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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent ia m6thode. 1 2 3 4 5 6 32X iP V All OSITIO Of THtt \^: CAUSES AND CHARACTER OF THO .Wl LATE d ^STWBEN THE t'NITEO STATES AND GREAT-BRITAIN. ■ /// ^ ^^'^.■i;/ ^' "I // X.-A- ^y , »«« <.(!'• J HmDLEBURY, (Vt.) vkitnw» ASD ruBtisBBD bt wiuiak s&aiw, ao». •••••MtjMMM Ji%4,18l5. ill ri^ac- ;^ " ' '- ^''■>^IBC*r**|i^ 'V. ::2. liVTRODUCTION. I'be following "Exporftlon of the Cauaes and Character of the late War,*' W»B written at Washington a ihort time previous to the arrival of the news of' peace. It has been publicly attributed to the pen of Mr, Secretary 0&i,i.&s, and may be considered as a final appeal of the government to the sound senne and patrio^tism of the people. Amid the tumult of party passion, which, at that aw- ful period, distracted our country, this "Exposition" raised only the voice of reason, and aimed>only to present a clear and distinct view of the iauset and chttraeter of the War, as a motive for wiiion and energy, in its prosecution. It contains scarcely the slightest allusion even to the existente of parties in thit country, and embraces nothing which can In the least degree wound the sen- aibilities of an Amerkan federalist. The multiplied and aggravated injuries which forced us into the contest, Wt exhibited with a clearness and force which must iltlence every doubt of its neces- sity and justice. It ii. hoped that tlie length of this highly interesting state paper will deter n* 0*e from a patient and attentive perusal. It is a production which we do not hefitate to pronounce wnakswekablb ; and which, though peace hag been hap> pily renored, can never cease to be in the bigbeet degree instructive atad intef ^tirig to every Avericaa* Aytmairfln. K ^V^w.^ - f Tu ««i«J(r/rwA>*; 1»> f EXPOSITION, i^c. i„i rof tbelote War,^' ival of the oewiof secretary DalIiAS, the sound fenw and , which, at that aw-> only the voice of of the cause* and its prosecution. It B of parties in tbi* ee wound the sen* a the contest, tr€ doubt of its neces- taper will deter n* n which we do not )eace hag been hap*' ructive and iatec*' Whatkter may be the termination of tli« begociations at Ghent, the (lispatches of the American rommissioners, which have been com,- municatcd by the President of tlie United States to the Congress, dut; Sng the present session, will distinctly unfold, to the impartial of all nar tions, the objects and dispositions of the parties to the present war. The United States, relieved by the general pacification of the trea- ty of Paris, from the danger of actual sufferance, under the evils which had compelled them to resort to arms, have avowed their readiness to ' resume the relations of |)pace and amity with Great Britain, upon the simple and single condition of preserving their territory and their sov-^' reignty entire and unimpaired. Their desire of peace, indeed, " upon terms of recijtrocity, consistent with the rights of both parties, as sove- reigp. and independent nations,"* has not, at any time, been influenced by the provocations of an unprecedented course of hostilities ; by the incitements of a successful campaign ; or by the agitations which have seemed again to threaten the tranquility of Europe. Kilt th^ British governmJKnt, after " a discussion with the goyern> ment of America, for the conciliatory adjustment of the differences sub- sisting betwefn the two states, with an earnest desire, on their part (as it was alledged) to bring them to a favorable issue, upon principles of a perfect recipuMsity, not inconsistent witli established maxims, of pub- lic law, and with thf; maritime rights of,the British empire ;"t and after ' "expretwly disclaiming any intention to acquire an increase of territor ry,"f have perenjitorily demanded, as the price of peace, concession^ calculated merely for their own aggrandizement, and for the' humilia- tioa of their adversary. At one time, they proposed, as tlieir sine qxia rum, a stipulation, that the Indians, inhabiting the country of the Uni- ted States, within the limits established by the treaty of 1 783, should tie included as the allies of Great Britain (a party to that treaty) in the |)Tf the congress at f conquest in A- itry, as well as io ecomes a duty of of a free people, effort to regain it, i of its measures ; lul justice, cannot tns are led to par- [ie United States, IB advantages, nor but recently, as it e of their national ulicy of their gov- reign as well as in and it must bf dif- policy to preserve , be doubted, the I a policy to main- e time, to resjiiect Nofs will beexhily- ct impartiality to- the proofs will be I of France. And ' by all honorable, iments of mntoal ed by the ties of k Augnst, 1814 ; Uw t, 1814 ; the note d >14; the noteoftba e note of the Ameiv of the British coin> the American com- the British commif- ! American commit* t of Optober, 1814 : October, 1814; an4 tober, 1814. ■■•'"'■■'^'- k^l'soV^'^V'^'t-' iconimon ancestry, an identity of languiige, and a similarity of inanuersf be doubted, the proofs will be found iu tliat patient furbearunce, under the pressure of accumulating wrongs, which marks the period of almost thirty years, that elapsed between th« peace oi 1 783, and the rupture of 18l£. 'J*he United States had just recovered, under the auspices of their present constitution, from tlie debility which their revolutionary strug- gle hud produced, when the convulsive movements of France excited thoughout the civilized world the mingled scnsutioHS of hope and tear y/^t adtpimticn and alarm. The interest . w hich those movements /would, iu themselves, have excited, was incalculably increased, how- ' ever, as soon as Great britain t)ecHme a party to the first memorable coalition against France, and assumed the character of a iielligerent powerj for it was obvious, that the distance of the scene would no longer exempt the United Statfs from the influence, and the evils of the European conflict. On the one hand, their government was con- nected with France, by treaties of alliance and commerce ; and the ser- vices which that nation had rendered to the cause of American inde- pendence, had made such impressions u|ion the public mind, as no vir- tuous statesman could rigidly condemn, and the most rigorous 8tate»> man would have sought in vain to efface. On the other hand. Great Britain leaving the treaty of 1783 unexecuted, forcibly retained the American (losts upon the northern frontier; and, slighting every over- ture to place the diplomatic and commercial relations of the two coun-. tries, u|)on a fair and friendly foundation,'"' seemed to contemplate the success of the American revolution, in a spirit of unextinguishable an- imosity. Her voice had indeed been heard from Quebec and Montre- al, instigating the savages to war.f Her invisible arm was felt, in the defeats of General Uarmer^ and General St. Clair,) and even the vir* tory of General Wayne|| was achieved in the presence of a fort which she had erected, far within the territorial boundaries of the United States, to stimulate and countenance the barbarities of the Indian war- rior.^ Yet the American gavemment, neither yielding to popular feeling, nor acting upon the impulse of national resentment, hastened io adopt the policy of a strict and steady neutrality ; and solemnly an- nounced that policy to the citizens at home, and to the nations abroad, by the proclamation of the 22d bf April, 1793. — Whatever may have been the trials of its pride, and of its fortitude ; whatever may have been the imputations upon its fidelity and its honor, it will be demon- titrated in the sequel, that the American government, throughout the European contest, and amidst all the changes of the objects, and the piM^ties that have been involved in that contest, have inflexibly adher- ed to the principles which were thus, authoritively established, to reg- tllate the conduct of the United States. *Be« Mr. Adams' oorre«pondenee. t^e the ipeechrs of Lord Dorchester. go the waters of the Miami of the laice, on tho 2l8t Oct. 1790. t Fort Recovery, on the 4th of Nov. 1791. UOn the Miami of the lalies, in August, 1794. 9See the correipondence between Mr. Randolpli, the Aniericaa »«crefary of |tate, and Mr. Haounond, the British p!enipoteiiti4ry, dated May and Juae, 179qi m ,¥. !§.' jV J^ 'I ' I*'' trt- im -111, itt ltd ^^Ml 9 I •1^ It wag rensonalile to expect tliat a proclamation of neutrality, 'muuX uniler the circumatunces wliicli liave Infen ilescrihe*!, would commuid the confidence ami respect of Great Britain hovtevcr oflehBive it miglit prove to Frunce, as contraveuing, essentially, the exposition which she was anxious to bestow on the treaties of commerce am* <^lliance. But experience has shown, that the confidence and res|)ect of Great Britain arc not to be acquired, by such acts of impartiality and independence. Under every administration of the American government, the experi- ment has l)ecH made, and the ex|)eriment has l»cen equally unBucces>< ful : for it was not more effectually ascertained in the year 1812, than ■t antecedent periods, that an exemption from the maritime usurpation, and the commercial monopoly, of Great Britain, could only Ite obtain- ed upoii the condition of becoming an associute, in her enmities and her ware. While the proclaniation of neutrality wits still in the view of the British minister, an order of the 8th of June, 1 793, issued fronv the cal)inet, l»y virtue of which, "all vessels loaded wholly, or in part, with corn, flour, or meal, Iwund to any port in France, or any port •«- Gupied by the armies of France," were required to l)e carried, forcibly into England ; and the cargoes were either to be sold there, or security ■was to Ik.' given, that they should only be sold in the imrts of a coun- try, iji amity with his Britannic miyesty * The moral character of tin, avowed design, to inflict famine upon the whole of the French people, was, at that time properly estimated throughout the civilized world; and so glaring an infraction of neutral rights, aa the British onler was calculated to produce, did not escape the severities, of diplomatic ani- madversion and remonstrance.-p-But this aggression was soon followed by another of a more hostile cast. In the war of 1 750, Great Britain had endeavored to establish the rule, that neutral nations were not en- titled to enjoy the benefits of a trade with the colonies of a belligerent power, from which, in the season of peace, they were excluded by the parent state. — The rule stands without |H>sitjve support from any gen- eral auhtority on public law. If it be true, that somie treaties contain stipulations, by which the parties expressly exclude each other from the commerce of their respective colonies : and if it be true, that the ordinances of a particular state, often ftrovide for the exclusive ei\joy- raent of its colonial commerce ; still Great Britain cannqt be. author- ised to deduce the rule of the war of 1 756, by implication, from sucli treaties and such ordinances, while it is not true, that the rule forips a part of the law of nations; nor that it has been adopted by any other government; nor that even Great Britain herself has uniformly pracT ticed upon tiie rule; since its application was unknown from the war of 1756, until the French war of 1792, including the entire period of- the American war.— Let it be, argumentatively, allowed, however, that Great Britain possessed the right, as well as tbe power, to revive and enforce the rule ; yet, the time and the manner of exercising the power, would afford ample cause for reproach. The citizens of the I'^nited States had openly engaged in an extensive trade with the French islands, in the West Indies, ignorant of the alledged existence *Sce (lie orJer in council of the 8th of June, 1793, and the remonstrance of (Iip -A inerran government, , *'»<*tiit<.^-iA': :^ ^ * % ■■-f lefeSjiy.. ' neutrality, ihrugiI I, would coramiiitl ofTengive it miftlit )uaition which ihc a(' <^inance. But ct or Great Brilaia intl independence, iment, theex|i«ri- equally unBUCcest* leyear 1812, tliaa iriliine usurpation, lid only Ite oiitHin- lier enmities and 8 still in the view 1703, issued Tronv wholly, or in part, !e, or any \H)tt ««- le carried, forcibly I there, or security i ports of a coun* ral character of no, he French peo|tle, s civilized world; British order vas of di[*loinritic ani- was soon followed ^50, Great Britain tiona were not en- es of a Itelligerent e excluded by the )ort froni any gen? fije treaties contain each other from ; be true, that the s exclusive eiyoy- cannot be author- ication, from sucti it the rule forrps a pted by any qlhey as uniformly praCT iwn from the war le entire period of- illowed, however, ! power, to revive of exercising the he citizens of the re trade with the illedged existence lie remoDPtrance of of the rule ot the war of 1 756, or unapprised of any inteatlon to call it Into action, when the onUr of the Uth of November, 1 70^), was ailrntljr circulated among the British crulzen, eonsigniuji; to legal adjudication, " all vessels loaden with goods, the produce of any colony of France, or carrying provisions or supplies, for the us of any such colony."* A great portion of the commerce of the United Slatett was thus annihila- ted at a blow ; the amicable diB|K>sitions of the eovcrnment were again disregarded and contemned, the sensibilify of the nation was excited to a high degree of resentment, by the apparent treachery of the British order ; ami a recourse to reprisals, or to war, for indemnity and redress, teemed to be unavoidable. But the love of Justice had established the law of neutrality ; and the love of peace taught a lesson of forljearance. The American government, therefore, rising superior to the provoca- tions and the passions of the day, instituted a special mission, to re|>- resent at the court of London, the ir\juries and the indignities which it had suffered ; " to vindicate its rights with firmness, and to cultivate peace with sincerity."! The immediate result of this mission, was a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, between the United States and Great Britain, which was signed by the negociuturs on the 10th of November, 1 704, and finally ratified, with the consent of the senate^ in the year 1 705. But both the mission and its result, serve, also, todia- play the Independence and the impartiality of the American govem- nent, in asserting its rights and peiforming its duties, equally unawed and unbiassed by the instruments of liclligcrcnt |»ower, or persuasion. On the foundation of this treaty the United States, in a pure spirit of good faith and confidence, raised the hope and the expectation, that the maritime usurpations of Great Britain would cease (o annoy them ; that all doubtful claims of jurisdiction would Ite suspended ; and that even the exercise of an inconteslible right would be so muditied, as to pre- sent neither insult, nor outrage, nor inconvenience, to their flag, or tn their commerce. But the hope and the expectation of the United States have been fatally disappointed. Some relaxation in the rigor, TTithout any alteration in the principle, of the ord^r in council of the 0th of November, 1 703, was introduced by the sulraequent orders of the tth of January, 1704, and the 25th of January, 1 TOR : but from the rat- ification of the treaty of 1704, until tlie short respite afforded by the treaty of Amiens, in 1802, the commerce of the United States contin- ued to be the prey of British cruizers and privateers, under the adjwii- eating patronage of the British tribunals. — Another erievance, howev- er, assumed at this epoch, a form and magnitude, which cast a shade Over the social happinesii, as well as the political indeftendence of the nation. The merchant vessels of the United States were arrested on the high seas, while in the prosecution of distant voyages; considera- ble numbers of their crews were impressed into the naval service of Great Britain ; the commercial adventures of the owners were often, liatijsg Mr. Jay as envoy extraordinary to his Britannio majesty, m ■• 4 J' I UiOiiiilii ■A « *' tolerable. ThU grievance (which conttltutM an Itaporlant BiirrivSna cnuM! of the American declHrntlon of war) w..» ewly, and has bw-n m- cciianily, unred npon the attention of the KrltUh government. Even in the year 1 7«)2, they were told of " the Irritation that it had excited ; and of the difficulty of avoldhiR to make Immetliate reprisals on their 8eam..n in the United Htate.."* They were UM " that so many In- stances of the kind had hapiicneil, that It was quite necessary that they- •hould explain themselves on the subject, and 1^ led to disavow and uunish such violence, which had never been experienced from any oth- er nallon."t And they were lohl of the inconvenience of «uch con- duct, and of the ImpoBsibllity of letting it 150 on, so ")«*">«»'"'•" ministry should be made sensible of the necessity of |)unishlng the past, and preventing the future."}— But atter the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, had been ratlfieil.the nature and the extent of the grlev ancc became still more manifest; and it was clearly and Brm'y P"" •ented to the view of the British government, n» leading »n«7\«« JJ todisconl and war between the two nations. They w^ere told, that unless they would come to some accoramo«latlon which might ensure the American seamen against thlsoppression, measures wduld be Jikea to cause the Inconvenience to be equally lelt on both sides. « They were told, "that the Impressment of American citizens, to serve oil board of British armed vessels, was not only an injury to the unfortii. nate indivldual8,butit naturahy excited certain emotions in the breasts of the nation to Whom they belong, and the just and humane of eveiy country; and that an expectation was in<>""K«» t^^t orclers would to gJien. that the Americans so circumstanced should be imn^^Ha^'y liberated, and that the British officers shotdd, in future, abstain from similar vUnces.-ll They were told, " that ^^^ '^^^''^JZ'^ ""^ greater importance than had been supposed ; and that, instead of a few, and those n many instances equivocal cases, the American muAster a the court of London had. in nine months Tpart of t«»year. 1796 and 1797) made applications for the discharge of two hundred and seventy- one seamen who ha.l, in most cases, exhibited such evidence, as to sat- isfv him that they were real Americans, fore«l into the Brit bh service, aid Jmevering. generally, in refusing pay and lK.unty.t They wenj told, •• that if the British government had any regard to the rights of the United States, any respect for the nation, and placed any value oa their friendship, it would facilitate the means of relieving their oppress- ed citizens."** They were told, " that the British naval officers often ~ls^ the letter of Mr. Jefiferion, .ecrotary of state, to Mr. Pinkaey, minister at London.datcd lith of June, nn. . . , ,u- lo.h nf Oct 1792. tSee the letter from the same to the wme, ^«t«» *^ -\^*V1 ma JSee the letter from the same to the same dated the^6Ui Nov. ™ . ^ {See the letter from Mr. Pinkney, minister at London, to the secretary 01 ^1^et:Vote'of''M7.^V\^^^^^^^ •'•ted th. ^fse"l"tfc leuJ; of Mr. King, minister at London, to the secretary of state, da. ''Mt'Z r/ttfrfin/S r.* Pickering, secretary if state, to Mr. Kiog, minister at London, dated tjie lOthof September, 1796. ■■^*«-'•.-*■. ^r-«t''.ief/.«i*-^v linpi-es»«:d Sw<'il< 1, Dnni^t. and oIIut forcijrncni, from tlio ycshpIs of th*? Uniti'ii States; tli.it (licy might, w Ith nit much rtMitoii,rol» Amerit-itn ves- M!|h uf the projH'i'ly or ini'r> liHiiili7.<> of riwriU-H, Duiii'h, , mi I'oitii^iHite, :iii tirize niiddi-taiii in tlicir riivii-e, (he i^iilijerls of iIkihc ti.iliftiiM found «Mi iinard uf Aininciin MitHt'i;*; iiiul lliiit llic PriHiilnil \>:im «>xlr<'iiu'ly niixiuiis to iiu\«; IIiIh liiittiiiiMH i>l liii;ii'<««ing [ilnefd on ii rcnsotiablo fool- inn."" Aiui llu'y wi'vn (oIil,"lluit tin; iniiirpHitinctit of Anicricim M-n- nitn was an iiijiiiy of vory ct-rioni niagnitiHle, which «lri'|j|y aHW'ttil the fcclinuiH and luuior of llic iiidion; Dial no r'tf^Ut liiitl hicii uMHi-rtctl (n iniprcKB lliu nntivcj of Anioiica; yd, (hat liicy were inijircHseit; tlicy were (lrai;s;e<8 been extended to every mariner, who could not prove, u|H>n the spot, that he was a citizen of the United States. While the nature of the British claim was thus ambiguous and fluc- tuating, the principle to which it was referred, for justification and support, appeared to be, at once, arbitrary and illusory. It was not recorded in any positive code of the law cf nations ; it was not display- ed in the elementary works of the civilian ; nor had it ever been ex- emplified in the maritime usages of any other country, in any other age. In truth, it was the ofTspring of the municipal law of Great Britain alone ; equally operative in a time of peace, and in a time of war; and, under all circumstances, inflicting a coercive jurisdiction, upon the commerce and navigation of the world. For the legitimate rights of the belligerent powers, the United States Iiad felt and evinced a sincere and open respect. Although they had marked a diversity of doctrine among the most celebrated jurists, upon many of the litigated points of the law of war; although ttiey had for* merly espoused, with the example of the most powerful government of Europe, the principles of the armed neutrality, which were established in the year 1 780, upon the basis of the memorable declaration of the empress of all the Russias ; and although the principles of that decia* ration have been incorporated into all their public treaties, except in the instance of the treaty of 1704 ; yet, the United States, Still faith- ful to the pacific and impartial policy which they professed, did not hes- itate, even at the commencement of (he French revolutionary war, to accept and allow the exposition of the law of nations, as it was then maintained by Great Britain ; and, consequently, to admit, upon a much contested point, that the property of her enemy, in their vessels^ might be lawfully captured as prize of war.f It was, also, freely ad- mitted, that a belligerent power had a ijght with proper cautions, to * ^e* tlie opinion of Mr. Piclcering, secretary of state, enclosing the plan of a treaty, dated the 9A of May, 1 800, and the opinion of .Mr. Wolcott, secretary of the treasury, dated the 14th of Ap^^'l, 1800. t ^ee the opinion of Mr. ''toddart, secretary of the navy, dated the Sfld of April, 18V0, and the opinion of Mr. Lee, attorney general, dated the 26th of February, and the SOth of April, IROO. f Vee the correspondence of the year 1793, betwaen Mr. Jefferson, secretary of state, and the ministers of Great Britain and France, ^ee also Mr. Jeffer- son's letter to the American ministet at Paris, of the same year, requesting the recall of Mr. Genetk ■ u^ii jii'J^^AiUM Ui;M^'.