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Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reproduites avec le plus grand soin, compte tpuu de la condition et de la nettetd de I'exempidire film6, et en conformity avec les conditions du contrat de filmage. Original copies in printed paper covbrs are filmed beginning with the front cover and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impr>»8- sion, or the back cover when appropriate. A'J other original copies are filmed beginning on the first page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, and ek^ding on the last page with a printed or illustrated impression. The last recorded frame on each microfiche <e dis- •cusaed. Oertaiu writers have doubted, the depth and reality of this feeling, alleging that it was ephemeral, and predicting that it would never stand the test ut time, or of failing commor- cial prosperity. With men of this class, all principle is liable to bu sub- ordinated to pecuniary interests, and the preference for one form qf govern- ment over another is a])t to be regard- ed as mainly an affair of the pocket. That some amongst us are open to such temptatiofts is undeniable, to whatever cause it may be attributed. But these persons are not fair repre- sentatives of the genuine opinion of the country ; they are not amongst the bone and sinew of our population. Tt may be worth while to consider this subject a little carefully, to ascertain whether there is any definite and reli- able foundation from which our vaunt- ed lojalty has sprung, and upon which it bids fair to remain secure. Professor Seeley, in a recent lecture bc^jre the t'liiveraity of C/ambridge, on the character of Bonaparte, im- presses upon students the vast im- portance of the study of history, espe- cially tliat of our own times, as afford- ing the key to the solution of most of the political problems of the day. And lie urges them to reflect whether ' the task of welding together into an in- separable union history and politics^— so that for the future all history shall end in politics, and all j)olitic8 shall he^fin in history — be not the best and worthiest task to which they can de- vote their lives.' These remarks, from one of the most profound thinkers and most learned teachers in England, are deserving of careful attention. They afford a clue to the inquiry which we propose to un- dertake in this paper. The materials for our researches into the actual worth of Canadian loyalty, and iBs probable trustworthi- ness under trial, are abundant and ac- cessible to all. Within the past year, the venerable and respected ex-Superintendent of Education for Upper Catiada, Dr. Ei^rton Ryerson, published a history of the Loyalists of America, and their times, from 1620 to 1816. From this elaborate and painstaking work full particulars may be gathered concern- ing the first raettlement of Upper Canada. Shortly before the Independence of the United States was achieved, the whole of the t^rritoiy now known as the Proi'ince of Ontario was a wilder- ness, inhabited oidy by wandering tribes of Indians. In Lower Canada there were a few thriving settlements of French Canadians, and the other Bri- tish-A mei'ican colony of Nova Scotia possessed but a scanty po[)ultttion. During the continuanceof the strug- gle between the Imperial authority and the revolting Americaii colonies, some devoted Loyalistri sought refuge in Canada and Nova Scotia from the hardships to which they were exposed IS CANADIAN LOYALTY A SENTIMENT OR A PRINCIPLE J in the old colonies bocauae of their fidelity to the British Crown. But it was not until the close of the War of Independence, that any i.cii'-iderable number of political refugetis were driven to this ueceKsity, The circu''i- stances which at last compelled so many to abandon their former homen are fully narrated by l)r. llyerson, the accuracy of whose statements is confirmed by the fact that in every in stance the pjirticulars are tuthci- quoted from American historians, or corro- borated by t,heir admissions. From Dr. liyerson's careful inves- tigations much can be learnt that will modir'y poj)ular impressions regarding the events of this exciting period. Although it is clear that from the outset sepai'ation from the ISIother Country was the aim and determina- tion of the leaders of the extr.eme party, yet the great bulk of the colo- nists were unwilling to break the tie of their allegiance. tJntil Independ- ence was actually declared, the princi- pal moiety of the community refused to contemplate the possibility of this result. But the leaders of the rebel faction were re.so4ute and too often un scrupulous. They coerced the