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EDWARD BLAKE -->. - ON THE POLITICAL QUESTIONS OF THE DAY, delivered in the Province of Ontario, subsequent to the Prorogation of the Federal Parlia- V ment, June, 1886, and previous to , « > •*^ . -' ' . its Dissolution, Jany., 1887. ^/^^j ..- .■V ' .M BY THE PROVIN r .-• Vj>. • • '"■■" '.- Issued t ciAL Reform Association, Toronto, Ont. V ,^*» ■ Toronto: • • * 1 ' 1 HUNTER,, ROSE & CO., PRINTERS. ' ■ > 1887. - /■ - "'-,'■■* ■ ,'^ \ i - • - . • « ■; - 1 A- . - - •I - I * f y ■. .' . , y **-: ^r • f > 1 .,^. -v ^ ?j • ^. 5 .' ' 7 4. ,'*.*% ^rr^'U ^> * ■ I "N t ^' J .-/ .:;\^*:yf^,'':: "-.'/^- ;■ ;. »• ; > .» LIST OF SPEECHES IN THIS SERIES. ♦". \ No. I.— (Lovdon): General Review of Situation. Riel Question. i (Owen Sound) : North-West Maladministration. Riel. No. s.^Bkaverton) : Indepen V » « 'V'* - •, » ' ^ ' *#.•'. i> <*■■ . ,r •*,-•>% < » U"^.. "*; ■//;^>^ -'■i&l' X i » ^. 'i '. » INDEX. Abstinence from Intoxicating Drinks Aflsisted Passages for Immigrants ♦♦ Blind Shares " Scandal Boundary Dispute Business Methods in Politics Canadian Pacific Railway : — Conditions Fixed by Parliament in 1878 Conservative Protest Against Expenditure Cost to the Country Diamonds (Sir John M&cdonald) . . Discrimination Against Ontario Historical Summary Immigration into the North- West . . Lands, Value of Land Sales, Exaggerated Estimates of Liability to Government Reduced . . Macpherson (Sir David), Against C. P. R. Burden Monopoly Proposal Made for C. P. R. Construction in 1880 Public Interest in the C. P. R. Syndicate Bargain in 1881, Results of Wheat Production, Tupper's Exaggeration Oartwright (Sir Richard), Liberals and Chambly and Haldimand Elections . . Chinese Question Civil Service Reform : — ' Competitive Examinations Compulsory Saving Extra Remuneration . . Salaries Increase^ Unwarrantably ' ' Superannuation Costigan Testimonial Debt of Canada .. Diamonds (Lady Maodonald) 1^ I'v. PAOK . . 324, 351 . . 241, 337 83 13, 106, 380 177 30, 217 208 208 223, 344 73 214 9-10 212 225 230 213, 217-222 224-232 209 343 210 207 215, 344 214 269 269 363 183 186 185 184 186 m, 187, 197, 202 . . ' : 78 210 ^f! •.v **'V *•, ^.:^^'r. ii INDEX. Factory Legislation ... Fiuance of the Dominion : — Annual Expenditure, Increase in Controllable Expenditure, Increase Credit of Canada and United States Debt of Canada. . Deficits . . > Interest on Public Debt ' , Loans, Comparative Cost of . . ' Mackenzie and Macdonnld Regimes Surplus Question Franchise Act m- Compared a-. ■4- >^ •«( Gerrymander of 1882 Olobe and Mail Haldimand and Chambly Elections Home Rule for Ireland : — Blake Resolution of 1886 ^ Costigan Resolution of 1882 . . Gladstone's Bill, Canadian Opinion on Home Rule Just and Proper . . House of Commons ; — Civil Servants Intimidated . . Disputed Elections Settled by Partisan Majority . . .^ Franchise a Reason for Early Dissolution . . Franchise for the Dominion Should be Provincial. . Gerrymander of Constituencies . Independence of Members Destroyed by Oorrup- vlOu •• >• •• •• •• ■• ^^t , , Indians and the Franchise Manhood Sufirage . Ministers, Testimonials to . . Oath of Elections, Defective ' Returning Officers, Appointment of . ,r Revising Barristers, . . Woman Suffrage, Hurried Legislation, FAOB 863 .. 197, 200 187, 197, 202 .. 94, 200 196 198 .. 203-206 M 62-68 69-62 .. 301-306 269 156 156 159 286 06 68 129 .. 62, 63 8, 60 68, 74, 86, 180 .. 271-275 .. 67, 141 70 67' 57 .. «|. 6f^ 178 Immigration Policy, Indian Administration : — "^ >. , Condition of Indians, . . Official Reports of Condition of Indians ; %. , , Sir John Macdonald's Defence Starvation of Indians 241, 335 400 .. 166-170 164 42, 92, 166 w INDEX. Ui PAGB 863 89 90 197, 200 197, 202 94, 200 196 198 203-206 93 62-68 269 166 166 169 286 68 69 129 62, 63 8, 60 86, 180 271-275 67, 141 70 67^ 57 64 67 178 PAOB Indians and the Franohiae 271-275 •* Kansas " Slander Rofuted 248-2r>0 King's County Election Case 69 Labor Question : — Arbitration in Labor Disputes 360 , Assisted Passages for Immigrants . . . . 337 Bureau of Statistics Proposed 346 Canadian Pacific Railway Monopoly 343 Capital and Labor *349 Chinese Question 363 Contract of Service, Breaches of 330 . • . Co-operation 360 Criminal Offences Act Amendments (1872, ]87(>).. .. 330,360 Factory Legislation 363 Government Employees and Labor Unions , . 366, 371 .. s Immigration and Labor 336 Income Tax, Graduated . . 342 ' - Knighthood Refused by Mr. Blake 352 Knights of Labor 352 Labor, Free Importation of 336 Labor and Capital 349 Labor and Temperance 361 Labor Representatives in Parliament . . ' . . . . 348 Liberal Stand on the Tariff Question 332 Mail's Anti- Union Agreement with Employees . . . . 358 Monopolies Fostered by Tariffs 343 Over- Production of Protected Manufactures . . . . 338 Partnership 349 Printers' Strike of 1872 357, 372-375 Prison Labor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 361 Royal Commission on the Labor Question 347 Savings Banks and Wage-earners 366 Seamen's Act, Offences under 331, 370 ' Specific Duties unjust to the Poor . . • 343 Succession Tax 342, 356 ** (Tariff and Labor 331 VTariff and Wages 334 "''■ Taxation heaviest on the Poor 341 ,' \Taxation increased by the Tariff .. ^ 340 •^. Taxation of Luxuries 342 ;'' V * Taxation of Necessaries of Life 343 - * -^ Toronto Street Railway Company and Labor Unions . . 358 Wages of Labor, Average in Ontario 340 /' J-' .- ' I IV INDEX. A '• fl Land Sales Langevin Testimonial Leadership, Duties of Letendre Case Liberal Policy Liberalism Defined Liquor Liconses Maodonald (Sir John) Testimonial Mackenzie (Hon. Alexander), Slanders against Mail and Olobe MaU a " Daily Orange Sentinel," Manhood Suffrage Meredith and the " No Popery " Cry . . Monopolies Fostered by Tariffs Monopoly, Canadian Pacific Railway . . Mowat Administration : — Ability of the Mowat Ministry ■i Bible in schools . / Boundary Dispute Dominion Ministers in Ontario elections Internal policy of the Mowat Government. Meredith the Lieutenant of Sir John Macdonald . . "No Popery " Cry in the Ontario elections of 1886 Separate School Act Amendments PAOI 213, 217-230 72 .. 137, 144 287 160 142 .. 14, 103 71 2()2-268, 300 .. 301-306 306 .. 67, 14] 384 343 343 379 .. 386, 396 13, 106, 380 382 378 377 384 385 New Brunswick School Act North- West policy and administration : — i . "BUnd Shares "Scandal '^ \ Danger of Half -Breed and Indian rising . . Dennis (Col.), Report on Half -Breed claims Difficulties of administration . . Grievances of settlers ^ ' Guns (Mountain) useless at Cut-Knife t^ Half-Breeds, Necessity for conciliating • , Half-Breed claims . r Immigration into .the North- West .. y Indians, Condition of. . " Kansas " Slander refuted Land Sr^es, exaggerated estimates . . North- West Council on Half-Breed claims. . Population (Indians, Half-Breeds, Whites). . Remonstrances from Half-Breeds unheeded Riel in the North- West " Sea of Mountains" Speculation in lands Surveys, Premature 31, ■■> 31, 213, : wA.. ;^>^ 289 82 408-411 409 397 84 172-176 401 402 95, 212 400 248-256 217-230 404 399 407 408 257-260 PAOB 217-230 72 137, 144 287 150 142 14, 103 71 268, 300 301-306 306 67, 141 384 343 343 379 386, 396 106, 380 382 378 377 384 386 289 82 408-411 409 397 34 72-176 401 402 15, 212 400 (48-256 17-230 404 399 407 408 (67-260 11 32 ■ » * INDBX. North- Weit policy and ■dminlstration :— • Taohft (Archbishop) on Half -Breed claims * Timber limit scandals . . Wheat production (Tuppor's estimate) O'Donoghue (W. B.) case.. Opposition, Function of . . Orange Incorporation Politics, Business methods in . . Printing Scandals . . . . Prohibition Provincial Rights :— Boundaries of Ontario Escheats . . Federal Constitution . . Home Rule, Provincial Liquor Licenses Local Liberties and Popular Rights Nova Scotia Case Railway Control Repeal of the Canadian Union Streams Bill Tarili and Maritime Province Trade '* PAOB • 405 83 . .. 32, 215 • 284 ^•' .. 149-151 285, 307-319 . . 177 .. 242, 336 142, 321-328 ,- 13, 106, 380 13, 106 155 14, 103 102 112-126, 134-135 111 124 126 13, 108 - 119 Race and Religion : — Appeals to Race Feeling condemned .. .. 160-164, 284 Bible in Schools 386-396 BisliopB, Sir John Macdonald's Letter to 307 " Catholic Horse " and " Protestant Horse " . . . . 319 Germans and French 161 4 Letendre Case 287 New Brunswick School Question 289 " No-Popery " Cry in Ontario Elections (1886) . . . . 384 O'Donoghue (W. B.) Case 286 b'Donohoe (Hon. John) 291 Orange Incorporation 285, 307-319 ' _ " Protestant Horse " and " Catholic Horse " . . 319 Riel's Execution 422 Separate School Act Amendments 386 Railway Policy : — . . Liberals, PoUcy of .. .. " 237,245 \^ , Reimbursement of Local Expenditure '234 Snbsidios a Moans of Par^amentary Corruption . , 7&-82, 239 ' -/■ V \ ■A' i--i{.:.'3'r tf ■p^ .f"'. VI .«•'. INDEX. < 7 '" :.k V? vt- i V. Railway Scandals :— , .a - p^^^ Bale des Ohaleurs Railway (Robitaille, MoGreeyy, &o.) . . 80, 247 ,<^ Caraquet Railway (Bums) 79,239 Gatineau Valley Railway (Mackintosh) . . . . 80 .-,^,, International Railway (Pope) 80 Northern Pacific Junction Railway (McCarthy) . . . . 81, 247 North-West Central Railway (Beatty) 76 Pontiac and Pacific Junctiou Railway (Chapleau).. .. 80 Quebec and Lake St. John Railway (Caron) . . . . 80 Reciprocity 133 Rial and North- West Rebellions :— Documents Suppressed 39, 412 V- Half-breed Affidavits .. ..^ 417 «•* - HaK-breed Census . . 415 Half-breed Claims Commission 416 Half-breed Grievances 35,402 Half-breed Petitions 36, 406 HalMreed Sympathy, Value of 35, 401 Ministers Personally Warned in 1884 . . . . 411 Opposition Attitude Towards the Rebellion 419 Prerogative of Commutation . . . . . . . . . . 18, 46 Race Prejudices 19, 44, 422 RebeUions of 1869 and 1885 15 Remonstrances Unheeded at Ottawa. . . . . 411 Riel Invited to the North- West 408 Riel Issue Not a Party Question 25, 44 Riel's Execution 26 Riel's Sanity 24, 46 Riel's Trial 22 Trea-^n at Ottawa 421 Volunteers Commended 419 '4' Scott Act, Dominion Government Responsible for Enforcing . . 326 ." Sea of Mountains " 257, 260 Senate Reform : — Second Chamber a Necessity Senate No Protection to Provinces Now Senate No Check on Hasty Legislation Senate a Partisan Body. Senate Should be Elected by Popular Vote Superannuation of Civil Servants ^r A' 56 53 53 54 56 185 Tariff Policy :— * Agriculture and Manufactures Agriculture and the Tariff .. Labor and the Tariff . . 98 95 331 .^^. - V :«'>.■ :'-\- •:«. INDE^. Tariff Policy :-7 . / • . r £1aritime Provinoes and the Tariff Eeoipiodty and the Tariff < Specific Duties Unjust to the Poor Sugar Duties Taxation Heaviest on the Poor -■ Taxation Increased by the Tariff '/'Z' Taxation of Necessities of Life. Wages and the Tariff . . Temperance Question Tory Aliaaea Tory Travelling Combination . . Welland Election in 1872 Woman Suffrage . . I / ) s ) ■ ■ • / '• Vll , PAOB 119 133 343 339 • • • • crxX • ■ • • OOv 343 142, 321-328, 351 .. .. fi7, . . 294-299 283 67 ^ I ^^^A y :; ••» ' ■■^\ ■^•r''. r .,.«; .* V ■►■ " .;. ' '/' .'■■'{•,/:'^' ,.>- !-!-»' ., vt-';^I '. -,»,• (V |JP!»"| I ■*■ .^V/< ^- -• ■^* f 'i r 4 . t-' V-^^ 'V .«f ■«A^^- \ I '^^■i.-y K ■T . ■ f .-/ ■ ^■ -^^ i y J'*: y ■■<■ '"vV^; •1 ^> > S '». THE LONDON BANQUET SPEECH. V GENERAL REVIEW OP THE SITUATION. ' \ H KORTH-^WEST MALADMINISTKATIOISr. RIEL'S EXECUTION. •>. \* • t " I DO NOT PROPOSE TO CONSTRUCT A POLITL CAL PLATFORM OUT OF THE REGINA SCAFFOLD, OR TO CREATE OR CEJSdENT PARTY TIES WITH THE BLOOD OF THE CONDEMNED." Mr. Blake was in Europe at the time of Riel's execution, and for some time afterward. Upon his return a banquet was given in his honour at London, on 14th January, 1886. Mr. Blake rose amid tremendous cheering and spoke as follows : I thank you, from my inmost heart I thank you, for the warmth and cordiality of your reception. I know it to be far beyond any poor deserts of mine; but it is another and most marked expression of that continuous, abiding and unbounded kindness And confidence which have been shown me by the Lib- eral party for these many years, and especially during those dark and trying times which have passed since I took the lead. Will you allow me to use this, my first available opportunity, to con- grat'uiate the Liberals of Ontario on the activity they are now displaying; AND PARTICULARLY TO EXPRESS MY JOY AT TBE ENERGETIC CONDUCT AND SUCCESSFUL ORGANIZATION OF THE Y"0UNG Liberals — (hear, hear) — and to return my grateful thanks for the honour done me by my election to the honorary presi- dency of their great convention, a gathering from which I expect the best results. I declare, Sir, that it wovdd be as impossible for my friends and supporters in and out of Parliament to surpass, as it is for me to repay their goodness. It has cheered and sus- tained me through many gloomy and some stormy hours, and I can never foi'get it while I live. You know, gentlemen, I have never concealed it from you, that it was witii reluctance I accept- ed the lead. High and honourable as that post is, I never coveted it ; it suits me in no one of its relations to my life ; I am deeply conscious how inadequately I fill it; and I grow eftch year more anxious 'to return to the ranks. I am told by some Ministerial 0) '.' ,j 1/ * ■ *'' ».'.,.' >:» ■ V t / organs, which, of course, have very confidential relations with the Opposition — (laughter) — that my wishes p»re seconded by a con- siderable number of my friends. (No, no.) I am glad to know it, ' and I wish that our community of sentiment in this matter might lead that contingent to so far confide in me as to concert measures to accomplish our common end. If they would accept me as their leader for this purpose only, perhaps we might, so united, make more progress tow.ds the desired end than we have done hither- to. (Laughter.) I am not in the habit of oflfering myself for office, but I make an exception in their favour, and shall expect their reply ! (Laughter.) Meantime, as this is a question, not of measures, but of men, they and I, as good party men, must try and subordinatb our views for the moment to those of the major- ity, in the hope that by continuous pressure we may convert them • in good time to our opinionu. (Laughter.) To be serious, gentlemen, I trust that at no distant day you will relieve me, and meantime I will do my best, so far as health • and abilities allow, to serve you in the place you impose upon me. (Loud and prolonged applause.) During the last few years many great struggles have taken place, and the opposing parties have developed their views on various important public questions. Let me run rapidly over the roll and recall to you some of these issues, so that you may judge \. of the claims of each side to public confidence and support. Try the Government, as I often told you, by their promises and their porformances. There can be no fairer test. Let us look at the ^ - • ' '■'';'.■_,,• FISCAL AND FINANCIAL POLICY. * v They declared Mr. Mackenzie's expenditures too high, and pro- mised to reduce it. They have increased it about fifty per cent. They declared his taxation burdensome, and promised not to raise it. They have raised it about fifty per cent. They condemned his taxation as unequal, and promised to readjust it. They have redressed the inequality by imposing great sectional taxes, enor- mous burdens on prime necessaries of life, and rates of duty on important staples used by the poor about twice as high as those laid on the rich. They declared his deficits scandalous and disas- trous, but notwithstanding the vast increase in taaes they have Traduced magnijicent dejicits of their own. (Hear, hear.) And think for a moment what those deficits would be, had you still the misfortune to be taxed as lightly as in Mr. Mackenzie's time. Tiiink of it, and measure the failure of these men in finance ! They blamed Mr. Mackenzie for proposing a modest svrplus of $500,000, and declared that he had no right to levy that large (1) A ^i? X ,r.^.^;,. ;/^--, ».' ' ■■>'. ■ i r ( , i- '■ \ sum in excess of the actual demands of Government, and should reduce the taxes at once. They, by their great added duties, col- lected surpluses of near $20,003,000, of which they boasted as evidences of statesmanship ; and they refused to reduce the taxes, though we warned them of the result. The result is before you — A RECKLESS INCREASE OF THE PUBLIC CHARGE, UNTIL IT HAS REACHED AND PASSED THE CAPACITIES OF THE ENLARGED REVENUE, AND YOU ARE FACE TO FACE WITH ENHANCED OBLIGATIONS, VAST TAXATION AND AN EMPTY EXCHEQUER. They complained" of Mr. Mackenzie's increase to the public debt, created in fulfilment of their own settled policy. They have enlarged that debt beyond the wildest conjectures of 1878, or even 1882, and have thus, apart from the heavy charge of redemption, absorbed all the benefit de- rivable from the lowered rate of interest over the world. They have drawn from the people in duties and deposits, and perman- ently sunk, enormous sums which would otherwise have gone in- to circulation ; and they have thus increased the stringency and clogged the wheels of trade. They promised by a system of re- striction and taxation to legislate into great and permanent "pros- perity the. manufacturing and agricultural industries. We pre- dicted that their system would result, as to manufactures, in the abstraction for a varying period of inordinate profits from the people, and then in an unwholesome stimulus and an unwise ap- plication of capital ; that with our small population a glut would soon ensue ; and that there would follow demoralization of trade, and distress alike to manufacturer and operative. Look at the main glories oftlielr policy, tlie cotton industries, the vjoollen in- diLstries, the sugar industries, for examples, and read in their records the fulfilment of our prediction ! They have regulated the flour-milling industry to death. AS TO THE AGRICULTURAL INTEREST, in whose leading branches we were producing a surplus, remember their dishonest attempts to gull the farmers ; their declarations that they could improve prices by duties ; their promises to bring a town population to every farmer's door. Remember during a brief period of high prices, their claim that it was all their doing. Remember also our declaration that their policy would hurt and could not help the farmer. Look at later prices for wool and barley, wheat and beef, and other products, and draw your own conclusions. As to the operative and the labourer, remember their promises to them, and our argument that the free competition in labour between Canada and foreign States would tend to regulate wages, and that for labour there was no protection. It has since been admitted by them that the condition of labour in the States is a main factor. ■ , ^»t-.i;/.*i,^f- • ,jtt'>^js> ■••t '^-L % y "^T" " "!,'r',.,'"j^;!|T' ,«• >(■ .,4 r- 1. ■^9 * .V '/■'.'<, '^. / -' "V -'■Need I say any thing of ' "> THE BALANCE OF TRADE, of the Minister's sage declarations that he was going to reduce imports, of his joy when one year they balanced exports, of his announcement that they were going to improve even on this ; of the condition of the balances shortly after, and of the anxiety now entertained that we may import largely so as to pay more taxes ? (Applause.) After a period of distress which culminated in 1879, there came, as was natural and inevitable, in spite of misgovernment, A GLEAM OF PROSPERITY TO CANADA. / 1 '."^'r. ■{■■i' ;■/■ ... Ik 'N . f; They claimed it all for themselves. They had done it with their little acts — (lauohter) — and what they had done they would con- tinue to do. Thei/ promised us ten years of pros^perity. They advised us to clap on all sail. All over Canada they promoted the boom and encouraged the expansion. They declared that it was but the foretaste of good things to come ; we had had but the first inkling of the joys prepared for us. (Laughter.) Having dissolved in 1882, at the top of the wave, a year before the time, " Return us," they said, " and we will make the good times better still. What we ha\ j done, we will do tenfold." Do you remember the hundreds of new manufacturers and the mil- lions of new capital that the verdict of 1882 was to introduce into Canada ? Many believed them. They got their majority. Many acted on their advice, and launched into adventures, clap- ping on all sail for the ten years' prosperous voyage. We warned you that it was a delusion fostered by the crime or the folly of the Ministers. Some sensible men in the walks of commerce and finance soon after raised their warping voices too. Much mischief was done, but much was thus averted. A crisis was avoided. But a period of severe distress and depression is what you have under- gone, instead of the promised ten years' voyage under unclouded skies, with sails swelling before a favouring breeze. Tn truth, instead of helping they had hurt yoa. They retarded the arrival, they diviiinished the exterd, they shortened the duration of yoar ■prosperity, and they intensified the following depression. (Loud applause.) Look, I pray you, everywhere and at everything,. V „.,'..; ,.; , ■ , .^[ :!' ' V ' CONTRAST PREDICTIONS AND PROM ISES \ . ' '• " , .'^ with events and results, and say whether oxir rulers are to be trusted more ! Alas, their removal will not undo all the evil they have wrought. Their works will live after them. (Laughter.) ^ / i . (1) r^;^ • ■ ' I'f. -"f -I'x -" / ,v ;• ■^,k '^. , They have brought the country into such a state that we must • ahandon for years to come the hope of dispensing with vei^f bur- densome taxation, though I believe our condition may be greatly . bettered by wise readjustments and judicious relaxation, and by honesty, economy and retrenchment in government. They pro- mised to create a mutually beneficial interprovincial trade. They have, indeed, forced some of our Western products and trade upon the East, but they have failed to give the East a Western market, ' and they have produced in the Maritime Provinces a condition of irritation and ill-feeling so marked, a sense of injustice at the vio- lation of pre-confederation promises so great, that t is my belief that the sentiment as to Confederation is less favourable, the link of union is less strong to-day than it was ten years ago. I regret that many in the East blame Confederation rather than misgovern- ment for the unhappy results. They promised that their tariff policy would SECURBr A RECIPROCITV TREA.TY in two years. Reciprocity was their goal ; and it was to be reached by great Canada putting pressure on our little neighbours to the south. (Laughter.) They have not secured reciprocity. They have hardly tried. They have told us for seven years that it was useless to try, and unpatriotic to talk of it ; and so far as they dared their press has discouraged the idea. This is for us, as well as for those of the United States near us on the south, though of course not for those more remote, the greatest material question. There is none so important on either side of the lino to the neighbouring populations! But it seems to me that for many long years they have minimized the chances of a treaty. In 1872 they declined the United States offer of trade privileges in conriection with the fishery relations ; they accepted the principle of a money compensation for the fisheries ; they left the headland question in abeyance-; they abandoned the Fenian raid claims ; they gave away the free navigation of the St. Lawrence ; and having thus seriously damaged and complicated our interests, they refused, towards the expiration of the treaty, though pressed as well by us as by the Imperial Government, to act with regard to the new conditions shortly to arise. They took no step in time; but after Congress had adjourned, and when, as everyone but themselves knew, it was impossible to procure a mutual extension, they pro- posed it in language most useful to the American Secretary. They gave him an easy task. He blandly adopted their views as to the inexpediency of shutting out the American fisherman, but, to their great surprise, he told these superior diplomatists that, under the Constitution of the Republic, Congress alone could ex- tend the freedom of the trade, and thus he used our position as a \ >\ M. . ''> v^ ,« .* \ \ / *. v^, .»■. , Ir '. ■ }•' ; * ■>■ .,».' I' ; •> 6 \N ■■'• ■• /• I A ^^' means of obtaining a one-sided extension by which we gave up all and got nothing. "■> • .. , OUR WISE MEN, , / . r • V ' informed at last of the Constitution of the United States, and embarrassed by their own argument, yielded, with results to the Canadian fisherman we can easily understand. Our Govern- ment does not seem to have thought about — at any rate, they made no effort to prolong — the transit arrangements, which soon after ended to the detriment of important Canadian interests. A promise was, however, given that Congress should be recom- mended to create a commission to consider the fishery and trade questions ; and negotiations are said to be expected, let us hope to have a more prosperous issue than our past experience oi the statesmanship of our representatives would warrant us in expect- ing. (Hear, hear.) The 'J ories mourned with bitter tears over / THE EXODUS from Canada in Mr. Mackenzie's . time, and the slow growth of population in town and country. They promised to change all that, and largely at the expense of the Canadian Pacific Railway to introduce fresh numbers to our soil. But the exodus tvas greater than before, and the general progress of urban and rural population has been slower than before, while they have expended enormous sums on immigration, to a considerable extent on per- sons who come into competition with classes already hard pressed, and on others who were but transient visitors to Canada. They complained of our restricted foreign trade, and promised, by treaties of commerce, to open up to us new markets. To achieve these triumphs • . . ^^.■ THEY APPOINTED A HIGH COMMISSIONER, with a magnificent furnished mansion, and large salary and allowances, aggregating, I believe, something near the salary of the United States Minister at London. Missions to France and Spain became the order of the day. In Spain we decided to stop, because for some incomprehensible reason it was sup- posed our advance might interfere with English negotiations, which have come to nothing. In France we lost a treaty by the dela3^s incident to reference to the Imperial authorities, ihe Min- isters have laboured, and have not even brought forth a mouse. (Laughter.) . . ' • ' . * .; -. ... * ^' But I forget. There are mysterious rumours about a second French treaty, which is said to have perished untimely before its gave up •V, • ' .-V » » C, ■ • f / . » •J I birth, which has been buried in secret, and which we must try some day to exhume for a coroner's inquest. They declared that the new office would save the cost and inconvenience of English Ministerial missions, but the missions have been more costly and numerous than before. In fact, a Minister or two generally crosses every year. But to make up, the High Commissioner spends a good deal of his time in Canada. (Laughter.) Not- withstanding the complete failure of their system, tliey reject the step of aecuHng to Canada the right to make com'>nercial treaties; the only step which will relieve us from the entaiiglements insepa- rable from the present plan, and give us a chance to advance in this direction our material interests. (Applause.) They have failed to secure the extension of extradition arrangements with the United States, which are in a condition scandalous to both countries, making each the refuge of the other's rogues, and which could be amended easily and, very soon were we in direct com- munication with our neighbours through an agent at Washington, as I have long since recommended. They have always professed themselves the only successful ad- justers of our relations with the Provinces. I have spoken of their trade and taxation policy. I will speak hereafter of their centralization policy. '' ■ ' . ' ■" ' ■ AS TO THE MONEY RELATIONS, / theirs has been a hand-to-mouth policy — (hear, hear) — not based on general principles, bad for all the Provinces, productive of local operations, demands, and expectations of the most serious character. They have brought the question, at best one of great difficulty, and touching a very grave, I hope not a fatal, defect in the Confederation scheme, into still greater difficulties. At this moment the situation of Nova Scotia is serious. That Province has made representations to Ottawa which have perhaps got into the North -VVest pigeon-holes — (laughter) — and discontent and ir- ritation are aroused. The settlement with Quebec did not take into account the claims of the other Provinces, and is said not to be final for Quebec itself, which is claimed to be still in a dis- tressed financial condition. Other Provinces are coming forward, and the whole q^uestion has reached an acute condition. , v While refusing to entertain the idea of "^ / REFORMING THE SENATE, ;1^- '^ the Glpvernment have, by their appointments, their vacancies, and "fey their management of Parliamentary business, impaired its modest possibilities of usefulness and its modest share of public confidence. That body is now pretty generally recognized for .. / '. . ■ ... -, . . (1) ■ < .■ s. *•' -i ' .1 ■ :.'^ ;y v •\ ■imm^ t^tmiMmtrnm^ .,f f ] 8 what it is, a convenient reserve of Tory patronage when in office, and a powerful weapon in Tory handH after they are defeated at the polls. (Applause.) They have two chances. If you support them at the polls they have both legislative chamber-, but if you defeat them they have the Senate still, and can use it to thwart the popular will We believe that it is not consistent with the modern democratic vieus of free institutions that the Executive should have power to nominate legislators for life. (Applause.) We believe that the legislative bodies should be elective, and respon- sible to the people for whom they make the laws. (Hear, hear.) Talk of the Senate as a revising body ! Read the record of its sittings and of its revisory action on the great bills, and discard that notion forever ! (Hear, hear). The Senate contains some good men, some able and upright men, but its constitution is vicious, and should be changed. The Government was gradually (prced, in part to make, in part to accept, improvements in ^ > N > , THE ELECTION LAW.S. '. ; ' To our long-continued efforts you owe the one day and simul- taneous polling and the trial by judges. (Hear, hear.) When the Reformers came in they gave up the right to name the returning-officers, and provided that responsible public officials should fill the posts. But the Tories, taking advantage of the change while their opponents were in office, the moment they re- turned to power repealed the law, and seized into their hands the appointments. They took and have abused the power. (Hear, hear.) They have " , • ' SYSTEMATICALLY GERRYMANDERED ONTARIO. ^ This Pro>iuce was within one of an equal division at the polls in 1882. But the gerrymander took from us eight seats, and endan- gered many more, so that we are in a decided minority in Parlia- ment, and the change of a few votes would have almost swept us out of the House, though still sustained by half the electorate. This was a shameful and shameless act ; a high-handed usurpa- tion ; an act of despotism under the forms of free institutions. (Hear, hear.) It was an act which sapped the foundations of free and con^titutional government, and outrage every notion of fair play. It is an act which we must never forget till its perpetra- tors are punished, and its wrongs undone. (Cheers.) j';i ■' .. The Government has since taken from the Provinces the powep which each Province had up till lately exercised of settling the Dominion fianchise. It is a power which, as the neighbouring ■ ■A .■*/.rv.ii; ■•^:^y*^\.^^;i^ij (1) :r ; > ?.' in office, 'eated at 1 support it if you thwart with the iJxecutive pplause,j d respon- , hear.) Did of its d discard giins some itution is :c, in part tnd simul- t to name ic officials ,ge of the t they re- ,eir hands e power. iie polls in Ind endan- in Parlia- lost swept lelectorate. jd usurpa- Istitutions. )ns of free lion of fair perpetra- bhe poweF jttling the rhbouring K^ipublic proves, it is more consistent with the federal sjurit to leave with the Provinces, They have thus cheated a double FRANCHISE, A DOUBLE UEOISTIIATION, DOUBLE TROUBLE AND EX- I'ENSE. Their franchise is less liberal than that of tlie late On- tario Act, and they retain the plural vote. They have conferred on the unenfranchised indian.s, of whom the bulk are shown, by their own official reports, to be uneducated and dependent, who have not yet got, are declared unfit for, and do not want tlie other privileges anart of its mileage. . ■ .. . ' > , , They have thus . ' "^ » ' ..-v *, IMPAIRED THE IMMEDIATE PROSPECTS OF THE ENTERPRISE, and at the same time charged upon the tratHc of the North- West unnecessary burdens, while for that country the vital question is cheap rates of railway. To preserve the company's monopoly. « 1 • I / * 11 'i^ they have disallowed local railway legislation in Manitoba, in de- Hance of the rights and to the detriment of the interests of the Province, and we do not yet see the end. LOOK AT THEIR NOKTH-WEST POLICY ! At one time they encouraged speculation and proniotiod the boom which has caused so much misery there and here. At another time they closed large tracts to settlement. Always have they been slow, negligent, and not responsive to the calls of duty which were exacting as regards the development and administra- tion of that vast region ; and so they created discontent and re- tarded solid progress. They have used that country as a happy hunting ground for their supporters ina'ide and outside of Par- liament, from Lieutenant-Governor Dewdney to expectant-Regis- trar Wilkinson. It has been one of the party resources of the Gov- ernment. We have legal, medical, mercantile and broken-down politicians in the older Provinces turning up in every comer of th^ records, as Timber speculators, Coal miners, Railway promoters, Land Speculators, Ranche owners. Gold miners. Land company promoters. Office holders, Contractors, all looking to Ottawa and begging for favours. This phase of the business has assumed in the Legislature the proportions of a public scandal. (Hear, hear.) Members have been using their parlia- mentary position to obtain advantages for themselves, and to procure at a price these advantaged for others. I know of a member, and so do you, who, as a reward for his influence and exertions in securing advantages, got < v GRATUITOUS INTERESTS IN TWO COLONIZATION COMPANIES ' f — blind shares they call them. I know of a member who stipu- ' • lated for a commission on the amount of a railway subsidy he was promoting at Ottawa. I know of a member who, being a director in a railway company, demanded as his share about half the expected profits of the promoters, on the threat that he other- wise would use his influence against the company's grant, which ', he thought he could help or hinder. » - I need not go on, though I could go further and climb higher. The STATE OF THINGS IS DISGUSTING AND ALARMING. Nor Cau you be surprised that men engaged in such transactions are but little open to reason and argument. Their ears are in their pockets. 'f A- r > $•>> ■, ./■■\ . ( ■;.■'♦•• >;v 12 But' yoti o'ugnt not to be astonished at this condition of affairs. When the Canadian people returned to power the actors in the Pacific Scandal, these i-esults were predicted. We could not but suffer a degradation of the public morals. I do not intend to deal •with the graver features of that transaction, but let me recall to you one minor incident. Do you remember that in '72 there was a private bargain whereby a prominent member secured a secret share in the company ? On the surface he was to pose as the independent member for Blankton, arguing and voting on high public grounds for large subsidies and liberal treatment to the comp'any. In truth, he was to be a partner in the concern, making profits out of his vote and his seat. The facts became known, but after a decorous period of retirement he was again returned by his constituents, and now fills a Ministerial office. If such a transaction is to be followed by political promotion, why should you be surprised that it is followed by still more objection- able and scandalous relations between members and the public chest ? Why should yon be surprised that the disease has infected electors as well as members, and that onore and more openly the atrocious doctritie is disseminated that the public moneys should be appropriated, and that local claims should be regarded vAth reference to the political opinions of the district, and the degree of support it may accord to the Government of the day. Nor is this all. The ' ^ ti >-i VI- u 14 ■ 1 '% t's ■■'■'•■ A PATRONAGE IS ABUSED. The office- holder is not free to vote as he wills. I know a case in which a member warned an office-holder that if he voted against the Government candidate he might lose his office, in which the man did so vote, and was shuffled out of his office accordingly. Thus you all see that a gigantic system of corrupt influence has been organized, by which the independent action of members and electors is checked, and the ascendency/ of the Government is maintained. Our task is to break that system doivn ! (Cheers.) In another sphere of politics a most unfortunate line has been pursued by Ministers. They have attempted a course of cen- tralization subversive of the federal pact. Our future depends largely on the full recognition of the I } 'ij FEDERAL CHARACTER OF OUR CONSTITUTION, and the preservation of our local liberties. But the Minister .was from the beginning a legislative unionist on principle. If he could have had his way, all power would have been centered at Ottawa. He became a Federalist from interest, as the condition i, I. (1) \« ow a case m .■/v^,.^ ' .■■■■' yp - . < \ Vr : , O . " • i- .-. :M..- ,''■ ;.^A^ . %^' ; ^ -'. vv 'X».* •''. ' X ■- -* ' of keeping power ; that power he has used, so far as he dared, in furthering legislative union. Both in framing and in interpreting the federal act he has minimized its federal character. He has made many failures in his anti- provincial campaigns, but he has attained some successes injurious to his country. Of these late examples are the extension of the power of disallow- ance, the seizure of the provincial! railways, and the appropria- tion of the franchises. As to his unsuccessful attempts, he jlaimed the right to the issue of marriage licenses, but the Imperial authorities decided against the constitutional lawyer — (laughter) — who has boasted so vain-gloriously of his infallibility ; and he was forced to abandon his prey. He claimed the right to es- cheats ; but the Privy Council has decided against the view of the constitutional lawyer. (Laughter.) And he was forced to abandon his prey. . . The Ontario Legislature by act declared that the law gave a right to run timber down certain streams, and it provided for com- pensation for the use of the owner's improvements. The constitu- tional lawyer — (laughter) — averred that this act altered, and did not declare the law ; that it was a theft of the owner's property ; and he disallowed it thrice as unjust. The Privy Council decided, against the view of the constitutional lawyer, that the law was such as the Ontario Legislature had declared it to be ; so that they had not stolen the owner's property ; on the contrary their act vas his security for compensation for lawful use. S* 1 believe the last Streams Act has not been disallowed ; we kear no more of this great outrage on the rights of property ; we jhear no more- of theft ; he has been forced to abandon his prey. [(Applause.) Yet the wound inflicted on the constitution is not healed ; nor will be until there is at least some formal declaration and repudi- [ation of the claim to disallow local legislation on local matters not I affecting Dominion interests, -simply because an Ottawa Minister may fancy the act unjust. This pretention is subversive of the chief of ail provincial rights — that of effective legislation on purely local affairs. r The constitutional lawyer declared that the limits of Ontario to the West did not reach Port Arthur, and to the North were the height of land ; he averred that the limits of the Lake of the Woods and the Albany River, and other waters were wrong and [could not be supported by any court or tribunal in the world. HE SOUGHT TO SEIZE ON A TERRITORY, THE SIZE OF A KINGDOM, ♦WHICH WAS THE PROPERTY OF ONTARIO. , . ■ .r . *-, 'A- ,l For the paltry purpose of creating strife between Ontario and m t \. • ■>" ^ 14 . ^ V-j ^ ■'■■(•, ^'; V..- ■f.. ^S.:-^ i: -V^J'- '.; ,% , ■ V. . ■ 1- 1 , $ ■V • '•"r''' ■' J .■" •it T ■f; ■ ;|' ,i •: • ' i ■ It ■(- '■i>,; Manitoba, he assumed to hand over this territory to Manitoba. She was encouraged to take possession, while Ontario was declared to be violent and wrong, because she claimed her own. But the Privy Council has decided against the boundary set up by the constitutional lawer, and substantially in favourof that which he said no court or tribunal would support ; he will be forced to abandon his prey. (Applause.) The constitutional lawyer declared that even if the limits were the Lake of the Woods, yet Ontario had no right to the lands, the timber, the mines or the minerals ; that these all belonged to Can- ada ; that not a stick of timber or a lump of lead, iron or gold would ever be Ontario's ; and he has tried to divide up her inheritance among his political friends. But the Chancellor has held that the constitutional lawyer is wrong; that the property is Ontario's. (Applause.) I am told that the prospect of a favourable result in the higher court is excellent ; and so we may hope that he will be obliged to abandon his prey. The constitutional lawyer, seeking in 1882 the , ' ' SUPPORT OF THE LICENSED VICTUALLERS, declared that he had never doubted that the Local Legislatures had no right to regulate the sale of drink ; that their acts were waste paper ; that they would be so decided by the courts ; and he advised the victuallers to test them. He declared that if re- turned he would pass an act taking away his power from that little tyrant Mowat. (Loud cheers and laughter.) The victuallers were pleased, and voted accordingly. They called on him to re- deem his pledge. He then told Parliament that Ottawa legisla- tion was necessary ; that the local liquor laws were void ; that the sale was free ; that we must act at once ; and all this he said was shown by Russell's case. We pointed out that Russell's case did not so decide; and that at any rate it was ill argued; the question of municipal rights was never raised ; some of the reasoning was questionable : and that the proposed legislation was wrong. He insisted, and proposed a committee to frame a law. We declined to sit on his committee. He brought in their report and intro- duced his bill. We proposed postponement till the question he had raised should be settled by the court. He refused. We pro- posed action to remove the doubt in the sense of the Provincial rights acted on for fifteen years. He refused. He forced his mea- sure through, created his offi,ces, established his machinery , collected his fees, issued his licenses, and involved the community in tur- moil, confusion and expense. Meantime the victuallers had taken his advice. They tested the local Act. The Privy Council decided — against the constitutional lawyer — that tJie acts he had I -4^ I 1 i 1 1« .•^;, 'vr'-.;.-: r declared waste paper were good and valid. (Cheers.) Confusion became worse confounded. Next session came. We called for the repeal of the law which it was now shown was nofc necessary, the ground for which had wholly failed. He refused. He declared that though the local laws were valid, the federal law was so also, and would supersede them. .' THE CLOVEN HOOF APPEARED. ' (Laughter). It was a matter of policy now, not of necessity. He wanted to centralize. In the end we forced a reference to the courts. The Supreme Court decided that the main parts of the law were ultra vires. Last session came. We asked him to discontinue the struggle. He obstinately refused. We could obtain only a suspension, and the worry continued still. Now the Privy Council has decided that the emphatic and positive declaration of the constitutional lawyer was altogether wrong, and that the Act is ultra vires. The struggle was severe and protracted. It is ended now ! His cohorts are disbanded ; his licenses are torn up : his staff is off duty ; his Act is waste paper. He has been forced to abandon liis prey. (Loud applause.) But at what cost to the public and to citizens, it will not be easy to count up. Can you wonder that some people have actually begun to lose faith a little in the statesmanship and skill which, with such large pretensions, has produced such inade- quate results ? ( Laughter.) Now the Government has all this time been so " - '7 - BUSY WITH POLITICAL INTRIGUE, ^ with schemes for retaining or obtaining political support, with jobs, with the regulation of our private business, with its attacks on the Provinces, that it seems to have had no time or energy for the discharge of its most obvious and important duties. It MARKED THE EARLY PART OF ITS OLD LEASE OF POWER BY THE North- West rebellion of 1869 It has, I believe, marked THE closing scenes OF ITS NEW LEASE BY THE NoRTH-WeST RE- BELLION OF 1885. (Applause.) I cannot go into the details to- night. I have done so in Parliament already. Remember, that Oovemment was very specially responsible for diligence and liber- ality in dealing luith the North- West, because of foi^mer events, and because it ivas an unrepresented country, autocratically gov- erned. I have, nevertheless, shown beyond all doubt, out of the selected papers brought down under compulsion by the Govern- ment, the most scandalous neglect, delay and mismanagement.. With an enormous Indian expendituie they had the Indians largely •V4 1 :' ■> ■» ■ ' "I *" TT ^ ^^^^I^^W^^ ■.!»"'*7 •*•-% •'> l'; '.I-' 16 ■ ' •> ' .,^■^. . — -J. ^ , , in a state of hunger, insubordination and disquiet. • With seven years' time for action, full power to act, full knowledge of the dis- content, and of the danger of delay, with constant petitions, reso- lutions, representations, pressure and remonstrances, they yet did nothing to settle the claim of the North- West half-breeds to like treatment as was accorded those of Manitoba till it was too late — till the fire was in the heather. When they first acted, it was in a lame, inadequate and halting sense, and with a fatal pause. (Cheers.) Even their second step, after the outbreak, was unjust and unsatisfactory, and it was not till after the commission had reported the need to yield that they yielded. They showed, also, gross negligence in dealing with the claims of the Manitoba enumerated half-breeds, whose first de- mands, though pressed and proved for years, they refused to recog- nize or settle, nor were they dealt with till April, 1885. Their action as to the land office, the opening of the land for entry, the surveys, the settlement of land claims, the recognition of early occupation, wood rights, land patents, colonization com- panies and reserves, and their system of dealing with letters, pe- titions and reports were marked by \ . .' APATHY, INCAPACITY, NEGLECT, PROCRASTINATION AND BUNGLING. In truth, the story is almost incredible, were it not proved out of the records. . • Then in June, 1884, came Riel. There was ample time that summer to settle all. All n 'ght have been even then adjusted ; the grievances which were his in- struments removed, and his power broken. They knew he was there ; they kneiv he was agitating ; they knew the danger ; Sir David Macpherson new it ; Sir John Macdonald kneiu it ; Sir Hector Langevin knew it ; Sir Adolphe Garon knei: it — the vjhole corps of Knights knew it. They were warned time and again ; they were implored ; they were threatened. Nothing moved them. They were roused to action only on the eve of the outbreak. . \ r ^ TOO LATE, ALAS, TOO LATE ! (Applause.) They were as ineffective in measures of repression and defence as in those of redress. They demoralized and dis- banded the local forces. With three years' warning they left the guns in such an unserviceable state that they became useless at Cut Knife, to the great danger of our gallant troops. They chose a military post at Carleton, which was only tenable while there was no enemy — (laughter) — and was abandoned the first instant of the war. vo (I) w^ ipm k^^^ ;f ..'. nth seven of the dis- ions, roso- ey yet did sds to like too late — nd halting jcond step, it was not [ that they Lg with the le first de- d to recog- • lie land for recognition lation corn- letters, pe- BUNGLING. proved out A.11 n ^ght rere his in- ew he was mger; Sir j,ei(; it ; Sir —the vjhole and again; ing moved )utbrea]c. repression ed and dis- g they left ame useless ops. They nable while ed the first 4, ■4^ ■Jsv n4r i"? /''• •» 17 / _ I . I ■ ■ These are hut samples of their conduct. I say nothing of the cost of the war, oi' the management of that business. Now, you know " WHAT FOLLOWED THE OUTBREAK. ' The loss of many lives ; many wounds ; much suffering ; terror and anxiety among the scattered settlers ; great hardships ; losses to individuals ; millions drawn from the public chest ; the country injured ; the Indians unsettled ; a state of affairs produced of whicn we cannot see the end. I brought the subject before Parliament at the end of last ses- sion, but the House was exhausted, the papers were unprinted, the members had not read them ; Government denied the accur- acy of my statements ; they called on their sui)porters to confide in them ; they declared my motion inopportune, and called on their supporters on that ground to vote it dow^i ; and voted down it was. Since then there has been time to read the papers ; the objections of last session no longer apply. Some of their sup- porters have already declared that the Government was wrong, and I do not believe they would now repeat their vote. WHAT IS TO BE THE PENALTY Foil THE MEN WHO HAVE, BY THEIR CRIMINAL NEGLECT AND INX'APACITY, PRODUCED THESE SAD RESULTS ? I have told them that in older days they would have been im- peached as traitors to their trust. (Prolonged applause.) These are not our modern ways. The penalty is milder — for such an offence as theirs, too mild. It is but a withdrawal of the power they have abused, of the confidence they have betrayed. This mild penalty we call on the people to Inflict, and I will not so far despair of my country as to doubt the answer to that call. (Cheers.) Since the close of the outbreak an event growing out of it has to a great degree engrossed the public attention, and to that I now turn — I mean r THE FATE OF RIEL. An effort has been made for obvious political purposes to colour the character and exaggerate the import of the agitata on on this subject. Some Quebec supporters of the Government have, in common with some of its Quebec opponents, denounced its action in very strong language, and words have been used, suggestions have been made, things have been done, which do not commend themselves to my judgment. (Cheers.) On the other hand, the most violent language has been used in ■ V ^ ■ '■' ' '. 'i.v : >^,^;.' '■if- 1) i •''-• "■-?» ::;.•>'. K ■ 18 . /■ ;-■*:• •<^-:C.a' M-. -.vw- 1' the Ontario Ministerial organ. The movement, as a whole, has, in my view, been misrepresented, and a deliberate design is ap- parent on the part of the Ontario Tories to create and intensify a war of raxje and creed, amd to obscure by this means all the real issues between parties in order to raise an issue, false in itself, and which, handled as proposed by the Ministerial press, would imperil tiie future of our country. (Cheers.) It is quite certain that this question must, and it is most des- irable that it should, be shortly debated in Parliament, and that those who challenge the conduct of the Government should ten- der a definite issue. This I hold, though 1 entertain very strong opinions as to the reserve which should attend criticisms on the exercise in ordinary cases of the prerogative of mercy. As Minister of Justice I have had to advise in many capital cases, and I do not forget the heavy responsibility which rests on those in whose hands are the issues of life and death, and whose task is rendered all the more difficult by reason of the large measure of discretion vested in them, and expressed in the word clemency. I know how, much these difficulties are enhanced by heated partizan and poptilar discussion, in which distorted views and an imperfect appreciation of facts are likely to prevail. I have been falsely and wantonly accused of selling the prerogative for personal and for political gain. I deprecated then, as I would deprecate now, such attacks on Ministers unless made with good and sufficient reason. So delicate, in my opinion, is the exercise of this prerogative, that while I have sometimes been unable to reconcile my judgment to that of the present Ministers, I have felt it, on the whole, the lesser evil to be silent than to raise a debate, and I can easily conceive, in fact I have known of cases in Which, though I might difier from the conclusion of the Min- isters, I should yet refuse to censure them for honestly taking a line which I would not follow. 1 ''^' 'V BUT WE MUST BE GUIDED IN EACH STANCES. CASE BY ITS OWN CIRCUM- The right of discussion, of advics, of Cb.isure, has been denied by a leading Ministerial organ. Yet it is unquestionable. Ministers are responsible in this as in all other cases. I was myself instru- mental in procuring the reform which made this sure, and the rights which I helped to secure for my country I will help to maintain. (Cheers.) But I declare that the occasion must be special which renders discussion opportune, and the case clear which renders censure expedient. • j < . ■ '.> Why, then, do I hold that this is plainly a case for Parliament- ary discussion. For several reasons. , „ >, .U.-. ■ y ■-t--'.v.- N CIRCUM- -■A-. \ .■ 19 • .^r ■ ( ; Because the trial was for an extraordinary political offence. A great agitation has supervened, and various questions have been I'aised which cannot be disposed of save after full debate in Par- liament. Because some prominent supporters of the Government declare Ihat they have been misled, deceived and betrayed by the Gov- ernment ; and this charge must be investigated. (Hear, hear.) Because these men also declare that the Government acted, not on principle, but on party considerations, to punish an old of- fence, and to gratify the hate of a section of their supporters, a statement which demands inquiry. (Hear, hear.) Because unhappily at an early day, and before the trials, the Government declining the po8itio7i of neutrality and indiference tvhich as tfte representatives of public justice, public mercy, and 2niblic policy they should have maintained, declared that the charge which I preferred against them of neglect, delay, and mismanage- ment in North- West afairs was the defence of their prisoners, thus making themselves substantially private parties to the cause, and in efect resting their defence on the wrisoners conviction. I have always held that both parties ^ight be deeply guilty, the GDvernment for neglect, delay and mismanagement, and the insurgents for rising in rebellion, always a grave ofi'ence against the State, and in this case aggravated by the incitements to the Indians to revolt. But the Government identified their acquittal with the prisoners' conviction, and thus disqualified themselves for just judgment. (Cheers.) For these and other reasons I deprecate any attempt to evade or delay the Parliamentary discussion, and am ready to facilitate as far as I can the ventilation of the whole question, including the sentences of imprisonment, as to which I may be allowed to express the hope that Government will, without delay, deal with those sentences in a large and merciful spirit. But while I am of this opinion, I hold strong views as to the character of the dis- cussion. Much has been said of the conduct of the French-Canadians in raising this question, and A WICKED ATTEMPT HAS BEEN MADE, , taking advantage of some too hot and intemperate phrases, to arouse prejudices of race and creed against them because they have shown specially warm feelings in this matter. It is true that we Canadians are in a political sense one people. I could wish that, without obliterating race predictions, there were among us greater unity and love as fellow-Canadians. (Hear, hear.) To that end I have laboured in my humble way, and not long since ■ ■■ ^'- ^-•■'"^' :■ ■ '-V/: ■. ■, ^ "■>■ , ^ (1) _ ;-: \« 20 ,1V V, .H, n^!^ .- ' * i'4 i' i »+ when defending: those of another faith than mine asrainst what I believed to be unjust aspersions, I pointed out the true path of duty in a community of divers races and creeds like ours, " where we must combine firmness in the assertion of our own ri^jhts with , , fulness in the recofjnition of the rights of others — (cheers) — we '' , must cultivate moderation and forbearance; we must hold to the • ' , '■ simple acknowledgment of each man's individual rights of con- ■' science in religious matters, and to the commpn citizenship of all 'V . in civil affairs if we would make of Canada a great and free .; • country, inhabited by a happy and united people." (Cheers.) '.;'-'> Race and religious feelings however, exist, and will have their .:'.' ' effect. It is natural that those of us who are of one Province, ■ -• blood or faith, should feel more warmlv than the rest in the cause >^ ' of men of our own Province, origin or creed. (Hear, hear.) A ■•■•'. ~ • • .• • y / ». . . ', • \ . BLOOD IS THICKER THAN WATER. '^' ^ V The condition I affix is this, that they should found their appeal *: f on the great principlef^f justice, mercy and policy applicable to all alike, and should dRiand no special favours by re" son of Pro- vince, race or creed. Those of us who belong to the other elements of our nationality have also our duty to do — to make ample allowance for warmth of utterance and hasty phrase, to calm rather than to excite pre- judice, and to decide on broad and general, just ami generous vieius, such as we would wish applied to ourselves. Let us do unto others as ive would they should do unto us. (Cheers.) As to the union for political purposes of one race or creed, ir- respective of political principles, I am not now to speak for the first time my mind. In 1871, when expressing the strong opin- ions I felt and feel on the subject of the murder of Scott, I de- precated any attempt to decide the question on the ground of nationality or religion. In 1877, when protesting against some ill-advised pretensions on the subject of undue influence, I de- clared that I should stiuggle " to pi*eserve to each one of my fellow- countrymen, whatever his creed, the same full and ample measure of civil freedom which he now enjoys under those laws which en- able him and me, though we may be of diverse faiths, to meet on the same platform, and to differ according to our own political convictions, and not according to our religious faith, or the dicta- tion of any other man, lay or clerical." (Cheers.) And during the last few years I have more than once warned my fellov:-coun- trymen of an insidious attempt which has been made to effect a so-called j^olitical union of all the French throughout Canada in the interest of the Quebec Tory leaders. I have poinl;ed out that this was an unpatriotic step fraught with danger to the Dominion, \^'. / ■ ^.\^' * V and with special danger to those who, being the minority, were asked to work together as a unit, apart from questions of opinion. But no encouragement was given by the Tories of the other Provinces to these views. It was all RIGHT for messks Lange- VIN & Co. TO COUNSEL SUCH A UNION SUBSTANTIALLY IN THE TORY INTEREST. But when there is a breach in the Quebec Tory ranks the cry of danger to the State at once fills the air. A united French populationy U7iited iu the Tory interest, would he a piiblic blessing. A more equally divided French population since it ivould weaken the Tory interest is a public danger. (Laughter.) I say a more equally divided French population, for i^ is not ray judgment that the French are a unit on this question. Foi- the same base party purpose of promoting race prejudice, and giving ground for the cry of English against French, they have been so represented by the Ontario Ministerial press. But not so by that of Quebec, and I believe it to be but a dodge, and that there is there, well as elsewhere some division of opinion. So may it be 1 LET US UNITE AND DIVIDE, I SAY ONCE MORE, ON GROUNDS OP REASON, ARGUMENT AND OPINION, AND NOT OF RACE OR CREED. ' I hope and trust that the excitement having somewhat abated, the further discussion in the press and among the people may be : more tranquil ; that rash and hasty language may be avoided, ,. and that when we meet in Parliament we may engage in the debate in a temper and after a fashion suitable to our national dignity, and regardful of our natic»nal unity. (Cheers.) Now, on what lines are we to deal with this question in Par- liament. Those of us vv ho have not engaged in the preliminary (JKs- cussion, who are free and unfettered, to whom it is open, unembar- rassed by any prior and premature declarations, to reach unbiassed conclusions, have, I conceive, very special duties. We are to help to obtain information on all points now obscure ; we are to listen .'. to the arguments of those who have taken sides ; we are to coji- ' sider the whole case presented, and we are to strive for the for- mation of a 1 v\ JUST AND STATESMANLIKE JUDGMENT by the House of Commons. We must endeavour to eliminate, as j /actors in the decision, race and creed ; and cause the Commons of Canada to speak ivith a voice and in a sense which posterity, after these heats have cooled and these mists have cleared, shall ratify and confirm. (Cheers.) .0 Ir':^. - '.'.ii y\. m > / fi^ ,r*.' ■' ■ ■ I' '. 1 ,^1 99 ^ >■ ••• / . ')■ ■ \ * > \ ". ' \. >■ c ^i ■> ' '•>; ^•' I •■ ■>/; -\ , . •■•V^ '■'^ ■ . "■< •• J -r ' v :Vv-. k 'i'^: r ■'i \ < .V}. I BELIEVE WE CANNOT, IF WE WOULD, MAKE OF THIS A PARTY QUESTION. AFTER FULL REFLECTION I DO NOT ENTERTAIN THAT DESIIIE; BUT WERE IT OTHERWISE, I DOUBT THAT THE RESULT COULD BE ACCOMPLISHED. (Hear, hear.) I EXERCISE NO COM- PULSIVE OR CONSTRAINING FORCE OVER THE OP- INIONS OF THE LIBERAL PARTY ON THIS OR ANY OTHER QUESTION ; AND I ENTERTAIN THE IMPRES- SION THAT WITH US, AS WITH THE TORIES. THERE ARE DIFFERENCES OF OPINION IN THE RANKS NOT LIKELY TO BE COMPOSED, AND WHICH I, AT ANY RATE, SHALL MAKE NO ENDEAVOUR TO CONTROL TO A PARTY END. FOR, AFTER ALL, THOUGH AT FIRST BLUSH ONE MAY REGRET PARTY DIVISIONS YET AM I GLAD IN THIS CASE OF THIS CONDITION. For the leasons I have given I do not desire a party conflict on the Regiiia tragedy. / do not propose to construct a political platform out of the Ref/ina sea fold — (prolonged cheers) — or to create or cement party ties with the blood of thi condemned. To apply ivords I have already quoted in another sense, I do not care " To attem;.t the future s pjrtal with the past's blood-rusted key," Now, as you know, I have been absent from Canada for some months, but since my return I have read with care such papers as I could find. While these have produced impressions on my mind as to the material issues, I have been clearly led to the con- clusion that the information required for a just judgement on some, points is not before us. I think we require an authentic copy of the evidence and pro- ceedings at the trial, and also of the papers fourd at Batoche, the F reduction of which was refused by the Government, but which, ihink, Parliament should see, the rather that a Minister has , lately made public one of these papers, of considerable importance as affecting Riel's position, and tending to contradict the allega- tion that he had himself procured the invitation to come into the North- V\' est. / think we require an explanation as to why, if it , was intended to execute the sentence, Riel was not 2^ut on trial ; for murder instead of for high treason. Was it because it was thought inconsistent with Gen. Middleton's letter to try him for aught save a political offence ? It is proper also to know more as to the circumstances connected with that letter, so as to judge of the weight to be attached to it. As to the trial itself, i j must be confessed that the arrangements for the administration of justice, originally of necessity rude and primitive, had become by time less applicable to the circumstances of the country and were not well suited to the trial of such a case as Kiel's. The independence of the judiciary and its high stand- %v. it, ». , »..\ .. / \ , 23 ^ , i I ' r c ing in fact and in public estimation are of the first importance : and in a political case, in which the Government has taken sides, this is brought home to the meanest comprehension. But the judges of the North- West hold office, not like the Superior judges I of the older Provinces, during good behaviour, but at the pleasure of the Government, on which they are thus in some sort depend- ent. Besides, they are also political personages as members of the North-West Council and thus less fitted for political trials. I regret that the course of legislation has been rather in the direction of reducing than of increasing the s.^curities in these cases. By the act of '80 the presence of two magistrates besides the stipendiary in capital cases, theretofore necessary, was dis- pensed with, one only being made sufficient. But I do not see that the Government is censurable for having tried the prisoner before the tribunal provided by the standing laws, though I may regret that those laws did not provide a more satisfactory tribunal; and it is always to be remembered that the special provisions re- quiring the decision of the Executive before the execution, and tlie attendant responsibility of Government, have been retained. The choice of the judge is another matter. If I rightly under- stand, Mr. Richardson, besides being a magistrate and a member |of the North-West Council) was the paid legal adviser, the poli- I tical law officer, so to speak, of the Executive of the North- West, land I think explanations are required of such a choice for such a [trial. Something I had intended to say as to the panel, but on 'reflec- [tion, in the absence of knowledge on one .material point, I think it better not to suggest in this respect hypothetical criticism, and therefore I abstain. I think it right to say that, in my opinion, jthe Government acted in a very proper spirit in providing for the [attendance of the prisoners' witnesses, and that from what I know [of their leading counsel I should suppose it impossible that, in their [management of the case, there was anything unfair to the prisoner, or derogatory to the high character they deservedly enjoy,or theres- ;f ponsible duties they undertook to perform. (Cheera.) I am not im- j plying, then, any present doubt as to the justice of the trial. For all jmy inquiries it may have been just. But, besides justice in fact, the (creation of a feeling of public confidence, of a general impression [that all was fair, and that every security was taken for fairness, lis important, and in that view of the duty of the authorities, II think these questions should be examined. Again, we should have before us all the withheld and suppressed Idocuments as to the (1) ■'."■V. ' / ¥ ■* .',V V-: \\V • v t ■ .r-V-^'v ••. '-^ ... '.,■,■■ *■" ^5^ /V . ' . r T 24 , ;- NEGLECT, IJELAY, AND MISMANAGEMENT OK THE GOVERNMENT — not, I repeat, as Justifying rebellion, but as added proofs that Government gave the occasion and opportunity to raise rebellion by means of the feelings evoked aua the materials and chances offered through their misconduct. Look in this connection at Bishop Orandin's letters lately pub- lished. Look at Col. Houghton's report still suppressed. Look at the mass of papers still confessedly withheld. The Govern- ment says that it will not now enter into this part of the case. It is reserved for Parliament. Be it so. The issue is then deferred ; but we must have the evidence. And these papers may have an important bearing on the proi)riety of the decision, and on the question whether these were the men who should have reached that decision. I think we should have the evidence on which ■ /''I !•/ ■< : V,' ■ '.r '-• • .A-.y ■-.'^■''' . *•.:■»-•. i'l.;', m-. GOVERNMENT HAS CHARGED THE WHITES OF PRINCE ALBERT WITH . ^ BEING GUILTY, •' more guilty than the Metis. If so, they should be exposed. In- dians and Half-breeds should not bear the brunt while guiltier whites go free — (cheers) — and the relation of these whites to Kiel may have a serious bearing on his case. Wey should have further information as to Kiel's demand Tor money. As Government states the case, his conduct was base and venal, and a strong impression has naturally been produced. But the statement is involved in contradictions, for I find in the memorandum of the Minister the following extracts from the evi- dence : " He (Kiel) said that if he got the money he would go to the United States and start a paper and raise the other national- ities in the States." He said : " Before the grass is that high in this country you will see foreign armies in this country." He said, " I will commence by destroying Manitoba, and then I will come and destroy the North- West and take possession of the North-West." Kovj, however wicJced, ' absurd or indicative of a disordered mind may have been these words, addressed to the man he was soliciting, they are inconsistent with vinality. More light is wanted here. ., I now come to a most important part of the case. The question of |i f i !< RIEL's MENTAL CONDITION IS one to which I am at present disposed to attach greater import- ance than as I judge does the general public. But I think all will agree that we are clearly entitled to have before- us, besides (1) :t ,-«.'<: ' .»• /♦ 25 I ( VERNMENT ALBERT WITH the papers, the instructions, and report of the so-called Medical (.'ommisHion wliich is referre«l to hy the Government. You will remember the conHicting statements as to the character and results (if the eiKpiiry. Thouj^h there is much on wliich we can and ought to reach conclusions independent of the medical testimony, yet this is a part of the case without which wo should not decide. / think, also, th■ :^i^ .V, \ V - - ^. (1) k4 ■i;'>H:~'' '"■•;-»»., ' ' »"f '.." T .*■;■ ■V \ . V ^,/.' ^k < 20 « V <," I -« ,'■< plause.) / have had no commv/nidation with anyone outside of my own party, I have never wished for office. On the contrary I dislike it. Nor was there ever a time at which it presented in my view so little to attract : so much to deter. Beyond this I believe it to be from a mere paFty point of view the interest of the Liberal party that the present Government should remain in office a little longer — (laughter) — till the public have seen still more clearly the results of their past policy, results which if developed in our reign, might be, as in past times, attributed to us and not to their real authors. But were all this otherwise, I believe that a stable political alliance can be formed only on a general under- standing on the substantial questions calling for early legislative and administrative action ; and that it would be equally impossible and undesirable to form one based on community of sentiment, did that exist, ^^ith regard to an execution. Nor have I reason to believe that c ii *hat or any other question the Government, though weakened^ will he defeated this session. For the purpose of forwarding their design to form an anti- French alliance, the Ontario Ministerial organ has proclaimed their defeat. But the organs do not play the same tune in Que- bec. IT IS ONLY A DODGE. H ! -'V; i':^ ti!!- -/■ The Government would doubtless like to make this an issue — nay, i I ^ the issue — before the Euglisn ^^,8akingt.jpulations. They would i; , like it because they know the loi: - calendar of their crimes. But ,' "" the accused shall not be allowed to choose the matter for which v' • they are to be tried, or to frame their own indictment. V \ ' For our part, we, too, know the catalogue of their offences. We ' . know the counts of the indictment ; and it is our purpose, apart '^ altogether from this question of the man who is dead, >'^' ' ^ TO DEAL WITH THE MEN WHO ARE YET POLITICALLY ALIVE — (laughter) — and who, for innumerable political offences, deserve a political death — (cheer) — as sure, as stern, as swift as that which has at any time heretofore been meted out to those in like case offending. 1 believe that in Quebec and elsewhere, in and outside of Parltament, there ha^ been a growing feeling of uneasiness at \ the Tory 'policy ; that it is being recognized more and more as a I dreadful failure; that its features of debt, taxation, restriction, | extravagance, corruption, jobbery, neglect, mismanagement and centralization have made for it many opponents ; that tht Govern- ment is sinking in public estimation ; that the people are beginn- ing to perceive the wisdom of our counsels, the folly of our oppon- ents ; that our labours of these many years are at length bearing . (1) .»' i LY ALIVE tV •, • vJ-\/><-- 27 fruit ; that the Government will be weakened this session ; and weaker still thereafter, and will, if we do our full duty, be de- feated at the polls. (Prolonged cheers.) As IN MY ELECTORAL CONTESTS I HAVE MADE NO PRIVATE CANVASS, BUT HAVE DEPENDED ON MY PUBLIC UTTERANCES; SO AS A POLITICAL LKADER MY HOPES OF GAINING STRENGTH FOR MY PARTY HAVE RESTED SOLELY ON OUR PUBLIC SPEECHES, ON THE POLICY WE HAVE PROPOUNDED AND THE PRINCIPLES WE HAVE MAINTAINED. I have for some time believed that several supporters of the Government have been dissatisfied, have felt that they were on the questions of the day and of the immediate future more in accord with us than with Ministers, and have recognized the expediency of a chaaige. They have seen that our country, which has great and solid natural resources ; which even now, thank God, is showing in some quar- ters signs of recovery from some of the evils inflicted on it by its rulers ; which is inhabited by an intelligent, industrious and progressive people, affording the main element of/^real prosperity ; which requires only just and prudent, fair and statesmanlike gov>- ernment to permit its advance on both the material and moral planes, runs great risk if the present evil counsels are to endure. Party ties, the bonds of friendship, long habit and assooii.don, the consciousness of having borne a part, though reluctantly, in some things now condemned, and other considerations of various kinds have long restrained them, and may restrain them still ; but j I do not abandon the hope that some may shortly come out from the ranks to which they no longer in heart belong, and co-operate [with us frankly in effecting a change in the public counsels. If [they do not we will continue to fight the good fight with a stout leart — (cheers) — as best we can without them. But if they do, am sure you will gladly welcome co-operation and assistance so [obtained. Long have we hoped for a harvest from the seed we have been [sowing ! (Cheers.) The harvest has been slow of coming. Some- Itimes it has seemed as if the seed had perished. But it ma}^ have been dormant only. It may have germinated now. Soon may it I ripen — (cheers) — and the fields grow white to the harvest ! If I could raise my feeble voice beyond the limits of this hall, land say a word in the ear of my countrymen through Canada at {large, 1 would exhort them to come forward. Come forward, you [who can cultivate and water, who can help to mature and gather |in that harvest ! Do your duty to your country ! Take up the responsibilities as youjenjoy the privileges of citizenship ! Give JYOUR TIME, YOUR ENERGIES, YOUR LABOUR TO THE WORK ! ThoUQH ^-HE SKIES BE DARK, YET TRU»T WE IN THE SUPREME GoODNESS t I We BELIEVE OUR CAUSE IS JUST AND TRUE ; WE BELIEVE THAT TRUTH AND JUSTICE SHALL IN QOD'S aOOD TIME PREVAIL. It MAY (1) 1. . *■ . V -I ' >. ■' ■■ . .. \ rA'^. (<■> m \ i-: .. ^/ / . u-'\ ■ » ,-Vr<- be soon, it may be late. his ways are not as our ways, and His unfathomable purposes we may not gauge. But this we KNOW, that in our EFFORTS WE ARE IN THE LINE OF DUTY. (Cheers.) We hope, indeed, to make our cause prevail. But, WIN or lose to-day, we know that we shall receive for the faithful discharge of duty an exceeding great reward — the only reward which is worth attaining, the only reward which is sure to last. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) , 1 .;, ■O i r '<:■ I I ■I'l'-- , ^^, » . ,1 '..' '■ ■') ■ ■if ~ '■ •.V ,A ,'• ... ; ■ ■• ) ■■i.r),-';iv' ■ . :• ; ' - ' ':: : 'it' •' .. .'V»* ■.■■ ,*■»■'• if,'f • 1,. .1'!.. . -;!»■ .^ : '..■.• t ',(,.• -y/^^AHn'r.^'C'^^ ;{;.f'V/.,.;:tj ... i^' » ji. ,s / .A 1 AYS, AND 1 THIS WE I Mr. )F DUTY. ■ IL. But, 1 . FOR THE ■ - ' lEWARD — 1 ( ■ Y REWABD 1 1. .* f>'-sJrn Hr. Blake to the 9w^ Sonnd Reform Association. 3sroi?/Tii-"WEST .a.:f:fa.ti^s. MALADMINISTRATION AND REBELLION. V * -V' 1 .\' ■ V - .1 > , ■!>• W^ STRANGE DISAPPEARANCE OF 125,000 IMMIGRANTS. TiipperianCalculationi— Premature Surveys— GrIeFanees of tbe metis— Value of Half-breed Sympathy. 6« FOUOE IS NO HEMEDY." REFUSAL OF INFORMATION BY THE GOVERNMENT. Scandalous Treatment of Indians— <' What About Rlel?»- The '< Bunter and Smasher " Fanatics. Hon. Edward Blake, on coming forward to respond, was received with cheers and the waving of hats and handkerchiefs. The applause was renewed again and again until he raised his hand in request of silence. He said : — " Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Reform Associations, whose addresses I have just been privileged to receive: I give you my best thanks for the language, all too kind, and the expressions, all too flattering, which you have been pleased to use towards me. I wish I could feel myself in any degree worthy of them. I can only clai"m for myself that, conscious of many imperfections and failings in my public career, it has, at any rate, been animated by an earnest desire, to the best of my humble powers and to the limit of my poor ability, to do some little good to the country in which I was born, in which it is my happiness to live, and where I hope to die, and so to leave the corner of the world in which I live a little better for the life that I have lived in it." (Loud and prolonged applause.) Entering upon the discussion of public questions, Mr. Blake touched briefly upon the tariflT, the reform of the Senate, Pro- i (1) * V '"-/ •V' ■ * jV ■^T" "TT ,A' '\' -^J I < .•»V. 4 mmmi ■f 30 ■'■f. ■\ % • v vincial rights, the right of Canada to make commercial treaties, and the independence of Parliament. Dealing more at length QUESTIONS RELATING TO THE NORTH-WEST, he said : — " You remember well what hopes the people of Canada, V . particularly the people of Ontario, entertained for many years with reference to the North- Western country. You know that we desired earnestly to see. that country filled with an industrious '"•I and law-abiding population, growing rich and strong, to their own advantage first, but also to ours, increasing the material and also increasing the political elements of Canadian strength. You ; know that, with that view, we have been willing, all of us, tc f; ' • make some pecuniary sacrifices, to add somewhat to our burdens, ' and to engage in the prudent conduct of enterprises which most . Reformers believe have been imprudently managed, and whose management they have therefore opposed." "i^ou know, also, that the progress of that country has unhappily been impaired by ■■' misgovernment, maladministration, and neglect. You remember that AT THE VERY OPENING OF OUR CONNECTION WITH THAT COUN- TRY, IN 1869 AND 1670, THE NEGLECT BY THE TOKY GOVERNMENT of those precautions which ought to have been taken in dealing with the annexation, not of a territory merely, but of the population who inhabited it, produced a rebellion. (Applause.) For fifteen years since that time we have gone on with full control of aflfairs in the administration and development of that country. You remember that from time to time statements were made of grievances, of discontent, of neglect, of delay, of maladministration. You remember also that the Government declared that those '. statements were entirely without foundation, they declared not .\ only that there were no grievances, but that there was no serious complaint of grievances. Sir Hector Langevin went there in the ' summer of 1884, and three or four other Ministers as well. They travelled about, they saw the people, they received entertainments. . Sir Hector Langevin gave an account of the result. He said THAT HE went THERE at the request of the first Minister for the express purpose of finding out what the grievances were ; HE found only two MEN WHO HAD A GRIEVANCE, and that \ grievance was that there were not enough ladies in the country. (Loud applause and laughter.) Now, these all- wise governors, who claimed that they had so wisely administered affairs, also declared that their success was marvellous and unprecedented. Vi' •A - > f s. %» THE ROAD WAS " NOT TO COST THE COUNTRY A CENT,' I ^ they said when they were perauadiug you to advance large sums in connection with the Canadian Pacific Railway (whi(ui sums ^/.- 31 I treaties, at length )f Canada, any years mow that ndustrious r, to their .terial and gth. You I of us, tc ir burdens, ^hich i^ost and whose V, also, that fifaired hy 1 remember niAT COUN- KRNMENT of ealing with lulation who For fifteen )1 of affairs ntry. You e made of linistration. that those eclared not 3 no serious there in the seell. They jrtainments. ). He SAID ter FOR THE NOES WEKE ; i and that ihe country. ; governors, affairs, also sedented. PENT," large sums Iwhiwi sums (1) now amount all told, apart from the land and includinsr the amounts for the eastern extensions, to about $87,000,000, or about $400,000 for each electoral district — which would be about $1,200,000 for the Countv of Grey alone). I say that they declared that this expenditure would cost yju nothing, because, principal and interest, it would all he repaid at no distant day hy sales of the lands of the North- West. In the year 1880 Sir John Macdonald declared that by the year 1891 we would have secured from North-West lands some $71,500,000, from which you were to deduct $2,400,000 for expenses, leaving about $69,000,000 clear gain. So late as the year 1883 Sir Chas. Tupper brought down a statement from the Department of the Interior, showing that in the years from January, 1883, to December, 1891, they would realize in cash $58,000,000. They pledged themselves to the. people that every shilling, principal and interest, would be repaid out of these lands. That is all exploded now ; THE BU^LE IS BURST. The returns from North- West lands for the period of five years past were about four millions of dollars, and the net returns, de- ducting the costs of surveys and administration in the West and at Ottawa, were $370,000 only, while last year there was a bal- ance of about $300,000 on the wrong side of the ledger, and that without deducting a shilling on account of the $1,100,000 a year we spend on Indians, $450,000 a year on Mounted Police, and other charores of hundreds of thousands on account of administra- tion. Put these sums on one side — suppose them to be paid in some other way — and take the lands, what they produce on one side and what it costs to administer them on the other, and you find these results. I challenged these men on this subject in the House of Commons. I said : — Will you say that of the sum you mentioned only three year's ago as certain to be realized, even one- tenth of it will be realizd net ? And they would not say me nay. (Cheers.) They said the immigrants would pour in and were pouring in rapidly. To the figures they gave of the number who had settled I added something for the natural increase of the po- pulation. And I find that, taking the official figures, showing those who were actually there, and the natural increase, there were ABOUT 125,000 PEOPLE A-MISSING. .,;, (Laughter and applause.) I asked them : — Did these people come in ? You said they did ; w it true ? If it is true that they did ; come in, where a/re they now ? (Hear, hear.) Do their bones whi- ten the prairie ? We know they don't, for the country is a healthy (1) '■vV- '■ M- country. Have they gone away i Too many have, but not all these. The fact is it was all a delusion- : so many people never settled there at all. They said the people there would cultivate enormous areas of the lands and produce enormous crops, to the advantage of the whole people of Canada. They made a calcula- • tion about that too. They said: The staple of that country is wheat. Sir Charles Tupper, in my hearing (at one of those times when he was persuading us to make some great grants for the railway), asked us whether the members of the House had con- sidered what a hundred thousand farmers in that country would produce. %\i^ii-^- .r,*.. jjj,^^. A TUPPERIAN CALCULATOB. ^ '^''^ "^ 1' ■, " ■■■■ -f.ii " I 'lave considered it," said he, " I have made a calculation ; I ./i.' ' that calculation, and it will perhaps surprise some of you '^''■' wL iV not taken the pains I have to find out the facts. The faccs . /ihese figures ? He assumed that each farmer would crop S'iO acres of land, his whole homestead and pre- ; ; emption. (Laughter.) He was to live in a balloon, for Sir Charles didn't leave him any room to build a house; he was to have his '-. bams and stables in the air, his cattle were to pasture in the clouds, he was to have no grass, he was to have no garden, he was to have no roots, he was to have no crop of any kind but wheat ; there was to be no room for fences, no room for roads through his fi^rm, no anything, but every inch of 320 acres was to be sowed to wheat ; and then he estimated that every acre would produce twenty bushels, and so he made out that each farmer would pro- , duce 6,400 bushels, and a hundred thousand farmers would, of course, produce 640,000,000 bushels. (Loud and prolonged laugh- ter.) These are the stories with which these men tried to gull, not the farmers, because there is no rural audience that could be col- lected that would not laugh such absurdities to scorn, but the Parliament and the people o^ large. They went to work to sur- vey the country. ItMMENSE PREMATURE SURVEYS. They said such an immigration as never was heard of before will go into the North- W^t ; we must prepare at once for the millions about to cross the ocean and fill up that territory ; we must sur- vey SbcreB by the tens of millions — and they did. They surveyed so far and so fast that there are hundreds of thousands of farms surveyed whi6h will not be settled in your lifetime or mine. There (1) is one block along theCanadian Pacific Railway itself 400 miles long. Take the distance from Hamilton to Montreal — it is less than 400. Think of a strip that long and forty-eight miles wide, all surveyed and ready to be occupied as farms. And how manv homesteads were there on that strip on 31st December last ? There were 138. (Cheers and laughter.) And this was on the line itself — but THEIR SURVEYS WERE NOT CONFINED TO THOSE PARTS OF THE LINE FOR WHICH THEY WOULD HAVE HAD SOME SORT OF EXCUSE. I was telling my friends at Chesley yesteixiay of a gentleman who was travelling across the plains, and he caught up to an Indian or Half-breed driving along in a Red River cart. He noticed there was something out of the common in the cart. And what do you suppose ? The cart had in it a lot of surveyor's pegs. (Loud laugh- ter.) The fellow had picked them up as he went abng to make his camp fire. (Cheers and renewed laughter.) We have been en- gaged in these surveys of all these tens of millions of acres, and meanwhile what has happened ? This happened : — The govern- ment WAS too bust with these great schemes of bringing in MILLIONS OF PEOPLE FROM THE OUTSIDE, AND THEIR SCHEMES TO MAKE FRIENDS RICH OUTOF THE NORTH- WESTERN LANDS, TO ATTEND TO THE FEW WHO WERE ALREADY THERE. They had no surveyors to send out, and no money to spend in surveying the lands of the people already long settled in the country, and who are calling for surveys in the remote parts where they were settled, no that they might patent, sell, divide, devise, mortgage, or otherwise deal with their properties as you and I want to do. For years they called, for years they cried, /or years they asked and begged for surveys, and I could read from the blue-bo*ks the reports of the Govern- ment's own ofiicers that there was dissatisfaction and uneasiness, but that those who were dissatisfied must wait, because ^i^e^raTi^ projects of the Government left them no time to attend to the wants a/nd demands of the veople already in the country. I said to them once and again, " The best advertisement you can have to induce people to come from abroad is a happy, prosperous, and contented population already there. (Loud and prolonged ap- plause.) Qet letters and statements from the settlers showing that they are satisfied and cheerful, that they have iiot grievances, that they advise the millions of landless folk abroad to come and join them, and these statements, giving in their own simple langu- age the story of their trials and of their success, will do you more good than hundreds of statements by Sir Charles Tupper showing that 100,000 farmers will produce 640 million bushels of wheat in a year. (Loud and prolonged applause.) They will do more for you, bepause no sensible man will believe these marvellous stories you tell, while all sensible men will be inclined to believe the statements made by the actual settlers themselves." (Cheers.) But no, gentlemen, (D 34 TEEY WEKE BLIND AND DEAP ■>y 'til ' 'I •l-M W.'i r\ •.'3B in W 'pi to these considerations. A few years ago we pointed out that some complaints had, as we had learned, come to Ottawa, and the cry of the settlers had reached further than the departmental pigeon-holes. Some had reached members of Parliament, myself among others. I moved for papers showing what the grievances of the settlers of Prince Albert were. I moved that in March, 1883. The House ordered that the papers should be brought down. But the papers were not brought down until after the rebellion broke out, until we were dealing with that question in 1885. Mr. Cameron, of Huron, moved that there should be a committee of the House to consider the • GRIEVANCES OF THE PEOPLE OF THE NORTH-WEST. — grievances alleged to exist by the people of Manitoba, by the people of the North- West Territories, by the North- West Coun- cil, by settlers, and by missionaries. But the Government nega- tived the motion for a committee. Then we said : — The true aaj'ety- valve, the best thing that can he done is to apply the constitutional remedy — give these people representation in the councils of the ncUion; they live far off, they cannot see us, and we cannot speak to them ; we have not the same means of learning their wants and grievances as in other parts of the Dominion. Give them mem- bers, men chosen by themselves, men who know the wants of the country, men to come at the bidding of these people, to be re- sponsible to them and to Parliament, to state the condition of the country and call for redress of grievances. We brought in vneor sures for this purpose. The Government rejected them, and de- clared that they would not even give these people^epresentation. There was no hurry ; the time would come ! But the rebellion broke out, and after the rebellion was over, and in the last session of Parliament, after five millions, to be paid out of your taxes, HAD BEEN WASTED in war, after blood had been spilt, after untold pangs had been inflicted upon the people,^ AFTER the reputation OF OUR COUNTRY HAD BEEN TARNISHED, AFTER A SET-BACK HAD BEEN GIVEN TO THE PROSPERITY OF THE North-West from which it will not recover for years, then — THEN AT last, and not till then — they brought down and passed a measure granting representation to the North-West. (Loud ap- plause.) I am absolutely convinced that had our advice bem> taken and representation accorded in time, there wovM have been no rebellion. It should not be lost sight of that it was of the utmost import- ance, for high political reasons, that the Half-breeds should b& kept peaceful and loyal. U) 35 IMMENSE VALUE OF HALF-BREED SYMPATHY. The great danger in that country was from the Indians, and the Half-breeds formed a link between us and them which should have brought us more into sympathy with them and afforded us means of controlling them, of learning their character and their wants, and how best to deal with them. Now, in 1869, when Canada assumed the Government of the new territory, the Half- breeds of the eastern part came forward with a proposition. They said : — It has ever been recognized by BHtain that the indians living in a country over which she assum^ sovereignty, have cer- tain moral rights, indefinite they may be, but not the less to be regarded, in the soil, not merely that part of the soil they Jiappen each of them to occupy, bvi the soil of the region. We are partly of Indian blood, and as such, being residents of this region, we claim compensation for that right which you are nx)w about to take away from us. On the settlerment that right was acknow- ledged BY the Government, Sir John Macdonald being THEN IN POWER, and besides the title to the land they happened to occupy, certain lands or scrip for lands were given to each Half- breed, 160 acres for each person of full age, and 240 acres for each child, expressly in extinguishment of what was called their Indian title, and thus it was solemnly recognized that the Half- breeds HAD such a title. As settlement began to extend in the outlying North- West Territories, and the buffalo disappeared, and the Half-breeds of these parts were obliged to change their mode of life and settle down on farms, the demand for a recognition of their rights of precisely the same character arose. It could not be denied. They were in just the same position as those of the East, and the rights of their relatives had been accorded. It was in 1878 that this demand was pressed, and in the winter of that year Sir John Macdonald's officers caused inquiries to be made and reports to be obtained which showed that, in the opinion of those whom they consulted, it was not merely important that the ques- tion should be settled, but important that it should be settled with- out delay, because „ : .. DELAYS WERE DAKbElCOtTl^ and would produce sores and irritations, and render a settlement at a later date more difficult. Upon that the Government decided to ask Parliament to give them the power necessary to effect a settlement ; and IN Mat, 1879, Parliament passed an Act at their request, and, in their words, giving them authoritt ro GRANT SUCH LANDS OR SUCH SCRIP, and on such conditions as they thought right in the settlement of these claims. So that at 36 that time, and by their own reqnest, THEY were clothed with THE FULLEST AUTHORITY TO SETTLE THIS CLAIM. / ( ' I CRUEL AND CALLOUS NEGLECT. From that time till 1886 they did towards a settlement absolutely nothing — absolutely nothing. Nor was their utter neglect pal- liated by the absence of remonstrances, for from year to year poured in petitions, representations, resolutions of meetings, letters, yesolves of the North- West Council, all pointing to the importance of at once settling this question. But, until January, 1885, they did nothinf — absolutely nothing. In that month they did something which was a half-way measure, utterly inadequate, and having taken that half-measuye they stopped, and until March or April, 1885, after the rebellion had actually broken out, tliey did nothing more. But in March, 1885, they took the first some- what effectual step towards Recognizing the right of the Half- breeds of the North- West in respect of the Indian title ; but even then the recognition was inadequate, and it was not till April that they were forced by fear to do justice. This delay took place not- Trlt/hstanding that in June, 1884, the Half-breeds had called into the country as their chief and leader Kiel, who had great influ- ence over them, and in whom they had the greatest confidence, to advise and counsel them, and to direct the agitation for what they called their rights. One would have thought that even though the Government had been blind and deaf to all hints and warnings before, this, at any rate, would have awaked them. One would have thought that when the author of the old trouble had been called in again, and when he was holding public meetings, exciting the people, and calling for redress, this would have aroused them. More than this, there were remonstrances sent down from high dignitaries, bishops, missionaries, public oflicers, persons in authority all through the Territories, calling upon the Government to act, and to act at once. They had, even then, plenty of time and room to act, and plenty of reasons for acting early. (Applause.) I do not know what possessed them ; I have been utterlij unable to conjecture what it was that possessed tJtese people with a spirit of ojstinacy and apathy so great as to prevent them from taking even the first step towards the redress of these grievances until it was too late. It could not be that they were not alive to the state of affairs, for the papers show that though they took no measures for redress, they did take me&sures of repression. In July, 1884, they sent Col. Houghton to the dis- trict, to take away the arms of the militia, for fear they might be improperly used. They applied to the Hudson's Bay Company for and got possession of the old post at Carleton, to be used as a (1) 87 rHED WITH special station for the Mounted Police, and they put a number of men there in case of trouble. M-, W *<>'-\\ ; • » • > I ► . .* ? ',,... THEY COULD INVENT MEASURES OF REPRESSION, but toward the good old constitutional measure of remedying the grievances, of taking away the causes of offence, of removing^ the origin of the discontent and trouble, not the first step was Ween until it was too late. (Cheers.) They say now that the rebellion was precipitated, because in January they took the first step toward settling the difficulty ; that Riel rose earlier than he in- tended, because he found the Government was moving at last, and he felt that if he waited a few days more the causes of dis- satisfaction among the people would be removed, and he would be without a cry for rebellion, and the people would not rise in his support Does not that statement, in itself, prove that there would have been no rebellion at all had the Government acted earlier ? (Loud cheers.) Could I give you plainer proof of their guilt than this — their own statement ? If they had acted in 1882, in 1883, in the aummer of 1884, in the fall of 1884, even if they had acted efeotually in December of 1884, January^ 1885, they would have acted late indeed, but yet in time enough to remove what they admit to be a main lever and help for Riel in the rising, the grievance which was left untouched in spite of petitions, but which was soon adjusted when the rebellion broke out (Cheers.) What was the extent of this particular grievance? They say it was not very great in the district which was particularly disturbed, in which the rising took place. That has very little to do with the question. The danger never was confined to the case of the few men who rose. From them there coUld be no danger. The danger WAS GREAT LEST THE HaLF-BREEDS GENERALLY SHOULD RISE AND JOIN THE CAUSE LED BY RiEL, AND THE DANGER WAS STILL GREATER LEST THE Indians also should rise. Now, the danger with reference to the Half-breeds generally was very great How do I Erove it ? I prove it by the fact that this grievance to which I ave referred was submitted to a Commission, and that Commis- sion has since reported the cases of about .^^,y.. .^^ ^..^^ ^tj,, ■, 1,700 individuals who were entitled to SHARE IN THIS CLilM, or allowance for the extinguishment of the Indian title, and who had not received justice for all these years. I prove it by the further fact that there was an analogous and long-standing grievance in respect of those who were entitled to share in the grant made to the Half-breeds of Manitoba, but who were absent at the time, and were not enumerated, and of these nearly four hundred cases have been fonnd. These two together make aboiU two thou- (1) i' -r i^i? Q-rD 1-1 '•is 38 sancZ ea 39 miBdeeds and neglect produced a second rebellion in that conn- try ? (Cheers.) I say no more damning record of utter incapa- city, absolute neglect, and complete forgetfulncss of the duties and responsibilities of otiice can be dmclosed than that which , even the imperfect records we have relating to this unhappy affair sufficiently evidence. But we have not got it all ! They are too wise to let us have it all. (Applause.) GOVERNMENT DARE NOT BRING DOWN THE WHOLE RFCORD. The day that news came that war had broken out in Canada, I called for papers on the subject. That call I have again and again renewed since then. From various sources I learned, on various grounds I conjectured, judging from the probable results of motives of duty and policy, I was sure there were communica- tions from various persons pointing out the situation of affairs, particularly during the summer of 1884, and the fail of the .same year. I called for these communications, but was told that at that time nothing could be given. I called again and a^^ain. At one time I was told there were not clerks enough to copy them, that it would take too much time, th: :, I was too inquisitive, but that I would get them some later ilay. At another time I was told it was a monstrous request, for the rebellion would be aggravated by bringing them down. (Laughter.) Again I was told that I was a heartless, cruel man, asking that papers should be brought down when the bringing of them down would put the lives of missionaries and officials in peril. These papers, I charge, showed that the missionaries and ojfficials had done their duty in warning the Oovernment of the ti^e state of affairs, and that the Govern- ment had neglected its duty in paying no heed to these warnings. I ask you, as sensible men, do you suppose that the lives of mis- sionaries and officials would be put in peril b^ papers being brought down such as these ? (Applause ) They wrote to the Government saying : — Here m a grievance ; the people feel it and are discontented ; redress the grievance, and redress it quickly, or difficulty will arise. Of course, such a letter as that would strengthen, not weaken, the missionary or official who wrote it with the people, for they would say : — " Here is a man who is alive to our situation, who admits that we have grievances, who calls for their settlement." Such a letter would not endanger its writer's life. I admit, however, that there would be danger in bringing down these papers, and that life would bo imperilled. THE DANGER WOULD BE TO THE GOVERNMENT, and the life imperilled would be the political life of those untrust- worthy stewards of your affairs. (Loud laughter and applause.) (1) 40 ^ It* And BO I went on asking until I was nearly as weary as they were. Towards the close of the session before last, after having made statements of many of the missing papers, I put a series oi questions on the paper in which I inquired whether there were letters from this, that, and the other person. In some cases I was told there were, and in some cases that it was believed there were such letters, but the papers would be collected and laid upon the table at the beginning of the following session. When the session — ^that is last session — opened, I asked where the papers were. Sir John Macdonald said : — " If you will renew the question in a day or two I will in the meantime look up the report of the de- bates and let you know." (Laughter.) I asked again, but he told me that he had not yet had time to look the matter up. You see this matter was of no interest to him, and he had no doubt forgotten it. (Laughter.) I asked again^ and he replied that really my demands of the previous session had been so numerous that he must ask me to go them all over again, and tell him what I wanted. I said in substance : • • > v ".ih,<{,Mj.n f The record is there. Now I will tell you what I want. I want to know whether you acknowledge it to be your duty, and whether you intend to bring down any of the papers this session, hav- ing regard to the responsibility of the Government and the pledges they have made ? )V-v- •-■- .*vtY'-^:i'^\,,-:'t.v«: V He replied : — " We do." viHi^ti? # ijw t I asked " When ?" h ir,v;h He said : — " They are now in course of preparation." I waited for weeks and still could not get them. I then moved a resolution declaring that it was the duty of the Government to bring down all the papers relating to this matter without delay. They met that motion with a speech in which they pointed out a.11 the papers that had been brought down, and suggested that no more could be expected or desired. I spoke again. I went over a large part of my own budget of the previous session, reading f i om the reports of the debates. Then one of them rose and said : — Now that the honourable gentleman has stated what he wants (all of which and more had been stated in the previous session) we will treat his speech as if it had been an order of the House, the : papers will be prepared and brought down at the earliest possible moment. AND they're not DOWN YET. (Loud applause and laughter.) But they defeated my motion be- cause a confiding member on their own side of the House proposed as an amendment that, having regard to tht 'declarations of the Government and their willingness to bring down all the papers, the House was satisfied, and the majority, composed largely of (1) ' ■;.''",^''.,' .■' as they r having series of lere were tses I was bere were upon the he session pers were, stion in a )f the de- tut he told You see no doubt :>lied that numerous him what it. I want id whether ssion, hav- ihe pledges len moved srnment to lout delay. )ointed out cd that no irent over a ading f t om ,nd said : — wants (all session) we House, the 9st possible motion be- se proposed tions of the the papers, [ largely of ■D ' 41 Buch men as the metnber for Gloucester (Mr. Burns), of whom I told you, carried that amendment. We moved for a committee of in- quiry, I declaring in my place that I believed I could prove that there were important papers affecting the delay, neglect, and mis- management of the Goternment in the North-West, and which were, or had been, in the archives, if I could gq^ a committee to take evidence. But they voted that down, and would not give me the means of proving my words, nor would they bring down the papers. WHAT DOES ALL THIS SHOW? ifK:>' If there was a dispute between two of your neighbours in which the proof aforded by certain papers in the possession of one was said to be important to make good the case of the other, amd if he refused to produce those papers, would you say that that proved his innocence ? (Laughter.) Not at all ; you would say that was of itself strong evidence on the other side. The holder would be ver^' glad to bring them forward if they helped his case and dis- proved his opT>onent's. (Applause.) " Everything is presumed against him who conceals or destroys the papers." That is what tbe'law says, and the principles of the law are, after all, founded on coinmon sense. You presume the worst against the man who destroys the documents, because if they would not prove the worst he would rather have produced than destroyed them. I hope these documents, or the evidence of them, will yet see the light. I am afraid it will require great pressure, and that pressure will have to be applied by the electorate before we shall see the true inwardness of this whole matter. Partly from such reports as the Government were forced to bring down, partly from newspapers and other sources, I haVe gathered certain facts, and have laid them before Parliament and the people. These facts, some of which I have stated, are even now fuUy proven, and you can depend upon them. How much more there is to be learned, what greater mystery of iniquity is hid yet within those pigeon-holes you can only conjecture who see that in the face of all remonstrances, in the face of all their own promises, in breach of their public duty, the Government refuses to let them see the light of day. Now do not for a moment suppose that I have stated all th/ grievances and neglects, or even the chief grievances and neglec^> affecting those who actually rose. I have not done so, nor d^^ time allow. But grave grounds of complaint there were with r^®^' ence to their surveys, their river fronts, the arrangements for*^®^ holdings, the reserves for colonization companies, and other natters; and gross neglect — the grossest neglect — there was no rejt»oi^s® ^' the letters, petitions, and remonstrances sent down by ^©se I^*^ people and their missionaries — some being never evep answered, (1) 42 M ' i i! /'..-■ and the bulk shamefully delayed and ignored. The discussion of these grievances would require a speech. I pass them by for the present. I f *' NORTH-WEST INDIANS, -'i ' Another great source of danger to the North- West was the un- fortunate condition ^f the Indian population. That population was numerous, it was warlike and trained to battle and combat of a certain kind — the Indian warfare. It was dissatisfied, irritat- ed, discontented, because it also had been miserably misgoverned, because the liberal appropriations which Parliament had made (adequate, so far as I can judge, with the most moderate exertions on the part of the Indians themselves, to sustain them with reasonable comfort) had been so applied, or rather, so misapplied, or were so left unused, that the Indians were in large num- hERS starved, and in greater numbers half-starved. For the official reports show you the cases of numbers of those people, some mere children, people of tender years, actually dying of starvation ; and others of disease engendered or accelerated by famine. It has been shown that it was the policy of the Govern- ment to coerce the Indians into such action as it thought right by reducing them from rations to half -rations, and from that to q[tiar- ter- rations, and I don't know how much lower, in order to starve them into removal. The Indian is very different from the white man in many respects. The habits of his life have led him to be improvident, and he gorges himself when he has a supply of food, and abstains very patiently when he can't get it. When you re- flect that these half or quarter-rations are distributed weekly, or two or three times a week, to the head of the family, you can easily see, judging from the character of the Indian, what the re- sult was likely to be. The starvation ratioAs given out were eaten at once, and perhaps they were eaten by the buck, and the squaw and papooses were left absolutely to starve. This was done in some cases without any cause whatever. The food supplied was also unsuitable, and produced disease and death. There were other courses pursued of immorality and wickedness, to which, be- fore a mixed audience, I dislike to allude, but which were certftiD to produce the worst results. The \ ^HOLE STORY IS HUMILUTINO. •^.^tional sin has received a retribution. The Indians were so "^is^erned and mismanaged that they were ripe for revolt. And the fi^lf-breeds, who should have been our influence for good, had *iso, as \ have shown you, been alienated by neglet, delay, and mismanagpiQent. It was under such circumstances that Riel came (I) '■J 4:3 li in, auJ under such circumstances that the Government remained inactive during 1884. "WHAT ABOUT RIEL ?" . ,-; ,■^r, ♦.Y I shall now, with your permission, answer the question put me by a gentleman in the audience, " What about Riel ? " I did not answer that question then, desiring to finish what I had to say upon the subject I was treating ; but I am ready to reply. The Reform PARTY, although they believed that there had been ON thet'Art of the Government great neglect, misgovern- ment, and delay, felt ir to be their duty, while the re- bellion WAS AFOOT, TO ASSIST THE AUTHORITIES OF THE COUNTRY in the suppression of the revolt against law and in the restoration of peace and order. They felt it their duty emphatically to do so, having regard to the critical condition of the country, due to the Indian population. It was that fear of the Indians, the knowledge of the danger to those in isolated settlements, that induced us finally to say to the Government : " Go on ; you know the danger, you keep information on this question to yourselves, you say you can't tell us ; all rigtit, don't tell us, but take all the men you say you want. Take aU the arms and supplies necessary. We vote them freely; we will help you as far as we can so that order may be restored and the settlers «aved." T V\ '•'nvi »tf?;i' MM f ■'i\ ORDER WAS RESTORED "«: PiVi and then came the process of the law against the rebels. You re- member how, during the outbreak, the Government charged the white settlers of Prince Albert with being the most criminal per- sons in connection with this rebellion. And when the trials came on they sent instructions to their counsel that amongst the most impoi-tant things they had to do was to ferret out this matter, find those wicked whites, and bring them to trial and punishment, for they it was who incited the Half-breeds to revolt, and they deserved a severer sentence than the others. No doubt the Gov- ernment employed able and trustworthy counsel. No doubt those counsel did their duty. But they were enabled to find only two or three whites who were men worthy of being brought to trial. One of them was concerned, but, being insane at the time, he was acquitted ; and one was found not guilty, nothing whatever hav- ing been proven against him. There were none others fit to be even brought to trial. They put thirty or forty Indians and about as many Half-breeds on their trial, and they put Riel upon his trial also. The question whether Riel was properly submitted to the extreme penalty of the law created great excitement. I was, at that time, not in the country. When I returned I found 44 t>t> THE COUNTRY IN A GREAT FERMENT. I found an effort being made to create national, .dce, religious, and party issues upon this question. 1 found the Toronto Mail, for instance, declaring that the whole French and Catholic population were going one way on grounds of nationality and creed, and were to attack the Government because a Frenchman and a Catholic had been executed, and calling upon all other races and creeds to support the Government, and so, forsooth, to put down thiaSiational and religious cry. I said that a question which involved the ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE, A QUESTION WHICH INVOLVED NATION- ALITY AND RELIGION, SHOULD NEVER BY MY CONSENT OR BY MY IN- FLUENCE, OR IF I COULD PREVENT IT, BE MADE A PARTY QUESTION AT ALL. I want the administration of justice to be discussed, as I want all questions which may touch religious or national feelings or prejudices to be discussed apart from party bias, so that no con- sideration of party zeal may influence us to do things that would tend to impair the administration of justice, or to inflame religious or national passions or prejudices. (Cheers.) ' For myself, and for my party as its leader, I gave my pledge that when that question came up it should be considered and voted on by us as each man, after patient attention to the attacks ypon the Government on the one hand, and the defence of the Government on the other, should deem in his heart and conscience it was right and proper to vote, and that we would not attempt to form any party connection. I declared that upon it we would be, as I believed, divided in opinion, and would vote according to our individual opinions. On the other hand I declared that ft '■)(?'; '^ fj. THE WICKED ATTEMPT OF "THE MAIL" AND THE OTHER TORY ORGANS TO RAISE A NATIONAL AND RELIGIOUS ANTI-FRENCH AND ANTI-CATHOLIC CRY, on the representation that all the French and Catholic members would vote against the Government, was based on a mis-state- ment. I stated my convic};ion that with them, as with the Reform party, opinion was divided; aud I assured the people that the cry of the (Government in danger was only a device to entrap and excite portions of the people into a disastrous war of race and creed. As I said, so it was. The Liberal members made no party connection, gave no party 7ote ; each man voted perfectly freely and as, in his conscience, he thought right, and we were about equally divided. It was iVrjiiWT:>ri m'^njr- :r'n.fMaiir'';pttt m m . rj.i;l^ rJ A DIFFICULT AND COMPLICATED QUESTION. I would like to discuss it before you at length, but, for waixt of time, I am compelled to deal with only some of its phases, and in a few words. The main point in my mind was this : Was the man intellectually in such a condition that the extreme penalty of the law should be inflicted ? Our law for all crimes recognizes a great distinction between the moral guilt of men, even though they commit what is known to the law as the same crime. The degrees of provocation, of premeditation, of imbecility, or insanity, are among the elements taken into consideration as affecting the moral guilt and the consequent punishment. In all crimes known to the Taw, except one, the weight to be given to these considera- tions is decided by the judge. If you have attended the assizes as jurymen or witnesses, you have probably seen two men con- victed on different days of the same legal crime. At the close of the assizes the judge sentences both, and in one case he may send a man to the penitentiary for fifteen years or for life, and another fuilty of the same legal crime he may send for three days to gaol. F THEY WERE CONVICTED OF THE SAME CRIME, WHY NOT GIVE THEM THE SAME SENTENCE ? Because, though the crime was the same, the moral guilt was different, and what would be only adequate punishment in one case would be far too severe in another. Out of 279 sentences which do not affect the life of the prisoner, and in which the judge apportions the punishment to the crime, only one is in practice altered by the action of the Executive. This is because the judge has apportioned the penalty; but in the capital sentence the judge, under the law, is bound to pronounce not the appropriate sentence but the extreme sentence of the law, and the duty he discharges in other cases is handed over in this case to the Executive. It cannot be contended for a moment that there may not be as many shades of guilt in murder as in assault or robbery. The consequence of this distinction is that one out of every two capital sentences instead of one out of 279, is commuted in Ontario and Quebec. In England less than half the men sentenced to death are really executed. Why ? Because the Government is bound to consider each case and to decide, as the judge does on other cases, on the extent of responsi- bilioy and of moral guilt. Now this man had been certainly MAD. That is disputed by no candid man. He had i^EEN in THREE LUNATIC ASYLUMS. HiS DELUSIONS WERE PROTED AND KNOWN. If I had time to tell you of those delusions, you would see that they were such as no sane man could hold. He recovered and was discharged from the asylum. The rule is, as established by experience, that three persons out of four who have once I 46 m iM^;*J ,1 If' become insane either continue insane or become insane again. The probabilities were therefore that, though he had recovered, insanity would at some time manifest itself in him again. He was proved to have suffered under the same delusions, the same aberrations of intellect, in the North- West, as he had suffered under when in the asylum, and under others also. I came to the conclusion, and I believed aa clearly as I believe I am standing here to-day, that HIS INTELLECT WAS SERIOUSLY DISTURBED and unbalanced, that he was insane. Having been myself a Minister of Justice, having years before been called upon to dis- charge perhaps the most solemn and painful duty that can be laid upon a man — practically upon ray own responsibility to determine whether a fellow-creature s life should end on the gallows, or .whether it was compatible with or due to the interests of justice and the good of society that he should suffer the secondary pun- ishment of imprisonment for life — it became my duty tnen to consider these questions in relation to the principles which underlie them years before this case occurred. I came to the conclusion then that where a man's intellect was seriously unsettled, though he might have some responsibility, and though the interests of society might require his punishment, I ought not, ^ Minister of Justice, to advise that such a one should be consigned to the scaffold, that J might send him to the penitentiary, and then, according to cir- cumstances as they developed, let him remain there or remove him to a criminal lunatic asylum for his life. I applied the conclusions thus reached years before, after careful thought and study, to the facts before me, and saw that I could not honestly vote in favour of any decision but that the sentence of execution ought to HAVE 'BEEN COMMUTED — not that the man should be pardoned as so many have wrongly declared I said. I said that tne man was guilty. He had, as the jury found, sufficient intellect to be pro- perly declared guilty, but a secondary punishment ought to have been substituted for the extreme one of death. (Applause.) '.;!'' THE VERDICT DID NOT SETTLE THE QUESTION. The Oovernment seem to have concluded that the verdict settled the question. It did not. Our law requires, in order to an acquit- tal on the ground of insanity, that the jury should be satisfied that the pnsoner is so insane that he does not know right from wrong. I will not give you the other technical distinctions. This 18 enough for the occasion. This, then, is all the verdict proved. But the great bulk of the lunatics in the asylums do, as any doctor will tell you, have a knowledge of right and wrong^and therefore i'.i (1) -»^— p-»^^^ ^^m^i^imKff mmrmm' mm ^^futm . y. • ■ ':^... ■ ■ '-■■-. 'V.'V'"'. ,' ^ ' 4- ft / ■ 7r there remained matter for enquiry by the Executive. Though not so insane as to be entitled to a verdict of not guilty, was he of such disordered intellect as not to be a fit subject for the gallows ? To put it as a great English judge described the case of a commut- ed murderer, .> ^ A " THOUGH NOT MAD ENOUGH TO BE ACQUITTEI>, HE WAS OBVIOUSLY TOO MAD TO BE HANGED. 71 >v»- That is my firm belief. But the Government deliberately de-* cided not to enter on that question, apd they claim that the ver- dict settled it. They are wrong in law, they are wrong in justice^ they are wrong in humanity, and the principle they applied can- not, as I believe, be supported. The execution, then, was on this ground, as I thought, a blow at the administration of criminal justice. Other important points there were — points of the great- est gravity, but for their discussion there is no time, and I must pass them by. I voted then to regret the execution. I never gave a vote with so much pain in my life. The vote could do us no good, so far as the man was concerned. It' was not* a question of saving his life, for the man was dead. I knew, also, that a large number of my own friends were inclined to' a conclusion, on informatipn, as I believed, one-sided and inadequate, different from my own. I knew that mapy, whose judgment I value highly, thought differently from me. I knew too, that there was a cloud of passion, A MIST OF PREJUDICE ABODT THIS CASE, " : which was likely to prevent the formation of a sound and un- biased judgment among the masses of the population. I felt, however, that there was a principle at stake. I decided to give such a vote as would, in my belief, commend itself to the calm consideration of future years, perhaps of future generations, when that cloild of passion and prejudice should h&ve rolled away. (Hear, hear.) I knew my conclusion would hp unpopular. I was aware that it would lose me strength." I should have been glad to have done nothing which would shock the prejudices or affec- tions, still less anything which would oppose itself to the judgment of honest, honourable, high-minded men with whom I had worked so long, and with whom it may after all be my fortune to co-ope- rate in the future. But, as I said the other day to my own con- stituents, highly as I valued their' mandate to represent them in Parliament, they would demand of me too high a price even for that great honour if, as a condition of continuing it, they should call upon me to sacrifice my convictions in order to satisfy their opiniohs. I understand that what they sent me there for was this — to act in general accordance with the great Liberal princi- n) W^- r ^ ■ y 48 '% m' ■ f 1 .J - i^iH ^ 1 < lA 1 I'l 1- > \i r pies, which they and I hold in common, and in all particular in- stances to endeavour to apply these principles ; on every question to ascertain the facts of the case, to discover the law applicable to those facts ; to strive to reach a sound conclusion as to what justice and the publjc interest required, and to vote accordingly, no mat- ter whether I voted with or against their views; to take the consequences, whatever these might Ue, but in no case to violate my convictions. That was my duty ; not from fear of incur- ring their displeasure, to give a vote which did not commend • iiself to the heart and head with which I was called upon to serve them to the best of my poor ability. (Cheers.) Knowing, then, that it would be distasteful to valued friends who were allied with me, while I would have been, very glad to Jiave given a different vote, could I have done so honestly, I gave, without hesita- tion, THE VOTE WHICH CONSCIENCE CALLED UPON ME TO GIVE, AND I ASK YOU NOW WHETHER IT WAS BETTER SO TO VOTE, OR TO VOTE AS SOME OF YOU MIGHT HAVE WISHED, AND AGAINST THE MONITOR WITHIN. (Loud and prolonged cheering, and voices, " You did right") il'u*-*' i ■»..-,. (1) ^K^ '•f \ IS < ,• /'> vi V i 'j:>*^ :^:p.%^^ •B*l.?.^ • li^-k^ya'^ .J^i:;ikf:iK:'Sferi:5wii^:;^i«;^^^V>*, ;1tS»M ^'^'(,0.- biihwis* i. ■4,-.'' '^'■•' . - ► ' - '• ^, J. ■ ■ ....J:^- '.■..•' '^:1--.^ • f ' t. vV />,- 52 ^■..•'' . / to contrast the pledges and promises with the practices and per- formances of the men now in power. But some of these things I have already discussed, and you have the opportunity of know- ing what I think of them through the public press. The subject I want to bring before you is of another character — it involves questions connected with ■ ' OURMACHINERY FOR SELF-aOVERNMENT, ' for the making of our laws, and the administering of our affairs. No subject can be more important than this. Apply, as I have so often said, a little of the common sense you use in ordinary affaiia to public matters. Whether we are machinists, or manufacturers, or farmers, or whatever we may be, we all use machines. If a machine we are using is not constructed on sound principles it will not turn out good work. Moreover a machine requires repairing and oiling from time to time. Improvements are devised from time to time, weaknesses and defects are develoj)ed by ex[)erii;nce ; time brings decay. And these improvements must be adopted ; oil must be applied ; weaknesses must be remedied ; repairs must be made, as we find requisite. The same rules apply to the big ma- chine at Ottawa and the smaller machine at Toronto for legislat- ing on and administering your affairs. They are machines con- structed of different materials and on a different principle from those we use in our daily work, and they encounter other difficul- ties and are susceptible of other weakness, and require other kinds of improvements. But the general rules apply. I will refer first, as its dignity deserves, to the Upper House of our two Houses of Parliament. I say that part of our legislative machinery is not based upon sound principles, and it is not doing its work well. (Cheers.) ■ _ - , THE OBJECT OF A SECOND CHAMBER ■ .I/, . V y under the Federal system, as stated by those who proposed it to the people at Confederation, was the recognition of th* 8tat >r Provincial entities and interests as distinct from ^h. ' vnmon en- tity and interests. These latter were to be repr jd accordi^^ : to the numbers of the people in the several Pi nces, and thiis the majority was to prevail in the Lower House. The^ declared that for that reason the representation in the Senate sh ild be jn another principle ; on tKe principle of practical Provincial equal- ity. It has not been acurately carried out in later days, although that has been the substantial aim, in the execution of which On- tario, Quebec, and the three Maritime Provinces grouped together as one, have each equal numbers in the Senate. I say that as a protector of Provincial rights, as an asserter of those principles ^^■iyvX'i. (2) ,-^ .