IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^ // /. f<^i^. -M/. WA ^ 1.0 I.I 1.25 1^ 111 2.5 2.0 I 40 1.8 U IIIIII.6 V] r:i -% A V 10! n v-< n U >i » < I. ■ l,i-' GENERAL PREFACE* ALTHOUGH at the firft publication of the Memorial addrefled to the So- vereigns of E^urope J. withheld my name ^ I never denied my being the Author. There are no opinions in this Tracft which I have not repeatedly declared j in my publick cha-^ rafter, as a member of Parliament, and which I have not maintained whenever and wherever I thought that my duty to my Country, and my good-will to the Britifh nation, as well in America as in Great Bri- tain, required it. I had therefore nothing to conceal refpefting myfelf perfonally. As I had held myfelf detached from all parties, and was never of the fadion of any Junto, lb was I unprejudiced by any national at- *A 2 tachm^rfts 'lachments In my argument. I wrote folely and exprefly to ftate to Europe and Ame- rica at large ; I. The actual cafe which the then prefent combination of events formed : To ftate this in a comparifon of the two Worlds, the old and new, by facts atten- tively watched and examined through five- and-twenty years experience. II. From the ordinary courfe and analogy of human af- fairs, to point out what would be the con- fequence and efFedt of this cafe operating on the affairs of Europe and America recipro- cally. Laftly, From the leffon which that experience gives, to fuggeft with what fpi- rit, and by what condudt, this advancing jftate of things ought to be met. I wiilied that the world might receive the Hate of the cafe folely on the authority of the fails, and not on that of the tefti- mony of any name : That it might receive the proof of the argument from the demon- ih'ation of its reafoning j and not from the opinions of any perfon, howfoever fuppofed to be informed in thofe matters. I could not but be confcious, that, with many, my name name would, in this bufinefs, be attended by (Irong prejudices, both for and againft the opinions and advices which this Tradt contains ; I therefore withheld my name. ; .' I dated, in a Preface, this Trad as wrii- ten by a perfon totally withdrawn from all connexions either with the Government of Great Britain or of America* by a perfon refiding in the Azores. That it was pub- lillied after the death pf that perfon. Al- though a fidtitious Author was thus held out ; yet every article of the account of this perfon had its ground in truth. When I returned from America, and hadoccalion to know, not barely to fee, the train into which the bunnels and adminiftration of the affairs of this devoted country were to be led ; I had determined to retire back to. America, and live a private character there. This I had publickly declared in a letter addrcfled to Mr. Grenville, printed in 1764. The perfontl connedioii v/hlch I formed by marriage, fufpcndcd that for a time — When it pleafed God to take this connexion from me in the year 1777, 1 Ihould then have i<'"(||#,pii ••^pff ■f'^mi) .ifmipffi have put that determination into execution^ had not the ftate of affairs between Great-Bri- tain and America rendered it impfadicable. ' The idea given out that the comparifon be-* tween the Old World and the New, between Europe and America, had been made by a perfon under the meridian of the Azores, is alfo true. For I find in my Journal, that in failing from America to Europe, in the year 1756, this comparifon was actually made by me on the 27th of February, when I was, on that day, under that meridian. And as to the death of the writer of this Trad, at the time of its publication, that alio is true in efFed". For I do now, and did then, confidcr my political line of life ill ihefe matters as much at an end as if I was adually and perfonally dead. Haw- ever, as my retiring from publick life was a kind of political fuicide — Dubito ah Nob He let hum. Thus much for the Preface to the ^rft edi- tions of the Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe. [ *vii ] Europe. Some further account of the pub- lications which I made on thefc matters, may become proper. . of policy, wherewith the advancing ftate of things (hould be met, was the only idea whereon the reftoration, and fecure pradlicaleftabli(hment of general peace could be founded. Under the impreffion of thefe fentiments, I publifhed ^he Memorial addrejfed to the Sovereigns of Europe, The idea was novel; but it had its effeSi. ** This ^* truth was at firft treated as unintelligible ^* fpeculation. It was unfafhionablc. It wa§ " negleded, even where it was not reje{ ^ The propofitions whereon the fecond Memorial, in two parts, were draughted, as intended to be prefented, although not pre- fented> bad alfo its proper effeSl. I'hefaSl which I authorifed General Conway to an- nounce to Parliament, gave an immediate majority in Parliament to thofe who op- pofed the American war^^and rendered it necefTary for a Miniflry, who either would not or could not make peace> to retire and go out of office. !hj1 j-^ 'V. ■ j'i (.il ■ a: :V/cmj4 - Thofe who afTumed the lead of the party which came into office did not make peace: I fpeak only to the fad. And I never heard that they ever attempted iht forming of a FAMILY COMPACT.