simple farmers and labourers who opposed their schemes, and persecuted all who perseveied in resisting them. For several months before, as well as after, the final issue of the struggle, the con- dition of the loyal adherents to Biiti))|,i supremacy was humiliating and even perilous. They wee subjected to every species of insult and contumely. They were liable at any moment to arrest and imt>ri8oniuent, and to the seizure and c\mtiscation of their property. For refusing to side with the rebel party, they were threatened with ban- ishment, and even with death. Lead- ing partizans of Congress vebemently advocated the ' wholesale banging ' of Loyalists. In 1776, the New York .State Convention resolved, • that any peraoTi being an adherent to the King of Great Britain, should be accounted guilty of treason and suffer death.' j Sitiiilar laws were enacted against I Loyalists in other provinces, who con- [ tinued to advocate the cause of the British Government:. In South Caro- lina alon(5 was there a humane and compassionate policy pursued towards the defeated lioyalijits, tinder these circuniatances, their only safety was in llight. After the Brit'sh troops evacuated Boston, up- wards of a thousand citizens left the place. Tliese men publicly dt^clared that, ' if they thought the most abject submisuon would procure them [»eace, they never would have stirred.' "I'he laws in force against the Loyal- ists romained unrepe.ded until long after t ie peace, in 1 783. It is true that Congress — pursuant to the Treaty of i'eace, and in accordance with the practice of European nations in simi- lar capes — reconnnended to the several States of the Union to encourage those who had been compelled to ex- patriate themselves to return, and to grant ther.i compen.sation for the loss of tlifcir property. But this advice was ignored. On the contrary, some of the States evinced a disposition to proscribe rather than to indemnify, and even to enact further confisca- tions against the sufierers. The Roy- alists not unreasonably complained of these proceedings. It seem ad to them most cruel and unjust that merely for supporting the government under which they were born, and to which they owed a natural allegiance, they should be doomed to sulfer all the pen- alties of capital oflfenders. It is, therefore, no matter for sur- pi'ise, that but a small number of the Loyalists who fled the country at the outbreak, or during the progress, of the War of Independence, returned, when the conflict was over ; and that, out of some thirty thousand persons who abandoned their possessions after the peace — and while the enactments against their lives and property were still inforce — comparatively feweither desired or were able to return, when the new government permitted them IS CANADIAN LOYaLTY A SENTIMENT OH A PRINCIPLE 1 3 to do so. For they had saciificed their i)roperty and forsaken their homes, iind had vohmtarily chosen |>overty iind exile, rather than relinquish th(3ir cherished convictions, or participate in an act of rebellion which tliey ab- horred. At this eventfii' crisis, these staunch and noble-hearted refugees were kindly welcomed l;o British soil by the Im- perial Government, and liberally treate. Whilst denud- ing the province of every British sol- dier, the Governor spread abroad spirit-stirring proclamations and ad- dresses, calling upon the Upper Cana- dians to rally and unite in support of their institutions and of the Crown, and by their own unaided efforts to put down this wicked and unnatural reoellion. His appeal was not in vain. From all parts of the Province volun- teers hastened to Toronto, and very speedily this foolish and unwarrantable insurrection was extinguished. The policy of Sir Francis Head's proceed- ings for suppressing the rebellion was amply justified by the result, however hazardoue it may have appeared at the moment. But it did not meet the ap- proval of Her Majesty's Government, The Ministers then iu office had evinced a disposition to tempoiize with some of the men who were pro- minent in encouraging the revolt. Sir Francis Head's actions were of too de- cided a character to please his masters. Accordingly, soon after public tran- quillity was restored, his Excellency was recalled. The Duke of Welling- ton, and other leaders of the Conserv- ati\e party, warmly espoused his cause, but to no purpose. For his assumed r.ishness, atid for refusing to be a party to att,empts to conciliate the men who had seci'etly abetted the insurrection,, Sir Francis was thenceforth made to suffer, by exclusion from any further employment in the service of the Crown. A narrative of his Adminis- tration, which he afterwards