('V :•:■ . f; 5«v •ii^i id per- thmgs know- subject avolves .r ( 58 which it was intended specially to guard, THE senate has proved A DISMAL FAILURE. A Voice — We don't want it. Mr. Blake — How ha.s the Senate proved a dismal failure ? How do I justify my statement ? In this way : We have had quest 10118 of Provincial r'ujhts, of the interpretation of the consti- tution in this regard ; .of complaints from one Province and an- other of ditticultios of one kind or other of the special character in respect of which it was said the Seriate luaa to be tl ^ 'tardian, and yet, so far as I know, they have never moved a jutger for the protection of the Frovinces or for the solution of these difficulties. And why should they ? Why, it is absurd. It would be as sen- sible if you were to determine to give the wolf the poiuer of ap- pointing the sJieep-dog who is to j)rotect the sheep against the wolf, and then trust with confidence in the safety of your sheep, as to trust the guardianship of Provincial rights to a Senate nominated under the present system. (Cheers;) Who is it that can work aggression upon the Provinces or impair Provincial rights ? The Ministry of the Dominion, sustained by their ma- jority in the Commons. These are the only peraons whose inter- ference you have to dread — the only possible wolves. Who appoint the Senate, the sheep-dogs of Provincial rights ? This same Min- istry. (Loud cheers and laughter.) And, of course, the men whom they appoint are those who sympathise with their views, men who will do homage to the authors of their legislative being, and will act and vote in accordance with the wishes of these very Ministers whose depredations are to be feared, and against whom the Senate is supposed to be a defender. (Renewed cheering.) There is "•vl another function the senate was especially instituted to perform, that of revising hasty and imperfect legislation, and checking premature legislation. In this respect, also, the Senate, after nineteen years' experience, has been proven thoroughly ineffica- cious. / have seen Bills which, even in our hurried and unsatis- factory way of disposing of business in the Commons, had taken long and weary sittings, sent ur> to the Senate, read the first time, read the second time, referred to Committee of the Whole, passed by Committee of the Whole, reported to the House, read the third time and passed, and sent down to us again almost in as short a time as I have taken to tell the story. (Loud cheers and laughter.) How much revision is there in that ? What is the good of it aW ? (Loud applause.) But ' '■■ '^.■■-■'iV (2 . "K;;::- U.-J.S i F WTT "V , 'KV ■ ''f'- II ' ./ i'V- V 54 ■ ,■■ i ■ . ->. .'7 J vt ■ ,-;vr % %: * ' THE SENATE IS WORSE THAN USELESS, - . for it may, at times, be very harmful. It is no good just so long as the machine is under the control and doing the bidding of those who have the majority in the popular chamber; but the moment the people's voice shall reverse that majority and give a majority to the side with whose opinions the majority of the Senate do not sympathise, it is no longer only useless, it may be very dangerous, because it may become a determined obstruction to the exercise of the people's will. I do not tell you that these gentlemen hold their offices by so secure a tenure that they would obstruct for a long time some measure which the people had ob- viously and firmly, by a large majority, decided to pass, and on which the people had earnestly set their hearts. Because they dare not. They would know that such a course might give rise to ark agitation which would sweep their institution out of exist- ence. You know, however, that in the case of the great majority of legislative and administrative acts, the people feel but a lan- guid impulse, feeling strongly upon only a few leading measures. That being the case, the Senate would have it in its power, with- out great danger to its own existence, harmfully to ob&truct the legislation of the House of Commons. The present plan gives the Ivories two chances. As long as they are in power in the Commons they have the Senate with them, and if they are de- feated in the Commons they have still one of the law-making bodies with them ; and, if they cannot md-.c the laws, they can by this means prevent the making of the laws which the people's chamber passes. Some of my Conservative friends may say : Weil, that seems a good thing; we shouldn't change that.; we want to have two chances. In speaking of this point before I have simply asked fair-minded, honest Conservatives to consider the old adage : " Put yourself in his place." , ''' HOW WOULD MY CONSERVATIVE FRIENDS LIKE IT, if, being in the majority in the Commons, they found themselves thwarted by a bod}'^ nominated by their opponents ? They would say it was bad and wrong. But what would injure them and what would be bad and wrong in their case, injures us and must . Be bad and wrong in ours as well. It is wrong for us all ; and it is simj)ly AN unconstitutional way of thwarting the people's WILL. They sometimes say, " Oh, there is no danger, a nominative body is weak and cannot be presumed to interfere in derogation of the people's rights." But they do interfere with the expression ' of the people's will. I remember very well when 'Mr. foly took "iP^- (2) V-"'' I ■ 65 the de- lves ould and nust id it le's tive tioii sion "book otfice in Quebec, where they have a nominative Legislative Council, he had not a single friend in that Council. There happened to be two Conservative councillors who had become alienated from their own party, and they gave him some support. But for that he could tiofc have put a Speaker in the chair of the Legislative Council. He would not even have had a man to move a bill in that house. In fact, he would not have been able to obtain a hearing in one of the two law-making bodies of the ' Province ! It was the reduction of the system nearly to an absurdity. Yet that is what the Senate oj tJie Dominion 'may come to. At present the Conservatives have 70 friends to about 14 of the Liberals, and the course of nature will increase this p^-eponderance. Now the Legislative Council in Quebec refused to vote the Supply Bill, the very thing which all agree a nomina- tive body, an Upper House, should least of all touch, and Mr. Joly's Government was actually subverted by that abuse of power. Modern experience has therefore proven that a nomina- tive body may, and does, interfere with the expression of the popular will, and that the reasons thus advanced for the con- tinuance of that body are not sound. Again, this principle of nominative bodies is inconsistent with the modem democratic theories of the law-making power. This was one of the main controversies in Quebec before the Rebellion of 1837. One of the principal grievances of which the people complained was that there was a nominative Council whicli had power to thwart the will of the people, and control the legislation of their representa- tives. It was out of place then, and it is even more out of place now, and in this democratic country, which ought to be "free from all these remnants of feudal and aristocratic notions, that the members of one of the law-making bodies should be appointed by the First Minister and hold office for life. (Loud and prolonged applause.) No matter how much he m,ay betray his trust, so lony as the Senator remains worth a thousand pounds, and can dray his limbs for a single instant once in every two years into the Senate Chamber, so long he holds his place as a 'maker of laws for you and me, and we cannot get rid of him. I say that is a principle absurd on the face of it, and utterly indefensible in respect to the law-making power, and I maintain that if there is to be a second chamber it ought to be in some manner elected by the people, and in some manner responsible to the people in whose name and on whose behalf it is to make the laws to which we are all called upon to render a cheerful obedience — (loud I applause) — and until that is established it cannot be said that we are really a self-governing people. I think, therefore, we ought to have ^Jy:^' (2) 'J^y-f.-^:yk- ■ ^^^^••^ ^ww y ■ - ^J % .* s^r / ': 66 A SECOND CHAMBER OF REDUCED NUMBERS — I SAY OF REDUCED ' * »■ NUMBERS, because that would avoid a considerable portion of the expense, besides diminishing the danger of collision between the more numerous and more popular body and the second or revising Chamber. I think we ought to have that Chamber appointed by election in one form or other, and, though at one time I rather - inclined to another view, 1 believe the best mode is by direct popular election. (Cheers.) It is said that there may be danger in that of a dead-lock, because the Senate will be elected as well as the House of Commons, and will claim equal powers. You may have a dead-lock at any moment under the present system, and it would, of course, be possible under the directly-elective system. But there are many ways of obviating that difficulty — ^'j.; for example, the over-riding vote, the joint vote, the vote by a specified majority, the decisive vote after a session or after an election, a declaration as to the constitutional function of the body — the question has been solved and solutions have been suggested in many ways in various countries. The argument respecting that difficulty ought not, therefore, to prevail. My good friend behind me here, said a little while ago, while I was speaking of the Senate, " We don't want it." I am not prepared to adopt that view. (Applause.) 7 he example we have had in Ontario of conducting the a fairs of a single Province ivith a f '^ single Chamber is certainly cheering and encouraging ; but 1 maintain that the conduct of the a fairs of a Dominion made up ^,j V of several Provinces is a very diferent matter. Besides, I cannot -*" ' forget it was PART OF THE ORIGINAL COMPACT ^ ^ - of Confederation, devised in the interests of the smaller Provinces, that there should be a second Chamber, in which the smaller : . Provinces should have a larger proportionate representation than ;;' ; they would have in the Lower Chamber, where the number was based upon the population. Therefore, I am not prepared to ■'■<'■'- propose — still, less am I prepared to propose as a member coming from the largest Province, one having great numerical weight in the Lower House — that we should abrogate that pact, and take away that supposed safeguard of the smaller Provinces. Just so long as they conceive the ] ossession of that supposed safeguard is of advantage to them, our best course, as statesmen, is to continue this portion of our legislative machinery on the principle on which it was originally introduced, making such changes as will add to its efficiency and guard against its obstructiveness. and 'yrr « ^2 "X^* f 57 V suc^ is the policy of the Liberal party a8 proclaimed in Parlia- ment and on the platform, and as we ask the people to ratify it at the polls. (Loud applause.) ' I come now to . THE LOWER HOUSE, * ot which I am a member, and in whose concerns you are chiefly interested. The Tory policy has been and is to give to the Executive, avd to remove from the people and the House all the control they can in reference to the viaking of the Ho^ise. You remember that when Mr. Mackenzie came into power, in confor- mity with his avowed principles, he deprived himself of the power the Tories had assumed after Confederation, of appointing, as they pleased, the Returning-officers at elections. He said : — I prefer not to avail myself of this power ; I will act upon this view at the first election, and as soon as comes a session of Parliament, if I am returned, I will settle it for all Governments by legislation. So WE RESTORED TO LOCAL OFFICERS in your midst, to officers having duties to perform as citizens, apd being men whose character, respectability, efficiency, and standing in society, ought to be guarantees of their good conduct, the functions of Returning-officers, though the vast majority of these men throughout Canada at that time were political op|)onents, or had been appointed by political opponents of ours. i?he Tories did not object to that change, but agreed to it, and it was carried out with the unanimous consent of Parliament. But no sooner did the Tories resume office 'a' ■ \ X . \ THAN THEY REPEALED THE LAW and resumed the power of appointing the Returning-officers. They said : — It was a good thing to allow the other rule while our opponents were in power, because it gave us many friendly Returning-officers, But now that we are back in power we will take again the power to appoint only our friends to these offices, and the influence due to their being our appointees. We can a})point the registrars or sheriffs when they suit us ; they will owe the office to us, and will not be ungrateful, and when they don't suit us we can appoint other people who do. Abuses have existed in the past in this matter. My friend and your friend, the member for this riding, Mr. Cockburn, experienced one of these abuses. I remember when it was my duty to call upon the House, as a matter of privilege, to amend . ■ . C ■ (2) i'. . ,'(- « . J ^^.- < yU:v>?^ 58 i -> :f<:- ^. ■ f J.-V ." I' > A SCANDALOUS RETURN MADE BY A RETURNING-OFFICER, who chose not to return our friend, though he had been fairly elected; I succeeded. The Government found that they were dealing with a new Parliament, and a good many of their follow- ers were not yet hardened by the constant process of voting for the wrong. After having denounced me as the proposer of a dangerous motion, subversive of correct principles, they were obliged to yield, and your present member was duly returned. (Loud cheers.) His case is an example of the danger of allowing the Government to nominate the Beturning-oj^cers who are to choose between them and their opponents. Remember this, that the Government ought to he given as little power with reference to an election as possible, because the Government is one of the parties to that election. Both parties ought to be on an equality. A case is to be trjed, and the country is jury. If you give one party to a case power which affects the choice of the juiy there is little chance of justice being done. Do not give to the Govern- ment in political affairs, powers you would be the first to reject if proposed to be applied in the case of a dispute in the ordinary affairs of life. (Cheers.) Again, with reference to the I VOTES OF THE CIVIL SERVANTS. We have objected to the Civil Service vote as at present managed, not because the Civil Servants are not respectable people. But we do not believe in any vote that is not a free vote. " Franchise " means freedom, and if you givea man thefranchise, and tell him how he must use it, you simply offer a case of contradiction of terms. I brought forward this case of Mr. Dodd, to which Mr. Edgar referred, in which a member of Parliament by his own letter, was shoivn to have gone to a public officer and told him during an election that he ought to vote for the Government candidate, because he was the Government candidate, and because if he did not so vote he ivould run the risk of being turned out of office, for that was the rule. His own letter proved that he had used those words. But the man voted according to his own conscience, and not according to the bidding of his assumed masters, and he suffered the penalty, not by being in form deprived of his office, but by being shuffled out of it by a cunning device which I need not stop to describe, but the result of which to him was by the member's letter ex- pressly ascribed to his vote — in truth it was because of his impu- dence in using his franchise freely. They said he had taken an active part in the elections. I know nothing about that. The threat and the complaint made by the member was with reference to hi3 voting simply, nothing more. I made my charge against (2) „ \ V *. ' 75T^?T^ 1 ' ■ '3- ^ X ^ 69 the member, and against the Government, for I declared that the Government, knowing the circumstances, had carried out the plot, and had in effect deprived the man of his office, and the Tory party in the House refused the committee of investigation for which I had asked. I would like to know, if this is the system, whether you think these are free votes or not. It is a SCANDALOUS ABUSE OF POWER, but it is only another instance of the Tory policy of controlling elections and electors, instead of making them free. Take another case. There was an election for the county of Kings, Prince Edward Island. The Liberal candidate had a ma- jority of about 86 votes. But the Tory Revising-officer made a double return. Somebody had put in a protest against the Liberal candidate, saying that he had been a member of the Local Legis- lature, and had not effectually resigned. The matter was brought up in Parliament, and notwithstanding our protest, it was referred by vote of the Tory majority to the Committee on Privileges and Elections. And that Committee decided by a party vote, not that the man who received a majority should be declared elected, not that the election was void and should be contested again ; but that the man who had received a minorit}'^ of votes, the man whom the people had rejected, should be declared elected, and should re- present that county for the whole life of the Parliament. And the Tory majority in the House of Commons confirmed that ver- dict. We objected, and urged that the man who had the majority should be given the seat. If there was any irregularity he could be unseated in the regular way. But they refused. We said : Suppose that you are right, and that lie is disqualified, that is no reason why the other nan should have the seat ; void the election and let it be contested again. But they refused that also. Wo . asked them to refer the matter to the Supreme Court and not to insist that a political body, in which they were a majority, should decide a point of law. No, they said ; we are bound to decide it ourselves. And they did decide it themselves, these righteous judges, andtftey decided it for themselves, and I have been sitting for four years with a colleague in Parliament luhom the Tory members of the House elected in spite of the people's verdict, (Loud cheers.) Add to this the case of Sir Charles Tupper, whom, though his seat was voided, and he was ineligible for Parliament, they elected for Cumberland by Act of Parliament — (cheers) — and tell me whether these things should so be ? Then we come to ' THE GREAT GERRYMANDER, by which they determined to control the popular vote of Ontario. They determined so to affect the bounds of the different ridings -. ■ > , I / • 60 that a practical popular equality ou the gross polls should not be reflected by an equality in Parliament, but that a popular equality of votes should be represented in Parliament by a great Conserva- tive majority, and a small Liberal minority. I need not talk about that in detail here. You know what was done in Ontario and Muskoka, what was done in the Simcoes and the Vorks. (Cheers.) I believe there are men from every one of those coun- ties here. Desperate efforts were made by the Reformers, ani- mated by that zeal which results from a sense of crying injustice ■ and gross fraud perpetrated upon a people, and from a stern de- termination to redress the wrong. Some Conservatives, I rejoice to say, gave but half-hearted support to their party, and some went in opposition to it on account of I THIS INIQUITOUS MEASURE. > But you must not forget the dead weight so placed upon the Liberal party, though they were enabled in spite of it to gain victories here, in South Ontario, in North York, in East York, and else- where. (Cheers.) They were unable over the whole Province to overcome the effect of the gerrymander, and eight seats which they held by right were taken, while many more were nearly taken by the Tories. However, eight or ten seats were saved to us on which the Tories counted as confidently as on those they won, but which the superior zeal and earnestness of the Reformers, and the candour and shame of a good many of their own supporters, prevented them from securing. (Cheers.) What was the result after all ? It was this, that while we had at the polls almost an equalit}'^ of the people, within one of an equality on a due return, we had in the House a majority of eighteen against us. I warn you that you must - DISPLAY ONCE MORE THAT DESPERATE ZEAL AND ENERGY in every county which has been mutilated, if you would succeed in the next contest. They count on a diminution of your zeal. They say : " Tire Reformers will no longer be animated by that burning sense of injustice that drove them to superhuman efforts before, and, as for the Conservatives, we know them well. They are, on the whole, a carefully disciplined body. A few were slack, and fewer still were hostile, but now that the thing is done and cold, they will fall back into our ranks, and labour in the gerry- mandered counties as well as ever." I look to j^ou to defeat that expectation by continuing the zeal you showed before. I look to the Conservatives whose love of justice and fair play led them to abstain, or to take part with us before, to defeat that expectation of a relapse from probity, integrity, and high-i^mdedness, by ■/• (8). : J ■ \: ■I'.' "■^ ^r ri"-. V •• \ r 4 *. / •'. 1 UI showing that they are still possessed of those qualities. (Cheers.) I want to say a word with reference to THE EASTERN PART OF OUR PROVINCE. That part of the Province is often misunderstood by Keforiners in the West. It is true that we have been unable to return many members for the East, because the divisions of ridings, even as they were before the gerrymander, were wholly unjust to us. Notwithstanding our small representation in Parliament, the eastern part of Ontario, from the county of Durham to the border, contains a very large number of intelligent, hard-working, high-spirited Reformers — and I can prove it by the returns of the last election. I wish to make the eye help the ear in this matter, and I have prepared a little checker- board, on which you will see the result of the popular vote in the thirty seats from Durham to the border in the year 1882. The squares are, as you will see, pretty nearly black and white alternately. It is true there is one black one in excess of the white. I hope my Conservative friends will not - mind if I say that in this little map they are re^presented by the black and the Reformers by the white. (Loud laughter.) I have not painted them very black, but still a good many shades blacker than the others. (Renewed laughter.) This shows THE STATE OF THE POPULAR VOTE - at the last elections. In those thirty constituencies there were enough Reform votes to have elected (making allowance for accla- mations and exceptional conditions) sixteen Conservatives and fourteen Reformers. That is what the people said at the polls, and all we ask is that the voice of the people at the polls shall be fairly echoed in Parliament, and if we are in a minority at the polls we are quite content to remain in a like minority in Parliament until we can convince enough people that we are right, to give us a majority. (Cheers.) This shows what the people said, and this (here the speaker turned the paper over) is what the returns to Parliament said for the same district. (The reverse side of the picture was received with loud laughter.) There you have a great black sea, with a little white island in the middle. Only three Reformers were elected, though we should have had fourteen; and twenty-seven Tories, though they should have had only six- teen. This is what happened, but there might easily have been worse and more of it; for if the Tories had managed to turn 150 votes in these three riding which returned Reformers, they would have made them return Tories, and the little white island would never have appeared above the surface, although our proportion, of the popular vote would not have been noticeably affected. We i :(■.,, m ■ ,■; - 'i ■0 '■.As - -? ■ 62 s r'^A^ ; :;\- • -■:<■;•■ I Mi ' !■ ■ ■ ■ f .. I,. .^^^.. ■^■:.r, would still have fourteen-thirtieths of the votes, whithout one single member to represent them. Even in a case like that THE GERRYMANDER WAS OPERATED. One would have thought that in Eastern Ontario, where they had already enormous advantages — where they could count on over twenty seats as things btood, far in excess of their lights — shame and decency would have prevented the Tory majority in the House from altering the bounds to hurt us still more. One would have thought they would have been contented with having all the Peats but eight or so, when they ought to have had only sixteen to fourteen, but they were not. They took from the County of Carleton, a Tory stronghold, a township or two, knowing they could spare them from Carleton, and added them on to North Lanark, so that my friend, Mr. Macdonnell, who got a majorty ot 200 votes in his old riding, was defeated by 80 votes through the tacking on of these other townships. They added the Tory town- ship of Kitley to the constituency of Brockville, and by that means they turned a majority of 80 against them in the old riding into a majority of about five in their favour in the new creation. So to the man that had much, more was given ; and from him that had not, was taken away even that which he had. (Laughter.) From me, who should in justice have had fourteen supproters, and would have had Jive, at any rate, on the old boundaries, all were taken away but three ! And that is what a free people approve of and admire. They do not deserve to continue free ! (Cheers.) THE COMMONS OUGHT TO BE A MIRROR OF THE PEOPLE at large, politically. If it is so, it is a truly representative body ; but if you debase it into a machine to be artificially arranged by one party to represent its opinions, even when they are not the opinions of the people, you prostitute it to ths vilest party ends — you deface the fair form of representation ; you destroy its sub- stance, and you may as well give up its theory. .1 refer to another thing. The Tories have not only taken the appointment of the Returning -officers, manipulated the Civil Ser- vice vote, and carved up the districts so as to secure the best possible results for themselves, but these things not suceceeding to their entire satisfaction. THEY PROPOSE BY THE FRANCHISE ACT TO TAKE ANOTHER STEP. The Federal system in its nature points to the Provincial fran- chises as the true franchise for the Commons House of Parliament. "^You must remember the principle of representation in the Lower (2) ■\%t. '-^i :j.;j , I 03 '^ .A f, •-* » ■'■■y\ -y. Dut one hey had on over —shame in the le would g all the ' sixteen 3unty of ing they North !ijorty ot )ugh the ry town- by that Id riding creation, rom him lughter.) ters, and all were approve Cheers.) IPLE body; nged by not the ends — its sub- Iken the jvil Ser- ihe best jding to |r step. lal fran- liament. Lower and popular body, as established by Confederation, is that each Province shall be represented according to the number of souls that inhabit it. The men who are in the best position to say how the mind of the Province shall bo most accurately represented are the people of the Province themselves, and the form which they choose for that representation for their own Local House is the form which should be adopted for Federal purposes. (Cheers.) That is the })lan pursued under the constitution of the greatest example in ancient or moflern times of a country established upon the federal principle — the United States of Amciiiea. Our own experience pointed to the same course, for we had been eighteen years under that system, and I have yet to learn of the first man who showed, or could show, that any substantial grievance existed. There are other reasons. Our country is large, extending over four thousand miles. It is inhabited by different people of different races, different creeds, different conditions as to occui)ation, realized wealth, prosperity and advancement, and with different views. How can w^e best be sure that the mind of each section shall be fully represented in the House of Commons ? Certainly by adopting the method which the people of each section have chosen for them- selves. Any effort to establish A CAST-IRON PRINCIPLE OF UNIFORMITY MUST DIVERSITY, RESULT IN REAL because if you apply the same system to different conditions the result must be diversity, and not uniformity. Again, one of the first rules which ought tp animate a self-governing people is that you should impose as little labour, expense, and dij^culty as pos- sible upon those who desire to get their names on the list of voters, or to keep them there, and to exercise their franchise. A double franchise, a double list, double machinery for making the lists, and difierent systems of 8,ppeal — all this means enormous expense. THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS WE VOTED LAST SESSION ON ACCOUNT OF THE EXPENSES OF THE FRANCHISii ACT FOR THE YEAR. We do not know how much more it is going to cost. They can't even tell us how much the printing is to be. They rtiakejohs of thisprlnt- \ing, giving it to their supporters at high pricet^ — prices in many cases, as 1 am informed, twice and thrice what like work has been done for, and admitted to be largely in excess of the cost of the On- tario lists. They cannot tell us what they are going to pay the revising officers. We asked that question the session before last. jThey said they could not tell, but that next session they would Ibring down a measure which would fix the rate. We asked this Isession what the rate was to be, but they said they had not Idecided. They do not tell these revising officers, who are to be so y ■ ^^• - *,- ■- 'i /.■•A • :'i ^ 4r . >' • I 64 thoroughly independent of both aides, what their pay is to be. They say to the revising officers in effect : According to your work so shall your reward be. (Cheers.) Neither public nor revising officers are to know how much, or on what principle, they are to be paid. But this is not all, or nearly all, the cost of the Act. The largest part is /' MA r ''■;/- '^ /••. ^•rrt t; - ,1 . > ■, \ ->• THE COST TO THE PEOPLE THEMSELVES, the actual money cost of revising the list, of putting names on and striking off those that should not be there, the loss of time, labour, and money to members of Parliament, to candidates, and to active party men. Even the loss of time is enormous, and it is all a loss to the country, for the men who spend their time thus are obliged to give up their ordinary avocations which increase the wealth of the country. 1 want to see the cost of getting into Parliament made as cheap as possible. (Loud cheers.) I . don't want to see a plutocracy established in this democratic country. I don't want to seethe law so airanged that only he who is a rich man, who can a ford to spend hundreds of dollars to get names qn the list, may aspire to represent the people. (Cheers.) I want to see the avenue kept open so for all those who deserve to reach the goal, no matter whether their purses be light or heavy, and I warn you that so long as you choose to have a system which is expensive and complicated, and so long as you do not like — and I suppose few do — to pay the expenses yourselves, so long you are put- ting a tax or duty upon the man who has a light purse, and giv- ing an advantage or protection to the 'pian with a heavy purse, in the race for legislative honours. (Cheers.) Then, again, the system of making the lists leaves less power with the people, and gives more power to the Government, and is all wrong. IN ENGLAND WHO MAKE THE LISTS ? Local officers appointed by local administrative bodies, whose members are chosen by the people as in Ontario, This i« one of I the most valuable features of British institutions, this system of minor local boards, and it is very useful to give dignity and im- [ portance to these minor boards, such as must be given by entrust- ing them with the making of the lists for the great national elections. But our government says : — We cannot trust I THE MUNICIPAL COUNCILS TO APPOINT THE PROPER OFFICERS To| MAKE THE LISTS, OR TO ATTEND TO THE REVISION. We MUST AP- POINT INDEPENDENT MEN, WHO WILL NOT BE CORRUPT, WHO WILL] NOT BE PARTISAN, WHO WILL DO THE FAIR THING, WHICH OUR MU- NICIPAL COUNCILLORS AND LOCAL ASSESSORS CANNOT BE TRUSTED! TO DO. We, one party in THE PARLIAMENT, OiNE PARTY TO THEJ ^A::,.f- «:V >. 4 .^■■:-^: '/•■lU 65 it'ontest, in order to secure even-handed justice, and per- Ifect fair play to the pkople at lauge, with that high pur- IpOSE, AND NO other, OF COURSE, WE WILL TAKE THESE APPOINT- MENTS INTO, OUR OWN HANDS. ThEY SHALL HE OUR OEFICERS. We IwiLL NAME THEM SO THAT IT MAY HE PERFECTLY CERTAIN THAT ItHEY WILL DECIDE AGAINST US WHEN THEY OUGHT. (Loud cheei'S land Icaiighter.) I never said that the municipal councils or asses- sors always did what was right in this matter. But I .say, take it |hy and large the whole Province over.that, as far as my experience joes, the lists were made and le vised with reasonable fairness junder the officers appointed by the municipal councils and the jmunicipal councils themselves. (Cheers ) There were some excep- tions, of course, and they were to be deplored, but, take it as a Iwhole, there was no general cause of complaint respecting the system of making or revising the lists, and there was an efficient md cheap appeal in cases of in justice. The Government not mly names the man to make the lists, hat names the man to revise them — and they are the same man. (Laughter and ap- )lause.) The man who has made the list, and has declared as to the right of so-and-so to be on the list, must hear the appeal upon that case and decide it. I would rather have some other person ieclare whether the officer was right or wrong than himself, ^he English Government never dared to propose to the Engli.sh Parliament that they should be empowered to name the persons revise the lists. The English Ministers are men ofhit/h station, |in conspicuous places before the world. I'hey are actuated, as a ''ule, by pure motives, and would, if any would, be perhaps hardly likely gi'ossly to abuse such a trust. Yet they , < • y /'f . ' y I ' <" ..V NEVER DARED TO SAY TO PARLIAMENT : Hve us the power to name the men who are to revise the lists, "^hat do they say ? They say : Give the high judges of the land, ^hile sitting in the courts administering justice, and as connected ath their administration of justice, when they hold the great Court )f Assize for the county, give them the appointment of theRevising- )fficers. No partial inan, no partisan, no politician,no party to the wntest does this in England, but a judge of the highest court, hold- ing a most exalted office for other functions, elevated above the lists and passions and prejudices of partisanship, sworn to do his luty, and doing it amongst the people and under their eyes, ^hose prime condition of life is that he should do justice in every- thing in which he officially acts. Here our partisan Ministers are 30 much more exalted above partisanship, so much more to be trusted, that what no English Ministers ever dared to ask the "^^nglish Parliament to commit to them, and what the English .* vv: i i- .•■> 1 T ^1 = .' / 66 Parliament would have refused had it been asked, is asked for by the Canadian Ministers and granted by the majority in the Cana- dian Parliament, knowing, doubtless, that that was for them the| EASIEST ROAD BACK TO PARLIAMENT. (Loud cheers.) , I make no charges against the whole body of Kevising-officers, but I do say that in some cases most ' i \ ■ ,'■ > X— ' » i \ IMPllOPEtt APPOINTMENTS HAVE BEEN MADE. Take one instance, that of the County of Carlton. That is the Prime Minister's own liding. In the election of 1S82 he had a I lawyer as his financial agent, a man occupying the most intimate and confidential relation to himself necessarily, a man entrusted with looking after his receipts and disbursements and his interests during the election. That man has been appointed by the Prime Minister to revise the voters' lists in that county. (Cheers and laughter.) Will that appointment change him ? Partisan last election, this time ho is so far removed above party that he is to revise the lists on which everything depends. I don't know whether he is going to be financial agent again ; I suppose not. That would be too great an outrage upon decency for even this | Government to be guilty of. But 1 think it an outrage upon de- cency as it is. When you can find such things in the case of the Prime Minister, you can take that sample and judge of the rest. (Cheers.) But I say that improper appointments have been] made, and improper persons made judges, and needless judgeships created, to serve this fraudulent purpose. We have had a good deal of trouble already, and I fear we shall have more. We have had NAMES ILLEGALLY PUT UPON THE LIST by the hundred — in one divi.sion of Toronto I am told they have been thus put on by the thousand. They had no right to be there, but they were put on in the expectation that a law would be passed this session legalizing them, and so prevent their being taken off. They were put on at almost no expense, but the Re- formers have to go to great expense to take them off. They tried to legalize it all. They brought in a clause which, if passed, would have kept on the list the names thus illegally put on. And they would have passed that clause, but that the Liberals showed a determination to stay until the fall if necessary, and fight the qu 'ifclon out, and that being so they thought better of it, and wi iilrew it rather than provoke such a contest. (Loud cheers.) But they suspended the operation of a clause by them brought in, which, if it had effect, would have lightened our load a good deal. Under this clause a man whose vote was objected to was obliged (2) •i-^.x^^-. VVV'Cy^' S .. ;..'uV.->» .■:''*■ 11.1 '»*' Ji*t- •■ - » ' ,67 • -, to attend at the final revision without pay, or run the risk of having his name struck off. Being forced to with(haw the pro- vision which would have legalized the names wrongfully put on the list, they determined to suspend this latter clause untd after the next revision. But why ? Surely what is to be good then cannot be bad now. (Cheers.) Why ? Because the}' liad an enormous advantage, and would make that advantage less if wo could compel the attendance of these men without paying them. And so WITH REGARD TO THE FORM OF OATH. Your old form of oath was some guarantee and protection in case men were wrongfully put on the list. At first they brought down a form of oath of that kind, but after reHection and consideration, and after finding the condition of the lists, they struck it out and brought in another under ivhich a man uhose name is wrongfully on the list might vote without having to swear that he was entitled to vote. They knew they had large numbers on the lists who could not take an oath declaring that they were qualified, and so they withdrew what they had first proposed, and left us without that protection. As to the franchise, 1 would not seek to force my views respecting the franchise upon any other Province, for I believe that each Province should be allowed to deal with this matter for itself. (Cheers.) Take the great question of u. <"(■■ • \ FEMALE SUFFRAGE. In Ontario a great many people are in favour of the suffrage for women. (Loud applause.) In Quebec a very large majority are determinedly hostile to the principle of giving the suffrage to women. Why should Ontario force suffrage for women upon Quebec ? (Cheers.) Why should Quebec insist that the people of Ontario should not give the women of the Province the fraitchise 'f they desire it ? (Renewed cheers.) Let each Province decide for itself. (Loud applause.) By giving the greatest freedom in this re- spect you avoid friction and conflict, and get each Province fairly represented. But I have declared in the House, and I repeat it here, that if there is to be a Dominion franchise, inasmuch as the Dominion does not touch questions relating to property, and having regard to our system of taxation, under which every man who is not a pauper must pay a share through the Customs, and having regard also to our system of defence, I should favour, as THE ONLY SENSIBLE Dominion franchise, residential registered manhood suffrage. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) It would be the simplest and plainest ; it would make no very serious difference with reference to the character ofr the franchise ; it would avoid • .*,<• V. '' ! ■ V ^//V'" '*\? •> >. /" ;■'■" .1 '"'' ''*>. : ,!•■'';'. ^"'-'Vv*T:v"r^^t •<.^ • !'■,■,'> ; I ii :1I n ;> If . T' .f- ^ fK^ \ .1 • ' •v," / .t, -, • if 3 68 the complications, doubts, uncertainties, and in a large measure the expense of the present system. (Loud and prolonged ap- plause.) I now come to another and most important question — INDEPENDENCE OF PARLIAMENT. I have spoken of the principles upon which the parts of our legis- lative and administrative machine should be selected. But, after you have the machine so far put together, you must see that it is so regulated as to do its work properly. After electing your members to rarliament, you must see that the conditions of action will lead them to do their duty. The relations of the Executive and of members of Parliament to the public treasury, and to public contractors, must painfully press themselves upon the mind of every Canadian who has at heart the honour of his country, the respectability of its Executive, and the independ- ence of its Legislature. It is necessary always to take precautions for the avoidance of corruption. You know who it was that said, "A GIFT BLINDETH THE EYE," and in all times a principal danger to popular institutions has arisen from the corruption of those who were charged with the people's business. Our country is a country of workingmen, of those who themselves earn the bread they eat, and not a country of wealthy men. A moment ago I said that the avenues to the legislative halls should he freely open to those who live by the labour of their hands or of their brains. But it would not be prudent, it would not be common sense not to consider, as people in other lands have had to consider, and to guard against the dangers naturally growing out of the situation. There are temptation; with reference to money, wealth, patronage, office, which, in the nature of things, more seriously affect people in our pecuniary circumstances, M'hich more seriously affect us who are not abso- lutely beyond the reach of want, affect us who are dependent upon our continued exertions for the maintenance of ouiselves and our families, than they do the man who is very wealthy; not, God forbid ! not because the poor man is of a less njble nature — it is not so — but because his circumstances, in the very nature of things, intensify the temptations in his case. So in wealth\'^ Er.gland, and atill more here, it has been made plain that we must S'^rutinize CAREFULLY THE RELATIONS OF THE EXECUTIVE AND OF MEMBERS with contoactors AND WITH THE TREASURY. Laws have been made with regard to some of these relations, and these laws have been made more stringent from time to time as abuses were shown Paf liament has also been a protection, custom (2) for obs^ the! CAj opi]| anc' of A ^^ mmM ;■■ r> 69 for we have our customs — of late, 1 regret to say, not very strictly observed — which make certain prohibitions in these regards. But the main safeguard, after all, is and must be public opinion (Applause.) We must evince a lively and determined public opinion ; we must express the general view of people of all sides, and from all quarters, that the public trutn, as a prime coiidition of retaining the public confidence, must keep himself NOT MERELY FREE FROM REPROACH, but free from cause of suspicion, must thrust far from him, as an accursed thing, even the very appearance of evil, must have no- thing to do with any transaction of which it can be said, not even that it did affect, but that it was calculated to affect unfairly his public conduct. Unless you lay that down as your rule, if you think that because it is the action of some one of your own party you ought to approve, that because it suits your party purposes to permit these doubtful, these dangerous, relations, you will suffer them to exist, you degrade your Parliament, and you degrade yourselves. (Cheers.) How shall we gain the best security for PERFECT FREEDOM AND INDEPENDENCE OF ACTION on the part of our Executive and Legislature ? This question is before us to-day. Take the case of your school trustees. They live amongst you and are constantly under the full force of local public opinion. You elect them yearly and can i)unish them quickly. You know what the law with regard to them says. Now, human nature is the same in the narrow sphere of the school trustees' action as in the great machine at Ottawa. What says the law to the school trustees ? Here is what the Act says : — "Any trustee who has any pecuniary interest, profit or promise or expected benefit in, or from, any contract, agreement or engage- ment, either in his own name or in the name of another, with the corporation with which he is a member, or who receives, or ex- pects to receive, any compensation for any work, engagement, em- ployment, or duty on behalf of such coi'poration, shall ipso facto vacate his seat, and every such contract, agreement, engagement, or promise shall be null and void, and the remaining trustees, or a majority of them, shall declare the seat vacant, and forthwith order a new election." You bind them tightly and justly, for though a man may not in the slightest degree be affected because he is interested, still it is not likely, it is not human nature, that he should be unaffected, for " a gift blindeth the eye." And in your choice you consider whether a man has kept, not merely the letter, but also the spirit of your law. This is a disagreeable subject. Our political con- (2) '- f Z-fM ."t'-i Mi 1 * ^^. A- r .*■ 70 l^ r, ' t j'-r ^ - li'V'" troverpies on public questions are bitter enough in tone. They are far bitterer than 1 like them to be. I have a great desire that we should conduct our political discussions in measured and mode- rate language, with proper regard for the feelings, opinions, views, aye, even the prejudices of our opponents, and that we should live as good citizens, good neighbours, and good friends in private life, though we may differ as to public questions. But when personal questions are introduced, political bitterness is, doubtless, intensi- fied. Still, I believe with those who have preceded me that it is a duty, though a painful duty, a duty from which I have often .shrunk, to speak and speak aloud on this subject. V YOUR MINISTERS ARE THE CHIEF CRIMINALS, for they themselves offend, and they are the cause of offence in others. An old and very gross case of improper dealing was that which arose in 1872, with re'ercnce to an intending contractor for the Canadian Pacific I^.ailway, Sir Hugh Allan, when enormous sums were, at the solicitation of Sir John Macdonald and another leading member of his Government, paid to Sir John, to tha\ member, and to Sir Hector Langevin, to be used in the elections, on a promise and understanding between the parties with refer- ence to the arrangements for the chartering of the Pacific Rail- way Company, under the powers conferred on the Executive at their request by Parliament. I say that is a GREAT AND NOTORIOUS CASE OF ILL-DEALING. what^ powei ashai often IS EAJl mnd a I \kiUj. lor no^ [means 1 -' ■ I I ,■ But there is one difference between that case and some of the other cases which have been referred tu lately. The large sums received from Sir Hugh Allan were obtained, gentlemen, to buy you — (cheers) — to buy the electorate of Canada. They were not ob- tained, it is said, and I believe truly said, to put into the pockets of either the Ministers or members for their own use ; they were simply to buy the electorate, and thus to secure the retention by the buyers of their offices and salaries I do not know '.vhethor the distinction commends itself to you as one very favourable to the parties. I don't know whether you will be more or less in- sulted by the idea that the electorate was to be bought through the contractors' fund, and the Ministry so to retain its place, or by the idea that members of Parliament and Ministers are to be chosen not exclusively to serve the public interest, but to use their positions to benefit themselves. The distinction is made, and if it be any credit or advantage to the Conservative party 1 am quite willing to give it to them. (Laughter.) m »r.^,»' ►;■':•,>'. 71 THE CRIME WAS GREAT, whatever the distinction, and should have been much more severe- ly punished tlian it was. After a comparatively brief exile from power these men were restored to office, and though (it the first hlush they had been downcast, and many of their friends had been ashamed and humihated at the disclosures, yet that happened ivldch often happens, for the path of shame is downwaud, and it IS easy — they all agreed at last to declare all this to be a slander nnd a calumny, and that theie never luas any Pacific Scxndal at all. They have since then bettered their instruction ; they have confided in your lenity, in your forbear anccy in your approbation of these methods of conducting public affairs, and have gone Jur- titer, without, as yet, faring worse. Whether they shall faro worse or no*^ depends upon the next appeal to the people. Another case .1 Jie gift, several years ago, to the present First Minister, by means of a settlement upon his family, r the sum of about $80,000, which was subscribed for and pre- ented to him or to his family while he was First Minister of ICanada. It was so SUBSCRIBED AND PRESENTED LARGE- LY BY ACTUAL AND INTENDING CONTRACTORS, whose [business it was to obtain favourable contracts from the Govern- Iment, and having obtained them to get the largest prices for the least returns, and the most liberal allowances for extras that they could manage. It WAS SUBSCRIBED LARGELY ALSO BY >UBLIC CORPORATIONS GREATLY INDEBTED TO THE TREASURY, and dependent upon the Executive for favourable settlements of their indebtedness and favourable adjustments of their financial relations. I will refer to one instance, that of the northern railway company )f Canada. That Company was indebted in an enormous amount the Government of Canada. It was a bankrupt concern, and jicknowledged its inability to pay its debt. It was calling upon phe Government to ask Parliament to compromise the debt and to lake for it a comparatively small sum. And while that was the relation of the Noiihern Railway Company to the people, and to [he Parliament, and to the Government of Canada, they FOUND lONEY OUT OF THEIR POVERTY, out of their bankrupt ex- [hequer.out of thatexchequer which they declared could supply only small composition on their debt to the public, TO PAY $2,500 TOWARDS THE TESTIMONIAL TO THE FIRST MIN- (2) h •ii^ > I l^: ,• ,«^ . ••'' ":.' 4. <: .' - , «.' , r * .' ■< ^ ■^ V , 72 • ISTER. (Cheers.) There was not money to pay you, but there was money to subscribe for him. What happened ? That which you might expect to happen. Shortly afterwards a Bill was brought in by this same Government for the relief of the Northern Railway — (applause) — under which it was proposed to accept in full a small proportion of the debt. It came down very late in the ses- sion. Mr. Mackenzie, the leader of the Opposition, objected to the concession, and insisted that it was too late in the session to press such a bill, and declared that if it was pressed he would fight it. (Applause.) The terms were too favourable to the company, which should have been required to pay more. I heard the First Minister tell Mr. Mackenzie that he ought not to resist the Bill ; that he would be responsible before the people for ob- structing wise and useful legislation, and that the people would condemn him for it. (Laughter.) However, Mr. Mackenzie took the responsibility. (Cheers.) He was not a man to flinch from responsibility ; and he thus defeated the measure. (Re- newed cheers.) What ensued ? Mr. Mackenzie attained office a year or two later, and he had to deal with this question, the set- tlement of which he had prevented on the terms proposed. His Government made a settlenient with the Northern Railivay Com- pany $500,000 better than the settlement which was proposed by Sir John Macdonald, which we had obstructed. We saved the public that amount. (Loud cheers.) But we received no testi- w,onial from the Company. (Cheers and laughter.) I could give you other instances of those who subscribed to this testimonial and what their relations with the Government were, but one is per- haps enough for a sample. You will understand that in the bulk of cases the settlements between Governments and contractors are 60 covered up that the facts cannot be got at, and this makes it all the more important to prevent these relations between the Execu- tive and contractors. Well, all this was approved of. It was thought to be rather an unhandsome thing to say anything about it. It was a matter to be silently agreed to. It gives me great pain, I confess, to have to refer to these matters, but the circum- stances are such to-day that we are bound to point out to what these things will grow if you do not check them. The thing was approved or condoned, and two or three years ago the Minister of Public Works, tei pel ch£ lat) ev€ abll SIR HECTOR LANGEVIN, GOT HIS TESTIMONIAL TOO. Why not ? What is right for the chief is right for the second in command. He, it is true, has to do with the great bulk of the contracts for public works. He largely decides upon the condi- tions of tendering, advertises for the tenders, determines which 2) ■\>i-t} i.i ..'i- ..v; 73 tender shall be accepted, determines whether the contractor has performed the work. He it is who gives the instructions for changes, who settles the bills for extras, which allow the greatest latitude for favourable or unfavourable settlement. He, I say, even above the others, ought to avoid, as a thing utterly abomin- able, any relations, except the direct business and official relations, with the contractors who have or may have business with his Department. The testimonial he received was ahout $20,- 000, and it was largely subscribed by public contractors who had claims against the Government, or hopes or expectations whose realization depended almost wholly upon his favourable decision. Many of these claims have since been settled. What has happen- ed .? This has happened — that many people suspect the Minister of Public Works of having been influenced in his decisions by the relation he allowed to exist between these contractors and himself as givers and recipient of a large and valuable present. It may or it may not have been so. No man can tell. We cannot judge. God knoweth ! But the position is wholly indefensible. To no puhlic man ought it to he ijoss'ihle to say : With one hand you took from this man a testimonial, and luith the other you settled his claim. (Cheers.) Then we had the ^■.. CASE OF THE MINISTER OF INLAND REVENUE. The Minister of Public Works' testimonial passed off very well. (Laughter.) The people did not seem to object very strongly. The Tory party thought it all right. And so the Minister of Inland Revenue received his testimonial in the shape of a house and furniture, also largely subscribed for by public contractors and others with whom, as a member of the Government, he had relations, and as to the furniture, very largely by the civil ser- vants of whom he was a superior officer. These I regard as very improper relations between a Minister and contractors, and be- tween a Minister and the civil servants who are, in a certain sense, his subordinates and dependents. THE CASE OF SIR JOHN's DIAMONDS. Then, sir, tkts very year, we have our very greatest public con- tractors, we have the principal magnates of the Canadian Pacific Railway Company, a corpoi^ation having enormous financial rela- tions with the Government, and at a time when an application was to be renewed which the Government had last year declined, an application for the cancelling of ten millions of dollars of their indebtedness to the country in lieu of a portion of their land sub- sidy, we have these magnates making to the lady of the First Min- . - . (2) W' ,'-■( ,. >i .>i "jw'fr 'r-w 'J / ' ■ t, 5 U , <- ;'..\ (if : 74 ister very valuable presents, the cost of which is variously stated. From the best information available I have believed it was at east $15,000, but I see that the Mail newspaper declared the other day that the value was only $5,000. I do not know whether the value was the price of one good farm or of three, but either is enough to condemn the transaction. (Applause.) Jn my opinion it was a most unfortunate thing that the First Minister, in view of the relations of the Company and his Government in times past, in times present, and in expectancy, should have suf- fered such a thing to occur. (Applause.) No gift of an import- ant and valuable character such as this should have been accepted. What happened ? The session came on, and the application of the Company, which had been rejected by the Government last year, was proposed by the First Minister himself this year. No doubt it may have been solely his sense of right and justice, it may have been solely his desire to promote the public interest that induced the change of opinion. I hope it was so. We can- not judge. That is just the difficulty. The unfortunate and in- defensible relation was created, and the impression that all was not right was naturally produced. Gentlemen, these things ought not so to be. (Applause.) It is discreditable to us as a people that they exist, and exist, apparently, with the approval of one of the great parties in the State. There is ANOTHER CLASS OF CASES in which both Ministers and ordinary members are concerned, but in which the guilt of Ministers, as their power and responsibility are higher, must be deemed even graver than the guilt of ordinary members. When Ministers act as these have done, depend upon it members will follow suit. When the great and the high-placed in our land stoop to indefensible positions their examples will be followed all too fast. The path downward is easy and rapid, and if those who should be exemplars of public morality, public in- tegrity, and public probity, who ought to be men above suspicion, place themselves in suspected positions, can you expect that others not so highly placed will not act in a similar spirit ? Take the RAILWAY GRANTS. I say, and I say it with extreme regret, that a system has grown up — it is not an isolated case — a system has growrf up under which the grants in aid of railways, whether out of the exchequer in money or out of the public domain in lands, the grants which give value to the chartei-s, which give a price to the stock and bonds, which give a possibility of gain or increased gain to those who have control of the charters — under which these grants (2) AKD FICKI do an hi him of hi lie ii adm) mei no in tl Iv ii o'f tl unde tary ferec is th doms / w ir t ' •■■'•,",N i ,••') ■III 75 AKD THE CHARTERS AND POWERS GIVEN BY PARLIAMENT ARE TRAF- FICKED IN BY MEMBEBS OF PARLIAMENT FOR PERSONAL GAIN. I do not object to a public-spirited member of Parliament taking an honest interest, as a public man, in railway development. Let him labour as hard as he pleases as member for the development of his county or his country. But I do object to api'etence of 'pub- lic interest being used to cover private interest. I do object to the admixture of private gain with the public duty. I do object to members, not railway builders or railway contractors, knowing no more about railways and having no more interest or concern in them than the bulk of you to whom I speak, becoming ardent- ly interested in these enterprises, not so much for the promotion of the enterprises themselves as for the accomplishment of schemes under which large and valuable concessions shall be made tribu- tary to their own pockets. If your representatives are to be suf- fered to enter into such relations with enterprises to which value is thus to be given through the public exchequer or the public domain, THERE IS AN END OF ALL NOTION OF PARLIAMENTARY INDEPENDENCE or integrity. Take the North-west Central as an instance. This was a railway in the North-West which was at first in the hands of a non-political body of business men. They found some difficulty in concluding the arrangements they wished to make with the Government, and they thought it expedient to find fa- vour with the powers that be. What was their plan ? Thei/ took Mr. James Beaty, member of Parliament for West Toronto, and put into his hands, mainly for his own personal use, a majority of the stock, or $286,000 of stock on which ten per cent, had been paid, making $28,600, but for which he paid nothing. They said : You take charge of this; we want the land rant and the loca- tion, and yoa are the man to push them ; you ure a member and a supporter of the Government. He took it up. He made A political board of directors. He put on Mr. Bunting, the late candidate in West Durham against myself, THE Editor and Manager of the Mail, a very influential man in Tory politics. He put on Mr. Hay, his col- LEAGi'E for the Centre Division of Toronto. These were the poli- tical directors for Ontario. Then he went to Quebec. He took Mr. Billy and Mr. Riopel, two whole-soul?:d conservatives, who, liko that well-known American character, were " for the old flag and f.n appropriation every time." He put these on the Board to represent the Tory political element of Quebec. He took Mb WoodwoRth, the member for Kings, N.S., to repre- (2) I ' .' 1 'J A . > / ^- ^^]^ Vim- 76 sent the Tory political element of the Maritime Provinces. And he took Mr. Norquay, the Tory Premier of Manitoba, to repre- sent the Tory political element of the North-West Thus these seven Tory politicians were banded together, and, having duly arranged the Board, the merits were laid before the Government in a paper signed by them, and WHEN THE LAND GRANT WAS SO APPLIED FOR OF COURSE IT WAS GRANTED. (Applause.) What else could you expect when such powerful representations were made by such powerful men ? (Hear, hear.) I am not considering now the expediency of the land grant. 1 am pointing out the process which was found advisable in order to secure it, and the inevitable results of that process. Soon afterwards the grant at a price was found to be insutficient for the purpose, and they pressed that the grant should be made free. At first the arrangement was that the company should pay $1 per acre for 6,400 acres per mile of the road. If their request were conceded, and the land grant made free, it would make them better off by $6,400 a mile than they had beei? before. They applied for the free grant. THEN CAME A LITTLE HITCH. Mr. Woodiuorth said to Mr. Beaty : 1 don't like the way things are going on. It seems to me you are not recognizing my interests. It ivas agreed that you and I ivere to divide all the profits, after giving a certain sum to he divided among the other directors. Unless you recognize that plainly, .«o that I may know you mea7i to act uiJ to it, I shall deem it my duty to use my influence to stop the free land grant. And the land grant v;as STOPPED. It did not come down to the House among the other free land grants that session. It was only provided for by Order- in-Council some time after Parliament had closed the session, when, as I assume, the influence of the other politicians had over- come Mr. Woodworth's. I must do Mr. Woodworth the justice to say that after having considered the consequences of this kind of transaction, he openly declared that he saw it was a mistake, and expressed his intention to have nothing further to do with them. I rejoiced to hear that manly declaration : after it my mouth is closed with reference to the part he took before without due consideration, a part which he obviously now regrets. If more of those who have blindly engaged in these enterprises, under evil influences, without seeing the mischief of following the (2) . '*..: :>i-y J' -wy^ ^...;:"- .i";.. 3es. And [, to lepre- Ihus these 'ing duly ivernment |e it was powerful |ar, heai\) ■i"ant. I in order 3. Soon :ient for ci(ie free. Pay$l request ko them ' things ng my all the e other I know 'Se my T V/AS other )rder- ission, over- ice to tid of , and hem. th is due -e of evil 77 EXAMPLE SET THEM IN HIGH PLACES, had followed in his footsteps, I would be better pleased, and would welcome home the wanderers who were finding their way back to the right path He has seen that private interests are likely to be paramount when the pocket is on one side and duty on the other. You see it too. May we all see it while yet there is time I Mr. Beaty turned Mr. Woodworth out. He alleged that no such understanding existed as v/as alleged. I do not know who is right ; that question I leave to be settled between themselves. It is of no consequence to us. Mr. Beaty introduced in his room another gentleman, the member for Pictou, N.S., Mr. TUPPER, to represent the Tory political interest in the Maritime Provinces. I desire to do justice to the member for Pictou. He was told, it appears, that the free land grant had been obtained, that there was no more to ask, no more to expect from the Government, that all was settled, and that there were no delicate relations of that kind between the Government and the company. But when the revelations of la.«t session were made, Mr. Tupper at once wrote a letter to Mr. Beaty, stating that he had become a member of the Board on an understanding which had turned out inaccurate, and he resigned his seat at the Board. That act did Mr. Tupper honour. (Cheers.) But if Mr. Tupper s conduct is thus to be com'fnended, what are we to say of the other Parlia- mentary directors of hon as-hunting railiuay companies? Can we praise him without blaming them ? I doubt not Mr. Tupper disliked to do what he yet felt needful to do, and dislikec: it because his act was a condemnation of those who did otherwise. Measure their corn in ihe same bushel as Mr. Tupper measured his, weigh them in the balance which he used when he refused to sacrifice his position and his integrity by remaining in the " company, and what will be the result ? (Applause.) The corn will be found short in the measure, the men will be found want- ing in the balance. Well, Mr. Beaty, got his free grant, and then went arranging* negotiating, financing, seeking capitalists who would undertake to build the road, but always with the intention of getting " something for the boy." (Cheers and laughter.) I do not mean that he intended to get anything for one individual boy — the boy Beaty — apart from his co-shareholders. They were all the boy, but he was the biggest - . boy of the lot. His share would be the greatest. There is noth- 1 . m ■' V. V! » ,■ . ' •. 'I -, T -A. ;■ fll ,■■■ ' ■i '■■\ I V' ' • ^.% i * ' '■■,/' \ - / 78 * . ing to show, apart from the Wood wortli squabble, that ho intended to cheat liis i)artnurs in the deal, and 1 do not suppose he did. But ho wanted too iinich for the boy, and like many other people who try to get too much, ho got nothing. But $G7.>,000, or something like that, was the sum which Mr. Beaty virtually proposed should bo ultimately realized by himself and a few others. Some of the people to whom he went said : — " We will build the road, but we cannot give this amount of tiibute to your people ; there is not that much money for the boy." So Mr. Beaty went on financing and negotiating, going to this man and that, and always looking after his pul)lic interest as member of Parliament, of course ; but always also casting sheep's eyes in the direction of some scheme which would give a little " boodle for the boy." (Laughter.) From time to time he wanted concessions from the Government, and of course he got them. Was he not meuibor for West Toronto, with six influential Tory supporters at his back ? But the whole murder came out, and it was impossible for Mr. Beaty to go on. He has lost his chance, he has lost his expecta- tions, and, wor.st of all, I am afraid he has injured his reputation as well. (Hear, hear.) ALL THIS IS APPROVED OF BY THE TORY PARTY. No, I ought not to say that. It is approved of by the Tory Min- isters and the Tory members of Parliament. Whether it will meet the approval of the i)arty has yet to be found out. We . asked for an inquiry into these transactions. We asked for de- lays. We asked the Government not to grant the indulgences craved by Mr. Beaty and his associates on any terms, showing them i that they should not extend privileges to men who had so abused their positions as members. But the Government has laid it DOWN AS part of THEIR PLATFORM THAT THESE TRANSACTIONS ' ARE HIGHLY MERITORIOUS, and that it is a good thing that mem- bers of Parliament should be interested personally in the prose- cution of these bonused railway enterprises. They think there are not enough railway contractors, not enough business men and capitalisis, not enough active, energetic men amongst the four or Jive millions of the population of Canada to carry out these en- terprises, and that the country will suffer loss if your 211 mem- bers of Farliument are precluded from lining their pockets by means of public enterprises which owe their value to the action of the Executive. (Loud applause.) I say it is an absurdity ; I say, KEEP THEIR HANDS OFF ; I say, let your representatives keep their hands out of the public chest, directly and indirectly. (Loud cheers.) Don't be gulled (2) ix -: 79 by this idea with which they seek to inipiesH you. If these inoii are going to intereat themselves in these enterprises ou public grounds, let them do so on public grounds alone ; let them int(M- est themselves without having any pecuniary relations with the Government or with the comjtanies, and let tin; 'ihodi'ji part of It he left to TYien not in Parliament, to men not c/unyed tuitk duties 'Luhich demand theii- absolute independence of the Executive. These men were not any of them railway builders or contractors ; they weic lawyers, doctors, manufacturers, and, above all, politicians. IViis in an industry which has suddenly been largely developed in Canada. Whether it is a wholesome and useful industry, that of members of Parliament engaging in public works of this kind, which owe their value to the public grants to be made by their leader, judge ye ! Let me give you ANOTHER CASE. There was a charter for a railway through Gloucester, New Bruns- wick, the Caraquet Railway. The company got a cash subsidy of $3,'2()0 a mile, went on and built a considerable mileage, and last session, just at the end of the session, for that is the time when these grants are proposed, down came over thirty grants to rail- ways, amongst them one of $3,200 a mile for ten more miloB of \ J ,' ' ' 1 ■'V::*'l , THE CARAQUET RAILWAY. I said to the Government : — Will you please lay upon the table the papers which show the applications for these grants ? Yes, they said, and some they did. When that grant came up, I said : — I see this application is signed by a person of the name of Burns. Can you tell me if that is any relation to the hon. mem- ber for Gloucester ? " Oh," said the First Minister, " that is the member for Gloucester. He has been very energetic and very en- thusiastic about building this railway, and it is greatly to his credit. Had it not been for his energy and enthusiasm the road would never have been built." Very likely, I said ; for here is another little paper, a list of the stockholders of this railway, and it shows that MR. BURNS OWNS ELEVEN OUT OF EVERY TWELVE SHARES in the company, so that outoj every $1,200 jyt'oposed to be granted by this Government,$l, 100 goes into his own pocket. (Loud cheers and laughter.) And I believe he has paid nothing on his stock. "Why shouldn't he be enthusiastic, energetic, and persevering ? (Cheers and laughter.) If you could arrange for a bonus $1,200 to go to the improvement of your own farna and your neigh- '''1*1. (2) IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) I 1.1 1.25 Km ■ 22 g i:a |2.o ■UWu Hmtographic ^Sdaices CorpQradon 33 WIST MAIN STRUT WnSTER,N.Y. USM (7I6)«73-4S03 '^ ^ 4^ Br'f hour's, $100 to go to your neighbour, and $1,100 to yourself, no doubt you would be energetic and enthusiastic, too. (Cheers and great laughter.) Then there was y;» V ANOTHER CASE, that of the Baie des Chaleurs Railway Company. The Govern- ment has given to that compaoy $620,000. The bulk of the stock is held by half a dozen men. The largest shareholder are SENA- TOR ROBITAILLE, MR. RIOPEL. M.P.; MR. M'GREEVY. M.P., AND SOME OF THEIR RELATIONS AND INTIMATE FRIENDS, all Tory politicians, holders of the bulk of the stock, say eleven-twelfths. They receive the bulk — say eleven-twelfths — of these enormous subventions by virtue of their relations to the Qovemment. I believe the cash they invested was a paltry ten thousand dollars all told in stock. Then take the > case of the QUEBEC & LAKE ST. JOHN RAILWAY. J^.r(^ ' They had already received enormous subventions, and last ses- sion more was given them. I asked how much the paid-up capital was, stating that I had heard they had paid up only $10,000, and they did not deny it. I believe that is the whole amount. They made a construction company to which they let the contracts. Sir AboLPHE Caron, Minister of Militia, is a member of the con- struction company, and other Tory members of Parliament are members of the railway company and the consti-uction company. There is the PONTIAC & pacific JUNCTION RAILWAY, in which Mr. Chapleau, Secretary of State, is interested as one of the chief directors, holding about one-eighth of the stock, and this road also has a large subsidy. The GATINEAU valley RAILWAY Company is another case. Mr. Mackintosh, one of the members for Ottawa, is chief promoter, and I believe, president. This road also has a large subsidy. Then there is the international railway company, in which Mr. Pope, the Minimter of Railways, himself was in- terested as a large proprietor. This was doubly scandalous, for it was the case of a Minister, and of the Minister of Railways. (Cheers.) That road has a large subsidy also, siven to it in order to enable it to exchange its iron rails for steel. Besides that, it was concerned in certain negotiations for the extension of the Cau- If, no 's and vern- stock CNA- EVY. ATE Jtock, fifths ns to altry • \ ses- pital and ["hey Sir con- are one iiid ers ad n- it Sl- it I- 81 \ adian Pacific Railway to the east. I said : Those routes you are going to decide on are routes in the choice of which the Minister is interested. It may put money into his own pocket. How can he be an indifferent judge ? He said that for that very reacbn he had sustained from acting, and the First Minister had taken up the job. Bvit the Government had to decide it, and wlioever had to do with it, it vxi8 his road that gained. (Applause.) But more than that ; there were negotiations going on about the same time, which have since been consummated, with the Canadian Pacific Railway Company for the absorption of this International Rail- way as part of the plan, and for the payment of millions more out of the treasury to carry out the plan. Besides, while interested in this railway, whose shareholders were to be helped out of the public treasurv — ^a railway in respect of which, I believe, PRINCIPAL SHAREHOLDERS OF THE CANADIAN PACIFIC HAD UNDERTAKEN, BY ARRANGE- MENT WITH MR. POPE, LARGE OBLIGATIONS— Mr. Pope was disposing, as Minister of Railways, of enomious claims and proposals of the Canadian Pacific Railway Company with reference to their contract, while all these other negotiations were going on, and these delicate relations subsisted between the Canadian Pacific Railway Company and the International line. How could he be a fair judge for the public ? I say it is » wholly indefensible. (Cheers.) Then there was the ^ r- .V " -A • ■..,^ --^y ^'<-i. NORTHERN PACIFIC JUNCTION RAILWAY, to which $12,000 a mile was granted, while two corporations offered to build it for a bonus of $6,000 a mile. The Government said, We are going to have an independent line. They asked from Parliament, and were given, authority to grant this great subsidy to whichever company seemed to them most in the public interest, the object being an independent line. They gave it to a company promoted by a gentleman whose name I am particulary sorry td mention in thi/ connection — a gentleman of high position at the bar and in public life — :v..i fvx> MR. DALTON M CARTHT. '':/' He had been the promoter of a Bill to incorporate the Sault Ste. Marie and North- West Railway, and was the holder of stock in that original company. He promoted the Bill to change the name to the Northern Pacific Junction Railway Company. Then came the question, to whom this subsidy should be given. It was set- tled in favour of Mr. McCarthy's line, in conection with a proposed lease to be made to certain other railway corporations, and upon that arrangement M.-. McCarthy, with the ether original shar«- (2) 1 \ rik > ,^ . , "". m • i holders, received a very larg'^ consideration in excess of anything paid, an cnonnous profit upon the original soock which ho had subscribed, which stock owed its whole value io the subsidy. Mr. McCarthy also received tJie presidency of tJie subsidized, line at a salary, according to diferent statements, of from $3,000 to $3,500 a year. And last session Mr. McCarthy obtained legislation under which this company was authorized to issue, and in case of the assumption of the road by the Government under its reserved rights, the country became bound to pay $12,000 a mile more in bonds than the existing obligations ; though the whole amount of cost was thus raised to $32,000 a mile, a sum far in excess of the estimated, and, so far as we could ascertain, of the proper cost. Grave statements were made on this head, and an effort was made to obtain an inquiry, but it was rejected, and the bill was forced through. ' The relations I have described are i il tf- UNFORTUNATE AND INDEFENSIBLE RELATIONS as between members of Parliament and railway companies depend- ing for their fortune on the good-will and favour of the Executive which controls the grants and legislation of the day. There are many other cases which I could mention, for example, Dr. Hickey's company, Dr. Beroin's company, and other com- panies. To cap the climax, the wholesome legislation of Mr. Mac- kenzie, which precluded shareholders of the Canadian Pacific Rail- ivay from, being members of Parliament, was in effect repealed kust session, so that you may soon expect to have shareholders in the Canadian Pacific Railway Company who have, and will for years to come have, the most important business relations with the Government and with the country, sitting in Parliament and legislating and voting on your concerns. (Cheers.) Then you have THE blind share BUSINESS, in which a member of the House, trafficking in colonization com- panies, got an Order-in-Council for a block of land, aiTanging with the company that he should have an interest in the profits with- out risking anything ; in which a member of the Government ap- proved the transaction ; and in which the whole Oovemment noio see everything to approve, nothing to condemn. Then you have the grants of TIMBER LIMITS, COAL LANDS, R.VNCHING LANDh, GOLD LANDS. Many hundreds of applications were put in, and several hun- dreds of Orders-in-Council for licenses were passed, some to mera- :- .-..-. .,:...- (2) •»x . .- ■»-' * //i / ,V'' V' ' 83 • hers of Parliament themselves, but mainly to others through the intervention of members. All this is said to be no harm, it is said to be commendable that members of Parliament, as well as others, should take this interest in the development of the country. Talk about the N.P. and what it has done to develop industries, it is not to be compared for rapidity of development to that of THE TIMBER LIMIT INDUSTRY. (Cheers and laughter.) Order after order was passed in Council <,'ranting to almost every Tory who chose to apply and who had the necessary " influence," timber limits in different parts of the countiy. Th^M orders v)ere not to lumbermen, or to those who iyitcnded to go into that business, but to Tory lawyers, Tory doctors, Tory storekeepers, Tory hacks, Tory wirepullers, Tory politicians, and To^'y members of Parliament. (Cheers.) These did not go into the business, of course they never thought of it ; they intended to make a profit by selling out to those who were to work the limits. I rejoice that a great many of these apples turned out APPLES OF SODOM. (Applause.) The business had been " promoted " too largely. There were moi-e orders granted than the real demand justified, and there were a great many limits granted on which there was much leas timber than the plunderers expected. But some made a very handsome thing, and all expected to do it, and that expect- ation is what has created this wholsale regime of personal and pecuniary relations between the members of Parliament and the Treasury. It is amusing now to hear some defend themselves on the ground that after all they made nothing out of it ! What has that to do with it ? They WENT IN FOR A BIG PROFIT, and you might as well acquit the thief because the spoons were only brass instead of silver, as discharge these men because they did not realize all their expected gains. They say there are a few Grits among the many Tories who ap- plied and received Orders-in-Council. Take the lists of applica,n' . and I think you will find there were about 99 Tories to one Grit They say that the fact that one Grit was included proves that it was all right. But it was, I believe you will agree, a scheme for carving up tli£ timber limits and ranching land» and other land^ of the North- West largely amongst Tory ha^ks, and patisatis and members of Parliament, a .scheme which has developed to such an alarming extent and has led to such unhappy results. Mr. (2) / ^ V '>:^^ t y ■ 84 : ';^ A- I,: I '*'■■■' ; ' ■ I if ■■'• ■X A A' I I White, Minister of the Interior, when he speaks of this matter in fond of saying that very few licenses were issued. But that sim- ply shows the plot did not fully succeed. It does not show that there was no plot. (Cheers.) They were not able to sell their Orders-in-Council, and it was only the bona fide lumberers who would take out the licenses ; but the orders were issued, the chances ^ were given, the expectations were raised, and the party hacks were ^ saved, or thought they were saved. All this is demonstrated, and this it is that you are asked to condemn. (Cheers.) And you rttust remember that the public jta-pevs show all that I have spoken , of. If that is so, what may be covered by the secret interests in these and other transactions of which we know nothing ? (Hear, hear.) The documents in the case of Messrs Macdonald and Tupper, LUCKY YOUNG MEN, fortunate sons of fortunate fathers, who have got all the best solicitorships in Wintiipey, the Canadian Pacific, the Hudson's Bay, the Merchants' Bank, all corporations having dealivfjs wHh the Government, show that in these timber limits and other grants of the public domain, there were secret interests ; in many of those promoted f jr their clients Messrs. Macdonald and Tupper had a very large secret interest themselves. In one Lieutenant-Governor Dewdney had an interest He valued this affair alone at $50,000, and their shares in these various grants were estimated at many thousands, for which they gave no consideration, except that they pressed forward the claims of those who wished to secure the grants. What happened with them very likely happened with the others. Then some actually did make great sums, for example, Mr. Rykert, M.P., who realized an enormotui sum for his services - or share in one of these grants. The price paid was $200,000, of which I believe Mr. Rykert realized $90,000, invested in his wife's name. Then there are the printing jobs and the appoint- ments of sons and near relative of Ministers and members to fat offices ; and other matters there are, all of which I would develop if there were tiie, but I must close. The whole thing is a scand?** and an offence. People, friends of mine, sometimes say to me, " This is a strange state of affairs, you address to these men in Parliament arguments which we think are reasonable and unanswerable. Thev make little or no attempt to answer them. But you don't get their votes. How is that ?" My answer is : How can you expect me ' to touch tliem, by arymnmts'^ I can't reach their ears. The blindness of party, the bigotry of faction, is a very difficult thing to penetrate, but if you add ,■ V • ,i«.~ f. .i [tier 18 (fc sim- that theii- who fauces were (, and B you yken 4ts in fear, and IX- 85 A GOLDEN EAR-LAP, . if you deafen their ears with a golden plate, how is the voice of argument, reason, or truth to penetrate those layers, (Loud and prolonged applause.) It can't be done. Take niy friend, Mr. Burns, the niemb*of Gloucester, for instance. It is at the end of the session that the railway grants and otht-r favours are brought down. Of what are he and tho.se like him thinking in the mean- time ? Where are their eyes fixed while we arc engui/cd ilebatuty the public questions of the dayl They are watrhiinj the Trtaonui benches, wonderivcf whethe't' their appropriution will coiivf dowit. And if the impression exists, as, alas ! it does exist, that the PRICE OF AN APPROPRIATION is an unwavering support, and that an independent vote may ad- versely affect their chances, who will carry the day ? (Oheei-s.) The side on which the appropriation is will always carry the day, you may be sure. Of course these men are watching for the sop at the end of the session, and they vote accordingly. (Aj)- plause and laughter.) I have said THESE THINGS ARE A DISGfUCE TO THE GOVERNMENT, A DISGRACE TO THE MAJORITY IN PARLIAMENT. Whether they shall be a disgrace to the Conservative party, a.s a whole, it now remains for that party to say. If the Conservative ]>arty choose not to become responsible for these things, if they prefer to disclaim them, if they refuse to be connected with these abuses, they may escape a staggering load now impending on their boulders, and they may be the savioui-s of their country. (Cheer.s.) But if tJie party, as a whole, declare these things to be honest, upright, and commendable, or even if they say, Though lue would not touch this pitch ourselves, though we are ashamed of it, though ive dislike it, still party union, party zeal, leads us to en- dorse, or not to condemn, tlui system, tliey rvill not, thrg cannot, escape disgrace and degradation for themselves. (Cheers.) They are BOUND TO PERFORM THEIR PUBLIC DUTY, however painful ; they are bound to tell their leaders, and the members whom they elect, to tell them plainly, that they will have neither part nor lot in this matter, that they will not sutler such things to be done in their name. So they will purify their party, and save their country. But if they choose otherwise, they become accomplices in the public disgrace. (Cheers.) \ s )■ ll 1 [!■' T 11 il 'T V J ilk f >». I t ' I'--' t' i^ \i r 1-- iv' : f '«, fir >2 it f 1- 86 As I was about to leave Ottawa, at the end of the HesHioti just closed, a member on the other side of the House — an old personal friend of mine — spoke to me. He i.^ an honest and upright man, and I am glad to say there arc many such on that side whom 1 respect, though I do not share their views. He said, " Well, Blake, you must be glad that the session is closing ; you must be flad to get away." " Yes," I said, " I shall be glad to get away, 'his is not a pleasant atmasphere for me to breathe, and I don't think it is pleasant for you either." " Well," he said, " whatever may be said of what I have condoned in others, no man can say I have done anything myself that I ought to be ashamed of." " No," I said, " I believe you ; I believe you' would rather have died than have done yourself the things you have condoned in others." And so I do. " The fact is," he said, " it is all this party spirit." But I don't agree that party spirit justifies condonation of such acts. I say. Let that great party which has within its ranks many honest men, declare they will rise above that so-called party spirit, which is the degradation and abuse of party — that they will not become accomplices in the ruin of their country. But whatever they may decide, let us, at any rate, here and now determine that we shall henceforth not palter with or wink at these abuses ; but fight them from day to day, from hour to hour, expose them in the cases, comparatively rare though they be, in which we can drag them out from the concealments which are practised, and sa do our very best to achieve the restoration of the independence of the Parliament of Canada. (Loud and prolonged -heers.) /^.(2) 'I f ..^ V' f X. . V • , , ; '. >f V ! • /•: •»V-' •a I .r •' •'• * J .■;^:.,., :'., THE PUBLIC FINANCES. If' * Tory Promises, and how they have been kept. ENO.^MOUS TAXATION AND ENORMOUS DEFICIT. Hats Taxation helped Farmers ? TheDPrice of "W^lieat. WHAT CAN BE DONE FOR FARMERS? ' At Chesley, after referring to his old relations with the locality, congratulating his audience upon improvements in the County of Bruce within his memory, and paying an eloquent tribute to the old settlers, Mr. Blake proceeded: — " They were engaged as the pioneers in the settlement of the country, in increasing the wealth of the Province and of themselves, in converting the fprest into the mixed settlement of town and country which we see with such pride to-day. There are now many railways in your county, due very largely, as I am proud to remember, to the large, liberal and practical railway policy which was brought into operation by myself during my brief tenure of office in , the Legislature of Ontario. (Great cheering.) Some- times I see it said, ' Oh, Blake is an old fossil ; he doesn't believe in railway schemes at all ' — because I have opposed some mad, inconsiderate plans in which the only object to be gained was a political object. But you will find, if you look at the statute book where the law to which I refer is inscribed, that that law pro- vided the means without which the great practical results which we see in Bruce, in a large part of Huron and Grey, and in many others which might be called the outlying portions of the coun- try, never could have been attained as they have since that day been attained. (Loud and prolonged applause.) You were en- gaged in political struggles then as now. Then, as now, you had before you different parties asserting different views, but the difference between the parties was not exactly such as it is to-day. , • j TORY ALIASES. / ?s. *' The Tory party in t}ie Old World and in Canada has from time to time chosen to adopt cUiaaes, it has chosen to adopt new names, it has designated itself by a variety of epithets wnich it thought from time to time would conceal its identity, and would ii ■* . ^ i': r ! (3) M, 88 enable it to mislead under a new and more attractive guise. (Cheers and laughter.) It was not the Tory party at all I had to oppose when I first came to the County of Bruce. It was the Coalition Parit — the 'party of union and progress.' (Laughter.) They were quite insulted if you called them Tories. (Loud laughter.) Then there was a no-party party. Then there was a patent combination party. Then it became the Na- tional Policy party. As Liberal principles grew strong they have from time to time called themselves ' Liberal-Conserva- tives,* in order that they might get weak-kneed Reformers to join them because of the name Liberal. (Cheers.) Some of them call themselves Conservative-Liberals, and so on, so that it is pretty hard to find them out. ^n. LIBERALISM ALWAYS THE SAME. " We have stuck pretty well to the names we have given our- selves of Liberals and Reformers, and those names represent our principles of that day as they represent our principles now, both in the Old World and in that portion of God's earth which we are called upon to govern and develop. (Loud applause.) Then, as now, the other partv^ under whatever name it for the time miffht please to call itself, acted on principles opposed to those which we believe to be right and in the best interest of the coun- try. Then, as now, the struggle between the executive authority and the popular rule went on. There was then, as now, an attempt to grasp for the Executive larger powers than are neces" sary for the administration of the affairs of the country, and the rule I ventured to lay down to you as a young man, after reading what I could of the political history of other nations, after study^ ing, as well as I could, the principles of popular government, is the rule which, I am thankful to say, I hdd more firmly to-day than ever before, that we ougM to give to the Executive and remove from the people*8 representatives jvst so mv>ch poiuer, and no more than is necessary for the effiAent management of the hvMness of administration. (Loud applause.) Keep to your- selves through your representatives in Parliament, whom you elect and whom you can reject, whose proceedings take place in the light of day, whose speeches and votes you have the oppor- tunity of judging, all the power which it is not clear that the in- terests of the country absolutely require should be handed over to the Executive, which is really only a committee of your rep- resentatives. (Renewed applause.)" Proceeding, Mr. Blake instanced the Franchise and bther Acts as cases in point, and discussed the principles involved briefly. He reviewed briefly some salient points concerning the Gerry- (3) I ' 89 MANDER Act, Constitution op the Senate, Independence of Parliament as aftected by recent disclosures, Provincial rights, the inadequate discussion of affairs in Parliament due to the delay in Qovernment measures and in bringing down information, the Canadian Pacific Railway, the Gov- ernment's North-West policy, the Senate, and the North- west REBELLION. He then proceeded : — " Each of these subjects would require, for anything like a discussion of them, nearly the whole of the time which I feel it would be right for me to occupy, and I ha,ve merely touched upon them in order that I might speak at greater length upon another very important subject — The Finances of the Country. " Our friend Mr. Gillies adverted to the question of the expen- diture, and Mr. Pardee spoke of the accusations (unjust, as I agree) made against the Local Government simply because under their rule the expenditure has been increased. There is a very serious difference between the position of the Local Government and that of the Federal Government with reference to the increase of expenditure. The Local Government has certain resources vMch are not derived by its taxing yon. It does not tax you a dollar. Il gets its revenues — except some income from licenses, which I suppose you would not call an objectionable tax in that sense — from the subsidy given by the Federal Qovern- ment, the amount of which it cannot control and which it does not collect, from investments and from the timber dues. So long as it can make both ends meet, so long is it better to judiciously expend the bulk of the money it receives rather than put it in a napkin and lay it up drawing three per cent, interest. You would not pay a dollar the less for any diminution in the expenditure. I do not mean to say Government should be extravagant or prof- ligate in their dealings with the money placed in their charge, but they have a right to say that they are not burdening you by the expenditure. But the FEDERAL EXPENDITURE COMES OUT OF THE TAXES. Some part, of course, is repaid, as in the case of the Post-office expenditure, from which department some revenue is received ; but, generally speaking, the bulk of the expenditure is made from the taxation. In 1868 the Federal expenditure was about thirteen and one-half millions. In 1874, when tiie Mackenzie Qovernment wasjirst in power, it was about $23,300,000, showing an increase o/ 89,800,000. In 1878, the last year of the Mackenzie Govern- ment, the expenditure was about $23,500,000. It rose a little in * i t'f i- I. - ,'; 90 ,Li 'X the interval ; Diit at the close of their terin they had brought it down so as to show an increaf^e of otily $200,000, as compared with thttt of their initial year of office. In 1883 the fxpendi- TURE HAD GROWN TO ABOUT $29,000 000, IN 1884 IT WAS $31,- 100,000, IN 1885 IT WAS $35,000,000, of which $1,700,000 was FOR WAR EXPENSES. They .say you i)Ught not to charge the war expenses against them. I suppose that 's because you got so much good of it, Viccause you got ^^uch a fine return for th« investment. If you take that view, of course you may strike it off" but you'll have to pay it all the same. (Cheers and laughter.) We will suppose you will take that view of it and strike ofl'the $1,700,000. In that case the expenditure was $33,300,000. In 1886 the expenditure if> estimated at $38,100,000, and allowing off, if you choose to allow, $3,400,000 paid out as war expenses, the expenditure for the year would be 34,700,000, showing an increase 0/ $11,200,000. In the nineteen years since Confedera- tion there has therefore been an increase of about $21,200,000, of which $21,000,000 UNDER TORY RULE \ND $200,000 UNDER LIBERAL RULE. I do not tell you that that increase is all unjustifiable. I do not act with these men as they acted with Mr. Mackenzie. They -r^- clared that had they been in power they would have governed the country Jor twenty-two artd a half millions a year, and that he was extravagant because he had spent more. They claimed that you ought to return them to power to reduce his expenditure. They tell you now that the increase under their rule was neces- sary because of the development of the country and the increase of the population. But the men who, in 1878 and for a few years preceding, told you that the insignificant increase under Mr. Mackenzie was of itself sufficient evidence of extravagance and unjustifiable expenditure, and who secured power on the pretence and pledge of reducing it, are not the men who should claim the benefit of such a plea as this, when they have increa^sed the expenditure by eleven millions of dollars a year. I do tell you that while a large part of this increase is justifiable, a large part is quite unjustifiable. (Cheers.) You would not expect me to analyze the expenditure of eleven millions, but I will give you a sample or two. Take the - EXPENDITURE ON CIVIL GOVERNMENT. ' In 1878 every Conservative platform in the country echoed with cries against the extravagance of Mr. Mackenzie as to the Civil -W Service and their salaries. The orators of tliat party declared that he had filled all the departments from garret to cellar with political hacks, whom ho put in not hecauso the country wanted officers, but because the hacks wanted offices. They said that when he had filled all the buildings from garret to cellar until he could find no more room, he put up another large building, at a cost of a quarter of a million dollars, ami tilled it also with politi- cal hacks. They, the stern economists, called upon you to return them to power, that they might have an opportunity of showing how you could be governed more economically. What was the result ? In 1878 the salaries paid to the Civil Service amounted to $823,000. That is a large sum. They said it was a great deal too much, and they promised a speedy reduction. In the very first year of their term of office they reduced the expenditure under this head to $986,000. (Great laughter and cheering.) We were so much pleased with their economy that they felt encour- aged, and the next year tJcey succeeded in reducing it in the sarnie direction to $1,084',000. (Renewed laughter.) And la.st year by the exercise of their own peculiar system of economy they kept it down to $1,139,000. (Applause.) So that you find that since taking office they have increased or reduced the expenditure under this head — for, I suppose, though the Liberals will call it an increase, the Conservatives will say it is a reduction — to the extent of $316,000, or forty per cent. (Cheers.) Part of that in- crease is necessary and proper. But part of it is not. Take an example : — THE PUBLIC WORKS DEPARTMENT, up to the time the Tories came into power, comprised all the public works, including railways and canals. It was managed by one Minister, Mr. Mackenzie himself, who had also the Premier- ship — (cheers) — and by one staff. In 1878 the expenditure for salaries' and contingencies was $59,850. But the Tories cut the Department in two, one the Department of Public Works, and the other the Department of Railways and Canals, each with a Minis- ter and a separate staff. The expenditure for last year was $100,- 500, as against $59,850 in 1878, an increase of over $40,000 on $00,000. The ordinary CONTROLLABLE EXPENDITURE \, ■I .■■' in 1878 was $6,542,000. In 1883 it was about $9,500,000 ; in 1884, $11,000,000 ; in 1885, $12,600,000, or nearly double what it was in 1878. A great portion of that increase was justifiable and proper; but part of it was needless and improper. Take the ^ - . . - (3) 4 92 SUPERANNUATION EXPENDITURE. Vou know that besides paying our civil servants very fair salar- ies for the work they do, considering the security of their tenure of office, the shortness of their hours of work, and the regularity of their pay, wf^ have a system of paying them pensions after they are no longer able to serve us. This system, whatever may be said for or against it in principle, is liable to abuse in practice. The Tories said in 1878 that Mr. Mackenzie had abused it, and to prove their statement they quoted the figures to show that unoer his Government the superannuation .allowances had in- creased from $64,000 a year to $106,000 a year. This, they said, was of itself proof of extravagance and corruption. The expend- iture is now up to $203,600, very nearly double the amount which they said was itself proof of the most scandalous jobbery under a Liberal Administration. (Cheers.) Take the EXPENDITURE UPON INDUNS. < In 1878 the amount was $4*21,000. For the last three years it has been more than $1,100,000 a year. I don't say the increase was unjust — an increase may have been quite necessary. The circumstances had changed since 1 878 ; the Indians had lost the butfalo and it was necessary to do something, even much more than was done in 1878. But the accounts show, the public docu- ments show, the speeches made in Parliament, and the statements therein quoted, as^et unrefuted (and I do not see how they can l)e refuted as a whole), show that there has been scandalous abuse in the management. (Hear, hear.) Enormous sums, quite ade- quate, with their own exertions, to keep the number of Indians for whose benefit the money is voted in reasonable comfort, have BEEN GIVEN WITH LIBERALITY BY PARLIAMENT, YET THE INDIANS HAVE BEEN IN MANY CASES STARVED, AND IN SOME CASES STARVED TO DEATH, IN THE MEANTIME. I say that a more humili- ating and deplorable exhibition than that given by the reports of public officials respecting the treatment of some of the Indian tribes before the rebellion, it would be impossible to conceive of. It is not that the money has not been given to the Oovernment for this service. There is one set of accounts showing an expen- diture of $4'6,000 for agricultural implements, enormous sums for garden seeds, and so on. And yet the papers show improper or inadequate food to have been supplied to the Indians, under which they and their little ones have in many cases died. Other in- stances of immorality and misconduct are also, I fear, established. Let me turn to another subject. (3) ■ ' - in- \' 4 -\ '<'<.-. 93 THE SURPLUS aUBSTION. These gentlemen, when Mr. Mackenzie was in power, were con- vulsed with indignation on one occasion because Sir Richard Cartwright, the Finance Minister, in bringing down his budget, stated that he estimated that the balance of receipts over ex- penditures would be about half a million dollars. He said that half a million was a pretty narrow margin to leave in case the estimate should not be correct. Dr. Tupper — I heard him myself — declared that the Government had no right to have, or to propose to have, even this small surplus. Your business, he said, is not to take from the people half a million more than you expect to spend, but to reduce the burdens of the people by throwing off taxation. Shortly after that they were in power and they got into the era of surpluses. They were indignant be- cause Sir Richard Cartwright estimated for a surplus of half a million, which, as a matter of fact, he never got, because the con- tingencies occurred which he had feared, and the revenue did not come in. They had surpluses in 1881 of $41,130,000, in 1882 of $6,310,000, in 1883 of $7,050,000, and in 1884 of $750,000. When they found fault with Sir Richard Cartwright, we told them in reply that Dr. Tupper was quite right in his principle, that it was not proper to propose to take out of the pockets of the people more than, with reasonable caution, the Government might expect to need, but we believed the margin was i-easonable, and when these surpluses of theirs came we called upon them to act upon the principle which both parties had declared to be the right one, and reduce taxation. (Hear, hear.) But, no ; they refused. Sir John Macdonald, you remember, said that his opinion about sur- pluses was the same as that of the old squaw about whiskey — a little too much was just enough. (Loud laughter.) THEY SWALLOWED THEIR PROFESSIONS, and took out of you in one year fourteen times as mu ;;h as they said Sir Richard Cartwright was almost criminal in even propos- ing to take out of you. (Loud cheers.) We said more. If you will apply the principles of human nature, the principles which actuate yourselves in your own Affairs, to the affairs of the Gov- ernment, you will find many things, which are stated to you as great secrets of statecraft, are not so very difficult to wnderstand after all. (Loud applause and laughter.) Now, it is human na- ture that men, as a rule, are more liberal with other people's money than they are with their own. (" Hear, hear," and renewed laughter.) When the question of subscribing to a church, or a . . , (3) v > >. : f. \ l-l t- K. ' < U4^ m / ■ , charity, is being discussed, we are often rather disposed to criticise others for being niggardly and to subscribe a large sura for our neighbour. Public men, when they are considering how much money they shall expend, are not likely to forget that it is public money and net their own. There is no percentage taken off their salaries, no tax imposed upon them, and they are naturally liberal. (Laughter.) The spending of it makes friends. There was a steward a long while ago, you remember, who sought to make friends in this way at his master's expense. As long as the peo- ple, as a whole, will allow them to go on, it is a very good thing for them to make local appropriations, and to create new offices; and so your best security for the appropriations being economical is to AFFIRM THE PRINCIPLE THAT NO MORE MONEY THAN IS NE- CESSARY SnALL BE TAKEN OUT OF YODR POCKETS, because yOU may be sure that if they take many millions more than they re- quire, they will spend those millions, I have shown you how the expenditure has increased. I have shown you that the taxes are high, not so high as they were at one time, but after all only a tax or two has been taken off", and the taxes are very high indeed. But the era of deficits has come again, and \^ WE NOW HAVE ENORMOUS DEFICITS, not because we have reduced taxation, but because we have in- creased expenditure, through the people of the country having allowed the Tories to tax us more than they could show was necessary. In 1878 the total taxes were $17,700,000 ; in 1883 (the boom year) $29,500,000 ; in 1885, $25,400,000 ; the estimate for 1886 is $26,000,000, and for 1887 $27,200,000. So that the taxes you will be called upon to pay next year ivill he over a dol- lar and a half for everg dollar near the end of Mr. Mackenzie's term of office. (Cheers.) They will tell you that it is because we are importing more than we did before. Partly so ; but not mainly. In 1877 the rate of duty per hundred dollars of all goods you im- ported, fine or coarse, free or dutiable, high priced or low priced, was $13.03. In 1885 the rate was $18.61. That is an increase of $5.58 on $13.03, or about 43 per cent., so that for the same amount of goods you pay 48 per cent, more taxes. The amount of estimated taxation, as I make it out, for the year 1887, is about $30 for every head of a family. That is your burden as it appears, but -* v YOU DO NOT KNOW EXAC?TLT WHAT TOVR BURDEN IS, V , , for you have not the tax gatherer coming to your door with a bill of so much for the Canadian Pacific Railway, so much for '. -'. < • (3) -.•I f5 this, that, and the other item. It is the retail merchant who col- lects your taxes for the Dominion Government, and he does not thus make out his bills. I wish he did, because then you would see how much you are paying, and you would be more inquisitive as to the way the money was goinjij. The wholesale importer brings in the goods. They come to Montreal or Toronto and he must get them out of the Customs. He takes them out and pays the duty. He must then find out at what prices to sell them, and to do that he must compute the cost of them. Part of the cost was the duty, he put^ an advance upon the whole cost to cover interest, risk, expenses of all kinds, services, and his own profit. He adds, we will say, fifteen per cent, upon the whole, part being, as you see, the duty he has paid. He sells them to the retail merchant, and the retail merchant goes through the same upera- tion. He says : I have to distribute these goods ; I have a bale of cloth, a barrel of sugar, and a box of tea, and I have to sell these in a hundred parcels to ray customers. What am I to charge ? The cost is so much, including the duty, and the importer's ad- vance upon it. He puts an advance of twenty-five per cent, or so upon the whole, so that by the time you and 1 'pay the tax includ- ed in our bill there is between forty and fifty per cent, added to the amount of the duty as part of the coft to us of the goods. We pay it all, though the treasury doesn't get it all. I have pointed out how the money has gone, to some extent. There is also J THE ITEM OF IMMIGRATION. In 1878 <;herewas spent on this service the sum of $180,000, in 1883 $437,000, in 1884 $575,000, and in 1^85 $506,000; and this notwith.p>tanding that we were promised, when the Canadian Pacific charter was given, that the railway would do the great work of immigration as the American railway companies did, and Bave our treasury the expense. This expenditure has been waste- ful, corrupt, little useful, and often hurtful. I hope I have made it clear that the burden of taxation deserves your best attention. ANOTHER PHASE OF TAXATION. I have pointed out one phase of this question of taxation, and have shown how it affects manufacturers and merchants in their dealings with their customers, and the burden it imposes on con- sumers. I desire to say further, that the Government have im- posed the burden of taxation upon a principle which has proved fallacious. They declared that the farmers needed legislative assistance, and that they were going to legislate the farmers into comparative wealth and easy circumstances. They were going (3) W ^■1 •f - ■< h ill I .« I i I ^;«^ i i-! I <*-, ' m^ .* i^/- ■'• . ( 96 to make the times better by increasing the price of their pro- ducts and giving them a home market. They were to do this mainly by establishing factories, the hands in which would pay high prices for eggs, chickens, and garden stufi. (Laughter.) Everywhere THE PRICE OF grain was to be made better We said that in all those articles of which you have a surplus the foreign market will rule the prices. Suppose you are hurt by the American duty on barley, how are you going to help yourself ? Put on a similar duty ? Eow will that help you ? There was no answer. We said : There is no American (barley coming in ; what then will be the practical effect of putting on a duty to prevent it from coming in ? And yet there were a great many men, in- telligent in the ordinary affairs of life, who were gulled by this trick. There are people going about the country — there are some you have heard to-day in this village — with musical voices and pleasant tales, selling you articles w^,rranted to cure every disease from which you suffer — enchanted oils and other magic cures. They do not tell you what the composition of the medicine is or how it is going to act. But they depend upon your saying : Well, we may as well try it ; it maj'" do us good ; and it can't very well do us harm. A great many theorists who claimed to have the medicine to cure the ills of the body-politic went about with their seductive tales and wizard oils be- FORE 1878. All of us would much rather be legislated into wealth and ease than win them by our own labour. You were deceived into agreeing, to try them. You gave these men a trial. How did that trial aucceed ? What about wheat ? (Cheers and laughter.) What about potatoes, the price of which a former speaker quoted ? I held a meeting in the rear of my own riding of West Durham the other day. I asked the people the price of wheat. One man said : I bought wheat to-day at 55c. a bushel.^ I said : That seems to be very low. I hope you got a good bargain. He didn't iieem to think he had got a very good bargain. (Laughter and applause ) It was goose wheat perhaps ; there surely must have been something wrong when the buyer wasn't satisfied with that price. (Loud laughter.) Compare this with the condition of things when the tariff policy had the benefit of a short period of general prosperity. At that time Mr. Stephenson, who was then a member of Parliament, though he has since been promoted by the Premier to be Inspector of Colonization Companies at a salary of $5,000 a year and travelling expenses, said at a meeting in south-western Ontario : " I'm going to support the Government that has raised the price of wheat from 79 cents to $1.40 a bushel." And so they boasted of their policy. But now, when the price is low, they say it is the foreign market that controls the price. And when we oak them why they don't keep up the j-r-., . ., :. • • > . ■. "- : ... : (3) 97 prices, aa they promised, they say : " What is the use of talking that way ? What sensible man would suppose we could raise the price of wheat ? The price here is controlled by the price abroad" (Great applause and laughter.) Did they believe they could raise prices when they made the promise in 1878 ? If they did, they were fools ; if they did not, they were knaves. Either way they are unworthy of your confidence. (Tremendous cheering.) THEY PROMISED YOU A HOME MARKET for the product of your farms. In 1873 you had to find a market abroad for five millions of dozens of eggs. In 1885 you had to find a foreign market not only for that five millions, but for about six and one-half millions besides, or in all 11,540,000 dozens. I must admit I have heard a member of Parliament for a not very remote county, Mr. Farrow, of Huron, declare in the House of Commons that it was a fact that the N. P. had done great good in the egg business. For, he said, even the hens had been stimu- lated and laid more and larger eg^ than they formerly did, and we got the benefit in that way. (Loud laughter.) In 1888, the value of the export of eggs alone was two and a quarter millions of dollars, and in 1885 it was $1,830,000. Yet the export of manu- factured articles in 1883 was only $3,181,000. So that in the ex- port trade eggs alone were worth m>ore than one-half as much as all the manufactures. These men said they were going to make you happy and rich in the way I have indicated. We declared that the wealth of this country, as of all countries similarly cir- cumstanced, rested upon a foundation of plain and obvious prin- ciples. THE TRUE FOUNDATION OF ALL WEALTH. It rested upon the energy, the activity, the economy, and the prudence with which each of ub in his own walk of life tried to make the best of his situation and opportunities. (Cheers.) To these and not to Acts passed by Parliament at Ottawa is the prosperity of the country mainly due. Having a fertile soil, if Providence favours us with good crops and we get fair prices, we will do well just in proportion as we each of us exhibit the quali- ties to which I have referred. The manufacturing interest is an important interest. I unsh it well. I believe our policy is ' best for it I have no desire to injure it. But it is absurd to talk as these men do, about the farmer being dependent upon the manu- facturing interest. But it is well that you should see what the real foundations of prosperity are. (3) ,; ■/.•X- i ! '^ '«,■ )j ' :} •k tl f i \ 1] !' ! ,•>" COMPARATIVE VALUES OF FARMS AND MANUFAC- TURES. 4 A few figures will tell you. In 1884 the CAPITAL INVEST- ED IN FARMING IN ONTARIO, including the value of your farms (depreciated as they have been of late years in many places, not, of course, on account of, but in spite of the N. P.), and includ- ing buildings, stock, agricultural implements, etc., and capital in hand or in bank, WAS ABOUT $1,100,000,000. The interest upon that for one year at 5 per cent, is $55,000,000. THE IN- VESTMENT IN MANUFACTURING INTERESTS IN THE YEAR 1881 WAS $81,000,000. That included a large number of domestic industries, such as the baker, the blacksmith, the local builder, and a large number of our industries that could not be benefited by the N.r., as the flour miller, whose industry is almost dead oiuce the N.P., and the saw-miller, who has not been benefited, but injured. Strike off for these $30,000,000. I be- lieve we ought to strike off even more, but I can afford a few millions in this calculation. (Laughter). We have then $50,000,000 left. It is a disputed point as to what the effects, temporary or permanent, of protection are upon these industries. I do not touch that to-day. I may do so elsewhere. Assume, for the sake of argument, that the effect is somewhat beneficial. Yet ii is rea- sonable to tell a community composed < f farmers, distrihuiors, labourers, and manufacturers, that the prosperity of the farmer depends upon the mxinufacturer ? (Cheers.) You might as well take a pyramid with a broad base and tapering to a point at the other end, and after considering how it can best be made to stand firmly and solidly on the earth, turn it with the point down, and expect to accomplish your object. (Great cheering.) The eleven hundred millions is that upon which depends the prosperity of the fifty millions. IF YOU ARE FAVOURED, IF YOU THRIVE, IF YOU ARE EXERTING YOURSELVES, YOU WILL HAVE MONEY IN YOUR POCKETS, AND THEN THE MANUFAC- TURERS WILL DO WELL ALSO. The money does not stay with you. After paying debts and paying for some improvements, the greater part of which is a direct benefit to the manufacturer, the remainder goes out to manufacturers and others, and is dis- tributed. Unless you prosper the manufacturer cannot prosper, tariff or no tariff, and when you prosper the manufacturer of any article which can be reasonably made here will thrive under any readjustment of the tariff that has been talked or thought of. (Cheers.) Well, we are asked : What can you do for the farmer ? We are not like these people who said, with high-sounding words, that they could send 211 men to Parliament to draw up Bills and (3) ■4: ■ i •^, :- , 99 . ' -, ' - * -■ ■ ■ I- pass them, to prepare resolutions and carry them, and so make the farmer happy. By listening to these men you simply appointed for yourselves rulers who injure you, and who availed themselves of a temporary spurt of prosperity to renew their lease of power. You have tried the sellers of these magic articles. What has been the result ? It seems to me it has been a dismal failure. I say, K.I WHAT CAN be! DONE FOR THE FARMER AS IT IS? Take care, first of all, that his burden is kept as light as possi- ble. (Cheers.) Talce care that his burden is not only as light as possible, but tJiat its distribution upon the whole community t« made as just as possible, not as now when not merely is there no attempt even to approximate that rude justice which is tne best that we can, with our imperfect system, attain, but when by means of specific duties the charges upon goods, coarse and cheap, which the poorest have to buy, are heavier far, proportionably, than those upon the fine and dear goods which the rich can a^ord to buy, (Cheers.) In the second place see to an ECONOMICAL EXPENDITURE OF THE REVENUE from this reduced and fairly distributed taxation. In the third place make an honest effort to increase the means of CHEAP TRANSPORT of the commodities which you have to sell and of the commodities which you want to buy, and to open the avenues of foreign trade. In the fourth place secure FAIR AND HONEST ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE and of the affairs of the couiitry. This is what the Legislature can do. (Loud cheers.) To tell you that we can by passing Acts of Parliament make you rich, is what I cannot honestly do. I do not believe it can be done. I did not believe it in 1878 or in 1882. Our task, limited as I have stated it, is yet a very difficult one. The ex- travagant system adopted, the high permanent charges which have been incurred, the interests which have been created, make it difficult to do what might have been done in 1878 had we con- tinued in power, and even in 1882 had we been successful in win- ning a verdict from the people. But because it is difficult it be- comes all the more necessary that it should be attempted and that an end should thus be put to the present course of extravagance, incompetence, and maladministration. You have a country com- paratively embarrassed, a country whose future has been impaired by the maladministration and incompetency of the men in whom you trusted. You have a countiy whose moral standing is not what it ought to have been, by reason of the scandals to which I ni .1 ■i .t ;} \ -A A ■i. ■V t. i^ ^^ mm wmmm mm :- 100 have referred, which have disgraced the Legislature and, by reflex action, have disgraced the people. But you have ▲ country with qbeat capabiutibs, with considerable recupekatiye fobces, whose condition may be impboved, whose standing may be restored, if its people will but recognize and perform their plain and obvious DUTY. Gentlemen, with you I leave it. (Loud and pro- longed cheering.) (3) . I * 'l^i >i-f . ■'M t A IV'. .V l S;.' ^-i.;v ^ r ■■,;« ■ :;CC>^os- ■X'fk'. !»^.V. -=??;..- ■ 1 1 4 _ .*. 'If I -f ■ ■• . ',:,''■. V ■, >•> !>■ L FEDERAL AND PROVINCIAL RIGHTS. Attitude Of Sir Jolin'i AdminlitrHtion. TELE XjIOEIsTSE L^^VT". QUESTION OF ESCHEATS. Ontario Bonndaries. STREAMS BILL. THE FOURTEEN ARBITRARY ANGELS. Re-arrangement of Financial Basis of Confederation. TTIE nsrO'V^-A. SOO-XI-A. CiTJESTIOIsT- /' 1 ',1 "l ■, k At Simcoe, after alluding to the shameful gerrymandering of the Norfolk ridings, Mr. Blake proceeded ; — I turn now to the subject which it was my especial desire to touch to-day. THE GENERAL ATTITUDE OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY OF THE DOMINION TOWARDS PROVINCIAL RIGHTS, AND THE C0N8E:;iUENC£;^ OF THEIR AD- MINISTRATION OF THE CONFEDERATION AS A WHOLE. • I say that the attitude of the Tory party ever since Con- federation towards the Provinces and towards the Confederation, has been inimical to the federal principle upon which our Constitution is based, and upon which only it can be properly worked. (Applause). Sir John Macdonald was before Confedera- tion an avowed legislative unionist; he was opposed to the federal system, and was determined that the union should be legislative if he could manage it. He was a legislative unionist on principle, hut finding his principle unpopular, he became nominally, for interest and for ofjice, a federalist ; and he has since that time systematically carried out his principles as a legislative unionist just so far as interest and office would permit. He has striven, as far as he thought safe, to impart to our Consti- ' . ' ^ w ''n '■# i ..-i 'ITl-T.**' ' T"-^ •. '^ 102 tntion the features of legislative union and to minimize its federal elements. This has tended, of course, to impair and disparage the federal character of the union. The Liberal party, as I underetand its policy, is in favour of the federal principle. (Cheers.) It believes in a system of LOCAL LIBERTIES AND LOCAL POPULAR RIGHTS of a large and extensive character for all the Provinces of the Dominion. We believe that in a country so wide in its area as Canada, so sparsely settled as Canada, divided a« Canada has been into Provinces, inhabited as these Provinces are, notably in the case of Quebec, by populations mainly of one race, and of one system of laws, different from and isolating them from the other Provinces, and dividing those Provinces from each other, inhabited by populations holding different views upon many subjects, and unaccustomed to have their local affairs treated otherwise than locally ; we believe, I say, that the true and the only method of establishing a union of heart and feeling between the diferent parts of our great country, from, the Atlantic to the Pacijic, is frankly to recognize these circumstances, and to meet them by the establishment, upon a firm and substantial basis; of a large measure of provincial and local liberties ; to give us, in fact, Home Rule for each Province ol' the Dominion. We believe that here was found the main difficulty under which we laboured in the old union between the Canadas, where the two Provinces had pint control of local affairs, concerning which Ontario did not well understand the wants and wishes, the habits and customs, the passions and prejudices, of the sister Province, and so with Quebec as to Ontario. It was largely in order to remove such difficulties that the Confederation was proposed, and we desire to avoid them still by continuing and, if need be, confirming the federative spirit of our constitution. (Cheers.) But there are other obvious reasons for this view. ■ / •,' - ' '' . EFFECTn OF THE CENTRALIZATION POLICY. Centralization at Ottawa, the management by one authority of local affairs in a country spreading for four thousand miles, Irom ocean to ocean, would inevitably be the fruitful parent, not merely of discord, but also of federal jobbery, delay, favouritism, blunders, and mal- ad ministration. If you want an example of the dangers, the difficulties, and the failures of on attempt to administer from a great distance the local affairs of a vast territory, read the LAMENTABLE STORY OF THE MANAGEMENT OF NORTH-WEST AFFAIRS BY THE PRESENT ADMINISTRATION. It is in order to obviate these ' (4) .*H, ./^ ',».?: .:.'^/' ^'^•\ :-i - ■ '■a- . .„ t; :^;v ., . ,103 . J difficulties, to promote the real and cordial union of the country in matters common to us as a whole, to secure good fjovernmont for the Provinces, and jjood fjovernmont for tlie Dominion too, that wo Liberals insist so strenuously upon local manai^ement of locid attairs. Local management will be quick and rospcmsive to local ))ublic opinion. It is not troubled by a consideration of the views, objections, prejudices, and ignorance of those not concerned in such affairs and belonging to other Provinces. Besides, « ; ■s, i 1 r LOCAL INSTITUTIONS HAVK EVKll BKEN, UNDKUTIIK liRITISH SYSTEM, THE GRKAT NURSERIES OF FREKDOM. They are the trainers of the people at large, and especially of those who are to be the people's leaders in the larger arena; nnd 80 highly are these local liberties valued, that they are held by the wisest men to be flie real root of the British constitutional system. We, therefore, hold that their true dignity and importance ought to be conceded to the local authorities, and that the wide sphere of Provincial action under the constitution should be fully, frankly, and ungrudgingly recognized by all concerned. We desire that those important matters of common concern, by the wise regulation of which we may foster and increase our com- munity of thought, feeling, interest, and affection throughout Canada, and so become one people, should be dealt with, and that these alone should be dealt with, at Ottawa, In these we are partners ; the regulation of these so as to pi-oduce harmony and good feeling is itself difficult. To that task we should address ourselves ; and to turn to other and local matters, to attempt to enlarge our sphere, to increase the number of, I do not say the links of love, but the coercive bonds of connection, is not really to promote our union. It is to produck discord and difficulty, AND TO sow THE SEEDS OF SEPARATION. But, sir, the Very opposite of these notions has prevailed at Ottawa for years past. Centralization has been the dn^am of the powers there. Every effort has been made to curtail the just Provincial rights, and there has consequently existed a constant struggle on the part of the Provinces, and notably of Ontario, not to obtain more than their constitutional rights, but to hold their own under the con.stitution. (Cheers.) Take for example > ,;■ the license LAWS. Every Province had always passed license laws, and for many , years those laws had remained unchallenged. For years it was generally believed that the Provinces alone had power to pass sucb laws. At length it seemed to Sir John Macdonald that a ■ . (4) ■>v :-.:: : '* • .' 