhaps the following fketch for an improv > ment of our political conftitution will not be found very repugnant to what Ariftotle teaches concerning fuch modifications. The kingly D power iiir ' I •lli I I !!• I \m l! ,! V',:; SFTr [ »6 ] ■ power to remain as it is: one Council confifting of fix hundred Members, of which three hundred to be chofen hy flexion, who of courfc would be * Lords, or Commoners of great confequence from money or landed wealth : the other three hun- dred ify ffiffrage, who we may fuppofe would be the mod virtuous chara^ers of the nation. The three kingdoms to be united, which ought to be effected, coute qui ceute ; it might coft a mil- lion of money to influence the Irifh to embrace a meafure which would tend more to her hap^ pinefs and profperity than her fettered Parlia- ment will be able, or rather allowed, to effefb for centuries : the three kingdoms to be divided . into certain divifions, as nearly equal in popu- lation, with refpedt to citizens, as might be : each divifion to return to the Great Coun- cil three Members by eleBion, and three Mem^ bers by faffrage, to continue Members of it, quamdiu fe bene gejferini, or until the majo- rity of the citizens fignified their defire to the proper officer of choofing a new or other dele-» gates : all the citizens to be entered in the . Sheriff's or otb^r returning officer's book; who Ihould appoint an annual regular meeting upon a certain day, for regiftering and examining the pretenfions of thofe, who would offer themfelves for that purpofe. As every perfon ihould be obligee} Kwrn [ ^7 ] obliged to ferve his country who was cledted, did it happen that any of thofe who were chofen hy fuffrage were perfons not poffefling looo/. a year, freehold property ; the deficiency in this refpedt ought to be made up to them for their at- tendance out of the Treafury. Befides this great council, there ought to be another of one hundred Members, which Ihould enjoy the judicial power as at prefent exercifed by the Houfc of Lords : one to be chofen by each of the hundred divifions : to be perfons above ffty years of age : and each of them to be entitled to loool, a year from the Treafury, while they a(5ted in this capacity. The auditing the public accounts, of whatever nature : the punifliing culprits, whom the exift- ing laws would not afFedt, eve» capitally : that is, when they found it neceflary they fhould apply to the Great Council for an aft of attainder, which, upon examining the cafe ihould aft ac- cording to its difcretion : &c. &c. It ftrikes me, that a judicature of this nature would be much moie unobjeftionable than our Houfe of Lords. Legiflators fhould not be their own Expofitors. I apprehend the judi- cature appointed by the Houfes of Commons and Lords, from amongft their Members, to try Eafl Indian culprits, labours under this defeft. Ariftotle was for having the Magiftracy in the D :ich. :/!'; 1 I . , r ' 'i|! 1 1 i ,1 ! ; ■ 1 i i \^- [ *8 ] rich but clcfVcd : and the judicature, or that which paflVd fentence, in the citizens. However, as our conftitution a<^ually exifts, perhaps the prefcnt mode is in a great meafure unexcepti- onable. I am farther to obferve, that vefting the powers of the community, or the right of citizenlhip, or of voting for Reprefentatives, or of paffing fen- tence as Jurors, in perfons who enjoy a fuffici- ency to enable them to live idle lives, and the having only one Creat ^Council, or Houfe of Par- liament, is not fo great an alteration from the feudal fyftem of government, as our prefent form. Originally there was only one Houfe of Parliament, compofed of the tenants in capite : the chief of whom acquired the appellation of Barons, and whofe voices were generally deci- five concerning the bufinefs in hand : this, inde- pendently of the expences which neceflarily fol- lowed upon attending in Parliament, was the reafon, why the poorer tenants in capite avoided attending: which was thelefs neceflary, as what the greater tenants or Barons had determined in regard of themfelves proportionably took place with regard to them : fo that the lefTer tenants in capite, were certain of having their rights defend- ed ; for, except the greater tenants incapite^or the Barons were firft oppreffed, they could not be i '»- oppreffed. t m m ice in d- he be d. .J t *9 ] oppreflcd. In like manner it is declared in the great charter, that no man Ihould be condemned and puniflied except in the judgment of his peers, or due procefs of law. But who were peers or pares in thofe d lys ? doubtlefs neither defpifcd iliopkeepcrs, mechanics, nor manufadturers : they were tenants in capite, to whom this appel- lation could at all apply : therefore the vefting the judicial power in thofe who can pafs idle lives, or live upon their income, would be not only a(5ting agreeably to the judgment of Arif- totle, but alfo in a great meafure to that of our ancellors i for tenants in capite muft be allowed to have enjoyed fuch a fhare of this world's goods, as to have enabled them to live idle lives. That none but tenants in capite had originally a right of being prefent, or of being reprefented in Parliament, I apprehend, is proved by Dodtor Henry, in his Hiftory of England, and by Mr. Miller in his incomparable, one might almoft fay, divinely-infpired Eflay on the Britifli Con- ftitution. Thofe who infinuate the contrary, without attempting a confutation of thefe learn- ed and ingenious writers, are methinks much to blame, as miileading the people. I fhall now proceed to confider the judnefs of Mr. Burke's charge againft the National Aflem- T ■ ii: :|!|l III i ' i Hi! i!l!|ii'i i I hi 'I |i|W J C 30 ] . bly, namely, " that the Members of it are utterly ** incompetent to the work upon which they have ** engaged: to wit, of forming a new political con- " Jlitution Jor France,** This he flicws by ex- amining their regulations concerning the confti- tuting the future National AJfemblies — concerning the future Magijiracy — and concerning the Judi- cature — I Ihall not repeat his invincible argu- ments, proving beyond doubt their abfolute fatuity in what they have determined concern- ing each of thefe fubjedts ; and in each, as has been feen, he is fupported by Ariftotle. But, according to Ariftotle, thefe three heads are the moft important of thofe which ihould engage the attention of the Legislator : therefore their having failed upon each of them evinces their utter incompetency as Legiilators. . Secondly, Mr. Burke has farther proved their incompetency, beyond the power of contradic- tion, from their regulations concerning the arm/ and finance. Their abfurdities refpcdtingthe for- mer are fcarcely credible. Mr. Burke's account on this head is not contradi(fted by Monfieur Depont. Their financial regulations are, equally exceptionable. Farther, Mr. Burke has evinced, that in regard of the clergy they have aded unjuflly ; and towards their King »;;• generoujly : thus poifoning the fources of virtuous ; ' ' cnergj\^ t are utterly they have olitical con- |ws by ex- the confti- concerning the Judi- nble argu- r abfolute d concern- achy as has )tlc. But, ;ads are the uld engage refore their rinces their iroved their f contradic- g the army ing the for- ce's account y Monfieur itions are, Av, Burke clergy they ir King mi- of virtuous energy. .ft C 3' ] energy. Yet. there is an anonymous publlca- tion in which the writer, modcftly becoming his own judge, taxes thofc incomparable refleBions^ doubtlefs the offspring of honefl indignation, which I doubt not will rcfledt more honour upon England, than any political traA of the age, with being intemperate. Let him evince his thefis by the authority of an Ariftotle — of a Po- lybius — or even of a Machiavel ; and then, but not before, he may be liftened to. The weaknefs and folly of this Aflembly is beyond belief. They expedt to be a powerful nation, and yet they have deflroyed all military difcipline— They expeft to be a powerful nation, yet have deprived themfelves of the fources of finance. In future the army will pay only what obedience it chufes. The citizens what taxes they think fit. Their Monarch is dethroned, and will never acquire any future authority — Their Mo- narch has been abaled, and will be more fo. It may be afked, is there no remedy for all this evil ? I anfwer, I believe not. No future authority can exift in the nation itfelf, rnlefs a long civil, or foreign war, Ihould take place, cither of which I think very unlikely to happen ; during which, a party, or an individual, might acquire fo much authority as to enable it, or him, to enforce, by means of an obedient, welU \ , ■■-■ 'i; i 1' m m C 3» ] /d/V tfr/wy, a fyftem of taxation equivalent to fupport the expenccs of a powerful Ihte. With regard to the individuals who compofc the National Aflcmbly, I entertain no doubt of their integrity and patriotifm in general. What Mr. Burke objedts to them is their incompetency: and yet they had an outline betorc them fo ob- vious, that they arc fcarcely to be cxculed for deviating from it : I mean the Bi iiilh Conftiiu- tion, which ten years ago I know to have been the ultimate wilh of every rational Frenchman that I had converfed with : and kirely the Bri- tilh Conllitution, without its obvious defers, I mean our imperfect rcprefentation in the Lower Houfe, might fatisfy, even an ardent patriot : nay, it was far preferable even to a better poli- tical conllitution, becaufe, in cafe of any dif- putes arifing between the French King and his fubjedts, arguments adduced from the Britilh Conllitution and its praiftice in like cafes, would be concluiive againft royalty, fo that whilft En-' gland prefcrved her freedom, a counter-revolu- tion would have been hopelefs in France. The patriots fliould farther have known, that Slaves are not at once capable of ading the part of freemen : that men in general to be fuch muft be educated for this (late : therefore, till this took place^ it was a glorious circumflance to fecure ,»*' ' C 33 ] fecure fo capital a political conditution until (fubjedt fcarccly to any ftorm) the fucccflion of the next generation, which might be educated for a more perfedt ftate of freedom : though I profcfs that I think the Fnglifli Conftitution, modified agreeably to reafon and good fenfc ; or being made more confonant to Ariftotle's idea, might fatisfy the moft ardent wifli of the moft violent Democrate : I mean, by making the Members of Parliament the Reprefentatives of thofe perfons who, having the wherewithal to fupport themfelves and families, purfued none of the fordid trades, and who had entered into their fiftieth year, to be eledted by ballot — and continue Reprefentatives quamdiufe bene geJferinU But, as the Members of the National Aflembly have quitted this obvious line ui conduct:, it may be afked, what they ihould now do. I fincerely confefs my incompetency to anfwer this queftion. Mr. Burke, in the continuation of his RefleSiionSy will perhaps point out their proper line of con- duct. But as perhaps he may not do it, and as often an ill-judged idea has given birth to better founded ones, I ihall not fcruple offering my notion, in hopes that it will induce others to do the fame ; and thus perhaps fomething ufeful on this fide the water may be produced : for with regard to the other fide I utterly defpair of it. • E . The TfH « ill i H : W'\ . ' i t 34 ] The fiiil thing I would recommend would be the returning upon their fteps, and eftablifhing the Britifli Conllitution agreeably to what has been juft advanced. But there is an evil which is overwhelming the ftate, and which, unlefs inftantly oppofed, will render every fcheme abortive for introducing happinefs into that dif- trafted and unfortunate kingdom ; namely, the want of *;n ployment of the poor : for the wealth ot the entire world would not feed the Poor of France ; whereas induftry will at once effecft it ; and when effeded, it would then be a flourifliing, happy, and powerful kingdom, under a proper governm.ent : but until then,^ NEVER. The obje.5t then is to find employment, pro- dudlive eni;)loyment, for the Poor. Conte qui coute, this muft be deemed the fine qua non* It can be only effcdied, even gradually, by means of great premiums to the manuja^lurers of goods of the Jlaple of Frauce : I fay, to the vianufaSturers^ and not according to modern prad:ice, to^ier- chant-cxpotters : if the goods be manuradtured exporters will always be found ; befides, that it is far more eligible, that premiums to the amount of from one to ten thoufand pounds fliouh^ be dllhibutcd among many, than fwallovved up by one. i^gricuiturc ihould likewife be encou- .. ," ' ' raged ; )uld be ►liihing lac has i which unlefs fcheme hat dif- ?ly, the for the feed the ^ at once len be a ngdom, il then, nt, pro- ''oute qui fton. It means goods of to^ier- Tadtured , that it amount 1011 1(^ be d up by encou- raged : C 35 ] ■ raged : in a word every thing fhould be done to induce thofe perfons who can command a capital to employ it in manufactures of one fort or other. To bring this about with a f^ eedy effccft would doubtlcfs require four or five millions annually. But where, it will be afk.c\^y is fuch a fum to be procured ? 1 have already faid (oute qui coute, be the money where it will, it muft be got, and for ihis purpofc only. For till this is effected nothing can be done. Whether the fale of the crown lands — whether the reducing the fleet to twenty or thirty fiigatesv and other naval expences proportior.ably — whether the reducing the army to one hundred thoufand well-difci- plined and well-paid men, or naif that number, would admit of an application of fuch a fum from the public fervice, is mo.e than I can de- termine : but if it would not, the deficiency fliould be made up from the fale of clerical pro- perty, and the needful dedncftion from the tnib- Jic annuities, or credito'-s. It is obvious, that this evil woulc leflen annually, for the taxes, in confequence of the encreafing wealth of the people, whom I ihr.U not decorate with the ap- pellation of citizens, would become daii/ more produdive. It is alfo needlefs to obferve, that it would be abfolutely neceflary to engage a certain fum fcx a feries of years, perhaps twenty, •'' 1 - '' E 2 from up !!' liiiili !M) I 1; [ 36 1 from t^e public income, towards the encourage- ment of each kind of manufadture, w induce wealthy capitalifts to rifk their property. Secondly, there is a preferable fcheme, name- ly, a deputation of a fele<5t number of the Na- tional Afl'embly, with a letter to Mr. Burke from the King of the French, requefting that he would take upon himfelf the new-modelling the French conftitution. This may be thought a . Jeu d^efprity but I profefs I never was more ferious. The antient republics had recourfe to expedients of this nature, and that not feldoni Nay, even the republics in Italy, during the middle ages, had frequently recourfe to it, if I recoiled; rightly, To pOffefs magnanimity may be thought now-a-days a quaint idea. If the National AlTembly poffefs any, it Ihould furely adopt this meafure, unlei's a better one would offer itfelf. As to their own infufEciency it is needlefs, after what has been faid upon it, to dwell on it farther. Mr. Burke has approved himfelf the ableft politician of the age; and doubtlefs the magnanimity of fuch a proceed- ing in the National Afl'embly would roufe every latent faculty of his foul to realize their expec- mtions. But notwithdanding the brilliancyi and I may add, the policy of fuch a meafure^, ) ^hink it would QQt nerpetual league of amity with this coun- try, and which our Democraces fo ftrongly infift upon, evinces one of two things : firft, that by means of fuch a league of amity, it was the inten- tion of the National Affembly to cultivate ^ Jin- cere friendfhip with this country ; and by means of this union to impofe peace upon the diftur- bersof Europe : or the offer was Intended with the hifidious intent to fupport the Democratic fac- tion of this kingdom, and thereby enable it to overturn the government. If the latter was not their real, though corvcealed motive, nothing ou^ht to prevent them from propofing fuch an union. In fadt, their not doing fo, will evince beyond the power of cavil, that ambitious mo- tives influence the leaders of the French revolu- \:^^in^y^> tion, would in- Abilirics, or Irifh, )ur c^m- the id' on are fo not pro- bleJy de- ) her be- mbitious of form- lis coun- gly infift that by he inten- ite ay?