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 illustrent la mAthoda. 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
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 K,-„ 
 
T ■* ^ *^" 
 
 * ' ■ * 
 
 <,. 
 
 IMPARTIAL REFLECTIONS^ 
 
 !" 
 
 •f 
 
 .^r -.-^"?^- 
 
 **Si»' 
 
 l>N THft 
 
 CONDUCT 
 
 OF THE l,AT% 
 
 Administration anc opposition. 
 
 AND OF TH|^ 
 
 AMERICAN CONGRESS^ 
 
 [PHcc One Shilling and Six-pence. J^ 
 
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IMPARTIAL REFLECTIONS 
 
 ON THE 
 
 CONDUCT 
 
 OF THE LATE 
 
 ADMINISTRATION and OPPOSITION, 
 
 AND OF THE 
 
 AMERICAN CONGRESSs 
 
 1 N WHICH 
 
 The Causes and CoNSEqiiENCES of the deftru£live War 
 between Great Britain and the revolted Colonies 
 are particularly conAJered, and an immediate Sufpenfioa 
 of Hoftilities is earneilly recommended. 
 
 -y 
 
 Nullius addiSlus jurare in verba majijln, Hor. 
 
 
 L Q N D N: 
 
 PRINTED FOR W. NICOLL, No. 51, ST. PAULS'* CHURCH-YARD. 
 
 
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 U • .■ I . 
 
 ■ la ivM; 
 
 
 
 IMPARTIAL REFLECTIONS. &c. 
 
 • ..'.. .w ^ 17 >,) ^ 
 
 AMONG the various tribes of animals in 
 whom the Creator has implanted a defire 
 of aflbciating with their kind, and to whom he 
 has given a power of refifting the attacks of their 
 enemies, one general principle prevails, which, 
 whether it is diftinguiflicd by the appellation 
 of inftinft in brutes, or of reafon in man, in- 
 cites them to unite m times of common danger, 
 that they may avail themfelves of the greated 
 benefit refulting from their focial (late, and op- 
 pofe, with coUedled force, that hoftilc violence, 
 which the utmoft efforts of individuals would 
 be infufficient to repel. 
 
 In the loweft degree of civilization, mankind 
 differ but little from fome fuperior clafTes of 
 their fellow animals; and if, in following the 
 direft but narrow track, in which fimple nature 
 leads them, they meet wiih any unufual im- 
 pediment or unexpefted adverfary, « honed 
 " inftinft comes a volunteer'* and not only 
 affords them the moft immediate, but in gene- 
 
 B ral 
 
1"^ 'II 
 
 t » ] .... 
 
 rtl the mod cffcftual means of averting the im- 
 pending danger. But as fociety reBnes, it de« 
 parti from nature, and difdaining its former 
 faithful guide, demands a more able and ikilful 
 conductor. 
 
 In the highly polifhed nations of Europe, i: 
 is an cllabliflied maxim, that reafon alone muft 
 a0um^ the diredion of public affairs; and tho* 
 St Sometimes happens that the monarch may 
 not be favoured with a greater portion of un- 
 derftanding than the meaneft of his fubjefts, 
 his minifter is, without doubt, a prodigy of 
 intelledual excellence. 
 
 Such are the guardians and pilots even of 
 thofe nations, on which (however they are en- 
 lightned by fcience) liberty has not yet deigned 
 to fmile. In thefe unhappy regions, the fu- 
 perior ranks of the community guard the tree 
 of knowledge with unremitting vigilance •, 
 no groveling ferpent is there permitted to 
 afcend, and tafte the forbid'Jen fruit, left the 
 multitude fhould be tempted to partake of it, 
 and the confequence of their eyes being opened, 
 {bould be the inevitable deftru£lion of a tyranny 
 founded in blind credulity and ignorance. 
 
 I 
 
 Thus 
 
 / 
 
 X 
 
<<? 
 
 . [ 3 ] 
 
 Thus the common herd are held in fevere and 
 ignominious fubjcftion, while the great enjoy 
 thofe honours and emoluments to whfch from 
 their exalted rank and abilities, they imagine 
 they have fojufl a claim. 
 
 But in tbij favoured ifland, which has at 
 length attained a degree of politenefs and re- 
 finement, equal, if not fuperior, to its accom- 
 plifhed rival, and where liberty has condefcnd- 
 ed to fix her refidencc, every member of the 
 community is emancipated from the (hackles of 
 defpotifm and ignorance*, the tree of know- 
 ledge, congenial to the foil, is every where to 
 be found, and even our enemies muft confefs, 
 that we abound with ferpents to tempt thofe 
 who, from want of curiofity or attention, might 
 otherwife pafs by the delicious fruit untaded. 
 
 We are a nation of philofophers and politi- 
 cians \ we may, therefore, in the midfl: of our 
 public calamities, confole ourfelves with re- 
 fledtiiig, that we not only exceed our combined 
 enemies in valour and military (kill, but that 
 Great Britain, at this prefent moment, contains 
 a much greater number of «*», than France, 
 Spain, Holland, and the revolted Colonies. 
 
 B 2 
 
 » 
 As 
 
'I 
 
 *•. 
 
 r:. 
 
 f 4 ] 
 
 As thisafTertion may not obtain from every rea- 
 der that degree of credit which is due to a felf- 
 evident propofiiion, it may be neceflary to ad- 
 duce lomc convincing arguments in its fupport. 
 
 iHi 
 
 if 
 
 Man has been, by the greateft philofophcrs, as 
 well ancient as modern, defined to be a rational 
 animai\ now if this is a ju(t definition, which may 
 furcly be taken fcr granted, it muft neceflarily fol- 
 low, that the number of w^;; which any nation con- 
 tains, cannot exceed that of its rational inha- 
 bitants. France, Spain, and Holland may, on 
 a fair calculation of the different edimatcs made 
 ty the various writers on political arithmetic, be 
 fuppofed to contain at this time thirty millions of 
 animals, who are endowed with " the human 
 form divine j" from thefe, a due proportion of 
 women and children mud be deduced, and the 
 true number of rational animals, /. e. of men^ 
 mud: be colledled from the remainder. But 
 France and Spain being, as has been before ob- 
 ferved, under the baleful influence of defpotic 
 power, the multitude, abandoned, like the flocks 
 they feed, to the blind impulfe of nature, can 
 be confidercd in no higher light than the /ervum 
 pecuSy or " pack-horfes of the Itate ;'* and the 
 higher orders of the community muft confc- 
 (|uently contain the whole number of men. 
 
 It 
 
 •yi:^ 
 
 ' — ^-^ni'r-j 
 
[ 5 ] 
 
 It may probably be allcdged, that Holland« 
 being not only very populous, but a land of li- 
 berty, the number of its rational inhabitants mud 
 be very confiderable \ but when the influence of 
 climate on the human intellect is duly weighed, 
 and proper allowance made for its powerful 
 operation, it will evidently appear, that the dull 
 foggy air which is generated by the bog« and 
 moralTes of their High MightinefTtrs, and the 
 heavy atmofphere with which their country is 
 conllantly furrounded, mud render it the mod 
 unfavourable of any in the known world, to the 
 production of rational animals \ nor can there be 
 a dronger proof of its pernicious effects on the 
 human mind than the Dutch have lately given, 
 by entering into a confederacy, which is, on their 
 part, equally repugnant to reafon as it is to 
 judice, becaufs it is manifedly intended to exali 
 the power of their inveterate and formidable 
 enemies, on the ruins of a nation which has 
 always proved itfcit their bed and lured friend. 
 
 It was once propofed in a Dutch or German 
 univerfity, as a quedion for logical difcuflion, 
 " whether, in rerum naturd, it wzs pojiifle for a 
 Dutchman to be a wit?" Which, after much learn« 
 ed argumentation, was decided i.. che negative i 
 and it is pretty clear from their conduct on the 
 ,; • V B 3 prefcnt 
 
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 prcfent cccaBon, that their reafon does not 
 greatly excel" their wit. M'^'l \t-" v.nu^ im ^i:f:^n 
 jAxu i; -'...■Ht.jfv.iit'iiH titV'Vj^ii'i i',n'i''-'i".y.i'.' I. 'ill.' (Xn'.r 
 
 #*- Thus the unprejudiced reader, if he keeps in 
 remembrance the true phHofophical definition of 
 many mull be convinced, to his great comfort) 
 that the number of our European enemii^s is id- 
 conHlierable. The Americans are indeed qb# 
 only formidable adterfalri^s^ -, derived from th^ 
 fame c6mmon anctftdrii With ourfelves, they in- 
 herit oiir political and philofophical abilities, 
 which have been in a ptogreflive ftate of im- 
 provement ever fincc they were transferred to 
 America, notwichftanding the fevere checks they 
 have occafionally met #ith, from the chilling 
 blafts of arbitrary power, which have been wafted 
 to them acrof^ the Atlantic from their unkind ^ep" 
 mother. But fince they have been ^^^^ with 
 independence, there can be little doubt but thi 
 wife, mild, and equitable government of C6h- 
 grefs, will be as beneficial ro the mfff/<2/faculties 
 of its fubjeifls, as the celeftial beds of that re- 
 nowned phiiofopher. Dr. Graham, are likely to 
 be to the corporeal fyftferh of that favoured pro- 
 geny which fhall fpring from them j we muft, 
 therefore, tspeft that the Americans will foon 
 be, if they are not already; far fuperior to that 
 f* purty, feeble race of probationary immortals, 
 » V ^' who 
 
[ 7 1 
 who fret and crawl about upon this paltry 
 
 But let us not defpair ; chough every fubied of 
 the free and independent dates of North America 
 Ihould be included in the true definition ,of 
 man ; let us remember that they are not on the 
 higheft computation, equal in number, to above 
 a third part of the inhabitants of Great Britain* 
 and that every free-born Briton is in the molt 
 comprehenfive fenfc of the word, a man,^. ,.. . 
 
 »- »!rn!«^;i'! v 
 
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 . v... r sj.i -»-*■ t. ■ 
 
 lU't 
 
 We arc all as the poet exprefles it :- 
 
 ■j't. 
 
 — H— « The ftatcs whole thunder born to weild, " 
 «* And ihake alike the fenate and the field." 
 
 Every man, from the cobler to the peer, is 
 qualified either to level a mufquet at the daring 
 invader, or to declaim on the moft doubtful and 
 important queftion in politics. — AleboufeSf as 
 well as coffce-houfcs, have their clubs, in which 
 the conduct of minifters, patriots, admirals and 
 generals, is freely and ably fcrutinized ; their 
 errors are, in thefe witiena getnoiJ, or " aflem- 
 blics of wife men," fo clearly cxpofcd, and the 
 
 \.^Ui'i%]W0M- it- 
 
 % :;'-m 
 
 ]='M*- 
 
 * See the numerous advertifements publifhed by 
 Dr. Graham himfclf. ,^ '»m,vri'^-':l' ^ mm'^''^:: . j 
 
 B 4 means 
 
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 11! 
 
 1^ 
 
 1^ 
 
 * i 
 
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 i I 
 
 [ 8 ] 
 
 means of rcftifying them fo plainly pointed out, 
 th?.: if the political farce of " Tne Devil to Pay, 
 or ihe Statefmen Mctamorphofed," which was 
 in rehearfal in June 1780, (hould ever be pub- 
 licly afted, for the benefit of our cnennies, we 
 might cxpeA to fee great men afcend from the 
 Canaille^ whofe fame in the cabinet, in the op- 
 pofition, in the navy, and in the field, ihough 
 it could not equal that of their illuftrious prede- 
 ceflbrs in thofc honourable departments, might 
 place their names high in the lift of Britifh wor- 
 thies. — What rich jewels may now be ripening 
 in this mine of politics to blaze forth at a future 
 period.— ., .> ,^ ,;,,.^,^. ,,., . . .„. ,; ..^, ,, ; 
 
 ** Some mute inglorious R-— m d there may 
 
 reft 
 '* Some Parker, dreadful to bis country's foes." 
 
 'If we rcfleft on the eminent men who have 
 lately emerged from their primasval meannefs 
 and obfcurity, to occupy the higheft pofts in the 
 government of the free and independent States, 
 and confider what honour and benefit has ac- 
 crued to thcmfclves, and to the community, 
 from their exaltation, we cannot fufficiently ad- 
 mire the wifdom of the American legiflators, 
 who, in forming their republic, paid no regard 
 XQ the abfurd diftinftions of rank or birth, but 
 
 r - have 
 
 '^\ 
 
 %,i 
 
C J 3 
 
 have eftabli(hed fo hippy an equality throughout 
 the whole community, that the cobler may quit 
 his awl for a truncheon, or the botcher, by an eafy 
 and natural tranfition, may become a ftate-re- 
 former, a delegate to Congrefs, and the fres cber 
 grand ami of his mod Chriilian Majefty. 
 
 The Americans, it mull be acknowledged, 
 have, at prefent, greatly the advantage of us in 
 this refped ; but the unbounded freedom our 
 conflitution allows of writing and fpeaking on 
 fubjedls of the greateft national importance, in 
 which is included the liberty of the prefs (a pri- 
 vilege which Congrefs, for very weighty and 
 obvious reafons, will not permit its fubjefts the 
 enjoyment of), is furcly more than fufficient to 
 incline the balance in our favour. ^^«"'f ^^v> ^ 
 
 r.i tt*v* in, i^nr 
 
 ^iiil 
 
 ^'i 
 
 •rri> ^^ 
 
 Have we not our Lyceums, our Forums, and 
 various other focietics, inftituted for the liberal 
 difcuffion of fuch qucftions as any of their mem- 
 bers may think proper to propofe, whether of 
 a philofophical, theological, or political nature ? 
 What are thefc but fcminaries of ufeful know- 
 ledge and refined elocution ? In thcfe, the re- 
 prefentative may receive, even from the loweft 
 of his conftituents, inftrudions how he njay pro- 
 pcrly difcharge the great truft repofcd in him-^ 
 
 '•X 
 
 our 
 
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 [ 10 J 
 
 our generals, or admirals, (who, though great, 
 are not infallible) may learn from the mechanic, 
 or apprentice, how to condufb future battles 
 and engagements — our minifters (wife and good 
 as they are) may find that they are ilill far (hort 
 of abfolute perfe^ion, and the true friends to 
 their country, invigorated, and, as it were, elec- 
 trified by the holy flame of patriotifm, whith 
 burns with unufual fervor in thefe aiTemblics, 
 may be excited to the moft glQrious exertions ox 
 public virtue. -Ai^^'t} ^:)'iv. ■^♦;-?^,"^<^ ',?>.■;. • 
 
 '■■ ■ton ■fi--t-"4-,'^ ifc • - ■'',,: ::-V--.-'i> 
 
 PoiTcfTed of fuch fignal advantages over our 
 enemies, we might bid deQance to their com- 
 bined force, if a fpiric of union prevailed among 
 us, by which we might be enabled to diredl the 
 whole power of the nation againil thofe antienc 
 and inveterate foes to Britain, and to our de- 
 luded brethren in America, who now, by an art- 
 ful combination of force and fraud, hope to in^ 
 volve them in one common ruin with ourfelves. 
 
 nr 
 
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 A ' ,;■ 
 
 ■ffjvli, »', 
 
 The writer who recommends unanimity to 
 his countrymen, at a time when the nation is 
 unhappily divided into the very great and pow- 
 <:rful parties, diftinguiflied by the appellations 
 of Adminillration and Oppofition, neceflarily 
 incurs an imputation of adhering to» or being 
 
 dependent 
 
 4iJ 
 
 ^£m 
 
[ 11 ] 
 
 dependent upon the fofmtr \ but if he is con* 
 fcious of the re£licude of his intentions, he will 
 regard this invidious charge with the mo^ Jioical 
 iAdifllerence, well knowing it can only proceed 
 from prejudiced men, who are incapable of 
 palling a candid judgment on thofe who differ 
 from them in opinion ; or from thofe unworthy 
 members of fociety, who, regulating their own 
 conduA by the fordid principle of y^^-/Vi/cr^, 
 will not fuppofe a poifibility of being aAuated 
 by more liberal motives. -.'^ii .r.^ii t'Jovr.-vj 
 
 It is not to fucb men, nor to either of thofe 
 parties whofe long and violent contentions for 
 fuperiority, have reduced their country co its 
 prefent deplorable ftate, that this Efiay is ad- 
 dreiied ; but to that aweful tribunal theimpattiai 
 public^ where, for the good of his country, and 
 for their own honour, every real friend to Bri- 
 tain muft wi(h to fee the moft eminent men in 
 abilities and integrity, of either party, appear 
 with that degree of diftinftion which their re- 
 fpedlive merits may juftly claim. • ; >» > 
 
 Should the reader be difgufted by the ap, 
 pearance of levity or ridicule in the foregoing 
 part of this Performance, it is requefted he wiH 
 not m?f nftruc the intention of the writer, by 
 - ^ppiy« 
 
ill''! 
 
 hi 
 
 |vl 
 
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 i 
 
 if 
 
 [ " ] 
 
 Applying them < to any particular perfon or 
 party.' /fj-io-oin ?:il 1o.'>0i/ujjti •-.;) in ?or;;/. 
 
 i The anonymous: fcribbler, who would meanly 
 avail himfclf of the opportunity he derives from 
 his obfcurity, to abufe that inellimable privilege 
 which the Britifli conftitucion affords him, by 
 publiihing fcurrility^ calumny, or perfonal in- 
 vedtive, by vilifying any chara£ier public or 
 private, which is entitled to efteem, or by en^ 
 deavouring to render thofe. principles ridiculous 
 which ought to be revered, is a difgrace to what- 
 ever party he efpoufes. a\.iic.v\m Jon ?i si 
 
 The wretch who thus (hamefully proftitutes 
 his abilities, is unworthy the name of Briton ; 
 and he who, difdaining the guilt and infamy of 
 this conduA, is yet fo naturally weak, or fo far 
 l)linded by prejudice, aa to fubfcribe with im- 
 plicit deference the political creed of any party, 
 or to fupport their meafures with undcviating 
 concurrence, by fubjeding his reafon to a con- 
 troul no lefs impottnt than uhfolute, degrades 
 himfelf below the charader of a man. 
 
 i 
 
 While the arbitrary conftitution of other go- 
 vernmentSj eftablifbed among the molt civil- 
 ised nations, erafb a flavifli obedience from 
 .,.'„ their 
 
 J 
 
C u 1 
 
 their fubjc6ls, ic is the glorious privilege of 
 Englilhmcn to enjoy the benefits arifing from 
 fubjcftion, without feeling; thcmfclves opprcflcd 
 by its rigours. 
 