^ a thing more natural between two nations, who were of the fame familv, than between two courts who governed two nations naturally dif- cordant to each other. This meafure vt^as ftrongly pointed out, in »he Preface to the two M two Memorials addreffed to the King j but the opportunity is gone. r, ■ i\ I ' What efFed the Th'rJ Memorialy addrejfed to the Sovereigns of jimerica, may have in America ; what ufe the Miniftcrs of Great- Britain and of^ Europe may make of the truths which it contains; remains to be fecn in future time.— This, as the former was not at iirft, is not yet underftood, and I can fee will not be tinderftood until events which it refers to fhall explain this as former events have done that. A man who knows the interior mechanifm of a clock— and fees the hand or index pointing up to the number twelve at noon— does not fore- fee, and is no prophet in foretelling, that in fix hours time it will be revcrfcd, and point down to iix. mVI:/'^'-' -■ '■' •." ". . , POWNAL,L. n'vv/. •• /.\' r ■ -'■•'' - -in. • -iv; « ;! ••.;' a; I . :)1 > M MEMORIAL, MOST HUMBLY ADDRESSED TO THE SOVEREIGNS of EUROPE, ON THE PRESENT STATE of AFFAIRS, ' /■' BETWEEN THE OLD AND NEW WORLD. \ i^tfl 1^ f* itofjiit* Vfoi^o^Zi' O/uoetJ'n ydp ird/lett W*!, >h «vx ^'^* Ti ixfiineu tS pvQfAtt Tair tut yno/uiten' 06tii Ksti tttt, ti riaxti^ti' Koy7<( irmv Wtf^lisdu tit ii^^enrtttt j3<'or> rS iJjri *t» ftiS^it' tI yxf ir\iot o4« i ' Ml Antoninus, Libi 7. § 49. LONDON: Printed firft in 1780, and fourth Edition 1784. :=3e! P R E FA C E. ;. '. .»,,i ,.■ .>".' THE Memorial which I herewith fend you, was written by a Friend of mine, who is lately dead. It is of no confequence to the Public to be informed who he was. What he was, and of what fpirit, will appear by his Writings. A de- cidve misfortune in his perfonal relations had determined him to quit Europe, and to fettle in America : He had arranged his affairs to that end ; and, although from the troubles which, in the interval of his pre- parations, arofe in America, he fufpendcd his adtual fettlement in that Country j yet he fo far quitted Europe as to go and refidc in the Azores or Weftern Ifles, devoting himfelf to that fludy and contemplation which . '■■ ^?;'';'\ ■■ 'if"^' \\ E « J which was beft fuited to confole him under his misfortunes, and to reconcile him to the facrificc which he was about to make of every thing that remained to him of what the World holds moft dear. I had the happinefs of correfponding with him while he hved there, and I received this from him, with leave (if ever a time (hould ar- rive, in which I fhould think it might be of ufe) to publifli it, on this condition, that I would write *' fomcthing of a Preface '' to it. I do not," (*fays he,) *' like the '• Roman Statefman, fay, Orna me. Leave ** me to oblivion, and in peace j for that is ** all I now feek. I am perfuaded that the ** matter of fails, as the Memorial ftates ** it, and that the prefent combination of ** events, as the Memorial defcribes it, is true: That the confcquences which I point out, as flowing from them, are probable: " And that the condu(S which I defcribe as that with which ihcfe things (hould be met, is the bed wifdom for the Sovereigns of Europe, by wliich they can promote ** the * In a letter dated ¥qv. 1778, Fonta dd GaJa in SLMlchaefs. tt c< f c and by the fame fpirit of attradiion which pervades all nature, muft neceflariiy, in the proccflion of its power, have " a one common CENTER of gravity AND UNION." There was, at that time, a State in Europe within whofe dominions th^t center lay, coincidinj> nearly with the center of its ' own proper political fyftem, and making even a part of its natural fyilem. .The operations of this compofite fyftem took a courfe almcft in the very diredlion of the line of the natural movements of that State. The bafis of a great marine domi* nton was laid by Nature, and the God of Nature offered that dominion to the only Power with which the fpirit of liberty then dwelt. But the Government of that State, being wife in its own conceit, not only above, but againft thofe things which exiftcd, rcjeded Nature and would none of her ways i defpifed the wifdom of that Providence ■( '»W' I 3 1, Providence which had cftabliflied her. The fpirit of attradlion which Nature aftuates' was held to be a vifion; and that STATE OF UNION, which the hand of God held forth, was blafphcmed as folly. The Minifters of that country faid to Re- pulfion. Thou (halt guide our Jpirit ; to Diftradiion, Thou {halt be our wifdom. This fpirit of Repulfion, this wifdom of Diftradtion, hath wrought the natural ef- fed, diflblution. They have not onl/lod for ever the dominion which they might have wrought their nation up to, but the external parts of the Empire are one after another falling off, and it will be once more reduced to its infular exiftence. ^^ ■ On the other hand* this new fyjiem of power, united in anci moving round its own proper center " M diffhlved the effe0 of all artificial repulflons which forcQ^ would create, ^nd hath formed thofe na-^ tural conne£lions by and under which its adlual intcrcft exifts." Foundjsd in Nature" it is growing, by accelerated motions, and' accumulated accretion of parts, into aii* j^^de|)e^ndent, organized being, a great and* A 2 powerful ..;ii li > lii li ;i ' 1 ' ■ti ^! ; r' 4 r .. powerful empire. // 6as taken its equal fiation with the nations upon earth. \ Video Jolem orientem in occidente, ^ North-America is become a new primary planet in the fyftem of the world, which while it takes its own courfe, in its own orbit, muft have efFed on the orbit of everjr other planet, and fhift the common center of gravity of the whole fyftcm of the Euro- ■■■.