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If; Hi mssem mm Si vobis in §nimo eji tueri mania veJirUf nee fati hue Mtnia Ga l l I a m fieri--^nu fequimini. Tit. Liv. B. 5-. c. 47. SB ■M ■■■ Cijirti ''-..-' ' T ' C <;^ ( • ) > * f i ' » ♦ ,u iiiibiiMjui 'lu liijl y\P iism^aimm9^ 'i I, .K ) ■ I - I M *ir^*a . -r : I f Hi I^T^E fyftem df Europe ^vhicih acofe and 'i unlblded ftf<;lf ki the ^fleent^^^d itx* teenth centuries, jemained in aiti ils vigour ^4ir- ing Ae next and tbe greateft part cf the pre&nt •^'f; till bjr the esplofion of a new principle, and the e^£ts of the devolution ahd conquers of France, it has been vicdefttly ihaik^n ^nd dif- • - - turbed, and is'in danger of being overwhelmed or. -forgotten. ^ ' It would be a .vain {)arade of knowledge to detail from hiftory alltihe advantages we owe to this fydem, and a fuperfluous tdil t-o expofe the ignortnce and ingratjcudp of tbo(^ who - ' i B would (O would deride or abandon it-^Founded upon jealoufy and the fear of individual aggran- dizementy it might fometimes impede the pro- grefs of improvement as well as po>yer ; in cir- cumfcribing the fleps of ambition, it might check the rharch.of'fbicnce, and retard thc^ mo- ral advancement of the world ; or, while it pro- vided for the general independence and fecurity, by fetting limits to empires, deprive particular provinces of local advantages, and intercept the common benefits 6f nature. , Thefe are the crimes it is charged with — they have not been extenuated in my hands. f That, like all human inflitutions, this fyftem had its deffp^is and imperfections, is a melancholy truth which I Nvill not attempt to deny or dif- femble, but when active malice and indolent de- clamation have exhaufled themfelves in its im=* peachment, it will be difmiifed with honour and acquitted with applaufe* ,•»::?:?:;'; '^ An artificial barrier, and an interdi£l;ed river, though happier themes for eloquence and poetry, are n6t' more intrinfically unjufl or injurious than commercial prohibitions, or colonial re- AriClions : and during the operation and energy of its principIe,^ this crin\inal fyftcm had af- }.'■■ ^ figntd . ; ■..,:,' ' Cay ,, iigfied to all th while, thf whole was bound- together in one federal chain, fiiftaining the weak and confining the powerful* Under its falutary influence, our fmall but inte- refling quarter of the globe has been gradually moulded and combined into one vaft republic, the independence of its feveral members aflerted and aflUred, the ambition of the preponderant nations difappointed and repreiled, and finally regarded *as a treafoh againft the liberty of all. ' ^^ ?This j^aloufy for. more than a whole ccn-' tury has principally regarded the French na- tion, whofe immenfe population and refources, with the extent of their territory^nd advantage-^ ous pofition upon the continent and the ocean, but more than all, their reftlefs charadler and military talents have conflantly threatened, dur- ing that period, particular flates, or the common independence of Europe. ^ iiJti> I have faid the French //^//o/i, not the king or the. government, as is the cant of artful and of fuper- flcial politicians ; becaufe there is no error more vulgar and illiberal than to charge upon princes and miniflers as an individual fault, the com- inon propenlity and paflion of their country ; B 2 91^4 i and btc^tify in Jz^ the go^rnmUQrof f rai|Ge« l^ith the abotninabl^ andabfvrd fyftein of its fi^^^ ^akicioil i|dinit>iAratk>nf has frequently contributed in nd fifiall degree to defend us from the force 9nd fury of i^s nutnberlefs inhabitants, wafting their me^n^ anfd ipifdire^Ung their efibit% whi;;h %tt bdth n^tuil^lly to grea( , and fornHd^ble foi^ ^hjB bon^m^n/ecurity and rcpoie. | , ^^j^^ It is iiDpoinbl^ tp ea(^ our eyes prer the map, or o.yer the, hiflory of Europe, without lAftaHtly :perceiviag the danger refulting froni the eflormous difproportipiifaod tiatural i^repoii" dftrance of France^ The fyftei^ of vrhic^we are fpeaking hM itfe]f ijpprovidently favoured it in the beginning, for as the firfl peril aroia from the power of Auftriai then -poflefled of Spain, thfc Low C<^untrie6, af^i the New World, the aggrandisement of France had been delired and f»r6moted by the other fl^tes^ as the iple barr rfter and defiance they could refortto, againflthe ambition of that family: and from the force of prejudice and habits they continued the fame » policy^ long after all this danger had fubiided, £^ter the feparation of the empire from the here- ditary dominions, and after France had become more formidable ^erfelf than the flate againft ^hicb her greatnjpfs was to be erected. , ^.^ ^^ ,, t ■fi \] ■{ 1 • 1'^ .. <*^ r / f I I <;v It is ifnp^rt&nt to call thfllib circumftatices I0 fecollcdton. as the period Q^ a general pacifici^ tion approichesy and to confidtir whether it can be expedient at that timo to depart in my material ^legreefromthe wifdom and p^icyof tbt» fyftem, and to abandon the wh0leroroe.exp9^nce of four centuries, either fjrom the prefl'^fc ^dd impar tience of n^oAientarj inconvenience, or for fpe* culatiohs of future aod contingent advantagea, -> ^^ In the courfe of the following pages, I intend io consider both thefe propoiitionS) which, have acquired more credit and cr^sated mgvc an- ^i^ty in the world than they ^re entitled tft, And I fl^U endeavour ta ihew, firft, diat thp ijtate of this kingdom is not fuch as to Oompdl vs to any deviaj|;ipn ^om our .^14 maiiim9« and policy, nor that of the eneix^y^ if it wer« .fo, fuch as to entitle^ pr enable it to profit by Aur embarraQimentSf Secondly, That the flate of the colonies or pofleiHons of J£ur(^ in other quarters pf the world, is not fuch as to a^rd any reasonable hope of our finding a counterbaf lance there to the predominance of I^Vai^ce, if we were to affent to her pretenfions upon tte . lerritories fhe has conquered from our allieis. . In the courfe of thefe enquiries, it will be- f^ome neceflary for me to conned th^ war 'witb /■»■ : • ' ■' *■ the ilie principle df the : Fr^rfch fevolvition r-and * that I may do fb with mbre accuracy,-! ihall iirft treat of them fcparately, and afterwards -combine them together j as far as they appear to .me to a£l: upon one another, and to be Tccipro- cally caufes and efFe^s of our ^refent dangers, applreheniiohB, or difficulties. • - - '-^^ -> fFrom the immcnfe variety and importance of thfe objeds that muft piCi under my confi- ^eration, I. (hail perhaps be forced to trc^t of them with a degree, of precilion and brevity that may appear confident j I am fo far, however, •from -feeling myfelf liable' t6 any reproaches ^poh tiiis ' account, that I ban honeftly affirni, that it is from anxiety for truth and correiftnefs in portions which are ihtimately blended with the welfare-, and perhaps 'the exiftence, of my country, that I forbear to recommend them to the imagination, and endeavour to fpeak home to the tinderllanding and the heart, -vi^-r^r^ ' rhave faid that the balance of power was ex« pofed to the difclofure of a new,principle, as well as by the efieAs of the war. Confidering this principal in genera], and without analyiis or detail, it had for its object to diifolve all the ex^ ifting treaties and alliances of Europe, through- out the ftates of which, it was to render general -;'••• ;v .. - .V. ;■■. • .. . ■ ■ onq !r |! ■> .« (7) i'»;-^" *v'. -» . cne fpecles of x^oniUtution, and to* take the. whde under the protedtion and guaranty o^ , France. Thus inftead of maintaining and invi- gorating the combination which had fo long appearied neceffary to reprefs the turbaicnce and a,inbitiou of that n^tion^ we were to furreo- der every fortrefs and bafrrier into its haqds^^tq receive its garrifons, and trufl implicitly to its^ generoiity and forbearance. It would be cu» rious > to confider the artifice and foredght with which the principal men in that fcountry prc^ pared from afar, and difpofed the public mind to receive fo great a (hock of opinion^ and run counter to all the maxims, habits, and eyenj prejudices of Europe. Unfortunately they ren ceived but too much countenance and affiftance frpm thofe who either did not perceive the dan- ger> jor were anxious to turn it to their owa proEt and advantage. When we look at the havoc and ruin of this part of the yjrorld, it were unwife to diflemble the (hare its rulers have had in it ; amongfl the miners and pioneers of its deftrudlion we may diftinguiOi its princes ^ its mob-kings were preceded by imperial reform- ers, and it was torn to pieces by hands confecrat* ed in its defence. This fyftem which had long been mocked with bitternefs and invepinion, I cannot omit the 6ri^ opportunity of •hr^inding it with every epithet, dtie to the moft bafe and difhonourable of all public CQunfeiUt ex*- cepting indeed, thpfe, which would fpbmit i(Q* plicitly to the preponderance of France, wi|ho(ut any recompencc or ftruggle, any hope of eman- cipation or reyerfion pf libierty. »- m K^th'y v\ Another project pf France, fc^ regaining ier natural fuperiority over all Europe together^ was the forming the ten provinces of the Auftria^i Netherlands into an independent republic, and to open the navigation of the Scheldt by a war upon the United Provinces, in which prefum- ing the weaknefs and infignificanc of England, and the infurre^lions fhe would be able to ex- cite againfl the Stadtholder, (he had no appro- ' henGons of failing in fqccefs. It is to be obferved, the Emperor, 'the Dutch, and Great Britain, were t L v AV^rp ^t this time all at ppace with Kwwce, yet i^e was ipeditatiug arid cpnfpiriDg rcNirobtbas, in evpry one of th^ir tc{p^€dv^ ftatc8» ^r^^r^ri' ? ,.., Thp Hinits ai>cl barriers, the whole conwen*. tipnal l^w of gv^^op^, itood in the way of Frapcc, cvci^ the geography and 4iftin6t appcU l^tions of ifs pirpvinccss and people^ feemed an obftacle to her natural j[Hftriority. Fitenchsnoa, Dutchmen, Fleipfiings, reipiftded her of treaties which confined and coerced her, and (he readied with a&4lation and fpUcitude the names of tb^fe regions and pcople^from ^imc9 prcccdiagthc civilization and fettlet^ent of thisquarier of the globe, frpm remote periods of antiquity, from the ti^eatife of Tacitus, and tbe.CQmntentaries of Ce« fa^*. Batavians, Belgians, Ailobroges, Maflilians, cv^ry tcrnx that could fhajtc the habitual rela- tions and cxifting fyfteipf^, was difcovcred and re- {^ored : but the treaty of Munfter was expofedaMb to a very peculiar fpecies of attack, which was countenanced by the Emperor, who at that time had two projects to he f^^vc^ured by it, namely, the opening of the Scheldt, and the invadon of the liberties of Germany. Thefe were equally guaranteed by the treaty, as the treaty itfetf was by the principal Governments of Europe— but it was found that this treaty being againfl: . . ' the ^ ,, , ' , 'i . ■ '^''' ;'*•. ' ' ■ ■ ' ' [ \ ./*. ■ the natural kw^ /« as much as rivers idve a' right tofibw ijoherever they pleafe^ no pofitive fti- pulations had any power to interrupt the liberty of their courfc*. The Emperor hdweVer having mifcalculated the f^ate of public opinion, and his own perfonal influence in the French cabineti was obliged finally to defift from this prlstenfioti by the treaty of 1788, and that of Miinfler was refpedred till it became the direft interefl '^^<^ ■K^-^V of France to infringe it. ;. I have adverted to this circilttiflancb becaufe it afterwards became .the immediate caufe of the prefent war, and is the only one that it is now, at all necefTary diplomatically to affign for it, tho', ' I protefl I know not why, it has been more ufual to name others more difputable arid re- mote, fuch as the decree of 19th Nov. 1792, and the interference of France, in our do- meflic ceconomy and (ituation ; thefe, in my opinion, would be more properly confidered iimply as additional and powerful motives for defending that treaty with greater ob- flinacy, becaufe they prove that at the time the French openly attacked it, and with it the fyflem of Europe, they endeavoured to di- vert its guarantees from maintaining and pro- * Annates politiques, civiles & littcraires, No. 88, 89. testing I-) immmmm : (.15 1 • .