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 m n'^'i; 
 
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 iim..f':i. .n.ti 
 
 The unbounded freedom of enquiry which our 
 I* conftitution not barely admits, but which is its 
 animating principle, is the mod confiderable of 
 the many blcflings by which we are diftinguifli- 
 ed from other nations. It fully compenfates'^ 
 for the forfeiture which mankind are obliged to 
 make of their natural freedom, when they ex- 
 change the ferocious licentioufnefs of favage life, 
 for the rational and neceflary fubordination, fo 
 cflential to the exiftence of civil fociety. '' '^' 
 
 By the exercife of this right, an artificial equi- 
 librium is preferved in the community, more 
 beneficial, and perhaps more exaff, than that 
 which fome philofophers have conceived to 
 exift in a date of nature. For if it (bould be 
 admitted, that man is Kot naturally a focial ani- 
 ' mal, and that every man, being born with 
 equal rights, is totally independent of his fellow 
 creatures, what will thefe conceflions avail, or 
 how is this natural independence to be fupport- 
 ed, or the juft equilibrium to be preferved, in 
 a ftate wherein there are m laws to reftrain 
 
 every 
 
 ii„---,...--=wM«- 
 
W»JM^ 
 
 iijj 
 
 I ! 
 I 
 
 1 y'' 
 
 !i'' 
 
 I 
 
 [ H ] 
 
 every individual from exerting the whole force 
 of his mental and corporeal powers folely to his 
 €wn emolument, unlefs it can be proved that 
 all men are created with equal powers to afTcrt 
 their natural rights ? 
 
 V.'MVV 
 
 D'- 
 
 ' O 
 
 ^ ,' 
 
 . -'■ V 
 
 But fo far is this from being true, that our 
 own reafon is fuffictent U onvince us no fuch 
 natural equality cxifts \ and the concurrent telli- 
 mony of hiftory, from its carlieft date to the 
 prefent day, inconteftably proves, that in con- 
 fequence of the phyfical inequality which univer- 
 faliy prevails among men, they have invariably 
 deviated from the (late of nature to that of civil 
 fociety^ to which they have moft commonly 
 been compelleci by the oppreflive exertion of 
 fuperior natural powers in 9»r, or a combination 
 of a fewy which is the origin of all defpotii go- 
 vernments i though there are not wanting in- 
 ftances of communities having been eftablilhed 
 by a focial compaSl voluntarily entered into, to 
 prevent the fuperior mental or corporeal abi- 
 lities of individuals from being prejudicial to 
 ^hcir fellow-creatures. , , , 
 
 Governments thus formed are free in their 
 original conftitution; becaufe their bads is 
 fixed on this leading chara£teri(lic of Liberty 
 
 or 
 
[ >5 ] 
 
 * . » 
 
 orH^higifm, that the fupremc power of the ftate 
 is not a rigbtf but a truji ; that it is delegated, 
 either by the exprefled or implied confent of 
 the whole comtnunicy ; and that thofe to whom 
 it is confided, are accouncable to their conjii- 
 tumts for their public condudt. 
 
 ":/.j 
 
 The refemblance which thefe general outlines 
 of free governments bear to the compleat and 
 regular plan of our excellent conftitujtion, is 
 manifeft even to the molt fuperficial obferver; 
 but though it will appear equally plain on a 
 more clofe infpedtion, it may not perhaps be 
 difcovered by a tranfient glance, that our go- 
 vernment received at its original creation, a 
 permanent animating principle, which nothing 
 but a general corruption and defection from in- 
 tegrity, diffufed throughout the community, can 
 injure} and which may poflibly furviv* a dif- 
 cafe* whofe baleful influence has deftroyed the 
 greateft empires. ..,,.. , 
 
 The right, which the Britilh conftitution con- 
 firms to the people, of elcfling their reprel^nta- 
 tives, and that liberty which every individual 
 cyoys of communicating his opinions on poli- 
 tical fubjefts, is, if the expreflion maybe al- 
 lowed, the foul of our goveron^cnt, and pre- 
 
 ierveg 
 
f-fr.;^ 
 
 ')• 
 
 t< 
 
 ' ,y 
 
 n 
 
 [ 16 J 
 
 fervcs a degree of equality incompatible with a 
 ftate of nature, without dcftroying that fuhrdi- 
 nation which is efTcntially neccHary to be main- 
 tainpd in focial life. ,,, ,, ., , > . 
 
 ;»!'.'; i" '' ••* 
 
 In Britain, the greateft peer of the realm, nay 
 even the chief magijlrate himfclf, is obliged to 
 fubmit his public conduA to the examination 
 of his fubjedts ; the meaneft of whom, in point 
 of rank, has a right not only to pafs his judge- 
 ment on the adlions of his fovereign, but to 
 communicate his decifion to the public. While 
 the neighbouring nations are held in ignomi- 
 nious bondage to the tyranny of a fellow crea- 
 ture, who may be by nature inferior to the ge- 
 nerality of mankind, and whofe exaltation to 
 the throne, proves what is commonly called the 
 hlindnefs of fortune, British fubjefls are thus 
 far on a level with their governors, that all are 
 bound to obey the fame laws, the conduct of 
 all is liable to the fame free and public inquiry ; 
 all are alike amenable to the refpedtable tribunal 
 of the people. Thus government is continually 
 reminded from whence it derived its origin, 
 and for whofe benefit it was in veiled with au- 
 thority. 
 
 While 
 
 :';■••..•. 
 
 k / 
 
[ 17 ] 
 
 * "While the liberty of the prcfs remains un- 
 impaired, the people cannot be enflaved by op. 
 preflive tyranny j though they may be de- 
 bauched by corruption, or inflamed by faction. 
 But this privilege is abufed when it exceeds 
 the bounds of decency and moderation-, or 
 >ivhen it is proftituted to ferve the purpofes of 
 atiy party, Whether it is, at this time, in 
 more danger of degenerating to lireniioufnefe, 
 than of being reftrained by arbitrar/ power, is 
 not a point here meant to be difculTed. I only 
 wifti to remind my countrymen, that the de- 
 gree of liberty our wife conftitution allows us, 
 is the happy medium alike remote from the 
 dangerous extremities of anarchy and tyranny, 
 in which the true patriot will perfcvere, with 
 undeviating conftancy, in fpite of the menaces 
 of power, the baits of corruption, or the in- 
 temperate clamours of party zeal. ' ' -> i 
 
 It is much to be lamfrnted, th^'t our intdline 
 divifions feem to increafe in exafl proportion to 
 the evident neceflity we are under to unite, if 
 we mean to preferve our exigence as a nation. 
 
 «,• 
 
 So ftrange is the perverfenefs and iricon- 
 nUency of human nature, that the people to 
 whom the greateft freedom of enquiry is aU 
 lowed, and who poflefs abilities of judging 
 
 C equal, 
 
 *i>- 
 
I i ''\ 
 
 
 1 ;;■ r 
 
 ii 
 
 ■i. 
 
 [ >8 J 
 
 equal, if not Superior, to the reft -ciE mankind, 
 tumefy fubmit their reftfon to t' giiidanoc of 
 farty^ and jicM ifnipilicit aflfont to the political 
 creed of the fc£t to which they ad^ere; )iiju:. i 
 
 Britain may cha'lenge all ages and all ' ations, 
 to produce from thc>r annals an example equal 
 te that fhe at this period affords to the admi- 
 ring world. Where is to be found her rival 
 HI arts, in fciences, in empire, in commerce, 
 in valour*, and in all ti^ofe natural and acquired 
 advantages which can exalt i nation? Her 
 moft inveterate enemies niuft cither be filenc 
 through envy, or 'acknowledge her ipre-emi- 
 ncnce. The luftre of her glory at the con- 
 clufion of the lafl: fuccefsful war, might per- 
 haps be more dazzling*, fhe might then be com- 
 pared to an illuflrious Roman, enjoying the 
 pageantry of a triumph ; ttow ilie exhibits the 
 gloomy contraA; awefully fublime, and refem- 
 bles " a great man (truggling with the ftorms 
 of fate,*' furrounded by powerful and nume- 
 rous foes, feeiffy fupported by exhaufted, dif- 
 fpirited, difunited friends, .yet nobly difdaining 
 to yield, and maintaining a glorious, though 
 unequal conteft, to the terror, admiration, and 
 confufion of her enemies. < . .\,.-t- 
 
 That to mirlahcholly pfftufe is riot over- 
 charged With dark (hades, «nd that it bears too 
 
 near 
 
 "4 
 
 h 
 
r »9 ] , 
 
 near a refemblance to the original, all parties 
 will readily allow. But while each admit that 
 the nation ii reduced to a deplorable ftate, they 
 very conic ientiou fly endeavour to fliift the 
 - wboli burden from themfelves, to lay it on 
 their opponents \ and inftead of uniting in one 
 glorious and common effort to extricate their 
 country from her diftrefs, they plunge her ftill 
 deeper by unavailing recriminations. How iofl; 
 to reafon would thofc men be accounted, who, 
 in the midft of a ftorm which threatened them 
 with inftant deftru6tion, and demanded their 
 immediate and united exertions to efcape the 
 impending danger, (hould fufpend their endea- 
 vours till they had determined by whofe means 
 they had been brought to fuch extremity ! 
 
 It is not only impolitic, but irrational and 
 unjuft, to impute either to Adminiftration or 
 Oppofuion, the guilt of thofe accumulated 
 evils which the fubjeds of the Britifli empire 
 have already fqfFered, fince the commence- 
 ment of the ** * accurfed American war** Im- 
 politic, ,t>cc(iufe it jcgn anfwer no other purpofe 
 
 ♦ Tfii advocated for the American Rebellion, 
 (Dtigkt to reimember, that their epithet, «* accurfed," 
 may be applied to it with peculiar propriety by the 
 deUded and opprefled people in the revolted Co- 
 
 C « than 
 
 '■-"-T**" .»*-.!r--->*»— •-- 
 
I' 
 
 
 H 
 
 r^» « 
 
 
 4 
 
 Vi Ml i 
 
 [ " ] 
 
 than to inflame and perpetuate our civil dilTen- 
 tions, at a time when common danger (hould 
 Simulate all parties to unite: irrational, bccaufe 
 no folid arguments Ci^n be adduced to fix fo 
 heavy a charge on either party; unjull, be- 
 caule it is contrary to truth, and muft originate 
 from intercft, prejudice, or malevolence. The 
 impolicy of abetting the caufc of our combined 
 and power "j! enemies, who build their firmeft 
 hopes of fuccefs on our intejiine divifions, is 
 too evident to require any proof; taking this for 
 granted, I (hall therefore endeavour to demon- 
 ilrate, that it is irrational, untrue, and confequently 
 unjuft i to afTcTC that the complicated evils re- 
 f'llting 10 us and the colonies from-the Ame- 
 rican war, zrejolely to be attributed either to 
 Jdmimjh\ntio>u to Oppofition, or to the AmerU- 
 .ans themfelves, It this attempt .^ould meet 
 with encouragement and fuccefs, or if it fhould 
 ftimulate tlwle of fuperior abilities to exert 
 them effectually in the joint caufe of Britain and 
 America, it will not be made in v^iu, " 
 
 Though every unprejudiced perrori'miift* fee, 
 and will readily acknowledge, that there jire in 
 thefe oppoiite parties men no lefs di^^gtu^h^d 
 by integrity than abilities, who would difijain to 
 make any motive but principle the rule of their 
 condu<5t, it cannot be denied that i\.q general com- 
 
 pUxion 
 
 ^^i«s^^j^^-^«i>..^-«'-'a^' ' — —'"y 
 
diflen- 
 ihould 
 xcaufe 
 
 fix fo 
 lit, be- 
 -iginate 
 . The 
 mbincd 
 firmcft 
 ons, is 
 this for 
 demon- 
 fequentty 
 tvils rc- 
 5 Amc- 
 ithcr to 
 
 Amtri' 
 Id meet 
 
 (hould 
 exert 
 
 ain and 
 
 nuft fee, 
 e jirc in 
 ^guiflipd 
 iidain to 
 of their 
 eraleom- 
 plexion 
 
 [ 21 1 
 
 pterhn of the parties thcmfelves, too evidently 
 indicates the truth of the accufaiion of cor- 
 ruption and fa6tion with which they reciprocally 
 brand each other. The undue and unremitting 
 influence of thcfr deftruftivc principles, may 
 juftly be accounted the fecond or oJienJilU caufe of 
 the political evils which, for near a century, have 
 been gaining ground j and within the laft twenty 
 years have extended from the centre to the ut- 
 moft limits of the Britifli empire, like an over- 
 whelming torrent, at once accelerated and dif- 
 fufed. — But corruption and fadtion, though fa- 
 tally powerful in thtir operation, by deftroying 
 that virtue, that confidence^ that unanimity^ {o 
 eflentially neceffary to our national profperity — by 
 making us a profligate, a fufpicious, and a di- 
 vided people. — In fine, by reducing us to our 
 prefent deplorable fituation, are themfelves no 
 more than effedls of remote^ though certain 
 caufes.— By many it is afTcrted, that fadion is 
 the parent of corruption j and that both are the 
 infeparable concomitants of all free governments, V 
 — But on a cloler invefrigation it will evidently 
 appear, th;it neither of thefc propofitions is 
 true. For, though fatlion may often produce 
 cori^upxtion, and vice verjtl, they are not inti- 
 mately conneftcd with our own excellent ron- 
 ftitutibn, but originate from its defe^ not its free- 
 dom. Though it certainly derived great and cf- 
 (?r,tial benefit from the glorious revolution, it 
 * ^3 ^** 
 
 i^^ 
 
 
was ftiU left in a (late far fhort of abfolute peN 
 fedlion. The Houfe of Commons, as the re- 
 prcfcmive of the whole people of the Britifh 
 empire*, had then its due weight and authority 
 alTigned it. But as it is the aSiual reprefentative 
 of thofe onlf who have the right of voting *, far 
 the greater part of the people inhabiting Great 
 Britain, and all thofe in the remote provinces, are 
 very imperfiedlly reprefented. Had any method 
 been adopted at the revolution to reaciedy this 
 great and obvious defeA in the constitution, the 
 prefent rebellion in America might perhaps have 
 been entirely prevented, or by being deprived even 
 of a planfible pretence, would have beenoppofed 
 by the unanimous voice, and crufhed by the 
 united weight of the Britifh legiflature. It furely 
 cannot be deemed vifionary or improbable, to 
 fuppofe fucb confequcnce would haVe r nfued 
 from a more perfect reprefentation of the people ; 
 nor can it be queftioned that its prefent very 
 partial Siiid irrational &i!^tc has given rife to that 
 corruption on one fide, and fadtion on the other, 
 fo judly and fo univerfally complained of. The 
 many venal and fmall contemptible boroughs 
 who now fend members to parliamentt, have 
 juftlybeen denominated the "rotten p^rtsof the 
 conftitutipn/* The member who buys his' feat 
 in the Hoi^e, generally means to di^oft of hi$ 
 
 .1 .n.. 3i.J» Ireland excepted. 
 