■' ■■■' ■ i ■ J c . .. > , pcan world. North- America is de faSio an inde- pendent POWER which has taken its equal fiation with other powers^ and muft be fo de jure. The politicians of the Govern- ments of Europe may reafon or negociate upon this idea, as a matter fub lite. The powers of thofe Governments may fight about it as a new Power coming into cftablifhment -, fuch negociations, and fuch wars, are of no confequence either to the right or the facft. It would bejuft as wife, 4nd j uft as effectual, if they were to go to war to decide, or fet on foot negociations to fettle, to whom for the future the fovereignty of the moon fhould belong. The moon hath been long common to them all, and they may TT^ [ S ] , may all in their turns profit of her reflcded tght. The Independence of America is xed as fatcj (he is miftrefs of her own fortune j— knows that (he is fo, and will adtuate that power which (he feels fhc hath, fo as to eftablifh her own fyftem, and to change the fyftem of Europe. I will not lofe time, in an ufelefs wafte of words, by attempting to prove the ex- istence of this fa(fl. The rapid progrcfs of events at this crifis will not wait for fuch trifling. The only thing which can be ufeful to the world is, to examine what the precife change of fyftem is ; what will be the general confequence of fuch change j and with what fpirit, and by what conduct the advancing ftate of things (hould be met. If the Powers of Europe will view the ftate of things as they do really exifl, and will treat them as being what they are, the lives of thoulands may be fpared ; the hsppinefs of millions may be fecured j and, the peace of the whole world prefsrved. If they will not, they will be plunged into a fea of troubles, a Tea of blood, fathom- lefs i: I i ;l ;i . [ 6 ] ■ Icfs aod boundkfs. The war that has be- gun to rage betwixt Britain, France, and Spain, which is almoft gorged betwistf Britain and America, will extend itfelf to all the maritime, and mod likely^ after- vr.afds, to all the inland powers of Europe : and like the thirty' years war of the fix- tp^nth ai>d, feventeenth centuries, will not end, but as that did, by a new and general yefettleijient of powers and interefts, ac-» cpr4ing to the new fpirit.of the new fyften> which hath taken place. Why may no^ aU tjiis be dofie by a Congrcfs of all the Poiycrs before, as vvel) as after war ? If the Powers of the prefen^ world fought for ^pmipion by extirpation, then war is the proper engine : but if they war in order to treat for fettlements of power, as has been long the fyftem of Europe, then is war a wanton, clumfey, ufelcfs cruelty. The final iffue of the conteft in the final fettlement of po'v-r at a peace, is feldora (I think never) in proportion to the fuccef^ of arms. It depends upon the interpofitiort ©f parties, who have not, perhaps, meddled with the war, but who ^ome to the treaty fo^ 1 ■■-?'-■ « •!' f 7 ] ifcr peace. This ihterpofition, brotHglit jforward by intrigue, moft cottihibnly'Whh the aid of jealoufy, doth countetad by^hc^ gociiation the envied effeds of 'arms. If thbfe who goverri in Europe will look batk to former wars, attd will corifider -the vi*"-;_.-fcM- I'-Wf-^;'- , [ 14 1 • • 1 fpecicsthcofhwman being. They have, there- f(|Jre, generally by the effect of principles of nature operating againft the vigour of man, fallen, in dominion, into their natu- ral divifjon. North America and South America are, in like manner, at thejond, naturally divided into two diftin(5l fyftems, and will, as naturally, divide into two dif- tindt dominions. On the contrary, large as the fcale of North or South America is, • neither of thefe refpedively, either in the natural fcite and circumftances of territory, nor in the people - ' > poffefs and cultivate them, are fo divi :d. North America (I ipeak of the predominating inhabitancy) is pofleffed by the Englifh nation. South America by the Spanifh and Portuguefe, 'which, in this argument, may be called one nation. Thefe natural circumftances in country and people, form each of thefe diviiions of the new world refpeftively, into a one great communion, the bafis of a great and powerful dominion ; ftretching out its arms and branches over the whole land, as the fibr "3 of the roots interweave into, and through, the various combinations 'Of [ .5 ] of naturarobjeds, whence they draw their ipirit of life. . •V;>^^^^ ui There is no where