104 favourable opportunity had occurred to attack that right. He declared the license laws of the Provincei were waste paper ; that the power to pass such laws was not with the Provinces, but rested with the Dominion alone. Makivg a bid for the support of the licensed victuallers and the municipalities, ho j)romised them tnat if returned to power he would pass satisfactory laws at Ot- tawa. Accordingly, when returned, he nmdo proposals to which the Liberals objected on the ground that there was no right or necessity to interfere, and they proposed first that there should be at least delay until the Privy Council should decide whether Sir John's construction of the law was right or wrong; and secondly, that even if his reading of the B.N. A. Act were assumed, contrary to the common understanding, to be correct, the proper step would be to seek such an amendment of the letter of the Act as would make it accord with that common understanding, and secure the right to the Provinces instead of wresting it from them. (Cheers.) But we were refused delay, we were refused redress. We were told that every man was at that moTnent free to sell liquor as he pleased, that there was no law to regulate the traffic, and that the sacred cause of tem[)erance required immediate action at Ottawa by those well-known and puactised advocates of temper- ance AND TOTAL ABSTINENCE, THE GOVKRNMKNT AND THEIR SUPPORTERS. (Laughter.) Sir John Macdonald tried to entrap us into a committee to frame a law. As we objected to his action altogether, we declined to serve. We were told that we were re- fusing to discharge a great public duty. But we believed we were in truth discharging our highest duty. His committee, composed wholly of Tories, sat for a long time, and at last brought in a Bill. SIR JOHN'S LIQUOR BILL. A great many boasts were made about this Bill ; it was said to be the best liquor law that had ever been devised ; it was a mag- nificent law ; it was such a law that the Grits would like to have had the credit of being parties to it. But they were to have none of the credit, for they had refused to have anything to do with it ; the whole credit was to belong to the Tories ! (Laugh- ter.) We said we were quite willing they should have all the credit. Presently THE PRIVY COUNCIL DECIDED THAT THE PROVINCIAL LICENSE ^'^' " . -. LAWS WERE VALID, • ^. and therefore the only ground given for pressing forward the Dominion Tneasure — that of necessity — had never existed ; and . ■(' > ^■■.V 105 .* ' > tho law had been passed under /(dec pretences or mistake. We then said : Abandon your law, do not continue this struggle with the Provinces. You said there were not and could not bo any license laws in force. We lind that there can be and are such laws. Ab&ndon your law. No, Sir ^ohriHaid; ihouifh ihe Privy Council has decided, that the Provincial laws are good, this law IS (jood also. Not as a matter of nkckssity, hut now, as A MATTER OF POLICY, I WILL MAINTAIN IT. (Lau;jfhter.) He went to the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court decided that the law was bad. We said, now at any rate abandon your law. Ho refused. We said, if you will not abandon — at any rate suspend, until the decision of the Privy Council, the operation of this vex- atious law. He at first refused ; but we moved in the lloust and forced him, by bringing the weight of public opinion to bear, reluctantUj to agree to the suspension of the law. The Privy Council heard the case, and o considered the turmoil and confusion, the collision of authority, the difficulties, the inefficiency in the operation of the existing laws, the expense to the Provinces, and to individuals, all created by these gentlemen in their insane determination, as far as they could, and further than the constitution wan-anted, to extend what they call Dominion rights and to diminish your Provincial rights, and so to accomplish their dream of centralisation at Ottawa. In that case almost every Province was actively fighting the Dominion. A pretty date of things, the Dominion harrassing the Provinces, and the Provinces retaining lawyers, who are said to be expensive people to employ — (luar, hear) — to defend their rights against these unwarrantable attacks! yet such beca;iie the relations of the Dominion and the Provinces owinij to the action of the Dominion Government. The result is rather humiliating for the man who boasted of his infallibility as a constitu- tional LAWYER, and who, in 1882, invited the electors to trust his assurance that the Provincial license laws were waste paper, .' » ■,n ■'• 106 I . J and that at Ottawa alone could valid laws be passed. He called Mr. Mowat, because that gentleman maintained and enforced the constitutional law, a tyrant. Himself he called a constitutional lawyer. Who is the constitutional lawyer now ? and who IS THE TYRANT NOW ? (Cheers and laughter.) A tyrant I under- stand to be one who rules arbitrarily and against the law. That is what Sir John Macdonald attempted when he tried to force this law upon us. A constitutional lawyer I understand to be one who properly interprets the constitution and acts in support of it. That is just what Mr. Mowat did. (Cheers.) The epithets fit the men, but they must be differently applied. Sir John is the tyrant, Mr. Mowat the constitutional lawyer. Then there was ^^ THE QUESTION OF ESCHEATS. When a person dies without heirs, his property goes to the Crown. The question arose over such a case whether the pro- perty should go to the Crown as represented by the Province, or the Crown as represented by the Dominion. Sir John Mac- donald had early adopted the Dominion view. Mr. Fournier followed in his footsteps, and a litigation took place. The full Court in the Province of Quebec decided in favour of the Pro- vince. I, as Minister of Justice, gave my opinion in the same sense, and the Government under my advice solemnly passed an Order-in-Council recognizing that rule and agreeing to act on it. Sir John Macdonald, however, on returning to power, declined to abide by this view, and supported at the expense of the Dominion, a litigation which ended by the decision of the Privy Council that Sir John MacdonaW was wrong and that Mr. Mowat was right in claiming escheats for the Province. Then came the :'' N- ■, QUESTION OF THE BOUNDARY. You know that both before and after Confederation the claim was made by Canada that the boundary of old Canada extended far beyond Port Arthur, and even beyond the Lake of the Woods. But after the Dominion had secured to itself the rights of the Im- perial Government and the Hudson's Bay Company in the North- West Territory , they raised the claim that the boundary of Ontario extended only to a point east of Port Arthur, though they had theretofore called on Ontario to pay Provincial expenditures in those quarters, and though Algoma, as part of Ontario, actually in- cluded, as they said, the same regions for Dominion electoral purpo- ses. I was then Premier of Ontario, and I declined to accept their boundary. They asked us to say what, in our opinion, the boundary was. We sent a memorandum, stating that we thought we had lar- '1^ 107 r f it. I- i -r * ger pretensions, yet we believed the real and fair boundary ran — substantially on the same line as has since been decided — close to the north-west angle of the Lake of the Woods, and we expressed our willingness to agree to that, and settle the question on that basis. But they said : — Your claim is extreme, so extreme that we cannot even discuss it with you ; there is no use in attempting to settle the question by discuj^sion or arrangement — we must have litigation. We proposed arbitration, and they refused ; we then arranged an interim conventional line for certain objects. When Mr. Mackenzie, came into power, however, having regard to the claims made by his predecessors, and to our old proposal to arbitrate, and tc the convention, an arrangement was made to arbitrate, and the arbitra- tors found the boundary substantially as I had proposed. Sir John Macdonald said : — The arbitrators are all wrong, that boundary is one that no court on earth will support. We must fight Ontario, he said, and Ontario will be bound to yield. He did fight OntaHo, but the Province did not yield. (Cheers.) Ontario stood by the derided boundary, and it was found, not that no court in the world would support that boundary, but that tJw opinion of the very highest tribunal sustained our position. Had they been right in their facts and their law they would have agreed to ray proposal of 1872 ; but they were wrong — all wrong ; and thus you see an attempt to trench upon the rights of the Province obstinately carried on for a series of years though failing, as all their efforts have failed in the end. But Sir John said : — This is a barren victory you have won, because though Ontario may have the jurisdiction, . ■'A \ -^ THE DOMINION "AS THE LANDS, AND NOT A STICK OF TIMBER, NOT A LUMP OF LEAD, IRON, SILVER, OR GOLD, SHALL BELONG TO ONTARIO is. i; *^' Why ? Because, he said, they had the so-called Indian title, and that gave them the lands, and, the lands being theirs, they proceeded to parcel the timber out, at nominal bonuses, amongst their favourites, and political partisans ; not as a rule, among lum- bermen, but amongst men who expected to make fortunes by selling to those engaged in the trade. But this question is in litigation, too. The Chancellor decided against Sir John, and the Court of Appeal has unani^nously decided, the same luay ; and now they propose to take the case to the Supreme Court and the Privy Council, and last session tliey brought down a vote for ^11,500, on account of the lawyers' fees. THIS GIVES THE PEOPLE OF ONTARIO THE SATISFACTION OF PAYING THEIR SHARE OF THE EXPENSES OF AN ATTEMPT TO ROB THEM OF THEIR INHERITANCE. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Mc- (4 'V if. :^^ .'■'I 108 • * ;^:| \ Carthy, member for North Simcoe, arranged with the Dominion Government to pay the costs ; he took the case ; they have paid him so far ; and he is to have SR5000 fror)i the Government to go over to England and argue the case for their contention, and against that of Ontario. But I am glad to be able to tell you that these lawyers who made up the estimate of probable cost were so liUle confident of success that they estimated $20,000 as the costs. '1 hey said it was well to estimate for the costs of both sides on the assumption that it wasprobable they would lose the case, and 80 be called on to pay all the costs. (Cheers and laughter.) But the Dominion Government decided not to ask the balance last session — that is reserved for next session. (Laughter.) Now we come to the case of THE STREAMS BILL, and this I have always considered to be, of all the controversies between the Dominion and the Provinces, by far the most im- portant from a constitutional point of view ; for it involves the principle regulating the use by the Government of the power of disallowing Provincial legislation. This is a vital question as affecting our local liberties. (Cheers.) I maintain that under our constitution, 'properly interpreted, the Provinces have the uncontrollable poiuer of passing laws, valid and binding laws, upon all those matters which are exclusively within their compe- tence, except possibly in the rare cases in which such legislation may be shown substantially to affect Dominion interests. If you are to admit the view that the Dominion Cabinet may veto and destroy your legislation on purely local questions within your exclusive competence, you make your local legislature a SHAM, you declare your Provincial liberties a fraud, and you had better openly, honestly, and aboveboard, do that which the other system aims at in a secret and still more unsatisfactory way — create one central legislative power, and let the Parliament at Ottawa do all the business. (Cheers.) The case to which I have referred arose out of an Act of the Local Legislature of Ontario, known as the Streams Bill. That measure afiiected only local streams, and did not pretend to touch the streams in other Provinces, nor did it affect any Dominion interest at all. It was purely local and exclusively within the competence of the Local Legis- lature. The Legislatui'e thought it well to interpret and de- clare the true and intended meaning of an older statute on this subject, and in doing so to give to the proprietor of improvements on a stream, of which he owned the bed, compensation for the use of those improvements, when others, under the law, availed them- selves of the improved channel to run timber down the stream. Sir John Macdonald declared that the Local Legislature misinter- ■,■ preted the older law ; that the timber owner had no right to use the improved channel at all ; that the Act was not legislation, it was robbery of the proprietor of the channel ; and, moreover, he declared, it was worse than ordinary robbery, for it was a robbery of the Tories by the Reformers. (Laughter.) He said that the Act was passed simply because Mr. Caldwell, a Reformer, wanted to run his timber unlawfully over the improvements of Mr. Mc- Laren, a prominent Tory, and he said Mr, Mowat had prostituted the Legislature for the purpose of enabling the Reformers to rob the Conservatives, and moved by a high sense of justice — (laughter)— feeling that the interests of the whole country were concerned, he disallowed this act of robbery. Well, thk Local Legislature did not think it was robbery at all, and they PASSKD THE BILL AGAIN. The Federal Government disalloived it agoAn, but the Legislature — a new House, I believe — was not con- vinced of the error of its ways, and passed a similar bill once more, and yet once more. In the meantime the slow process of the law was going on, and the final tribunal, the Privy Council, decided in the end, shortly after the bill had been passed for the last time, to the eflect that the interpretation of the Local Legislature was right, and, therefore, that their bill (whatever might have been said otherwise, which I need not consider) was not robbery at all, but, on the contrary, was a protection to Mr. McLaren, the Tory, en- abling him to get compensation for the use of his improvements, which he might not have been able to get under the old law, and It^' THE RESULT IS THAT THIS LAST ACT HAS NOT BEEN DISALLOWED. (Cheers and laughter.) For the time, therefore, the difficulty is at rest. But the principle upon which the Federal Government acted is general in its nature, and may be acted upon by the Government at any time unless we restrain them. / call upon you to say whether you will iiermit, whether you will send representatives to Ottaiva to sustain, a courfse of action vjhich must result in ren- dering nugatory your Provincial Legislation, In condemning the action of the Government, I said in Parliament that I care not whether the Act is just or unjust, whether it is right or wrong, whether it is good or bad, whether it is robbery or not. I inquire as to this only, is it a law passed by the Local Legislature, within the exclusive competence of that Legislature, and not substantially affecting Dominion interests ? If so, you have jio right to touch it. (Cheers.) I admit and I rejoice that there is an appeal from the power that made that law. But I will state to you where the appeal lies. That appeal is from the Legislature which PASSED the law TO THE PEOPLE WHO ELECTED THAT LEGISLATURE, and who can elect anotner to their minds. (Loud cheers.) The (4) , - '.,♦ .//•s- ^ 110 appeal with reference to your own Provincial laws is to yourselves. If a law is passed by your Legislature which is unju3t, which is bad, which is inexpedient, which is a robbery, you have the power to consider the conduct of the members who passed thatlaw, and to return men to Parliament to repeal that law, to amend it, or to mould it according to your notions of what is just, good, expedi- ent, honest and in the public interest. Are you not satisfied to live under the rule of your own people ? Are you not equal to self-government ? Are you not content to rely upon the sense of fairness and right, of honesty and expediency of your fellow- citizens of Ontario in reference to their and your own affairs ? Do you feel so doubtful as to your oiun knowledge of what is just, expe- dient, honest and right, that you must alloiu governors to set them- selves up over you to determine for you whether your laws are good or bad? Would you say : Here is a superior body whom we respect, whose views we prefer to the judgment of our own people ? Here they are, fourteen men at Ottawa, of whom only four or live be- long to your Province, the rest coming from the other Provinces, not knowing your ways or customs or affairs, not mainly, hardly at all effectively, responsible to you, whose duties ought to be con- fined to the common concerns of Canada, and who have nothing to do with your local affairs. Here they are, fourteen men who, when they deliberate upon a fairs of State, retire into a room, lock the door, post a sentry luithout, to prevent the too near approach of the common herd, who swear an oath that they will not reveal their secret counsels, and who, wiiii these precautions, and after these methods, assume to decide jor you, ivhether your laws are good or bad, Hght or wrong, just or unjust, expedient or inexpe- dient. Even if they were angels from Heaven, infallible and all-wise personages, I would prefer, for m}' part, that we should our- selves, with all the risk of sometimes making mistakes, engage in the inspiring and ennobling task of self-government, in that task which, involving the existence of a free choice and free decision, involves too, of course, the possibility of error or even of wrong, but which embraces also the glorious right and duty of repairing error and redressing wrong. I would prefer it, with all its troubles, outweighed as they are by its meiits and by its' elevating charac- teristics, to being governed by fourteen angels or infallible men, who might indeed decide for us rightly, but who would deprive us of the right, the duty, the responsibility, and the educating and glorious attributes which* belong to self-government, to a government of the people, by the people, for the people. (Cheers.) But tJiese are not fourteen angels. (Laughter.) Their wings, at any rate, have not grown yet. (Loud laughter.) They are not infallible men. Their judgments ma}'^ be wrong, ^r 1 have already given ^ -'■ {4> -^ ( ■ ■> \4 » ' .' '..'r - %,' \\^\ 111 »AX : I ,< , « > 1 f'^ ■ t ' ■J : .■■<-■ ^ . fc,.- 1 . V,',' ■ -■■•is you many lamentable instances of mistake on their part. In all these matters in tvhich we have taken issue luith them, they were proven wrong and we were proven right. We are bound, it seems to me, to insist that this question of disallowance shall be settled upon a firmer and more stable and more constitutional basis than that on which under the Tory doctrine it now rests. There are SEVERAL OTHER INSTANCES of a similar tendency towards centralization. For example, three or four sessions ago the Dominion Parliament passed a law which practically assumed control of all those Provincial railways which had been chartered by the Provinces, and subsidized by the Provinces, and which had been up to that time under Provincial control. By one Act, under a tyrannical and abusive misinter- pretation of the constitution, these roads were declared, however short and local in character, to be, within the meaning of the constitution, roads for the general advantr^^d of Canada, as dis- tinguished from the Province to which they belonged, and were so seized. Then came also a plan of largely subsidizing merely local roads, and about the same time the Province of Quebec was assisted to the amount of millions in reference to some of its past Provincial railway expenditures. I said : If you are going to pay one Province for past railway expenditure, you should pay all. Deal with all on equal terms. They have all expended large sums on railways, all of 'which you are assuming Then make a general fe-arrangement. As to future subsidies for local rail- ways, I said : — It is better, if local raihvay enterprises are to be fostered, that they should he fostered and promoted hy the Local Governments luithin luhose jiirisdAction the con- stitution has placed them, and if the means of the Local Gov- ernments are inadequate, better re-arrange the financial rela- tions of the Dominion xuith the Local Governments, so that the latter may discharge their legitimate constitutio7ial func- tions, than for us at Ottawa to arrogate to ourselves these functions under the pretence that the Local Governments are too poor to discharge them. (Cheers.) But if not, then revise the constitution, and let us re-arrange its provisions. But the system of centralization prevailed then, and has prevailed in this regard with accelerated force. Other considerations there are, general and local, to some of which I shall advert later, some of which I must omit for brevity ; but you must see that THL " UNION " GOVERNMENT, THE GOVERNMENT WHICH MADE ITS PROUD BOAST THAT IT HAD CREATED, AND FOSTER- ED, AND WAS PROMOTING AND STRENGTHENING THE UNION SPIRIT, HAS BEEN AT WAR WITH ALL ■'/. ( I , .'.n u.; ■■ '. >-■ ( if*' , 112 •Si ;? A » THE PROVINCES, that there are grievances and complaints everywhere. We have had two rebellions in the North- West under the rule of these men, tronble with British Columbia, trouble with Manitoba, trouble with Quebec, trouble with Prince Edward Is- land, and trouble with J\ ova Scotia, about which I wish to speak more fully, and in the end, in almost all of tliese matt rs, the Government has yielded, so admitting they were wrong to resist, but not yielding in time, not being wise in time, and thus at once provoking irritation and discord by their delays and neg- lects, and yet by their final action producing the impression that pressure would in all cases result at last in concession. I now come to f: '••I tA: l». .;■ ft THE GRAVE SITUATION IN NOVA SCOTIA. It is lamentable to think that in the twentieth year of Confedera- tion there should be an appeal to the people on such a ground and with such a result as has just taken place in Nova Scotia, and I feel bound to point out., in the interest of the Confederation and of our future as a country some of the causes which, as I conceive, have led to that unhappy and humiliating event. To do so satis- factorily would require me to discuss fully the questions of the tariff, the debt, the taxation, the expenditure, the question of re- ciprocity, the fisheries, and other subjects, which, in view of the historical sketch which I am obliged to give, there is no time to touch. I must turn back to , THE EVENTS WHICH PRECEDED CONFEDERATION, and recall your attention to this fact, that we are reaping to-day some of the evils of old violations of constitutional principle, of old mistakes of policy, as well as of later acts of misgovernment breach of faith and neglect. When Confederation was mooted in Old Canada the Maritime Provinces were in actual conference at Char- lottetown with a view to establishing a legislative union. The Canadian delegates proposed to that conference to give up the idea of a legislative union of the Maritime Provinces, and to go, each Province by itself, into a federal .union with the two Cana- das. I always thought that a mistaken plan I thought, and think still, that a LEGISLATIVE UNION OF THE MARITIME PROVINCES ^.' 'ltd have been the best precursor of a federal union between i-i.-c OP e Maritime State so formed, the Provinces of Quebec and "i io, and the great Provinces formed and to be formed in the '^ titio. r" • W > ■; ,.-■••> / \ . „ - ■ -^.- » * - . . • X \ '■'■-■ <-■ ' . / 113 / ■ • N I believe that the proximity of the countries, the similarity of the characteristics ot the people, the size and shape of the ter- ritory, the numbers of the population, the close community of in- terests, and the identity of the principal industries, all pointed to the fact that they together would form one strong, powerful Pro- ~ vince by the sea, which might be constructed with all due regard to the efficient management of local affairs, to which I have re- ferred, and which would have been better for them and for the other parties to the federal union than their entry into that re- lation as three comparatively small Provinces, each retaining its local identity, and each having a distinct federal relation to the others of them and to the Central and Western Provinces. But in this and other matters everything else was subordinated to the one idea of consummating some scheme of confederation quickly ' — itself an error ; for the gestation of a nation, as has well been said, is not like the breeding of a rabbit ; and, besides, time was on our side. This was a grave error, yet it was only an error of policy. But worse followed. There followed a mos^ serious ^ BREACH OF CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLE. Nova Scotia was forced into the Confederation under a resolution passed by a House not elected with any reference to that most important and fundamental change. That Legislature, unhappily, grossly misinterpreted the feelings of the people upon the sub- ject, and the people believed they were betrayed by their repre- sentatives, in being resolved into confederation without being given an opportunity to express their opinion at the polls. I am ' afraid this course was pursued, not because an election was thought unnecessary, which was the allegation as to old Canada, but be- cause it was feared that an election would result in a popular con- demnation of the plan. And, if that be so, / say that those who forced the Province into a constitutional change like Gonfedera- ' tion without an election, because they feared an election would result in an adverse popular vote, ivere guilty of a great public crime against the liberties of a free people. (Loud cheers) Not only was it a great crime, but it was also an enormous blunder, because the feelings which that step necessarily aroused, the pas- sions it excited, and the prejudices it evoked were calculated to . greatly impair the chances of succe-s of the union itself. It created ' a bitter feeling in Nova Scotia, a sense of wrong, a sense of injus- tice, a sense of coercion, a feeling strongly hostile to Canada, a feeling which caused every proposal emanating from Canada to be suspected and disliked, just because it came from those who were supposed to have forced the Province into the union. Better far to have followed the constitutional course of an appeal to the ' ■> >- 1 1' I if. -« — VW^ >'^ w 114/ !;•'' IT 1. V i. - . / people, and, if unsuccessful, of a repeated appeal after an inter- val, as WAS DONE IN NEW BRUNSWICK. " } _ /i ; 'T:l. i The result in that Province is that, whatever grievances the people may think they have to complain of, they have not this at any rate — they cannot ^ay they did not enter the union by the will of the majority of their people expressed at the polls. You can see, therefore, that the experiment of Confederation has had in Nova Scotia no fair chance. This feeling has never died out. The sense of injustice and wrong lingers for many years, and it was sure to impede our progress toward a real union. Now, when eighteen out of nineteen men came from Nova Scotia to Ottawa opposed to Confederation, an eflbrt was made to arrange for an alteration of the financial terms of the union with Nova Scotia, and so to conciliate the Province, through the intervention, as the other parties to the bargain, of some of these same msm- bers at Ottawa, instead of trying to come to an agreement with the Local Government and Legislature, which was the real repre- sentative of the Provincial as distinguished from the Dominion interest. Thi.>, again, was a harmful blunder; the Provincial Government should havd been respected and treated with as the lawful and constitutional representative of the Provincial interests. As to these financial terms, you perhaps know that 1 never ad- mired the plan of the Provincial subsidies. It would have been preferable, as I have always thought, that the Provinces should have some sources of revenue of their own, so that they might have the power and responsibility of settling the scale of both income and expenditure. There is a good old rule which would have applied in this case — "WHO SPENDS SHOULD PAY." If one man spends and another pays it is extremely likely the expenditure will be on an extravagant scale. But it was thought quite impossible to overcome the difficulties existing at the time of Confederation, and the system of grants to the Provinces was adopted simply as the only practicable plan. This arrangement was said to be a finality ; it was said that the local Governments would have to supply any deficiencies by local taxation them- selves. But this notion was entirely destroyed and all chance of finality done away with when, without the consent of the other Provinces, an alteration was made in the financial terms of union. I foresaw this result and objected strongly to any alteration in the financial terms without the consent of the Provinces. I said : — " All the Provinces are parties to the bargain ; one of the terms (4) f ' ; ■--' '* 1. \ . v"' ■'o' - , • which was to be made real in course of time by its practical working, by the practical benefits the people .would derive from it. So, they said, it would become a union of hearts and souls, not a union in name or on paper only. What were the pxomises and pledges these men made at that time, particularly in the Maritime Provinces ? They promised low taxation, a low scale of debt, strict economy in the public expenditure, no high or protec- tive tariffs, reciprocal trade, great prosperity, an enormous and profitable trade with the Western Provinces, and that Halifax should be the great ocean port for the whole Dominion. It was of great consequence not to make extravagant promises at such a time. It was of still greater consequence that the promises which were made should, as far as possible, be fully performed. (Cheers.) But it was of the very last consequence that no pro- mises so made should be wilfully broken. By acting on these views I believje it might have been proved that the interests of Nova Scotia could be guarded and maintained under Confedera- tion, and so a better feeling might have been engendered. But that was not done. The contrary was done. These Views of mine \'i ^■.-.-i-r..v-.VY:,v~ ■-- (4) 'i" ♦ i, . -^-^.^ 117 ^ ,>;-.».^-:' are not being first stated at a late day, now that a crisis has arrived. They havoboen stated before. I have often warned these men of the difficulties which would attend the course they were pursuing. I want to prove this to you, and to state the case just as I did at the time. In the spring of 1880, in my place in Parliament, I used this language : — Sir, — We must consider the circumstances of this whole Confederation. We must not forget the mode in which it was formed. Hon. gantlomen op- posite aftirmed with groat warmth in 1807, and for } eurs afterwards, that it was but a union on paper, and that the REALITY AND PERMANENCE OV THE CONNECTION were yet to be established and secured by a cra'eful policy, and by a practi- cal experience on the part of the people of its benefits. A cynic indeed has said that aa between Ontario and Quebec it was u divorce rather than a union ; that Nova Scotia was coerced into it, and compensated by damages for the loss of her honour ; that New Brunswick was frightened into it and compensted as well ; that Manitoba was forced and purchased into it, too ; that Prince Edward Island and British Columbia were — shall I say ] — seduced into it by pledges and promises, some impossible, all extravagant — at any rate by settlements of the most lavish character. But whether this descrip- tion be true or not, at any rate hon. gentlemen admit that it was at first a union only on paper, I want to know what has been done to cement it, to make it real and permanent, to make it a union of hearts and interests, to give it vitality and strength. Look at the various Provinces. Almost every one, after all your better terms, is in deep financial difficulties, and is knocking at your door for further aid. Imitating your extravagance, they have out- run their resources, and they have come to look upon you as the great tax- gatherer for the Provinces, believing that they may go as far as they please, and that Canada must fill the void out of the Federal revenues. You have seen the distribution of your revenues, and your expenditure. You remem- ber all the promises, at the time of union, of low taxes and cheap govern- ment. All, all are broken. ' "; THE VAST SUMS YOU COLLECT from the smaller Provinces, heavier per capita than you collect from Old Canada, and a grievous burthen on their people, are yet, as I have shown you, quite inadequate to meet their share of the cost of Confederation. I must here observe that this view of the effect of the burdens of Customs and Excise upon the smaller Provinces was imperfect. It was based solely on figures from the Customs and Excise ; but these did not represent, as I afterwards perceived, the real burden, even then ; still less do they da so now, because a large part of the duties on goods' used in Nova Scotia is paid in the ports of entry in other Provinces ; and because also there is a considerable con- ■ sumption of home-made goods at higher relative prices through the operation of the tariff". From which considerations it follows that the burden of taxation was, and is, heavier in the Maritime Provinces than I then thought it to be. The imperfect view which (4) t'^': .'. <• - .,'■ "^ ^^amm i ) .. 118 1^^^ I ^ f • ' ,■ \ V MX I advanced had been, before then, put forward by Sir Leonard Tilley, the B^inance Minister, and others. Its imperfection having been pointed out, I publicly stated the truth of the case not long after, though I see it still (juotod as a complete representation. In the same SPEECH IN THE SPRING OF 1880, I went on to say : — It is not by the forced oonneotion of a reatrictivo tarifT, compelling each of us to trade with somo other of us, to our Iohb and against our will ; it is not by the fatal loud of an enormous debt, lowering the value of our labours, and lessening the comfort of our livos ; it is not by flinging, with a lavish hand, into the mountr.ins and rivers of Columbia all you can collect or borrow, while ,v<>u starve all public works at home, that you will accomplish a real success, that you will consolidate and harmonise the union. You are making our load heavier than that of the United States. You are making it heavier than we can bear. You are paving the way to that very annexation whiuu you pro- fess to dread, because you are bringing us into a plight in which we may be forced to do as a people, what we lieard described the other day as the sad end of many an imprudent individual borrower, to sell our poor equity of re- demption to the only available purchaser. You pxofess unbounded faith in the permanence of your restrictive tariff ; you blame us for eveu discussing its operation, for throwing DOUBTS ON ITS DURABILITY, and at the same instant you send a High Commissioner to England, who asks her to close her ports against the grain of the world, in order that your farm- ers and hers may obtain from her millions of poor a higher price for the staff of life ; and who proposes in return that you should open your ports to her manufactures, thus destroying your revenue, and at the same time, under the fierce and unchecked competition of the cheapest producers in the worl4, blasting at once every one of your home industries, which is said to be depen- dent on a duty for its existence. Such is your reckless, your inconsistent, vour vacillating, your unpractical policy ! Do you ask for mine ? I will tell it. Set free the springs of legitimate revenue, by removing the obstacles de- signed to choke them. Open the avenues of legitimate trade, by lowering the legislative bars designed to close them. Free the people as soon as may be, from the extortionate taxation by which you oppress them. Return to a moderate revenue tariff, the only practicable plan in our circumstances, and a necessary incident in whose operation is to give some of the so-called ad- vantages of protection to some of your native industries. By an earnest and searching plnn of economy and retrenchment, directed to every branch of the public service, help to redress the balance between revenue and expenditure, while you lighten the people's burdens. 4 In the same year, 1880, on the 10th December, I said : — Will the hou. gentleman invite, I do not say upon the floor of this House, byt to a private conference, such of his colleagues as come from Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island, and discuss with them the effect and operation of this tariff, and find what they have got to &ny about it, about the feeling of their people, its effect upon their Provinces, and its proximate , . ■{'• - (4) \$ f In a xs ^ no ./ etteot upon thU whole Confederation, if some of its ini(iuitieB be not removed 7 After the upportunitieB of this Beasiun 1 venture to sny ho will not tind hiiu- self able to revel any longer in his dream of universal happiness and content- . ment, produced, from one end of the country to the other, by the tariff Ite adores f On many other occasions have T called attention to tlie necessity of considering the REAL INTKUESTS OF THE MARITIME PROVINCES in the framing of our policy, and the failure of the Tory Govern- ment to give tliat consideration. In Nova Scotia for a large part of their staple products, as coal, potatoes, fish and other articles, the natural market is in the neighbouring country. For stating that I have been denounced in the House of Commons and throuirh- out Ontario ; I have been called a traitor. But I tell you now that what I said was absolutely true, ((cheers.) A wise man has said that he lights a difficult })attle who fij^hts against geo- graphy, and if you will look at the map you will see that Nova Scotia's natural trade, ibr many of her staj)les, is with the neigh- bouring country, and that the attempt to force them up into the Western Provinces is a fight against geography which has failed, The proximity of the people, the facility of sea transport, the numerous harbours, the opportunities for small vessels taking Nova Scotian products to the neighbouring State.4 and bringing back cargoes of ilour and other articles, gave rise to a NATURAL, AND THEREFORE A HIGHLY PROFITABLE TRADE; and Reciprocity, important as it is to all of us, was most import- ant to them. But our fiscal policy was not really directed to the promotion of this end. The Tories said it was. They said, in 1878, that within two years they would procure Reciprocity. They were going to take means that had not been attempted before. Great Canada was to crush out the little United States. (Laughter.) We were to bring the pressure of our tarriff to bear upon them and impair their industries, injure their commerce, and bring them to our terms. You have had eight years of the policy, and how muck nearer have they brought you to Reciprocity than you were before ? (Loud Applause.) You may indeed have ex- cited the somewhat unduly sensitive spirit of the United States. You may have created there in some quarters a disposition, how- ever unreasonable, to refuse what otherwise, in their own interest, they might have been more disposed to concede. You may have supplied the .. ^.,^,.>.^..,. ..... ,. , ...,,.; (4) ^. •' V ■ h ).' > '/• mm •r^» ■■i^iip /■!* ■' .t •if A-';-: 4 \ '.^^ 1^ -' f ' - i • ' i-T 11"" "' '' ■ ■: ■ • ' ~ ' _/: 1 ^ '■■• 1 ' 1 M ■• -' s ft B ' v ' mk'.'i'ii '' 120 ■ !• OPPONENTS OF RECIPROCITY • and the advocates of restriction in the United States with fresh arguments, both in the appeal to passion and prejudice, and also by your precepts and example — for you have told them in effect : it is better not to reciprocate, better to restrict, better that each country should keep its markets to itself. And you declare still that this is so. Well, gentlemen, the time has not yet arrived — great, powerful, important though we are, comparing favourably though we do in wealth, population, and industries with the Unit- ed States — we have not yet succeeded in putting our foot upon their necks and coercing them into Reciprocity, as the Tories said they would do in two years in 1878. So far as our tariff policy has operated, we are further from it than ever. We have aban- doned the notions which would help it forward ; we put indeed a clause in our statute book giving authority to lower duties, and this the Government calb. c. standing offer to the States ; but when in one or two cases they lowered some duties, the Govern- ment did not respond, but have actually raised our duties on some- of the same goods. And the Mail, their organ in Ontario, has more than once said that we do not want Reciprocity. In truth they are hostile to it ; and say so as loudly as they dare. Can you wonder that in this respect Nova Scotia is discontented ? Then Nova Scotia complains of want of means for its local services, and of injustice in this respect. When a large part of the RAILWAY DEBT OF QUEBEC , , was assumed by the Dominion, I proposed, as I have told you that the same course should be taken with Nova Scotia, Ontario and all the other Provinces, but that was refused. And yet the pre- sent financial distress of Nova Scotia is largely due to her railway expenditure. I proposed, also, that there should be a revision of the financial terms of Confederation in view of the existing diffi- culties, and of the proposals of the Dominion Government to under- take local expenditure. Listen to what I said in 1884 : — Now, Sir, I think that the position of the Province of Quebec, as I have pointed out, has demanded for some time past, and is now'demanding the attention of this Parliament ; and for my part, I have always been prepared to deal fairly by that, or any other of the Provinces, but on the condition of equal and fair justice to all. And I do not suppose my hon. friends from the Province of Quebec will ask more ; or those sitting on the other side, though they might view my proposition differently from what I view it, I do not think they will dissent from the spirit in which I now address myself to them ; namely, that it iE fair and reasonable, under these circumstances, when ft new policy of this kind is^being proposed, to consider what (4) * ' f*t; • -; (r>-, -ft./ , ' 'f*:'J^w: '^''^-- " 'r!}-'" »■, ■«. 4i'.>v *;:■? 121 ^-: > -i Vl ITS REAL BASIS IS, to consider what the real condition of the other Provinces is relative to that basis and otherwise, and to see whether what is being proposed as it stands, and without applying proper remedies for the application generally of the new pinciple you propose, can be called just. I say, Sir, that for my part I should desire, and it is one of the things which is most important for us to consider next to the constitutional question — I should desire that we should addresB ourselves very early and very earnestly to the solution of the question, by the adoption of some plan whereby, once for all, the question of the Provin- cial subsidies should be placed on a permanent and lasting basis. I believe it to be destructive of the independence and autonomy of the Provinces that they should be looking to Ottawa for favours, that they should be dependent on the Central Government for carrying on their affairs. I believe it to be destructive to Confederation itself, that a system should continue under which it might be said : — *' Oh, we will go on ; we will expend more, we will go into debt, and when we get to a pass that we cannot carrj- on any longer, the Ot- tawa Parliament must relieve us." Any sentiment of that kind, any feeling of that kind, any notion on the part of Provincial Ministers, or politicians, or the citizens or electors of the Provinces, of that kind, must be destructive, in the first place of good ' ECONOMICAL GOVKUNMKNT IN THE PROVINCES, and, in the second place, in its influence, moral and financial, on the Confed- eration — destructive ultimately of the Confederation itself. Therefore I think it is a pressing and incumbent duty upon us to endeavour, if we can, to devise a plan which will set these matters permanently upon a basis dif- ferent from that upon which they now unhappily stand. I also said in the same speech : — When the late member for West Middlesex (Mr. Ross) declared last year that the grant of railway aid was an interference with the Provinces, the Min- ister of Railways stated that the Provincial revenue were exhausted, and he though the Provincial Legislatures and Governments would be obliged to the Dominion Parliament for the aid granted. This is not the only case in which suggestions of the same dangerous character have Been brought forward. We have had a suggestion that the administration of justice, which belongs to the Provinces, should be . iVM PAID FOR BY THE CENTRAL aOVBRNMENT and if that course were adopted it would, of course, follow that those func- tionaries whom the Central Government pay, should also be appointed by them, that that administration which they pay for they should also control. And so, I will not say by slow, but by rapid degrees, the hon. gentleman, instead of invading Provincial rights, they buy them from the Provinces one by one — he may acquire them under the guise of being a benefactor. Such is far from being the principle on which the Confederation of Canada was framed ; it is far ' from being the principle on which the Confederation of Canada can last. If it be the fact that the Provincial Govemments and Legislatures, after an experience of seventeen years, are not in a position financially to discharge those functions which belong to them, the whole sub- ject ought to be reconsidered. If, in consequence of their impecunioaity, they are unable effectually to discharge their own functions, you may do one *.\ I- i * - '!■< ■: :. -i' 0.) m i> , . 1 k'- ■ 1^ : ' 1 •/ ■ - ' « ';■, ;. ;», 1 1 ;it M. '■'•,. "».■ 122 ' .«PU)i^^«4i of two things. You may say : We propose to alter the Constitution so that the Central Government shall take this, that, and the other, and so relieve you both of your importance, dignity, power, and Provincial autonomy, and of expense at the same time ; or you may propose a new adjustment of the financial question, which will enable you efficiently to continue the discharge of those functions which for seventeen years you have been discharging. But the proposal ot the hon. gentleman is neither of these propositions, it is a Eroposal. I do not use the word otfensively, under the guise of a bribe. The on. gentleman says the Provincial Governments will be very much obliged to us if we give railway aid here and there, but this is a proposal calculated to sap the ,v INDBPJSNDENCE OF THE LOCAL I.EOISLATUEBS and Governments ; calculated tu lead them to look to this House for pecu- niary favours not based on some general principle, not under the lines of the constitution, and so to lead towards the hon. gentleman's great goal. Now, I consider, therefore, that we ought to deal with this question after a full development of the tendencies and principles of the policy, and deal with it, as indeed I think the time is ripe for us to deal with several other questions, upon a revision of the federal constitution. I think it is not at all unreason- able to say that even if the constitution had been framed in a very different manner from that in which it was framed, which was a manner not very likely to produce a perfect instrument — I say, even if it were framed in a different manner, it would not be unreasonable to say that seventeen years' working and experience would have developed difficulties and defects ; and I believe all true Canadians, without distinction of party or political creeds, ought, if they want Confederation really to prosper, to address themselves without further delay to the questions : In what respects does our constitu- tion at present work well ? what frictions and difficulties have been discov- ered in the workings of it ? what alterations should take place ? and endeavour to arrange it so that it may do the work it ought to do, smoothly, and to the advantage both of the Provinces and of the Confederation of Canada as a whole. But I do not think that is any reason why we should proceed upon a false policy — a policy which is leading us with rapid steps in a direction which, 1 think, if presented plainly to the majority of this House, they would effec- tually disavow and repudiate. Now, sir, I decline to agree to the proposal that we should undertake any of the proper functions of a Local Legisla- ture by our vote. If we are going to undertake any of the functions of the Local Legislatures it should be on an alteration of the constitution, which may place any part of those functions within our grasp, and leave to them their diminished functions. And referring to Nova Scotia particularly, I used these words : Quebec is in a condition which demands the serious consideration of the Confederation. But she is not alone in that condition. You will find state- ments made from the Province of Nova Scotia, for example, and those who have endeavoured to analyze — I know, with difficulty, with very great apti- tude to err for want of information — those who have attempted to analyze the expenses of that Province will, I think, find that there has not been a very great deal to complain of in the way of extravagance^ At least that was the result of such cursory investigation, as from time to time, I have been able to make into the expenditures of that Province, and I am not singling out any one Government from another — there has been alteration of Govern- ments — I do not find that there has been much extravagance, or that the expenditures have been in excess, to a large amount, if at all, of the demands i (4) vV.J ■ V t . ' . '■ ." I'tl ^ % .V'->- 7 123 ^ of that Province. We know, however, that its resources are cramped ; that it is more or less in a state of distress locally. It is unf6rtunate, I think, that none of the Provinces seem dis- posed to adopt in its fulness our municipal system, with it^ large measure of local government and direct taxation. But they will not do it. They are , NOT so PATIENT OF THE TAX-GATHERER as we in Ontario. (Laughter and applause.) And the question is, What is to be done ? I have shown, at any rate, that we were not blind to the situation, and that, so far as our position admitted, we suggested measures of relief. On the general relation of the Domi- nion to the Provinces, and the dangers in which we stood, I spoke in January, 1885, and I ask you in the face of the present situa- tion in Nova Scotia, to listen to the words I then used : — If I could hope that my words'would have any weight I would pray the House to recognize, though it may be late, our true position, to apprehend the fact that we are, and have been for some time, rather weakening than strengthening the true bonds of union, that our centralizing policy, our policy of high and sectional taxation, our policy of extravagant expenditure, has been and is alienating important elements in Canada from symyathy with the union itself ; that'it is our duty to recall the promises that were made to the various Provinces which were induced to enter into this union, the promises of economical government and of low taxation, the promises with respect to trade, the promises with respact to a fiscal policy, the promises with respect to expenditure, which were made particularly by the leaders in the Maritime Provinces at the time the union measure was brought before them ; and that we ought to set about the initiation of a true Federal policy, involving to- gether with the practical recognition of the Federal principle, a reduction of expenditure, and such a reduction of taxation as past extravagance permits, a policy suitable to our actual circumstances, instead of one based on hollow dreams already proved untrue, and but too likely, if persisted in, to end in a disastrous waking. - We are waking up now, and we find the men who for twenty years promised you smooth things, who proclaimed themselves the makers of the union, the only persons who could create and strengthen a national spirit in Canada, face to face with the lamentable spectacle of a divided country, with a large part of its people protesting that the Canadian policy is treacherous and ruinous, and, in despair of all other relief, asking for separation as a remedy. Now, in January last, in London, I touched again on this subject. I said : — Look, I pray you, everywhere and at everything. Contrast predictions and promises with events and results, and say whether our rulers are to be trusted more. Alas ! their removal will not undo all the evil they have wrought. Their works will live after them. They have brought the country into such a state that we must abandon for years to come the hope of dis- ' . . (4) . .' V. '■f' ■^ *^ iW ■r\ " ' i.iU.'V- '124 V, In ,/f 1 .; pensing with very burdensome taxation, though I believe our condition may be greatly bettered by wise readjustments and judicious relaxations, and by honesty, economy, and retrenchment in government. They promised to create a mutually beneficial inter-provincial trade. They have, indeed, forced some of our western products and trade upon the East : but they have failed to give the East a western market, and they have produced in the Maritime Provinces a condition of irritation and ill-feeling, so marked a sense of injustice at the violation of pre-Confederation promises, so great ^ that it is my belief that thd sentiment as to Oonfederation is less strong to- day than it was ten years ago. I regret that many in the East blame Con- federation rather than misgovernment for the unhappy results. ^ And again I said : — As to the money relations, theirs has been a hand-to-mouth policy — not based on general principles, bad for all the Provinces, productive of l<»cal operations, demnnds, and expectations of the most serious character. They have brought the question at test one of great difficulty and touching a grave, I hope not a fatal, defect in the Confederation scheme, into still greater diffi- culties. At this moment the situation of Nova Scotia is serious. That Province has made representations to Ottawa which have perhaps got into the North- West pigeon-holes, and discontent and irritation are aroused. The settlement with Quebec did not take into account the claims of the other Provinces, and is said not to be final for Quebec itself, which is claimed to be still in a distressed financial condition. Other Provinces are coming forward, and the question has reached an acute condition. At the opening of our last session I lifted once more a warning voice. But T spoke then, as before, to deaf ears. At length re- sults have followed from the policy of the Government. ^ AFTER NEARLY TWENTY YEARS, not being satisfied with the treatment accorded them, or with the results of Confederation, a majority of the Nova Scotians have declared for repeal. Not that 1 believe all those who voted for, or were elected as supporters of the Government, agree in the repeal policy. As far as I can judge that is not so ; though the bulk do. What all were agreed on is that the policy of the Dominion Government is most injurious to Nova Scotia ; and that this should be declared in the most solemn way. At that declara- tion of dissatisfaction with the policy of the Government I am not surprised. I have already referred to the physical character- istics of the Province, and its capabilities for trade, and have shown you the effect in these respects of the Federal policy. But if you turn to the great industries which it was said the tariff would especially favour in Nova Scotia — the cotton in- dustry, the sugar industry, the coal industry, the iron industry, bonussed and bountied at the expense of the general taxpayer, f -you find depression and embarrassment everywhere, and bank- ruptcy and liquidation general. There has been an immense loss . . (4) Si f. ;-- •• V > . ^ I J ■ ■ \ A ■■'.■».' y .-■■ ^. ■'' ■ • ' ., '■'•■, ~*- V i» \ ' V ■■\ ■.Vv< \P r - •/ ?v „ ^^r- , V :ft'^ ^ ' •*- -rv^ ^ "i . 4 1. / "Jfr *■<•' 125 of money, and the trades are unprofitable. Some other industries which have done better have lived, not because of the tariff, but in spite of it. THE CITr OF HALIFAX is in a deploraiile condition ; the value of land has depreciated ; there has been a large emigration from the Province ; profitable branches of the West India trade have been to a great extent lost ; and you know the condition of the fisheries question. The memorial of the Provincial Legislature to the Dominion Govern- ment asking for relief was neglected for about two years. They might have been Half-breeds from the way the Government treated them. (Applause and laughter.) At length last session the Nova Scotia Assembly passed a resolution looking to repeal. And that you may see how far I am accurate in saying that their grounds were largely based on the financial and fiscal policy of the Tory Dominion Government, I will read you an extract. It is this: — That Nova Scotia, previous to the Union, had the lowest tariff, was not- withstanding, in the best financial condition of any of the Provinces entering the union.- That the commercial as well as the financial condition of Nova Scotia is in an unsatisfactory and depressed condition . That it seems evident that the terms of the British North America Act, combined with the high tariff and fiscal laws of the Dominion, are largely the cause of this unsatisfac- tory state of the finances and trade of Nova Scotia. I think I have shown you that the evils of the Government policy, as affecting Nova Scotia and the interests of Confederation generally, were from time to time noticed by us, and that we warned the Government against the results which would attend their course. WE CALLED FOR A CHANGE that would bring about a better state of things, but they would not heed. And now they have brought us to this pass. Yet I cannot acquit the people of Nova Scotia themselves of a very con- siderable share of the responsibility for all this. They have sent powerful Ministers and large majorities to Ottawa to initiate and support the very policy of which they now complain as so injuri- ous and distasteful to themselves. Some responsibility for what has been done Nova Scotia must therefore assume ; and, alas ! much that has been done is now irreparable. But though much be taken, much remains. There is still some opportunity for im- proving our condition as a people, or at any rate arresting the disintegrating and deteriorating and weakening elements of the policy of *the Government. And to this end the Nova Scotians should address themselves. You may ask me how it was that (4} ■ '-^l ■\ '■ •■ .. : ■<: ■Y. ••*"*' , ' , '...if '•, V ; ^ TTT • I- " ' ■' <" ■ '■ -' ■ ^ ■'^"^^ « " ' z* tmmm t • - •'■•■ 126 Nova Scotia in the House of Commons sustained the Government policy. I believe ■^ vf^. THE REAL SENTIMENTS OP THE PEOPLE were not voiced by the returns to Parliament. How was the voice of the people checked 7 In part by the directly corrupting influences used by the Government party ; in part by the influ- ence of some of the large employers of labour ; in part by a sys- tem of local grants based mainly on party interests, and not on public considerations ; in part by the hardly disguised but dis- graceful practice of dealing with local claims according to the po- litical complexion of the election returns, making a local grant the price of sending a supporter to Ottawa. It was checked also by the belief of the people, assiduously cultivated by the Govern- ment's friends, that no matter how many Reformers they should send to Ottawa from the Maritime Provinces, the Conservative Government would, on the whole count all over Canada, be in the majority, pv ' % tlie evil suggestion that it was of no use sending a man > ?: • -^o Opposition. And so it has been that a majority has voted i. -^.jid sustained the Government, whose policy the greater part of the people disliked. Had there been a fair vote, freely ex| .-sing t) •> f^ntiments of the people, instead of our op- ponents having ^«, ]a?v: F)- Jority, I believe we would have had •: \ .,,vu ,. .if^ (4) ••t: x/J. ■■-.,/-' v"' ■z-* r ■^r'- i^-'j'-" ' 127 / .' ■ ,(. •!' ■ ? , -■ - ,•:.; ' y '; i' i-. /•• «•'. ;,i:<. -i- i^. ■'■■:.> - - ■*■. ' ■')*, A ZEAL, AN INTEREST, AND ATTENTION ' ^ which overcome those drawbacks, and which forebode the best results. Your tone and temper reflect the general feeling. We have, indeed, before us an arduous, a tremendous conflict, but, bracing ourselves for that conflict, we stand to win. (Cheers.) It is certainly my opinion that Nova Scotia owes it to the union, and owes it to the Liberal party, which has been the staunch friend and steadfast advocate of that fiscal and financial policy which it approves, and the earnest opponent of those measures which it condemns, to itself endeavour, and to afford to us an opportunity, within the union, within the limits of the constitution, to repair what may yet be reparable of the wrongs of the past, and to show that Confederation, worked upon a better basis, affords a better prospect of success. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) The situa- tion is doubtless extremely grave. Its gravity is due to the To- ries, but if we succeed, the consequences of their conduct will largely fall upon us. 'We must face those consequences, we must face the difficult task, determined to achieve, so far as the evil policy which has been followed makes it possible, the redress of what is wrong and the maintenance of what is right, and so to bring about a better state of things throughout Canada at large. (Cheers.) It would be a great calamity, a dreadful humiliation, to see the break-up of Confederation. To diminish, and if possi- ble avert, that dang r, requires a change of policy at Ottawa. It requires A RECOGNITION OF SHE DANGER. ^ It requires a recognition of the true conditions of Federal success. And the men who through all these years have misgoverned us, who have been deaf to our warnings, who have been blind to the signs of the times, who have produced, and who now boast of the state of things which has given rise to this result — are these the men we can trust to-day ? (Cries of " No ! 'i " No ! " and cheers.) How sad a commentary it all is upon the boasts of the " party of union and progress." Rebellion in Manitoba in 1870, rebellion in the North- West in 1885, discontent in Manitoba almost al- ways, discontent in Prince Edward Island and appeals to England ; constant claims of the Provinces long denied, at length yielded ;. fights for centralization by Ottawa, fights for the preservation of their rights by the Provinces, litigations with the Provinces, and humiliating defeats in every one — (cheers) — fights for boundaries, fights for lands, fights for mines, fights for timber, fights for escheats, fights for licenses, fights for railways, fights for the local right to make local laws ; efforts to coerce trade, to restrict com- J.v».;*^^ 4 .. 1' .•■'4 :. >' - !.:■ V . c I hi ^.^^-^:^V:. 128 ;••; -•/; merce ; enormous debt, high taxation, gigantic expenditure, dis- ' tress in trade, hard times among the people at large, corruption rampant, and FORTUNES MADE AT OTTAWA ; and now, following all this, a serious movement on the part of an important Province for repeal. Is this a condition of things call- ing for commendation ? (" No," " no," and cheers.) Is this what should induce you to trust the Tory party with a longer lease of power? No ! The condition is humiliating to that party, and it involves humiliation to the country at large. The consequences do not fall upon their own party only. For the evils which they have done we all suffer, and the whole country should avenge them. (Cheers.) There should be a determination of the whole country to stand by those who have stood by them so long, and an earnest effort by a disappointed, humiliated, and justly in- censed community to restore the public fortunes. (Cheers.) Let us awake to the real situation ; LET us DWELL NO LONGER IN A FOOL's PARADISE ! Let us realize that that which was said by these men in 1807, as to the union being still to make, has been proved by the events of the last few weeks to be unhappily true to-day; and that its truth to-day is due to the misconduct of themselves, who have, during three-fourths of the interval directed our policy, and have yet to learn the first elements of Federal success. These are not, in my opinion, the men to whom we can safely entrust the diffi- cult task of repairing their great errors, of undoing their great wrongs, of rescuing you from the consequences of their evil deeds, and of giving you what measure of peace, union, and prosperity they have left possible for Canada. (Cheers.) I shall not longer detain you. There are many topics which I would like to have discussed, but I have addressed you at length, as fellow-Canadians, as men interested in the preservation of the union, and the grant- ing of the just demands of every member of the Confederation, I have addressed you on one of the most important topics now before the country. I see that you feel its consequence. THOUGH THERE MAY BK A NARROW SENSE IN WHICH THESE MATTERS Do NOT CONCERN US SO DIRECTLY AS OUR LOCAL INTERESTS, YET I SHOULD UNDERVALUE YOUR PUBLIC SPIRIT AS CITIZENS OF CAN- ADA AND YOUR DESIRE FOR THE MAINTAINANCE OF THE CHARACTER, STANDING, AND INTEGRITY OF YOUR COUNTRY, DID I HESITATE TO BELIEVE THAT YOU HOLD IN THE FIRST ESTIMATION THE SUBJECT I HAVE SET BEFORE YOU OF THE RELATIONS OF THE DOMINION TO THE PROVINCES AT LARGE, AND THE MEANS TO BE ADOPTED FOR THE MAINTAINANCE AND PRESERVATION OF THE UNION. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) ,- . , . (4) 1 , I :,'';' ,\* ■> 1 - . ' -.ru „V..5- ,-C'- .'•■.f''i V'.,," > 129 f iVj' CONSTlTrTIONALISM, » .V r ■ ELECTIONS NEAR AT HAND — TORY BALLOONS — THE NOVA SCOTIA DIFFICULTY. •:'.* ■%'A^' ■'ij -*.| "V 1 .'• At Guelph, after returning thanks for the addresses, Mr. Blake said : — I must urge upon you to close up your ranks for the coming contest. (Applause.) I would appeal to the Young Liberals of Wellington to show themselves equal to the occasion. All through the Province of Ontario my heart has been cheered and my spirits have been raised, in the meetings I have been attending in the east and the west, and the north and the south, to find flocking round me so many of the young men of the country, exhibiting such fresh and active zeal in public afluirs. I trust that your organization will be perfected, that new accessions may be made to the club Irom this night, and that you will prove yourselves an important factor, prove your zeal by your works, leave the impress of your convictions upon the constituency, and swell to much larger proportions than in the last election the majority of your standard-bearer, Mr. Innes. (Cheers.) I say I am glad to be able to say these things to you to-night, because it is full time, in my opinion, that we should begin to act here and elsewhere. THE TIME IS SHORT, INDEED. # When it was proposed in Parliament very greatly to enlarge the franchise, I stated the opinion that constitutional principles required that the extension should be followed by an early election. I have called for that election. Some seven or eight weeks ago, at Stayner, I pointed out this view again, and suggested that we should have that dissolution to which I believe the constitution entitled us. There is no other ground upon which what would otherwise be a premature dissolution could properly take place. The term of Parliament is but five years, and under ordinary circumstances it is not expedient that the country should be plunged more frequently than at these intervals into the turmoil of a general election. But it is expedient when the . : PARLIAMENT HAS CONDEMNED ITSELF • *\ f . ■ ?*•. = >. as being the product of a constituency altoge^iher too narrow, when it has enormously increased that constituency, that, being self-condemned, it should be also speedily executed, and a new ., >i ./ ' ■'f S-. ■ ifi r:" it:.' (4) ^^ 130 [ 1, ' ■■*■' V Parliament elected by the broader constituency which has been establislied as the true exponent of the views of the people. However, wlien I stated these opinions thfe Conservatives were dumb. You have not heard from any member of Parliament, even of the rank and file ; still less liave you heard from any Conservative leader ; still less have you seen in any Conservative journal (not even in the Mail, with its new born " independence "), a word u|)on the constitutional propriety of dissolution. Why? Because they have not settled upon the expediency of dissolution. They are considering simply, as they c(msidered in 1882, whether a dissolution will be to their paity profit or not. If it is to their profit to have a dissolution, or if a dissolution will expose them to less disadvantage now than they might dread in the near future, you will find them dissolve. Otherwise you will find them not dissolve. But THE CONSTITUTIONAL PREROGATIVE WITH WHICH THEY ARE IN- TRUSTED — THE POWER OF DISSOLUTION — IS NOT VESTED IN THEM TO BE USED ARBITRARILY for party purposes. It is intended to be used according to the principles of the Constitution for the public good. You recollect how they abused, I will not say their power, but the duties with which thev were clothed in the cases of the bye-elections. They informed Pailiament that they proposed not to issue the writ for Haldiraand, because it was expected that in a few months the electorate would be greatly enlarged, and it would be an insult to the new electorate to hold the election bofore the new voters could vote. , In this view there was a general acquiescence of both sides of the House. I knew how the lists had been prepared in Haldimand. A large Indian vote had been added, and the Tories had otherwise strengthened themselves in the county under th> > new lists, and I suspected it was not a regard for the constitutional principle so much as the hope that they might carry the county that induced them to be so scrupulous. But I thought there was justice and reason in the postponement of the election, and I did not object, though it was to my disadvantage to delay. After- wards it was thought expedient to test the feeling. "^ ' IN THE PROVINCE OF QUEBEC, ' ' ' t> ■^' 'i- T.- \" i .V' * \i ^. and so within a few weeks of the time when the r»ew voters would have the right to vote, Chambly was vacated voluntarily by the appointment of the sittiqg member to an ofiice which had been long kept vacant for him. Immediately the writ was issued for Chambly with the electorate unchanged, and this was done m ,^:., ;^,' v-.^ • . ir-S~--iifi»iin iihiii ^fkniktm^ i^ \ 1 .( I ♦' B v- ..■.■' wv: ^^ 'i :■> -'.-v 131 because the Government knew that the new electorate would have been unfavourable to them, and so Chanibly was actually fought before Haldimand. It is quite true these plans failed. You know that "THE BEST LAID PLANS O' MICE AND MEN GANG AFT AGLEE," and so it was found in Chambly, and so it was found in Haldi- mand. But none the less was there a flagrant prostitution by the Tory party of those powers and duties with which they are entrusted in the general interest — a prostitution which not their leaders, not their organs, not their followers, have yet been found bold enough to defend. They submit in silence to the attack. So will it be in reference to the dissolution. I desire to say to you that I believe the Conservative leadei's have been in great doubt what to do. 2 hey have not known tvhich way to turn. They have been watching the signs of the times. They have been looking at the svecial elections. They have besn looking at the general Pro- vincial elections. They have been sendina up trial balloons. They have been uttering race cries. They have been uttering creed cries. 2 hey have been waving Orange flags. They have been lifting up green flags a little. They have been trying, in an independent sort ot a way, and through the wholly unconnected agency of the Mail newspaper, to float the WHITE BANNER OF PROHIBITION ALSO, (laughter) — while, on the other side, you see Mr. Frank Smith and Mr. John Carling waving the blue Licensed Victuallers' flags as boldly as ever. All these efforts they have been making to see which way the wind was blowing, and sometimes they thought it would be well to hold on a bit, and sometimes that it would be bet- ter to face the music now. I believe they have about decided thai they had better face the music now. I believe they have decided that the general election ought to take place very soon ; not that they think the times are veiy good for them, or very prosperous just now, but because they are afraid they may become even worse. They are afraid of time — afraid of discussion — afraid of Parlia- ment — afraid of the removal of those mists of passion and preju- dice which, I rejoice to say, with very partial success, they have been attempting to raise. They are hoping to spring the election upon you before you are ready, and to press it through before the great and numerous issues upon which your judgment ought to be^ formed, and on which your votes ought to be cast, shall have been thoroughly ventilated. I believe, as I have told you, from informa- tion which I have received within the last twenty-four hours, that they are making secret preparations, and that ■■■■;■ >>;.'/ -'.'■, - (4) ^ '•' 11 -I. to 1 i- ts I* l; r r fS f: ■. « ', . > f" 132 THE ELECTION WILL BE SPKUNQ UPON US within a very short period. It matters not that the First Minister has more than once, in recent public assemblatjes, spoken of the appeal to the people to be taken ijoxt year — that one of his Ministers, Mr. White, has more than once referred to the appeal to the people to be ttkon after next session. 1 am afraid they won't be so scrupulous about chanj^intr their minds in tliis regard. I am afraid they won't be very sorry if you should be disposed, until thoy speak the new word, to take them at their word, as expressed in their meetings, and to rest upon your oars. It will not do. ^^^«i must vigorously prepare from this night onward ; and while ] joice at the view that we are to have a constitutional dissolution — while I am glad to believe that wo are very early to met t the people — I claim, on behalf of my fellow-countrymen, that there should be a reasonable announcement of the intentions of Ministers to dissolve, and a reasonable interval between the dissolution and the day of the election, in order that these grave, these enormous, these vital questions to which I have refeired may be fully, tem- perately, and calmly discussed and adeqiiately decided by the people at the polls. While I make that claim, I have but little expectation that it will be granted ; and, therefore, I have to call upon you in this South Riding of Wellington, and through you and through the press I HAVE TO CALL UPON OUR FRIENDS IN EVERY COUNTY, to take heed, to be warned, to make preparations, without an instp,nt's delay, to perfect their organization, to choose their candidates, to close up their ranks, and to prepare for the light forthwith. Now is the time, Mr. Chairman, to save your country, for, if you do not save it now .there is a risk that five years hence you may have no country to save. ,- THE SITUATION OF OUR COUNTRY is such as calls for an earnest struggle. This Is the time at which the people exercise in act their power of self-government. This is the time at which they are enabled to decide what shall be their policy, and who shall be their rulers for the long term of tiv^yeara ; and there is much for which to struggle. Look at the situation of our country — weighed down with an enormous debt ; loaded with a grinding and unjust taxation ; groaning under an appalling ex- penditure ; staggering beneath a tremendous deficit ; saddled with railway monopolies, with land monopolies, with manufacturing monopolies ; misrepresented through an infamous gerrymandered •' i;^' ■ . I > -'U '•• • ■• ' • . . 131! ■ . ■ Act, a vicious Franchise Act, and a cornn»t disposal of the |)ublie resources ; niisjjjoverned by an effete and irresponsible Senate.a cor- rii|)t and dependent Commons, and a false, incompetent, neglectful, and inadequate administration ; all the bright promises and glow- ing predictions with which they gulled us broken and faded ; the pledged term often years' unexanipled prosperity hardly opened before its evanescent glory faded into gloom, its expansion beeame contracted, its exaltation depression; the promise that t)ur policy and the pressure of our tariff would open the avenues of foreign trade and bring UEIPROCITY WITHIN TWO YEARS, broken too, and now coolly proposed to be replaced by a fresh due bill payable at ten years instead of two — anything to get them over the next general election ; the great fishery question neglected and postponed at first, and bungled at the last ; the North-West not tilled with hundreds of thousands of industrioua, thriving, con- tented settlers, as promised and declared, but still almost empty ; progress stayed there by misgovernment, land monopolies, railway monopolies, by sales to speculators, by the closing of large areas to settlement, by want of railway accommodation, by want of sur- veys, by want of titles, by bad appointments, and by other causes graver still ; the most cherished infants and the chief glories of the National Policy spindling, icrvous, and depressed; wool and cot- ton, sugar and iron, aye, even coal and wheat, all down lately, and some seeking by combination to compel the public to make up their wasted capital; the promises of the construction of the Cana- dian Pacific Railway without increased taxation, and of the repay- ment of its cost and interest out of the North-West lands as the work progressed, all violated ; great public gifts, equal to $98,- 000,000, capitalized, with 14,000,000 acres of land, dissipated, while large further obligations have been sanctioned, and enormous nominal cajjitals have been created, pressing heavily on the trade of the country in tolls and tariffs; the federal pact in constant peril through efforts at centralization and encroachment ; legiti- mate provincial jurisdictions repudiated ; license laws passed at Ottawa ; provincial railways seized at Ottawa ; escheats claimed at Ottawa ; a provincial law on a matter within our exclusive , competence, and in no wise affecting the general interests of the Dominion, wantonly, REPEATEDLY AND ERRONEOUSLY DISALLOWED at Ottawa ; efforts made for long years at Ottawa wrongfully to- contract the limits of Ontario ; the boundary question still left (4) \.r T i y .1 ■ii\.«i '•,..,:,i:^'^^f„.. •I- h-- 134 unsettled, and justice denied ; the lands seized on and despoiled, and still threatened to-day ; the provinces alarmed, and fighting the Dominion in the courts and at the polls for their existence. The fact that NOVA SCOTIA •l\i was brought into the Confederation by the vote of a Legislature not elected on the question has not been forgotten ; it has marred the future of the Dominion in that Province, and it is bearing bitter fruit to-day. The chances which have since offered to heal the wrong and create a better feeling have not been utilized. The promises made of light taxes, frugal expenditure, general prosperity, and freer trade relations w^th our neighbours have all failed. The East is depressed and soured, and a declaration in favour of repeal of the union has been made by Nova Scotia ; while in the West, twice within fifteen years, revolt has raised its head, and millions have been lavished in war ; valued lives have been lost ; pain and suffering have been inflicted ; antipathies have been created ; , our national honour has been tarnished ; our ; ; NATIONAL PROGKESS HAS BEEN CHECKED ; i. M J:'"' ::-"i.^ ■ I ^VT 1^)^ tM' ! i ife '^'■■■^ '^-■'K V/,'- ■ V ■i . all by the grossest, the most incredible folly, neglect, incapacity, and mismanagement of our rulers. (Loud and prolonged applause.) And now how is it proposed to escape the indignation and avoid the condemnation of an outraged people ? First, by a steady and persistent effort — / am sorry to say hut too successful — to degrade the tone of public morality in and out of Parliament ; and, lat- terly, by tendering the issue of the sea fold of Regina, by offering the head of Riel in satisfaction and discharge of all other debts ; and by an efort to divide Canadians, to set a gulf between our populations through cries of raee OMd religious prejudice, and so to obtain a brief term of inglorious power at the cost of the last hope of Canadian nationality. (Loud cheers.) Such is' the situation of Canada to-day, A SITUATION PRESENTING DIFFICULTIES APPALLING to the view of those who may be called upon to succeed your present rulers, but aftbrding a prospect more alarming still, should power be again entrusted to their unworthy hands, f Loud cheers.) Did I not say well, then, when I warned you a moment ago, that now was the time to labour, when I told you that if 3'^ou do not labour now to save your country, in five years you may have . ■'i ■ y r'*'- ( iti^^ ?!-Tl-F ^ff^^^" ■H^::-. ■■ ll'.. >J ii ■■)(■•■ ::<': :y "/ "<■. . ■v ■• • -■ ■■/- ,/,',-/' '135 • ' ' ■■ •' . .-■ ■ ■ ■ ■■; . ^' • ■• ■ : •■" ■'■']■ -l ■ '■ . ' - ■ • -'■ ; NO COUNTRY TO SAVE ? , ' I have referred to the Province of Nova Scotia, and a word or two more I wish to say about that Province, although at Simcoe a while ago I spoke my mind, and must refer you to what I then said for the story at length. 7 am, by conviction and feeling, a Federalist. (Loud cheers.) I think Confederation in Canada fairly begun and fairly carried out had in it the elements of suc- cess. (Renewed cheering.) I deplore the small measure of real success which has been attained under the rule of the so-called " party of union and progress." I have warned them often, but in vain. I have warned them often of the fatal mistake they were making. They have refused to listen, they have been blind to the true principles of the Federal pact. They have broken the pledges made at the union. They have not yet created true and real bonds of union. But, as J showed at Simcoe, Nova Scotia, in my judgment, is not herself free from blame. She has sustained, by a large majority of her representatives, the bulk of that of which she now bitterly complains. T have constantly pointed out the misgovernment that was going on, and the mistakes that were being made, and have implored a change. I am bound to admit — my own record precludes me from denying — that the Nova Scotians have, in common with other sections, cause of complaint, but I contend now, as heretofore, that • HER CAUSE FOR COMPLAINT is not merely against the present Government, but is largely against her own people, who return members to support, and against those members who, through mud and mire, have sustained that Government in the accomplishment of the things she now bewails. I am constrained to add that much — alas, too much — of the evil of what she complains is irreparable ; and I declare that in my opinion Nova Scotia should in fair play give the Con- federation a fair trial under Liberal rule, and should assist in that eaigiest effort which must be made to undo what may be yet un- done of the evils which she has helped to inHict on herself and us. Mr. Fielding, the Prime Minister of that Province, lias frankly stated that he had no more to hope from me than from Sir John Macdonald in the direction of repeal, but, he added, that in the way of redress, so far as that was possible under the Constitution, in the way of good government at Ottawa, Nova Scotia had much more to hope for from me than from those who had perpetrated the acts of the folly and injustice of which she complains ; he is right. (Loud cheers.) We must make an earnest effort to re- i ..V y jvi? « ll it'- T ■ ■ '■_■•,'- . - ' '" ^ - ' ly ■' ,. ^■' '!'■ .^r . I ■■;■••■• dress these evils under and within the limits of the Canadian Constitution. (Loud applause.) We must strive to remove all well-founded grievances, to cultivate true friendship, to create > ^■" NOT FORCED BUT GENUINE RELATIONS, and so to provide for the maintenance — not by force, but by love ; not by arms, but through reason ; not by coercion, but of choice ; not of necessity, but from conviction — to provide, I say, for the maintenance and preservation of that union to which I have de- voted twenty years, and for whose welfare I would willincrly sur- render A/hat brief space of life may yet remain to me. (Tumul- tuous applause.) Difficult though the task may be, I do not despair of its accomplishment. 1 cannot regard without dismay the prospect of the disruption of Confederation ; nor am I can- didly able to perceive how Nova Scotia, seceding under the obligations she has helped to contract, and standing alone, could nDw better her position to the degree by which she could im- prove it by honest government at Ottawa. I may be wrong; I am willing to learn; but such is the view I take. At any rate, the effort must be made. I hope much from an honest effort ta do justice. Should that effort unhappily fail, then, and not till then — though I trust that day may never come — it will be time to put Joseph Howe's famous question — " What next ? " (Loud and prolonged applause.) • (4) > ■,i \^?^ ' ' ' ,» ■ •A . ^'■'■^.'t..- .■..,-- . / ■*'' ..^ ,dian 'e all ,te . ' - - 4 ove; )ice; 'the 3 de- sur- ^-^ mul- not may can- the ould im- rate, '^ ft to btill time » •> - I ■/ SPEECH TO YOUNG LIBERALS, Owen Sound. OL^SS DISTIIsrOT IONS, Changes, ImproTements and Reforms— Reform of the Senate - Assisted Immigration— Manhood Sufflraf e. TJHEE TEJ:M:E»ER.A.3SrOE3 GiTJESTIOIT- THE DUTY OF THE LEADER. When Mr. Blake's health was proposed by the Chairman, his name was greeted by the Young Liberals with enthusiastic cheers, after which they sang " For he's a jolly good fallow', which no • body can deny." Hon. Edward Blake rose to respond, his rising being a signal for a prolonged renewal of the cheering. He said : — Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, you may say " He's a jolly good fellow," but to say that nobody can deny it, shows that you don't read the Tory newspapers — (cheers and laughter) — because you will tind it denied by them constantly, so often, in fact, that I am obliged to bslieve they must be right in that particular myself. (Cries of no, no, laughter and applause.) I am very grateful to you for the honour you have done me on this the first vi^^it it has been my happiness to make to this local- ity, in inviting me to a demonstration so important as the present, the largest I have ever seen in any of the outlying portions of our Province. (Loud applause.) I am grateful, also, for the marks of kindness, confidence and affection which have been showered upon me since I came amongst you. We public men, among the diffi- culties, embarrassments, and discouragements we must encounter in the course of our careers, are glad to feel, as we often are per- mitted to feel in the midst of the conflict, that Reformers here and Reformers elsewhere hold up our hands in the fight for the right, the fight for the advancement of the ruling and underlying principles of Liberalism. We are glad to know, as occasions of this kind from timo to time demonstrate to us, that there are many of our fellow-citizens to all appearance quite engrossed in the ordi- . ^ . ' (5) . :^ \y ^\- .ll-'l.t,! '^.' -r-T f ^^fm .1 /• - .r ■; '.S-. V-'V':" I!, 138 ■ r; r S I ■> ^' •i'-' • nary vocations of life, who yet regard with an anxious eye, and * follow with an attentive ear, the proceedings of the public men in .. ;- / whom they confide, who feel a genuine interest in the struggle, and , • who are resolved to stand by their leaders, although the contest . may sometimes seem long and arduous, and the period of success '.♦'; remote. It is not so, I trust, with us, to- day. (Cheerp) \ We have had a time of severe and arduous struggle; we have '^ , had a season of gloom and darkness; but I trust the DAT is < BREAKING AND THE SOUNDS of an aroused public spirit are be- i'.*' COMING AUDIBLE NOT MERELY IN THE PROVINCE OF ONTARIO, BUT ' IN THE OTHER PROVINCES OF THE DOMINION. (Renewed Cheers.) ,r ' I hope for it, not for the sake of the Reform party, but for the '■\. sake of those principles of which the Reform party is at this mo- il ment the standard-bearer and exponent, and whose early success tv is essential to the restoration^ and the improvement of the material ' condition of our country ; and to the recovery and maintenance of y ' its moral standing, of its respectability, its purity, its integrity. (Loud applause.) Ours is '■' . A DEMOCRATIC COUNTRY in an age of Democracy. We here, if any people, enjoy, at least in theory, what is called the reign of the common people. But the reign of the common people, that is to say, the right of the masses of mankind to govern themselves, requires on the part of those who govern, an earnest discharge of those duties, which are necessarily involved in the privileges which they enjoy. As I have said to other audiences, so I say to you : in politics as in other things, power and privilege bring with them an inevitable ', load of responsibility and duty, and we cannot hope to succeed in ,, . the noble task of self-government, unless each one of us, realizing this, shall do his duty in the situation which he occupies, and shall, within the spher*^ of his powers and influence, labour to pro- mote the accomplishment of sound reforms in their due season. Now, in this Democratic country we have but few, and I WISH WE HAD NO EXAMPLES OF THE CLASS DISTINCTIONS OF THE OlD WoRLD. I think they ought not to have been introduced. They are foreign to our soil ; they are unsuited to our habits ; they are relics of old times now past; they are not given under the advice of our own lead- ers of opinion; and I wish it might become part of our unwritten code, that these exotic distinctions should not be by us received. (Cheers.) Yet, sir, I am a believer in a certain, and in a real sense, in the prin- ciple of aristocracy. I believe in the true aristocracy of energy, leaiiiing, ability, and integrity ; an aristocracy whose marks and titles are found in the earnest efforts of a man to do his duty and to excel in its discharge ; and whose distinctions are such as a free people themselves confer by the expression of their confi- , (5) :' .-^ U' m^^F .^, '• • *! ?'. ' w r^ - r- ^' *<: ■/■»■ % ...■ ;; y,": " 0> / • if.-" 140 •r.. have not been stimulated as yet by the undue and often criminal zeal of party to engage in those practices which were formerly so rife and which are not yet, I am sorry to say, extinct ; and we may hope that, just entering upon their political career, they will take care to conduct political contests in the spirit to which I have referred. May I be allowed to say that I am well persuaded that in the discharge of those political duties, which 1 rejoice to see they are undertaking in a spirit so earnest and so active, they will take care not to be led away by the DEVICES OF THE ENEMY". Those devices are palpable and transparent. The Tory party feels " that the issues present and pressing upon us, issues which arise very largely out of the contrast between their pledges and pro- mises and their practices and their performances, are very danger- ous issues for them. They would like to blink those issues. They would like to lead us away, they constantly ask us to come away to something else and something different. They declare that the Reform party has no policy. The Reform party for the last fix years during which I HAVE HAD THE HONOUR TO LEAD IT, HAS HAD AN ALTERNATIVE POLICY WITH REFERExSCE TO ALMOST EVERY IMPORTANT AND DISPUTABLE PROPOSITION BROUGHT FOR- WARD BY THE Tories. With reference to the Canadian Pacific Rail- way ; to the system of settlement and administration of the affairs of the great North- West ; to the independence of Parliament ; to the relations between the Dominion and the Provinces ; to the fishery and reciprocity negotiations; to the scale of expenditure; to the increase of our load of debt ; to the tariff system ; with refer- ence to the plan of our taxation ; to the license legislation ; to the Franchise legislation ; to the encroachments on Provincial Rights; and to many other questions with which the Tories have dealt in the last six years, we have shown from year to year, from session to session, not only good grounds why their propositions should not receive your assent, but also that there was a better and more ex- cellent way to which we pointed, but in which they refused to fol- low us. Now, when the period arrives at which we are once again to appeal to the people, they would be very glad if the Reform party, or any portion of that party, were to put to one side as minor matters, as unconsidered trifles, as things not now to be seriously discussed, their own failures, and the respective policies of the two parties on these questions, and the melancholy contrast between their promises, professions, and pledges, and their practice and performance in these matters ; their lamentable blunders, and their gross betrayals of duty; and were to say, "There is nothing to fight about in respect of these 'things." They would be delighted if the people of the country at large would agree with that view,. V . ; ^^F«"^^ '%i^'-^ 141 would treat these all as " dead issues," as they call them ; would give them a discharge in full in respect of these sins of omission and commission, and would agree that the Tories were entitled to' receive a renewal of the confidence of the people of the country, unless the Reform party should produce some other and some fresh reasons why they should be deprived of that confidence. But this will not do ; they are to be tried on these questions, and on these questions they are to be condemned. But the Reform party, besides discharging the plain and obvious duty of pointing out what was wrong in the Tory policy, and of presenting an alternative policy on these subjects, has also indicated certain important CHANGES, IMPROVEMENT, AND REFORMS which it believes to be practicable, in the public interest, and ripe for execution. I referred to some of these in my speech to-day ; the questions of the reform of the Senate by making it elective ; of the right (subject to securities for the Provinces) to amend our own constitution; of the right to make our own commercial treaties with other nations, — (cheers) — a matter of great moment as to our relations with the U. S. and other countries; of the definition, maintenance, and establishment upon a firmer basis of our local liberties and Provincial rights (renewed cheering) ; of extradition arrangements, and of copyright; of civil service re- form, hy the introduction of the principle of merit instead of patronage as the key to office ; of the superannuation abuse under which $150,000 a year net of the public moneys are being paid every year as pensions to "civil servants, after paying them adequate salaries during the period of their service. (Loud cheers.) We have proposed reform also in the system of state aided AND UNDULY forced IMMIGRATION, under which such miserable results have been attained, under which such gross jobbery has grown and flourished, which seems to have done some harm and little good, and which has involved such a waste of money. We propose to revert to the Provincial franchises and voters' lists, as more con- sistent with the federal principle, simpler and more economical, more likely to give due expression in Parliament to the mind of each Province, than any Dominion franchise ; but we propose, if there is to be a Dominion franchise, a more constitutional method of making the lists, and a simpler franchise. I do not wish to force my views on any other Province, but, my opinion is that THE BEST DOMINION FRANCHISE THAT CAN BE DEVISED IS RESIDEN- ' TIAL REGISTERED MANHOOD SUFFRAGE ; and I am for the principle, " One man, one vote." We propose aiso to restore the independence and respectability of Parliament ^y. s \ '«'»• *^''- i ' ■ (5) *.-/. ^rr \i: m. i'>- K'r --^^h r 1/ ■ ■■ \ » f I', ; i.»- ^4',> •v-.^ 1. V ..**■-■ iw ^'■■' \ '■•'' :¥■■ ;, v'P '^ . 'f'-' '■ \y^ 142 ^ by rendering impossible the continuance of the shocking state of ' affairs partly developed last session ; a state of affairs which has shocked th3 community and should of itself ensure the condemn!^ tion of the Government. I have not time to carry on the ■catalogue; I must pass to another point. There are important %,-■ questions which are coming up in the near future, which are y almost present and at our doors — some of which may become * >- party questions, others which may be best dealt with otherwwise. j-i'*^ Among such questions I may name .' ' THE TEMPER A.NCE QUESTIOK, in respect of which the Reform Government of Mr. Mackenzie did what it believed to be its duty, and undertook, at a fitting season, the responsibility of proposing a measure which was believed to be the best adapted to the public opinion of ths day. At that time those interested in the temperance question pressed, and pressed earnestly on the Reform Government that it was their duty, as they had the powers to legislate. The Tory party then pressed the same view. Since that time it has appeared, as almost always happens in the train of a great statute, that whether by unhappy interpretations or diversity of meaning to which the language was fairly open, or by oversight, practical difiiculties exist in the working of that Act, and for some years efforts, I regret to say abortive, have been made to procure a remedy for these practical difficulties. But the Government now in power has not undertaken the duty of introducing or even of facilitating the amendatory legislation necessary to give effect to the declared intentions of Parliament and the people, in the same manner in which the Government of Mr. Mackenzie under- took the discharge of the duty incumbent upon them when they were in office ; nor, I must say, have I observed the same pressure put on the Tories which was put on the Reformers in this regard. The question, however, has advanced. It has as- sumed still larger proportions, and in its wider phase of to-day it now presses on our minds. I hope and believe the Young Liberals will be formed very largely on the side of temperance. Again there looms up, ever nearer, the great question of our nati(Hial future. And connected with this are various other questions of great magnitude. There is also the question of the relations OF LABOUR TO CAPITAL, a vast subject now calling for our earnest thought. Now, as I understand it, the formation o^ the Liberal party here, as in Britain, is an open formation ; we march in loose order with open ranks. , ,, .*,v,!. WE ARE THE PARTY OF PROGRESS, and we recognize that included within our ranks are many whose ^^. A.V:.r'^\'^ r-.-^-' «v^ . I.' ■' >* 143 pace is ilifterent from the pace of othera. Some there will always he in the party who will move at the head, the advanced guard, who see or think they see further than the rest, who project their niin— pos- sessed of that which through their own exertiims furnishes them with a respectable competence for themselves and their families while they are able to labour, and the means for a maintenance in the period of old age and infirmity. It is imiHrrtunt to us to he able to choode our representative men from amongst those ivJho are no^ possessed of great weaUk or an absolute independence. I would be very sorry indeed if we were to establish a practical plutocracy.and to say that we must look for members of Parliament only amongst those who through their fathers or by long exertion, or through some great good fortune and success^ ha^i become wealthy men. (Applause.) I object to that view. But, while we object to that view, we must not forget the failings of human nature ^ we must »iot forget that public men so circumstanced are exposed to greater temptations than in an old and rich country, in which you fiml hardly a member of Parliament who is not what we would call a very wealthy man. Therefore we must set up all the more strongly and observe all the more rigidly THE STANDARDS OF THE PUBLIC VIRTUE, We must do so, because the temptations are greater and more obvious, and it behooves the Liberal party in particular, but the people at large also, to see that these standards are set up, and being set up, are observed. (Cheers.) Nor is it possible that such relations as have now been edablisfted between certain members of the Commons and the Executive can be suffered to exist by the general approval of the people, without breaking down such poor guarantees for independence of thought, and for the conscientious consideration of public questions, as at present theoretically exist. This is one of the tasks imminently pressing upon us. But con* sistently with all this kind of work, the Liberals who entertain views with reference to questions not yet rii)e for action have not \-\ ' l^'l 'Hi I ■ I, \:.^" ft i I. ' M^A merely tlio right, tliey have tlie »luty laul U|.on them, to hnnr forwaid those views. (Loiifl applause.) I havk cLAiMtD is OLD DAYS FOR MYSBLF AND MY FELLOW- LinERALS THE GHKATKST LIBERTV OF THOUGHT AND A. s, 11.8 )■ r' 1'. .■^,* WHERE IS YOUR POLICY ?' /•' We have been expounding our policy year in and year our for a long time back. For months past I have been speaking very con- stantly, and in every speech I have matle, I have stated one or more important political propositions forming part of the policy of the Liberal party. But the parrot cry is repeated still ; and it will be repeated constantly, for ivant of a better. (Cheers and laughter.) The Tories are very anxious to escape from criticism of their policy and their conduct, and that is one of the reasons why they are always raising this cry. (Cheers.) Talk to an audience about what they, who are entrusted with the conduct of affairs and with power to mould the policy and legislation of the country, have done, talk to an audience about what they have failed to do, talk to an audience about -.Jt-':- >•, [. 1' ■•' 1 y- THEIR PROMISES, PLEDGES, AND PREDICTIONS, and contrast them with the sad results of their rule ; the Tories hear it all impatiently , they turn away and call out, " Where is your policy ? " They are — and I do not blame them for it, it is very natural — they are extremely anxious to get away from the consideration of their own record and from the question whether upon that record they ought to be approved or condemned. (Cheers.) Now, let me deal with this cry for a little. First of all let me point to you that both here and in England the tendency has long been to confine to the Ministry of the day all the im- portant legislation, and it has long been found almost impossible lor a private member, no matter what his ability, zeal, or energy, to carry any great measure affecting the ^ ^neral interests of the country. Let me remind you that that duty has been both here and in England thrown on the Government ; so that it is said in England that the duty of an Opposition is confined principally to conducting a critical examination of the affairs of the country. It has been said by a great English statesman that this is the most important duty devolving upon the members of Parliament under the present system. England has had cnturies of legislation, and there is now a large body of laws in force under which that country might continue to flourish without any amendment being made to the bulk of them for some time — though some important laws of theirs, in my opinion, require early amendment. We, in Canada, have received from England, and from France to some extent, the advantage of the legislation of both those great coun- tries; and our affairs could be carried on, and our material pro- cress would not be impeded if we had, as to the main body of Our laws, no amendatory legislation for some time ; though here, as in (6) .v-R y," ', ' / ' ■ <•« . T I ■» • -^^— ■— ■^^— r" ^x* : V' " t ■.'■• .,>*" *.V ' .49 -, -r-^- ^ England, there are several important laws, as for example, to give one single instance, the Temperance Act, which in my opinion re- quire early amendment. But, however this may be, in the con- sideration of public affairs, questions continually arise whether the Government have been wise or unwise, careful or negligent, pru- dent or imprudent, hone&t or dishonest, extravagant or economi- cal, long-sighted (r short-sighted, promise-breakers or promise- keepers ; whether they have conducted the affairs of the country correctly or incorrectly in matters in regard to which an educated people keej), or ought to keep, a steady eye on the action of its representatives in Parliament. In regard to these things, ladies and gentlemen, it is THE DUTY OF THE OPPOSITION, a duty which the Opposition I lead has performed without facti- ousness but with firmness, to criticise the conduct of the Admin- istration of the day and to strive to secure that what it dees is for the best interests of the country. In a word, the normal function of an Opposition of this day is mainly critical. The Administra- tion acts or proposes, the Opposition criticises ; and on our rela- tive attitude and performances we confidently ask your verdict. (Cheers.) But some time ago I pointed out at Owen Sound and elsewhere' that /o?' the last six years we had not merely criticised, we had also suggested; that we had 'proposed an alternative policy on each of the important questions submitted, as for instance the Canadian Pacific Railway, the tariff, the Nor i,h- West, and other great affairs. I*see that Mr. Thompson, the Minister of Justice, has, WITH GREAT PAINS AND LABOUR, constructed something which I fancy he imagines is a joke on this word alternative — (laughter) — and that he is making various meetings melancholy with this elaborate performance. I won't waste words on it. I do not think that his jokes are very laugh- able, but I have rather enjoyed some of his so-called facts and arguments. (Laughter.) They, indeed, are somewhat comic, and show some perhaps unconscious sense of humour, as well as some power of invention. So I hope he will dispense with these sad- dening efforts at premeditated merriment, and rather amuse his friends with what he calls his solid facts and his serious argu- ments. (Laughter.) Now, I do not deal to-day — I have done so often — with this alternative policy. I want to show you that we hare not confined ourselves to criticism,* or even to the suggestion of an alternative policy on Government questions. We have brought before the country large V .'1 V,- '•i -\ ^,1-, ( / .' m fff ■K ir ^ l-4i.lt ft'-' ' i' *■'■ ■ 'j S'' i. /=: 4. ! ' ' k' ,\ y\ ".^ . ;S ! .'!: A ■^^ I •»r ' ■■;•'■ , ^ 160 QUESTIONS OF POLICY AND REFORM. -.J \ :. '-r-y M Let me touch on some of these very briefly. We have advocated a reformed Senate, small in numbers, with declared and appro- priate functions, elected by and responsible to the people at large — (cheers) — an independent Coniitions, free from enervating and degrading contact with the public treasury and the public do- main — (cheers) — an enlarged and aimplijled franchise, conform- able in each Province to the views and circumstances of that Province, with lists made by the local authorities, and to be exer- cised in districts fairly divided, so as to produce a really repre- sentative assembly — an honest and ejfflcient Executive, dealing with the people's business iairly, justly, promptly, and on business principles, keeping promise-^, redressing grievances, and so per- venting rebellion in the west and discontent in the east — (cheers) — a check to the progress of monopoly fostered by this Govern- ment in so many aspects, in transportation, in land, in manufac- tures — a reform in the Civil Service, embracing as far as may be appointments by merit, promotions by merit, a fair day's work for a fair day's pay by a re(luced and efficient staff, and the abolition of the present superannuation s?/s^em— (applause) — the obtaining of the constitutional right to make our own commercial arrange- ments through our own responsible agents — (cheers) — economy and retrenatment in the public expenditure — a check to the alarming increase which has taken place, and a relief from the people's growing burdens — such a reduction of taxation as past extravagance allows — such a readjustment as shall make it bear more equitably and less oppressively — a* reduction of sec- tional taxes, and of taxes on prime necessaries and raw materials, and a dimiiiution of the injustice inflicted by the specific system • on the poor, as between them and the rich, in respect to goods of varying qualities and values — (applause) — an earnest efort to promote reciprocal trade — (great applause) — and to improve the relations between us and our neighbours on the fishery as well as on other questions — the full and 'practical recognition of tJie federal character of our constitution — an end of disallow- ance of local laws affecting purely local matters, and not gravely touching Dominion interests — (cheers) — no more disallowance of * Streams bills — (applause) — no more attempts to seize escheats — v no more efforts to pass license laws — (renewed cheering) — no more struggles to strip provinces of their lands and j urisdictions — ,c KO MORE SEIZING OF PROVINCIAL RAILWAYS — , . ^ no more centralization — but a full and frank recognition of , ' ' of Provincial autonomy, home rule, and our system of large local 'tt ^'^ >) ' r- ^^ ^^ f I ■ -, y'-y- r. '\*:- ' (.■'■> ■ / ■■ . 161 ■•» >• .%' M liberties — (loud and prolonged applause) — an earnest effort to a4- lust prominent grievances, and to settle on fair terms the questions Detween the Provinces and Territories and the Dominion — justice to all, special favours to nons — fair consideration to all in re- epeet of past railway expenditures, and an effort to settle finally the financial relations of the provinces to Canada — an end to job- hery and corruption — (loud applause) — abolition of the system of assisted immigration — (renewed applause) — and a reduction to a small amount of the enormous expenditure under that head. Be- yond all this, we press for a determination to put down the divisive forces of ra^e and creed — (cheers) — for a refusal to divide upon these fatal issues — for the cultivation of the spirit of Canadian brotherhood, and Canadian nationality; and this by the observance of the great rules of eternal justice and equal rights, and of the fun- damental principles of civil and religious liberty, and by the practice, on the part of the various majorities to be found in the several Pro- vinces, of these principles exemplified in liberality, tolerance, and even generosity on the part of the strong towards the weak. (Cheers.) Again, we plead for a continuous and sustained effort to elevate the moral condition of the people, the creation of a con- dition of thought and feeling which shall forward all good causes. ' * • > .1 ' •>; . f V. > ■ f; .* THE CAUSES OF HONESTY AND UPRIGHTNESS, of morality and temperance^ and may in due time enable the forces of law and regulation to work in new spheres hand-in-hand with those of morality and religion for the advancement of the race. (Loud cheers.) With these objects before us, and with the black results of Tory misgovernment so plain on every hand, may we not confidently appeal to all good men, to all lovers of their country, and, above all, to the young men of Canada, to join our forces and aid in the triumph of our cause ? (Loud and prolonged cheering.) THE FUNCTIONS OF THE OPPOSITION. SIR J. MACDONALDS CRITICISMS — HIS OWN AUTHORITY. At Oakwood Mr. Blake said : — At Welland, replying to the Young Liberals' address, I discussed the functions of a constitu- tional Opposition, as now developed. I showed that they were , » ■' . ' - . (6) 4 « , I, .r :* f- 1L4. ' r V <„. .-* ' : • r f- R' /'• vV '> ■*■>, 152 /.I ]) ^ I! ■ /■;• tv' • • . % :■ A', <' *^, %•;. <'/V- ■»" ' ■'■'••■i- •'•'■^ ,■■'* 1^ t %■> fj-i *.- :i' tr * * - "^ ■■H y^ largely critical ; and that on the Government largely devolved the duty of legislation. I also showed that we had presented an alternative policy to that of the Government, and that we had laid before the oountry a large and comprehensive programme and policy of reform. Since then Sir J. Maruionald and his Ministers have referred to and misrepresented my si'itement. , , / , ,. Sir John said at Aylmer : — . ' Mr. Blake had announced that it was not the duty of the Opposition to have a policy ; but was it likely that the Liberal- Conservative party in Opposition in 1878, would have been in office to-day if it had accepted a dictum like that laid down by Mr. Blake ? No. At Wingham he said : — ' Mr. Blake had himself announced that the Opposition ought not to have a policy — that it was simply their duty to carp and find fault. His subordinates have followed his lead : and are raising the hue and cry against me, well trained as they are to the work. Now, I DID NOT SPEAK WITHOUT FULL CONSIDERATION, nor without reference to the experience of late years, both in England and Canada. I did not speak only on inferences drawn by myself. I found my views corroborated by a high authoritj! . In truth the views of that high authority were much stronger than mine. I could not adopt them to the full. But I conjectured that Sir John Macdonald and the Tory party would be likely to find fault with my statement, and therefore I took the recorded views of that high authority, and I made ihem the substratum of my speech — enlarging, to suit my own opinions, the functions of Opposition, diminishing, to suit my own opinions, the functions of Government; but still in the main agreeing with that high authority. Now, refer if you please to what I said at Welland ; and com- pare it with THE LANGUAGE OF HIGH AUTHORITY, ; , / to which I refer. This is that language : — "■ Both here and in England the tendency had been to confide to the Min- istry of the day all important legislation, and it had been found almost im- possible for a private member, no matter what his ability might be, or what might be his zeal or industry, to carry any great measure affecting the gen- eral interests of the country. That duty had been both in England and in this country, thrown upon the Government, so that it was said in England that the duty of an Opposition waa confined principally to conducting a criti- • v..-.' ,.-. 1 ■ -.I T^ J U' 'k 153 ■:-:■: : I' ^^p ,;W;- •; I ' oal examination into the administration of the aflfaira of the country. It had been said by a great Libaral of that country that this was the most important duty thrown upon the members of Parliament under the present system. England hacl had centuries of legislation, and there was now a large body of laws in force under which the country, without any amendment being made to them for a series of years, could continue to flourish. So in this country : we had received from England and from France the advantage of all the legis- lation of both these great countries, and the affairs of Canada could be car- ried on, and the material progress of the country not be impeded if we had no new legislation for several years, such had been the advantage we had gained from a long series of laws 9rell-considered and successfully operated. But in the consideration of public affairs, questions continually arose whether the Government had been wise or unwise, prudent or imprudent, whether they had conducted the affairs of the country correctly or incorrect- ly in matters in regard to which an educated country kept a steady eye upon the action of its representatives in Parliament, and in regard to which it was the duty of the Opposition — a duty which the Opposition in this House would perform without factiousness, but 'with firmness — to criticise the conduct of the Administration of the day, and see that what it did was for the best inter- ests of the country." , You will see that these words cover, and far more than cover, all I said ; that I was unable to go so far as the language of my high authority. But you may say to me, WHO IS YOUR HIGH AUTHORITY? What do we care for your authority ? Well, I admit you Reformers may perhaps not pay very much deference to my authority. But I think the Tories should — at any rate, / thinh Sir John Macdonatd should respect it — for my authority is himself. No less, and no more ! He used these words in the House of Commons in 1877, after three or four years of Opposition, as descriptive of the duty of an Opposition, and of the course of the Tory Opposition to Mr. Mac- kenzie ! It is his own authority he has despised and ridiculed ; it is his own language he has eaten ; mine enemy hath written a book, and out of his own lips have I condemned him ! (Cheers and laughter.) (5) . 1 u ■ i ' I'- .<■ \' B;! : /i; ' .- V, I?. I > , <.. r^V ' >• .. l|' )>,#■;.' V .1 « 't;> i'/ ■ f'.~' >■-'< » ^-T. i^ i* n. 1h S ■..•' ^^:-* i^r. i- ^- j^ .' t_ ^'^. // '/■y i.;n;: ^i . .'t ■I' I r> '.M.--! '/ •.:> <■ ) U IRISH HOME RULE. .'' •■; Facts about the Home Rule Resolution. LIBERALS ALWAYS FOR SELF GOVERNMENT. How the Reiolution ivas defeated. Hour Home Rule Wai , , LiOit. Hon. Edward Blake, in the course of his speech at Guelph, urged upon the people, as he has done upon other audiences, to frown down the effort now being made to divide the population upon questions of race and creed, and deprecated in strong terms the proposal to violate the constitution by interference in the local affairs of Quebec, with intent to modify institutions subject to the exclusive control of the Province, because of the question- able suggestion that they were prejudicial to the minority in the Province. . He proceeded as follows ': — The best way in which we can, if they need our help, benefit that minority, with which those of us who are English and Protestant naturally sympathize, is by setting the example of perfect fair play, tolerance, and more, even generosity, towards those minorities, French or German in nationality or Roman Cathojic in religion, which subsist in our own Province. So DOING WE CAN RAISE OUR VOICES, IF NEED SHOULD EXIST, IN FAVOUR OF THE MINORITY IN OTHER PROVINCES WITH THE MOST POWERFUL EFFECT AND WITH THE GREATEST lAORAL AUTHORITY. I ask you, as I have asked other audiences, I ask you to REMEMBER THE GOOD OLD MAXIM, that example is better than precept. I ask you so to act in your political, yoilr municipal, and your social relations in this regard that if there be a grievance on the part of minorities in other Provinces you may speak as Canadian citizens, as fiiends and neighbours, in kindly request, with that moral force which, other- wise acting, you could not exert. I do not deny, I maintain your right to extend your sympathy, to exert the force of moral suasion ■y*' >S \ m 'J-'.y - .y, .y ' ■•'f 166 ¥:V in favour of any Canadian citizen of whatever Province, if circum- stances call for the effort. But f> W ll?^>v |v v DO NOT APPEAL TO COERCIVE METHODS : do not propose to take away the rights of the Province ; do not suggest legislative interference against its will, because if you do you work harm instead of good ; you raise a feeling of indignation and resentment on the part of those whose legislative powers are threatened — ^you lose your only real — the moral power of suasion, without the least hope of success by the other methods you propose. 2^ his principle of Provincial Mights is at the very foundation of our future as a Confederation. W e must recognize a large measure of absolute local liberties as essential, as vital to the nation. I believe the people of Ontario do so ; I believe the Liberal party at any rate does so ; and I believe that is one reason why the Liberal party is in favour of the exemplification of that principle throughout the Empire and in those islands from whose people most of us are descended. (Cheerss.) I observe that Sir John Macdonald and Mr. Costigan have thought fit lately to raise the question of my conduct and to attempt a defence of their own on / THE QUESTION OF HOME RULE FOR IRELAND. Sir John Macdonald said : — ' ' The difference between Mr. Costigan's resolution and Mr. Blake's was that the Conservatives wanted to pass a resolution which would be looked upon favourably in England and Ireland, while Mr. Blake desired to introduce a. resolution which he knew would not pass, and then he would be able to appeal to the Irishmen of Canada on the ground that the Conservatives were opposed to Home Rule." .■ • ■' ,, ■■''.{_■■ -■■-'■' Mr. Costigan said : — - . » i " ^ " No benefit whatever could accrue to Ireland or Irishmen by the resurrect- ing of the question. Every possible prestige which Canada could give it had already been given. ... As far as he (Mr. Costigan) was concerned, he did not see what benefit whatever it would be to raise the question again. The motion, however, was moved by the leader of the Opposition, and was again substantially carried. " ,. NOW WHAT ARE THE FACTS ? In 1882, Mr. Costigan proposed a motion in favour of Home Rule for Ireland. I supported that motion to the best of my ability, and it passed with apparent unanimity, and, at any rate by an overwhelming majority. In 1886, the question had advanced and a measure was proposed which embodied the true principle of : ' ' i'i; ".' . ". ' . .--•,-/-''■., .•■-.. ■"SSSSiSE' '>' 'V^' t ' K, "•'" (■ " k ' circum- do not you do ignation vers are suasion, ods you the very ecognize } vital to lieve the le reason 1 of that m whose that Sir f to raise ;heir own ake's was be looked introduce }e able to Qservatives I resurrect- give it had cerned, he tion again, and was u ame Rule y ability, ite by an need and inciple of 167 Home Rule ; some exception was taken to certain details, but Mr. Gladstone, who had charge of the Bill, declared that the vote in favour of the second reading^was to be regarded as simply an affirmation of the principle of Home Rule, and that the measure, if read a second time, would not be further pushed that session, but that after the prorogation it would be in some particulars re- considered, and probably amended. It was shown that thus the members and the people would have time to further consider the details, and that in the fall the House might meet and debate, with all the advantage of the intermediate time, thought, and discussion, the amended measure. I saw that THE MOMENT WAS CRITICAL, that enormous forces were arrayed against the principle of the bill, forces of passion and prejudice, of ignorance and privilege, of party and faction. I saw, too, that the question had reached the point so rapidly in the end, that there were honest doubts, diffi- culties, and misconceptions which might be removed by time. I felt that it was most important that Mr. Gladstone's hands should be strengthened from every quarter of the civilized world. I saw that other nationalities and other Provinces, and other peoples were acting. I saw them passing resolutions and making repre- sentations ; I saw that those resolutions and representations were received and answered by Mr. Gladstone ; and in a manner which showed how highly he valued, how important he felt, these testi- monials of moral support, confidence, and sympathy ; and all this strengthened my view that we, too, ought to act. Time passed on. I waited for action on the part of Ministers, especially on the part of him who had before raised the question. I waited in vain. Then I saw published a cable message from Mr. Costigan to Mr. Parnell, informing the Nationalist leader that the Irishmen in the House of Commons who had voted for the resolution of 1882 favoured Home Rule for Ireland still ! (Laughter.) Well, I said, this, whatever answer Mr. Parnell's politeness may lead him to give, is REALLY WORSL; THAN NOTHING. 7 : ■ ■•'i.t Did Mr. Parnell want to know that the Irishmen who had favoured Home Rule in Ireland in 1882 favoured it still ? (Great cheering.) Surely that, at any rate, might be inferred ! But it was as much as to say that those of other nationalities in the House of Com- mons, if their opinions were asked again, would not speak with the same voice in 1886. That was the inference ! (Loud applause.) That luas ivorse than nothing. It is said now that no Parlia- mentary action was needed ; if so, why was the cable needed ? (6) ^f ■ ■■'"■'s Km: • k ■fti 168 ■ But the cable was thought useful and proper. If so, would not a resolution of the Commons bo useful and proper ? At length I saw with regret an announcement that Mr. Voatigan had definitely declared that he would not act. Then, and not till then, I acted. Upon the eve of the second reading of the Bill I BROUGHT FORWARD A PROPOSAL. ■ f - << " ) ^. ^i:• 4^ % Vi ■ I :*, That proposal was received with the suggestion that I should de- fer it for a few days, and in the meantime the Government would consider whether they would accept it or suggest some amend- ment. They said that after conference we might be able to agree upon a resolution which we could all support. I willingly acceded to this proposal, and expressed an earnest hope that by consulta- tion we should be able to agree upon a unanimous resolution. They knew my views, but they did not communicate theirs, or offer a suggestion, or propose a conference. The time agreed upon for resuming the question came, and I brought forward my original motion, announcing that as nothing had been said upon the sub- ject, I supposed that it was unobjectionable. Then they pro- posed AN AMENDMENT, A COLOURLESS AMENDMENT, A VAPID AMEND- MENT, A WASHED-OUT AMENDMENT, WHICH WAS DESIGNED OBVI- OUSLY TO DO AS LITTLE GOOD TO THE CAUSE OF HOME RULE AS POSSIBLE. (Loud cheers.) We heard the Orange Tory element in the House say so. Col. O'Brien, the Orange Tory member FOR MusKOKA, said : — " I don't like any of these motions or amend- ments, but I will vote for Mr. Costigan's amendment, because it will do the least harm " — that is, it will do least harm to the cause he favoured, the cause opposed to Home Rule. (Cheers.) I said : I will vote against it, because I want the motion to pass which will do the most good to the cause of Home Rule. (Re- newed cheering.) The Government carried their amendment against my vote. Weak and halting as it was, when they had car- ried it, and it was plain that it was the best I could get, I voted for it, as better than nothing. Then I said, " This, though weak, may have some little effect, it may show that we so far counten- ance Home Rule, if it is sent to Mr. Gladstone, because the very message to him will exhibit some degree of sympathy with him and the cause he represents." That was proposed. What was the Government's reply ? They said : — " We will agree to send it to Mr. Gladstone if you will agree to send it to Lord Salisbury as well." (Laughter.) But, I said, he has spoken only the other day in the most violent terms against Home Rule, and I quoted from some of his speeches then recently delivered. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) The language I quoted was so strong that they drop- ped their proposal. - ^ (6) • ^ V . ■> / 169 ' ■» 'HEY PRO- ID AMEN D- THBY REFUSED TO SEND IT TO MB. GLADSTONE; they refused to send it to Mr. Parnell ; and in the end they de- termined to send it — to whom do you think they determined to «end it as a means of communicating it to the House of Commons ? — to Sir Charles Tupper! (Derisive laughter.) Now why did Mr. Costigan not move, and why, when I moved, did he not agree ? For fear of the Tory Orangemen of Ontario ! He acknow- ledged that his reason was that a few men were opposed to Home Rule — and you know the men. Yes ; the cowardice of one or two Conservative members calling themselves representative Irishmen, and the bigotry of a few fanatic Tory Orange members prevented the voice of Canada from being raised in favour of the principle of that great measure, a measure prompted, as I believe, by the desire for, and tending to accomplish the real unity of the Empire. (Loud and prolonged applause.) The sense in which we were be- lieved to speak, the way in which what we said and did was understood, was shown by the disappointment of those who were the friends of Home Rule and the rejoicings of those who were its enemies. (Applause.) Those who were engaged in opposing Home Rule said it was a very ^od thing that my motion was de- feated and that Mr. Costigan's amendment prevailed — a good thing it was for their cause, but '• t . BAD FOR HOME RULE ! Those who were in favour of Home Rule, as for example, Mr. O'Brien, the late member for Tyrone, said tha-t it was a cause for great regret that Mr. Costigan's amendment had carried, and that the motion I presented was lost. Yet I find Sir John Macdonald and Mr. Costigan declaring to the electors of the country that their motion was as well calculated, or better calculated, to ac- complish the object in view as mine, and I find it alleged that my motives were all that was vile, while theirs were all that was excellent. (Laughter.) My fears were realized ; /, '■ THE BILL WAS LOST ; lost by a narrow majority ; by a majority we might have helped to turn. The election was precipitated. The people were told Canada had refused its voice for Home Rule. The Government was defeated. I deeply regret the circumstances which prevented the Canadian Commons from speaking what I believe is the voice of the vast majority of the people of Canada. (Cheers.) I regret it in the interest of the Empire at large. I know not how soon or in what shape may come the issue of the struggle. But I know (6) ■ J 160 vi ■j- that if the second reading of the Bill had been carried, the question had been adjourned and the details had been reconsidered, if there had been a few months for the people to discuss and understand the whole matter ; and if after a fall session the election had been held, the result, in my judgment, would have been different from that which has actually ensued. Had sufficient time been given by that second reading, 1 believe the fortune of the question would have been changed, and HOME RULE WOULD HAVE BEEN ASSURED. (Great and prolonged cheering.) I hope and trust it will come still. (JJoua applause.) I hope and trust so in the interest of the Empire at large, in the interest of the two islands, in the interest of Canada, which is so deeply concerned in the quenching of the tires of discord and alienation born out of wrong and injustice, fires which have burned so long and so fiercely and with such de- plorable results on this as well as on the other side of the water, and which can be extinguished only by the establishment of a just and reasonable control by the Irish people over their local afiairs. I believe the best opportunity Canada ever had, the best opportunity she ever may have, to help in the accomplishment of that great Imperial object was the opportunity I offered to the House of Commons, and which that House, by the advice of Mr. Costigan and Sir John Macdonald, Mr. Bo well and Sir Hector Langevin, unhappily declined. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) f - 1\: t ;>« RACE AND REVENGE. ATROCIOUS ATTEMPT TO AROUSE THE GERMANS IN CANADA — FIREBRAND UTTERANCES OF A SUBSIDIZED TORY ORGAN )■: — MR. BLAKE APPEALS TO UNITED AND PRO- v ! w GRESSIVE CANADA. M ■-f k:. ^ Mr. Blake, at Berlin, referred to the effort to stir up race and religious prejudices for the advantage of the Conservative party. Continuing this theme, he said : — I regret to find that here you are not exempt from other and specit^l efforts of the same kind. While all the English are called ,. " -. <'^ • • , ' (6) U <■< i,J». :^*w^ 161 question if there land the tad been 3nt from 3n given m would (rill come ?st of the 3 interest ng of the injustice, such de- le water, nent of a heir local , the best jhment of ed to the ce of Mr. ir Hector sering.) tANADA — IGAN Irace and re party. Ither and ire called upon to unite against the French, while all the Protestants are called upon to unite against the Catholics, while it is charged that from an English and a Protestant point of view our institutions are being threatened by the French and the Catholics, I find that in the German paper called the Berlin Free Press a like course has been adopted in APPEALING TO THE GERMANS of Canada. And I hold the Ministerial party to be directly re- sponsible for its utterances, by which they profit, for this among other reasons, because I understand that it owes the breath of its life to the fact that the proprietor has secured from the Do- minion Government, at the instance of the Tories of Waterloo, a rich contract to print an immigration pamphlet — as a subsidy on which to found the paper. That I believe to be the basis of the F: ce I^reas. (Applause.) The Free Press, in a recent editorial article, speaks to the Germans in their own tongue as follows : — '^BUALIi THB OBRMANS IN CANADA ALLOW THEMSELVES TO BB SHAMBFULLY TYRANIZBD OVER BY THB FRENCH i "No people on the face of the earth are more ambitious, more aggreBsive, ' more overbearing, and more desirous of ruling over everybody than the French. This is not a mere newspaper assertion, but a well-known historical fact. Even at the present time history shudders when it relates the deeds of devastation M hich the French perpetrated with the most refined cruelty over a hundred years ago in the German districts of Alsace and Lorraine, yes, and in the en- tire country watered by the Rhine. Napoleon I. wmt through all the coun- tries of Europe, burning, plundering, and murdering everywhere, until at last, on St. Helena's Island, his conquering spirit was subdued. In 1870 Napoleon III., with the most unheard of effrontery, declared war with Ger- many, because that nation refused to dance while France was whistling. These Frenchmen had forgotten how Germany wielded the sword in her wars of freedom. In 1870 Germany was once more called upon to bring these aggressive Frenchmen to their senses. They brought their barbarian Turks and Zouaves from the wilds of Africa, and placed them against the honour- able soldiers and children of Germany ; and the lesson administered to them by Frederick the Great was repeated then. True, they were defeated, but at what price — many thousands of Germany's noblest sons saturated the soil of France with their blood, until these Frenchmen, humiliated to the dust, acknowledged they were conquered, and humbly promised to remain peace- ful. This was scarcely fifteen years ago, and again these Frenchmen are howling for revenge and thirsting for blood. Everyone who is in any way familiar with history knows what Germany has had to endure at the hands of the French, who, in their aggressiveness, are ever ready to quarrel and go to war. Everyone knows how much blood has been spilled in Germany, and how much misery has been caused there through the French. Every page of history shows that for centuries past France has been Germany's greatest enemy — that the people of France bear Germany a boundless hatred, and that their only desire is to destroy and annihilate them. Such is the state of things across the ocean. But Germany does not fear France. (6 ■'; - / •v. ' • ,t "-- V.'-. I V 162 h M R 1- • > /i i ■ . t .- •* ' .-• t .••y. Sin - I- w ' ■ •'' I ' .-s- ■ . s.' 1 ^ \ ; f ' A < . H 'i .•u' 1^ - * ; ' .1 i ( _V' • } 1 t >,. { ' x t* Is K- " A Frenchman remains the sarao all the world over. Everywhere he wants to be master and tyrannize over others. A French'^an's ambition knows no bounds ; he wants the whole world to be at his feet. " Here in Canada just now they are at their old tricks. They want every- thing to go as they desire it. They expect all other nationalities i-epresented here to bow to their wishes. They want to be masters in Canada — Ens^lish- men, Scotchmen, Irishmen, Germans, must be their obedient servants, and humbly submit to all the demands of these French gentlemen, '* Nov/, we ask you, Germans, did you leave the Fatherland and cross the ocean to be the slaves of Quebec Frenchmen 1 We ask you, shall the Ger- mans in Canada shamefully submit to be tyrannized over by the French in Canada ? We say No ; with all the strength that lies within us, we say No, and we trust that this No will find on echo in every German heart in Canada." A second article contains the following : — " We would like to see the figure Parliament would cut if Mr. Kranz were to address the House in German. Nevertheless the Frenchmen can speak their own language in Parliament. They have acquired that right through their sheer impudence. More than that, English-Canada annually pays thousands of dollars to have all state papers and official documents printed in French as well as in English. We have yet to see the first Canadian offi- cial document printed in the German language, yet the French have every- thing printed in their language at the expense of the country. Why ? Be- cause they are shameless and aiygressive Frenchmen. Even their children are educated iv the French language at the State's expense. • * • Why should we produce more proof to show that the Quebec Frenchmen are acting as though they were living in the heart of France ? They never give way to anyone. They want everybody to submit to these lordly Frenchmen. " A third article is entitled " How the Canadian Germans can assist in checking the growing aggi'ession of the French Canadians," and from it I quote the following : — •' The contest in Haldimand is being fought over Kiel. In other contests important political or economic questions are introduced, but in Haldimand it is Riel and nothing but Riel. The Frenchmen and their friends say the Conservative party should not have allowed Riel to be hung ; the Conserva- tives say, ' We could not do otherwise. The welfare of the country demand- ed his death.' The electoru of Haldimand are now called uponi- decide whether the Conservative party are to be defeated because they allowec Riel to be hung, or whether the Frenchmen and their friends shall be defeated and a check put to their aggressiveness. Since the Reformers have allied them- selves to the Frenchmen thej' must accept the verdict which will be pronounced upon them. Let him who approves of this French aggression, who is satisfied to have the French rule and tyrannize over this countiy- -yes, and over us Germans — If/t him, we sajr, vote for the Peform party. But let he who thinks that the execution of Riel was just, he who ar^nts the French to have no more power in Canada than tha English, Scotcli, or Germans, he who thinks it ti me to check the overbearing ambition of the French, let him vote for the Conservative party. *'We write this regardless of party. But since the Reformers have allied themselves to tne Frenchmen because that arch- scoundrel was hung, since they both wish to make political capital out of Riel's execution, nothin;; re- m 'L^r, ; ■ ,.v :^v^ A" ,- 163 \ mains for us Germans to do but to go with the Conservative party, to vote for the Conservative candidates and say that Biel richly merited his death and that we Germans will lot submit to French domination. '*Whfcn the Reformers try to scare us Germans with Kiel's ghost and place us under the yoke of the Quebec Frenchmen, then we must look to the Con- servatives for help, and keep them in power in spite of these Frenchmen. If the Frtnchmen think they can rule this land, we Germans must let them know that we are here. The only thing to he considered is this:— If we want to go with Kiel and the French then let us vote for the Reformers, but if we would go against Riel and the French, then let us vote for the Conservatives. We ask all the Canadian Germans in Haldimand, Welland, Waterloo, and wherever they may be, to vote against Riel and the Frenchmen and for the Conservative party. We Germans will not have French domination in Canada. " I want the public at large to know of these articles. I declare that a more fiendish attempt to arouse long-buried animosities, and to disturb the social relations of this mixed community, and TO DESTROY THL POSSIBILITIES OF A PEACEFJL AND HARMONIOUS PROGRESS never has, so far as I know, occurred. (Cheers.) One of the Grecian peoples in old days made a law and decree that the trophies which were to be erected in memory of successful war should be made of wood, because that was a perishable material, and that it should be criminal for any to repair such a trophy. It was a wise and a humane provision. But in this civilized and Christian age the wrongs and bitterness of a contest waged near a century ago and 4,000 miles away are to be brought across the water and re- vived and reanimated to fill the minds of our peaceful, industrious, law-abiding, law-loving, loyal, contented (German population with hate against a very large proportion of the people of Canada, their French fellow-citizens. (Cheers.) I can conceive of NOTHING MORE NEFARIOUS than this attempt. (Loud applause.) What have the Germans of Ontario, many of whom are descended from the Pennsylvania Dutch who emigrated so long ago, many of whom come from Alsace, with its varied fortunes, many of whom come from Old Germany, what, I say, have these in this new country to do with the wars and losses of near a hundred years ago in Europe ? Are they going to visit on the French of Canada, whose ances- tors settled here ages before these lamentable events, the quarrels in the time of the first Napoleon or of the third Napoleon between France and Germany ? jy ■ (6) ■f J" . If., I ' T! •' ■,' : '-•-'•'' ' • It : 164 ■I, / .^' .V if k* ;, HE IS A COMMON ENEMY WHO SEEKS TO DIVIDE CANADIAN FROM CANADIAN on such fjrounds, and to arouse by such language prejudice and hate on the part of the Germans towards the French. Is it Christian ? Is it in consonance with the doctrines of the Gospel of peace, charity, and love that such an effort should be made ? I denounce it as a public crime, and I call on all honest men, on all Christian men, on all good citizens, on all who value Canadian uniiy and the future of the land we love, to join in the reprobation of these eftbrts. (Loud and long continued applause.) And on you especially I call, inhabitants of Waterloo, whose histo- ric name, though drawn from the scene of a great battle between English, French, and Germans, no longer, thank God, sti's the pulse of exultation on one side or of humiliation on ih- ' , uut is associated with peaceful and prosperous progress hcic — on you I call, to whom this wicked appeal has been so lately made, to show your abhorrence of the act, and to prove to its authors tliat you know your duty to our common country, and that, knowi g, you will perform it to the full. (Great applause.) - i MALTREATMENT OF THE IISDIAiXS. THE EFFECT OF THE STARVATION POLICY — FAMINE, DISFASE, AND MISERY, AND DEATH — "CALLOUS AND CRUEL NEGLECT." Mr. Blake, in his speech at Gait, said : — " I have been amazed to see the statements made by Sir John Macdonald and others with reference to the treatment of the In- dians. For years the newspapers and the Parliamentary papers have contained statements indicating the unha.ppy str.te of the In- dians and the mismanagement of their affairs. For years we have called attention to these. On loth April last Mr. M. C. Cameron, M.P., brought forward in the House of Commons many of these statements, official and otherwise, extending over a period of years from 1879 onward, tending to show instances of cruel neglect and mala dministration. On lOtJi June last Sir John Macdonald declared that the evi- dence in reply to Mr. Cameron had been obtained from the North- I i. . i «>. ■>;■*' -V'- 165 ,. ,r. IAN .ce and of the ould be honest lo value 1 in the iplause.) se histo- between stirs the • , but -on you made, to lors tliat cnowL ig, ASE, AND ECT." Sir John )f the In- jry papers I of the In- rs we have . Cameron, ,y of these 0(1 of years leglect and tt the evi- the North- G) West, and had then been in his hands for some days, and that this evidence, disproving the statements which he declared false, would be printed and distributed to the members of the House and to the electorate without delay. It has been further stated tliat a commission would be appointed to investigate the whole question of tiie DEPARTMENTAL MANAGEMENT. But there has been no publication of these exculpatory statements, which have been in Sir John Macdonald's hands for many months, nor has a commission issued to investigate into these affairs. And now Sir John has made several speeches, in which he 1ms touched upon Indian affairs. I find that at Belleville he said, as reported in the Mail : — *' When the buffalo became extinct the Covernment could not allow the red men to starve, and although there was no treaty obligation, he, as Superin- tendent-General of Indian Affairs, asked Parliament for a grant to feed them. Sensational reporters, in the interest of t lie 0})po8ition, had gone among ihe Indians and asked them if they were hungry — and an Indian, by the way, is always hungry — and of course they said thtiy were starving, not meaning, as the reporters thought, that they were in need of food, but that they were tttarving for tobacco, or tea, or other luxuries. Grit speakers had used these statements, and naturally he felt indignant at them. " (Laughter.) At Winchester Springs he said : — *' I am supposed to be rather a good -hearted old man, but if you believe the attacks made on me by the Opposition press, I have starved out the whole of the Indian population of the North- West. I have gone through that country and have met the tribes, who have presented me with congratu- latory messages, calling me their great father. I have charge of them as Sup- erintendent-General of Indian Affairs. Every one of them would like to be a little better than he is to-day, no doubt, but the Indians are the most spoiled and petted people In the world. . . . Sometimes it did occur that it «ras impossible for the contractors to supply fresh beef, and these poor Indians had to take bacon instead. In Scotland and Ireland, and even in England, many a poor farmer had to be satisfied with bacon or meat, not every day, but perhaps two or three times a week, and yet the Government was blamed because they did not provide fresh beefsteak for the Indians every morning." (Laughter.) At Belleville he said :— , ' ' v ' ' The Indians of that part of the Dominion (the N^orth-West), had not only been well treated, but they had been spoiled." Mr. Chapleau, in his speech at London, said : — ' • "Ask whether the Canadian Government has wrongly administered the North- Wast, and they will say that the Canadian Government has treated those territories as a good living father would treat his children. We have (6) "it ■■'* V ».l "'^^\ ' ■ t ■J- ..< ':'?■' 4 ' " 1 , ■ 166 v. treated that part of the Dominion with the utmost care. If there is any fault to be found with the Government iu that regard, it is perhaps that we liave shown so much solicitude for its interests. " Now, Mr. Chairman, ladies, and gentlemen, the Indian question is a large one, with several branches. It includes the questions of bad appointments, of official neglect, incompetency, and tyranny, of wanton extravagance, of fraud, of unfit and inadequate sup- plies, of breach of agreements, of gross immorality on the part of Government officers and of starvation. I cannot deal with all these questions to-night. I must omit reference to all but one, to which I wish to call your attention. I wish to deal with the question of the ■«-'•( STARVATION OF THESE SPOILED, PETTED INDIANS, whose only complaint was that they did not get their fresh beef- steak every morning, and who were hungry only for tea, tobacco, and other luxuries. (Applause.) A paper was brought down to the House last session, comprising official correspondence, not, you will observe, statements of missionaries or members of Council, or others, whose evidence we are asked to ignore, but statements of Government officials. From these reports I give you a few extracts. W. Anderson, Indian Agent, writes from Edmonton, April, 29th, 1882 :— "From Victoria I shipped relief supplies to Whitefish Lake and Lac la Biche, as Mr. Hardisty had a few days previously reported that tie Indians at those places were starving, as the catch of fish had failed, and the early frost of last year had ruined a part of their grain crop and caused the loss of many potatoes by freezing them in the ground." Commissioner Irvine writes from Fort Walsh on 23rd Sept., 1882:— f/ ■%f "I have also to inform you that on my return from Qu'Appelle I found some 2,000 Indians here. They are all in a starving and wretched condition for want of clothing .... In the present starving conrlition of the Indians I fear, if no food is given them, that they may hereafter commit depredations which will bring them into collision with the force." '* - » Inspector Norman writes from Fort Walsh on 2nd October, 1882:— t • .1 ' ' • / ' "There are at present three hundred lodges of Cree Indians camped here. These lodges average about eight souls, making a total of about 2,400 souls. They are in an utter state of destitution, and are merely existing in a semi* state of starvation." (6) 167 Comptroller White telegraphs, under date of October 19tb, 1882 :— ■ ( . to. • ■ , " Over two thousand Indians here almost naked and on the verge of starvation. Weather cold and snow on ground. Have been among them for two days. Am satisfied many will perish unless early assistance rendered. " It is contended indeed that these Indians were properly starved because they had gone to Fort Walsh after being told that they would not be paid there, but on their reserves. ■ti I DO NOT AGREE THAT THIS IS A REASON FOR STARVING THEM. It is to be remembered that starvation inflicts the penalty on the wives and children, as well as on the man ; indeed, it is mainly on the wives and children that it falls, and I confess it is repug- nant to my sense of humanity to agree to a policy of starving a tribe for such a reason. As I stated in Parliament, I do not believe in torture by famine. But the Indian men were not so much to blame. They had been accustomed to resort to Fort Walsh. They were, I suppose, told that Fort Walsh was to be abandoned, and therefore they were to be paid elsewhere. But Fort Walsh was not abandoned ; the purpose was changed, and. Fort Walsh being retained, not unnaturally the Indians sup- fosed they were to continue the custom. In support of this view, quote Commissioner Dewdney's letter to Colonel Irvine, of 27th October, 1882 :— '* I think it is very unfortunate that the post at Fort Walsh had not been abandoned this summer, as agreed upon last winter in Ottawa. The Indians will not now believe that the post is to be abandoned, and we will have con- siderable difficulty in inducing them to leave I trust that you will recollect that over and over again you have been instructed to inform the Indians that the payments would not be made, neither would the Indians be fed, at Fort Walsh. This was done in anticipation of the post being abandoned, as agreed upon." Inspector Norman wrote on 1st February, 1885 : — " I have informed Surgbon Miller that it is not in my power to increase the quantity of food to the Indians, as my instructions from the Indian Commis- sioner are to keep the Indiana at Fort Walsh on 'starvation allowance.' " Dr. Edwards wrote on February 7th, 1884, and, mark you, this was with reference to Indians on their reserve, not to those away : — . . ? *' In Piapot's camp I prescribed for 35 and in the Assiniboine camp for 37 Indians, in all 72, suffering from phthisis, bronchitis, hemorrhage from the (6) . • I " ■ . 'i /.i > i » ,y, ' .< . r . ' ■ • , ' t" i t". ; t; i' . ■'» Ua.'.' \ .•" 168 ■»'■ " ' -t j ) I l-.f- 'it % \ I .<■ lungs, dyseutery, etc., ote., and starvation, if the last can be recorded as a disease. 1 find that in the last three monchs 13 deaths have taken place in each reserve, in all 26, a very heavy death rate ; and, from all I can gather, death has been accelerated, if nut immediately caused, by the SCANT SUPPLY OF POOD ' served out to these Indiana. At the present time this condition of starvation is more evident among the Crees, as the Assiniboines have lately obtained supplies for cutting wood. I saw several children in the Assiniboiiie camp worn and wasted, and unless properly fed must die in a few days. The old Medicine Man asked me if I could give him some medicine to have by him that would be helpful when the Indians fainted, as from their scanty rations many of them suffer in that way. It may not come within ray province to report this condition of starvation, but I am well satisfied that if they were sufficiently fed there would bo less tendency to illness among them. I may also add that from the way they have been allowed to starve a firm determi- nation was expressed by both Piapot and Jack that as soon as they could travel they would forsake the reserve and go west again. ... Of course a fatal termination is accelerated when they are not sufliciently fed." Agent McDonald wrote from Indian Head, 20th February, 1884 ;— ** What the chief and a few of the leading Indians said was that the cause of their present illness was from accidents met with years bad;. The want of fresh meat has reduced them to a semi-state of starvation ; while in their weak state they are unable to eat bacon. • • • Little Blanket, head man, knows he is dying. He knows it is not through starvation, but thinks if he had a little fresh meat, tea and sugar, he would last longer. Long Lodge informed me that it was not the want of food, in the first place, that has laid prostrate several of our Indians ; it was sickness, bxit had fresh meat, tea and sugar been issued to them while ill they would not be so low. They would have been well before this, and going about. Those who are sick are not able to eat bacon. Babbits we cannot get, as we have no am- munition. * ' ' A young man from the chief's hut looks as if he was starving. I got them to take off his clothes. I must confess he looked like a skeleton, and I would have supposed the cause was the want of food, had I not seen bacon and bannocks in the hut, and the father and mother in very healthy condition. I had. a piece of bannock sliced and roasted in front of the fire, and a little bacon grease spread over it. The poor lad seemed to relish it. * * * The chief • ' * cannot say what the Indians who have horses will do in the ^^pring, if not better fed than at present, and particularly when spring work commences. He fears many will move off to live on game. ' ' ' From inquiries and what I have seen I am of the opinion that the present miserable state of some of the Indians at the In- dian Head Reserve is, in the first place, through the neglect of relatives and friends, their not being properly nursed when they first fell ill ; and, secondly, from the want of more nourishing or palatable food than bacon. While at Piapot's he told me a young man from the Assiniboine camp called on the evening of the 14th inst. , and reported that Mr. Thompson had been on their reserve and told his chief that he heard ' the Reader ' say : — Never mind, there are a great many Indians yet on the earth. When spring comes we will make it sharp for the white man." > v. '.*' («) ;'^v ( ' 169 d as a Eice in »ther, rvation )tained Q camp Che old by him rations ance to ay were I may letermi- ly could f course bruary, he cause Phe want [while in jet, head it thinks the first , but had not be so lose who ve no am- he w^aa oked like od, had I in very front of emed to lans who lent, and ove off to un of the the Tn- atives and secondly, • imp called had been r ' say ;— len spring Then there are statementa quoted by Mr. Cameron, covering, as I said, a period of years. From these I extract a few, only those of the officials, omitting all reference to the other important evidence. Commissioner Irvine says, speaking of a band : — "For a considerable time they made no demands for aid from the Gov* ernment, but as the cold weather came on, being very poorly clad, and in- sufficiently supplied with food, they experienced much hardship from ex- posure and starvation. " Mr. Herchmer, speaking of the Sioux bands, says : — " A great deal of sickness has visited them lately, owing to the want of fresh meat. " W. Pocklington, speaking of the Stoney Indians, says : — " During last winter there was a great deal of distress among them for want of clothing, many of them not having a blanket to cover their naked- ness." t Commissioner McLeod says : — " I have experi(>nced great difficulty with the distress and suffering, appli- cations for relief being constantly made to me by the starving bands of In- dians. " Again the Commissioner says : — ''A Stoney Mountain Indian and his family have been without food for many days." Superintendent Walsh, in his report says : — " Hunger and suffering prevailed. In some places persons became so re- duced as to be unable to help themselves. The want of food followed by dis- ease caused an epidemic, which marked its results by the many graves now to be seen in Wood Mountain." Mr. Herchmer says in his report : — . „ • ** During the winter I visited the Pas reserves a number of times, and witnessed the actual condition of the Indians. For three months, from Janu- ary to March — many of those in the Pas Birch River and Pas Mountains suf- fered keenly. It was impossible to supply food as it was actually needed, for there was no sufficient in the district." Mr. Pocklington, in his report, says : — JCl " In January, while visiting the Piegan reserve, I received a letter from Lieut.-Col. McLeod that 75 Stoneys were in Pincher Creek in a starving con- dition. I started for their camp at once, rnd found them in reality starving, except for assistance given them by Col. McLeod and other residents." (6) / ■' 4- 59B J I' I. fi ■;; ,' J Y V j '. '$' ■ 1 1 1 I?'- '■ .' . 1' ■'' ' > ■ / f- il / ■(.--''• • » ft i ' ^ •;•■_■'■■'• ^ 170 ' ' '. . V '' Mr. Wadsworth, the Superintendent, says : — " The flour and bacon received as supplies were bad, and the flour received ^y the Indians at«Battleford had become lumpy." Mr. Wadsworth, speaking of the Indians of the Sekaskoots, says : — " I could get no account of the supplies sent in by the contractors or the Government." He further says : — ** The flour received by those Indians only averaged 93 pounds per sack." Again, speaking of Poundmaker's band, he says : — " The flour was inferior and of light weight." Mr. Herchmer, in his report, says : — *' A great deal of sickness has visited them lately, owing to the want of fresh meat. The Indians under treaty received in 1884-5 $15,290.92 worth of pork, and $1,288.45 worth of beef, although it is known that beef is life to the Indian, while salt pork is disease and death to him." And again he says : — ' ' *'At Oak Biver, 11 men have died out of 88 heads of families, and 17 children under three years old. This is very distressing, and is hard to ac- count for — the change of diet, owing to the failure of hunting, and scrofula, being probably the cause. '* And so, gentlemen, year after year starvation shows its ghastly face. And yet we are told by the First Minister, who is also Superintendent- General of Indian Affairs, that the Indians have been only too well treated ; that they have been petted and spoil- ed ; that it was only for luxuries they craved ; and that it was only the want of the daily fresh beefsteak for breakfast of which they had to complain. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) SOME EXPLANATIONS AT ORANGEVILLE. At Orangeville Mr. Blake, after some preliminary remarks, said : — I value the previlege of discussing public affairs before , (6) ...'«:■■ .■..'' .( 171 these great gatherings of my fellow countrymen and women; and I recognize the attendant responsibility. It is my aim, as it is my duty, to state to you , THE TRUTH AS I HAVE RECEIVED IT, < to give you what, in my judgment and conscience, are accurate statements of fact, and just inferences from those statements ; to lead aright, and not astray, those whom I am permitted to aftect by my words. Now I take the very earliest opportunity of making reference to some criticisms which I have seen to-day on my recent speech in Gait on one branch of Sir John Macdonald's Indian policy. I pointed out that he was declaring in Ontario that the Indians in the North- West were spoiled and petted, that they were " starving " only for luxuries, as tea and tobacco, and that their complaint was that they did not get a fresh beefsteak every day for breakfast. I declared that, laying aside for the moment all other evidence, however weighty, the official papers lamentably disproved this statement, and established that num- bers of the Indians had been exposed to starvation. I proceeded to the proof. The first and gravest and mdst detailed proof's T gave were from original documents supplied to me, and from which I gave, on my own responsibility, lengthy extracts. They dealt mainly with the condition at Fort Walsh and at Indian Head. They of themselves amply justified my declaration. I proceeded then to give a number of brief extracts as quoted by Mr. M. C. Cam- eron, M.P., in a speech he made in Parliament last session. These quotations, I informed my audience, I made from that speech, which I gave as my authority. It was ample authority. It had been made in Parliament, and though we sat for about two months afterwards the accuracy of the quotations which I drew from it was not, so far as I had observed, denied. It had been made in April la^t, and, so far as I had observed, the accuracy of these quotations had not been up to this time denied by the press. It had been made by , AN ABLE AND PAINSTAKING PUBLIC MAN on whose care and thoroughness the Liberal party had, as we have to-day, implicit confidence. I am glad to notice that the Hamilton Spectator uses this language to me : — There are few men in Canada who believe that you would intentionally make a statement you do not believe to be true. The Spectator holds that you would not do so ; and that if you do make an incorrect statement through inaccurate or insufficient information, or through error of judgment, you will, on presentation of proper evidence that you are wrong, make public (6) • • 9 172 .J-'- :;> , >v correction of the error. Yoii are a public and a busy man. You are accus- tomed to cover a great deal of ground in your public addresses, and it is impossible you should be able to verify for yourself every quotation you use, and every occurrence you cite. But 1 w it is alleged that a number of Mr. Cameron's quota- tions ai' ^ inaccuiate and untrue ; some of them are alleged to be very g v. /ely inaccurate; others, so far as I can judge, not mate- rially s > I conjecture as to one or two cases that Mr. Cameron's own re larks must have been erroneously printed in the report of his speech as quotations. But on this, as on the rest, I am uninformed. I leave to Mr. Cameron the task which properly belongs to him, of answering these charges and vindicating the propriety of his conduct ; and I believe that he will in due time satisfactorily establish or ex[>lain his position. I have neither the time, nor the right, nor the means, nor the inclination, to enter into that controversy. This being so, I feel bound to ask you to eliminate from the discussion meantime any of Mr. Cam- eron's quotations, wliose substantial accuracy has been challenged ; and 2 am quite content to rest my case on the extracts made on my own responsibility, and on the unchallenged extracts of Mr. Cameron. I grieve to say ' THEY ABUNDANTLY PROVE MY PO.SITION, and furnish a shocking contrast between Sir John Macdonald's Indian policy, as exemplified by the official documents, and his policy as stated in his late speeches, between the actual starving condition of many of these poor Indians, and the glowing picture of their state which he lately gave to his audiences in Ontario. (Applause.) t . . EFFECT OF III4LADMIIVI8TR4TION AT CUT KNIFE. USELESS MOUNTAIN GUNS. In the course of a speech at Pembroke, dealing with North- West maladministration and the rebellion, Mr. Bl vke said : — You recollect the excitement into which we were all plunged by the war, and the solicitude wit'i which we followed the movements of our gallant Volunteers in the field. You recollect, among other stirring incidents, the » • (6) .I-' V V, .i, -i . .- ., -: ^ • • -• ^ :;N f if. M. " At last it seemed as though the ammunition of the Indians was being exhausted, and Col. Otter decided on makinc a rush to the tepees and burn- ing the whole encampment. There were just two courses open to him, namely, either to withdraw his troops or make a grand rush for their camp, but here fate settled the question. The trail of one of the 7-pounders broke as the gun was discharged, rendering it, of course, useless. The other was cracked some time before, and had been strengthenec* by a piece of 2-inch oak, which was bolted on the lower side. But the constant firing had loosened this, and every time the gun was discharged it jumped out of the trunnion holes. In fact, it was a race between the gun and the gunners. The former jumped back every time it was discharged, and the latter had to follow it and carry it back to its place again. It would have been folly to attempt tc destroy the tepees without the guns, and so Col. Otter decided on withdrawing." • • f » I - 1 ( L . ' •' J* A V I Now, gentlemen, that is the statement. I think I have proved to you the importahce of the guns, that they were our main dependence, that ^-^i.\ .1 WE FAILED OF VICTORY, were forced to retire, and ran serious risks of grave disaster bv reason of these failures. But some Conservative may say : " What ? Do you mean to blame the Government, the people at Ottawa, so far away, because there was a failure in two gun carriages ? That would be a most outrageous thing to do. If you could show they knew of their condition, and were responsible for it, it would be different." Perhaps it may seem so to some, but I must say I think the Government is called, under the circumstances, to explain how it was that the carriages were m this condition, and to show that they were not to blame. My Tory friend, however, may say : " Oh ! it was an inevitable mis- fortune ; these accidents will happen even to the best regulated guns." Well, we will see. I am not going to ask you to rest your opinion upon inference, or upon conjecture or probability, or upon the want of explanation, or upon anything else than the official reports brought down by the Ministers themselves, and 176 e fronts larriage, tr Bniall e. The moment han our and the I aerioUB llowing r'as being ,nd burn- to him, )ir camp, era broke >ther was of 2-inch [ring had lut of the gunners, er had to n folly to ecided on proved lur main ... 'J!. *j r ■ »'»<•■'"' ■ iaster bv ay say: e people jtwo gun If you jponsible I to some, ider the were m le. My ible mis- jegulated lu to rest aility, or Ithan the and ., / 1- OUT OF THEIR OWN MOUTHS 1 will prove their culpability. On 1st February, 1882 — mark you, this engagement took place on 6th May, 1885 — on Ist February, 1882, Commissioner Irvine, of the Mounted Police, sent a report to the Minister in these words: — " The carriages and limbers for the 7-pounder guns are fast becoming un- serviceable. These carriages were constructed at Fort Walsh some years ago, under the direction of Inspector Neale. Considering the material at thai officer's command, the carriases and limbers have proved most successful. 1 •would, however, recommend that new ones be purchased, of the pattern lately aproved by the Imperial authorities." Bo that, you see, the minister knew then that the carriages and limbers were fast becoming unserviceable, and that they should be renewed. The Indian population was discontented. No one knew when they might rise ; the matter pressed, but nothing was done ; the new material was not supplied, and the guns were left in their deplorable condition. A year elapsed. On 1st January, 1883, Commissioner Irvine reports again : — ' 'T " I would remind you that the carriages and limbers of the 7-pounder mountain guns are fast becoming unserviceable. 1 recommend that new ones be purchased, of the pattern lately approved by the Imperial author- ities." The reminder was inefTectual. Some inquiry seems to have been made about cost, but nothing was done. Another year of risk was run. On ther 1st January, 1884, the Commissioner reported for the third time, as follows : — " I have previouslv reported that the carriages and limbers of the 7-pounder guns are vurtually unserviceable — " So that it is stated now that they are virtually unserviceable, as indeed one Aould infer from the previous language used in the mild sense customary in speaking of a condition of a military force. " — are virtually unserviceable, and last year I recommended that carriagns and limbers of the Imperial patt^pi be purchased. On close inquiry it waa ascertained that such purchase would have jntailed a very considerable ex- pense. Carriages and limbers suitable for our purposes can be manufac- tured in this country at much smaller cost than would ensue were a purchase made from England. The supply officer at headquarters has now the required material for manufacture, and I trust that next summer may find us in pos- session of sufficient skilled labour to make carriages and limbers in this oonntry." , ■ # , , . „ . ""'■'■, " ' - ' (6) * »■ ^mf .;i' ,176 .. Another year elapsed — ^yes, and four months of the fourth year — but, so far as we can find, ' ^ ^ NOTHING WAR DONK. ..J .^r^tt. For all this time the Minister had known that the carriages and limbers for these guns were unserviceable ; he had kn )wn that the Indians mi^ht rise at any moment, yet he had not remedied the defects, and in the end he sent our gallant volunteers into action with these unserviceable carriages, creating these serious re- sults, with all the more serious possibilities which you con perceive. On his head I place the consequences which did ensue, and the danger of the infinitely more disastrous consequences which might have ensued from one of the clearest cases of administrative in- capacity and neglect it has ever been my lot to notice. That Minister is Sir John Macdonald. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) And, mark you, this is but a san:ple. I could proceed from one topic to another ; I could take the North-West Militia manage- ment ; the Indian management ; the Half-breed management, in divers flagrant instances ; the white settlers' management. I could go from branch to branch, from department to department, and cull instances of glaring neglect, productive of great evils (Cheers.) (6) , '' . . . ', . ^ ,i-ir\ \>.,^*ff liAs jtiu jjyc'r /Jij.f sfU iiioit lotiii I't/i'j'j/ ^j(Hj h->vhoi >^j{ -,.1 I *i..'J;_ .**■» ►>.'■, ,:'■ ^l .' < -. f ' ' ' ■m 0, ..^"^ ear — ' ., 38 and n that aedied •8 into ousre- . rceive. nd the , might live in- That sheers.) om one lanage- lent, in ent. I rtment, i,t evils. '-.■•kt ■ ^ ^.j'n >0. btrfU f Business Principles Required in Pnblic Administration. DEGRADATION OF PARLIAMENTS TO TORY REGIS- TERING MACHINES. -A.Ra-TJ3i.d:E13SrTS OJff* the HEEXiS- A FEW BOODLERS. At Kendall, Mr. Biake said : — I have often wished that the people would learn to look upon politics with those same eyes with which they look upon their every-day business affairs, and I think that if they did, and if they applied to politics the same practical common sense which they use when dealing with their private busi- ness, they would demand of Ministers a different method of con- ducting public affairs from that now followed, and different results from those now obtained. There exists amongst us, in dealing with politics, altogether too much of two things — first, a disposi- tion to believe that politics ought to and must be handled upon other principles and by other methods than those adopted or per- mitted in private affairs. The next thing is — ^and I am not now con- sidering whether one side is more blamable than the other, though I do not^conceal from you that I think that this is so — a tendency to look at public questions entirely through the party spectacles ; to judge of 'proposals according to the name of the man who makes them, instead of the merit of the proposal ; to regard poli- tics as an instrument for the advancement of party, instead of re- garding party as only a means for the advancement of the political interests of the State. When shall the day come in which we ap- proach the decision of a political question on its merits and w'^^^h a view to reach the very truth and justice of the case ? That day will be - ^ A BRIGHT ONE FOR THE LIBERAL PARTV. / ! Now, in a business community like ours, where few of our repre- sentatives are able to live without engaging in some occupation, parliamentary business will be the better done the less its man- ■...--.- '• :- ..^ - ■ • . ■.'... .,,.(7) rfw r+B li: 1 't ■*; 1 - ^H >' 'k v^> 178 agement conflicts with the livelihoods of the members. The ^eat bulk of our general business is crowded into a few months of the year; and so our Parliament ought, as we Liberals have long con- tended, to meet very early, immediately after the New Year. Meeting early, we should get to work at once, and make substan- tial progress in great part of the business during the first two months of the session, instead of idling at the beginning and leav- ing the mass of matters to be taken up towards the close, when we feel that we must rush through it to get back to our own concerns. Government measures should be brought down early so that the members may have full time to examine and consider them, and so that you may have time to perform your part in the work of cur- rent legislation. For I have always contended that amongst a democratic people like ours the duty of the peo|)le at large in politics is not confined to the excitement of an elec'Jon campaign, or to the casting of their votes. You have A CURRENT DUTY TO PERFORM in the interval, of watching your representatives as they deal with the public business, of forming opinions upon the measures pro- posed, and of indicating to your representatives the state of public opinion, and thus assisting to mould the legislation of the country. But you are now practically deprived of that right, and we of that advantage, because the measures are brought down so late, and are pressed through so fast that oftentimes before the weekly paper stating the proposals reaches your homes, before you have digested the measure, before you have formed opinions, before you have had a chance of communicating your opinions to your representatives, the measure has passed practically beyond recall. The present me- thods also lead to this result, that the functions and powers of inde- pendent members are very greatly curtailed, and that Parliament is becoming more and more what it ought not to be, a simple register of the views of those who happen to be in the Ministry and to have a majority for the time being. Therelbre, those who favour popular rights, who believe that Parliament should be really the expression of the best mind and maturest opinions of the people, ought to regard as truly pressing and practical this question of the conduct of the business of Parliament. If Parlia- ment is to be a body effectually deliberating and deciding on the propriety of measures, and not a mere MACHINE FOR REGISTERING THE OPINIONS OF A GOVERNMENT, some change must be made. Our rules indeed provide for certain delays and stages in the passing of bills, but the mere observance 1.79 great of the igcon- . Year, bstan- ii two i leav- tien we ncerns. tiat the , and so of cur- )ngst a arge in oapaign. eal with res pro- 3f public country, e of that I, and are ly paper digested lavc had sntatives, isent me- of inde- rliament a simple jMinistry lose who ould be inions of Itical this ;f Parlia- ig on the INMENT, )r certain )servance of the letter of the law in this respect is not enough. It is pro- vided that bills shall not be passed all at one'sweep. They are introduced and read the first time, and after that stage there ought to be an interval for examination and discussion, and for getting the views of those in the country who are interested. Then comes the second reading, when the principle of the measure is either affirm- ed or rejected ; then it is referred to Committee of the Whole House, where, after a further interval, the details should be dis- cussed ; and then, after a last delay, the third reading should take place, and at 6,11 these stages it is provided that the bill shall be open for debate and discussion. But if all these stages are taken one after the other as fast as the letter of the rules permit, the form, it is true, is observed, but the substance, the purpose for which the rules were intended, is wholly disregarded. I wish you could see the way we do your business towards the end of the session. We begin in the morning when the Committees of the House meet, and there we remain until one or half-past one o'clock. Then in the afternoon at three the House meets, and there we remain until perhaps three or four, sometimes five or six, in the morning, and we are back again at ten to the work of the committees, and so we go at the rate of a hunt instead of having time to consider and discuss the great public questions which come before us. That is not the way to reach sound conclusions, or to learn or express the n atured opinion of the country. We pass bills with great speed and without due consideration, and the consequence is that we spend much time in AMENDING AND PATCHING THE BlfXB of previous sessions. Our mistaken are not found out until the law comes to be practically applied, and when these mistakes are found out we go to work in the same hurried fashion to try to amend them, and so on from session to session. Let me give you one very striking instance of the rate at which we vote the money to be placed at the disposal of the Government out of the public resources. The stage at which we get the final explanations, for- mulate objections, move amendments, and take the sense of the House is called concurrence. Well, last session we took concurrence in somewhere about $33,000,000 of money in an hour and a half, or at the rate of over $ij,000 a second. One of ray friends was audacious enough to interpose an objection respecting some par- ticular vote. He spoke for perhaps a minute, and he was imme- diately met with ,. ,,. ,. r ,; ; . - HOWLS FROM THE OTHER SIDE of the House, and by the declaration that he was obstructing the business and wasting the time of Parliament. That is a course of J^I f :i i 5u 180 public business which I regaxvi as in the highest degree unsatis- factory. If the aise were wholly exceptional I would not trouble you with it, but the difficulty is, as I say, a growing one, and unless the attention of the people is directed to it, and unless both sides agree to bring pressure to bear upon the leaders of the House to call Parliament together early, and to have the business ready early and brought down and proceeded with in good time, these evils will continue and grow worse, if worse be possible. (Applause.) If you could pay us that visit which I proposed, you who sympa- thize with the views of the Opposition would see partly how it is that in spite of the weight of reason and the force of argument, we are yet beaten in the vote. You would see that our arguments are too often met with counter > ARQUMEKTS OF THE HEELS, and not of the head, that our voices are drowned by the scraping of desks and other noises, and so the vote s taken. I am sure that many of you who are opposed to us, could you see how atfairs are conducted at Ottawa, would come away with other politics. (Applause.) After referring to other matters, Mr. Blake spoke briefly res- pecting the INDEPENDENCE OF PARLIAMENT, as affected by grants to railways in which members of Parliament were interested. He proceeded : — I have already given some instances. There is another instance which I have not detailed elsewhere, the facts of which came to my knowledge only recently. The charter for the Ottawa, Washington and New York Railway Company was obtained by a gentleman (not in Parliament) named Keefer, who was the chief promoter and mainspring of the enterprise. It is the fashion to give value to these charters by securing public subsidies. In order to give value to this charter a public subsidy was felt to be necessary. Dr. Hickey, the member for Dundas, was approached. He was ^iven some stock ; he was given a seat at the Board ; he was made the President of the Company, so that they might obtain the proper power to work the Governmental machine, so as to produce a subsidy. Dr. Hickey, M.P., presenting the merits of an enterprise which boasted of his presidency, > A BONUS WAS EASILY OBTAINED. from the Government, and voted by Parliament. By that means value was given to the charter ; for the charter by itself simply gave authority to build and work the road, and if it had remained \ ■• : -^ -■.. .■:•• ■■ , (t) 181 isatis- •ouble ), and 3 both House ready , these ilause.) lympa- iw it is ument, uments craping iiu sure V atfairs politics. efiy res- without a bonus, those who promoted it would have had to find persons who had confidence enough in tlie scheme to give money or backing enough to build it. But when $3,200 a mile was given as a free grant, of coui*se that at once gave vahie to the enterprise, and was a great additional inducement to capitalists to enter upon the scheme. They got the village of Morrisburg to take $10,000 of stock, of which $1,000 was paid up. The company did hardly anything at all. The $1,000 given in cash by Morrisburg would pay for all they did. Hut they did not expect to do any work themselves, or to build the road themselves. The v simply expected to sell out the charter and the bonus at a great profit to those wlio would build the road. How •';■'■- y...-"i.-,, I,--:., f ' i'|'> ■■ • 'V-ijj.' ; ' ' ENORMOUSLY increased EXPENDITURE \ for inside salaries and contingencies, and for superannuation for the Civil Service, swollen from $930,000 in 1878 to $1,340,000 in 1885, but that is not the only question which presses here. The ...... ■ . . ' .■ (7) 183 FRAUDS — outside and inside Civil Service is now composed of several thousand persons, who are paid out of our taxes, and do our public work ; the efficiency of the service is of great importance ; and to tlie method of admission to that service the Reform party object. The system involves what is called a qualifying examina- tion. The standard is very low. The examination may very easily be passed by a great dunce, and therefore it is no test of efficiency, and a great many do pass it. There are now, I believe, about two thousand who have passed the examination, but yet linger outside the gates of Paradise waiting to obtain entrance into the Civil Seivice. (Laughter.) These people are, after all, dependent for their admission upon political influence and favour, instead of merit. A vast number are waiting, from whom the Minister may choose, and he generally selects tiie person who is pressed most strongly upon his attention by political supporters, and not the person best fitted for the service. (Cheers.) You ask what I would propose. My idea is that we should adopt in principle the Englisn system under which COMPETITIVE EXAMINATIONS ' take place. The candidates, besides being required to exceed a certain qualifying minimum, are rated according to their relative proficiency in the subjects of examination. Certificates of charac- ter, conduct, and health should be, of course, required, because it is not enough that a man should pass an examination. The person who comes out first has the first chance, and he is taken into the office on probation for six months. That is perfectly fair and right, for many a man will pass an excellent examination who may be utterly unfit to till an office. (Applause.) He may have defects of temper, conduct, habits, manner, incompatible with the proper discharge of his duty. If, at the end of the term of trial, he is found suitable, he is permanently appointed. If he fails, the next man on the examination gets his trial, and so on. Political patronage, THE VICIOUS ELEMENT, is thus struck out of the calculation ; each man has a fair oppoi- tunity, and the person who proves his fitness gets the appointment. That is a very much more satisfactory system than the one in use with us. (Applause.) Then with reference to promotion. We ought to apply much more fully tiian we do the principle of '= '• '• 1 •.; PROMOTION BY MERIT. ". » If you want zealous, willing, able service, you should hold out reasonable expectations that such service will secure promotions i*>I JJ I . . , 1 84 ' y • to the higher places, the prizes of the service. Unfortunately the system is growing of giving these prizes to worn-out political hacks «vho cannot earn an honest living. This position is hold to create a " claim " upon the best places in the service, while the men who have been working there for years are to submit to the interloper being thrust over their heads, and their chance of REWARD FOR FAITHFUL SERVICE is diminished. (Applause.) I do not say that there should not be some discretion, in a limited class of cases, for the Government to provide for really deserving and capable men, or for the in- troduction of fresh blood into the headships of the service ; but this discretion is systematically abused; and the plan as now administered deprives you, gentlemen, of one of the most important means of securing from the public employees good, faithful, and zealous service. Moreover, we ought to have fewer oflficers, and somewhat harder work for just reward. (Cheers.) I am a believer in a FAIR day's pay FOn A FAIR DAY's WORK. I do not think we really economize by screwing hard-working servants down to a point at which they cannot live or have any encouragement in life ; but I am a believer also in getting a fair day's work for a fair day's pay. The increase in the number of public officers at Ottawa since 1878, has been enormous. I have seen a calculation which states the increase, as nearly as can be ascertained, to be from under 600 in 1878, to 1,200 last year. Much of this increase, I believe, is unnecessary, and is due to the pernicious pressure of political influence. Fewer men, fair pay, and full service should be our aim. There is another thing we ought to mend. There is a clause- under which $50 a year of increase is authorised to those who prove deserving. But in practice every person with hardly an exception is deemed deserv- ing. That statutory increase covers some part, and does duty for more, of the GROSS AND ALARMING INCREASE IN THE SALARIES. Now, a very great part of the work is of a kind which cannot justify an increasing salary. It is routine or clerical work, to a large extent merely mechanical, and in which a man may reach the maximum of efficiency in two or three years. There is no reason why, after his services have reached their maximum of value, his salary should go on increasing, though he be amply paid at the lower rate. There should be, as in other countries. 185 a division of the service into two classes — with for each its ap- propriate system. Then the extra pay business has swollen to the dimensions of abuse. You must know that clerks are employed in what they call " extra hours," for what they call " extra work," for which they get " extra pay." The moment that system gains ground it is not their ordinary work, but the extra work, involv- ing the extra pay, to which the clerks are looking. And the dan- ger is that the REOULAR WORK WILL BE NEGLECTED, and the regular hours invaded in order that the extra work may be done. Besides, it is agi-eat door for favouritism, and for illicit increases to the pay. It is astonishing how much work is called " extra." It was stated last session that there were 81 clerks last year who received an average salary of $1,700 a year, and who drew altogether over $60,000 for extra services, an average of $730 a year, making the total overage pay of each of these clerks $2,430 a year. I am entirely opposed to that system. (Applause.) The work should, as a rule, be done, whether it be more or less, by the regular staff. But if, on an emergency, we want extra work done we should employ extra men to do it. Then there is THE SUPERANNUATION SYSTEM. Besides the salaries which they receive while they work for us, and which I believe are quite adequate to the work performed, we pay our civil servants pensions after they are supposed to be unable to continue working. You and I, while we are able to work, are obliged to cut our coat according to our cloth, to so ar- range our expenses with reference to our earnings that we may assure some provision for a rainy day, for old age or infirmity We are obliged to consider that time will end our days of earn- ing power, and that for us no treasury door will open tlien to supply us with an income. It is well that this should so be. It leads to habits of prudence, economy, industry, and self-restraint. But the Civil Service has instead the superannuation system. Last year over $203,000 was paid in superannuation allowances, while the payments to the fund were $52,000, so that $1.51,000 was paid out of the taxes, as against $65,000 so paid in 1878. The increase is enormous. Let me give you an instance of the results of the system. In the House of Commons we have . - iVstS TWO CLERKS AT THE TABLE. The salary of the clerk is $3,400, and that of his assistant $2,400, making a total of $5,800. But that is not all you pay, because n ■' * *< k III **» •«N imm ttlmmmmmmk 186 H-- there is a euperannuated clerk who gets $2,370 a year, a super- annuated assistant who ^ets $1,543 a year, and still another sup- erannuated assistant who gets $400 a year— a small sum hardly worth the mentioning. (Laughter.) So the total amount for the retired clerks is $5,322, which, added to the salaries of the acting clerks, makes a total of $11,122, or nearly twice the value of the work done. (Laughter and applause.) And there are other ex- amples I might give, in some aspects still more flagrant. And you must remember there are said to be now about ?'\iff ■*■'.;.!:■ 4i • J, ■,.f • . - TWO THOUSAND OF THESE MEN ELIGIBLE FOR SUPERANNUATION. I regret to say that in. the exercise of the power of superan- nuation, great indifference to the public interest has been shown, and the public charge has been unduly increased. The Tories were horrified at its being about $100,000 in Mr. Mackenzie's time. They are pleased that it is only $200,000 in their own ! (Laughter.) Now, I think that with due regard to existing inter- ests, this system should be abolished. (Cheers.) But I wish to submit to you my alternative, for I admit the desirability, in the public interest, of securing some provision for the civil servants, and I'll tell you why. It is true that you and I have to provide for ourselves. We have no paternal government, ■'-■'* i* iV NO TENDER-HEARTfiD COUNTRY, to provide for us. But it is also true that people are more liberal with other people's money than with their own. And it has been found that if the civil servant spends all his income, as most of them, I am sorry to say, do, then when they are no longer able for work and have made no savings. Ministers are too charitable and too humane and too ^"uerouswith your money to turn them adrift penniless. So for a while they will do the work ill, and you will suffer. Then as they grow more unfit, so that they cannot do the work at all, somebody else must be appointed to do it for them ; and so you may have two servants, one to draw his pay yearly, and tlie other to do the work and draw his pay too. Now, t-SX'Jj'V {V HOW CAN THIS BE OBVIATED 1 t ij. In this way. Make it the law that a certain percentage should be deducted by the Government from the salary of each civil servant, at a rate varying according to the salary, small when the salary is small, and growing as the salary grows larger, because, if a man is receiving only $(iOO a year, he can't save as much out of each $100, as if he is receiving $1,500 a year. Place this deduc- tion to the credit of the servant, add half-yearly interest upon it, . . , (7) . ^ - 1^ ' . • 187 \ « . » V and interest upon the interest, because neither principal nor interest is paid out ; and then when the servant resigns, or is retired, let him have the accumulated fund ; or if he dies in the service, let it go to his family, for whom the present plan makes no provision. I would thus, you see, make a compulsory savings institution ; I would insist, as a condition of public service, on that economy which must obtain in private employments. I would do this for the special reasons I have mentioned, and in the public interest ; but it would also be for the advantage of the servants and their families, it would avoid this great public charge upon the treasury, and it would close the door to improper and needless superannua- tions. These are the principal features of our plan of civil service reform. I trust they commend themselves to your judgment. (Cheers.) THE PUBLIC DEBT. MISREPRESENTATIONS OF " POLITICAL EXIGENCIES " WHITE — NET DEBT $1,000,000 FOR EACH ELECTORAL DISTRICT — INTEREST $40,000 FOR EACH RIDING — PUBLIC DEBT OF $300 FOR EACH FAMILY — ENORMOUS TAXATION AND ENORMOUS EXTRAVA- GANCE. . , ! At Gait, after dealing with the subjects of taxation, surpluses, and expenditure, Mr. Blake said : — The question of our public debt is one of the utmost gravity. I observe that some members of the Cabinet have been remarking on some supposed statements of mine on this head. Mr. White is reported to have said at Winchester Springs : — "Mr. Blake told you that the debt was $75,000,000 in 1867, and that it was $300,000,000 to-day. He should have ^iven you the gross debt of 1867, but if he had said it had increased from $75,000,000 to $207,000,000 he would have been quite correct. " Mr. Foster, evidently following the same line, though with varia- tions, said at Belleville : — " Mr. Blake had stated that the public debt of the country was $300,000,000, when, as a matter of fact, the gross debt on 1st July, 1885, was $264,000,000« quite a difference from Mr. Blake's statement. Deducting $68,000,000 of assets, the net debt of the country was really $196,000,000." Now, I have been either misreported by the newspapers or misquoted by the Ministers. I have not yet found an erroneous report. It is possible that I may have been misquoted. I am . (7) . . MtMIMfB ■fMMM lOUP ■H. <\: 188 -iS <- -1^-1^ 1* ;'■(' I ■ . 1^ J-. less indisposed to believe that, because I remember that the gentle- man who charges me with having contrasted the net debt of one year with the gross debt of another has special and peculiar notions as to the . „ ^ ETHICS OF POLITICAL CONTROVERSY, under which the making of an unfounded statement may square with his views of his duty as a politician, though if so, he perhaps is not the fittest person to attack me were his statement true. He is the same gentleman who, in the analogous and equally import- ant and responsible capacity of a public journalist, was the sub- ject of a charge some years ago. The Montreal Herald thus charged him ; — - " We have heard a story that before Sir John Macdonald fell in 1873, D. A. Smith conCi^.ed his want of confidence to the editor of the Gazette, among other gentlemen ; that after the fall, when Mr. Smith was assailed for reti- cence as to his intentions, the worthy editor was appealed to by Mr. Smith, and acknowledged the conversation, and stated his expectation from what he had said that the latter gentleman would vote for Mr. Mackenzie's motion. Later on, when the Gazette became virulent against him, Mr. Smith upbraid- ed the editor, and the latter admitted the facts, but stated that party exigencies urged him to the course he. was pursuing, i.e., slandering Mr. Smith." In reply, Mr. White, in the Odzette, said : — '* We have simply to say that there is not a word of truth in the statement^ that it is manufactured out of whole cloth. The editor of the Gazette never had any conversation, good, bad or indifferent, with Mr. Smith in relation to his conduct in 1873. Mr. Smith never upbraided the editor of the Gazette, and that gentleman never made any such admissions as are referred to." Upon that a letter was written by Mr. Smith to the editor of the Herald, and that letter contained these passages : " The facts of the case under dispute are, in the main, as stated in the Herald, though I can quite understand that, in the multitude nf his political affairs, Mr. White may have forgotten the conversations between us and the visit of Mr. George Stephen and myself to his <^ffice (made in consequence of reflections on my political character which appeared in the Gazette) and the admissions he then made. He declined to make a correction, and excused it on the ground that journalists were sometimes compelled by political exigencies to write in disregard of those considerations by which under ordinary circumstances they would be guided. "Don. a. Smith. " I entirely concur in the above. " George Stephen. " Mr. White dropped the subject, and has not revived it since. Here, then, I have two great authorities i'ot saying that Mr. White's notion as to what , - ' iv? . , ., j' ,v , , • s •• Hi .xs: vfl POLITICAL EXIGENCIES '.M'Ak;v «,^. :*L :■. L'.^: may justify, and, in fact, require, is such as to make it, at any rate^ possible that I have been, not misreported by the newspapers, but ...,-. . ■ (7) i: ■■''■^sj««i>ll' 189 t i misquoted by the Minister; for T frankly agree that the political exigencies of Mr. White are at this moment very serious indeed. (Laughter.) However this may be, the fact is that I never did contrast the net debt of one period with the gross debt of another. That would have been an act of flagrant dishonesty. It would have been an attempt, and a very absurd and shallow attempt, to deceive the people ; it would have been an act which not even Mr. White could effectually defend any more than his own con- duct in the Smith affair ; it would have been an act which sliould prevent its perpetrator from appearing with acceptance upon any public platform afterwards. Now let me deal with THE QUESTION OF THE DEBT. " What I have done generally is to deal with the net debt, seldom referring to the figures of the gross debt at all. You must re- membeE, however, in dealing with the net debt that a large por- tion of our assets is dubious, and that were we to take a proper and strict account on the basis of the amount we may expect to realize from the assets the actual balance of debt would be much larger than it appeara. However, I will take the net debt as shown by the accounts, without making any allowance for depreciation of assets. You must remember, also, in considering the future of the debt, that we have contracted large railway and other engagements, rapidly maturing, which must necessarily in- crease its volume within a brief period. Now, I begin with 1873. It is hardly worth while to go back further to-night. I call your attention to the fact that in 1872-73 the Government of Sir John MacdonaM entered upon a policy of large expenditures for iv-'l- ways, caials, and other public works, to which they committed Parliament and the country, with respect to some of which thoy entered into positive contracts — as, for instance, with reference to the Canadian Pacific Railway — and for others of which they took vooes, and began the works ; and that this policy has necessarily , $1,220,000; in 1881, $5,230,000; in 1882, $i),080,000 ; in 1883, $9,370,000, in all $24,90a,000. Adding this to the increase in the public debt, $18,100,000, j^ou find a total expenditure on capital account of $43,000,000, or a yearly average for the second five years of $8,600,000, somewhat in excess of the expenditure of the first period. Taking the whole ten years, from 1873 to >683, you find .the expenditure on capital account, out of income and loans, were $83,000,000, or an average of $8,300,000 a year. But if you deal with the debt alone you find the increase in the ten years to be $58,600,000, or an average of $5,860,000 a year. These are serious figures, but they are not the worst. It is the later years that tell. Encouraged by the verdict they snatched in 1882, buoyed up by the iufiation which they had themselves produced, half believing, I dare say, what they told the people, that they had secured a ten years period of unexampled prosperity to Canada, they went on rashly and wantonly, and now •.• . j * >■ - u. .- r NOT ONLY IS TAXATION ENORMOUS, BUT THE DEBT HAS SWOLLEN IN THE MOST ALARMING MANNER. The new debt rose from $158,500,000 in 1883 to $182,150,000 in 1884, an increase of nearly $23,700,000 in a single year. In 1885 it rose to $196,400,000, a further increase of about $14,200,000 in a single year. Thus the two years 1883 and 1884 showed an increase of about $38,000,000, or an average of about $19,000,000 a year. Compare this with the former figures. For 1886 I can give you an estimate only, because the results are not yet pub- lished. During the session the Minister of Finance stated that the net debt was $205,000,000. Since then it has been increased by the release of $10,000,000 of the debt due by the Canadian Pacific. I estimate the probable addition on other accounts at $5,000,000. This would make the present net debt $220,000,000. It may be shown apparently a little less by carrying over some of the obligations, but that is the fairest estimate I can make of the present net debt. That would give an increase for the year of $23,- (7) - .1^ ■.^- V »::... '■•-.■•■. . 191 ■; , , .; v \ ■ ' 600,000. The total increase for the last three years would then be $61,500,000, an average of over $20,50J,000 for each year. Thus the increase in the last three years has exceeded the in- crease in the whole ten years preceding, and the average for each year of the last three years is nearly four times the average for the last decade. The net debt of Canada, according to these figures, amounts to about $1,000,000 for each of the 211 electoral districts. Interest and charges on this amount, at four per cent., would be $4)0,000 a year. That you have to pay. Let the electors of South Waterloo take home these figures and understand what the ' minimum and apparent burden of the net debt is. As to its real burden, within a very brief space, if you allow for the depreciation of assets and for the peremptory engagements I have mentioned, the real net debt means, or will shortly mean, about $300 FOR EVERY HEAD OF A FAMILY .. , throughout Canada.* 1 explained some time ago that the rich do not contribute to the public charge in proportion to their wealth. If, in calculating the amount of realized wealth in the country in respect to its tax-paying power, you make allowance for this ^ fact, it would be diflSicult to find that the realized wealth of the country averages much, if anything, more than $2,000 per head of a family. If this be accepted, you find that about one-seventh of the realized wealth of the family is absorbed by or pledged for the public debt. I think these are figures which should cause us to pause and to reflect, especially when we consider the promises of economy and retrenchment made by the Government, and when we remember that the longer they have been in office the more extravagant they have become, and that the last three years are so appalling in respect of taxation, expenditure, increase of debt, and deficits. (Cheers.) '-' f THE BURDEN OF DEBT. ,,.,:;:%^; > ________ * ; _ : I At Orangeville Mr. Blake summarized the situation, showing the rapid and alarming increase of the net debt, within the last three years especially, quoting the figures'for the several periods and comparing them. He proceeded : — Messrs. White and Foster, two Ministers of the Crown, attacked me in Ontario not long since in reference to my supposed statements upon the subject of the debt. I answered them the other day. Since then they, in com- .. • ' (7) m0* fill Al ;j: ' 'J mim i#WW MP MM ■MMi B 192 pany with Mr. Thompson, another Minister, have been holding meetings in the Maritime Provinces, and they have dealt with this question again. Let me quote from , . .. :lv "{/...., ': MR. Foster's speech at Halifax : — Now, just five minutes on that question. I want to ask how much is that debt. The Morning Chronicle and Recorder wowld probably say : — " The debt >. - of the Dominion is $300,000,000." Some of them are, outer than others, and they will say it is nearly $300,000,000, so that if you catch them in the exact amount they will have some little ground to save themselves. I am here to state that the gross debt of the Dominon is not anywhere near $300,000,000, and that on the Ist of Juiy, 1885, the gross debt of the Dominion of Canada was, in round figures, $264,000,000. Now, there is a wide.difference between the amounts, and you would think so if the difference went into yoiir pockets — (laughter) — and you would think so all the more if it had to come out of ^ your pockets. (Renewed laughter.) There is no need of giving your coun- /;' ' ^17 ^ harder name than it might have naturally — there is no honest patriotism in trying to overload the country with an imaginary debt, because it does not help it outside. The gross debt was $264,009,000 in July, 1885. I see some one in the audience smiling as if to say, " Yes, but that is a year ago ; you have been piling it up since then." But I say that on the 30th day of Sep- ^ ' tember, 1885, the gross debt was greater than it was in July, 1885, by no more than $100,000, that is to say, to-day, in round numbers the gross debt is $264,000,000. But this is not half the truth. When you want to know the financial standing of a man you would say he owes so much, and therefore ho is in a bad way, but you would say he owes so much and he owns so much, and that would show his position. Now be as honest with the country as you would be with the man. (Cheers.) Find out how much the assets of the country are and you will find that on 1st July, l'^85, the assets were $68,000,- 000 in round numbers. • • • • Now do he next thing, and from that gross debt subtract our available assets, $68,000,000. from the $264,000,000, r ' : and you have remaining $196,000,000, a long way from even nearly $300,000,- l 000 But if you go away with the idea that the $196,000,000 has been rolled f V by tha Dominion Government you are wrong. For of that $196,000,000 the sum of $106,000,000 was -owing, and would to-day be owing by the Provinces and is simply taken from the Provinces and handled at a less rate of interest (Applause). So that if you subtract $106,000,000 from $190,000,000, you get the real debt rolled up for the actual purposes of the Dominion $90,000,000. And you know that the Intercolonial Railway cost us $30,000,000, the Canadian Pacific some $57,000,000, and the canal system $30,000,000. I need not refer to the other public works all over this Dominion which are used for the deve- lopement of its resources, the carriage of its trade, and the building up of the y* ' country. Do you think all this is not worth the $90,000,000 that have been rolled up ? , . At Truro he dealt with the debt in the same way. Now, you see >.<■>■> THE EFFORT IS TO PRODUCE THE IMPRESSION THAT THE PRESENT •UH.7.,Mi;^»Mr NET DEBT IS BUT $196,000,000. - ' m. They give you the gross debt as of 30th June, 1885, and then they say that the amount has not since increased, that it is but (7) 193 >RESENT SI 00,000 more on 30th September last. So you are led up to the present date. Then they say they must deduct the assets in order to get the net debt. They go on to deduct $68,000,000, being the assets as of IJOth June, 1885, and then they declare that the net debt or the burden upon the country is $196,000,000; and that, deducting Provincial debts, the increase since 1867 is but $90,000,000, so you are designedly led to believe that the pre- sent net debt, the existing burden, is but $196,000,000. That this is their statement is further established by the '1 /t SPEECH OF MR. THOMPSON L< I - i.. at St. John, who says }• * * * The net debt which is to-day ^196,000,000, notwithstanding statements to the contrary. And I find in the Mail of this morning : — The truth of the matter is we owe $196,000,000. * ♦ * * It is not surprising that the lesser politicians should magnify our liabilities, but it is surprising that a man o^ Mr. Blake's calibre should do so. ,-.. . ^ , - x...^ ,,^. wv -^ .. .., . . . ' /. .. .V . , . ■■,,,. Now T deny the accuracy of these statements. I have not the public ledger before me as they have, but I confidently deny these statements. I charge these gentlemen with having been ' - " ' • GUILTY OF GREAT DISINOENCOUSNESS. . What they have done is to deduct from the gross debt of 1886 the assets of 1885, and they have told you that the result is the net debt of 1886. But if it be the fact that the gross debt of Sep- tember, 1886, is only $264,000,000, how does that happen? I will tell you. It is because within the last few months many millions of secured debt have been paid off". So if the gross debt, noth withstanding an enormous payment on account, remains at the same amount as it was in 1885, it follows that r>»i .. I .-w-.T ■;• ( j'luyi V? MANY MILLIONS OF NEW DEBT , \yi\'i ' \ ^ must have been contracted, else the gross debt would have been diminished. But that new debt is not represented by assets, it i» an addition to the net debt ; and thus while the gross debt re- mains, the assets have diminished, and the net debt has increased. (Applause.) Again, within the last few months $10,000,000 more of debt, against which we held the obligation of the Canadian Pacific Rail way Company, which was secured debt, has become unsecured by the release of that obligation and our retention of . ' ':' ■ . ■ - 7) . : ■■','■ > -fj^" IU4 •C( public lands in lieu of it. This surrender involves a practical increase of the vet debt. I am convinced that it is wholly incor- rect to say our net debt is but $196,000,000. I challenge the Ministers to give us the statement from the books of the net debt of Canada, as of 30th June, 1886. I challenge them to give us the statement from the books of the net debt as of 30th September, 1886. (Loud applause.) They have given us the gross debt of that date^ from the books, but I fear they are trying to mislead us as to the net debt. I am convinced that when the statement is obtained and sifted it will be found that the net debt far exceeds the $196,000,000, which they would have you to adopt, and is about $220,000,000 as I stated to you. (Applause.) i -- . ; • • ^ ■ ■ ,- :, ,.■/:.,. ' ■! ■'.'■■''<'■ - , ■ •i .= :.. OUR BURDEN OF DEBT. r." A Challenge to the ninigters— An Increase of ^6a,00d,000 In y- Three Years— Forty Thousand a Year Extraeted fVom each Constltneney. r^ ;^.\ ' Mr. Blake, speaking at Belleville, said : — I stated my belief to be — for it is a matter of estimate until the Ministers who, at this moment, hold closed the public ledger, shall choose to open it and to divulge the exact figures — that the ') ..'•>■.. :.i. t NET DEBT ON 30TH JUNE LAST and since was $220,000,000, or thereabouts. Since that state- ment I have seen in several speeches delivered by Ministesr who have been travelling through the country together, enlightening the people, statements of the public debt. I have seen statements made by Mr. Foster, by Mr. Thompson, by Mr. White, some of which directly announced, and others as directly led up to and implied the proposition that the present nef debt is about $196,- 000,000 only, being the same amount as of 1st July, 1885. Some of these statements I quoted a little while ago. I challenged their accuracy. I challenged the Ministers to state from the public books, which they hold closed, the net debt as at the 30th June last, and the net debt as at the 30th September last, and I re- peated my estimate of about $220,000,000. (Applause.) Since that time some of th«se gentlemen have spoken, but no response " ^1' 'f. '. 195 ■1' v» has been made to that challenge. I find them now a little more guarded. Their utterances, with reference to the net debt of late have more specifically confined their announcement to its con- dition on 30th June, 1885. But what we have to deal with is not the remote past, not even the more recent past, but the present condition of the country as near as it can be given, and I ' THFREFORE I REPEAT MY CHALLENGE. > (Applause.) I repeat my call here and now before you to these gentlemen not to lower themselves as they did a while ago by telling the amount of the gross debt on 30th S-^r teraber last, and inviting you to believe they were giving you also the late state- ment of the net debt, but to give plainly from the public books what you want to know, the present amount of the net debt. My statement, putting it in as few words as 1 can, was this : — (Mr. Blake here re-stated the position of the net debt as given by him in his former speech, and proceeded as follows : — Now, remember, that while we have been rolling up this enor- mous debt the neighbouring country has been reducing its debt, 30 that ours now compares very unfavourably with that of the great competitor for those whom we wish to invite here — the far- mers of the soil. I understand that here, as well as elsewhere, the effect of these appalling figures, for such I call them, was at- tempted to be broken by a statement with reference to the condi- tion of the interest account, and it was intimated that it is not of much consequence how much the debt is — the question is •a^. HOW MUCH INTEREST YOU HAVE GOT TO PAY. I am not certain many of you would adopt that view in private life. (Applause.) ^I am not certain many of you, in estimating your individual condition, would consider simply what interest you had to pay. 1 hope you would remember, a little, pay day for the principal as well ; that you would look at the amount of the capital of the mortofage — if a mortgage there be, as in the case of our public debt there practically is — for the capacity, power, assets, earnings, and honour of the community are pledged for the repayment of that debt, principal as well as interest. But the statement made as to the interest I entirely dispute. In the iirst place they take the interest account as of June, 1885. But something like a million dollars a year of new interest charge has been added in the interval, and if they would be candid enough to give you the account as it is to day, they could not give you the figures of interest which they are endeavouring to persuade you to accept. Again, they give you on what they call the per capita (7) * mm "■"' 1 ' 1 ■f' 196 calculation, an estimate of the population, which I dispute. I won't waste words about it. We might dispute all evening as to the number of people in the country. But I believe they • OVER-ESTIMATE THE lOPULATION ,,, * by between two and three hundred thousand, and by means of that of course they reduce the amount which is to be paid by each person. Again, since they came into office they have taken a great deal of money for which they pay no interest, by appro, ^ri- ating a large proportion of the circulation which formerly was issued by the banks in their own notes. That may be wise or unwise, but it reduces the apparent average of interest on the whole, inasmuch as a certain amount of money is got without in- terest, though the result may be far from an equivalent net gain to the community. Again, they have very largely KEDUCED THE GOLD RESERVE ■• >' as compared with its standard under the more conservative man- agement of Sir Richard Cartwright ; so largely, in fact, that at one period we appeared to be in an almost critical condition, and very considerable amounts of specie were, I believe, called out by cable in order to make things straijifht. If you reduce the amount of the gold reserve, of course your circulation costs less for inter- est, and you thus reduce the general average rate of interest on your whole transactions. Then, again, on their sterling loans the discounts and charges, on a careful calculation, will be found to amount to about four and a-half millions, and this sum is really, though not nominally, added to the interest. If you issue at a discount a loan at a low rate of interest, the difference between the amount you actually receive and the nominal amount, the amount on which you pay interest, is really , ■'■■•\>i ^ .'i4*. ^ ' i AN ADDITION TO THE INTEREST I' 'Vfl-s »• w. you pay. Then, again, they have put to their own credit the gen- eral reduction in the rate of interest throughout the world. Everyone knows — it is the experience of everyone who is happy enough to be a lender, and of everyone who is so unfortunate as to be obliged to borrow — that there has been a general reduction in the rate of interest all over the civilized world. This is a cir- cumstance of which we are able to take advantage, and so the country, having this advantage, ought to be better off; but that benefit which we have obtained by our ability to borrow at a lower rate of interest has been absorbed by reason of the enor- mous additional loans we have made. For instance, we lately re- ' ■" 197 newed a large loan of about 820,000,000, which had been bearing five per cent. It was renewed at a rate of interest after consider- ing allowances and charges of 4 1-12 per cent. This produced a saving of something like $200,000 a year. That is all absorbed, it is all gone, with a great deal more, because so much more money has been borrowed, and so that $200,000 has been used to pay interest on the fresh loans, of which we will have to pay the principal at a future day. I will give you ANOTHER COMPARISON. Ministers are extremely fond of referring to Richard Cartwright's loans and the prices he paid for money. His loan of 1876, at 4 per cent, was issued at 91, and if you allow for charges and dis- counts of all kinds, the money cost us nearly 4| per cent. At that time United States 4^ per cent, bonds were retailing in Lon- don at par, and I need hardly say that the retail price of such securities is always in advance of what they would realize if a . large loan were being placed on the market in a block. Thus, you see that the prices of Canadian and of U. S. securities were then practically the same, as evidenced by Sir Richard Cart- wright's loan. That proves that the credit of Canada at that time in the great money market of the world was abreast of the credit of the United States. (Applause.) Let us contrast this with the loan of first July, 1885. The Canadian Government sold really at 101, but allowing for certain discounts on allotments and for charges at a slight discount. United States fours were at the same time selling at 124, a price which would make the rate of interest returned to the investor only 2| per cent., so that we were in 1&85 paying ,ir,' OVER ONE-THIRD MORE THAN THE UNITED STATES for money, while in 1876 we only paid the same rates as did the United States. No doubt in 1885 money was somewhat cheaper, «ven for us than in Sir Richard Cartwright's time, the general rate of interest all over the world being much lower, but we had fallen so far behind the United States in credit that we had to pay one-third inore for money than that country paid, although we were abreast of them in Sir Richard Cartwright's time. (Loud applause.) Thus you see that though we have to some ex- tent shared in the advantage of the general reduction, we have not done so by any means, as far as we might have hoped under prudent administration ; and why ? Because the United States have been reducing, while we have been enormously increasing the amount of our public debt. And yet these gentlemen ask you (7) ", ^,- mmSmmSSSmSm 198 to give them credit for their mana^ment of the debt. I repudi- ate their claim, and so, I think, will you, (Loud and prolonged applause.) r ' M ' . |A TA Xl^A^YEKS' BUKDEISrS. THE PINANOna OP THE DOMINION. Economy under Liberal Rule — Deficits and Rapidly Increasing Debt now going Hand in Hand— Some Startling Figures. Hon. Edward Blake, at Oakwood, speaking of the Public Debt and the deficitH, said : — I observe that Mr. Thompson the other day said, referring to the Ministerial campaign, that " no one had been able to point to any statement made by one of the Ministers on the ground of its being untrue, or put before the people as misleading." ' • Now, I have already exposed several of the misstatements of these gentlemen. I ain sorry to say a great many moro are sub- ject to these imputations. You have heard of the man who said to one boasting of his knowledge, that it would take a large book to hold the things he did not know. (Laughter.) It would take a much shorter time to give the correct than to give the incorrect statements of these gentlemen. (Renewed laughter.) I am not going this afternoon to attempt the almost interminable task.' It would take all night, but I will take up just two or three, and on one single branch of the subject, finance ; and by these you may M ■ .:/ ^ SAMPLE THE BULK. Mr. Foster, at Wingham, said that under Grit rule Canada had to pay 6 per cent, interest on her loans, and to-day she could ob- tain all the money she wanted in Europe at 4 per cent. That statement is incorrect. Under Grit rule Canada had not to pay anything like 6 per cent. — (cheers.) — and under Conservative rule Canada has not obtained her money quite as low as 4 per cent. I have here a list which shows the character and the actual cost of every loan made since Confederation. Some of these were guar- anteed loans, some mixed loans, partly guaranteed and partly un- guaranteed, and some wholly unguaranteed. You know that loans, the repayment of which was guaranteed by the Imperial Govern- ^ . • 199 ment, were negotiated at a lower rate of interest for tho very same reason for which a man whose credit is not of the very highest class, can obtain accommodation at a lower rate of interest if he can get one or two good neighbours to endorse liis note. When we have got tho British Oovernmer'- to endorse our bonds we have obtained the money at about the same rate of interest that Great Britain can, ami therefore you must make allowances in companson. Now, my statement, which has been prepared by an actuarv. is on the basis of considering all the charges and allowances made M;: IN THE CASE OF FACH LOAN, SO as to arrive at the real cost to the country, the true rate of in- terest we pay on each. This is the result : — In 18C8 Sir John Macdonald's Government issued a mixed loan, one-fourth guaran- teed, costing 4^ per cent. In 1873 they issued a guaranteed loan, costing 3 11-12 per cent. In 1874 Mr. Mackenzie's Government issued an unguaranteed loan, costing 4| per cent. In 1875 they issued a mixed loan, three-fifths guaranteed, cost- ing 4^ per cent. ■ - In 1876 they issued an unguaranteed loan, costing 4f per cent. In 1878 they issued a mixed loan, one-half guaranteed, costing 4^ per cent. In 1879 Sir John Macdonald's Government issued an unguaran- teed loan, costing 4^ per cent. In 1884 they issued a similar loan, costing 4 7-30 per cent. . In 1885 they issued a similar loan, costing 4 1-10 per cent. In 1885 they renewed an old loan, at a cost of 4 1-12 per cent. Thus you will see how far from correct was the statement of Mr. Foster. The Grits never paid anything approaching 6 per cent, for their loans, while the real cost of the lowest loans effected by the Tories was in truth somewhat over 4 per cent. But I quite admit that there has been a progressive, though far from rapid, diminution in the rate of interest on our loans. To what is that due ? Those of you who have borrowed — nol of course none of you have borrowed, but each of you knows a neighbour who has borrowed — (laughter) — and from his experi- ence — (laughter) — you know that the rate of interest is greatly lower than it formerly was. It is lower all over the world, and why should not Canada get the benefit of the reduction, like the the rest of the world ? But this Government, just as they have claimed credit for all the gifts of a kind Providence, have de- clared that this lowering of interest was all their doing. Th»y -. : , . ', ' (7) . , m • ■->. ;•.- -,- , r: 200 ■• • ■ <'-:■' ^" --•■ claim credit for all those benefits which they did not give the country. THEY DENY llESPONSIBILITY ■- ^- . for all the calamities which they did bring upon the country. (Cheers.) But I am sorry to say we have not benefited from the lowered rate, like our neighbours. We have not benefited as we ought. I have shown elsewhere that in Sir R. Cartwright's time our credit was abreast of that of the United States ; while Sir Leonard Tilley's large loan was issued at a cost which showed that, relatively, we had fallen behind, and that United States securities were at that later date worth far more than ours. Thus we have not had the full benefit of the general reduction. We have ground for comj)laiDt, and not for compliment. (Cheers.) How is it ? Do you know why ? The rjason is largely to be found in the facts I am about to bring before you. While the United States have been clearing ofi" their debt, we have been rolling up ours. If you will apply the lessons of your private life — or, rather, your neighbour's private life — (laughter) — you will see how surely this result must follow from this course. The more his debts roll up year after year, the worse his credit, and the higher, compared to the general current rates, are the rates he has to pay for money ; while, if he is forehanded, if he is reducing his liabilities, and if he wants to borrow money to pay oflf some of his old debts, having reduced his total, he can borrow on the best current terms. So it has been with the United States. In 1865 the United States debt was $391 per head of a family, counting five to a family, and for interest $21.45. In 1886 the United States debt was $120.70 per head of a family, or less than one- third; and for interest $4.15, or less than one-fifth of the earlier charge. A sad contrast to our figures, even after making, as you should, some allowance for the largeness of State as compared with Provincial debts. Next, I wish to refer to a question partly of fact, partly of estimate. You know we were troubled in the days of Mr. Mackenzie with what used to cause not merely the rage and indignation, but also the sighs and tears of the Tories — (laughter) — they mourned over < » THE DEFICITS, and would not be comforted. (Laughter.) One vrould have sup- posed, from the long faces they drew, that they expected to have to pay these deficits out of their own pockets. (Renewed laughter.) But since enormous deficits have occurred under their own adminis- tration, they bear them with admirable patience, and even with great complacency. (Laughter.) They had a deficit in the year , m (..< ■» -1 • >■ j .■.' .-/O^' 201 before last of about two and a quarter milliona. Last year the deficit was about $5,900,000, or, in the two years, $8,100,000. Now, Mr. White has complained that when I spoke of these deficits I forgot to tell the people that they were wholly due to the extraordinary expenditure caused by the rebellion. I did not forget; I ab- stained on purpose, and for a reason which may appear tu Mr. White trifling and inadequate. I did not say so, only because it was not true. (Laughter.) That is all the poor excuse I have to offer. (Renewed laughter.) There was, as I told the people, a war expenditure in the two years of $5,100,000. This leaves a deficit of $3,000,000 beyond the war debt. (Cheers.) But I must add that I regard the war debt as the most scandalous and biamable of all. (Cheers.) Again, as to the deficit of last year, Mr. Thompson, who talks with great apparent precision, said the other day that for the first four months of the current year there was already a surplus in the treasury which more than half overtook the deficit of last year ; and there was every reason to believe the Government would have entirely paid off the deficit of last year, and have a moderate surplus besides, instead of there being a deficit. Now, ^his statement of Mr. Thompson's was disingenu- ous and misleading. The bulk of the expenditures were made in the fifth month, November, and at the close of that month the apparent surplus was under $1,100,000 — (cheers) — only one-third of his figure for the fourth month. Now I mark the estimate of the Minister that during this year the deficit of last year, say $5,900,000, is to be paid off, and a moderate further surplus realized. This means a surplus for this year of at least seven millions. I STIGMATIZE THAT STATEMENT ^^^ as utterly destructive of any claim to attention of future estimates of the Minister. I shall be well pleased if we close the year with a surplus of one million, instead of seven millions. It is, of course, impossible to make very close calculations ; but this of the Minister's is absurd and ridiculous. No one who has the slightest knowledge of our affairs, or has paid the slightest attention to the course of revenue and expenditure, or the current of trade, will be found to endorse his view. I advise you to reject it wholly ; and I ask you to remember what I have said next summer and to compare the results with our respective forecasts. Now, as to the amount of our net debt, I have estimated it at about 220 mil- lions, and have repeatedly challenged the statements of the Minis- ters, which are calculated to lead the people to believe that our net debt is only $196,000,000. I have challenged them to open the public ledger, and declare the debt as of 1st July last, and as of later dates. They have seen my challenges — nay, they have - - . (7) •nrrr^9^^^^m mmmmmmi ^ m m '^' * I .: r./ ' '> 202 heard them ; for I gave one of them in Belleville, in presence of Mr. Bowell, the Minister of Customs. (Applause.) But they con- tinue their misleading statemenfjs. I repeat my challenge once again. I. call you to note my statement, and to compare it with the facts as they will be disclosed. (Cheers.) I will give you THE ELEMENTS OF MY ESTIMATE. li ■•0- ft ili wffi On May 1st, 1886, the Government declared the net debt to be $205,569,203. On the same day they declared the deficit to be $1,542,674. But on 30th June the deficit had increased by no less than $4,322,880, involving that much addition to the net debt. Then we added $10,18U,000 to the net debt by relieving the Canadian Pacific Railway Company from so much of their secured indebtedness. These additions would make the net debt as of 1st July $220,081,143. But there remain to be dealt with two conjectural items — conjectural, at least, for me, though these gentlemen have the figures. These items are, first, the increase during the last two months of the sinking fund, which tends, while it swells the deficit, to reduce the net debt ; and, secondly, the capital expenditure for the last two months, which tends to increase the debt. I conjecture that the balance to be added to the net debt on account of these two items may be $400,000 or $500,000 ; and, if so, the net debt would be about $220,500,000, and the addition for the year would be about $24,000,000. Keep these figures in your minds, and compare them with the accounts. (Cheers.) Mr. Foster alleges that I made a very inaccurate state- ment on the subject of the burden of the debt on the heads of families. My statement at Gait was this :— You must remember, in dealing with the net debt, that a large portion of our assets is dubious, and that were we to take a proper and strict account, on the basis of the amount wo may expect to realize from the assets, the actual balance of debt would be much larger than it appears. • * # # ♦ You must remember also, in considering the future of the debt, that we have contracted large railway and other engagement, rapidly maturing, which must necessarily increase its volume within a brief period. I then estimated, apart from these considerations, the net debt at $220,000,000. I went on to say :— , As to its real burden, within a very brief space, if you allow for the depre- ciation of assets and for the peremptory engagements I have mentioned, the real debt means, or will shortly mean, $300 for every head of a family. Therefore I was not then dealing with $196,000,000, or even $220,000,000. I was dealing with the latter sum M„ Si': t . (71 ''■f: '-llf 203 lor even I INCREASED BY THE ADDITIONS ^ had indicaled. (Applause.) Nor was I dealing, as Mr. Foster assumes, with a popul ition of 4,700,000, or on the assumption of five to a family. I don't reckon the Western Indians as taxpayers ; they only are tax consumers — (laughter) — nor do I reckon the Chinese as appreciable taxpayers. Besides, I think the population overestimated. Again, looking at the fecundity of the French, which alarms the Mail so much — (laughter) — I think five to a family rather under the mark. Therefore, in this estimate, I think myself right. But it is, of course, estimate only. Suppose Mr. Foster right. State the debt, as it is to be soon, at only $220,000,000 ; assume the heads of families at 940,000; and even so you find a burden ot $234 per head, and for interest, at 4 per cent., $9.36. This is bad enough in itself; and when compared, with our neighbours it is worse. (Cheers.) Now, I propose to give you a view of our financial course from another than the usual standpoint. We spend yearly large sums. They come from three sources, taxes, loans, and returns from pub- lic enterprises, etc., etc. I omit the last ; and deal only with the first two ; whai we spend out of taxes and loans ; what we pay out of our pockets as we go, and what we mortgage our estate for, to be re[)aid out of our pockets later, with interest meanwhile. I have here three tables, taken from the Government statistics, save Icr 1886, which is estimated. The first covers the five years, 1874 to 1878 inclusive, approximately Mr. Mackenzie's term ; the sec- ond the next five years, 1879 to 1883, approximately Sir John Macdonald's first term; the third the three years, 1884 to 1886, approximately Sir John Macdonald's second term. Before I give you the results, let me remind you of the obvious fact that A FINANCIAL POLICY requires time to develop fully its effects ; and that these will sometimes continue active for a season after the reversal of the policy. Thus established impulses towards, and plans for, econo- my, or for extravagance, are each felt for some time after the ces- sation of the active movement which they outlive. Therefore it is useful to look at the tendency of the expenditures in each series of years ; to observe the general way in which they com- pare year after year, as well as the gross totals and the yearly av- erages. Such an examination will demonstrate very clearly the results of Mr. Mackenzie's efforts to sive and of his successor's efforts to squander — (cheers) — each very successful, the last table evidencing the full development of the extravagant and ruinous ' policy of the Government. My first table is from 1874 to 1878 i (7) - i • ; 1^ A' ,V< M." -.i • e , 'S > 14-'^ "I J' mm mmmtmSSSBmm . v 204 ^S , ■•■ ■..'•■- k,. ■ ■ ■• ,■■' . i. ' .',• ■ ' "- ~ '• ./• MR. MACKENZIE S TERM. ,. , ' "^ If- .* ;'vr •v ■- '• ,>.:., •-^'^' ■, TABLE I. .?', ...■, V■••V^^ ';, ' Year. Debt Increase. ' Taxes. ' Total. r, 1874 $8,476,500 $20,129,100 $28,605,600 1875 7,683,400 20,664,800 28,348,200 1876 8,.543,100 18,614,400 27,157,500 1877 8,683,700 27,697,900 26,361,600 . 1878 7,126,700 17,841,900 24,968,600 Totals $40,513,400 .$94,948,100 $135,461,500 . Averages 8,102,680 18,989,620 27,092,300 Now, dealing with this table, you will observe that the taxes during Mr. Mackenzie's term were ninety-five millions, ot an ■ average of nineten millions a year, and, partly owing to dimin- ished imports, but largely to the reduced values of merchandise, a smaller sum was collected in the latter than in the earlier part. The net debt created was forty and a half millions, or an average of $8,100,000 a year ; and it was least in his last year. The sum of taxes and debt was one hundred and thirty-five and a half millions, or an average of $27,100,000 a year and it was steadily reduced every year, the last being $3,700,000 less than the first. (Cheers.) Now I take my second table dealing with \ ' eiR JOHN MACDONa.^'S FIRST FIVE YEARS. ' "^ . TABLE IL ■ ,;■ -,, ■ r,: ■■ Debt, . ; ... , Increase or . Dt crease. Taxes. . Total. 1879 Inc. $2,628,100 $18,476,600 $21,104,700 1880 Inc. 9,461,400 18,479,500 27,940,900 1881 inc. 2,944,100 23,942,100 26,886,200 1882 Dec. 1,734,100 27,549,000 2.5,814,900 1883 Inc. 4,805,000 29,269,600 34,074,600 ,. ■'" '" ": Inc. 17,838,600 *;' ;, ; ■ " Dec. 1,934,100 \ ■"' ' ^ Totals $18,104,500 $117,716,800 $135,821,300 Averages 3,620,900 23,543,300 27,164,000 During this term you see the taxes were $117,700,000, or an average of $23,540,000 a year, being an increase in taxes of $22,- r(7) > ■<. 205 5,600 3,200 r,500 1,600 . 3,600 1,500 2,300 . ;he taxes Ls, on an o dimin- thandise, lier part. . average The sum id a half steadily the first. tal. )4,700 0,900 b6,200 4,900 ^4,600 51,300 14,000 10, or an of $22,- 700,000, and an average increase of $4,540,000 a year over Mr. Mackenzie's term. This is bad enough, but the details make it worse, for during the first two years the taxes collected were only eighteen and a half millions yearly, and the whole increase and more was swept out of the people's pockets in the latter three years — 1881 showing an increase over Mr. Mackenzie's average of 5 millions, 1882 of 8^ millions* and 1883 of 10| millions, in all about 24 millions, or an average excess of 8 millions a ye^ar, wrung out of your pockets by grinding taxation. (Cheers.) The candle was thus being burned very fast at one end. I am glad to say that during this term it was not being burned so fast at the other end. The full development of the policy was not equally rapid in all its parts. THE FRUIT RIPENED MORE QUICKLY on the tree of debt than on the tree of taxation. For a crop from that tree we must wait for the third ter*^. During thia second term the debt increased only $18,200,000, or an average of $3,620,000 a year. Of this the Tories boast, but you will see that the only difference is that a large part of the expenditure on capital account, formerly provided out of loans, was now met by taxes. (Applause.) This is shown by the aggregate results. They give a total of taxes and debt of $135,800,000, or an average of $27,160,000 a year ; a little in excess of Mr. Mackenzie's average. But mark the sad contrast in the results year by year. Whereas during Mr. Mackenzie's time the sum of the yearly taxes and debts was falling, in this term a contrary result appears. (Cheers.) The first year, 1879, was controlled by the economical impulse of Mr. Mackenzie's policy, and the aggregate was only $21,100,000;, but by the end of that year the impulse had been overcome, and the impulse towards extravagance had succeeded; so that in the last year, 1883, the sum was 34 millions, or 13 millions in excess of Mr. Mackenzie's average. (Cheers.) And now I come to THfi THIRD TERM, th^ last three years, when we reach the full development of the financial policy of the Government. The signs of what was com- ing were not hid from all of us. We Liberals warned you in 1878, before the trees were planted, but you allowed them to be planted. We warned you in 1882, when one had borne, rnd the other was ripening, its bitter fruits, but you would not cut them down. Rather, you ploughed about them and manured them, and refreshed their vigour. My figures for 1886 are, of course, estimates ; but I have repeatedly challenged the Government ta ^ ;,\' tp 206 '• ' 1^ t 1^ i " ■{■■ 4 ■ V ]9 1 ' t'f. [J » ' I J. . 'V. Sir i l-^ / state the facts and to deny my estimate of the debt if they could, and they are dumb. This is the third table :- ■ / - TABLE III. Year. Debt increase. Taxes. 1884 $23,695,100 $25,483,100 1885 14,245,800 * 25,384,500 . 1886 (est.)... 24,000,000 25,217,000 Total. $49,178,200 39,630,300 49,217,000 Totals $61,940,900 $76,084,600 $138,025,500 Averages 20.646,900 25,361,200 46,008,100 Thus you see that the taxation for the last three years has been $76,080,000, or an average of $2.r),360,00(; a year, being in excess of Mr. Mackenzie's average by $6,360,000 a year, or one-third. (Applause.) There was thus an increase of $19,000,000 in three years in the taxes, and in the last six years the increased taxa- tion has been no less than forty-three millions. This again is bad enough, but again it is not the worst. Now, indeed, the candle is being burned at both ends with a vengeance. Besides paying all these taxes the debt has increased in the three years about sixty- two millions, making an average of $20,650,000 a year as against $8,100,000 a year in Mr. Mackenzie's time. It has grown at a rate 2^ times as great. Had Mr. Mackenzie increased the debt at the same rate his account would have been 104 millions instead of 40^ millioas. THE YEARLY CHARGE FOR INTEREST thus created in three years has been over 2^ millions, exclusive of sinking fund. The debt of the last three years is larger than the debt of the whole ten years before. So that while you have swollen taxes you have swollen debts as well. Now, what is the general result of this burning the candle at both ends ? Why, this. The sum of taxes and loans for the last three years was 137 millions ; it was more than the whole five years of Mr. Macken- zie's time. (Cheers.) It averaged $46,000,000 a year, as against his average of $27,100,000, or an average excess of $18,900,000 a year, and the last year is worse, as it ranges »*i/ over 49 millions, as I estimate, for one single year. (Cheers.) These are the RESULTS OF that POLICY OF RETRENCHMENT PROMISED IN 1878. TviS IS THE HAPPY CONTRAST BETWEEN THE LAVISH EXTRA VA- .NCE OF Mr. Mackenzie and the prudent economy of his "'y iY SUCCESSORS. This is the financial policy which they A^?f you TO approve and TO applaud. (Loud cheers.) . (7) •' s. ' \ ■..' y >,. -'■. . * ■ •> .ii : > THE CANADIAN PACIFIC. Policies of the Parties — Government Pro- . mises Unredeemed. jlusive kr than have is the Why, fas 137 icken- Lgainst 1,000 a illions, lE THE 1878. TRAVA- >F HIS THEY , :^ EXPECTATIOISrS UNFULFILLED. A Hundred Millions of Expense Which Was Not to Have Been Incurred- Not Half the Expected Immigration— Expenditure for Immi- gration Still Continued— Liberals Wish the Enter- prise Well— The Government to Blame for Shortcomings. At Newcastle Mr. Blake said : — I desire to-night to say something to you on the subject of the Canadian Pacific Railway policy of the Government. That ques- tion is at this time, in one respect, in a new condition. The road is now open for traffic. Our controversies of the past as to the policy adopted by the Government cannot, of course, now change that policy. The policy has been consummated, and some of those who are now favourably disposed to our views upon the general questions, the living issues of the day, but who have supported I. THE C. p. R. POLICY, ' • say : Why do you discuss that question now, for the affair is set- tled 1 Well, now, I am not foolish enough to insist that anybody who agrees with me on the issues which remain for actual decision should change his mind, and agree with me on the Canadian Pacific Railway policy, in order to our acting together. There is a sense, as I have pointed out, in which it is a dead issue — ^with regard to which we can without difficulty agree to differ. The Liberal party, including '1 » ^r!' NOR HAVE WE BLAMED THE COMPANY for securing the most favourable conditions they could squeeze out of the Government, or for having made the use they thought most advantageous to themselves of the powers which from time to time, at the request of the Government, Parliament has yielded to them. The company was one party to the bargain,and it is not contrary to the usual ideas of right and fairness that they should ask for as much as they thought they could get, or perhaps a little more. But what we have disputed is the wisdom and policy of the other party to the bargain, of the party which acted as trustee for the people, of the Government and the Ministerial majority, in adopting cer- tain methods, yielding certain conditions, and conceding certain powers. We have condemned their policy, and we have pointed out, as their proposals were laid before us, what we believed were its mistakes, what were the errors in their arguments and calcula- tions, and what would be the wiser, the more prudent policy in the interest of the country. And now, when we are shortly once more to submit our course to the popular judgment, we must be per- mitted to discuss before the people the alternative views of the two great parties on this as on other questions. We must be per- mitted — if we believe, as we do still believe, that the policy of the Government was rash, erroneous, and blame-worthy, and that ours was wiser, more prudent, and judicious — to present those two poli- cies, to state the arguments on each side, and to point out how far time and events have already ," •. ■ VERIFIED OUR VIEWS, and falsified those of our opponents. We cannot, then, altogether set this aside as a dead issue, in the sense of agreeing that nothing should be said about it. It was, and is, a most important question, both in a financial and in a national point of view. Now, one of your guides, in determining upon the choice of those who are to administer your 'public af airs, is a consideration of the mode in which those whom, you have trusted have discharged their trust. It is the account we give of our stewardship that should largely guide you ; and, if in a great public question there has been an issue be- tween the parties, it is not merely allowable, but it is the duty of the people to consider which of the two parties appears to have been the wiser- and more faithful counsellor, and to be largely- guided in their decision as to how they will trust in the future by the record of the past. Before the year 1878 the policy of both parties in this country was tha^ the Pacific Railway should be constructed after such a fashion as should not involve any further \k>: 209 -C gether othing estion, one of are to ode in St. It guide uebe- uty of have argely re by fhoth Id be rther I \' increase in the rate of taxation. That policy was early defined as - their own by the Conservatives, when in power, though their plans did not consist with it ; and it was afterwards defined as theirs by the Reformers, and, so far as the obligations IMPOSED ON THE COUNTRY by the Tories allowed, it was acted upon by them. A formal reso- lution to this effect was added to the vote of money for the Cana- dian Pacific Railway by an almost unanimous House, only eight or ten voting the other way, and this clearly proves my assertipn that parties were then agreed upon this policy. At this time Mr. Mackenzie's policy was sometimes criticized, not because it was slow, cautious, and niggai-dly, but because it was too rapid, reck- less, and expensive. I will read an extract from a pamphlet which did great duty for the Tories in the election of 1878 — a pamphlet of speeches and letters by Sir David Macpherson, which was distri- buted broadcast throughout Canada as tiie Tory platform, and to which the Tories largely attributed their success in 1878. . SIR DAVID MACPHERSON SAID: But surely the whole expenditure between Lake Superior and the Red River is premature and unwise. That section of the railway will cost not less than twenty millions of dollars ; the interest will be one million of dol- lars a year, and with the loss in working the road, which I shall not venture to estimate, will amount to an enormous sum to be borne by the taxpayers of the Dominion. I may say my own opinion has always been that we should have been content for the time to use the United States lines for our all-rail route to Manitoba, and begin our Paciho Railway at Pembina, thence at Winnipeg and on through Manitoba and the North- West, combining with its construction a coniprehensive and attractive scheme of immigration, under which immigrants would be assured of employment and land — employment first and land afterwards. The lands retained by the Government in the North- West, owing to the settlement of adjoining lands, would.have been en- hanced in value, and their sale would have provided funds to aid in extend- ing the railway as required, without overburdening the Dominion Exchequer. In this way the 0. P. R. east of the Rocky Mountains could have been built as fast as required for very little money, and our prairie country would have become quickly peopled. A similar course, as far as adaptable to British Columbia, might have been pursued in that Province, and when the Govern- ment decided to build the road as a public work no reasonable objection could be urged against the policy. Had it been followed the Dominion, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, would have been more prosperous than if- is to-day. We should have been free from the heavy engagements that weigh upon us, and free, also, from the financial peril that stares us in the face — imminent if not inevitable. Our expenditure to this time upon the railway would have been comparatively small, and would increase only as might be convenient, for it would be subject to our control. As it is, the outlay in connection with the Pacific Railway, to the 30th of June, 1876, (according to the public accounts), amounts to the large sum of six million two hundred and fifty-four ' thousand, iwo hundred and eighty dollars. mm r'-^Jga^'igy ffiimm J^mSSS 1' I .:. V \4- ,J \ . 210 ■ There was the Tory platform of 1878. Then we come to 1880. Up to that time no person had ever proposed a larger expenditure in cash than $30,000,000. VI r I ; • IN 1880 NEW PROPOSALS WERE MADE for enormous public expenditures and very rapid construction. We opposed these proposals. Our plans were modest — some may say tney were timid — 1 believe they were only prudent. Our plans were to complete the link between Lake Superior and Red River which Mr. Mackenzie had been pressing forward, on the ground that we ought to have as soon as possible a through sum- mer route for immigration and transportation purposes within our own borders. We advocated also the building of the road over the prairies as fast as, or even faster than, required for settle- ment, and the building of branch lines as required. In the mean- time we proposed to continue the exploration of the routes for the ends of the road and to complete those ends more leisurely than proposed by the Government. By so doing, we argued, they could be built more cheaply, and the North-West lands being meantime developed and enhanced in value, they might become a more substantial assistance as a basis for the contract for the construction of the expensive ends. The great object, as we con- ceived, was to fonoard the settlement of the feHile parts of the North-West tei^itoi'y so that you might have a backbone for the Canadian Pacific Railway. (Loud applause.) To this end we thought it very important that the road should be built upon such a financial basis as should admit the lowest possible rates of freight on produce coming out and goods going in, for one obvious diffi- culty to be contended against there, is the distance from tide- water. Therefore, , * WE WANTED THE ROAD BUILT CHEAPLY and the capital account kept down, so that the demand for inter- est and dividends might be light. The changed policy of the Gov- ernment has resulted in enormous expense, which has been greatly increased by the haste in construction, and by enlarged operations, not contemplated by anybody up to a late date. Our total cash expenditure, of which almost all has been already incurred, amounts, including the assistance granted to eastern extensions, to the vast sum of $8-_. ^ ? >• •TT> .i 'i^'.' .:;* ^^^ sup- ',07186' eway e, and ■ Pro- stand ulemn io the bo a made. of the . But ts and :heers.) ot seen ► much rogreas 5alcu la- should North- calcu- in mitea, indi- 213. * : 1 . - •'. • ONLY ABOUT 126,000. V. ,. v,,.i Of the people who are there, only 50,000, as far as we can conjec- ture, are imraij^rants from foreign parts. The Government told us a groat immigration would be secured by the Canadian Pacific Railway Company itself, and we would be saved the largo expense of settling that country. But we paid in 1884 nearly $600,000 in promoting immigration, and in 1885, over $500,000. (Cheers.) The Government declared that this policy would result in the return to yod of enormous sums from the sale of lands in the North-West. In 1880 Sir John Macdonald declared that $71,- 300,000 would be paid or due upon lands by the year 1891, and that the expenses of survey and management being deducted, there would romain $69,000,000 either in cash or good mortgages, and Sir Charles Tuppor said that was a most moderate calcula- tion which nobody could doubt would be more than realized. So late as the year 1883, only three years ago, the Government told us that WE WOULD RECEIVE IN CASH $58,000,000 between 1883 and 1891 from the North- West lands. As a matter of fact we received in gross, without any deductions, in the five years from 1880 to 1885, about $4,000,000, and the net receipts after paying expenses of survey, administration, and head office wore about $375,000 ! In that calculation I do not charge against the receipts a single dollar for the Indian grants, mounted police, immigration, local government, and other charges entailed upon us by the North-West. And this is not the worst of it, because the period I have just referred to included the years of the boom, when the receipts for lands were comparatively large. Lately the receipts have not covered the expenses. In Parliament the other day, I asked these men if they would now venture to say that the net return from sales of lands in the North-West would be one-tenth part of the estimate of 1883, and they did not answer that challenge. (Applause.) When they asked you to agree to the expenditure upon the Canadian Pacific Railway they prom- ised you in the most distinct, precise, and emphatic manner that every dollar of principal and interest should be repaid to you out of these lands. THEUE ARE THE RECORDED PLEDGES given originally, repeated year by year afterwards, and declared to be even more than realized. I give you now a counter declaration, which I made years ago. So far from these statements being true, / believe that not one dollar of the enormous sum, of pHncipal we . (8) \' * * • '' . \ •«»«- Jr.' I' f H j'. I „ I & %■■■ 'i ■'• ':;!'■ I if I W'' ,T. tL*» Canadian Pacific Railway Company should relieve us of the charge of building branches, for that these gentlemen said the company would do that in order to realize the profits from thei; lands. I do not mean to say that they have not built any Norii-West branches, but I do mean to say that they have not done what the Government pro- mised, and that we are now giving about ten millions acres of land in order to help on the building of branches, and a large por- tion of that land is going to the Canadian Pacific Railway Com- pany, which has become , the proprietor of some of this branch mileage, which it is thus iDuilding by the aid of further subsidies from us. The Government agreed that they would secure a fair arrangement as to freight rates, as between the North- West and Ontario, and the North- West and Quebec. Montreal has a great natural advantage over western cities in being an ocean terminus. The wheat is likely to go down through to Montreal, where it can be shipped across the ocean, and where the cars are emptied, there it is likely they will be filled with goods as return freights. No- body begi'udges that advantage to Montreal. But Toronto and (8) ■P .a ,.■..,/ 215 >- r will \on8, 'the that ihese you 3 not n,la- de- and John 1 rate •y. I West- en up acres Norj&h- ions of it my- rs real- y with it with lo such Pacific lilding Ido that ,ean to lut I do |nt pro- ,cres of |ge por- f Corn- branch ibsidies re a fair [est and a great Irminus. e it can Id, there k No- ito and \ Hamilton and other western cities have a minor natural aavan- tage in being nearer the North-West, jind consequently being able, other things being equal, to send goods to the North-West more cheaply. FROM THE COMMON POINT, Callander it is a shorter distance to Hamilton and Toronto than it is to Montreal, and we had a right to expect, and we were pro- mised by the Gbvernment, that we should reap the full advantage of that shorter distance. But we have not secured it, and the Canadian Pacific is, it is said, about to make equal rates between Montreal, Toronto, Hamilton, and such like points, and the West. The latest act of the Government in connection with the C. P. R., was to reverse their own decision reached the previous year, and to give up $10,000,000 of our loan to the company in return for our being allowed to retain 7,000,000 acres of our land grant, which is now unsalable. This transaction was accomplished in favour of a company whose stock stands at a premium of between forty and fifty per cent, on the issue price, and whose sharehold- ers have regularly received large dividends upon their invest- ment. That operation at one stroke added $10,000,000 to our public debt, and $400,000 to our interest charge, to the advantage of the Canadian Pacific Railway Company, and to the disadvan- tage of the taxpayers of Canada. In all these things, as I told you, I am not blaming the company. They were one party to a bargain and the people were the othefr. The persons I blame are the administrators of your aflfairs, who made such bargains, who effectuated such a policy, who asked you to endorse their pro- ceedings upon representations which have proven so entirely fallacious. Much of what I have said^oes to show what a good bargain, in their own interest, the company made, a consideration which should help to raise their stocks and improve their posi- tion. In truth, NO COMPANY SINCE THE WORLD BEGAN EVER GOT SUCH AN EXCELLENT BARGAIN. , • •■ ' - ■ ..... - / . They ha\e the advantage of $87,000,000 of cash, or its equiva- lent. They have secured nearly $11,000,000 from lands sold, bonuses, and town sites, and they have left about 14,000,000 acres of land. If you value this at $1 an acre, the sum of their . public advantage is about $112,000,000, besides the great mon- opoly and free road beds, and great exemptions. That, certainly, is a gigantic bonus, which ought to make the company extremely strong. But what I have shown you is that the Government, which«gave these immense, unprecedented concessions, has not (8) V ,'J ■ ■ A I ll <• .'