 •f : '^ '■' - ' ' purcliafc 
 
 \' 
 
 ..^- 
 
1 
 
 [ "-3 3 
 
 purchafb to the ke/i advantage, and it needs no 
 vtvy great degree o^i penetration to dilcovefj that 
 this equitable defign noay be often much better 
 efieflsd by opyofing than by abetting the meafurcs 
 of government. A fi'rrw/'/ majority will always 
 be oppoied by a minority ei^u^lfy venal \ whofe ap< 
 petite, not M by nature^ mu^ be (Ir rpened by 
 envy and impatience. Thus, while the public- 
 good is the plaufible pretence, private emoiu- 
 nient is thca^^uating principle ot thoib adverfc 
 parties whofe violent commotions have difmem- 
 bered, and nearly deftroyed the Briti(h empire*. 
 
 Nothing can have a Wronger tendency to abate 
 th*^ violence of thofe contending parties which 
 
 * If the right of voting was veiled in the people 
 athrgt^ initead of being thus partially limited — if the 
 p«tty borou^ were aboliAled, and the number of 
 membiers for the counties weite proportiooai^ijy iocreafed 
 •<»<if iitfr^ihifftntni was made the inevitable cqnfe- 
 quenpe of accenting, aiiui imapflcity tQ .pbt^in a feat in 
 gtarViaoient of offering a bribe j^and (pojibly) if the 
 duration of parllapnents was (hortqned, the mpfl bene- 
 ficial confe^'uences might ftill enfue.— .For it is evident,' 
 that as the influence of corruption is reftraintd; the vi- 
 rulence of f&^ion will abatjc; and let thcf opinions, 
 tWe prciperty^ cs theabiluieBof miniftera^bewhat thef 
 a^ «0IW wiU be fo iilsejy lo ^JSt from pi^nciple alon/t 
 a%4 ^o iCQ^fuU the good of tt^f poqunvui^Uy^ as^tM'e 
 >^hp.pl^aif^ their £c»t»by the free voice ?»£ the J?e»ple^ 
 
 Ufvtiiaffed by corruption, or uninflamcd by fa£iion. 
 
 TnT, ?:;;;. f-n:- 'r. ^ ..\c..;i: ^ \u\-\:i2\.az^ ':-^ 
 
 V^Alm 4, have 
 
 -,*• 
 i'f 
 
 ■"H*— ..... 
 
 '■"Sr.^ 
 
l\- 
 
 {■I i 
 
 r «4 ] 
 
 have fo long ind fo fatally prevailed in Britain, 
 or to conqiliate the almoft forgotten afftdtion of 
 our American brethren, than a clear convidlion 
 that all have greatly erred *, that many of the 
 evils they have reciprocally experienced were 
 neither premeditated, nor aiflually produced by 
 Miy party ', but originated from remote, inemitablt, 
 or unforefeen csiuks and events.} and, that, even 
 in this alarming ftage of the difpute between 
 Britain and the revolted Colonies, ,;if an fm^;- 
 diate flop could be put to hoftilities on bothftdes, 
 it would be preferable to the mod compleat 
 victory that either could obtain over the other 
 in this defliruftive and impolitic conteft. 
 
 In public as in private (ranfafbions, it generally 
 happens, that mankind form their opinions from, 
 events already determined, and bellow their 
 praife or cenfure accordingly. Of fuch fuper- 
 ficial reafoners the majority of air parties arc 
 compofcd; and it is no wonder they arc very 
 clamorous and pertinacious advocates of the 
 caufe which prejudice or intercft induces them 
 to efpoufe. If a politician of this clafs inlifts 
 under the banner of oppofuion, nothing c;i|,n b^. 
 more evident to him^ than that all our publi^ 
 evils might eafily have beeh forefeen and pre-' 
 vented \ but that they were the neceflary ine- 
 vitable confequences of i f^em adopted by a 
 wicked and corrupt minii^i^, to bring ruin and 
 
 '■& 
 
 »•;* 
 
-M 
 M 
 
 4i; 
 
 
 f 
 
 C »5 1 
 
 mifcry on their country, while to an adverfary 
 of equal abilities, it woold appear inconrcftably 
 true, that our inteftiiie diiiliorvs, the American* 
 rebellion, and the powerful combination of' fo-' 
 reign enemie* now united to dcfttoy us, are fo* 
 many regular eonmiled parts of iplan originally 
 projeSitdy and invariably /»»r/ir^^ by oppofition. ' 
 
 ! Which of thcfc polititd difputants has the 
 »^,' or rather which of thtm has t\\c Uafi rea- 
 fonon liis. iide, i.ihall not pretend to deter- ^ 
 mincj;r:but: fliall endeavour to expl6r€ the 
 fourcecjv hence the rapid torrent of de(lrui*tion,' 
 y^hichjias in a few years defolated the .Qritiih 
 empire, originally proceeds. c-tv .i^-^ *^:.,^j 
 
 Few readers can be fuppofed ignbrant, that 
 the laft glotious and fuccefsful war was entered 
 into againft France, to relieve the North Ame- 
 rican colonies from the encroachments and de- 
 predations of a people they then looked uport^ 
 as an inveterate and dangerous enemy. The 
 tempeil of war thus excited in America, foon 
 iprc^d through every quarter of the globe ; nor 
 ^id)t5.fttry abate jtiU.it had dcftroye^ near half 
 a million , of the human fpecies, and entailed 
 ^Ugwiih iiiid peoUry on a ftill greater number 
 of n^ifcr^ble furvivon. iThe defolated plains of 
 Germany dreamed with the. bjood^at was 
 
 ' flied 
 
 :t^: 
 
 irifts^*'-''' 
 
 ..•:a»p*- 
 
 — ; tt\» m-** 
 

 IP. 
 
 i'.;; 
 
 ii 
 
 11 
 
 \ f 
 
 [ »6 ] 
 
 ihcd in adifpute about *< a few acres of fhow: 
 in Canada *." Thoufands of Britiih heroes were 
 facriji)cec!, millions of Britiih property difiSpated, 
 V to conquer America in Germany." But 
 though the extirpation of the French from 
 North Am«rjca« which was the primary defign 
 of this war> was the moft impolitic meafure 
 Britain could pjfibly adopt } and though it re- 
 quired no extraordinary degree of penetration 
 to forcfee the fatal ccnfequences wbick have 
 fince r^iultcd from tt, the rapid foccefs which 
 attended the Britiih arms, and the fplendor of 
 repv^ttfd vit^ories, dazzled the eyes of thepeoplc. 
 Having utrither inclination nor ability to look 
 forward thcmfdyes, they difregarded theadifio- 
 nitions of thofe who faw the diftant tempeil: 
 which would inevitably be produced from t4iis 
 tranfie^at and delufive gleam. Yet, who that 
 rc(kds on the unparalelled «vM»t6 of thfC ^^- 
 taiiy glmrioui war, can wonder Briton« Were de^ 
 ceived by appearances fo flattering to theii} 
 
 vanity ?.-■ i,.;:- ..:. v.:-, -m r-.-.':. .;..■..'. ...- 
 , , , . . .. \ \- ■•'-' ■:•%■' r in -fi-JGr"'? 
 
 Let UB, for a moment, withdraswdiir-'effc*' 
 frvrti the prefent melancholy fcency' and -look 
 bap^ IP that aera which claims unrivalled' pre- 
 emiiwnQe^ in the Biiitiih annalt i to whll^ n& 
 tnod^m hiftory can f ucnifli % ^oiM^fiiiit; 
 
 i'"' •■ See M. Voltaire's Can'didti ' ' 
 
 »''^ ■' When 
 
 1^4^ 
 
 -<*^ 
 
 ,,ill>^- 
 
{.if 1 
 
 Whtii We view tht navy of Britain ^vcry where 
 trit>rnphant over the united force of France 
 and Spain, when we lee QUt enemicj fly before 
 us, and vift(!>ry rewarding the heroic efforts of 
 our fleets and armies irt <*vcry quarter of the 
 globe, and behold Britain, at the termination 
 of this rapid courfc of glory ahd conqileft, in- 
 vefted with an extent of empire grr^ater than 
 that of anticnt Rome, enriched with an influx 
 of comrrtferce fuperior to any other country in 
 the ^rld, excelling in the attainment of thofc 
 arts and fciences which add elegance to wealth, 
 and fplertdor to power— Avileii we contemplate 
 this fahti iketch of our eburitt'y's greatnefs, let 
 us remember, that it was to the vigorous and 
 decijhe meafures of one man, and to the unani- 
 mity with which they were purfued, that this 
 greatnefs is to be afcribed. Even the abilities 
 of a Chatham would have been exerted in vain, 
 if a fpirit of difcord had prevailed, and poftibly 
 his y«^m0r excellence confided in the addnfs by 
 which he conciliated and united the inind$ of 
 men, an4 the judicious feleAion he made of 
 thofe whom, equally tp his immortal honour 
 and their own, he intr^fled with the executioa 
 of his grand deflgns. Before he took the ad- 
 miniftration of public aflfairs, timidity prevailed 
 in the cabinet, and difcord \n the navy^ and the . 
 army y the glory of the Bjfitjfli fl«g ^s tarmjloedj "' 
 
 nk 
 
 I M r i i > ' i K-'^1l'r'i- •■^■r"-''—\tin/* i^ t 
 
.» 
 
 \\\ 
 
 ■ \ 
 
 an4 our arms difgraced -, but no foon^r was na- 
 tional union reftored, than the fpiritt of our no- 
 bleft and moil renowned anceitors leemed to 
 animate the breads of thofe illuftrious heroes 
 who t;ben acquired immortal fam^^ many of 
 them are yet the living monuments o:f ELogland's 
 glory, and her enemies difgrace 1 : May the 
 dasmon of difcord be banilhed from their 
 breads, and may the remembrance of their 
 former deeds, and their country's wrongs, unite 
 them in one common caufe, and may our con- 
 federated enemies be convinced, that the vigo- 
 rous and determined efforts of Britons zxcjiill 
 fufficient to humble their pride, an4 *^fave a 
 « linking land r* ;^, ^,, ,. _ 
 
 
 But in purfuan e of my plan, it is heceflary 
 to return to the confideration of the effe5is pro- 
 duced by the lad war, on this and on the other 
 
 fide of the Atlantic , , , . . ^ . 
 
 ..,,uej4 .i-i t . :,« •■»?<] w.p. ■;;■■■>.'-!".. vi m\m & t 
 
 Asi the enemy, thbugK vahquifhed'khd ^e- 
 prefled, were by no means in a fituaiion to 
 acquiefcc in, whatever conditions the exorbitant 
 ambition of their elated conquerors might im- 
 pofe ; aind as the fucceli of the war had raifed 
 
 * If this new Adaiiniftration manifeft a .r/<?/ inten- 
 tion, to ferve their country, and meet with that ileady 
 lOd Vi^anilllbus fupport which was denied to their un- 
 fortunate predeceflbrs, Britain may have caufe to re'\ 
 joice in the change. 
 
 the 
 
 -.-■A. 
 
 ^JOtJ^. ^;^-_ 
 
 fmi^t*^'' 
 
 ..-»>'' 
 
 , jiiijliSii3*«"'-^ T'*"^' 
 
was fftf. 
 Qur no- 
 m«J to 
 heroes 
 lany of 
 igland's 
 Lay the 
 1 their 
 >f their 
 i> unite 
 ur con^ij 
 e vigo^ 
 are//// 
 ' fave a 
 
 ceflary " 
 7j pro- 
 5 Other 
 
 nd de- ^ 
 ion to 
 •bitanc ■ 
 It im- 
 rftifed 
 
 iDteji- . 
 fteady . 
 ;ir un- 
 to r^-t 
 
 '<m 
 
 [ »9 3 
 
 the expedations of the people to (6 extravagant 
 a degree, that fcarce any thing lefs than uncon- 
 ditional fubmifiion would gratify them, it was 
 impofTible any peace could be made without 
 producing dilappointment and uneafinefs. "^-i 
 
 « Whether the ptface that was aSiuaUy made 
 was the befi that could be obtained, it is not 
 here neceflarv to enquire •, fufBce it to obferve, 
 that though the great council of the nation de- 
 clared it to be an honourable peace, and though 
 this declaration was certainfy true^ becaufe ic 
 cffcded the expulfion of the French from Ame- 
 rica, which was the original o\i]t6^ of the war, 
 it was notwithftanding received with evident 
 tokens of diQike, by a conHderable part of the 
 people. Nor were there wanting incendiaries to 
 inflame the public refentments, by pointed in- 
 veflives againft thofe who then held the reins of 
 government-, who were artfully reprefented as 
 the projeftors of a wicked plot to render the 
 
 S n arbitrary, and to confer on Scotfmen 
 
 all the honours and emoluments which govern- 
 ment had to bellow, ^<\ -^^ 
 
 I'i; «tU^/sii<''ii :^ 
 
 i'Vjr.,jr;v> 
 
 
 This, and many other fuggcftions, too grofs 
 and indecent to repeat, were continually propa- 
 gated by the emiflaries of faftion, and eagerly 
 belicvecj by the heated and credulous multitude. 
 
 ;'?;n:m 
 
 .zuizil 
 
 on 
 
 MiriPMiw 
 
 "W »lj( fr i 
 
^!i 
 
 m 
 
 I 
 
 'Hi 
 
 r 30 ] 
 
 on whom afoti they were calculated to impofe. 
 It WM no difficuU matter to coiledl xhe latent 
 ember} of i<:ditiun, and blow them to a Ba«ne } 
 but the method ufcd on this occafion does pecu- 
 liar honour to the tontrivance of the projcdor. 
 Abufe of miniders was a dale and hacknied ar- 
 tifice} but the rubje<!t who was not afraid to 
 publilh to the world, that the f-— ~h of his 
 
 S n was a 1 — , miift furcly be allowed 
 
 to poficfs uncommon abilities I . Mfi • ii>;m\H- tist t 
 
 Had fo grofs an affront been offered to any 
 private gentleman, he muft cither have de- 
 manded what is ca-lled honourable Jati^faffion, 
 or have borne the difgrac^ful imputation of 
 cowardice. But in this cale, the dignity of the 
 ofFtnded party rather required that refentment 
 for the injury fhouki be converted into contempt 
 for the otfender, than that he (hould be (as a 
 celebrated • writer exprefled it) " illuminated 
 by the rays of royal indignation." The people, 
 always ready to judge by appearances ^ admired 
 this political luminary, nor could they poiTibly 
 conceive that he fhined by rejfie£Ied light, 'till 
 the fource of his brightncfs was withdrawn, and 
 he funk to his original obfcurity. ,, ^ ,<i.. x 
 
 ;ii)tv::'' 
 
 'M 
 
 There is implanted In every human breaft « 
 natMr^l averfion to controul } and in generous 
 
 (u'j ■■'■: * Junius. 
 
 minds 
 
 ''ii^^«(i^jtt.aii£*i-^- 
 
 "W: 
 
 ...*,^-«r,-3cy' 
 
 m ^ Hl S j *'" 
 
C 3' J 
 
 mindi it extends far beyond the narrow circle 
 of felf-interefti if they fee a fellow creature in 
 danger of being opprefled by unequal numbers, 
 or fitpirior foroy they intuitively run to his 
 afllftancc } it is not therefore to be wondered at 
 that the fpirit of a nation, at all times jealous 
 of their liberties, fliould be roufed by a conten> 
 tion between a fubjeft and his king. They were 
 no lefs dilgufted by its apparent inequality t than 
 alarmed by the danger they apprehended from 
 the event i and there wanted nothing more to 
 make the Ciufe of W — s theii ownj no 
 iboner was ;he facred name of liberty joined to 
 his, than the latter became " white as fnow," 
 all offences, except one, were forgotten, and 
 that was transformed into a virtue* 
 
 ■rV^n 
 
 ^eal having on this as on many former occa- 
 fions invcfted a finner in the habit of a faint, 
 could with no lefs facility, give the appearance of 
 p«y^f«//o» tojuftice, and of tyranny to law. — 
 Nay, even the (lern and rigid fubftance of law 
 itfelfwas foftened and * diffohed by the active 
 flame of liberty. . .,^ . 
 
 * Though the legality of General Warrants wqs 
 
 never doubted Hill they were declared illegal, Mr. 
 
 ' Wilkes obtained a verdict of 4000/. in confcjqu^nce 
 
 of tkM,eic p^l ftiSio dtclaratitn «f law, which had in 
 
 this cafe the force of law iiftlf. ,, . 
 
,H 
 
 kf 
 
 I 
 
 f 
 
 ' ( 
 
 I- 
 
 \ ' 
 
 !.' 
 