in the European part of the old world fuch a greatn^fs of intct- woven and combined intercft:, communicat- ing through fuch largenefs of territory, as that in North America, pofrcfTed and actu- ated by the Englifh nation. The northern and fouthern parts of Europe, arc pofTefled by different nations, adluated by different fpirits, and conduded under very different fyftems. Inftead of actuating an intercom- munion by an attradlive, their intercourfe is at perpetual variance under a repellant principle ; their communion alfo is obftruc- tcd by the difficulties of intercourle both over land, and through the feasj ihty are moreover cut off, as it were m the middle^ by other intervening nations, whofe prin* ciples and fyflem are alike repellant and ob- ftrudtive of free communion. 'i^ }iphii vt^- j On the contrary, when the fcite and cir- cumftances of the large extended territories of North America are examined ; one finds every thing united in it which forms great- ^ *♦ * ••J'-' nefs .srv i ■ t '6 1 ncfs of dominions, amplitude ahd growth of Jiate. '■ •' ' : .. •-{ . - . .^u\ io ix-'m r The nature of the coaft and of the winds upon that coail, is fuch as renders marine navigation, from one end of its extent to the other, a perpetually moving intercoarfe of communion : and the nature of the ri- vers which open (where marine navigation ends) an inland navigation which, with ihort interruptions, carries on a circulation throughout the wholes renders fuch inland navigation but a further proccfs of that communion s all which becomes, as it were, a one vital principle of life, extended through a one organized being. While the country, by the capability of this natural communion, becomes thuis uni- ted at its root j its largcnefs of territory, expanded through fuch a variety of cli- mates, produces, upon this communion, every thing that nature requires, that lux- ury loves to abound in ; or that power can ufe, as an inftrumcnt of its adlivity. All thofe things which the different nations in Europe (under every difficulty that a dc- fe^ of natural communion, under every ob- ftrudion V' >.;•,, ft,.- I _, : i««' .« { »7 J ftrudlioA that ah aftificial and perverted fyfr^d tdtn threw in their way) barter for in lh»^|| - Old World, arb here in the New Worl4(> poffeiled,' under an uninterrupted i^aturaLj communion, by an unobilrudted nayiga«:| tion, under an unirerfal freedom of com->.^^ merce, by one nation... .The naval ilores^-i, the timber,- the hemp,i the iiiheries, thcr falced^provifions of the North ; the tobaccoat rice* cotton, filk, indigo, finer fruits, and per-* haps, 'ih]no very diftant period, the wines,|\ the refin and tar of the Soiidl, form the re-,,, ciph)cation of wants and fupplies of each»<[ rcfpcdiveiy. Tho bread corft, the ftour* .i the produce of agriculfcure in every fo]ri^{o£ fiarming, and the feveral eacreaiing airtides :,; of manufactures, which the middle colonies produce, not only fill up the conlmunioi># but^compleat its fyilem. They unite thof^ parts which were before conncfted, and or- , ganiae (as I have faid) the feveral parts ipt^ ^■^■ a one whole. /,.; *m ,^»^ a* • they will form a balance of power there on thofe interefts j if they can fettle any fyftcm of reciprocal fupport of that balance ; may certainly, by efForti of force, for fome years, perhaps for an age longer, prefcrve the pro- perty and dominion of thefe iflands. But if their quarrels amongft each other refpeding North America, or the European ihifting of the balance, mak6 them obftinately deaf to their mutual interefts in thefe parts, ** The •* whole of the Spanilh, Dutch, Danifh, "French, and Britifli cftablifhmcnts, indif- " folubly bound in an union and commu* *' nion of a one general compofitc intereft «* with North America, and forming the na^ •* tural connections under which their mu. ** tuil interefts fubfift, muft in the courfe ** of events become parts as of the communion, ** fo of the great North American dominion, •'•* eftablifticd on the bafis of that union." 'Although no external iymptoms of reVolu- fibn in South America do at prefcnt make it anjF-part of the fubje^ which I offer to '^* confider^tion, 1 i £ «9 ] rconiider^tlon^ yet it may not be amirs. to ; inquire into thofe internal circumftances of .its natural and political fyftem^ by which it» >. Communion has amplified, and works to • independency and the growth of ftate. .f:: Jhe continent of South America has jdill ^^inore amplitude of bafis, in more variety of climates* than North America, and is much : farther adv^ced to a natural independence rof Europe, as io its Jlate of /uppfy, than ]?|he pQwers oi Europe do fee, or at Iqafl: vowiif or than its own inhabitants, fpeak- ting of them generally, ace themfelves con- ricipi^s of. This continent, not only from tho great extent of* latitudes under which it ; lies, .but from the great variety of climates , , that it experience * under the fame latitudes ; from the abundance and variety of articles .of iiipply which thefe different climates r produce; ; from the regular, uniform, and , aAive marine communion, by which a < compl^i^t i;ecipro(;^tion of mutual fupplies is f circulated from North to South, is alfp formed ■ into onefyftcn^ of communion) the germ of a c great iadepcndent dominion ; that l^as taken •H • th h^rttlpf^ ^it'^r^^.r •? " If any accident ihould happen to abate, or give a turn to, the caprices, luxury, arid vanity of a rich people, who have notbirig to do but to fpend their money, there is not any one article which-I can rccoUei^, necef- fary to^ thc'moft advanced ftatc of life, *," v-?