&Mlvfe=«:^iUi-' ' ■^-'■.' .v'"- -■J*T-'^-»*V sequent period, intluced thd Did his approbation from the iters at London, iu the year tly provide against the im* '■ that it is better to have no [1 not to enumerate merchant I not to be forcibly entered in im, expanding with singular It to enter American vessels nd seize all British seamen ; I subject; and finally, in its ided to every mariner, who was a citizen of the United ras thus ambiguous and flue- ;ferred, for justification and y and illus«ry. It was not ' nations ; it was not display- n ; nor had it ever been ex- ler country, in any other age. icipal law of Great Britain e, and in a time of war ; and, reive jurisdiction, upon the mt powers, the United States spect. Although they had most celebrated jurists, upon war; although Utey had for- (lost powerful government of dity, which were established lemorable declaration of the the principles of that declai* >ir public treaties, except in he United States, iiXll faith- h they professed, did not hes- r'rencb revolutionary war, to tw of nations, as it was then lequently, to admit, upon a f her enemy, in their Tessels^ r.| It was, also, freely ad- ght with proper cautions, to of state, enclosing the plan of a ion of .Mr. Wolcott, secretary of the navy, dated the 2Sd of April, >ral, dated the 26th of February, tetwsen Mr. JeiTerson, secretary France. See also Mr. Jeffer- )f the same year, requesting the m n sil*' ■*! iB , ':H i * m J'' it '» ■>"■><' •^'- ts. l-l ^ ^"M. ; - tiitroiliictioii ol ilH'se tl('s;ra(Hii.' :( is <1 liu; right ? Jf t!ie risht shall bo exclusively established as a tro;>i.;. of the naval superiority of Great Britain, the ocean, which lias lieen sometimes emi'.hatically denomina- ted, " the high-wny of nations," TNill be identiiicd, in the occupancy and use, with the dcniiiiions of the British crown; and every olhtfr na- iion must enjoy (he liberty of passage, upon the payment of a tribute for the iiululgence of a licence : but what nation is [trepared for this sacrifice of its honor and its interests? And if, aficr all, the right bo )iow asserted (as experience too plainly indicates) for the juirpose of imposing upon the United States, to accommodate the British mari- time policy, a new and oilious limitation of the sovereignty and inde pendeiice, which were acquired !)y the glorious revolution of 1776, it ie not for the American government to calculate the duration of a war, thfil shall be waged, in resistance of the active attempts of Great Brit- ain, to accomplish her project: for,wherc is the Aitierican citizen, who would tolerate a day's submis'sion, to the vassalage of such a condition 2 But the American government has seen, with some surprise, the gloss, which the prince regent of Great Britain, in his declaration of the loth of January, 181.3, has condescended to bestow ui»on the Brit- ish claim of a right to impress men, on board of the merchant vessels' of other nations; and the retort, which he has ventured to make, up- on the conduct of the United States, relative to the controverted doc- trines of expatriation. The American government, like every other civilized government, avows the principle, and indulges the practice, of naturalizing foreigners. In Great Britain, and through the conti- nent of Europe, the laws and regulations upon the subject, are not ma- terially dissimilar, when compared with the lawe and regulations of the United States. The etfect, however, of such naturalization, u|»on the connexion, which (ireviously subsisted, between tiie naturalized person, and the government of the country of his birth, has been different con- sidered, at different times, and in different places. Still, there are ma- ny respects, in which a diversity of opinion does not exist, and cannot arise. It is ai^reed, on all hands, that an act of naturalization is not a violation of the law of nations; atad that, in particular, it is not in itself an offence against the government, whose subject is naturalized. It is agreed, that an act of naturalization creates, between the parties, the reciprocal obligations of allegiance and protection. It is agreed, that while a naturalized citizen continues within the territory and ju- risdiction of his adoptive government, he cannot be pursued, or seized, or restrained, by his former sovereign. It is agreed, that a naturalized citizen whatever may be thought of the claims of the sovereign of liis native country, cannot lawfully be withdrawn from the obligations of maritime cotloof »a- 1 fiovcmmtiil, in Iho ;riim€ iJis to dfciuc, :'nliially implicated, liijiia oi tiio Hrilisli [(e pursued, or seized, , that a naturalized he sovereign of his I the obligations of -J ,':.^- fcia conlraci of naturalization, by the force or seduction of a third pow. «M. Anil it is Hsrreed, that no sovereign can lawfully inlcrft'rc, to thko from the strvico, or the employment, of another sovereign, persons who are not tbr sulijecls of either of the sovereigns engaged in the trans !C« tion. Beyond tlie [irinciples of these accorded proftositions, what hii ve the United Slates done tojustify the inr,)utation of "harboring Hritish seamen and of exercising i-.n assumed right, to transfer the «llegian<;e of Hritish subjects?"* Tlie United Stales have, Indeed, insisted upon the right of navigating the ocean, in peace and saiety, protecting all that is covered by their flag, as on a.phtce of equal ami common juris- diction to all nations ; save where the law of war interposes the excep- tions of visitation, search and capture; but, in doing tiiis, thiy have • done HO wnmg. The United SUites, in [icrfcct consistency, it is be- lieved, with the practice of all belligeri'iit nations, not even excepting Great Britain herself, have, indeed, announced a determination, since the declaration of hostilities, to aflbrd protection, as well to the natur- alized, as to the native citizen, whp, giving the strongest proofs of fidel- ity, should be taken in arms by the enemy ; and the British cabinet well know that this determination could have no inQuence upon those councils of their sovereign, which preceeded and produced the war. It was not, then, to " harlior British seamen," nor to " transfer the al- legiance of British subjects ;" nor to " cancel the jurisdiction of their legitimate sovereign," nor to vindicate " the pretensions that acts of naturalization, and certifiQatea of citizenship, were as valid out of their own territory, as within it;"t that the United States have asserted the honor and the privilege of their flag, by the force of reason and of arms. But it was to resist a systematic scheme of maritime aggrandizement, which, prescribing to every other nation the limits of a territorial boundary, claimed for Great Britain the exclusive dominion of the seas ; and which, spurning the settled principles of the law of war, con- demned the ships and mariners of the United States, to suffer, upon the high seas,- and virtually within the jurisdiction of their flag, the most rigorous dispensation of the British municipal code, inflictetl bf the coarse and licentious hand of a British press gang. The ityustice of the British claim, and the cruelly of the British practice, have tested, for a series of years, the pride and the patience of the American government; but, still, every experiment was anxiously made, to avoid the last resort of nations. The claim of Great Britain. in its theory, was limited to the right of seeking and impressing its own subjects, on board of the merchant vessels of the United States, although in fatal experience, it has been extended (as already appears) to the seizure of the subjects of every other power, sailing under a vol- untary contract with the American merchant ; to the seizure of the nat'< uralized citizens of the United States, sailing, also, under voluntary contracts, which every foreigner, independent of any act of naturali- zation, is at liberty to form in evetry country ; and even to the seizure of the native citizens of the United States, sailing on board the shijis of their own nation, in the prosecution of a lawful commerce. The * See the British declaration of the 10th of .Taniwry, 1813. t See thcfe passages in the British ileclaiation, of t!)t> tpth January, 1 81 S. iili Mil i^r lii. •^\J r ilJ - ai! ^^y\ m" i" t>-- ''W ■ W'l Ml M excuse for whnt, Ims been inifeel jng;ly termed " imrtial mistaken, and oc* casional abuse"* when fhe right of impressment was practisetl towards vessels of the U. States, is, in the words of the prince regent's declara- tion, " a similarity of language and manners." But was it not know n, w hen this excuse was offered to the world, that the Russian, the Swede, the Dane, and the German; that the Frenchman, the Spaniarti, and the Portuguese ; nay, that the African and the Asiatic ; between whom and the people of Great Britain there exists no similarity .of language, manners or complexion; had been, e(]ually with the, American eitizen and the British Eulijcct, the victims of the impress tyranny ?f If, how- ever, the excuse be sincere, if the real object of the impressment he merely to secure to Great Britain, the naval services of her own sub- jects, and not to man her fleets, in every practicable mode of enlistment, by right, nr by wrong ; and if a just and generous government, ))rofeBs- ing mutual friendship and respect, may be presumed to prefer the acn complishment even of a legitimate purpose, by mems the Iea»t afflict- ing and injurious to others, why have the overtures of the United States, offering other meanfe as effectual as impressment, for the purfiose avow-, ed, to the consideration and acceptance of Great Britain, been forever- eluded nr rejected ? It has been offered, that the number of men to be protected by an American vessel should be limited by her tonage; that British officers should be permitted, in British port, to enter the ves- sel in order to ascertain the number of men on board ; and that, in case of an addition to her crew, the British subjects enlisted should be lia- ble to impressment.! It was offered in the soleinn form of a law, that the American seaman should be registered; that they should he pro- vided with certificates of citizenship|( and that the roll of the crew of every vessel should be formally authenticated.* It was offered, that no refuge or protcction^should be given to deserters ; but, that, on the contrary, they should be surrendered.^ It was again and again offer- ed to concur in a convention, which it was thought practicalile to he formed, and which shonid settle the question of impressment, in a man- ner that would be safe for England, and satisfactory to the United States.** It was offered that each' party should prohibit its citizens oe subjects from clandestinely concealing or carrying away, from the ter- ritories or colonies of the other, any seamen belonging to the other par- ty .ft And, conclusively, it has been offered and declared by law^^ * See the British declarotinn of the 10th of January, 181S. , , + See the letter of Mr. Pickering, secretary of state, to Mr. King, minister a\ Ijonilon, of the 26th of Ortobcr, 1T96 ; and the letter of Mr. Marshall, secreta- ry of state, to Mr. King, of the 20th of Septennber, 1800. t See the letter of Mr. .lefferson, secretary of state, to Mr. PinVnejj, minister at London, dated the llth of June, 1792, and the letter of Mr. Pickering, secw- tary of state, to Mr. King, ralDister at London, dated the 8th of June, 1796. jl See the act of Congress, pMsed the 28tb of May, 1796. i See the letter of Mr. Pickering, secretary of state, to Mr. King, minister at London, dated the 8th of June, 1796. IT See the project of a treaty on the subject, between Mr. Pickerirfg, secretary of state, and Mr. Listen, the British minister at Philadelphia, in the year 1800. »» See tlie letter of Mr. King, minister at London, to the secretary of stat^ dated the 15th of March, 1792. ' tt See the letter of Mr. King to the secretary of state, dated in July, I80S. mistaken, and oc« practisetl townrda I regent'8 declara- vas it not known, issian, the Swede, he Spanianl, and ;; between whom arity. or language, American ritizen ranny ?f If, how- e impressment he s of her own sub- ode of enlistment, ernment, profess- I to prefer the ac^ 3 the least afflict- he United Htates, he puqiose avown tain, been forever, ber of men to be y her tonage ; that to enter the ves- : and that, in case ted should be lia- )rm of a law, that ey should be pro- oil of the crew of was ofiFered, that but, that, on the n and again offer- practicable to he sssment, in a man- )ry to the United ibit its citizens OF vay, from the ter- g to the other par- declared by law,^ [r. King, minister r^ . Marsbali, sccreta- '. PinVney, ministei^ Ir. Pickering, fiecw li uf June, 1796. r. King, minister at Pickerirfg, secretary s, in the year 1800. e secretary of stat^ ed in July, I80S. that "after the termination of the present war, it sliould not be lawful to employ un boHvti of any of the public or private vessels uf the United States, any persons exce])t citizens of the United States ; and that no foreigner should l^e admitted to become a citizen — hereafter, who had not fur the continued term of five years, resided within the Lnited States, without being, at any time, during the live ycar^, out of the ter- ritories uf the United States."* It is manifest then that such provision might be made by law; and that such provision has been repeatedly and urgently pniposed ; as would, in all future times, exclude from the maritime service of the Uni- ted States, both in public and in private vessels, every person, who could, {MMsibly, be claimed by Great Britain, as a native subject, wheth- er he had, or had not, been naturalized in America.t Enforced by the same sanctions and securities, which are employed to enforce the penal code of Great Britain, as well as the penal code of the United States, the provision would afford the strongest evidence, that no Brit- ish subject could be found in service on board of an American vessel ; und, consequently, whatever might be the British right of impressment, in the abstract, there would remain no justifiable motive, there could bardly be invented a plausible pretext, to exercise it, at the expense of the American right of lawful commerce. If, too, as it has sometimes been insinuated, there would, nevertheless, be room for frauds and eva- sions, it is sufficient to observe, that the American government would always be ready to hear, and to redress, every just complaint; or, if redress were sought and refused, (a preliminary course, that ought nev- er to have been omitted, but which Great Britain has never pursued) it "would still be in the power of the British government to resort to it« own force, by acts equivalent to war, for the reparation of its wrongs. But Great Britain has, unhappily, perceived in the acceptance of the overtures of the American government, consequences injurious to her maritime policy ; and, therefore, withholds it at the expense of her justice. She perceives, perhaps, a loss of the American nursery for her seamen, while she is at peace; a loss of the service of American crews, while she is at war; and a loss of many of those opportunities, which have enabled her to enrich her navy, by the spoils of the Amer- ican commerce, without exposing her own commerce to the risk of re- taliation or reprisals. Thus, were the United Stales, in a season of reputetl peace, involv- ^ ed in the evils of a state of war— and thus, was the American flag an- noyed by a natittn still professing to cherish the sentiments of mutual friendship and respect, which had been recently vouched, by the faith of a solenin treaty. But the American government even yet abstain- ed from vindicating its rights, and from avenging its wrongs, by an ap- peal to arms. It was not an insensibility to those wrongs ; nor a dread of British power; nor a subserviency to British interests, that prevail- ed, at that period, in the councils of the United States ; but, under all • See the act of Congreis, passed on the Sd of March, t815. t See the letter of instructions from Mr. Monroe, secretary of state, to the plen- ipotentiaries for treating of peace with Great Britain, under thfi mediatioa cf tb; «»Ii«r»r Altsander, dated the J5th of April, i81.\ i 1 H k- m M.r.,_... i*#i . .-wui^fcamw mmmmmn'^m^ ■ 16 trials, f!ip Air.i'rican government absluined from the appeal lo arir,r llu-n, Ha it hu.. reiteatfiHy since done, in its collisions willi France, ae uell ns wiUiUi-eal Britain, from the purtat love of peace, while peace could he rendered compatible with the honor antl independence of the nation. During the period which has hitherto been more parliculnrly con- templated (from the tleclaration of Ijoslilities betwerri Great Britain and Prance in the year 1702, until the short-lived pacification of the treaty of Amiens in 1802) there were not wanting occasions, to test the cor. sistency and jlu impartiality of the American government, by a comparison of its ndiict towards Great Britain, with its comiuct towards other nations. The manifestation of the extreme jeal- ousy of the French government, and of the intemperate zeal of its ministers near the United States, were coeval with the proc- lamation ef neutrality; but after the ratification of the treaty of London, the scene of violence, spoliation, and contumely, opened by France, upon the United Htates, became such, as to admit, |)er- haps, of no parallel, except in the colemporaneous scenes which were exhibited by the iiyusticc of her great competitor. The Ameri- can government acted, in both cases, on the same pacific policy ; in the same spirit of patience and forbearance; but with the same deter- mination also, to assert the honor and independence of the nation. When, therefore, every conciliatory cflbrt had failed, and when two successive missions of peace had been contemptuously repulsed, the American (government, in the year 1 798, annuled its treaties with France, and waged a maritime war against that nation, for the defence pf its citizens and of its commerce, passing on the high seas. But as soon as the hope was conceived, of a satisfactory change in the dispo- sitions of the French government, the American government hastened to send another mission to Fivmce ; and a convention, signed in the year 1 800, terminated the subsisting dilferences between the two coun- tries. Nor were the United States able, during the same period, to avoid a collision with the government of Spain, upon any important and criti- cal questions of boundary and commerce; of Indian warfare and mari- time spoliation. Preserving, however, their system of moderation, in the assertion of their rights, a course of amicable discussion and ex- planation, produced mutual satisfaction; and a treaty of friendship, limits, and navigation was formed in the year 1795, by which the citi- zens of the United States acquired a right, for the space of three years, to deposit their merchandize and eftVcts in the port of New-Orleans; with a promise, eiUier that the enjoyment of that right should be inde- finely continued, or that anotlier part of the banks of the Mississippi should be assigne<) for an equivalent establishment. But, when, in the jrear 1802, the |»ort of New-Orleans was abruptly closed against the cit- izens of the United States, without an assignment of any other e<]uiv«- lent place of deposit, the harmony of the two countries was again most seriously endangered ; until the Spanish government, yielding to the remonstrances of the United States, disavowed the act of the intendant of New-Orleans, and ordered the right of deposit to be reinstated, on the terms of the treaty of 1 796. he appeal lo arn.!: s will) Franci', ae eace, \\ hile peace . Icpendtiite of tlit parliculorly cou- real Britain ;iii(J alion of the treaty 18, to te«l the con- overnment, Ij' u vNith its conduct the extreme jeal- einperate zeal of 1 with the proc- of the treaty of mtumely, opened as to admit, per- >us scenes which tor. The Ameri- tacific policy ; in Ih the same dcter- ice of the nation; LH\ i I' r:*^ 'SI M!ii »' ,.,«.(< ^ ! Jtl' CS! ill ■4 ■„■ * tsi jif la no doubt VIM suggested of the right of the United Sfatei to pursue, aep anilely and alone, the olijects they aimed at; but tiie British goveru- inent ai»peared to be satisfied with the President's views, un this iinpor> tant subject."* As soon, too, as the treaty ol purchase was concluded, before hostilities were again actually commenced between Great Brit- ain and France, and previously, indeed, to the departure of the French ami/assador from London, the American minister openly notilied to tlie British government, that a treaty liad been signed, by which the com- plete sovereignty of tlie town and territory of New -Orleans, as well as of all Louisiana, as (he same was lieretolbre possessed by bpain, had been acquired by the United States of America ; and that in drawing up the treaty, care had been tat^en so to frame the same, as not to in- fringe anv right of Great Britain, in the navigation of the river Mis- sissippi.