 [JO 
 
 It is foreign to my intention to recapitu- 
 tutate events which every one muft remember, 
 or to agitate qucftions on which, as Junius ob- 
 fcrves when fpeaking of the Middlcfex eleftion, 
 •• infplration itfclf could fcarcely throw any 
 new \\\yht." But it is neceflary to obferve, that 
 men of the highcft eftimation for ihtegriey and 
 ability were then greatly divided ifi their opi- 
 nions on fubjefts of the higheft national impor- 
 ' tance ; and that the acrimony of their debates 
 inflamed, as the exrcnfive and rapid circulation 
 of them '/'j&^^jfet malignant fpirit of party 
 which has g > f t l )7--effc£led the dellrudlion of 
 this great and flouriihing empire. - f»*.'ij ,ijf( 
 
 Whoever impartially confiders the conduft 
 of Adminiftration and Oppofuion, from the 
 origin of their contentions to the prcfent mo- 
 ment, will be convinced, that neither party 
 can, with the leaft degree of reafon, throw the 
 whole blame on their opponents. ?- ' . --^ - ^ 
 
 * t .\ - J ' ■ r ■ • t^*\ . 
 
 ..- -x.**. ^A-^ m* '.V. ^ ( 4:_ . . *^ " t ~ 
 
 Though it (hould be granted, that iii tKe pro- 
 fccution of Mr. W — s, adminiftration never 
 took a Jingle mcafure that was not warranted 
 by precedent, by law, and i»y the principles of 
 the conftitution (which perhaps is more than 
 Oppofuion. will admit) their condufl cannot be 
 ^indicated in point oi policy » < " •vi'^ «n.. 
 
 A fupcr- 
 
 
 1^ 
 
 itf yj/-'" '^-^'^^ -• •' ■• '»»" -'»'^»i«< 
 
 «s«)S^«-« 
 
[ 33 ] 
 
 A fupcrficial knowledge of our hiftory is fuffi- 
 cicnt to convince us, that whcncTer our fovcreigni 
 condefcend to enter into conteft with ^fubjeSty they 
 tarnifh the luftre, and weaken the power of the 
 crown. If they vanquilh, how futile is their 
 triumph! If they fail, how fcvere their dif- 
 g"ce! 
 
 The firft ftcp they take on this dangerous 
 ground, however circumfpefl, is fure to awaken 
 the jealoufy of their people : if power, inflamed 
 by refcntment (perhaps by juji refcntment) (hould 
 be fo admirably tempered by wifdom and difcretion 
 as ntver to exceed the bounds of law or of equity, 
 yet how liable are the perverted optics of jealoufy 
 CO miftake! with what eafe may artifice con< 
 vert 
 
 — ." Trill« light ai air j'* ^ * \ ' 
 
 To " confirmations ftrong , ' . ■ ' 
 
 *• At proofs of holy writ 1" - 
 
 The K , or Adminiftration, th?f wiH-its to 
 
 be refpeftcd in this country, muft pay fome re* 
 gard even to the prejudices of the people. No- 
 thing can alienate the afFeiStions, or cxafperatc the 
 minds of a free people, fo much as the contempt 
 of their governors j nor is the ftrongeft convic- 
 tion they can poflibly have that their mcafures 
 are right, to be urged in excufe for it. 
 
 .^ 
 
 But 
 
 '**»fn'^im^ii(^t-*ii;--»-i'iSiiiiiii^i-^.> v C.,^ JJL . 4.L;:^f.^'tf!^,; ;;.,iV.^: 
 
T 
 
 iiii 
 
 W 
 
 mi 
 
 I \'^ 
 
 t 3+ ] 
 
 But though even the caufelefs mmmur^ of the 
 people (hould never be defpifed, the individur*, 
 who for his own emolument endeavours to excite 
 them, is juftly and moft feverely punifhed by 
 contempt. When a man of fuch principles, af- 
 fuming conHdence from the degree of popularity 
 he has acquired, is hardy enough to transfer his 
 abufc from minifters to the K — g, it is evident 
 he courts perfecution. If he can collect '* the 
 rays of royal indignation,'* he is fenfiblc " they 
 will illuminate, thougiii they cannot confume him." 
 Shielded by his popularity, he invites their moft 
 powerful energy ; and his patriotifm ihlnes with 
 additional luftre, as their fervency increafes. But 
 if the efforts of his calumny are regarded with a 
 ^ortifyin^ indifference^ his hopes are blafted, and 
 he is left tc lament in obfcurity the anguilh of 
 difappointed ambitf:/n, and the univerfal contempt 
 "which attends unfuccefsful villainy. 
 
 'i ■ I 
 
 If Adminiftration committed an error in re- 
 warding their enemy with that refentment he 
 wijhed to excite ; the condud of Oppofition on 
 this occafion was no lefs inexcufable for abetting a 
 caufe they knew to be unjuftj for propagating 
 many infinuations againft government which hac? 
 no foundation in truth or reafon ; and for difFufing 
 z general fpirit of difcontent throughout the na- 
 tion, merely that they might exalt tbemfelves, by 
 
 deprcflin^ 
 
 
 i 'I' 
 
 ,, -W-.-^.. 
 
 ""■">^' -^i^l^j^^^^'ju^*- je3=caStt»*'rr«B ■ 
 
 _,-a«a «MH»" * « * l » "iy »l 
 
,«» 
 
 I 35 1 , ,'v 
 
 deprefllrtg their fuccefsful and envied compe- 
 titors. ■';1-^'" •'" •■ 
 
 While their real o^e^ was not Very difficult to 
 be difcerned j the good of their country was their 
 plaufible pretence ; the grievances of the people 
 was the conftant burden of their melancholy fong; 
 and thofe who had the Icafi fenfibility of them, 
 were, as ufual, loudejl in the chorus j while the 
 lower ranks of the commun'ty, oppreflcd by the 
 weight of thofe real ills which are. the infeparable 
 concomitants of poverty, bore in nience thofe 
 burdens which it does not enter either into the 
 * beads of miniftcrs or patriots to conceive, or into 
 their hearts to alleviate. 
 
 So 
 
 
 • Though the leaders of each pAtiy have been very 
 diiFerently employed, every friend to the peopl « muft 
 find peculiar fatisfa£lion in obferving, that many mem ' 
 be.;: on both frdes of the Houfe, diftinguiChed nolefs uy 
 thf feiifibUity of their hearts than by their fortunes and 
 abilities, have made, it '^he conftant objefl of their at- 
 tention to alleviate the diftrefies of the poor, and there 
 appears to be rcafon to hope, as the rage of party con- 
 tention abates, their virtuous and patriotic labours may 
 be attended with fuccefs. 
 
 As their elevated ftation places them at too great a 
 diftance from the obje£ls of their care, to trace the various 
 caufes of the poverty and mifery of the lower clafs of th« 
 
 "^ .. t . - Da community 
 
t" 
 
 [ 36 ] 
 
 So ftrange and inconfiftent a thing is human 
 nature, that ever, in this nation of philofophers, 
 ihe very people who will fubmit quietly to any im- 
 pofltion, till fome friend thinks it worth bis while 
 to tell them they are hurt, may be inflamed to a 
 degree of madnefs by the mod extravagant, ill- 
 grounded, or remote fuggeftions of injury in- 
 tended them. What furprizlng effeds have the 
 
 founds of W s and Liberty ! No Popery ! and 
 
 others of efual figniHcance produced, when mo- 
 dulated by y^/^«/ performers, and conveyed thro* 
 j>roper inftruments ! 
 
 But if a fupercilious contempt of the Jtjfi 
 complaints of an injured people is the cha- 
 racfl^riftic of tyranny •, if an infolent difregard even 
 cf their groundlefs murmurs denotes weaknefs in 
 Adminiftration, a bafe mplication of their paf- 
 fions and prejudices to the interefted views of the 
 
 community t > their diSerenr fources. It may not be un- 
 fcafonable or impioper to hint, that the dcftru£live prac- 
 tice of gambling in lottery infurame — the extortion of 
 fawn-brokerSy who*are fufFered to fupply theni with the 
 means of gaming, at the exorbitant intereft of thirty per 
 cent, and the unlimited and moft pernicious ufe the poor 
 are permitted io make of fpirituous liquors^ are either of 
 them alone fufficient to bring inevitable ruin on thou> 
 fands ! — How deftruflive then to fociety muft be the /tint 
 operation of thefe caufcs, and how loudly do fuch griev- 
 ances call for priliamentary redrefs ! ! "' ' 
 -•- ^'■■'-■vj i-'- party 
 
 ..j:3iK5#!»*'' "•»"!!(! ■ 
 
ry tn- 
 vc the 
 r ! and 
 m mo- 
 d thro' 
 
 he ju/i 
 e cha- 
 rd even 
 cnefs in 
 ir paf- 
 of the 
 
 t be un- 
 ve prac- 
 rtion of 
 vith the 
 ihtrtji per 
 the poor 
 either of 
 )n thou> 
 the /tint 
 ch griev- 
 
 party 
 
 [ 37 ] 
 
 party which conftantly endeavours to excite and 
 inflame them, and an indifcriminatc oppofition to 
 every meafure of government, are furely very equi- 
 vocal figns of that reditude which Ihould diftin- 
 guiih true patriots from unprincipled impoftors. 
 
 This fuccinft review of the line of conduft pur- 
 fued by the contending parties, and of the caufes 
 from which they arofe, has hitherto been folely con- 
 fined to Great-Britain ; but if we extend our con- 
 fideration to America, we (hall find fulficient rea- 
 Ibn to conclude, that the unhappy breach between 
 th(2 Colonies and the Mother Country proceeded 
 ' •♦T> the fame fource whence our intejline divifions 
 derived their origin. 
 
 i^-i'-, :' 
 
 The maxim " that allegiance and proteftiofi 
 arc reciprocal," has often been applied by the ad- 
 vocates for the caufe of Britain, in fupport of her 
 claims on the Colonies. This maxim is undoubt- 
 edly founded in truth and juftice; but if its truth 
 is admitted, thefe conclufions mult inevitably fol- 
 low ; ^ ; 
 
 *<>.v 
 
 :h N 
 
 FirC, "''^'"h^n government with-holds from its 
 fubjel, ! .t .>roteftion which they require, it has 
 nojuji cla)r.i ;o their allegiance. ^*'' ' 
 
 Secondly, When fubjeds are fo circumftanced 
 or fituated, that they conceive no further affift- 
 
 D 3 anc« 
 
■ 
 
 [ 38 3 
 
 »nce or proteftion from government is required^ 
 they regard that allegiance tcr which they no lon- 
 ger receive an equivalent, as an intolerable buro 
 ^en, from whi^h nothing but Independence can 
 relieve thpnot ' ^^ , , '"fr 
 
 The expulHon of the French from North Ame- 
 rica, which w^s effedted by the lad war, and 
 confirmed by the peace, placed our Colonies on 
 that Continent in the peculiar fituation to which 
 |I)is i^ conclufion is immediately applicable. 
 
 No longer in danger m the fecret machi- 
 nations, or open violence of an artful and ambi- 
 tious enemy, whofe near neighbourhood had al- 
 ways been the fource of fear and anxiety, and 
 from whom the power of the parent ftate was 
 ahne able to prpte6t them, their fentiments with 
 refpeft to the fovereignty. of Great -Britain, were 
 totally different from thole they entertained when 
 in continual need of her alTiftance. From that 
 aufpiciops apra, diftipguifhed by the total extirpa- 
 tion of their inveterate and formidable enemy, 
 they dated their Independence, though perhaps it 
 would then have appeared incredible even to 
 fhemfelves, that they fhould court the alliance of 
 this hoftile power. to affilt ihet^i in dcftroying 
 their generous protedlors. , 
 
[ 39 1 
 
 ^ This was an injury of fo deep a dye, and Co 
 certain in ifts confequenccs to bring down heavy 
 vengeance on their own heads, that it could not 
 poflibly proceed from premeditation ; fo far from 
 it, that I am convinced if it had been deliberately 
 propofed to the revolted Colonies in the early ftagc 
 of the difpute, they would have rcjedled it with 
 general indignation; and even now it is held in 
 juft abhorrence by a g.eat majority of the people, 
 who evidently yield a conftrained obedience to the 
 arbitrary power of their rulers, while they regard 
 the haughty demeanour of their new ally with a 
 degree of anger, impatience and difdain. 
 
 But thofe to whom the adminiftration of go- 
 vernment iii Great-Britain was confided, drew 
 very different conclufions from the fame premifes. 
 To them it evidently appeared, that the peace 
 confirmed to the Colonies, thofe fignal advantages 
 which the war had obtained ; they could not be 
 ignorant, that this war was entered into by Great- 
 Britain in confequencc of the earneji fupplications 
 of her American fubjeds, who were not only fe- 
 cured by its fuccefs from the future attacks of 
 their enemies, but were the aftual receivers of 
 mar^ millions expended by Great-Britain in its pro- 
 fecution 5 from which they derived riches, ftrength, 
 and fafety, while we were impoverifhed, weak- 
 ened, and confequently endangered. 
 
 
 P4 
 
 They 
 
mmmmm 
 
 •t 
 
 \ 
 
 'I 
 
 [ 40 ] 
 
 They knew that the enormous fum of feventy 
 millions had been added to the national debt by 
 the expences of this war ; and they conceived it 
 to be ftridtly confonant to equity, that the Colonies 
 Should take upon themfelvcs/owf part of a burden 
 which the parent ilate was hardly able to fuftain ; 
 which had been fo intolerably increafed through 
 their means, and for their benefit. It does not 
 appe<»r ever to have been the intention of any ad- 
 miniftration to demand rigid juftice from the Co- 
 lonies; for though it camiot be denied that ^^^ 
 third at leafl of the national debt has been incurred 
 on their account, the property of Britons alone is 
 the fecurity for the principal ; and nothing further 
 was required of the Colonies than to pay a very 
 inconjiderahle part of tlie intereft. On thefe prin- 
 ciples, and with this view, the Stamp / was 
 framed during Mr. Grenville's admin) ration. 
 The mod ftrenuous advocate for the Americans 
 could not pretend (^ difpute the juftice of the de- 
 mand } and the refufal of the Colonies to comply 
 with it was no lefs ungrateful than unjuft. But 
 judice and gratitude are not to be met with in 
 communities or public bodies, of whom intereft' is 
 the foul, Animated and informed by this principle, 
 the Provincial AiTemblies clearly difcerned the /«- 
 (onvenienceoi parting with any thing they were able to 
 r^fmn^ or of fubmitting ;o a ppw?f they now con-; 
 
[ 4« 1 
 
 ceivcd themfclvcs ftrong enough to rcfift. The 
 Stamp Aft, therefore, was rcjedcd by the Colonies 
 for the fame rcafons, and with fimilar tokens of 
 contempt and averfion, which they in the begin- 
 ning of the prefent fatal contention exprelTed againfl 
 the tax on tea. The repeal of the obnoxious bill 
 was an obvious expedient to appeafe the gathering 
 florm } and was readily adopted by all parties, as a 
 IT ^fure dilated by found policy, calculated at 
 once to pieferve the dignity of the Britifh legiQature^ 
 and to quiet the minds of the Americans. ? 
 
 .V. 
 