--.;•:•: .■■,,._. « „ ■'■,.'■ • \. . testing it, by exciting intefline difturbarices and coriimotions in their refpedive ftates. It is in purfuance of the plan I have laid down, that I am thus careful to f^parate the principle of the French revolution from the caufe of the war, though I have no fcruple to aflert that nothing but the war could have turned the courfe and eluded the violence of the revolution: — that it brought the loaded cloud nearer to us I will not deny, but it has guided the bolt over our heads, and difcharged it into the earth, harm- lefs and fpent for ever.'^ : v i . ; u* t^y- Having difembarraffed the caufe of ho/lilities from all thofe collateral circumflances with which it is connedled, and reduced it to the iimple violation of the treaty of Weftphalia, in the pretenfions and invafion of the French upon Holland, in the beginning of the year 1793, I fhall coniider the contagion and danger of their o o principles and their machinations in the bofom of foreign ftates, under a totally diftindt head, when I come to examine the remaining obfta- :r' \'^ cles to peace and negociation. The French being thus clearly aggreflbrs in the war, it remains defenfive on the part of Great Britain and her allies, unlefs, which I do not rccolledt, France has ever offered reflitution and %m: •i andi kidettinitjr for the injaf y*. If (he ever has done fe, I am willing to Conffefs thai it has thanged its nature, and beccJrbe vii>jt»ft iiii am- bitious upon our part; but till this htdi is pointed out and afcertained to me, 1 cart dijfcovfer only the injoflice and ambition of thofe, whb belie, if they clo not betray, the caufe of their country. Wars, fay the civilians, are not maffacres and ccnfufions^ but the higlfeft triafe of rights when princes and flatcs put thcmfelves upon the juf- tice of God for the deciding of their controver- lies, by fuch fuccefs as it ihali pifeafc him to award on either fide. The Wa# therefore may be confidered as an appeal td Heaven, atid theugh to prove it defenfivc im our part, we need afiign to men no other proofs thanr the Tiolation of the treaty and adtia^l invafion on thfe fart of France, yet in fubmitting out cauffe tof the great Judge and Difpofer of Events, we have the confolation to know that it is dcfen*- five, not of the Scheldt only, or of the fields of Fknders, but of our liberty, oiir conftitutiort, and our religion, but of his laws and our own. If We arc to feek his judgment however in the a€^ual circumftances of the war, it is rmi- pisfliblc ttf conceal that we hav6 experienced many calamities and' difaftersj fome indcd' that » ... . arc If . are mf^parsikle (from jwrir^ <^then ariQng ixallil^ our o\\^n itiiftakes and terriacs, andifltH^o^kors fhoFe dreadful ths^ all, fronl the .Viiitaticni >af difede at)d the fury of tihe dements. It i^no difcovciy "of^o-day^ nqr of ^the philolppiay of to-day, ^hat e betn ilble to fuhdae^ ihould Aranifli at the bidding of iiia ffellawidevil Sedition. >I oonfefe ^tay alk)m^ment is not excited only, but my indignation ^6^ at all ^that cant and whining wliid^ kitts oy^rwhelmed ithe -prefs, and 4rhr debates of jjdtk ^houfibs' or Fafliaiment, and at tho^ perfidioiis .teai:s w)iich ifall Jix times a ^eek '■ over the unavdtdsibie calamities that pur- ^u^ its 'fWpd, beoa^ft i ob^xrv:e'them to proceed ^rofii ^amii, toote aiit«iMi|s tocall it nearer home, ^nditd ^ighiit Jup i» the bofom oftheir couotiy^ tlk^li t^d>i^iveiitito-the''c«)8a6nes of ^beieanth, atac «Ktiiiguiiihdt"ftkogether. / •» )> , rv^vj^ifr^ %r V Thofe who ivbuld fun the rift: of rruf/ war^ cannot take « it ill if 1 fufpeifl them of Jexagge- ti^tifYg in fome degree the antipathy they bear Ci8) i Hio foreign war. Thofe who cxtra£l the immo-' rality from infurredtion and revolt, who reduce fe^tion and rebellion, fo long taught as a fcience and a dut^, to a frigid calculation of prudence, and apprehend nothing from violence and trea- -fon, but the improbability of their fuccefs. — iThofe who would turn our fwords into our own bofoms, and fhed our blood in our own iields, have no reafon to be offended if it is not only to the delicacy of their ndrves, and the ex- cels of their fenfibihty, that 1 attribute a part of the repugnance they exprefs at the fpc^tacle of our conteils with rival ^nd hofiile nations, j ^"^ War, however, is an evil, and no men can be more fenfiblethat it is fo, than they whofc^ duty it is to declare itsiieceflity, and announce the fatal fentence to their country — rThey aft lunder a dreadful refponfibility to the laws, to public opinion, to poftcrity, and to heaven* It is not the whining of the prefs, it is not the .phrafe-fadoryof theoppoiition, that candeploie or exprefs the evils of war, as they are felt by thofe,: who every moment compare them with the evils which are avoided by war j who .make the ieftiifaate and fet-offin their, boibms, «iid weii^h the Uood whic!\ flow$, with th^ M. i-r \6a c. ( ^p)f caufe thiit demands it — ^But when all its miie-^ ries are numbered and detailed, there is a ba* ' lance to be ftruck at home^ and a comparifon to> be adjufted abroad. On the onfe iide^ we fee our ' fields remain with their ancient proprietors, the* laws ihaintained, and juftice adminidered, our temples uhpqlluted, and our conflitution perfedl- on itd bafe. On the other, when we contem-* plate the ilate of our enemies, we do not fiiidi them exempted from impartial calamity, the war has deak out deArudlion with , an equal^^- hand, aod meafured the difaflers of mankind.i ^^^^^ I ^^./ Sunt iUis fua funeta, parque per omnes . Tempeftas. 3'i^-v^'f#r^ 1>vii n :,.fi.:^ H t\ f-d'ifY , y, ■•;»■••'<> «T * f" I fee the ocean covered with their defcats,^^ and the forefls of Germany reeking with ? their blood ; and turning from that difgufling ^ fped^acle to their interior fituation, what do L behold in the wild defart of their empire, but: a pale and emaciated people, expiring with fa- » mine, or fainting with fatigue and oppreflion ?; I lee their fufFerings and their groans ftrike upon.^ my ears, but I cannot difcover the religion, or the juflice, or the fundamental laws for whichf they are fighting; I do not find the hufband- ' C^p)) \ ■. mnti m the iM^r tii>r the' merchant mhf» couhtiug-liotire, iu!)r the tiiks upotv tlioir fomir dations^; nor iiif ther catrre for whi^b/lbcy are ceatcvding aiij thing tbsTO U' rtfpe^^\t but; the enchantiirg name of tbeii? couintry ;J, noi jbis'i ~ Yet for this I fioidit^it) brave ^vieiiy t^hmg, ahd' bear eivevy thing, ati4: an:^ coittpeUed t6 ,a4r : inioe their miflaktn pati^iiotife, a« «weH'afi their ; ibtlttary proweTs^ and their political ttioltiima i y-f^ Itna^ginatibn tanno^ paint, a fpeciea or e^^eeii df caifery, which thjcgfribjfve^not^lt'aiMl coiht/ plaixied of r • itb«y have eodw^ed and p^rpetr^tedl every horror, and fuffercd the aftion and re- action of every crinie ; fill of ihdieti'atiQn aiid rcmorfe, a(hamed of the paft, and ftopelefs of the futiurc,; l,hcy derive ar xonftancy frofn de- fpair^ and pbrievei« m the inextinguifhable de^ fire of a^grtmdizing their coantry-—theiff CQun-< try^ which panting at the hearts, and bleeding at every' ppre, af&im^s the ^ftithide and langioage; of a conqueror, and didlatjesl the tenns of an in-* ibhing peacev- with, a firm voice and 80 impoiing^ counteniiiide:;p ^ - -'" '^-^ ^■'- ■ r •■*^'.."; ■-■•■-"->* » It woiikl be ungenerous to w>ithhold ap*: plaofe from- a fj)a6lacle like this; there has beca a time when lit would have* beeji the ad-^ miration of Britifh patriots^ when it would have been b^n the language of ikofk who afpiired to p(>« pularltf^ (x> btdl tis alio^ ta dare au4! Aiffci; a)i for our country ; and when this part ef the conduO; of Francb >^ould have betea hi^^eA for th# &h anople of £ngli(hmen» rather tban that fpifk of insubordination aitd aguor it experiences, there is a principle about it, which would make me unhappy, if I forefaw no profpe£t of pacification till it expired, I fhould be forry indeed that we had nothing hut a reversion in the peace, and that the war was at any rate to terminate only with the fu- neral of this paper. "< ^ '^ . ' ^\ •" In my opinion, the a£lual rcfources of a country are nothing clfe than its phyfical re- vii. . fources. ■' », '-t (' f. 't ( *3) ibqrce^, namely, its population, fubfij^ence^^ an4 capital, together with the faculty of re-produc- tipn it pofleiTcs in the induflry of its fields and towns; I conGder the credit of a itate as very diftiiuSt from its property ; that it arifcs from the opinion or experience of its good faith and folvency, tha^ it is limited and proportioned to its real pofTeilions, and is fo far from adding any thing^^//w to its refources, that it dimi- nifhcs them at any given period of time, bjr having a£ted before as an artificial capital, and confequently enabled it to difpenie with a part of the real, which mufl otherwife have remain- ed at home, if it were .merely as the machine and vehicle of its commerce. , . . > I have faid at any given tltne^ becaufe no man can be more fenfible than myfelf, of the growing and progrejjive advantages derived from it, and from the very circumflances I have mentioned. But thefe confiderations are foreign to the in^ mediate fubjed of difcuflion. It feems certain that in the mofl profperous times^ the cre- dit of a country can never be pulhed beyond its fuppofed faculties of repayment, and in pe- riods of exigency, that, if it could be io^ it would be fo far from being entitled to be con- iidercd as an advantage or a refource, that it ^^•ould 1- Di t V^duid add thfe jgtieate'ft weight to its decline atidruki. '•■■ ^^•''^■^■■' ^.:.;- *v.,.^/ iw^ir.../; i ^ri.:iiqM A great ^art of the phyttcal refources of k coufatry arc at the difpofal of regular goveni- ments, and are coiiftantly contributed, though the operation i$ indire£l:, complex, and frequently imperceptible. The credit of the ftate is the "•tiioft circuitous way of arriving at them, and c^nfequently the moft extravag;ant ; for it is no- rthing eVfe but a previous mortgage of the na- tion^i property for the intereft and reduction of debts which are afterwards to be provided for 'by a more direft contribution ; and the public thus pays not only what is right and necefTary to the exigencies of the Government, but an ad- ditional premium to the lender. It does not only ;pay the whole amount of the taxes, with the expences of levying them, but an indemnity or tecom pence to the individuals who have ad« vanced them in the firft inftance to the ftate. " As a r{/of^rtf therefore, we find, in fadl, that in well regulated ftates, their credit is never applied to but in moments of exigency, arifing out of wars, which the prefcnt ftate of fockty hi this quarter of the world, permits to be waged with more fury and violence, but hap- during (horter periods of time, than is the pily I y I cafe '.* I cafe with lefs civilized riatipns* Between thcjfe we may obferve w?rs progrcflively feeble, but longer and more implacable, and as they recede farther from the arts and improvements of fo- ciety, languid and eternal. ..