^-,- fi- ll ffil i *«, £/* iftiefnal government in their own hands 9^ m ': which the maj«f)y of theibvereign powvv , never interfieres ; and whatever fovereignty ^ ^e Spaniih monarch holds by the offices of his viceroys, of his judges;* nof hisaudiencis8» his.clergy, or his army, however majeftic they may loolc, or however it may appear to individuals, and, in particular exertions* carry terror: it is a mere tenure at geod^wi/L A great country like this, where the com* mvnity has fo far advanced in agricultiire, manufa^ures,^art$,aitd commerce, wherein there is fuch j/»^^^i? md growth offiate. Is every day growing too large lor any govcm- inent in Europe to manage by authority, at the dlftance of four or five thouland miles. And as to the idea of power by force, I will life Mr. Bacon, the Lord Vcrulam's expla* nation cf it ; ** There be, (faith he) two ** manners .of fecuring of large territones ; '* the one by the natural arms of every pro«> ** vinee ; and the other by the protecting *' arms of the principal eftates ; in which *< latter cafe, commonly the provincials are held difarmed. So are there two dangers y incident unto every eftate, foreign inva- flOR* €f tt ft €f ** fioii, and inward rebellion. Now, fuch ** is the nature of things, that thefe two rc- ** medies of ftate do fall refpeftively into " thefe two dangers, hi cafe of remote fro* ** vinces: For if fuch a ftate reft upon the natural arms of the provinces, it is fure to be fubjedt to rebellion or revolt ; if upon protedting arms, it is fure to be weak againft invafion." And I will venture to add, weak and inferior to the internal power of the province, which muft of courfe pre- dominate. The Spanifli government knows, that they, as well as the Englifli, found themfelves under the nece/lity of repealing; an arrangement of revenue which they had made j becaufe they felt that they could not carry it into execution by authority ^ r d they fo rightly underftood their ftrengtli, as to know that it was notfafe to urge it by force. It is alfo very well known, that the difputcs between the Spanifti and Portuguefe courts, about the boundaries of the Brazils and the Spanifli provinces, arol'^; from their not being able jointly to carry into efFe£l: a pacificatioi) on the cafe, becaufe there are Powers vx thofe countries, who would not be bound by the decilions of a government, whofc % D laws I ■^ 111 1. ii) I ill rl t «6 ] laws are of no authority with them, when oppofcd to their fyftem. The powers I mean, are the governing authority of the miffions at Paraguay. This is exact- ly and precifely the ftate of the cafe between the metropoHtan government of Spain and its provincial e(labli(hments in South America. I could, by a detailed defcription of the nature of the country j of the application of the labour of the inhabitants to its capabilities ; of the ftate of the commu- nity as it lies in nature, and as it is actuated; all compared with the conflitution and adminii- ilration of the government which is efta- bliihcd there j with the fpirit of the people, both Old Spaniards, Creoles, and Indians, ihow that South America is gfcwing too much for Spain to manage j that it is ift power, to be indepcndant, and will be fo in adf, whenever, and as foon as any occa- fion fliall call forth that power. When- ever fuch revolt take^ place, it will not be after the manner or in the form of that of North America. North America build- ing on the foundation of its dominion as it lies in nature, has become a Deraocra- tick or Ariftoci atick Republick. The falling pff of South i^meriga will be coi)dv»»'aed, m f.ii [ 47 I in ks ndtHral progrcfs, by the fpirit of fortic injured enterprizing Genius, taking the kad of a fenfe of ahcnation and of a difpofition of revolt, to the eftablifhment of a great Mo*- narchy. But all this is befide the fcope of this memorial, and would become of itfelf a long memoire. I (hall proceed therefore to confider only thofe operations which arc in event, the amplitude and growth of Jiate in North America, fo far as the ftatcs and whole political fyftem of Europe may be affedted by it, or concerned in it. I have ftated this natural greatnefs, as it is found- ed in an union of a communion. The civilizing aiftivity of the human race, is what forms the growth of ftate. To balance the comparative progrefs of the growth of this Jiate vfixh thofe of Europe, fo as to obtain any jufl idea of a fubjedt, even yet fo little underftood, it wiir be neceifary to take a view of this civilizing aSlivityy in the fources whence it derived upon theold world; in the line its progrefs took, and in the de- fective eftablifliments