 •i *'■ 
 
 But however it might appear to the bulk of the 
 people in England and America, it could not efcape 
 the penetration of any man in either country who 
 allowed himfelf the leaft time to refied on thefe 
 tranfadtions and their probable confequences, that 
 the feeds of diflcntion had taken deep root ; that the 
 reconciliation was injincere on both fides, and that 
 the mifchlef was procraflinated but not prevented 
 by the repeal of the Stamp Aft. It might poflibly 
 have been delayed much longer if no further fteps 
 had been taken by government ; but as the Ame« 
 ricans had aftually " fajfedthe Rubicon** and plainly 
 dnnounced their pretenfions to independence, by de- 
 nying the right of parliament to tax them, which, pre». 
 yious to the Stamp Aft being paflcd, they had never 
 difput^d ( (but had aftually fubmittcd to be taxed 
 — ^ by 
 
 ;t 
 
1 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 \\ 
 
 C 4* ] 
 
 by parliaments under every reign, from • Charles 
 the lid CO that of his prefenc Majelly) it was 
 deemec xp i'ro*: 8. id neccflUry that the authority 
 of t* . Briti) ., ^giflaturc thus optnly denied^ (hould 
 be a^ explicitly ajferted by fome public and folemn 
 ^,-..:..: ^^''V^ ■^<^-" •'-'' ■ ■" ' 
 
 The famous Declaratory A61 was therefore pafled 
 by the general concurrence of allpartieSy which in 
 dired conformity to the principles of the Britifti 
 conftitutbn, alTerted, that the authority of parlia- 
 ment extended to the Colonies, and that it had a 
 right to demand their obedience to its afts in all 
 cafes wbatfoever. Sovereignty cannot be defined in 
 any terms flronger or more explicit ; and it is de- 
 monftrably evident, that if parliament has (as this 
 Declaratory Adt aflerts) a right to bind the Colo- 
 nies in all cafes whatfoever^ it mufi have it in any 
 'particular cafe. This is io extremely plain, that 
 " he who runs may read j" and it would appear 
 unneceffary to prove by argument, a propofiiion 
 which every man of common underftanding muft 
 acknowledge to be felf-cvident, were it not in rc- 
 fped to the fuperior abilities or thofe diftinguilhcd 
 
 * The particular a£ls of parliament impofing taxes on 
 the Colonies in thefe different reigns, have been frequently 
 referred to by the advocates for the caufe of Britain, an4 
 their authenticity has been proved beyond a doubr, 
 
 leaders 
 
 ( i 
 

 \ 
 
 [ 43 ] 
 
 ■ Jf aders of the minority, under whofe admlniflntoi 
 the Declaratory Aft was palTed. The unanimous 
 aflent they gave to this a£t, is an undoubted proot 
 that they then admitted parliament had a ccnjli- 
 tutional right to bind the Colonies <* in all cafes 
 whatfocveri" yet no foonerdid parliament attempt 
 to exercife this conftiiutional authority by the Tea 
 Aft, than the unreafonable clamours which were 
 raifed by the inftigators of rebellion in the Colo- 
 nies, were loudly echoed by the champions of pp- 
 pofition in Britain. ' '^ ' 
 
 It is impofllble to vindicate their conduft on this 
 important pccafion ; at be^, it was abfurd and in- 
 confident in the extreme, to alTert in the moft folemn 
 manner, and in their legidative capacities, the 
 fupremacy of parliament over the Colonies, and af- 
 terwards, in direft oppofition to this folemn decla< 
 ration, to a|Hrm in the florid language and exalted 
 charafters of patriots, that taxation of the Colonies 
 by parliament was unconfiitutional. If the Decla- 
 ratory Aft is condi tutional, this particular exercife 
 of a right which it declares parliament to be in- 
 veded with, muft be fo too. One of thefe pro- 
 pofitions muji be true; parliament has ^ condi- 
 tutional right to tax the Cplonies, or the Dtdzi^ 
 i^itory A&. is uncoftftitutional. ^^ 
 
 Left it fliould be deemed nugatory and ufelefs 
 ^0 «|emonftratc the inconfiftcncy of oppofition, or 
 
 
 1 
 
■ I 
 
 n 
 
 ( 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 !!' 
 
 C 44 1 
 
 to examine what opinions they thought proper to 
 entertain fo tmny years ago^ it is neceflkry to ob- 
 ferve, that they are by i:o means to be confidered 
 as mere fpeculative opinions of private men, which 
 whether confident, or otherwife, can be of no con- 
 fequcnce to the public; if this was indeed the cafe, 
 it would be wafte of time and paper to examine 
 ^^cm, ■ , > '.,■■ ,- , ■-; .;• '.)], V ,,'; ; • 
 
 But when opinions, adopted by men of diflin- 
 guifhed rank and acknowledged abilities, become 
 principles of aSlion to them, they often produce the 
 mofl: important ^effeds. If to rank and abilities be 
 added the faicinating charms of oratory^ and if 
 thofe who are poiTcfTed of fuch qualifications have, 
 from their peculiar fituation, the titteft: opportunity 
 of difplaying them in oppofition to the meafures of 
 government, the people look up to them with ad^ 
 miration, as the guardians of their liberties ; what- 
 ever feniiments they find it convenient to propagate, 
 are received as oracUs ; and the opinion of a fcw^ 
 or even of one man thus circumftanced, however 
 contradidory it may be to reafon and truth, how. 
 ever inconfiftent with his former conduft, may not 
 only obtain implicit belief, but become a principle 
 of aftion to thoufands,' '- ' .• . , ' ' 
 
 ■.•-.. ... ....',• s ■ ■ > .1 • t 
 
 There cannot poflibly be a ftronger inftance of 
 this than the origin of our unhappy difpute with the 
 Colonics affords. The claims of parliament were 
 
 ' certainly 
 
C 4J 3 
 
 certainly jun, and were ftri<5lly conformable to the 
 principles of the conflitution i the leaders of op- 
 pofition had, by their aflcnt to the Declaratory Adt, 
 £iven the ftrongtft proof that they thcuglt themfo^ 
 and government, in attempting to maintain the fu- 
 premacy of parliament, and in the particular 
 exertion of its authority to tax the Colonies, was 
 aflfcrting the rights of the Britifh nation.— Yet, no 
 fooner had the Colonics difcovered that the pre- 
 tenfions of the Britifh parliament were uniufl: and 
 unconditutional, and the minority concurred with 
 them in thefe principles, which were diametrically 
 oppofitc to thofe of the Declaratory Aft, and mani- 
 feftly repugnant to reafon and to the interell of the 
 people, than the caufe of the Americans became 
 popular in Britain. ; .- r - ■ ■ - 
 
 Nothing could be fo conducive to the fuccefs of 
 the rebellion as the encouragement it met with in 
 England j nor could any conduct be lefs excufable 
 than that of the minority at this very important 
 crifis. Had they been contCT with reprefenting 
 the inexpediency of proceeding to coercive meafurcs, 
 and the impolicy of demanding what the Colonics 
 were determined not to grant without compulfion, 
 and of aflerting claims which, however juft, we 
 might not perhaps be able to enforce, they might 
 have deferved the thanks of their country. They 
 would certainly have been juftified in adviling par- 
 liament to refrain from cxcrcifing the authority 
 , ' vefted 
 
 I 
 
 / 
 
 I 
 
 a 
 
[46 ] 
 
 vcftcd in it by the conflitution, though they could 
 not deny that it had fuch an authority without dC' 
 daring the Colonics independent. 
 
 (<< 
 
 V 
 
 \ . 
 
 \ 
 
 ■ j 
 
 For parliament cither has, as tlie Declaratory 
 A6t aflcrts, a right to bind ihc Colonics in all cafes 
 rvhatfoever^ or it has not, as the leaders of the re- 
 bellion contend, a right lo bind them in any one 
 cafe whatfoever j but it always has been " a body 
 of men extraneous to their conftitution j a fct of 
 unacknowledged individuals," whofe afts are (and 
 always have been efteemed by ♦^'iCm) a6ls of " pre- 
 tended legiflation." Thefe are the exadl words 
 made ufe of by Congrefs to exprefs their fentiments 
 of the Britilh parliament, in the declaration they 
 publilhed to jujlify their condud in taking up 
 arnns. The ijth article of this declaration evi- 
 dently proves, that though the Congrefs might 
 amufe the American people who were their conjii- 
 tuents, with fpecious pretences, and might feem at 
 firft defirous of an accommodation with govern- 
 ment, nothing was further from their intentions j 
 and that they were determined not to fheath the 
 fword till they had been intirely fubdutd, or had 
 tftabliflied their independence. 
 
 
 i 
 
 In this article they plainly declare their fenti- 
 ments in regard to the/w/rrw^fy of parliament. It 
 is couched in the following refpeftful terms. **He 
 (i. e. the King) has combined with others to fub- 
 
[ +7 J 
 
 jc(5l us to a jurifdiftion foreign to cur conftiiution* 
 and unacknowledged by our laws \ giving his aflTcnc 
 to their fretended a»^s of legiflation." 
 
 It is not any particular obnoxious or opprefllve 
 fldi of an acknowledged legidaturc that is here ob- 
 je6ted to, neither is it by any means to be under- 
 flood that parliament by its tyrannical and unjuH 
 condufb to the Americans, had driven them to the 
 defperate meafure of revolting from their alle- 
 giance ; though • fuch opinions have been in- 
 duftrioiifly and fuccefsfully propagated by the ad- 
 vocates of the American rebellion in England. 
 The plain unequivocal meaning of the expreflions 
 ufed by Congrefs in this article, is, " that the 
 King had committed an a£l of injuftice to the Colo- 
 nies, by entering into a combination or confpiracy 
 vith the Britifh parliament, to fubjedb them to its 
 ^thority *, — that it was a foreign legijlalure, which 
 had not the leail right to exert its authority over 
 them, in any indance ; that its power was not ac- 
 knowledged by them, and that he had no right to 
 give his aflcnt to any of its pretended adls of ]c- 
 giflation." It is impoflible for language to exprefs 
 a more explicit declaration that independence was 
 the real and primary obje(5i: of the American re- 
 bellion } and that fubjedion to the Britiih le- 
 giflature, in any indance whatever, had always 
 been accounted by the Colonics an intolerable griev- 
 
 v'::^^ 
 
 ance 
 
 1 . '. ' 
 
 ■rfc 
 
 "il 
 
 '. >»<w.Wiilly r,»j ) n **< 
 
 a*tatni^*^r^.4U!ir--> 
 
/ 
 
 l! 
 
 if 
 
 w 
 
 
 Li . 
 
 I 
 i 
 
 J'' 
 
 ^ i 
 
 C '48 ] 
 
 ance ; though they had not before been prefcntcdi 
 with fo fair an opportunity of redrefllng it. 
 
 Yet no longer ago than the laft feflion of parlia-^ 
 ment, an honourable member, of diftinguifhcd 
 abilities, declared, that he was ready to enter into 
 the merits of the American war with any member 
 of the oppofite fide of the Houfe, and would 
 frove it was unjuji and uncenjiitutional on the part of 
 Great Britain. 
 
 If 'ndecd he mrant any thing more by this chal- 
 lenge than to difplay his eloquence, and is pre- 
 pared with arguments to demonftratc that the prc- 
 tenfions of parliament to fovereignty over the Co- 
 lonif 5 are Unjuft, and that afts of parliament are, 
 as Congrcfs aflerts, afts of pretended Ugtjktion^ he 
 will at the fame time prove, that the Americans 
 had a right to declare themfelves independent when- 
 ever they thought proper ; that every aiSt of the 
 Britifh parliament which has extended to the Co- 
 lonies fince th^'^rfrji cftablifhment, is an unjuft in- 
 fringement on their liberty •, that the Aft of Settle- 
 ment; the Aft of Navigation, and the Declaratory 
 Aft, being the higheft exertions of parliamentary 
 fupremacy, were tyranny in the extreme , and ihac 
 the glorious revolution, which transferred the alle- 
 giance of Britifh fubjefts from James the Second to 
 JVilliam the Third, was the aft of a foreign legtf- 
 
 laturf. 
 
 
I 49 1 
 
 lafuret which had no more right to oind the Colo- 
 nies than the inhabitants of Xamtchatka'^. 
 
 J PofTibly the advocates for the Britifli conjiitution 
 may think this is proving rather too much\ but 
 whoever confiders the fuperior abilities c^ this cele- 
 brated orator, will be convinced, that after he has 
 gone thus far, he has overleaped the bounds of 
 
 * C)n the principles of the Briti{hconftitution,theHoufe 
 ofCommons is theTz/r/va/reprefentativeoff;// the Commons 
 in the Briti(h empire, Ireland excepted, on this the right of 
 legiilation^ as weii as taxation, tindoubtedly depends; and 
 any ob^e£tion that can be urged againft the latter, is of 
 equal validity againft the former, Tbofc who rejcft this 
 idea of virtual reprefentation as an abfurdity, niuft adopt 
 a much greater, by admitting, that ? parliament in which 
 the Colonic? are not reprefented, his a juft right to im« 
 yofe its laws upon them, though it has no right tu tax 
 them ; or they mud agree with the Congrefs, that the 
 BiitilL parliament is a foreign legiflatui-e, extraneous to 
 their conftitution, to whofc a^s they owe no obedience. 
 This was the avowed principle maintaineil by the leaders 
 of the rebellion previous to the commehcetient of hofli-> 
 lities— They «^ould not be tdxed, becaufe they were not 
 reprefented — The fante objeflion might with equal 
 juftice have been urged againft any other adl of parliaircnt 
 4-" we will not acknowledge its validity, becaufe we are 
 " not reprefented'" the 13th article of the declaration of 
 Congrefs, is a neceiTary conclufion from thefe premife.«, 
 and the reafon affigned by the Colonies for their refufal to 
 admit the Tea A61, wai. itfelf an explicit declaration ofh" 
 dependence. 
 
 . S ■ common 
 
 4 ^- .V •.Zi. f^iMm>»ifaA'^ 
 
 j.i*„»it^._ K-i. 
 
 «''^^- 
 
 »-.*•*,«,-' Iw^ 
 
. [JO 1' 
 
 common underftandlngs, and may proceed as milclr 
 further as he pleafes without fear of purfuit or ob- 
 ftru^lion. All impediments being rennoved, he 
 can eafily prove that parliament may have a right 
 to enaA laws for the Colonies in fome inftances, and 
 that in others its adls are merely pretence — that it 
 is ^riQlyJu/l to declare the right of parliament «o 
 bind the Colonies in all cafes whatfoever, though ic 
 was manifefl: wickednefs and injuftice to exercife 
 this right in any cafe whatfoever — that a part is 
 greater than the whole, that it is.poflible for the 
 fame thing to be, and 00/ to be at the fame time -, or, 
 in fliort, he may prove any thing he pleafes j— 
 
 *^ And that which was proved true before, 
 
 ♦• Prove falfe again."" Vivo, 
 
 I; 
 
 Freedom of political enquiry is the birthright 
 of Englifhmen *, but this glorious privilege is 
 grofsly abufed when it is proftituted by intereft o* 
 perverted by prejudice. Meafures not men fhould 
 be the objefts of our fpeculation ; and inftead of 
 tracing them to the party from whence they pro- 
 ceed, we fhould impartially confider whether they 
 are likely to be produdive of advantage or injury 
 to the public. From thofe who (being either un- 
 able or unwilling to judge for themfelves) chufe 
 their party, and look up to its leaders as their in- 
 fallible guides, tiie writer who views the contend- 
 ing fadions with ^^e impartial eye of an unpreju-' 
 
 "^ diced 
 
t f' ] 
 
 diced rpc^lator, has little favour to exped. tf he 
 frcjcly ccnfures what he apprehends to be erroneous 
 in the conduft of OppoHtion, he is immediately 
 ftigmatized with the difgraceful appellation of mi- 
 nifterial hireling, or perhaps fome term, if poili- 
 ble, ftill more opprobrious. If, on the other 
 hand) he has not the capacity to difcern that the 
 
 M y as well as the K can do no wrong, 
 
 nor the prudence to keep his opinion to kitn/elf, he 
 incurs the hazard of being perfecuted by the mini- 
 i^erial fadion, as an incendiary, and an enemy to 
 his country, •• ■■::''.■■. ;'• :- : ■ '*•-.' --^ ■ '•':■ ■;. ■■ -.• . '- 
 
 But whoever impartially confiders the conduA 
 of thefe adveife parties, will fee that neither has 
 been exempt from error i and that the obftinate 
 and impolitic perfeverance of Adminillration has 
 been nearly as detrimental as the intemperate, in- 
 difcriminate, and frequently unreafonable oppofi- 
 tion of the Minority. Juftice undoubtedly de- 
 manded, that the Colonies fhould bear a part of 
 that burden which had been fo grievoufly increa. d 
 on their account. The conftitution certainly 
 vefted in the Britifh parliament a lawful authority 
 to tax the Ck)lonies, and a right to enforce their 
 compliance. But though the demand made by 
 Government was ftridly jufi and reafonahk, and 
 though no objedion could poflibly be urged 
 againft the particular tax which was the immedi- 
 ate caufc of the revolt; Adminiftratlon committed 
 
[ p ] 
 
 an irretrievable error by recurring to coercive mea- 
 fures before all lenient methods had been found 
 ineflFcftual. They ought to have remembered the 
 refolute conduA of the Americans in oppoling the 
 Staiflp A(5l r; and to have confidered that policy 
 forbad the cxercife of a right which, however juft, 
 would certainly be cohtejiedi which, if attained, 
 was not likely to be produftive of much benefit to 
 the Mother Country ; and, if loft, might endan- 
 ger thofc infinitely more valuable prerogatives 
 which had never before been called in qneftion. 
 The ftrong and repeated arguments of the Mino- 
 rity to prove the ixexpediency of purfuing coercive 
 meafures, deferved the mo^ferious attention from 
 Ad minift ration % and even their objedions againft 
 the jujiice of the American war, however unrea- 
 {oTiiihXt m themfehes, fhould have determined Go- 
 vernment to decline the conteft, as they precluded 
 all rational hopes of fucccfs, by encouraging the 
 rebellion in America, at the fame time that they 
 rendered the caufe of Government unpopular in 
 England* 
 
 But Adminiftration cannot be exculpated, even 
 if it (hould be admitted that tfie war was not only 
 juji but expedient \ becaufe the means purfued were 
 totally inadequate to the end. When compulfion 
 was refolved on, that refolution fliould have been 
 immediately enforced, not by prohibitory and re- 
 training ads of parliament) which the Americana 
 
 then 
 
 \ 1 
 
f 53 ] 
 
 then regarded with contempt and derifion ; nor by 
 the feeble efforts of a few Britilh regiments 
 cooped up in Bofton, which ferved rather to Jiimu- 
 late than to fupprefs the Rebellion; but by the 
 united and vigorous exertions of the moft nume^ 
 rous and powerful fleet and army that the unex- 
 haufted and unrivalled ftrength of the Britifti em- 
 pire, at that time, enabled them to fend forth in 
 vindication of its rights. 5 /av., \ ;..\.\; vci :.0' 
 
 . I^ad this conduct been purfued by Adminiftra- 
 tion, the rebellion might have bi^en crulhed in its 
 beginning} or had they, on finding how gready 
 they had undervalued the ppwer of the Americans, 
 and how inadequate the forces they fent were to 
 the attempt of conquering them by land, aban- 
 doned this expenfive, defl:ru£tive, chimerical pro* 
 jf£l;, and confined their operations to a maritime 
 war, they might have entertained more rational 
 hopes of fuccefs ; and if their attempts had ulti- 
 rnately failed, they would certainly have faved 
 thoufands of lives and millions of property ex- 
 pended by Britain and by America, to their mutual 
 prejudice in this fjtal conteft. The army cm- 
 ployed by Gqvernm^^nt in America, has been a 
 hond of union to the confederated Colonies ; and 
 the money circMlated on the Continent, by means 
 of that army, has fupplicd them with refources 
 for continuing the war, which they would not 
 h^ye found in the paper dollars of Congrefs. 
 