^^^<^l. fi I confider credit therefore as a fuddcn and ruinous way of arriving at the contributions^ rendered indeed iiidifpenfible by the nature of the modern wars of Europe, but not to bd counted abftradtedly as one of the refourcesof a country* ,y^i\:z. ^,'^: ri^7;i{^ j.:*tM-'^>^ ■•< 'h'Mk.'i . f I am inclined, in the lame i)nanner, tO look tipon the adignat implicitly, as an indiredt me* |hod adopted by the government in France, of laying their hands upon the real refburces of that country*: which mode of confidering it, if I am not miflaken, will lead to more certain conclufions, than the complex and mctaphy* fical manner of treating it as the fole fund pof- ferted by them for the carrying on of the war. Before it had declined through half the fpace of its prefent depreciation, I confefs it ap- • " La Politique," fays Efchafferiaux, in the name of the commilllon of five, upon the caufcs of the fituation of the finances, 22 Brumaire^ (Od. 13.) *' Regardc les alTignats C9nnmc un inltrument, que la revolution a ufe entre les mains de la nation ; U diminution de leur valeur comme ua itnpgt inlenfiblc, qui a pcfc fur tous les citoyens,'* £ ' pea red ptirtd to trie j>rotebk that it W6uld hav6 ope- rated (bme very iiii{K>rtaht change iti the admi* niftration erf" the finances, atid fedueed the go- vet^nment to the nedeflity of u6ng very extra- ordinary and eccentric nieans for arriving at the i^fources for. which it hiad occafion ; and though my citpc£tations have not been realized fo early as I imagined, I think that the period cannot hk much longer delayed, and eVen that I per- ceive the beginhhig of it. Always looking upon the aflignats in the light I have rtientioned, I own I never expedl- ed that even their complete Annihilation (though Tiope and neceflrlty will perhaps cling to them much bnger than can be conceived Or explain- ed) would induce an indifpenfible neceffity for peace. There Appeared to me another inttgt-al ^nWof difficulty and diftrefs, through which the pride and pertinacity of France might ftill ftruggle, before (he arrived at the boundaries of difotganization, and emerged into the Tartar barbarifm which feems the objc6l and crown of her inverted fyftem. The precious metals have long difappearcd and been difpenfed with ; after full four years of decrcafe and decline, they have become extin^ or iuvlfible in the internal commerce and tranf- adkione ( »7 ) a^Uoqs of the cpuntry^*; jthpugh they haye froir^ tiipe to time r€-produced themfelves in the iff- ti4al plunder of the government, or the fpecu- latipns of the ftock-jobbers in the rue Vivicnne aad the Palais Egalite.-^I{$ving fupplied their place by ^ currency, to which eothMfiafiti at fir(l, ^nd afterwards neceffity and terror gave the impulie it r^quined, it is no wpnder that the government fhould have bee^i a^oni(hc(| at the unexpected means it found in its pow^r, not only hy the credit given to its paper, but frpm fo great a part of the fpecie of the empire^ which bieing replaced by a new (ign, they were eoabjed to tranfport into th.e liieutra) couM:trie8y which fupplied them with the fuel and mate* rials Of war, ;., \ir-'f*t>t^'']...'^f-..,../:L^^^::.ii.,^-^i^_.^,^.:'^. But as this en^h^^afi^ iubfided by dpgrees^ and the fy ftem of terror received at Jeaft a vio- lent interruption and difcfedit^ I pbferved the depreciation to tumble with accelerated velo- city, and from the enormity of the fums iflued by the treafury, I ex^pedlcd that it would conti- * We cannot calcufate that there exifts in circulation more than two or three hundred millions in fpecie, (= to 8 or 1 2 millions (lerling) and even thefe are in the departments upon the frontiers, Uc. Le Brun^ report to the §$wncU of elden in iht name cf tke cmm'ijpm of finance, Dec, 3, 1795. , E 2 * nue < \ nue to dcfcend with pjogreflive rapidity. There? rtmained, however, another experiment, whidb would prefent fociety under a new face, ^nd which I thought it likely that extraordinary people would endeavour to realize; namely, to difpenfe with any (ign altogether, and reduce every contract and tranfadlion to the fimple and original operation of barter, or the ex- change of one commodity for another, and a diredb contribution of the public impoiitions in kind. .• • '^^ ■ '^^- ■ ' ' '^U-y^W- ^.'^^ ''^^^i}^9^-^'^^^:. If I am not miflakeriV they are how adopting this deflgn, (of which they might have derived the idea from fome of the colonies of Eng^ lifh America) and that it is their intention to dif- penfe with all intermediate figns of value, and make the comparifpn dire6l with the weight or meafurc of corn. 1 obfervc, that all tne-falaries of the officers of ftate, &c. under the new con- flitution, are fixed at fo many quintals of wheat. The contribution called the forced loan, is pay- able in grain, and magazines arc to be ere(S^ed by the government, for their reception ; and there is room to believe, that the ftamp duties and others, which by the late regulations are de- manded in fpecic, will be, or arc all convertible into payments in* grain; fo that I think it '' -• polfiblc - ; . (29) poffible, that this ftaple will quickly become the fole ftandard of values in the empire; It is proper that I (hould remark here, that hy the Tarif fettled by the legiilature at the end of the laft year (1795) for the currency of the af- fignats, it is impoflible that either grain of fpecte (hould enter voluntarily into the grana- ries or coffers of the republic, becaufe the value being fixed at one hundred livrcs for one of the nominal value of the aflignat, and the aflignat being as I have mentioned above, at a difcount upon change of more than twice that fum, every contributor will fave a full half of his contingent, by making his payment in that pa- per. If the forced hatty therefore, and the other impofitions are really exaded, the government will commence by withdrawing the afli gnats from circulation, and finifh by receiving the taxes in kind ; for by the confcfTion of the mi* nifter of finance*, I am authorized to affert, ' ' . . what ■iW"" ..:/:.>>*■ ' :j^-'\ ■ I .1 l«. • Report of Falpoul to the Executive Dire£lory, Dec. 12. ** In four lines," fays this miniiler, " the following is the ftate of the public treafury. „ ; ^-y;"- : , • :.L!:i « // "It owes feventy-two millions in/pede, twenty millions in bills upon Spain require time— one hundred millions of aflig- xiats per day, have not hitherto fuppUed a third part of the fum ' ,. wanted I i t , , (39) what I would oth^rwife very wiUi«gly have taken i|pon my own refponlibility^ that the whole fpccie in th^ empire h madequate to re- plape that fign of values. ^ .- i ? i; i if i s:^y the total difappearance of ^ lutertnediatQ fign, if I dp 0ot deceiye myfelf, the govern - inent hopes to be idde virtually to r^ew tbjs maxwHtm^ and lay hands ^iire^fy upon the arti< ales of neceflity ; and fupppfing the endurance and apathy of the people, it is not improbable that they may fucceed in it &r a moment. When the contributions are taken in kind, they will be no longer levied i|t the counting houfe* • but from the flacks and granaries of the farmers^ the ihoe- maker will be taxed to furniih a certain number of (hoes, the clothier will be called upon in hi^ turn* the government will ere^ ma- gazines and ftore-fhoules in every diflri<5t, and the fyikem'^ public contributions be a dire£^ and geoerd requilition '^. ^ ^ ^ ' *^ ^; This wanted. Fifteen hundred millions which will be paid within this •decade> will .ptoduoe but a feeble fenfation. , ; ^ ** Citizens D'ae6ioxs, fuch is the aifli(^ing portrait, kc. We mud have meafures to put an end to thisfjijghttul {\%u9r tion of a(ffj(rrs." " ■,-/,. • There is one bbjcA which cRentially demands your So- licitude ; it hthe execution of the law which orders ihp pay- ment >- «. ■■ Thh id the crtfid intb which I iiMsiglne tte Frcftch gov^rntw6nt Will be thrown by thetoti- tinued depreciation or extindidflof theflfCghatI, and not into the dire£t and inritiediate neceffity of dfcfiftihg firoin hojf^iiities, as^ is prefutned by the gentkman to whom I have alluddl/aftd feems to be vefy generally iadopted as an article of pelt tical. faith in this country. It wiU not appear, however, thait the difference of opiiiioh is fatal between us, becraiife I coniider this crife as being necc'ffatily of very fhort duration, atid that it will quickly condu8! them to the period expedled by him. Biit as I have bbfcrVed from the delay and proctaftinatioh that attiends the redKziftg of any opinioin, tticn are not only dtf- pirked ahd di]&pp6inted, but led to defpair, anj to conclude, frequently to direct contraf ies, as people confined by bad weather, cry out at laih that it will never be fine, 1 have wiflled to in- dicate the folc obftacle 1 think likely to happen, if France Ihould adhere to that principle of con- ■luA- >>' I i . t\ mtnt in kindoi one half of the contribution, for the ihird ye«r of the republic, (1795). LetUr of the mimjier of the iaterier, 2%d Brumaire, In the fame letter he demands from the admintftrators of the departments, an account of the catiUy com, wint, fruits, hemp, {2^r. queft, ", i-s^')]"- S- ■--;: :?^:^r: jqueft, which wiU make fuch an event abrolutely neceilary to the peace, independence^ and tran* jquillity of Europe. . ii>m t,, bi*fi ^ - I do not think Jt neceflary to take much no- tice in detail of the cedule and the new projed of finance, though it might expofe me to mif*- reprefentation if I were to omit it altogether : it appears to nae then, both vifionary and wick- ed; to fct up a counter- paper to the affignat, and to coin fpecie, is to attempt what is abfurd and what i$ impoilible. But I am inclined to confider it as a meafure invented by the Go* vernment, to facilitate the defign I have fug- gefted, and withdraw the iigns of value altoge- ther ; becaufe the very aft of decreeing a better -fecurity, than that of the mortgage of the aflig- nats, is the mod violent and indecent mockery of the public faith, and mud efFedually extin- guifh all confidence in any paper whatever, and the creating a quantity of metals equal to repre- fent and fupply it, is, I imagine, an abfolute and real impoffibility . . , , , -^^ ^ v^^ , , y ,^ k# Of their late reverfes upon the Rhine, the feries of defeats they have fufFered, and the en- tire lofs of their army in the Palatinate, I do not think it fo neceflary to enquire into the probable efFc^ls, as into the immediate caufes, , - becaufe ^^)' no- i I . becaufe I ihould thiok it ^er^ fMpeifficial a;n(t weak to afTigti them e^^clvifi^ely to tk^ ^ikiU aad brayecy of the Itppienal generals aad armyts, or to any fisaiiticiular defci^ pr even iafcrjorky i.a thefe r^fpe(5^s, of the Jbroes arid C9fnp[iandor9 6f the Hei^pblic.-^C^rtainfy it waul4 at leaft be ijHbi^rahto Qon^lude that they had '^Kft cpnr dw6ted fhpmfelv^s ypjn.f^hefc trying occaiions^ with all the valoui*. and .ftddrffsy wl^iich have long rendered the^n fp fbticnidable in tvhich how^Yer dreadftil, tpight not yet be irre- parable; asthecai^fes Qfthem.^ which feem to aifure that they ar€ i^jcurablp and irreparable in^ deed. When W:e leaf n* that the army captured in Manh^im was di^cient'm tw^-f^slsi^Cit^ num-i bcrj by deftrtioft and ihe Itotal ftppfxage of rc- Cruitiag. ; when we attend, to t;he complaints of the Generals, the fi^bfeqiaeOt meafures of the dircdors for th/e fupply of the armies of the northt and the increafed fever ity of the laws againft dcfertcrs, at the end of November, caa we hcfitate to pronounce the progrqf^ of depopu- fj.. iu:. ♦ Vide Gazette Exti^ordms»i7, p^c. Iith,i^95. ;••) ^<^4i and to malk- their defwrnity. - i-si. i /. .v^ But it is not in the eflablifhment of a repub^^ He at home, that the' revolutionary principle would have triuijiphed, if it had -ndt bceftcrufli*^ ed and ftrangled by that viry republic in its cra-^ dlte. It was ift the rtpubitc tli Gf-eat Britaifi^i in' ^e republic ofSfiiiini and of the Empire^ in thal^ of the tfM(p idoMy thisit' it was to have reared^ the ftandard of vidtory. Aiid what a republic ?' N(3t fuich as^ France has iioW founded for her- felf^, conipofcfd of orders, ilstes and gradations, (no niatter with what fymmctry or coherence); riot a republic of kiiig^ and^patticians, andtoitt* menis, as it has nbwinftituted (l d6 not enquire' with what temperament and proportion) but a republic of anafchy and coufufion^ of confifcai-'' ttbn arid pillage, of di-vorces and murder ; a re-^- pu\f\icof/ansMotteSf that is to fay, ofprofti-' tutes arid ruffisins, of' raviifhers ^nd robbers ; a' republic of theft and force, of bfutil violence and * Juft, a community of property and of wonacn ! ' If we iare to feek for the p^iiicijHes of the re-- volution, ihey are fo far from having triumphed' in France, that they are difavowcd and exe- crated i t crat^d-!