to which, even in this enlightened age, it is but yet arrived : and, to compare that with the progrefs and eX» tended fcopc of a very different civilizing D 2 activity, I 28 ] adivity, operating with rapid and accele- rated motion in the new world. When the fpirit of civilization began firft in Europe, to emerge from that chaos of barbarifm and ignorance, which the Nor- thern invaders, like an overwhelming de- luge, had fpread over the face of it ; the clergy fent from Rome, as miffionaries amongH. favages, were the blind leaders to light ; and the felnlh feudal Lords, the pa- trons of liberal emancipation. Under fuch aufpices, what light, what liberty, what civilizatioi ! The inftrudion (^ the firft, derived through a perverted channel of learning, from a corrupted fource of know- ledge, which being diredted not to ihforA), but to fubdue the mind, was more perni- cious than the darknefs of ignorance, than the aberrations of barbarifm*. The kind patronage of the latter, was the benevolence of a grazier, who feeds and fattens bis cattle, in order to profit the more of their fleeces, hides, and carcafe. The inftruc- * Si ad fru£tum noftrum referemus, non ad illius commoda, quern diligimus. Prata & Arva & pecu- duni greges dltiguntur iflo modo, quod frwAus ex iis captunter. Cicero de Nat. de. Lib. i. p. 44. tion t 29 1 ' tion of thofc teachers was the didatcs of authority impofed npon mere cataccumcnSj homines dedititiis, Thcip learning was didac- tive, not as that of the new philofophy and new world is, induftive: their knowledge was a mere paffive imprcffion of maxinre and principles, which, though neither ex- plained nor reafoncd upon, being reiterated, became opinion?, formed into fyftem, efta*- bliflied in inveterate habit. The people held, did not pcffefs, their knowledge, as they did their lands, by a fervik tenure, which did not permit them to ufe or im- prove it as their own. They were fettered by authority, led aftray by example, and under a felfifh felf-oblnudting fyftem, wafted every power of activity in unavailing labour: fuch was the fource of civilization in Europe. In order to view the two lines of its •pro'^ grejs in Europe and in America, it may be proper to mark and draw, as far as may be done, a third line, to which both have re-" fcrence in the comparifon, the right line. In the natural progrefs of this civilizing ac- tivity, the firft movement is, the application of labour to the culture of the earth, fa as to ^l'^- ^m i'il I. [ 3» J to raife by a cultivated, produftion of iti fruits, that fupply of food which is necef- fary to the human being in fociety. That labour which builds habitations, provides rayment, and makes tools and inftruments^ which the human hand wants the aid of, is concomitant with this. The market traf- fic, by which the reciprocation of wants and furplufTes of various articles in various hands, may be wrought into a communion of general fupply, fuccecds to thefe* Indi- viduals being thus afTured of their fupply, by an alTurance of the exchange of the fur- plus, which each is able to create in his own peculiar line of labour, will foon improve the craft of their hand, and refine the inge- nuity of their defigns. Hence, by a further advanced ftep, arifc, what are properly called, artificers and manufacturers. In this ilate of the progrefs of the community, a general furplus, not only beyond what indi- viduals, but beyond what the wants of the community require, is created : and this general furplus, as it may be exchanged for foreign articles of comfort and enjoyment, which the locality and climate of that par- ticular I 3' 1 cicular community docs not produce^ ex- tends and opens a courie to commercial ac- tivity, which is the next llage in this pro- grefs. With a reference to this line, view now the civilizing activity of the new and of the old world, each in its fource andprogrefs. By the violence of the military fpirit, under which Europe was a fecond time peo« pled, the inhabitants were divided into two claiTes, thofe of warriours and ilaves, and the individuals (each man under their own clafs) were as of different degrees fo, .of different denominations. , The culture of the earth was conduced by this latter clafs, wretches annexed to, but not owners of the foil , degraded ani- mals that were, as the cattle of the field, property, not proprietors. They had no interefl in their own perfbns, none in their own labour, none in the produce, either of the earth or of their labour. If they had been infpired (for they were not taught) with knowledge, they could have no one motive to make one effort of improvement. Moreover, evea thofe who were in fome degree I 3» 1 degree emancipated, that is, thofe to whom their kind Lords had Ictt leafes of their ©wnfelves, were fo deprefTed by various ^ tolls, taillages, and taxes ; by being liable to DQilitary impte^es ; tnd to the civil drud- gery, which took them fronj their own pro- per work, and employed them in that of thefe Lords and fovereigns ; which wore and tore their cattle and cattid^ and im- plements of hufbandry j were, I &y# fo de- prefTed, that