«- y^ means ' diaur- ed with a fie fac- ie it to was mt nothing fuch an evince us mo- revolu- tion. C 39 ] tion, and not the profperity of France. For no one can be fo abfurd as to affirm, that the union would be more fincere and intimate, were each ftare governed by different Kings, as they would be under one King. - r .vsmi/ > • V It will be eafily perceived from what I have faid, that I efteem his Moft Chriftian Majcfly to be in fadt dethroned. To fuppofe the contrary, would beyond doubt evince idiotifm. For, though I Ihould admit that he a^ually enjoys a million fterling annually, yet how long will he conti- nue fo to enjoy it ? Precifely fo long as it Ihall pleafe the French mob. Let us fuppofe that the prefent government fubfifts fome time : in this cafe, the preffing diftrefl'es of the mechanics, manufafturers, and artifts, there being little or no demand in thefedillrefsful times for the pro- dudlions of their ikill and ingenuity, will necef- farily compel them to extremities. Some fac- tious demagogue will perhaps obferve, that in thofe diftreffing times, when the poor are ftarv- ing, that a fingle Family has an income fuffi- cient to make happy tzuo hundred thoufand fa- milies, or a million of individuals. Arguments of this nature, though in fadt ruinous to the lower claflfes in the end, will, for the prefent, fo flrike upon their imagination, as to deprive them of the ability of forefeeing the confequencc. The p't ii t Ji ! I 111' ;i III I ! if'! N ; 1 '■ ' i ! - ; ■■1 •. i' ■ ■ , 1 1 ■ C 40 ] The National Affcmbly being only the creatures of the mob, as dependant on the populace, and being little better than a mob itfelf, will, nay, mufl:, take the watch-word from their creators. The income of majefty is reduced to a tenth of what it was, and (hortly after to a /^«/^ of a tenth* Nay perhaps, after voting the kingly office ufelefs, andburthcnfome^ they may take the pro^i-^ ^t care of enabling the Dauphin to earn his fub* fiftance, by binding him an apprentice to a tay* lor; as the Long Parliament, I think, afted with rcfpe^ to the Princefs Elizabeth, whom they bound to a mantua-maker, after cutting her father's head off. So that in fadt, 1 think an union of the kinHoms equally defirable by ' the King of the Fre -», as by his fubjedts. He and his brothers may be very well allowed three, four, or five hundred thoufand pounds fterling a year, which will enable them to live more happy lives than they have ever done. I know there are feme who think, that France, in its prefent debilitated ftate, will be attacked by fome of the neighbouring powers; but in my apprehenfion fuch an idea is very ill-founded. For though I Ihall admit the debilitated ftate of France, yet were fhe attacked, every nerve would be exerted agalnft the common enemy. In faft I make no doubt but fhe would drive Germany before 'it i tl : i creatures hce, and vill, nay, creators, a tenih of of a tentbt ;ly office the pr(yVi* 1 his fub« to a tay- k| a^ed J, whom r cutting , I think Table by ' dts. He ed three, fterling 'e more •■Is jrmany before [ 41 ] before her. Polificians and great captains would quickly fpring up among her citizens : be- fides the feditions that they would give rife to in their enemies* country. In a word, an attack on the lide of Germany, might (hake to its very center the Germanic body. France has nothing to fear but from Britain ; whofe policy it certainly is not to embarrafs herfelf with French poiiiics, otherwife than as intimated. France will be weakened more in three years by her abfurd . meafures, than fhe would be by a twenty years unfuccef^jful war with Britain. ' I think it will not be imputed to prefumption, the giving my opinion of thcfe Reflecfiotts of Mr, / Burke's, as though I thought m)'felf competent ' to the tafk : I hereby acknowledge myfclf utterly unequal to it : nevcrthclefs I cannot avoid mak- ing ufe of my privilege in declaring the fatif- fadiion which I felt in the careful nerufal of this incomparable produdlion, after I had read Arif- totle*s Treatife on Politics, for fuch it appeared to me. Nothing that I have met with in the Englilh language at all approaching tQ it, either in depth or folidity of thought : and with regard to language, leaving all other trcatilcs of a like nature, far, very far behind indeed. Some con- demn the language as being too flowery ; in my apprehenfion the language varies with the na- F ture if f i"fM C 4^ ] ' turc of his fubjedt, and appears throughout na- tural. Writings I apprehend fliould be eftimated pro- portionally to the novelties which they contain— • the importance of thofe novelties — and the vehi- cle or language by which they arc conveyed. I have been direded by thefe views in paffing my judgment of this juftly celebrated work. Though a very incompetent judge of its per- fedions, yet I am not fuch an enthufiaftic ad- mirer, as not to think that I perceive fome er- rors in it; befides fome notions which experience has evinced to be unfounded. In what I Ihall advance upon the former head, I truft that Mr. Burke will find that I am fupported by the firft of all authorities, Ariftotle ; which I am con- fident will acquit me in his eyes of petulance, or an over-weaning conceit, as prefuming myfelf extraordinary clever in venturing to criticife the ableH:, beyod difputc, of our modern politicians : the hCi is, it is Ariftotle verfus Burke. Page 287, Mr. Burke fays, " Your all-fufH- cient legiflators, in their hurry to do every thing at once, have forgot one thing that fcems cllcntial, and which, I believe, never has been in the theory or the pradice omitted by any projector of a republic. They have forgot to conftitute a Seriate, or fomething of « that (C tc tc <( (C (S ghout na- nated pro- contain—. 1 the vehi- nveyed. I ►affing my rk. of its per- ifiallic ad- 2 fome er- jxperience hat I fhall I that Mr. )ythe firft L am con- pulance, or tig myfelf iticife the Dliticians : ir all-fuffi- ► do every hing that ve, never :e omitted i'hey have lething of " that C 43 ] *' that nature and character. Never before this *« time, was heard of a body politic compofed " of one kgiilative and adivc alfembly, and «« its executive officers, without fuch a council; " without fomething to which foreign ftates " might connedt themfelves; fomething to " which, in the ordinary detail of bufinefs^ the " people could look up; fomething which ** might give a bias, a fteadinefs, and preferve ** fomething like confiftency in the proceedings " of the ftate. Such a body Kings generally <* have as a council. A monarchy may exifl ** without it ; but it feems to be in the very ef- ** fence of a republican government. It holds " ? fort of middle place between the fupieme " power exercifed by the people, or imme- " diately delegated from them, and the mere ** executive. Of this there are ng traces in " your conflitution ; and, in providing nothing " of this kind, your Soions and Numas have, " as much as any thing elfe, difcovered a fo- " vereign incapacity." This paragragh ap- appears to me to be abfolutely unfounded. In Ariftotle's model of a republic there was only to have been o«^aflembly. — In the Cretan republic there was only one alfo. — In the Carthaginian re- public one only. — In the Lacedemonian one coun- cil only.-— In the Athenian, one affembly only. — . F 2 In I I I Id. i'tii ! Ilii'' I;- C 44 ] In the Roman republic one aflVnibly only, where fopi'ign aftairs wiTC ygitated; till towards rhc lat- ter end of ihe republic, the i)eo[)le allcaiblcd in the Comitia Trihi'ta^ alfo determined fuch matters ; which ended in the ruin of the republic. It is true, that in the Oligarchies of modern Europe, vulgarly and crroueouily called Arillocratlc re- publics, there are 1 believe univerfally two coun- cils of this nature ; but the abfurdity of luch po- litical conllitutions has been evinced, as aj^pcar- cd to me, long fiuce by Roulfeau, in his Lctttrs from the Mouufains, in which he examines the conUitutioii of the republic of Geneva : and fo far from fuch councils being of ibe 'ivery efj'cnce of republican governmenty he has further Ihewn from experience^ that they mult neceflarily terminate ia Oli^iircbies, So that on this head the fovereign in' capacity of the National JjJ'emhly docs not appear, but the contrary. It Is very evident from various paflages in thefc reflexions, that Mr. Burke apprehends, that in every wcU-conflituted govc-nment, there fhould be two deliberative councils, of the nature of our Houfe of Lords and Com- mons. [See Reflexions, page 75.] Yet Arif- totle Teems not to have been aware of the nc- ceffity of two councils. I don't recollect that he even hints at them. He was for defending wealth. ( ' w. f i nly, where \tsrhc lat- IcinLlcd in 1 matters ; lie. It is n Europe, ocratic re- twocoun- jfluch po- as aj^pcar- his Lclttrs mines the a : and fo ry ejj'cnce of icwn Ironi rminate in were'ipi irt' ot appear, liTages in prehends, ci-nment, uncils, of nd Com- ^et Arif- )f the nc- >i]ed: that lefending wealth. C 45 ] wealth, or the AnJlocraLy, by having a portion ot '.he Membcra of his kgil) itivc allcmbly chofen viva voii'y the other Members by Itiffra^e^ who of courie wnnld be the perfons mofl efteemed for their abilities and virtues ; and being united in one council, each part would temper the other ; and which, I mull infill on, is far pre- fer.;i)le to dividing them into two councils. For without nnduc influence it cannot be fuppofed, that 'he wealthy would agree to the propofitions of the lefs opulrnt citizens, and vice verfa. It is farther evident, that which ever firft yielded to the other, would in every fubfequent trial of flrength, be lefs able to refill its rival. The Ro- man republic has evinced this to be well found- ed. Perhaps that of England alfo. Page 274, Mr. Burke fays, ** It is for this ** very reafo.., that Montefquieu obferved very ** juftly, that in their clqffificat ion of the citizens, *' the great legijlators of antiquity made the great- ^* eft difplay of their powers, and even foared ** above themfelves, &c." Concerning the re- gulation of the leglilators of antiquity, I can- not fay much, having only perufed one of them; but, he without comparifon, the very greateft. This philofopher, though he has divided the inhabitants into, I think, ten clafles, has made no fuch arrangement with regard to the citizens, :y making "If i [ 46 ] making every citizen equally eligible to every office. Though he was for putting the magif- tracy, at leaft of the higher order, in the hands of the moft opulent citizens ; yet he would not have this brought about by means of invidious laws, as in Britain, with regard to burgefles and knights of the fhire : no ! he depended upon human nature in this refpeft, ^'ell knowing that the rich would be almoft always elected to fuch offices, when the election was to be determined by votes taken viva voce : and being further fen- fible that fuch diftindlions create heart-burnings &c. and do more mifchief than the apprehended evils tenfold. His forcfighr in this rcfpcdt is evinced by the Roman government. For the fcnate, by oppofing a participation of equal rights, enabled the Demagogues to form the people into a compact well-difciplined body, and by means of Flebifeita, or decrees of the people, to overthrow the paramount authority of the fenate, and thereby, doubtlefs, caufed all the difturbances at Rome which terminated in the lofs of its liberties. Methinks alfo that fuch claffifi- cations have a tendency towards introducing Oli' garchical forms of government, which Ariftotle has ftigmatized with the epithet of illegitimate. Page 281, Mr. Burke fays, " What fignifies ** the empty compliments paid to the country ♦' bv C 47 ] «' by giving It perhaps more than its fliare in the ** theory of your reprcfcntation ?'* I muft objeft to this paflage. For Ariftotle has oblcrvcd that farmers are the hefl citizens — that graziers are the nexi bejl — but buyers and fellers, &c, the very worJL Now too much power cannot be veftcd in farmers, for, as he obferves, they arc always for keeping things as they are. I. chis obfervation applied properly to Greece, its force will be cncreafcd ten-fold in regard of the French. Page 285, Mr. Burke fays, " No man was ** ever attached by a fenfe of pride, partiality, " or real affedtion to a defcripdon of fquare ** admeafurement. He never will glory in bc- " longing to the Checquer No. 71, or to any " other badge ticket." Has Mr. Burke for- gotten Cefar's tenth legion ? That Mr. Burke is noToi/, as fome per- haps may infinuate, is clearly evinced from his faying in the outfct of his Reflections «* I do " moft heartily wifli that France niay be ani- *' mated by a fpirit of national liberty, and that ** I think you bound, in all honejl policy, to pro- " vide a permament body, in which that fpirit " may refide, and an effeSlual organ by which it " may«f?."p. I. Again, " a/>^rwj«^;;/afrembly. « ir> n ■ I I :jl|i!!ii|p'i If f! r lii! i t 48 3 " in which the Commons had their Jhare of powef^ ** would foon abolilh whatever was too invidious and infulting in thcfc diftindions." p. 204* The unbialtl'd reader may from hfice fee with what truth fuch imputations cai"! be advancec^ A permanent aflcmbly would, nay, muft have made the government of France far more popular than that of England. But the objeft of mo- dern Democratiftn is not national liberty: no, it is a liberty founded upon the moil extravagant reveries of the moft excentrical of the human fpecies But that they are in general actuated by the purell: motives, it would be doing them a great injnj}ice even to doubt. Mr. Burkn throughout his Rtjle^fions makes ufe of the term Oligarchy with firgular pro- priety : not fo the term Arijlocracy ; I mean, he does not ufe it m the fame fer.fe in which Arif- totle would apply it; and it being a Greek term indicative of a certain kind of government, and introduced into our language for the fame ufe, it flrikes m.e, that not only it, but thofe other Greek or Latin terms diitinG-uiihine; the other kinds of governments, flioukl be ufed precifely in the fame fenfe as by the Greeks or Latins. If the meanings of fuch important terms be not accurately defined, and conliantly made ufe of in \\ >!' vidious The I what' (1. A made opu.ar if mo- no, it vagant human ^uated r them [ 49 2 in the fame fenlc, it will be fomctimcs in vaia to ft 'k the author's meaning *. . , But to return to Mr. Burke ; in page 204, he fuppofes there are two forts of Ariftocracy ; one by defcenty the other the confequence ot wealth. The firft Ariftotle would call, ^"ere it known in his time, an Oligarchy : eleSlion being the effence of Ariftocracy ; which proves thzl the Englilh Houfe of Lords is not an Ariftocracy, as Mr. Burke fays, p. 242, with almoft all other wri- ters, but an Oligarchy, Page 257 Mr. Burke fays, " a tyrannous Arif- it makes lir pro- an, he Arif- term 5 and le ufe, other other brecifely atins. be not ufe of in 'M ■^4 * The term Arifiocracy is in genen 1 made ufe of by out Englifli writers in the fenfe which the anticnts affixed to the term Oligarchy, Except Mr Mitford, in his Hiflory of || Oiisece, and Sir William Young, in his Hiflory of Athens, I know of