^' all p^tfe^'aftfd dfefe#l|b*k)nf ' m^ iH« cmHYy; they afre^tb^feef fotffiiii W^^dr\ifM'th be fourtxj ift th^?r^ Mtm Uuki - Btit' iw>tr^ wm^ vitnph, not t\r^ hy<6xk^6hi^cib\itdii^^^ tetje&iedi bfr^ttdl^d^ Witlf ihfatiij^i- ahd' diJvblca Xlv^ith tlite ttdrs' ahd ic^ufftl bf t'mmym\ni(ki^iS( They^ af-e t6 be found in bur di^fgafmislii^ clilihs^'and fOCiitfesi whkherJtftl6y'rc^tti-td*iiV.* '^' .« • •"• - •- *^ « - i -' Thefirft prineil)le of thef i^evdiitibn W^^^ij b^eak this leagues' and confedei'acic'^ of l^rbpej andth'^ ni nothing t* (39) nothing but equality before the law, a right to be tried by the fame tribunals, or to be candidate for the fame employments ? an equality more fully enjoyed in England during a century at leaft, than it can be poffible for France, (up- poling an immediate end to her commotions, to enjoy it for a century to come. By the thir4 article of the declaration of rights, which is to be confidered as a kind of preamble to the con* (litution, hereditary rank is indeed formally abo- lilhed, that is, as far as it is capable of being fo by a declaration : but hereditary honours, and the importance attached to birth and particular families, cannot be destroyed by any pofitive law or inflitution, or hindered from giving favour and authority to the pretenlions of candidates* fo that the defcendants of great and popular perfons, will continue to have any advantagt over new and unknown ones, and the part of this principle which appears to be adopted, iil trivial or nugatory fo far as it regards the peo-* pie. But is any equality of property or con- dition, which is their promifcd equality, Ui<* ^umphant ? The wcryjirjl article of the declara- tion of rights, takes property under its protec- tion, and it is farther fecured by the 358/^^ pro- viiion of the conftitutioftj fo that equality has ; diarecl I fital-e^ the ffvtcbf ityramiicldc;;tha(t is to'f^y, after ki^vitig ff>&nt 4t9 crage, ' SLtkd icovctcd France with erimes ^p»d xja^aBaaities, it (has fheea coiiil^ned ito lha(iie'a(ul fot;jivioii. Bi^t it is impoivtant td k^ep its itifamy £flive, af^d in memory, as a ne-i gatiir'd €xanapb to France herfelf, to Europe^ iiid to pofterity. '^'^ . t v-rmio-^ ; -Qi ?i vim-^ ^^ ■• Ha^ -the prmcipfle of annual -iegipaiures and univei^Jai fuffrage proved triu*nphant ? The lc-» gillatiye afietnblies are renewed partkUy ev^ry ye^, namelyv^none third part^ which isc^xa^il^ tq^AivAle^it to a tricnniailre-^leHionofthe whodef .' But -the righit ctf 'r^^iiig isfo Ut from beidptg uskt-t Verifai,,that. it is limit^ to property, an4 to the Sontribijrion :of property, for though it is declar-* cdf that every citiMH ha$ an t(\m\ right ta.viote ftr the riprefeniarives, &c. the bright of Mttem J({#j^ is after \yardB reftrided J tothofe who pay ^ ilrre^ contr^ution, real or perfonal, toi re(i^ ^nfs, ai)<^ to peffons infqribed in the regifter of the/]i{):ri£l, and ^ very fpecies of docpeftic fdrvant ii Ocprefsly deprived of it di\ring his continuance in that iitu4tion§; fo that neither of thcfe pfin«> i: •:y.i1r.v r ," .•*; Art- 53, de la conaitiuion. ^ ^^^^-^ , ^ t 8th Acticle of the Declaration of Rights. ^ In the 8th article of the conflitution. J Title ad of the conftitution. Art. 10, and fubfcqnent Art. ' ' . . ciples, i <4« } ' •/>;•■ eiplcs, I imaginCj Will be prdnoiiticed tb have been triurfiphartt. It^ '^^ ; ^' I now come to fpeak of another prinfciple, thd' triumph of which Under our oWn peculiar cir* cumftances at this time, might haVc been 6f no trifling importance; but fortunately^ the expcr rience and confequent rejection of it in Ffaiicef^ have preceded and facilitated its defeat in this country ; namely, the principle of ciuhs, ajfocia* thnSf public baranguesy debates and torreffdn^ dences* I had originally intended to have cx- traftcd fbme part of the fpeeches of Bourdon^ Tallicn, Lcgendrc, and others of the principal orators in France, from the denunciations which took place previous to the fhtitting up of the Jacobins, and from the reports which preceded the abolition of the popular focieties*. But I abftain from them ; for I will not found any thing upon the confeffions or fentiments of men, without much probity or fhamc. I do not con- fider their opinions upon mod topics to be to- tally exempt from interellednefs, dccajlonal'tty ^ and violence ; and the fuppreflion of the clubs being now made a part of the fundamental and unalterable laws of the republic ; I fhall be able ♦ Sixth fruSidor, Auguft aa, 1793. ' .i ♦ to '; '/' III ' to cftablifli this part of my argument with more certainty, precilion, and force, from the provi- fions of the conftitution itfelf. ' r - By that conftitution it is ordained, v< That " there cannot be formed any corpora- tions or aflbciations contrary to the public or- der*." - That " no affembly of citizens (hall take the name of popular focietyt." That ** no particular fociety occupying it- felf in (the difcuflion of) political fubjeds, can correfpond with any other, nor affiliate itfelf with it, nor hold public fittings, compofed of the members and afliflants (or auditors), dlflin- guiflied from each other, nor impofe conditions oi ele^ion ov admijffion, nor aflume the right of exluJing, nor caufe its members to carry any outward fign of their affociation J." : - •* That the citizens cannot exercife their political rights out of the primary affemblies, or thofe of the communes§.** * :♦* That the citizens are at liberty toaddrefs pe- titions to the public authorities; but they muft be individual petitions. No ajfociation can pre- f i • Conftitution, Art. i. Tit. 14. ' i t Art. 360. + Conft. Art. 362. § Conll. Art. 363. fent (43) >ra- or- thc . fent them iu their colle(5tive capacity, excepting the conftituted authorities : and thefe only upon account of objects peculiar to their own depart- ments" (attribution). . *' The petitioners muft not forget the refpeSt due to the conftituted authorities*," 1. And by that conftitution it is ordained, "that every groupe, mob, or afTemblage (attroupe- ment) of the people, is to be Injlantly difperfed at the word of command^ or to be attacked by the military^ . U'^^..^.. nt [xm .v>:;::rr':.;'-/r:j'r-— ■ .^- > . This is the adlual ftate of liberty in France as it regards popular meetings, afTemblages of the people in the ftreets or fields, clubs, ledlures, debates, even the facred and unalienable right of petition ; and I imagine that not even thofe per- sons v/hofuffer moft under the adlion of the late bills for the fecurity of his Majefty's perfon, and the coercion of fcditious meetings ; not even Mr, Thelwall himfelf, will be willing to ex- change our exifting laws upon thefe obje£ls for thofe of our neighbouring republic, where it is not cafy to perceive how any man can get a di- rect livelihood by haranguing againft the govern- ment and conftitution. It is remarkable, however, and it leads me to fent <)<, I ♦ Conft. Art. 364. •*' I ■ th» the collateral confideration of another revolu- tionary principle of no nvean importance, which had well nigh efcaped me in the croud, namely^ that of t\i^ Jovereignty of the maj With the fovcreignty of the people atheifrtx feems to have fallen to the ground. Atheifm fa convenient to the dodlrine of facred, .or of prudent revolt. '* The people* purfued by fo • Vide a Parifian Journalift, extra£lcd in the 29th nvmbcr ei M. Pcltiei's Paris, p. 241, . ( 45 ) many calamities, demand only a change in thck condition — they (hew upon evry occalion the greatefi averjion to political aff.„, s—\n the coun- try and the cities the churches are every where crowded with a pious 'people, pouring out their regrets in the bofom of religion,'" — -WitH the fovereignty and the philofophy of the peo- ple another principle of the revolution has been extinguiihed, namely, that of public proAitution, of the arbitrary . divorce of wives by hufbands, and of hufbands by wives*. The political ftate of women, their rights and liberties, have difap- peared out of the code of the new conftitution ; but to purity, to domeAic happinefs and ho«> nouf, the fource of every p«vate and public good, to the nice relations of tenderne& amd fentiment, there is no return : the delicate fex that even " the airs of heaven may viiit too rudely," withers adid fades with the fir ft breath of vice, the morals of the pisople, accordijng to theic own mutuil accu&tiona and coiifd£on&, are entirely vitiated — vitiated I fear irretnievably; for of all the barriers and Alps that lay between •France and lilierty, the tnoi\ impenetcable, the moil infurmountahle, the mod impervious is the t The laws refpefling divorces were fufpendcd by a decree ^the Convention, Aug. 2, 1795— (r5^thcnnidor) extreme ■(■■,' (46) extreme and univerfal corruption of their man- ners, a corruption which, as far as I have had any opportunity of obferving, is at once that of brutal luxury and barbarou' refinements i5J *^* i The principles of the revolutionary fyftem having been therefore completely unfolded, are very generally exploded in France, and their whole force of poifon may be regarded as fpent and evaporated ; a circumftance I beg leave to iniifl upon the more, becaufe I am ready to conftefs, that if I did not regard it as having efFedtually taken place, I would never advife nor confent to a pacification with that country, in any cafe fhort of an abfolute necef- lity, arifing out of our own calamities and ex r haufture, out of an a&ual weaknefs and inabi* lity. But fortunately, not only thofe principles have pcriflied, but the authors and heroes of them, wbofe fate has been juftly implicated with the pernicious and deflruAive dodrinei upon .which they built their fugitive popularity and greatnefs ; I (dLy fortunately^ not that I rejoice in the fufferings and punifhment of thofe un- happy perfons, for wickednefs itfelf is pitiable in its retribution ; it is in triumph and fuccefs alone, that it is an objed of vengeance or hatred ; but becaufe fup)i examples are neceflary to iri^- prefs t.'i.>"il,^.:> (47) •» ^•, prefs the obtufe capacity of the multitude, to deter and terrify, forages to come, and to marls, by viiible examples, the expiation of public guilt, and the perfods of returning juftice and realbn. . ' , ^•■•« ■• j^^^'-Z ■^.fc>-.%'-.v--^''>"". -^ It is not the men whofe perfonal flagitiouf- nefs and crimes ; it is not they whofe atrocity and ferocioufnefs, whofe invention and refine- ment, whofe excefs and obduracy in guilt, have di(hououred, not France alone, but human na- ture, that I (hould feled from the common and undiflinguifhing atonement. It is not the He- bertsand Chaumettes, the Maratsand Dantons, the Carriers and Robefpierres ; but the perfons who made pretence to virtue and philofophy, and abflained themfelves from the general im- morality, they let loofe upon their country, that I (hould hold up to mark the downfal of the fa- naticifm they preached. Petion and Roland, BriiTot and Condorcet, the meteor heroes of the revolution, where are they, and their coadjutors and difciples ? If one of them has cfcaped the common fate of his. companions, or if they could cry from the tomb, they would fpeak, 1 think, in the words of the poet : , . •,. ^ v v> Infanda per orbem '\ Siipplicia et fcelerum pxnas expendimus omnes !' Sinc( ( 48 ) ■' Since 1 am upon the fubjed of thefe unfortti>^ ^te perfons, it occurs to me to fay a few werds upon their peculiar enthufiafm, and to con(i^ dcr the principles of the r*!volution in what may be called their beau Jour, their beft point of view, to throw a glance over that amiable and fedudtivc fide which they firft pre- fented to fentible and fanguine goodnefs; juil^ as they offered afterwards equality and licenti* oufnefs to the fenfiial and corrupted* This may be called the philofophy far excellence of the I revolution, and deferves a much longer and more careful confideration than falls within the fcope and utility of my prefent defign. It is hideed fb mixed and blended with whatever cati % ravi(h or enchant the imagination, whatever is ^ pleafing to admit in idea or abftra^lion ; fb amic- able in error, fb delightful in extravagance, that ^^ it is painful to the flrongeft minds to return from it towards thedullnefs of truth and reality* ' It is no v/onder, therefore, that fo many ardent ^^ and fufceptible fpirits (hould prefer to remain in an enchanted labyrinth of their own creation, - without track or limits, to travelling in tbe^^ rough and hackneyed path of pradlicable virtue and attainable perfedlion. . tU^ i^>*5?rfv V. • This is the natural error of all thofe who 'g , . . ' ipeculate ■■■' t4M -■■■;.: fpetulale upoti public good, in fituationS which preclude triem from any great probability of contributing to it, by any thing, elfe but their fpecula^idhs ; as they never expe£t to be called into ajbioii, of tnat the promiles they give will one day be demanded at f heir hands, they grant with a boundtefs geherofity, arid blels witli "a perpetual giving hind.