* t In the answer of the Britsh government, it was explicitly declared by Lord Hawesbury, "that he had received his majesty's com- mands to express the pleasure with which his mtyesty liad received the intelligence; <'ind to add, that his m;>jc8ty regurded the care, which had been taken so to frame the treaty as not to infringe any right of Great Britain in the navigation of tlie Mississippi, as the most satisfactory evidence of a disjiosition on the part of the government of the United States, correspondent with that which his m<\jesty entertained, to pro- mote and improve that harmony, which so liap|iily subsisted between the two countries, and wliich was so conducive to their mutual ben- liet."^ The world will judge, whether, under such circumstances, the British government had any cause, on its own account, to arraign the conduct of the U. States, in making the purchase of Louisiana ; and, centainly, no greater cause will be found for the arraignment, on ac- count of Spain. The Spanish government was apprized of the inten- tion of the United States to negociate for the purchase of that province; its embassador witnessed the progress of the negociation at Paris ; and the conclusion of the treaty, on the 30th of A|iril, 1803, was promptly known and understood at Madrid. Yet, the Spanish government in- ter[H)8ed no objection, no protestation, against the transaction, in Eu- rope; and it was not until the month of Septemljer, 1803, that the American government heard, with surprize, from the minister of Spain, at Washington, that his catholic miyesty was dissatisfied with the ces- sion of Louisiana to the United States. Notwithstanding this difilo- matic remonstrance, however, the Spanish government proceeded to deliver the possession of Louisiana to France, in execution of the trea- ty of St. Ildefonso; saw France, by an almost simultaneous act, trans- fer the possession to the United States, in execution of the treaty of purchase; and, finally, instructed the marquis de Casa Yriijo, to pre- sent to the American government, the declaration of the 15th of May, * f^ee the letter from the secretary of stnte, to Mr. King, the American minit- ter at I-ondon, dated the 29th of January 1 803 ; and Mr. King's letter to the sec- retai7 of state, dated the 28th of April, 1303. t See the letter from Mr. King, to Lord Hawesbury, dated the tSth of May. 1803. '• t See the letter of Lord Hawkesbury, to Mr. King, dated the 19th of May, 19 ntfs to punue, Sep lie britiHli goveru- ;w8, uii thU im|K>r' tse wuB concluded, tween Great Urit- ■tureofthe French silly notified (o the ly H hicii the com- JrleauB, as welt ae Bed l)y Bpain, had nd that in drawing Bame, at not to in- of the river Mia- t, it was explicitly I his majesty's com- ly had received the he care, which had any right of Great ! most satisfactory nent of the United ntertained, to pro subsisted between I their mutual ben- circumstances, the >unt, to arraign the Louisiana; and, rraignment, on ac* irized of the inten- se of that province ; tion at Paris ; and 803, was promptly ish government in* ransaction, in Eu- ler, 1803, that the minister of Spain* isfied with the ces- (landing this diplo- nent proceeded to ecution of the trea- Itaneous act, trans- on of the treaty of asa Ynijo, to pre- the 15th of May, the American minis- ing'8 letter to the sec- eil the 15th of May, 111 the 19th of May, I80J, acting " by the special onler of his sovereign," "that the explana- tions, which the government of Fmnce hud given to his catholic ma- jesty, concerning the sale of Louisiana to the United Btatos, anil Ihri amicable di»positions, on the part of the king, his master, towartls these states, had determined him to abandon the opposition, which, at a pri- or perioil, and with the most substantial motives, he had manifested against the transaction."* But .ifter this amicable and decisive arrangement of all diiferances, in relation to the validity of the Louisiana purchase, a question of some embarrassment remained, in relation to the boundaries of the ceded ter- ritory. This question, liowever, the American government always has been, and always will lie, willing to discuss, in the most candid manner, and to settle upon the most liberal Iwsis, with the government of Spain. It was not, therefore, a fair topic, with which to inflame the^ prince regent's declaration; or to embellish the diplomatic notes of the British negociators at Ghent.f The period has arrived, when Spain, relieved from her European labors, may he expected to bestow her attention, more effectually upon the state of her colonies; and, ac- ting with wisdom, justice and magnanimity, of which she has given frequent examples, she will find no difficulty, in meeting the recent ad- vance of the American government, for an honorable ai\jiistment nf ev- ery point in controversy between the two countries, without seeking the aid of British mediation for adopting the animosity of British councils. But still the United States, feeling a constant interest in the opinion of enlightened and impartial nations, cannot hesitate to embrace the opportunity for representing, in the simplicity of truth, the events, by which they have been led to take possession of a part of the Floridas notwithstanding the claim of Spain to the sovereignty of the same ter- ritory. In the acceptation and understanding of the United States, the cession of Louisiana, embraced the country' south of the IMississip- pi territory, and eastward of the river Mississippi, and extending to the river Penlido; but "their conciliatory views, and their confidence in the justice of tiieir cause, and in the success of a candid discussion and amicable negociation with a just and friendly power, induced them to acquiesce in the temporary continuance of that territory under the Spanish authority."^ When, however, the adjustment of the boumla- ries of Louisiana, as well as a reasonable indemnification on account of maritime s|H>iiation8, and the suspension of the right of deposit at New-Orleans, seemed to he indefinitely postponed on the part of Spain, by events which the United States had not contributed to produce, and could not control; when a crisis had arrived subversive of the order of things under the Spanish authorities, contravening the views of both parties, and endangering the tranquility and security of the adjoining territories, by the intrusive establishment of a government, indepen- ^ ^ee the letter of the marquis de Casa Trujo, to the American secretary of •tete. dated the 15th of May, 1804. fi^ee the prince regent's declaration of the 10th of January, 1818. See the notes of the British commis.ii|ii<'«l i;ovoriiin«iit villi- uiii, hiul even CUM* wiis, iul- SIO, |)rocee«letlale|) nr, took iiosscHiiioii ence hu«l been iWr- niBliTorce. In the trovisionally toac- I authorities, or to er to seize it. lit nly place t lien held their own imme- lepending bttwctn 1 in the jear 1811, n of tile law of na- nnient, drove from lu* neutral territory lust herself resent« cured), tteized and iguinst the United 'ssity were frankly )|)ain, and even to the declnralion of ion of tlie territory 'air aud friendly ne- States, towards the ivcry candid mind, character from the [ttion of the loth of umed, according to il of unworthy pre- msactiona that are rminate the war in rings of America; ive and transcient. Jritain and France, aibomc,and the proc- itted to the secretary letter of the 17th of iated the 15th of No- Lhe secretary of statc^ er: >stcr, the British roiUt*. 121 In the year 1803, were Immediately followed liy a renewal of the ap. 4Cre«Hions of the heUigerenl powers, upon the commercial riiniils, and [luiitical independence of the I'nited StalcH. There wan iieareely, therefore, an interval separating the aut;re£sl()ii» of the first war, I'roin the agi;re8aioiis of the second war; and altlioui;!!, in nature, the numreit- flions continued to be the s^me, in estent they bttcame iuealculiilily more destructive. It will be seen, however, that tlu; American ifov- crnnient, inflexibly muintaineil itK neutral and pacific policy, in every rxtremity of the latter trial, with the same good faith and fitrbearance, that, in the former trial, had diiitintruishcd ilu condurt ; until it wan compelled to choose, from the alternative of national dtc^mdation, or national reshtance. And if Great Hritain alone then became the ob- ject of the American declaration of war, ilwill be seen, that Great Britain alone, had obstinately closetl the door of amicalile negocialion. Tlic American minister at London, ant icipatini; the ruptiue l)etween Great Britain and France, bad oi)tained asi«iiranccs from the British government, "that, in the event of war, the instructions given to their naval oflicers should be drawn up with plainness and precision ; and, in'general, that the rights of liellipicrentM should be exercised in moder- ation, and with due ruspect to those of neutrals."'' And in relation to the important subject of impressment, he had actually prepared for sig nature, with the assent of Lord Hawcsbury and LortI St. Vincent, n convention, to continue during live years, declaring tnat "no seamen, nor seafaring person, should upon the high seas, and without the juris- diction of either party, be demantied or taken out • 'AJ far" uulionu ; BO timl iiu hlor kndr Hliniiltl Itr conBitleml »* Miatinff, '• uiiI(>M in r» i(|irct of |mrliiiiliir porlti wliich mi^rht \>e HClunlly IiivchM ; unit, then, tliiii lilt visst^l* IiuiiikI Jo null |n>r(8 sbouitl iiol lie CHiilnwi iiiiIihb tlH-y hHit |ir«!v iously liftii wnriMMl not fo «nUr them."* All tlic priTaiitlonft nf tint AiiHTioui (iOVfriinM'iit werp, nevcrtht'k'gi, lii.lVtc.tiiiil, iiiul the assuraiiceH of llif British j£overniiunl wtrr, in iiu iiiHlante, \ erilied. Tlif outraso ol im|»re»»nunl whs anain, iiuliiiciiini- mtcly |tfP|K(riile«l upon tlio criw of ev.py Arntiican WMt-l, and od «y«ry 8fn. 'I'lif •■noimily of lilo(kad«-,«-Htahliali((l l.y un ordrr in coun- cil, without n hftiiiiiiiii. ol|j« cl, and maintained l>y an order in coun- cil, without llieapidication of u coinpelenl force, wa«, more and more developed.— 'I'he rule, drtuimiauled " the rule of the war of I7i0," vxai fcvivcd in un ullecled stj leof miMleratioii, hut in a 8|)irit of more ritro- rouB execution.! The lives, the liberty, the fortunes and the happinesH of the citizens ol the ITnlted Stated, einrHged in the pursuits ofnaviirn. tlon and commerce, were once more siitijected to the violence and cu- pidity of the Hrilisii crulzera. Ami, in brief, so grievous, so inlolera- Me, had the afflictions of the nation Itecome, that the [leople with one mind, and one voice, called loudly upon their Rovernment, for redress and protection; J the congress of the United Htute»,participatinK in the leelingb and resentments of the time, iirjted upon the executive maj^ii- Irale, the necessity of an immrrtht't('8ii, iincnl wvn', iti im aifaiii, imtim-riini- :iin \«'it«el, iiiitl on V ttii unItT in t-otin- an onlpr in coiin- «, more itntl more war of 1760," wai iitiril or more rimo- ami (htt ha|)|iinci» Itiiraiiits of naviifH* ' viok-nre anti cu- evoii9, BO inlolfra- e (tcojile with one [imrnt, for redr^M articiiiatinK in the ! ox*'Ciitiv«f mii^ii- ralion from Great 1(1 0|i|io8«>(l Kritigh lit)' in 1 708, uas euance of tho na- nus trial that arcs* in<1 of reclamation l8 (><|uanimify and :e.amloflier ally, conduct of Great owed) to the last 1, all that was re> lain, as theolijcct '• d in the policy oC alalcB, ns an asso- ona did not then, ' mislead the Judg- coHsiatency witb ;d atonement, by - d the 12th of April, '. he secretary of the state for foreign af' rth of Auguit, 1805. Baltimore, &c. pre* > inning of the year, ^ he 10th ami 14th of ■ ttives of the Voite4 V3 rcmonstruncei nitli Franco and Spain ; and it aouglit tlie ptifrrvatioo of I'lMt'f, liy iM'^uciution willi (in-itt lirilain. It liutt iic«'u itliown, lliut u treaty propuMsd.impliatically, Ity the liri( igh ininmtt'r, rt-Miiliulat f liiladel|ilii(i, " •)■ llif int-anit ui dryiui^ i>i>t'\«» ry aourcc uf cumpluint and irrit tion, upon tlit- licuil "t ini|ir<-tiiir(H'iit " ^VHs '* dccmi'd utterly tuuiliniiiailtic," liy tlie Aiuericaugn ><. )ieea oliown, that anullier treaty, propobid liy the Aiiiericaii ininiHier at /oa* don, WBH laid aside, because the Uritlsli Koviriinieiit, \vliilt> it waa nil* ling to relinquish, expressly, impressmenls from American vessels on the hii(li seas, inoisted upon an exception, in reference to the narrow seas, claimed as apart of the liritish dominion : and experience tle- monstrated, lliat, although the spoliations conunilted u|ion the Ameri- can commerce, miKht admit ol reparation, l»y the payment of a pecun- iary equivalent; yet, consulting the honor, and the feelini;B of the na- tion. It was impossible to receive satiHfactiun for the cruelties of im* pressment, by any other means, than liy an enlint «ii«continu;ince of the practice. Wiien, therefore, the envoys extraordinary were a|H pointed in the year I8UU, to negociate v\ith the British government every authority was given, for the |inr|K)seH of concilitition ; nay, an acS. of congress, prohibiting the importation of certain articles of British manufacture into the United Htates, was suH|ten(U'd, in proof of a friendly disposition ;t but it was declared, that " the suppression of impressment, and the definition of blockades, were alisohitely indispen* tible;" and that, " without a (irovision against imire^jsnients, no treaty should be concluded, 'i'he American envoys accordingly, took care to communicate to the British commissioner?, the limitations of their powers. Iidhienced, at the same time, by a sincere desire to terminate the ditVerences between llie two nations; knowing the solicitude of their government, to relieve its senfuriiig citizens from actual eutf'erencc; listening with confidence, to assurances and explanations of tlie Britisb commissioners, in a sense favorable to their w islies ; and Judging from » state of information, that gave no immediate cause to doubt the suf< ficiency of th«)ge assurances and ex|ilanations ; ibe envoys, rather thau terminate the neg«M>iation without any arrangement, were willing to rely upon the eiticiency of a sulistitute, fur a imsitive article in the treaty, to be submitted to the considerttiou of their government, as this, according to the declaration of the British commissioners, was the only arrangement, they were |)ermilted at that time, to pnifjose or to allow. The sulistitute was presented in the form of a note from the British commissioners to the American envoys, and contained a |iledge» "■ that instructions had been given, nnd should be repeated anil enforc- ed, for the observance of the greatest caution in the impressing of Brit- ish seamen ; that the strictest care should be taken to preserve the cit- izens of the United States from any molestation or injury ; and that »■ ■ • See Mr. Listen's letter to the necrctnry of state, ilatcd the 4th of February, 1800 ; and the letter of Mr. Piclicrinc;, feurctory of state, to the President of tl»e United States, dated the 20th hS Fchriiary, 1800. 1 8ee the act of connress, passed llic lllth of April, 1806 ; and the act suspeni* log it, paised the 19tli of December, IdOfl, |(ti«". :"!l ,.;if 24 immediate ami prompt redress should be afforded, upon any rcprescntti* tioii of injury Bustuiiied by them."* ill as much, liowcver, as the treaty contained no provision against iiiiprcssineiit, and it was seen iiy the government, when the treaty was under cunsii'eration for ratification, that the pledge contained in the snlistitute was not complied with, t)ut,on the contrary, that the impress- nieiils were continued, with undiminished violence, in the American se.is, so long alter the alledgcd date of the instructions, which were to arrest them; that the practical inefficacy of the substitute could not be O'jubted by the government here, the ratification of the treaty was necessarily declined ; and it has since appeared^ that after a change in the British ministry had taken [dace, it was declared by the secretary for foreign alluirs, that no engagements were entered into, on the part of his majesty, as connected with the treaty, except such as appear up<' on the face of it.f The American government, however, with nnabating solicitude tot peace, urged an immediate renewal of the negociations on the basis of the abortive treaty, until this course was peremptorily declared, by the British government, to be "wholly inadmissible.''^ But, inde|)endent of the silence of the proposed treaty, upon the great topic of American complaint, and of the view which has been taken of the projected substitute ; the contemporineous declaration of the Brit- ish commissioners, delivered by the command of their sovereign, and to which the American envoys refused to make themselves a party, oi' to give the slightest degree of sanction, was regarded l)y the American government, as ample cause of rejection. In reference to Ibfi French decree, which had been issued at Berlin, on the21stofNovemL)er, 180G, it was declared that if France should carry the threats of that decree into execution, and if, " neutral nations, contrary to all expectation, tihould acquiesce in such usurpations, his majesty might, probably, be compelled, however reluctantly, to retaliate, in his just defence, and to adopt, in regard to th« commerce of neutril nations with his enemies, the same measures, which those nations should have permitted to be enforced, against their commerce with his subjects ;" ■' that his majes- ty could not enter into the stipulations of the present treaty, without an explanation from the United States of their intentions, or a reserva- tion on the part of his majesty, in the case above mentioned, if it should ever occur," and " that without a formal abandonment, or tacit relin- quishment of the unjust pretensions of France; or without such con- duct and assurances upon the pa't of the United States, as should give security to his mfyesty, that they would not submit to the French in- novations, in the established system of maritime law, his majesty would not consider himself bound by the present signature of his commission- ers, to ratify the treaty, or precluded from adopting such measures as might seem necessary for counteracting the designs of the enemy ."|| '* Sec the note of the British commissioners, dated 8th of November, 1806. + Hee Mr. Canning's letter to the American envoys, dated 27th October, 1807. X See the same letter. II See the note of tlie British commissioners dated the Slst December, 1806> ft-e also the answer of Messrs. Monroe an4 Pinkney to that note. rded, upon any representu* ined no provision against ment, wlien the treaty avub e [iledge contained in tlie contrary, that tiie impress- violence, in llie American nstructions, whicii were to t' the substitute could not ification of the treaty was ,red, that after a change in I declared by the secretary i entered into, on the part except such as appear upU8 declaration of the Brit- ind of their sovereign, and lake themselves a party, oir regarded by the American In reference to the French he 2l8tof November, 1800, the threats of that decree ontrary to all expectation, ajesty might, probably, be , in his Just defence, and to nations with his enemies, (lould have permitted to be subjects ;" •' that his majes- he present treaty, without eir intentions, or a reserva- )ove mentioned, if it sliould )andoument, or tacit relin- ice; or without such con- nited States, as should give >t submit to the French in- time law, his majesty would ignature of his commission- adopting such measures as : designs of the enemy ."|| ed 8th of November, 1806. roys, dated 2Tth October, 180T. ated the Sist December, 1806. ley to that note. 'the reiertfttion 01" a p«wer, to invalidate a«oifnin treaty, at the Jtleasure of one of the parties and the menaces of inflicting punishment upori the United Btates, for tlie offences of another natiun, proved, iu ■the event, a prelude to the scenes of violence, which Great Britain was then about to display, and which it would have been im|>roper lor the American negociators to aneicipate. For, if a commentary were want- ing tb explain the real design of siieh conduct, it would be found in tlu: fact, that within eight days from the date of tlie treaty, and before it was possible tor the British government (o have known the efiect oftix; Berlin decree on the American government; nay, even before the American government had itiielf heard of that decree, the destruction of American commerce was commenced by the order in council of the Tth flif January, 1807, which announced, "that no vessel should be flermitted to tnule from one port to another, both which ports sfaouUl belong to, or be in ]tos3ession of France, or her altks : or should be m far under their control, aa that British vessels might not trade freely thereat."* During the whole period of this negociaiion, which did not iinall}'' close until the British government declared in the month of October, 1807, that negosiation was no longer admissible, the course pursued by the British squadron, stationed more immediately on the American coast, was in the extreme, vexatious, (iredatory, and hostile. The ter- ritorial juris ting a distant voyage. The British goveminent affected, from time to time, to disapprove and condemn these outrages ; but the officers who perpetrated them were generally applauded ; if tried, they were acqoittnl; if removed from the American station, it was only to be promoted in another station ; and if atonement were offered, as in the flagrant instance of the frigate Cheaapeake, the atonement was so un^- graciotM in Hk manner, and so tardy in the kskU, as to betray the *!