no other of our vriter? who ufes the term Arijla- craey n* the fame fenfe as the antients. It furpiifed me that fo accurate and elegant a writer as Doctor Symonds (See Young's Annals of Agriculture, vol. xj.) fliould call the political conftitutions of Venice and Genoa Arijiocraiiesy feeing that th-^y are obvioufly Oligarchies : for though the governing ':ouncils in thefe dates are ele£li've^ yet ftill they are elefled from a certain defcription of the inhabitants^ who hold the other inhabitants, though fomet^mes richer than thcmfelves, far beneath then : and from which clafs thefe are for ever debarred, unlef. admitted by Co-optaiion. G Page jlillifiiil' >fii : Id i I : ' (C ,■ C 5° ] tocracy," it Ihould be Oligarchy agreeably to his own Life of this teim. Confidering the important confequences which may refult from our not having accurate and juft definitions of the various terms indicative of the different modes of government, I hope I Ihall be excufed for attempting to define them agree- ably to what (truck me during a careful perufal ' of Arillotle. The terms. Monarchy or Kingly Government, and Tyranny or Defpotifm, 1 have already defined p. i6, 19, fo unnecef- fary to repeat; as alfo Ariftocracy and Oli- garchy, p. 17, 19. But fince the time of this philofopher two forts of Oligarchy have made their appearance ; or, if mentioned in his Treatlje on FoUtks, have efcaped me. The firft fort is when the Members of the Arif- tocracy become hereditary governors, as in the cafe of our Peers. The fecond fort is when the Members of the Icgillative council are not chofcn out of all the citizens of the fame degree of wealth, but from among a certain clafs. Thofe included under the appellation of patricians in the Roman Commonwealth were always aiming at this ufur-iation. It has been eifedted in the modern ftates of Venice, Genoa, and the Swifs Republics, as they are vulgarly, though impro- perly denominated ; they are in fad: ftridt Oligar- chies, a: lealt thofe of them of any confequence. Arittotle's eeably to ces which ;urate and iicative of ope I Ihall em agree- ul perufal or Kingly potifm, I > unnecef- and Oli- me of this [lave made ed in his me. The the Arif- as in the t is when cil are not ^le degree of fs. Thofe ){itrtclans in ays aiming :dted in the d the Swifs gh impro- ridOligar- nfequence. Arilbtle's [ 51 ] Ariftotle's favourite form of government, which he calls a pcliteia, is with great propriety rendered republic, being that form of govern- ment whofe object was to preferve and defend the jujl rights o^ all its citizens : of the rich as well as the poor. As this is the objed: of every juft government, then for a man to declare him- felf a Republican is only faying, that he is a fa- vourer of that fort of government in which the rights and privileges oi all are equally fupported and defended. Yet this appellation, by being confounded with, or rather being held to be fynonymous with that of Democrafi/l, is become a term of reproach. But, now that its true ge- nuine meaning is evinced, I hope that his Ma- jefly will acknowledge himfelf, as every honeft man fliould do, to be a Republican, according to its true genuine meaning. As fuch he will defend his own rights, the rights and privileges of the Peers, and alfo of the C mmons — as fuch the Lords will defend their own rights, the rights and prerogatives of Majefly, ana the rights and privileges of the people — as fuch the virtuous Commoner Ihould defend his own rights and privileges^ the rights and prerogatives of Majefty, and the rights and privileges of the Peers : and for this good reafon, that the Jub- fjiing government mull be always fuppofed to G a be illlNl ii C 5* ] be the choice of the People. Neither will this opinion put a bar to improvements in our mode of government ; it will only render it cautious and more difficult towards the reception of improve- ments, too often merely fpecious. In my appre- henfion his Majefty and the Houfe of Lords, as having the greateftlhare in our government, arethe moft interefted in bringing it to its utmoll per- fedlion. For, as Ariftotle obferves, the people being the foundation of all legitimate govern- ments, if they become fenfible th^t obvious im- provements in our form of government are not adopted, becaufe, forfooth, of the apprehenfions, whether well or ill founded, of any individual or clafs of men, they would no doubt be juftified in taking the bufinefs into their own hands. But it can not be fuppofed, that thofe indivi- duals who will gain mof" by improvements in our political form of government will ever be the ftiff oppofers of them, which might endan- ger their exalted ftate. Neither fhould our re- formers be too fanguine. From what I have obferved from Ariftotle, the greateft man that ever exiited without comparifon, it is evident, that our reformers are fundamentally wrong; and that our prefent government with all its defe(fts, is, without comparifon, fuperior to what they wilh to fubftitute in its ftead. If L Si 1 If what 1 have juft obferved be admitted, in follows, that the proper appel' tion by which the Englifh government ihould be deiignated is republic ; as being a form of government con- flituted for the defence and fupport of the juft rights and privileges of all its citizens. This evinces the good fenfe of our antient writers, who always deiignate it by this title : and the ignorance of our antiquaries and lawyers who deny the propriety of it : and alfo of our De- mocratifts, who, by this title, would gladly dif- tinguilh their own favourite form of govern- ment, which fo far from having for its object the defence of the juft rights of each clafs of citizens, has only that of the poor : for in every ilate the majority of the people muft be poor ; and in this form of government the majority becomes the ruling power. In fadt, a Demo- cracy, as Ariftotle juftly obferves, is no other than a [many- headed] Defpotifhi. For a Defpot means, that the government is fo veftcd in one perfon, as that he can manage the ftate, and atl towards the individuals that compofe it ad libi- turn; in like manner, as the mafter | Defpotcs] may a(ft in regard of his chattels and Haves, li il h im if th en there being nothing to controu the fupreme power be veiled in the people, no check to prevent them from there can be If aitin g ,t >'> [ 54 ] ading agrecablj' to the prcfcnt impiilfc : for a check in fuch cafes to be eflcdual muft needs be a paramount power ; fo that the government would ceafe to be a Democracy. .That the lower clafles of people fhonld ever attain a fufficient fkarc of wifdom or philofophy to entitle them to a Ihare in the government, cither diredlly or indiredtly, is a notion perfectly romantic. To acquire either wifdom or philo- iophy requires Icifure and refledtion. But what will feed the p.;or man during his reveries ? I fay this independently of the prior education which he fhould have received to enable him to generalize his ideas. So that the author of Ec^ clefiallicus was well founded in depriving the poor of all interference in the government, whether he was a Jew, or a Greek, as I believe him to have been. But whoever he was, he is fupported in his idea by the wifeft of the an^ tients ; Ariflotle. Ariftotle obferves, that it fhould be a chief objed: with government to take care that the eeftfus Ihould be always fufficiently low, fo as that thofe entitled to the rank and privileges of citizens ihould exceed in wealth thofe who would be excluded by it : for when they did not, feditions would inevitably arife in the ftate ; for to feparate wealth and power muft .:v« neceflarily ;. I , ^ / \ I is 1 neceiTiirily be attended with this confequcticc i in like manner, that the cfnfus lliould be fuffi- ciently high only to eflcd this : for were it much lower the Politeiu or Republic would be changed into a Democracy: thus the perfedt form of government lay between an Arillocracy and a Democracy, but nearer the former than the latter. Ariftotle obferves, that a breach in the cenfus may happen by two ways : firfl: by an influx of wealth, as happened at Athens in con- fequence of her victories over the Perfians ; in- fomuch that money had loft its former value : fecondly, diring the decline of a Common- wealth, for in this cafe money becomes of greater value. This I apprehend is a lelTon for our Englifh rulers ; and evinces, that the difcon- tents which have prevailed among its molt vir- tuous citizens for feveral years, are not the ofF- fpring of fadlious principles, but necejjarily fpring from property not having its due weight in our government. For, however refpedtable the Re- prefentativcs of what are called rotten boroughs may be, yet their not being the Reprefv-ntatives of property has undoubtedly given rife to thefe difcontents. Farther, when we hear of an Aiiatic fquad in the Houfe, to what caufe can it be imputed ? doubtlcfs to the omnipotence of money in returning Reprcfentatives for parlia- -. • . , mcur-) ■'I'l m C 56 ] ment, and to the poverty or want of principle in the electors. But, were each Reprefentative elected in the manner pointed out, this evil, if it exiAs, would be fpeedily reAiiied. For the conrtituents, men of proper age and refledlion, and eafy circumftances, would quickly recal the traytor. In like manner an unprincipled oppo- lition, whofe objedt was power, and to attain which fcrupied not to throw every obldacle in the way of government, might perhaps, ihould ever fuch a cafe arrive, be difgracefuUy recalled, and replaced by others who would adt more agreeably to the general interefts of the nation. I profefs I am not fufficiently clear-lighted as to be feniible of the great advantages refulting from the unexampled publicity of our public tranfadtions with other nation^. It is a too common error in arguing to afcribe to wrong caufes whatever happens in the moral world as well as in the phyfical : thus fome impute to this our flourilhing iituation : as if there had never exited a flourilhing ftate in which a ftrift fecrecy was obferved. Our flourilhing Iituation is ob- vioully the confequence of our enjoying a better political conilitution than our neighbours, and the local circumftances of fertility of foil, and advantage of Iituation, &c. ' ■ Mr. Burke, p. 187, fays with Lord Boling- broke. t 57 ] broke, " that he prefers a Monarchy to other ** governments ; becaufe you can better ingraft " any defcription ot republic on a monarchy, *• than any thing of monarchy upon the repub- " lican forms. I think him perfectly in the " right. The fai^ is fo h'iflorically' and it *« agrees well with the fpeculation." I profcfs that my knowledge of hiftory would induce me to nnke the oppofite inference : as I do not re- colled: a fingle inftance of the republican form being ingrafted upon the monarchical ; but on the contrary, many of the latter upon the for- mer. It was fo in the Cretan — it was fo in the Lacedemonian — it was fo in the Carthaginian Commonwealths, as we are afTured by Ariftotle, Farther, the Athenian Archons and the Roman Confuls were in fubftance temporary kings. Even in the Englifti conftitution kings were ori- ginally grafted or appoinicd by the National Aflembly of the Chiefs, to enforce the general ordinances, or to lead the people forth in time of war. It is true, that fince the introduction of burgejfes into our Houfe ot Tommons with the privilege of determining points concerning le- gillation and general policy, inftead of confining their fundlions folely to afleffing themfelves, as was the firft objed of their introduc- H tion. ■i'l J :-\ I tibn * there has been grafting upon our old monarchical Government a Democracy, which, unlefs guarded againft by due provifions, but cfpecially that moft neceflary one, the giving property its juft influence, will in the end over^ turn not only the monarchical branch of it, but alfothe oligarchical, and eftablifli in their (lead a pure Democracy, which mode of government Ariftoile -f holds to be the next worfl after a tyranny, and an Oligarchy. So that our refor- mers are aiming at a pretty fort of reform ac- cording to the wifeft of the antients. This is reforming backwards as my countrymen would fay. A blefTed reform forfooth ! by which the popula;ce and their demagogues, or thofe haran- guers, who by humouring the propenfities of the people to their ruin, as court-flatterers do with tyrants, would be enabled to tyrannize over, not the better clafs of people, as Mr. Burke renders the paflage, but over, the better men Qt)(liou - . • >-■. +1' -■ «j - - J * Sec Mr. Millet's Treatife upon the Englifli Conftitu^ 4 L. 4, Cii. a, ► i. . ':■'■. iV,-l .^ii 2'^? :': It). Ch. 4. Refledion 186, t "/ t 59 ] of the foveretgn incapacity of the 'National AJfemlly to conliitute a political Conftitution for France: which is evinced from their regulations refpcdt- ing the mode adopted by them for confti- tuting . ational aflemblie.s in future, which lays the rich at the mercy of the poor — from their regulations refpedtingthemagiftracy — from their regulations refpeding the judicature — and in each of thefe they are likewife condemned by Ariftotle, as has been feen. — Alfo, the folly of their conduct in regard of the army — and on finance, are perhaps without example. That they adted unjuftly towards the clergy I think Mr. Burke has demonftrated — and that they have afi:;d, and are ading infidioufly towards their King, I mean the leaders of the Democrates, I entertain no doubt. ' That he is to be dethroned, or what is tantamount, reduced to a mere cy- pher, when ti;e leaders of the Democrates will be able to take off the maik, -jquires little fa- gacify to perceive : and though I entertain no fuf- picion of the purity of the views of this party, that is, that their objedt is the happinefs and profperity of France ; yet, as they have ihewn their utter incompetency in the meanSi and as it CL.mot be expedted, that they fhould be capable at once of altering their meafures, nay, perhaps, that the people would not now confent to it, it H 2 IS i:r [ do ] is my opinion, that his French Majcfty, together with thofe of his friends, and thofe attached to regular government, ihould be ready and pre- pared to take advantage of every opportunity which may ofTcr, of inducing the National af- fcmbly to accede to, or embrace the meal'urc of propoftng to our King and Parliament the becoming a Member of the Britifh Empire, The difficulties which will lliortly profs on the French patriots, and which the fale of the King's domains and clerical property, though it (hould amount even to a fum equivalent to difchargc the national debt, will not diflipate, mufl alarm a large portion of its Members, unaccuflom- ed to face popular ftorms, and perhaps inti- midate them, inlbmuch as to prepare them to go half way towards embracing the meafure. Slaves have not that fteady perfeverance or vir- tue to -nable them to controul or direcft the florm. That there may be a few of the oppofite charader in this aflembly, I will not difpute, though I much fufped: it. But, admitting it, a great majority mull undoubtedly be political cowards ; and thefe will fetter the others, and pre- vent them from taking thofe decided fleps ne- cefTary to vittory. So that, if thefe leading charad:ers have the wifdom of the men of this ge- neration, they ought to prepare matters for fuch a won^ C 6i ] a wonderful, but beneficial revolution for man- kind. Mr. Burke appears to me to be materially wrong in fimpl) recommending the Englifh con- (litution, without any qualification, to the French revoKit ion ills tor their adopiion. What ! a political conftitution, founded neither upon the folid bafis of property, nor the fantafti- cal one of population ! Though, as already ad- mitted, had the National Aflembly done fo, they would have adted more prudently than