<4 ■■' r TT" ^ .'i!^. W' "< w- "A ■ ■ I- 11. H. MM' 216 fulfilled its pledges or realised its promises. And you must re- member that all the development which has taken place in the North- West, and more, Would have taken place under our policy ; while the enormous debt which burdens us all, and which has done so much to alienate Nova Scotia, would, under that policy, have been very largely avoided. As to the future, that will speak for itself. About both past and future there were, during construction, many disputable points on which I have not touched; some of the greatest gravity. Many positions were taken, many criticisms were urged, many controversies were waged, as to details of the policy, as to me- thods, as to results, on which I have not touched. Some I omit for brevity. Some remain yet in the region of dispute ; while the policy is consummated and argument cannot affect it now. While I am ready, should my views be challenged, to give my reasons, and prepared, if shown to be wrong, to acknowledge my error, I must say that I have not yet seen ground on any sub- stantial question involved to change my opinions. But on any of these points, the agitation of which might be supposed by susceptible friends to bear injuriously on the prospects of the company, 1 am very '.f . r,\ WILLING TO BIDE MY TIME, and let the future decide. I have never wished, even when it was a duty to discuss the policy, still less do I wish to-day, to say one avoidable word which might, if any words of mine could, injure the prospects of the company. I believe no one has done more than myself to show how magnificent are their subventions. It has been my duty, however, in the past, and it may be my duty again to criticise thttir methods, and to discuss their rela- tions with the public. That duty I shall continue to discharge firmly and freely when occasion calls. But this is not such an occasion. I am concerned to-day to show, as I think I have shown, by some though not all the proofs, that the G. P. R. policy of the Government has not been wise, has not been justified by events, has not realised their promises, has not effectuated their pledges, and should rather weaken than strengthen their hold on the intelligent electorate of Canada. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) (8) 4 , ;. ''u i^:- ..un vyn l^••«■ u. ■. _\, /•i •, 217 THE CANADIAN I^ACIFIC RAILWAY, IT WAS NOT TO COST THE COUNTRY A CENT — WHAT THE EXPENSE HAS BEEN. 1 • ■ " ' " ' •>> • Speaking at Gait, Mr. Blakk said : The Government promised most emphatically, when they were persuading Parliament and the people to agree to their policy of enormous obligations and rapid construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway, that the cash re- ceipts from the land would suffice to p^ as the work went on all the obligations and interest without increasing the taxation. , . In 1880, THE FIRST MINISTER USED THESE WORDS •■ t i^nn'' For the purpose of relieving the people of Canada from the burden of tax< ation, which the work would otherwise entail, we have ofiered every second lot at an upset price, so that the road may be eventtuilly built without costing the peoplt one single farthing which will not be recouped. I believe that land can be made productive under the terms of the resolution to complete the whole of that road, to open that immense country, and give us a magnificent rail- way from sea to sea, without adding to the burdens of the people, or without causing any necessity for an increase of taxation. We can do it all by the sale of the lands which we hold as a sacred trust for the purpose of defraying the whole expense of the construction of the Canadian Paci&c Railway. v ' Again he said: — . .1 - As the road progresses the annual sale of lands will be more than suffi^iient to meet all possible cost of the raUway. > • ,■ :- <• . - -. f ft^ » ■ Again ; — ',-l> The proceeds of the sale of the lands will meet our engagements as the work progresses, including claims for interest. ,^ Mr. White, in amendment to a motion by Mr. Charlton in the same session, moved, and the House resolved : — ^ /-.^ That the policy of the Government for the disposal of the public land in Manitoba and the North- West is calculated to promote the rapid settlement of that region, and to raise the moneys requirdd for the csnstructioa of the Canadian Pacific Railway without further burdening the people, and that it deserves the support and approval of this House. .^;, In the same year, 1830, the First Minister estimated the cash pro- ceeds of the lands actually to be received from that year to 1890, inclusive, to be $38j600,000. The amount which would be then due but not payable, but still a mortgage on the lands, and as good as cash, bearing interest, he estimated at $32,700,000, or an I. (8) ^■- 9 ri!*' ■■»■ /21S r: '' H-r^i aggregate received and due of $71,300,000. He estimated the cost of survey and adm' aistration of the lands at $2,400,000, and he brought down a handsome balance of net results of $68,900,000 before the year 1890. On 10th February, 1882, THE FIRST MINISTER MADE THIS STATEMENT :— , We hare not forgotten the promise m&de by the Government, that they would make the land in that country recoup to the Dominion the ^25,000,000 that we have promised the Syndicate, and what the Dominion has already spent, or is spending on the Canadian Pacific Railway. There is no reason in the world f asl have urged again and again^ why the people of the older Provinces should put their hands in their pockets and setUe that country, and imj:rove it, a/nd buiM railways at their expense. That country, which is going to reap the advantages of thoue railways, should provide the cost of the improvements, and the North- West, I am happy to say, is so rich, and will be so sought for, that what was a reasonable proposition at the beginning is now a certainty, namely, that it will be able to Bell su£Scient land that, while preserving the homesteading right, it would be able to repay to those who have contributed to the taxes necessary in connection with building the road, the money with interest added. Again : — It is safe — it is certainly beyond the possibility of doubt — to say that every farthing, and every cent, and every dollar, that has been or will be expended in buUding the Canadian Pacific Railway, not one shilling of this burden will fall on our shoulders, or the shoulders of the ge leration that will succeed us. We will be free from the whole amount of that debt. Again : — • By this year, then, there will be 10,000,000 acres granted to colonization companies under Plan No. 1, which means the eventual payment of $10,000,- 000 into the Treasury. . . . That will be $10,000,000, and with the sales that will take place of railway lands in other portions, we will have, either in money or in what is as good as money, solid mortgages on every one of these colonization tracts, an amount equal to $2,500,000, so that in one year we may fairly say we have got half of the whole $25,000,000. On 2nd April, 1882, THE FIRST MINISTER SAID: — '»•■. It was the policy of the Government that the country should pay for its ownrailway. ..,:, , k.. .-.::.. ......,•;♦ w. t=...vj .v.' a,, ■iV.': And again: — Seventy-five thousand acres are to be sold — they are not to be used for homestead purposes — for the purpose of relieving the people of the older Pro- vinces who, on the faith of this assurance and promise — and on that promise only, accepted the burden, and have at the polls recorded their sanction of this policy. . . . They endorsed this policy on the understanding that eventually that country would pay the whole of the expense. Then, on 12th April, 1882, • , ' :- ; ;. : vr i' ■, \ ^ %S. 's ^r mmm ' i •-■■■:. ^ ' *' ,"'? t 219 ■v,'j* '■'•r i ■■ "v^ V '^ ,■ ft' .•'-"? SIR CHARLES TUPPER SAID :- The lands have so inoreased in value aa to warrant us in the statement, and to warrant the conviction in tha mind of every intelligent man, that at an early date we will not only have the $35,000,000 recouped to the Treasury, but we will go on, and, if we have not wiped out our other responsibilities, we will soon be in a condition to wipe out the engagements thrown upon as by the late Qovemment, as well as those incurred by our own in reference to the work. On the 4th of May, 1883, . . . r SIR CHARLES TUPPER, . : .*/ > • ,v,, then Minister of Railways, read to the House the statement of the Department of the Interior, as follows : — . Sir, — Having given the subject my beat and fullest consideration, I esti- mate that the receipts of this Department from the sale of agricultural and coal lands, timber dues, rents of grazing lands, and sales of mineral lands other than coal, with the royalties from the minerals, between 1st January, 1883, and 31st December, 1891, both days inclusive, will amount to not less 4han $58,000,000. And • ' -'^^ SIR CHARLES TUPPER - , in the same speech, referring to a general estimate, said : — This is the amount that we expect to receive from surplus revenue and the sales of land from the commencement of this contract down to the time the contract provides for the completion of the work. With that calculation be- fore us — and I think all will admit that it is a safe calculation — I think we may come to the conclusion, not only that our country will not be over- whelmed in debt, but that we shall be in the position the Imperial Govern- ment is in to-day. Mr. Cbilders reduced the national debt «ight millions sterling last year, and he proposes to reduce it by eight millions this year. So my hon. friend, the Minister of Finance, proposes to reduce our debt, so we propose to reduce these surpluses, not for the construction of the Canada Pacific Bailway, mark you, but for the reduction of the public debt, that when the work is constructed from end to end, there will not only be no increased indebtedness upon Canada, but at an early day the sales of the land alone will recoup back to the Treasury of the country every dollar that has been expended. These are some and some only, of the statements made by the Government. I told them, on the other hand, that the sales of these lands \ WOULD NOT MEET THE COST ■».','■ incurred in the local government and development of the country, a.nd in the surveys and administration of the lands ; that they would not pay the interest on the expenditures in respect of the Canadian Pacific Railway, and that they would thus, of course, produce nothing toward the principal. I told them that their cal- ls '\ M^ 1 220 !• ^;f f. > -A culations were extravagant, wholly unwarranted by the experi- ence of the past or by any reasonable expectations of the future, and to-day, I am sorry to say, lam able to prove that we were right a/nd they were wholly wrong. The results from 1880 to 1885 show net receipts of about 3 or $400,000 over the cost of survey and local and head office administration of the lands, allowing nothing for the cost of Indians, Mounted Police, Local Government, immigra- tion, and so forth. But that is not the worst. The boom years are included, and in the latter two years the receipts do not cover the expenses of administering the lands alone. The results of the settlement are of the same character. And the prospects for the future do not warrant us in believing that there will be many early sales. I cannot give you better proof of that than by refer- ring you to Sir John Macdonald's speech in London, in which with singular inconsistency, while contending that he had redeemed his pledge, that the sales of land would pay the expense of the Cana- dian Pacific Bailway as the work proceeded, he asserted that the free grants \\could absorb all the immigration that could reason- ably be expoo^'eH * »• the next twenty-five years. Now, if every immigrant r iJ^^-^vq years is to be absorbed by the lands which are grar e- frvjj now M^CH ARE WE GOING TO SELL ? i 'i » ¥-h m, *■ ' (Applause.) It is evideiio thau the charges will absorb all and more than the receipts. The arrears of interest on our payments for the Canadian Pacific Railway already reach many millions of dollars, and will not be met if you set against the receipts the charges ; still less will there be anything to pay current interest or to be applied redeeming the principal. What is that principal ? It amounts, for payments made or pledged, adding together those under and those outside the original contract, to a grand total of $83,000,000, apart from yearly subsidies. yhh.'i MR. M'LELAN, THE FINANCE MINISTER, said last session that the money we borrowed for the last Canada Pacific Railway loan, was costing us more than four per cent., and thus that we made money by receiving back part of that loan in advance. Assumed that we borrowed all the amount, and that the interest and charges on our transcontinental railway expen- diture cost us 4^ per cent., the annual charge would be $3,735,000. There is also in connection with some of the eastern extensions of the system a yearly subsidy of $250,000 for twenty years, and another of $30,000 for fifteen years, making $280,000 a year more for a long term of years. There is thus a yearly charge of over , four millions ; and a principal of $83,000,000. This we have ta ... -_ (8> . » ' ■• '■J» .221 ' r. pay. (Applause.) Now, I have given you in a few figures the cash cost of the Canadian Pacific Railway to the country apart from lands. I have pointed out that these men told you it would ^nada |., and in in that :pen- LOOO. Ins of and iss ,* r » COST YOU NOTHING, « that they were going to make enough out of the sale of lands to pay for it, principal and interest, as the work went on. But I have shown you that we have already paid many millions out of increased taxation, and we will have to paj'' scores of millions more in the same way ; and this story about the lands paying for the railway is proven to be an absurd and exploded fiction. And yet SIR JOHN MACDONALD, speaking at London, said : — , >. I was laughed at in introducing the measure oris;inally when I stated that the twenty-five millions which we were to advance, that we were to give as a gift, as a subsidy — I do not refer to the loan now — that every farthing of that would be repaid by selling the land, made valuable by building the rail- way. Gentlemen, that, like all my other predictions, will be carried out. Under our system even-numbered sections are kept for homesteading, and these even-numbered sections cover such a large area of land that they will absorb all the population that is likely to come into that country for the next twenty-five years. The odd-numbered sections we keep and put into the market at a very reasonable price, and every acre of it that is sold is funded for the purpose of paying the cost of survey, the cost of administration, and, finally, to pay off the twenty-five millions we were'' obliged to borrow in England for the purpose of the grant to the Canadian Pacific Railway. Gentlemen, we were told at the time we introduced that measure that w* were putting a tax, not upon ourselves, but upon every farmer in the older Provinces ; that we were taxing posterity ; that our children and children's children would feel the burden of those twenty-five millions. I submit, gentlemen, it is now a matter of certainty, it will not happen in a day, in a year, or in some years, for a nation can afford to wait, but I tell you it is certain that those lands will be sold, that the money will fdrm a fund to pay off the twenty-five millions. Then we will have that great railway finished, finished without putting any burden upon the people of Gaaada ; the twenty -five million and every farthing cf it will he paid out of the produce of the lands of the North- West, and rwt one cent of it will fall upon you, your farms, or your children. Now, you will obser\te. Sir John alters his prediction; he confines it to the twenty-five millions of cash subsidy, but I have proved to you that he and Sir C. Tupper both promised that the ' lands would pay principal and interest of the whole cost of the Canadian Pacific Railway. If they say that only the $25,000,000 will be repaid out of the lands, there remains the trifle of $58,000,000, the rest of the cash cost of the road, which, with enormous arrears of interest, and the yearly subsidies, you must make up your mind, • (I) ', ■' ■"!« ■ i. J ' ) ' '. ' ^ . 222 ' T , •- » ^ /.' v^ ■'.••' , ti '' ■}■ COMES OUT OF YOUR TAXES. . ./ ,-,1. ;. 'Jic ;,■ ; * ■/■ He says now that the cost will not be paid as the work is done, that " it will not happen in a day, in a year, or in some years," but I have shown you that the promise was that the money would be paid out of the lands, principal and interest, as the work went on ; that six years ago they said they would make $69,000,000 by 1891, and that three years ago they said they would make $58,000,000 in hard cash between 1883 and 1891 ; while in fact they will net nothing at all. Sir John says the homesteads will absorb the immigration for twenty-five years to come. If that is so the debt will have been in the meantime far more than doubled by the interest. The interest charge, even at 4 per cent., will in that time double the debt, apart from the compound interest all together. You will have to pay in simple interest an amount equal to the principal before he begins the process of recoupment. The truth is — and we may as well face it — we will have to pay these four millions a year out of our taxes. (Applause.) We will have to redeem, as a public obligation, this vast principal of 83 millions ; we will have to settle the whole. The Government cannot escape FROM the fact THAT THE DEBT AND THE TAXATION, THE PUBLIC BURDENS, HAVE BEEN ENORMOUSLY AND PERMANENTLY INCREASED BY THE BUILDING OF THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY, REGARD- LESS OF THE OTHER DISADVANTAGES OF THEIR CANADIAN PACIFIC Railway policy, which I shall not discuss to-night. They HAVE BROKEN EVERY PLEDGE. ThEY HAVE DECEIVED THE PEOPLE. It is FOR THE PEOPLE TO GIVE THEM IHEIR REWARD. (Loud applause.) . - . . f CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY MATTERS. ■; )!» 0'J\, •"';^; -^.iri. . M «■* :*•■■■' THE LAST SACRIFICE OF $10,000,000. COLLAPSE OF THE TORY BOOM POLICY. Hon. Edward Blake, at Listowel, said : — Some recent Minis- terial utterances lead me to say a few words to you upon one single point of the Canadian Pacific Railway policy of the Govern- (8) mm ^:> fv.; 228 ment, that concerning the grants to the Company, and particularly the last transaction of taking back some of our waste lands in satisfaction of their debt. First let us try to grasp the magnitude of these grants, the money part of which, contrary to the solemn promise upon which the Government induced Parliament and the country to consent to their policy, must be paid out of your taxes instead of being, as they alleged, paid out of the proceeds of sales of North-West lands. Now, gentlemen, the whole EXPENDITURE OUT OF PUBLIC RESOURCES on the transcontinental line — and by the transcontinental line I mean the whole schemes projected from ocean to ocean, because they have made and promised a considerable expenditure outside of the original contracted line between Callander and Port Moody, I say the whole of this public expenditure, made or pledged, including the receipts by the company through its land grants and bonuses is NOW ABOUT $98,000,000. This takes no account of their free road-bed and station grou nds and other privileges, exemptions and monopolies of enormous value. The public expenditure for the main line from Callander to Port Moody is of course less than this, because about $17,000,000 represents to-day the capitalized value of the sums given or pledged in cash, or by yearly payments, in connection with the other elements of the transcontinental scheme. The distance from Callander to Port Moody is 2,550 miles, and the grants for this part of the scheme are these — Government works and surveys, $35,- 000,000 ; cash subsidy, $25,000,000 ; cash lent the Company and settled last session by the resumption of waste lands, $10,000,000 ; proceeds of the Company's land grant bonds, local bonuses, and sales of town sites, about $11,000,000, making a total of $81,000,000; besides about 14,000,000 of acres of land available for sale, which they still retain. These gifts are equal in round figures to $31,750 and 5,550 acres for each mile of the road. If you reckon the un- sold land grant to be worth $1 an acre, the grants amount to $95,- 000,000, or $37,250 for each mile ; if you reckon the unsold land at the too high rate of $1.50 per acre, at which the Government took part for their debt, the grants amount to $102,000,000, or $40,000 for every mile of the 2,550 miles from Callander to Port Moody. I am convinced, taking the road all over and having regard to the exceptional advantages for railway construction during the last few years, when the cost of constmction has been lower than ever be- fore, that had the road been built at moderate speed and with pro- per economy, had not the rash, the insane policy of extreme haste, ^ with all its incidents and consequences, been adopted, the road (8) . . S'.. ■4^ '•'it ■■■ 224 • 'il> :. ^! ' /^>" COULD HAVE BEEN BUILT FOR THAT MONEY, . and the Canadian Pacific Railway, built at the public expense, might still be public property. These colossal grants have been supplemented, as I have told you, by the equivalent of $17,000,000 for outside operations, making a grand total of from $112,000,000 to $119,000,000, according as you reckon the value of the unsold land. These grants are enormous and unprecedented. They are beyond comprehension; we, cannot grasp such figures; they are equal to more than half our whole net public debt ; they are equal to over half a million for each electoral district in Canada ; they are equal to a yearly charge for interest and charges, calculating the cost at 4 J per cent., of over $5,000,000, or for each electoral district about $24,000 a year. They are equal to over $120 for each head of a family in Canada. It was with this state of things in view that the Government agreed last session to release $10,- 000,000 of the debt, and add $400,000 a year to the public charge. This is the last transaction included in my figures. Sir John Macdonald in various places has made statements on this subject. At Winnipeg he said : — " There were only, ten millions more of the debt, and the Company said * * Take your choice : we will pay you the other ten millions, or if you wish to free our land of any mortgage to the Government, so that we can go into the markets of the world and get money to build branches for the purpose of extending and i«7eloping the 0. P. B., you may take out of the land grant, out of the most fertile part of the great North- West, enough land at $L.50 an «ore to pay your ten millions. ' " Well, gentlemen, you all read the papers, and you know the estimates made, especially by Mr. Blake, as to the value of the lands. " In his celebrated speech, which has been so often quoted, he stated that the lands, at the lowest valuation, were worth $3.75 an acre. " I believe they are worth that, and that we made a good bargain for the lands, at less than half their valae. In consequence of its being free of debt, there is no railroad in the world which has such substantial credit as the C. P. R" . ., i At London he said : — \'J' 1 %. . 1:: I . .' *' There now remained only another ten millions to be recouped, and the Canadian Pacific Railway Company came to us and they said, '* We have until 1890 to pay this. We have paid you twenty millions five years before the time. We will now do one of two things : we will pay you the money in 1890, if you wish to free us of all obligations, and get done with the incon- ▼enient relation between the Government and the Company of debtor and creditor. We will pay you in land the whole balance of the debt at $1.60 an acre. Now, gentlemen, that land was to be taken out of the railway belt, that land was to be taken out of the 25 millions of acres that we had agreed to give them, and which they had earned, that land extending 20 miles each side of the railway ; some of the finest land that has ever laid out of doors, to use a familiar expression. It recalls to our recollection that Mr. Blake, in his place in the House of Parliament, has valued that land at a minimum, at > . . (8) :' 1 \' ' ney m inoon- n and 1.50 an f y belt, agreed )8 each , . ■ doors, ftke, in urn, at __■ ,.^v- •V . -"i* 225 , the least value, at $3. 75 an aore. Mr. Charlton said it was worth $5 an acre, and the Company offered us, in order to get rid of the obligation, the land at ^1.50 per aore. Well, we had to consider it, and the Government came to the conclusion, and I think you will a^^ree with us, it was a correct conclusion, if the land at its lowest is worth $3.75, we were making rather a good bargain out of the Oanadian Pacific Railway Company to get the land at lestt than half price. (Cheers.) So we took the laud at 91.50 an acre, and we have those lands now ; we are selling those lands, and we are making a fund out of the sales as the lands are sold, in order to redeem the bonds, to redeem our obligation to our creditors, to apply to the payment of the ten millions. So that, gentlemen, we are now free from the Canadian Pacific Railway, the Oanadian Pacific Railway is free from us ; the liftini; of the mortgage on the* railway for this ten million frees them entirely. They are the most enter- prising body in the world ; they are extending their road in every possible way ; they are building branch roads wherever branches can be useful to the country and to the road as a commercial enterprise. They can now go into the market free from all debt to issue their bonds, and with the prestige, with the credit they have gained by the fact that the road is now completed, by the fact that they own the road, and that the Canadian Government or Cana- 'dian Parliament cannot interefere with them — that they can go into any of the markets of the world, and the very people that would not look at their bonds at any price three years 9.^0 will only be too glad to get them at their market value." • You know how much confidence they have in me ! They have often told you how coiTect my judgment is ! (Cheers and laughter.) And so of course, , , THEY WERE QUITE SATISFIED .. > wlien, as they allege, I, of all men in the world, valued the land at $3.50 an acre, that they must be making an excellent bargain. (Laughter.) Sir John is never tired of this alleged quotation of my opinion. Everywhere he repeats it, and depends on me ! He says, " This is Mr. Blake's estimate ; " and it is extraordinary, and even flattering, to know how much they depend upon Mr. Blake's alleged estimate — wiien it suits them ! (Loud applause and laugh- ter.) Gentlemen, it was not so. THEY MADii: THE ESTIMATE THEMSELVES. Sir John Macdonald gave an estimate as far back as 1879 and repeated it in 1880, of the value of North- West lands within a certain distance of the projected railway. He declared what the land was worth in each of several belts on either side of the railway, valuing the several belts at different prices cor- respondent with their distance from the line. Only a few months later in the same year they brought down a new railway policy, under which they were to give lands along the line to the present company, and, in dealing with this new policy, I said : — ^A few months ago you valued these lands at such and such prices. Now that the situation has, as you say, everyway ( ', m li h 226 improved, and that the railway is to be built through the lands faster than was then expectea, thus increasing their estimated market value, you surely must believe the lands to be worth at least as much as your own estimate of a few months ago. Here is what I said on that subject in 1880 : " What about the lands 7 These lands are to be within 24 miles of the railway. According to the estimate of the Government, made by them in the recess before last session, and which they published to the world as the ' terms of sale of railway lands ; confirmed by tnem during last session, when they brought it down and declared it to be a moderate estimate ; further confirmed by them when they asked Parliament to sanction their going on with the work on those regulations and principles ; and still further c *" firmed, in a sense, when they announced, as they have repeatedly nounoed, that the prospects of soiling land in tne North-West are infinito*^ brighter to-day, that the land is worth more to-day than it was a year ago. According to this view, which we may take as a minimum estimate, there is established for lands to be found within twenty-four miles of the railway^ an average price $4.04 an acre. (Hon. members, hear, hear.) Well, the hon. member for Niagara and other hon. members think that a wholly ridiculous estimate. , . " Mr. Plumb— We do. "I did not hear that the hon. member for Niagara thought it a ridiculous estimate when his chief and leader propounded it last year. * * * But now the case is difierent, and the case being different alters the case^ and the hon. gentleman, the case being altered and his chief being absent^ sneers at and ridicules his chief's estimate of the value of the land. " I may explain, sir, since there appears to be a little incredulity on thia subject, how it is. The ten-mile range, or rather the two ranges of five miles, near the railway, were valued at five dollars an acre, * * the two fifteen-mile ranges near to thia, making thirty miles in de altogether, were valued at $1 ; and eight miles of the next range the tL. dollar range." .1 thus showed that the average value, as estimated by the Go- vernment themselves, of the land they were about to grant, was $4.04 an acre. •' , Now have I not demonstrated by the clearest proof the faot that THIS WAS THEIR, AND NOT MY VALUATION ? What is to be said of the candour and honesty of public men who endeavour to persuade you that they relied on my values, when they knew I was only quoting their own ? . I think mine was not an unfair argument, I was applying their own valuation to their own bargain ; and they couldn t well com- plain of that ! (Applause and laughter.) But even if it had been my estimate in 1880, and if I had been wrong then in my valuation of North- West lands, I want to know whether that would justify a bargain made for the purchase of North- West lands in 1886? Suppose this had been my estimate, instead of theirs, and that subsequent events had proved it was wrong, or ' fsf ■ ■MMi t-' was that their corn- had n my thai West ad of g. or ^ •/ 227 ' ■ '• '* " ; *- suppose the value and prospects of sale had chanpjed in six years, what sensible man would say. — " You are justified in buy- ing those lands in 1886, because in 1880 a gentleman in whom you had no confidence whatever valued them higher ?" Why, when I used ray argument in 1880 they repudiated their own val- uation and declared it ridiculous ! But not one of you but knows that the price of land in this country fluctuates. Not one of you but knows that there have been great rises and falls in the value of real estate in the North-West. It is absurd to talk of lands there having a fixed and immutable value. The value goes up and down according to circumstances, especially in a new country subject to such fluctuations and contingencies as the North-West. HAVE THERE BEEN NO BOOMS and no collapses in the North-West ? They acknowledged that a boom happened — they caused it. They acknowledge that a collapse has occurred. They caused it too. They say that they cannot even give away the land as rapidly as they desire. Sir John Macdonald himself said at London that the immigration to the North-West would be absorbed by the free grants and home- steads for twenty-five years to come. What chance is there, then, of selling farming lands mt .mwhile ? Do you want ten million acres more to sell when you expect to give all free that will be wanted for the next quarter of a century ? It is absurd ; and yet they aa.y they made a most excellent bargain for the country. They tell you they have bought land cheap for you, and that they are going to make money out of the purchase ; and still in the same speech, yes, and even in the same sentence, Sir J ohn declares that the position of the Company is greatly strengthened by this sale. It could not have been, in this aspect, a very good sale for both the Company and the Government as well. If the Government ^ot the land dog cheap, at half price, surely the Company must have sold too cheap and lost money ! (Cheers.) As a matter of fact, it is correct that THE COMPANY WAS VERY MUCH STRENGTHENED by this transaction, for the moment it was cabled that the Gov- ernment had agreed to buy the lands at this price, the Company's stock rose several millions of dollars, just because the Company had made so good a bargain and the Government sUch a bad one. (Cheers.) Now then, I dealt in 1885 with this whole question of North-West lands. I then dealt with their pretence that the old valuation was mine. I repudiated it then. I gave them my views on the general subject then ; and if they, in 1886, were re- If' I Si ^'r'f H '.i. S' :.v (> Xi, X'r <--^ ^■'f •^y-^ I y ^ 228 lying on my opinions, it was to those views of 1885 they should have referred. Remember, this speech was made just a few months before they made this bargain, and shortly after the Com- pany had asked them to agree, and they had refused, as they did in 1885, to make the purchase. This is what I said: — • . ■ - " Now, the hon. gentleman referred to my valuation of the North- West lands, as he called it, in ] 880-81. I pointed out what the Government valuation had been in the preceeding year. I was not, therefore, measuring their corn in my bushel, but in their own, and I think THAT IS X FAIR WAY. They have valued the lands at such and such prices, and the following session, within a few months, with no variations of circumstances except one of improvement having occurred, they brought up a proposal to hand over the picked lands — nothing which was not cultivated — lands fairly fit for settlement — that was the character of the lands ; they were proposing to hand them over to the Canadian Pacific Railway, and I said : Now you are bringing forward this as a bargain. You told us the lands were worth on the average so much money last year. Are the circumstances worse now ? No J they told us they were better. Then the lands must be worth as much ? Yes, that could not he denied. Well, if you were giving so much lands to this railway, and if according to your conception, they are worth so much money, then of course you are giving thein the equivalent of so much money. That was my argument. But I have never said that the price of the North- West land was a fixed figure. On the contrary, 1 have pointed out that under diflferent circumstances, in varying years, under varying influences, the price of the lands in the North- West, as in other new countries, would rise and fall, and that we have to deal with the facts as they were presented to us at the time at which we were called upon to deal. I cannot say what the North- West lauds will Jaring in the near or the distant future, but I can refer to some tests of the value of those lands at the present time, and that I will venture to do. I say that their value in the future is speculative ; on the average, no doubt, in the long run, the value will improve, the country will improve, but what you should deem them worth to-day, or in the near future, is a question which passes my poor head to answer although hon. gentlemen answer it in various ways according to the exigencies of the situation. I pointed out last session that they could not be relied on as present sources of revenue to meet the interest on the loan, and now after the collapse which occurred during and since last session, and after the outbreak of this session, what are we to say is their value ? Now, I will give you some tests. " I then proceeded to refer to the North-West Lands Co., and went on as follows : — " Well, then. (( TAKE THE COLONIZATION COMPANIES. " In the year 1884 the Minister of Railways stated that there were some 23,000,000 acres applied for by colonization companies, that ^10,000,000 were already provided for, and that the rest would be provided for very soon, be- cause they would go on selling an increased average an4 enlarging the price. We do not know, of course, what the Government measure is ; they have promised to bring one down, and they admit that they are about to bring a proposal to relieve the colonization companies whose bargains made with them by the Government are too hard, and cannot be performed. Take again the ; . . (8) ■f 229 '■■[ V' 1! did my ways that the g and to say and some were h ^^' )rice. ■ have ' ' |ing a them the ^ CALCULATION OF^ THE GOVBRNMEMT ITSELF. On the 4th of May, 1883 they brought down calculations that they would realize $58,000,000 in cash for the Innds in the North- West by the year 1891. How many millions will they dare say they will realize now 1 Will any man amongst them say they will realize $58,000,000 ? Will any man say thiit they will realize one-half of ^8,000,000 1 If they will not will they say that cir- cumstances have not changed, or that their calculations have been verified 1 Take their action in June, 1883, when they passed an Order-in-Council de- claring that in future they would give no lands to railway companies in the North-West at a price which would L^t the Government less than $1.50 per acre. They were afraid that the former price gave too large a margin of profit to the railway companies which had not been fortunate enough to se- cure land at$l per acre, were to pay at least $1.50. Now, we had this con- dition of things, that while in June, 1883, the Government declared that futuie sales to railways should be at a price which would net the Government $1.50 per acre, the companies making their profit beyond, in September, 1884, they decided upon the policy of giving lands free to the railways, and why 1 Because they found that THE RAILWAYS COULD NOT SELL the lands at one dollar even and make money on them, and in order tu make that money which they intended the railways should make, it was neces.sary to give them free. Voes not that show a change of situation as to the lands in the North- West. Surely there j|b but one answer to that. When you find the Government declaring in June, 1883 that it would be sufficiently profitable to the railway companies to get lands at $1.50, and in September, 1884, say- ing we must give them free to the railway companies in order that they may make some profit on them, viho will deny that there is a change— I do not know how long it will last — with reference to the North- West lands ? And what more 1 Why, Mr. Van Home, in September, 1884, declared that he was not sanguine, with a gift of practically 9,600 acres a mile for 100 miles of the Manitoba South- Western Railway, passing through the best part of Southern Manitoba and long settled, that he would be able to build that line, although he started out with a basis of credit of 50 miles of completed line, for which the company charges something like $25,000 a mile. That is the statement of a gentleman who, in his other capacity as Vice-President of the Canadian Pacific Railway, is certainly deeply interested in not depreciating the value of the lands of the North-West. Does not that show a change ? Take the dealings of the Bell Farm Company with the Government, by which their agreement is modified very materially. Take the fact that there are only twenty-three homesteads on a 400 mile stretch of the Canadian Pacific Rail- way through the prairies. Taking all these facts, I ask you whether there is any immediate prospect of realizmg considerable sums from the sale of lands in the North-West. Now, these gentlemen do not like this, because they told us, when they asked us to assent to the Canadian Pacific Railway con- tract in 1881, and again when they asked us to assent to the loan of 1884, that they were going shortly to pay oflf the railway obligations which the peo- ple of Canada were incurring out of the lands of the North-West ; they told us they would all be recouped out of the lands ; and having told us that, they do not like to hear these statements which convict them out of their own mouths of gross miscalculations." So that you see a few months before the bargain I explained fully the past, and stated my views as to the present value of North-West lands as established by the experience which we had ' ' (8) ■\, I' / ^: ■'V <■ ^p ^■pp mmmm^mm'mi^W^mmmm ■^ ' 230 been gaining, and with reference to the sales and prospects of sales. Surely if it were my judgment and estimate on which they wished to rely they would have turned to my speech of 1885, and to the fact that in the same year I denounced the proposal as one not fit to be entertained. But now >••• . , , .. •/ . ■•.■■..-. ;'i> < "^ \}-j THSY WISH TO GULL THE PEOPLE by pretending, forsooth, that they acted on my valuations. It is as dishonest as it is shallow to make any such pretence. (Cheers.) There was another element to be considered in judging of the prudence of this transaction. That.is the proved demand for public lands in the North- West of late years. That demand had fallen to nothing. Look at things as they were in the early years, in Mr. Mackenzie's time, when there were yet no railways, when these men alleged there was no North- West progress, and com- pare the figures with their own. (Applause.) The entries for public lands in the North- West were for 187o 1,021, covering 1(33,000 acres ; for 187G, 807, covering 153,000 acres ; for 1877, 2,283, covering 400,000 acres ; and for 1878, 4,065, covering 632,- 000 acres ; and in the last year they«were 724 sales. Then came the present Government. ^^ THEY CREATED THE DISASTROUS BOOM, with its thousands of nominal entries and its delusive and short- lived prosperity. In 1882 it rose to its height; there were 16,740 nominal entries, covering 2,700,000 acres, with 3,703 sales. In 1883 it showed signs of contraction. There were 11,217 nomi- nal entries, covering 1,800,000 acres, with 1,034 sales. Before 1883 closed it was ended. In 1884 the bubble had already burst, the collapse had already taken place. They now attribute that collapse to the rebellion. Now, the rebellion was their fault, and so they cannot thus escape. (Cheers.) But the rebellion did not take place till 1885 ; and in 1884 there were but 661 entries, but four per cent, of those of 1883, a reduction of 96 per cent., covering only 94,000 acres, and one single sale, while in 1885 it had become worse ; there were but 129 entries, covering 21,000 acres, and one single sale. (Cheers.) If they wish to charge the falling off" between 1884 and 1885 to that page in i V : „ Tg^ BLACK LEDGBR OF THEIR CRIMES which is headed " North- West Rebellions" they are welcome, (Loud cheering.) But so it was, that the demand had fallen to nothing, that there were but 79 homestead entries, 49 pre- emptions, and one single sale in the year before this great bargain . i-' 'K\, V [sales. , k^ished to the / not fit !■<. 'It is heers.) of the public fallen 3ars, in , when d com- ries for )vering r 1877, g 632,- n came I short- were |3 sales, nomi- Before burst, te thai It, and id not es, but cent., 885 it 21,000 ge the ilcome. lien to |9 pre- trgain )' • 231 'A -''■»' by which we bought ourselves so rich ! (Laughter and applause.^ So it was, that even compared with the progress in the " bad times of Mr. Mackenzie their figures should have made them blush and pause just at the period when they secured more land to sell ! Again, but 139 persons had, up to the close of 1885, taken up homesteads on a stretch of 400 miles along the C. P. R. in the North- West. How absurd it is to talk of this as a bargain ! How absurd to tell you that you are to clear the ten millions and interest out of these lands ! (Applausa) In truth, there is NO PROSPECT ' \ of the Government netting within any reasonable time any appreciable sum out of North- West lands. Rfemember that the Government cannot sell in detail to as great advantage as private persons. There will be no special prices for special farms ; and you may as well make up your minds to the inevitable, and set your shoulders to the wheel, for you will have to foot the bill. (Applause.) Now, you must remember there is another thing to be con-, sidered also. We were promised that the Company would be our great immigration agent. We were told that, as owners of 25,- 000,000 acres, their interest in getting the country settled, so as to secure the advantage to them of settling up their own lands, would make them incur the cost and save us the expense of bringing in immigrants. But, by this bargain, to the extent of 10,000,000 acres, we have taken away the necessity laid upon the company of bringing in immigrants. Sir John Macdonald said that the company first made the offer that, if we preferred it, instead of paying back in cash all that we had loaned them, they would transfer to us 7,000,000 of acres. He indicates that the company^ didn't want it particularly, but he took the offer because ,^ ,^. ' -\ IT WAS SUCH A GOOD THING for the country. (Laughter.) That, I fear, is not a candid state- ment of the case. It appears from public documents that the company asked for the arrangement the year before. I opposed it in the House on the rumour getting out The Government then refused the Company's request. The Company, it is plain, pressed it again as part of the settlement of the debt this year, and at length succeeded. If you think this transaction took place to benefit Canada, with its existing possessions of this and scores of millions of acres of waste land which cannot now be sold to immigrants, that is a fiction of which you had better disabuse your minds. It has no existence, in fact. This was a ;-^i' i M'5 ii H^BI ■• /■ ;,.4r V. ■ *»..■ 202 V , .■■}'■■> I «. ■; ■ FURTHER AND ENORMOUS BOON to this great Company ; and when you consider the colossal gifts . which had been lavishly made before, and the gigantic sums in principal and interest which we were called to pay, when you consider how prosperous and flourishing they reported the prese^it condition, and how bright and glowing the immediate future of this great corporation — the creature of our bounty, — I think you will agree that this further concession, this cancellation of ten millions of their debt for seven inillions of our waste and unsale- able lands, was extravagant, needless, improper, and impolitic, and deserves your condemnation at the polls. (Loud and pro- longed cheering.) NORTHWEST L4KDS. v:. A CORRECTION MADE BY THE LIBERAL LEADER — A DIFFERENCE ' ' IN THE FIGURES BUT NO DIFFERENCE IN THE CONCLUSION TO BE DRAWN. In his speech at St. Thomas Hon. Edward Blake said : — I ob- serve that Mr. White has pointed out inaccuracies in some figures I gave lately about North- West lands. These figures I took from a book which I have caused to be kept up for some years, giving particulars of the statements in the blue books. On reference to the gentleman who did this work for me, I am informed that he finds that for the last two years he by mistake took only one of two sets of figures for the totals. I feel it my duty at once to acdnowledge and correct the inaccuracy. Here is a table which I believe gives the facts : — north-west LANDS. Year. Entries. lo77 • 2,283 1878 4,065 .1882 16,740 1883 11,237 Less cancelled 375 1883 (net) 10,862 1884 7,700 , ' Less cancelled.... 2,366 , '^ 1884 (net) 5,334 ■* > I % Acres. 400,424 682,591 2,099.145 1,852 046 100,000 lomeateads. 832 1,753 7,383 6,039 375 Pre-emptions 594 1,588 5,654 • • • • Sales 767 605 3,703 1,752,046 1,087,256 367,280 6,644 3,753 1,394 2,359 4,120 2,762 572 1,034 1,186 • • • • 719,976 > 1,790 (8) 1,185 ■ V ■'-'r>-'='- 'A'^W^ '1.'^ ■'S^ 233 "' , y SaleB, 767 686 ,70;i ,034 ^ ,186 ,185 Year. . Entries. 1885 2,317 Less cancelled 2,236 Acres. Homesteads. Pre-empteona. Sales. 481,814 1,659 690 168 356,269 1,296 940 1886 (net) 81 126,546 263 350 168 You will observe that during 1877 and 1878, in Mr. Mackenzie's time, there was fair progress, and that the advance of 1878 over 1877 was considerable, the entries being nearly double. Then coming to THE BOOM YEAR of 1882,you will see an utterly abnormal, and in truth an unreal and ruinous expansion, with two and three-quarter million acres taken up, with nearly 17,000 entries — 7,400 homesteads, 5,600 pre-emp- tions, and 3,700 sales. Then in 1883 you find the failure of the boom. The entries were half as much again, and the sales were nearly four times as numerous in 1882 as in 1883. Then comes 1884, with all the signs of collapse ; the entries fell to 7,700, less than half of the number in 1882, and the ominous entry of cancel- lations became prominent ; they numbered 2,366, reducing the net gain in entries for the year to 5,334«, less than one-third of those of 1882 ; the ne£ gain in lands taken up was but 720,000 acres, little more than one-fourth of 1882; the net gain in homesteads was but 2,359, and in pre-emptions, 1,790, while the sales numbered 1,185. Ths figures had got so low that, having regard to the change of circumstances and the lapse of years, the progress com- pared most unfavourably with that of 1877 and 1878. Then we come to 1885, and reach the lowest point. The entries fell to 2,317, hardly more than half those of 1878 ; but there were no less than 2,236 cancelled entries, so that the net gain was nominal, 81 only. The land taken was only 480,000 acres ; but 355,000 acres were cancelled, leaving only 126,000 acres to the good, as against 680,000 acres in 1878. The net gain in homesteads was but 263, as . against 1,753 in 1878. There was an absolute loas in pre-emptions of 350, the cancellations exceeding by that figure the new pre- emptions. And the .sales fell to 168, not 5 per cent, of those of 1882, and little more than one-fourth of those of 1878. These- figures tell you plainly how completely « THE GOVERNMENT HAS FAILED t - to fulfil its promises. How utter has been the collapse of its policy ! How hollow its dreams of large settlement and enormous receipts from North West lands, wherewith to recoup Canada for ■ the uncounted millions it has lavished ! Who now dares to say, as was said in 1883, that we shall realize fifty-eight millions out (8) ,! * tl n U ■k ., ' ■ ■ r iM > ■ f'l rM\ i -i "■hi- A ... l ■>. ' 1 . -'i.^ 1 • ,y( lHi (B 't n '■'1*1 -.- -V ^1 'if m •v..' A 1 234 '-■V. of North- West lands by 1891 ? You have been grossly deceived and misled ; your future has been mortgaged and your taxes have been squandered upon false pretences ; and you have now to pay the heavy price of your misplaced confidence in the Tory Government. (Cheers.) V t- RAILWAY POLICY. Reimbursement of Local Expenditure. In his speech at Orangeville Mr. Blake referred to the items of railway expenditure made and pledged, and in the course of his remarks, he said : — You have heard it said, no doubt, that I have been pandering to Quebec) and have been willing to say or do any tiding to catch the French vote. I have not hesitated to claim justice for the var- ious Provinces, even though it might be turned to my prejudice in Quebec. Let me give you an example. You will remember that some sessions ago a proposition was laid before the House for the payment of several millions of dollars to the Province of Quebec in part reimbursement of the « PROVINCIAL EXPENDITURE ON CERTAIN RAILWAYS built in Quebec ; and which it was proposed should be treated as extensions of the Canadian Pacific Railway. I took the ground that, adopting this policy we should give equal justice to the other Provinces. Let me quote some extracts from my speech, as explanatory of my views : — Now in the Province of Ontario, in accordance with her system of local government, which has developed to a much greater extent than in any o^ the other Provinces, minuter systems of local government, by means o^ *mimicipal institutions, municipal taxation, and municipal expenditure, tho liooal Government has provided more largely for railways, through municipal- ities, than that of any of the other Provinces. The general results in the Province of Ontario are as follows : — Govern- ment aid paid and promised $6,520,000 ; to ihia is to be added the settlement of the claim of the Canada Central for a large specific grant of land in the Province of Ontario, made by the Legislature before Confederation, an^ in respect of which the courts held there was a legal claim against, not the Pro- vince, but the lands of the Province for an indefinite amount. This waa (8) •^i iwmm '^r % -^ ' r 235 *. -ii >. of ■ettled for $S50,000 in respect of raihray construction which took place after Confederation. This makes a total of $7,070,000 as the Government ex- penditure made and to be made. To this is to be added the municipal aid — I am sorry 1 have not been able to get all the grants, but the grants I have obtained information of are about ^,000,000, making a payment in all of over $15,000,000 by the Province, irrespective of a very large amount of the old Municipal Loan Fund debt, which was an asset of the Province of On- tario, and which was remitted to the municipalities — had been expended in the earlier railway construction. That I do not take into account at all, as my effort has been to ascertain what has been expended in the Province on railways since Confederation. One other observation is fit to be made, with reference to the expenditure of over $15,000,000, and to which, I have just alluded, in Ontario, and it is this, that no less a sum than $3,200,000 of that expenditure has been made on lines which have been declared to be now^ practically, parts of the Canadian Pacific Railway — the Canada Central an expenditure of $850,000 ; the Toronto, Grey & Bruce, which, it is said is to be the main artery to the Canadian Pacific for a considerable time to come^ and which has been leased under arrangements, to which Parliament has given its sanction, by the Canadian Pacific Railway as part of the Ontario & Quebec— $1,450,000 ; the Credit Valley, which forms a link in the line of through communication, which Parliament has sanctioned the acquisition of by the Canadian Pacific Railnray, $900,000, so that, as I have said, $3,200,- 000 of provincial and municipal money has been expended in the Province of Ontario for enterprises now practically part of the Canadian Pacific Rail- way, and deemed to be of very great importance on the proper working and complete realization of the benefits to be derived from that enterprise, and under the demands made upon municipalities in respect to these liberal rail- way grants, very considerable difficulties have arisen and very great burdens have been imposed upon many thriving municipalities. I then proceeded to show that in Nova Scotia $2,712,000 had been expended in like manner, apart from lands, and in New Brunswick $1,876,000, besides a large area of lands, and I went on as fallows : — * ' ''ill * \^i '■■^^"i ocal |iyof oi the ipal- ern- nent the ' L in Pro- was Speaking roughly, it is very extraordinary how closely in the whole of th& Provinces the railway expenditure approximates the basis of population. In the Province of Manitoba over $900,000, I believe, has been given municip- ally to various railways, either to the Canadian Pacific Railway or to railways^ which have had more or less connection with the Canadian Pacific Railway. I have shown you an expenditure in the five Provinces of over $30,000,000, and there is this oboervation to be made with respect to that expenditure : that h e railways upon which it has been made are, many of them, aye, most of hem, aye, almost all of them of infinitely greater importance, railways which can infinitely more properly be called railways of great advantage to Canada within the meaning of our constitution than many of those lines which the hon. gentleman has sought to bring within our jurisdiction, and many of those proposed railways for which he is now advocating a federal subvention. J da not intend to go over the list, but this fact is notorious. Let each member con- sider the lines in his own Provirce which have been built since Coufederation and he will see with the very greatest facility that the observation I nave made is just and correct, namely, that those lines which have been constructed are of infinitely more importance, of infinitely greater consequence and infinitely more national in their character than any of the lines now proposed to be aided, and indeed more important than any line which can be projected. They are th» main lines that were required at that time. ** * Now a third proposal is (8) ^ Vf'w I ■«' M" \ 236 made, namely, that there ahould be /l payment to a Province, in respect of past expenditure on certain of its Provincial railways. I maintain that this IS a principle now brought forward for the first time, and which, if it is to be applied at all, must have an application more extensive than that proposed to be given to it. I maintain it is not just to apply that principle in one Province, and not to the other Provinces. I tnamtain that the claims and rights of the other Provinces ought to he recognized, when this new policy is in" avgurated. We know what the truth is in this matter. We know perfectly well, it is quite notorious to us, that the finances of the Province of Quebec are in a distreesed condition. * * * I do not think the people of Quebec will dissent from the spirit in which I now address myself to them, namely, that it is fair and reasonable, under these circumstances, when a new policy of this kind is being proposed, to consider what its real basis is, to consider what the real condition of the other Provinces is, relatively to that basis and other- wise, and to see whether what is being proposed, as it stands, and without afiecting proper remedies for the application generally of the new principle you propose can be called just. I have pointed out the railway expenditure of the Provinces which have expended money on railways, and have shown ,you it bears an approximate relation to the population and resources of the various Provinces. I have shown you that other Provinces stood in the same position as Quebec with reference to this railw;ay expenditure, I have shown you, for example, that the Province of Ontario has, through our municipali- ties, expended $3,200,000 on railways which are now part of the Canadian Pacific JElailway, and I say that, in dealing with these lines, dealing with the question of railway expenditure, proposing to recoup Provinces in respect to railway expenditure, the proper, just and equitable mode of dealing with the case is to place all the Provinces on the same relative footing, to do justice, not to one, but to all. I have no desire to interfere with the aid it may be necessary to give in the interests.of Confederation at large to place on a some- what better footing the finances of Quebec, but whether the hon. gentleman of that Province agree with me or not, I am prepared to advocate in the House, while I yield what I think just, the claims of justice to all ; and I be- lieve that justice to all is not done by these resolutions. I believe that justice to all requires a wider application and a sounder basis for the appli- cation of the principle which the hon. gentlemnn proposes to incorporate in our legislature, and 1 moved, seconded by Mr. Laurier, the following amend- ment : — '' But this House feels bound to express the opinion that Canada, when (as proposed by the said resolution) recouping one of the Provinces for part of the past local expenditure in railwayi*, should have regard to the past local expenditure in other Provinces in railways, almost all of which have been declared to be for the general advantage of Canada, and this House regrets that the Government, while proposing; a measure of relief to one Province, has not taken steps with a view to a fair and proportionate measure of relief in respect of all local expenditure in the other Provinces." That was the position of the Liberal party, and you will judge whether that position was sound and reasonable, you will judge how far it is fair or right that the Governments of Ontario, Nova Scotia. New Brunswick and the other Provinces and their muni- cipalities should ^t - ;f> ; ,^ : » % '4-/ , t , ;.. ; -.'iiM-i/^Ari'l CONTRIBUTE WITHOUT ANY RECOUPMENT ,fr*. tij 4: \ \ from Ottawa, many, many millions of dollars, to the construction y . , (8) ' 7' "< * n.[\ t ' 237 h- --.j^ \ of public works, which are of enormous importance to the country at large, and a great part of which have been absorbed by the Canadian Pacific, while the Government of one of the Provinces receives a large recoupment in respect of similar works constructed within its borders. I think justice to all demanded the adoption of my amendment, which I rejoice to say was sustained by the solid body of the Liberal party. (Loud and prolonged applause.) . 1 RAILWAY POLICY OF THG LIBERAL PARTY. GUINEA-PIG DIRECTORS OF SIR JOHN's SUBSIDIZED ROADS — ASSISTED IMMIGRATION, AND JOlilUNa FN PRINTING — CONVERSION OF THE " MAIL." -m ice, 9lief Ige Ige )va ini- lon Iv .. < a; t' Hon. Edward Blake, in the course of a speech at Huntsville said : — It is a long time, Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, that I have promised myself the pleasure — and many a time I have talked with your former representative, Mr. Cockburn, about it — of visiting the district of Muskoka. I am very glad an occasion has arisen when I am able to conjoin a visit to yonr lovely lakes and brilliant woods, w^hich I have been enjoying this morning, with a visit to wliat, after all, must be the chief charm of a country to any public man or to any man worthy of the name, the people who inhabit it. (Applause.) I am glad to see your faces as well as the beautiful scenery in the midst of which you live, the loveliness of which must compensate you very largely for the trials, difficulties, and privations which happen to the pioneers who settle up a new and somewhat rough country. I am myself the son of an old settler, who, more than half a century ago, went into the completely unbroken forest and there hewed out for himself the space in which he put up THE log HOUSE IN WHICH I FIRST SAW THE LIGHT. / v (Applause.) Early in my public life I was called upon to repre- sent a new county, though not quite so new as this, the county of Bruce. And I have just had the pleasure of speaking to two former inhabitants of Bruce who cast their first votes for me in 1867. (Loud applause.) It has thus been ray lot both by birth and political connections to take a deep* interest in the situation, (8) .*<». -^v,: M>i- iv V m mm mi^ :■ /'^ ■ 238 • ,V - ,■»'• struggles, and wants of those who have been pioneers in Canada. I was eai'ly brought face to face with one of their prime needs, that of easier and cheaper means of transportation and communi- cation. I knew what the condition of things was in firuce when I first went there I know the changes which followed in four or five years, when I was called upon to take power in Ontario, about the close of 1871 ; I was called upon to do so at a time when it was necessary practically to set on foot what had been inaugurated on paper only, a large scheme of Provincial railway aid to meet that great necessity. Under these circum- stances, taking stock of the circumstances and the needs, as well of some of the older portions of the Province as of the new districts, my colleagues and myself determined that a very much ' larger appropriation of the public funds than that proposed by our predecessors would be necessary in order to do justice to all ; and though the House had been elected under the auspices of my opponents, I did not hesitate to bring down a plan involving more than DOUBLE THE AMOUNT THEY HAD PROPOSED for railway aid. The amount was one and a half millions a^ that time. 1 proposed to add $400,000, and also a further sum ■\ of two millions, payable in annual amounts extending over ^ twenty years — thus more than doubling the cash value of the grant. And being called upon practically to apply the grant, so far as the applications then before us enabled us to assist the districts, it was my good fortune to propose, with the assent of my colleagues, grants for almost all the new districts in which there were then railway schemes, including Grey, Bruce, Simcoe, Renfrew, Victoria, Addington, Hastings, and Nipissing, and even this then very new district of Muskoka. It fell to me to propose the grant out to Wasliago and later to Gravenhurst, which was then the furthest point to which railways in this quarter had been projected. The Conservatives allege that the Reform party is not a party of practical, progressive men, that we object to large. practical steps taken to improve the condition of the country, but those who know the course of the Reform party will agree with me that whether we were out of office, or whether we were in office, our course has been entirely different. (Cheers.) After showing how largely the Mackenzie Governnjent aided railways, Mr. Blake contrasted the honest manner in which the Liberal Ministry granted subsidies with the proceedings of ' Sir John Macdonald regarding the Railway Section of the Boodle Brigade. He proceeded: ' . I have" never objected — on the contrary I heartily approve — of f ' ■ . (8) / ' :.t>'iii„r<: ■■"■V . •.; ' •.'> " !i> ^ 239 \.-i a member of Pa^'l lament who considers his district entitled to aid on behalf of a certain railway, pressing fairly upon the Legislature and the Government the just claims of the district. T think that is part of his public duty as the representative of that district. I have objected strongly, however, and I object before you, to the combination of the assumed discharge of public duty with a pri- vate and personal pecuniary interest in the subsidy or the enter- prise which derives its commercial value from the subsidy, (Cheers.) Look what happens. The Government comes down, as it did last session, at the close of the session, with proposals for between thirty and forty grants to different railway enter- prises. We were called upon to swallow them all at once. It was rather more than my digestion was capable of dealing with, but it had to be done. (Laughter.) We find case after case in which these applications are made by members of Parliament. Is that in itself objectionable ? No. 4 J a* ' .1 r urn •^ ver the ; /, so the tof in ice, K pg» ~ f 1 me ■ Irst, '■ Lhis , ^ Ithe ' Ihat lion ' Lrin 1. * ml 1 Led I'tf ;■ - Hthe IT MAY BE THE DUTV of the member to make the application. But we find in a great many of the cases that the member has a double interest, not only that of a public man and a representative, acting for his district, but also a private interest which may cause himself to be en- riched or impoverished, according as the grant is given or with- held. In this connection Mr. Blake referred to the case of Mr. Burns, MJP., for Gloucester, N.B., who owns eleven-twelfths of the stock in the Caraquet Railway, which has received three bonuses aggre- gating $224,000, of which his proportion was over $200,000. This he said was but an instance, and though one of the most readily stated, it was not by any means worse than some others. He proceeded : — Now, I say to you, we must put a stop to this thing. (Cheers.) I am very glad to notice amongst certain startling developments on other subjects, that there is some sign of our voice on this subject, having reached as far as — how far do you think — as far even as the Mail newspaper. (Laughter and applause.) The change is not all I could desire, but when a man sees a glimmer- ing of the light I am prepared to hope for better things, (Laugh- ter and applause.) This k what the Mail said on the 24th September : — " It ia of the last importance that members of the House should be free from corrupting iuflueiices, and that their independence should be jeulously guarded." ** But if members are to be debarred from taking part in public or private enterprises which are likely to receive Government aid in the shape of money, Pailiament will be weeded of some desirable men." 8) . A ' :-' \-'^ I ■-£.-■. %^ 4 ^>' > .' I V'y- ,". 240 Now, there are four or five millions of people in this Canada of ours. I believe they are five millions of intelligent, capable, pro- gressive people, we have plenty of moderate capitalists, of rail- way contractors, railway engineers, railway promoters, speculative persons, but it is gravely stated that unless the 211 men who are chosen out of these four or five millions of people to conduct the public business ; to legislate upon public affairs ; to decide upon the public j)olicy ; to determine the public expenditure are allowed to engage in these enterprises, " Parliament will be weeded of some desirable persons." (Loud laughter.) How is this serious difficulty to bo got over ? I believe we can best got over it by realizing that there is no difficulty at all. I think we can find plenty of people outsirle of our legislative halls to promote and build these subsidized railways. But tliat does not yet suit the Mail — the Mail says the common-sense plan would be to distin- guish between the honajide promoter and the mere guinea pig — as they are called in England — you will observe that the Mail, by inference, admits that there are members of Parliament who are MERE GUINEA PIGS. >■«■ >.■■ How is this distinction to bo made ? The Mall says provide a stake test, as is done in France. It seems an extraordinary thing for the Mail just now to look to France as a guide. (Laughter and applause.) The Mail says : — ' • . " The coinnion-senae plan would be for the House to diatingnish between the bona fide promoter and the mere guinea pig, whose only capital is his poli- tical intluance or his capacity for log-rolling. This could be done, we think, by providing a stake test, as it was termed in France — that la by compelling the promoter or direuior 7,'ho happens to be a member of Parliament, to prove on oath, when the scheme comes up for a Government bonus, that he has in- vested in it a substantial amount (t j be fixed by the House) of cash actually his own, and not lent or advanced to him by others. By this means the mere politician who wants to turn his influence or his supposed influence with a Government to account, would be kept out of ventures of the kind, whilst no hindrance would be placed in the way of the member who was a le; itimate business man." I contend that THIS PROPOSAL IS INADEQUATE. No harm will result to the railway enterprises of tht untry if you say to the members of Parliament : — "It is not coiii(/;itibl with your public duty that you should smirch your reputation and place yourselves in invidious positions, by working for subsi- dies from which you are to get personal pecuniary benefit." Acting on any other principle there is danger, great danger, of , . (8) ■■:' I'-j-,:--' >.-. ,'ft' ^..•„ i >;.!.'/'■■ : -."'-A' "f-tti 'x;'-!!/^ ^ r,-^ ■■r,^y,.i;f_ I l l " .V ♦ 241 itry ion , ibsi- mr of • » abuse ; and, so far as I know, not a single one of the members <5/ Parliament whom 1 have accused of acting wrongly in this con- nection could answer the stake test. (Laughter and applause.) The putting in of a substantial stake is the last thing they think about in connection with these enterprises, through which they are to acquire ^reat political influence and tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars at the same time. Who are thoy ? Are they railway builders, railway engineers, capitalists ? No. TJiey are doctors, lawyers, country merchants, politicians, people of that kind, who never thought of building a railway until they found they could draw upon the public treasury to help thev *ut in the business. (Loud and prolonged applause.) Having referred to the Mail's sudden conver&iijii to the prin- ciple of Manhood Suffrage, Mr. Blake proceeded to consider the same paper's somersault on Assisted Immigration. He said: The burden of immigration expenditure has been enormously increased. Instead of being removed it has been trebled or niore. We objected to it because it was not only extravaofant but AITENDED WITH JOBBERY. ''*■■.' r We objected to it because the assisted passage system has been perverted and used injuriously to the fair claims of labour, and because the attempt to force immigration into the older Provin- ces had resulted unfavourably, and we insisted that the whole system should be modified, the expenditure cut down, and a sim- ple eflbrt made to announce to the tenant fanners of England and other places the capabilities of various parts of the country, so that we might induce those to come whom we desired to secure the advantages which we had to offer. These views have been stated by myself and many others. Let me quote part of my language at Hampton a few months ago : — " We have long contended for a change in the system. The Gov- ernment promised us, when the Canadian Pacific Railway contract came down, that the Company would save us the bulk of our then comparatively small expenditure, and that the immigration system would be carried on as in the United States by the transportation companies. But since then we have been paying much more heavily than before. ....... " Now, the system of State-aided immigrati )n has proved an entire failure, and worse. MANY UNSUITABLE PERSONS have come in ; many also who were not entitled to avail them- selves of assistance, and many were induced to come by false re- (8) . ■'I •1 . •I. .f^v ■■.i%t:. :■•'/' •---/ : .'V'v .. 242 \ i presentations, I do not say made by the Government, but made by energetic but not very careful individuals who were paid out of the bonus a commission by the transportation companies on each head, and who represented this as a golden land, in which employment could be found at once at high wages. These poor, deluded people often come to our doors in Toronto with pitiful representations of the stories told them in the Old Country, on the faith of which they emigrated. In our present condition there is no use trying to force immigration into the older Provinces. We adjoin the United States, and there is the utmost facility of travel accommodation between that country and our own. The condition of the labour and land markets there necessarily affect us, and if we were, by some extraordinary means, to force a large number of people into our older Provinces, just as water finds its level, so would the population, and either the view comers would flow over into the United States, or they would DISPLACE A CERTAIN NUMBER 'h^'■^ of our own people who would have to pass across the line. The unhappy fact is that we do not do more, if we do as much as re- tain our natural increase. And our labour market has, so far as relates to mechanics, been injuriously affected by the course of the Government. . . We in Canada employ a large immigration staff, and we pay for the publication of im- mense numbers of pamphlets. But the publication of these pamphlets furnishes gross instances of THE JOBBERY WHICH FLOURISHES AT OTfAWA. ^' m k ^ -J. Take the case of the Montreal Gazette, for example. We have a Government printer, who works under a regular con- tract. He is bound to print whatever we require at certain fixed rites. But instead of sending the work to this contrac- tor, newspapers friendly to the Government are employed. The principal proprietor of the Montreal Gazette until recently was Mr. Thomas White, who is believed to be still direc*^rly or in- directly interested in that newspaper. The transaction to which I am about to refer took place while he was a member of Parlia- ment, but before he became a Minister. The statement was made in the House by Mr. Somerville, a practical printer. Amongst the publications of the Montreal Gazette, was a pamphlet on British Columbia, of which the Government ordered 460,520 copies. The price charged by the Gazette was $9,211.15. Mr. Somerville esti- mated that this was an overcharge on the basis of the contract on ordinary rates of $5,805.82, the proper charge being $3,405.33. So (8) ^ V . » ■m t— m i i > II I H I ■•^ ^n***"' •"•■ ■■\ • : .' ■: : r,>-V',' ..-* ■f ' '-.^' e kn- lin ic- Ihe ras Iri- Ich ia- le le h le ti- 243 .. • \^t ' ,that is where the money goes. In this same year the Montreal Gazette received $19,770 for work, almost all of which should have been done by the Government contractors, and it was stated in the House that the prices for some portions of the work were even larger in proportion than those I have mentioned. • The fact is plain that the money paid for printing is used as a corruption and jobbery fund. Scores of thousands of these pam- phlets are sent, not abroad, but to our own people to promote, not the influx of settlers from abroad, but migration from one part of Canada to another. The system is vicious. The assisted immi- gration should be abolished, the expenditure largely curtailed, and the whole Department administered honestly and on business principles, inrtead of after the present fashion. It is gratifying that the process of conversion has extended to this subject as well, and that to-day we find that, though a little while ago we were abused by the Conservative members for the suggestion we made, though so late ago as the 12th August the Mail itself was against us, there is now a change. The Mail, on 12th August said : — "The few dollars each new arrival costs the Dominion, though much complained of in some quarters, is more than repaid the first year he is here, not alone because he brings capital with him, but because he at once becomes a consumer, and as such, an employer of labour. At the same time the im- migration policy discourages the importation of labour to compete with that now in Canada. " Mr. Blake then quoted the Mail's late article opposing the Im- migration expenditure, and proceeded — Gentlemen, my heart is cheered, I am greatly encouraged, when I find that after speaking for so many years on all these topics, not able, apparently, in all that time, to create the slightest im- pression upon the Tory mind, without the slightest sign of any good effect, ALL AT ONCE THE DAY BREAKS, .-' > and the light of conviction spreads and grows, and that on three important questions within a space of three days we find adhesion on tile part of the chief Conservative organ itself to many of the views which we have been pressing forward. (Cheers.) How important a lesson does that teacH us ! It teaches us that wc must not despair, no matter how stolid our Tory opponents appear to be, no matter how little they appear to realize the truth of what we say. We do not know at what moment there may be a whole- some impression made, and they may adii) it that they were wrong Slid we were right all the timo, and propose to join with us in accomplishing these good ends. (Loud laughter and applause.) (8) ■ ■■i'.'' . f> ' : li m i\ . • V -•«',•» '/^'-<-- ' ' ifr. ■ II piiip^-^^^ T"^^" V. ^//V. 244 ■♦ A '^•:;'^■'/: 4,\ V « V.' LIBERALISM AND PROGRESS. WHAT THK REFORM PARTY HAS DONE TO PROMOTE RAILWAY J DEVELOPMENT. Mr. Blake, after some introductory remarks, at Parrj Sound, said : — I may be pardoned for saying that it is a subject of special pleasure to me, as well as of pride, to reflect that from my lips first proceeded the suggestion of the measure which conferred upon the vast mass of Young Liberals of Canada the franchise at an age and under circumstances earlier than those at which under previ- ous laws they could be acquired. I thought it well to ' GIVE THE YOUNG MEN A STAKE IS THE COUNTRY by allowing them the privilege of the franchise at an early age, and so educating them up to the discbarge of the noblest duties of citizenship. But I said also what I am glad to see is now realized, . that it would not do that the young men of the country should have these privileges unless they felt the accompanying responsi- bilities, and that it was important and necessary, in order that ' the measure should do good instead of evil, that it should be accompanied by an increased activity and interest on the part of ' ^;he young men in political affairs. Remember that in a very few years upon you will devolve the conduct of affairs in this our country, and that whether you are to have a country worth exert- ing yourselves for in the future will largel}'^ depend upon your exertions during the next few months. (Loud and prolonged applause.) We had a very pleasant journey to Parry Sound by road ; I hope the next time I come it may be by rail. (Cheers.) There is nothing more inaccurate amidst the various inaccuracies which beset the presentation of Liberal views, when they come from Tory writers and Tory platforms, than their statement of OUU RELATIONS TO THK PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS OF THIS COUNTRY. To hear them sometimes you Would believe that we Reformers were people who did not see any good in public improvements, and were always objecting to the country going forward. I say the very reverse of that is the case, for, regarding the Liberal - party when in power or in Opposition, I state, and, what h more, I can prove, its course has been just the opposite of that. (Cheers.) It is quite true that with reference to the great work of which Mr. Cockburn has spoken, the Canadian Pacific Railway, it was (8) • / * 1 immOam ;>^'-n i > :•>' 245 "'' ' t' , I ' and is our belief that the work has been carried on too rapidly, and at an enormous expenditure, in part unneeded, of our public resources. We have believed, and 1 have stated in Parliament repeatedly, that a slower and more economical prosecution of the great work in certain parts would have enabled us to complete the enterprise with great economy of money and with a better pros- pect of immediate and permanent results for the road, and would have permitted us to spend in various parts of the Dominion which were already partly settled, and whose progress required in the general interest certain improvements of Dominion import- ance, some of those many millions which have been unnecessarily expended, in consequence of the extravagant bargain and of the unnecessary speed and expense of construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway. Public improvements of general consequence in these portions of the country, which bear their full share of the taxation of the country, we have always contended for, and I can point, I think, with some measure of honest pride, to the course which we took in the session of the Ontario Assembly in 1871. I was called upon to assume the responsibilities of office on the defeat of John Sandfield Macdonald's Government. At that time, as you know, $1,500,000 of the public money had been appropriated for the purpose of aiding local railways. I investigated the situation. Called to office during a session of the Legislature, it was a difficult and laborious task, in the midst of general legislation,^ and carrying on public affairs in a House elected under our opponents and predecessors, to grasp the whole situation. I found, after considering the whole matter, that it would be right to ■vf »• " m iX. ' TAKE THE BOLD STEP OF ASKING FOR A LARGE INCREASE IN THE APPROPRIATION already made. Having found that, it was my duty to run the risk. I ran the risk, and proposed that $400,000 should be added to the amount to be given in cash, and that $2,000,000 more should be appropriated on time, thus more than doubling — con- siderably more than doubling — the amount which the Legislature was enabled to devote, and by my bill pledged itself to devote, to the development of the railway facilities of the country. I wa& immediately called upon to deal with the application of a large portion of the fund. In some cases the materials showing the financial ability of the companies to build the railway projected were not forthcoming, but within a few weeks we proposed aid to railways which benefited almost all ' : •X, M 'f. \' .■» > , 4 246 r^ ir' ^.. '■ ^.: ^ ' s -« ' ;''>:«'l .% j-^ ■'•,■ THE NEWKR SECTIONS OF THE COUNTRY, :/ ;■■■*•'.' thB then new counties of Bruce and Grey, the northern parts of Simcoe, even the southern part of what was then the Muskoka District, the counties of Victoria, Peterborough, Hastings, Ad- dington, Frontenac, Renfrew, all obe northern parts of Ontario, as far as there was any scheme projected at that time. We assisted and provided the basis upon which about two thousand miles of road have since been built, largely through these sections. I think I give you in this the best proof that the policy of the Liberal party v^as tlien a practical, progressive, bold, and vigorous policy of railway construction throughout Ontario. * After referring to the grant for the Parry Sound Colonization Railway, Mr. Blake proceeded : — The appropriation was not in fair proportion to that gi'anted, for example, to the Baie Chaleurs Railway. The Tories have told you that the Opposition have been for the last few years pandering to the French. They say we have been wanting to get hold of the French vote. There was a railway in the Province of Quebec aided last session as well as yours. It was this Baie Chaleurs Railway. It passes through a country easy for railway construction, following the valley of a great river. It is a country which has been settled for more than a hundred years, and is now thickly inhabited. It is a country in which, thanks to the old settlement and to the natural conditions, labour is cheap, and where the wood supply and food supply necessary are easily obtainable. It is a country where the rails can be got in cheaper than they can be got in here by a great deal. For the hundred miles of this road the Gov- ernment gave an average of $6,200 a mile, and that they gave in a specially advantageous way. They gave $15,000 a mile for the first twenty miles, $6,400 a mile for the second twenty miles, and $3,200 a mile for the last sixty miles. I thought that was un- just. (Applause.) It was unnecessary. My belief was, from ail I could learn, that a smaller subsidy was sufficient to secure the construction, and I, who am said to be pandering to the French and anxious to secure their votes, opposed so large a grant. (Ap- plause.) I declared that in view of the circumstances and of the grants being made to other roads, I saw ^1 f •> f NO GROUND FOR MAKING SO LARGE A GRA. r, but I didn't hear Mr. O'Brien say anything about it. (Applause and laughter.) He did not seem to be affected by the contrast between $3,200 a mile for a railway for this district (8) >.;, BS ' .'- .,«•. it. '^:< i and $6,400 a mile for the Baie Chaleurs Railway. He heai'd my speech, but never a word did he say as to the inequality and re- lative injustice of these grants. I gave then something of the reason why. I will give it to you — not the reason why Mr. O'Brien didn't speak — (laughter) — but why, in my opinion, so large a giant was given to the other railway. I found that there were in the directorate of that road a few influential members of Parliament and their immediate friends and connections who had eleven-twelfths of that railway in their own hands, so that eleven-twelfths of the profii- out of the railway were to be reaped by these members and their immediate connections, all strong supporters of the Government. (Applause.) I pointed out that fact to the House, I gave the names of the members and their friends and showed that in fact this was A PARLTAMENTARY RAILWAY, owned by a few supporters of the Government, and that the Gov- ernment were putting money not required for the interests of the country, into the hands of their supporters, giving them enormous profits upon the creation of the road. I congratulate you, not with reference to the colonization railway, but with reference to the Northern Pacific Junction Railway that, as I pointed out at Huntsville, even if the bonded debt has been increased, if the tolls are heavy, if you have no larger amount to pay, you have some compensation. - DALTON m'cARTHY's GRAB. You have the satisfaction of knowing that a prominent member of Parliament, and a supporter of the Government, has got an easy berth with a salary of $3,000 or $3,500 a year as President of the ISTorthern Pacific Junction Railway Company, practically due to the subsidy, and has made, i i common with a few of the original promoters a very handsome sale of the original stock which they took up, at enormous profits, also practically paid out of the sub- sidy, and that a few othei s have made grciit profits out of the eon- tract. So that if you don't get all the good out of it that you might, you know that some estimable citizens, not residents here, it "is true, and in whose fortunes perhaps you do nob take a very deep interest, but still some prominent members of the body politic have got their full share of the good things of this life through the agency of the railway. (Prolonged cheers and laughter.) ■i^- r <^/;' ■'-:/ .1], ^T* ^ i.i I .1 ummri'L ¥"w^:/" h ' t- rv ^ 4-!V ■ 't ^, 248. . J- . . f ' ' THE KANSAS SLANDER. '>f ANOTHER TORY FALSEHOOD — HOW MR. BLAKE S ONE REFERENCE TO KANSAS HAS BEEN DISTORTED. " Mr. Blake, in the course of his speech at Bl-antford, said : — It has been the habit, as you know, for a great many years, for the Tory party to pay special attention to me, and in season and out of season to attack me for something said, or something alleged to be said, by me, and I have lately thought that at some of these meetings I would trespass upon my audience for a little to discuss some of these attacks. To-night I want to take a very famous sample ; I want to trouble you with a few words upon THE GREAT SUBJECT OF KANSAS. (Cheers.) For six years the statement has been constantly circu- lated by the Tory p^'ess and politicians that I was in the habit of descanting upon the superior advantages of Kansas, the greater charms of Kansas, its finer climate, its greater fertility, its * superiority as a place for settlement over our own North- West, , and that I recommended it as preferable to Canadians and Euro- , peans alik'e. If, as they suppose, my words have hurtful weight where they are heard, they have given them the widest circulation and the greotest weight they could, and now every devoted Tory in the rank and file, I believe, supposes it is part of my daily con- versation to laud Kansas and decry the North- West, and to recommend people to the one and away from the other ; indeed, I dare say they believe it is my daily morning prayer that Kansas may prosper and the North -West decay. (Cheers and langhter.) I see the Mail says the other day, " Fond as Mr. Blake is of sound- ing the praises of Kansas," and the Brockville Times, " Mr. Blake has long advocated the claims of Kansas as superior to the North- ^ West for emigration," And so I might go on ad nauseam. And not merely their organs sound this note, but ' THEIR leaders BLOW THE BELLOWS And swell the doleful song. Sir John Macdonald said the other day, " We were told that the people had better go to Kansas," and added that I " had announced that Kansas was the country for profit, while Canada might be the country for sentiment." And so again might go on ad nauseam. Now, I am no believer in that kind of patriotism which adopts the functions of the anv- bassador of old, who was " sent abroad to lie for the good of his (8» f I , I 249 '. ■>f ••vc \ 'f f ■\i' country. (Laughter.) I believe in the virtue of the truth, and 1^ believe that great harm has resulted to Canada, both at homaand abroad, through the adoption of other tactics. But it is one thing, where occasion calls for discussion, to speak the truth ; and quite another, without cause, to give circulation to disputed and dam- aging assertions. 1 spoke only once in my whole political career on the subject of Kansas. (Cheers.) I spoke for cause. And if I had said what they allege I said, I submit to you that, on the Tory ^ view of the effect ot my statement, it would have been the part of patriotism, assuming my alleged statement true, to have let it die, instead of needlessly giving it for these many years the widest publicity, and so creating the greatest harm. And were my al- ' leged statement untrue, it would still more clearly have been their duty to take the same course, and not to injure the country by the needless cfreulation of statements at once incorrect and dam- aging. (Cheers.) But what is to be said of PATRIOTS WHO HAVE COINED A STATEMENT, \ i who have distorted and misapplied my words, who have them- selves cooked up a mess which they call injurious, and have presented it as mine all over Canada and the world for six long years, liowling all the while about the harm it was doing to dear Canada ? (Cheers.) What, I say, is to be said of men who have themselves done the harm which they impute to me ? (Renewed cheering.) Why, it is clear, ladies and gentlemen, that their object has been, at the expense of what they deemed the public interest, to hurt a political opponent ! (Loud applause.) 1 leave it to you to deal with such lovers of their country. (Renewejd applause.) I spoke but once — and • .-•/■■ 1 , ' . t t ■f v;-^-X % S h: ( 1 :] /r A y,y^ lev » UNDER WHAT CIRCUMSTANCES? In 1880 the Tory Government proposed that we should undertake the immediate construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway in British Columbia and elsewhere. They declared that it could be done without cost to the country. They promised enormous im- migration to the North-West and enormous receipts from sales of the public lands. Under their figures we ought to have had in Mani- toba and the North-West, in 1885, about 313,000 whites ; and by 1801 about 080,000 whites. Under their figures we ought to have received from the public lands $38,600,000 in cash by 18.90, and to have due and secured at the same date $32,700,000 more. Under their figures the whole population was to take up an average of 59 acres of land per head; and Sir Charles Tupper calculated that 100,000 North-West farmers would produce . * - (8) 'ri ■»v ■ ti \ ' wm -V' -T 'V • V- •' ./. .'_' ^1 I' \'- ■ 250 'n 040,000,000 bushels of wheat in a year. (Loud cheers and laughter.) In support of these astounding statements, on which they asked the House to rely in agreeing to their policy, they themselves referred to and gave figures of the progress of the Western States, and particularly did they refer to the progress of the States of Kansas and Nebraska. (Cheers.) I felt that the House was being misled, that the calculations were fantastic, that the inferences were unsound, that the predictions would fail, and that the country would — unless the truth were then told — be plunged, under an entirely false impression, into enormous engagements which must be met out of loans and taxations, and not out of the resources they promised, or by the realization of the hopes the held out. It was my hounden public duty, so be- lieving, to show the truth ; and I did show it. (Cheers.) It was under these circumstances I spoke. Now, what did I say ? They have been repeatedly challenged to produce my words, and they have not dared to do so. I will reproduce them now. This is what I said : — I hold that it is impossible to contrast the situation of the two countries — Canada and the United States — on the general question of foreign immigra- tion, without concluding that our future is not to be measured by the estimate of theirs. What has happened in the West with reference to them, cannot be expected reasonably to happen in our West, with reference to us» so far as the result is to be obtained by any foreign emigration. I have already stated that the foreij^n emigration to the United States for the decade ending 1860, was 2,<5O0,O0O ; for that ending 1870, 2,500,000, and for the present decade it is supposed it will amount to 2,700,000. These figures are enough to convince us that the rapidity with which western lands have been settled, so far as that rapidity is due to the direct, or indirect effects of foreign immigration, is not a rapidity which we can hope to reach in our North- West. Nor can I agree that the area of land in the United States available for settlement, although it is, no doubt, being rapidly diminished, Is as yet at all reduced to such proportions, as to force the current of emigra- tion to our North- West. There are still large areas of land in thai country which are available for settlement, and which for those who happen to prefer the United States, will givo them an opportunity of settling there for some years to come. The United States, in a sense, command the market in this respect. The emigration to the States, as far as I can understand, has been composed in later years to a very large extent of the Teutonic races. The Germans have played a very large part in the settlement of the United States. They exist there in very great numbers, and they exercise therein powerful influence. The same opinions which led the inhabitants of that and all the countries of Europe enjoying but partially developed constitutional Govern- ment, when deciding to leave their native lands and seek foreign shores, to choose the United States as their goal, have derived further strength from the knowledge that there are settled in the great Republic millions of their brother Germans, and the descendants of their brother Germans It is therefore natural that we should expect, for several years to come at any rate, that the bulk of the Teutonic emigration will go, as it has gone hitherto, in the direction of the United States. The next important factor in the emigration to the United States has been from the people (8) ^ 1/ } 251 I ■ S 1/ \ of the country from which I am descended, and we know that the cir- cumstanceB of that country are such that, unfortunately for us, and for th& British Empire, there has been a strong impulse on the part of a very large and important part of the population of Ireland to prefer the Republic, In this case the sins of the fathers have been visited upon the children The wrongs and injustice inflicted upon the majority of the Irish population ia former days — at least the memory of those wrongs and that injustice, the recollection of transactions which no man would at this day vindicate or defend, has remained with those now on the soil, and obliterates, or at any rate obscures, iu their vision, the more liberal conduct and the more Just course which has animated British policy in this respect of late years. That circumstance has led to a large emigration from Ireland to the United States ; and we know what the condition of Ireland still is. But 1 hope for great things for Irdand, and for the Empire, Jrom the events of the last few days. I hope and trust that the advent to power of the Liberal party, supported by a great majority, decided Liberals and Radicals, will result in fresh measures for relief and justice to Ireland, which will tend still further to weaken her old feelings of hostility and disaffection, and to make the Empire in this regard a United Empire, ] hope we shall see, among other things, a moderate measure of Home Rule for Ireland, and witness by the application of that measure the creation and maintenance of true and real bonds of union between Ireland and the rest of the so-called United Kingdom. But things being as they are, and having regard also to the financial condition of the bulk of the Irish peasantry, no wise man can expect, that within a short time, that within the next few years, there will be any serious change in the current of Irish immigration. So far as the Roman Catholic Irish are con- cerned, we must expect that the tide of immigration will continue for some time to set towards the United States. I hope the proportion may be diminished. I should rejoice greatly to see the Irish people recqgnize the advantages we offer them and establish themselves within our borders, but still I believe that for some time we cannot count on a decided change. The set of emigration has been sufhciontly shown by the figures I have given, and naturally with the imperfect information available to those coming from other parts of Europe, and apart from all consideration of soil and climate^ the notion of the important position and situation they would occupy under a Republican form of Government — the idea that as citizens of the great Republic they would have a greater and more active share in the government of their country — has actuated a great number of emigrants from the European Continent to choose the United States as the field where their energies and their talents could be most fully displayed, and the advantages of citizenship most fully exercised. Among the obvious material advantages presented to ihe minds of such persons is this : — That the National debt of the United States has been reduced in 14 years by $603,000,000. It has been reduced by 30 pet cent, of the amctunt at which it now stands, and that great reduction has been effected in the face of great diflicultieii and obstacles, and notwithstanding a period of depressicn which they have exporien ;. d, and which seeius likely now to be followed by a period of revived prosperity — perhaps of inflation — T say that the contrast in this respect, upon which I shall take occasion later further to enlarge between the conditiim of the United States and that of the countries from which emij^ranta have come, is a contrast calculated to allure them to the Republic. Though the statistics for the current decade of the United States are not yet available, I am able , to refer to some figures showing the later progress of two Spates especially alluded to by the hon. member for Card well a few days ago, Kansas and Nebraska. VVe were correctly told that Kansas had increased from 360,000 in 1870 to 650,000 in 1879, thus showing]an increase in nine years of 490,000. (8) ■ : >» ^•. I -!ti '^v. 7i- t ^, ,.-.^...-.. '»•}' n' '■f I'j' n '■ « ' 1» ■ A > . J. >■' ■ 1 1' 17 . . '.4 5 r >. ^''■ ■ -\. 't'*; > if ■:■■,. V ■ -■■ ■,-^* .. .f^' •,v;'!i 'i' : - ^ *fer. •> -\ -V, '■-T' '- > i have already pointed out the elements of which the increase in the popula- tion of the Western States is composed, and the domestic and foreign recruiting grounds from which the country draws her increase. These considerations alone show that the results in Kansas do not prove that our North- West is going to have a population of 550,000 in ten year's as stated, for none of the conditions are parallel. But apart from the fact that Kansas had in 1870 300,000 of population to start with from which came a large natural increase forming an important part of the 490,000, it is to be remembered that Kansas had moreover in 1870 over 1,500 miles of railway in operation, and during the decade her railway facilities were increased to 2,30)0 miloB. There is no doubt, I believe, that this State has shown the most remarkable development in the history of the world. lu 1866 the State of Kansas was the Iwenty-fourth in rank in the United States as a corn producer, and in 1878 she had run up to the fourth. In 1866 she was twenty-fourth in rank as a wheat producer, and she had run up in 1878 to be almost the first in rank, producing in that year 32,000,000 bushels of wheat. With all these advantages, with all these proofs of an unexampled progress, with that large domestic and foreign recruiting ground to which I have before alluded, we find her increase of population in nine years was but 490,000, and we are told thj»t the North-West, without the advantages which were possessed by Kansas, is to have an increase through immigration of 650,000 in eleven years. Now, Sir, I will refer to Nebraska. In that State also there has been, as the lion, member said, very rapid progress. In 1870 the population was 122,000. In 1879 it was 386,000. Th« increase in the nine years was 244,000. There was thus, of course, a substantia] nucleus, the natural increase from which would form an immaterial part of the total increase. There was also a great domestic and foreign immi>.'ration. There was also great railway facilities throughout the period. In 1870 there were 705 milesiiof railway in operation, and in 1878 1,320 miles. Yet with all those a'l vantages there was only an increase of 244,000 in the nine years, and even that increase was due to the circumstances to which I have referred which give the States a greater power of settlement than we can hope for. These are the figures for the two States which hon. gentlemen have chosen, and I believe rightly chosen, as presenting the strongest grounds for their ex- pectation. I do not thiiik they furnish good grounds for these expectations. I do not think that the only experience to which we can infer, having regard to the diflFerences between the two countries, justifies us, however sanguine •r fervent our hopds may be, justifies us as busiuess men, and dealini,' with a business transaction, and calculating the cash returns, we may count on from the North- West lands in the next few years, in concluding that there will be an emigrant population of 550,000 in that country at the end of eleven years, and in incurring, on the faith of that result, enormous liabilities, which, if not met out of the lands, must be met otherwise. Such a thing may happen. I wish it would, but 1 do not think it is probable, because the experience of no other country, making alh-wances, proves that it can happen in our case. The statement, 1 think, is purely conjectural, is highly improbable, and cannot be sustained by any analogous occurrence. Well, sir, I failed to convince the House. The policy of the Government was endorsed by the House, and afterwards by the country. But EVENTS HAVB VERIFIED MY VIEWS. We had, so far as can be judged, only 125,000 whites in 1885 in the North-west, instead of 313,000. We had netted a mere (8) V > r > ti 1 ,4 4^ ^ 253 if n. of ie. ti 1 trifle out of North- West lands, and any early pros[>octs of the real- ization of net results from that source may be abandoned, for tlie First Minister himself declared the other dav that the free irrant lands will absorb the immigration for the next ([UJirtor of a cen- tury. If so, how much are you going to get tor tho, salos of lauds ? (Cheers.) Then the surplus of wheat for export has not yet indi- cated the correctness of Sir Charles Tupper's calculations which are mentioned to-day only to be ridiculed. (Laughter.) Wo will shortly have expended on the transcontinental scheme the e(|uiva- lent of $87,000,000 paid out of the treasuiy, and a vast sum for interest, all payable out of taxes anrl loans. My words have come true. I wish from my heart that I could tell you 1 had been mistaken. But my words have come true. Now 1 have shown you the kind of advantages 1 mentioned, as possessed by the States, including Kansas, in calculating the rate of out- immigration from the rate of theirs ; the initial population, the existing railways, the home reserve for immigrants, and the European drift to the States. I have shown you the circumstances under which I spoke, to save you, if I could, from being misled into vast engagements, and deceived by delusive estimates and fallacious comparisons. I have shown you how J have ever since been belied. / made no contrast or comparison as to soil, climate, or other physical con- ditions or elements of growth between the North- West and Kansas, (Cheers.) / did not declare that Kansas was in these respects or any like respects superior to the North- West, (Cheers.) 1 express- ed the hope that the hulk of our migratory people would go to the North- West instead^ if to the States, and that we might in time di- vert a substantial part of the European emigration. Sir, for these many years I have been doing my best to promote the real interests of the North- West, which have been checked, hampered and imperilled by misgovernment. (Cheers.) And now, but a little while ago, an article was published in the Mail in which they offered substantially the very views I had propounded in 1880 as to the comparative position of the two countries. 'i " THE "mail" used THIS LANGUAGE: — V'v" IK.- v4 5 re ■ K We have repeated boom estimates and quoted boomsters' figures about everything, until we have created in our minds the vision of a region which does not exist anywhere on earth, and now that it ha^ been shattered by the prosaic revelations of the census, we are weak enough to feel sorry at being undeceived. . . . The truth is that, all things considered, the popu- lation of Manitoba and the Territories is quite as large, placing it at 125,U00 whites, as we had any right to expect it to be. It must be remembered that in all the new regions in the United States, the larger part of the population is American>born — hailing from the older States. There is no exception in tbia rule. In Dakota for instance according to the special census taken in that Territory last June, 269,700 settlers out of a total of 415,000, 75 per 8) i , ^n^^^ uvajiu i^ /• m 254 ' '^-'^ cenh. wore nativo Anjoricuna, leaving only 2r» per cent., or 145,000, to the credit of imnii^ation. Tiie siuuu dtraiijLje othnio profess is at work in our Turritoritm, for, hy tlio chiibus just taken, it appears, that of a white popiila* tion of 23,000, no fewer th.m 14,200, or a little over (JO percent, areof Cana- dian origin. But if wu niuat aasnme in accordance with this law, that the greater part of the fiitnre population of the North- West is to consist of the overflow from the older Provinces, then it is evident that the increase of popu- lation is sure to he slow, as compared with the increase in the newer regions across the line, since our reservoir of population is but one-tenth as large as theii's. Moreover, it is well- known that those immigrants who, next to the native-born settlors, have helped to develop Dakota and Minnesota, viz. , the Scandinavians and Germans, are not to be procured for our North- West just now. They avoid our territory because they do not approve of our political institutions. This is an unpalatable truth, but there it is, and we must take account of it. The nativity tables of the foreign-born population in Dakota have not yet been compiled in detail, but the Swedes and Norwegians rank first in number, and the Germans are well up. So that being practically shut ofl'from Gernian and Scandinavian immigration, and having, as compared with the Americans, but a small overflow from native sources, it is manifest- ly absurd to expect any tremendous rate of development in our North- West just at present. Our time will come when the homestead lands in the United States are exhausted. . >- The, article then proceeds to point out the last report of the Commissioner at Washington, showing that these reserves have shrunk to comparatiuely small proportions, and, after a quotation of that kind, it proceeds : — In the course of a few years Dakota will be out of the field. The Immi- gration Bureau of that Territory says in one of its monthly publications (that for February) that at the end of 1885 the area of < > ^acant Government land rated as agricultural land and open to settlement wi^gletimaied at 20,000,000 acres, of which 18,000,000 lay in Northern Dakota. " For six months ending 31bt December, the area of land entered on or filed was 1,524,000 acres — say 3,000,000 a year. At this rate the vacant land will be pretty well ex- hausted in seven years, and a most formidable competitor to Manitoba and the Territories disposed of. Canada may then surely reckon on immigration from the continent of Europe, provided efibrts are made beforehand to make the people acquainted with the wealth of our resources. Meanwhile we pro- bably need not look for any miraculous development of the North- West. There will be a steady influx of settlers from the United Kingdom, with a sprinkling from the continent of Europe ; but the main stream of immigra- tion will, doubtless, consist of young Canadians, who, but for our enterprise in opening up this great region, would find their way to the United States, where so many thousands of our people settled in the days when we had no free prairie homesteads to offer. »' • You thus see that i ' ( ;■ r > r s';' THE "mail" HAS ADOPTED MY ARGUMENTS OF 1880. "^' , But I am obliged to admit that there have been some disparaging comments on the North-West ; and from important quarters too. A little while ago an authority of great weight used this lan- guage:— (8) : ■■> :f /', iMililiiiiii 256 ha XOr ise es, no Vf ■ ■ , Oartier believed that Manitoba and the North- West could be made a French Province. A niulden ru«h of imniis^riinta from Ontiirio and from England into the North- Woat iips^t that caiuiiltitiou for a while ; hiil it is now clear that henceforth there will be no more rushes. The North'West will doubtless receive a fair share of Rn^IiHh-apeakini; nettlers every year, but we mav safely abandon the boomster's dream, Euro[)e transferring itaelf bodily to the plains in order to pursue the cultivation of No. I hard. De- velopment will be comparatively slow, for the climate is ni^ainst a miraculous expansion, and the competition of the North- Western, Western, Pacific, South- Western, and Southern StateB, with their infinite variety of products and climate must, for many years to come, stand in the way of the rapid peopling of our territory. So that, as a French speakm- in Manitoba con- tended not long ago, Cartier's scheme is still quite feasible, since, if any one race be better fitted than another to take permanent root under a semi- Arctic snow, where thrift, endurance, and the faculty o. being content with little are called for, it is the French-Canadian. The same great authority, on a recent date, used this lan- guage :— It is only fair to add, however, that in all probability the Government now in power has taken too sanguine a view of the North-West devolopnient. It has been the habit, in making up calculations of future progress, to ignore the fact that Minnesota and Dakota offer to the poorer class of settlers advan- tages fully equal to those held out by Manitoba, while the Woatorn, South- western, and Southern States present to the well-to-do immigrant, who can afford to choose his climate, an infinite and incomparable variety of attrac- tions. ^ Who do you think has been guilty of the .want of patriotism involved in this language ? Some Grit, of course-f Some Grit it must have been ! No one but a Grit would talk like that! I do not know, in the present state of things, whether it was or not, you shall judge for yourselves ! I can only tell you it was the Mail newspaper! Loud and prolongetl laugliter and ap- plause.) Can you believe it ? Here wo find the fatal competi-. tion of the North- Western, Western, Pacific, South- Western, and Southern States, with their infinite variety of products and cli- mates ! Here we find the statement that Minnesota and Dakota ofter to the poorer class of settlers advantages fully equal to those held out by Manitoba, while the Western, South-Western and Southern States present to the well-to- do immigrant, who can af- ford to choose his climate, an infinite and incomparable variety of attractions ! The language is not only positive, it is not only comparative, it is superlative ! The writer absolutely revels in the advantages of the States. They are infinite, they are incom- parable, they are overwhelming. And all are fish that come to this net I Do we find a poor settler ? He will have in Minnesota and Dakota advantages fully equal to those in Manitoba I Do ive spy out a well-to-do settler ? He is pointed to the West- ern, South-Western, and Southern States, as oflfering an infinite and incomparable variety of attractions 1 (g) ■,i -■ t.\ K'-i ■'I'" . V> — I If lit Jr> Do 2/0^- wa7ii a climate ? Then go there ! Do you want pro- ducts ? Then go there ! But when the Mail turns to the North- West, which has already been condemned as inferior to those more favoured lands, what are the expressions of eulogy and hope, what is the attractive description of that country ? " The climate is against a miracu- lous expansion ; " "the competition of the States must for many years to come stand in the way of the rapid peopling of the North- West." "The region is under a semi- Arctic sun, where thrift, endurance, and the faculty of being content with little are called for." AND LAST AND WORST OF ALL, you have it suggested that this Siberia, with its semi-Arctic sun, is best fitted for those deadly enemies of the Mail, that race it fears so much, and whos'; institutions it desires to subvert, the French-Canadians ! The French-Canadians, whom the Mail sometimes wants to send to the North Pole, and sometimes to a much warmer, Vmt even less agreeable climate. (Cheers and laughter.) Now, I am not going to discuss the accuracy of these state- ments. They ma^ he true, even though the Mail ha.s said them. (Laughter.) But, if it were !• who had said them, how would the Tories rage, and the heather imagine a vain thing ? (Loud and pro- longed laughter.) And so I leave the subject. I TfllNK it is WwRTH DISCUSSING AS AN EXEMPLIFICATION OF TORY TRUTHFUL- NESS, Tory patriotism, and Tory faiu play. The truth is, THAT while the ToRIES HAVE BKEN SPENDING THEIR TIME CIRCU- LATING SLANDERS ABOUT ME, THE LIBERAL PARTY HAS BEEN DOING ITS BEST TO PROMOTE THE REAL INTERESTS OF THE NoRTH-WeST, AND TO AVERT THE ILLS OF TORY RULE. (Loud cheers.) (8) < I ^rA , ^'S' ,.. -V !g'3.'gf„"r,..% - \ '• .,.:', ,.V- A r I 257 ' f'. V f ^ SE^ OF MOUnS^T^INS. MB. BLAKE REPLIES TO HIS ACOUSEBS. EleFen Yean of Calumny borne In iilence— The time for Speech has come— A complete an§i¥er to the Stock Tory Chargre, << Want of Patrlotlim." Hon. Edward Blake, in the course of his speech at Listowel, said : — It has occurred to me that it miffht be well to take a minute to point out some of the misrepresentations and perversions of my words ; and some of the unjust attacks made upon me by the Tories for words said — attacks which have done them ex- cellent service for years, in the sort of war they wage. Some- times they peo'vert and distort an innocent phrase I may have used ; and so make me out a wrong-doer. Sometimes, WITHOUT ALTERING THE PHRASE, they treat it, though true and innocent, as if it were false and criminal. The sentence I am going to discuss to-night is a very short one ; and I must admit I am correctly quoted, though with an inaccurate context. Doubtless you all have heard of the high crime and misdemeanour I committed ten or twelve years ago in describing the mainland of British Columbia through which the Canadian Pacific Railway was to pass, as a " sea of mountains." I said it but once. Yet it has been constantly in the newspapers and in the mouths of Tory orators ever since. (Laughter.) The Tory newspapers have spoken of me here, there, and everywhere, as having committed a most outrageous act in calling British Columbia a sea of mountains, and I observe that both Sir John Macdonald and Mr. White when they were at Victoria the other day referred once and again to this outrage of mine. They have done all they could to create prejudice and hostility against me on the part of my fellow-countrymen in the western portion of the Dominion because I called British Columbia a sea of mountains. I did call it a " sea of mountains ;" that is quite true ; but I did so in this connection and under these circumstances: I was speaking in 1874 of the bargain made by Sir John Macdonald to construct the railway within a limited time; I was pointing out the difiiculties attending its construct!' n ; and discussing British Columbia from an engineering point ot view, as a country through which tlie railway was to be pushed, I called it a sea of mountains. And no\v after eleven years, I repeat the phrase, and maintain its (8) ■^^^^■7*^*^^^*P^"Y^" 258 fitness. The phrase was not, as you all know, orisfinaj — it was not my own invention. That was not pretenderl. But how as to its application to British Columbia ? Weill I am afraid v;v^ I CAN T EVEN CLAIM CREDIT FOR ORIGINALITY in that. I am afraid I cannot honestly say I was the first person to apply the term '* sea of mountains " to British CoVambia. Where shall you find it earlier ? Whence was it drawn ? I will tell you. Look at a book called " From Ocean to Ocean," the record of Mr. Sandford Fleming's expedition as a Government oflScer, as engineer-in-chief of the Canadian Pacific Railway under the Tory Government in 1872, look at this book, the diary of the secretary of that expedition, a Government officer, the Rev. George M. Grant, now widely known as Principal Grant of Queen's University, Kingston ; look at this book, copies of ivhich were distributed by the Tory Government free of charge ; copies of which were supplied to the members of Parliament at the expense of the public, because it was thought of public consequence that it should be widely read. Look, I say, at tliis book, and you will find the reverend secretary declare in the preface that he tells " a round unvarnished tale," and expresses the hope that " its truth- fulness may compensate for its defects," and then turn to the description of British Columbia and you will hear him state : — " the greater part of the MAINLAND IS A SEA OF MOUNTAINS." (Cheers and laughter.) Am I then to blame for adopting the phrase of the Tory Government officer in describing the country, as found on a Government expedition to spy out the land in re- gard to its railway characteristics ? No ! Let them go crucify Dr. Grant ! (Cheers and laugliter.) Once again let me refer you to a very lively work. Lord J3ufft)rin's Travels in British Colum- bia, admirably written by Mr. Molyneux St. John, of which the title, strange to say, is, " The Sea of Mountains." (Cheers and laughter.) The author says : — In Victoria they have taken with bad grace Mr. Blake's perfootly justifiable remark abont " A Sea of Mountains." But he might with perfect truth have spoken of Bute Inlet as a sea of mountains in a gale of win(L (Cheers and laughter.) -Again, I find in a recent issue oi' n per- iodical of very extensive circulation an article speaking of the Canadian Pacific Railway and its route, in the most laudatory terms in every point of view, so laudatory that the uncharitable might even be tempted to suppose that it was in some degree mspn' ed, a (V (8) t » I Oil » 1< I'liii. -, :x- 259 DESCRIPTION OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. iS Let me read some extracts from it : — Into the Province of British Columbia are packed together in half a dozen stupendous ranks, sep 'rated by narrow valleys, all the mountain ranges in Western America. W e cross in succession the Rockies, the Selkirks, the Gold, Okanagon, and coast ranges by a route 650 miles in length, though the breadth measured in a straight line hardly exceeds 400 miles, and during the whole time are in the midst of snow-crowned- monarchs Here, then, are 650 miles of mountains heaped against, and over one another in Titanic masses, ever present to the traveller, and ever changing its aspect, a "great sea of mountains" that can be likened to no other on earth. Rising more than two miles above the sea, these mountains are cleft to the base by the passes that are followed by the railway, and their whole dizzy height is seen at once. Far up on their shoulders, in full view from the train, rest many glaciers, by the side of which those of the Alps wonld be insignificant. .... . . For thirty-two hours the traveller rolls along this great and varied mountain panorama without losing the wonderful scene for a minute. Lastly, in the report of the Directors of the Canadian Pacific Railway for 1886, I find the statement that the " Company had built 2,400 miles of railway, embracing in the Lake Superior and Mountain sectiois " — they call the part through British Columbia the " Moufitain section " — they had built " many hundreds of miles of the most difficult railway work to be found on either side of the Atlantic." Now, if it were the fact that I had been betrayed out of my own head into the use of too strong a phrase, of a phrase which, being exaggerated, was thought unjust and harmful to British Columbia, would you not expect from such patriots as the Tories, who are constantly deprecating the utter- ance even of truth if it be disagreeable to them, on the score o its being injurious to the country, would you not, 1 say, expeo from these 'patriots silence as to my slip, instead of that constaw parade of it year in and year out, that persistent keeping of i before the public, that forcing of it into the widest circulation^ that blazoning it abroad over the world, that rolling of it as a' sweet morsel under their tongues, which you have witnessed these many years ? If harm could come of it, that harm was one to be intensified a thousandfold by their action. But they did not care ! They wanted only to get a slap at me, regardless of the harm, which, on their own showing, they were doing to the country ! But I made no slip. Least of all did I make a slip of which they could complain. They have at last, by their attacks in Victoria, induced me to speak again. I made no slip. I used the words of their own oflicer, found in' the book they sent me for my in- formation. And (8) ■yf 260 HIS WORDS WERE TRUE. '•'* Vi If I have not shown you that according to the common usages of speech, and on the faith of Dr. Grant's book, I was justified in describing the mainland of British Columbia, from a railway point of view, by the well-known phrase, " a sea of mountains," 1 shall despair of convincing you of aught else to-night. And it" I have felt constrained at length to bring forward my justification, and thus, for the second time to use that well-worn phrase, I trust you will admit that eleven years of abuse, culminating in a series of attacks at Victoria, by the Ministers of the Crown, justify my speaking now, and throw the dreadful consequences — if dreadful consequences there be — on the heads of my accusers, who are, as I have shown, themselves the persons really responsible for the ivhole business. (Loud and prolonged applause.) (8) . M r.'.t V, i i),.. V\ 1 , '>^ •', -J'' :>'> '■■■ ■•■ . ..' •. ' .. - ••., \ ■ > . ' ^ : 1 "k ■ t [ * I ' \;->. • ;>••) .'.'-o '.iv^','' :■< . / V ,,(11 fe I. til ' V • I -. ' i'^ (.i i :■':■■■ ,^> ■> ; J .-. i 1- .'I ^.,;i.J ' I , .I.....' ■ •!'»>': f.^ ■■j.\ '.'3 '.'i.i;-. x/'t.i.i^A ," •• ' . » , , J'it/L .'itLfiifrrKit ( ^K-\' a. mm Uj.iii|]>,,i M,u ... •i .-■•■. •:' i' ', ^x I -? The Calumniators of Mr. Mackenzie. '/1 HOW THEY VILIFIED HIM. !|V( .. t V FALaE AND CALUMNIOUS ATTACK X. . •which has been adopted towards the Liberal leaders. A friend of mine at the opening of the London Young Liberal Club last night, said there was a time at which the Liberal leaders always received a tribute of respect from the Tory leaders, and that was when they were no longer in the forefront of the fight ; but just 80 long as they were conducting the party thtey had been and , . - . , , (9) . •/;. ^' They accu§ed him of Dishoneity. Now ttaey laud him tor Purity. But Gerrymandered his Constituency. \ v'^' ,.-•'• •&.. ■;-' \\ . '< . m 'THANK QOD, MR. MACKENZIE'S REPUTATION DOES NOT DEPEND ON THE COMMENDATIONS OF SIR JOHN MACDONALD." Hon. Edward Blake in his speech at Wingham, after some pre- liminary remarks, said : — We public men, who from time to time have occupied the leading positions in the Liberal party, while we are indebted to our friends and supporters for generous expression of sympathy and confidence such as have been accorded me to-day, have not, I think, as a rule, while still entrusted with the discharge of the foremost duty, received from our political opponents that measure of fair play and just consideration which we had the right to expect. I dare say there are here in this meeting, seeing tl^at the riding is very equally divided — I hope there are here, a good many Conservatives ; I always like to see them at my meet- ings. My anxiety, in truth, is rather greater to get within reach of those on the other side than to reach my own friends. If a man believes he is speaking the truth, if he thinks he has a message to give, he ought to wish to reach the ears of those opposed to him, and through their ears to reach their minds and hearts. (Loud cheers.) To them 1 speak, and say that the public life of our country has been injured by the system of x ■ ■ .-,1.1 I i«i I ■■■■I ■!