^ee the order io CMHieir of JaiiMaTy Tth,.180T. f «! •fi' ■*: '4 & 'h wimt ut' that conciliatory spirit whicli ought to liave uharactcri;c* edit." iiut the Ainericun government, suothing tlie exaspinaed spirit of the |u'0|ile, by a pruclu-natiuu wiiich interilicted the entrance of all iiritiiili armed viBsels, into tlie harbors and waters uf the L nited 8tates,t neither cuinmcnced liustdities ugainst Great Britain; norsouglit u de- dciViisive uhiance with France; nor relaxed in its hrm, but concdiato- ry eii'oi'ts tu enforce the claims of Justice, upon the honor of both nations. Tiie rival ambition of (ire.it Britain and France, now, however ap- prouclied the consummation, which, involving the destruction of all neutral rights, upon an .ivowed principle of action, could not fail to render »n actual slate of war, comparatively, more safe, and more pros- perous, than the imaginary' stale of peace to which neutrals were re- duced. The just ind impartial conduct of a neutral nation, ceased to be Its shield, and its safeguard, when the conduct of the belligerent powers towards each other became the only criterion of the law of war. The wrong committed by one of the belligerent powers was thus made the signal for the perpetration of a greater wrong by the other; and if the American government complained to both powers, their answer, although it never denied the causes of complaint, invariably retortetl an idle and otiensive inquiry, into the propriety of their respective ag- gressions ; or each demanded a course of resistance against its antago- nist, which was calculated to prostrate the American right of self-gov- ernment, and to coerce the United States, against their interest and their (wlicy, into becoming an associate in (he war. But the Ameri- can government never did, and never can, admit, that a belligerent power, "in taking steps to restrain the violence of its enemy, and to retort upon them the evils of their own injustice,"^; is entitled to disturb and to destroy, (he rights of a neutral power, as rectw;nized and estab- lished, l)y the law of nations. It was impossible indeed, that the real features of the miscalled retaliatory system should be long masked froni the world; when Ureat Brituin, even in her acts of professed retalia- tion, declared, (hat France was unable to execute the hostile denunci- ations of her decrees ;|| and when Great Britain herself, unblushingly entered into the same commerce with her enemy (through the medium of 3rgeries, peijuries, and licences) from which she had interdicted un- utfeudin^ neutrals. Tiie pride uf naval su|)eriori(y ; and (he cravings of commeraial monopoly ; gave, after all, the imjiulse and direction to the councils of the British cabinet; while (he vast, although visionary, prqjects of i'runcc, furnished occasions and pretexts, for accomplishing the objects of those councils The British minister, resident a{ Washington in the year 1804, hav- in;: distinctly recognized, in (he name of his sovereign, the legitimate * «■(' the evidence of tlicce facts recorteil to Congreps in November, 1806. ■^ef tlic Jot i!iuuiit» rcjipectinj; C'a|ituii) Love, of tlie Driver ; Captain Wljitby, • (lie l.cuniler; and CB|>tnin v, also, tile eoiTefipondencc refpc-linfc tFio frigate Chrsinpenke, with Mr. C'iiniiiiig, at Loiuluii; nitli Mr. Uuhc, at Wa»'irriigton ; with Mr. Erskinc, ac '\Vi(>irui>:t<)!i ; iml willi t ■ UP llic procliiinution of tlio id of July, (807. ± -ee llio .'idi'i). Ill council of thi' *lli of January, (r,07. [(free tbc orders in couutil of tlie Vi!i of Jniiuiiry, il<07, lave cliaracteri^ spiTiited spirit of le f nirance uf all leL'mteclStateSjt nor sought u de- in, but coiiciiialo- rofbolliDations. »ow, however a|)- iestruction of all coulil not fail to fr, and more proS' neutrals were re- lation, ceased to >f the belligerent [>f the law of war. rs was thus made he other; and if in, their answert variably retorted eir respective ag- rainst its antago- right of self-gov* heir interest and But the Ameri- lat a belligerent its enemy, and to ntitled to disturb nized and estab- leed, that the real ong masked from professed retalia- ! hostile denunci- elf, unblnshingly uugli the medium d interdicted un- and the cravings ■■ iind direction to Ihoueh visionary, ur accomplishing eyear 1804, hav- ;n, the legitimate ovctnber, 1806. ; Captain WLilby, 'pnprnke, with Mr. h Mr. Erskinc, ac principlt.-^ of blockade, tlic American government rcccivo.l wiUi soiija aurprise and sulicilude, the successive notifications uf the 0th of Au- gust, 1801, tile 8th of April,' 1 "0(5, and more particularly, of the lUtli of ;Vlay, 180U, announcing; by the last notification, "a blockade of llir cudii), rivers and ports from tlie river Kibe to the port of BresI, both in- cjusive."* In none of the notified instances of blockade, were liie (iriiiciples, that had been recognized in 1 80 -i, adopted and pursued, and It will Lie recollected by iill Europe, that neither at the lime of the no- tificitioa of the lOtli of May, 1800; nor at the time of excepting the Elbe and Kms, from the operation of that notilicjition ;t nor at any time, during llie continuance of the French war, was there an aile- quate naval force, actually applied by Great Brit.iin, for the pur|K>se of maintaining a block, de. from the river Elbe, to the port of Brest. It Was tlien, in the language of the day, " a mere paper blockade ;" a man- ifest infract ion of the law of nations; and an act of peculiar injustice to the United States, as the only neutral power, against which it would , practically ojierate. Jlut whatever may have been the sense of the American government on the occasion ; and whatever might be the disposition, to avoid miking this the ground of an open rupture witli Great Britain, the case assumed a character of the highest interest, when indefiendent of its own injurious consequences, France in the Berlin decree of the 21st of Novemlier, 1806, recited us a chief caust> for placing the British islands in a state of blockade, " that Great Brit- ain declares blockafled, places before which she has not a single vessel of war ; and even places w hich her united forces would be incapable of blockading; such as entire coasts, and a whole empire; an unequal- led abuse of the right of blockade, that had no other oliject, than to in- terrupt the communications of different nations ; and to extend the commerce and industry of England, ujion the ruin of those nations."|: The American government aims not, and" never has aimed at the Jus- tification, either of Great Britain, or of France, in their career of crim- ination and recrimination; but it is of some importance to observe, that if the blockade of May, 1 806, was an unlawful blockade, and if (he right of retaliation arose with the first unlawful attack, made l»y a belligerent power upon neutral rights, Great Britain has yet to answer to mankind, acconling to the rule of her own acknowledgment, for all the calamities of the retaliatory warfare. France, whether right, or wrong, made the British system of blockade, the foundation of the Bertin decree ; and France had an equal right with Great Britain, to demand from the Uni- teil States, an opposition to every encroachment upon the privileges of the neutral character. It is enough, however, on the present occasion, for the American government, to observe, that it possessed no power to prevent the framing of the Beriin decree, and to disclaim any ap- probation of its principles, or acquiescence in its operations : for it neither belonged to Great Britain, nor to France to prescibe to the • fee Lord Harrowby'8 note to 3Ir. Monroe, dated the 9tli of August, 1801, and Mr. Fox's notes to Mr. Monroe, dated respectively tlie Ctii of April, anfl lethof May,t806. t Pec l.oid Ho\vick's note to Mr, Monroe, dated tlie 23th of Fept^mbpr, lfi06j ^§cf?fheBcflindecrccoftbfl21rtof\ovemher, 180(51. . V h -^ :M' 'J A wmmm I American govemnifnt, the time or the motk or Ui« tlet!,i'ee, of resistance, to ilie indignities, and the oiitrascps, with which each or those nationis in its turn, assailed the I'uited istiites. Bui it has been shown, that after tlie British government possessed a Unowiedu;e of the existence of the Berlin decree, it authorised the concUision of the treaty with the United States wliich was signed, at London, on the Slstof December, 1806, reservioj? to itself tlie power of annuling the treaty, if France did not revoke, or if the United btatf3- ns a neutral power, did not resist, the ohnoxious measnre. It has, also, been shown, that l.efore Great Britain could possibly ascertain the de>« termination of the Unitetl States, in relation to the Berlin decree, the ottiers in coiuicil of the 7th of January, 1807, were issued, professing to he a retaliation against France, " at a time when the fleets of France and her allies were themselves confined within their own ports, by the superior valor and discipline of the British navy,"* but operating, in fact, against the United Stales, as a neutral power, to prohiliit their trade, " from a one port to another, both which ports should belong to, or he in the possession of, France or her allies, or should be so fnr undc( their controls, as that British vessels might not trade freely thereat."* It remains, however, to be stated, that it was not until the 12th of March, 1807, that the British minister, then residing at Waahingtoo, communicated to the American government, in the name of his sove- reign, the orders in council of January, 1807, with an intimation, that stronger measures would be pursued, imless the United States should resist the operation* of the Berlin decree.''t At the moment, the Brit- ish government was reminded, "that within the period of those great events, which continued to agitate Europe, instances had occured, id -which the commerce of neutral nations, more especially of the United States, had experienced the severest distresses from its own orders dnd measures, manifestly unauthorized by the law of nations;" assurances were given, " that no cnlpable acquiescence on the part of the United States would render them accessary to the proceedings of one belliger- ent nation, through their rights of neutrality, against the commerce of its adversary f and the right of Great Britain to issue such orders, un-t less as orders of blockade, to be enforced according to the law of na- tions, was utterly denie<14 This candid and explicit avowal of the sentiments of the American government, upon an occasion, so novel and important in the history of nations, did not, however, make its just impression upon the British cabinet ; for, without assigning any new provocation on the part of France, and complaining, merely, that neutral powers had not been in- duced to interpose, with effect, to obtain a revocation of the Berlin de- cree, (which, however, Great Britain herself had affirmed to be a de- cree nominal and inoperative,) the orders in council of the 1 1th oTNo* vcmber, 1807, were issue*!, declaring, " that all the ports and places of France and her allies, or of any other country At vrar with his mtuesty, * See tfce orders in council of the 7tli of January, 1807. t fiee Mr. Erskine's letter to the secretary of utate, dated llie 12tlj of Marcls, 180T. t See the tecretary of state's letter to Mr. Tlnliine, dated the 20th of March. 1807. :ia ■ fee, of resistance, ' 1 of thuse iKit'ion* roment possfsst'd il authorised the ch was signed, at < :o itself the power the L"nilt>d8tate3, iiire. It has, also, .. ascertain liie de-,*- l>eriin decree, the issued, professiiig he fleets of France - own ports, by the bnt operating, in , to prohiliit their dould belong to, or Id lie so far undcf e freely thereat."* : until the 12th of ig at Waahingtoo, name of his so ve- in intimation, that ted States should^, moment, the Brit-^ • riod of those great ^ es had occured, in ally of the United its own orders dnd ions ;" assurancee part of the United les of one belliger- t the commerce of ue such orders, un<^ ; to the law of na< ts of the American nt in the history of I upon the British ion on the part of rs had not been tn- n of the Berlin de- ifRrmed to be a de- of the llthoTNo* ports and places of ir with his mtueety, . I llic mix of Marcit, I the 20th of Marct**-' ' and uU other ports or places in Europe*, tSroiu whicli aiihougit not &i war with hid majesty, tlie Liritteh tlag was excluded, and ail ports pf piaceij in the coltmlcs Itelonging tu his majesty's enemies, should, from thenceforth, he sul^ject to tlie same restrictions, in point uf trade and iia^ igalion, as if the aame were actually Idockaded l)y his majesty's na- val torces, in the moat strict and rigorous manner;" that all trade in articles which were the proiluce or imniifucture of the said countries or colonies, should be deemed and coosidered to he mdnwful;" t)ut that neutral vessels should still be permitted to trade with France from cer- tain free ports, or through ports and plact s uf the Urilisli dominions.* To ixcept the lawful enjoyment ol a risfht, as the grant of a superior: to prosecute a lawful commerce, under llii: forms ol. favor and i:.dul- gence; and to pay a tribute to Great Britain, for the privilege of a law* fiul transit on the ocean; were concessions, which Great Britain w&p disposed, insidiously, to exact, by an appeal to the cupidity of individ- uals, but which the United States could never yield; consistently with the independence and sovereignty of the nation. The orders in coun-. oil were, therefore, altered, in this respect, at a subsequent period ;t but the general interdict of neutral commerce, applying, more especial- ■ ly to American commerce, was obstinately maintained, against all the b»rce of reason, of remonstrance, and of protestation, employed by th« American government, when the subject "was presented to its consid* uration, Ijy the British minister residing nt Washington. The fact as- sumed as the Itasis of the orders in council was unequivocally disown- ed; and it was denionstrattnl, that so far from its tieing true, " that the United Stales had acquiesced in the illegal operation of the Berlin de* cre«, it was not even true that at the date of the British orders of the i Itb of November, 1807, a single application of that decree to the com-. merce of the United States, on the high seas, could ha\ e been known to the British government;" while the British government bad l»etu of- ficially informed by the American minister at Lonilon, "that eYftlana- tions, uncontradicted by any overt act had been given to the Ameri- can minister at Paris, which justified a reliance that the French decree would not he put in force against the United States."): The British orders of the 11th of November, 1807, were quickly fol- lowed by the French decree tif Milan, dated the 1 7tli of December* 1807, " which waa said to be resorted to, only in just retaliation of the barbarous system adopted by England and in whieh the denationalizing tendency of the' orders, is made the foundation of a declaration in the decree, " that every ship to whatever nation it might belong, that ahould have submitted to be searchefl by an English ship, or to a voy- age to England, or should have paid any tix whatsoever to the Eng- lish government, was thereby, and for that alone, declaretl to be «U;na tionaiised, to have forfeited the protection of its sovereign, and to h:ive heoome English property, subject to capture as gootl and lawful pii7,e : that the British Island* were placed in a state of blockade, both by gea ** Sec the orders is council of the Itth of November, 1807. tSee Mr. Canning's letter to Mr. finkney, 2Sil of February, in08. t Sec Mr. flrtiiine's letter to the fecretnry of s^tatp, dated the 22(1 of FelirMurv. i308 ; an4 ^e answer of tUe (tccrctary of Mnle, dated the CStb of March, IGOR.' if m\i h.,k^ tH'' J^ -:S> ■'^r :tinl land — and cvorj' sliiji, of \\1ialev< r nation, or whatever the nature of its cari!;o inicfht 1)0, that saih from the poT\s of England, or those of the English colonies, and of the countries occupied by English trooiis, and proceeding to England, or to the English colonies, or to countries occupied by English troops, should be good and lawful prize ; but liie provisions of the decree should be abrogated and null, in fact, as soon as the English should abide again by the principles of the law of na- tions, which arc, also, the principles of justice and honor."* In ojtpo- Bition however, to the Milan decree, as well as to the Berlin decree, the American government strenously and unceasingly employed every instrument except the Instrument of war. It acted precisely towards France, as it act^d towards Great Britain, on similar occasions ; but France remain^, for a time, n» insensible to the claims of justice and honor, ns Gren/: Britain, each imitating the other, in extravagance of pretensions, nnd olistinacy of purpose. When the American government received intelligence, that the or- ders of ttie 11th of November, 1807, has been under the consideration of the British cabinet, and were actually prepared for promulgation, it was nntici|uited that France, in a xealous prosecution of the retaliatory Tiarefarc, would soon produce an act of, at least, equ \\ injustice and hostility. The crisis existed, therefore, at which the United States were compelled to decide either to withdraw their seafaring citizens, and their commercial wealth from the ocean, or to leave the interests of the mariner and the merchant exposed to certain destruction; or to engage in open and active war, for the protection and defence of those interests. The principles and the habits of the American government, were still disposed to neutrality and peace. In weighing the nature and the amount of (he aggressions, which hjid been |)crpetrated, or which were threatened, if there were any preponderance to determine the balance, (igainst one of the belligerent powers, rather than theoth- er, as the object of a declaration of war; it was against Great Britain^ at least, upon the vital interests of impressment; and the obvious su- periority of her naval means of annoyance. The French decrees, were, indeed as obnoxious in their formation and debign as the British orders ; but the government of France claimed and exercised no right of im- pressment ; and the maritime spoliations of France were comparative- ly restricted not only by her own weiikness on the ocean, but by the constant and pervading vigilence of the fleets of her enemy. The dif- fteulty of selection; the indiscretion of encountering, at once, both of the nlTending powers; and, above all, the hope of an earty return of ,jti8ticc, under the dispensiii ions of the ancient public law, prevailed in the councils of the American government; and it was resolved to at- tempt the preservation of its neutrality and its peace; of its citizens, and its resources; by a voluntary suspension of the commerce and nav- igation of the United States. It is true, that for the minor outrages committed, under the pretext of the rule of war of 1 758, the citizens of every denomination had demanded from their government, in the year 1805, protection and redress; it is true, that for the unparalleled enor- mities of the year 1807, the citizens of every denomination again de- » Sco the Milan decree of the 17tli of Bccerober, 180T. si whatever Iheuatufo England, or those of by English truuiis, lies, or to countries »ful pri7.e ; but llic lull, in fact, as sooo s of the law of na- honor."* Inoppo- j the Berlin «lecree, igly employed every ?il precisely tow.irds ilar occasions ; but laims of justice and in extravagance of ligence, that the or- er the consideration for promulgation, it ion of the retaliatory e(|U il ii\)u8tice and h the United States r seafaring citizens, o leave the interests n destruction ; or to and defence of those nerican government, weighing the nature )een perpetrated, or eraiicc to determine rather than theoth- ;ainst Great Britain* and the obvious su- rench decrees, were, IS the British orders ; ised no right of im- e were comparative- le ocean, but by the er enemy. The dif- ng, at once, both oF f an eariy return of lie law, prevailed in t was resolved to at- ice ; of its citizens, commerce and nav- r the minor outrages 756, the citizens of ernment, in the year e unparalleled enor- ominatioQ again de> manded from their government protection ami redress; but it is also, e trutli, conclusively established by every manifestation vi the sense of the American people, as well as of their government, that any honura- blc means of protectioa and redress, were preferred to the hiRt resort of arms. The American government might honorably retire, for a time, from a scene of conflict and collision ; but it could no longer, with honor, permit its flag to be insulted, its citizens to be enslaved,and its property to l)e plundered, on the highway of nations. Under these impressions, the restrictive system of the United States, was introduced. In December, 1807, an emtiargo was imposed upon all American vessels and merchandize;" on principles similar to those, which originated and regulated the embargo law, aiUhorised to be laid by the President of the United States, in the year 1^04 ; but soon af- terwards, in the genuine spirit of the policy, that prescribed the meas> Ure, it was declared by law, " that in the event of such peace, or sus- pension of hostilities, bet^^een the belligerent powers of Europe, or such changes in their measures affecting neutral commerce, as might render that of the Unitetl States safe, in the judgment of the Presiilent of the United States, he was authorised to suspend the embargo, iu whole or in part."t The pressure of the embargo was thought, however, so severe upon every part of the community, that the American govern- ment, notwithstanding the neutral character of the measure, determin- ed upon some relaxation ; and, accordingly, the embargo being raised, as to all other nations, a system of non-intercourse and non-importatiou was substituted in March, 1800, as to Great Britain and France, which prohibited all voyages to the British or French dominiuns, and all trade in articles of British or French product or manufacture.! But still adhering to the neutral and pacific policy of the government, it was declared, " that the President of the United States should be au- thorised in case either France or Great Britain, should so revoke, or modify, her edicts, as that they should cease to violate the neutral com- merce of the United States, to declare (he same by proclamation; af- ter which the trade of the United States might be renewed with the nation BO doing.''