t'hcy have ; nay, even that it would be their tmc- policy : neverthelefs, to adopt a conftitution founded upon neither property nor population, without any argument to evince the policjr of fuch a meafure, was not to be expe(5ted from Frenchmen; who, as juftefcaped from flavery, it might be forefeen, would be endowed wit Ji lit- tle forefight of its neceflary confequence. As to the Permanent Council, of which Mr. Burke fpeaks, not having mentioned in what manner it was to be conftitutcd, it is difficult to c>ifer an opinion concerning it. But, if it was to tie zper^ wanent organ of- Liberty, it is obvious that it woulu fhortly reduce the kingly pov^er to a mere cypher, i; , ; ,.. With regard to thofe who oppofe Mr. Burke on the principles oj the rights of mankind, by giv- • ■ ing 1 t ■ »; i] i • " I •' ■IS';,: l,i! [ 62 ] iT)f[ the rights of election to all perfons, which, though no better than beggars and vagrants, upon thof'? principles cannot be d':nied to them, however convinced they thernfelves may be, I will take upon mc to fay, they will make few profelyies to their faith, among Jober-th inking perfons. This doftrine ihould be particularly gratefu^ to matter- manufacturers, for were our Reprefentatives eled:ed agreeably to this notion, they would be MASTERS in fad: of the govern- XTiPjnt of this kingdom and its dependencies : and even, as it is, their influence is immeafurably too great. They were the caufe of the lofs of America, and the fciflion of Ireland from this kingdom. Thofe gentlemen ihould further con- fider, that the authority of the greatell genius that ever exifl:ed, has in the moft exprefs language, not once, hwt frequently, declared himfelfagainft their theory ; who bciides had far greater expe- rience in matters of this nature, than what they can at all pretend to. The truth is, that all true patricijs, and well-wilhers of mankind ihould unite in placing our government upon the folid foundation of property, veiling far greater powers in his Majeftv and government than what they atfluaily poflfefs; they would thereby conilitute a vigorous government, and by this means in- duce gQVcrnnient itfelf to give its aiiiftance to- wards le d [ 55 ] wards fo defirable a change in both refpedts. Country gentlemen, who are generally farmers, though inimical to manifcft injuftice, are not fond of changes: thefe are only the objcft of agitated fanatical mobs, which can only exiil in great cities, and be foftered by their employers, who fliould therefore be attended to, and depriv- ed of political power. Neither could they com- plain with any juftice; for in this cafe it might be anfwered, that from the limited faculties of man, it was impoffible he could carefully at- tend to two objects £7/ tie fame time', each of which demanded his whole attention ; and there- fore the complainant might right himfelf, did he think himfelf aggrieved, by giving up his trade, and commencing cit'zen, for that the con- ftitution permitted no one to be, at the fame lime, a trader and a citizen. I fhall now proceed to a few obfervations upon Mr. Payne's pamphlet, intituled the Rights of Men-, firft premifing, that in my apprehen- fion, he has treated Mr. Burke in a manner that does not meet my idea of that refpedt and de- corum, which his almoft univerfally refpeded charadlcr — his private virtues — his acknowlcged learning— -and his age* demand. His being ■* Mr. Payne, p. 31, informs us that the French rcj'pcd ajje. I " eaten • '' M rf ! H I' '' ■!. ; , 1 ■*. - : 'J i ; i :' 1 ; ._ ■r .■; :"J J- M fm ' II;' L 66 ] <* eaten up" with prejudices, ihould excite com- paflion, and not give rife to expreflions, no doubt intended, to wound his too fufceptible mind, fuch as " flagrant mifreprefentations," " an im- '* pofition ;" is it feemly to begin a work by en- gaging the paffions before the judgment is con- vinced : again, *^ real falfehoods," " It ftt'tts his ** purpofe to exhibit the confequences without " their caufes. It is one of the arts of the drama " to do fo." " Where even probability is {tt at ** defiance for the purpofe of defaming^ &c." Are fuch imputations decent, unlefs evinced in the cleareft manner ? If Mr. Payne has attempted to fubftantiate one of them, it has efcaped me. Mr. Burke-s French correfpondent, who it may be reafonably fuppofed, was tolerably well in- formed upon the bufinefs, unlefs it alfo has efcaped me, denies none of Mr. Burke*s fads. Can it be fuppofed, that if fuch epithets truly applied to Mr. Burke's Refledtions, that Mr. De- pont would think of revifiting him on his return to this kingdom. Were he capable of fuch meanncfs, it would not be fafe for him to be on civil terms, with the Libeller of his countrymen, upon his return to France. Perhaps it will be faid, that Mr. Burke was unfounded in what he mentions of the mob exclaiming the Bijhops to the Lantern on the 6th of October, Perhaps there were StI s'- C 67 3 were no fueh words made ufe of ; nevcrthelefs, I cannot help thinking but that Mr. Burke was fufficiently juftified in fuppofing that there were, upon the authority of Monf. Lally Tolendal : in- deed Monf. Depont, wifhing to draw a curtain over the proceedings of that day, feems to me to juftify every thing that Mr. Burke has advanced about it : as to the bonjour of the Mayor of Paris, I underftood it in its obvious fenfe, the 6th of Oc- tober, the day on which their Majefties* perfons were fecured, and the day on which they were fpoken ; and I think it ihould be efleemed a good da^ by every Democratift* That Mr. Burke ihould pay more attention to Mr. Lally Tolendal's letter from Paris, than to Mr. Payne's, is not furpriling. We generally pay more regard to what thofe affirm, who think as we do, than to what thofe affirm who differ from us. For which reafon, however unim- peachable the veracity of Mr. Payne may be, Mr. Burke's being guided in what he faid, by the authority of Monf. Lally Tolendall, ought not to offend him. Mr. Payne charges Mr. Burke with having changed his former fentiments, and it may be on account of this unknown penfion, which it is faid, Mr. Burke receives from the Irifti eftablifh- ment. Is a perfon to be condemned for a change la af if 2: "T \ ■ 5:1 ■ !. i «'':: ^i [ 6S ] of fentimcnt ? Is truth lefs fo when advanced by a penfioncr ? — In fa Suppofe that Parlinmcnt was as venal as fome will have it, would not half a million, properly ap- plied in either Houfe, have lecured a majority againft V. i C 79 ] againft the meafure ? And, though it required ten times the fum, who wil) deny, that the Czar- ina could have fo well applied an equal fum. This ftrongly evinces the dangei of giving either Houfe of Parliament any pretext towards inter- fering with the executive branch of govern- ment. It is moreover a novelty in our con- ftitution. The bufinefs and duty of the two Houfes of Parliament, are tc i'edrefs grievances, and make wholefome laws for their prevention, and arraigning Minifters foi' mal-pradtices, ei- ther with regard to fquandering the public mo- ney, or cenfuring them for impolitic engage- ments with other ftates ; but which, when once entered into, muft be fupported. Mr. Fox is made to fay by the reporters of thefe debates, that, upon the Czarina's ufuipation of the Crimea, and the country between the Don and the Dnieper in the year 1782, the Minif- try of that time, of which he formed apart, were applied to by the Count de Vcrgennes, to join with France and Spain, in obliging her to recede from fo barefaced an ufurpation, which was refifted. Independently of the want of po- litical forefight, the firft virtue of a Statefman according to Ariflotle and all mankind, evinced by their refilling the proportion, and which w juld certainly not have been made by the French Mi- n lit ry. / .- '' ! ( ..!i 'I i" ,:'i m [ 80 ] nifter, did he not think it obvioufly for the advantage of England ,• this acknowledgement ihould not only exculpate the prefent Minillry from any unpopularity which may refult from the expcnces of this war, but they ihould be placed to the account of Mr. Fox's Miniftry. For, had that Miniftry Joined with France and Spain, in presenting Rullia from enforcing her ambitious fchemes, fhe would not have dared to bring down upon her our united forces : and thus would have been nipped in its bud the caufe which has produced a very bloody war, and which is now likely to involve us in very expenfivc meafures. That it is the intereft of Europe to prevent Rufllan conquefls, efpeciallyonthe fide of Tur- key, will be obvious to any one, who will look at the map of Europe. He will there fee, if the Emprefs fhould efFecfl her prefent ambitious defigns againft Turkey, that her territories on three lides would command Poland, for the Duchy of Courland may be faid tu be her's. Upon the deniife then of the King of Poland, her protege, perhaps fhe may appoint another nominal King, it may be fome very old man, upon whofe death flie might take immediate pof- feffioa of Poland. The late Emperor of Ger- many t; i C Si ] many would have fupported her*, his objc(£^ be- inj^ to poircfs himfelf of the weftern part of Tur- key in Europe, whilftlhe conquered the caftern; which effected, what could prevent his after- wards fubduing the German Princes, who dare not interrupt his progrcfs againit the Turk, well knowing that he would be lupportcd by a Ruf- fian army in poireffion of Poland, of 500,000 men. In this cafe, the northern kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark muft fubmit to Ruilia without a blow, and become provinces of that empire, whilft the Emperor would be conquer- ing the remaining part of the weft of Europe, not excepting England herfelf. I entertain no doubt, but that the meeting of thefe two ambi- tious potentates fome years ago at Cherfon, was to devife fome fchcme of this nature, which, if fucccfsful, rnuft have terminated in the fub;ec- tion of Europe, and the management of which could not be entrufted to Minifters, left happen- ing to be in the pay of other powers, they might have divulged the fecret, or imprudently en- trufted it to a miltrefs. Effeds muft always have proportionate caufes. It cannot be faid that to ♦ Perhaps the prel?nt Emperor, if the difconten's among his fubjeds did not prevent him. L be Urn mi t 8» J m itk 'A .I f r, be crowned ^een of ^'aurida could have been an obje(fl'of any moment with fo fenfible a woman as the Czarina. And the fame may be affirmed of the late Emperor. Moreover, where there are two preponderat- ing powers, it is the intereft of the weaker, par- ticularly in the naval department, to feek an al- liance with the ftronger ; but not contrary wife ; left that, when the weaker, by means of the al- liance, had been raifed to a more formidable ftate, Ihe Ihould turn upon her o' 1 ally, and by form- ing other connedtions become the principal.* This is precifeiy the fituation between Ruffia and England, the adual preponderating Eurqf- pean powers : and didates to us, if we will fuffer ourfelves to be inftrudted by hiftory, not to form any connedtion whatever with that power. Our avowed objedt fhould br to keep Ruffia down. But what \ would particularly ciU the atten- tion of Engliihmen to is, the famenefs of com- plexion, which the arguments of the oppofition bear to thofe advanced by the Barchine fadtion at Carthage, whilft Hannibal was ravaging Italy, and which, being followed, caufed the ruin of that moft flourilhing republic. Some of our Senators dwell upon the weight of our taxes— Others wifhing, or almoft wiftiing fuc- ccfs [ 83 ] cefs to our enemies — orhers depiding them as logs and as batteries, and vvhifkered Coff^cks, as if Britons were to be terrified with fuch (luff. What the opinion of the King of Pruflia vvas, concerning thefe dreadful Ruffians, is verv clear from what he fays, fpeaking of their vidories over the Turks, that they refenibled a man with one eye, fighting againft another who had mne. Mr, Burke, who has emphatically pronounced France to be a Great Cha/my is for introducing thefe Ruffians into the Black Sea, to affifl us in our future wars againft this chafm or -vacuum and the Spaniards. When the abilities and expe- rience of the gentlemen who make ufe of fuch arguments are confidered, it evinces, what indeed is allowed by all, that an oppofnion or fadion mufl always fubfift in this government, and therefore that government mult always be op- pofed with the beft arguments, '. jubt, that the nature of the cafe will adr 1> oi, and that the perfedtion of our conftitution coniirts in the oppofite interefls of the component parts. I have ever thought, that the more the works of men refem.bled thofe of the Deity, which are harmony itfelf, the more perfcdt they were, Ariftotle would have held a government of this fort as a proof of the extraordmary fhipidity of its Members. His obje<^ was the harmoniz- L 2 ing '''ill ''Mill rA K:: [ 84 ] ing all the parts of his political conftitution, by connedting with the other the intercll of each clafs of the inhabitants. . • • There is another feature which peculiarly diftin" guifliesour conllituiion from every other, namely, that our Senators fcruplcnottoiVigmacize with the foulefl epithets, meafures fupported by govern- ment; nav, which have even been approved of by the Houfe of Commons : for inftance, the Indian war; both the policy and jufticc of which do not admit a doubt; and which even arcfpc6: for government Ihould prevent every Senator, whatever he may think, from pronouncing un- juft. Can it be fuppofed that the people will refpcdt a government, or floufes of Parliament, whofe meafures are ccnfured in fo extraordinary a manner ? Will not fuch language neceflarily introduce a Democratical contempt of govern- ment ? Can government fubfift without the peo- ple's being impreUed wich a decent refped: for its chief Members ? But if the people are told, that government, his Majefly, and his Minillers, and the majority of boih Houfes of Parliament coun- tenance unjiiji meafures, how long wiii this de- cent refped: fubfift ? Is not fuch language necef- farily introdu^litive of that French Democratical anarchy, which iliould be the dread of every rn- lightened mind ? That Ruiha, in the prefent war 'liji [ 85 ] war between her and the Porte, is the aggreflbr, is moft evic1t;nt. In the year 1782 flie pofleHes herfclf of ihc Cuban and the Crimea, and by the terror of hoUilitics, in conjundion with the Em- peror, obliges the Porte to cede thofe pro- vinces by treaty, the year after. This manifeft injulUce is the true caufc of the war which was begui. by the Turk, ro repoflcls himfelf of thefe provinces unjuftly wrellcd from him. The con- duct of the Porte is fully juftified by that of Car- thage. Being in a very debilitated rtate after the war ag:.inll: her revolted mercenary troops, whom ilie had fubdutd, the Romans took poflcffion of the ifland of jardinia, and obliged her to yield it up from the dreid of hoflilities. This adl of injuflice, in the opinion of Mr. Hooke, juftified the Cirthaginians in recommencing hoflilities againft Rome ; and of courfe equally j unifies the Porte in recommencing hortilities againil Ruflia for the recovery of the provinces unjuftly wrelled from her. • " --^rt As thofe of our senators, to whofe opinions I have alluded, are feveral of them very refpedta- ble charafters, it is obvious, thit a time may come, when, by means of Demagogues, and factious and feditious principles being propii- gated among the people, others, without princi- ple, may be able to bridle the executive power, and ( . I |: V if '1 i A- m- A II ii [ 86 ] and even force themfelves into government ; in which cafe they would be obliged to govern this powerful kingdom, agreeably to the prejudices of their creators, the mob: and be compelled tofacrifice its true interefts to their Ihortfighted- nefs and felfifhnefs. The