the very beft fpirit of them could aim at nothing in. the interval but »bare fuftenance and reft : if yet this unfub- dued fpirit, working, under fuch burthens, ^ith unabated perfeverance or ingenuity, ever did by the remnant of their exertions raife a furplus in grain or cattle : This miferable race of men were precluded all ivent and market except fuch, wherein their Lords wcrcito ahforb the chief profits, even of fuch furplus alfb. The confequcnce therefore was, that they never did ^y^-'^^*- tion raife fuch furplus 5 .accidents of extra- ordinary feafons, or Ibme of the hidden fecrets of vegetation, would now and. then produce fuch a furplus ; but mor^ frequent accidents [r 33 3 accidents of the fame kind did occafion a deficiency and dearth. The police of thefe great Lords never fuffered the homely wif- dom of this little adage to enter into their reafoning, ** ^hat lie who would have a com' '* petency, Jhould provide enough and a littU ** more'* . - • ' i The progrefs therefore of improvement in agriculture was arrefted, and became for many hundred years flationary. Although in fome countries of Europe it may feem at prefent to be progreffive ; yet is the progrcf- fipA fo little and fo Low that it can give no ipqm ntam, for ages to come, to amplitude i^nd growth of ftate» England perhaps ex-* cepted. But the farmer in England alfo is, equally as abfurdly as cruelly, opprefTed and kept down. The work cf man employed en wood, iron^ ftone, or leather, were held as parts of the bafe and fervile offices of fociety; and fit only for the bondfmen and flaves, to whom fuch were committed. Thefe artifi- cers or handicraftfmen therefore were mere machines in the hands of the moil arrogant IS well as the moft ignorant of maimers. E They J 7 *i5 'A . 'if ''l HI I' [ J4 1 Tlicy could not venture to make expcri- ments« or alter the adopted and accuftomed mode of work : they would have no merit, nor receive either reward or private profit from their fuccefs, and they rifqued every thing in the failure ; fo thefe branches of mechanicks and art went on for ages in the old beaten track of the fame unimproved clumfinefs. ' ' ^ When upon the breaking up of the Han- featic League and other (hiftings of com- merce, the Sovereigns, who had long with envy feen, but never underflood, the profit and power which arofe from manufactures brought forward into trgde, began to en- courage their own fubjefbs, and to invite foreign ones to edablifh manufadures within their refpedive Aates ; and, with what they thought profound policy, to conduct the commerce of fuch ; civilization then took in this line of improvement a momentary ftart of progrefHon. But the wretched condition under which this profound and jealous poli- cy held the perfons of thefe manufactures^ the many depreffing, obflruCting, imprac- ticable regulations, by which it retrained their [ 3i ] their labour, foon gave a retrograde motion to thefc efforts. The fame policy, however affecting to give encouragement to thefe manufadtures, which it had forced into operation before and fader than the country was ripe for them, not out of its own puric, but from the fweat and fudenance of the landworker, gave the manufacturers a falfe help, by fetting various aflizes on the produce of the land, and by various market regulations, which {lill further opprefled agriculture. But all this was falfe and hollow, for, added to all the depreflions of mind and obdruAions of body which thefe poor manufa^urers fufFered, there was yet an adventitious heart-breaking cruelty, to which even merit was peculiarly expofed. If ever ingenuity of mind, or an excelling habit in the hand of any of thefe artificers or manufafturers, invented /omething new or operated to fome improvement in the old line of work j The fame jealous tyrannous police, inftead of rewarding them, or fuf- fering them to feek their own reward, con. dered them, not as meritorious authors of good and benefit to the community, but as E 2 profitable m I l! il m ill C 36 3 profitable inftruments to feed their private avarice; and inftantly guarded them as ftate jsrifonerr. The poor ingenious Artilt found hirrifelf reduced to a Itate worfe than flsLve- ry, for the ingratitude of fuch governments embittered even oppreflion. The confe- quence was, that all further improvements, here alfo, were arrefted in their courfe. As though all this v/as not yet fufficient to keep down all fpirit in the arts, and all progrefe of improvement, this fyflem of police made 1 3gulations to be obferv*?d and taxes to be paid on every ihovement of the manufac- tures after they were made ; on their com- ing from under the hand of the workman; on the carriage ; on the expofing to fale • on the fale ; and on the return, whether in goods or money. This police, inftead of fufrering the furplus profit to circulate freely through the community, where it would become a growing fource of accretion and frucluaticD to that community, was intirely dire(5ted to abforb the whole, beyond the labourer's hard fuftenance, into the treafury of the {late. The idea which they enter- tained of the