*' Arid (urely, it Would be kruelarici illiberal to wiinhold any thiiig of vvhjit is To eaiy to part with as rhetaphjrfical be- nevoierice and wifdomi of What is fb well re- ceivect abfoad^ arid i^ fo unprofitable of per riici- oui at home. *jThe m'isfbrfune of France; in theoutfet of her fevolutiori (a misfortune from ivhicli all the roft nave derived in a fight arid lirical fucceftion) ^a^, tbaf her philofbphers who nfiade it, were ncvef educated nor intended to have powef, iiof could ever have dfeaiiied of pofTeflirig it ; hence they fcattcred abftradl and vifionary no* tioris with ah incautious hand, imprudent and ifrefponfible, creating Eutopias and Oceanas^ Societies and Cofnmonvveartlis, of which the firrt" arid moft glaririg abfurdity is, that they never could bfe inhabited by human beings, by- citizens of fle(h and blood. . y^j. . § ' while' they groaned o^er the vices aria pal- II . . pable » »v-' * t io ) '»r pable corruptions of governments, they forgot the imperfedions of nature and tne frailty of man ; and paffing a general a£t of amnefty and oblivion for the common faults and weakneiTes of humanity, they were careful to except thofe perfons upon whom were caft the great parts and characters in the drama of the world. Upon them they charged the crinies, the mi- .feries, and the ignorance of the great body of our race, condemned by an indifpenfible con- dition of jxiflence, to cultivate or fubdue her in the fields, and to fupply or imitate her in the cities. Unfortunately their own govern- ment was too guilty of a great part of the ac- cufation, to be able to repel the reft ; for the labouring clafles were oppreffed and degraded by a pernicious fyftem of finance and feodality, to a degree that made it hard to feparatc and diflinguifh the natural from the political evil. E' > ■ .. I haften over thfs mtcrefting and important fubjc feel or reafon in thefc kingdoms, muft hay^ afafiVe |)i'€)Q)cHtJr^ the misfortunes of our allies ; ^the fpolkfion aiftd difmttnbito^t of Eufdpffe ; our own vloffe^ slnd privations; and, above alf, tht criminal daiig^f cf reje£ling comparativfc good, fdr a fpeculative and problematical betteh xi*If ■ at this peace, we (hall reinftate them in all ^th^i^ ^bffeffibns, rfeftbre the balantre of Euroijje, mS indchtnify durftlVes, I prcfteft, I fhall never felSi^cf the gdiverrtnrieflt fbt acknowledging, not apprehend any terious danger frtttti the example ef th*f r^tefln^ and deciduous republic thfey ac- ^ '1 tegral parts are already republican ; and befides this, it is peculiarly worthy of remark, that the municipal government of the kingdom is wholly and univerfally republican. If ■W 1 »««mi.- • i ; If there could ever have cxifted any danger to the monarchical part of our conftitution, from a comparifon ojf" expence with the pretend- ed cheapnefs of a republican form of govern- ment, which I am far from admitting, the pre- fent eftablifhments, and flill more the fyftem and principle of Franc* * e totally removed i|i^ For though the malevuicnce of party u.^/ have made the ignorant confider the whole of the civil lift as an appanage of royalty ; though the expences of the civil government, of the ad- miniftration of juftice, the falaries of the great ofEcers of ftate, the neceflary rewards or en- couragements of talents and adlivity, and the honourable relief of the meritorious and un- happy, are carefully forgotten whenever the civil lift is founded in the ears of the people, yet the people cannot fail to difcover, that under whatever form the public impofitions are levied, or to whatever diredion they are nominally at- tributed, that government muft, in hdij be maintained at the cheape ft expence, which ex- -^dl:s the fmalleft contributigns/rom their purfes. When they fee, therefore, a republican tax- gatherer bearing oiF cloth or corn to a. republi- can warehoufe ; or read a republican law for enabling the people to fell their furniture, in order to pay their quota of a forced loan to a republican government, and for imprifoning a . - I dilatory ?^^- isn •■U''"^- SiUt^y republican lender, tbcy will cafily infer ibaft their ^wn fovernmcqt is in (sSc^ cheaper, if k were only bccaufc they need not give their flioe^to the army, nor put their beds up to fale, m ^der to avoid the jai^, or the fcafFoldy which M. up the back grdiind of this horrible pidture* -But if thcfe atrocious cruelties and extortions wet^ to difappear at the period of returning peace, there would ftill arife out of the ftatc tod extravagance of the direftory, and the num^ bcr of their officers and affiflants, out of niorc than forty thoufand dil1:ind adminiftratidns^ maintained and paid by the indtvifible republic, ^tt of the falaties of the^ members ^f both hotifes of the French parliament, and the innu* hifirable millions delivered to the fecrct difcre- tion of the feveral minifters, which form a part of tbe cfmi Up of the r^publicy a comparifon too prbmlnent and glaring, to leave any thing to be apprehen^d for the decent magnrficeiice of xht monarchy of England. ^-^ - ^ ^^^^* ^'-^^' • die danger, however, and by no means -i trivial Mid light one, will arife from the efta- . bliihment of the a£tual republic we difcover ia France : not ^ indeed, from its cxcelleiky or fu« periority over our own conftitution, but from ks . bour; and we have four years of uninterrupted experience that it is fo : but a bad government^ ingrafted upon the reliefs character of a ruined and' corrupted people, is the worft and fsaoUt d^gerous of aH ; atid the irrufllott^ that inay be e^pe^ledy immediately after th& peace, from that country,, tS' not the lead or ligbteft of tk» evils for which his cnajefty's mioiders may hav as^a wife, falutary^ and durable in{litut4on, cal« culated for the happiAefe of France^ and capable , of givki^ tranquillity to Europe, it will remaiin iitipoflible, under tjiat point of view, to diibovos v any thing in agreeiug to it, which ought ta ber repugnant or humiliating to the feelings of his; in^%^$ fervantSh But if it is even now tot* tering towards change, or dilTolutiony as Icoa* fefs it is my own individual belief and opinioa^^ and is only fo far calculated to refbore peace and reft to the bofom of that criminal and bleediag country, as it is the- intermediate and prepam- tory ftep to the refloration of monarchy, and of • the antient fundamental laws and governmeat of the land ; if all that is eftimable^ or oven' pardonable in it^ is the. public abjuration of pure I 2 - and I -^ C 60 ) ;>.Xt: and unquaHfi€d democracy ; and the fpeftacle of rank, gradation, and authority, oog^' more rctf' prefcntcd and rendered fanriiliar to the people.— If this is the true light and colour in ♦Vhidh it ought to be beheld, then 1 imagine a-Jbrtiori, ' that no mart will be bold or perfidiobS enough • to aflert, that minifters have abanfened or de^^ parted from any part of their objfe^t, (6 far as the reiloration of a rationat governnrient to France, » rtight have Entered into their fconfideration, as^ one of the refuks of a favourable iffue of the war* ^ I think, on the contrary, that^ as the war wais- not carried on for the attainn>cnt of this objed, (though circumftances foon pointed it out as one • of the beft means both of terminating the quar- rel with celerity, and fixing the peace upon thfe 'true and foHdbaiis of reeiprocal advantage and fccurity,) they could never in any icafe, even irt that of compleat difc6rr$!fieure and fatliire, have been thought'to have abandoned, or yielded any condition which they were bound to obtain by ■ my fpecies of engagement whatfoever ; and that having arrived at a poiiit at which the power and the refources of the enemy are no longer • formidable, and from which it is reafonabie to forefecy and prefumc flill further returns to- • wards the eftablifhment of a mixed and prac- • ticable conftitution, it would, in any view of ' the cafe, be cruel and wrong to continue the .-.-'• war (6i ) .war upon that account, or to exa£l, at the fword's point, the exprefs ftipulation of things which they never affumed the right to prefcribc^ but which they have reafbn to expe£b from the reftoration of peace, and from the prefcnt con- dition of France. . >£^t -!#l 1: Under thefe circumftances, we find ourfelves in a (ituation and capacity to negociate, and the king's meflage to parliament*, has efFedlually removed any opinion which might have been entertained of a difinchnation in his majefty*s Icrvants to treat with the executive directory of France. All difficulties in the way to peaC6 have been efFe lie ta)nd$, the. competifeton £or the Igbd, aiid the ]unhoped-fb.r lighfeneis c^ nhe new taxes, cannot ha^ elcapod thei^ attention; they im£(lrhai\ce feeni, that npt ai ftngib acticle ^Ineesfiity is cainpi;i:2ed in thecnv at a time when their own laA deiperate fgimtdy omUds: only: in the liope. of laying band& upon, every acticle of necefiity, \s^ aibwciWe levy of them from the fcvseraiL pnoprietors in. kin and. bfiing the whole theatre of the war under their contemplation. I forbear to enumerate thofe circumflances, which are dif- Irc^ng and. diiadrous ; it is better to coaiider Fraoce upon that iide where ^e counts her ae* qiuifition&y^ and pafles for piK^fperous and trium* I was always of opitiioa that her'' conquefls would :s i9v>eittl3 be Wllbetifoaie to iver dunng tlie ^^'r, ticftwithftatiding tlie kiemforaity 4elief aitiid oflift** jincc (he might draw itom them bjr her f^^tiM^ tioii^ and forcible con>trHM!ition8 ; and as it be* comes evident thsvt &e cantMt fetain fhem ift the general peace^ it is probtfble that (ktt wotdd luftaiitly withdraw her armies from tftje-grcatcft patt 4Dif thiem^ if ^4id not exped do mefke ad^ iraiilagc o^ them ia the rregotiatfoa, by exa^Eittg coctceiSons, iathe nature of an equivalent, frorh Great Britain % hi «very other f)oint of View, they have !c«atai»ly been h©rtfu!lto ber-i ff any thing is finally t& be couiidered in that light whidi has accelerated tihe period of pacific^icm^ by exiCeiKling and attenuating her e^its^ in the iaimeproportion that they diverted and exhatiiled her means ai9d r«^ibutt;es» jBut ^e can never forget that, by the conqucft of MoHarftd, die made a direi^ prefent to England of the Cape of Good Hope and Ceylon, probably of E>*?!via, and aill the Dutch coJonies, which would be an irrimenfe fourcc >&f aommerdai Wealth and ag- ^ran^aenaent to that power, ev^ti during the war, if it were to continue ; whereas ${tt the advantage (he could expe(ft from the occupation of the Dutch territory in Europe, dephvcd and cut M/v->:r* t: '^ In **™??'