power of the King to make peace or war would be wrefted from him, under fpecious pretexts ; and veiled in the peo- ple or their reprefentatives. Then our leading men in either Houfe, being in the pay of ambi- bitious foreign ftates, and the people's mind kept in a flame by feditious paragraphs, would prevent, as in the cafe of Athens, with regard to Philip, our putting an effectual bar to their progrefs. The eloquence of Demofthenes was unequal to the flattering demagogues who were gained by Philip. At laft his eloquence pre- vailed, but it was too late. The fatal battle of Chaeronea determined the fate of Greece. This period of hiflory is an exadl prototype of the prefent. Athens and Philip, as England and the Czarina — Pitt and the oppofition, as Demoft- henes and the demagogues *. Ariflotlc * I mean nothing difreipe^tful by this to the oppoHtion. Phocion, whofe private worth might Hand a comparifon with aay ri C 87 ] Ariftotle has laid it down that when the power of peace and war is vefted in a popular aflem- bly, it neceflarily leads to a dynafty or tyranny, who, independently of his fagacity, perhaps from his intimacy with Philip, had that of ex- perience alfo, to direcft him in condemning this power being lodged with the people, againft whom it was turned by the enllaver of Greece. However, notwithftanding what Ariftotle has laid down upon this head, which hiftory alfo confirms, Mr. Payne, without even noticing it, with other Democrates, contends for veiling this power in the people or their creatures. To put an end to fadion, and to reftore the executive branch to its conjlitutional energy, go- vernment Ihould take the moll effedlual and fpeedy meafures, in order to vefl the ele£iive power in the hands of thofe, whofe wifdom is matured — whofe ambitious projects are nearly extinguilhed — and who cannot be biafled by pri- vate views ; that is, in thofe perfons who fup- 9 any man in Britain, was a firm opponent of Demofthencs. I alfo con lider her, Mr. Pitt, and Demofihenes only as Statef- men. As an Orator no man having ever approached the latter. Mr. Pitt mud however be allowed to be the ableft and clofeft reafouer that erer fpoke in the Houfe of Com* moas. , port iWi m ■w- w V L 88 ] port thcmfelvcs without following fordid trades or illiberal profcflions ; and who have ar vcd at their fiftieth year. Our Members of Par- lian«ent being elcdted by fuch men, and be- ing dependent on them, would not dare to en- ter into fatlious confpiracies ; but on rhe con- trary our Repreientativcs would be obliged di- ligently to attend to their duty, by enadling wholefomc laws, and redrclling thofe grievances which muft nccclfarily f])ring up in every go- vernment. The one half of our reprefentatives to be eledlcd viva voce, the other by juffrage ; and a Ccnforial Council of one hundred for the re- gulation of manners, but chofen by the citizens. This effected, his MaJGlty, independently of the honeft fatisfadtion of being handed down to pof- terity with the Numas, Solons, Lycurgufes, Al- freds, and other benefadtors of mankind, m'^^ht almofl: fay, that he left to his pofterity an everlajl* ing kingdom. ■ Nothing can be more certain than that there muji be a change in the form of our govern ment| for in its original conftitution, there was no pro- vifion made againft thofe confequences which muft ever rcfult from the alterations and changes of property in its conftituent branches. For in- flancc, the revenue of the crown is fixed at a million annually : let us fuppofe that of the ! Lords C 89 ] Lords at two millions : and both thefe to have been fo at the revolution, when perhaps the an- nual income of all the citizens and people amounted not to more than 50 millions : but whatever the amount of it might be thettf it is undoubtedly five times greater now : but as pro* perty follows wealth, their Reprcfcntativeslhould have now five times more weight in the conftitu- tion than they had thetiy when compared to the income of the King, if this has not proportion- ably encreafed, and alfo the fame with regard to the Lords, if their income has not alfo propor- tionably encreafed. Now that the King's income and that of the Lords have not proportionably encreafed with that of the people, is an obvious and incontrovertible truth, which evinces, that the balance in our corflitution is deftroyed : and that, ^erefote it behove > government, according to Ariftoric, and not the ^eople, according to the demagc^ues, to reftorc the original balance, which is impofliblc, as this .ou 1 require the creation of five hundred Lords, which the peo- ple would not bear, or 'o devife another ivjrm of government; forotherwifcitisc^ar, that the peo- ple will take the biifincfs into iheirc».vn hands, and follow the example of the French revolu- tionifts, thi»a ^' iiich a greater misfortune could' not happen ^^/ fae nation. As his Majefly and M the H! m' IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // 1.0 lii|2,2 I.I 1)0 ■ 4 2.0 1.8 1.25 1.4 1.6 -^ 6" ^ » '> Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WRST MAIN STREET WERSTSR,)«uY. 14S80 ( ; >872-4503 I ill I :3' , [ 9° 3 the Lords, and wealthy Commoners, would in this cafe be the greateft fufferers, fo they Ihould be moft urgent in the bufinefs, as in a little time it will be too late. For, independently of the democratical principles, which have been propagating thefe thirty years in Britain, and which have taken fuch pofFeffion of the minds of the people, as not to admit a doubt but that the majority lean ftrongly to democracy, the fuc- cefs of the American colonies, and the late French revolution, mull fo increafe their num- bers and courage, as to preclude every doubt of their final fuccefs. As men of this ca!t, from theirinexperience, andgoodnefs of heart, are ge- nerally prefumptuous, and entertain no doubt of efcaping or avoiding thofe rocks upon which their prototypes have flruck. , Ariftotle's excluding from the rights of citizen- iliip, fo many of the inhabitants as would come under the defcription of buyers andy^//^n, befides thofe who fupport themfelves by their labour, will in this age of the Righls of Men, appear very extraordinary, unjuftifiable, and impolitic. However, a little relledlion will fhew the pro- priety of their excluiion. For, concerning the poorer clafs, who know nothing of government, nor ever can have any idea of it, to veft in them the rights of citizenfhip, would be only making [ 91 ] them the tools of artful, defigning, felfifh men, either mifter-maniifadturtfs, other employers, or demagogues ; by whofe means la^s would have only temporary objedts in view. Such govern- ments, beiides, have ever been inimical to truly virtuous and good men, whom the populace, in- fligated by defigning individuals, and prompted by momentary pallions, have frequently moft mi- ferably put to death, which they afterwards forely repented of; when they had difcovered that thofe endeavours which had made them obnoxi- ous, were folely direcfted for their benefit, by expofing the arts of their mafters, employers, and demagogues. Secondly, with regard to buyers and fellers, or manufadturcrs, bt fides their not having the necefliary leifure for rcflcd\ion, and for confidering the effedl which may refuk from ordinances relating to government, they v.'ould be ever guided by felfifli motives, cftablifiiing monopolies, and regulating trade, the price of provifions, &c. &c. which have never produced any good to the community at large : but on the contrary much evil. But by veiling the right of citizenlhip in thofe who live upon their income, or follow liberal profcilions, their in- tereft being that their incomes Ihould go as far as poffible, it would be always a fpur to them for •^ : ' - M 2 devifing U I s C 9» ] devifing fchemes for promoting manufadures and the arts, in order to have them cheaper. Secondly, by railing the value of the produdls of their eflates, which would be moft effeftually done by raifing fuch a fpirit of competition among thofe engaged in trade, manufactures, agriculture, and commerce, as to enable them ij afford to the great body of the poor, the confumers, the greatell poflible daily wages con- fiftcnt with honeft profit, and this could only be done by equally prote6:ing the rights of all ; but efpecially by permitting every perfon to difpofe of the produds of hia induftry when and to whom he pleafed, and fupplying his wants in like manner. By this fimple arrangement, or rather doing of nothing, the value of labour would be encreafed, which would enable the poor to give greater prices for the products of the foil, and each clafs would take care not to lofe the home market. Thus, the intereft of all would be in unifon, which was doubt- lefs intended by our all-wife and benevolent CREATOR, FL [ 93 ] I •■. « FINANCE. xxRISTOTLE obferves*, that In eftimating the greaintfs of a State, the number of its inha- bitants Ihould not be fo much confidered, as its power (Jui/a/Ai?) or wealth, which would enable it to annoy its enemies with effe(5t, by affording an ample revenue from taxation. As in thofe days the fame takes place in ours. That coun«. try which, cateris paribus, has the greatefl reve- nue, or the greatefl refources, is reckoned the moft powerful. It therefore behoves every flate to conlider thofe means by which, without op- prefling its fubjefts, the greatefl: revenue can be levied from them. Neither Ihould fubjedts re- pine at the greatnefs of the annual public in- come : for, independently of the greater protec- tion and fecurity which they would thereby en- joy, it might be fo employed as to infufe a pe- culiar energy and force of character throughout the whole nation. * L. 7. c. 4. ; ^ It it ■■ i I C 94 ] It is an obvious truth, that the farther any tax is laid from the confumer, or the perfon who in fad: pays it, the Iicavier it falls upon him : for inflance, a tax upon malt of five fhillings a bulhel, will be paid by the maltfter to the reve- nue officer : when the brewer or diflillcr buys this malt, he will not only pay for the malt the price it would be at were there no tax at all upon it, but alfo the five fhillings advanced by the maltfter to the revenue officer ; and alfo a premium to the maltfter for having advanced it, which we may fuppofe to be ten per cent, on thefe fiveftiill'ings : this adds fixpence to the five fliillings : the brewer in felling his beer to the retailer will likevvife exped; a premium or in- tereft for the five fhillings and fixpence which he has advanced to the maltfter above the va- lue of the malr, which will make the tax fix fhillings on the buftiel of malt ; in like manner the retailer when felling it to his cuftomersj the real confumers, will likevvife have his premium of ten per cent, for having advanced to the brewer fix fhillings beyond the value of the price of the produdt of a bufhel of malt^ had there been no tax on it; thus the tax which government receives, though only five fhillings, is fix fhillings and feven-pence half- penny upon iht confumer, or upwards of thirty per cent. I 95 1 cent, above what he would pay, did he make his own malt, and brew his own beer. There are two obvious evils .attending this mode of taxation ; firft by making the people pay more than government receives, it impover- iflies them, and even thus Icflcns the revenue by dilabling the fubjedt from expending upon ex- cifeable commodities, that money which he now pays to thofe peifons who have advanced the taxes for him ; namely, the maltfter, brewer, and retailer : and fecondly, thofe perfons who are accuftomcd to advance the taxes, are ever engaged in contriving means by which they may avoid paying the tax, in which they frequently fuccced, even to fuch a degree as to defraud the revenue to the amount of millions : neverthelefs, they will not fell their beer or fpirits a farth'ing the cheaper in confequence of their fraud : fo that the confumer is obliged to buy his beer and fpirits at the fame price, that he would have done, had they paid the regular duty. But, moreover, he muft make up, by means of other taxes, for the defrauded millions, which fur- ther difables him from purchafing exciiea- ble commodities ; and thus the public income is further confiderably leflened. However, this mode of taxation, though in many cafes the con- )1 . . ;:k' C 96 ] fumer pays fifty per cent, more than what go- vernment receives, is perfevered in by it, as the people pay the taxes, feemingly without being fenfible that they pay any : whereas, were they fenfible that the fugar which they buy at eight- pence a pound, might be purchafed at fourpence were there no taxes, and feveral other articles in the fame proportion, it is not improbable, but that petitions might be laid before Parlia« ment from the Poor, demanding an alteration in the mode of taxation, by which not only them- felves, but even the whole community, are fo materially injured. - • ^ However, as it needs mujl be, that taxes muft he paid, it perhaps may not be improper to confi- der, whether any new ones can be devifed, which may be fubftituted in the i'lead of fome of thofe actually fubiifling ; for, till this be done, little attention will, or Ihould be given to the prayer of fuch petition. I have already given a fcheme for fubftituting other taxes in the ftead of thofe which actually exift, and though I am fatisfied, that what I have al- ready propofed, is preferable to thofe which ac* tually do exifl, yet I am not one of thofe perfons who is fo eager with his fchemes, as to think that government ihould materially alter her fyftem of taxation, even in the fmalleft par- ^ ticular. r. 97 ] tlcular, except upon very plaulible grounds in- deed. Yet this (hould not deter the patriotic ci- tizen from offerins; his fcntiments upon a fub- jedV, which if rightly hit upon, would fo mate- rially contribute to the profperity and happinefs of his country. In the tradt alluded to*, I propofcd grain and butcher's meat, as fitter objeds for taxation than thofe upon which our taxes are now levied. In propofing a tax on grain, in preference to the meal produced from it, which might be more eafily colledled at the mills, my view chiefly was, indire^ly to tax horfes ; however, by farther refieftion on the fubjedt, I think I can lay a tax on the horfes dire^ly, which if properly attended to, will net be ealily evaded. I am far from thinking that taxes on grain, or the meal of grain, and on butcher's meat, are ineligible; yet flill, as they would in fome degree em- barrafs trade, which, except in pernicious commodities ought to be as free as the winds of heaven, for this reafon I think fuch taxes ought, if poffible, to be avoided. In Holland there are taxes on both thefe commodi- ties, fo that there is no impoffibility in levying i § ^ ., » Fiifl Letter to the People of England. ^ ~ N them: I 98 ] them : and certainly government would be icfs liable to be defrauded by butchers and millers, than by fmugglcrs, brewers and diftillers. Inftead of thofe taxes I would propofc firft, an annual tax on horfes, to the amount of the medium value of two loads of hay in the city oy town where they flood, or to the next market town. By this means the tax would be pretty nearly proportioned to the earnings of the horfc throughout the kindgdom ; for, as fubjeds of taxation, all horfes fhould be deemed labouring ones. In London fuch a tax would amount to about fix pounds fix fliillings ; in the north of Scotland, perhaps notto more than a fourth of this fum, or one pound eleven fhillings and fix-pence. However, I think there lliould be a diftindtion made bet ween horfes employed in hufbandry, and horfes kept in great cities for 1 uxury, and thofe kept folely with a view to produdtive labour. I would therefore farther propofe, that thofe perfons who ke^ijive times as much land