| These appeals to the justice and the interests of the belligerent ftowers proving ineflectual ; and the necessities of the coun- try increasing, it was finally resolved by the American government, to take (he hazanis of a war; lo revoke its restrictive sytitem ; and to ex- elude British and French armed vessels from the harliors and waters of the United States; but, again, emf)hatically to announce, " that incase either Great Britain or France should, before the 3d of March, 1811, so revoke, or modify, her edicts, as that they should cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States; and if the other nation should not within three months thereafter, so revoke, or modify, her edicts, ia like manner," (he provisions of the non-intercourse and non-im])orta- tion law should, at the expiration of three months, be reviveil agair^f t the nation refusing, or neglecting, to revoke or modify its edict.!; • S«e the act of Congress passed the SSil of Dccenilicr, 1 807. , t See the act of CongrosN passed tlie fust day of Marcli, 180?- t See the lltli section of the last cited net of Congrej";. ," k« the Bi;t of Cf>;igrcss possed tlie first of May, IRtO. JV. 4 i.^ d im $ ¥ IM 'I In the cuiiiac, vhich the American govfmmtnt had hitWto fnirtu Cil, relativr to the belligerent orders aiui decrees, the cuDiIid foreigner, as well as the (mtriutic citizen, may perceive an extreme sulicitude. for the preservation of peace; but in the publicity and impartiality, ot the overture, that was thus 8|»rend berorc the belligerent powers, it it lm[H)saible, that any indication should be found, of foreign influence Oi' control. The overture was urged upon both nations fur acceptance, iit the same time, and in the same manner; nor was an intimation with- beld, from either of them, that " it might he regarded by the beMiger- cnt first accepting it, as a promise to ilsetf, and a warning to its ene • tny."* Each of the nations, from Ihft commencemcftt of the relaliato- ty system, acknowledged, that its measures were violations of public law ; and each pledged itself to retract them, whenever the other shouM set the example.! Although the American government, thererefore, persisted in its remonstrances against the original transgressions, with- out regard to the question of their propriety, it embraced, with eager- liess, every hope of reconciling the interests of the rival |)olvere, witM A performance of the duty which they owed to thfe neutral character tiC the United States : and when the British minister, residing at Wash- ington, in the year 1809, affirmed, in terms as plain, and as positive, w language could supply, " that he was authorised to declare, that hift Britannic majesty's orders in council of January and November, 1807, tvill have been withdrawn, as respects the United Siates, on the 10th Of June, 1800," the President of the United States hastened, with ap- proved liberality to accept the declaration as conclusive evidence, thiM. the promised fact would exists at the sti|)ulated period ; and, by an iitt- ttiediate proclamation he announced, " that after the 10th day of June Dext, the trade of the United SUtes with Great Britain* aft suspended by the non-intercourse law, and by the acts of Congress laying and en-^ ibrcing an embargo, might be reiiewed."^ The American Kovemroedt neither asked, nor received from the nritish minister, an exemplifica- fion of his |)ower8; an inspection of his instructions; nor iheBolemni- iy of an order in council : but executed the compact, on the part of tlife United States, in all the sincerity of its own intentions ; and in all the confidence, which the official act of the representative of hit Britannic fliiyesty, was calculated to inspire. The act and the authority for thto act, were however, disavowed by Great Britain; and an attempt wak made by the successor of Erskine, through the aid of insinuationn, Vfh'ich were indignantly repulsed, to justify the British r^ection of thto treaty of 1809, by referring to the American rejection of the treaty tX 1806; forgetful of the essential points of difference, that the BritUlh government, on the former occasion, had been explicitly apprised by the American negociators of their defect of power; and that the execii- * Pee the correspondence between the tecretary of State, mi the AliwrlGiNB tninhtors at London and Paris. t ^ce the documents laid beforo Congress from time to time by the Frasideat •and printed. :t:^ee the correspondence between Mr. ErsVine, the British mintrter, and the Becrstury of stnte, on the ITth, l»th, and 19th of April, 1809 ; and the PlKendedt's Vroclamation of the last date. : liad hiltiftrto pnM \e cantlid foreigner., extreint! solicit udf. and Impartiality, ol cerenl powers, it it foreign influence tn IS for acceptance, at bH intimation with- Aed by the beHiger- warning to its ene- lent of the relnliato- violations of public )ver the other shouki rnment, thererefore. tranagreBslona, wllh- nhraced, with eager- e rival jHWera, witH neutral character ot r, residing at Wash- n, and as |ioritive,ae to declare, that hl» ,nd November, 1807, I Siates, on the lOth ;s hastened, tvith ap- lusive evidence, thMt. riod ; add, by an im- he 10th day of JuiiR Britain* at suspendc^A igi«88 laying and en^ mericaa govemmeirt ister, an exempliftca- ms; new the solemni- act, on the part of th* itions ; and in all the itive of hit Britannic the authority for the and an attempt wak aid of insinuationk* ritish r^ection of ttie ictiob of the treaty After this abortive attempt to obtaih a just and honorable revocatiuD of the British onlers in council, the United Hlutea were again invited to indulge the hope of safely and tranquility, when the minuter of France announced to the American minister at Paris, that in consider* ation of the act of the 1st of May, 1809, by which the Congress of the United Stales " engaged to oppose itself to that one of the belligerent jiowers, which should refuse to acknowledge the rights of neutrals, ho vas authorized to declare, that the decrees of Berlin and Milan were revoked, and that after the 1st of November, 1810, they would cease to have effect; it JH^ing understood, that in consequence of that declt:ra- tinn, the Entrlish should revoke their orders in council, and renounce the new principles of blockade, which they had wished to establish ; or that the United States conformably tn the net of Congress, should cause tlteir rights to lie respected by the £nglish.''t This declaration, delivered by the official organ of the government of France, and in the presence, as it were, of the French sovereign, whs of the highest aU' thority, according to all the rules of diplomatic intercourse; and cerw tainly, far surpassed any claim of credrncc w hich was possessed by the British minister, residing at Washington, when the arrangement of (he year 1809, was accepted and executed by tlie American government. The President of the United States, therefore, owed tolheconsisteno cy of his own ciiaracter, and to the dictates of a sincere impartiality, a prompt acceptance of the French overture : and accordiu>^ly, the au- thoritalive promise, that the fact should exist at the stipulated period, being again admitted as conclusive evidence of its existence, a procia* mation was issued on the 2d of November, 1810, announcia.<^ " that the edicts of France had been so revoked, as that they ceaseil on the first day of the same month, to viohite the neutral commerce of the United States ; and that all the restrictions imposed by the act of Congress, should then oease and be discontinued, in relation to France and her dependencies."! That France, from this epoch, refrained from all ag- gressions on the high seas, or even in her own ports, upon the persons and the property of the citizens of the United States, never was assert- ed ; but on the contrary, her violence and her spoliations have been un- ceasing causes of complaint. ' These subsequent injuries, constituting apart of the existing reclamations of the United States, were, always, however, disavowed by the French government; whilst the repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees has on every occasion been affirmed ; in- somuch that Great Britain her8elfwa8,atlast compelled to yield to the evidence of the fact. On the expiration of three months from the date of the President's proclamation, the non-intercourse &. non-importation law was, of course, to be revived against (Ireat Britain, unless, during that period, her on ders in council should be revoked. The subject waa, therefore, most * 6m the correipondence between the secretary of state, aud Mr. Jackson, tha Britiih minUter. t See the duke de Cadore's letter to IVIr. ArmftioM,. datrd^the 5th of Augjiit. i810. . . -° t Sen the Prewdent^s proclamatioD of the 2d of Nevf mber, 1810. f*' m^A 34 an-KiousIy himI most «lf atlily preesert upon tlic .ibbUcu niitl llic ningnff* niinifyof (he BritiBh governmeni ; .nul evi-n \\\wu llie hope of succriB rxpimi, l.y the lapw of the period prescril.e.l in one act of (.onuresB, tlie United Htnles opened the door of recoatitiiilion l)y another act, whirh, in tlie year 1811, agnin provided, that in case, at any time, « (Jrtat Britain should revoke or moilify her edicts, as that they sliiUl fic.'Se to violate the neutral commerce of the I'nited States; tlie Pres- ident of the United HUiles should declare the fact l.y proclamation; mid that the restrictions (.reviously imposed, should from the date ol mich pnwlamation. cease and he discontinued."* But iinhH|.pily, eve- ry appeal to the justice and rtagnrtnimity of Great Britain was now, as heretofore, fniitless and forlorn. She had at Ihisepocli, imi.resHedlrora the crews of American mertrhant vessels, peaceably navigaling the hich seas, not less than six thousand mariners, who claimed to be citi- zens of the United States, and who were denied all opportumly to ver- ify their claims. She hud seized and confiscated the commercial pro- perty of American citizens, to an incalculable amount. She had uiiit- id in the enormities of France, to declare a great proportion of the ter- ranueoHs glolie in a state of blofekadc; chasing the American merchant flag eHectually from the ocean. She had contemptuoiisly disregarded the neutrality of the American territory, and the jurisdiction of the American laws, within the waters and harbors of the United btatei. She was enjoying the emoluments of a surreptitious trade, stained with every species of fraud and corruption, which gave to the belligerent powers, the advantages of peace, while the neutral |iowers were involv- ed in the evils of war. She had, in short usurped and exercised on the water, a tyranny similar to that which her great antagonist had usurp- ed and exercised upon the land. Ami. amidst all these proofs of ambi- tion, and nvarice, she demanded that the victimsof her u8iir|.ations and her violence, should revere her as the sole defender of tlie rights and liberties of mankind. .„,.,.. r • ,^i„^. When, therefore, Great Britain, in manifest violation of her sole:ni» promises, refused to follow the example of France, l.y the repeal of her orders in council, the American government was compelled to con em- plate a resort to arms, as the only remaining course to be pursued for its honor, its independence, and its safety. W hatever depended upon the United States themselves, the United States had periormed for the preservation of peace, in resistance of the French decrees, as well as of the British orders. What had been required from France, m Its rela- tion to the neutral character of the United States, France had perform- ed, by the revocation of its Beriin and Milan decrees. But what de- pended upon Great Britain, for the purjHwes of justice, in the reiieal of lieronlersin council, was witbheld; and "««. evasions were gought, when ftlie old were exhausted. It w as, at one Ume, alle«lged. that sat- isfiictory proof was not nflfonled, that France had repealed her decrees against the commerce of the United Stales ; as if such i.ro.>f "fon^J^ero w. iitin-r to ensure the perf..rmnnce ofthe British prom.se.f At anoth- er time" it was insisteil, that the re,.eal of the French decrees, in their • tee ihe act >f Coneress r.aswd the 2d of March, 1S11. + Sec tile c«rre.ponaence between Mr. Plnlcney an.l the B.it.sh govornmot ice Hud llic ni»gn»» I lie ho|tc of 8UCCCW nc act of (^ont^reii. Ion Ity another act, case, at any time, g, as that thty nlmll tl Stales ; the Pree- :t Ity iirocliimalion; jlil from the tlate of But Hnha|»|)ily, eve- Britain WH8 now, M locli, im|>reB8eil from nhly navijjalinK the a claimetl to be cili- I opportunity to ver- Die commercial pro- lunt. Site had unit- proportion of the ter- American merchant Htuously iliareganled e juriMliction of the the Unite«i Statet. IB tra«te, stained with ve to the belligerent powers were involv* 1104I exercised on the inln<;oni8t had usurp' these proofs of ambi- f her usurpation* and ler of tlie rights and lation of her soIptib ., hy the repeal of he» compelled to contem* rse to be pursued for tever depended U|ion lad periurmed for the decrees, as well as of n France, in Ms rela- F ranee had peribrm- .rees. But what de- itice, in the rejieal of ivasions were sought, f»e, alletlged. that sat- repeaied her decrees lueh ('roof nione were promise.f At anoth- ?nch decrees, in theii- if i e Biitlsh government vijvraikon nsaiiiat the United Slates in order to nulhorise a demand lor the pei'furiiianue of the ItriliMli prumise, inu»t lie lolul, applyinif eipially to llieir iiiUrnal and Iheir external etletls; us if (lie I'MiUd Stiites liml either the rij{hl, or the power, to impose upon Fr-ince the law of her dumestic iiiHtitulions.* And it was, tin Ity, iusinted, in a diHpatvh front Lonl Caitlereagh to the lirilitih minister, residini; at Washinfcton, in (he year 1!{I2, which was odicially communicated to tlie American government, " that the decrein ot Berlin and Milan must not be repeal e Aion of war, when Great Britain waa struggling for her own existence, against a power, which threatened to overthrow the independenc of all Europe; but it might be more truly said, that the United States, not acting upon choice, but uiwn comjiulsion, delayed the declaration ol" war, until the persecutions of Great Britain had rendered further delay destructive and disgraceful. Great Britain bad converted the commer- * Ree the iHtem of Mr. Crskine. t See the correapondence between the lecretary of state and Mr. Foster, the Brithh minister. In .time, 181%. ^Seethe President'ii message of the lut June, 1812 : and the report of tLc vomaittee of foreign relations, to triiora the messBgc was rrferrc*. J IL.' /K I 4i t ? ti ic" ■ J >'i i«ii ifi ■«i II cinl icnnes of Arafnt'an opulcncfl nnd pToj|ii"ri« \ , into kit-niicH i»i vli«-tlier (licy rcii<«fd to fxigl nil nil iiKl«>|»«'ii(lent nation, l)y h»!r coniluct, wliiln slie (iroifttsttl fri«'mliihi|i, or liy her comliict, when nhc uvowril cntnity ami rrvpii^c. Muf is it Iriif, that the rxistincc of Oreat Hrilnin whs in danger, nl llio ¥|iocli uf lh« declifalion or nnr. The American government iinit'orm' ly enlertaliieil an njtposite opinion; and, at all limp«, mw more tu 'ip- prehend for llie United Stutefi, from \u:t maritime power, tliaii I'roiii t!i« lerritorial power of her enemy. Tlie event has justified the o|>inion, nnd the appreheniion. Hut what llic United States aaked, a.4 essi iitial to their welfare, and even us Iteneiiciai to the allies of Great liritain, in the European war, Ureat Hritain, it is manifest, mi^lit |inve granted, without im|Kiiring the resources of her own strenKtli, or the splendor of li«T own Bovereittnty ; for her orders in council have heen since re- Toked ; not, it is true, us the performance of her promise, to foll«>w, iii this respect, the example of Fniiire, since she finally rested the oliliga* tion of that promise, upon a repeal of the French decrees, m to all iia* tions ; and the rfipeal was only ns to the United States ; nor as an act uf natiooaljusticc towards the United folates ; but, simply, n^ an act of domestic |)olicy, for the special advantage of her own peofile. The British government h.-.8, also, deEcribcd the war, asn wnrnf ai;> Krandizcment and conquest, on the part of the United Htates : but, tvhere it the foundation for the charge i While the American govern- ment employed every means to dissuade the Indians, even those who live«l 'ivithin the territory, and \vcre supplied by the bounty of the Uni- ted States, from taking any part in the war, *the proofs were irresista- ble, that the enemy pursued a very diflercnt course ;t and that every precaution would lie necessary, to prevent the eflects of an offensive al- liance between the British troops and the savages, throughout the north- ern frontier of the United State8.~The military occupation of Upper Canada was, therefore deemed indispensililo to the safety of that fron- tier, in the earlieat movements of the war, independent of all views oC extending the territorial boundary of the United States. But, when war was declared, in resentment for ii\juries, which hod been suffered ■upon the Atlantic, what principle of public law, what modification of Civilized warfare, imposed u|ion the United Staleo the duty of abstain- ing from the invasion of the Gnnadas ? It was there alone, that the Uni- ted States could place themselves upon an equal footing of military- force with Great Britain; and it was there, that they might reasonably encourage the hope of being able, in the prosecution of a lawful retaU iation, " to restrain the ^olence of the enemy, and to retort upon him, the evils of his own injustice." The proclamations issued by the Amer- ican commanders, on enterine Upper Canada, have, however, been adduced by the British negociators at Ghent, as tlie proofs of a spirit * S«e the proceedings of the councils, held with the Indians, during the exp^ dition under brig. gen. Hull ; and the talk delivereii)rc« B ill ilim^fT, nl llm •crnm«*nt iinilorm' R, miw iiiorf to - wer, tlmii I'ruiii lit* ilifii'd th«' u|)inion, askt'd, 11.4 t-Hst lit iai of Grrat liritain, liKiit linve Kruntt-il, li, nr ihe ii|)lciiilur iBV« hecn «inco re- iiniie, to follow, in (T resteil llie oUiiRa- 'cn-es, Ht to till iia* Irs ; nor at an act limply, n^ an act of n ))Co|»lc. war, as a war of at;» ilteil HtateR : but, American govcm- 18, even those who bounty of the Uni- oofs were irresista- ;t and that every B of an oflensive al- roughout the north- oiipationor Upper safety of that fron- lent of all views oC iates. But, when I had been suffered rhat modification of he duty of abstain- ilone, that the Uni- footing of military y might reasonably in of a lawful retal* to retort upon him, ssued by the Amer> vet, however, been le proofs of a spirit nns, during the •xp^ I presMent of the Urn- of April. 1813. JAne, 1812. 3^. oTfliBliiliunand n{(gran«ii«emcnt. on llic part of tluir gtivcrnniciit la tnilli, tli«- |ir«>t'laniatii>ti);i\« n, f(»r (lie routliict of lliv war in Canada. \V lieu Iho (j;cn«Til «'.nniinaiulini; the north-western army of Ihe fniU'd SLiCt^i, ncfivtd, on tli«- '..' llli ut' June, lUl'J, his tint authority to coniinriDro olVi-nHivo openitiunn, liu wan rspecialiy told, " he must not coiikitlc ItiiiiMcIf .MillioriHid to |i|fili;4; the ((ovt-riiinent to ttie InhabitanH of ( » ..uia, rurllicr lliiin aSMiiraiuM a of prutrcliuii in tlieir iiersons, property, and rii;lilrt.'' And on the « n- {iiiiiiK 1st of Aii^ust, it woseinpliatically diclarcd to him, ' thiil it luid becomrlieresstiry, that he should nut lose iaralile from a knowledge of the factE. All the world mii»t he »en- ■ible, indeed, tliat neither in the geni>ral policy of the Inte ruler nl France, nor in his particular treatment of the United Slates, could (herr exist any |tolitical or rational foundation, for the sjmpaliiies and asso. ciatiuns overt or cl.'^ndestine, wliich have been rudely and unfnirly Hue;« gested. It is equally obviuun, that nothing short of the aggressive tyi> unny, exercised by Great Britain towanis tiie United Ktates, could bave counteracted and controlled tbiwc tendencies to pence and anuiy, Ivhich derived their impulse from natural and social causes; rumhin- ing the aflections and interests of Iho two nations. The American gov- ernment, faithful to that principle of puhljc law, wliich acknowledcirn the authority of all governments, established dc/arlo; and conrorniiii^.: its practice, in this respect, to Uic example of Kurope, has never con- tested tlie validity of the governments auccetisivcly established in France; nor refrained from that intercourse witli either of them, wliieli the just interests of tlie United States required. But the British cahi- net is diallenged to produce, from the recesses of its secret, o: of itr. public archives, a single instance of unworthy concessions, nr of po- litical alliance and combination, throughout the intercourse of the Uni- ted States, with the revolutionary rulers of France. Was it the influ- ence of French councils, tliat induced the American government io re- ■ist the pretentions of France, in 1793, and tu encounter her hontiliticr * S« the letters from the nccrrtary of the war f^epartment, to brig. zen. IInD. Jsted the 24th of .lune, and the 1st of Auftiist, IRIS. • . ♦ Sco the British declaration, of the 10th of .Innitlry, IBl?. =* ''* ■''*** . I V I » r ^-4 t ^'i •'i r *': tin m Ml 1 70B ? thai led (o the ratification ol' the British treaty in 1 7f>3 ; ' to the liritish negocintion in 1805, and to the convention of the British iniui8ter in 1801)? that dictated the impartial overtures, which were msMle to Great Britain, as well as to France, during the whole period of the restrictive systeni? that produced the determination to avoid mak- ing any treaty, even a treaty of commerce, with France, until the out- rage of the Rambouilet decree was repaired ?