pub- lished, reveals many interesting j)ar- ticulars which would seem to afford ample ground for his justification. But apart from the personal question between Sir Francis Head and the Imperial Administration — as to whe- ther he acted with becoming prudence in the execution of his delegated pow- ers at this critical juncture — ^there can be no doubt as to the effect of his policy upon the people of Upper Can- ada. In summoning them at this crisis to rally round the old flag, and to prove the sincerity of their affection to the British Crown, he was not mistaken. The great bulk of the inhabitants heartily responded to the call. Not only was the rebellion speedily sup- pressed by Canadian volunteers, un- aided by any Imperial soldiers, but at the next general election the disaf- fected party was reduced to political in.signiiicance^ Thus far, it had been unmistak- ably shown that Upper Canadian loy- alty was no mere passing sentiment, but a genuine and enduring principle, ready to find expression with renewed vitality and enthusiasm, whenever the necessity for its manifestation should ariae. From th it period until the present, we have buen happily free from the operation revailed to close the doors of parliament against an avowed infidel uml blasphemer. At the time of the separation of the American colonic from Great Britain, the expediency of a permanent alliance betwe«!n religion and i)olitic8 had not become an open (juestion. The exist- ence of this alliance was indisputable. It WHS wrought into the fabric of our national polity. Such a connection does not necessarily re(|uire the per- petual union between Church and Stf.te, or forbid different Christian de- nominations to exist, as in Canada, upon a footing of perfect equality. But it implies and involves the distinct responsibility of a Christian govern- ment to respect the revealed laws of ^!od, to enforce the decorous observ- ance of the Christian Sabbath, and generally to protect and uphold the institutions of Christianity. In these T)articular8 Great Britain has been aii example to all other nations. On the other hand, we cannot be un- mindful of the fact, that in the United States — notwithstanding the abund- ance of individual piety amongst the people — there is a grievous lack of the restraining influences of governmentto repress the abuses of free thought, in social and religious matters. Witness the liberty allowed in that country to the origin and establishment of Mor- monism in the western territories, and to the reckless blasphemies of Inger- soU — both of them awful growths and developments of free thought, working incalculable mischief to multitudes — but wholly disregarded by the civil authorities. Sucli abominable and in- jurious outcomes of the right of pri- sions, to make an affirmation instead. In tho United States, the alternative use of an affir- mation in lieu of an oath has no .such origin. It is expres.sly jiennitted, by an article of the Constitution, to any person who for any rea- son — .as, for example, because, like Bradlaugh, he disbelieved in the exi.steuce of God, — might prefer to affirm, to do so ; instead of taking the prescribed oath. T it 8 IS CANADIAN LOYALTY A SENTIMENT OR A PHINClPLEf 9 vato judgment could not 'assuredly hare originated or havo btsen permit- ted to take rent in Engluud, or ia any of her colonlea In cherishing her connection with the Parent State, Canada has retained the ineBtimable advantage of stal-le Christian governineut, which affords to iudividuals the utmost possiJuLa free- dom consistent witli wholesome re- straints upon the excesses of deniocraiic opinion or the license of profanity. So long as wo continu'^ to uphold in- stitutions which confer upon our peo- ple Huch manifest benefits, we arc poli- tically safa Crafty or thoughtless propagandists may strive to instil into cridulotis ears a preference for repub- lic tnism : — the supposed material gain v.u might derive from ' independence' or 'annexation' may be plausibly urged; by [)oiitician8 who can see no difference in principle between a mon- archy and a republic ; — but unless Canadians have forgotten the lessons of their past history, we need not fear for their future. If we have in- terpreted the history of Upper Canada aright, we may rest assured that Can- adian loyalty is no mere transient emotion, liable to be affected by the fleeting changes of popular sentiment, but an enduring principle powerful enough to enable us to withstand many vicissitudes before consenting to ex- change our free institutions, {»rotected by the British flag, and subject to the supremacy of British law, for any other form of government upon earth. Ih i