in their hands «3 was neceflary to fuppoit the horfes they kept,lhould be only charged at the rate of one load of hay. Be- fides favouring the farmers by fuch a regulation, my objed: would alfo be to induce country gen- tlemen to continue fuch. For there can be no doubt but that this clafs of citizens are the moft ufeful of all others. Farther, as there are many poor [ 99 3 poor people, who cannot do without one hoiTc, particularly in Ireland, for bringing home their fuelandothcrpurpofes; and as perhaps the fame is the cafe in Wales and Scotland, and the mountain- ous parts of England, I would reduce the tax to fuch occupiers of land, who held in their poffefllon /v^ times more land than was requifite to fupport a horfe, to the price of Z^^//* a load of hay. What would be the amount of a tax of this nature, were it fairly colleded, is very difficult to fay. England, Wales, Scotland, and their dependent iflands contain about feventy millions of acres : that there is a horfe to every thirty- five acres, cannot be difputed. Let the reader only confider the numbers of horfes which are krpt in London, and all the great towns, nay, I may fay, all the little towns alfo, throughout England, and he may be able to form an idea of their number; when he at the fame time confi- ders, that perhaps there is not a farm of thirty- five acres in England which has not one horfe on it ; nor a farm of feventy acres which has not tzvo: to fay then that there are two millions of horfes in Great Britain and its dependent iflands, will mod certainly be under the mark. I fhall however take it at this. For many reafons, which are only founded upon probability, and N 2 there- ¥. ill I' i •' [ 100 ] therefore wouUl prove nothing, I am inclined to think that the medium tax u^)on horl'cs would be about 4/. or the total amount of fuch a tax eight millions. While our prefent prejudices fubfift a tax on horfcs ought to be popular, when it is confi- * dered, that they are very generally objedls of luxury ; and befides, that a middle-fizcd horfe requires as much land for his fupporr, as, if well cultivated, would yield net a fcanty fub- fiftence for one pour family ; {o that our two millions of horfes, if thoroughly fed, would re- quire as much laufl for their maintenance as would perhaps fupport ten millions of inhabi- tants. I fay, that all taxes laid on with a view of particula "ly bearing upon any defcription of men, but particularly the rich, are founded upon prejudice; and that thofe legiflators, who give into notions of this nature, aft as wifely as the man who killed the hen which laid the goU den eggs ; and unjuftly too ! For, when men entered into fociety, or formed the focial com- paft, it was certainly underftood by all the par* ties, that each of them fhould be anfwerable towards the expenceg confequent thereto, pror portionahly with the reft. Let us now fuppofe, that the focia,! compaft was entered into at firft by ten p^rfons, and that the expences amounted ' 1-:^- ; annually [ lOl ] annually to the value of ten bullocks, or a bul- lock each pcrfon. Let us alfo fuppofc that in con*- fcquencc of war, or a purfuit of plunderers, that there is an extraordinary cxpcncc incurred to the amount of ten bullocks, how is it to be lir quidatcd ? one of them might fay, we muft each of us give a buliock extraordinary. Let us fuppofc that this pcrft)n was a fmoaker of tobacco, and that he cultivated this plant to a large extent, and fupported himfelf chiefly by the fale of the produce : (hould the other nine perfons fay no, to his propofal, and at the fame time infill upon laying a tax of 3^. a pound upon his tobacco, he mufl: needs yield ; but that he had been dealt unjuflly with is very ob- vious. The fame argument will apply when taxes are laid upon manufadurers, Ihop-kccpers^ &c. for to fay that confumers pay the tax docs not do away the objedlion, as it is obvious, that the cheaper any commodity can be fold at, the more of it will be purchafed, -nd of courfe the greater will be the honejl profits of the perfons who deal in it, and thus the craft or calling of fuch perfons is indiredlyandunjuftly taxed. As this is clear with regard to manufadturers, Ihop-keepers, &c. it is equally obvious, that, by laying taxes upon thofe who live upon their income, you lay a ' bar upon their confumption^ upon which the vrf,. ,, . ' riches • * A \ [ 102 ] riches and nowcr of the ftate are founded. But what is ftill worfe, you thereby induce them to quit their native land, and remove to other countries, where their incomes will enable them to main- tain themfelves genteelly. So that by this means not only the jnduftry of the community is leflened, but alfo the public revenue. That theie exifts an inclination in govern- ^ ment for taxing horfes pretty fmartly, cannot, from fome late regulations, be at all doubted ; but the difficulty is to difcovcr the means to prevent the proprietors of horfes evading the tax. To efFedt this, I would propofe that every horfe in the kingdom (except perhaps thofe be- longing to the royal family) ihould, under the penalty of forfeiture, be marked on the hind quarter with a circle of a colour the moft oppo- fite to that of the horfe, to be worn from the firft of Auguft, 1 79 1, to the thirty -firft of July of the year 1792. The owner of each horfe, upon its being marked fhould be obliged to pay the tax ; and at the fame time receive a flamped Jbeet of paper containing a re- ceipt for the tax ; in which paper the future annual taxes Ihould be only entered. Farther, this paper fhould contain an accurate defcrip- tion of the horfe ; and in cafe he Ihould change mailers, this paper ihovild be given to his new matter^ [ 103 1 mafter, under the penalty of a fum equal to every annual tax fince the commencement of the adt to be levied upon the perfon in v/hofc pofleffion he was found. Farther, that all horfes, &c. under the age of four years old fliould be in like manner annually marked and regiflered, but to pay no tax, except the value of the paper or a fixpence, till they had entered upon their fifth year, A copy of the deed to be entered in the colledtor's book of each diftridt. Farther, any horfe appearing with a forged mark, ihould, upon proof, be forfeited. Though perhaps fome horfes might evade the tax, yet in a few years there can be no doubt, but that the num- ber of thefe aiiimals would be pretty accurately known ; for the breeders of them would not rilk their propeity by not having them annually re- giftered, when it would coil them Co little. The fecond tax which I would propofe is a ca- pitation tax, to the amount of the value of twelve days work of a labouring man where the perfon taxed refided, upon every perfon, except labour- ers, (who fhould not be obliged to pay this tax for more than three children,) under the age of fif- teen. This is the only tax which *he poor would have to pay ; and though in Middlefex, and the parts adjacent to London, it would amount annually to about 5/. 5^, per family of , v;,c* . five I, .'.li C 104 ] fiv. perfons, and in the north of Scotland to perhaps 33^. or 34s. yet I will venture to affirm, that in neither place would it be ail oppreffive tax, but on the contrary much lefs burdenfome than thofe complex taxes which they adlually pay without it feems being fenfi- ble of them. A poor man and his family in the vicinage of Londdn earn about 50/. a year. Let us fuppofe that the half of this income is ex- pended in purchafing articles excifed, or which have paid the cuftoms to the amount of 6/. This 6/. having been advanced for them by leveral becomes 9/. upon the confumer, as has been Ihewn, and generally a great deal more : but 9/. wants but little of the double the pro- pofed tax; independently of the confiderable advance of price, our excifes and cuftoms muft caufe upon our own manufadtures, which fhould alfo be reckoned, and which, when added to the former, muft undoubtedly more than dou- ble the propofed tax. • Farther, it is a well-known h&: that mechanics pretty much throughout England, lofe one day in the week in confequence of their excefles, upon receiving theamount of their week's labour. Now if inftead of loiing, in fo beaftly a manner, fifty-two days in a year, they applied themfelves to their trades, the amount of thcfe fifty-two days [ «05 ] days labour would pay the capitation tax, both for themfelves and for their families, when not exceeding five pcrfons : for in every trade the labour of a mechanic is higher than that of a labourer in the fame place. i In the north of Scotland and thofe parts of the kingdom in which wages are low, and where the demand for labour is uncertain, and where of courfe the labourer might be diftreffed for money to anfwer the tax, in fuch places the la- bourer fliould have his option of paying either in cafh or in kind. In this cafe he Ihould be bil- lettM upon fome farmer, or other fubftantial perfon, who Ihould be refponfible for his and familyV capitation tax. / From what Mr. Buflie has laid before the public, who is one of the moft accurate and beft informed men in Ireland upon financial fubje^s^ as I have heard., for I do not know the gentle- man, it appears, that there are at the leaji four millions and a half of inhabitants in Ireland, which is my own opinion and that of every fenfible perfon of my acquaintance, who has turned his thoughts upon this fubje<^ and is at all acquainted with the kingdom. Now, being at leaft as well acquainted with En- gland, in this refpedt, as I am with Ireland ; and having made many enquiries upon the fubjed:, O Ihefi. I hefitatc not to affirm, that if Mr. Buihe is accurate in his llatement of the inhabitants of Ireland, that this ifland and its dependencies, which are confiderably more than three times as large as Ireland, contains eighteen, or at the leafl fixteen millions of inhabitants ; my reafons for which the reader may fee in the tradt alluded to, p. 97. Though I am confident, that there are adlually eighteen millions of inhabitants in this ifland and its dependencies ; yet on the pre- fent occafibn I fiiall only ftate them as at fixteen millions. If then we take the daily wages of a labourer at one (hilling a day as the medium, the capitation tax at lis* a head will amount to the funi of 9,600,000/. To thefe add the land tax 1^0,000/. and an equal fum by means of duties on fpirits and incidents, we have a fum total of 19,600,000/. an- nually ; dedu(fl: for colled:ion 600,000/. there will remain nineteen millions, or three mil- lions more than our prefent multifarious fyf- tcm of taxation produces. To prevent cva- fions in the capitation tax, it would be ne- ceflfary to enter the name and age of each perfon in a regiflry : and that each perfon ihould have a deed of his regiftry ready to produce, or if children, their parents ; and in other refpefts 333 which makes the population of Eng- land 14,499,999 ; add two millions and a half for Scot- land and Wales, we have then feventeen millions for the {>opulation of Great Britain and its depenJencles. But Eng- land is more than one half again more populous than Ire- land. ' -'.S . 'l ■»■ ■■--v --•;!>■:!■;<,-/ ;^■-■ f'i' '""-yi\''i. o ■i'\ , ^ ■Hlf; , :; l^ [ io8 ] ,: df tbf corn-returns, inferted in the 13th volume oi iht Annals of Agriculture* Wheat imported during 7 , thefe eighteen years \ '^''^*'^^ '' ic,=,,3s8,,46 .0 - Barley — 864,8671 Oats — - 5»24<,30o( Rye - 380,398^960,869 at 5ri,74o,2i4 15 - Beans and Peas 5 70,304-* Bounties during that fpace — «— 597,583 6 4 J t ' - , • ' - ^^' ■' 3>695.944 " 4| *.'■•• ■> -MXt '1 which amounts to an annual lofs to the public, had fuch a tax exifled during this time of 205,330/. And though many will think, that the great import during this fpace was owing to a failure of crop*, yet I make no doubt, but that it was owing to the encreaiing population of the people, and to the fuperior profits which re- fult from applying land to the dairy and fattening cattle, in a thriving country in which the people are daily becoming richer, and are of courfe better able evejry year to purchafe meat for their families confumptlon, which muft neceflarily raife the price of butcher's meat, and which will continue fo to do, if the nation continues in its prefent Hate of profperity. Farther, a tax of this nature would only put the Englilh farmer upon ' : [ 109 ] upon a par with the French and American far* mers in our owu market : for the former being exempted from tythe, and the latter from tythe and rent, will otherwife be able to underfell Englifh farmers in their own markets : which muft greatly difcourage the railing of grain in this kingdom, and make it too dependant for its fubfiftence upon foreign countries, the cli- mates of which are not fo much to be depended on for the ufual returns at harveft as England : and whofe cultivators have not the ability, equal to that of our own farmers, of counterading by their ikill the effects of unufual feafons. Beiides a fixed tax of this amount would keep our mar- kets more upon a level, than our prefent corn laws ; which is a circumftance always very de- iirable, and I am inclined to think would not even raife them. It is needlefs to obferve that the bounty upon the exportation of corn ihould be entirely difcontinued. »■■--■■ f ^_;* ■■ Employ- [ no ] ■ i .■'. Employment of the Poor. *'■ ',»■■ Aristotle* obferves that the employ- ment of the poor ought to be a principal con- cern with every ftate ; and there can remain no doubt concerning this, if it be the objedl of the flate to be great and powerful : for thefe depend, or rather are the confequence of the income of the llate ; which depends on the income of the individuals which compofe it ; and if a great number of thefe have no employment, the pro- duce of their induftry being nothing, will mate- rially affeft the fum total of the income of the individuals belonging to the flate, and of courfe its power. This may be readily exemplified by confidering the adtual flate of France, which is faid, and I believe, with very good reafon, to contain thirty millions of inhabitants : of thefe thirty millions, I will undortake to fay that there are ten millions of idlers, or two ir 'Jions of fa- milies. Thofe perfons who have travelled i * If, 6, c. 5, through through France, muft have perceived, almoft every where the people employed in playing at ^ bowls, or fome other amufement, without any apparent tie upon them for regular labour. Now, if the fum totaiof the earnings of a poor man and his family ought to amount to twenty pounds annually, it will follow that this idlenefs caufes a lofs to that ilate of forty millions annu- ally ; if we place it at thirty pounds, the lofs will then be 60 millions. Many will think that this fum is impoilible, and far above the truth ; but the fad is, that it is far below the truth. For independently of the univerfal idlenefs percepti- ble throughout France, it follows from their very poverty that they are incapable of purchafing the proper tools, or good tools to carry on their trades. So that if a man, in confequence of the badnefs of the inftruments he works with, can only accomplilh the half of vfhat he could other- wife do, fuch a perfon may be faid to be only half employed. Perhaps it may be objected, that admitting their induflry to be as great as I would have it, where is the Jpecie to be found, capable of purchaling thirty millions worth of rnanufadture ? Doubtlefs no where. But the cafe is this ; were the agriculture and manufadures, &c. of France, which are at prefent carried on by thirty millions, equally well done by twenty millions. t ) u [ Ml ] millions, which is my hypothecs, ten millloni of its inhabitants might apply themfelves to other new branches of manufactures, Sec, Thefe would exchange their manufactures with the others, either direCtly by means of