*(p'-* (64) ■ ■ ^ , ■ ■ ■ ' ■'.. '. ,.;*►. ■■' ■■'■' ■. ' ' In the Netherlands the condu£l of Prance affords a more unequivocal proof that fhe never dreamed of preferving them; becaufe (he re- duced her whole views to the ufufrudl: or wafle of the moment, ranfoming the inhabitants, and exporting every thing, even to the tools of in- duflry and materials of agriculture; in the fame manner, finding it impoflible to retain her colonies in the Weft-Indies, fhe endeavoured, in the language of the revolution, to neutralize or render them unprofitable to whatever ftate might acquire them. Here befides the natural ruin of thofe beautiful plantations, and the free jCcope fhe gave to fire and deftrudlion, fhe un- chained a fpirit, which I fear will be found too powerful for the arts or arms of all Europe to fubdue. Not contented with the fpoil and havoc of her own unfortunate iflands, fhe extended her atrocious policy to the colonies of England, and endeavoured to lay the foundations of a negro empire in the weftern Archipelago. It is not neceffary to the fubjedl I am treating, that I fhould enquire, without minutenefs, into the degree of her fuccefs, or the pofTibility of dc- vifing a remedy ; it is fufficient that the fyflem of wafte and deftru^ion fhe purfued fhould eftablifh the fad, that fhe never expected to retain thefe pofTeffions at the peace ; and that it has fucceeded, fo far at leaft as to. render them of IBfWl>llll»t^'»**-yj>i« of very inferior value to whatever power may be fgppofe4 likely to acquire them ; not only Mat* tinico, for itiftance, and th^ other iflands, which I take for granted flie is ready to fur render, afc diminiflied iii their value sind fccurity, but tpany of our own fettl^meiits have been almoft equal- ly deflroyed and corrupted ; fo that it may feri- oufly be doubted, in the prefent circumftancej, whether thofe pirts of the world have not loft, at leaft for a very long time to come, the grcat- tjft part of their original val\jie, and confequently whether they contain the juft confideration and materials of any equivalent whatfoever. ^••^''' But I know not, I confcfs, under what te- nure or fecurity, (hort of the abfolute Union of them all under one and the fame metropolitan power, they are likely to be retained, or to ex- ift.v There muft not, I think, bo an analogy^ but an identity of government, if they arc to re- main the property of any of the ftates of Eu- rope ; for 1 cannot perceive any profpcft, or en- tertain the (hadow of an hope that France, at any future period of time, (hould be inclined to prefer the prefervation of thofe colonies which might be left to her at the peace, to the deftruc- tion of our§,. which would always remain at her mercy, if we were to hold them by no better tenure than »n analog between the govern- ments: particularly if it were fo to happen, that \. • (66 ) we were underftood to receive out of thcfc co- lonies any confiderable part of our indemnity for the cxpcnces of the war, and of our equiva- lent for her own acquifitions in Europe. How fmall would be the dired and pofitive intereft of France, in her circumfcribed and diminiihed plantations, how fubordinate and fecondary to that abominable delight (he might take in inflict- ing the fevered wounds upon her rival, with fo little prejudice and danger to herfelf ? ' If the retaining, befides, of our colonies, is to depend upon an analogy in the refpeftive go- vernments, that analogy muft make one of the reciprocal conditions in the articles of peace, and will depend upon the obfervation of a treaty, which it will be the intereft of one of the con- trafling parties to violate. — For the performance of fuch ftipulations, I apprehend no other fe- curity can poflibly be devifed, than an equality and reciprocity of intereft in our common pofteftions. But this would reduce us, in that part of the world, very nearly to i\\c flatus quo before the war, and preclude us from all pofTibi* lity of finding indemnity or equivalent in the Weft Indies. , ' i- . .:•.,.? While I am upon this fuhjeft of equivalent^ and ^o prevent the neceffity of returning to it in another place, I (hall take the opportunity of confcfting, that I am aware ot no circum« f / ""' jr ftances, ;&:'i ( ^1 \ --- >v'^?i . ^ I i <('■■ ^. fiances, under the a6lual pr relative fituation of the . contending parties; which ought to call * this fubjedl into difcuflion at all. I think, it is ; incompatible with the honour of Great Britain ; ^ her engagements with her allies, and the peace ^ and independence of Europe, of which (he is the protestor and guarantee, to admit it at all into deliberation ; and that no peace, which can embrace thefe interefls and duties, can be ne- gociated upon any other footing than the flatus quo ante bellum^ with fuch indemnities to Great Britain as (he is entitled to by the events of the It is the general fyftem and balance of power^ for which we are contending, (though perhaps, if it is poffible, ftill jdearer and nearer intejefts are involved in it) it is the indcpendenc^e of this great commonwealth of Europe, which our arms have vindicated and ailerted ; and I will never admit any bafis of peace, which (hould abandon, or compromifc, or expofe it. Much lefs could I bring myfelf to behold with temper or forbearance, the fpe£lacle of the two great powers, which have attacked and defended its liberties, rearing the altar of peace upon its cin- ders, and dividing the fpoil and plunder with a common violence, but an unequal depravity. For FraiYcc would be guilty only of a crime of force, which would come home laden to the K 2 bofom t68) bofiDm of Great Britain, with all the acccnmultted guilt of fraud, treachery, and pexfidioufnefs. v .„ When I fpeak of the flatus quo ante helium^ it cannot be fuppofed that, afli^r fo many vio* lent fhocks and convul£ons, it; can be replaced »,j exactly, and in all its parts, upon its former foundations ; or that every local variation which may have taken place, every change of conili* tution, or of foreign connexi IMl Qlher.pravinccs of the Low Coantries, to vrihofc difofdcrs I have aEuded; if theydo) not (hake afF, by their awii efforts; the yoke of the fatal con- nexion 'they have £bi;med with fo much tow- ardiceaiKi crimbit^lity, will thus at lieail be reii*-> dercd .an inferior and leils dan>geroiis acquiHiiosi to the ufurpar ; iuidat any rite, the Itbertiesind Hidependence of Europe may yet be defcnckd iiv another Hvzr^Aa^tsd of being Habie to be overwhelmed by the firft armed emigritioiK of Frenchmen] ■?= -'t r^r«?'-I''^-;f :a j^^tm-'* \ jjK ' Thare is anather circumflance which) can fcaicely efcapethe obfervajtions: of France^ name- ly, that not with (handling the faciluly with which the kah. has been made, and the ilghtnefs cf thetaxcfr, we have coitHderably dilhiniihedf. our cftabjifhments and reduced the expences, by circvMfnfcribing the operations of the war. . She mud have oblerved in the e(Bmate6 fbrthecur* rent .year a rcdu6i:iou of 8oo,oool. fterling, in the array alone; andiffhcftillcherifhes any hope of infuneOion, ^e mufl: ohferve, that, by the recalling of all our forces from the continent, it is fcarcely poliible for any of her friends to re- commend that meafure to the public as prudent^ under our ailual circumftances and fituation. I If ihe eiitertains any fanguiiie expe£^ation from the dreadful vifitation of fcarcity, fhe can- not pofiibly forget to obferve, that this danger is is common to both countries^ and hearer and greater in her own ; and that if there is a period . before us, when fhe might take advantage of our languor and debility, it can only be upon the fuppofition that (he herfelf (hould remain in health and vigour: all our privations and fuf<^ ferings will avail her nothing, while her own are more poignant and unendurable. The car^' cafe of France cannot come to infult the lick- jiefs of Great Britain. 5*?? v f-j^i^/^^vvv^ But I cannot apprehend that (he will ever ,- ferioufly rely for any hope of extrication from her prefent calamities, upon the uneaiinefs and impatience of this country under its own. Not only becaufe (he muft -ftarvc while we s are upon allowance, but becaufe the war is perhaps favourable to England in this parti- . cular, in the fame degree as it is ruinous to France, by (hutting her from the granafies, or t intercepting the commerce of America, the Baltic and the Mediterranean. Thefe markets are all open to England, but as foon as peace arrives, if the fcarcity were to continue, (he r would meet a French commiflfary in every one of them, whom the greater neceffities of his country would compel to outbid her every where, or at Icaft to advance the price to ai^ enormous and incalculable increafe. v; .^ v* The corn trade at different periods of the war, i. -, ..V • '■_- I ■• / ( 71 ) war, has been permitted and denied to France by our fleets, which adually formed the block- ade of that country ; independently of any rca- fons which might arife from general laws and ; ufage, from particular treaties, or policy re- fpe£ling neutral powers, it might be difficult to determine which of the alternatives, adopted at the different times I have alluded to, was the moft wife and advantageous to Great Bri- tain; for, though her enemy has doubtlefs fuffered many partial inconveniences and difaf- ters by her captures, i think a more general and univerlal wound has been inflided by the ava- rice and extortion of the neutral powers, and the interefted affi fiance they have been permit- ted to lend her. >^^i* \;' . ^ s ^ . ' y It appears certain, that not only the cargoes, freight, and infurance were regularly paid for in fpecie for the French confuls or commifTa- ries, in the neutral countries, before the vefTels proceeded, but that a depofit was exacted equal to the value of the fhip's bottom, in cafe of capture or fhipwreck, and of detention in the French ports : for the government was often unable to reflrain the violence of the populace, and frequently, before thefe precautions, oblig- ed, by its own neccflities, to take fimilar liber- ties with the property of its good friends and allies. ' • - i'-,>" .- ■' •'' ''^^ ' ■ ' .'•:• .r ^1 • '• . .- • V ^^■ '^.v i ( 72 ) ..It I is elmoft fupcrfluous to. reitiark, , bowr vifrfpntly fuch a commcfo^ tiuift :have, draiit- ed the precious metals out of Fra»qe*.~ Tbc fpcqie of thj^t couutryj, from tbie coiife- quenccs of epnigration, an:^ii^:^i^.^s^y.l . *&, If I were enquiring into the caiifes of the al- • mofjt total difappearance of the precious metails -in that country, 1 (houjd not forget to rjaention that mafs of them which has returned into the , bowels of the earth, which fear 'and dahger .have ingenioufly concealed, which has beiju buried by hands now buried ^ and in places guarded by the filence of oblivion, ^nd the fe- creoy of the tomb. But I am defirpus only of •>« » T> ■■^i' /.vnf* ) 3li * Efchaflbriaux, in his celebrated repprtof ihe 22dBrtt* matne, upon the ftate of the financesi aifigns as a principle cauf; of their diforder, ** des approvifionnemens inunenfes de riibfiftances, &c. achetes chez Tetrangcr pour remplir le gouffrc devorarit de nbs befoins." He fays afterwards that ** nos relations exteridures ont et€ raineufes par le boule- ' verfefnent du change, & par les efforts de Tetranger pour nous Jc rcndredc favorable, &c." Same report. ,. .^i.SU*' remarking. C n ) ^ - ■\ e :s 16' It IS V rtjoaarkingi tlmt part of her tr^^Lfprc, ^\^hich has ptffed h^r ffQatkr> ftnd carried itfeJf i^ to Other ftatea, .beQaitfe I fa%«^i that, hy the efFe^ of the rev5>lm;ion in J^pUand, and other circufia'* ftamceet, it has principally epnceiKered itfclf ia England, and i$ no fmall caufe of that cuor- nadys depreciaition of xhe value of «K)ney, which f is the qOiUnterfigO of ^ deftrnefs of commodities, , and givejs the furfap^ and app^ai-^nce of a real (eareiity -and want. rat?i^fi:r"'r^'-;:^rf^-''j^* ^fi^ .' ■ It i$ not my delign to encourage any idea thatf nifty foiive beien entertained of exaggeration vx^ the deficiency of the late harvefts, from the intereftednefs and fpeculation of individuals, r Sttch an opinion, though perhaps not wholly, unfounded, it would be exceedingly dangerous to a£k upon, and to maintain the confumptioii in confequence, at its ufual proportions, becaufe an error in our calculation would infallibly coa-? duft us to a fudden and abfolute privation ; butf I think it material to obferve the fall in the v^#v. lue of money, which makes a part of the ap^y parent fcarcity of corn, as well ^s of the im-J puted dearnpfs of every other article of neceffity. or convenience. :• :.;^^' ,..;,v, ^ .w^y^ :y^^ ^ .