 E 3 Had 
 
 
 . •.i^t^_,-^f*:^'*»*>.ri^y- •■ -Ci-a;. ;_:-*-**-»>-'— >^»'- - -t».^ ,,i««iH:^- 
 
i 
 
 f 
 
 I S4 ] 
 
 Had th'is army been withdrawn, except fuch pare 
 as might be deemed neceiTary for the defence of 
 particular towns on the Continent, the trade of 
 the Colonies might have been totally deftroyed by 
 the number of cruizers which Great-Britain, then 
 «t peace with the maritime powers of Europe, 
 might have employed on that fcrvice. The Ame- 
 ricans, thus deprived of their commerce, oppref- 
 fed by domejiic tyrants, diftrefled by internal divi- 
 fions, and having no Britijh army to oppefe, would 
 have been dlfpofed to have accepted reafonable 
 terms, even from the prff^nt Adminiflration, in- 
 ftead of courting the alliance of their treacherous 
 
 and in v<*terate enemies. ^^' 
 
 
 On the 6ther hand, the mpft hardy iidvocate foi* 
 the oppofition cannot deny, rhat the exa^erated 
 reprcientations of our national weaknefs and inter- 
 hal divilions, which were continually repeated 
 from the minority fide of both Houfes of Parlia- 
 ment, and of which the elaborate and florid 
 fpecches of thofe who were accounted the friends 
 if the people were entirely compofed, had the 
 (trongefl tendency to accelerate the alliance be- 
 tween France and America, to encourage the re- 
 bellion, and to invite the attacks of our enemies, 
 to whom they prcfentcd the moft flattering pro- 
 fpcfts of fucccfs. , 
 
 
 ..fi 
 
 The 
 
f The fuperioF' abilities of moft of the popular 
 orators, the refpedtable characters of many, and 
 the very confiderable property which fome of them 
 pofleis in this country, wUl not allow any impar- 
 tial man to believe they could have any other 
 objeft in view than that which they openly 
 avowed ; which was. to awaken miniftry from their 
 lethargic indolence, and to forewarn the nation of 
 the impending danger. This intention was cer- 
 tainly laudable, and their eloquent harangues 
 might have been produflive of much benefit, 
 without a poflibility of being in the leafl degree 
 injurious to the nation, could they have been coft' 
 fined within its limits. But, unhappily for Eng- 
 land, the information intended for our miniftersy 
 was immediately conveyed to our enemies; and 
 what was deligned as a ferious warning to us, was 
 regarded as a preffing invitation by them. The 
 abilities, the rank, the characters of the popular 
 orators, and above all their conftant and zealous 
 profeilions of attachment to the public good, were 
 firong prcfumptiv^ evidence that what they ven- 
 tured to alTert was inconteftably true -, and gave 
 foreigners room to believe the nation muft be 
 even in a more defencelefs and diftraCled Itate^ 
 than: their regard to its welfare would allow them 
 to acknowledge, -.32^- *,v^;i-,-n-. ,,, i^fi-vy ',-*:i^v,^- 
 
 There cannot poffibly be any thing more dero- 
 gatory to the dignity of parliament at all timesy 
 
 ■ ■if}', :> \E 4 v: ,:! . ■ • -nor 
 
 <■ .? 
 
 if 
 
 
 ^i 
 
 M 
 
 "■■'*'-»^^*. 
 
/■ 
 
 Hi' 
 
 
 il 
 
 il 
 
 I'' ' '' 
 
 lb ■ -\ 
 
 ! 
 
 i 
 
 ^- \ 
 
 i' 
 
 [ 56 1 
 
 nor more evidently impolitic when the nation is 
 engaged in foreign war, and torn by inteftine 
 conTulfions, than the unlimited permiiTion of 
 publifhing parliamentary debates on queftions the 
 mo(i important and delicate in their nature, and 
 frequently the mo(i improper to be communicated 
 to the enemies of the Hate ; for that fuch intelli- 
 gence mufl. be the neceffary confequence of their 
 publication, no one will be hardy enough to 
 deny. 
 
 
 v-i 
 
 >■;;„» 
 
 ;Q\% .«>•>,» '■'>rntl ■it{u}iV 
 
 ''■ This may juftly be accounted one fertile fource 
 of our public calamities*, for it cannot efcape the 
 notice of the moft fuperficial obferver, that the 
 enemies of our government, whether foreign or 
 domeftic, have a£lually converted it to the worft 
 of pui-pofes. The publication of parliamentary 
 debates was wifely prohibited by our anceftprs, 
 even in times of profound peace -, but fince the 
 commencement of our unhappy dividons, difcord 
 has been allowed the moft ample fcope, aiid fup. 
 plied with this moft convenient vehicle to diflerti- 
 nate her poifon through the whole extent of the 
 Britilh empire. It fcems ftrange that a govern- 
 ment, which, we are continually informed, is aim- 
 ing at arbitrary power, ihoiild tolerate an evil 
 which le;4ds to unbridled licentioufneis ! But not 
 fatisfied with this extraordinary and unaccountable 
 indulgence, the enemies of our profperity never 
 fail to mifreprefent thofc debates they are allowed 
 to publifli. In every ftage of our deftruClive con- 
 ^ ■■ '- ' • • ■ teft 
 
 % 
 
•N 
 
 C 57 ] 
 
 tcit with the Colonies, the moll florid fpeeches of 
 the leaders of oppoiition have been thus tranfmitted 
 to America} and frequently accompanied with 
 the moft invidious and inflammatory comments. 
 Thus even the moft upright intentions have, by 
 the emilTaries qF our enemies, been perverted to 
 promote their iniquitous defigns ; and thofe diftin- 
 gpiflied chara£l;ers, whom the Britilh nation regaix) 
 as the patriotic defenders of their liberties, are 
 efteemed in America the champions of rebellion, 
 i^or does the mifchlef end there— for even our 
 natural entmies avail themfelves of the information 
 they are thus impoliticly permitted to obtain. 
 -What can be more advantageous to them, than to 
 have our internal weaknefs and divifions — our in- 
 tended operations — and the vulnerable parts of 
 our empire thus expofed to their view I What 
 more deflruftive to ourfelves, than to point out to 
 them where to attack us, and admonifh them what 
 they have to defend ! ^ '- ^^ ^ 
 
 ' 1 
 
 V '.'It 
 
 It was peculiarly unfortunate for Enoland, that 
 whilft our enemies fully availed themfelves of the 
 information which the parliamentary debates af- 
 forded them, Adminiftration fcemed totally to 
 difregard the important and well-grounded af- 
 furances they continually received from the Oppo- 
 fition, of the hoftile intentions and preparations 
 of France and Spain. Great, and (confidering 
 the number" «nd power of our enemies) glorious 
 ■" efforts 
 
 \. 
 
 i, v*%-«»-*'l*^V-%-r-i- 
 
 ,i*--r*,;*J^*v« -••<£*..■. 
 
! 
 
 r 
 
 V 
 
 I \( 
 
 U 
 
 »!> ■ .•. 
 
 fi I 
 
 ! 
 
 C J8 3 
 
 efforts have been made b^ govertimeht to oppefe 
 them: even at this time our navy, however iiv 
 adcquate to contend with the united fleets of the 
 ibne principal maritime powers in Europe, and to 
 defend our valuable and extenfive poflcfllons in 
 America and the Eaft andr Weft Indies, is far 
 fuperior to that of any other nation m the world, 
 or to what it was whim we were a flourifhing and 
 untied people, in the meridian of our glory. « 
 
 > Even now, though the Britiih empire is dlf- 
 mcmbered by an unnatural rebellion, and (baken 
 by intcFrial convulfions ) Britain rifes fuperior to 
 the combined attacks of her enemies, and afibrds 
 to the admiring World an example of power aod 
 greatnefs which no other nation in modern 
 times can equal, and which thofe the mod re- 
 nowned in hiftory have not furpaflcd. t;: ;o 3-^,^, 
 
 They who {o freely accufe Adminiftration of 
 betraying their truft, by neglecting to have at this 
 time a naval force fuperior to that of France, 
 Spain and Holland in conjundion, blame them 
 without reafon •, for what they require is manifeftly 
 iw/w^^/? to be performed. ../.^ .rrr-^T): ■;'.,. i«i 
 
 ;;t;' 
 
 sr;'jc;rf;{ Z^M. 
 
 ,^ But though Adminiftration cannot juftly be 
 cenfured for want of vigour in maintaining the 
 p-efettt very unequal contcft, their neglefting or 
 delaying the exertion of their utmoft efforts h/ore 
 
 . j..> 
 
 the 
 
t J9 1 
 
 the alliance of our enemies became Co formidable 
 cannot be cxcufcd. ! "t*^ ^^^'''^J ^'^» 
 
 > In all their opwrations they have been /«0 late. 
 Had an army, compofed of lalf the troops whicl| 
 at different times have been fcnt to America, land- 
 ed there on the firft appearance of the rebellion, 
 it would probably have been deftroyed in its in*- 
 fancy. Even after the Americans were joined by 
 France, and hoftilities with that power were re- 
 folvcd on, government had the faireft opportunity 
 to blaft the hopes, and puni(h the treachery of 
 that haughty and ambitious nation* v^ j-jj n^ !W 
 
 Many months before they openly avowed fit 
 parliament their knowledge of the commercial 
 treaty between France and the Congrefs being 
 aftually figned, nay even at the very time they 
 affefted to beli' ve France had no fuch intention^ 
 they were repeatedly informed by the minority^ 
 that the treaty was aflually on the tapis, and foon 
 would be, if it then was not finally concluded. , 
 
 ...t 
 
 \j'.' 
 
 ." 'I L'j'i'' V 
 
 If, inftead of difregarding this information, 
 they had availed themfelves of it as they ougl.i to 
 have done, by mal<:ng the mod vigorous and ex- 
 peditious preparations for the approaching war» 
 and by augmenting the ftrength of the navy to ita 
 prefent formidable ftate, or to the higheft degree 
 that they poflibly could, the defigns of France 
 
 might 
 
 ;■ 
 
 '".?S*»-'V,«-*.-* ' 
 
 ■^r:-««^i,i«„»-^-^- -■ ■*^..« 
 
V '•■ I 
 
 \i 
 
 n ! 
 
 7 i 
 
 ! 1 
 
 I 60 J. 
 
 mighthtve been fruflrated, her commerce defhoyed, 
 the Spanifh and Dutch war prevented ^ the Ame- 
 rican rebellion fubdued, and Britain might Jiill 
 have polTefied the unrivalled and undifputed em- 
 pire of the Tea. 
 
 ) 
 
 * • aiii 
 
 •fi. i'i.Mi «X 
 
 ■rfJi rl-U^* {-/tUf3 »:./*•'!, 
 
 . Thefe fignal advantages might, and in all pro« 
 bability would, have accrued to Britain, if Ad- 
 miniftration had fent to Tea in the fummer of the 
 year 1778, a fleet dtci/ively fuperior to that of 
 i|Fr;incc, 
 
 m. 
 
 i: 
 
 When the Englifti and French fleets met, and 
 pajffd each other on the 27th of July in that year, 
 they were nenrfy ec^ual, or if in point of force we 
 had rather the advantage, it was more than com- 
 penfated by the order and regularity of their line 
 of battle i nor can ur.y *^tame reafonably fall oq 
 the Britifh Admiral on this account, when it is con* 
 fidcred, that his line was difordered and broken by 
 thofe manoeuvres he was ohli^ed to pradlifc, to 
 luring on an engagement which the enemy was 
 deftrous of avoiding, and determined not to begin 
 till an opportunity was prefented them of fighting 
 to manifeft advantage. It is by no means con- 
 fident with my dcfign to rejudge the condu6fc 
 ef our Admirals on that memorable day, or to 
 revive a queftion which had better never have 
 been canvafTcd ; the only inference here intended 
 
 v'. ., .■' 
 
 — ■*'^t'. 
 
 ^<- ..'WW— 
 
 .^•i . *. ^* 
 
[ 6' ] 
 
 to be drawn from ihc event of that engagemcnc 
 is, that if the enemy, (notwithdanding they had, 
 from the peculiar difpofition of their fleet, clear- 
 ly the advantage) dared not venture to try their 
 force handfnmely with us the next day, ii ts evident, 
 that an addition of only a few Jhips to our fleet 
 at ihat time, would either have cnfured oir- vic- 
 tory, or kept thb French fleet blocked up in 
 Bred, and left their trade defencelefs, while our*s 
 would have been cfl^edtually fecured. 
 
 But though Adminiftration were certainly 
 blamcable for not fending out a larger fleet if they 
 had it ever in their power, the force that aSiuallj 
 was oppofed to that of the enemy might have 
 made the 27th of July a proud day for England^ 
 if difccrd and animoflty had been baniflied from 
 the breads of its commanders i if they had been 
 infpi d with the genuine fpirit of patriotifm, and 
 adci vv 1th unanimity, as well as zeaf, to maintain 
 the honor of the Britifh flag. But what triumph 
 did it afford our enemy ! — how difgraceful was it 
 to ourfelves, to fee the antient and honorable 
 title of Britifh funk in the modern didinflions of 
 minifterial and patriotic admirals 1 To find that 
 generous ardour and emulation which our naval 
 commanders formerly manifefted in aflerdng the 
 glory, and revenging the injuries of their country, 
 now ignobly perverted to the contemptible and 
 mifchievous purpofes of party rancour. 
 
 The 
 
II' 
 
 . The confequenccs that have enfued from the 
 trials of Keppel and Pallifer, have perhaps been 
 more excenfwely injurious to us, and beneficial 
 to our enemies, than a vidory over our fleets. 
 
 When m^D, to whom the important trufl of 
 conducing " a nation's battles^" is confided, and 
 who ought to be aftuated by the molt cordial 
 unanimity^ agree in nothing but in reciprocally 
 charging each other with a breach of duty, their 
 diflfention fpreads like a contagion through the 
 various fubordinate clafTes of thofe under their 
 eomtnand, and is fufficient, without any other 
 afllftance, to generate an inveterate fadion which 
 may prove fatal to the nation where it is produced. 
 But when this diffcntion is itjelf nothing more 
 than a nectifary and obvious effeii, refulting from 
 the malignancy oi faSlion *, ciicady grown to ma- 
 turity 5 and when the country which has gene- 
 rated ar»d nourished this monfter, is at the fame 
 time attacked by numerous, powerful, and inve- 
 terate enemies, it becomes the indifpenfable duty 
 of every individual to exert his utinoll endeavours 
 to reftore thai inte».ial unanimity which can alond 
 enable us to oppofe their combined force, with 
 the leaft rational hope of luccefs. 
 