■« ^ ^ ■/ r ■-'V'y^s■ . > \ . ■ I - :. - 262 • ' ft ■>. "would be exposed to unjust and unfounded, attack. (Cheers.) Will you allow me to take the PROMINENT AND STRIKING EXAMPLE V rV to _H-< ) . of our respected friend, Mr. Mackenzie. You have not forgotten the storm of abuse and calumny which was hurled against Mr. Mackenzie for the many years during which he was our leader. Not merely was he charged with incapacity ; he was charged with dishonesty, corruption, disgraceful conduct utterly unworthy of a public man. Let me give you some examples. Not examples from newspapers, not examples from the rank and file, examples from the lips of a man of no less prominence than the leader of the Conservative party himself, the present Prime Minister of Canada. You recollect the election of 1872, when Mr. Mackenzie occupied the double position of Treasurer of Ontario in the Reform Grovernment, of which I was First Minister, and of leader of the Liberal party in the Canadian Parliament. At Lindsay Sir John said, during that election : — *' He did not doubt that large sums had been raised as a corruption fund among persons interested in timber licenses under the Ontario Government, or by other such means. Already a case had been made out against them which would demand legislation of the most stringent kind * * * These matters would undoubtedly come before Parliament at its next session. There is a distinct, positive, direct charge against Mr. Macken- zie and his colleagues in the Government of Ontario of a corrupt use for election purposes of the public domain, and a pledge that the matter would be brought before Parliament at the next ses- sion. Next session came ; many other sessions have followed it SIR JOHN HAS BEEN CHALLENGED to bring forward his proof ; but I need not tell you he has never redeemed his pledge. In Toronto in the same year he said : " Mr. Mackenzie had gone down to Nova Scotia and made a corrupt bargain with Mr. Annand bj which he was to aid in getting $84,000 for the Provincial Building at Halifax, on condition that the Government of Nova Scotia was to act against the Government of the Dominion." There is another charge of corruption. At Kingston, for which city Sir John Macdonald was then standing, the report of the nomination proceedings is thus : — . . ; " Mr. Britton followed, and during his speech Sir John, who appeared to be much excited, walked over to Mr. Carruthers and accused him of som« discreditable oil speculation, which Mr. Carruthers denied. Sir John then repeated the accusation and intimated that he could prore that Mr. Car- ruthers was implicated in an oil swindle in company with the Hon. A. Mao- kenide. K^-' I- ^ 0) • ,., < 6 1^ • ... . .,,•■■ il'- 263 "• 7^ 1"...^<. -, i^- - ,;\'v "Mr. Oarruthera denied the charge in forcible language. " Sir John gave him a baok-handed slap in the face, and attempted to take him by the throat before Mr. Carruthers could retaliate." Shortly afterwards at Sarnia, in Mr. Mackenzie's own riding, these gentlemen met, and Mr. Mackenzie speaking before Sir John is thus reported : — *' He was going to call Sir John Macdonald his friend as formerly, but until the hon. gentleman retracted a certain exprouion he had used on the hustings at Kingston he would not do so. " Sir J. M.— I certainly will not retract it. " Mr. M. said he defied the hon. gentleman to prove it, and until he did BO or withdrew it he would treat him as a slanderer. ** Sir J. M. — Everybody knows it in this part of the country." So you see Sir John declined to retract and equally declined THE IMPOSSIBLE TASK OF PROOF. Shortly afterwards Sir John Macdonald spoke thus : — " He (Mr. Mackenzie) had been tried in that capacity (i.e. as a Minister) and he (Sir John) had no hesitation in saying that the Government to which Mr. Mackenzie belonged was more false, more faithless and more corrupt than any Government that ever existed in Canada. (Great cheering.) " Some years since a Bill had been introduced in Parliament by Mr. Mac- kenzie, who had been the exponent and touter of a ring to rob the Indians, by which a number of old claims by tavern-keepers and others against the poor Indians had been revived and made valid. That Bill had nearly passed into law, but the truth had been declared by Mr. Morris, now the Chief Justice of Manitoba. He (Sir John) bad the authority of Mr. Morris, who was a man of honour, for stating that Mr. Mackenzie walked across the floor of the House, and shaking his fist in Mr. Morris' face, had paid he would never forgive him for it. " Mr. Mackenzie (from the back of the platform) — That is a lie. " Sir John Macdonald said he had not got through yet. That man, who was the leader of the Opposition, and who ought to have some respect for himself, had been the chairman of the Printing Committee and the touter and paid servant of Messrs. Hunter, Rose & Co. It was Mr. T. R. Fergu- son who had caught him and exposed him. Then, coming down a little fur- ther, Mr. Mackenzie had come out as the touter of a petroleum ring in order to raise the price of oil. The secret of the bargain between him and the oil kings he (Sir John) did not know, but this he did know, that he had urged upon Sir John Rose, at that time Finance Minister, the imposition of an ex- cise duty upon petroleum, and he had sold himself deliberately for that price. (Cheers and counter cheers. ) He (Sir John) went on to charge the Govern- ment of the Province with using its powers corruptly by granting silver lands in Western Canada in return for assistance at these elections. This would be proved before a committee of the House during the next session of Parlia- ment. (Cheers.) If it were the case, then he wotild ask whether Mr. Mac- kenzie was a proper man to represent the constituency of Lambton ? ( Loud cries of no and yes.) Well, I felt bound, when charges of this nature were being hurled against my friend and colleague from one end of the country to the other, to express my opinions, and in South Bruce I did so. I prefer to quote rather than to summarize my words. This is what I said : — • ./ (9) ■>l-'- ^/: :/' > jy-., I ' ',\ imm ^nr.r.'i T ''i-: i'r v.(.- ■^r^ -' yi ^'^■'■'. 1^1. vv 7 ^' 264 * * '* I have been connected for five years in the House of Commons, and for the last year in the Local Legislature as well, with my friend Mr, Alexander Mackenzie — (hear, hear) — who has throughout taken a leading part in Opposition in the House of Commons up to this time, and has as- sumed office with me in the Local Legislature. Mr. Mackenzie has been more intimately thrown together with me for the last five years than, perhaps, with any other public man. Our intercourse has been most constant, cor- dial, and unrestrained ; and there is nothing in my public life to which I can refer as having given me pain — and there are many circumstances which have given me pain — which does not sink into insignificance at the pain which I have felt at the unjust observations and gross attacks which have been made upon my friend on recent occasions. I have this to say, that when I was called upon to form a Government, I felt it necessary in the interests of the country that my hands should be strengthened by my friend taking office with me, and the greatest difficulty that I found in the formation of that Government was to persuade Mr. Mackenzie to assume the position he now so worthily fills, of Treasurer of Ontario. Not that he was unwilling — he had always been willing — to make any sacrifice in his power for the ' sake of his country, and of that party with which he felt the great inter- ests of the country were identified, but that his own views of his public duty led him to hesitate. He o£fered his support to the Government outside the Cabinet, but he desired that I would not ask him to take office, and it was with the utmost reluctance that he had at length consented. I have found him the truest and most faithful of friends and colleagues. Efforts have been made by the adversary to weaken his position in the Legislature at Ottawa, and observations have gone abroad with reference to my relations with him, which have given great pain to me. It has been said that I am desirous of withdrawing from the Local Legislature, in order to obtain a leading position in the Commons. My only desire is to go there tv assist my friend Mr. Mackenzie, as his faithful supporter in the future, as 1 1: ast 1 have been in the past. I have no ambition to be any other thing than a private mem- ber of Parliament. I believe in party government. I am a party man, and belong to a party to which I intend to stick as long as it carries out its principles. My personal desire has always been to act in the ranks, and along with the ranks of that party, and in no other or more prominent capacity ; and in that position I shall find myself if returned to the House of Commons on a future occasion ; and I have told my friends that whether on the left hand or on the right hand of the Speaker, my place must be in the ranks. I have to say to you and to my countrymen generally, that of all the public men whom I have met — and I have observed, I hope, not unfairly but closely, the men of both sides — I know no man of equal dili- gence, of equal self-sacrifice, of greater integrity, of a nicer sense of public and private virtue, no man more sternly devoted to the cause which he in his conscience believed to be right, and more willingly and incessantly lend- , ing his ever effort to the success'of that cause, than my friend Mr. Mackenzie, whom we are all proud to acknowledge as one of the most prominent public men in the Dominion of Canada, and for whose good and great qualities my own , admiration has been intensified by time. " * # ♦ ♦ * * * • In the fall of the same year I dealt with the general subject ■ thus: — ' - ' . . ' > ** I have been subjected, like my friends, to a sort of political warfare of the most unwarranted description. I have seen by the press that Sir John * Macdonald has stooped to say, ' Why, look at my Government, were ever such charges made against my Government as are made against these men ? ' '. . (9) r I * I - r> 1 .■ i\ 'Si. * ) ' [ [ lend- mi inzie, y ■ imen J own * ' )ject > . re of T 1 '.. s. * lohn ever en?' •'A \ ■ :/:v:, -; -■• A . i' .;■ .. ^ •r..- ' s ■',..: ., ■ ' • :' 265 "''•.''' •, V ■-. ' ...,- . ./ , "■■ ■ , ■■ ■ • • '- - ^ The more shame to him ! It is the boMt of the Liberal party that thev do not make oharffes which they cannot Bubstantiate. It ia to the shame of Sir John MaodonaJd that foundationless charges, which, if true, would have been enough to damn the fair fame of any public man, should have been made against my colleagues and myself, not one of which has hurt us in the slight- est degree. ^ A general policy of slander, such as has been adopted by Sir John Maodonala and his organs, must be repudiated by the respectable people of this country, if they expect respectable men to remain in public life." Not. long after, we attained power, and Mr. Mackenzie became Prime Minister, and THE STOBM OF CALUMNY was raging still. The old tales were repeated and new ones in- vented. There was the Goderich Harbour affair, with respect to which Sir John Macdonald, having during the recess made violent charges, in Parliament used these words : — ... * ' The Piyime Minister was informed by Mr. Stirton that Mr. Tolton was a good, competent, and wealthy man, and that his sureties were men of wealth. The hen. gentleman possessed that information, but he did not con- vey it to Mr. Page, who was wandering in ignorance all the time." . . . "The difficulty experienced by Mr. Page with regard to Mr. Tolton would have been at once removed if the hon. the Premier had handed over a telegram he had received from Mr. Stirton. Why were those circumstances withheld from Mr. Page ? It was difficult to understand why Mr. Moore «hould be favoured. The letter written by the hon. the Minister of Justice was highly creditable to him — it was a letter which Mr. Moore had a right to ask from him. Mr. Moore supported the hon. the Minister of Justice, as a candidate for North Bruce, in 1 867. He was, therefore, a friend of the hon. gentleman, and had a right to reoeive a letter stating all the hon. gen- tleman could honestly state. The hon. the Minister of Justice was not in any way personally responsible for the loss of those $29,000 to the country. . . , '* The hon. the Minister of Public Works was justly chargeable with having given a contractor $29,000 more than the sum for which another com- petent man would have executed the work. He submitted the case to the House as it appeared from the papers submitted, and he held that no hon. member could honestly say that under the circumstances Mr. Tolton should not have received .ha contract. . . . With regard to the statement he (Sir John Macdonala) had made that the Department had acted with undue favour towards some of his own friends, there was one instance ; it had been shown that Mr. Moore was a political friend, and that no doubt $29,000 had been lost to the country, and before the session closed he would feel it his duty to submit to the House other cases of a similar character. The House and the country could come to no other conclusion than that $29,000 of the pub- lic money had been thrown away. You recollect the charge with reference to the steel rails — the charge that Mr. Mackenzie had made a bargain, not merely bad, but with corrupt motives, to favour a relative ; you recollect the charges of favouritism and wrong with regard to the Fort William town site and the Neebing Hotel, and others which it would be tedious to detail. This — this was the course pursued while Mr. Mackenzie , ■ ■ ^ ■ , V (9) . .. . T I* 'V---' .. \y. rt.' ^ ' tl ^flt^ V -'hi V- »^i ■-*.. ^V,•v^ mm ^^ 3B@ ,/-•-« 'v ;tir I ' »v.' A.-' ; /, ' > ^ V ' Sr-'. :c-^ 266 r.i ■f . " .:> >■ I was our leader ; but now that, unhappily for his party and unhap- pily for the country, our friend is ratner laid aside by illness ; now that the condition of his general health and the feebleness of his voice prevents him from taking as prominent and effective a part in the conduct of public affaira as in former days, now, forsooth, they acknowledge that these charges were false and calumnious. Sir John Macdonald, for example, at London the other day, de- clared that Mr. Mackenzie was, and is an honest man, and that he acted to the best of his judgment. So say they all now ! THANK GOD, MR. MACKENZIE'S REPUTATION DOES NOT DEPEND ON THE COMMENDATIONS OF SIR JOHN MACDONALD. He is gratified, no doubt, at those avowals, and doubtless he also understands, as you do, and despises, as you do, the motive which prompts his former slanderers to-day. The motive is palpable, and it is as mean as it is palpable. I have had to. answer once or twice the charges or insinuations against me which gener- ally accompany these encomiums and retractions. I will read you the answer I gave Sir John Macdonald in Parliament in 1881, and which I repeat to-day : — " I have borne in silence, from an anxiety not to trouble the House with personal observations, from a feeling that a man who takes a leading part must endure in silence a great many aspersions, the insinuations which from time to time have been made by the hon. gentleman's followers on that topic. But a sensible man — to compare great things with very small ones — who, passing through the village streets, finds himself assailed by a pack of village doc;s, will not, of course, turn round and heed their barking at his heels. While he takes that attitude towards the pack, if the master of the pack assails him he may be well entitled to answer his challenge. " Sir, I have to say with regard to the hon. gentleman's statement that I supplanted the hon. member for Lambton in the office of leader of the Liberal party which I now occupy, that that statement could not within his knowledge be true, and that it pusseses in itself not one particle of founda- tion. I am not about to enter into lengthy details, but my views with respect to positions of leadership or of place and power are tolerably well known to all who are good enough to interest themselves in my public career, and are best known to those who know me best ; and they know well that I have never invited any position of that kind ; that on the contrary, I have always shunned it ; that I assumed this position with the utmost reluctance, and, if I had the wishing-cap of Fortunatus for one moment, the wish I would use it to accomplish would be that the path of honour and duty might lead me to retire from this position. But, sir, while that is so, and while the only thing that abates my desire to see hon. gentlemen opposite defeated, is the reflection that their defeat would involve my accession to office, I will use it, so long as I am entrusted with a position of influence such as I now occupy, with a desire to efliect some share of good for the country in which I live. It is but the hope that I may to some extent increase the happiness and advance the prosperity of my countrymen that nerves me to my task. " I wish, however, that these fair words of our opponents were accompanied by a little measure of fair deeds. Whatever they (9) ( -. >; ' .^ W- ^* •^:r<- ' «. ^' ■• 'V-.- » ' r , I f>fi7 • , . . ■•, . I say, they do not ac-t in the samo way. They first <.,'orryinan(ierc'd the riding of East York, the chosen conHtituency of Mr. Mackenzie. They failed to win. Then they Morganized that geirymandereil riding under the infamous Franchise Act. And now they are try- ing to Boultbeefy the riding ! They are seeking not merely to defeat Mr. Mackenzie, but to defeat him by Alfred Boultbee! But for this they must have the consent of the electors, and in that gerrymandered and Morganized constituency I l^ave every reason to believe there is left an AMPLK RESERVE OF PUBLIC SPIUIT to assure us a victory. I rejoice to see that our friend han accepted the nomination, and I read the othei' day, as I am sure \ you did, with emotion the brief but patriotic speech he made to the Convention, The circumstances were moving. They reminded me of the lines the poet puts in the mouth of an old hero and statesman, speaking to his comrades in his declining years : Though much is taken much abiUes ; and though We are not now that strength which in old da/a Moved earth and heaven, that which we are we are ; (>ne equal temper of heroic hearts, Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will, To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield ! . (Loud cheers.) I am sure we all wish for hiui a grand success in his coni'^est against the arbitrary, unconstitutional and im- proper course of the Conservative party, directed to his defeat. I am glad to observe by a western paper that the new dfparturo of the Mail is to include a declaration in favour of Mr. Mac- kenzie. (Laughter.) It would be a disgrace to East York and to Canada if Alfred Boultbee should he elected over the head of such a man. (Cheers.) I have heard from various quarters in the riding, and I believe it to be true, that many Conservatives have declared their intention of voting for our friend. He will be elected ; his country will have the benefit of the important services he can yet give without impairing further the strength which he has already overtaxed in his country's cause. (Cheers.) I have thought it jvell to give you this little history of the con- duct of the Conservative party towards a leader of the Liberal party, and I would ask you Conservatives who may be here whether you regard this as worthy conduct ? I ask you Re- formers who may be here to remember, in other cases and under other circumstances, when you hear charges hurled at those whom at the moment you have placed in the forefront of the battle, to remember these instances I have brought before you. Remember that for these many long years the leaders of the Liberal party I (9) . :■'%.: ': A IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I [M. 125 2.2 us us 140 2.0 IL25 i 1.4 I m mm Photographic .Sciences Corporatioii v iV 4 s^ :\ \ ^\ ^PkV 23 WIST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. MSSO (716) S73-4503 ,.<»■ w^ w^^mfmrn - » ( ■ » I kbl'iiw i> r .' 268 for the tiino bein«r have boon met with cahnniiies, which, in this case as in others, have after a long interval been acknowledged to be foundationloss. Ilenieniber this, and call for proof and un- (juestionable proof l)erore you allow your allegiance to be in the least shaken by the false accusers who have acted in such an unworthy way, and who have so lately confessed their shame. (Cheers.) W I ( ' The Ciiiiueiit ^^ervices ol' Sir Richard €artwright. At Stayner Mr. Blake said : — I did not know that you ha i ',■.1 ' ■ ■. • I* ri I-. .: »» ' " 270 . were filled with sadness by the death of Mr. Thompson, who had represented tialdimand for many years. The writ was moved and the Speaker's warrant ordered. It duly issued. But the law devolves the duty upon the Government of naming the re turning officer and the date of election. That duty they did not discharge, and the writ therefore could not be issued. Dr. Lan- derkin asked the Government why the instructions had not been given. They asked for time, once and again. After a week's pressure Sir John Macdonald gave the answer. He said that a lar^e number of persons had been lately accorded the right of franchise, that the rolls w^ere being made up and would shortly be completed, that there was no pressing necessity for an election, as tlie member could not be retnrned before the end of the session. and that it would be an injustice, an insult to the new electorate who were not yet in a position to vote, the rolls not having been made up, to press on the election. He therefore proposed to de- lay the writ, and said that if his opinion were challenged, he would ask the House to agree to SUSPEND THE ISSUE OF THE WRIT. I felt that there was reason for that view, though it was incon- venient, and perhaps a strain on the constitution. True, the new electors were mainly Indians, wards of Sir John Macdonald, but yet T did not like the idea of the new electors, whatever their views might be, being deprived of the right to vote. I therefore did not resist the view that the election should stand, and the House thus adopted the principle of the Government without dis- sent. But some months later the Government appointed the .■>•<■•- MEMBER FOR CHAMBLT to an office which had practically been vacant for many months, if not for years, and iliey iminediutely issued the luritfor Cham- hly. The new lists were just about completed ; the new elector- ate was just about to acquire its title ; the circumstances were the same as in Haldimand, only more glaring, because the issue of the writ in Chambly was hurried on, while in Haldimand, where a vacancy had existed for months, it was delayed. I ask Conserva- tives — because I appeal to Conservatives as well as to Reformers, believing that among them are men willing to consider these things on the principles of fair play and even-handed justice — what consistency is there in this ? I ask whether this is even- handed justice and fair play ; whether it is consistent with the declaration made in the case of Haldimand ; the pledge made in the case of Haldimand ; the principle laid down in the case of ; m vl s:;3: T*,- ■ V 271 Haldimand ; the line of action agreed to in the case of Haldi- niand ; that the Gcvernment should use their power — for they are suprenu; when Parliament is not in session — to .sprinij; an election in another county on the old lists, postponing the election in Haldimand for the new lists, just because they knew that the added vote wt)uld be unfavourable to them in one case, and would be in their favour in the other ? (Cheers.) IS THAT FAIR PLAY ? Is it not clear that the Government which is appointed in this respect to act for all the people, not for one party, but for both, is prostituting its power, and degrading its trust to base party pur- poses ? (Cheers.) The election in Haldimand is going on to-day, and a great factor in the election is the vote of the Indians. You are aware that the Reformers objected to the Franchise Bill very sti-ongly, and amongst other things, because it conferred the vote upon the unemancipated Indians. Our position on that question has been grossly mis-stated. We, as Reformers and liiberals could not but be anxious that all worthj^ c^apable, and really free citizens should have the franchise. That is a fundamental principle of ours. Nor could we be otherwise than sympathetic with the Indian, the original possessor of the soil, and anxious for his elevation and advancement. Our main objection is this — that the Indian is not yet emancipated, that the laws aro such as leave him in a state of of tutelage, that he is not, as you voters are, a free man, but that he is largely under the control of the Government of the day, through the medium of the Chief Superintendent, who in this case is the First Minister himself ; and we contend that so long as tfie Government keep him in such an inferior position^ so long it is notfittinj for him or for the community that he should have nom- inally, what in many cases lie will not have really y the rights that beL:ig to the ordinary citizen; so long it is not proper to give him, what you call the Franchise, hut what is not really in his case a franchise. WHAT DOES FRANCHISE MEAN ? ' '\ It means freedom, the right to give a free and independent vote. To enjoy that right you must be a free and independent man, you must bo truly a citizen, and so long as you are under tutelage, and a ward of the Government, the franchise is no boon to you. It is something you may be able to sell, something you may be able to barter away, something you may exchange for the hope of the favour of your guardian and protector and controller, but it is not a real boon to you ; it neither elevates you nor profits the communi- ty at large. The Chief Superintendent is to the Indians their (9) , 1 '^ t: ' ' 4 > y .■"'IBP ■">■ ,'~t i '*M '■'' I', f^ • 272 guide and guardian, the disponsor of bounty from the general funds in case there be sickness or distress. He may give them money or goods if lie finds they need them. He controls their lauds and the •titles under which they hold them, and chani^es in title require his consent. How free would you consider yourself if there were an officer of the Government whom you were obliged to consult before you could mortgage your projierty or sell it ? (Cheers.) THK SUPKRINTENDENT-OKNERAL's CONSENT is rec^uired to validate an Indian's will, which would be valid were he a white. He has control of the guardianship of their children His consent is necessary to their enfranchisement. For it is recog- nized by the law tliat tlio Inifed cheering.) In the report of Sir Juhn Macdonald, made two or three years ago, he declared tiiat i)(^ luul isHued circulars to all his otlicers to ascertain whether the Indians were tit for some rudimentary form of municipal government as a training for the full status of free men. He did not lay the replies helore us, but he gave us a summary in a few lines of his report. He declared emphatically that THKY WERE NOT KIT for even the most rudimentary form of self-government. And these men whom he so declared unfit for the first step toward freedom, he now makes, not independent votei^s, but largely hw voters by the law, (Great cheering.; And this further declara- tion he made in his report — that tluire is but one way of elevat- ing the young Indians — and that is to undertake their entire training, and to separate them fiom their parents and their homes. The home and parental influence, he thinks, are fatal to advance- ment; but if they can be taken away from their parents and homes, and kept in the schools they will prol»abIy progress. This is not my doctiine, mind you. No doubt the Tory papers will say it is I who said these thinirs. This is a STATEMENT MADE BY SIR JOHN MACDONALD in his re[)ort, and I call upon you to judge how far those can be qualified to exercise the franchise, the best hope of whose chil3reii is, according to the t'irst Minister, that they should be taken from the home and influence of the parent ? (Loud and prolonged cheering.) I do not say that all the Indians are unfit by their conduct to be voters. / believe there are Indians who arc fairly advanced in education, intelligent, industrious, provident, pro- gressive, and discharging the duties of parentage creditably. Bui almost all are untmancipated, and ot the condition of the bulk 1 have only the Superintendent-Generrtl's report to judge from, and I have told you what he says. It was only last night that, speak- ing at a missionary meeting in Toronto, Sir John Macdonald, re- ferring to the British Columbia Indians, inflicted upon those of the East a great slur. He declared that the British Columbia In- dians were of a superior strain, because they had in them an ad- mixture of Mongolian blood. Thus they were superior to the In- dians of the Territories and of the Eastei-n Provinces, But we have declared by an Act of Parliament that the Mongolian is not fit to vote, that, in fact, he is not fit to live in Canada at all. (Loud laughter.) The Mongolian is good enough forsooth to im- prove the strain of the British Columbia Indian bloo<], but the (9) f .. '» , •. /■ Tr- ■'.« 274 'v:; Eastern IikHhiis, whose blood is not so iniprovcti, are n»av NOT UNOBSERVANT FOLLOWERS of those affairs which affect their own race, and their own blood, and, besides, the Indians have seen the general demeanour and atti- tude of local Liberals, and of the Liberal party in regard to their concerns. The Indian doubts the boon offered to him by the Government, and he does not i-elish the management of the North- West, and it has hean found that the Indian vote if^ not as safe, even in Haldimand, as the Government expected it ivoidd be. "We all ex- pect the Government will poll a large majority of the Indian vote. Under existing circumstances the Indians would be more than human if thoy did not largely so vote. I cannot greatly blame the Indians, under those circumstances, for giving the Government a large majority of their votes. But they will not poll them all. (Loud cheers.) The Government supporters must have come to the conclusion that they were not going to poll them all — they must have found that all was not going as they expected — for the great father, chief, aud councillor, the guide and guardian, the gr^at authority of the Indians, THE SUPERINTENDENT-GENERAL HIMSELF, just two days before the election goes — not into Haldimand, indeed, that would be, perhaps, a little too indecent — but goes to the borders of the county into the Indian reserve in tW county of Brant, adjoining the Haldimand reserve, to hold a great pow-wow. (Derisive cheers and laughter.) That it had something to do with the Haldimand election I will show you upon good authori- ty. I have here the newspa[)er report in the Mail of September 4th, headed " Sir John among the Indians," and stating that " the Indians in Haldimand are greatly pleased at Sir John's forth- coming visit to the Six Nations." On September 6th the visit was paid. Sir John Macdonald went out in company with Mr. Robert Henry, ex-Mayor of Brantford, a leading Conservative light in that city, Mr. J. J. Hawkins, who is called " ex-M.P.P.," a well-known Conservative just now, and Mr. Thomas Elliott, who is described as President of the North Brant Conservative Association. So you see the political character of the gathering ; that it was as a politician the [Superintendent-GeneraJ went, if fc-- • 276 we are to "judge a man by the company he keeps." (Laughter.) The report of the World says : — "Sir John, the chiefs, and the leading warriors, and bucks of the tribe afterwards entered the Gooncil House, where a three hours' conference was held with closed doors. No whites were admitted." « A NO WHITES WERE ADMITTED — except Sir John. (Great laughter.) You see that the affair was carried out in just such a way as to most impress the minds of these people with his power, and to combine that power which the law gives him as the head of the Indian Department, to be used in the general interest, with his power and position as the leader of a great party. And all this was accentuated by the time at which he came and by the holding of a secret conference with these people, during which he tried to influence their feelings. (Cheers.) If I had wanted further proof of the im- propriety of giving the vote to the Indian, while he is a dependent of the Chief Superintendent, I care not whether the officer who guides him be Reform or Conservative, I could not have asked for more than this proceeding just before polling day. This election is a desperate struggle, and the result will be to the last moment uncertain. I am willing to believe that it was not without some qualms of conscience, some feelings of reluctance, that the Chief Superintendent so timed his visit as to make it plain he was seeking the votes of his wards — of those wards whom he declared three years ago not fit to enter even the most rudimentary form of self-government — that the Chief Superin- tendent did what his own officers are by law forbidden to do as improper practices vitiating the election. It shows you, as other things do, the desperate character of the struggle in which, holding the Indian vote of 125 as against a majority of 12(> gained by the Liberal candidate at the last election, together with other influences, to some of which 1 shall allude, the Government hopes to snatch a victory. I hope differently. I believe against all odds we shall win. (Loud and prolonged applause.) But I call on you Reformers to remember that a defeat of the Opposition in a bye-election held under present circumstances is no index of the result of a general election. The Government has enormous advantages over the Opposition. They can pour in unlimited forces, as they have done ; they can ply every method of gaining votes, as thay have done ; they can point to the complexion of the Parliament; they can promise lavours. But nV 7 .f\ ■/' ■4, ^ ^ 276 .V t1 AT THE OENERAL ELECTIONS all will be different. Sir John Macdonald cannot be on every reserve; the Great Chief cannot be everywhere to direct the votes of his " children " in a general election. (Great cheering.) We shall meet in other ways then on more even ground. It is only under special circumstances that the efforts they have put forth in Haldimand can be repeated, and therefore I say that, believing as I do, that the main tide and current of popular opinion is setting all our way, we are not to be discouraged if / there should happen some eddy or backfiow in an elbow of the river. No! we are to go straight onward,' knowing that if we fight an even battle to-day under such circumstances as attend this contest, our ultimate victory in the struggle is assured. (Loud and prolonged applause.) I agree with your chairman as to the time of the election?. WHEN THE FRANCHISE ACT WAS PROPOSED I STATED THAT AN ELECTION SHOULD FOLLOW THE COMPLETION OF THE LISTS. f' f V' -it v., At the opening of last session I expressed my wish for *an early appeal to the people ; and the other day in the east I explained that when a large addition had been made to the electorate, it was essential that at the earliest moment that an appeal to the people should take place so that the new electorate might have the opportunity to speak. I cared not whether they were for or against my views. Ihe constitutional rule is that the Parliament^ which has been elected by a constituency which has been con- demned as too narrow, has fuijilled its functions as soon as the incoming and enlarged electorate is in a position to vote, and should be forthwith dismissed. But the Tories don't say so. They are not going upon that general principle. They reserve to themselves the power of acting as they may determine to be best in their party interest. They think they control absolutely the prerogative which was given for the public benefit and not for their own; and they will use it for their own advantage. " We won't say," they virtually tell us, "that we think that on the general and public grounds you state there ought to be an election." Because if they did they would be compelled to act on a view which might be very inconvenient (Laughter.) If they think the time is not suitable for them as a party they will hold the election over until next year, but if they think their chances are good now, we shall doubtless have the election and a great deal of talk about the new electorate being represented. There is no power of the Government which is given them except (9) L ■ -i 277 FOR THE PUBLIC ADVANTAGE, but that with the Tories is synonymous with Tory advantage. (Laughter.) Vve fight the battle under great disadvantages in many ways, but we shall fight with good heart, confident in the good cause, and in the good sense and patriotism of the people. (Great applause.) REPLY TO INDIAN ADDRESS. Honour In Polltlct— Tlio Roprencntative of §outli Brant In the Comnioni— Flttlnv Tribute to Mr. PuterMon. The following is the introductory portion of the speech of Hon. Edward Blakk at Brantford : — Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, allow me in the first place to return my thanks to the members of the Six Nations and Mis- sissaugaa for the address with which they have honoured me. I can assure them I have received it with great interest and gratifi- cation, and I rejoice at the tone, the broad and generous, the calm and ju.st tone, in which they speak of the attitude of the Liberal party with reference to the very important step, as affecting the various Indian nations, which was lately taken. I rejoice also to know that there are amongst them so many who are able to ap- preciate the general principles of action of the Liberal party, and to recognize that its policy in the past has been, as its policy in the future, so long as it is worthy of its name, must be that which shall, in the judgment of the party, subserve the best and truest interests of the Indians. For myself, I may say I have ever felt a GREAT INTEREST IN AND SYMPATHY FOR those who are the representatives to-day of the original posses- sors of the vast domain of this continent of North America. I have ever most anxiously desired that our legislation and our course with reference to them, and our relation towards them, should be such as might best conduce to their welfare, security, and prosperity, and I am glad to be assured that, being entrusted by the Parliament of Canada with the exercise of the franchise, there are, amongst those who may choose to avail themselves of ')' T- ry =£2: ',. ."J>T V. 278 1 7 .V -w I- the right, men who, as they are capable of doing, consider the policy of both panics, and the true interests of the country in which they live, to which they belong, with which their fortunes are bound up ; and who, after such consideration, are |)repared to adopt the principles of the Liberal party. I dare say that the expectations of the Conservatives, hinted at in this address, may be in large measure disappointed ; and that the Liberal party may find, as it ought to find, among the descendants of the original possessors of the soil MANY WARM AND EARNEST ADHERENTS, because tlie Liberal party has for its objects, justice to, and the advancement and elevation of, all classes of our populatlmi, no matter what their creed, no matter what their colour, no matter what the race to which they belong. I hope it may be my for- tune some day to visit my friends on their reserve. (Loud and prolonged applause ) In the midst of the series of very large "meetings, which it has been my privilege to address, 1 had very great pleasure in agreeing to Mr. Paterson's request that 1 should speak in Brantfdrd. I congratulate the Reformers of South B" nt upon this magnificent assemblage. Our meetings have been the largest, most enthusiastic, and most satisfactory in every way, which in nearlj'^ twenty years of political life, it has been my for- tune to attend. (Cheers.) Not merely have our friends gathered in great numbers, and in great enthusiasm, but we have also been favoured with the presence of very considerable numbers of those who do not ordinarily take as act'.ve an interest as I should do- sire in politics, and with the presence of a large number of those who have not heretofore seen eye to eye with us. And not merely have these two classes been ]>resent, but I am happy to say we have received abundant evidence that their i^ 4k A y.\ EYES ARE OPENING TO THE TRUTH, as we understand it, with reference to the interests of Canada, that a very great change la rapidly taking place in public opinion, that the public mind is in a highly formative condition, and that we may hope from these demonstrations the best results for the future of Canada, which I believe to be inextricably bound up with the future of the Liberal party. (Loud applause.) I am glad to note also the presence on almost every occasion of large numbers of ladies deeply interested in those affairs which so much concern them. (Applau.se.) And lastly, I rejoice to see so many young men. This has been a special feature of the other meet- ings also, and a most encouraging and cheering feature it is. I have said elsewhere that one of the things which gives me now 9) :^ ' >. - ler the itry in irtuneR ired to at the 8, may by may riginal ind the Ion, no matter ny for- md and y large a,d very should h B" nt »een the ry way, my for- athered so been of those tuld de- Df those t merely I say we Canada, opinion, uid that for the ound up ) I am of large so much so many er meet- it is. I me now j: . • , '«> ^f • , * 270 the greatest satisfaction is, that I was to a considernhlo extent responsible — being the first to suggest it — for the policy which has resulted in the young men of the country being, at a verj' much earlier age, and under very much easier circumstances than formerly, admitted to the franchise. T proposed this, not that they might enjoy it as a pleasure, but that they might embrace it as a high duty. (Cheers.) I proposed it because I was convinced our best chance of making of them good and worthy citizens was to interest them early in public attairs, and I accompanied the suggestion with an expression of the hope, which I am so glad to see so largely realized, that they woul• hi ■K \ "^^ '. . ' 1 >' i '•;.ai LiJ^ 'M -r^; -til "> • . '.Ml fG wn r ^';»y " ) ' ,^» -9^ •frr ■II I I I 'I ^" 1 V «»!lf«i ■| h :./ •■■!.;■ • ( - . i ^^i. ■f •^. ^ ^ • • ■/\ • . - .i - . i M n wfcri i **-! • ■■«rr«- •*r-^*fc-5fc'.^ ?7'.,ir?',v ♦■ ■' ^ " \ •:.^.< EQUAL RIGHTS FOR ALL. THE RELATIONS OF THE LIBERAL PARTY TO GREEDS AND CLASSES. Case of W. B. O'Donoghue— New Brunswick School '^ase — Case of Hon. John O'Dononoe — Toleration and True National Spirit 4 ' ' Hon. Edward Blake, speaking at Welland, said : — While speaking at the meeting this morning I could not but remember the last time I addressed a meeting in Welland. It was nearly fifteen years ago, and we spoke from 12 at noon to 12 at night. (Laughter.) It was the nomination foi* that election in which Welland for the first time in many years made a break in its Conservative record for the Dominion, and elected our lamented friend, W. A. Thomson. (Loud cheers.) That is a long time ago. Children of that day have become voters now ; young men are middle-aged ; and many of the older ones have passed away. The changes have been great in the political arena as well as in the social world. I remember that on the side of the Conserva- tive Government there appeared on that platform five public men. There was M'.. Aikins, now Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba ; Dr. Tupper. now High Commissioner for Canada ; Mr. O'Connor, now a judge ; and Mr. William Macdougail and Mr. Peter Mitchell. These Mve gentlemen I was called that day to meet. (Applause.) Of tho five, the first three are no longer in active political life. I have described their situation. But amongst the changes in po- litical life are these- /'• -that the remaining two a'^'e NO LONGER IN THE RANKS OF THE PARTY .■r. on whose behalf they sp6ke that day. Though, perhaps, not occu- pying the position of absolutely enrolled members of the Liberal party, they are of us, they are loith us, they are against the Gov- ernment of Sir John Macdonald, they are outspoken and pro- nounced in opposition to that Government, and they agree in the bulk of the positions taken by the Liberal party ; they avow their anxiety to see the Government defeated, and to see the Liberals returned to power — (loud cheers) — and what has happened in (10) ^'. ^r >i I 'l I i ji".' « e_.?z;.,. -!«*■ ==5»i= r»V ^"f^TT »■<,'■ ,x Vr I • 284 :r\:^ m w -*'■' ■/ i-i' ;f-.:l^" ' LI ' / ■1';. ■I these cases has happened in many other cases also. I am glad to know that throughout the whole of Canada, and particularly throughout Ontario, there are to be found men of mark in their cfwn localities, faithful, intelligent, independent men who have be- come alarmed at the condition, moral and material, of the country, who have become satisfied that the Administration has not redeem- ed its promises, that its conduct has not been to the public advan- tage.and that it ought to be replaced Vj another Government acting upon other lines Therefore, I take it as a good omen that, when I come here, almost at the close of a very long series of great meetings, to resume my relations with the people of Welland, I should be able to tell them that, of the distinguished public men who ap- peared before them fifteen years ago to support the Tory Govern- ment, those who speak in public life to-day speak against that Government, and range themselves in opposition to its course. (Tremendous applause.) Amongst the issues raised on that occa- sion was the* relation of the Liberals to one portion of our popu- lation. I have always discouraged and discountenanced, so far as I could, any appeal to considerations of race or creed. (Ap- plause.) My earnest desire has ever been that we ahovXd oningte, irrespective of our origins, irrespective of our creeds, as Canadian brethren, as Canadian fellow-citizens, whether we be English or French, Scotch^ Irish, or Germans, whether we be Protestant^ Catholic, or Jew, sinking all these distinctions in the political arena, and uniting and dividing, not upon questions of origin, not upon questions of religion (I think we might aa a rule almost as well divide upon the number of our inches or on the colour of our hail ), but rather upon honest difierences of opinion with reference to the current politics of the country. (Renewed applause.) But while that has been my view, I have been obliged, from time to time, in the discharge of my duty, to combat appeals to race, to combat appeals to creed, and to explain and vindicate the rela- tions of the Liberal party and of myeelf, sometimes as a humble member, sometimes as its unworthy leader, towards various por- tions of our population ; and I have thought it would not be an unfitting time, considering the circumstances of that former meet- ing, and having regard to the attempts which have been lately made to raise these questions and misrepresent the position of parties, and particularly of myself, toward a class ot the com- munity, to say a few words upon that subject before passing to the discussion of general politics. I have come here to support what I believe will be, though our friend declares he is not yet absolutely in the field, the candidature of Thomas Conlon. (Loud and prolonged applause.) He says he is ready, if no better man be found, to step into the breach. From what I have learned, no better man, no man as good, can be found for the place. (Great • . (10) . ■; ; .■Hi»T~ rrrtr:=*«==x==^ r—«r /'--;',• •*'., ;lad to iularly I their ivebe- juntry, edeem- advan- i acting wbeiil eetings, ould be yho ap- Govern- nst that J course. tiat occa- ur popu- d, so far id. (Ap- l tningle, Canadian English or frotestantf . political origin, not almost as our of our 1 reference wise.) But m time to ,0 race, to the rela- 3 a humble rious por- not be an rmer meet- )een lately position of [t the com- passing to to support 18 not yet klon. (Loud better man learned, no ce. (Great tio) 285 . ' cheering.) And therefore, after that declaration of our friend, I take the liberty of announcing him as the Reform candidate for the county of Welland for the next election. (Vociferous applause.) Now I am come here to ask your support for him as standard-bearer of the Liberal party. Not on account of his creed; I would demean myself by any such appeal ; it would be an appeal nnworthy of me, of him, and of you. I believe the principles and policy to which he adheres, some points of which I shall have the pleasure of laying before you presently, are the principles and policy most for the advantage of this Dominion, I believe him to be an hon-' est, upright man, trusted in the community in which he lives, widely known amongst you, and respected wherever he is known, a man who will be found true to his promises and determined to advance, to the best of his skill and ability, the interests of the county he seeks to represent, and the country he is proud to call his Own. (Loud cheers.) There are my reasons for inviting you to support him. Now a word on MY KELATIONS TO THOSE OF MY FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN WHO HAPPEN TO BE IRISH ROMAN CATHOLICS. I am sorry to take up time with personal statements, but it seems proper that I should do so now. The bulk of the Tory party sedu- lousl3'" charge me with pandering to the Irish Roman Catholics in an unworthy effort to curry favour with them. The charge is false. But another wing of the Tory party, represented, for instance, by Mr. Mackintosh and Mr. Costigan, and by some Tory pam- phleteers and pressmen, charge me with great injustice to these same' men, and declare me, in consequence, unworthy of their confidence. That charge is equally false. In all cases I have done my duty according to my lights ; and that duty has been to be TRUE TO LIBERAL PRINCIPLES, irrespective of creed or race. The questions upon which these discussions have turned are not numerous. I will touch them briefly. I opposed the incorporation of the Orange order, for reasons which were fully declared in Parliament, and which have never been answered to this day. Sir John Macdonald and Mr. Mackenzie Bowell, the Orange Ministers, were there. They had promised their support to the Bill ; but they sat dumb. They dared not speak, they could not answer the reasons which I ad- duced. I supported the cause of Home Rule for Ireland, for reasons which I fully declared in Parliament, and which were never answered there. I believe those reasons to be unanswer- able. (Cheers.) I knew perfectly well that in both cases I was /•^ V^ (10) :A. > / ■^■' Iff? ' tftJt ' J TT ,r- I • y'l , . 9 286 -T * .<} ./ 'V \ >;:^ <>N It f »■ ^ / •'4* ^ (', , \ 4 ■ ..v\ •%<■' / ■ , V *< ■ -' K t J I). §- 1^1; 1 >■ fef \ Opposing myself to the passions and prejudrcea of a large body 01 my fellow-countrymen, and that I was, which I more regretted, running counter to the apprehensions of a considerable number of men, honest, although, I think, misguided in their judgment. But I believed both these causes to be just, and, so believing, I advanced, regardless of what I knew would happen, and what has since happened, the vilifications, the attacks, the insults, the im- putations, and the misconceptions to which I have been constantly exposed. (Cheers.) These matters I am not going to discuss to- night, because they have come fully before you already. They are large and general questions on which I trust you are informed. I would like to say something of them, but there are questions •of another kind with which 1 wish to deal. So much, then, for the causes of offence which are paraded before my Protestant fellow-countrymen as reasons why I am unworthy of their con- fidence. Now, allow me to pass to the attacks, 1 may say the petty attacks, made to injure me in the eyes of my Catholic fel- low-countrymen. They require me to spend some time in recall- ing details which have been grievously distorted. There is . THE CASE OF W. B. o'dONOGHUE. When Mr. Mackenzie proposed resolutions for an amnesty to certain persons implicated in the North- West troubles, I was not a member of the Government, but 1 quite agj eed in and I accept my full share of responsibility for those resolutions. They gava the reason for the action which Parliament was invited to take. O'Donoghue, who, like Riel, was then out of the country, was not included in the amnesty. Mr. Costigan, one of my present accu- sers, voted for those resolutions ; he did not propose any amend- ment for a more extensive amnesty, and he actually voted against an amendment moved for a general amnesty embracing O'Dono- ghue. I may say, therefore, that the course proposed then met with general assent. When, in 1870, Mr. Costigan tirst proposed to reconsider the case of O'Donoghue, the reasons for not acting at that time were fully explained by me in a s[)eeeh, which satis- fied the bulk of the House, for only about thirty men voted for Mr. Costigan, and the whole of the rest, Tories and Liberals, voted against his motion. I quote a brief extract from my speech : — The reasons why partial amnesty was granted to Riel were mentioned in the resolutions of last session, and the address based on them. They showed that after the termination of the North- West troubles, and the establishment of a constitutional government in Manitoba, an incursion into that Province was set on foot, the principal actor, if not the leader, of which was W. B. O'Donoghue. It was necessary lo the preservation of that order which had been restored that there should be a union of all the inhabitants of that country. Such results were obtained upon pledges made to some of the act- ^ (10) ♦**-»^v*- -I ^ai.riibles, and the attittide there assumed by them was one of the principal oansen for the lenity extended to those individuals. It was unnt'cessary to dn more than state these facts to show why, when it was proposed to deal mercifully and leniently with the actors in tlie North- West truubles, the same lenity was not extended to O'Donoghne. A state- ment of the facts showed that a different line must be taken with him. What was the attitude of these three chief actors of that time 1 On the one hand they found O'Dono^hue leading an insurrection against Her Majesty's snbjectfl, whil« the others were found on the other side. The acts of ()'Don- os^hue on that occasion were such as precluded the House from taking a fn' vourable view of his case. The letter of O'Donoghue, which the hon. gentle- man had read, showed that O'Donoghue did not dread anything that might be alleged against him in reference to these North-West troubles. The lion, gentleman had complained in respect of this particular person an amnesty in reference to the North-West troubles in 1869-70 had not been granted, and that O'Donoghue was not permitted to re-enter the Province of Manitoba free of danger in respect to these transactions. Now, 0'Donot,!hue's lettef, which had been read, expressly states that HE WAS ENTIRRLY INNOCENT of the blood of Scott, that he was under no apprehension of standing his trial on that subject, and that but for his part in the so-called Fenian raid, he would have gone to Manitoba lung since, and demanded his trial. He did not want mercy in regard to the North-West troubles, and was prepared to face justice on that charge. W^hat nQw was the difficulty ? It was not that he had not been pardoned for his connection with these troubles, becAUse he did not want his amnesty for that. His difficulty was that his action in 1871, whatever it was, had not been pardoned. , j • . I want you to remember that Louis Letendre, a French-Cana- dian, was under the ban of the law at this very time for this raid. They say it was not the raid which was in question, but the attitude of the actors in the raid was, as I have shown, an important element in deciding on the question of clemency. At the time Mr. Costigan himself repudiated the idea of nationality influencing the Q^jvernment Ho used these words : — The hon. member for Hastings had then stated that if W. B. 0'D>noghue had not been an Irishman but a member of the same nationality as the ottier two persons to whom he had referred, he, like them, would have been p ir- doned. Perhaps this argument did not possess much force, and he (Mr. Costigan) for his part had not then considered, and did not n(nv think, that this was the reason that influenced the Government to do as they had done. The next proposal was made in 1877. Then it was seen that an effort was about to be made to make political capital and excite race feeling. The Government was of opinion that it was not yet time to act in the matter. I, as Minister of Justice, stated that fact and declined to take up the question on the ground that it was premature. I explained the distinctions which existed in the cases, and repudiated the attempt to create race feeling. '! .Let me quote some extracts from the report of my speech : — 00) ■■-',"<■ '.v\r-" - .' ^-v • ■ - - I 288 ■ f rft The member described the people who inhabited this country m French' men who stood shoulder to shoulder, Scotchmen who stood shoulder to shoul- der, Englishmen who stocd shoulder to shoulder, and Irishmen who did not stand shoulder to shoulder. As a Canadian of Irish descent, when he heard these sentiments he looked arotmd the House to see where there was a place for a Canadian. The hon. (gentleman did not think there was any such thing as Canadian sentiment or nationality. Was this the way such questions were to be met here ? Was this the way in which patriotic sentiment was to be made to glow ? It was utterly impossible. * * * The hon. gentle- man said that Mr. O'Donoghue was sacrificed, that he was treated unjdstly, that his properly had suffered, and that he ought to be permitted to retnm to attend to a large tract of land in the North- West, which he claimed. But what the hon. gentleman asked was, that O'Donoghue should be placed in the same position as Biel and Lepine, in that, by the proclamation issued in pursuance of an address by this House, they were amnestied. As to Riel,' he was condemned by a process of outlawry, the proclamation amnestying him after five years' banishment. * * * * Even were O'Donoghue placed in the same position as Biel he could not return to Manitoba as an amnestied man, because that privilege was not accorded to Riel himself, his term of banishment not having expired. So that this question of property would remain in the same position as it now was were O'Donbghue treated like Biel, for he could not return to Manitoba till after five years had elapsed. The hon. gentleman had spoken as if Biel, and those placed in the same cate- gory with him, were enjoying present rights and privileges not accorded to O'Donoghue. But this wits fallacious, because were an amnesty given to O'Donoghue to-morrow, on the same terms as it had been given to Biel, he oould not enter Manitoba, and his property would have to be attended to and his residence fixed by the same considerations by which they were governed to-day. The hon. gentleman said that an injustice was done to O'Donoghue, because he mi^ht return at any rate at the end of five years if he were am- nestied. He (Mr. Blake) undertook to show by the most conclusive evidence to which the hon. gentleman had given the attestation of recording it on the journals of this House, that it waa not the want of an amnesty that prevent- ed his returning to Manitoba. He would refer the House to the hon. gen- tleman's motion of last year, moved on the 23rd March. In that motion was recited a letter from O'Dont^hue to the Speaker of this House, in which he declared that he was entirely ignorant of, and had nothing to do with, and was quite irresponsible for the death of Scott, and that if it was not for the so-called Fenian raid he would long since have demanded a trial as to his action in the North- West. It would be seen by this that he did not want an amnesty for his participation in the North- West troubles, but for his action, in the Fenian raid. That was what prevented his coming to his adopted country. ' . ". - ., Mr. White (East Hastings) — That is correct. Mr. Blake said they knew now what was desired ; that under cover of a motion to grant a like amnesty to that granted to Riel and Lepine in connection with the North- West troubles of 1869-70, the House whs asked to amnesty O'Donoghue for his participation in the Fenian raid. One maa was arrested by reason of his connection with that raid. He was a British ^subject, and had it not been for the present painful discussion, he would not mention his nationality, but he was a Frenchman. His name was Louis Letendre. He was arrested, charged, tried, convicted of high treason and sentenced to death. His sentence was commuted to 20 years' impriaoument, and subsequently to 20 years' banishment. There had been no appeal — no Englishman, Irishman, or Scotchman had asked for the remission of his sentence; so he waa not embraced in the motion of hia hon. friend. I (10) «.. vi' '.>^- Tsr: ^',f" Prenoh- ► shuul* did not ) heaid aplftce :h thing >nB were as to be gentle- iDJiiBtly, retnrnto 5d. But placed in iBsuod in I to Riel, mestying )on<>ghue oba as an mself, bii property le treated d elapsed. )ame cate- ccorded to ' given to ;o Eiel, he led to and governed lonogfaue, , were am- 'e evidence g it on the it prevent- hon. gen- Lotion was which he with, and ^ot for the LI as to his [«)t want an his action. is adopted cover of a Lepine in 'was asked One man , a British would not J was Louis Ireason and Irisoument, lappeal — no sion of hii on. friend. 289 O'Donoghue, in a letter formally addressed to Mr. Speaker as the or^^an of this House, had told him in the strongest and plainest terms, by his own statement, that he did not care for amnesty, that he was not prevented from entering Manitoba by reason of the North- West troubles, out it was the Fenian trouble that prevented him from going there. ... It was the opinion of the Government that without naming a time or declaring any decision, the time had not arrived for taking any action on the matter, and that no real injustice — according to the sense in which the hon. member used that term in which he did not agree with him — was done O'Donoghue at the present moment. Even if the motion were granted O'Donoghue would not be for years in a position to return to Manitoba ; and therefore no injustice — in the hon. gentleman's sense — was done by not gi ruling it at this time. Now all this time, as you will see, both Riel and O'Donoshue were in the United States, and neither could, without risk of being apprehended, come into Canada ; but a five years' term had been set, at the end of which Riel was to be free from all further risk, as his amnesty would then take effect. No time had been set for the commencement of an amnesty to O'Donoghue, and -^ BOTH WERE EXILES. < . . Meanwhile, when half the five years had expired, the Government came to the conclusion that the time had arrived to deal with O'Donoghue's case, and he was then placed on exactly the same footing as Riel. It was provided that he should be free from the risk 01 apprehension on the same terms, and at the same hour that Riel was to be free. The amnesty was granted on the same conditions. He, therefore, suffered nothing in the end more than Riel. Now, I say that if there was an ea-ror, it was rather on the side of leniency, than on the side of severity. I approved of the act, because my leaning in these cases always is, rather towards leniency than towards severity. But such is my judgment. During the whole transaction I absolutely declined to consider any question of race or creed, and I tell my Irish Catholic fellow- countrymen, some of whom may still on account of this matter entertain views unfavourable to me, that I will ever act upon the same principle. (Loud applause.) I will not act one instant later or sooner, or one whit more or less leniently because of race or creed. In each case I will act upon the justice of that case irrespective of race or creed. T hold that the administration of justice and the action of Government must depend solely on tHi circumstances of the case, and in no degree upon considerations of origin or faith. Now, there is the case of W. B. O'Donoghue. (Loud applause.) The next matter of attack is - -i' j. ,'■« - THE NEW BRUNSWICK SCHOOL QUESTION. The point was whether the Provincial JjCgislature of New Bruns- (10) t ., .t _^. f! T— ^ ■»"! — 1- ^m 290 in ^ 7 >^ V* '.• . > i ■;^ ^ " : wick had oveisteppod its powers in dealinjjf \vitl« education }>y a law which moditied certain customs and practices which had iong" existed in the Province with reference to Roman Catholic educa- tion. The ([Uosti(»n was doubtful. The Liberals thought that even if the Legislature had the power, the act waH regrettable. But the Liberals could not agree to what a few persons proposed, namely, that we should ask that the rights of the Local Legisla- ture should be curtailed ; and in this. Sir John Macdonald took the same view that wo did. The Liberals, however, proposed and obtained facilities for the decision of the doubtful constitutional question. They went further, and, against the earnest protests of Sir John Macdonald and the Conservative party, they ad- dressed the Governor- General with a view to an ad interim disallowance of some tax Acts, whose validity depended upon that of the main Act, and which they tliought ought to be held in abeyance until the decision of the question on the main Act. That was going a long way ; possibly it was going too far. I was not in my place at the time. Had I been there, I could have voted for that proposal only upon the ground, which I understand the Liberals took, that it was a temporary disallowance under the special circumstances, disclaiming all intention of overriding any ascertained rights of the Local Legislature. But the step went to the extreme verge. The House passed the address. Sir John Macdonald opposed it and refused to advise compliance with it; and the Acts were not disallowed ; and now Mr. Costigan says it was the Libeials and not the Tories that were lo blame ! (Loud applause and laughter.) The question was ultimately decided in favour of the right of the Local Legislature by the Privy Council, and then it was proposed to take steps towards overriding the valid Acts of the Local Legislature by altering its powers. To this neither Liberals nor honest Tories could agree. The principle of Home Rule was in question. (A]iplause.) We did what we could. We sent an addrtec to the foot of the Throne, praying Her Most Gracious Majesty to use her influence with the Local Legislature for an amendment of the law and the redress of the complaint. That motion I prepared and seconded in Parliament. Once again it was going to the very verge. But it is we, forsooth, who are charged with injustice, and hostiUty; and the people are Asked by Mr. Costigan to support the Tories who did nothing, and to condemn us, who did as much as we could and, as the Tories said, more than we ought ! Tl>ere is the New Brunswick school question ! (Applause.) The third and last question, is " the tempest in the teapot," of ' " • • r ^ (10) Lii.. A/' ■.!«' x 291 rrracr-T r.;-.JS;rtz:J- - ~ ■ rTr-^*--',-^ 1 1 1. t \\y a I long . sduca- \j that btable. posed, Hi'islft- l^took ed and jtional TO tests ey ad- d upon held in in Act. I was Id have lerstand iider the ing any ep went ir John with it ; says it (Loud cided in Council, T the ers. To principle what we praying liie Local 59 of the •liament. Iforsooth, iople are |iing, and le Tories >k school is "the MY ALLEGED IMPR0PRIET7 TOWARDS MR. JOHN o'dDNODOE. I am charged with showing prejudice and hostility against Roman Catholics because, it is said; J refused to apeak for Mr. O'Donohoe when he was Reform candidate for Kast Toronto, and this on the ground that I was not a voter in the district. I can call this nothing but an absurd and ridiculous misstatement. I had spoken a hundred times for Reform candidates in ridings where I had no vote. 1 hope to speak a hundred times more as I am doing to-night. ( Applau i . »- J , ' . i. f, y.) ' -ff f«i • 'A t /*V' ..•v •t f .-■f^' n;. 'i f' jl t •> ■•• ■■/' i, ■ i*. /-■ ldM«M ^ I 292 times wlieu wc woiIcimI togetlier. I liave preferred to renienibor, too, that they wore my fellow-countrymen; and I have borne in silence their unju.st attuckH rather than retaliate. I have chosen to recollect their acts of friendHhip and co-operation rather than those of hostility and animosity. I have hoped that the day might come when they, or, if not they, at any rate my fellow- countrymen of their race and creed, would do mo justice — (Ap- plause) — and I wished to put no obstacle whatever in the way of a reconciliation in which I have nothin;^ to withdraw, nothing to apologize for, nothing to excuse. (Renewed applause.) 1 frankly say to you, ladies and gentlemen, that I have never forgotten the days of my boyhood in 1848, when my father was a leader in public life, and spoke for justice and liberality towards those in- volved in the rebellion of 1837. I have never forgotten that there was then in the ranks of the Liberal party a great phalanx of Irish and French Roman Catholic Liberals. (Cheers.) I have always regretted the circumstances which led to the withdrawal of many of those waim friends. I have deemed them still the natural allies of the Liberals and Reformers. (Great cheering.) I have hoped that the clouds of prejudice and distru.st would roll away ; that the hostile feelings engendered by misconception and misrepresentation on one side, as well as by errors on the other, would disappear, and that we should find ourselves once more in accord with our former friends. (Cheers.) I have hoped it, not for the sake of my party only, but for the sake of my country too. I have felt that it was not well that there should be an enor- mous preponderance of one nationality or of one faith upon one side of the political field, marshalled there not on living issues, or on questions of principle, but • ' UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF ANCIENT PREJUDICES, misconceptions and mistakes. (Loud cheers.) I have felt that it would be for our country's good that we should be divided upon intelligible issues and current differences of opinion, and not by old quarrels or by lines of nationality or religion. To this end have I striven, not by pandering to cries of origin or faith, not by exciting passions or prejudices, but by discountenancing such efforts, and doing my humble best to remove all grounds for mis- conception or alienation ; by acting justly as between all races and all creeds, and by conducting the Liberal party on true liberal lines. (Renewed cheering). I described our course in the last session of Parliament in the presence of my assembled fellow- countrymen. Let me read it, so that you may know what I said in that great arena before the representatives of Canada at large : — (10) . ■< ■ > U ' L-i . ' % 203 omber, rue in chosen jr than he (lay fellow- ,-(Ap- way of hing to t'lunkly bten the sader in tiose in- Len that phalanx I have ;hdrawal still the heering.) ould roll )tion and ,he other, I more in Bd it, not country 5 an enor- upon one issues, or t that it ded upon d not by this end th, not by ng such s for mis- all races ue liberal the last fellow- what I ianada at w Then the hon. member for Qloitoester (Mr. Biirni) said that I was trying to oatoh the Irish vote. I h%ve been in public life a good many years. The Irish population of my Province, is, of course, composed of the Irish Protes- tant population, and the Irich Catholic population. I have endeavoured to do my duty and to act upon what I believe we ^ sound liberal principles towards all classes of the population. I have found myself opposed by a solid body, by the t^rotki majority, by the vast bulk of the Irish Protestants of Ontario. They are my strongest, and sternest and tieroest political opponents to-day. I have found myself opposed by the great bulk of the Irish Catholics of Ontario. They also, with some noble exceptions, were am(mgst my opponents when I was defeated in South Bruce, during my absence from the country through ill-health. It was the Irish Catholics in that riding that rejected me ; that deprived me of my seat in Parliament and obliged me to stand for another constituency at a subse- quent date. I have endeavoured, notwithstanding all that, to do my duty and to act according to my lights, honestly, jnstly, and fairly towards the Irish Catholics and towards the Irish Protestants, towards all classes. I make no distinction whatever in consequence of class or creed, and I extend oo bid for the support of any olass or creed. The position of the Irish Catholics and the Irish Protestants is this : — They know that from the Liberal party they will obtain all they can justly claim, whether they give or refuse their support to that party. They know that the Liberal party will always act on the principle of justice, freedom and equal rights, because that is the plank upon which we stand. Thev know thoy have nothing whatever to }^ain in support- ing us, because they will not gain one jot or title beyond what those principles of justice, freedom and equal rights require. They know they have nothing to lose by opposing us, because thev know, however strenuous their opposition may be, it will not make us one whit less earnest or less active in the promo- tion of their interests and of the common interests according to the same principles of justice, liberty and equal rights. And, therefore, there is no need for them to turn their votes one way or the other in order that they may obtain from the Liberal party their meed of justicc^and liberty. I say to vou then, that I have striven'to re-unite all our old friends of whatever origin or faith. I have striven to arouse the indifferent to their public duty. I have striven to enlist in our forces new adherents from the ranks of the more independent and thoughtful men of the community ; I have striven to gain recruits amongst the young, the hope of the Canada- to- be. (Loud applause.) Thank God ! I HAVE MEASURABLY SUCCEEDED. V And the good work goes on. / do not desire the support of any tnan, Irish or French, Scotch, English or Gei^man, Protestant, Catholic or Jew, on grounds of race or creed, on grounds of pre' judice or passion, on grounds of ancient quarrels, or long-dead issues. But I do desire, and 1 believe I will receive, a fair share of support from all origins and all religions among my fellow- •countrymen, based on their belief in the policy I set forth, the principles 1 hold, the political faith in which 1 hope to live and die. (Loud and prolonged applause.) (10) .vf llf,^ -^' • •i.i;'^<''*^.rs':;*X', 294 ■|aBMu>« ssssBSsssa >•). PARTIES AND NEWSPAPERS. 'I ■ ' ■ -•*: :..; "Mail" and t It , ■ :? • ?>.•■•■ ■ » ' 1 ■| ♦^^ ^ I, -c ■', i^ a i.M!a "i ' Vc* ■ '' 1 i* Bk *■ _ " Qlobe " compared — Independence of " Globe"— " The ' Globe ' beats it hollow." At Orillia Mr. Blake said : — Before I pass to the discussion of general politics, I wish to say a word or two with reference to some of Sir John Macdonald's recent utterances in the course of the pub- lic discussion which has been taking place throughout the Province. I see that you yourselves have very lately been visited by the grand combination. (Loud applause and laughter.) I have read with interest the accounts of their proceedings everywhere. The troupe is large, the scenery is fair, the play is well put on, and there is some good acting talent on the stage. (Laughter.) But somehow the parts don't seem to suit the actors, nor the play the audience. (Laughter.) It does not take. And I am not surprised. I incline to agree with the correspondent of, I believe, Mr. White's paper, the Montreal Gazette, who wrote : At Markdale, Sir John went through the train and shook hands with every one, lifted his hat to the ladies and chucked a score or more of the babies under the chin. Sir John probably made more votes by this one act than did the speeches of himself and colleagues. (Laughter.) I don't know how mtmy votes Sir John gained by shaking hands with the ladies and chucking the babies under their chins — ( laugh- ter ) — but I quite agree that he was likely to gain more that way than by such speeches of himself and his colleagues as I have read. (Great laughter.) At first each meeting was declared better than the last. Mr. Thompson said at Hamilton : — The Owen Sound meeting was certainly the greatest demonstration he had ever seen ; but it was excelled at Walkerton ; Walkerton was excelled in West Huron (which he called ** one of the strongholds of the enemy") ; and now Hamilton is the largest yet ! (Laughter.) But this couldn't go on forever, you know— (laugh- ter) — things have rather palled ; the meetings have somewhat lost interest ; and the actors seem to have realized this and rather lost their temper, too~(laughter) — and they have latterly in- dulged in even more than the usual large Tory allowance of vitu- peration, scolding, and abuse. Perhaps they thought it necessary to fire the party heart. (Laughter.) Some of us are called linrs ;, another Ananias ; and the last flowers of polite eloquence were added to the bouquet by Mr. Chapleau last night when he called (10) . '■ n,^ J. ^^ fi ■ i:- .*.. ,) 1 " ,*. 295 "U Mr. Cameron a skunk and Mr. Laurier a free-thinker. (Hisses.) I have not been spared, but I do not intend to retort in kind ; I acknowledge my inferiority in and my dislike for Billingsgate ; yet, though I had rather spend a whole night in public than one single instant in personal discussion, I am moved to say a few words to you on some of \ THE HUMOURS OF THIS TRAVELLING SHOW. Personal appeals are being extensively used; among them the cry of rallying to the old man who is so soon to quit the scene. (Laughter.) This is a very ancient dodge. I remember it in 1872, and at every general election since it has come out, with the weevil, the potato-bug, the Hessiafi fly, and the other old sto- ries. (Loud laughter.) Lately, I see these appeals are constant, and you are being told daily of an early departure from the stage. But you know how often great actors have made their very last appearances. (Laughter.) I am heartily glad to be able to quiet your apprehensions, and to tell you that it is very good acting, but that you need not be alarmed ; he is not half as ill as they think. (Laughter.) You all remember how poorly the wolf made out to be when he was luring innocent Red Riding Hood to her doom. But his appetite was good, as she found to her cost ; and as you will find to yours if you allow yourselves to be lured in like fashion. (Loud laughter.) He wants you to bend over him in sympathy,. to catch his last pious words, \>o reverence him as we do the dying saint, who cries, as he has cried, " Now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace." But don't be alarmed, don't be over sympathetic, spare your sighs and tears. (Laughter.) When the occasion serves, he sings in a quite different and truer key. Listen to him a few weeks ago at Brantford, in exuberant spirits, and with a great flow of language of the choicest order. Thus he descanted then : — 4- V . .' *■ .n The Government is patriotic and generovis, and they are satisfied, so long as Canadian industries thrive, no matter if they are in the hands of the old boy himiidlf. (Laughter.) You may have noticed in the Qlohe, — that tnith- ful paper — it always tells the truth if you r«ad it backward — well, it told you that I was in a very bad state of health ; they said I was fading away, and, as everything depended on me, that as soon as I went down away went the Conservative party, and in cauie the party of purity and retrenchment. If there is any Griif in the crowd who has been afraid I would die immediately, let him look at me now. [f the Grit stock is dependent on my living I am afraidMt will drop considerably. Last winter I had a very painful attack of sciatica — what the Irishman 'Called toothache in his leg — and blisters and other sweetmeats were applied to it ; and one of my friends, a rather amusing party, said : " It is too bad that the whole interests of Canada and the Conservative party should depend on a fly-blister." But, gentlemen, I have got rid of the fly- blister, and I am (10) r^- •-■■■.. \^-' ffu If- '■It: ,sr; ■ V - 296 S^- ."%■■ I i Tv / - ■;-K' ^■•♦v '?• 4v . ■ii *; • » - i; V M good as new, and God willing 1 am going to l^ad the party to victory at the polls next year. It is true this was on the afternoon of and next door to Haldi- mand, when he thought he was going to win. (Laughter.) It is just possible that the result there may not have been tonic, it may nave produced a little nervous depression, a little debility, in the political part of the organization. (Laughter.) But only there, we may be thankful to believe, for I see he said the other day here at Orillia : — But I never give up a thing, ladies ; when I take up a case I generally carry it through. I won't allow myself to be contented. Only give me the chance. 1 am going to retire from the Government some day, and I will be an independent member, and then carry it through. (Applause.) And if I am not too old I will ask the ^ung ladies in return to give me a kiss. So you see all will be well. We shall have him in the flesh for a long time yet ; , ,,, WE SHALL BEAT HIM AT THE POLLS — (cheers^ — but he will remain in Parliament, and so obtain the opportumty he craves to ingratiate himself with the young ladies, and to receive from their hands, or rather from their lips, the longed-for reward of his gallantry. (Loud laughter.) So may it be ! I have told him before now that I heartily wished him a long day, for I knew of no man who needed more time for repen- tance, and I would feel happier if I were only sure he would use that time wisely ! (Laughter.) . - \ : t i 297 4 victory at Haldi- ''^ v. bve been i, a little hter.) se he said ; generally Ive me the id I will be i And if I kiM. e flesh for obtain the ing ladies » r lips, the So may it hed him a :or repen- would use , for more ng a wish lave been nation the (Cheers.) 'or himself think all scriptural re ; and I mot to his He said at tbition. .1. X ' So long as Mordecai sat at the king's gate, so long would Haman envy him. He hoped Mr. Blake would raver meet Haman's fate and hang on a^ gallows forty feet high. He believed that the people would stand by him, and keep Mordeoai sitting at the king's gate, notwithstanding all the calumnies, all the unfounded charges made against him. . , ^ > So I a'm consumed by ambition and envy ! Little he knows me ! If there is one thing I personally wish above another, it is to be once more in the ranks, instead of at the head of the Liberal party. If there is one thing I personally dislike more than another, it is the possibility of acceding to office. I am bound in my country's interest to labour for success in this contest ; but, if the people decline it, I shall be personally grateful, and cheerfully accept their decision. But sill JOHN INDULGES IN BIBLE READINGS. (Laughter.) Sometimes he makes Sir Richard Cartwright Haman ; and him he hangs. (Laughter.) Then he makes me Haman ; and is kind enough to hope I may not hang, or at any rate not on so tall a gallows. (Laughter.) I will pay Sir Richard Cartwright the compliment of saying^ that if Sir John were offered his choice he would condemn him rather than me to the last penalty, not that he loves me more, but that he hates me less. (Laughter.) But whoever is his Haman, his Mordecai is always the same. (Laughter.) There is always one Mordecai, the virtuous, humble, modest adapter of the story, (Laughter.) The version does not seem to me accurate ; it should be a revised version. Mordecai, as I read the story, was, when he sat in the king's gate, which was not at all the place Sir John fancies, ONLY A POOR HONEST FELLOW, IN OPPOSITION, without power, place, or patronage, but doing the best he could for king and country, and able to render conspicuous, though, for a long time, forgotten and unrewarded service. (Cheers.) Mordecai was an independent fellow, too, and refused to bow the knee and pay extraordinary deference to Haman, as his camp followers did ; in fact, he opposed Haman, and this roused Haman'a wrath. Such was Mordecai. Haman, on the other hand, was the First Minister of the Crown. (Laughter.) He wtEis probably President of the Council — (laughter) — and as the kingdom stretched from India to Ethio- pia, he was doubtless Superintendent-Genera' of Indian Affairs. (Loud laughter.) He was the ruler of the State; he was en- (10) ' ^ A.^> .']• •',.'■> '■ i. ;-5f. ->'N ,>i.' € ""TT :., ■ ■ >■■: (■; « ■", ' '1 t VI , A ■ < ,i!;i:>.>> .-,• . 1 ' • '"*■"■ -trusted with the power of the Crown ; he had the ear of tlie court ; he went about in all the pomp and trappings of a great lord. There were no railways then ; else, no doubt, he would have had his own private special palace car "Assyria" — (laughter) — with its proper attendants, and fittings for repose, and collations, and pleasures ; all provided, together with gifts of " barbaric pearl and gold,' as marks of the attention of the highly subsidizad, and deeply grateful, and earnestly expectant Indo-Ethiopian Railway Company, at a cost of many thousands of shekels, practically supplied out of the Treasury. (Loud laughter.) Else, no doubt, Haman would thus have made his progresses through the land he ruled, with his attendant and humble satellites, or to use a very reoent metaphor of another and very different personage, like " a tjomet with its tail." (Laughter.) No great public meetings were then in vogue, garnished with mottoes and decorations expressive of devotion and loyalty .i A BIG DRUM TO MARK THE TIME TO CHEER. t i , • .• • ■-•■,.. ■ 1 i (Laughter.) You remember that in a great progress made by a Russian ruler through the waste places of the Empire, ready-made villages, all provided with smiling inhabitants and triumphal arches, were set up to greet the m^»T"arch as she passed, and were moved on at night to be ready to welcome next day the royal train. So perhaps might Haman, too, have carried along with him the evidences of spontaneous enthusiasm, destined to be flung to the winds at each stage, and to rouse the people's zeal. (Laughter.) No ! poor Haman had not all these luxuries and marks of greatness and contrivances for stage effect ; they were reserved for later ages and more modern Ministers. (Laughter.) But doubtless he had a store of fine Arabian horses, or perhaps a special elephant^ with a palace howdah — (laughter) — and a body- guard of ancient — I dare say not difiering much from modern — dependents ; and all the wives and concubines that his laxer age allowed to kings and great men. (Laughter.) But Haman was not satisfied v»rith place and power, office and emoluments, pomp and grandeur, wives and concubines ; he wanted to destroy poor Mordecai, who was out in the cold as it was. (Laughter.) And Haman was guilty of treason to his trust ; he used his official power to harrass his royal master's people over whom he was set. (Cheers.) He procured by false pretences, authority to destroy a large number of industrious subjects in the King's name, and he had gone far towards the accomplishment of his plot, when the people at last found it out. (Cheers.) (10) .ty,"A>r .-„ — ^■ ■•"■ 'C ' *^ ' l "?1 »T- ■J' T' .V .>••• ie court ; ord. did have ,1-^ — with ions, and pearl and izod, and L Railway iractically no doubt, lie land he ise a very re. like "a tings were expressive doubtless ations and made by a -eady-made triumphal 1, and were y the royal along with to be tlung jople's zeal, ixuries and they were (Laughter.) )r perhaps a and a body- n modern — kis laxer age Haman was nents, pomp lestroy poor iter.) he used his er whom he authority to the King's iment of his (10) ." 299 Just then Mordecai's long services were also remembered and recognized. (Loud cheers.) And so it happened that Haman was turned out of his OFFICE, stripped OF HIS POWER, AND ACCORDING TO THE STERN FASHION OF THAT DAY, HANGED. (Laughter.) ' And, Haman thus disposed of, Mordecai was promoted to his - vacant place and office. (Cheers.) He became Prime Minister in his room, and showed a delightful contrast to Haman, earnestly advancing the peace and welfare of the people whom Haman had sought to destroy. (Cheers and laughter.) I am far from making any personal application of this story. I do not say it tits present men, or current events. (Laughter.) But I think the application lately made is hardly more consistent with accuracy than it is with modesty or justice. (Cheers and laughter.) There remains yet another question partly pei'sonal, but involving also grave public considerations,. to which I feel bound to allude. I observe that at this place, Sir John Macdonald referred to our respective <, relations to TWO GREAT JOURNALS, and to their course. He used these words : — While in Opposition his party never struck below the belt, and in that respect they differed from the Liberal party of to-day. That odoriferous journal, the Olobe — (laughter) — was the paid organ and slave of Mr. Blake and the Opposition, not like the Conservative paper, the Mail, which is quite independent of the present Government, which is owned hy rich men, who do not receive their impulse or their instructions from the Conservative Govern- ment. We are glad to have an able Conservative paper like the Mail sup- pv ting us, but it is quite independent of us, as you may know, and in som& respects does not accord with the principles and practices of the Government which we maintain, and which we desire to maintain. But the Qlobe is the paid servant of the Liberal party. It is in the hands of Mr. Edgar, th& henchman, the whipper-in, the lieutenant of Mr. Blake. Every word ap- pearing in that ])aper emanates from the Opposition. They are responsible for every attack on myself or on my colleagues ; and if the insinuations are- cowardly and the conduct is ungentlemanly, upon the leader of the Opposi- tion, and not upon the miserable tools who print and publish it, the stigma, must rest. And at Suaderland, Sir John Macdonald said : — What cared he for his miserable traducers, so long as he had his fellow- countrymen standing by Jiim . Not satisfied, however, with reviling him in every respect, his opponents had not husitated to attack his family. (Cries of "Shame.'') He held Mr. Blake responsible for all the attacks made on. him. The Globe was the serf of Mr. Blake in every respect. It was other- ' -> ■ wise with that great Conservative paper, the Mail. That paper stood in' > quite a different position from the Olobe. It was owned by independent and wealthy men, and its Conductors were as independent of him (Sir John) aa anyone could be. ••'}. ■ /-■■■*: .«'i Now, I am amazed at ' /I (10) .■.*■_.■£• :"v-.\ / , BSi y ^''■.?"wr>;^ •vj^^;:^-. ."* ' ^ 300 r / ^S : It- r. r. ;■«■• 'I /.'. « / \ m i I'f-Hf^n I. •V I THE AUDACITY OF THESE UTTERANCES. He says his party never struck below tho belt. Why, I do not need to go to his assistants or colleagues or principal supporters. I do not even need to go to his newspapers. I go to the foun- tain head. I charge himself with striking, and constantly striking, below the belt. (Cheers.) I will not complicate matters by re- ferring to attacks upon myself at all. Nor will I enlarge upon the cases. It would take all night. Just look at his attacks upon that pure, upright, and universally respected statesnan, Alex- ander Mackenzie. (Loud applause.) He charged him at Lindsay with being concerned as a member of the Ontario Government in raising large sums as a corruption fund from Government timber licensees. He charged him in Toronto with making a corrupt bargain with the Nova Scotia Minister to secure from Canada for Nova Scotia $S4,000, on condition that the Nova Scotia Government should act against the Dominion Government. He charged him at Kingston with being implicated in a great oil swindle. At Sarnia, in Mr. Mackenzie's own county, he charged him with almost ail the crimes in the calendar. He charged that the Provincial Government, of which Mr. Mac- kenzie was a principal member, was more false, more faithless, more corrupt, than any Government that had ever been known in Canada. He charged Mr. Mackenzie with having, as the touter of a ring to rob the Indians, introduced a Bill to make good old claims Against the poor Indians. He charged him with being, when chairman of the Parliament- ary Printing Committee, the touter and paid servant of the Par- liamentary contractors for printing. He charged him with being the touter in Parliament of a petro- leum ring, to get an excise duty imposed, and with having delibe- rately sold himself for a price. He charged him as a member of the Provincial Government with having used its power corruptly by granting silver lands in 1 for election funds. b • 'itclared that these charges would be proven at the next ?>;;^;:i... of Parliament, and he declared that Mr. Mackenzie, by I -:.:; -Vl . these offences, Was unfit to be a representative of the people. In Parliament he charged Mr. Mackenzie with granting undue favours to contractors, at the loss of many thousands to the country. '; i■■•^•■'^•;• >' ■• ■ ?' ■• ■■ •'■■ '*-. s^'^<.,i\;'i: ^t^u ' (10) -ifU-V' :/ V -;t-.. ^', '.■•'I.I'.»> r f I do not ipporters. the foun- ' striking, 3rs by re- irgo upon acks upon an, Alex- a member 5orruption )t bargain for I^ova )vernment in a great i bim with 1 Mr. Mac- faithless, known in r of a ring old claims arliament- the Par- )f a petro- Ing delibe- )vernment iv lands in the next Ikenzie, by live of the ling undue Ids to the ) ^■':''.v'*'^-T^*"-' 301 You remember the charges about the steel rails, about the Fort 'William plot, and about the Neebing hotel. Why, only the other day he endorsed the charge about the steel rails, saying " there was a !-teal there." Now, these charges, each and all of them, were false and calumnious. (Loud applause.) I do not think that Sir John Macdonald believed they were true at any time ; I am sure he never had the slightest grounds for so believing. (Renewed applause.) No man believes them now. Yet they were made by the gentleman who says his party never struck below the belt. (Great cheering.) If so, the party must be A GREAT DEAL BETTER THAN THEIR LEADER. But I will do them the justice to say that in this respect they follow him close at heel ! and sometimes even better his instruc- tion. (Loud and prolonged applause.) And so I answer this bold pretension ! But I do not at all aver that his conduct is a justification for others being also calumnious. 1 only say that he who so belies his opponents cannot complain when they speak the truth, however disagreeable it may be, about himself. Arid I will add that no public man I know of has owed so much to the indulgence and forbearance of his opponents in Parliament as Sir John Macdonald, (Cheers.) Now I come to his account of the relations of the leaders to ' THE CHIEF NEWSPAPERS. ' Sir John Macdonald holds me responsible for personal attacks, he says, in the Globe. Well, I have been deliberately slandered and vilely abused, and grossly and unjustifiably attacked in the Mail newspaper for many years. The subject of personal attacks in these papers once, or more than once, came up in Parliament, but I declared that I did not hold the Conservative leaders or members responsible for this abuse, unless they should personally endorse it. I declared that I held only one member of the House respon- sible, Mr. Bunting, the editor of the paper, then member for Welland. (Applause.) I accept for myself no greater responoibi- lity than I impose on others. I do not know, nor do I care to inquire, to what particular language in the Globe Sir John Mac- donald alludes. He seems to study his Globe more carefully than I do, but it is quite possible that other and severer language may have been used than I have employed or wish to be employed. I have more than once in Parliament and elsewhere expressed my regret at the violence sometimes shown by Canadian journals on . both sides of politics, and I regret it now. I wish it could be moderated ; that rests largely with their readers. But I do not propose to take on myself the office of censor, or to pass a judgment, (10) '-rk '» . ..^ r Y - vf '>.'■' L,\ * /' ' If ifffCTf mimm^im 1' ^ -v^i.^ .; :. - -.•f- *;•■ , - 'iiM ^S ' r' -W< ■^■Pf ■ ^ *r'' • ' KXJ "■ . -■ f , V ■.: > " '■Ji ■'-' * ■ • . n'f^-^ ■f ■.'■' ' I , - * ■» ' "^ ■» - ■*-■*•) ■ ;. - ' r ? P' 'V ■ " 4' f 1 *, , i' '■'"''■ • 'ir-v^.; . 0^'.,-^:'.'' ■. .^-c-^S; . ' ^^■..{■' ' X •• -' ■ . ■'il • *■',> .- • ,!'■ ^t" ', '4'V V..: ^' • 1 • ! • (■' .'.'•■': ' '■-. ■ ^^ ..ri'- t » " . -T t ' ■: v'^k'^ ^.■S' ; :)> -'i-Vkv ,: , -, .^/ i-; ; ■ . 'ik!-' ,■ 'i* '•; , : ^! --:'-.:: ■.{,_' . ,*-'-«. -^ i <;* ' ■■''■, ' '■!! ■' t -■-•■■('* «■ •• , >'■■"!' - ■ ,' . "•'( r:>i* ■: ■k'-f^*'^ ?/. ' ■ ■.■>N'^^^. :^ij-. '■ ^" ->,, > ..' ■■. a\ ' ".^. -.IS-' ■T!»> s y'v > _■'•-> I ' ■ . ■ ■€■ i. ' - .&;■ ■ ■ - * ,- ' A. ■ .'% > 1 1 ■ *' • ,' . >■ • ■ ;' •••• " , > ■ / ' ■ ■ •♦■■»,.■ , ■ ■ -" ■ ' ' ,.'■••.- • , , . ■.. ' "",■;'■ 802 . ^ ^ THE "globe" can TAKE CARE OF ITSELF; it is responsible for what it says. I am responsible for what I say, and I have, though with regret and reluctance, felt constrained by public duty to state my views on some phases of Sir John Macdonald's career. I have done so plainly, but moderately ; 1 have not gloated over these topics. Touching them but rarely and with regret, I have quitted them gladly ; and I will only say to-night that I have nothing to retract for myself. The Olobe will speak for itself, no doubt. Sir John Macdonald, however, draws an amusing distinction between the relations of the two leaders to the two papers. There is, perhaps, a di.«-;tinction ; but it is altogether the other way ; it is altogether against himself. THE "GLOBb:" WAS FOUNDED by Mr. Brown upon the basio of his own energy and resources ; it was so maintained. A long time since it passed into the hands and is now the property of a numerous and wealthy proprietary. It has never owed anything to GoA^ernmenii or Opposition, to leaders or to jtatronage. It used for many years to be called my master. (Laughter.) Sir John Macdonald now calls it my slave, my serf, my paid organ. (Renewed laughter.) I see he is very fond of giving me slaves. He made me a present at Sunderland yesterday of Mr. Cockburn, now here on the platform, whom he then declared another slave of mine. (Great laughter.) I think we Liberals must turn our attention to passing an Emancipation Bill to free all these slaves (laughter) ; but I hope care will be taken to give proper compensation to the fortunate owner of the slaves for his loss of the valuable chattels of which he is to be deprived. (Applause and laughter.) No, Mr. Chairman, THE " GLOBE " NEVER WAS EITHER MY MASTER OR MY SLAVE. (Tremendous cheering.) I call no man master, nor would I allow any others to call roe master. (Renewed cheering.) The Globe newspaper has never had any relations of money or of business or of dependency with me. I never owned a share of its stock ; 1 was always decided not to be in any way mixed up in its affairs. I am glad to know that its proprietary are in general accordance with the Liberal party, and that it ably maintains in its general course Liberal principles. We value the independent support it gives to those principles ; the support it gives to the party because it agrees with the party ; not in spite of its disagreeing on cardi- nal and pressing and vital questions with the paHy. Support /'., ■» .i.-,:, ■Amu ■ ^ '303 which should be given under those circumstances, like tliat given by the Mail to-day to tlie Tories, would savour of dependence and dishonesty, of secret undi.Tstandings and tortuous dealing, and would be in my eyes not valuable, but despicable. (Cheers.) That is all I have to say as to the Globe, save that I happened to hear yesterday, with a pleasure which I am sure you will share, that IN THE HISTORY OF THAT GREAT JOURNAL THERE HAS NEVER BEEN A TIME WHEN ITS CIRCULATION WAS SO LARGE, ITS ADVERTISING SO EXTENSIVE, OR ITS FINANCIAL PROSPERITY SO GREAT AS NOW. (Loud and prolonged applause.) Long may it endure as an , INDEPENDENT EXPONENT OF LIBEHAL VIEWS. (Renewed applause.) Never may it present the humiliating spec- tacle of an endeavour to support its party by taking, on a base calculation of results, one side, and pressing forward one set of views, while the party leaders mildly profess to differ, but take •the advantage all the same ! (Cheers.) Never may it be seen running with the hare while the party leaders hunt with the hounds, on a secret understanding that the whole business is on shapes, and that the political profits are to be duly divided when the game is found and caught ! (Shouts of applause.) But while the Globe is " my slave," and " my serf," and my " paid organ," and I am " responsible for every word it says," Sir John coolly disowns all responsibility for the Mail, not merely for its personal attacks or occasional articles or casual correspondence, but for its settled and long-continued and daily enunciated policy. He takes a11 the benefit of that policy ; he proposed to repudiate all the risks and loss ! It won't do. (Cheers and laughter.) For more than a year the Mail has steadily kept up an anti-Quebec and an anti-Catholic howl. It has roused the bigotry of its Orange friends, the backbone of the Tory party in Ontario. It has excited to the best of its power the susceptibilities, the apprehensions, and the jealousies which we know remain in the minds of some well- meaning but too nervous Protestants, who, not so confident as I am in the power of the truth, the strength of evangelical religion, and the progress of the age, still dread that a Roman Catholic minority may overbear and dominate a Protestant majority in Ontario and in Canada. (Cheers.) It has agitated in a deceitful and cruel manner, on a line upon which it can do no good to them, whatever harm it may inflict, the English Protestant minority of Quebec. It has provoked the race prejudices of the English- speaking Canadians against their French brethren, and has so done its best to arouse like feelings on the other side. . y .1- W). ' ♦ ..• > f ■ •tU- . .. ,> :fi r^ mmammm * < • 304 IT HAS PREACHED A HOLY WAR ■.l.<' L' t. 'hi 'i ■' '1 l' " ■ '«■ \ ■ V'' .* ri • / V - \ 4 i--*r^ it has preached a French war; it has proposed revolutionary changes in the constitution, in order to help the Quebec English against the Quebec French : and forsooth to help the Quebec French against themselves. Ii has sought to raise the spectre of Roman Catholic aggression and French domination. It has called aloud to all the Protestants and all the English-speaking races to band themselves together against the French and the Catholics. It has invoked the aid of the Liberals as well as others in this new departure. And all TO WHAT PRACTIC/L END, I ask you to-night ? Why, just to lielp Sir John Macdonald and the Tory party ! That is the be-all and the end-all of the new policy ! (Great applause.) Vou know the old proverb, " All roads lead to Rome. ' The Mail evidently has for some time un- derstood that proverb as applying, not to the locality of the Im- perial city, but to the religion of which Rome is the centre. (Laughter.) But the Mail has also been diligently acting upon the spirit of the proverb, and reflecting that it may be read to mean "All roads lead to the bdtot box — you go one way, I'll go the other way ; you wear one colour, I'll wear the other ; you go by day, I'll go by night ; you take one password, Til take the other ; it's all right ; we will meet at the polls and bring our sheaves with us. (Tremendous applause and laughter.) But, saj's Sir John, " for form's sake you must allow me to say one deprecatory word. It shall be mild and apologetic, it shall he accompanied by, nay, it shall be overshadowed by, praise and acknowledgments ; it shall, on the whole, help you and not hurt you — but one little word I must say, you know, else ." " Certainly," says Mr. Bunting, " and I must have the same license, and I will use it in the same way. It's all right. Even hard words break no bones, but we don't do each other any harm : WE UNDERSTAND EACH OTHER THOROUGHLY." U: And so the comedy is played, so the actors make their bow, and so you are all to believe that he is not responsible — he will take the profit, but will not share the loss. (Laughter.) But what is the reason which he gives for the distinction between us ? His reason, as he declares, is because the proprietor of the Mail is wealthy and independent. It may be so ; but I believe that in wealth and ^umbers and independence that of (10) > \. X' ,'> .;» Jf-.^ * * \ )lutionary 9C English le Quebec spectre of ha8 called ig races to Catholics, lers in this ionald and of the new .verb, "All ne time un- of the 1 ra- the centre. wting upon he read to way, rii go er ; you go 'II take the our sheaves .t, says Sir deprecatory impanied by, Vledgnients ; |ut one little , says Mr. ill use it in tk no bones, \ sir bow, and [he will take But what is 3n us ? His the Mail is kieve that in (10) THE "OLOBE" 306 BEATS IT HOLLOW. (Loud applause.) Why, wholbunded the Mail ? Sir John Mac- donald. (Great cheering and laughter.) Ho, then First Minister, promoted the subscriptions to its stock, took stock liimself, and got his contracting and expectant friends and hangei*s-on to take more. The Northern Railway, a bankrupt concern, indebted in inillions, which it could not pay, to the public treasury, yet found some money out of its poverty to pay for stock to establish the Minis- ter's favourite paper and party organ ! (Applause.) It was ouv money. But it went, not to pay me debt to us, but to found Sir J. Macdonald's organ. I believe, on the whole, a hundred thous- and dollars was spent in the enterprise. But, as you know, the earlier expenditure in founding a great paper is sunk. It is not lost in one sen.se, but it is sunk in the eflTort. The paper got into trouble. It was mortgaged to its paper merchant, and the equity of redemption was, 1 believe, bought by Mr. T. C. Patteson, the editor, and he managed and edited it for a time, stabbing the Grits, as he said, under the fifth rib every morning. (Laughter.) Still the interest of the Government was shown in its fortunes. They forced the superannuation of Mr. Leslie, and made Mr. Patteson postmaster of Toronto, one of the best places in the service. That valiant rib-stabber thus received his reward. Then, I believe, the paper fell into the hands of its mortgagee and paper merchant, and is now controlled by his estate. A subsequent editor was furnished, I am told, through a member of the Xjovern- ment. That editor was Mr. Griffin ; and, when the party interest required a change in the daily mud-slinger, a new office was created for Mr. Griffin, and a fat one too, a joint librarianship of Parliament at $3,000 a year. Mr. Griffin so reaped his reward for the vile slanders which from day to day he poured forth for years on the Liberals of Canada ; and the paper was so relieved, at the puV)lic expense, from his further connection with its columns. For some years, as you know, Mr. Bunting has had control ; and you are all a Ware of his close relations with Sir John Macdonald. You know them in Parliament and elsewhere. You know that he got him elected for Welland, and tried to get him elected for West Durham. You are perfectly familiar with the obviously close, intimate and confidential relations of the paper to the party leader, the party conventions, the party members, the party interest. Why the relation of the " Alail " to Sir John Macdon- ald is that of the child to the father, the creature to the creator ; to hint it owts its being ; and unless it he unnatural it must regard and reverence' its parent (Loud applause and laughter.) I re- do) *--' >r. ■^ 306 t I f *■ W ■ , *:'• ::\ J ' 1^ ii ... f "i tort his charge upon him. I say that tlie distinction is altogether in my favour and against him, and I s>iy that if in either case it be fair to hold the leader responsible for the general conduct of the paper it is quite obviously ratner the case of the Mail and Sir John Macdonald than of the Olohe and me. (Loud cheers.) Do you remember a single letter -which appeared in the Globe just before the election of 1882, in which were given the opinions of a Montreal manufacturer on the subject uf a certain class of factory operatives ? Those remarks were given as coming from the manufacturer, and from him only, and were duly enclosed between quotation marks. Do you remember that the Tories made the whole Reform party responsible for that letter ? Meet- ings were held to denounce it, and to denounce us, and the Tories carried several ridingp just because they made the party respon- sible for that letter. It was not just. Even if you are to impute responsibility, there is, aa I have indicated, A WIDE DIFFERENCE " between a single letter, and a casual or occasional utterance, and a long continued, systematic policy. But I have no idea that these men are to be allowed to play the double game. What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander. (Loud applause.) They shall drink of their own draught ! (Cheers.) They shall learn that they cannot lay down one set of rules for their oppon- ents and another for themselves. But these are not all or even the main considerations which call for your attention. / aay that the settl'ed policy of the " Mail " newspaper for over a year de- rives, after all, its chief importance from the fact that it is the expression of the deepest seated feelinf/s and the strongest wishes of the backbone of Sir John Macdonald' s party in Ontario. At last these feelings are no longer suppressed ; at last they are ex- pressed. At last you have a DAILY "ORANGE SENTINEL" in the shape of the Mail. At last what they so long thought they are saying. Sir John Macdonald has at last found that he can no longer carry on in i)recisely the same way the game he has played for so many years and by which he has so often triumphed. (Cheers.) You remember Sir John Macdonald's difficulties in later years — difficulties which became obvious in 1882. You remember that he arranged to take Mr. John O'Donohoe into the Government. But the Orangemen rebelled. Mr. O'Donohoe was too Irish to be an Irish representative. (Laughter.) And then Sir John made one of his usual shifts, and several of his usual proriiises. And he vr' /.•,'- (10) *y.. » ,• '/. ■5H-i^:ji^;^:3r': :.-J^ ' .j' "^r r»>V -fA »■•? ■/ < lUogether ler case it jonduct of j\fai/ nnd id cheers.) , the Globe le opinions lin class of ming from ly enclosed the Tories ter? Meet- [ the Tories ,rty respon- e to impute terance, and lo idea that »e. What is d applause.) They shall their oppon- t all or even / say that >r a year de- hat it is the igest tvishes Ontario. At they are ex- Ithought they that he can rame he has triumphed. fn later years ou remember I Government. )o Irish to be ir John made ises. And he (10) 307 found Hii Irishman who was little enough of an Irishman for the place. And him he made hi.s Minister, by the grace of the Orange Tories. (Cheers.) And then ho wioto HIS LETTER TU TIIF. lilSHOI'S Here — that precious letter which saw the liinnot close our eyes to ^~'''- the fact that it is the first measure introduced since 1878, with his approval , ., and sympathy, which has received such a weak support." Now, Sir, that was the first start. Th"t was the way the promoters of this Bill began to conduct the political campaign towards procuring a second read- ing this session of the Orange Bill. '• AFTER THB DEFEAT V they were honest enough to say that they had not much to expect from the ■ \ Reformers. They did say that they had a right to expect from the Conser- vative Roman Catholics their support of the Bill, and they showed the true . principles of their leading men, in the observations I have just now read,. »..— — (_ . (10) measure the Pro- iheir zeaV ', to blame^ deal rather ReformetB. t the influ- jther. The BB they had n the broad )referment ^ imonatrated )n." There man Catho- hat it waB a with general >n. id manlinesB bigotry diB- c member of ture we shall foolishly and (liticB, an ex- lered for the their shoul- M." There |1— they were or Beform- of the Bill, union have, political par- the measure ote upon our Vnaervative insincerity It personally lail his influ- ] our eyes to his approval Lotera of this [seoond read- set from the 1 the Conser- ved the true It now read,. ^^^^^Tl ll^MMM ^^^^ ■■r-^-r^ -in^.- ■ - '-:r '. * <— 1 t "^^^t 309 as to the ostracism they proposed to pronounce on ^oman Catholics generally, In consequence of the course of the Roman Catholic Conservatives with refer- ence to the Bill. I have said that in Ontario the Orange Society ia mainly a political organization ; and I say that it subordinates all other considerations — its leaders cause it to subordinate all other considerations — to the political and party consideration. That is .proved by the course which was pursued shortly afterwards. Their tactics were changed, and they seemed to think it would not do to continue blaming the Roman Catholic Tories for opposing the Bill, that this might disturb the political alliances ; and that they must throw the odium on the Protestant Liberals, and on me particularly, as what they call an Ultramontane Protestant. It would not do to go on saying that the Roman Catholic Conservatives had done wrong, and that they must not return Roman Catholics to Parliament, and the hon. gentleman did not wait until the next election .to grant absolution. Ha granted absolution at once, and he turned the condemnation upon us, from whom, for a little space of time, he was just enough to say he had no right to expect much. And why was this done ? Mr. White (Hastings) — Read what I said. Mr. Blake — I have read what the hon. gentleman said -is he not satisfied ? I cannot read all his speeches, but I shall gratify him. There was a meeting to which 1 have already referred, held in Ottawa immediately after the defeat of the Bill, at which an address was presented to him, and the address con- tained the following paragraph : — " From the proceedings in Parliament on the Orange Incorporation Bill, we have learned a bitter, but salutary lesson, and one that will bear fruit in due season. While we disclaim an intolerant spirit, we declare that henceforth the Roman Catholics must be prepared to reap as they have sown, and that if we are such disturbers of the peace as they declare us to be, we will for the future abstain from voting for them, and so deprive them of the power to mortify us by refusing to grant to us the same rights that we have always cheerfully accorded to them." The hon. gen- tleman's answer was as follows : — *' Many Conservative memi^rs had asked and begged of him not to rtin them, but he told them that he would stand by the Order first. Another mistake was that of assisting to elect a French- man in Russell, and an Irish Roman Catholic (Mr. Baskerville) ia Ottawa Ckty, and he said he was now ashamed of his actions ; he hoped the Orange- men would forgive him for asking them to vote for Baskerville. There are very few Hawkinses. One Roman Catholic member of the House, whose name he did not like to mention, said to him privately : — * How can we vote for this Qill when the priest says he has power from the Pope to damn those of his constituents #ho dare vote for a candidates for parliamentary honours, who would support such a measure.' If the Conservatives would not stand true to us, then let us be Reformers. He likened them, at the present day, as being between the devil and the deep sea — the Roman Catholics and the Reformers. " Mr. White (Renfrew) — One word ; I believe the hon. gentleman is reading from the Ottawa Frtt Press. Mr. Blake — I am reading from Hansard. I do not know where the report was taken from, but it was rtad in the House, and hon. gentleman did not repudiate it. ** He kindly praised the Reformers who supported the Bill. He believed Mr. Blake had made a mistake in voting against the second reading. It was, at that time, within his grasp to have the united Orange vote of Ontatio." Now, sir, as I have said, the Tory politicians who lead and direct, . nd control the bulk of the Orangemen of Ontario, believed it would not do to continue the battle with their own allies, and, as politics are the main ingre- dient in their view of the Order, as it is for the propagation of their own party politics that they work the Order, they decided on taking another course : (10) 4.! - I' "■- A. ' v., : V •iJ ... K ■T ^^* tMfMtm* m I ■ . ' > ■•<■!'' xi^^'/v"' ■" "« ' .'■ " '«'».. ■•^.w^;':- i£. rf ^ » 1 A'- 7\ " J^, -V ' ' ■ .V.-' -i . ■ <■ ■• •A ■ ■ •■'.-', ?*' ■ >f *--;^- .' f I-/ % .- fc i 310 and the fight which existed against the Roman Catholic Conservatives was put to one side, and the guns were turned against us. Sir, it reminds me of the story of the Irish dueli The First Minister with the hon. Mifiister of Customs on one side, and the hon. Minister of Public Works, with the hon. Minister of Inland Revenue on the other, met in a cotfee-room with hostile intent. THEY MET TO FWiHT '; - . • the battle to the bitter end ; and the poor innocent fellow who was taking his breakfast upstairs, away by himself, was astonished by a bullet coming through the floor and striking him in the leg. He asks the waiter what is going on, and he replies: — " 8ure it is enly Mr. Moriarty and Captain O'Toole fighting a dual, but thanks be to God they both fired in the air." The gentleman upstairs with the bullet in his leg did not thank Providence ' at all. This duel between the First Minister and the Minister of Customs on the one hand, and the Minister of Public Works and the Minister of Inland Revenue on the other ; this great demonstration uf hostility, of voting squarely against one another ; all this fire and fury and blood and thunder ; all this threatening of slaughter ended by both combatants firing in the air, and hit- ting the poor fellow up-stairs who had nothing to do with the row. Now, Sir, I do not propose to be hit without protest. As I have said, they have changed their grounds. They have determined that they will not fight with one another, but will attack us ; and what is the present argument ? The present argument is that the contest over this Bill is a contest between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants, and that all true Protestants must unite in supporting the Bill against the Roman Catholics. That is th^ argument ; that is the proposition. You cannot get out of it. And if we do not agree to that proposition, we are to be told — in our religious associations, among those with whom we confer and co-operate in religious work — that we are not true Protestants, because we have not gone against the Roman Catholics by voting for carrying this measure. I have made that statement ; and with reference to that statement, as with reference to the others, I shall produce the proof. But, before doing so, let me give you two short extracts from recent utterances evidencing the same spirit. In November, 1882, a lodge meeting was held at Clover Hall, and an address was delivered by a great man in the Order, the late local member for South Simcoe (Mr. Parkhill). He spoke as follows : — " If he observed the signs of the times correctly, there is as much need of Orangeism, both in Irela.id and Canada, at the present moment, as there ever was. True, we may not have to fight, as our fore- fathers fought, but we must all, whether Grits or Tories, bury our political feeling, and go united to the polls in defence of our Protestant principles." What is the proposition ? I am to be told, being a Reformer, that I must bury my political feelings and join with my friend, Mr. Parkhill, whom I have the pleasure of knowing, and whom I should not suspect, from his ap- pearance, of holding such bloodthirsty principles — that we are to unite against the Roman Catholics. At Rosemont, the hon. member for South Simcoe spoke at a lodge meeting. We are told that "Col. Tyrwhitt, M. P., was warmly received, and made a good practical Protestant speech, in the course of which he referred to the utter want of political principle in the Roman Catholic electorate. The only principle that they held was allegiance to their j Church, and to, its interests. On such matters Roman Catholic representa- tives were a unit in the House of Commons. They even had an Irish (Jatholicl party in the House of Commons last session, who met daily to consider their interests. While all this was going on, he was sorry to admit that Orangel and Protestant representatives were divided. He counselled organization! and unity on the part of aU Protestants, irrespective of politics, in order to| (10) ^% . Vy. . . ■'"1 -.^jt» — ■^'-'-'■^-^'-^^Jr^^^^^''*-*^! -jt: iii3££> ttt^f tt jff tftttg ggl/l fff^^ t' ' 311 rvatives was ininda me of Muiister of irith the hon. with hostile waa taking bullet coming vaiter what ia and Captain d in the air.' ik Providence of Customs on 8T,er of Inland oting squarely nder ; all tl^is le air, and hit- row. Now, Sir, f have changed fight with one ■A The present een the Roman ; must unite in th^ argument ; «re do not agree ciations, among ■that we are not lan Catholics by aent; and with II shall produce ft extracts from ., 1882, a lodge sred by a great (Mr. Parkhill). correctly, there , at the present ^ht, as our fore- [iry our political ant principles." Ler, that I must trkhill, whom I ,ct, from his ap- , to unite against )r South Simcoe ■hitt, M.P., was 5h, in the course ie in the Roman ilegiance to their ■lolic representa- an Irish Catholic to consider theitl mit that Orange [led organization litics, in order to (10) stem the aggreBsive march of the Papacy in this our beloved Dominion. '^ Now this is not old. I am not reviving the buried fires of old days. This is- reported on the 4th of January, 1883, and the speech was delivered on the 29th of December, 1882. Then, in the Sentinel of 12th July, 1883, these remarks are made : — "Mr. Blake is the most prominent man in the House who voted against the Bill. He is, at least by profession, the Protestant of Protestants, from whom such a vote was not expected. *■**■** He is, above all, by virtue of his leadership of the Opposition, the member of the Federal Parliament whose vote against incorporation influenced the largest number of his colleagues to vote as they did, in violation of the just rights of large numbers of their constituents. # ' * * * " But Mr. Blake by his vote, threw his great influence in the House against the Bill, and udoubtedly thereby secured its defeat. He stultified his advo- cacy of Ontario's rights, and he made plain the hollow insincerity of his Pro- testant ppnciples. His position in the House, his professions ot Protestant- ism, his advocacy of Ontario's rights, made him a prominent target for the- censure of Orangemen, because of a vote which, if he were true to his princi- ples and professions he would certainly have never given. " Once again you> see the assertion that this is a question between Protestant and Catholic, and that a man who professes Protestant principles is insincere if he votes against this Bill. There was also A LODOB RESOLUTION reported in the Sentinel — " We are not surprised at Roman Catholic members who put religion before party : but we strongly condemn those Protestant members who preferred party before religion." There again this is made a religious question. We are told that we voted for our political party and against our religious principles. * * * Then, Sir, the hon. mbmber for Brockville (Mr. Wood; is reported to have said : — "No doubt there is danger in the air, and the Orangemen of Ontario should become the Ultramontane Protestant party in Ontario, in contradiction to the Roman Catholic Ultramontanes of Quebec." Then the hon. member for East Hastings (Mr. White) himself, at Woodstock, said : — " The day was not far distant, if we did not show more pluck and courage in opposing the growing influence of the Papacy in this Province, when we should be obliged to fight not as Conservatives or Reformers, but as Protestants, to free ourselves from the trammels which Rome's agents sought to place on us and our institutions." Mr. Marshall, at Winnipeg, said : — " The Bill of Incorporation was not de- feated by Roman Catholics, but by Protestants, who were pandering to the Roman Catholic vote. He hoped Brother White would never ask a Catholic member to support the Bill, as he could expect no support from them ; and if be did, he gave them credit for more honesty than politicians generally possessed." And I perceive that, only the other day, on the 1 Ith of March, a special meeting of the Middlesex County Lodge was held, at wcich it was resolved : — " That the County Lodge of the County of Middlesex, of the Loyal Orange Association, is of opinion that, while those who last year voted for our incorporation did but their duty in having ahown their willingness to accord us those rights which, we as Orangemen are ever ready to extend to all sections of Her Majesty's loyal subjects, we have nu words to sufficiently express our strong condemnation of the course of those Protestant repipsen- tatives, especially from Protestant Ontario, who, from political spleen, voted to deny us (their Protestant fellow-citizens) those rights which ihey are always willing sycophantly to grant to Roman Catholics. Resolved further, that we, the representatives of the Orangemen of the County of Middlesex, will not bo satisfied until our full rights in the matter of incorporation are ])roperly ac- . " ' • (10) /"' ' V, - 1 ^' A- -:i-<<^\^'v'* V !|l#«l .2^ ■ ' t \\ 'i r ■y '^'. t.V ■ . ■ t ' ''^f ■ / ■-»,'.',, ■ , I I ■ ^ ■' >^; - , •< '*■'.■<•.■■■•' '> •'■■5 >- ' ■:•'> V '^''■' .a*'.. ■ I -«• 312 corded to us, our motto being " No surrender and no compromise," and that a copy of this resolution be sent to the public press." Now, Sir,. I think I have shown to you that, as I have said, the line of attack was altered — that the line of attack upon their party friends, and their religious opponents, who, they at first said ought to support the measure, and who should be ostracised for not supporting it, they were obliged to abandon — in order to strike at their opponents by representing this as a case in which all Protest- ants ought to combine, and in which no man of true Protestant principles oould have given, or could repeat a vote against the second reading of this Bill. Well, that may be true ; but if it be true, I ask this House, without distinction of creed or party, if it be not a serious state of things ; I ask if it be not a serious state of things that a religious war is to be raised in this country ; because that is what it is. If it be the case that, as a matter of fact, this is an issue raised betwaen us, in which all Protestants are to be on one side, and all Roman Catholics on the other, and in which I, a firm Protest- ant, am to be told that I am untrue to my profession of religion, to my Protestant principles, if I do not vote with the Orangemen and against the Catholics for that Bill, is not that a serious state of things ? If this be true, I say that every true lover of this country must deplore such a circumstance, and must forebode the greatest evil to this country from its existence. Mr. White (Hastings) — You are drawing it pretty strong ; you are draw- ing on your imat^ination. Mr. Blake — I have given the text, and I will guarantee that the comments are justified by the text. Now, sir, I deny entirely that there is any such necessity. I deny that there ought to exist such an issue ; and I tell the hon. gentleman opposite that no matter what his threats may be, no matter whether he may say that my speech does me harm or gcod, he will neither seduce, nor threaten, nor drive me on any such issue, into any such line or any such professions. In furtherance of this same plan, this attempt to pro- duce a religious prejudice against those who oppose this bill, the hou. gentle- man and others are declaring that I am controlled by the Archbishop of Toronto. Mr. White (Hastings) — So you are. Mr. Blake — I tell the hon. gentleman that he states that which is not the ^xct. Notwithstanding that I am relieved from the necessity of proving my case as to his statement by his own declaration in this House, I PROCEED TO GIVE THE EVIDENCE of that as I have given the evidence of other things. He said : '' Mr. Mowat was controlled by Archbishop Lynch, and they must come to the conclusion that he, too, controlled Mr. Blake. No doubt orders went from the Palace at Toronto, and the great Reform statesman had to obey." I de- termined, as soon as I saw this statement of the hon. gentleman, that I would meet him here, face to face, and have this out with him, and have it out with him I will. This is not all. The Rev. Brother Wright, at a meeting in Leeds, said : " They (the Orangemen) were not defeated in Parliament solely by the Roman Catholics, but through the inbtriimentality of Ontario politicians, who considered the smiles of Route of greater value than the approbation of their fellow-Protestants. The bill was defeateil because Arch- bisnop Lynch said no, Christopher Fraser repeated no, and Edward B.ake bowed his head and whispered no." He voted ''no " the last tiuie ; but I trust that the hon. gentleman will admit that his negative this night is not given in a whisper. Mr. White (Hastings) — I drove you to it. * Mr. Blake — The hon. gentleman drove me to it ! Let him manage his own drove. At Winnipeg, again, the hon. gentleman said : '* Unfortunately (10) ^. ^ V^..(. f^'*, ■;'', "■;■>,., ■■>'u*>yvif;;. topic of any descrTp on wh^/'"' Archbishop Lvnc o^ ' '" ^"^ ^^^ had of any description.