--: ^*,v- - w't France, however, muft perceive that the fcar- city in England, though exaggerated by male- volence, and adigned by ignorance exclufively, to the war, is in fome degree the refult of th^ .i>^..|..v^*-f ■ -■. ^-^.. . ?!• ■' I. ■;-. ^'' i. r national national profperity, of a redundancy in thtf qUShtity of the precious . metals^ augmented by the high credit of paper, and the opinion both of public and perfonal folvency ; France nnuft difcern tha\ it arifes in part from the fuddcn influx of her own fpecie, from the balance of our favourable commerce with the whole world, and from our becoming the ex- change, or bank, of fo great a part of it ; and what mud be more painful and difcouraging to her, after being difappointed in her hope of in- furredtions, from the momentary inconvcnien- cies to which this decreafe in the value of mo- ney has fubje6led a part of the people, (he muft obfervc, that the proportion Ipetween the public debt and the national revenues is diminifhed and reduced by it. And if (he could not behold, with- out concern and aflonifliment^ the efFedV of the {ydtm eftabiifhed in 1786, and the provifion for paying one per cent, intereft out of the taxes themfelves impofed during the war, with what fentiments muft (he fee the filent and pro- gre(Iivc operation of this important caufe, which, while labour and wages re-eftabH(h their natu- ral and indifpenlible level, will give fre(h vi- gour and activity to indnftry and commerce, v<^hich ope: ites as a dirc6l tax upon the metals themfelves, which falls with invariable juftice, and even accuracy, Upon every clafs and pro- ■ \- V* ^ i . portion ,. ._„^, ■*.iv >•■»'■< i ( 75 ) * .^'.: portion of capital, while it (Jimiiiiflies the mort* gage of the country, and the whole mafs of its debt, which no longer reprefent the fame por- tion of its annual produce or induftry ? :"# I now come to fpeak of the principal obftacles to peace, as they appear to me at this momenti a fubjedt which I confider as exceedingly im^ portant to be fo far explained to the public; as is confident with political prudence, and that neceffary liberty in negotiation, which makes it impoffible for the King's fervants to unfold themfclves either with much latitude or with •much precifion. ' v Hl-tr' ~^*t?i^ Peace, it is to be obferved, often chaced from the earth by the paflions and follies of men, is not to be won back by the firft vows of return'' ing moderation and wifdom. If it is fometimes exiled by crime and ambition, it does not always return with reafon and humanity. Such, I think, is the fituation of the world at this con- juncture ; fo great and general the experience and wearinefs of the ills of war, that wifS the exception of a frnall band of intriguers and poli- ticians, peace is the univerfal hope, defire, and prayer of all the nations of Europe. Twenty millions of individuals invite peace daily back to France, with the piercing cries of mifery, op- preffion, and famine, which peace alone can relieve, and which neither the fraud nor thq L 2 terrof ^■( 76) '.'.■.»', c,'?.^'.>.;^'' ■■^^C'r'.Z.r terror of the governnrcnt clan ftifle or fupprefs. The territories of ftrangcrs. offer the fame vows from another dcifcription of her miferabk people, with the fpeOiacle of whbfe vv^rongs and fiafe* ings every part of the world is filled skod pol- luted: a parofcribed a«^ devoted clafs, whofft extremes of fortune hiive rendered them fo in- tercftiiig to the natufal ieiifibility and \inGon* •qucrable prejudices bf mairkmd, and who expe^Sl in peace j a period at learft to the Cruel hope Kvbich devours them. P^aee, too; is ccjtially det- £red by the enemies of France, arid by tiiofe > ftates which (he holds by violence, or defolates witb her perfidious frate-rinity. The magnani- mity of Great Britain invokes peace with public vows, in which the proud mifery of the govern*- - ment of France refufes to join. The emperor '- courts peace even under the mediation of a power but. too friendly to France: the poffibk mediation of Spain is intefcepted by the profef- iion of pretenfions fo lofty and ridiculous, fo v^in and prepoilerous, that it is impoffiblenot to perceive tjhat thefe men are not only enemies to peace, but to the very name of it. PrefTed t6 it at home by the voice, or rather by the fhrieks and fcreams of the people, courted to it abroad by nations friendly or neutral, as well as by thofe which have felt the common calamity Cff wary and fo naturally delire to return to tran* ,.' T^iif i v quillity. t s d e it 1 I* quillity, they are not afraid of 0|>poe with the French nation, fhould it prove unable to main- tiiin that conftitution, and fektpfe into all the crimes and horrors from which it feems to have emerged upon the ninth of Thcrmidor* * \ ""' '■ In the firfl place, I ihould imagine this fyf- tem is incapable of becoming permanent ; and that, during its energy, it muft more quickly cxhauft •'-;■•> ( 78 ) ■-t -., ■» CKbaufl and empty the country, thaii could be ^acconopliOied by any weaker principle, or infer rior degree of violence and defolation : confe- quently, that Fr-ince will arrive fooner at that point of depreflion and debility, beyond which ihe cannot pufh, and before which (he will not check her defperate career. In this point of view» therefore, it fcems by no means certain that the return of terrorifm will retard the epoch of peace. But it may be thought that it will at leaft reftore the materials of war, and enaWe the government of France to renew thofe exr traordinary efforts under the firft fhock of which the whole continent of Europe has been fo nearly crulhed or overwhelmed. I am not, I confcfs, of this opinion ; I do not entertain even this apprehenfion in my bofom. The whole internal flate of France aflures me that this fear is vifionary, or at lead fuperfluous and vain. The mighty chafms that defeat, defer- tion, difaffedion, and the fcaifold, have made in the French nation, cannot b^ fo foon filled up; their armies cannot he recruited from thofe de- populated towns which they have filled with miUtary malTacres, and the very ftones of which they have levelled with the earth. By the fi{* cal fyftcm of Robcfpicrre, every capitalid was plundered ; and if it were only from thedifperfion ofthe fame quantity of fpecie into a greater number of hands, it will Aot be fo cafy for the guillotine > I ^ to replenlfh the exchequer. In his time, atid for him, the wi(h of Caligula feemed to have been realized, and the whole nation to have bat one neck and one executioner ; the prefent go- vernment will be forced to aU the details of ty- ranny. It muft clafs its vi6tims and eftablifli fcales and meafures of oppreflion, it muft con- fifcate by rule, and difcriminate in murder-^ not indeed from remorfe, or tendernefs, or'any other fentiment of nature, but becaufe it plun- ders more than one order of men, and prefcribes thofe who have the revolutionary merit of hav- ing profcribed fo many others. In truth, I am not able to perceive the rich or the riches of France ; let the directory, wring a cancelled and ufelefs paper from the vile hands enriched by the revolution,— will it pay the neutral pow- ers who have exhaufted the whole fpecie of the empire, and procure from them fre(h fuel and materials of war ? 1 do not think it ; but it will tear from every proprietor, in every part of France, hii^ pnrticular pofTeflion, and accumu- late every natural produ£lioa or article of manu- facture in the warehoufes of the government. This point I have already treated ; it remains for me only to obfervc, that the fuccefs muil be various, as the tyranny is more or lefs in- tenfe, as the public fpirit, and the human fpi- rit, are more or Icfs extiiivSl or torpid in the ^different departments and dcpfudci^ies, as thl^ f % ( 80 ) ruin of agriculture and induftry is taote or lefs accompliiliedy as the deArudtion of the cities is more pcrfe£t or incomplet«. For tbefe Tcafons, I atn not inclined to appre- hend fo much from this fyftem even during hoflilities ; and at the peace, I think it will re** pofe in the common tomb of every forced and unnatural principle, with the reft of the muf- iiiapen progeny of the revolution. During the war it will grow weak with the weaknefs of the country upon which it preys, and confupie itfelf with the materials it devours. If it rages with equal violence, it will be confined to fewer and diminifhing objeds ; the moral evil muft languifh with the natural infirmity, or when the body is emaciated and bed "ridden, there will at leaft be little to dread from the idle frenzy of the brain, though it fancy the poor machine it agitates a hero or a gq^ uncouquercd or uncon- querable. • - • . . The prevalence, therefore, of the fame fyftem in 1 796 would not with me be fo material an obftacle to peace as it was in 1 794, if it were only becaufe the madnefs of a cripple is not fo formi- dable as that of a giant ; the danger, befid^s, of every principle is proportioned to the force and power that fupport ic, and to the final triumph and fuccefs that it obtains ; in this point of view, it certainly cannot be dangerous to nego- tiate ; and I fhould incline to think that it i^ (8i ) >:#..7- 'm>^' not contradictory to the fpirit of any of our dc^ clairations, bccauf'^ the danger and contagion of principles diminifhing with the force that main!-iiw*»irw.i ■■'■■'■■i:f - (84)- ^ymen tQ or(^^r and peaceful arts, to honed and dbmeftic duties, to the intercovirfe and habits of jcivilized life and focicty. ^v ; r ^ , » s .• >x^ li Peace, however, is neccflary to France, be- ca^^e the armies that devour her demand peace themfelvesf, and cannot be maintained without the repetition of thofe violent meafurcs that make peace demanded by the people : without redoubling t^.oie opprelfions which muft finally produce foix: ^xplofion too violent for the go- vernmei I :o ondud or refifl; an explofion which, riiof^ '^robably, is only fufpended and .delayed fron. ihe hope of being anticipated by fimilar calamities in London. France, has no bet- ter title to rely upon the fpirit of infurreftion than upon the efforts of the fcarcity, nor can I think the government (Incere in this expectation, how- ever convenient it might be to their own wifhes and exigencies, as well as thofe of the nationi, -Still it muft be confeiTed, that the difturbances in London, however infignificant, the coalition of the clubs with the oppoiition 1 pai lament, and the violent do£lrines Of fomc if their leadciS, to which I havealreadyalluded, with the fubfequent afTociations recommended by perfows of confe- .curnce in the Whig club, have been particularly favourable, if not to the encouragement of * , that hope in the government of France, at leafl , to the propagation of it, and the confequent d«- lufioi of the people. To this, I imagine, is in «i (%) + I . fome deg^tc^ ;tp |)^ attributed the apparent in<}if- ference with which the king's cQmnauniq^^ioii to parliament has been received at Paris; h^ caufe, fuppoiing the probability of uifurre^tiona in this cpuntry, it was not impoffible to attri^ butp the cqncijiating nature of that meffage ta th^ apprehenfions of the nrnniftcrs, and to make it he believed, that even this meafure was an in-» dication of the approach of the commotions tbey expe£led. ' '' • ' « I have faid, I did not think the governtnent of Paris was the dupe of the expedlation thejp fpread abroad, nor of the appearances of diftur- bances in England, with which they nouriihed the belief of it, and I will now ftate my reafoas for entertaining that opinion. It could not have eff aped the penetration, one would imagine, of the executive direftory, the minifters, and the two counfels of the legiflature, that the nature and temper of our parties are extremely diffimi- lar and diftind from their own violent and fpe^ culative diviiions ; that no alterations in the con-» ftkution,^ and in the government, no change, but a change of perfons, could be lerioufly in- tended by the oppofition ; they mud before this time have difcovered, that the alliance of great peers and proprietors would moderate the eccen- tricity, if it added to the confiftency of the fo» cictieSs and abridge or dimhiifh the velocity of their rstmummnf mimmmi mm y* ( 86 ) their movement by the very weight and folidity it added to them ; they muft know, befides, that they could have but little affiftance to expert from the union of two defcriptions of perfons, whofe oppofite principles, and contending inte- refts, were an infuperable bar to the fincerity or duration of the contradl; that it was founded upon mutual fraud and deception ; and that the conditions of the alliance were a term, at which the one would never be contented to flop, and where the other would never be willing to ar- nve. -■ "* Certainly, through whatever medium this tranfadtion may be confidered in France, where there is an intereft to colour and diftort it, it requires no very great degree of perfpicacity or clear fightednefs to diftinguifh here, that no danger can poflibly arife from it to the govern- ment or conftitution, I mean during its leafe and continuance ; for at the moment of its dif- folution, a real peril will arife, but which, I hope, may be as effedlually guarded againft, as it is eafily forefeen. If the oppofition, for in- ftance, fhould prove the dupe in this competi- tion of fraud and duplicity, inftead of the Ibcie- ties ; if it (hould finally appear, by a critical ex- periment, that the new leaders, inftead of creat- ing a force which they are able to regulate and controul, {hall have organized a power too fu- rious '* y i^7) ■....:.