barter, or indirectly by means of coin. Here then would be two new markets, we may fay created j one of ten mil- lions for the o/^ manufactures, the other of twenty millions for the new manufactures ; befides what would be neccflary for their own confumptiottt In this cafe it is obvious that each party would exert every nerve to fupply the others with what they wanted ; this would lead to improvements in their modes of manufacturing, and thus ena- ble them to fell cheaper, and at the fame time to have greater profit ; hence both parties would be enriched; the confcquence of this would be, that they would like to be fed better, and of better things too. The butcher inftead of having half a dozen cuftomers, would have ten times as many, who would therefore raife the price of his meat: the farmer upon. this would raife the price of his cattle, and at the fame time would be contriving fchemes to ena- ble him to fupport more of them ; thus agricul- ture would be rendered more flouriihing. The government perceiving the increaiing wealth and profperity of the people, would be devifing means C "3 ] means of fecuring part of the overplus to jtfcif, in order that the people which it ruled miglit be refpedtable in the eyes of other nations. This overplus, either in kind, or in tnoney, would be employed in paying fleets and armies, and in liquidating national debts. Hence it is obvious that the induftry of all is the benefit of all ; and that the firft object in every fociety, after confli- tuting a political conllitution, fhould be, to encourage induftry, nay to enforce it, as imme- diately tending to the profperity of all its mem- bers, and in regard of its governors adding materially to their political confequence, with refped: to other communities. To propofe any thing on this head, as likely to turn out advantageous to England, might be deemed prefumptuous, efpecially in a flranger, who profefTes that whatever juft ideas he may entertain on this fubjeft are entirely owing to thofe obfervations which obtruded themfelves upon him in his frequent peregrinations through it. And, however applicable fome of them may be in his opinion to England, he apprehends that this notion will be found to be grounded upon his imperfe^ idea of it. But with regard to Ireland he will fpeak more pofitively. In the firft place he thinks, that it is evi4ently the intereft of Great Britain^ that the inhabitants P ■'. ' of I C "4 ] of thcfc three kingdoms (hould, with regard to thofc advantages which rcfult from a wifely con- iliruted civil comiiuinity, be pur, as (oon as poffibic, upon an(qual fooling: that iS, that ■ all their inhabitants fliould participate, as foon as might well be, of thole advantages which fome of them now enjoy. Until this is done, even though the political conftitution ihould be founded upon property, the flate would not be free trom fedition, and heartburn- ings. That a well-informed government could objedt to any meafurcs necelVary to facilitate this obje(ft, which would materially tend to its own power, is not ro be imagined. That ihort-fighted felfilli manutadurers might raife a clamour is very natural. However, the true intereil of the empire, firmly and pertinacioufly adhered to by an intelligent Miniftry, would quickly put an end to fuch murmurings. The moft effectual means of attaining this very delir- able end, I apprehend would be the fecuring, the home market for her manufactures, to each of the appendant- kingdoms, at leaft for thofe ma- nufactures, which it would be found advifeable peculiarly to encourage; either becaufe of the ila- ple being the natural growth of the country, or that ^ ♦ '*s44#^w*4wfc. ■ * H isi C "5 ] that they could be carried on in them at all times upon equal terms, as in any other countries. This I think might beetfedtcd by means of pre* miums, or bounties of twelve |)cr cent, upon all piece manufadtures fold in public market, and at ' the fame time fo warkedf that they could not be without detcdion, (which Ihould be attended with a forfeiture of the goods) a fecund time propofcd, as being entitled to the premium. The premium of courfc would be piid to the manufadlurers. So confiderable a premium, and cnfured for a number of years (fuppofe twenty) would caufe many of thofc individuals, who poflTefsone, two, or three hundred pounds, and who lend it at fix per ceiit. interell, to fomc neighbouring gentleman, Ihopkeeper, or attor- ney, to refledt and confider how much more their capital would produce, were it applied to manufactures, independently of its greater fecu- rity: befides that fuch application of it would require little of their attention, nay, might be almoft entirely directed by their wives and daughters. Thit fuch was the origin of the great increafe of the cotton manufactures at Manchefter, I know from the manufacturers thernfelves ; and that fome who began with one and two hundred pounds capital, carry on the bufinefs now with ten and twenty thoufand P 2 pounds n -■'"■'.!> [ "6 1 pounds capital. However, according to our modern legiflators, the mode fliould be to pay premiums to the merchants on exportation, which no doubt would have its effed ; but not the tythe cf that which would refulc from premiums to the manufafturers themfelves. For thefc hav- ing only in \'ew production, are ever devifing modes by which the greateft quantity of good» can be produced with the leaft labour, which when cfifedted in any degree, is of univerfal ad- vantage. But this is no objedt with the ex- porter. His objedt is the quantity of goods ex- ported, no matter to him the quantity of labour bellowed upon them : for his gains are the fame. Add to this the diffufing wealth throughout a country, by encouraging the manufacturer: whereas by encouraging the merchant, you give rife to fome overgrown upftart, who is incapa- ble of fupporting with dignity, a fituktion which nature feemed to have denied to him. Agriculture, which though upon every ac- count, Ihoulii be the firft object of foeiety to encourage,, as producing the bed and moll ufe- ful citizens, yet in confequencc of our ill- founded prejudices on the fide of manufactures and commerce, and a correfponding conduCt, can only be now looked upon in a fecondary light, at leafl till communities recover their na- tural 1 V ( C "7 ] tural tone, ought, in regard of Ireland to be encouraged in the following manner. One ob" je£t fhould only engage the attention of the Dublin Society at the fame time. As I ihould give my vote for turnips, I ftiall fuppofe that che one fixed on. The premium on this fpccies of produdion ihould be as follows. Fir(l the kingdom Ihould be divided into fifty divifions, nearly equal as to fuperficies ; in each divifion there ihould be one perfon appointed for con- dud:ing the experiment and receiving the pre- mium. This perfon to be appointed by the ci- tizens, or thofe poiTei&ng independent life efiattt within the diflridt ; the premium ihould be 200/. a year for ten years- upon his engaging every year, during that cerm> to have twenty-five Iriih plantation acres, properly hoed, according to the moil approved Engliili manner : two years premium to be advanced to him upon his ap- pointment, that it might not difarrangc his pri^ vate af&irs ; and to enable him, without incon- venieace, to carry it on with efFcft. Perhaps the importing two or three Englifh hoers from Norfolk or Suffolk might be neci^-iTary ; to do which, with the neccifary implements, would require money. It is necdlefs to obferve, that ample fccurity ought to be iniifted on for the due performance. By this means there would v,:.,..,...> be ! .' "■• ■. t "8 J diftributed throughout the kingdom fifty turnips farms, and of courfe convenient for the infpec- tion of all perfons who chofe to adopt this fpecies of cultivation. The fum requifite would be 10,000/. for ten years, or loopoo/. Though this mufl. be allowed to be a great fum^ yet, when it is confidered, that an equal fum has been annually given in bounties, I believe fot thirty years paft, without producing any effedt, in confequence of the Dublin Society's em-« bracing too many objed:s, which from their tri-< flingnefs could never be attended to ; a fum of this magnitude fliould not be regarded, when the manifed: objeft of it was to increafe the quan- tity, and fo diminilh the price of a neceifaty ar-' tide of life. Were it alfo obferved in the in* flruftions given to each of the perfons appointed, that perhaps the moft certain beneficial mode of applying land after turnips, upon burn bailing, would be, fecond, potatoes; third, wheat; fourth, clover; fifth, wheat; fixth, turnips : fe- venth, potatoes, wheat, clover, wheat, da capo ; a good fyftem of hufbandry might be introduced* . Every man in Ireland knows the value of an acre of wheat and potatoes ; and though there might be other rotations of crops more beneficial, per* haps few would be more eafily introduced. By. this means a general opulence would take place mong I [ «i9 3 among the people, who would thereby be ei- abled to purchafc, what many of them feldom do more than three or four times in the year, good beef and mutton ; thefe articles of courfe would proportionably rife m value, and eflates with them. The people being employed, and feeling the advantages of induftry, would change their character, and inflead of defacing the coun- try by ftealing timber, would become protestors of that property which contributed fo much to the beauty and neatnefs of their little holdings. So that, though the taxes might at firft be pretty high upon gentlemen, yet in the end they would be infinitely the greatefl gainers ; befides the un- fpeakable fatisfadion of immediately contribut- ing to the comfort of fo many poor wretches, with which the country abounds. ? vH To obviate many inconveniences which re- fult from profpedts of war, I would propofe that thirty regiments of a thoufand men each ihow. d be immediately raifed in Ireland. Thefe thirty thoufand men, inftead of being employed in ac- quiring the military difcipline, fhould on the contrary be employed on the public works. The firft of which Ihould be a general draining of the kingdom, by deepening the beds of rivers^ and removing other obftrudtions in them. I mil take upon me to lay, that fuch a body of fpfi men [ 120 ] men employed on this work for five fummers, or twenty months, would add to the annual rental of land two millions (lerling, without any farther improvement. But when this was ef- fcGted the millions of acres which might be watered, and were fo, would be encreafed in value threefold ; which improvement they will never be fufceptible of till the firft is effected. Neither can the firft be effedred without its being undertaken by government, for it is not to be fuppofed that there is a fingle river or ftream in the kingdom which does not touch the pro- perty of fome fooliih, or mulifh, ov feJfi/h fellow, who would defeat the entire fcheme with regard to it. Perhaps it would be neceifary to pull down fome eel wires, but this ihouid be little regarded, as the ereding them was an encroach- ment upon public righ: ; and no man ihouid be a gainer by his wrong. The fame may be faid with regard to mills. Neither r/ould the lofs be very confiderable in regard of thefe : for, by the finking of the rivers, thofe mills ereded upon them, by a fmall alteration in their iituation, with a fmall dudt of water might be changed from underjhot to (yverjhot mills which would be a material improvement in them. But though the nation were to purcbafe all the wares and mills^ (o needful a work ihouid noc be put a flop i' [ 121 ] flop to upon that account. It is needlefstoobferve how much it would conduce towards the facili- tating the improvements of its bogs, and would certainly render the climate Icfs humid. ..«! During the other eight months thefe men might be employed in rcp^* ing the public roads, particularly about the towns> upon which turnpikes fhould be ercdted. Superannuated ferjeants and old foldiers might be fet over thefe ; and the rates to be the fame as in England* The money to be paid to the account of govern-' ment : neither would thefe. receipts be trifling* By thofe means, independently of the favings thereby in the public celfes^ the roads near towns, inftead of being almoft irtipaflable by means of car- rutts from the continual drawing of fuel, when formed of fmall or broken ftones, asthey fliould always be in moift climates, would be in excel- lent order, to the great fatisfadtion of their inha- bitants. . Hence it is evident, that thefe 30,000 men are not intended to pafs idle lives. On the con- trary, for the fevcn years, for which term they were to be engaged, (officers, ferjeants, and cor- porals, as in the regulars) they fliould be always employed. After cleanfing, and paying their de- votions every Sunday, they might be engaged in learning the manual exercife. Our half-pay of- •v-'v '' "'"''■' "^ Q^ -^ - ;' '■ - ■■ ificers. [ 122 ] ficcrs, whether of the army or navy, to be pro- moted to full pay in this militia, the remaining commiffions to be fold. Upon the profpedt of war, we then ihould have 30,000 flout fellows, inured to labour y ready to draft into either the land or fea fervice. Men, moreover, acquainted and perfonally known to their officers : a circum- flance always much to be defired. As it would be my objedt to have the beft and mofl decent of the lower clafs of people in this militia, their pay ihould be ^s, a week, u. 6^. of which fhould be regularly placed in a tontine fcheme under government fecurity, (yd. a day would be fufBcient for cloathing and mainte* nance. This is, 6d* a week, with the accumu* lating intereft, would, at the expiration of their feven years fervice, perhaps amount to 30/. For the payments of thofe who died, or were expel- led for mifbehaviour, fhould be divided among the others, which would be a good tie upon all for their good behaviour. Perhaps a militia of this nature of 60,000 men for Great Britain would not be ineligible. In this cafe the common men fhould be fought for in Ireland and Scotlar: % where man's labour is of the lefs value, and of courfe the lefs productive and beneficial to the community. This would alfo put a flop to emigrations to America, -■ ' . ■ '^ * J' ,_■■■• by ' C "3 ] by ralfing the value of the labour of the re-* xnalning. So great a bodf of half civilized men, after a feven years apprenticelhip to a laborious, induftrious, and regular life, would be an invaluable acquilition to their native countries. Their little funds would enable them to take farms, marry, fettle and rear up their offspring, in a flile much fuperior to what they can at all afpire to at prefent. In fadt, in thirty years it would be the means of civilizing thofe two nations, and bringing them nearly to a par with England. How greatly would the proprietors of land in Ireland and Scotland be benefited by it ! inftead of letting their lands to poor creatures, who per- haps may have value to the amount of 8/, or iq/. thefe new tenants, with the advantageous mar- riages they would be enabled to make, might be well fet down as having property to the amount of 50/. Independently of this confider- ation, I truft that making fo many of the hum?in fpecies happy, would be a motive fufficiently powerful with Iriihmen to fupport their portion of the expences of fuch an eftablifliment. That it would tepd more to the amelioration of thp morals of the poor than 10,000 Sunday Ibhools, will be acknowleged by thofe, who form their opinions of mankind from experience, and not « 0^2 ^ _ the [ iM ] the cobweb fyftems of clofct-writers. To think of imprefling the Poor withjuft noiions of mo- ral redtitude, founded upon metaphyfical ab- llradlion, is an idea worthy of Jean Jacques Rouf- Jl'au, Thofe who have not leifure for reflcdtiou cannot