* that sanctioned the re- peated und urgent cfTorls of the American government, to put an end to the war, almost as soon as it was declared ? or that, finally, prompt- ed the explicit communication, which, in pursuance of instructions, wa* made by (he Amsrican minister, at 8t. Petersbiirgh, to the court of Russia, staling, " (hat (he principal Bubjects of discussion, which had long been subsisling between the United States and France, remained unsettled ; that (here was no immediate prospect, that there would Ite a satisfactory setdement of them; but (hat, whatever the event, in that respect, might be, it was not the intention of the government of the United S(a(es (o enter into any moreintimateconnexious with France) that the government of the United States did not anticipate any event whatever, that could produce that effect ; and thav the American min- ister was the more happy to find himself authorized by his government to avow this intention as different representations of their views had been widely circulated, as well in Europe, as in America.'^f But, while every act of the American government thus falsifies the charge of a subserviency to the policy of France, it may be justly remarked, that of all the governments, maintaining a necessary relation and inter- course with that nation, from the commencement, to the recent termi- nation of the revolutionary establishments, it lias liappened that the government of the United States has least exhibited marks of conde- scension and concession to the successive rulers. It is for Great Britain, more particularly as an accuser, to examine and explain the consistency of the reproaches, which she has uttered against the Uni- ted Slates, with the course of her own conduct ; with her re[)eated ne- gociations, during the republican, as well as during the imperial sway of France: with her solicitude to make and propose treaties; with her interchange of commercial benefits, so irreconcilable to a state of war i with (he almost triumphant entry of a French ambHssador into her ca])-. ital, amidst the acclamations of the populace; and with the prosecu- tion, instituted by the orders of the king of Great Britain himself, in the highest court of criminal Jurisdiction in his kingdom, to punish the printer of a gazette, for [lublishing a liiiel on the conduct and character of the late ruler of Prance ! Whatever may he the source of these symp- toms, however they may indicate a suliservient policy, such symptoms have never occured in the United States, throughout the imperial guv- t'mment of Prance. / The conduct of the United States, from the moment of declaring the war, will serve, as well as their previous conduct, to rescue them from * Spp thr iDNtnictinni from the necretary of state to the American minister a| Paris, dated the 29th of May, t8t3. fSte Mr. MonroeV letter to Mr. Aiianis, dated, the tstof July, 1812; aikV ?Ir. Avhm's letter lo Tlr. Monroe, dated tbo 11th of December, 1812. ritish treaty in 1?{>^; ta ;oi)vention of the British I overtureB, which were luring the whole period of termination to avoid mak* ith France, until the out- '' that Banctioned the re- tvernment, to put an end ? or that, finally, prom|)t- uance of instructions, wa* ersttnrgh, to the court of of discussion, which had tea and France, remained pect, that there would he whatever the event, in that )f the government of the connexions with France; not anticipate any event 1 thav. the American min- lorized by his government itions of their views had in AmeriGB."t But, while B falsifies the charge of a be justly remarked, that !S8ary relation and inter- nent, to the recent termi-< it has happened that the xbibited marks of conde^ rulers. It is for Great ixamine and explain the 1 uttered against the Uni- ct ; with her re|)eated ne- during the imperial sway >ropo8e treaties; with her ncilable to a state of war) \\ ambassador into.her caji- ! ; and with the proeecii- Breat Britain himself, in is kiag(k>m, to punish the the conduct and character ! the source of these symp- tnt policy, such symptoms aughout the imperial gov-. e moment of declaring the luct, to rescue them from to the American minister at the tstof July, 1812; aD4 if December, 1812. 4he unjust repjoacbei of Great Britain. Whea war was declared, thjB- orders in council had been maintained, with inexQr>!.ble hostility, until a thousand American vessels, wif 'heir cargoes', had been seizetl and confiscated, under their operation ; the British minister at Washington had, with peculi.ir solemnity, announced that the orders would not be re- pealed, but upon conditions, which the American government had not the right, nor the power, to fulfil ; and the European war, which bad raged, with little intermission for twenty years, threatened an indefi- nite continuance. Under these circumstances, a repeal of the orders* and a cessation of the iiyuries, which they produced, were events be- yond all rational anticipation. , It appears, however, that the orders, under the influence of a parliamentary enquiry into their efl'ects upon the trade and manufactures of Great Britain, were provisionally repealed on the 23d of June, 1812, a few days subsequent to the American dec- laration of war. If this repeal had been made known to the Lnited States, before their resort to arms, the repeal would have arrested it ; and that cause of war being removed, the other essential cause, the practice of impressment, would have been the subject of renewed nego- ciation, under the auspicious influence of a partial, yet important act of reconciliation. But the declaration of war, having announced the prac- tice of impressment, as a principal cause, peace could only lie the re«- sult of an ejtpress abandonment of the practice ; of a suspension of iho. practice for the purposes of negociation ; or of a cessation of actual suf- Krence, in consequence of a pacification in Europe, which would de- prive Great Britain of every motive for continuing the practice. Hence, when early intimations were given, from Halifax and fronj Canada, of a disposition, on the part of the local authorities to enter in- tp an armistice, the power of those authorities was so doubtful, the ob- jects of the armistice were so limited, and the immediate advantages ol* the measure were so «n,irely on the side of the enemy, that the Amer- ican government could not, consistently with its duty, embrace the pro- positions.* But some hope of an amicable atyustment was inspired, >when a communication was received from admiral Warren, in Septem- ber, 1812, stating that he was commanded by his government, to pro- pose, on the one hand, " that the government of the United States should, instantly, recall their letters of marque and reiirisal against Brit- ish ships, togethef with all orders and instructions for any acts of hos-' tility whatever against the territories of his mt^jesty, or the persons and property of his subjects ;" and to promise, on the other hand, if the American pnv€'rnmt;nt acquiesced in the prere«flug proposition, that in- structions should tw issued to the British squadrons, to discontinue hos- tilities against the United States and their citizens. This overture, however, whs subject to a further qualifioition, " that should the Amer- ■ Scan government accede t«) the proposal for terminating hostilities, the British admiral was authorised to arrange with the American govern- nent, as to the revocation of the laws, which interdict the commerce ' • See letters from the department of ptate to Mr. Baste!, dated the 9th and iOth ! of August, 1812, and Mr. Ijrabani'i memorandum *i a eonveisation with Mr. *Bak«r, the British (lecrctary of legation, enclosed in the last letter. See aleo^ Hr. Monroe's letter to Mr. Ruuel, dated the Slst of August, 1812. iiU*' .^ %m ..d^ Pi-. ajid ships of war of Great Britain from the harbors and waters ol' thfe United States ; but that In default of such revocation, within the rea- sonable period to be agreed upon, the orders in council would be re- vived."* The American government, at once, expressed a disiMnition to embrace the general proposition for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to negociation; declared that no peace could be durable, unless the essential object of impressment was ai^justed; and ofibred as the basis of the adjustment, to prohibit the employment of British subjects in Jhe naval or commercial service of the United States; but adhering to its determination of obtaining a teli«f from actual sufferance, the sus- pension of the practice of impressment, pending tlie proposetl armistice, was deemed a necessary consequence ; for " it could not be presumed, while the parties were engaged in a negociation to adjust Amicably thle imi»ortqnt difference, that the United States would admit the right, or acquiesce in the practice, of the opposite party; or that Great Britain would be willing to restrain her cruizers from a practice, whi«b would have the strongest effect tp defeat the negociation.''t So just, ao rea- sonable,- so indispensable, a prelii^inary, without which the citiseas of the United States, navigating the high seas, would iki be placed, by the armistice, on an equal footing with the sulyects of Great Britain, ad- miral Warren was not authorised to accept; and the effort at an ami- cable aiQustment, through that channel, was necessarily abortive. But long before the overture of the British admiral was made (a few days, indeed, after the declaration of war) the reluotanee with which the United States had resorted to arms, was manifested by the step* taken to arrest the progress of hostilities, and to hasten a restoration ot peace. On the 26th of June, 1812, the American charge d'affairei, at London, was instructed to make the proposal of an armistice to the British government, which might lead to an adjustment of all differen- ces, on the single condition, in the event of the orders in council bein|; repealed, that instructions should be issued, suspending the practice of impressment during the armistice. This proposal was soon followed by another, admitting, instead of positive instructions, an informal un^ derstanding between the two governments on the siihject.| Both Of these proposnlB were unhappily rejected.|| And when a third, which - leemcd to have no plea for hesitation, as it required no other preHmi* nary, than that, the American mlnist^ tit London, should find in the British government, a 8inc«« disposition to accommodate the differ- •nce, relative to impressment, on fair conditions, was evaded. It was obvious^ that neither a desire of peace, nor a spirit of conciliation, Ul* fluenced the councils of Great Britain. Under these circumstances (lie American gov^nment bad no choice^ but to invigorate the war ; and yet it has never lost sight of the otyect '» Feft the letter of admiral Warren to the secretary of state, dated at TUXiftXia the «Oth of September, 1812. ^»^ + See the letter of Mr. Monroe to admiral Warren, dated the «Tth of October;' ' t '^P'' thp If-ttem from the secretary of state to Mr. Ruirel, dated the Mth of JiiiiR, and the 27th of July, 1812. ■ ll !^ee ihn rorri'.pondence hctweeit Mr. Rutsel and lord Castlereagh, dated Ao. gust and Scf teinbrr, lOlS—and Mr. Russel's letters to the secietarv of etatc, da« ^■d l^eptcmbcr, 181?- ind wale'ra oF tli* a, %vilhin the rea- ncil would l)e re- '886(1 a . ily abortive. i was made (a Tew - tanee with which sled by the step* in a rcBtoration of • lare^e d'affaires, ait I armistice to the int of all different ) in cniinoil being ig the practice of ~ tas soon followeA^ 8, an inrormal un^ , hject.t Both of en a third, whick.' no other pretimi* iHHild find in th9.« no<)ate (he differ^ * B evaded, it wa* v conciliation, itt, < nt bad no choicer '• ight of the olyect .: t, dated at H«liAiV« .^ iie STtb of October. ' .dated the S6th ot ■ tlereagii, ditrd Aa« * :ict8ry of etatc, da* II of all ju«t wart, a joit p«aM>. The einpcror of HuMifl hating Oiftred hi» mediation to accompluh that otgect, it was instantly and cordially ay a just and honorable govern- ment; butii disavowal Uo niad«, and if repHration l)e otfered, ihere it no founilation for retaliatory violence. " Whatever unauthorised ir- tegiilarity may have been committed by any of the troops of the Uni- ted States, the Americaa government has been ready, upon principles of sacred and eternal obligation, to disavow and as far as it might be prac- ticable to re|«ir."t In every known instance (and they are few) the oifenderB have been subjected to Ihe regular investi^tion of a military tribunal ; aiiil an officer, commanding a party of stragglers, who were guilty of unworthy exoessea, was immediately dismissed, without the form of a trial, for not preventing those excesses. The destruction of the village of Newark, atyncent to Fort Oeorge, on the loth of J3e- oemlier, 181 3, -was long sulweijuent to the pillage and conflagration com* initted«n the shores of the Chesapeake, throughout the summer of the same year; and might Mrly have been allef the officers who committed it, and to transmit to governor Prevost, a ' copy of the order, under color of which that officer had acted."|| This » disavowal was accordingly communicated ; and the 10th of Febniary, ^ 1814, governor Prevoaf answered, " that it had been with great satis- ftiotion, he had received the assurance, that the perpetration of the a I burjng of the toUn of Newark, was both unauthorised by the American 'government, aild abhorrent to every American feeling; that if any outrages had ensued the wanton and unjustiliattle destruction of New- ark,ipassed the bounds of just retaliation, they were to be attributed to tbeinfluence of irritated passions, on the part of the unfortunate sutfer- en by that event, which, in a state of active warfare, it has not lieen potwible altogether to restrain; and that it was as little congenial to the • See admiral Coclirane'd letter to Mr. Monroe, clate«l the 18th of August, 1814 S and Mr. Monroe's answer of the 6tb of .September, 1814. + !*«« the letter from the ftecretary at war to brltrndier general M'Clure, dated the 4lh of October, IBtS. X General MtClnre'g letters to the secretary at war, daterl December 10th and 13th, IRIS. - I. Il*«e the letter from the secretary at war to mBJor-Keneral Wilkinson, dated tlie S«tU of January, 1814. . t career of (iieir iitt* n what pretext did innounce Itis deter- il districtB u|)on the irctext ola request lo carry into effect a nature ul' the war lie British cnhinet. leet? The outrages : H state ul' national fare« are always to I honoralilc govern- l.>e ofiTeretl, there if er unauthorised ir- • troops of the I'ni- ,u|)on principles of Bsit might 1)6 prac- d they are few) the E^iition of a military iragglers, who were fiissedt without the The destruction of on the loth of Ue- I conflagration com* t the summer of the as a retaliation for /Vmerican comman< le necessary to the erican government, y, 1814, instructed isavow the conduct governor Prevoot, a hadacted."|| This s loth of Febctiary, en with great aatis- perpetration of the ;d by the American eling; that if any lestruction of New- I to he attrihutepo8ition of his miyesty's government, as it was to that of the govern- mfiit of the Unitetl Slates, dcliL)eralely tu adopt any policy, which had I'ur its object the devastation of j>rivate properly." Bi:i the disavowal of the American governmei.t was not the only expiation of the oflence committed Ity its officer; for the Itritish government assumed the pro- vince iif redress in the indulgence of its own vengeance. A few days after the liurning of Newark, the Uritish and Indian troops crossed the Niagara, for this purpose; they surprised and seized Fort Niagani, and put its garrison to Ihe sword; they lurut the villages of Lewistown, Aianrliesler, Tusc:rora. liutfalu, and Black Rock; slaughtering aiwl abu8in ten the same principle, which she threatened an unceasing violatioB of tlie laws of civilized warfhre, in retaliation fur injuries which never e%r isted, or which the American government had explicitly disavowed, or which had lieen already avenged by her own arms, in a manner anil a degree, cruel and unparalleled. The American government, after all, has not hesitated to declare, that " for the reparation of injuries, oi whatever nature they may be, not sanctioned by the law of nations, which the military or naval force of either power might have commit- ted against the other, it wouhl he always ready ta enter into reciprocal arrangements; presuming that the British government would neitfaec expect nor propose any which were not reciprocal."|| • See the letter of major-Keneral Wilkinton to sir George Prevost, dated tlie 28thof .lanuary, 1814; and the answer of sir George Prevost, on the 10th of February, 1S14. t See sir George Prevost's proclamation, dated at Quebec, the 12th of Janua- ry, 1814. t See the letter of sir George Prevost lo general WilkinMn, dated the 10th oi February, 1814 ; and the British general orders, of the 22d of February, 1814. 1 Sec Mr. MoDroe'ii letter to admiral Cochrane, dated the 6tii of Sept. 181 >. .m i? !•'*' l«- iV i.i,.. ♦.H-r; i t' It i« now, however, proper to examine (be ehenieler of tlie vrarfari'. which Great Britain has waged againit the United SUites. In Europe, it ha* already been marlted, tvith aatonishpnent and indignation, as a warfare of the tomahawlc, the scalping Icnife and the torch ; as a war- Are iacnmpatible with the usages of civilised nationf : as a warfare, tlutt, diaclaimiag all moral influence, inflicts ap outrage npon social or- d<-r. c>nd gives a shock to the elements of humanity. All lielligerent Jiations caq form alliances with the savage, the AfHcan, and the blood- hound; but what civilised nation baa selected these auxiliaries, in its iMtiiities ? It does not require the fleets and armiee of Great Britain to lay waste an open country ; to bnm unfortified towns, or unprotected Tillages; nor to plunder the merchant, the farmer, and the phinter, of kis stores — these exploits may easily be achieved by a single cruiser, or a petty privateer; but when have such ejcploils been performed un the cooats of the continent of Europe, or of th« British isianda, by the naval and military force of the belligerent power; or when have tliey been to'erated by any honorable government, as the predatory enter* yrise of armed individuals ? Nor, is the destrucUon of the public edifices, Which adorn the metropolis of a country, and serve to commemorate the taste and science of the age, beyond the sphere of action of the vilest incendiary, as well as of the mo«t triumphant conqueror. It cannot be forgotten, indeed, that in the course of ten years past, the oapitals of the principal powers of EuK^ne have been conquered, and occupied al- ternately, by the victorious armies of each other;* and yet there baa Iteen no instance of a cnnflagratioQ of the palaces, the temples or th« balls of justice. No : such examples have proceeded from Great Brit- ain alone : a nation so elevated {n its pride ; so awful in its power; and flo aflected in its tenderness for the liberties of lI^ulkind. The charge is severe ; but let the facts be adduced. 1. Great Britain has violated the princ)ples t4 soolak law, by iacidi- tas attempts, to ercite the eitisens of the United States into acts of contumacy, treasoa, and revolt, against tlieir goTemqietiL For in* itance< No sooner had the American government imposed the restrictive system u|ion its citizens, to escape from the rage and the depredatioii •f the belligerent powers, than the British government, then professing amity towards the United States, issued an order, which was, in effect, an invitation to the American citizens to break the laws of their coun- try, wnder a public promise of British protection and patnmi^e, «' to aK> vessels which should engage in an illicit trade, without bearing tlia oustomary ship^s doeuments and papers.''^ Again : During a period of peace, between Mie United States a«A Great Britain, in the year, 1809^ the govemoe general of the Caaadaa. employed an agent (who bad previousTv been engaged in a similar ser- tice, with the knowledge and' approbatton of the British cabinet) «* o^. a secret and onfidential mission," into the United States, decIariQgt " that there was no doubt, tliat his ablfs ax«cution« of fuich a niMoOi * SpK Mr. Mopioe'g latter to admiral Cofihrsat, datedihe €tb of.Smt. 1814. t See the instnictions to the c»nder»0^ BrMl>>it|iptet.»ar.aB4 priyatM|t i!«tMtkeli(th«(Afril,t8W* - • .- ^---.^i^.., j^^^>>swW^'v-" -^^4 , ,\ '■ '^1»' J I. }■ s(er of tlM warfare, lA^es. In Europe, d iiMli<;nKtioD, as a i torch ; as a war- on« : a* a warfare, age upon social or- All lielligereat eaii, Hud the blood* e auxiliaries, in its I of Great Britain WPS, or unprotected md the planter, of by a single cruiser, leen performed un li«h islands, by the [)r when have they le predatory entet- tbe public edifices, [>comineinorHte the iction of the vilest eror. It cannot be ast, the capitals of J, and occupied al- and yet there bae the temples or tb« edfromGreat Brit- din its power; and (ind. The charge Biallftw,by iacidi-* States into acts of tmoneaL For in* sed the restrictive id the depredation Dt, then professing hick was, in effect, laws of their eoun- p»tHmage,«'toaU' ithoKt benring tlw United States ««A ifaloftheC anad an ;ed in a similar se»>< itish cabinet) «' fm. States, declarin^t of wicb a i«NtoD» «tbof.SMit,««U. r(«#irw4priml«|4l» '■ m vouU give him e cletn, Qoi oiMy on the govenier general, biit on hik puyeity's iniqiatefs.''-<-The olfiect of the mission, wus to ascertain, whether there existed a disposition in any portion ^ the citiKeaa, " to bring about a separation of the eastern states from the general union } end how far, ii) such an event, they wowld look up to England for as* •istance, or be disposed to enter Into a connection with her." The agent wus instructed " t«» insinuate, that if any of the vilizena should wish to enter into « ^ommMBication with the British govcrnmcnil, through the governor generel, he was authorised to receive such com* piuuicalion { fuu) that he would snfely trau»n4t.it tp the governor gen- •rel."