■■.. .,■: tious for the government, and for that of the country, (the common error and mifcalculation of fanguine and difappointed ambition) then there will arife a ferious and imminent danger indeed ; a danger not peculiar to the king's mi- niflers and fervants, but broad and general, common to every clafs and defcription of men, though nearer to thefe very leaders, as they may read in the fate of Orleans and Rochefou- cault, a double monument of miftaken probity and perfifting depravity ; a common mirror to interefted vice and fpeculutive virtue. Suppofing, however, that I am miftaken in my conjecture of the efFed this coalition, (cou- pled with the doClrines of a paflive refiftancc and a prudential revolt, which followed clofe upon it) may operate upon the opinion of the government in France, and that they Ihould be inclined to confider the occafion as fortunate for refuming their long-fufpended, but favourite plan of invafion : for I wifh to diffemble no fpc- cies of danger or inconvenience which can pofli- bly refult from the continuance of the war, and I think every thing poflible, both to defpair and to enthufiafm : I am fofar from apprehending that they would derive any affiftance from thi^ coali- tion in that cafe, tliat I am perfuaded it would be the precife caufe of its immediate diflblution. Pelidcs that they would meet great, and 1 thirk, ^ infurmpuntabl^ 1^ h> f '> • v.. < »8 )';■■■■ ■■■■ infuVfndtifitabk difficulties Upon the ife, and even before they could embark upon it ; they would not find the moment particularly oppor- tune or propitious, when the kingdo^m is full of difciplined and experienced troops, and of militia and provincial for6e^, that may be compared with them in almofl: every refpedt, without in- jury or difparagemcnt. They cannot be igno- rant that the dangers of England have always nmted all her parties ; they cannot think oppo- fition more formidable to government at this crilis, than when half the prefent fervants of his majed were to be numbered with it ; nor forget, that thofe very dangers were . lot to know the opinion pretty generally cii.wtcained in foreign countries of the cor- ruptroi) and depravity of our partifss, and to know thiat it is exaf;gerated and . mistaken. There is fomcthing in our national character and difpofiiion, which commonly corrects and qua» lifies the vileft paffions and tendencies, and cx- trads or tempers the worfl poifons that circu- late in bur blood. Fadlon and civil war itielf, have been found temperate evils in this climate • (89) ' , o what they have proved under other ikies ; and the experience we have had of them, has enabled us to prepare and provide from afar,/* againil their return or contagion. If we except the rebellions, on account of the difputed fuc- ceffion, which arofe from a falfe fenfe of honour gnd a miftaken duty, the whole empire, (incethc period of the revolution, has been uni^ J upon every occafion of danger or necefli^ and no part or party can claim any merit in tii* fpedt, or pre-eminence over the refl: ; we are loud and noify in the out-pofts, but when the body of the place is attacked or expofed, we forget our di- vifions, and form the common garrifon of our country. Neither can it have efcapcd, I imagine, the penetration of the French miniftry, that the. harangues and motions of the oppofition for peace, are not more likely to be (incere, than they are to prevail ; for they, no doubt, what- ever we may do at home, conlider an oppofition as a pojjible admtnifiration^ and enquire not only into what they fay, but what they would do,, and what they mull do, if they were trufled with the government. They may po/Tibly be- lieve, that if Mr. Fox had been in power at the beginning of the year 1 793, he would have fent an ambaffador to demand reparation for the vio-, lationof the treaties ; they may poffibly believe, N that ^. (93) taken into confideration, in any eftimatc they were forming upon the probability of affiftance from the focieties, in cafe of invalion, that ma- terial point which I have already difcuffed, the abfolute difgrace and extinction of the revolu- tionary principles which might have rendered fuch an expe£lation lefs unreafonable at the be- ginning of the year 1 793 ; they muft know that as thofe principles have been unfolded and difcredited, the danger of commotions, and the danger in commotions, have fubfidcd along with them, and they muft be diffuaded by their own friends in thofe bodies from fo hopelefsand fatal an experiment. ^ - I Though the dcfires, the ambition, and even the embarraflments of the new government, fecm to prefcribe pcrfeverance on the part of France, it does not therefore appear that they can long find the means of pcrfeverance at home, or that they can ferioufly rely upon any afliflance, or upon any event very favourable to their interefts in this country. This obftaclc to peace therefore being nothing more than the pcrfonal obftinacy of the individuals in power, muft yield to the current of events, and the ueceflities of the empire. . .-- A So well convinced does that government ap- pear of the compulfion that awaits it, and of the neccffity not only of renouncing the conquefts^ : ' : . but (n) but of paying an indemnity to the powers at war, if it were to come to a negotiation, that it artfnliy throws all the conditions of peace into preliminaries, and exads a previous aflent, which would take away all occaiion of difcuf- lion. This policy, however, at beft weak and ihort-fighted, was defperate even at the tim^ when their armies were triumphant in Germany; experience has doubtlefs undeceived the cabinet of France, if it ever really imagined that Europe would be frightened out of its liberties, and the Rhine be taken as it had taken Conde and Va- lenciennes, ^ a decree of the Convention: it mufl know, that this decree, as long as it cxifts, can have no effed, operation, or influ- ence upon the conditions of peace, and maintain it only to render peace impoflible, which, either from perfonal danger, or political fears, it con- iiders it as a misfortune to itfelf, or to France. The decrees, therefore, are not fo much an obflacle to peace, as to negotiation, becaufe, be- ing wholly unfounded and unauthorifed by the power, (it nation, and refources of France, they muil neceflarily fall at once, and without difcuf- lion, whenever that government vvifhes to have peace. Another obftacle to peace is, the indemnity of Great Britain, which will be lefs palatable to France, than the furrcnder of her precarious au- thority in the low countries. It is fortunate for ♦ her» v-c / ' (95) . TS / V 44 I ', > .'i- her, that (he has a pledge in the magnanimity of this country, and in the perfonal charader of the government, that it will not delay the rcpofe and tranquillity of Europe, by exading a rigorous juftice, and retaliating upon her avarice and ambition. It is fortunate for France, that the moderation of her enemies will not pervert the fuccefles of this war, to the attainment of ' any other objects than thofe for which it was undertaken, or direct the fuperiority of their arms, to any other end, than the vindication of the treaties, and the reftoration of the balance of power. ' Were it otherwife — but I reprefs myfelf ; let her tremble to think, after the calamities of her military marine, after the extinction of her com- merce, after the ruin of her finance, after the de- population of her empire ; let her tremble to think, what her cafe would be, if with four hun- dred fhips of war, with a commerce encreafed, with an cxuberanceof refources, with apopulation untouched, and aconflitutioninvigoratedand en- deared, Great Britain, in her turn, fhould remove the barriers, or violate the fyftcm of Europe ; if, at the conferences for a peace, it were to be difcuffed, whether, after having been, during more than a century in danger of being enflaved by the natural preponderance of France, and, during the laft years of being corrupted and an- nihilated (96) nihUated in all its politics^ relations, by the. arts and malevolence of that refllefs country, hy the overflow of its inhabitants, the univ.erfality of its language, and by a French fadion in every jftate; I fay, whether it were not juft, expedient, and neceffary to the future Welfare and tranquil- lity of this part of the globe, to provide for its ie« curity, by circumfcribing h|>r territory, and rc- ftoring the ancient boundaries of her empire ? Let her tremble to think, if (he were to render back all the ufurpatipns of the laft century, which jui^ice might prefcribe, and her weakness fufFer, what limits would be thofe of France ? hpvy different from the Alps, the Pyrenees^ the Khine, md the Meufe ? — I reprcfs myfelfr— 3ut France herfelf, if ever that country ca|t be .grateful, will one day <)wn the obligation as all Europe befide^ does now. It iG» indeed glorious, after having ikood in the breach for civilized fo* cicty ; having repreffed the torrent of enlighten- ed biirbarifm, which threatened to overwhelm our arts, inflitutions, manners, and religion, and preferved the foisial order upon its ancient bails— ^ to redore the dyke, and rebuild the column : and with every thing in our power, to demand no more than the pofl of honour, and the means of rendering the fame fervice, upon the recur- rence of the fame neceflity. ■: ; This, I am perfuaded, will be evident in the terms of peace, which I have no fcruple to fay |: \ ^4 o '':*> r .> [i ". V ■'. B«>- (97) '^ i (ifi I'V; muft and wil} be di£bted by Great Britain. She will not abandon her allies for individual advan- tage, nor accept an equivalent for the ufurpa* tions of her enemies ; and the decline of the colonies with the feeds of a negro empire in the Weft-Indies, will, in fpite of the con- quefts fhe may retain, render her a lofer in that part of the world. She will feek her true and certain indemnity, not in the arbitrary condi- tions, but in the firmnefs and fecurity of an ho- nourable peace ; and this Power ojthe third or -^ der^ will not forget, at a moment when every thing fe^s attainable to her ambition, that (he is the miftrefs-nation, not by the extent of her territory and refources, by a predominance of population, or a natural fuperiority over all Et^* rope together y but by her public and private vir- tues ; her juftice and moderation ; her arts and indiiftry; her laws and regulated liberty; her temperate courage; her unafTuming wifdom, and that moral greatnefs which (he oppofes to every danger, and to the fedudtions of viftory itfelfi . ^ , . ; ■';t*;. THE END.