^ ForInl7?'r""* *^^« «"« only but a,'^ ''']',. P^^tic^ *o the contrary thof ,1 ^"*^ ^ ^"ow, unless li« k/' • ^^^ Political tonio the Oran.e S'ai 1 ol'^"'" "V*^ ^'^terlaii/the ^^ f-^""" P"^^^^ "iterance bishop Tach6 does namll"'^.,;^^" ^«"- 'ne'nber f'^"^^ T'^^' ^^Jh reference to hat in this, as7n aU o^^ ^^"^ ^" ^« ^» f^vot'r o its hnt"^' ^"« ^^^^ Arch- J"dgment, and whollv fr« 'J P'^^^^c'^'ars, I have acted en?^ P,"''"''' «"* ^say but atten.pt at dictation o? cSroT.'^T^ "^" "'t sa^ d" Sn ^^^ '"^ °-« t^^n as to whaf th^ "" ur control, hint or aiir/,roc+- J^ "^^''ation or control tary or person '^\h^lT 'l'^^' Prelate, StTot\"'^^^^f^ or informZ the Orange soJtyithn^^^^^ hos! says, a Protestanf and ? -^ "^^^^^^'^^ *^»e that I am J fi?^ \°'^*''P«ration of phrase ultramoSe -that'?''" ^T~^ «"PPose tlat s ^h ^^""^ ^^"tleman posed to what I be ieve fo beTh^^*^** ''^^^^ ^^ tho^ht thM '•""^' "^ ^»« That IS perfectly true I nr . ^® '^osrniatic errors of th. r!^^\'^ '"«»t op. also -. I protest against wlut I del tertS'^M'r' ^N EARNEST AT^xr^ ' "^"tlam offend some of those ^hV? */*" "^^'^^ this evening ^^f '^'''"g,^»th the same have hitherto s^d?'%taril''''? i^^!f««^^ ^itrapVovalt^ "^^^ Perhaps "ght of standard-bearer? of p. T*.^"*^ *^"« Pretensbn ?o hAT^ *^^"°g8 I ' measure, with which unles^.nP*"!**"* Principles, tT?at dot ''^ exclusive true to their princio U f!! T ^ ''otestants coninlv tL f"^ "^^ * '"le and by its leaders iL Ontario r', ^ P^'^P^^ attribuTe^ 5 thiL^'^ *« bo held un? there have been, for a/o;. . '^^' 'P"^«" «*• Quebec Nn '''•''*f^^"' i"^ged to say-who ha^ striven ir'/^T P'^^on^-^^Ze persons'" *^* ^^^^ince party, who have iusistid nr. f^^ ^^^^ ^^e'ical regiZfJf °"^^' ^ ^m glad • - to use their influenei i^ «« extreme pretensions as o i ^•''''."^ ""^ their twn political arena wh. h ^^^""^'^^^ '> who have souahf l. ?^ "?^*« ^^ the cler^v wasused b^the at^C^tiLTthe r^^r' o^S/^t?^^^^^^^^^ -unt Of their votesf^^-^her.^^ " . ,., . . *^ as to undue influ. ., '•■/■ -';>' V ■ •, /'t- V t ^W :-^ /i I '.J ~ -■^,..rf1'>J - .!■■■" . M " '>'^)- •A- (10) :i - ^hH T' 'r riiMMHii ■ ■* ^ -.,. ^ 314 J. . ■t': ,:>^ - V. ix-'--', '.'. ' ' t<-~ ence, as far as it affected the clerf,'y ; and there can be no doubt that these efforts on the part of some persona in Quebec met in the past with a measure of success. Pressure was used in several counties against the candidates of one political party, as Liberal Catholics ; and the struggle was severe, and resulted in a great weakening of that party, from which it has not even yet recovered. The members of that party appealed, under these circumstances, to three tribunals ; they appealed to public opinion, to the highest courts of the land, and to the highest authorities in their own Church. They fought a long and arduous tight, which reached its climax, perhaps, in the period from 1875 to 1881. Public opinion, one of the tribunals to which they appealed, was aroused to -a considerable degree in the Province of Quebec ; and many Protestants there even changed their political views, and left the party with which they had usually acted, because they felt this pressure was a pressure foreign to the proper sphere of religion and the proper sphere of the Church. The members of that party appealed also to the law ; and the law was vindi- cated in several cases. They appealed also to the highest authorities in the Church, and those authorities also interfered. We know well, for it is public to us what was done. , ii the proofs, the course of that long con- A'- triumph of the right. I added : — oil I then pointet ' troversy, and the a] As I have said, ther^- -.vs a Ion'? and bitter controversy in the Province of Quebec with some who -tr.. . > to ■ ' -2 the power of the Church in the way to which I have referred. Th«.t loup- .\r. ' '^tter controversy was a controversy in which my friends, the Liberals of Lower Canada, were the oppressed party, the party which was being overborne in it, which was suffering from it, in the constituencies ; and, though they have received justice at last in the par- ticular to which I have referred, it is useless to disguise the fact that so long a conflict, waged in that manner and with those weapons, has had a perma- nently weakening effect. But I want to know where, in all that time, were the Orange Tory leaders of Ontario ? I want to know whether they were helping in the cause which has thus been vindicated in the end ? I want to know whether they were expressing and actively manifesting their sympathy with those who were struggling for the rights which have at length been accorded them ? It is not so ; it is known not to be so. It is true that many of the Protestants of Quebec came to the assistance of the Liberals of Quebec in that struggle, but the Orange Tory leaders of Ontario were unflinching in their support of, and in their consort with, the very members who were waging that controversy against the Quebec Liberals. Why ? Because they were united in political bonds with those members ; because they rejoiced in their success at the polls, although that success was achieved against those with whom they professed to be in sympathy. They were kept in place and power by means of that partnership ; and therefore THEY WERE UNTRUE TO THE PRINCIPLES which they professed, and in order to promote which they are now saying they wish to be incorporated. I have declared my views on this subject, and I have nothing to recall in regard to them. I have shown where I am to be found in case any conflict may arise in which any Church — whether Roman Catholic, or Episcopalian, or Presbyterian, or what you will — shall strive to encroach on what I believe to be the just domain of the State. I believe that if you commit to any Church absolute power and control over faith and morals, and if at the same time you commit to that Church absolute and un- limited power to determine what is comprised within faith and morals, you *~ _■''> . ' 4.' ■ :A jpgssMJy'i * V-V \ ' lat these k measure lidates of vere, and i even yet lustances, courts of ^ fought a jriod from appealed, and many jarty with a pressure le Church, was vindi- ities in the it is public long con- id:— Province of I in the way controversy •essed party, ; from it, in it in the par- that so long ad a perma- le, were the ere helping ^nt to know npathy with ■en accorded many of the jiebec in that ling in their ere waging i„ they were kced in their [t those Anth place and I now saying subject, and Je 1 am to be Ither Roman lall strive to [believe that \t faith and lute and un- [)orals, you ) 315 'i;. concede necessarily to that Church absolute power aliogothev ; and I belio/ij, therefore, that it is quite necessary to rcnunnber that therts may be a point at which we may be called on to considor what the tenets of the Church, ir that {..irticular point of view, are. I have shown that the struu'gle was fought out within the Roman Catholic Church ; that those rights on which the Liberals of Lower Canada insisted have been vindicated, and that the elect- tors have a right to vote as free men. But should such a struggle recur — which God forbid ! — could I, judging from the past, hope for any assistance, could the Liberal party look with hope for any assistance, from the Orange Tory leaders of Ontario ? No, because we have not leceivcd it in the past; and, whatever the views of these leaders, they subordinated them altogether to party politics. I went on to say: — These Ontario Orange leaders claim that their object is to advance Pro- testantism, and they claim to advance it by assertions with reference to the Roman Catholic Church which I believe to be baseless. And here, again, I do not propose to deal with assertions as to dogma. I do not propose to deal with assertions with respect to religion, as to whether certain views are right or wrong, for we have nothing to do with them. But we have to do with tlinir views as to the tenets of that (Jhurch, so far as these aftect the political condition and social order of the country. These things are of material interest to us ; and it is well that we should know what is advanced in the name of Protes- tantism, or with a view of promoting it, by the leaders of the Orange Society in Ontario. In the Hentinel of December 21st, 1882, there is the following, which is headed, " Allejfiance to Rome Only ' :— "We have always contended that the Romish Church teaches its followers to be disloyal to every State wherein it exists, to recognize the authority of no temporal Crovernment, and to own allegiance only to the Papacy." On April 2Gth, lS8iJ, the same paper said : — " It is hardly necessary to say that every true member of «the Church must yield to the Pope, the infallible head of the Church, ancpaestiening obedience in morals, dogmatic faith or belief, and also conduct of civil affairs. No member of the Church can dispute the right of the head of it to decide infallibly and dogmatically all questions affecting temporal power in Govern- ments any more than he can that of the faith and the belief put forth in her teachings. . . . The people in America are governed by constitutions which leave to themselves the power of determining the character and struc- ture of Government. These constitutions are, therefore, inimical to the Church of Rome, in her opinion, and are only tolerated because they cannot be destroyed. As she is at war with every form of Government not pre- scribed by herself, it would be her duty to destroy these constitutions if she ' could ; nay, she would be guilty under her teachings, if she had the power and did not destroy them. . . . Is it not a humiliation that in a country like this a loyal association has been refused the same privileges that are daily granted to those who proclaim the prerogative of a foreign Prince Bishop to be superior to those of Her Majesty and Her Government — privileges daily granted to those whose civil allegiance is firstly to the Pope, and secoudiy wherever he might direct it,' though that should lead to the destruction of the dignities and prerogatives of the Imperial Crown now largely directed by the responsible Ministers of the Government, who hold office at the will of the people ? " Again in the Sentinel of the 8th of November, 1883, the folowing language is used : — " It is necessary to keep constantly before the minds of the Orange and Protestant public of the Dominion that Rome is still true to her motto, semper eadem. She is the same to-day that she was a hundred years ago, planning, scheming, and contriving to subvert the best liberties and (10) ■ic\^:*t*, \ 1 ,/■ •1, ■'\ ■ x ;. >;v ,j-j W' 'ft,»',. ■^^■. 1 - >...(• >' - '■ ■ .'A ..:.Ai.V'fv - ■ V 316 freest institutions of »:vcry State in Chrisientloia." Those are the statements repeated over and over again as to the pohtical attitude of the Church of Rome ; and all true Protestants are called upon to occupy an inimical posi- tion towards uieniberH of that Church on the ground, first of all, that the ad- herents of that Church do not owe civil allegiance to tlie Queen of this Do- minion and the constitution cf tliia country ; second, that they owe civil al- legiance to a foreign power ; and third, that that power is inimical to freefn- stitutioiis, and that its efforts a are directed to subvert them as far as possible That is their attitude with respect to the Church of Rome and its adherents in Canada to-day. Again, so late as the 19th of February, 1884, at a meeting of the Grand Lodge of Ontario West, the Grand Master — while this Parlia- ment was in session, while this Bill was ou the Order papei- — referring to the unfortunate affair in Newfoundland, said : — "Brethren, it is the old story. It has been told in Ireland a thousand times. It has been told in Fort Garry, Montreal, and Newfoundland, and shows to us as plainly as the sunat noon- day that wlien Romanism has the nscendency Protestants have no rights, and are only tolerated, and that the teachings of Rome are the same to-day as they were in '98— that to break faith with heretics is no sin, and that killing is no murder." Then, sir, in the same speech, he quotes approvingly from a weekly journal these words ■ — "It (/. c. , the Orange body in Ireland) is act- ing strictly in self-defence, for evorybody who has read Irish history, or who listens to Fenian harangues, must know that from the moment when power passed into the hands of Irish Catholics no man of British blood or Protes- tant religion would ever dwell in safety on the soil of Ireland." Commenting on that statement he says ; — '* This statement, coming from a gentleman who on more than one occasion has spoken in no friendly terms concerning our Order, shows that the thinking Protestants of this conntry are becoming alive to the necessity of having a Protestant secret society to counteract the in- fluence of the gigantic secret society of Romanism." Now, these are statements with which we have to deal to-day. • IF THESE VIEWS BE CORRECT, if these be accurate statements of the tenets of that Church, then it does not merely hold erroneous views in matters of dogma. The hon. member for Hochelaga (Mr. Desjardins) and myself do not agree in our religious views, and unfortunately we do not agree in politics ; but our difference in religion does not mark the difference in our political allegiance. Our differences in religion are questions between us and our consciences, between us and our God, to be disposed of individually by each of us. But these other views, which I have just now read, are of an entirely different character ; they go far beyond divergencies of religiotis opinion. We have here statements of views hostile to the Throne, hostile to free institutions, hostile to the consti- tution, hostile to social order and safety ; views which are destructive of everything which we, in Canada — and I do not place the Catholic below the Protestant — which we as a united people in Canada hold most dear. I say that if you tell me truly that in civil matters the adherents of the Roman Catholic faith do not owe allegiance to the Crown and the constitution, but owe it to a foreign power, then they are not true subjects to the Queen, they are aliens in the midst of our land. If this be so I say that you cannot trust them, and I agree with those gentlemen who sometimes, as was mentioned this evening, say harsh things until " they grant absolution before the elections ; " I agree with them that if these are the tenets of that Church, I can well un- derstand iiheir hoBtility, from a political point of view, to the Roman Catholic religion. If they believe that that Church is hostile to and desires the sub- version of ova free institutions, of our constitution, I can understand their J. Af / >• (10) ' 'j';v'«' y. '?S>-1 iteinents xurch of cal posi- t the ad- thiB Do- civil al- () free fn- 3 pousible lerenta in meetiuy 3 Parlia- ing to the )ld story. >rt Garry, rat noon- ights, and to-day as lat killing »ly from a id) is act- ry, or who len power or Protes- immenting leman who jrning our iming alive ct the in- t does not ember for ous views, n religion erences in and our ler views, they go [ements of le consti- [ructive of lelow the it. I say [e Roman ition, but een, they mot trust oned this ictions ; " well un- Catholic the sub- id their hostility going far beyond diU'trouoes as to dogmas of religion ; F cati under- stand that the inatitiition ia one with whose adherents no alliance is to be maintained: Once again, if it is their opinion, and if it be the case, that Roman Catholics believe that no faith need be kept with a lioretic, that the killing of a heretic is no murder, then social order and safety are at risk, and we cannot possibly remain at e.vae if snch doctrinod as theao are theirs. All those who honestly believe tht ho opinions to be true of the Roman Catholic faith or of the adherents of that faith, cannot possibly, if they are l(»verR of our constitution and our institutions, honestly co-operate with them in politics. It is impossible, air, that an honest belief in these things, as the actual tenets of that Church, can consist with political co-operation, on the f>art of those who so believe, with Roman Catholics. On the other hand, all overs of free institutions shi.uld combine again.st the evil which would be wrought, the pressing evil and danger to our institutions which would exist, if such indeed were the tenets held by such a large proportion of the citizens of this country. The question, then, is a serious one. We have it here ; we have had it within the last few months : we have had it stated as a doc- trine of to- \. .'•'V ■■*■ •n r'V'.- :'*£: ■^\ -f-M \.'':-^f.' \ ^ / 31.S S' t\y W '' ■. 1^ ^te*:' vC " t Ic; k • ';.!.;■■ * :.|y thanked, ivlthoiif^h wo ditier in religion, we may agree in works of charity — it wotild bo a bJeafled achievement. But to-day what arc you doing? You are promoting these calumnies in reference to another Church ; you are com- ing forward and declaring, untruly, as 1 believe, fhatthe tenets of that Church, from which you differ, are in theae respects detestable, and that every true Protestant must take the same position. It is a course of which I hope you will repent before 3 ou are many years older. Nov.', I am anxioiis for a Pro- testant ascendency of one kind — for the spread or those opinions which I be- lieve to be true ; but I am anxious that there should be no Protestant ascend- ency of the material kind to which the leaders of the Orange Tory party refer, when they speak of that Protestant ascendency which existed in the past in Ireland, and to which they look backward with such longing eyes. 1 am not anxious for that kind of Protestant ascendency, and in my desire to pro- mote my dogmatic faith I DO WOT yoUNTKNANOK SUCH WEAPONS as the hon. gentleman and other Tory Orange leaders use. My belief is that my Catholic fellow-subjects do acknowledge allegiance and feel a loyalty to the Crown and the free institutions of this country. My belief is that they do not think that to break faith with a heretic is no sin, and that to kill him is no murder. I have not forgotten the declaration made against such calumnies as these by the Irish prelateg, as long ago as the 25th of January, 1825, in a document which contains many statements of faith and doctrine, as to which Protestants and Roman Catholics are as wide as the poles asunder. But it contains two statempi'^s which touch our social and political system, and our relations to eash othei, cts citiaens of one common country, as follows : — " The Irish Catholics swear that the Catholics of Ireland do not believe that the Pope of Rome, vr any other foreign prince, prelate, state or potentate, hath, or ought to have any teniporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority or pre-eminence, directly or indirectly, within this realm ; and this without any.mental reservation or disi>en8ation. " The prelates goon to say : "After this full, explicit and sworn declaration, we are utterly at a loss to conceive on what possible ground we could be justly charged with bearing towards our Most Gracious Sovereign only a divided allegiance." And with reference to the other insulting charge they say this : "The Catholics of Ireland not only do not believe, but they declare on oath that they detest as unchristian and impious the belief that it is lawful to murder or destroy any person or persons whatever under the pretence of their being heretics ; and also the principle that no faith is to be kept with heretics. " There you find distinct statements which contradict allegations which ought not to have been made, and which there ought not therefore to have been necessity for contradicting ; and yet, Sir, we find, not ten years ago, not five years ago, not one year ago, but within the past few days, the most offensive of these allegations repeated ; allegations which I have shown would, if true, indicate a condition subversive of the free institutions of our country. Now I am not prepared to mark as murderous, as treacherous and disloyal, nearly one-half of my fellow-citis^ens. I do not believe that the cause of Protestantism, of true religion, the advancement of the Gospel, the peace and prosperity, the welfare and the good government of this Dominion, w ill be promoted by the State recognition of this secret society, organized and led as it is in Ontario, and devoted to t^ho propagation of views such as* those which I have exposed. I do not myself attach, in the discordant dissolution of parties with respect to thia Bill, any political significance to the question. I have viewed it from another aspect altogether ; I have been anxious that we should understand what the real merits of the controversy are ; and in my statement of my objections I hove endeavoured to sustain them, not by stale and juusty authorities, bat by \ (10) ■C / sharity — g ? You are com- t Church, /ory truo dope you or a Pro- lich I be- t ascend- rty refer, le past in B. 1 am re to pro- ief is that loyalty to \t they do :ill him is calumnies 1825, in a J to which p. But it 1, and our 'oUows : — lieve that potentate, uperiority without "After conceive wards our erence to not only istian and ar persons principle atements nd which and yet, ago, but repeated ; ubversive mark as ir-citisrens. _^ion, the and the icognition ted to!^ho )t myself J Bill, any |er aspect the real 18 I have p, but by ,!- *k^l recent and authentic utterances. But, perhaps, T am wron<,' ; T daro say that I shall be more bitterly misrepresented than ever before by the Oranye Tory lenders ; and a j to the Tory Roman Catliolic leadtTs, thoy, too, tlie temporary strugcfle between them and their Oraiij^e allies beinj,' ended and the alliance revived, will refjard me all tlie more diatnatoliilly becauan I liiive necessarily shown, either how sham their battle is, or how false and un- natnral is their conjunction. THE TRUE rOIilCV DKPINEr). But T have this satisfaction, that I have told plainly the truth as 1 believe it ; ami it win be to me an ;uuple reward, if I have succeeded in expliiinint( to njoderato men (m both sides the vie\v.s I hold, anrl in pointint; out the true path of duty in a community of divtM-so rncos and creeds like ours ; wluive we must combine tirmness in the assertion of our own riiifhts, with fulness in the recognition of the rights of others ; wo must cultivate xnodenition and forbearance ; we must avoid misrepresentation, calumny, and abuse ; we must hold to the ample acknowled^jment of each man's individual ri[^ht8 of conscience in religious matters, and of the common citizenshiip of all in civil aflairs, if we would make of Canada a groat and free country, inhabited by a happy and united people. Now I have given you these exti'acts l)ecaii.se they throw light on the situation of to-day. They show the truth of what T said a while ago, that the Mail has become A DAILY " ORANGE SENTINEL." They show that the very things which the Orange Tories were averring in their lodges in 1884 are the things which the Mail now avers ; and that its platform is the Orange Tory 'platform. They show the character of that platform. And here you have the real significance of the position. The Orange Tories of On- tario, without whom Sir John Macdonald cannot stand for one instant, have so far taken the bit in their teeth that they are determined not to be absolutely controlled by Sir John. They will speak now. But they are Tories still. They are Tories above all ; and they are willing to use even their explosions of wrath to help him. In truth they have exploded only whpin they saw that they could no longer control the almost undivided Roman Catholic vote. Then it was that their Protestant virtue overcame their political prudence. But they are still anxious that Sir John should win. And they hope for his triumph by the division of the Liberal Protestants, and through his retention of a large part of his Catholic support. And so there is to be an apparent sep- aration. Sir John, too, has seen that he can no longer himself, ride all the horses ; so he has to appoint deputies and assistants. The political performers are to separate. They are to take differ- ent paths. Mr. Bowell and Mr. Bunting take the Orange horse and are passed through tlie Orange toll-har ; Sir Hector Lange- (10) .' •"< 'M '.■ fc. < 1 . ■■4v '(h •*-'-v r'..vt -■»>■'■■.- •it ;l ■^1 aaboM 320 ■»' '^ * / T /■.-ii'- ii'W\ v'ln and Mr. Frank Smith rule doithh on the Gatholio sfrp.d and travel dovm the (jreen lane, with its bright blue JloiverH ; while Sir John remcins on a pirJxiUl ayiimal and is affemplin;j the, journey bi; flic old road. (Lnu^litor.) liut thts {^oal is the same for all of thorn — a Tory triinnph nt the polls. (Cheers.) There they will meet any its eh inf. (Loud cheers.) IT IS A PARTY MOVE. Here then is the issue that we are called to meet, and if we meet it boldly, ready to suffer if need be, for the right ; preferring to suffer for the right rather than to triumjjh in the wrong— (cheers) — but hoping and believing that the day is pas- ,i?t sober, virtuous, temperate, Cliristian men who have not yet seen it their duty to become total abstainers themselves or to support laws to force either themselves or their neighbours to abstain. The Tory party embraces the majority of the anti-temperance workers and anti-prohibitionists, and it embraces the great bulk of the liquor interest. (Applause.) For that I refer you to what you know in your own locality, and also once again to the parlia- mentary record. I REFER YOU TO THE RECORD OF THE VOTES in Parliament in both branches of the Legislature. In the House of Commons, springing from the people, trace the votes of the Con- servatives and those of the Reformers ; and in the Senate, where you see the result of eight years of Tory rule with reference to a body in which they have had the opportunity of making some sixty or seventy appointments, if I am rightly informed, and have made it a most decidedly and emphatically anti-temperance and anti- prohibitionist assembly. That has been their own work ; it is their own child, their oft'spring, and it speaks for itself. (Great applause.) Now, amongst the Ministry itself — those who lead the Tory party of to-day — you find one of the greatest of the brewers of Canada, and one of the greatest of the spirit sellers of Canatla, and some very liberal consumers of the commodities which are made and dispensed by their colleagues. (Loud laughter and applause.) And so it is with the rank and file. But that party contains a certain number — a considerable number, though a minority — of the strong temperance men and prohibitionists as well. Now, the Conservative Government, through the various Ministers, from the First Minister down, down, down to Mr. Foster — (loud laughter) — has declared that this is not and ' , CANNOT BE MADE A PARTY QUESTION. Tha't is their attitude, and I admit that it seems absolutely impos- sible for them. I believe it would be the greatest example — the most gigantic example — of organized hypocrisy this world has ever seen or known. (Applause.) So much for that. Now, with reference to the Liberal party. Would it be possible for us to make it a party question at this time ? I believe not. (Applause.) And this for several reasons, some affecting the cause and some affecting the party, and affecting the party in the sense, in which we may honestly and properly declare that we desire to consider the interests of the party, regarding the party not as an end but as a means, as a great instrument for effecting the public good ..'^d promoting good government through the land ; as an instrument whose efficiency and capacity for these great objects we are bound t seen ipport ostain. lerance .t bulk what parlia- } House ho Con- j, where snte to a ig some ,nd have irice and vork; it (Great lead the , brewers ' Cana«la, are made pplause.) ntains a rity — of ow, the from the ighter) — ly impOB- We — the Vorld has low, with Ifor us to Ipplause.) Vnd some [in which consider Ind but as ^ood ^^'1 strumont Ire bound P -T-7::.:x^-.^^ _. ■ T ' * " . , A r_ . ' SjfeMilBMS H ^^^^AiMaa SHBB ■ B3 ^'- , V*' \ t r k. : ^A •J-'.-^l 323 to preserve, and ii' possible to advance. Now, fir.stof all, it would drive out of our ranks many good and sober men who, as I have said, do not yet see eye to eye with others of us on this particular question. I hope that time MAY SOON INDUCE A CHANGE OF VIEW with many of them. I believe our present attitude favours such a change, and I am quite sure that expulsion would not tend to pro- duce such a change at .all, but the reverse. Then it would not bring to our ranks the honest temperance Tories. They believe in Sir John Macdonald, Mr. John Carling, and Mr. Frank Smith. They believe in the general policy of the Government. They are opposed to us on all the general questions of the day. If honest men they cannot sac- crifice theii* convictions on all these questions, and, therefore, they cannot co-operate with us upon them. If dishonest men, we don't want them. (Loud and prolonged apj>lause.) Then again, it would render impossible the conduct of the business of the country under the system of party organization, without providing any substitute for that system whatever. Then as to the cause. I conscientiously believe it would not advance the cause; on the contrary, in my belief it would retard it. (Applause.) The cause would be weaker now and would be weaker later, and by intro- ducing the litterness and nearly equal divisions of party into this special contr^jversy, the chance of passing and alterwards of main- taining a law, which more than any other law I know of requires a very general assent, would be indeiinitely postponed. But any- way, whatever may be desirable, it is not now a party question. It is a question ON WHICH REFORMERS AGREE TO DIFFER, on which each one acts on his own judgmout. I speak for myself and for myself alone. I express the view of no othej' man. I DECLINE POSITIVELY from my notions of public duty to assist in any way at this time to makve this a party question. / havp. endeavoured, and shall continue to endeavour, to win every man. Reformer or Toi'y, to mn/y temperance opinions by argument and by exa'niple. But I shall neither drive away from my side of general politics Reform- ers who* do not think with me on temperance and prohibition questions, nor shall I refuse on temperance and prohibition ques- tions to co-operate with Tories wlio oppose me on general politics. (Cheers.) I will act witli all, I will do my best for the promotion ■ ' ' \ ■> ■ ■ ; ■'■"(, ■M ■ (11 v .y.i^ ..-i»i < of my views, ostracising' no man because he differs from me on this question, and refusing no man's help because he differs from me on all the others. (Cheers.) NOW FOR MY INDIVIDUAL VIEWS. Always strictly temperate, thirteen years ago I came to see the evils to Canada of the diinking habit so strongly that I felt it my duty to do all I could to end that habit. And I thought the first step was to become a total abstainer myself, and I did so. (Loud cheers.) I claim no merit at all for that act. It happened to be a very trifling sacrifice to me. Since that time, by precept and example, by voice and by vote, I have always sup- ported what I thought to be the true interests of temperance. (Cheers.) I have long believed that the greatest boon to the peo- ple of Canada would be that we should become a nation of total abstainers. (Renewed applause.) To achieye that result I would gladly, even were I as anxious to retain as I am to quit the posi- tion I occupy, surrender it to-morrow. Bui now as to the means. I believe the main factor must be the formation of an enlightened, a very widely diffused, and a very strong public opinion, under which many more of our good men, our sober, virtuous, and God- fearing citizens, not now total abstainers, shall be made to see so clearly the evils of drink to the community, and their personal duty in the matter, that they shall, in the general interest, become themselves total abstainers, and having so become, shall endeavour to persuade others to follow their example and thus very largely reinforce the ranks of the voluntary abstainers. In this respect great progress has been made — I recognize it thankfully — but much more remains to be done, and if we slacken in this work and hope to save trouble to ourselves by other and wholesale an^ involuntary methods, we shall make the greatest mistake conceiv- able. (Applause.) I think no repressive legislation can be profit- able or permanent unless there exists a widely-diffused and very strongly- felt and VERT EARNEST PUBLIC OPINION at its back. The tone and quality of this opinion are of as much or more consequence than its quantity. It is not from fear of the criminal law that the bulKof the community abstains from crime. The bulk would abstain if there were no criminal law. The con- science of the community would be its law. Laws generally de- rive their binding effect from this conisideration. But for that, even though directed against a few only, they would be of little use. This view has very special application to legislation upon the sub- ject of the general social customs of the people. It foll(ows, then, • , V , (11) \ f^ \ me on 3 from to see that I And I myself, hat act. j,t time, tys sup- perance. ihe peo- of total I would he posi- 3 means, ghtened, n, under ,nd God- to see so personal , become ideavour largely respect |lly_but is work isale an^ conceiv- e profit- ,nd very I as much %T of the |m crime. I?he con- Ifally de- Ifor that, little use. 1 the sub- 7s, then, that it is Only this widely-diffused and strongly-felt public opinion which can be properly crystallized into law, and that premature attempts will be abortive failures. Thus conditions of opinion may exist at various epochs of progress under which, usefully, licenses may be required to sell, under which high license may replace low license, under which restricted license may replace freer license, under which local and partial prohibition may replace higl) and restricted license, and under which general prohibition may re- {)lace local and partial prohibition. , But in deciding on the legis- ation to be at any particular time adopted, we must determine whether the country is at that tinte • RIPE FOR THE LEGISLATION ; t whether it is reasonable to conclude that it will be enforced and maintained, else we hurt instead of helping the cause. Now, as to legislative and executive action, I am against the emasculation of the Temperance Act, which I believe to be in contemplation at this hour. (Cheers.) I am for the amendment of that Act in those details in which experience has shown defects, preventing a fair test of its principles. I believe it is the duty of the Government of the day, finding this law upon the Statute Book, to determine whether it shall be repealed or made effective ; I believe that if they do not choose to repeal it they are bound to make it effective, and if they neglect dealing with the case they neglect their plain and obvious duty. (Loud cheers.) I am for A FAIR AND FULL TRIAL OF THE ACT in the localities in which it is in force, with all the aid that exe- cutive action can properly afford. And here I may point out that the case Mr. Mowat states with reference to the Dominion func- tions is much stronger than he put it, because, if I rightly under- stand it, the Temperance Act itself contains a clause providing that the Collector of Inland Revenue, a Dominion officer, may bring prosecutions, and that it shall be the duty of the Collector of Inland Revenue to act on informations and bring these prosecu- tions. (Loud applause.) I am for putting down with a stern hand the dynamite and other outrages, and the terrorism which has disgraced some places in this connection. (Great cheering.) I am for or against the submission of the Act in new localities, accord- ing as there is or is not a fair prospect in the condition of local opmion that it will be reasonably efficacious. (Applause.) It is on this consideration that I myself would vote m case it were submitted in a county in which I had a vote. I am against the submission of the Act as a mere tost of public opinion, oy a vote 01) . •'» ! > < .^. ■» I \ f\ .' . . ■fw .4;. .; >: • ■ t mmmmmmmmmi mmm BBS >• •.>',-' ^v- m f ',-!'■'> . '<•" (•*«. V.-W' *v: ':.« . • ' ^ 326 . ' ^ in the nature of a plebiscite on prohibition, without a firm de- . , termination to work it thoroughly if passed. I consider the ■ '; \ TEMPEX?,ANCE ACT ITSELF IS ON ITS TRIAL. I have been anxiously watching its operation in that view, as also to use it as one test, whether there yet exists in Canada such a tone and (juality of public opinion as would render further legis- lation efficacious and permanent. This I regard as a much better test than the mere vote at tbe polls. I cannot say I think the test as yet justifies the proposed legislation. I am glad to say that in many places the Scott ^ct is working fairly, while in some cases the results are hardly known, and in some the results are not fjavourable. But I notice that large numbers of our citizens, good, sober, virtuous, and exemplary, are as yet unconvinced as to the duty of total abstinence themselves, and therefore unfit to enforce it upon others, I find many supporters of temperance legislation who do not look upon drinking, even in Scott Act counties, as a crime, and who refuse that moral support, and help to the enforce- ment of that law which they give to the general criminal law. ■ •»'■!; JUST COMPAEE THINGS. Suppose one of us in walking along the street behind a neighbour, a friend, or a stranger, and see his pocket being picked. He makes himself a special police constable at once, tries to pre- vent the crime, and, if he is big enough, arrests the criminal. But supposing, in a Scott Act county, we pass an unlicensed house — for they are all unlicensed, no licenses being granted — and see some one going in and getting drink, we turn to the other side ; we say nothing about that ; we do not propose to enforce the law ; we do not give the same support, the same sympathy, the same active investigation in the case of this law as is given in the other case. Now if that be the condition of the more advanced localities, what is the condition in the other pai'ts of Canada ? I have no sjanpathy whatever with the abuse some- times poured out on those honest men, who, not themselves in any sense slaves to drink, are not yet convinced of the duty of total abstinence. There are amongst these many better men than somfe of those who abuse them. (Cheers.) Xt 1 . ..« .. INTEMPERANCE IN DRINK IS NOT THE ONLY VICE, . '^ and there are things much worse at any rate than moderate drink- ing. Unfortunate as I believe the habit, there are many better men than myself who honestly differ from me, who have not seen what I think the light in this matter, and their eyes will not be en- (itt (11) A , 1 •„ '. pie- linal. insed mted rn to )po8e I same ^«t0MR ink- /' jtter seen 3 en- r. ',■ . ■ ■■».'■■ .; r. •' r- '4 327 lightened or their ears be opened by abuse; they will be only closed and darkened. I am ready to try and persuade, but I am not ready to abuse them. Lei us endeavour in all loving kindness to ' win them to our views. This is our most important and most pressing work. Until progress is made in that, 1 am not of the ,. opinion that Canada is ripe for prohiljition. (Cheers.) 7 (/o not believe that the lanj, if carried, would, in the present condition, he useful or permanent. T remembei' very well the speech made by Sir Leonard Tille}'', that veteran champion of temperance — made not very long before he retired from Parliament — in which he declared as the result of his long experience, his experience in his own Province, confirmed by all that he hail learned elsewhere — an opinion which pointed out the absolute necessity, in order that there might be an efficacious and permanent law, for that STRONG AND WIDELY-DIFFUSED PUBLIC OPINION to which I refer, and I observe that even the Mail newspaper, in the article in which it declared its new confession of faith — (cheers and laughter) — when, with all tlie fervour of the neophyte, with all the zeal of the convert, you might have expected it would out-Herod Herod, or, as people sometimes say, meaning the same thing, been more Catholic than the Pope — declared itself in these words : — " So vast and momentous a change is not to be accomplished in a hurry. Public opinion has to be moulded and hardened, and more than a majority of the people brought to the conviction that drink is a direct outrage and irredeemable curse which ought to be out- lawed from among rnen. This is a formidable task." Therefore I cannot honestly vote for prohibition now. I can give no pledge for such a vote at any definite time. Should the time arrive when I think the law would be useful and permanent instead of hurtful, I will vote for it, whatever the political results to myself. Until that time comes I SHALL VOTE AGAINST IT, whatever those results may be. (Loud cheers). Let me point out to you here that there is a large constitutional question involved in prohibition ; there is the question of the reform of the Senate, for just so long as you maintain the Senate as at present consti- tuted and composed, just so long there is an absolute and insepar- able barrier to your obtaining prohibitory legislation. (Loud ap- plause.) There are also two financial questions which, though sub- ordinate, are each important enough to refer to, First is the ques- tion of revenue. I think the prosperity resultant from the disuse of intoxicating liquors would in time resto'^e very largely the loss from the duties. But there would be a temporary and serious dis- turbance to be faced, and the present condition of enormous expen- (U) ' Vl ,.->•*/• ■• s "U. •\^ y- it ■.*>■■ V vr ,'A •■'. , /' .'h^./V ■->« '/^^^ ■ ,.v ■#/ ipn '^^ BBS ^rv Wtif '«•' •.f ^•■■- -'.'•^'-i .1:- I , S28 '■r»' I' ^ 1.;' ., !--i. ditures, high taxation, and large deficits is unfavourable to im- mediate action. Next, I think that there are certain permanent interests existing under the protection* of the law, in respect of which justice demands that compensation on a limited principle should accompany their legislative extinction. But I think this demand ought not to prevent the passing of the law, if the gener- al good requires it. In that case the law should be passed and the compensation provided. I dare say the views I have now expressed will not please the extremists of either party. I can- not help it. It is my duty to give my fellow-countrymen my honest advice and take the consequences. That advice I have given and those consequences I am prepared to face. (Loud and prolonged applause.) (11) M. ^ ^.^ r-- V ,4' ■■:->' :n. ",i -%-.*■ •"^.trr ^^>i Xy ■f^^;.*' 7f' ' i • V ")■ ^:^Tjr: u, . i « . y . t^'ni 1 .^ 1 .1 imr "!-. r r •■ _;• -'•'■,- ' >. \ , LEGISLATION FOR LABOUR. Sir John Macdonald's Pretensions Discussed. LIBERALS AND THE TAlilFF. RELATIONS OP LABOUR AND CAPITAL. Ke-m e<3-±e3 a»:Q.<3. ZDToja.-Ke'm ed-ies. ♦ ■ '<:•* ' *j V' ' '■<. Total Abstinance Cures many Evils. Mr. Chairman, friends and fellow-citizens, 1 have been asked to address you to-night, not upon certain political questions of the day, which have been specially engaging the attention of the public at large during the last few -months, but upon topics particularly affecting , THE INTERESTS OF THE WORKING CLASSES of Canada — (applause) — a subject not lending itself readily to passion, to rhetoric, or declamation, not so easily enlivened as some topics may be in discussion, but yet a subject which A MUST BE PROFOUNDLY INTERESTING •■ ' ■ . to every man who has a brain to think, or a heart to feel. (Renewed applause.) We would be unworthy of our place in the world, if we did not feel the deepest concern in the condition of the masses — the toiling masses ; and the inquiry what that condi- tion is, what their troubles are, what remedy may be found, what improvement may be effected, ought to enlist our best energies in the search for its solution. Now, I had intended to discuss to-, night a large portion of the speech lately delivered by the First Minister especially directed to workingmen, in which he engaged in a retrospective commentary upon transactions of some years back, with the desire and intent of painting in very brilliant colours the record of the Conservative party, and in correspondingly dark colours, the record of the Li]t)eral party. He raised the question of the printers' arrest of 1872, and his legislation in that connec- tion; he discussed the subjects of Chinese labour, of contract > ■ ■ yf ':\ . ■■■■*;" ' 4 ''«{»". (12) - y n 330 ■ I'; ^^^- ■J ■ ..1 iy . ,;;i'r-(i «: i. i'> ■'K' ^.1 :.■ ■«•• _ ' , > Ili< labour in penitentiaries, and of savings bank deposits. But he omitted some other topics of the past, such as THE ATTEMPTED FACTORY LEGISLATION, (applause) which would also be, in some respects, interesting. Upon all these questions, I believe a complete answer is to be given to the speech to which I refer, but there are upon the plat- form to-night several speakers whom you are anxious to hear. I . cannot encroach upon their time ; and therefore I defer for the moment dealing with these questions of the past ; but I undertake to dispose of them at an early day. I will simply say, with regard to one of them, that it was an extraordinary omission on the part 'of the First Minister that, engaged as he was in a historical re- trospect, he forgot altogether to mention that the CRIMINAL OFFENCES ACT 'which he professed to have made right in 1872, was not made right until 1876, when I had the honour and satisfaction of intro- ducing legislation, in advance of the laws then enacted in England, which eliminated the features of class legislation in Sir John Macdonald's Act ; which removed the 'prohibition he had retained against the workmen ivatching places of business for certain pur- poses connected with their combinations; which gave to those charged with o fences under the laiv the inestimable privilege of a trial by jury, instead of before magistrates, as under his law ; ■ and which, most important of all, abrogated the application to this class of transactions of the odious law of conspiracy, through which things lawful for one workingman to do had been construed, under the laiv as he left it, to be criminal ivhen done in concert by two or more. (Applause.) He forgot also to refer to" the fact that in the following year, when I was still Minister of Justice, I induced Parliament to amend the laws which MADE AN ODIOUS DISTINCTION between different breaches of contract, which made all breaches of contract of seivice ciiminal, while all other breaches of contract were merely civil oflfbnces, and to incorporate in the legislation still deemed necessary on the subject the just principle of equal dealing with all classes of the community in like cases ofllending, instead of the old and arbitrary plan of making one law for the workingman and another for the rest of the world. (Loud applause.) He likewise omitted from that retrospective history the fact that in 1882, contrary to m.y protest, Parliament under his guidance established the proposition that a Stipendiary Magis- (12) mm IT m"^^ «P ' I. : '. /■' r 331 trate, without a jury, should have power to try, and to condemn, and to inflict a penalty of five years in the penitentiary upon those charged with the apparently trivial offences dealt with by the Seamen's Act. And he equally forgot to allude to the circum- stance that, CONTRARY TO THE PROTEST OF THE RKFORM PARTY,, notwithstanding his professed anxiety ta advance the interests of labour, he had established a sort of penal disqualification, a money obstacle to candidatures for Parliament by requiring a deposit of $200 as a condition of nomination for the honourable position of a representative of the people. (Cheers.) Now, on all these? subjects I have spoken in 18H2, and I intend to speak soon again. But I could not approach this attempted retrospect without this brief reference to the salient features of Liberal action and legis- lation in the interests of labour, legislation which I believe to be the most important recorded in our statute book. (Loud and prolonged applause.) The First Minister claimed great credit for Tiaving improved the condition of affairs, particularly as affecting the workingmen, by the tariff. Now, the tariff was enacted in 1879, and in 1882 he appealed to the people. And his appeal was based upon the need to obtain a renewed lease of power, which he assured the people would, if obtained, render THE TARIFF ABSOLUTELY PERMANENT and beyond all danger of attack. lie obtained that lease. He has enjoyed and useil it. But another election approaches. Those who are well informed on the Conservative side say, what- ever they may think, that it is not so very near. Those who have some sources of information on the Liberal side believe it to be much nearer. At any rate it approaches. As the election ap- proaches you find, notwithstanding the pledge of 1882 as to the. results of afresh lease of power, the cry is raised again, "The tariff is in danger ! To save the tariff' you must once again return the Conservatives to office." If it be so that it is necessary to give the Conservative party a third lease of power in ordi'r to save the tariff, all I can say is that this is an acknowleiigiuent that the jirineipal pledge made bv the Government at the last election has not been fulfilled, and that 'they HAVE FAILED TO ACCOMPLISH . > ■ I ■ it ■'■"ll 1 , • <* I,' V,,; M if r •;'■ II ■i ■-,.r. ,k'^ :■ ,i I » - 1l ''^^' the promise on which they were returned. (Great applause.) , I ' - '^ . , desire to refer very briefly to the . ' • ; vi 's. \ « .'i A'* 332 n-' '^t V I, "".If Vf ATTITUDE OF THK LIBERAL PARTY UPON THE QUESTION OF THE TARIFF. It has been grossly misrepresented. In 1882 I stated ray views upon that subject in the most formal manner, by means of the address I issued to the electors of West Durliam as a manifesto to the country ; by the principles then laid down I still abide. I said : — You know well that I do not approve of needless rostrictions on our liberty of exchanging what we have for what we want, and do not see that any sub- stantial application of the restrictive principle has been or can be, made in favour of the great interests of tlie mechanic, the labourer, the farmer, the lumberman, the ship-builder or the fisherman. But you know also that 1 have fully recognized the fact that we are obliged to raise yearly a great sum made greater by the obligations imposed on us by this Government ; and that we must continue to provide this yearly sum mainly by import duties, . laid to a great extent on goods similar to those which can be manufactured here ; and that it results as a necessary incident of our settled fiscal system that there must be a large, and, as I believe, in the view of moderate protec- tionists, an ample advantage to the home manufacturer. Oxir adversaries wish to present to yon an isstie as between the present tariff and ahsohite free trade . Iliat is not tJie true issue. Free trade is, as I have repeatedly explained, for us impossible ; and the iss^ie is ichether the present tariff' is perfect, or defective and unjust. I believe it to be, in some important respects, defective and unjust. We expressed our views last session in four motions, which declare that articles of such prime necessity as fuel and breadstufis should be free ; that the sugar duties should be bo adjusted as to relieve the consumer from some of the enormous extra price he is now liable to pay to a few refiners ; that the exorbitant and unequal duties on the lower grades of cottons and woollens should be so changed as to make them fairer to the masses, who now pay on the cheapest goods taxes about twice as great in proportion as those which the rich pay on the finest goods ; and that the duties on such materials as iron, which is in universal use, should be reduced, so as to enable the home manufacturer, to whom it is a raw material, to produce. a cheaper article for the benefit of his home consumer, and the encouragement of his foreign trade. I believe that by changes of the character I have indicated monopoly and extravagant prices would be checked, a greater measure of fair play and justice to all classtss would be secured, and the burden of taxation would be better adjusted to the capacity of the people who are to pay. Depend upon it, a day will come when by sharp and bitter experience we shall learn the truth ; and many who even now applaud will then condemn these particular incidents of the tariff. \ My reference there to the fiscal and financial limitations of our condition has increased force to-day, for since that time enormous sums have been added to the public debt ; enormous sums have been added to the annual charge ; and notwithstanding the great taxation, . • . .' ,. - . ■ - ■ . ■ . ■ ,, -^ ^ • i 'A, is ■ -e « ' «w tm -- |V -'■p^'. •/. 333 . 'V- A LARGER DEFICIT THAN WE HAVE EVER KNOWN since Confederation has signalized tiie last financial year. There- fore tfie eocecution even of those measures of reitdjubstmient which 1 suggested in that address, and which we had proposed in Par- liament in the preceding session, would be found much more diffiAiult to-day by reason of the changed condition oj a fail's. We have no longer a large surplus to dispose of — we have a large de- ficit and a greatly increased scale of expenditure to meet. And it is clearer than ever that a very high scale of taxation must be retained, and that manufacturers have nothing to fear. I then declared that any readjustment shouUl be effected with due regard to the legitimate interests of all concerned. In thr^t phrase, " all concerned," I hope no one will object to my includ- ing, as I do, the general public. (Cheers.) In any readjustment I maintain that we should look especially to such redaction of expenditure as may allow of a reduction of taxation, to the light- ening of sectional taxes, to the lightening of taxes upon the piime necessaries of life, and upon the raw materials of manufacture, to a more equitable arrangement of the taxes which now bear unfairly upon the poor as compared with the rich, to a taxation of luxuries just so high as will not thwart our object by greatly checking consumption, to the curbing of monopolies of production in cases where, by combination or otherwise, the tariff allows an undue and exorbi- tant profit to be exacted from consumers, and to the effort — a most important point — to promote reciprocal trade with our neighbours to the south. (Great applause.) That is a modest programme, you may say, but I believe it to be an extensive pro- gramme, representing the full measure practicable of attainment, and which can be fulfilled only by much expenditure of time and thought, after full .mvestigation, careful inquiry, and ample con- sideration of details and of the bearing of each proposal, with the advantage of all those materials for forming a judgment on details, which are available only to men in office. (Cheers.) As to the condition of the operative, Sir John Macdonald's declaration in his recent speecli was that, owing to his tariff" policy, there is now employment for everybody, and thai ohe Dominion is at this moment one of the most prosperous, if not the most prosperous country on the face of the globe. That condition I would be glad to admit, if I believed it. I regret to be obliged to dispute it. But I dispute the alleged cause as well, and I ; (12) - -t * 'I ' 1 ■'.t . - ■ »: lit:.|; •it :•■',«; > t ■tl i \ '•''•/ '• • «^ 33t maintain tliat teratives in any ol the highly tariffed countries of the continent of Europe. (Loud and pro- longed applause.) Is it the tariff regulations that have made the difference ? If so, then they work the wrong way, according to the devotees of tariffs. (Renewed applause.) As to the United States, some of the most eminent statesmen of that country have declared that the longer hours, the severer toil, the greater intel- ligence of the operative, and the higher prices of some of his supplies, equalize his nominal reward with that of England. It is certain that these considerations go very far to do so ; and the difference, whatever it may be, is diminishing year by year. TO WHAT IS THAT DIFFERENCE DUE ? It is due, not to the tariff', but to diffierences of condition as be- tween new and sparsel}' fettled countries, with vast expanses of vacant fertile soil open to settlement, and old densely populated countries in which there is no sucli mainspring of prosperity. But I will describe those conditions and their results, not in my own words, but in the authentic language of the Canadian Gov- ernment Guide Book to immigrants for the present year, 1886. The Government says : — High wages are incident to the rapid development of wealth in a new country of immense extent, and they will probably for a long time continue to be high; at the same time it must be borne in mind that a new communit> may be, owing to the attractions i>i higher wages, subject to a glut, as hat fact, happened, that is, there is, of course, a limit to which any partici branch of industry might, at a given time, call for workmen. Hut there s practically no limit to the masses of men which the Canadian North- West can absorb, the territory being about as large as the whole of Europe, with ILLIMITABLE KESOURCES TO DEVELOP. The rate of wages paid in such conditions has naturally relation to what may be earned by a man who takes up 160 acres of immigrant lauds, for the plain reason that if a man is sure to make as much from the ready resource which is always open to him — of taking up laud — he will not work for wages at a very great disadvantage. (Cheers.) ^ : , -. . - ■ ...^,.^... 'i *„: '>.!»• ». >;...*^^^>,.- ,V.'V:y:i s mMi ... ' « < ■ T>.. 335 There is the statement of the Government itself, showing the , condition of things in a new country with an illimitable extent of free and fertile la^Mls, as compared with the condition in the Britisii Isles. Now, mark the reasoning. They do not tell the English, Irish, or Scotch workingman that it is the Canadian tariff that makes Canadian wages high, for they know ho would not believe it. They know that he knows bett»'r, whatever they mav think the Canadian operative CAN BE GULLED INTO BELIEVINO, and they tell the Islander the truth. (Cheers.) They give the true reason, and I ask you to mark that reason — not only as de- structive of those other reasons which they reserve for the Cana- dian elector, but also because it gives to the operatives of the city of Toronto a direct and intimate pecuniary connection with, and interest in the prosperity of the North-West. North- \Vet*t miS' government, a check to li^orth-West progress, anything luhlch may prevent the best results accruing to the settler on its free arid fer- tile lands will, you perceive, have a directly disadvantageous effect upon the value of labour all over the country. (Loud cheers.) How does the matter work in its other aspects ? As things are at present the manufacturer takes all he can get out of the consumer, and gives as much as he must, or as he thinks right, to the opera- tive. If more be demanded he looks elsewhere for help. There is no tariff against the import of labour. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) If the employer will not pay the rate of wages in the United States, THE MECHANIC GOES OVER THKRE; and under the circumstances of both countries the rate of wages in the United States regulates the rate in Canada. Sir Leonard Tilley stated this in terms a little while ago in the House of Com- mons, using this language : — The prices paid for labour in the United States muat regulate the price of labour in Canada, because if the nrages are not about equal the opera^ves will soon pass over the line. Now, I have said there is no tariff on labour ; there is no pro- tection 1 labour. But that is not all. THERE IS A PREMIUM AGAINST LABOUR. There i'^, out of the taxes paid by labour, an enormous expenditure upon 1 amigration. On this vital point, in his discussion of the interests of the working classes, Sir John Macdonald, by an ex- i ■ \, '. v-, ■^. H4 •V|( , VI J' I .-;S;' (V4) Vmi^ ll m IK ' 1 1 •1, i| '■j '; ,1 i ,j s - 1^' T^-'' •••■'.%{'' •'>^'^^ •- • \ \ - r ■ V V - . .. - ■ 836 traordinary lapse of memory, forgot to speak. (Loud applause and laughter.) We Liberals have pointed out for years that in Old Canada, only farmers should really be encouraged to come. As to domestic servants, the conditions of service must be modi- fied, the relations of the race practically recognized, and GREATER MUTUAL INTEREST AND RESPECT shown between employer and employed ; else our people shun the condition of domestic service. (Applause.) And the importation of servants helps not so much, after all ; for many of them in a short time go across the lines. As to agricultural labour, the im- provements in agricultural machinery, specially the invention of the self-binder, have largely checked the harvest demand, fortun- ately for the agriculturist, because the low rates he receives for his produce render it very important to him to save the cost of harvest labour ; and fortunately, also, for all, because, while there existed an enormous temporary demand for the short period of harvest, it followed that the over-plus, after the harvest was over, drifted into the towns and embarrassed and degraded the general condition of the labour market throughout the country. (Cheers.) Now, this immigration expenditure is A SINK OF JOBBERY — cheers — but so far as it is effective for its designed purpose, so far as the money is not thrown away or HANDED OVER TO PARTY NEWSPAPERS at fourteen prices for printing — (renewed cheers) — it tends to degrade labour. In the result Canadians are displaced by the immigrant, or the immigrant reaches the United States via Canada. I do not say that this is true in all cases, but it is true in too many cases, and the figures of population, from whatever source we draw them, sufficiently establish it The Government system has worked in practice, whatever they may say as to their intentions and instructions, so as to bring in not merely agricul- tural, but also general labour. (Loud cheei s.) That is quite cer- tain from what we know of those who come in under assisted passages. The Government denies most strenuously that it ever encourages or assists any other than the domestic servant or the agricultural labourer ; but I turn again to the Government Guide Book for 1886, and I find that in speaking of the Province of Ontario (12) ) ' mm it: rtHfe MMiipMMEa •A \ X< i's ' "y-r ,t '•■ ■ \ A% / 337 THE FOLLOWING STATEMENT IS GIVEN as to the resources of the Province and the demand for labour : — But as well as wanting men to clear its forests and cultivate its soil, it re- quires men to build its houses, to make furnitiu-e and household goods, and to open up communication from one part of the country to another by the construction of roads and railways. It is further to be stated, in this connection, th'\t Ontario is rapidly be- coming a manufacturing country. The leading industries are : Works for making all kinds of agricultural implements in iron and wood, waggons, carriages, railroad rolling stock (including locomotives), cotton factories, woollen factories, tanneries, furniture factories, flax works, ordinary iron and hardware works, paper factories, soap works, woodenware, etc. The bountiful water supply in Ontario is used in these manufactures, as is also steam, for motive power. There is a very great demand for female labour for domestic service, both in towns and country ; also for work in some of the factories ; also a demand , for dreismakers and seamstresses, all of whom obtain good wages in Ontario. So much as to the encouragement of general and operative labour. Now, with reference to the vexed QUESTION OF ASSISTED PASSAGES, I find in this same Guide Book for 1886 this statement: — It may be here particularly pointed out, however, that the most favourable rates of assisted passages are offered to female domestic servants and families of agricultural labourers. ASSISTED PASSAGES ARE, HOWEVER, AFFORDED TO OTHER LABOURERS. , (Cheers.) So that I find the direct statement in the Government Guide Book, to the people whom they are seeking to induce to come to Canada, that assisted passages are offered to others than the agricultural labourer and the domestic servant. (Loudapplause.) My belief is that we should confine ourselves to circulating the facts of tiie true condition of the older Provinces, and their attrac- tions to the farmer ; that WE SHOULD ABOLISH THE ASSISTED PASSAGES ; .that we should abolish the jobbery — (great cheering) — that we should cut down vastly the whole expenditure ; and that we should leave the rest of the work to the Canadian Pacific Railway Company, which we were told would relieve us of this business when the contract was let ; and we would thus follow, though still more active than they, the methods adopted in the United States with reference to immigration. So much with reference to the important subject of Government expenditure on immigra- tion, upon which Sir John Macdonald unfortanately forgot to touch. Now, recurring to , (12) V'- . /■■ •.t: V. I T ^mm -.-^v- ^■^- ,v^ ^■^ r^ ,0 M u * Vf-^ if,'. 1:. ..■»• -1 , '•■ . •■" Vi^i- ■' ' ' ,.■ , / ■ 3:58 THE TARIFF IN ANOTHER ASPECT, I maintain that it has produced disaster to several important in- v dustries, and great consequent injury to the cause of labour. Unduly high protection, while the demand exceeded the su|)ply, gave inordinately high profits, for examj)l«s in cotton, in sugar, and in certain descriptions of woollen goods. The public were heavily charged, and a few individuals were greatly enriched. (Applause.) Others wished to share the golden stream. Capital was sunk ; mechanics were brought in from abroad ; t\ey were brought away from other occupations at home. Production was increased ; and then came quickly, in our country of limited de- mand, the following stages : those of glut, of lower prices, of short hours, of lower wages, of closed factories and discharged hands, of general distress, and of demoralization of trade. Regu- larity of employment — which is the most important thing for the comfort of those who depend upon their daily work — was for the time destroyed. (Applause.) Now there is some revival, and I observe the First Minister has given his cause for that revival in his speech. He says : — There was oMy one thing to be dreaded iu indroducing that policy, namely, that it might lead to over-production, and in consequence there would be great depression and insolvency. This was the case with regard to the cotton industry. The cotton manufacturers were so successful in their factories that in all parts of Canada the people rushed into the manufacture of cotton, the consequence being that more of the article was produced than was consumed. A REMRJDY FOR THAT HAS BEEN FOUND, HOWEVER, IN THE BUILDING OF THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. (Loud cheers and laughter.) No ! Not so ! have found has been in combination, in an The remedy they AGREEMENT AMONG THE MANUFACTURERS to advance prices, and perhaps to limit production, and so we are all called upon by a rapid rise, nay, by several rapid rises, of prices, to contribute to pay dividends on millions of capital need- lessly expended in order to create a power of production in excess of the consuming power of the country. It is clear now that homa competition in this and in other cases cannot be depended on to keep down prices ; and the only safeguard, both for the man'ifac- turers themselves, who have witnessed in these instances the dis- astrous results of high protection, and for the general public, who, in the early stage of inadequate supply, and again in the present stage of iron-clad combination, are called upon to submit to the full burden imposed by the tariff, is to take care that the tariff is A :-^^&s;-4gai«s^£fe£s^£5:Hr---«=^-^ ■ -t- » 4\ (12) ' '\ they liome )n to I'lfac- dis- |who, isent the liff is ■■«■ l y i I j y IIM H t Jltt .| i .r 4:'^r y 339 NOT SO INORDINATELY HIGH that the monopolist, whether he is such by virtue of there being no other manufacturer, or by virtue of a combination, shall have it in his power to take too much out of the general public. (Loud applause.) A great deal we must allow him to take, but the rates (as I have pointed out on former occasions), which this tariff in some industries allows to be taken, are altogether excessive and inordinate. But, it is said that the prices of commodities have been comparatively low of late years, and that this is due to the tariff. The prices are low all over the world. (Loud applause.) The progress of invention, the progress of production, the pro- gress of facilities for transportation, the increased area of cultiva- tion are, to the great gain of humanity, yearly reducing the cost of the articles which are in daily use ; and it is NO J U.ST COMPARISON AT ALL , to contrast our prices of to-day with our prices of a few years ago. (Jjoud applause.) If you want to know whether prices are low or high in Canada, your only test is to compare them with the prices of the day in the free or the lowest markets of the world, and then you will see really whether they are comparatively high or •comparatively low. Now, make this comparison, and j'^ou find prices in several classes comparatively high, and that we are losing in many commodities much of the general gain to humanity by the general progress of the world. (Applause.) Take, for exam- ple, sugar. They boast of the low price of suger. Sugar is low here compared with its price, here a few years ago, but it is iTiordi- mitely high here compared luith the price in England, in the pre- sent year. The price of the raw material has fallen enormously. We do not get anything approaching the full benefit of that reduction. We pay infinitely more than they do in England, or , in bond at New York. A large part of the excess is paid into the ^ treasury, I frankly admit. A larger sum than I like to see levied on sugar. But a very large part of the excess over the foreign ' prices, a part approximating on the consumption of the year to - $2,000,000 beyond what goes into the treasury, is paid by the people of Canada in effect to assist the refiners to carry on their business. (Loud and prolonged applause.) Now, I pause here, I cai^not further this evening discuss this phase of the tariff^ I call your attention for a moment to another point, that of the DIRECT BURDEN OF THE TAXATION. There has been an enormous increase. I shall not give you figures to-night ; there is no time. The rate has increased from forty to ... (12) '■ t. \ \ t -^ -jf-^ •lr' % X V ^^ ■y^rr? fW^ i"L'.'' /'■ 340 A . ' * •'*** ^'*' ' ■•■ . fifty per cent. The volume of the taxes received has increased from fifty to sixty per cent., and the amount paid by the people into the treasury is estimated at about $30 per head of every white family. That is the amount paivl into the treasury, but the consumer, and especially the mechanic, who buys from the retailer in very small quantities, pays a very large advance over the amount paid into the treasury. The advance which the wholesale merchant charges the retailer, and the further advance which the retailer charges the consumer, are both, of course, as a rule made upon the duty as well as upon the other elements of the cost, and forty to fifty per cent, advance upon the duty, will represent the real burden upon the consumer. The cost, therefore, to the con- sumer must be from $42 to $45 per head of a family on the aver- age. We in this Province believe, and I think rightly, that we r i ', .^^ a;', •''*l : - ■ "^ ' PAY MORE THAN THE AVERAGE. I could wish that the taxes were levied just for once, not in greater quantity, but in a different way. / coidd wish that they ivere for once levied directly ; for if they were paid hy you to a collector calling upon you, instead of being included in the cost of the goods you buy, you would apprehend the burden, you would scru- tinize more earnestly than you do the items of the public expendi- ture which are the justification for the tax; you would realize how that taxation presses on the industries of the people. The very interesting paper prepared by Mr. Blue, of the Ontario Bu- reau of Statistics, showed the condition of workingmen for last year as well as the averages of his correspondents' returns could indicate it. They were, however, averages of superior men, men who kept accounts of their household expenses, and these are men who do better than the general average, and therefore the. general average would be ..)> MUCH LESS FAVOURABLE than these results. Yet the paper shows that, assuming the aver- age family of the picked mechanic at 4|, which is the number these figures seem to indicate, food cost $216.42; fuel, $40.53 ; rent, $72.41 ; clothing, $80.39 ; or a total of $417.75, and the aver- age earnings of the worker and his family are S447.C0, leaving, for cdl the rest of his expenses, the sum of $29.85 — for the doctor, for schooling, for books, for church, for charities, for pleasure, for all the amenities and some of the necessaries of life, this paltry pit- tance of less than thirty dollars, without anything for reserve, without anything for a rainy day, without anything for the inevi- table period when youth and skill and health depart, to be re- -V . (12) . ' f. V' ;. '.*c. ,. "? ■■ ' . ' f i i \ . • "' ■..'*•■'■ ' . ; , , . '. 341 / ' placed by weakness, infirmity, and old age. (Loud cheers.) This is the average condition EVEN AMONG PICKED MEN — miserable. And many among these had no surplus, and some were even deficient. I was told last year, when I discussed this subject in the light of the figures of that day, that I ignored the fact that the wages make the scale and that the scale eats up the wages. I did not ignore the fact. I recognize the fact, and I de- plore the fact. (Loud applause.) / say it is a fact of which we ouf/ht to be ashained. and. a fact luhich iv- ought to endeavour to make a fact no longer at the earliest possible moment. (Renewed applause.) THE CONDITION OF THINGS IS WRONG, if the wages are to make the actual, and that a low scale of living, and the scale is to eat up the whole of the wage. I agree with Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, when he said, a year or so ago, that our natural right is not only to existence, but to THE FAIR ENJOYMENT OF IT. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) And the present state affords no such enjoyment, and no adequate provision for old age, sickness, or infirmity. I protest against the view that all is well. (Loud cheers.) All is not well. But see in the light of what I have just now told you, how important a thing is the abstraction from these scanty earnings, and this still more scanty margin, of even $40 for federal taxation, or of even $20, half that amount. (Hear, hear.) Some tax we must pay, but the tax which we were promised should not be increased has been enormously increased, has been recklessly increased, has been wantonly increased ; has been, iu the first instance, needlessly in- creased, and if now required, is required only because the Gov- ernment was determined to spend up to the limit to which you allowed yourselves to be taxed ; and, therefore, for the increase, and for the abstraction of what you might otherwise have added to this too scanty margin, I charge the Government of the day. But, apart from the question of the burden of taxation as cast upon as all, I OBJECT TO THE CHARACTER and the distribution of the taxation. Things are even worse than I have just described them. Not only is the burden great, hut the distribution of that burden is unjust. One gt iieral sys- tem of taxation, I maintain, as I have long maintained, is unjust as between the richer and the poorer classes of the community. (Loud applause.) Taxation generally should bear more m \ ^k/., ■.cr-,r >5, »t N': I 1^ '1 ■( // -A K \ y 342 !■ 'i:s h*i ^ ' ■.■■ '^. HEAVILY THAN IT DOES UPON CAPITAL, AND MORE LIGHTLY UPON LABOUR, MORE HEAVILY ON THE RICH, AND MORE LIGHTLY ON THE POOR. (Renewed applause.) Realized, fixed, and permanent capital from its nature can afford to contribute, and ought to con- tribute, more than fluctuating, temporary, and wearing out labour; and the rich man, WITH A SURPLUS INCOME OF THOUSANDS, should contribute more proportionately out of that income than the poor man out of that poverty which leaves him no uiore than a bare subsistence. It does not pinch the rich ; it does not pinch capital ; the rich man and capitalist, if you call upon hiui for somewhat heavier taxation, may have to see his yearly increase somewhat diminished ; he may — though that is an extreme case — even have to give up an extra horse, or an extra ball, or an extra month at the seaside ; but theses are consequences not very serious. Life, even without those things, is very well worth liv- ing. But what to the rich man is nothing becomes a very serious question to the poor man. When you increase his taxes he has to consider which of those few things he has deemed up to that time necessaries of life he shall deem a necessary of life no longer. Therefore, if we were attempting to lay direct taxes in Ontario, I should STRONGLY FAVOR A SUCCESSION TAX, ^ under which realized capital upon its descent should pay a toll to the State, thus yielding at the period most convenient for all, some portion of the unearned increment. (Loud applause.) Tiierefoie again, if we were attempting to lay an income tax here, / should advocate a graduated tax upon just such a scale as we might be able to fix without creating, what is the serious difficulty, too great temptation for the fraudulent evasion of that easily evaded tax. And, therefore, I maintain the justice of the exemption from our municipal income tax of the smaller incomes, and would gladly see the limit raised, so that the reasonable earnings of wage-earn- ers should remain untouched. (Cheers.) On these general grounds it is that I think in the Dominion system of indirect taxation^ — a system which I cannot propose to change — the taxation should BEAR MO^ '<: HEAVILY ON LUXURIES t. 'V as a means of remedying, if only partially, the existing injustice. ^ You may call all this Socialism. I don't call it so ; I call it nothing but justice and fair play. (Loud and prolonged applause,) Now the present system works just the other way. The system of spe- cific duties upon goods of different values, weights and qualitit. I: (12) ■■^■i.\ A ■■ V. m m 33 -a lid itice. ing -t. 343 / : ' r results in this — that the poor man is obliged to pay more, in pro- portion to the value of the cheap and coarse and heavy goods to which he must confine his purchases, th> n the rich man is called upon to pay tor the fine and costly goods which he can afford to purchase. So that, instead of there being a proportion, there is a disproportion ; and THAT DlSPilOPORTION IS IN FAVOUR OF THE RICH AND AGAINST THE POOR. This proposition as to the effect of specific duties was stated by Sir Leonard Tilley when ho was Finance Minister, on the occasion of a visit to England, though it is repudiated a good deal in Cana- da. I have often demonstrated it by examples which I have no time to give to-night. There is another injustice in thp! distribution of the taxes, namely, the imposition of sectional taxes and of high taxes on primft necessaries of life, as fuel and bread ; and of rii ■'I i.: * t,! ..'*- ^' V ■ r-. 1 ■ i**: S44 > '^'^^ 'U Bl ^ ■f; v--. '•ri:-' .:7'' .> < most serious problem of the near future — it was reserved, I say, to Canada at this time to CREATE THE GREATEST MONOPOLY of all, and in all its features ; transportation, public grants, land and privileges, absolute monopoly, and fictitious capital. (Loud applause.) Take the case of the Canadian Pacific Railway Com- pany. My quarrel is with the policy of the Government, which I denounce, and not with the Company, which obtained what it could from the Government. My quarrel with the Government is serious. The corporation was created at the cost of the State, which is giving in connection with the whole scheme the equivalent of $87,000,000 in cash, besides land and public resources, out of which other resources about $11,000,000 have been realized al- ready, and of which there are about 14,000,000 acres left to sell. Besides this, there were free right of way and grounds, exemp- tion from taxation, monopoly and numerous privileges of enor- mous value. There was enough to build the road at a reasonable pace. Then the Government authorized a loan of $35,000,000, on which the traffic has to pay the interest. Then the Government authorized the issue of $65,000,000 of stock, now in the hands of the promoters and the public. But it was on the », . r WRETCHED STOCK- WATERING PLAN. The Company received but $29,500,000 for the $65,000,000. But this is not the worst. The Government authorized such arrangements as resulted in the retention out of the Company's resources, within a brief space, of about $21,000,000 to pay and secure dividends. So it has come to pass that of $65,000,000 nominal stock there has gone into and remained in the road only $8,500,000, about $1 out of $8 ! A modest dividend of 6 per cent, on the nominal capital would absorb $3,900,000 a year, or 46 per cent, on what is in the road. So that for all time labour is to be TAXED TO PAY DIVIDENDS on this enormous block of nominal capital. Necessarily North-West rates must in future be higher, and the prosperity of Canada at large be less, and the return of labour be diminished by this policy. • These great grants and privileges of themselves tended to mono- poly, for how could private capital compete with them ? . , .;-,•' ' (12)" / \-?v -'-v:^. >!v*,; ;;•' ■V ^.y: ' i;i ' E ' ji A ' - ■ yuiaa- - - j-i -" »| > II I U'W ! ■w N"*"- », s • ) » ■;/'.-'>s ■;.''• *' '■ ' 345 But all this was not enough. The Government established an actual positive monopoly, by the prohibition for 20 years of roads running' south ward — a thing wholly unprecedented, and as indefensible as it was new. Now, we proposed that Parliament should reserve the right to acquire the road on reasonable terms should the interest of the State in the future demand it, but in vain. We proposed that the avenues of trade to the East and South should not be barred, but in vain. We proposed that the clause of exemption from taxation, which reads thus : — The Canadian Pacific Railway and all stations, station grounds, workshops, building yards and other property, rolling stock and appurtenances . . . and the capital stock of the Company shall be free for ever from taxation by the Dominion or by any Province hereafter to be established, or by any municipal corporation therein ; and the lands of the Company in the North- West Territory, until they are either sold or occupied, shall also be free from taxation for 20 years after the grant thereof from the Crown. should be modified, but in vain. We called attention to the fact that 25,000,000 acres of choice land were to be granted. Vs UNACCOMPANIED BY ANY CONDITION that the agricultural lands should be open to actual settlers in suitable areas, and at fixed maximum prices, and we proposed a ' change in this sense, but this proposal also was rejected. Since that time the evil effects of the creation of large interests in lands without such conditions have been further evidenced. But not- withstanding when, in 1885, large further free grants were pro- posed in aid of railways in the North-West, and I moved that the agricultural lands should be opened to actual settlers in reasonable areas on conditions of settlement and at fixed maximum prices, my proposal was again rejected, and the evil results are now ap-, parent. Again, when large grants were made of coal, agricultural and ranching lands to aid the construction of a coal railway, I pointed out that UNLESS WE MADE SPECIAL PROVISION as to the admission of other mines to the benefits of the road and took special powers as to tolls, a practical monopoly would result and ■ evil would ensue. I proposed an amendment. 1 was told it was • all nonsense, that there could be no difficulty. And I find only the other day an extract from the Regina Leader, a Conservative ' paper, in these terms : — . - ' • \ (12) . ".,^> \ ■*',„■' ^^y. ■■■i ':.■^^: T— T '" ':\ ^-V V r I \\ .< 34G . Sir Alexander (jralt must be a greedy man. Here has ho s;ot. a fine mine fruni the people of Cjtnada, and he makes a portion of his benefaotors along the line of railway, poor farinerH — or tries to do this — pays 83.50 per ton for coal which ho is selling in Winnipeg for f 6.50. And why '? Because we have not the coinpetitinn here. And what does the Leader advise ? Pr - ^-- .»\ |V-.' We hope our people will adopt, as far as possible, Mr. Arkles' excellent suggestion to use timber. (Loud laughter and applause.) There is the remedy proposed against a ])ractical monopoly which was created unchecked, in spite of the efforts of the Liberal party. (Cheers.) Now in all these matters, wiiether they concerned the enormous grants to the C. P. Railway, or the creation of practical and actual mono- polies, or the creation of great blocks of fictitious stock, or the treinaendous exemptions from taxation, or the grants of land with- out conditions openirg them to settlement — in all these matters I maintain that the Liberal fiarty has been labouring for the peo- ple and against the monopolist, for the settler and against the speculator, for the masses and against the few ; and I am con- vinced that the policy we advocated would have given you a more flourishing and better settled West, and a happy and more pros- perous East than now obtains. (Loud cheers.) So much I have saifl with reference to the past and the present. And now I turn to what Sir John Macdonald had to say to the workingmen. ON THE EVE OF AN ELECTION, with reference to the futui'e. I was not surprised when I looked at that portion of his speech and scrutinized its contents, that he had wasted so much time upon the sterile past. (Applause.) It was because he had so little to say for the future. What did he promise ? A bureau of labour and statistics in the first place, and a royal commission of inquiry in the second place. As to the bureau of labour and statistics, that is a good thing. It should have been created long ago. (Applause.) We have had a bureau of statistics established in and for this Province, which has initi- ated the operations, and has been, and is doing, very good work. {Loud applause.) I suppose it is to be largely duplicated. I trust its operations are to be extended ; and I do hope that the appointment made in connection with this Bureau will be of a man suitable for the position, for upon the appointment depends almost the whole practical value of the department. (Cheers.) I «poke my mind, and that of the Liberal party, as to the importance of the - -1 * I (12) ;b-^.- '.,>:i-;, -' . ...-', !(*■ ^..--. i jkuL- \^-iiiX-^yy-x^^^;}^\:,^:j^J:^^^'j^L ^ i f i r I ^T '- -■-- *---'na- 't '■! I'l l ■■ . ■■■!■ « \W\\ ..*' . . » //.M <* X ' ^ • 347 fine niine tors airing )or ton for e we have COLLECTION OF STATISTICAL LVi'OUMATlON and tlie duty of the Government to attend to this matter a long^ time ago. In 1877, when I was a member of Mr. Mackenzie's Government, 1 said : — I may say generally that it is unfortunatu that Canada should be su imper- fectly supplied with machinery for the collection of statiHtics on many other subjects of interest. My colleagues, in common with-myself, are fully alive to that fact, and it is only the question of expense, which, in the present con- dition of the country, deters us from proposing the creation of that statistical machinery wliich every free coumiuiiity must feel to be material to intelli- gent, sound, and progressive legislation. Tlierefore you will observe that we pointed in this direction nine years ago. Since that time — at all events since the year 1880 — we have had an overflowing treasury, and, it is said, a flourishing condition of affairs ; the income was there, at any rate, though created by an enormous taxation. And during all that time, no talk, no thought, no proposal of a bureau ! A DEFICIT COMES, AN ELECTION APPROACHES, AND STllAIGHTWAY THE BUREAU DAWNS UPON THE HORIZON. (Cheers and laughter.) Then the other great proposal is of a Royal Commission. In 1873, Sir John Macdonald issued a Royal Commission, in order to obtain the whitewashing of political ■criminals from a great offence. And in 188G he proposes to issue another Royal Commission, in order that he may lead the great political jury to which he is about to appeal to give a more favour- able verdict than he might otherwise expect. (Laughter and cheers.) I do not object, for my part, to the issue of a Royal Commission. The problems which are referred to in this pro- posal have attracted the attention of the acutest minds and been the subject of most able disquisitions. The results are to be found in printed books, and if I may judge by the men named and THE RESULTS ACHIEVED BY FORME H COMMISSIONS appointed by this Government in the professed interests of the working classes, if I am to judge by the work and results of the •commissions issued to Mr. Blackeby and Mr. Lukes, I should not have very high hopes myself from the result of this Royal Com- mission. (Laughter and applause.) I agree that it is important to ascertain whether there be anything in our special conditions different from those of other countries in relation to these great problems, but I am inclined to doubt that either Mr. Blackeby or Mr. Lukes or anybody else who may be appointed, will find on ••■ ^ :->?^'' ^«- (12) .^^%-- 1 > • ( A (.).' 1 I • ' \' ■ I, T- 348 *; I ■^» '.♦'': I"\ A' I ' HI f <(• •V' ,f : .. Mf.^i", ?'■' ,'V to,\ (V ''* :?■• ■■' j>=^;-. '-. ;^' '•/• ■\t-. the general question much more than is to be found in the w'^orks showing the researches of the a]>lest labour rcfonnersin the world. I was sorry, however, to observe that Sir John Macdonald, after promising a commission of inquiry, liad no words of iiope, no ex- pressions of his own views, no suggestions of sympathy with the objects which are being aimed at by the working classes. (Ap- plause.) Noiu amongst the Importdut practical improvements ivhick I fihouhi vAnh to see tvoidd be that amongst our memhers of Parliament there should he some who from experience knoiu, and from familiar intercourse, can realize ivhat most of us have onhj learned from hooks and at second-hand. (Cheers.) They would be nseful in the halls of Parliament, both from their special and practical knowledge, which would enable them to take an impor- tant part in the deliberations of Parliament, and also because their presence in Parliament would give sj)ecial assurance to the work- ing classes of the presentation of their views in the best light and from their own standpoint. (Renewed cheering.) I hope to see a genuine Liberal of this stamp, I CARE NOT WHAT HIS PARTY NAME MAY BE, SO that he be a genuine Liberal advocating our views,.sent to Par- liament from Toronto at an early day. (Loud and prolonged applause.) I do not wish to make odious comparisons, but I do not think it would take very long to convince you that you might better your representation — (cheers and laughter) — and that you could find in the ranks of labour many a man who would put to the blush — if any blushes they have left — a good many more pre- tentious members of Parliament. (Hear, hear, and great ap- plause.) I cannot say for myself that I expect to see all the plans of labour reformers early, or some of them ever, incorporated in the statute book ; but there is much in these pi'oposals with which I have long sympathized. I rejoice greatly to observe the wise and , conservative spirit in ivhich, on many occasions, the most promi- nent figure in the ranks of labour has spoken, and used, his great influence over his fellow-men. (Cheers.) He has recognized the evils incident to the strike and the boycott. He has counselled prudence, moderation, self-restraint, and conciliation along with lirmness. He has advised the wise and restrained use of the power of combination, which, if abused, may be so hurtful, and if wisely used has been and must be so helpful to the cause of labour. On the. whole he is a man of whom, I think, not merely the class to which he belongs, but the whole English-speaking community, may well be proud. (Groat applause.) Now a word I have to .say as to the (12) IV- '■IV, J. -.',/■ .j.,.L 1 _.L i JJ mm fi "i ■ » ■ tmm < t\ I do pre- ap- ilans Jcl in 'hich and sely On s to to l.-'j "■. .'<■ ' •» V... '^- > ■' ' >:'• J ?1**. . ./ • - . ■ 349 RELATIONS OF LABOUR AND CAPITAL, which is one of the things referred to as to be enciuired into by this commission. I am sorry there was no expression of opinion from the First Minister on that point. I, for my pai t, do not object, on the contrary, I heartily approve of the accumulation which is the result of honest toil and superior energy and brain power. (Ap- plause.) The power to rise is a great incentive to industry, frugality, and the orderly advance of humanity. It keeps us at work. But it should not be impaired by artificial advantages given to the few, and to capital ; by watered stocks and unjust profits ; by toll and tribute levied under law for the benefit of the unreal and fictitious capital ; by s()eculative holdings of the public domain ; by too burdensome a load of taxation, and by unjustly distributed taxation. I want to see this power to rise left and kept as unimpaired as possible. The problem of the division be- tween capital and labour of the fruits of their co-operalion is a most serious one. That division has NOT BEEN JUST IN THE PAST — (cheers) — and conflicts of a grievous character have arisen in the eflfort to readjust it. Combmations between employers, com- binations between workmen, strikes by the workmen, lock-outs by the employers — a state of aflPairs resembling nothing but civil war ! CAN SOME REMEDY BE FOUND FOR ALL THIS ? Surely we must try ! It is the question of the day. (Great ap- plause.) Now, I frankly confess to you tliat I believe the com- plete remedy is largely out of the pale of law. I believe it is largely to be found in the growth and in the exemplification in our daily lives of the Gospel precepts — " Love thy neighbour as thyseliV and " Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them." (Applause.) If ive believe these precepts to be realities, we must live them; and if they infiiienced our lives lue should see fewer instances of manufacturers grinding the faces of employees, and of the general consuming public grinding the face of the merchant and distributor of production. A fair living rate would be- deemed right ; and to give or take more or less would be deemed wrong. (Cheers.) We are, I hope, rising — too slowly and gradually, considering that this is the nine- teenth century of the Christian era — to this view ; and that cir- cumstance must help us greatly in the adoption of the other practical, lawful, and conventional remedies which are suggested. There is the remedy of industrial partnership and the remedy of '.r /■ . . ■ . ■ ' ' ■ (12) - ' • .■ » . f. :'t'\ '■.>1 / f > \ f| •■!.'■ i ■' 1 / V V / -^ ; ke^ 1 ■ l-V- wm \.' .• • •' s 1 ■■ - •-. I " i ^ J ■*'•■■•'- ■ ■r 1. 350 ' . co-operation. (^Applause ) These are two distinct plans, each having its own advantages and its own difficulties. I believe my- self in the future of both, but I believe that each requires for its proper fulfilment a more elevated moral tone and a greater mutual confidence on the part o'l. those concerned. Both have been tried very often, tried in various countries, tried with varying success ; but tried with a great measure ot success in several instances ; and that fact proves the possibility of success in many more in- stances, if only the question be approached by both sides in the proper spirit. Industrial partnership is the natuial first step, be- cause at present you have capital and you have labour joined together, though in an uniiappy sort of union, and this seems to be the suggestion for a fitter union between the two. If time allowed I would desire to give you KA T ■!,a;. ■ »■ V- ' - SOME SIGNAL INSTANCES of the success of each of these plans. The great point to be reached is the creation of a practical and felt community of inter- est, the recognition of the n'ght of labour to a share in the fruits produced by the joint action of labour and capital ; and the adop- tion of means to gain that right. These plans must grow, and in them ultimately, I believe, will the conventional remedy be found. I would like to see them tried well and prudently here ; and I would invite for them, if they si^ould be tried, the active sympa- thy and co-operation of the consuming public toM'^ards establish- ments founded upon these principles, the success of which here would tend to the best interests of the world at large. (Ap- plause.) But meantime the conflict goes on ; and the immediate palliative for the avoidance of this kind of civil war to which I have referred is ARBITRATION. In that I have great faith. (Loud applause.) It involves partial recognition of the rights of labour. It tends to substitute reason and conciliation for force and violence. It has done great good and will do more. Yet its root is to be found, I believe, in it?: moral strength. We may be able by law to facilitate arbitration ; we may even provide boards of arbitration ; but we cannot, in most cases, hope to compel reference to arbitration, or obedience to an award. The real good will often vanish in such an effort, and the work must, therefore, be rr.ainly voluntary. The strength of combination, the pressure of public opinion, the power of mu- tual good-will, and the energy of the forces which are making for righteousness, must be the main dependence for securing the sub- mission to arbitration and the ratification of its results. I have ... ■ ' •/ (12) ■ S- i - c»s .^ *. '^.■ •>•*., •\. T" "TT" ■MlWilpi / 351 done. There is much more to be said upon these questions, but time fails me. Yet I cannot part from this subject of the condition and prospects of workin^men without saying that there is ONE THING WE HAVE IN OUR OWN POWER, and by which we can most sensibly ameliorate ou'- condition, and that is by the surrender of the drinking habit (Tremendous ap- plause, renewed again and again ) I believe that no greater boon can be dispensed to i/ie working man, his luife, and family, than that which he can give himself by becoming a total abstainer — (renewed applause) — and 1 tell you frankly that I should hope as much from the direct and indirect influences of temperance ai from, any other human agency, or from all combined, without it. It would help all. ' And now 1 close. I have not sought to excite false hopes, oi- create glowing anticipations ; nor have 1 endeavoured to unduly dai'ken the picture. I have tried to speak the words of truth and soberness. I have told you what I believe to be in fact and in tiuth the condition of things as it exists, to what we have to look, and for what we have to hope. I pray you to tliink calmly over what I have said, and I ask that you may be guided to a sound judgment, and may act and vote according to the strength of the argument, and the justice of the cause. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) KNIGHTS OF LABOUR. €aiiad» a Country 4»f Labour— Protecting^ tlic Workers- IVecesbity Tor Factory Legislulion. Mr. Blake said at Welland, in response to addresses from the Liberal Association, the Knights of Labour, and the Young Men's Liberal Clubs : — Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, allow me before asking your attention to some other topics ()f public inter- est to return my thanks to the various organizations for these addresses. I receive with gratitude the assurance from the Re- form Association of the County of Welland of the full confidence which they are pleased to repose in me. Here, as elsewhere, I .. must tell you that I cannot accept a.s deserved by me the flattering expressions of kindly confidence which have been showered upon 1 > (12) 1^ ./• \.S- !\y \) I , T r ■-t < : ■ ■ .•'.■ ■ <- -ti- / I . .♦ 352 -■^.= ^. ^/^t"\: V ' ^ \- me in so many parts of the country. I am too conscious of my shortcomings as a public man to be able to receive then as de- served. I realize that your kir>dness has taken the will for the deed ; that you believe I have endeavoured, as far as the poor measure of my strength and power allowed, to do my duty towards you in the station in which I have been placed ; that you are willing to overlook my shortcomings, and to look rather upon my honest effort to do good according to my lights. And I can assure you that these expressions of confidence and affection will nerve me to endeavour in the future to be more deserving of the kindly feeling you entertain towards me than I can claim to be to-day. And now to you, sir, who read the address of Welland Assembly of the Knights of Labour, and to that Assembly, I have to express my thanks for the language of the address. I fully recognize the honourable and ri'-f^" .1 -iv- 1;.-. '" ( DfGNlFIED POSITION OF HONEST LABOUR. (Cheers.) I see that you have assumed a knightly title. In that respect I am rather in an unfortunate position. I was obliged from my view of public duty nearly ten years ago respectfully to decline the offer, altogether beyond my poor deserts, of the hon- ourable rank of Knight Commander of the most distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George — (Great applause) — and I understand that by the regulations of your body I am precluded as a lawyer — though, ak'.s, a practising lawyer no longer — from the hope of ever attaining the much more to be coveted honour of being a Knight of Labour. (Laughter and cheers.) So between these two stools I have come to the ground — (laughter) — and I suppose I must content myself witli being what, after all, I have ever desired to remain, plain Edward Blake to the end of the chapter. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) I fully recognize the truth of what has been said as to the importance to the state of the condition of the toiling masses. If there be a country in the world in which the importance of labour must be fully recognized it is this country. Because, happily, most happily for us, WE ARE A COUNTRY OF LABOUR. (Applause.) There are but an insignificant few amongst us who do not earn their bread by their daily toil. We are also fortunate in this respect that capital and labour in our country are to a great extent in the same hands, for we have a large agricultural community, still, though not to the extent it oui e was, not to the extent I could wish it to continue, made up of freehold proprietors of the farms on which they live, the capitalist and the labourer being in these cases happily the same. Nor are those among us (12) > * . * • ' I . ■ .■i^'^. ) ,1 "": v;*'' . •'■ -;■. ' ( , J rrom irof /■een id I lave the the le of the ized rho [ate lo a Iral )r8 !-er us 353 who labour altogether debarred from the liope of bettering their coiidition and becoming capitalists, though, as I have pointed out elsewhere, the conditions are not ivhat they ought to he. I will add that in my investigations of my own country and my inquiries respecting others, / have . ever loohed with the \dmost anxiety to the condition of those ivho stood in the ranks of shilled and unskilled labour, satisfied that if these were in a reasonably prosperous condition, if these enjoyed reasonable hours, fair pay, decent subsistence, a moderate enjoyment of existence, an oppor- tunity to rise, a chance to laj^ by something for a rainy day and for the time of old ago, sickness, and infirmity— satisfied, I say, that, if this was, as it ought to be, the condition of the labouring classes, the condition of those who were still better off could not call for very strong sympathy or compassion. (Applause.) Now, I 'lo 'ot enter at large to-day into the general question of labour 1 gi.^iation, and my relation to that question, because I have lately spoken on most of its aspects, having indeed left untouched one important topic only, upon which I shall say a few words. T refer ^ * to the subject of FACTORY LEGISLATION. (Ajjplause.) In Sir John Macdonald's Ottawa speech, his mani- festo to the labouring classes, he made, as I have pointed out elsewhere, a great many extraordinary lapses ; and amongst his omissions was this — that he forgot to say anything at all about Dominion factory legislation. (Applause and laughter. There was a great flourish of trumjiets in the session of 1883, and another in the session of 1884i, with reference to the good intentions of the Government on this subject, and these good intentions were ex- emplified by the introduction in each of these sessions of a bill. But THOSE BILLS HAVE BEEN DROPPED. We have heard no more of them. (Aj)plause.) They never were pressed, and the Government has now even ceased to adorn the Speech from the Throne with any suggestion of Dominion factory legislation. (Renewed ai)plause.) Presumably this is because they found out they were wrong in this attempt to legislate at all. (Hear, hear.) That is the only explanation I can suggest to you ; because if they think still they have the power to legislate, having declared it was expedient to exercise that power, having gone so far as even to introduce bills in '83 and '84, they must stand self- condemned for not having legislated in the succeeding sessions of '85 and '86. (Loud cheers.) I therefore assume that they have now found out that they had not the power to do what they pro- fessed to be able to do — what they promised they would do. If m Vi IV"'' V V "'V It '; r% m !« ' J' '"« I -^^/ J, s 'm^^ 354 I so, it only furnishes another instance of the abortive efforts at centralization, the efforts to arrogate to theniselves powers which did not belong to them, which have distinguished this Adminis- tration, and another instance of a constitutional lawyer mistaken — (cheers) — of a position abandoned, a promise unkept, a pledge unredeemed, and a people fooled and betrayed. (Loud and pro- longed cheering.) Now, these bills, when they came before us, I analyzed, as was my duty, with care, and I found them far in- ferior in their character to what my wishes would have made. I found them inferior with reference to the powers of inspection, and the classes of factories to be inspected, and the provisions for health and safety which they prescribed ; and also inferior in an- other most important respect — in reference to the restrictions and regulations as to the "f H' "r\. EMPLOYMENT OF CHILDREN and young persons. (Loud applause.) I prepared, in anticipa- tion of the discussion, numerous amendments — between thirty and forty, I believe — intended to bring the bill more into accord with modern notions on these questions, but the bill was dropped without a word, and there was no op[)ortunity to move these amendments. I would direct the attention, not merely of me- chanics, but also of the general community, to the question of the employment of children and very young persons in factories. I have a very strong belief that children ought largely to be kept out of factories. (Loud applause.) 1 do not propose indiscrimi- nately to abolish all child labour in factories ; but I think THE EMPLOYMENT SHOULD BE (lUARDED AND CHECKED; and, when allowed, I believe children ought only to be admitted as half-timers, that is, allowed to work for half a day only with speci.d provision for school attendance during the remaining hours, so that we may take care first that their pliysical strength and growth is not hurt by the prolonged confinement and labour of the factory, and secondly that their mental gi-owth and develop- ment is duly fostered in the schools. (Applause.) The same ob- servation, at any rate, as to the physical structure, and to some extent as to the mental development, applies to the employment in factories of very young ))ersons, though past the age of childhood, esjiecially of yoiing women. The future of our race may be in- jured, arid the state of labour in important respects degraded, by the too frequent, too prolonged, UjO sedulous employment of chil- dren and young persons in factories. (Hear, hear.) I heard with pain a statement made in the House of Commons, not very long ago. A member was pointing to the school attendance in Nova (12) 'J-is^ id as nth ling Igth lour bp- lob- )iiie in j)od, lin- by lil- lith Vg tva » t fit t", ■ ■»•■•(! I I S55 Scotia, and arguing from its relative smallness that the population was not increasing as it should. The answer of a member on the Conservative side was, " Don't you understand how that small attendance comes about ? The children haven't time to go to school now ; they are employed in the factories." If that were so it was not a thing on which to congratulate the people of Can- ada. (Loud cheers.) As this address says, it is TO THE EDUCATION OF THE MASSES WE MUST LOOK FOR PROGRESS ; and a system which impedes the education of the children, in order to employ them in factories, is not a thing which I, as a Cana- dian, can desire or approve. (Loud applause.) For a great many years Old England led the van in this subject of factory legisla- tion. For more than eighty years they have been engaged in such legislation, from time to time altering, amending, and eidarg- ing their laws, as experience pointed out the way, and they have done great things, ro doubt, for the operative, for the child, and for the young person employed in the factory ; but I am bound to say also that in late years England itself has been left rather in the back ground in some respects, and that in some of the continental countries, with reference to the em])loyment of children, the edu- cation of children, and with reference, also, to the t <3chnical edu- cation of mechanics, advances have taken place which more than parallel the advances of England. I maintain that in any fac- tory legislation we may devise here, we ought to look to that country whicii may stand in the iorefront on this question, to follow the example of that land, whichever it may be, that has the best laws on the subject, and to legislate according to that clearer light, and by the assistance of that more advanced experience, rather than in a comparatively retrograde or halting manner. (Loud applause.) I turn to one other point before I pass from this address. I observe that Mr. White, at Owen Sound the other day, yielded once more to the fatal pressure of those political exigen- cies — (loud applause and laughter) — which have so often caused him to succuuib bef*^:^}, and invented a policy for mo, Jirguingthat I had, as a policy for the Donuiiion, suggested a succession tax and a graduated income tax. Pray remember that this was r^. ONLY MR. WHITE ; and give it just that amount of attention to which his avowed standard of i)olitical moralitv in such nmtters entiUcs it. I ex- pressly said that 1 could not propose a change in our indirect sys- tem of taxation for the Dominion. My suggestion was in terms confined to the Province of Ontario, where, if taxation is ever required, it must be direct. And even for Ontario, I suggested it • .- . , (12; ;V f": I', -i 1-1 t1 M('' .V r;.^.. s */' "7: '■^,t > < . ,: . /■/ / 1 1 vz 356 :', . ' , ^' - (12) -s i\ "* IE. HE lie, Ihn Ion tin ist, • "r: ■ ■ ''■ r. • >'■■ ''". 357 and I confess to you that in the present pressure of urgent political topics, which ought to engross our attention, it is unwillingly that I take time to deal with these remote questions. I am bound to do so, however, because I believe the statements made should not go unanswered, and because I believe them to be very inaccurate indeed, and far from just representations of the actual facts. Sir John began by a very ancient reference — which has stood him in good stead for many long years — to the incidents connected with the printers' trouble in 1872 ; and on THIS OLD STORY he based one of his main arguments in support of his claim to the confidence and support of the workingraen. Sir John Mac- donald said : — ' They were, however, in 1872, horrified to find the then leader of the Liberal party in Canada putting in force in Toronto the obsolete and oppressive Jaws which ought to have been repealed a century ago. All would remember the general feeling of horror and disgust that prevailed when it was announced that 24 men had been arrested by warrant in Toronto because, forsooth, they had ventured to form a trade association, and had resolved to carry the prin- ciples of their Union into effect. At a meeting of employers, the then leader of the Grit party, the editor of the Globe, urged the masters to have no deal- ings whatever with Union men, and to hire none but those who would sign a document to the effect that they did not belong to any labour organization, and he trusted that in this way those who had shown a rebellious spirit against their employers would be DRIVEN OUT OF THE COUNTRY. At that time he (Sir John) happened to be Minister of Justice and Attorney- General, and in his capacity of Minister of Justice he advised the represen- tative of the Sovereign, to at once release those printers and allow them to walk out once more as free men. (Cheers.) More than that, he at once introduced a bill into Parliament repealing those obsolete statutes, wiping them off the statute book as a disgrace to our present state of civilization, and introduced and carried through Parliament a law establishing Trades Unions and confirming them in their previous proceedings, and under that Act, which is now almost without any modification, the Trades Unions of Canada can assemble and act together in concert, and protect and advance their own interests against any combination of employers of labour, in case capital should become an oppressor of labouring men. T am very sorry that it has unfortunately happened that Sir John's memory has repeatedly played him false in the course of this statement. In the first place, Mr. Brown, to whom he referred, was not then the leader of the Liberal party. He had not been its leader for many years. He had been out of Parliament for five years, and was not seeking re-election. Ho was a private member of the party, engage<.l in managing his great newspaper. Mr. Mackenzie, who oai. boast that he graduated from the stone- da) /•' r:-. m ;'i ■ i (ill li Ml':- -.' ' ■ ■>. ^mm» " »'■ ' **1 " '^v.-A •<■'■'- • .'■ • ^ V •. -~ *. ■' '''.' ' ■ t-'.'i/-" 4 Si f • J* 3')8 mason's chisel to the ])0.sitioii of Prime Minister of Canada — (Cheers) — was then the leader of the Liberal i)arty. But it suited Sir John Macdonald's jiurpose for the moment to strike at the Liberal party through Mr. Brown by describing him as occupying a position which 1 e did not occu])y, and his memory helped his end. Sir John Macdonald altogether forgot, extraordinary to say, that at that date all but one, or, at the most two, of the printing offices in Toronto agreed conditi^'nally to employ no Union men and, so far, acted with Mr. Blown. I have here the published decla- ration and agreement, from which I will read the signatures : — Geo. Brown, Globe Priiitinc Co. J. K08S Robertuon, Daily Telegraph. James Mojlan, Canadian Freeman. J. B. Ci ok, Express. E. R. Stimsoii, Church Herald. S. Rose, Christian Guardian. W. H. Flint, Fure Gold. I'atrick Bjyle, Irish Canadian. Gopp, Clark & Co. Dudley & Burns. McLeish & Co. Bell & Co. Hunter, Rose & Co. Rowsell & Hutchinson. P. H. iStewart. George C, Patterson. M. J. Grand. So this was not so far the resistance of one single man. It may have been wrong, but all these persons — men on both sides of politics — agreed to one course, and all must submit to one judg- ment. Sir John Macdonald also forgot — and this is still more singular — the action of the Mail newspaper at the very late date of 1884, not so long ago as 1 672, when our notions were less fair and enlightened than in 1884. In 1884 I V * THE "MAIL PREPARED A DOCUMENT which it required every one of those who were within the scope of its power to sign, declaring that he did not belong and would not belong to any union organization, a document which remained in force for a considerable time, but has lately, 1 am glad to believe, been modified. (Applause.) He forgot, too, the action of his own colleague, Mr. Frank Smith, only a few months ago, in this very year, 1886, when he required the employes of the corporation, of which he is president, controller and principal proprietor, the Toronto Street Railway Company, to agree not to belong to any union; and his subsequent conduct, when he called them in a very public place by a very opprobrious name. (Cheers.) He forgot all these things of course, for if he had remembered them he would have been silent, and would not have been unsfenerous enough to bring up the error in judgment and action which in my judgment Mr. Brown, now six years dead, committed so long ago as 1872 ; because it is clear, from the case to which I refer, and from the whole facts, that this error cannot serve the Conservative (12) «, » rf-'-^y-y . V', •■"trr^jr- —^ Id id re, m le fy ]a |e '.j,^'- < M' 359 as against the Liberal party. (Loud applause.) I say it was an error. I think so now ; I thought so then ; and I declined at the time to take any part in the proceedings against the printers. BUT LET us DO JUSTICE BETWEEN HIM WHO IS Dr AD AND HIS ACCUSER, WHO STILL LIVES. (Loud applause.) Mr. Brown used and enforced the laws of his country as he found them. Sir John Macdonald condemns him for it, because, as he says, those laws were obsolete, oppressive, and a disgrace to civilization, and should have been repealed a » century before. I hold guiltier the Minister who was responsible for the law continuing upon the statute book unrepealed and un- amended, than the private citizen, who, finding it there, thought fit to use it. It was there to use. The accuser is himself respon- sible for the law being there at that time. (Cheers.) It is he who is the author of the "oppression" and "disgrace ; " it was his neglect that allowed it. (Renewed cheers.) If he had done his duty the law would not have been there to be used by any man. For twenty or thirty years before. Sir John Macdonald had occupied almost continuously a place of power and responsibility. He was always in a leading position ; for a large part of the time he was actually leader of the Government ; and for a still larger part of the time he was Attorney-General or Minister of Justice, specially responsible for the criminal law of the country. (Loud cheers.) During all that time he left the law ready to be used by any one ; and now he comes, six years after Mr. Brown is in his grave, and holds him up to the opprobrium and execration of his fellow- countrymen because he said : — Here is the law of the land ; it is made to be used; and I will use it. Thus you see Sir John Macdonald claims credit for action when he ought to apologize for inaction. He asks for praise when he deserves blame. (Uheers.) Again he says he relieved the printers, and advised the Governor- General to release them and allow them to walk forth free men. That is, I believe, all a mistake. It is another lapse of memory. The printers were not, so far as I can find, confined in gaol at all. They were bailed ; and they were bailed to appear for trial for their alleged offence. Sir John could not have freed them, there- fore, had he tried, and 1 feel quite sure he didn't. (Laughter and applause.) I believe they were not freed by the Governor-General at all ; I believed bhey were not freed on Sir John'.>j advice at all. I believe it is all a trick of the memory. (Applause.) He legislated on this subject, he said ; but he forgot to say that his law specially excluded all pending cases, and lelt these printers just where they were before, and this by the express words of the statute — (cheers) — so he did nothing that I can find, either by (12) m It ill ' It" V ' f ^ ■-' L /i ;•■' 360 executive or by legislative action, to relieve tliem. (Clieers and kiughter.) He forgot also that his much-lauded amending law was so grossly defective, so inadequate to the occasion and the needs of the day, that I had to set it right in several important particulars in 187G. m; STATKS ALSO THAT HE THEN LEGISIJITED SATISFACTORILY ON THE SUBJECT OF TRADES UNIONS. y "i I It 3G1 Hon. Mr. Oainerou ^CardwdU) said it waa sugi^eBtod that aotnething fur- ther ought to be in the bill which waa not in tho English law — that was, with reference to threats of accusing of crime. There were two or throe clasBes of crime which woiild naturally suggest themselves to his hon. frieni, where tho accusation would be as great an seri')tia an intimidation as any threat of personal violence or injury to i)roporty. He suggested the bill should be changed to bring such offences within its scope. Sir John Macdouald called attention to a threat of this kind : " You must continue work in this place, or I will do you mischief." The injury was not described, but it was intimi- dation ; it probably did not moan violence to person or property, Hon. Mr. Blake — It must be one or the other. Sir John Maodonald said a threat might be made to injure the reputa' tion, which was not property — there might be charges which did not amount to personal violence or injury to property, but still would affect a man's character. He suggested that his hon. friend take this into consideration. Hon. Mr. Blake said of course he would give the suggestions of his friends due consideration, but he thought that, as practical legislators, it was better for them to provide punishment for the offences named by law than attempt to conjure up different kinds of possible threats which were unknown in this country. Probably many of the cases to which reference had been made by his hon. friends would be met by the existing law. By legislating for that class of crimes the objection might be raised by a large number in Ihe community to its being class legislation, and they ought to be careful in dealing with such matters. He would remind his hon. friends, while not interposing objections to their views, that a<;reeins; thereto would be making a new law, the utility of which had not been demonstrated by experience or required by public necessity. ' ' ' ' Then at the final stage : — , . • Hon. Mr. Blake said he had decided not to adopt the suggestions of his hon. friends from Kingston and Oardwell with respect to this clause. He entirely agreed with them as to the importance of preserving to the minority of any trade or occupation its liberties against an improper assertion of the so-called rights of the union or majority, and he would always be ready while he sat in this House to sustain any legislation that time might deter- mine to be necessary for that purpose ; but this House might be averse to enact special les^islation, unless for a real and admitted evil. As far as he knew, there was no reason to apprehend that this clause would be inade- quate. That is the attitude these gentlemen took with regard to the legislation I was seeking to carry in favour of equal rights to all classes of the community, and for the abolition of that which it has always been the aim of Liberals to abolish — class legislation. (Loud applause.) Then Sir John Macdonald declared that he was opposed to contract LA.BOUR IN PKNITENTI ARIES, and took credit for its abolition. But he h&a forgotten again. He, I need not tell you, is the man who, for the longest period we know of, has been responsible for contract labour in the peni- tentiaries. He was Attorney-General or Minister of Justice, and (12) ' ( Ki > y ^^&. ■.I H '•.«t •:*-.■/. ^ '***>. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I li&IM 12.5 ■u lii 12.2 iM 12.0 US Im^^^E 1111^= IIII^ES i^ < 6" ► Photographic Sdences Corporation 23 WBT MAIN STREiT WIBSTER.N.Y. 14SM (716)t72-4S03 - I I ' ' I'' I'; i. li.' 362 had control of the penitentiaries for ever so many years, and during that time he controlled the legislation and the contracts ; he arranged for the contracts under which the convicts were employed, and he never began to cry out against the system so long as he was in power But as soon as he got into Oppo- sition he began to cry out. (Laughter.) When ne came back to power we called upon him to carry out the abrogation of the system, and almost every year this call was repeated, but nothing was done. (Applause.) At length, only a little while ago, a new Penitentiaries Bill was brought down. It was intro- duced in the Senate by his Minister of Justice, passed in that House, and came down to the House of Commons. There was not a word in it about abolishing contract labour. (Cheers.) I recalled once more the professions they had made, and in- timated my intention of taking action in the matter. Sir John Macdonald thereupon asked that the bill stand over, and when it was resumed, just at the last stage, he introduced the clause of which he now boasts. That clause is due, not to his good- will or initiative, but to my pressure. (Cheers.) He now says that the amendment was delayed because there were exist- ing contracts. It is not so ; his memory has played him false again. That amendment actually saves all existing contracts — (x^heers) — it is Expressly declared not to come into operation until those contracts terminate. I cannot speak positively, but I am strongly of opinion that these contracts were terminable at the will of the Government long before. Now, my opinion is that prisoners ought not to be under the control of contractors, but under the control of the prison authorities. Prison discipline, the prisoners' good, and the good of the community call, I think, for that course. My opinion with reference to the work done in prisons is that it ought to be such as will train the prisoners to earn an honest living when released, but at the same time such as will interfere as little as possible with free labour. (Applause.) There is no useful work to which you can put prisoners but will interfere somewhat with free labour. When in control of this deparment I tried to carry out what seemed to me ' THl MOST ADVANTAGEOUS PLAN, ' .'C and in this view I purchased from Sir John Macdonald himself a farm in the immediate neighbourhood of the penitentiary, in which, according to my plan, spade husbandry was to be carried on, an industry in which as many hands as possible should be employed, with as little assistance from machines as possible. We had too many idle hands. I wanted to do by hand the work ordinarily done by machinery. I thought this employment would give the 08) ^rv I 'I i« ■ I ' 5^ / 363 prisoners health and exercise, and would interfere as little as pos- sible with free labiur. (Cheers.) I am afraid the system since carried out has not been fully in accordance with my intentions ; and since that time the Government has taken a vote for the erec- tion of a flour mill in Kingston Penitentiary, so that they might interfere as little as possible with the miller — (laughter) — who, as you know, has under the N. P. been making great and undue pro- fits. (Laughter.) Sir John Macdouald also claimed credit in con- nection "^ith N w. TH« CHINESE QUESTION. He has put a tariff upc*n Chinamen as he has on almost everything else. (Laughter.) In 1872, when the Tories made the contract with British Columbia for the construction of the Canadian Pa- citicin ten years, I objected to that bargain on several grounds, and amongst others I said the road could not be completed within that time, except by Chinese labour, and I was abused from end to end of Canada for such a suggestion. They said I was advo- cating the use of Chinese la'couiin building the Canadian Pacific Railway — (cheers and laughter) — while my argument wis that the bargain was objectionable because it practically involved for its execution the employment of Chinese labour. (Laughter.) Although I was abused for the statement, it was true. It is true that many thousands of Chinamen have been imported into British Columbia to build that railway within a period longer than the ten years at first proposed. (Cheei's.) I have read a good deal on both sides of this controversy, and I have found much conflict- ing evidence. But some things seem established on the. whole. I 1 Vi CHINAMEN DO NOT BECOME WHAT WE CALL SETTLERS. , They do not become real citizens of the countr}' — (cheers) — they do not become Canadians ; they do not intermingle with our people, they do not accept c .'r civilization, and they carry their earnings away to their own country as soon as they have secured the pit- tance adequate for a livelinood there. Though they live amongst us they are not of us ; they hold to their own special customs, and to habits of life and a scale of subsistence far below ours, and involving the degradation of white labour. (Cheers.) Thrift and providence are good things, but decency and the customs of modem civiHzation are essential to progress ; and these are interfered with by the existing conditions of Chinese labour. If you consider men simply as machines, the Chinaman may be on the whole a cheaper machine than the Canadian, but I have never admitted that the labour of a man ought to be regarded exactly as that of a machine. (Cheers,) Other elements are involved. (Cheers.) Now, I ' TT . ^ i SSgBi / " ,\ 364 il, .'