 The opinion too eafily adopted by the adhe- 
 rents to cither party, that all our political evils 
 
 arifc 
 
 .. ..>uin&tt^i<iuiittjtl^ 
 
t 63 1 ' 
 
 aiifc from the v/cak or wicked conduft of thtit 
 epponentj, has the flrongell: tendency to difFufe and 
 inflame thofe difTentions and animofities which 
 have fo long and fo fatally prevailed aniong us. 
 An attempt, therefore, to prove that htb parties 
 have, in many inftances, greatly erred ; and that 
 notwithstanding much mifcbief has undoubtedly 
 enfued from their errors, it is unjuft and irrational 
 to attribute to the incapacity or wickednefs of any 
 party, thofe public calamities which human wiC 
 dom can neither forefcc or prevent, ma/ not be 
 intirely ufelefs. -;- • 
 
 Though it cannot be fuppofcd the corrupt, de- 
 pendant on Adminiftration, or tho weak but zea- 
 lous tool of Oppofiiion, will be brought to ac- 
 knowledge the fallibility of their leaders, the im- 
 partial public, who have ability and rcfolution to 
 think for themfelves, may, from a tranfient re- 
 view of public tranfaftions, eafily difcover, that 
 each party has been unrcafonably fevere in aggra- 
 vating the guilt of its opponents, though neither 
 have been exempt from blame. • 
 
 If they look back to the glorious atchievementj 
 of our naval and military commanders in the late, 
 war, they will be convinced of the advantages re- 
 fulting from unanimity ; while the events of th«- 
 prcfent (Jays as clearly prove the ruinous confe- 
 
 qucnces 
 
 m^^.-.. 
 
 \M\>i£- ^ 
 
I' 
 
 I 1 
 
 5 ' 
 
 I 
 
 1 i. 
 
 1 1 
 
 
 i i 
 
 t <4 1 
 
 quences of our party difputes. The native va- 
 lour of Britons has not deferted them. If ex- 
 amples were requifite, many inflances might be 
 produced of as fleady and heroic courage dif- 
 played in .this war, as in any recorded in the Bri- 
 tifli annals. But this, among a nation of heroes, 
 would be a cafk equally unprofitable and in- 
 vidious*. .. ^ ■; ,-::;. ..,;:/ 
 
 ( \j 
 
 i.j 
 
 The unabated martial ardour of our officers, 
 foldiers, and Tailor^, has, on various occafidns, 
 
 * The glorious a£lion off the ifland of St, Kittys, ia 
 February laf^, when Sir Samuel Hood, with twenty-two 
 fail of the line, defeated M. De Grafle, who had twenty- 
 ninej in two iifFerent attacks, incontedibly proves, that 
 the native valour of the Britiih feannen cannot be dif- 
 mayed by the fuperior numbers or fbrce cf the enemy, 
 when unanimity prevails in the breads of their com- 
 manders. The opinion of the gallant Admiral ott this 
 fubjeft, is manifeft from the following paragraph in his 
 letter to the Admiralty, which refle£is equal honour on 
 him, and on the officers and Teamen of his fleet : 
 
 <( Would the event of a battle have determined the fate 
 ** of the ifland, I would without hefitation have attacked 
 ** the enemy, from my kndvjledge bow much was to be 
 ** expected from an Englifli fquadron, commanded by 
 ** men amongft whom thtre is no other contention than who 
 '* Oiall be moft forward in rendering fervices to his King 
 *< and country : Herein I placed the utmojl confidence, and 
 '* (hould IM>:, I iully truft, have been difappointcd." 
 
 ' ' " See London Gazette^ March 12, 1782. 
 
 been 
 
 l(: 
 
 " I h.-\i*-iii«iirrt:^.' V» r. 'Tf C- VititriS - ;■ - 
 
betn difplayed with diftinguifhed luftre. l^veri 
 OUT enemies muft acknowledge, that our fieecs 
 and armies have obtained many brilliant victories 
 when greatly inferior in force and numbers to 
 theirs ; but what have been the fruits of thofe 
 conquefts, from which the greatell: advantages 
 were expected? What benefits can Englilhmen 
 and their American brethren rationally hope for, 
 from the reciprocal ^ughter of each other, in this 
 unnatural, impolitic, obftinate war ? 
 
 Is it not evident to every man of common 
 fenfe, on this or the other fide of the Atlantic, 
 that while we are mutualfy diftrefiing and deftroy- 
 ing each other, we are effeflually feruing the 
 caufe of our enemies ? It fignifies little to them, 
 whether victory inclines to England or America, 
 iince they are convinced which ever has the 
 glory, they are fure to acquire the advantage. , 
 
 They know we are fighting their battles, and 
 their whole conduft evidently proves, that the 
 conilant ob)e£t of their treacherous policy has 
 been by fupplying the Americans with inefFcdual 
 fuccours to protrafb a war flill more ruinous to 
 them than to England ; and when thefe antient 
 enemies have fufficiently exhaufted and impo- 
 verifhed each other, America will become an 
 eafy prey to the artful and perfidious invaders. . 
 
 ^ ■ F The 
 
f 
 
 / 
 
 I 
 
 1 ! 
 
 w '■- 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 r 66 ] 
 
 The impolicy of onr Adminiftration perfifling In 
 ' their abfurd and impra(5licable plan of conquering 
 ' the revolted Colonies, ha") often been urged with 
 
 the ftrongeft fo.«:c of reafon and eloquence by the 
 ' leaders of the Minority; and without examining 
 
 too critically the motives of their invariable Oppo- 
 
 * fition to every meafure of government, all true 
 '' Engliftimen, whofe judgements are not perverted 
 
 * by party prejudice, mult do them the juftice to 
 acknowledge, that in this particular indance they 
 have aded the part of real patriots^ and dcfcrvc 
 the rf»/>/>/<j«/tf of their countrymen. , . .^ 
 
 ' 'There may be, even in the Congrefs itfelf, 
 ' many whofe difinterefted patriotifm is inflamed by 
 - the wrongs which their bleeding country fufFers, 
 
 * from the avarice, ambition and tyranny of crafty 
 ' hypocrites. Buc freedom of debate is equally 
 
 incompatible with the new conftitution of the in- 
 dependent ftates of America, as freedom of the 
 prefs. The murmurs and complaints of an op- 
 preffed and injured people, would ill accord with 
 the joyful pseans of liberty ; nor can the Congrefs 
 give a ftronger proof of their fkill in the fcience 
 
 ■ of government, than they have done by the pru- 
 dent reilridlions of a privilege, which they could 
 not confidently with their conftitution allow. 
 
 ■ Yet perhaps the utmoft efforts of human wildom 
 will not long be able to reftrain that popular re- 
 fentment which an unremitting feries of hardlhips, 
 
 ill-fortune 
 
n 
 fs 
 
 ■ f 67 i 
 
 ill fortune, infults, and opprc/Tion, continually 
 irritates and inflames. The time may not be tar 
 diftant, when the houefi, difinterefted delegates of 
 the American people may form a refptolable mi- 
 nority in Congrefs, and may dare to arraign the 
 meafures of a wicked and arbitrary majority, in 
 • language ^^ free, if not as courtly as that of the 
 ,moft celebrated orators in St. St-* — ns chapel* 
 
 Let us fuppofe that time nov/ arrived, the 
 Congrefs aflembled, and the fubjed of their de- 
 liberation to be, the expediency of continuing the 
 war with Great Britain— is it not probable that a 
 real friend to the people of America, of a plain 
 underfianding, fuperior to party influence, though 
 unadorned with the fafcinating charms of elo- 
 quence, might thus exprels the honefi diftates of 
 an heart devoted to its country's fei:vice« 
 
 * ' , ' ■ .■ , " * . 
 
 - 1- > 1 ' 
 
 ** The queftion now before us, Mr. trefident, 
 is of fuch importance, that I cannot reft fatisfied 
 with giving a Jlleni vote •, and 1 rely on the well' 
 known candour and liberality of this augufl: aflem- 
 bly, for the indulgence of a patient, if not an at- 
 tentive hearing; We are now at the clofe of 
 another expenfive, bloody, but indecifive cam- 
 paign, met to . confider what further fervices 
 Sve can render our cohftituents*, dnd whe- 
 ther it is expedient to continue a war, froni 
 which, in its infancy, wc predi^ed the mort 
 
 Ft happy 
 
I < 
 
 C 6» 3 
 
 happy events. Liberty, independence, and an 
 exmptiott from the burden of taxes^ were promifed 
 as the tertain rewards of our toil ; how far thefe 
 promifes have hitherto been fulfilled, whether we 
 are likely to obtain them by perfeveranee in hoftile 
 Rieafures, or in the terms of the queftion before 
 us, '< whether it is expedient to continue the war 
 with Great Britain," I will fubmit to your impart 
 tial determination, if you will bear with me while 
 I call back your attention to the origin^ the 
 vhjeSSi the progrefs of the war } and compare our 
 i\t}jizt\on previous to its breaking out, with our 
 frefent circumllances. The crigin of this fatal 
 difpute was the demand of the Britiih parliament 
 to tax us, and our refufal to comply with it. 
 I (hall not trefpafs on your patience by idle and 
 fpeculative inquiries, whether this demand was 
 opprefllve and tyrannical on the part of Great- 
 Britain, or whether our determination rather to 
 deftroy o\xr proteSion^ than to bear the leaft fliarc 
 ofthofe burdens we had fo greatly increafcd, was 
 unjuft and ungrateful on ours. 
 
 The difcuffion of thefe points may afford enter- 
 tainment to the fpeculative philofophcr, but they 
 are ill adapted to the genius of the ftatefman, 
 whofe maxim is, that private virtue muft be con- 
 fined to private life. He would readily admit, 
 that the rights of meum ^ tuum ought to be pre- 
 ferved s that juftice is due to individuals, grati- 
 
 tude 
 
[ 69 1 
 
 itude to benefaftors, fidelity to friends. But tell 
 him of the favours conferred by one nation on 
 another, or of the moral obligations fubfifting be- 
 tween them, and he would laugh at your igno- 
 rance. Intereft, he would inform you, v&iht foul 
 of all public bodies ; the fervice they[render others 
 is merely with a view to their own advantage ; it 
 is the generojuy of an ufwrer^ and dcferves no better 
 return, 
 
 "Policy^ therefore, fliould influence the deter- 
 mination of public meafures ; whatever tends to 
 the advantage of the community, fhould be ac- 
 counted jufi } and whatever is expedient muft 
 confequently be right. Thus then let it be be- 
 tween England and America i if the haughty 
 Britons call us unjuft and ungrateful, let us re- 
 tort on them the charge of tyranny and oppref- 
 iion } if they ftigmatize our caufe with the odious 
 name of rebellion, let us pronounce it a noble 
 ftruggle for liberty; if policy authorizes the con- 
 tinuance of the war, it is glorious ; it muft be 
 right to perfevere; and if fortune crowns our 
 efforts with fuccefs, we will be content to leave 
 them the confolation of calling us ungrateful rebels^ 
 if at the fame time they are obliged to acknow* 
 ledge us free and independent Americans, 
 
 Such have been the fentiments maintained by 
 ^e majority in Congrefs, from the commence- 
 
 F3 
 
 ment 
 
 ■Sut^i 
 
i' 
 
 r 
 
 It! 
 
 ■ t 70 ] 
 
 ment- of hoflilitics to the prefcnt moment j and 
 fuch, Mr. Prcfident, would be »;/«*, if I thought 
 hberty could be produced by unexampled afts of 
 cruelty and oppreflion \ wealth could flow from 
 accumulated debts and increafing taxes-, plenty 
 from defolation ; glory or advantage from a war 
 with Great Britain j or that independence which 
 a true friend to America would dcfirc, from our 
 clliance with France. . . 
 
 Or if I could be fuch a traitor to my country, 
 as to clothe the moft fordid avarice, ambition, and 
 felf intereft, in ihG/pecfous garb of patriotifm as a 
 member of this ajfenibly^ " my voice would htjlill 
 for war i with the dark foul, and the diflembledl 
 treachery of Sempronius, ' 
 
 ^' IM bellow out for freedom and my country. 
 
 " And mopthe at C^far till I (hake the feuate.'* 
 
 ■•■'■■ i 
 
 It is by no means clear to me, that we could have 
 derived any folid benefit from independence, 
 which we did not enjoy while fubjeds to the 
 Britifh government, even if we could have ob- 
 tained it by treaty^ when we firfl: took up arms to 
 demand itj to gain it by force of arms would 
 hare been flill lefs to our advantage, could we 
 have obtained it without foreign alTiftance ; and 
 inftead of diminifhing, muft greatly have increafed 
 our taxes, as the event has too fatally proved. 
 Put I could weep tears of mingled grief and 
 
 
[ 7' 1 
 
 rage, when I confidcr the wretched ftatc to whicU 
 
 my country i" uow reduced i when I fee America, 
 
 cnflaved, ruined, deceived by her pretended 
 
 friends i and alike forgetful of her true intereft 
 
 and her former glory ; of her love to Britain, and 
 
 her juft abhorrence of France, become the fervile 
 
 injlrument of that ambitious nation, to hifmble a 
 
 power which is at once the objed of their hatred, 
 
 their envy, and their fear. What can yield 
 
 higher pleafure to the enemies of Britain and * 
 
 America ? What can be an heavier curfs to thcm- 
 
 felves, than this ill-fated, this deftrudive war, 
 
 in which they ftrain every nerve, and exhauft, in. 
 
 frantic efforts to den:roy each other, that ftrength, 
 
 which united might ftill bid defiance xo the world 
 
 in arms, 
 
 > 
 When we firfl: commenced hoftilities, we dif' 
 
 claimed any intention of declaring ourfelves inde- 
 pendent i all we pretended to require, was a re- 
 peal of thofe a6ts of the Britilh legiflatgre, which 
 we efteemed unjufl: and opprelTive ; yet our re-« 
 volt was foon followed by an explicit declaration 
 of independence •, and all our meafures from that 
 time, clearly fhewed a determination not to fheathe 
 the fword, or even to hearken to any propofals 
 from Great Britain, till that claim was admitted. 
 Wc charge the Englilh adminiftration with de- 
 manding unconditional fuhmijjion ; but in faft it ia 
 ^Icmanded by ourfelves. For what more can we 
 
 ^ ^ obtaU 
 
 -«;'jtt!C-.*-. 
 
 4i 
 
C 7» ] 
 
 obtain by the mod fuccefsful war, than that inde- 
 pendence which we make the indifpenfable pre- 
 liminary to any propofal for an accommodatioa ^ 
 What is this but faying, give up the whole matter 
 in difpute, and tb.n we will treat with you. So 
 long ago as the year 1775, an opportunity was 
 afforded us of terminating this unhappy contcit 
 to the mutual advan;:age of America and Britain, 
 and to the difappointment of our infidious ene* 
 mies. Had we not contemptuoufly rejeSed the 
 treaty then anxioufly defired by England, we 
 might have obtained juft and honourable terms ; 
 the propofals made us were at kaji entitled to our 
 ferious confideration ; and if they had been 
 deemed inadmifllble, we might have ilated our 
 objections; if at length the treaty had been 
 broken off, we might not then have been w' out 
 an excufe for continuing the war. But lurely no- 
 thing could be more ralh. Impolitic, or infolent^ 
 than our refufal to treat, and our declaration, 
 •• that the offers of the Britifh government were 
 infidious.** I (hall not, at this late hour, enter 
 into a detail of events which all here mud remem- 
 ber*, or of the various mean artifices and falfe 
 fuggeftions by which the unhappy Americans have 
 been led on from year to year, in the profecution 
 of this ruinous war : neither (hall I defcribe the 
 cruel, tyrannical aftsby which many of them have 
 been relu6tantly dragged to recruit our exhaulled 
 and almoft familhed armies in the pretended caufe 
 
 ©f 
 
 , 
 
> ■ « 
 
 t 73 1 
 
 of liberty ; or tlie unexampled perfccutiont 
 cxcrcifed on thofe who dared to exprefs their ab- 
 horrence of our meafures, or even to [hew the 
 lead fymptoms of diflike to our government. 7.ec 
 US, for a moment, recall to our minds the !.ap- 
 pinefs, the profperity we enjoyed, before the 
 dxmon of civil difcord exerted his baleful influence 
 among us. We were then a flourilhing and 
 united people, bleHTed with the full enjoyment of 
 civil and religious liberty *, our fields were crowned 
 with plenty, our towns enriched by commerce, 
 population was rapidly increafmg} arts and 
 fciences were held in jufl: eflimation by us, and 
 we wanted nothing but a conviSlion of our happi- 
 nefs to render us the envy and admiration of man- 
 kind. But diffatisfied with the bleflings we 
 polTeired, and eager to obtain that fancied good 
 beyond our reach, we are juftly^ though feverely 
 punirtied by the confequences of our unreafonable 
 defires. Our feven years war in purfuit of that 
 delufive phantom independence, have, like thofe 
 prediAcd in Pharoah's dream, devoured our 
 former plenty. They have even produced efFedls 
 ftiil more dreadful than the Egytian famine •, the 
 nearcft ties of fricndfhip and confanguinity are 
 violently torn afundcr: civil difcord eradicates 
 every focial virtue, every humane fcntiment from 
 our breads. Her horrid footfteps now mark with 
 defolation and blood, thofe plains which fo lately 
 laughed and fung with plenty \ the piercing cries 
 
 of 
 
H 
 
 C 74 1 
 
 of widows and orphans, fucceed to the jocund 
 notes of peace and joy ! And (hall that Congrcfs 
 in whom our country rcpofcs its confidence, from 
 whom it implores proieftion and relief, be «»- 
 mcved by the complicated mifcries of the people ? 
 Shall they calmly vote the continuance of that 
 war expedient, from which fuch complicated evils 
 have proceeded ? But perhaps the /iw^ arguments 
 I have heard from the other fide of the Houfe, at 
 the conclufion of every inaccifive campaign, 
 may now be repeated. We may again be told, 
 th^t DOthinQ but perfeverance is required to gain 
 the obje<5l of ourwilhes; thzt aftotber ampaign 
 -will fecure our independence, as Great Britain, 
 difunited, depopulated, and on the verge of 
 
 reb n and public b 'ty, muft inevitably 
 
 fink under her own burdens, and the weight of 
 her combined and powerful enemies. 
 