* He wasuecredite^ by a formal iait^ument, under the seal and slgmiture of thf gwvwuof gen«ra|^ to be produce*!, '* if he saw goo4 grouqil for expecting, tbiit (he d^ing la plight lead ,to a niore confideo* tial cuounueicatkui, ih»n be couid ft^Uterwiselppliier;" and be was fur- aisbed with a cipiie^ for carrying 011^ the 'e|4:>e>><;orresp(M)(ic!nce."t The virtue «Qil iwtrietism of the c^tiaev* of tl^ United States wer^ superipr to the arts and corruption, entployed in this .9e«ret and confidential mis- «i>'n to ibe Briti^i mmister ;, \» services were epproved and «cl(00wledged ; and he was sent to ^ Canada, for a rewanli.4 with areoommendatpry letter from Lord Liver- pool to Sir George Prevoet, " |»lating his lordship's opinion oCthe abil- ity and judgment which Air. Ueqry hltd Bwnifest«d on ilie occa^io^ qientioBed in Us meniori«l, (his seqret an^ poqfideotiid n^issiowi,) and of the benefit the public eetyice mgliit derive (roni hie active. emj)l.^bic^eii;Geo^e?fe.vi>stmi;^t tb})^ proper to place hifl9.t The workl will judge upon these facts, aani ihp! ff- jectitfD of a parliemfsotary call, for the p^vidHf j&on of tbe papujireiating to tbem, what cteditladue to the prince ifgeot'«.aaterti|on, " that Mr. VeniyV mi«aain.PKw>NadeEtakcn, without the aulborilo^ or eveoknowl- edee of bis et^eety's; government.'* Th« first mission, was certainlj luiowD to tha Bcitiib gnvefument* at Ih^ time ilk occmed ; for. the sec- aviary of the fovemor general expresfly slates, that tite informatioa an4 poU^eal eibeeevalfons» beietpfoif fetceivfd fifiwn Viu Henry, were trans- miUed V Ue excellency to the Mfcetaf^r of Hate,, who bad expressed his particular approbation of them '^ the second mission was approv- •d when it wan luwwn^ and it; leqwitis for the Bvi^sh government to * See the lettisr from Mr. Ryland, the Aeeretary of the ftovernor general, tc Mr. Beary, 4ati;(l the )(Cth of Jaouary, 1809. ' t See the letter of sir JTImes Craigi ^ Mr. Heory, dated Feb. «th, 1809. ISse tlM Mawk^lttd^ and Ulr. Bylan4'i letter of the 26th «f Januiiry, 1 809. 1 8ee Mr. Bylwl'i I|)i|t«r> dsteil tb« 26ih of June, 1809. See the letter frtMb-lerd LiTerpool to sir Oeorge Prevost, dated the Ktb o-; AJMRtenber, 1811. ^See Mr. Bylsnl'd letter of Jhe 26th of iiinuary, 1809. 4 fnwi o»? »?.«•«?( ;« ^ i"&^ I i l^r IT" I"' ^-.ii. .1,.' t' i^i ? ■ftxplain, upon auy established iirinciples ormorallty nnd jusHctf, tlieri*: sential dill't-rtnce 'lelwera ordering (he oltcnsivv acts to ii« dune ; and reniiint; I ht> fruit of (iiose acts, witliout either expresslj', or tacitly, con< demniug tlieni. Aicuin : Tlieyc hostile attempts upon the peace and union of the Uni* ted States, preceding the declaration of war, have Iteen followed by similar machinations, sutiBcquent to that event. The governor general of the Cunadas has endeavored, occasionally, in his proclamations and gener.d orders, (o dissuade the militia of the United States, from the performance of the duty which they owed to their injured country ; and tile etibrts, at Quebec <;nd Halifax, to kindle the flame of civil war« bave been as incessant, as they have been insidious and abortive. Nay, the governor of the island of Barbadoes, totally foif elful of the boasted article of the British magna charta, in favor of foreign mer- chants, found within the British dominions, U|M>n the breaking out of lioatililieg, resolved that every American merchant, within his juris- diction at the declaration of war, should, at once, he treated <sed to be made, from- the United States of America, should be by licences, confined to the fwrts in the eastern states exclusively, unless there waa reason to sup- pose, that the ol>ject of the order would not be fulfilled, if licences were not granted, for importations from the other ports of the U. 8tates.''t The President of the United States bas not hesitated to place Iwfore the nation, with expressions of a just indignation, "the policy of Great Britain thus proclaimed to the world; introducing into her modes of warfare, a system equally distinguished by thedeformity of its features,- and the depravity of its character; and having for its olyect, to dissolve the ties of allegitmee, and the sentiments of loyalty, in the adversary nation; and to seduce and separate its component parts, the one fron^ the other."! 2. G. Britain has violated the laws of humanity and honor, by seeking . alliances, in the prosecution of the war, with savages, pirates and slaves, * Vee tliR remarkable state paper, issued by governor Beckwicb, at BarbadofS, •n th« iMi of Nnvember, 1812. t S«>e the jiroclnination of the governor of Bermuda, dated the t4th of January, 1814, and the itiMructions from the Britii-b secretary for foreign affairi; dated Ne- vemher Oth 1SI2. f8 ± !>ee the message from the President to Congress, dated the 24th of P«hniarjc, md Justice, tlierji^ to ii« dune ; and I}', or tuuitly, con- union of the t'ni* lie«n Tullowed hf governor general imclamations and States, from the ^, ired country; and iOK-. of civil war» IU8 and abortive; ly forgetful of the }r of foreign mer« le breaking out of ' within his juris- ! treated «b a pris- latea was enrolled lea, were required ,te, to which the^ I the statea had ac« . rge Beckwith, ae*. to the colonial aii>' I government iwu> the British West . for the importa- . in the order ; but, wasexprfcssiypro- to be made, from- confined to the vaa reason to sup*' d, if licenees were he U. 8tateB.''t . ed to place l>efore he policy of Great into her modes of lityofitsfeatureitt:. olgect, to dissolve-, in the adversaiy irts, the one fron^ honor, by seeking, irates and slaves^ wich, at BarbadofI, he t4th of January, }i gn affairi; dated N«* ^ e S4tb of Februsr;, # iTlw British agency, in exciting the Indiana, at all times, to commiC hostilities u|K>n the frontier of the United blates, is too notorious to admit of adirectand general denial. It has sometimes, however, lieen said, that such conduct was unauthorized by the British government ; and the prince regent, seizing the single instance of an intimation al- ledged to be given, on tiu- part of Sir James Craig, Governor of the Canadiit, that an attack was minlitated by the liulians, has affirmed that "the charge of exciting the Indians lootl'ensive measures against the United States was void of foundation ; that before the war began, a policy the most opposite hud been uniformly pursued ; and that proof of this was tendered by Mr. Foster to the American govern- ment."* But is it not known in Euro|)e, as well us in America, that the British Northwest Com|mny maintain n constant iotercoiirt'e of trade and council with the Indians; that their interests are often in direct collision with the interests of the inhahittinia of the United States, and that by means of the inimical dispositions, and the active agencies of the company, (seen, unilerstooil, and tacitly sanctioned by the local authorities of Canada) all the evils of an Indian war may be shed upon the United States, without the authority of n formal order, emanating immediately from the British government / Hence, the A- merican government, in answer to the evasive protestations of the British minister, residing at Wa&liington, frankly communicated the evidence of British agency, which had tieen received at different |)eri- ods since the year 1807; ami odserved, "that whatever may have been the disposition of the British government, the conduct of its sub* ordinate agents had tended to excite the bostiiity of the Indian trihes towards. the United States; and that in estimntius; the comparative ev- idence on the subject, it was impossilde not to recollect the communica- tion lately made, resitecting the conduct of Sir James Craig, in anoth* er im[iorrant transaction (the employment of Mr. Henry, as an accred- ited agent, to alienate and detach the citizens of a particular section of the union, from their government,) which it appeared, was approved by loni Liverijool".! The proof, however, that the British agents and military ofTicers were guilty of the chaise thus exhibited, liecome conclusive, when, subse- quent to the communication which whs made to the BritiBh minister, the defeat and flight of general Proctor's army, on the of placed in the possession of the American commander the correspon- dence and papers of the British otficers. Selected from the documents which were obtained upon that occasion, the contents of a few letters will serve to characterise the whole of the mass, hi these letters, written by Mr. M'£ee, the British agent, to colonel England, the com- aiander of the British troops, superscrilied, "on his majesty's service,* and dated during the months of July ami August, 1704, the period of general Wayne's successful expedition against the Indians, it appears • Se« tlie prince regent's declaration of the 10th of January, 1813. See, al«o, Mr. Fo.Her's letters to Mr. Monroe, dated the 2Rth of Decomhor, 1811, and the 7tli and 8th of .Tune, 1812; and Mr. Monroe's answer, dated tlic 9th of .laniiary. 1812, and the lOlh of June, 1812 ; and the documents which ac- 'Oamiianied the cnrreitpondfiicc. t See Mr. Monroe's letter to Mr. Foster, dated iho 10th of June, 1812. ; . .ii) <• rtfi Ihat the acalpi lakea by th« f ndlatts ware Mnt t« the Brittab ettablish* fiH'nl at the rapids of the Miami \* that the hottile operation* of the IndianB were concerted with the Britiih ageote and oAeers ;t (hat when certain tribet of Indimi "haTing completed the belti they car* ried with scalps and priaonera, and beiof withoat piovtslona, reaotved on going home, it was lamented that hi* m^jekty'e pott* wouM derive DO security from the late great influx of Indians into Miat part of tli< country, should they persist in theit resolution of retnming to soon ;"| that "Ihe British agents were immedbleiy to hold a cduneiY at th>! filaee, in order to try i( tliey efHild prevail with the Lake IndhuH to remain; but that witiiout provisions ind ammunitfoa being sent to that place, it was conceived .to t>« extremely difKeult to keep them to* gether fl and that '*eolonel England was making great exertions to aapply the Imtians with provisimM.**! But the language of the'sorrrs- ROtidemseat length becomes so plain and direct, that it seems Iropossl' Me to avoid the eonelusion of a governmental agency, on the part of Great-Britain, in advising, aidingt end oundneting the Indian war^ wirile she professed friendship and |>eace towards the United States,—* "Scouts are sent, (says Mr. Kee to colonel England) to view- the eitiH ntion of the Amerioiia army ; and we nam imuAer om tkemMni In* (KaiM. All the Lake Iridians, from Sugana downwards, sbool«l not lese one moment in joining their brethren, as every accession of strength is an addition to their spirits.^ And again : ** I have been employed several days la eadeavoring to fix tlw Indians, who have been driven from their vllkges and cornfields, lietween the fort and the bay. Swan Creek is generally agreed upon, and will lie a very con-' vcnient plaee ibr the dielivery of provisions, Sie."** Whether, undetf the various proofs of the British agency, in exciting Indian hostiiitiee •gainst the United States, in a tWne of peace, presented in the coors* of the present narmtive, the prince regent's declaration, that, '^before the war began, a policy the most opposite had been unMbrmiy pursued,* by the British govemm«nt,ft '» to bb ascribed to a wnotcT infomiatio*/ or a want of candor, the American government is nut disposed moHl particularly to investigate. But, independent of these cauaes of just complaint, arising iifn tllM of peace, it will be found, that when the war was declared, the alliano« of the British government with the Indians was avowed, U|ion prkiel' plj;B the most novel, producing consequences the moat dreadfol. Tht aavages were brought Into the war uiion the ordinary footing of ti* Kes, without regard to the Inhuman character of their warfare ; WMek aeither spares age nor sex | and which is more desperate towards tk0 ■ See the letter from Mr. M>Kee to colonel England, dated the 2d of Jaly^ 1794. i See the letter from the lame to the same, dated the 5th of July, 179i< '} See the tantfr lettier. ♦ ScR the !«anip letter. .■.«•,>'■ ?Sce the same letter. '•' i ^ Ser. the li-tter from Mr. M'Kce to CHlonSl Cni^a, da|sd the 19tt of Au* Sust, 1T94. J,: •••-Sec the letter from the same to the name, dated the 50th of A«gait,.179l. tt (>^e the prince repeat's declaration of the lOtb of January, IStS. , " I VrltWb f«tabliBh« op«riitioBi I if the «1 oAoen;t thai « bclti they ear* •vlatoM, FMolved Mtt w«uM derive » Hwt |Mrt of th< nrning to toon ;"| d a cdufielf nt thit Lake InrffauM to kM being eeiit to t to keep them to* ;reat exeiitons to iageoT the>eorfe<-' itaeeim ImpoMl- sj, oD the part of f the Inilian wari B Uiittedl States—' ) to tiew the eitiH mm HktfMmiiMf In* nwatda, ■boohl not ivcry accweion of i: "I have been Imlinm, who have N>n the fort asd the ill lie a very cos-' Whether, undetf Indian hostilitie* inted in the cowvt iition, (hat, "before inMbrmly puran«d * aiit«r informatio*/ Hit diapoaed nottf t, ariainic iif n tioM elared, Uie alliano* owed, upon prinel' oat dreadfol. Thf lary fuotiii^^ of af ir warfare ; ^thiell iperate toward* th0 dated the Sd of Jtdyt of July, 1T94. ^ lat«d the l$(lt of Xih tit of Augoit, 17JI. mry, 18tS. , "' captive at thn ttake, than towardi the combatant In the field. It leenv cd to be a Bti|»ulatiun of the compact betwcfn the allies, that the Brit- iah might imitate, butihouhlnot control the fvrocity of the savagei. While the British troops Itehold, without compunction, the tomahawk and the scalping knife, bmndished against prisouers, old men and chil- dren, and even against pregnant women, and while tliey exultingly ac- cept tlie bloody sculps uf the slaughtered Amcricnns,'^ the Indian ex- ploits in battle are recounted and applauded by the British general or> «l«rs. Rank and station are assigned to them in the military move- ments of the British army; and the unhallowed league was ratified with appropriate (ftnblems, by intertwining an American scalp with the derorations of the mace, which the commander of the northern army of the United Stales found in the legislative chamber of York, the cap- ital of Up|»er Canada. in the single scene, that succeeded the liattle of Frenehtown, near the river Raisin, where the American troops were defeated by the allies under the command of general Proctor, there will be found concentra- ted upon indisputable proof, an illustration of the horrors of the war- fare, which Grent Britain has pursued, and still pursues, in co-operation with the savages of the south, as well as with the savages of the north. The American array capitulated on the 22d January, 1813 ; yet, after the faith of the British commander had lieen pleilgetl, in the terms of capitulation ; and while the British officers and snidiien, silently and oxultinply contemplated the scene, some of the American prisoners oC war were tomahawked, some were shot, and some were burnt. Alanjp of the unormed inhabitants of the Michli^an territory were massacred : fheir (troperty was plundered, and their bouses were destroyed.! The dead bodies of tlie mangled Ami 'leans were exposed, unburied, to bo devoured by dogs and swine ; " fo< cause, as the British officers declar- ed, the Indians would not permit the interment ;^':( and ^ome of the Americans, who survived the carnage, had been extricated from dan- ger, oiily by being purchased at a price as a (lart of the booty liekmg- ing to the Indians. But, to complete this dreadful view of human de- pravity, and human wretchedness, it is only necessary to add, that aa American phisieian, who was dispatched with a flag of truce, to aacer- tain the situation of his wounded brethren, and two persons, his com- panions, were intercepted by the Indians, in their humane mission ; the privilege of the flag was disreganled by the British officers; . the physician, after being wounded, and one of his companioiM, were made IMisoners ; and the thir J person of the party was killed.||. Birt the savage, who had never known the restraints of civilized lifei and the pirate, who had broken the bonds of society, were alike the ob- * See the letter from ths American general Harrisor., to the British general Proctor* t See the report of the committee of the houoc of representative*, on the 3t8t of July, t81S { and the dtpofitiono and docuioentM scconipanying it. X See the oflcial r*iport of Mr. Baker, the agent for the prigoners, to brigadier general WinchtttaT. dated thsX6th of February, 1813. U In addition to f|is description of savage warfare, under British auspices, see the facte, contained tii the comspoodsnce between geucrsl Barrisoa auti general Brunuuond. .iV $ !»»■ ■i { J k.it J ->.J I ..ttitt -$9 jteia qd Briiith CPnciiiation kihI Alli>incr,ror(hF|)iirp(Meitol aii unpiral' Jt'U.'d wurfart*. A lumlf «>!' jtirHlfB (inlanil of Unrrutaria, ne.ir the moulh of Ihc riv«T Alittiaaippi. Will Euru|»« lifll«vf, (hut the commniMlrr of leailer uf the conhtWrvy,' from the iieu- Irnl trrnlory u( P«'n*aruln, "ciillinjc upon him, with his \itn\v follow* ers, lu filler inlu Ihc service ol'iSreul hrilnin, in which he should have (he r'Hilv uf CHptnin ; promising that land* ithoiiid l>e civen to them all, in proportion to their respective ranli8,on a peace tailing pince ; u»sur< intt lh«!m, ihat their propt riy should lie guiiranleed, and Ihcir perHonn protected ; nud nsliiai;, in return, that tliey would iecase all hostilities U(;ainBi Sp;:in, or tlic allies of Great Uritnin, and place their ships and vesiielB under the Britinh commanding officer on that station, until the vomni 'nder in cliiefs pleaBurv should he known, with a guarantee rl their fair value at all events/'^ There wanted only to exemplify tho deOaBemeut uf such an act, the occurrence, that (he pirate should spurn the proffered aili.ince; and, uccordini^ly, Liditle's answer was indig- DBRtly given, by a delivery of the letter, containing the Uritish propo* siiioii, to the American governor of Louisiana. ^ There were other sources, however, of support, which Great Britain was prompted by her vengeance to employ, in op|iosition to the plain- est dict/ites of her own colonial policy. The events, which have ex- tir|)Bted or diB|iersed the white population of Ht. Domingo, are in ihti recollection of all men. Although British humanity might notflhrink, from the iuHiction of similar calamities upon the southern states of America, the danger of that course, either as an incitement to revolt, of the slaves in the British islands, or as a cause of retaliation, on the part of the Uniteii Slates, ought to have ndnionished her against Its adoption. Yet, in a formal firoclamation issued hy the commander in chief of his Britannic mnjesty's squadronc u|)an the Americun station* the slaves of the American planters were invited to join the British standard, in a covert phraseology, that afforded hut a slight veil for the real design. - Thus, admiral Cochrane, reciting, " that it had been rep> resented to him, that many |>erBons now resident in the United States^ had exi'resBeda desire lo withdraw therefroni,with u view of entering In- to hin mnjcsiy's service, or of l»eing receiveil as frte settlers into some of his mujesly's cohmies,"' proclaimed, thtit " nil 'hose who might Indis- posed to emigrate from the ('nit'd State?, would, with their familieSn be received on boani of his mjijesty's ships or vessels of war, or at the military posts th;it might he established upon or near the coast of the United States, when tliev would have their choice of either entering in- to his majesty's sea or I. nd forces, or of being sent as free settlors to the Briti h possessionB in North America, or the West Indies, where they woiiiil meet all due encouragement.'*! But even the negroes seeni, in coutcm|)t or disgirei, lu iiave resisted the solicitation; no rebellior> or mHSsnere ensued ; and the allegation, ofien repeated, that in relation to • *>ee the letter Hililrpi'f'ed by Fdward Nichol's lieut. colonel, commanding hi iMunsicur Lalilte, or the cominBml- ant M Brttiataria, dHierf the SUt of August, I'll 4. I '-ee admirHl (Juchrane's ni-ucl>iination, dated at Bermuda, tho 3d bf Anrik- 1614. OB«iioi niiunpiral'' Drrnt'daionfedrra- r thr mouth of the 'uinniiiiiilfr of the cy,' from lhi» iitu- > hia t-riivc follow* icli he slioiilil lmv<4 (;iv«n (o tlirm all, king jilnrr ; iirRur" niid Ihcir pwrHont* ,eate all linslUitifii tee their *M\ia and t Btulion, until tho vtth a guarantee r'. y to exemplify the pirate should spurn answer was Indig- the British propo« hich Great Britain sition to the plain- Is, which have ex- omineo, ore in the r might not shrink, southern states of Iteinent lo revolt, retaliation, on the ed her against its the commander in American station* o juio the British slight veil for the nt it had been rep> the United States^ iew ofentering in* settlers into some who might ledis- ith (heir familiest 8 of war, or hI the r (lie coast of the either entering in- free settlers to the Indies, where they e negroes seem, in ; no rel)ellior« or that in relation to lel, commanding hi? le, or the commantl- dn, thB'iiJbf Aprii, Uio«« nhd wrro seductd, or forced, from the servicr of their lunstcri; inslunces have occurred of some being artfiwitrds Iritutpurted to (he Hrilish \V ist Indlu i»lan«li, tmd there sotti inlo ■lHvei'> , for the Iteui lit of llie ciiplors, remains willioul conlr.'ilictiou. Bo com|ilicaled nu net of injustice, would demuud the reprolialion of mankind. Anil let the Hritiiili goverumenl, which profeHoes a Just abhorrence of lie African ulave trade; which endeavors to impose, in lliat reipert, restraints up- on the |Hili(j of France, Hpain and Portugal ; answer, if it can, (he •ot( inu charge ugainsl their faith and their humanity. U. tireitt liritain has violated (he laws of civilized warfare, hy plun- deriiiK private property { liy outraging fenwle honor; liy burning iin- pniteeted cities, towns, villa^ies and houses; niid by laying watte whole districts of tin unresisting country. The menace and the practice «)r the Briliah nnval, and military force, "lu destroy and lay waste such towns and districts upon the American coast, us might be found nssailaltle," have lieen executed U|M>u the pretext of retaliation, for (ho wanton tieslruction cnmmittid by the American army in Up|ier Canada ;"* but the fallacy of the pre text has already been exposed. it will be recoltecled, however, that the act of burning Newark was instantaneously disavowed by the American government ; that it occurred in Decemlier, 1UI.1 — and that sir George Prevost himself acknowledged, on the lOlh of Feliruary, 1814, that the meaiure of retaliation for all the previously imputed misconduct of the American troofts, was then full and complete.! Be- tween the month of February, 1814, when that acknowledgment waa made, and the month of August, 1814, when the British admiral's de- nunciation was issued, wliat are the outrages upon the part of the Amer- ican troops in Canada, to justify a call for retaliation ? No; it was the •ystem, not the incident, of the war— and in(elilgence of the system hud been received at Washington, from the American agents in Europe. with reference to the operations of admiral Warren, upon the shores or. the Chesapeake, long before admiral Cochrane had succeeded to the Qommand of the British fleet on the American station. As an appropriate introiluction to the kind of wv, which Great, Britain iotetided to wage against the inhabitants of the United States, transactions occurred in England, under the avowed direction of the government itself, that could not fail to wound the moral sense of eve- ry CHndid and generous spectator. All the officers and mariners of American merchant ships, who, having lost their vessels in odicr plao ces, had gone to England on the way to America : or who had been employed in British merchant ships, but were desirous of returning home; or who had been detained, in consequence of the condemnation of their vessels under the British orders in council ; or who had arriv- ed in England through any of the other casualties of the seafaring life; -were condemned to be treated as prisoners of' war ; nay, some of theirt were actually impressed, while soliciting their passports; although nm one of their number had been, in any way, engaged in lioatilitif^ * See admirsl Cochrano's tetter t« Mr. Monroe, dated AuguU 18lii, 18tl. t See sir Geofffe Provost's letter lo general WllkinM>l^ dated the 10th of F(i> Orary, 181^. . ■ • ■• -^ ■ ^-;- •■•• «r*:^ v )>.