{•ii ' / ■ ■^:d » ' ■/.. ■,i: 7 * i'l S'^ ' r i' : 1 ■ there was only one Province, British Coluhibia, in wliich this ques- tion pressed upon the people as a practical grievance. And in that Brovince there was one time when it pressed with special force as a present and future danger, and that was during the constn ction of the Canadian Pacific Railway. It was obvious that the intiux of Chinamen would be greater while construction was going on than before its commencement, or than after completion, and that the trouble would be worst when the road was finished. 'But no- thing was done to prevent the evil. The Government refused to act. They said that as soon as the road was built, and not before, something would be done. Something was then done. A tariff was laid upon Chinamen. But, as I stated to you, the evil had been intensified, the mischief was accomplished. T saw in a newspaper the other day a correspondence from British Columbia, saying that two large shiploads of Chinese had just leit the Province, and that there was no employment there now owing to the completion of the railway. The trouble is not a present nfiux, but the present excess. That was exactly the state of things which any sensi- ble man would have anticipated. I am not of opinion, judging by the information I have been able to get, that the existing law is working satisfactorily. I believe it is admitted by the Gov- ernment itself that the administration of it can be improved. MY VIEW WAS AND IS THAT THE PROHIBITION OF THE IMMIGRATION OF CHINAMEN IS THE ONLY LOGICAL OUTCOME OF THE OPINIONS AND PRINCI- PLES UPON WHICH OUR PRESENT LAW IS BASED. It was said by Government, in opposition to this, that there was danger, if such a step were taken, of conflict with the Chinese Government. I believe it is admitted that the Chinese Govern- ment discountenances the emigration of its citizens, and, if so, that Government could hardly be dissatisfied with any action of ours which would help them to carry out their policy. (Applause.) Yet, I have recognized that it is an important object not to give of- fence to a friendly nation, and as the Government stated positively that such a law would give ofience, 1 felt it my duty, as a public man, not to embarrass the Government by insisting upon pro- hibition unless it should appear to be absolutely necessary, but rather to accept in silence the assurancss of the Government, and to endeuvour to work successfully the proposed legislation. (Applause.) My reward for this forbearance has been the mis- representation of our attitude, and I have thus been led to state my opinions. (Loud cheers.) , (12) ^l> • » ,! ^^ I v* ■'\.. •■- , ■' M)b WORKINGMEN AND PARTIES ■ V ■■ HON. EDWARD BLAKE ON QUESTIONS AFFECTING WAGE-WORKERS. CHpltallttt Allowed to Profit by the Saving Bankn— Necemlty of Protecting the Saving Worklngnian— Tory Accept- anee of Liberal Doctrlnei— Revleiv of ImportanI Acts afltecting Labour. Hon. Edward Blake, speaking at Deseronto, touched upon the relations of the parties to labour questions. In the course of his speech he said : — One thing I would like to add to what I said at Belleville, suggested by a gentleman who came on the platform at the close of my speech and said, " Why didn't you refer to the fact that the Government itself had dismissed employes on the Intercolonial Railway because they were members of a labour organization." My reply was that I had forgotten it for the moment, but that it certainly was a notable instance of the kind I had already quoted. He said, " I, at any rate, remember it very well, I was one of the men discharged on that ground ; and that is the reason I am here now instead of being down there." Fine champions these of the cause of labour ! (Loud and prolonged applause.) I said I would certainly take care to remedy my omission, and now I have fulfilled my promise. (Laughter.) There are one or two points that remain to be alluded to in this connection. In his Ottawa speech Sir John Macdonald CHARGED THE LIBERAL PARTY with being opposed to the Government arrangements for en- couraging the accumulation of the savings of the wage-earners, and particularly to the interest allowed wage-earners on deposits in the Government banks. That is an inaccurate statement of the facts. For my own part, I have always felt the deepest interest in schemes devised for promoting habits of thrift and providence amongst those who may be encouraged out of their daily earnings to make accumulations. I believe it to be the duty of public men to press upon those whom they may influence the obligation which rests upon them, in the period of strength and energy and skill, to endeavour to provide for the rainy day, for the period of old age, of infirmity, and sickness. And not • - . (12) •• A-»l 11 ' ■r, I' . .■^mmmm ^ .,( : *i. , ,' T ' r > 366 ' > merely by exhortation should we encourage these habits, but by providing such public facilities as we can for the promotion of the great object. It is quite true, however, that a few years ago I did object, with some other members of the Liberal party, to one of the regulations governing these savings banks. This regulation allowed no less than $3,000 to be deposited by a single individual upon the specially favourable terms which the Govern- ment gave as to interest and in other respects. And we knew that the provision, itself too liberal as to amount, was practically evaded by wealthy men, some depositing $3,000 in their own name, S3,000 in the wife's name, $3,000 in a son's name, or $3,000 in a daughter's name, and so on, thus securing i •/ frj THE DEPOSIT OF A HANDSOME FORTUNE at these special rates. I said, and I think it is the opinion of wage- earnei-s generally, that it was not within the limit of reason ta describe an arrangement by which $3,000 or more was allowed to be deposited, as an arrangement for the benefit of wage-earners. (Applause.) I s^id that the maximum ought to be reduced to the reasonable sum which we might expect the wage-earner to accumulate. My own opinion is that when the sum accumulated approximates to a thousand dollars the best thing the owner can generally do is to become himself a homesteader, the owner of the home in which he and his family live. (Cheers.) But at any rate he has become in a modest way a capitalist. Now I' was very much abused at that time for suggesting this limitation. It was said I was speaking against the interest of the wage- earner. As has often happened, however, after abusing me for a year or two for my suggestion, the Government has adopted that suggestion and has reduced the limit from what it was before to $1,000. (Cheers.) So far from being opposed to favourable arrangements in the interests of the wage-earner I spoke upon ^ that subject in 1885 thus : — I am vdry glad to hear the hon. gentleman state that the P. O. Saving* Banks are being extended throughout the country. There are many locaU- ' ties where there are no facilities for depositing savings but that which is given by these banks, and I am sure the House and the country will receive with gratification the announcement that the Oovernment propose to extend the operation of an institution which has been, on the whole, extremely bene- ficial. * Again, in the same session, I moved for copies af all correspond- ence and petitions to the Postmaster- General, or any member of the Government, with reference to the adoption in Canada of a system to encourage small savings, similar to that brought in by the late Mr. Fawcett in England. And I said r — -.,/ (12) 4, tVjn r^^t^^mm^ ^^^ u sive end me- id- of a by 367 Some time ago the British Government adopted, at the instance of the late Mr. Fawcett, a system which I think it is desirable to encourage in this coun- try, for small savings in connection with the Post-office. The details of that plan were that a slip was handed out to any applicant which contained twelve compartments, and in each of these compartments the depositor was intended as he made savings enough to buy postage stamps, to put a stamp, and as soon as twelve of these were filled, amounting to a shilling, he was ABLE TO DEPOSIT THAT AMOUNT so that he was saved from the temptation, with reference to his small daily savings, of spending them and having them lost, and was permitted at once to buy a stamp, and then when a shilling was reached the nearest post-office received the list and he was credited with a shilling. I have one of these in- teresting slips here Now it seems to me that if we adopted, with reference to our postage stamp currency, a similar system — perhaps by moans of five cent or three cent stamps, and made an arrangement for as many as would make up a quarter, which is our usual small denomination of that kind, it would be extremely useful. I think every effort should be made to encourage a system of saving in those who have the least to save. The importance is not to be measured at all by the amount of the savings. A provident habit is that which is of the last consequence, and a provident habit should be stimulated amongst those who have but little to save, and in early life as a sure way of inducing habits of thrift and economy which will make better men, better citizens, and the c antry which is inhabited by them more pros- perous. I have reason to believe that this system has been suggested for adoption to the Government some time ago, and if not, I think it is a matter which should be t«ken into consideration. The Government objected on the score of expense ; and I point- ed out some fallacies in their arguments, and contended that the indirect advantages were to be considered, and should outweigh their objections. Now I attach the highest importance to this question of accumulation ; BUT I AM DESIROtJS THAT THE SPECIAL ADVANTAGES WHICH ARE OFFERED BY THE GOVERNMENT OF THE COUNTRY, ADVANTAGES IN EXCESS OF THOSE THE BANKS CAN GRANT, SHOULD BE CONFINED TO THE CLASS OF BONA FIDE WAGE- EARNERS. (Loud applause,) If you extend them to the cap- italist, you practically arrange that capital shall be benefited at the expense of the public revenue, of which you yourselves contribute too large a proportion as it is. A great deal is said as to the prosperity of the country and of the wage-earning classes, for proof of which they point to the increase in the de- posits. You will know yourselves how much there is in that argument ; how much you have deposited in the savings banks within the last two years. There has been a large increase in the public deposits. I am glad to know that some portion of that in- crease has come from the wage-earners. I know that in some localities, circumstances have been such as to enable them to add a little to their accumulations, but I know, also, that in too many (12) ' i. ■m-' » V ■, . ■ ./^. 369 In all such cases the law of conspiracy should remain in full force. The Liberal Government, of which I myself was Minister of Justice, found this law on the statute book when they came into office. We set about to amend it, and we wiped out the •odious element of class legislation altogether by repealing those provisions which applied to the master and servant. We also de- fined and limited tne word "intimidation" so as to make it apply only where violence was threatened to person or property. We especially made it lawful to watch places of business for the pur- pose of receiving or communicating information. We allowed the 4ux:used under the law " t his the Ista- as Iter- is a md [nst lord of bct- )n- )at THE OFl'ION OF TRIAL HY JURY, and we abolished the odious application of the law of conspiracy under which, by the ruling of the courts, it had been made crimi- nal for two or three workingmen to combine together to accom- plish objects which, if attained by any one of them singly, would be quite lawful. But that was not all. There were other laws on the statute book in which the doctrine of class legislation ap- E eared in even more odious form. Under the ordinary law a reach of contract was merely a civil wrong, but to that general law there was an odious exception which prevailed in this country up to 1877. That exception provided that violation of agree- ments between master and servant, refusal to go to work, leaving employment without permission, or refusal to obey lawful com- mands, were punishable by fine and imprisonment as a crime. In the case of ordinary contracts there was no crime in the breach, but where it came to violation of agreements between master and servant the accused was liable to be sent to gaol.' In my Act, re- pealing the former one, I redressed this grievance by declaring that breaches of contract, whether between master and servant or otherwise, shall only be regarded as civil wrongs and not as crimes. Under these circumstances I was a little amused to see that Mr. Costigan has taken the credit to Tory legislation of having opened the door to the poor man to rise to positions of honour and trust, especially so wnen 1 contract the professions of the hon. gentleman with one of the latest acts performed by the late Par- liament and consummated by Tory influence. I hold that the highest position to which a citizen can aspire is that of being the representative of his fellow-citizens in the Parliament of the country. The law, as it stood till quite recently, required a deposit of ^50 from each candidate for election. I think that even that was an unjust requirement, but during the last session, the Tories pro- \ -' - V-., ' ■ - ■.'' ■.-■: . / , - (12). . ^ «)-!- ■■} m wmm •^ ': »» f n 11 >*■ •A « « • / .y^i .'^' 370 posed and they had carried in their gerrymandering bill, as one of its chief ornaments, a clause which increased this deposit from S50 to S2()0. When the bill was^before the House, I moved an amendment to reduce the $200 to $50, but the Tory party, who were so desirous that the way and the path to honour should be kept open, declined to reduce it. There is another measure which it seems to me is in striking contrast to the Torj' professions of interest in the workingman which becomes so profuse about elec- ium times. This is THE seaman's act, which was passed in great haste in 1873, and which provided that any one going on board a vessel for any pui'pose without permis- sion of the master wan guilty of a criminal offence, punishable with five years' imprisonment in penitentiary, and triable,Nas was contended by the courts, before the Police Magistrate alone, with- out the option of a judge or jury. The amended bill, passed by the House last session, provided that the crime should not be for going but for staying on board. It provided also for a possible reduction of the punishment to two years' imprisonment, but it made clear and beyond a doubt the provision respecting punish- ment — declaring that it should be only before the Police Magis- trate. I moved an amendment, providing that in a case so serious that it permitted a maximum penalty of five years' imprisonment, the accused should have the benefit of trial by a jury of his ])eers, and the Government, and«the Tory party, and Mr. Costigan, and all those friends of the workingma.i voted that amendment down, and deliberately said that the gu'lt or innocence of the party charged with this offence should bo determined by a single judge of an inferior jurisdiction. ♦ * * ♦ Coming next to the Insolvent Law, I do not blame the Government for having repealed it on the whole, but it was well known that it contained provi- sions respecting liens which specially affected the workingmen, and that they had not been benefited by such repeal. There was another boon which the Tories had given to the workingman, and that was high taxes. Since the delusive promises held out to the workingmen in 1878, they had probably learned, many of them, that neither law, National Policy, nor tariff*, would ensure their share in the profits of their labour, but that they would have to depend for this on their own exertions and concerted action, and that they would be exposed year after year to the operation of the law of demand and of competition on securing a proper return for the labour of their hands. The Government was alive to this fact also, and \ ^, i- , : • - • -f,\ 1 A '.> ■ . '^i. A • t »i fc , ;r V. (12) ^ '4 ',Mi».', '_ > . \ ft:. :tv-. mf MWUlil.i ^W s ' '• V t 371 rv IN GIVING A CONTRACT ON THE PACIFIC RAILWAY TO ONDERDONK AT A HIGHER PRICE THAN WAS TENDERED FOR BY OTHERS, THEY ADMITTED THEIR KNOWLEDGE OF THE FACT THAT AS ONDERDUNK HAD AN ADJOINING CONTRACT. THE COMPETITION FOR LABOUR WOULD BE DIMINISHED MUC« MORE THAN IF THE CONTRACT WAS LET TO A NEW ^IRM. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) '* f ' ■ ^J - .• . ORGANIZED LABOR'S ENEMY. TORY TYRANNY. Men Bounced for Belonging to Labor Organizations — The Intercolo* nial Case— Sir John Macdonald's Denial— Mr. Blake's Reply. \. Mr. Blake, in the course of his address at Hamilton, criticized* as he has done at other places. Sir John Macdonald's speech made at Ottawa, and intended to show the claims of the Conservative party upon the workingmen. He said : — I observe by the report of his speeches that Sir John Macdonald has tried to meet some of my criticisms, especially one, to which I may refer, that the Government which pietenJed to have so strong an interest in trades unions and combinations of workingmen had itself dis- charged employees on the Intercolonial Railway under its man- agement because they were members of a labour organization. My speech on that point was made at Deseronto. Sir John Mac- donald visited Deseronto some time afterwards — he has been fol- lowing me pretty closely — (laughter) — and he .said : — ^ Not long ago Mr. Blake in a speech, delivered, he believed, in that identi- cal village, said that the Government had dismissed men employed on the Intercolunial Railway because they belonged to trades unions. On behalf of the Government he gave that statement the most clear and decided contra- diction, and would challenge Mr. Blake on the floor of Parliament when it met again, to verify the statement that either on the Intercolonial or ou any public work^big or little, had a man been dismissed for belonging to a trades union. TL^rad cheers.) He would challenge Mr. Blake to give the particu- ' lars, and if that hon. gentleman did not do so he would stand convicted of having maligned the Government of the day. (Hear, hear.) '-<*' ^>- - .. . • . . - <^2)^ 4 ->: /. •• m^ttiKma S9^99BBB \ • 'I •V"' " *. ):\ 3/2 /' T stand by Wbat I said. THear, liear.) I do not wait for tlio time- of the assembling of Parliament to meet his challenge. I MEET IT HERE and now^ (Loud applause.) I believe the facts to be that about the year 1881 an order was given to the engineers on the later- colonial, who were members of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, that they should either leave the Brotherhood or take their discharge. Some of the engineers felt that they could not resist the Government, and were forced to leave the Brotherhood, but the remainder, about a dozen men, I believe, refused to leave the Brotherhood and were obliged to take their discharge. (Shame 1) These poor fellows appealed to their brethren. The Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers is a very powerful body, and its mem^ bers took up the case. A committee was appointed from the va^ rious railways in various parts of Canada. This committee went to Sir John Macdonnld, the very man who has denied th'- charge, and has called upon me to prove it. They represented the case to> him and called for the repeal of the order. I believe, though of this I am not certain, that they went also to the Acting Minister of Railways. But nothing was done. Alter a while Sir Charles Tupper, the Minister of Railways, returned. He saw the power of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, he knew there wa& a freemasonry between the members of all labour organizations, he saw the political effect of the situation, and at length the order was repealed and most of the men went back. I believe these are the facts of the case, and these are the facts upo^n which I rely to establish that the present Government did dismiss men from the Intercolonial Railway for belonging to a labour organization.. (Loud applause). Now, with reference to the arrest of the printers, you may re- member that Sir John Macdonald boasted that he had legislated so as to relieve them. I showed that his legislation had excepted their cases and had not relieved tliem. (Laughter.) He also de- clared that he " happened to be Minister of Justice and Attorney- General, and that, in his capacity of Minister of Justice, he ad- vised the representative of tne Sovereign to at once release those- printers and allow them to walk out once more as free men." 1 showed that they were never in gaol, and so could not hava been "released and allowed to walk forth as free men." (Laughter.) I showed that they had been only bailed to appear at their trial,, and so could not have been released by Sir John Macdonald in any sense, the matter being purely local, and not federal. (Laughter.) I showed that, in fact, he neither released them nor tried to re- lease them ; and I declared the whole story to be a slip of th& V '' . . ■ - (12) t ; I V I > I I a ^'■' , J ♦ .. *^-"' ■ :m uemoiy. (Laughter.) lie aftei wards iijtcitfed if. Theivupun 1' felt bound to rentate the facts, and did so nt St. Thomas, where 1 was still charitable enough to treat his stutenients as lapsus of memory, or tricks of imagination. I told the people there that he had OONE OVER THIS OLD STOKY SO OFl'KN that he firmly believed it true ; that he reminded me of King George IV., "who was, you know, a very respectable monarch, as Sir John is a very respectable Minister — (laughter)— but who told a good many strange stories. (Laughter.) He was fond, was George IV., of uniforms and of military display ; and, by dint of long telling the story, he got finitily to believe at last that he had been at the battle of Waterloo — (laughter) — and had led a des- perate charge against the French at the head of his regiment. (Loud laughter.) After repeating this for many years, one night, being in the company of the great Duke of Wellington, he told it a^in, and appealed to the Duke to confirm it. " Arthur," said the King, " you know I was there." The Duke was in a quan- dary, between his devotion to the sovereign and his duty to the truth. (Laughter.) He reconciled them by answering, " / have often heard your majesty my so." (Roars of laughter.) So, I said, you may reply to Sir John Macdonald. (Laughter.) Well, after this further denial, the matter became more serious. He followed me at St. Thomas, and could not avoid discussing the question. He knew of my repeated challenge ; he had the opportunity, and it was his duty to refresh that faded memory, to curb that vivid ; imagination, and to re-examine the facts of the case. My chari- table excuses can serve no longer for what he there said. WHAT DID HE SAY? THIS: Mr. Blake had lately referred to that speech and stated that the printers were never sent to prison at all — that they had only been guilty of a misde- meanour, which was a bailable ofifence. Those men were, however, arrested. * The hand of a constable was laid on their nboulder. They wern under arrest and had ceased to be free men just as much as if they were under a gaoler's lock and key. Mr. Blake had said he (Sir John) never released these men. Well, what he did do was to send up a nolle prosequi^ an order to stop the prosecution, but such a storm of indignation had arisen that this did not need to be acted on, and Mr. Brown was compelled by the force of public opinion ■ ^ to stop the prosecution himself. ' .4 We are now face to face with a serious question. First of all he now admits that the men were never in gaol, . next that he never advised the Governor-General to release them^ ;• and impliedly that he could not do so. r BtU he has a new story ^ he tells a fresh tale. . 1. f^ !• ' 'I' ^ (^ :'n-\ >c I:,: IJl,- *» He says he sent up a " nolle prosequi," an order to stop the prosecution. " ' I deny the statement; it is not trite. In the first pb.ce, NO BILL HAD BEEN PRESENTED TO, OR FOUND by, the grand jury, and therefore, as Sir John Macdonald once knew, there could be no nolle prosequi at all. (Great laughter and applause.) But, in the second place, had there been a bill. Sir John Macdonald, as Attorney-Qeneral of the Dominion, had not, as he once knew, any power to send up a nolle prosequi. (Renewed laughter and applause.) The whole Dominion Govern- ment, with its army, navy and volunteers could not seqd up^an efficacious nolle prosequi. (Cheers and laughter.) Any attempt to do it would have been an impudent nullity. It is part of the administration of justice. It is a local function. And, in the third place, as a matter of fact, h1 '. SIR JOHN MADE NO SUCH ATTEMPT. (Uproarious laughter.) / have caused the records to be searched and there is no proof that Sir John ever attempted any such thing. But you may say that he ordered the proseeution to be stopped. He says so. But it is not true. He did not do it. He did not try to do it. He could not have done it had he tried. ■ ■ ■ ■ . ' i ■ - ; .. . , ; IT IS ALL A FABRICATION. , . Yet the prosecution was in fact, stopped and abandoned. Was that a creditable act ? Was it an act the author of which should be supported by workingmen ? Sir John says so. (Loud applause.) He appeals for the support of the workingmen of Canada on the ground that he ordered the abandonment of this prosecution. He says that the man who did that is worthy the support of every man who believes in the right of the workingmen to conibine for their own advantage. I agree with him, and I ask you to-night to give your support to the man who did it. It is the man whom Sir John Macdonald is seeking to discredit and destroy, it is OLIVER MO WAT, ^ Attorney- General of Ontario. (Tremendous applause.) He was sworn into office on the 3Ist of October, 1872, and took up this question and ordered the abandonment of the prosecution on the 7th November — within seven days of the time he was sworn into office — (Renewed applause.) I have here the return of Mr. Ken- ' . ■_,■ vr (12) I ' ^ Ik" 375 neth Mackenzie, Q.C., the Crown prosecutor, which he aiade on this case to the Crown Office : — J. C. McMan and others : ofifence, conspiracy against master printerg. Nothing was done in this case, the Attorney-General consiilering it was nut desirable under the circamstances to proceed any further, ao that the pri>9t»- cution oij the part of the Crown has been abandoned. K. Mackenzik. Mr. Mowat did his duty in this matter. But he never said any- tliing about it; he has been before you in several elections since that ; but ho never came before you claiming your support because he had done what was his duty. Mr. Mowat never tried to make party capital out of the discharge of his duty in the administra- tion of criminal justice, even by telling you the truth as to the law and the facts. But here you find this other gentleman mis- representing the facts, and saying he did what he did not do, misrepresenting the law, and saying he did what he could not do, and so seeking by an impudent misstatement to get credit to himself and inflict damage on his opponents. (Applause.) And 1 think it was full time to STRIP HIM OF HIS BORROWED PLUMES, ' to pluck away his stolen feathers, to restore them to their real owner, and leave the culprit " naked, shivering, and " — not " ashamed," (Loud laughter and applause.) Judge of his other (claims to support by this claim. (Hear, hear.) They have just as little foundation and merit. This is a sample case of his accu- racy in his facts, of his correctness in his law, and of his fairness in controversy. (Loud and prolonged a[)plause.) (12) I tv..- v- ', r v^. . n, ras iis the ito m- ^•i > .-v ' ■>-. 1 r l-^ ■n, fA.'--^ it K"^:':- ^ I t- -'^ti'^iq fid) Ji.ilr t a ,Tjihi»i x's« b* »ooiq .jj B'tcuiiiiiifuitrr ) -if! t^I> lu •ji'^HtifitU ,2iS>::i>Jj/.I^ .H -t'lJf-ininil'B ;*rlj ni vJu?- eld 'lo ev/ujil'iyih oifi lo 'fio Ix;ti(|i^o y.JiX{'i •.»f(3 oJ an fhir.'J 9fh iiov VjdilioJ {j\ ivr/a ^-oil^.u'i Ijnuinho'io ttOi:i •«?im iXinii'ibiVj)^ tjJjo ^liij i.nt^ iiov o'loil iuci .r:^j.i'i iift i.iff« v/.ril ,0*' ion L)iL ofl Jrwfv/ Lii' yif •^ni/nr. Uitu ,Kj.'jiii •.<:{} vnij£rj>-.;>'i(iMt ,cf.» ion MiKto Oil jjiilv/ l)i\) '.ti( ■'^ni'/ii^ Iwuj ,v.'rI t)'Ai \jnijnti?yiq->-irUiit u: ]il»f)i9 Jt.^^ vi JLx^2ini*i£iJ'rAiii .tii'jltif.jdii an yJ ^^nryfiiy^ o^. }.»nn i L'.A (^.yr'iJjjIqqA) .^3fjy(«oqqo :^i:( no yj^isnii?!* iftiiiui I-if.^ 1U.>Hiiiifi 03 'mi'vi Iln'i >ri;v/ Ji >{n;il.! I ' ,<<'JK'xis aav/oJiHoa cm "^lo kih hiht:- lirYi 'ii'jib oi (v.\til3 o'loj^tv! oi .wiiffb;!'.*! n.'iloici nlrf vjsv.'ji >loijIq o>. Ton — " bnn ,;:nijoviJfc ,fr3yi/ai " iliqhjo on'} ovj;:.{ jjili ,T^>n-.vijl» (.fL'eiKijIijqa l>nK "I'-'Jilv^uiil I»ni.\I) ".honfp.Lvr. " }.?:j; 0/p.fI VyfiT {.-i^yff /ibsII) .mii^Iy nfrli '(^J Ji(»(jqrj': ot muuil-* •i oon i'iil %•' tvri!D aiqntjBi' j? ?i j-iHT Jrf-int Imn noij^luiuot 'iluil fjj -i-rn'tixjl Hid 10 I.!n« ,7/r.! i^rn ni (^^ynioyi loo Ad lu .t-juij^ v,ii{ ni 7;)f;f ^ % V ^1 :■; 1 -. ■* 1 ■'■■< ,< t -f .-»-'.. *. ;f . 3 v'Tn — i.-'Z — : — :'r •*■ > V. ■»> PROVINCIAL QUESTIONS. LIBERAL ADMINISTRATION IN ONTARIO. WEAKNESS OF TORY OPPOSITION. At Hamilton during the Local Campaign, Mr. Blake, after >iome preliminary words respecting Mr. Mowat and his Government, said : — We must remember that Government has been in power fourteen years, and it is to be expected that in that long interval there would be some acts of the Government with which some Liberals may not agi'ee, indeed it can hardly be otherwise ; but its general policy has been in full accord with Liberal principles, and has met with the full approval of the great body of the Liberals. My relations to Provmcial affairs and Provincial politics are those of a citizen of Ontario deeply interested in its welfare ; of a member of the Provincial Liberal party deeply anxious for the triumph of its principles ; and of a supporter and follower of Mr. Mowat as our worthy and trusted leader. He is our chiei, we follow him ! he acts independently on his own judgment, with the advico of his able colleagues and the counsel of his friends ; but he lead'j ; he frames our policy, he guides oui* course. And though, as I have said, there may sometimes be some matters on which we :nay not see eye to eye, yet, in the main agreeing, we heartily sup- port and follow him. We follow him first, because he is good in himself, and secondly, because he is better than those who set themselves up as his would-be successors. (Cheers.) And in this world, where all things are imperfec«, where we cannot hope for absolute perfection, we must consider, when called on to make a choice, not merely a man's absolute, but also his relative qualities; we must considei' whether we shall benefit by any change pro- posed to us. The relations of the leader of the Canadian Liberal ])arty to the Provincial Prime Minister, as you will have seen, diflPer altogether from those which subsist between Sir John Mac- donald, the leader of the Canadian Conservatives, and Mr. Meredith, the leader of the Provincial Opposition. Sir John has declared upon several platforms within the last few days that Mr. Meredith is his lieutenant, and he has asked the confidence and support of the people of Ontario for Mr. Meredith as in effect his Provincial Prime Minister, as his lieutenant. Sir John is thus V , ^ . (18) / > A* .. ^4 - V ■ Vr'' V t / , ■4;' V "'U,' ''M ■ H. ■"> » • ^ . / S.-; :. -S '-■«:■-/':>;..: "■/■'- ■ (13; / '*1 J': / \ \ ■■■*■ >.l ,H-/ y^; ,^^'u ^^ . V ,.n ) ^f-- V ■ , f'J'- .■«^ "*■"■■; I '/: 'K-'- l^ 379 ^ to question them ; but the figures show how trifiing is the amount about which even those whose business it is to criticize thought a question coulil be raised. You find in a word that no serious fault is shown with the executive management of the Government. Take, then, THE LEGISIATIVE DKPARTMKNT. You have had a vigorous series of legislative 'Acts. Legislation has been kept fully abreast of public opinion. In this democratic age when, fortunately, as we believe, the people are taking and are expected to take, year by year, a more general, a more active, and more intelligent share in moulding and fashioning public policy, J, for my part, am wholly opposed to legislation which shall be in advance of public opinion. (Olieers.) I believe it be the duty of the leas have proved a title to public confidence. Now then, this is the general state of things with reference to the position of this Government, and of the Liberal party absolutely and relatively. On this great division of the subject their record is unassailed and unassailable, and there ought to be no doubt whatever as to the verdict of the people. But J have told you that there were other heads than this, which ought to be the only head. The second is the EXTEBNAL POLICY OF THE PROVIN'CIAI. GOVERNMENT. There ought to be no call for an external policy, but unfortu- nately, we have bean forced, for some years back, to engage in an external or foreign policy. Happy is the Province, and happy the Dominion, which has no foreign policy at all ; as happy, as a great writer once said, is the nation which has no history ! There ought to be harmony and not discord, between the different ele- ments of Canada. (Cheers.) I am sorry it is not so. But it is not our fault in Ontario. We, in this Province, have been latter- •ly forced to light for our liberties, aye, for cir existence. Our boundaries have been sought to be restrictc by one-half; our lands to the extent of half our inheritance have been claimed, and even at this moment are being claimed by another power, which fieeks to wrest them from us. Oui* northern boundary is still kept unsettled by the action of that power, which refuses to act upon the spirit of the decision of the Privy Council, and keeps open, as a festering sore, this question which might have been settled fourteen years ago if the men now in power in the Domi- nion had but agreed to my views as to the best settlement of the boundary. But, no ; they wouldn't. Sir John Macdonald, when I proposed a limit, said we were so far apart that there was no use attempting to find common ground. He placed the boundary at Port Arthur ; I put it at the Lake of the Woods. We were too far apart, he said, to talk about settlement. We are together mow. (Cheers.) Where have we met ? On what shore are we together at last ? At the Lake of the Woods. (Tremendous laughter and applause.) / have not gone to him ; I have not even met him, half way ; 'he has been driven to come to me. (Cheers.) We have been fighting for our rights to escheats, we have been fighting for our right to issue licenses, we have been fighting for the most impor- tant power of all, the power to legislate finally upon our own Eureiy%)cal affairs not affecting Canadian interests, a right jvhich as been, and is to-day, denied to us. (Cheers.) We nave been fighting for these rights in the Courts of Ontario, in the Courts of Canada, in the Privy Council at the foot of the Throne. The • ^1. \ 'V: '^ .'. 4 «.»• \-. V ■' V \ ;/^ :«■• * / t ■ a:- i i/. ' -V r •' t ' ' V ' f 381 battles have been long an«l arduous, the battles have been costly, but they have all been won so far. (Tumultuous applause.) The great constitutional lawyer has been beaten every time. (Laugh- ter and renewed applause.) Instead of being, as he proudly boasted in 1882, infallibly right, he has been found INFALLIBLY WRONG. (Loud laughter.) And now, whatever he says, you may believe that it is just Tiot so. (Shouts of laughter.) His standing as a constitutional lawyer is lost, and his reputation shattered for- ever. But he fights still. And at whose cost ? At ours. (Ap- plause.) Why, only last session, we were called upon to vote several thousand dollars to pay Mr. Dalton McCarthy's costs in contesting the right of Ontario to the lands of Ontario, in a suit that is going on to-day, and tliey say they intend, if necessary, to take it to the Privy Council, so as to sweep away our lands if they can. We are fighting to-day for our lands and for our northern boundary ; we are fighting to-day against the arbitrary exercise of the power of disallowance, and in these fights these men are our opponents. They say : — There's no use talking about these things ; they are dead issues. (Laughter and applause.) Those that are in one sense dead are dead because we have won ; because they have been settled the way we have wished them settled. (Cheers and renewed laughter.) But they want to hear nothing more about them, and they would be glad if besides being dead they were buried, too. (Great applause.) But they are not yet buried ; and besides, their ghosts still haunt the earth, and they alarm and terrify, as they should alarm and terrify, the men who wrongfully raised these questions, who fought them as long as they could, and as hard as they could, and have been beaten so far in every struggle — (cheers) — and who want badly now to lay these ghosts. But they will not down. (Laughter.) Even if these questions have been settled, what is your duty and mine ? To consider which of the two parties in these conflicts has been the party in the right ; which of the two parties it is that has been standing up for the real rights of Ontario and the real rights of the Dominion, the proved rights of the Province and the proved rights of the Dominion. Which is that party ? The Liberal party of Ontario, led by Oliver Mowat. (Enthusiastic cheering.) Who is it that has been , -r ^ STRUaOLING TO INFRINQK ON OUR RIGHTS, •»■■:> \'' who is it that, but for Mr. Mowat, might have wrested them from our hands ? It is Mr. Meredith's chief ; it is the man of whom he ■ t' ■■%■,>■ ■ ■■ f - ,- • jrf .• . . ^ .' ^ X*"? •*'-.■ /v i "• 9h '■: ,,:■' ^ 382 i8 tho lieutenant ;, it is Sir John Macdonald. (Loud cheers.) And if that be so, your duty to-day is to cast up the accounts between these two, ana reward tho patriot and punish the traitor. (Re- newed cheering.) These contests wore not confined to the courts. They went beyond the courts and reached the polls. In the last two elections so well foi'ght, and so gallantly won, b}- Mr. Mowat, who was his principal adversary ? VVas it Mr. Meredith and l\v. Carnegie and Mr. Creighton, or Mr. Solomon White, with whom he is now traversing the country, that bright particular star he brings with nim everywhere to show what brilliant colleagues he ])Os.sesses, and what good material he has to form a Government ? (Laughter.) Not so. These men were not foemen worthy of Mr. Mowat's steel ; they were not worth powder and shot. (Laugh- ter and cheers.) Mr. Mowat's principal adversaries were Sir John Macdonald and the Dominion Government, with their power, their influence, their patronage, their contractors' money, and the tim- ber lands of Ontario, which they fraudulently took. (Cheer.s.) This is the third contest upon this line ; and in this third contest ' whom do you find the main strength of the Provincial Opposi- tion ? They do not, indeed, talk much Provincial politics aloud on the platform ; they deal mostly in Dominion politics, but there is a large spice of Provincial politics thrown in, and they do a good deal of work off the platform. (Laughter.) Yes; you find the great combination troupe has been traversing the whole Province seeking to influence the fate of the Provincial election. And as the polling-day approaches you find that they have separated. They can't do their work fast enough together, so they have div- ided their forces, and Mr. Foster has gone to my riding, and Mr. White once again to Peterborough, and they have dispersed over the land to put in a last good word for Sir John Macdonald, the real Provincial loader, and for his lieutenant, Mr. Meredith, in this local contest. (Cheers.) They are asking your verdict in this Ontario contest. WHO ARE THEY ? . v Not only Sir John Macd.ona' J, the Prime Minister of Canada, hut also Mr. White and Mr. Chapleau from Quebec, Mr. Foster from New Brunswick, Mr. Thompson from Nova Scotia, all deeply, oh, so deeply, interested in Ontario Provincial aflairs and Ontario Provincial elections! (Loud applause.) They have generously come to us, ])oor, ignorant people of Ontai'io, who do not know enough to govern ourselves, who do not know what is for our , good, to teach us with all the wisdom of Quebec, and Nova Sco- tia, and New Brunswick, what is good for us ; to show us the ' way we should go ! (Loud cheers.) Let u,s receive these lessons > of superior wisdom with all due humility. (Laughter.) Let us. ;> .^_ ... :(' --v „ ■ • ' - ', ' ' ■■■• " * 7 • *iA . .;, -^ ', > : ■■ -. * ' 'V. 'C I >.<» ^i T'"^;-. "":■'% ''*^;j. y^\ 'VJ- 'i-i Ml .tv / '^■. v.>> 1: ') --.^ii. I .1 '■I }k *.u •4, A V^>J' \ )M- •'I' '. <^; Vyy>' /. / i' ■^■^''.'■f- >''. r :.■ * ^ < > . k » If > '■< • bow before these higher intelligences ; let lis listen to these words of sweetness and light; let us do as they would have us do! ' (Cheers and laughter.) No ! not so ! Mr. Mowat has been called "^ ^' to attend to the duties of administration for those rtiany years in A- ■ the face not merely of foes without, but of traitors within. (Loud applause.) And ho has beat them both. (Great cheering.) , Whether in the Legislature, with their arguments, or their money — (cheers) — whether in the courts, whetlioi- at the polls, he has beat them both, and he has beat them all. (il'^f owed cheers.) Mr. Meredith, the lieutenant of Sir John Maodonald, acting for Sir John Macdonald, filling his place, doing his will, this being now their avowed relation, is the chief traitor within the gates. (Cheere.) And now he asks you not merely to adiuit him once again within the gates, but to let him into the citadel itself — (cheers.) — not merely to let him into the citadel, but to place him in absolute command of the fortress ! (Cheers and cries of " Never.") And, if you do this, considering that these struggles ' are not yet ended, what result must you expect ? Do you sup- pose there will be a very vigilant defence by Mr. Meredith of the rights of Ontario against Sir John Macdonald ? (Cries of " No " and loud cheers.) It is his own lieutenant wliora Sir John asks you to put there in order to make things easier for himself. (Cheers and laughter.) If you agree with the great wolf to put the little wolf in charge of the sheep-fold, do you tliink you will have got hold of a very good watch-dog ? (Tremendous laughter and applause.) You know what Sir Jolm would do with the boundary, and of course his lieutenant will and must agree with . him. Of course he will ; else he will cease to be his lieutenant. ■ ..^ > , The captain will cashier the mutinous lieutenant should he not , ; obey orders, and appoint another in his room — (laughter) — he will '^'. put some other of his puppets into the place. (Cheers.) And so as to • OUR LEGISLATIVE RIGHTS. What about the struggle against the disallowance of our purely local laws, if you have in office in Ont'ario only the lieutenant of ' him who disallows those laws? There would be no struggle! You would have peace and harmony — the same sort of peace and har- mony that resulted when the lamb was comfortably lodged inside N the lion ! (Cheers and laughter.) Sir John may ask again for i - - your licenses ; he will ask, doubtless, for your lands ; he has wished them long, he has struggled for them hard ; he will insist i;.M . on an adverse northern boundary ; once he gets his lieutenant in office he will doubtless re-assert his claims and enforce his au- thority against his subordinate. (Cheers.) I advise you to hold the fort— (cheers) — I advise you to hold youi- own — (cheers) — (13 ■*-\ if )"' ^ >\'' - "I u' .^.' )'• .*»ji. '» tf » >i „ I., ^.i, ^-- 1 M- \ ■• ■ •t^,. / ■•■ W'/:. \ , n84 I advise you, having rights which you value, knowing that those rights have been boldly asserted, carefully guarded, vigilantly watched, and successfully protected for these many years, to hold to the men who have met and defeated the enemy, who have en- countered all the hostility, and repelled all the missiles of the whole of the Conservative party of the Dominion, hostility aroused and missiles tlung, just because these men were true to their Province ! (Cheers.) I advise you to see to it that these men are supported to-day as they never were supported before. (Loud cheering.) Don't sat the lieutenant to fight the captain — (great ap])lause and laughter) — else, you know, the captain niay call a drum-head court-martial, try the lieutenant for mutiny, and string him up. (Renewed laughter and apjilause.) So much for ' the foreign policy under which Mr. Mowat has been fighting for Ontario's boundaries, for Ontario's lands, for Ontario's treasures, for Ontai-io's jurisdictions, for Ontario's legislative rights, and under which he is, if need be, prepared to tight still on the same lines should you appoint him again to the same honourable though arduous position. (Loud applause.) But there is yet another and a last head, or division, of the issues of the day. There is what they in England, when the Liberal party was fighting the election of '85, called "THE UNAUTHORIZED PROGRAMME," and it is upon the unauthorized programme that the Tories are depending in this contest. They are depending upon the un- authorized programme of the No Popery cry. (Hear, hear, and applause.) Mr. Meredith disclaims it — and profits by it. (Re- - newed applause.) He sees his organs create it, his followers use it, he stands on the platfortii and hears their talk ; he sees thousands of the Mail and other Tory newspapers sent to the Liberal Protes- - tantfe throughout the land with a view, by misrepresentations, to delude and deceive them ; he sees their precious campiign litera- ture circulated among this class, just as there was another campaign sheet of a very different kind, circulated by him amongst the Roman Catholics in 1883 — (cheers and laughter) — he sees that just as they addressed the Roman Catholic electors with false representations as to the facts and the relations of the parties in 1883, so they are doing with regard to the Protestants in 1886 " — (applause) — he sees the sinister and infamoiis efforts made, in his interest, to rouse the religious bigotry of the people by these misrepresentations, and he knows that , f>v-. <.:>v THAT IS THE LIAIN DEPENDENCE OF HIS FRIENDS to-day. (Tremendous applause.) I have nothing to do with it, :}» >. (» V. V \^ ' / ■r ' - V; '.<< ' > * / t. \ t y~r: V ■%rV J H > > >- 'y s r. ;t .A / I •/ ho says ; I inaigiiafitiy deny tlmt I say any of tlioso (hin;^'s — tliat I do any of tliuso thin<,'s. But he knows tlioy uie bein^^nlone, and he proposes to profit, by tliein. The Mail says tliat he must acton the line it nmiks out; that if lie wins, "the intellii ''l^K '. - ,>* \ !* **f -'■i^ 1 ■^ -4M.%t^=nwM ^lB*ll.i^*lJH ,a'«Jiuj-. 'i - • JJ i iLAt.J'Jii 'f .^ £=«= rtrstr; -v-»»- y I -r . JT :t v». H-. 3HGi f t ■ ' ><,' '/• .■ ; ■ /" r J"' t ?V or Komo of thcin, spoke, aiul 1 believe other bodies also spoke. Eminent men ainon^jjst the liaptists and Conj,'re<,'ationalists spoko, and in my humble way I used what little influence I could to forward tlie movcMnont. Ah Chancellor of the University of Toronto — one of the hi/^diest of the undeserved honours which have lieen conferred upon me, — it is my high duty each year to address the Convocation, and tlirough that body the Province at larg(!, upon the aspect of (Mhicational affairs. In June, 1884, 1 spoke as Chancellor upon this fiu(!stion of reli<^ious instruction in the schools. Let me read you what 1 then said : — I want to make one practical proposiil with reference to religion in the scHooIh, and I maintain that if Ihia propoaal is not acceptable to the denomina- tions it is to be regretted, and it proves in the plainest way the impossibility of Bueh an element on any other basis. \ see no reason why the heads of the various denominations of this coinitry, Protestant and Catholic, should not unite in a solfction of passages of Sacred Writ, without note or comment, which it should be the duty of the masters to set for the scholars to learn and repeat daily in the Public Schools of the land. I think it perfectly possible in the present more happy sentiment which prevails among tlie different re- ligious creeds for such a compilation to be nmde by them. Tho Slate cannot make it — it cannot attempt it ; and if those who call for religion in tho Public Schools will meet together and will agree that certain passages may be learned • and repeated, without note or comment, without exposition or explanation, by the master — leaving that to the pastor or parent at home or in church— then that can be done which would be of very great consequence. It is of the last Consequence, not merely that the Bible should be read, but that while the memory is young, fresh and retentive, its words should be stored in the mind, which will then retain the impression. Jf that can be done, much will be done ; if that cannot be done, by common consent of the denominations, I ask you what can be done ? Now, a few days later the Synod of the Church of England Diocese of Toronto met in that city. I happened to be Chan- cellor of the diocese, and a member of the Synod. Another mem- ber proposed a resolution looking towards Separate Schools. Many members, including Senator Allan, the Chancellor of the University of Trinity College, ' . " OBJECTED TO THAT PROPOSAL. ■ V 1 was amongst them. (Applause.) As a steadfast friend of our system of common school education, I spoke again ; and I will trouble you with what I then said, because, mark you, this was at the time when this whole scheme was in the public mind, when we were discussing it amongst ourselves, when we were endeav- ouring to find a plan upon which we could agree, and when there were no so-called " politics " in it. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) : — : ; '' Mr. Blake said it would be unfortunate if this resolution were carried out. Ifi now that there was a united effort being made, t^e Synod were to appoint '-.'< / y:^ » I ''it >i \*- v.; ^4' /'> > / f. * -5 >r ^*^^* t ■'iS '^<- V :^s>:-: ^:' <»-!•; TP^ mmmm H^ r. .S87 yt «r«.» y^ '<. \ \^' «. s ' 'It /.'..-A... > -f a cnmmittee to dificuaH aH«i|iHmtiHt iiiovo, they would dofent thoir own ohiect. He WHS Btrongly iiiipn jh«mI witli the views of Mr. Allan and IVIr. IMariiii^. The religions bodies and the clcr^'y who n-proHcntei them wt rii lurmdy ro- ■ponsible for the npathetie (iondition of pnhlic opinion, wliicli li.id rtsnltud in there beinj,' a nofKissity for thin move for more of nuch relit^idUH instruction HH luivy bi' t)088il)h^ under tlie common nehool Hysteni. He nriintiined that the lirnt thing to be conaidt-red with reference to the Public Scliools in thin connection is whether thoy Lould iiot got the various Christian denomina- tions, Protestant and IJoni.in (Jatholio, to agrue upon a oolloction of pa.ssages of Hcripturo. whicli fhouhl nof niertily bo read, but which shouhl be learned by the children in the Huhooln jiUil repented there. (A[)phMi8e.) A largo portion of the voluntarj' work in the Sunday school and of the preparation for the Sunday Hchool would thus bo done. Tim reading of the Scripture, whether by the teacher or the teacher and scholars responsively, was u good thing, but it whh not enough. While the mind of the child was receptive it should be stored with the most precious passages (rf Scrip^tire, which would be a trejuniry on which to draw in after years. (Loud a|)plau8e. ) He agreed that they could not expect to ini[»art religious uistructihn after school hiUirs. The school hours were already, in many cases, too lV'l § '^"V, (•c*- ■ Now, the spirit favourable to our national system of education prevailed in the Synod — (cheers) — a motion for a committee to confer with the other religious bodies was passed. T was of the delegation, and was a{)pointed as the spokesman of my own Church to express to the Presbyterian Assembly, and also, if pos- sible, to the Methodist Conference, our desire that there should be, on this great question, ''V • , JOINT ACTION OF THE CHURCHES. The (Churches appioached each other; they agreed to co-operate with each other, and I thanked God for it. (Loud applause.) I thanked God for it, because I thought it was an indication that we were beginning to sink, in some degree, our sectarianism, and to realize our points of agreement ; to recognize more and more how much there was that we all held together of the fundamental common truths of Christianity. I thanked Grod for it, because I ■v. /. ' •>r (la) \'4 A' X. ■• V'- :s^ '1 . \ -s- j .■ -r A >« ..X :j»8 thouglit ilf pointed tc a broader, more generoua, more Cliristian feelintf whicli boded i,a'eat good for the Church and for the world. The several Cliurch bodies appointed a general delegation to wait upon the (Jox'ornmcnt. They met the Government, and the Government, at their instigation, at the instigation of the Pro- testant Chi-istianity of the Province of Ontario, agreed to go forward. Well, just at this time, when the Government agreed to go forward, a .l3ook of Selections appears to have been in course of |)reparation as a private venture, by Mr. Kerr, a gen- tleman of my own profession, a scholar, a Protestant, who hap- pens t,o belong to the opposite school of jwlitics from mine. That compilation being intended by Mr. Kerr for general use in the education oi tlie young, he thought it would be a good thing to obtain the* appro v.il of his work by the heads of the Christian deiiouunattous ; and he had gone, it seems, to the Archbishop of Toronto, the head of the Roman Catholic Chui'ch in our Province, and a'^ked him to look at it. And the Archbishop looked at it and said he did not object to it, witij fho exce])tion that he suggested the substitution of " WHO " FOR "WHJCil" in -:]ie Lord's Prayer. And, however bad the Archbishop's theology may l)e, I think you will all admit that his grammar v.-as correct. (Louu laughter and applause.) Now hearing oi' the proposed ;ictio!i of the Oovernnjent, Mr. Kerr sub- mitted his papers to the Minister of Education, Mr, i>oss. He said: — I have been eiii.>'a!i'ed cm this work, and here is the result. Mr. Ross looked at it, and thought it worthy of consideration. He acted, though doubtless on his own judgment, upon the .very lines I had suggested in the speech I have quoted. I hud pointed out that this was necessarily a work for the united action of the Churches, and not for the Government. On tliis same view Mr. Ross asked le-iding and representative men of the vg-rious Pro- testant Churches to lielp him, to take the book, to look at it, to consider whether they thought it worthy and suitable, to pass their verdict upon it. And these leading, godly men, including the heads and many of the most eminent men of the Baptists, the Congregationalists, the Presbyterians, the Methodists, and the Church of England, accepted this great responsibility, undertook the task, and appointed a sub-committee of their number, who went over the book, revised and altered it, and reported in favour of the Book of Selections. (Cheers.) And they, having reported in favour of the P.ook of Selections, the Government adopted the book and authorized it. Amonust these men were those who were specially qualified, not only as great Biblical scholars, as trained Bible teachers, but also as being the resp^msible persons connected with thj higher education of the young. They included, I BELIEVE, PjaHJCIPAl. GaVEN, THE HEAD OF THE KnOX PllESBY- .1. ^ f:' H'' (18> » • ■> .ju. • V ;•■•■♦; n.y Vr '% tl '^^ f*,'^ >7 V'- t, '^ -/^ / ■^■■'K'^ s .. i'. u f. TERTAN ThKOLOOICAL CoLLFHR ; PrOVOST BoDY, THR nPAD OF TRINITV UnIVRRSITY, one of TIIK TuKOLOOIOAL CoLLK(iKS OF THR CJhltkcij of England; Prin('II'Al Nellks, thr hkad of VlCTOUI\, TIIR .MRfHODIST UnIVRKSITY, AND PlUNClPAL CASTLR, THR HRAD OF THR BAPTIST CoLLRGR : SO YOU SRI' RVRllY PHR- CAUTION WAS TAKICN TO GET TIIR VRllDICT OF AN AUTIIOIUTA- TIVE COMMITTRE. On tiio stivngtb of that verdict and judginciit it was that tlie Government autlioiized ilio b;H)k ; and made re^'u- lations requiring tli at it ::hould bo roa'l in the -choolM ; anc^ wlicn the thing was done the (.'liurchos ioj"icod that it ^vas don<'. Tht\y rejoiced in it collectivoiy, they rejoiced in it iudividiinhy. Reso- lutions were pa;;scd commendin:;' tliesc results. They were deemed to be of great importaii'-e aiid atl vantage to the cause of Protestant and Evangelical rciigion. Noi" were these rejoic- ings confined to the clergy or to the Church bodies; the secular world joined in. Why, even the Ma'd came out with a strong . article ap))roviiig of the selectiojis, congratulating Mr. Ross upon the admirable result, pointing out that the book contained those passages of Scripture upon which all Chi istian bodies could agree, stating that it mi'^lit liave been very easy to got into a dilHculty, which Mr. Ross, by the steps he had taken, had entirely avoided My bishop juid the Synod of my Church were amongst those who rejoiced in this result. What lias the effect been ? instead of a desultoiy and perfunctory reading of some passages chosen at the will aiid discretion of individual teachers, in only onedialf the schools, you have regular, proiital>le, orderly, systematic read- ing of passages approved as the best for the purposes by the religious authorities ; and this in 98 per cetit., practically in all the Public schools of Ontario. (Loud cheers.) And yet there are Protestants, so-called, men who claim and profess to be /(ialous for the spread of religious truth and knowledge, for the wider read- ing of the Bible in the schools, who object to this result, and who declare that a " great evil and wrong has been done ! " What are their grounds ? The first is that these are selections, that this is not the whole Bible. I want to know who it is who knows the book, that proposes as most profitable for the young minds, and during the short time that can be devoted to religious exercises in the schools, that the Bible should be read from cover to cover in the Public schools ? (Mcar, hear.) If there is anybody who knows the book who would propose that as the l)e ' 390 ' i » -, . THE GREAT INTERNATIONAL SUNDAY SCHOOL ASSOCIATION HAS . .. . ESTABLISHED SELECTIONS, « because that is the practical and profitable way. Is it done in the home, in teaching the young children ? You know that as a rule it is not. Js it done in family devotion ? I don't know how it is in other homes, I know how it is in my own. I do not read the Bible from covei' to cover in the mixed circle that gathers at my taUle in the morning. I know I make selections, and I suppose ftiost heads of families make selections also. (Loud applause.) My wife said the other day, when she heard this rising storm — she doesn't know much about the political aspect of this question ; but she said to me: — " I wonder if I have been so wrong all my life as would appear. I have brought all the children up in their earlier yoars by instruction in a book of selections — not the Book of Selections under discussion, it is hardly old enough for that, but another — and I thought," she said, "I was doing my duty by them, but it seems I have been very wrong." I am afraid there are a great many more mothers just in the same predicament, ac-r cording to the new lights that have arisen. (Cheers and laugh- ter.) In my own Church Prayer Book we have authorized selections which we read through year after year. There seems to me no ground for reasonable controversy. I have no doubt the best thing is the selections. (Cheers.) It is the thing which was desired by the Churches, and the accomplishment of which was rejoiced in by the Churches. Now, always, you must re- member that what we can do in the Public school is only a part, and a small part, of the work. The whole religious instruction of our children is not to be carried on in the schools. Far from it ! There is the work of the home, the work of the pulpit, the work of the Sunday school. We may supplement and assist this by the reading of the selections in the schools. But even these must be expounded elsewhere, and if there are other passages for which you or I have a special regard, but which are not to be found in the Book of Selections, all we have to do is to read those passages to our children, and to impreiss them upon their minds by instruc- tion and illustration. I maintain that if the selections are regu- larly used they will do much more good than any attempted reading in the schools of the whole Bible. (Cheers.) But again they say, that the Bible is banished from the Public schools. I understand it not to be banished from the Public schools. (Cheers.) The teachers may still use the whole Bible. I under- stand that the teachei-s may, if they choose, still use any part of the Bible in the instruction of the scholars, but they are also , H'^. (13) J .,-, .'rf.'.. .// / '. y y. ', :• ''^- 1*. • .1 ^• ^r^ >•; . ■-: :'.r ' - - *■ V'. f. V '^fn- \ ViiV;- j^ - V':- ' V>V^ i ■i i: m \ -''^■-:y \ - '.-v ■» .-..—•' ■i W iS ' V '' ^ ' . ' . ''W l. ?' " ■ ! — '^' <' ,t,f.- i-,' 'K. ■'fi x.>'\ ... .'\ ,..'«', 'nfi «»!■ •o.:*s .kA.. \: ,' .^ \ ' ' n * '-•\- 391 .> •>>' obliged to use those jiarticular parts. They may supplement, by the reading of other parts, but those parts which are selected they must read. Therefore, there is nothing whatever in that. But it is- said tbe selections omit important passages. Of course they do. The whole Bible is important, and if you make selections out of a book of which every word is important, you must omit import- ant passsages. The very .'■. I- • • ■ ,, . ESSENCE OF SELKCTTON IS OMISSION. What sort of selection would it be that didn't — select ? (Loud laughter and applause.) But the most important and most useful passages for the purpose are what you ought to choose in selection. You must not forget that the very Bible which these gentlemen are so zealous to defend tells you : Milk for babes ; strong meat for men. (Loud applause.) And, I think, that is a principle which you may very fairly use in making your selection.s for the use of the children. The only question then is: — IS THE SELECrnON A GOOD ONE ? I abide by the judgment of the godly and learned and eminent men of those various denominations who met toiiether for the single object of deciding whether these were good and tit and proper selections, whether the work was suitable, who moulded it as they thought right, and who unanimously decided in the affirmative. (Cheers.) I abide by the judgment of the various Church bodies which endorsed it. (Renewed cheers.) I know man's work is imperfect. It would be extraordinaiy if there were no ground for cavil or objection. But we have here a great consensus of opinion of the eminent and representative men who took the responsibility on behalf of the Church bodies of com- mending the work, and of tbi;; Church bodies themse^.ves, a weight which overbears, in my poor judgment, the strained and hystdrical complaints of a few discontented men who, silent when they should have spoken, silent where they should have spoken, speak when and where they should be silent, who reserve their clamours till an election ; who cry out only when they can do harm and when they cannot possibly accomplish good ; and who exclaim with a partiality and an injustice, a vehemence and a zeal, which savours of the earth earthy, and is far enough removed to my apprehension from a righteous and '^•hristian temper and spirit. (Loud applause.) Then they say, " (ih, but the Archbishop had a hand in it," or a finger in it at least — (laughter) — and they seem to think that the Book of Selections is contaminated bv his • .•/■•-i -V -~ ^.. ♦ . ■ ■•.:■ li . i' /' >*' i) (!••{) ^. •> . I . >V. principles ^(^L °f furtherance of EvanJllLi j't? ?«"«''»' XnaS3"V- "P"=SS ?:-^^^^^ have seen U. Wh/r^:^ J, ^^ ^at the ArcRo^oSw^ their natioDAl nh^. j. *^"'^"c Schools to am a. ,« •^r'^®"*- (i-oud ' » . V *'*^®®'^ or nationality vf.' ^■'^' ■*.■■-. 4itl -.'.V V ■il'J > ' '■f/T"-' ^. > " ^ ■'■m^ % < 'v*-' ^ '■" • ■» ' " ■ ?i ' ■» .. ,- ' ■» '~. ■'■ V'i. ■r' '"'^ a .•■''' 1 is tc ' St Bi ' "" -4 '} PO T / nif ' "^ '/ his '^Jl he 'I (Rej ., t«4 our 1 «upf < "1 with ■'•^ - J - Ihoj ^"^ ' '■'•*« mom "- ill ^aith. '' v •Jl- A' '•v T4^ V.4 oV •». ^ ^4t^ / ■f^J ^♦. ''l \ 4.,r-; -m M \ : A. . 1 - J: ' 393 l»y be. (Cheers.) r rf,,v viction that it 3 A "^ *""" Church I ^T'^^'fy- »"<* «« a that iCtoiZCtk "VJ"^' «nd tpoS f^'^l'" ""« ~"- without any3\f JhT •'! "'""^ «houFd ao and T '° '"«»«" the Roman CatW/w-u ^S'''''' and interest nfH ^ «»nsulted the Public Schook flt^'^T' P«P"» »d of fo1)fo"""^'T°f troversy. whether the G„vT """ '^-^'a^' *" the mfdTof P,".!"'' "f document to th. i ",f, ypvernment at anv *; J ■ **' ""» eon- ^ubmismon byMr^^'"'''°P- ^^ they dT/no? tl.""'""",'^'* this f y, as I inti^ted fn7&^r ^«''^ to anster the pSr"A "" *^. the ^ should say an excusl 1 ' * ™'»'*ke had been mSfe^?!' ^ ^""""'d say .—We i^„^. t .1"?* ^ou'd so be rivpn t„ u *' (•''■Pplause.) . , our Chi torl''^|.'■■« Separate^SclLk wT"" ^"'^^"^^ to to this with r»? K^"''''« Schools for wi "''* '''thdraw there are so 'f?"^ '" .^'''<''' the others "^ ""' ^^^'ted 1 - ■ ■ «and of our child. "' "'!''<''•«" " the Hi„h « ?"?""''- though this .ubje-ct mtr;or '"'' """'<= S^"-^' (K^) "^^t";!,- at the time'Tr" " "'''^ ^™" ^- ~ ^ to ''^it^3i^^'^^^'^^''^:vi^t'-' -« 't : stand upon n^,i7 *''f f^ that is raised Mr w VH^S you not Bible. anropp^oS Ji* f»™ and d^oWe tSlt fe"\?*J' "ow posed to the nrin • 1 * fnutilated " Bible r ^?. ""^ *'>ole ' matter of the 'l^r?'^ "' selection, w if h„^ "^^ 't^he was op- - his duty toh* i*^ T'i »'• to omis^i^Ls in fh"^*, opposed to the . he wa, We E ™';«d that question in the j*. ?f 'f "»"»' it was ing.) I tpllM •5"'* Opposition rrl.,!i^"'*ture. >>» which Peice then t^'™,." •^a bas«. a coward Wh;""'' r''!'"'««'J "heer- ~ V •' hope oi^iZ^Z^'^ ^"''^ ""''■ on it eveof»n*V"S. ''«" Ws through m"s,'So J .•""^ Protestant Libeml, i^ *''"'"'>»' i" the (ReneiedtTv^Sus T' • "''"PP^c&'r r^- '^ ""'"cd ' ourstuation wr"'''cering.) Be not l^ x this matter, - ._ s"Ppose,Tthi,^,''!;'"-«'^8? Whatarewt. rf"^- «>"sider wit£ me There are r^'v" ^'"''t majority of ^t"" "'t ''«™- I ^ 1 hope there aretomep' ^'"PR^'^-alVma^ri . o/p'^I" ""'"t = •noment those whH r*° Catholics.*^ ButTi^M'?S"testants; vi u ■t •j,- >* ,.v. (. ■ V ■ "^■^ m- Sm i.i UJ ' ■i"' ;l< ;t'..t 1% ,„. ;>. u . :^;- ,'. ■:. ■^V^.^- i.-,' ,•,. ;» 1 '• ," «.v ^ V. -V. ■ 1 > ,»* '' i ^*'' ^•.^•' 7. }/l:-f\ ^ /^•?S.^', ;>*v::.y:- - i " -\ .-t c-N^"- l' ''i .^'V J- S<''>i ^y. 394 '>' are five-sixths of the population ot the Pi-ovince in numbei*s while our Roman Catholic brethren aie but one-sixth. I say to my Protestant friends : — We believe, rightly or wrongly, that oiv^* religion is the true one. We protest, rightly or wrongly, against . certain dogmatic errors which we think exist in the faith of the Church of Rome ; and if there be five of us to every one of them . in numbers, and if we have faith in our religion ; if we believe it to be the purer and better religion, 1 want to know what arf, WE AFRAID OF ? (Groiit laughter and applause.) Are we going to dread the domination of this weaker minority ? 1 am ashamed of this talk. (Loud applause.) If we were equal in numbers I would not fear to hold my own. (Cheers.) But being five to one in numbers, I have more faith in the power of numbers, and above all I have more faith in the power of truth and in the strength of Evangelical religion than those strong Protestants who believe that the five are to go down under the domination of the one ; that what they and I think the purer and better religion is to suffer at the hands iof that which they and I think inferior and erroneous. (Renewed cheei'ing.) Sir John Macdonald and his Minister of Justice, Mr. Thompson, very lately took what I inay perhaps call the liberty of discussing, my private affairs. They toll the public at one or two of the meetings at which they have been endeavouring to amu-^o the people — (laughter) — the stocks in which they believed my money was invested, and they complained very seriously that I did not put some of it into those railways whicli are subsidized by the Treasury, and from which I might expect to get a hundred dollars for every dollar I put in. (Laughter.) I am not very sure that il was any of their business where I put my money. (Laugh tei'.) What I have I earned by honest toil. (Loud cheers.) It was not derived#as a Minister of the Crown, through testimonials from public contractors— (cheers) — or from great corporations indebted to the Treasury and asking relief, or from hangers-on of the Government who expected rewards in return. (Rene\ve*^-» v,/ r-'^' ^ i- -j.i» .ihi ?•:., I, / umbei-s. say to that oiy against of the )f them lieve it iT ARR .' ' . ' ^7 . -* DOIM GOOD WOBK ?of>If °^'''°^'' «^"™0N ^ND ' I'f '" tlEVE TO BE THE TBI,™ .^ "* '""' WSOMOtW OP w„!^ ''" ''' paraded our acUo^Tf ' (tremendous applause T 7? '^ "'"' '''=- ^vould be disposed odo or^aDm'o'''"''''' t"'' '^ "^^ 1 kefy tln^? dear f (C? a^Va^^r^. 'l "^"^ P^te'^tenfe mt .'crtrf "^^ principles • but lX>n *V ^ '"»*« shown imZr 7"'™/« hoW MEASWIE FULL, HBAPL„ UP AND B,m„ '"",-::;:r:~"""~"™" ( .-^ . - us B.ST.BE TH. raoPKB B.LA.O.S ., ^ :^ creed, of prejudice ain mf ^^^^^^^^^ upon question^ of ^ / ''^^' I ' -, ' ^ . ^ . . , / ^- (Cheers.) And dis- Vy- ' -. ^-] Jt '^ . h'y -f •: 'f 'V'*- 'f , '/ 396 mias to their deserved obscurity the men who would raise them- selves to political power on the ruins of the national edifice ! (Great applause.) In fine, I ask you to join with me and say, what I snail say by my voice and vote to Oliver Mowat : — " Well done, good and faithful servant ; faithful in few things, I will make thee ruler over many things." (Loud and prolonged ap- plause.) ' • - ' . (13) » A" ->■ ' 'H- A V Vi>'^ f>S -■ - • :-^'^'j ■ ' ;; i •■ i.!.: '•!■ u '• > V "^V .''' V '^1/ )r'" :. T^-< 1^^^.-' 1 .i A\ V' i. •'^^T«W^.. ■ Vrlt i Li iii.»lii -'■V them- ciifice .' i say, 'Well r will >«1 ap- ■■■i ^fV ^'y'' .V" ^^' ■■?■>' C^'Ai^.^^^ .!•* ■ r''v 4 I"' v.. •.^•■' ■ > ** •If \-' .<. '., Ky .* ji v..^ ''N^^. -^ .- "*■ THE REBEtUow. ■-^i '.•' ^< ^ r;\r r" «J i R/'?'*^'' -■ 1 . M.'^--! ■- ^ '■'■, Ii*viv /• / 1 ¥.^A :■' ,' < |v;-A./, '■■V > ./ i.- V <^ -. "''^ u^*^®'*^*5een no neglect fk < -^^' ; ^enion ; . reb^^l^: '.^^ -"';; ^-e .een no Ve- ■ . : . *'''^' .• -f no trial, no condem ' "° ^'''"^*' "° ' condemnation no « *'°" ' '^ "o °"' "o execution." ' . .■■.■■./• .'hen andsLf ttw'„| T '° "^-'™"po".fe":™^'''^•""^'^ ^•mg on the nart JT ' " "ondit on of thin" T ' ■' *"> 'certain ' Wlity so heir'alf'o »t™sted with J^Tn^'^^"'' '°^°" the exhibitio/rf h'^ * ■operative, a n?cel^ t"'"''/' ■'''^Pond- bi-eadth of view l.% ^-"^^ "^ues of .,taL,n '^ 1° "hsolute, for at this epoch in if i'^'P™™P«tude and :;■?'''■''' «"'«*», affairs, f W : "/^'P'='=' of the admint?"' • '"'''^Jty, as existed ixiaice It good ? 1' -Iv 'i ,'i -I' , vJfv V / . CIRCUMSTANCES OF T^n. ^ ^^ TSE TERRITORY •'» KJ :'t • xr i 7dtheeha„.eterofitsr„,e Th '""'""^ • -^ tri."7tti h»t. so%it i?tr -^^^^^ and securit;?^±j^-* British sSj^^r^^.^^^^^^a- n,:. (^utocraticaJh, ^ ^2- government 6w/ J^^^^ve against wronicT • - that on1w/!SJ^:ff/^*4. Not Trt- ^^'^««l' ' of heaven seem to WtT°'' ^^'^ ^^e TxpLs!! '"" **" ^ou freedom, the dem^^ut 1''?'". °?« ocean to ff "th ' f J?^ ^«d,, ^ ' d V- ^ possible cause -l L): ' -^^ -^i ^:4 v.-.« >.r... I". I . *y ' r ■:,\ • . >' ' "" V.'- •'' ■V ■ ♦ ■■ • 'r " r '.if i'i "' 898 .' V of complaint, to exhibit the practical blessings of their regime, ta make their yoke easy and their burden light, at the least and lowest to beware of and to eschew neglect, delay, misman- agement, and mistakes. ' (Oheei's.) Then there was the con- dition of distance. That vast territory, stretching for thou- sands of miles towards the north and west of the continent^ was, even at its nearest practicable eastern point, over a thou- sand miles from Ottawa, whence it was to be governed. It was thus to be governed by letters and telegrams, through agents and subordinates. This element of > DISTANCE VERY MUCH ENHANCED THIi DIFFICULTIES, and correspondingly enlarged the responsibilities of government They knew the resultant dangers, and were boundto exercise all the greater care, promptitude and energy, in order to overcome them. Then consider the magnitude of the task. What was its character ? Upon the development of this enormous country Can- ada had, under the auspices of this Government, staked to a very great extent her national and also her financial future. They told us to hope, to expect, to believe, that under their lead we should exhibit to the world at large the spectacle of this nation in the east building itself up as a nation of the centre and the west as well. They told us to hope, to expect, to believe ; they boasted vain- gloriously, as though they were taking off, rather than put- ting on, their armour, that, enlightened by the traditions and en- riched by the experiences of the past, both in the Old World and the New, of Europe, of Australia, as well as of North America, they, with their unsuipassed gifts of statesmanship, would set an example, and give an instance, such as had never been seen in the wide world before, of rapid, wise and orderly development. We were to have a better system of survey, a better system of settlement, a better system of emigration, a better system of ter- ritonal government, a better management of Indians, than had been witnessed elsewhere. Again, we were to have a finer system of railway development than had ever before been known. And the Government called upon the toilers of Old Canada, they called upon our neighbours to the south, they called most loudly upon the labouring masses of our British Isles, and of continental Europe, to move forward, to settle upon and develop, to their own advantage, and to ours, the great area to which they pointed of free and fer- tile land. " Make new homes here," they said. " Build your houses and your barns ; cultivate your fields ; by your labour draw forth the resources of the soil ; take the benefits we offer, secure that you will enjoy these great advantages. We offer you a ready, easy, speedy, sure and certain road to advancement, progress and ■'■■ -J . (14) ■K „ 1. ■/ \ "%!. •;'*■ .a .^■' :*,'•> :Zih: ,^'iC>' ^^•Ip^pMMMhtahMMMW '<" <■" ' .. '. <^'iiii V i < »r »' n" '' ' ' ! " '«P* "^f" 'V,^ ./ *•■ ' \ '\]. >-,> ■^i' p::i' k - \' I 399 prosperity, beyond what you can gain elsewhere. We offer you peace, order, right, justice, and security, under the British flag and the British system.'' Then, as to our financial future. We were called on by our rulcjra, in the furtherance of their North-West policy, to stake day by day, and year by year, very largely, V OUK FINANCIAL FUTUKk, \ Millions upon millions each year were being expended under their system of development. Enormous sums for Mounted Police, Indians, immigration, surveys, territorial government and administration, were being paid, as they are being paid, year , after year, out of the taxes of the East. And beyond all these, scores of millions more were being piud, in part taken out of the taxes, and in pari raised by mortgaging our future, involv- ing heavy yearly interest payments, for the construction of the • great railway, whose chief object, as its main justification, was the development of the North-West. Near ninety millions of capital expenditure, and about seven millions of yearly charge, may represent the drain on us for these various expenditures. Avti 1 not right then in saying, that having regard both to our national future and to our financial outlook, we were putting at stake, in reference to the North- West, more, far more, than in any other single object, I might almost say than in all other objects combined ? Now, have I not made good, even without going further, the statement that no question aiming within the range of executive action can be likened, in respect of the urgent and imminent character of the duty and responsibility it imposed upon the Government, to tl lis question of the management of the North- West ? (Oheers.) But I go much further. There was yet much more. We must consider the character of the sparse, yet divided Eopulations, their tempers, their conditions, and tlie previous un- appy incidents in the history of the Canadian connection with the North-West, incidents wliioh had rendered the task of govern- ment more difficult, but also indicated the dangers, and pointed out the path of safety. The populations may be divided into, at any rate, THllEE DISTINCT CLASSES - — the Indians, the Half-breeds, and the white settlers. As to the Indian, consider his condition. For uncounted ages he and his ancestors had roamed and hunted over those vast southern prairies and northern hills and forests ; had voyaged upon and fished in those great lakes and rivers ; had carried on their per- f>etual feuds and warfare, had lived the lords of the land. In ater days, it is true, there were scattered over the region, in -^ '-M fl! (14) 1 .-X / f .) 1 I . ^l ^1 1'- \., ' I V. ■■ 1 ' vV; i¥ ■''\ ' • r » .• ' \ ■' f^ \ V i 1 '»'■•. ,; r- :• "■ ( ■ Sii'i^ J V s ■■■« \- '\ 400 "' ^ ^ I' - * ' ,:;/■• possession of a few posts, a few whites, servunts of the Hud- son's Bay Co., who did not pretend to dominate the Indian, or to interfere with his lordship, whose presence was thought a ben- etit, as giving the Indian a market, some employment, and some of the white man's goods; while leaving him still, in effect, mon- arch of all he surveyed. But after 1809 all began to change. The white man intruded in increasing numbers ; the Indian found the white asserting his claim to govern the country, to control and occupy the lands. The Indian was calli<:d on to suuuejsdeu the soil, and to accept stipulated payments and limited reserves, in lieu of his former unbounded enjoyment. On these reserves he was to be pent, he was to be put under the control of white agents, othcers and instructors. He saw the choicest spots, the well- known places, taken up by the whites. He saw the old things [>assino- away. And he saw in their most odious form — he ^aw and su tiered from some of the degradations and barbarisms uf civilization. Drink and immorality infested his lodge, and vice and crime and disease, as too often happens under like cir- cumstances, marked the earlier steps of the white man's advance over the inferior race. Alas, that it should be so • But, being so, you will see that, naturally and inevital)ly (the Indian being a man), there was engendered a temper of unrest, suspicion, jeal- ousy and aversion, a condition alternating between hope and de- spair, a consuming desire on the part of many to re-establish the old repicious and hostile people ? (Cheers.) Not so ! (Loud applause.) I say it was the prime and imperative, the absolute, duty of the Government to take into considerQ,tion nothing but the question, "WHO IS THE BEST MAN?" in making the Indian appointments. (Renewed applause.) And, having made them, it was their duty to watch them constantly, and to deal with failure, unfitness, neglect, unfaithfulness, immorality arbitrary conduct, with promptness and firmness. Does this de scribe their conduct ? No ! You have heard the voice of those beat qualified to speak raised a hundred times in condemnation, be- cause the conduct of the Government was so far removed from this. (Cheers.) Now, I cannot pause longer on this element. I turn to the next element of the population — THE HALF-BREEDS. By the common consent of every man in that region whose experience and ability render his opinion valuable, it was of the last consequence that the Government should, in view of the difficulties to be encountered in managing the Indians, keep the Half-breed population on the side of Canada — on the side or the Government. Why ? Because the Half-breed having in him a strain of Indian blood, there was thus a tie of friendship and kinship and confidenc j between him and the Indian — an invalu- able bond. He had also an infl.uence over the Indian, due to his strain of white blood, and to his acquisition of some portion of our civilization and education, ^nd to his more or less intimate connection with the white. 9(^the Half-breed was the means sent to us, as it seemed, in the order of Providence, by which we might hope most peacefully, with the least chance of disturbance, with the least disadvantage, with the minimum of risk and loss which the situation would admit, to intervene between the Indian r (14) 4: ?^y ?•■ .* /< >; ■^ .1. ■^ ■y-x \h h^l- ;»0 / -I. 403 ',»- Inhabitants as to their future, and in their despatch of a Govern- ment to take possession of the land and to rule over the people, without the proper precautions of previous explanations and understandings and assurances as to the rdgime which was to be established, and the security thereunder for the possessions and liberties of the inhabitants. The rising was followed by a wise though late effort to conciliate the people, and to do what should - have been done before. A negotiation took place between Sir John Macdonald's Government and the inhabitants, ending in an arrangement which was ratified by Parliament at the instance of that Government. Among their demands in this negotiation a claim was set up by the Half-breeds based upon this ground : , ' They said, the British and the Canadian people have always recognized in the Indians a cerlain equitable claim, as lords of the territory of which the whites were about to take possession, to consideration, a claim which has resulted in the Indian treaties. We, they said, are of Indian blood, and along with the Indians " enjoy and po sess the territory. As such, we claim A R^QHT TO CONSIDER 4.TI0N, in respect of the region at large, apart from the claims of some of us to our individual holdings, which are to be, and which were, dealt v/ith independently. Now, this Half-breed claim, known as the Half-breed claim for the extinguishment of THE Indian title, was conceded by the Government of Canada ; it was conceded by the Parliament of Canada ; it formed one of the bases in the settlement of the North- West, and a large area of land was set apart to .be distributed amongst these Half-breeds by means of scrip in satisfaction of that claim. At that time we were dealing only with that part of the territory embraced within the original limits of Manitoba. No Half-breeds outside of these limits were being dealt with ; there had been no late intrusion of the whites on them ; they were, as were the Indians of those parts, as yet undisturbed ; their condition was practically un- changed at the moment ; they took no part in the rising ; nor were they concerned in the settlement. It was only the east ot the territory that was under disposition. But I need not point out to you that their claim, when the occasion should arise, was precisely the same as that of their brethren in the east. As I said when this rebellion broke out, justice is the same on the banks of the Saskatchewan and the Qa'Appelle as on the hanks of the Red River and the Assiniboine — (cheers) — and it was im- possible, it was utterly impossible, to deny to the Half-breed in the rest of the territory the recognition of a right similar to that which had been conceded to his brother in th 3 east It was . - .. (14) <. ' • ' t '^ >^<-:P vy .- ■ c^' • -^ '; "" - - .■ - ^, ^' -» • •■ w,.:- ^^ ■ -■ a;')-- .,.;<'.\ r^^- •^'^^iv,' 404 ^i?:- ' : f founded on the same principle precisely ; and, even had it been disputable once, it had ceased to be disputable in the west once it had been yielded in the east. It was, or ought to have been, "" ', .■ , ' ■■ ■'■ ■■" ■ ■■:: :■■'•'% ■ '"' .• -t , ' -.•' 'T' IN PRINCIPLE A SETTLED QUESTION. , How could we deny to a part what we had granted to the rest? (Cheers.) For a time, while their condition remained uncharged, the claim was not asserted by the western Half- breeds; but about 1878, the white inan having begun to in- trude upon the western portion of the territory, and the buffalo having largely diminished, the conditions changed. At once star- vation, and the white intruder, stared the western Half-breeds in the face. They grew anxious as to their future, even as to their existence ; they saw that they must make up their minds to a new order of things, and they desired the recognition of their rights in the soil, and of their right to live. They looked to the claims and concessions to their brethren in the east. They as- serted the same rights. They called for the same concessions And I think you will agree with me that •• ' . ' THEY HAD JUSTICE ANI> REASON ON THEIR SIDE. (Cheers.) Some of them petitioned the lately established North- West Council for redress. The North- West Council, by resolution, strongly urged that the matter should receive the early and earnest attention of the Gov- ernment ; and represented that in view of the Manitoba grants there would undoubtedly be general dissatisfaction among the Half-breeds of the Territories unless they received some like con- sideration ; and they recommended grants with certain conditions to prevent improvident alienation, conditions which they thought would be beneficial to the Half-breeds. V These documents reached Ottawa in the fall of 1878, and it de- volved on Sir John Macdonald to take up ihe question. I am heartily glad to be able to say uhat . ,, . ., .4. \ HIS EARLIER COURSE ' ': ' should receive your approval. He acted promptly and judiciously. He obtained the report of his chief officer, Col. Dennis. That officer reported that the claims should be disposed of with the least pos- sible delay ; that some uneasiness was felt by the Half-breeds in consequence of no steps having been already taken towards recog- nition of their demands ; that they had a claim to favourable con- sideration ; that to satisfy them would place the whole of that element in sympathy with the Government in dealing with the . s • •^ ■;' i '■■. ';>:r:4^ '■ ,\ ,t i^ ; i/;-U .'.♦'i' (14 Mm am MWNk ■BMH ■:i. ' s.-y >-vn '>^ 405 ■*.M 'y^'^.^ ■■'*:•.' ■% ■: ^^f •fv •*'^ f h V A ■> ^ plain tribes of Indians, and that thus we would attract to our side a moral power which, in the critical relations of the various tribes of Indians towards each other and towards the Government, would prove of the greatest value to the Dominion. j Col. Dennis also reported that the state of affairs in relation to the Indians and Half-breeds called for the serious consideration of the Government in view of additional probable complications owing to the presence of Indian refugees from the States ; and he added that further measures should be adopted to cultivate and maintain relations with the Indians and Half-breeds calculated to attach them to us, and to convince them that the Government was desirous of fulfilling its obligations to them with the utmost good faith. He then proposed a plan for the issue of non-negotiable scrip to the Half-breeds, and for considerable aids of various kinds ; and he recommended that a plan should be devised w • a view to legislation during the coming session. The next step taken by the Government was also prompt a judicious. They consulted great dignitaries of the Territorie The replies were in the same sense. The Archbishop's answer showed that the Half-breeds had a ■':X ■'-7^ ■•.'a!' •V- ?'^-k li-. H ■SI. CLAIM TO FAVOURABLE CONSIDERATION ; that great uneasiness was felt by them in consequence of no steps having been yet taken in their behalf; that a liberal policy on the part of the Government would attract to its side a moral and physical power which, in the critical relations of the various Indian tribes towards each other and towards the Govern- ment, would prove of the gi'eatest value to the Dominion ; that on the other hand, the Half-hreed element, if dissatisfied, would he- come a standing menace to peace and prosperity ; that the state of affairs touching the Indians and Half-breeds- called for tl^ se- rious consideration of the Got^ernment ; that measures should be adopted to cultivate relations with the Half-breeds calculated to attach them to us ; that the formidable Indian question had not yet arisen amongst us, owing largely to the influence of the Half- breeds ; that the disappearance of the buffalo, and the extension of settlement in the Indian country, were preparing difficulties which might, he hoped, be avoided, but which would otherwise involve such, terrible and expensive results that it was a duty to do every- thing possible to prevent such misfortune ; that the result would depend in a great measure on the treatment of the Half-breeds . that, friendly disposed, they would mightily contribute to the' maintenance of peace, while, dissatisfied, they might render settle- ment difficult, or almost impossible. He added that -•^^-.;7 vt.^ ' ^ V:^»^r . ' (14) ' . '%' ■;'■»■ '■> '.*' It, I 1b •> M ■•?. :(■'/' i V ' ^ 'l^' VT' W "? 7^ ■}«■ X.' l" - ' r >■■ ■ «*-^ If ^t.., ^v''^V' I'v'V 1 i^'- 407 WORDS OF COMMENDATION MUST END, V •.- and my words of condemnation must begin. Sir, from that hour to which I have brought you, to wit, from that 17th da}'^ of May, 1879, all through 1879, 1880, '81, '82, '83, '84, and into the winter of 1885, the Oovernment took not one single step, did not one single act, made not one single move towards the settlement of that claim. (Cheers.) It stood, so far as they were concerned, in the winter of 1885 as it stood in the spring of 1879. (Cheers.) And I maintain that, if I had not one word more to say, I have by these words made a strong, a conclusive case for the condemna- tion of the Government. (Great applause.) I ask you how it ia possible to defend or excuse men who, having obtained this power and undertaken these duties, did, during these many long years, literally, absolutely, emphatically nothing at all towards the use of that power and the discharge of that duty ? (Cheers.) Do you suppose it was because the people did not clamour ? Do you suppose it was because they after a while gave up disheart- ened, thinking that their voices could not reach Ottawa and that they must perforce cease their requests for justice ? That would, were it the fact, be a poor excuse indeed by powerful guardians for the long neglect of poor and weak and distant wards! It would be a poor excuse by judges and rulers for the delay, which is the denial of justice ! (Cheers.) But - < -' •' /.•,..■*•_ EVEN THAT POOR EXCUSE IS WANTING ! . , ' . ! t ' - ■ the people did not cease ! they did not for years lose heart and hope ! they petitioned still, they assembled still, they appealed still, they applied to the local magnates, they wrote, they sent deputations, they did all that men could do to obtain their rights. _ Local authorities added the weight of their words ; the white settlers joined in the demand; the Nortii-West Council spoke once and again, and pressed the question as demanding the early and earnest attention of the Government. The time, if there ever were a time, for conditions of non-aliena- tion, passed away; the state of things changed, the discontent grew, the demand became fixed and formulated for like treatment as the Half-breeds of Manitoba, and its concession in this form was pressed on the Government by everyone in the Noith-West, including the Council. But all in vain! The Government was deaf; the Govern- ment was V)lind; the Government was dumb; indeed for all they did in this matter the Government might as well have been dead ! Nay better ! for had they been dead, I do not believe another baker's dozen of Tories could have been found to succeed them who would have been as deaf, and dumb, and blind, and dead as K-r ■ - • -y ^''"^ 'V / r ■^^ ) 1 ' 1' '', ? ■*■-. 1 / i^ :■> JlJ ^^??''^ ~ 1 ~ ' - ''T' ' T ^* ^^*^ .-^^Si^a^;^ .1-. . , ■';'-' ; ■' ' - ' ' , • 408 "'--.■ /\ I ■'?'/-.'-.--.'viK^'>' they ; (cheers and laughter) and Canada mi^ht have been saved -i. ;-'z-^ ' the blow, the dreadful blow, which they caused, if they did not >' >•*. actually inflict upon their country ! (Cheers.) -'■ At length, in June 1884, after five years of total, of absolute inaction in this pressing matter, occurred an event so marked that ., V it might have made the deaf to hear, the dumb to speak, the blind " ., V ^ to see, nay, might almost have waked the dead — (applause) — for ^ ' ^ 'V then it happened thtit these poor people, despairing at last of reaching otherwise the ears of their rulers at Ottawa, sent a dep- utation on foot to tramp the prairies, cross tho rivers, and pene- , trate the forests, 700 long miles into Montana, to find, and to coun- sel with their old chief a;?.d leader, Louis Riel. They reached him ; they invited his ". Av agreed to return in their company, to -, lead his people in ar i ^>b.. on for the rights which they had so , long asked in vain ; he returned on this demand, on this errand, in . these relations to his "n^ismen • and he was triumphantly and en- thusiastically received b;y , la^^ ; as-^embly of the half-breeds on the banks of the Saskatchewan, aiiv* all these ominous and por- , teutons facts were known to the Government. (Cheers.) Now what at this juncture was the relation of Louis Riel to the dis-r ' turbed populations of the North- West ? That is a most important question to be answered, when you are measuring the situation and awarding its due responsibility to the Government. For I ask you, having answered that question, to decide, as I believe you will unhesitatingly decide, J ask not you Liberals only, but the most compassionate, the most faithful Tory, the blindest, the most party ridden Tory here, to decide — (even if he can find, what ,< I cannot find, in the loving kindness of his nature, in the softness of his heart, some, I will not say justification, I will not say ex- ' cuse, but some palliation for that five long years of inaction) — yet I ask you all, with absolute confidence, to agree with me, that for ' the inaction after June, 1884, there is, under heaven, no palliation^ ivhatever. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) What was the relation of Riel to those amongst whom he came ? I will not give you my own comparisons — I will give you those of the First Minister him- r self, used in reply to me in Parliament (Cheers.) • . , He said that Riel was • ' ■ , V. yd' ''■} i"i ■:C N .- / / '■I >\ THE EL MAHDI OF THE METIS ^r^.%^ the El Mahd — you know him — the Arabian priest, and prophet, ^nd usurping chief, who excited in the breasts of the wild tribes of the , desert such a convinced belief in his supernatural powers, such a devoted and fanatic afiection to his person, such a des- perate fidelity to his cause, that at his bidding, ill-armed and undisciplined as they were, they flung their naked bodies in V (14) :--'.vv. •c:> ;)\y '^.J //%" ^:.:^'- x "NA" '■V-. s .- i;#^)*' In' ■■ /■."'■■ J -M .^:^ *.\ ■J 409 ferocious fight against the better drilled and more numerous forces of their lawful sovereign, the Khedive ; nay, they hurled those naked bodies once and again against the serried ranks of the British battalions ; and boldly encountered at once all the old British valour, and all the modern dreadful appliances of war ; and the sands of Africa were wet with brave English blood, and English wives and mothers wept bitter tears, for the deeds done, under these influences, by the wild followers of El Mahdi ! (Cheers.) He said that Kiel was the La Rochejacquelein of the Metis — La Rochejacquelien, the young French noble, who, when all France almost beside had submitted to the Republic, raised again the white flag of the legitimate monarchy, roused the peaceful peasantry of remote La Vendee, led them in success- ful attack against strong places held by the forces of the Republic, and by virtue of the spirit he infused, the confidence they reposed, the affection and fealty they bore towards their feudal chief, kept at bay for a while the great armies of the State (Cheers.) He said he was the Charles Stuart, the Pretender, the leader of the lost cause of the Half-breeds ! " Bonnie Prince Charlie, the King o' the Hieland hearts," who, after the lowlands of Scotland, after all England, after all Ireland, had submitted to the new rule, yet raised the clans; marched into Edinburgh; held court at Holy- rood; made a descent on England itself; and, when pressed back into the North, fought with his irregular and ill- equipped liege- men in unequal, but obstinate and glorious, and sometimes suc- cessful conflict with the disciplined troops of the new dynasty ! (Cheers.) The Stuart, who found and proved for the hundredth time the stern valour and the enthusiastic love of his Highland followers — who found and proved it, not only in the fleeting hour of victory, but in ■the dark season of distress ; when, with broken fortunes, and a lost cause, with thirty thousand pounds offered for his head, and death assigned as the penalty for his harbourer, he was safely guarded, and loved, and cherished, and sheltered by his clansmen in the caves and glens and bothies of the Highlands, as safe as if he had been in command in the centre of a British square ! (Loud cheers.) Yes ! they scorned the base reward, they contemned the dreadful penalty ; they kept him safe, and at length helped him to escape to other climes, to wait for the better days that never came. (Loud cheers.) -■.:\> -.(■"■<■ SUCH WERE THE MEN ^.v ■" to whom the First Minister compared Riel, in his relation to the Metis. And, such being his relation, I ask you was not his com- ing an ominous ^nd portentous event ? (Loud cheers.) He came, with all that power and influence over that ill-educated, half- I. '' -M'' ■t": V^t' ^ t. it'' f '■} 410 •>i. •; :v \/ 1 r A I;. I I ,/■ civilized, impulsive, yet proud and sensitive people, living their lonely lives in that far land ; he came amongst them at their request, he who had led the Half-breeds of the east in '69, and had achieved for them a treaty and the recognition of their rights ; he came to lead his kinsmen of the went in the path by which they were, as they hoped, to obtain their rights as well ! Had the Government been diligent before, they should have been roused by this to further- zeal ! But he came after five years of absolute lethargy on the part of the Government, when they knew that they had not been diligent, and when, therefore, they had a double duty to repair, in the time God gave them still, the con- sequences of their sloth ! (Cheers.) Surely, surely, such a coming should have made the deaf to hear, the blind to see, the dumb to speak ; surely it miglit have almost waked the dead ! (Loud cheers.) But, you may say to me, why should there be alarm ? These were, after all, but a feeble folk ; there were in the whole of that vast territory, scattered over its thou- sands of miles, less than five thousand of them, men, women, and children from the little infant in arms to the old grandfather tottering towards his grave — they were but a feeble folk — why should the Government be alarmed ? That again is a poor excuse — the voice of conscience should have alarmed them. The record of duty neglected, of justice denied, should have shamed them into action. (Cheers.) Fear should not have been the only impulse to- wards the performance of their duty. But remember, though the Half-breeds were few, the settlers also were few and unprotected ; and even 4 or 5,000 of such a population as the Half-breeds could inflict much dama£:e. And remember too that i ' ''' "V /" THEY WERE NOT ALONE. There were also their Indian kinsmen. (Hear, hear.) These numbered many thousands ; they were trained warriors, and un- happily their condition was largely that of discontent, jealousy, hostility, semi-starvation and desperation. They would have been more than human if they had not felt hostile to us, though well and wisely managed and^^I am sorry to say — they were not managed well or wisely. (Loud cheers.) I need not describe their condition in my own words. Let me state it in the words OF THE Prime Minister, when we charged him with so conducting affairs as to provoke dissatisfaction. He said speaking sometimes of the Indians and sometimes of the Metis, whom he seeme^to confound together, that we had no right to expect that we would be so successful in governing the country in peace and quiet as we had been ; that the country was occupied by savages or sekni-savages, by men then driven to' desperation, through the '■^-■ ■ t '%■■■' fi ■•.T ■ ^ •.*:i: T7T I I I I 11 »ll ■^^ « H» || Wl ^■■ ' pwin 411 ♦,'. ' ^ r^'? Jl^X- -t-' .«-.(*».-; -J' ' "^'m / >* ■ : :.rvr. |Nfl> "' ^^'ti / I 1 '**f- "#i v ^ i r-"" t ' ■t - ■ ' ■ ^ It P}. , .M disappearance of the buft'ulo ; that hungry men were desperate, starving men were ready to grasp at anything, ready to charge those in power with being the cause of their starvation ; that when Louis Kiel was sent for that summer, he was sent for by these poor people, suffering from hunger ; and that Louis Riel listened too readily to the invitation of the poor starving people, the Metis in the neighbourhood of Duck Lake. Thus you will see he knew the condition, and that there was great danger of an Indian rising ; indeed there had been armed resistance to the authorities and open insubordination during the season ; and it was obvious that peril was in the air. But if a rising was to be apprehended, even under good g ivernment, I leave you to imagine what the chances were under such a government as that which ruled at Ottawa. (Cheers.) However, good government or bad government, the danger was there before Riel appeared. How greatly that danger was increased by his appearance, you can judge. (Cheers.) Thus you will see that the question was not one simply of a Half-breed rising ; it was one of a Half-breed and an Indian rising ; and n(j graver, no more alarming conjuncture can be conceived. Surely then, at any rate, the Government should have acted ! (Cheers.) There were in the Territories that summer several Ministers, among them Sir Hector Langevin, who met the Half-breeds at Qu'Appelle, received the complaint, agreed in its reasonableness, and promised the attention of his colleagues. He was there at the request of Sir John Macdoiiald, to spy out the grievances. This one he learned, but he forgot the lesson ; no record is to be found of his pressing the matter at Ottawa, and nothing was done. (Cheers.) Mr. Burgess, the Dejjuty Minister of the Interior, was there that summer ; he knew of the grievances ; but nothing was done. Other Ministers were there ; but nothing was done. " - , • ■,-:.. i ■ ■ ■■■' ■■ ■ ^ ;.'-r^^^iy . • . IT WAS NOT FOR WAMT OF WARNING. ' .. The North-West Council felt that the danger was imminent and in July passed a resolution, that it recognised absolutely the justice of the claims of the Metis, so far as concerned the grants of land which they demanded. The resolution was telegraphed to Sir John Macdonald, as first Minister, and also acting Minister of the Interior. Sir John telegraphed in reply, that the Minister of the Interior on his return from Europe, " would take into his serious consi- deration " (loud laughter), the questions relating to the Half- breeds : and he did nothin«: at all. • ,v , , \ ., «.,.,. - : \ v>> (14)." '^ ■ 4 "** I •^Ic ^^ ^ i ir • ' 'V r ..^•^/ t 412 ' * K . i" • r/^, V V/ ;. u •Tr= V//, The Minister of the Interior was in England, he was there on important business — on business of the State, deeply affecting the public welfare — he was there — he was there — getting knighted^ (Roars of laughter.) He returned later, honoured by his Sov- ereign, who honoured Canada in his person ; decorated for his y, - great public services ; standing, if that werd possible, a step higher in the general estimation ; ready, we may presume, at last to dis- ,» pose of the public business which he was paid and sworn to - settle. , ;' Whether he considered thi? matter at all, whether he considered it seriously, I cannot tell — but this I know that unhappily nothing was done ; it is still the same sad and incomprehensible story of absolute inaction. (Cheers.) No one did anything. W as it for lack of still more pressure ? No. Bishop Grandin wrote a letter to Sir H. Langevin, pointing out the grievances, the disturbed condition, the danger of delay, the importance of action, and imploring redress. He might as well have implored the dead ! (Cheers.) Bishop Grandin wrote a like letter to Sir John Macdonald, in still greater detail — he might as well have implored the dead! (Renewed cheers.) These letters are so damaging, that though repeatedly called for, and sometimes promised, the Government has not dared to bring them doivn, and lay them before you. They are in the mass of concealed and suppressed papers, which these criminals hold in the public vaults, dreading the condemna- tion which their production would ensure ! (Cheers.) I have made many efforts to get you these papers ; I have MLboured long and hard to secure for you the knowledge which is your due ; but * \: -".d- .A "• f ^f •V> '■• :-f ^~V- ONLY THE CORNER OF THE VEIL HAS BEEN LIFTED ; only a fraction of the mass of incriminating papers has been dragged ' out of their reluctant hands ; the rest they hold ; and the task of obtaining them has, I believe, passed out of my hands. It has fallea .' into yours ; you must perform it at the polls. (Cheers.) Send men to Parliament who will force the production of these further ma- terials for a judgment, and then, and not until then, will you ob- tain them. (Loud cheers.) There were letters and telegrams from various important quarters; there were newspaper accounts too. But there were other warnings. There were great meetings at various points, some of Metis, and some of whites, speeches were made, resolutions were passed, the agitation increased, redress of the grievances, recognition of the claims was loudly called for. There wer^f private meetings too, '^•^'^f'^^ • -i.- W- vr' > X iv:' >;..,^ M4) '<^^;i- ! I * \'-7\"^ 'dlMhi'miAi f.illWii' "I'U'i "' "" ' " ' t-."*.^ '* l'-y" l y »» '■! ! ■■■■ " ^ . y . i ifii Hw yi . .. f ^n <'ii " •. . . .V , i ) ,• ■ .v 413 f-" ^ •).». -■?, ' :^r.. 'if fJlK more dangerous than the public ones — the whole district was in an obviously fiaverish and excited state. No man knew what was going to happen, or how soon ; every man thought that the Gov- ernment should act at once and redress the grievance. But nothing was done. (Cheers.) Yet I do not tell you that the Government was stone deaf, or quite blind, or wholly dumb. There did penetrate those dull ears some faint echo of the clam- ours rising on the banks of the Saskatchewan ! There did pierce those dim eyes some flickering glimmer of the lurid light reflected from the waters of that mighty stream ! There did come at last some confused and imperfect utterance from those long-sealed lips ! But, alas, the ears did not hear aright, the eyes did not see true, and the lips spake not the fitting words ! (Cheers.) '^ Mr. Chairman, there are two great and fundamental duties of Governments, a primary and a secondary duty. The primary duty, the most blessed and happy, the most God- like duty, that which nearest approaches, at a distance, however infinite and awful, the divine attributes, is the duty of faithfully doing full justice, of ^ • : • ' ' . ' PROMPTLY REDRESSING ALL GRIEVANCES, ' ' ■' of dealing in a broad and generous and merciful and liberal spirit with the claims of the poor and weak and humble and distressed. (Cheers.) The secondary duty, a stern and painful duty, a duty which in these later and happier days seldom, thank God, or never, arises, unless the first has been shamefully neglected, is, if unhappily the public peace be broken, the public order disturbed, the public authority defied, firmly and eflPectually to restore peace, to re- establish order, to vindicate authority. There would have been no need in the North-West for the per- formance of that duty but for the shameful neglect of our rulers as to the other. (Cheers.) But they did apprehend danger — they did fear a rising — they did move, though in a bungling and foolish way, towards the discharge of the duty of suppression. »~<. WHAT WAS THEIR FIRST SIGN OF LIFE. s---»: Y - %y>s^- ' ..:.■■■ ^.\- 1/ ^ -\' was their first sign of life ? * <■ In July they sent Col. Houghton to the Saskatchewan to col- lect the arms of the old volunteer companies, to remove them from the district, and to put them in a place of safety. Why ? For fear they might be seized by insurgents, and the muzzles might be pointed against the wrong breasts. j it r^f^.:^^- Col. Houghton reported to Sir A. Caroh on the danger of a ris- '.n ' / . ; (', ■•'./ i^:^^ ^'^.-:ai».- 14) n i- .' '\ . r-- * 414 1;: .• J: k r \ ■"• u I" '. r 4 ■•>,•■-'■ :'l^-* ^ %' ff '^ s ing, the condition of discontent and agitation, the need of prompt measures of redress. His report is suppressed— U^ey dare not bring it down ; but the fact is aa I have stated. Yet nothing towards redress was done ! And this other sign of life they gave :— * They obtained from the Hudson's Bay Company the post of Charlton, which was within " striking distance," as soldiers say, of the centre of the agitation ; and this post they occupied with Mounted Police, so as to be ready to strike the b'.ow, and to sup- press the insurrection, when it should come. Thus I show you that they — even they — had grasped the idea of danger and were preparing for the resort to force. But while they took these stops, ill-advised and inadequate aa they were, in the discharge of their duty to restore the peace by , arms, they were yet blind and deaf and dumb as to the evidencea of that first and highest duty of preserving the peace by doing jus- ' tice and dispensing equity, removing grievance and redressing wrong, and so taking away the weapons of the agitator, the rea- sons for revolt. They made ready to suppress, they did nothing to prevent ! (Cheers.) And so all through June, July, August, •September, October, November, December, and into January ; all through those long months of summer, fall, winter — for now the crisis nears,now we come to count by months, not years — all through those invaluable months still allowed them for redress, they did m this regard literally and absolutely nothing. (Renewed applause.) Now was the accepted time, now was the eleventh hour, still the lamp held out to burn ; the time was passing, the lamp was flicker- ing; all called for action but nothing was done I (Cheers.) There they reclined in their luxurious couches, there they transacted their . political intrigues, there they concocted their plans for enjoyment of the sweets of office and the partition of the public treasure and estate, but they were wholly indifferent to the call of duty. They remind me of Tennyson's description of the old gods — ■ they seemed . " to live and lie reclined » \ * • ,^ On the hills like gods together, careless of mankind ; /'''-- , ,;.', For they lie beside their nectar, and the bolts are hurled '. ■•„' ' .J Far below them in the valleys, and the clouds are lightly curled ^ ' . Round their golden houses, girdled with the gleaming world ; - ", Where they smile in secret, looking over wasted lands, . , Clangning fights, and flaming towns, and sinking ships, and praying hands. But they smile, they find a music centred in a doleful song ' Steaming up, a lamentation and an ancient tale of wrong, . ,. .» '-t *r:'- ,:"'^ ■ Like a tale of little meaning, though the words are strong ; ' _■;, ; '/_ • '•; i,^ Chaunted from an ill-used race of men that cleave the soil, > A:. , Store the seed and reap the. harvest with enduring toil ; ■ Till they perish and they suffer." ^', A ! Jk (Applause.) Such seemed to be the demeanour of the Government. (14) i« ;!^.,- -. 'trJ^:: I-',^^_. v-«/ . ...'^inctta- itir •-ntj'-n.rfr-a-t ' 'rT~^.j »'if 415 •J--- ./ u -• ../• \ .',■/ (Renewed applause.) Through all these long months the agita- tion grew, and the remonstrances doubtless increased, and at length — at length — the Ministers awoke. They woke in January, they woke late, they woke but for an instant ; and then they took a step — a step on which they now rely for defence. No step then taken could atone for their previous neglect. (Cheers.) But _ WAS THIS FAMOUS STEP? ' ' ''^ WUA.T .^ *"-^' At the very end of January, 1885, they decided that, with ; , a view to settle these claims equitably, three men should be \. V appointed to ascertain the number of the Half-breeds. (Laugh- :'\ ter.) That was all! No recognition of their rights; still \ ^' less any statement of the extent or principle of settlement; .A still less any machinery for effectuating a settlement! Only a numbering of the people ! (Laughter.) Whether few or many, '' ' ', their rights were the same; nor was the numb'.r of any con- ^■\i sequence to the settlement. (Cheers.) But, at any rute, this was all ! And, having made the < der, they slept again. (Cheers and laughter.) They did not wake even long enough to put the ' abortive order into execution — thky SLEPT again. Whether it was the sleep of the just, judge ye ! (Cheers.) And so the time passed, ' ' and the sands ran out of the L,das,s — so slipped away valuable days and weeks — for the period of grace was now shortened, and oidy ', V days and weeks remained — so slipped away the short remaining ' ■• , time, unused and wasted, till the day of grace had parsed, till the ^ , *■ people rose, till blood was spilt, till Duck I^ke fight was fought! • .' (Cheers) Yea, at length revolt raised its horrid head, and the _ ; • sounds of the tiring, and the groans of the wounded, and the la- ;-y' ments over the dead, and the cry of alarm from the Noi-th-West '*> , reached the eats of the Ministers ; and they woke a^^ain ! (Cheers.) Waked again, they took another step. In the end of March they made what they declared for a few days was a recognition of the •'■* . ^ claims, and they appointed commissioners to settle them on the V - ' basis they fixed. Then jor the first time, did they propound a solution ; then, after the rising. But, even then, can you believe /^/'». it, so ignorant, or dull, or obt^tinate were they, that their so called ^■^',- settlement ... • ' . ' WAS NO 8KTTLEMENT AT ALL; ' .-':■? -:•,,•■.■■•,. • • " ,, , ..,•'-', that, for a large number of the cases, it allowed in truth nothing at , all for this claim ! (Cheers.) I need not go into details to [)rove this astounding statement. It is admitted. Their commissioners went in hot haste to Winnipeg, saw the chief men, looked into the matter, , ahd telegraphed and wrote to the Government demonstrating this amazing fact, and asking further powers. And the Minister, on ifeirt ■J ♦• • i*>«a •\: ■"^v ,.^^,v 416 W' ,t; . - - I of; thatThrCo^rl* ' ^'""■^ "i'^sior.ary eve^ ''!*?" «««»'. every . and wide thi^r •"'"°" ''"^ going to Zr? °?,f ""^^ """'d thint •i V. .' i ffoSDeJ ntZ *-""""& at lone and at T»Jt ?!.. "^^ proclaimf "w/ou meet a H.^'!!""'^"*''^ °<" to stand on f J"'*'««' Cheers.) ,v .( '•* b:5^,','*:-AiSt' fc » '*/ ■W^u meet a H,l?T''r''«''« °ot to stend on fc ''"'"""• ^<^'>««'-^) whether he ha, «•'•"*' "^P*" your coortfn',.n,-P..""° '*«*"? |i tai:^-- -^ it ^- ^ "s:^^txbi ^ ; . ^"^ ^^^ THIS HASTE ? . ^ - . '^ ^ cause a mTraLtW "'"^^y ™e» i theyXid ..f"! "",*. ^''"'■^ ">« "■ we.. widlSefeTh -^"f -g "" P t n'^^^^^^^ ^^ to be . vigoroa, action of ?L r""' '* '^^^ they were Tverl^ 1"*°^ a very few week?, -f Commission. (diZ^ averting by the . sanfl nf *i^ ^?e™ 't was f jund tho* jj-^^eers.; In the course of > . v, -. ■ ** S^eat number """' ^O-'SAXI, sm«.x. CASES j* is greater u\ even reJativelv ?hil u , ® "nredreased TKui thousand souttrfw'"^^^^' ^^^ there we,t 1 ;.-— ^^ole^or^XtL '^ population, so Zf ^'? *^"^ ^^^ (14) mmtl ••v -. '. ^ * A '•.>H 417 - .- .•- ■ Ji« ', which would ensure redress ! gists for the Government say : (Loud cheers.) But some apolo-^*' OH, BUT THE GRIEVANCE DID NOT CAUSE THE REBELUON. J - ■• * -4 :P •':S .1.-^':' v'i /*V'if that were so, it does not lessen the guilt of the Govern- ment. (Cheers.) Had the people been patient still, had they fv 1 v' ■ not been led into the unfortunate step of rising, yet the Government would have been guilty of that neglect, delay, and mismanagement which I have this night charged and proved against them ! It is not the Half-breed rising that makes the Govern- I . ' ment guilty , it is their own misconduct, (Cheers.) But the excuse is false. These apologists say this grievance did not cause the ris- I, ,, ing, because only 200 or 300 rose, and out of these only a few had I' claims of this particular nature. The argument is absurd. It was ' If ; not the only grievance ; there were others, it was one of sev- ;x V. ;' eral. (Cheers.) But did you ever hear or read of a rising which^ 'f)%-' % ivas conjined to those who had in their own individual cases suf- ''^ '■" fered fratn grievance ? No ! The brothers, the fathers, the sons, 'the kinsmen rise, the neighbours, the friends, the sympathisers rise ! (Cheers.) Man sympathises with his fellow man, and this, '- even when it leads to his joining in the fight for his fellow's rights, is not a low or base characteristic of humanity ! (Cheers). But again, do you suppose the insurgents and their leader did not count when they rose on being joined by the others ? They did, . and there was great danger of it too ! And this assurance and = this danger was due to the fact that there was a large body '-^f^Cv^L - ' of aggrieved Half-breeds to appeal to. (Loud cheering.) But the Government have lately published Half-breed declarations which prove the case. They have this long time been engaged in ^ getting whitewashing papers from the Half-breeds ; they have ' demeaned themselves by sending their powerful agents to these poor people, some wounded in battle, some imprisoned under the • law, some exiles from their country, all ruined, starving, and despair- ing, dreading they know not what further horrors, uncertain of * their future, doubtful of amnesty, doubtful of their poor holdings, . absolutely dependent on the good-will of the Government, feeling it vital to gain that good- will, and taught that the easiest road to it was to say what the Government wished should be said as to the rebellion ; they have sent their agents to get papers from these poor Half-breeds. (Cheers.) I do not attach the greatest weight to acquittals of the Government, to condemnations of Riel, to excuses for themselves put forth by the Half-breeds on this pressure, and at this instance ; at any rate so far as their sen- timents are such as their rulers require at their hand.s. (Cheers.) 'T -', s •■ A.\ >t^ ^:. ■.. (14) ■ V ■J* '■ > -'>^ ■ w ■'■ ' . p" ;;;.i '.■ '_ :' i i ,' 1 . ! ' i i • <■ i 1'/ ■\ ^X'% t 1/ i 1=, % f f'^ M t " I ! -' * r- ' ,»,, v'^V the judgment of an indignant people for their long months and years of absolute inaction ? (Great cheering.) I have 14) >j itiik** ■. \ . / \ ^ J •,>.•-. .y.-'^. ',•:*>/ , "^ / SO obtained and so iNMENT, SS'I^O' ''' ' ■, V cheers.) And I find ' I by the Mail, at the said to come from it one half of them nake the grants for ground for rmiig; r ground for rising ; this wrong to their i not waste time in mouth. Mr. White, »e fatal effect of his fe of delay, c?ecWe >S. »i \S I (M) V,- «i.tlr- ■'*-'. « >. «H lt l »> ^ lil» ii, MJ ff ^ ll ftl , 'In ipt . iliii nil I -' . ' ^i '» "" ' T ~-rr ; -4 ,« v;"-* ■ t-.-- 'AVi,, :;,.;. ^ ■".'-' ,"jl'.il,'f < f*-. NOBLY THEY DID THEIB HARD DUTY. 1 (Loud cheers.) We not sympathize with the volunteers ! Why, i| their ranks are to be found to-day, I venture to affirm, the full pre portion of Reformers ; there you would find our political frienc" our personal friends, our sons, our brothers, our kinsmen, our coni jiexions. (Cheers.) Take the case of the humble individual wh( speaks to you. Of the Ontario Law Society, of which I have th^ honour to be head, twenty-one members served in the Queen'^ Own and the Royal Grenadiers in the North- West. Out of th( twenty-one, seven,* one-third of the whole, were out of my officeJ (Cheers.) Of the commissioned officers in the Grenadiers onl North-West service, one was from my office; of those in the! Queen's Own no less than four, one-fifth of the whole number onl the strength, were from my office. Not only did seven men go| out of my office, '^ '' • TWO WENT OUT OF MY OWN HOME. ^ ' " • "-■..'■ .. " (Loud cheers.) Let them point to any other case in Canada like this, before they ask you to believe that we Reformers could be so unnatural as not to feel and, show the deepest anxiety to quell the rebellion, and the deepest sympathy with our gallant volunteers ! (Cheers.) Our wives and daughters helped at home, and did all that women could to dimioish the hardships of the men abroad, and of the deal* ones they had left behind. (Cheers.) And yet we are to be told by these Tory monopolizers of loyalty, and public spirit, and patriotism, and sympathy, that we fostered the rebellion, and wished success to those who rose, and wounds. and death to our own people ! (Tremendous cheers.) But you understand the ob- ject ; it is by any means, however vile, to avert your judgment on themselves ; and for that they resort to these base attacks on us. (Cheers.) The rebellion over, the tim^ came for fudging our rulers for their conduct. They have used every means to prevent that trial. As I have told you they have suppressed the papers. As I have told you, they have cast the blame on us. They have repeatedly cast it on the white settlers. But they determined to make a supreme effort to cast it wholly on Riel,' not only to his condemnation, but also, and that is a very different thing, to their own exoneration. Order restored, they put the law in force, they proceeded to the trial, the conviction, the sentence, and the execution of Riel. And they have since pro- •'' claimed that their actions in that regard is the question to be* *' tried — that, they say is the great issue ! (Cheers and laughter.) I cannot to-night discuss that question. You know my views. I (14) ''' S I <■ y^^-r- — I-- *fi'^h*i^i <"■■ m' •< ,r^ .■■■-.»,''. DUTY. \V •A I* -i<- -4 "^ - *. /■ 'i^- .,-■».. I believe they are such as his- not, and do not believe, that olunteers! Why, in > aflSrm, the full pro- ur political friends, r kinsmen, our con- ible individual who f which I have the ^ed in the Queen's West. Out of the •e out of my office, the Grenadiers on 3; of those in the i whole number on ' did seven men go 'ME. N J,, .. ise in feanada like ormers could be so ixiety to quell the allant volunteers • le, and did all that en abroad, and of i yet we are to be public spirit, and le rebellion, and md death to our derstand the ob- your judgment base attacks on w^ for judging >d every means lave suppressed cast the blame white settlers, ist it wholly on that is a very restored, they the conviction, «S / ■?; lave since pro- question to be d laughter.) I my views. I (14) am ready to maintain them ; and tory will record as sound. I did according to the settled principles of the administration of criminal justice, the Government in that respect did its duty. But whether 1 be right, or they, on that question, matters not one whit as to your verdict on the true issue, their responsibility for the rebellion. (Loud dieers.) I have never denied that there was treason on the banks of the Saskatchewan, amongst those half civilized, illiterate, misguided, but also much abused pec^le. There was treason under the law. Nor have I ever contended that the circumstances afforded even a moral justification for a resort to arms, whatever palliation may exist by reason of their ill-treatment. But I tell you that treason was not conjined to the banks of the Saskat- chewam (Cheers.) There luas treason on the hanks of the Ottawa as tvell. (Loud and prolonged applause.) Tjiere was trea- son there, not amongst poor, half-savage, uneducated, misled men, stung to madness by contempt, neglect, and the long denial of jus- ; ', tice, starving and desperate, led astray, if you plense, V)y agitators ; <■!. - , THERE WAS TREASON AT OTTAWA ..v ' ^ . •'• ^-" •< ■.-■'. against the Queen's majesty, against the Canadian people, on the part of men in the highest place, men of the widest knowledge, men of the largest experience, men living at ease upon the people's taxes in order that they might do the people's work ! (Loud cheers.) I charge it on the pledged councillors of the Queen, on the men who wear her honours, on the men solemnly sworn so to advise Her Majesty, so to conduct the pu^blic affairs, as that her people should be well and wisely ruled, that justice .should be done, that harmony rnd peace .should mark her happy reign — I charge it on these men that they un- ]-jardonably violated that solemn oath, that they wantonly neg- lected their prime duty, that they left just claims unheeded for long years, that they gave the opportunity for rebellion, and so tarnished their sovereign's honour and betrayed their country's welfare ! (Tremendous cheering. Voices, " We will turn them out ! ") Aye, turn them out ! I have told them that in older and sterner days men far higher placed than they, peers of the British realm, have been attainted at the bar of the House of Lords, have stood in peril of life and limb, of freedom and estate, have been dishonoured and disgraced, and declared mcapable cf •^^ ever serving the Crown again ; for neglects of duty, and betrayals . of trust, and violations of obligation far less flagrant ! (Cheers.) / I have told them that our modem and milder age provides for crimes like theirs no adequate punishment; that their only punishment will be the people's withdrawal of the power they ^ • . ■ . ^- (14) } I'* 1 , r '■ . *' i''> W- - 'M ■/ 1^: 'rJJ »iw:t,r.^;.\i;jt;„,*l, 'i.^*-ir«t'.- -V', ,.^,-.;.hk" U '•lyjinc;!! Tuap cT' Cvnfida~"''c>>e'^rr'^--l--'T«<»lnr?d not merely that the ^X^^'-^u /ri:>i^Eohiia.iL'ad.oJitj'^ vvolij:J t- -ii-Mo.], luC ih;>^ the Hb*/: -.bthc:;]- ^''■'u ■ irfj. tfMrHCe i.ibcv-l pprry v],,-^ T.UE Orro?ITION WOVLD L'.: PIVTDFJJ. ■. . . ... one involving the {uluihiis- iiito v/hich an ■■^'^o■:t \,iv\ of 13 cu aud crotiti, I %n-ou;'J. .-■..' .1 t;ike uo party line, should main- >uid b.i:x. and \():.e euiiroK' r-i'r'"d-- aftur licariii:.! the evidciioo imd ONvn i/'d:tcUr«J .hat op thiri rii.-vjon, a-- be<>a (v^tt«<« to iiitroduce. 'Js^Mt^ ■r,' I :.-i- (ess c«f i.arfcvy^^ • ' a.rAuiv^^nt sh;^idd clAcl^la? ••e ^'udt anr: jut-L (Che-iS.) -.-, _ the Frtrncii Avere divi'scd; the Liber ■i:]'', guided by hU own oo:i^;cionce And the e /i;ijts , v';;ided :u- v,-e''.. 01- •wy iv^C-iC"-' vi.: ; tne x'rencii Avere aiv.i'icd; tlio Lioerai- '.ve''.. ■.ii- Vi4€<;f^' x):,'c '.Tovcrnni-nt obtained a iarp) rjcdovity ; and •.Li.-n. foi- iCcbK. '.h^- T'rie:-; tnri> d ror.nd an'.l :.^^^X, ' iiow disapooijtted Mr. J-M.^kc nu;..-::''!fil. (L':.:.;^hc^i . ^ rhu d-i':yh,.l': tb^'ii" rj^; ,.no b,;r 1 1 .0 cr\'; ;.:.'l iji '..i\e .:;.'^.^- ;;:. .".^t :'v ;• tbvv hj-v- Kof^t it up vA';.;- "biov., You and *]'t;i'.i d'.^eb.i'in:/ iie:Ki: that chc l.j'cciI u:.v.;r.;.i:j..-.;.;t •■.■; '.y.e- Yoi; and *]'t;i'.i d'.^eh.i'inj; iie:Ki: .■\>v.pt ou' of oxiiCv:nce at tiie bcc vv'i.iLua !1 Protesri'lit alavrri at .saeh a re ebuh and cxcitiii':' ir past to divide expected gain of res of race hate, and blown ; and lust be found in that the French umn against the id that it was the to unite in solid ill not easily de- ith despair as to escribed. That leland we love, conditions; we Then, if this the nieasure of provoke it into u In January, . out thijf,t there pretended; I sr whatever on m^" And now the}- >,&<■ 1 — ' l 4 iio more rlgiit to n I ''■! die ihari . and "vvdth "which wg have they have vrith ours. (Cheer*.;, PrOvirei. ant En-ihh -^('H tiu^ ov^^r riic i^nirii^,. jycc.i\r>j: b^'■o':e^>t;■.ni:.^ ef l:]:.;\r i a call 10 all Proie.staiits everywhere to do fc^orne- o%v not what, for thf reh-j: of their hrethren ; 1 ■« t 1 • :i. 1 'i.': y V 'i'. i H f^ i-'\l ;■/•■ '■ y I • t ■ . » - » '» ■ J . V«r..- fc •*■-■-,■/ — t...^ — ._i*te -*sr^ ■itiA* -■:;vr>. f. ••,,\j at £r , vi»«ii»a«t'" *>:y ■■■> y^V hU ^■iui^c*t4^^\»^' (;r':^^=;THe" very agiraiK-a i^-^ /lang^rous — ^iir'ngorou-j^tp. /?')'f^^\ A^«':»^,| ?:' /-^'V -vi ■ '■■^.':.)Ai^ ininorf ties of erGectaiuoni, st Oup:;; .r^^v?;! t:>jw^,$ ,iKpku f.ti)* ' &a<5^ , u- .-. ■'"■•■''■%',"•■:''■: - . - •■■... . ■ '-..-i ; •■ ■ '•■ . ., — . I . .■! V; . •■ '■ . ■ ; f'ln^ ..,;..: . '■'•'."■,■ ■•'■•.■ • .■ • . ■ . ., ' •.. 1' ■• ■• ■ ■■ ..■ ■ ■■ \ ■-*■;, J'- , .•■••..■...'.;.■... 7 .■•■. - ■• ■ -^ '■.■'-■.•■:■.■.'..' .■;.;;■•■!'.•''■.■.■.'■■■■■-" A- ■".,*.•■• ,; jj*^: /■'■:.V^r/ to rLi\:'. ■■;'■>■ .,.^-.- l!..!:!. '■-L>'jtrv a''!..l ini\A''-Vyi'\'.':^\;-:n_.i \.,i. h•■'■;'•l'rl;:;.>i:^^ I ti:i.-i&i-i ^^':i v-': ;■••:-' •••Hi- ";^'U ! 'X^ii.-i'- ■■■'■: 1 fru^'. thiit.^ , ;.. ■■• .;,5'v-ii;:iou-i lir;.*".v, ot'ii.-pv;i ?■•;■:■". ^,■^.:-^■;l■ ]S;ii_s .. t':'^'''^i-^V--/'^''''^M^^-'-^''^/'' • - .' . i.\i':-: iLOii}:*J.'-y'-t\oy: I'j'vjyl., ;,i^^^ ,.■•••!•■..•': (■'v«:a\><'l:-.'ra':r,' ■8-:> M'aiy-'v.'C- \'\/'\ '^:0- nisy' v/o tru,.v'-!v>p;^,tiO help iho u-ij.?!-:. ofotH.}!: Province.-, ^-Ijould';' r. ." tkev'noed onr'aM ; . I 'ionv cbau-t^t-in^oi'le or rav ri.itive Province ■ ..■ 'vdil viso to tr.o OL'Cii;>i'on •, fiKiu c^ii-y.v/iii -^ivo on tho 2Sth «jt' Dc- '■' :, comber a deol-ivc vcivlit^c. oji the ■:'-iKl'^'-e(l ;-:^vio^ ; and I lielieve'/ ;■{,'■ ...rhr-.t ijivjh Cl Vc-rJi':': '.sin '.•■.• r.]^ pr'-cu .■..■:.■ Oi' ;i jij;iitoou- iu.l:vniicnt. .. .jV^'.'^.tv' be soon delivered .■■i2;_aiiiso,iiiO l:fOveriiraeiiu afc bttav,ci----(chee4's);>'' ^■-■r;/^'_L-_;^' T|TD,;;A,ri;:yT 'A)Ar'r:^i:. yoK': >:-:tEf.n.,..\ ]^■;Nl^s.t^^SNT alt. t.ie '■'■ !;/•:;''■:. ^GRSATEr;, ).!::;• A.i:r„■■■■-'■ .■•: • T" >'r ti < -"» 1 -"■r*-':."'--;rvv ,A;i**.^.-::i.'-.