 As 2Lfincere friend to America^ I hope this pro- 
 phecy will prove as falfe now as on former occa- 
 fions, becaufe it is on Britain alone we mud ulti" 
 mately depend for the prefcrvation of our religion, 
 our liberties, and our country. Is it poflTible to 
 conceive us fo grojsly ignorant to be impofed upon 
 by the fpecious promifes of France ? Can we be- 
 lieve our independence will ever be eftabliflied by 
 an alliance with our inveterate enemies ? Examine 
 their conduct toward us from the beginning of 
 the war to the prefent moment, and you will fee 
 thp ftrongell rcafon to be convinced, if it is yet a 
 
 ipatter 
 
C 75 ] 
 
 matter of tloubt, that their original j^lan was to 
 weaken, to dt-ctiVc, and finally to enflavc us. 
 In piirluance of this dcfign, they fiiffcrcd us to 
 concend with tlie power of Oieat Britain {qx Jour 
 campaigns, before they openly efpoufcd our caufe. 
 Had they not meant to let ■^js exhaujl ourfelves in 
 this unequal contcft, they would have afTifted us 
 in its beginning ; but when they at length found 
 it expedient to declare themfelvcs in our favour, 
 how feeble was the aid they afiorded us! Jult 
 I'ufficicnt to keep alive a contention ftill more 
 ruinous to ourfelves than to Britain, though ma- 
 nifcllly advantageous to our treacherous allies? 
 When they have on any occafion aded with vi- 
 gour^ it is evident they folely confulted their own 
 interelV, without the lead regard to ours, 
 
 * 
 
 Can you bear to recolleft with cool indifference, 
 x\\t foul affront offered to America by the French 
 Gt'neral, when elated with the conqueft of St. 
 Vincent's, he i>folenily demanded the furrender of 
 Savannah to the arms of France? Every true 
 American mull rejoice to fee this valiant hero dif- 
 ^^racefully and precipitately flying before an bavd- 
 ful of brave determined Britons. The events of 
 this war oblige us to admire our enemies, and 
 defpifi our pretended friends. Whac fervice has 
 their boafted alliance yet rendered to the caufe of 
 American independence? It is true, they have 
 taken Grenada, St. Vincent's, and Tobago from 
 England j buc do v,'e derive any benefit from their 
 
 conqueft ? 
 
 I,' 
 
T 
 1 I 
 
 ?^ 
 
 
 ! 
 
 t 76 1 
 
 conqueft? What advantage was it to us when 
 they feized Rhode Ifland, en its being evacuated 
 by the Briti(h forces, and fortified it for them- 
 fclvcs*? Inftanccs like thefe need no com- 
 ment. And truft me, the people of America, 
 however infatuated and abufed, may foon be 
 awakened to :\ fenfe of feeling and refenting 
 their wrongs. Delay not then to make that 
 now your owif aft, which may otherwife be 
 done without :he form of afking your confent. 
 Break this infam.'vus, this accurfed league with 
 France, before it is broken by the vindiftive rage 
 of that people, for whofe benefit alone you are 
 invefted wiih powers to whom you dare not deny 
 jourfehes to be accounUhk for the exercife of it ; 
 and before ' 'hofe awful tribunal you may foon be 
 fummcnec to anfwer for your condud. Aft like 
 true patriots, while the power of direfting public 
 mijfures/'// remains. Let this campaign put an 
 end to hodilitics between Britain and America j 
 propr^e fuch terms of accommodation as may be 
 coniiitent with our rip hts and our dignity to offer, 
 and with ber's to .accept. If they are rejefted, 
 and nothing but unconditional fubmiiTion will 
 fatisfy, defend yourfelves wherever you are at- 
 tacked ; rcfoive rather to die in the laft dike, than 
 
 • It appears Uiat they have a£led in the fame manner 
 at York-town and Gloiicefter in Virginia; and if; ig 
 highly probable they will keep pofleflion of that province, 
 tinlefs they can be driven out by the uni;ed force of 
 Britain and America. 
 
 to 
 
 I 
 
 ■d,^l!iS^X^£m^SI^9!m&i^i^,i~^^^iyfii ^,, 
 
 •^■»'<.>V-.^.-' 
 
<■< 
 
 C 77 ] 
 
 to yield up the liberties of America to any nation 
 upon earth ; but be alTured they are in greater 
 danger, at this moment, from the fecret machi- 
 nations of our infidious allies, than they ever canr 
 be from the mifguided, though generous and 
 manly ardour of Britons.*' 
 
 Every real friend to America muft be convinced 
 of the inexpedience of continuing the war with 
 Great Britain, and of adhering to the alliance 
 with France j and if the privilege of free debate 
 was permitted there, would probably ipcak hia 
 fcn:imcnts in more ftrpng and forcible terms than 
 they arc cxprcffed in the above Ipeech, 
 
 The fame important queftion which I have 
 fuppofed to be debated in Congrefs, now engrofles 
 the moft earneft attention of parliament 5 and it 
 muft afford the greatcft iaiisfadion to every true 
 friend to Britain and America to obferve, that 
 unanimity feems to be in a great mcafure reftored, 
 and that every branch of the legiflature, and even 
 the * Americans themfeives agree in the necejfity 
 
 • Mr. Fox op-nly declared in the Houfe of Com- 
 mons, in his fpeech on the Attorney General's motion 
 for leave to bring in a bill for obtaining a peace, or truce, 
 with America, ** That he had authority, late as ii was, 
 to negotiate for a peace with America, and he had ilrong 
 hopes of its being crowned with fuecefs." 
 
 of 
 
 
[ 78 ] 
 
 of terminating a dil'pute originating jn folly- 
 maintained on both fides by too much obftiniioy— * 
 and, if longtr continued, inevitably and rapidly 
 finking the whole Britifh empire in one general 
 
 ruin. , ■ ,. ; , • • 
 
 If the arguments repeatedly urged by ttic 
 leaders of Oppoution to prove, that the attempt 
 to conquer America is not only impolitic, but 
 impracticable, now we have fucli numerous and 
 powerful foreign enemies to contend with, have 
 not met with that degree of attention to which 
 they were juilly intitled, the unfortunate fate 
 of the gallant army in Virginia, has brought 
 convidion home to the breads of miniflers ; and 
 the ufe which France feems inclined to make of 
 her vidory, may probably open the eyes of the 
 deluded Americans. It is demonftrably evident, 
 that while we are continuing this unnatural war 
 againft each other, we are mutually ferving the 
 purpofe of our enemies, and their vlftones are 
 rivetting the fetters of American fiavery. No 
 event therefore could poflibly tend fo entirely to 
 dilconcert the mcafurcs of Trance, as a total and 
 iRimediate fufpenfion of hoflilities. For if it 
 fliould be fucceedcd by a peare, or even a truce^ 
 Die mud either be obliged to withdrav her forces 
 from North America, where iheir prcfence would 
 neither be wanted nor defired, or fhe mint tiirow 
 
 off 
 
 v.t 
 
C 79 ] 
 
 off the malk, and openly avow her determination 
 to retain what fhe has acquired, and t -) conquer 
 thofe provinces flie pretends to prote(51:. 
 
 In the nrft cafe, the only material obftrudlion 
 to a peace would be removed by the voluntary aft 
 of France, which is hardly to be expedled -, but 
 if they adopt the latter meafure, as it is probable 
 th«y may, their alliance with America would be 
 immediately diflblved -, fccret animofity and con- 
 tempt would be converted to open hoftility, be- 
 tween thefe antient enemies on the one fide, 
 while on the other a mutual convidion of arofs 
 errors committed, and fevere lofles fuftained by 
 Britain and America during the continuance of a 
 contell equally ruinous and deftrudive to both, 
 may excite a rcciprucal dcfire to be reconciled. 
 The moft powerful motives that can adluate the 
 human mind at this moment, exert their com- 
 bined force to ba/}e?i and to cmefit that union, fo 
 indifpenfably neceffary to the exillence of an em- 
 pire, which is nearly defiroyed by its unnatural di- 
 vifions, and which might elfe have defied the 
 ntmoft efforts of its enemies. 
 
 
 It was by this union alone it attained a degree 
 of profperity and grandeur v/hich excited the envy 
 and admiration of mankind. Like a fuperb and 
 ^ell built ftrudture ereftcd on a folid bafis, it 
 
 feemed 
 
 ^ 
 
 {' 
 
(' ''■ 
 
 
 
 t 8° 3 
 
 fjcmcd to defy the affaults of time and fortune i 
 but its enemies were fenfible that their craft 
 might undermine what their force was unable to 
 fubvertj and by artfully exciting the fpirit of 
 difcord, they have attempted to fap the foundation 
 of our greatnefs. Hitherto their efforts have been 
 too fuccefsful i but it is not yet too Jate to (lop 
 their further progrefs* 
 
 The happy time is now arrived in which this 
 important purpofe may be effeftcd; winter has 
 in fomc meafure fufpended the deftruftive ravages 
 of war; and in the calm and cliement period 
 neceffarily allotted for deliberation, the effuHon 
 of Britifh and American blood from the com- 
 mencement of this unhappy conteft to the prefent 
 hour, and the iiicreafing devaftation of each inde^ 
 eifive campaign, muft excite fentiments of grief 
 and horror in the bread of every member in the 
 great councils of Britain and America, who is not 
 totally infcnfible of the miferies of his bleeding 
 country. 
 
 The conciliatory meafures lately adopted prove, 
 that thefe effe<5l^ have been already produced i 
 and the motion * made in the Houfe of Com- 
 mons by the Attorney General, and unanimoufly 
 
 • On the 5th of March, 1782. 
 
 agreed 
 
 h , 
 
 y 
 
 \ f 
 
 lA •^_4^i^ri.z■. <*.-*■ ■-*-";.^ 
 
■■4 
 
 If. 
 
 i l 
 
 II 
 
 t- 
 
 
 r 8« 3 
 
 jigrccd to, gives an earncft of events (till more 
 jdelirable than a fuipenrion of hoftilities ; it plainly 
 indicates a dejign to reftore that reciprocal inter- 
 courfe of commerce which has been fo long and 
 fo fatally obftrucfled by the ruinous American war. 
 A ray of hope darts through the gloom which a 
 feries of loffes and national difgraces and calami- 
 ties has fpread around us 5 the deep laid fchemes 
 pf our enemies may (till prove abortive j peace 
 may foon be reltored to America and to Europe, 
 and the Britifh empire again connedled in a firm 
 and permanent bond of union, and enriched by 
 the returning influx of commerce from every 
 quarter of the globe, may, in a courfe of time, 
 regain its former fplcndor, . • 
 
 «r 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 •• •• 
 
 T H F. foregoing remarks were wr^teh during 
 the fummer recefs, and intended to be publiflied 
 previous to the prefent meeting of parliament, 
 though their publication has been unavoidably 
 delayed. 
 
 pr.' ■■■.^ 
 But as. the writer totally difclaims the moft 
 
 dillant connection with any party, he does not 
 
 conceive 
 
 'ii. 
 
 W 
 ■* 
 
 j JH Hi ^ iii r iiii ir 
 
 -^- 
 
t 82 I 
 
 tonccive the entire change of the miniftry, whlc^ 
 has been efFcdlcd fincc his remarks were commit- 
 ted to the prefs, to be any reafon for withdrawing 
 them. 
 
 On the contrary, he efteems the prefent to be 
 the mod favourable opportunity to pcrfuade his 
 countrymen, that a vigorous and unanimous fup- 
 port of the meafures of government, againft the 
 alarming combination of our foreign enemies, is 
 the only human means to preferve our exigence 
 as a people. .--".m, , . ' ■ ,•■>', -rr' • ' . - 
 
 "When a government, conftituted on the prin- 
 ciples of liberty, is engaged in war, the admini- 
 ftration which is unpopular muft be unfortunate. 
 The abilities of the late minifter are univerfally 
 acknowledged j the virtue and integrity, fo emi- 
 nently confpicuous in his private charadler, are 
 above the reach of calumny, and have frequently 
 extrafted praife even from his moft determined 
 opponents j the caufe he zcalouHy maintained, he 
 conceived to be that of juftice and of his country 
 —but he was deprived of that popular confidence, 
 which, in the glorious Adminiltration of the im- 
 mortal Chatham, invigorated the operations of the 
 cabinet, the navy, and the army. 
 
 Difcord had diftraflcd our council?, tarnifhect 
 tTie BrittlOh ftag, defeated ou; armies, and dif- 
 
 membere<A 
 
 '^ 
 
|l»|i"«.>Ff"^pw"q 
 
 T" .-i^.^ ,_ 1 
 
 C 83 ] 
 
 m^rtnbcred our empire. The voice of th^ pfeoplrf 
 demanded a change of Adminidration, and his 
 Majefty adled with eqlial wifdom and patriotifm in 
 hearkening to that i'oice, and making choice of 
 IVlinifters ivhofc abilities are unqueftioned, and 
 who poffcfs tl]ie higheft degree of popularity. 
 
 The moft beneficial conftquences may rationally 
 be expefled from a change, which will abate the 
 fury of party rage, and reftore that unanimity 
 which ha& fo long and fo fatally been interrupted. 
 —What cart be more probable* than that America^ 
 convinced by dear-bought experience of the evils 
 refulting frorri her unnatural revolt, aud flill more 
 unnatural alliance, may be arixioUs to treat for 
 peace ? And who can be more acceptable nego- 
 tiators, than thofe who now occupy the higheft de- 
 partments of the Hate ? 
 
 Can tliere be a profpefl more pleafing to Britain^ 
 than to fee her patriotic champions now inverted 
 with ample power to redrcfs thofe evils of which 
 ihey have fo loudly complained ? Where will cor- 
 ruption fly for refuge now flic is binifhed from 
 court, and her ftrong holds are in poflcflioa of her 
 inveterate enemies ? 
 
 Inftead of that profufion, thofe uiurious ccri- 
 tradts, that rapacious avarice, that undue influence, 
 which were lb lately the continual fubjecls of com- 
 plaint, 
 
 I 
 
 >l 
 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 .A.-I 
 
 
 ....-- ..J[ . 
 
;¥ 
 
 lirmaV ^«norDow^«?Jth.thegi»«t^4fltir4n«i^ 
 
 ifieTe tccucmil^cd >bU)^4s r May We n«t^ri||iAL 
 to fee the moft figitf ,^Qaomy prevail m t)^' 
 ▼ark^ lirpircmcntt'^ theftatc, when the Qioftf^ 
 lucratSyt pofti are oceupitd by thofe itfmmerSit 
 vho have oow tlij^ ^|WI «ppor^<ii>ity to te&ify 
 
 lusfnetKl td Mt^^iilifl^^ 
 m<ttfi(<6U' 6n theprobi^iecon^WQtMei tf'ljlfal^ 
 attitfting revolution in A4mimltriicS6il# ^ r>'<M<^ 
 por#d with patriotic rapture, and'^ttttm in the* 
 words of the poet V 
 
 >, •... - ■ . '. ' 
 
 .*jJi;tl6rt«ne*(h«U ceaffan^ ancient CtandiMLi^^ '^ * 
 i^ Rcturitibgjuflict lift aloft h«r Tcale, >,/. 
 
 " Peace o'er the world her olive waod extendi^ ■ 
 
 ■ ' ii ' , 
 
 *' And white-rob'd'innocence from heaven defcend ! 
 
 If indeed this prophecy fliould be fulfiUcd hufm 
 /tfr/— if the prefent Adminifl ration carry with them 
 into i3(ff}ce the fame difirttierefted zeal for the wel- . 
 iare 0/ their country wWch tl?^y proftffe^ WR.eflf'if^ 
 oppoiition-^and if their exaltation flki^^'tj^tfti^ 
 ^irppy means, in the hancis of Providence, "to 
 reftofe peace and -profperity to this dift rafted 
 empire, they will merit the highcft honour* Which 
 a generous Sovereign can confer, .and the loudel|^' 
 applaufc which avgi;^tef41 people, can beftow. . -^ 
 
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