attain to that excellence which confifts in regulating the moral affedions from virtuous motives. The virtues of the Poor are tempe- rance, frugality and 'nduftry. Adtion being happinefs, whether of the mind or body: if pof- feffed of the former virtues, their greateft poffi- ble happinefs in this life depends on themfelves. But the objection is the expence. Having al- ready, as I apprehend, provided funds for raif- ing an additional revenue of upwards of three millions fterling upon Great Britain only, which is a million and a half more than the expence that her proportion would amount to, at the rate of 25/. a man, including officers, without even deducing any thing on account of the receipts at the turn- pikes, or on account of the half-pay of the offi- cers 3 id ferjeants, &c. which would be faved by their being put upon full-pay. That the amount of all thefe would be very conliderable, cannot be doubted. Methinks alfo that thofe miferable wretches, immured at Greenwich, might be well employed as gate-keepers; and thus cheaply made happy by having fomething to to do. The founders of hofpitals muft have had mod erroneous notions of human happinefs, to fuppofe that it was at all compatible with a life of idlenefs. To think of making the vete- ran happy, by immuring him in a cold, comfort- lefs palace, and placing him amongft individu- als, little known or attached to him, was a moft prepofterous idea. The foldier's happinefs con- iiils in relating to the youth of his native village his adions and adventures : ** I was with the *« gallant Rodney, when De Grafle in the Ville ** de Paris, after a brave defence, (truck to our <* noble Admiral." " I fought under Mea- ** dows, when we repulfed D'Eftaing at St. *^ Lucie." " I faw Wafhington." « I faw Tip- . *^ po SuUaun," The grcateft happinefs which a veteran is capable of enjoying coniifts in rela- f:ions of this nature. Et htec olim meminije juvabit. "^j t\>*.il^^ IK \* yv^'U mUi>.tion of individuals> or at the ex- pence of government, I never met with any that hit my idea of one, which would completely anfwer a fcholar, who frequently wants a great number ' [ 129 ] number of volumes, and foi an indefinite length of time. Without wafting the reader's time with pointing out the defedts of other plans, 1 fliall offer my own. Firft, I would have a large building erc Secondiv, the proportion between the com- merce of England and Ruffia is, in regard of the population of the two countries, by no means proportionably fo great as that between England and America, for then it ought to be eight times greater; which is by no means the cale ; nay, it is not even equal to that of America, and for this very fubftantial reafon, that an American, by his daily labour, will earn thrice as much as a Ruffian peafant or flave ; and a man's expences in general are always in pjroportion to his income. If then the income of 3 millions of Americans equals ? ^:-*>^;: thaC ) C ^33 3 I that of 9 millions of Ruffians, and that We had an abfoliite command of both markets, the 3 mil" lions of Americans would want manufactures to an equal amount as the 9 millions of Ruffians. But they would even require a great deal more ; for, befides what was neceffary for the American's fupport, and which his lands would produce, equally cheap, at the leaft, as the Ruffian's, all the remainder of his earnings would be ex- pended in manufactures and artificial wints; but with the daily earnings of a Ruffian, perhaps 3^. a day, it would be ridiculous in him to think of purchafing the manufactures of Britain. The Irilh labourer, with double the wages buys none of them. Farther, though a market, in the opi- nion of a manufacturer, might be deemed a fit fubjeCt for going to war, yet it ihould be deemed only a fecondary motive in that of a ftatefman, as he muft know that that nation which is pof- fefled of power, may always command a market. iiUt power is only relative, fo that though a coun- ry be growing more powerful, Ihe ought to take care that another ftate Ihould not increafe her power ten times fafter than herfelf : for then notwithitanding her growing pofitively more pow- ful, yet relatively fhe wo'ild be otherwife, and in procefs of time would become an infigniiicant r,- .i itate. C *34 3 date* The ancient republic of Rhodes, and th« modern ones of Genoa, Venice, and Holland, evince the truth of it. The great objection to Democratical repub* lies is the want of vigour, even though they were free of every other dcfedt. This want of vigour arifes folely from the impoffibility of their governors being able to raife a large public revenue. This 'as never been effedted, nor ever will be efFedtc^ ier this form of govern- ment. Therefore fucn ftates muft become eafy conquells when attacked by other flates, when of nearly equal force, and better conftituted for adtive exertions. Oligarchical republics, being timorous, felfifti, and covetous, are Hill lefs ca* pable of refiftance. i This accounts for Macedon acquiring a fu* periority over the Grecian republics. Had not Athens, after the expullion of the 30 tyrants, be* come a perfect democracy, it might, under ano* ther Pericles, have fuccefsfully reiifted Philip. And, notwithftanding the moderns are unani- mous refpe ' J V f • U i * Fhilo Judasus, p. 435* Paris. r;.. :'.y With : C '37 3 With regard to the advanced age before the attainment of the right of citizenfhip, it will be objected : What ! is the nation to lofe the fplendid abilities of future Foxes and Pitts forfuch a pe- riod ? Yes, truly. Meteors appearing in any ftate evince a defedt in its conftitution accord- ing to Ariftotle. The profperity of ftates ihould be gradually progreffive, and not by fits and Harts. Moreover, notwithftanding the acknow- ledged capacity of thefe two gentlemen, and of which few perfons bear a ftronger teftimony, or more frequently than myfelf, yet as legiflators, they have fhcwn but little. Mr. Fox's India bill, which would have conftituted an imperium in imperio, and his obfervations on the Canada bill, determine his preteniions to the character of a legiflator. An mperium in imperio is univer- fally condemned by every writer on politics, as defeating the end of government. With refpedt to Canada, Mr. Fox is for having the legilla- tive aflembly annually or triennially eledled, with an univerfal right of fufFrage. Such a con- ftitution muft neceffarily terminate in an Ochlo- cracy, or a many-headed defpotifm. Mr. Pitt is for firft fecuring the Oligarchical branch of the conftitution, which though hereditary, he is pleafed to decorate with the title of Jrtjiocracy, - : . . S . which D [ >38 ] >hic'-- fccflarily infers eleiftion : but an Oligar- chy is an illegitimate, or corrupt (ovm of govern- ment : it is the corruption of an Ariftocracy : fo that Mr. Pitt's firft objedt is to eftabliih a corrupt principle ! The appeals in the bill will be for ever creating heart-burnings ; and though the Mini(ler*s view is obvious, mufl: tend more to fever that colony from Britain, than to ftrengthen the connexion. The final appeal (hould be al- ways to the citizens, or thofe Judges appointed by them*. Retaining a tenth part of the foil for the clergy is a matter of little moment, as in a country, where land in fee may be had for a fong, no one will accept land which is to go to his fucceflbr, except merely for a commonage. And ere thefe commonages are of any accouilt, the fate of the clergy, throughout the world, will be determined. The clergy Ihould yield gra- dually to the temper of the times: by doing fo, they will be able to preferve fpmething ; but fliould they perfevere in an obilinate refillance, It does not require the fpirit of prophecy to fore- tell that they will become the vidims of the fa- natical excefles of the Dciiiocratifls, as in a t( r'.:,: ; -.J v3i i;-.'i * I / . 1 » I < * Ariftotle, 1. 4. c. 14. b c neigh- :-l L ^9 1 neighbouring kingdom. In my apprehenfion we fhould not be fond of legiflating for our co- lonies : we are too imperfed:ly acquainted with their local circumftance., not to fall into er* Tors, which will always give a handle to the enemies of government to eftrange the affldtions of the colony from the parent ftate. A chief governor appointed by his Majefty, from whom all the executive ofFicers were to derive their powers, methinks is as much as England ihould claim. A poll-tax, regulated by the fame prin- ciple as laid down with regard to England, Ihould be the price of protedion, and of acquir- ing the privileges of being a member of the Britiih empire. Were the colonies independenty the neceflary taxes for this end would not be much lefs. But the advantages rcfulting from their being members of the empire, would alone outbalance this tax ; for then they would have the liberty of importing into Britain, or any of her dependencies, the natural products of their foil, and of carrying away in return the pro- ducts of Britain and its dependencies ; whereas the latter fliould be abfolutely interdided to the United States : and the importation of the natural prod udts of other countries, and efpecially of the United States j fhould be fubjededto very heavy du- ^ ■ ^ S 2 tics. i -It J 11 1 n ♦r sateati I 140 ] tics. By this means a fpur would be given to the induftry of our own colonies, which ivould be conducive to their wealth and happinefs, and would always be a tie upon their loyalty : and at the fame time reprefs the increafing profperity of the United States^ the implacable enemies of this government ; but it would ^alfo render them far more pliable in regard of a re-union with the mother country. Throughout thefe flieets I have made ufe of the term Demagogue, according to its original genuine fignification, as d fcriptive of a perfon, who, by giving into the humours and propenfi- tles of the people, mifleads them from their true intereft. Thofe who adted in this manner were by the antients always fuppofed to be governed by fin ifter views. The ignorance of nineteen in twenty of the moderns, concerning the true principles of government, exempts them in a great meafure from this charge. In the debate upon Mr. Grey's motion, it was laid down by Mr. Sheridan* that theconftitution of this country confids in a wife blending and co- operation of theexecuttveandlegiilativebranches. * Sec Diary. This C HI ] This pofition I affirm to be unfounded, cither in regard to theory or pradicc. No one will pretend that, belore the acccflion of the Hopfe of Stnart, the Lords or Commons claimed any conjlitutional right of interfering with the exccu- tiv^e branch, in what concerned peace or war; of courfc this muft be a novel claim, and with- out any conflitutional foundation. It is true, that fiiice the revolution, cowardly and ignorant Minifters have permitted, nay, have invited the Loids and Commons to interfere in the execu- tive branch of government. But now that the tlieory of our conftitution is better underllood, . thofe encroachments upon the King's preroga- tive fliould be yielded up ; and the government itfelf adjufted agreeably to its acknowledged the- ory. That fuch a bJ nding is contrary to the theory of our conftitution, is evident from Ariftotle's vefti.ig in fuch a political conftitution as ours, . the entire executive power in the perfon of the ^ King — the kgijlative in the General Council — and ihQ judicial in the Citizens. By this means " the three branches are accurately diftinguiflied, . and their feveral fun(^ions marked by a broad line. Whereas a wife blending could never be fettled, for no two would ever be able to agree about it. It was alfo denied, and given up by the friends of the Miniftry, that implicit confi- dence , ,. fi •i I 11 [ 142 ] dunce ought not to be given to government in what regards our connexions with foreign ftates. This I alfo affirm to be unconftitutional. For the funXions of the Legiflative Councils being confined to the enabling and repealing of laws, redreffing grievances, and feeing that the public money was honeftly expended ; it follows, that the declaring war or making peace, or entering into treaties, not cor.^ing under any of the above heads, that the power adequate to thefc purpofes, is conjlitutionally and yo/^/y veiled in the executive branch. Befides a limited confidence \% an abfurdity ; and were it not fo, is impolitic; for the greater the confidence repofcd, the more rcfponfible the perfon in whom it is vefled. Mr. Burke muft have been doubtlefs amazed at Mr. Fox's eulogium of the French conftitu- tion at the conclufion of the debate on Mr. Ba- ker's rnotion. It only evinces that no capacity will enable a perfon to be a legiflator without extenfive reading and deep refledlion. Men of bufinefs, befides, are not capable of this office. They have not the leifure requifite to form the comprehenfive mind, or true philofopher. Arif- totle has obferved, that all the great legiilators of antiquity were private individuals, even Ly- curgus himfclf, , ,.';:.;!- .'i >.' Though ?t. - ' > IWI'^SItlV' l> i [ >43 1 . - > . Though I think ir highly improper, during t debate, to declare, that one fet of men would condudt the national bufincfs better than thofc in poffcffion of the reins of government; for this can not be known until we have had expe- rience of It, which, unlcfs the Democratifts Ihould overturn the government, is not likely fhortly to happen. Yet, upon this point, I pro- fefs that 1 have entirely altered my opinion, be- ing firmly convinced the Jnns far exceed the Oufs in political capacity. The patriotifm and political capacity of the Outs may be 1 airly ga- thered from their condudl in regard to the wool- bill — the Indian war — the floating balances — . and the Ruflian negotiation. — With refpedt to the firl^, the wool bill was a beneficial meafure, or it was not : if the former, the oppofition Members ihould have attended their duty, and urged forward the bufinefs : if it was a hurtful meafure they fhould have attended, and openly Oppofed its palling. And though it did pafs, their eloquence and abilities might have been the means of opening the eyes of their country^ men; whereas, by their blinking the qucftion, individuals, who take up their little knowledge from the reporters of the debates, think it a mea- fure of little or no importance. Government be- ing under thraldom to the manufadturers, dared not. *. - .•■^'k h % [ 144 ] not, unfupported by the country gentlemen, and oppored by a virulent oppofition, withhold its fupport to a meafure, though clearly inimi- cal to the general weal. Mr. Pitt founds his claim, it feems, to honeft fame, from the ifliie of the Ruffian negotiation. I doubt not it will be conduifted with great abi- Hty. But Mr. Pitt's f^me, in my opinion, will be more truly eftimated, from his condu(3: with refped: to xhtjlonting balances, 'y»ng i" the hands of the Dired:ors of the Bank. I am fure the op- pofitiori would nc\er, for Jkch a trjfky the nation's right, have rifked their popularity with the mo- oted intercft. Mr» Pitt's perf^ivering in this bu- finefs, fhould fatisfy every honeft man, that his object is honeft fame ; and whilft it continues to be fo, that he ought to meet their firm fup- port. ^ I truft the perfedling the conftitution will next engage his attention. The times deman'.! it. Our conftitution is fo wretchedly bad, that were it not for the extent of the ftate, we ihould be in continual convulfions. But, fortunately while in a fever in London, the extremities are quite cool ; and by the time that the fever has reached the extremities, the head has returned to its cuftomary indifference ; which "would be quite othevwife, \yere the ftate confined to a few fquare ooa leagues tij ;!?. ' t H5 3 leagues as the antient republics. This evinces the fuperior intelle^. of the legiflators who dcr vifed fuch regulations as coiitrouled the a