^r> :i! ■|«'''^iil! :■"!■ ^'i'f i > ii ki against Great Britain ; ami aUbouj^h the American government, had a/J<vho had i.een enlistet\ or impressMl, into the nnval service of Great Britain, were long retained, and many of them are yet retaiued, on board of jL>ritish ships of war, w inre they are compelled to comb^. against their country and against their friends ; and even when the tintish government tardily and reluctantly recognized the citixen- ship of impressed Americans, to a numiier exceeding 1000 at a single nuvul station, »nd dismissed them from its service on the water; it was only to immure them as prisoners of war on the shoife. — These unfor tunate persons, who had passed into the power of the British gover'i- nient, by a violation of their own rights and inclinations, as well ;iv of the rights of tiieir country, and who could oniy be regarded as the spoils of unlawful violence, were, nevertheless treated as the fruits oS iuwful Trar. Such was the indemnification, which Greet Britain ottVrcd for the wrongs, that she had inflicted ; and such the reward, which she be- stowed, for services that she had received.f Nor has the spirit of British warfare been confined to violations of the usages of civilized nations, in relation to the United States. The system of blockade, by orders in council, has been revived ; and the American coast, from Maine to Louisiana, las l)een declared, by the proclamation of a British admiral, to be in a state of blockade, which every day's observation proves to be, practically, ipeflectual, and which, indeed, the whole of the British navy would be unable to enforce and maintain.^ Neither the orders in council, acknowledged to be gener- ally unlawful, and declared to be merely retaliatory upon France; nor the Berlin and Milan decrees, which placed the British islands in a state of blockade, without the force of a single squadron to maintain it ; urere, in principle, more injurious to the rights of neutral commerce, than the existing blockade of the United States. The revival, there- fore, of the system, without the retaliatory pretext, must demonstrate to the world, a determination on the part of Great Britain, to acquire a comhiercial monopoly, by every demonstration of her naval power. The trade of the United States with Russia, and with other northern powers, by whose governments no edicts, violating neutral rights, had been issued, was cut off by the operation of the British orders in coun- cil of the year 1807, as effectually as their trade with France and her al- lies, although the retaliatory principle was totally inapplicable to the case. And the blockade of the year 1814, is an attempt to destroy the trade of those nation?, and iudsed, of all the other nations of Europe, » See Mr. Beasley's coriistpondenoe with the British government, in October, Norember and December, 1812. See, al«o, the ect of CongreRs, passed the 6tli ot' July, ISti!. t See the letter from Mr. Boaeley, to Mr. M'Leay, dated the IStb of March, 1815. :|:See the successive blockades ^announced by the British ^overument, and tht 4Ucaesrive oaval commanders on the Amerioan statiop. <, , , ^ nerlcnn government, had same clat^!?, as v «>ll as of ( United St.ites, for a rea- But this act of injusticet not ItecD a1ating neutral rights, had ie British orders in coun- (]e with France and her al- otally inapplicable to the i^n attempt to destroy the other nations of Europe, tish government, in October, of CongreRs, passed the 6tli of ly, dated the IStb of Marcb, British government, and tht 53 with the United States; while Great Britain, herself, with the aaaie policy and ardor, that marked her illicit trade with France, when Frapce was her enemy, encourages a clandestine traffic between her sulijects and the American citizens, wherever her [lossessions come in contact wilh the territory of the United States. But approaching nearer to the scenes of plunder and violence, of cru- elly and coullagration, which the British warfare exhibits on the coasts of tiie United States, it must be again asked, what acts of the Ameri- can goverumenl, of its shijis of war, or of its armies, had occurred, or were even alledged, as a pretext for the perpetration of this series of outrages? It will not be asserteil, that they were sanctioned by the usages of modern war ; because the sense of all Europe would revolt at (he :issertion. It will not be said, that they were the unauthorised excesses of the British troops ; because scarcely an act of plunder and violence, of cruelty and conflagration, has been committ(!d, except in the immediate presence, under the positive orders, and with the per- gonal agency, of British officers. It must not be again insinuated, that they were provoked by the American example; because it has been demonstrated, that all such insinuations are without color, and without; proof. And, after all, the dreadful and disgraceful progress of (he Brit- ish arms, will be traced, as the effect of that animosity, arising out of recollections connected with the American revolution, which has al- ready been noticed ; or, as the effect of that Jealousy, which the com- mercial enterprise, and native resources, of the United States, are cal- culated to excite, in the councils of a nation, aiming at universal do- minion upon the ocean> In the month of April, 1813, the inhabitants of Poplar island, in the^ bay of Chesapeakp, were pillaged; and the cattle, and other live stock of the farmers, beyond what the enemy could remove, were wantonly killed.* In the same month of Afjril, the wharf, the store, and the fishery, at Frenchfown landfng were destroyed, and the private stores, and store houses, in the village of Frenchtown, were burnt.t In the same month of A|)ril, the enemy landed repeatedly on Sharp's island, and made a general sweep of the stock, affecting, however, to pay for a part of it.| On the 3d of May, 1813, the town of Havre de Grace was pillaged and burnt, by a force under the command of admiral Cockburn. The British officers being admonished, " that wilh civilized nations at war, private property had abvays been respected," hastily replied, " that afi the Americans wanted war, they should now feel its effects ; and that the town should be laid in ashes." They broke the windows of the church ; they purloined the houses of the furniture ; they stripped wo- men and children of their clothes; and when an unfortunate female complained, that she could not leave her house with her little children, she was unfeelingly told, " that her house should be burnt with herselt and children in it."!! • See the c'epositlon of Wm. 5ear9. •_ ' t See the depositions of Frisby Anderson, and Conlclia Pennington. I See Jacob Gibson's deposition. II Seethe depositionE of W.T. KilpntiicW. ^ Wood, R. >loor» A' B. IMnnsGe'hl M i'^1 * *fil II *; 1^ •ir«n '""jor Crutchfield, to governor Barbour, dated the JOthnt.lum, 1813 ; the letters from captain Cooper to lieutenant governor Mai- tory dated ,n July, Ifll.S; the report of Messrs. Griffin and Lively, to major CrutchQeld, dated the 4th of July, 1813; aud colonel Parker»» publication in the iinquirer. "^ llj^ee admiral Warren's letter to general Taylor, dated the 29th of June, 181»S ?>r Hdney Beckvyith'.s letter to general Taylor, dated the ume day ; end the m iJOrtofraptamjVTyerstogcnerHlTaviOir, of Jnly2d, 181». ^Tj ^ 1'' eorgelowD, ittuatcd |.iltu{red nnd burnt, ce uniler the com- the most active un ie an attack on Cra- Ik, which the com- , to give u|) to the il ; hut ei.rHged by to Hampton, which ensued, exceeds ull he ofl'ensive to the defenceless and uu> :;. though civili7,ed I by assault, and »r« stripped naket'. ; a rsick man v,a» shot nded, long .ifttT thei lurried and tl'e nin- lie troops of the en- ^ation4 The fact ider of the British itish troops, sir Hid- hey resorted, as on etexl of ajgstitir.bie but the excesses at recent attempt up- iar«;e, sunk by thf^ several Americans roea." The »ri:t!i perpetrated by the commander; nnd a fter stating the evi-v e against the' Amer- r of the Americaqi en committed, but Jofbua Ward, .Tame# enwood, Joha Alleo^ theSaofJuly, 18tS. ted the 29th of June, I 5th, of July, 181S: to captain Myeri, oi Barbour, dated the «nant governor Mal> nd Lively, to major '*• pnblioKtion in the 29thof June, 18t9^ ne 4mf \ toA tke re\ on the contrary confirmed."* The result of this enquiry waa commtf^ li>c..letj u> ..II' Briiish general; reparation was demanded; >>ut it was Si. !i ! erct ived, ihrtt >vhatever might personally be the liberal dkf.oui- ti.'iii, oi thit otficer, no adequate reparation could be made, as (he coa* cii.< ui" bis iroops was directed t^nd sanctioned by his govemment.f During- the period of these transactions, the village of Lewistown, near th«? capea of the Delaware, inhabited chiefly by fishermen and pi- lots, and the village of Stonnington, seated upon the shores of Connect- icut, were unsuccessfully boml)arded. Armed parties, led by oflirem of rank, landed daily from the British squadron, making predatory in- cursions into the bpen country : rifling and burning the houses and cot- tages of peaceable and retired families, pillaging the produce of the planter and the farmer; (their tobacco, their grain, and their cattle;) committing violence on the persons of the unprotected inliabilants ; seizing upon slaves, wherever they could be found, as liooty of war ; and breaking open the cotiins of the dead, in search of plunder, or com* mitting robliery on the altars of a church at Chaptico, St. Inigoes, and Tappahannock, with a sanriligious race. But the consummation of British outrage, yet remains to he stated, from the awful and imperishable memorial of the capitol at Washing- ton. It has been already observed, that the massacre of the American prisoners, at the river Raisin, occurred in January, 1813; that through- out the same year, the desolating warfare of Great Britain, without once alledging a retalia'tir\ ^cuse, made the shores of the Chesa- peake, and of its tributar} ^' ■■ a general scene of ruin and distress ; and that in t' month of '•'« l ,i 1814, sir George Prevost himself, acknowlcdgi'ii, that the mt ^ of retaliation, for the unautliorisetl burning of Newark, in December, !8]3, and for aS] the excesses which bad been imfiuted to the American army, was, at that time, fuH and complete. The United States, indeed, reganiing what was due to their own character, rather than what Wiis due to the conduct of their enemy, had forborne to authorise a just retribution ; ami even disdained to place the destruction of Newark to retiiliatory account, for the general pillage and conflagration which had been previously perpetrated. It Vas not without astonishment, therefore, that itfter more than a year of patient sufiering, they heani it imnounced in August, 181 J, that tJie towns and districts upon their coast, were to lie destroyed ami laid ifTtste, in revenee for the unspocitied and unknown acts of deslnic- iiun, which are char^jed agrtinst the Americiin (roofts in UpperCana- da. 'J'he letter of admiral Cochrane was dated on thie 18lh, but it war not received until the Slst of August, 1814.' In the intermediate time, the enemy debarked a iiody of aliout five or six thousand troops at Ben- edict, on the Patuxent, and by a sudden and steady march through Bladensburgh, approaclied the city of Washington. This city ha? been selected for ihe seat of the American government ; but the num- ber of its houses does not exceed nine hundred, spread over an exten- * See th» report of the proceeding!) of the board of offlccrs, appointed by the gtaerai order, of the 1H of July, 1813. t.See general Taylor's letter to sir Sidney Beckwitb, dated the Sth of Joly, M15; ajKi the aasirer of the following day. t 111 il :,]:> ■J A «* . ■"■ It 66 U ** Hive Bcite ; Ihe whole number of ils inhabitants docs not exceed eight thousand; and the adjacent country is thinly |iopulated. Although the necessary precautions had been ordered, to assemble the militia, for the defence of the city, a variety of causes combined to render the defence unsuccessful ; and the enemy took possession of Washington on the evening of the 24th of August, 1C14, The commanders of the British force held at that time admiral Cochrane's desolating order, although it was then unknown to the government and people of the United States; but conscious of the danger of so distant a separation fi'om the British fleet, and dc^sirous, by every plausible artifice, to deter the, citizens from flying to arms against the invaders, they disavowed all design, of iiyuring private pqrsons and propert}, and gave assurances of protec- tiou, wherever there was submission. General Ross and admiral 'Cock- burn then proceeded in person to direct and superintend the busiues^ of conflagration; in a place, which had yielded to their arms, which was unfortified, and by which no hostility was tfireatened. They set fire to the citpitol, wkhin whose walls were contained the halls of the congress of the United States, the hall of their highest tribunal for thft administration of justice, the archives of the legislature, and the nation- al liluary. . They set lire to the edifice, which the United States had erected for the residence of their chief magistrate. And they set fire to the costly and extensive building, erected for the accommo<]ation of ihe principal ofTicers of the government, in the transaction of the pul> lie business. These magnilicent monuments of the progress of the arts, ^hich America had borrowed from her parent Europe, with all the te»- /timonials of taste and literature which they contained, were, on the Oiemorable night of the 24th of August, consigned to the flames, while British officers of high rank and command,, united with their troops vjk riotous carousal by the light of the burning [die. But the character of the incendiary had so entirely, supercedetl the character of the soldier on this un{Hiralleled expedition, that a great portion of the munitions of war, \«hich had not lieen consumed, whea the navy-yard was onlered to he ilestroyed upon the approach of the British troops, were left untouched ; and an extensive foundery of can* Don, adjoining the city of Washington, was left uninjured; when, i^ • ttie night of the 25th of August, the army suddenly decamped, and re- turning, with evident marks of precipitation and alarm, to their 8hi|)B, left the interment of their dead, and the care of their wounded, to th^ enemy; whom they had thus injured and insulted, in violation of th« laws of civilized war. The counterpart of the scene exhibited by the British army, w^ next exhibited by the British navy. Soon after the midnight flight <^ general Ross from Washington, a squadron of British ships of war aa* eended *hr Potomac, and reached the town of Alexandria on the 27tl| of August, 1814. The magistrates, presuming that the general destrucr tion of the town was intended, asked on what terms it might be savedi ^he naval commander declared, " that the only conditions in liis pow« . er to offer, were.8iK;h as not only requireil a surrender of all naval hnd ordinance stores, (piillic and private,) but of all the shipping; and dt ' all merchandise in the city, as well as such as had been removed, since the 10th of August." The conditions, therefore, amounted to the en* >e8 not exceed eiglii ilated. Although the le the militia, for the o render the defence Washington on the tndera of the British ng order, although it »f the United States; ion from the British deter tlie, citizens ivewed all desigp of SBurances of |)rrttec- is and iidmiral 'Cock- 'iniend the busiuea^ their arms, winch atened. They set ned the hails qf the hest tribunal for thf: lure, and the natina- United States had And they set fire le accommodation of nsaction of the pub- ! Itrogress of the arts, >|)e, with all the te^ ained, were, on the 1 to the flames, while with their troojja i|k irely, 8upercededition, that a great en consumed, whejn the approach of (he ive foundery of can- ninjured; when, in • { decamped, and rc- larm, to (heir ships, eir wounded, to th* in yiolatioa of thil ' British array, w^ e midnight flight of ish ships of war a«* andria on the 27tlik the general destrucf \ it might be Bave4* iditions in his pow* . ler of all naval hnd ? shipping ; and dt leen removed, since mounted to the en* ■tr* 199= %i. 'xW 3, , wm be not apprifep e capital of Ifpiter Yet, neither then, January, 1815, waa text, which is now ! were employed in of the Cbeaapealie, ■ouB warfare known i>(l by an Americtti ' was never soggest- the ex|ie(lient was e public edifices at lieen inflicted hy aa Br Canada," known 'ost, who called up> measiues of retalia> —And yet, both the le destruction of the iction committed by habitants of the pro- 1 by sir George Pre- HThether any public Ut period the injury inflicted, are points ismade; surely it is repeat, that the fact , for investigation, try and.civil officers ites, too, 1^ 9ense of it reproach. It is edifice for civil uses 3 provincial legisla* lardly to merit con- el nor apology, for idomed the metrop- tay it not have been ich the explosion of ras hastily perpetra- anguisb, for the loss who had been killed enemy, fpr the san-t isuflering individu- river Raisin, and .ex- endid in the legisla- the paroxysm^ his p, the torch of ve^T ■f.- f 59 . *■■ . ^ ■ Many olbex flogrant iustpnces of British violence, iiillsi;e, and con- flagratinn, in defiance of the laws of civilized hostilities, i^ht be ad- ded to thp catalogue, which has been exhibited ; the enumeiraon waul<9 be superfluous, and it is time to cipse so painful an exposition of the causes and character of the war. The exposition had become necewia- ly to repel and refute the charges of the piinee regent, when, by his declaration of January, 1813, he uiuustly states the United States to be the aggressors in the war; and insultingly ascribes tt\e conduct of t|)e Aineriean government, to the influence of French coyncils* It was, ulso, necessary to vindicate the course of (he United States, in the prosecutiqn of the war ; and to expose to the view of the world the sys- tem of hostilities, whkh the British government has pursued. Having accomplished tlicse purposes, the AmericAn governinent recurs, with pleasure, to a contemplation of its early and continued efibrts, for t(ie restoration of peace. Notwithstanding the pressure of the recent wrongs, and the unfriendly and illiberal disposition, which Great Brit- idn hai, at all times, manifested towards them, the United States have never iiMlidged oentiments incompatible with the reciprocity of good twill, and an intercourse of mutual benefit and advantage.— They can never repine, at seeing the British nation great, prosperous^ and happy ; safe in its maritime rights ; and powerful in its means of Aiaint^ning them ; but, at the qame time, they can never cease to desire, tliat the councils of Great Britain should be guided by justice, and a respect for ihe equal rights of other nations. Her maritime pow«r may extend to all the legitimate ohjecta of her sovereignty, and her commerce, without endangering the independence and peace of every, other government. A balance (^ power, in this respect, js as necessary on the ocean, as on the land ; and the control that it gives to the nations of the world, over the actions of each other, is as salutary in its o|)eration to the individr nal government, which feels it, as to all the governments, by which, on the Just principles of. mutual support and defence, it may be exercised. Op fair, and equal, and honorable terms, therefore, peace is at the choice of Great Britain; but if she still determine upon war, the United States, teposing iipon the justness of their cause; ,upon the patriotism of their eitisens ; upon the distinguished valor of their land and naval forces ; and, above all, upon the dispensations of a beneficient providence ; aro ready to maintain the contest, for the preservation of the national in- dependence, with the same energy and fortitude, wbifsh were display- ed in acquiring it. Wtukmgton,FAniarg 10, 1815 u ■ ^^~?^'!^. m T7^(g5i«S^^^^Pffl»S''e»S*W* ■