utmoft perfedlion of the com- mercial [ 37 ] merclal fyftem, vris, that the fiibje£t ftiotild fell but not buy ; that the merchants might export the articles of their Work, but maft import money : and that the ftate muft have the greateft fhare of it. the whole; fcope and effort of all their commerci*tl legiliation, was pointed to arrive as near as poffible to this imagined perfection. Under thefe ideas, and under the authority of maxims, grown inveterate, they took up the idea of commercial prti ice, and adding the myftery of politicks tt) the myftery of trade, began to legillate for commerce. Hence arofe the attempts to fet up exciufive property in certain materials of manufafture and trade, which they called ftaple conimo- dities: hence incommunicative monopolies in every fliape that the ingenuity of ignorance could invent to mock the indullry of its country with : hence exciufive privileges of trade to certain perfons in certain articles and in certain places : hence exciufive fifh- eries : hence all that nonfenfe, both in theory and pra(5tice, in which commercial politicians have taken fo much pains to de- ceive thcmfelves, about a chimera, called the 5 < i; 'y [ 38 ] ;i I the balance of trade ; hence all the cunning follies, which rendered their markets almoil: impracticable to each other ; and hence, to double and redouble the mifchief, the whole train of retaliations. Hence reftraints on exportation, prohibitions againfl importa- tion, alien duties, high impofts, and a thoufand other embarrafiing follies, of which there is no end or ufe. Having thus, in their ftruggles for profit, deranged all the order of prices -, having fet out with a falfe balance of reckoning ; having by reciprocal retalia- tion, rendered the free courfe and fair com- petition of commerce, well nigh imprac- ticable amongft themfelves, they were forced to look out for fettlements amidfl fome yet uncivilized or uncommercial people, where they might exercife this unequal Cpirit of •exorbitant gain : hence alfo treaties of com- merce, on unequal conditions of trafiic, with thofe of their neighbours, whom they could keep down deprefled by afcendant power : and hence, finally, the gr^nd and favourite meafure of eftabliflimg colonies in diflant uncultivated regions, which, as out-farm» of peculiar production, might be worked for ■ tf,. C 39 ] forthefole exclufive benefit of themetropolis i hence alfo that wildeft of all the wild vilions of avarice, infpiring ambition, the attempt to render the common ocean an object of en- clofed, defined, exclufive property, and to claim a pofTeflion in, and dominion over it. Thus, through want of reference to the light of nature, from not feeing and treating things as what they wercj from a total inverfion of the natural order of progrcfs ia the human community; the culture of the natural powers of the land ; the improve- ment of the natural powers of man, to the^ end of advancing the community ; the order and eftablifhments, or rather the liberty^ whereby a civilizing aftivity might operate to the amplitude and growth of ftates, were all deprefied or arrefled in their progrcfs. The very fpirit of improvement was buried under oppreflion, and all the light (^ genius «xtingui(hed. Thofe who prefumed to rea- fon, being fuch as were at the head of the received knowledge, fuch as had the lead of the received opinions, and conduced the policy of the eflablifhed fyflems^ confidered the fubjedt as a matter fully explored, and as i'-i .: :i t'Ji t C 40 ] &9 fjsirdcd iti the fureft and mofl decided wifdom- Their afccndant authority, whe- ther they fpoke a$ politicians, or philofo- phers believing what they taught, diyd equally lay a dead hand on all examination, did extinguifhi all attempts of alteration to improvsment. Moulded by habits, almoft n^echanical, to think and z&. in the line of thefe eftablifhed fyftems, efforts of reafoning did but the more entangle them, in deluiive means taken, and ineffectual ends propofed. They did but ftrive againft themfelvcs, to fave the credit of ignorance, and to fatisfy themfelveb in the poverty of their know- ledge. Inftead of following nature to thofe truths on which profitable labour, progreflive civilization, population, opulence, flrength, and the real intereft of th<3ir country might be cftablifhed, their befl: wit was employed only to vary old irreverfible mazlms, and to give new forms to old eflablifhed fyflems, or at heft by new regulations, to relieve the interefts of the fubjed^, who could no longer go on, or endure, under the old ones. But as the credit and authority of the fyflem is yet to be kept up, the ingenuity and wit of thofe '^ 'T""i'^" • , [ 4« ] thofe, who pay their court to Power, is flill employed in finding out new and ftrik- ing reafons for old maxims, or inventing fidlions and cafes for reconciling old cfta- bliihments, to new modes of afling hi them, which fad, truth, and irrefiftibla nece;jjity, have introduced in pradllce. If any genius ever dare to break this fpiritual fubordination, and to purfue, either in fpe- culation or pradiice, any new courfe to truth or adtion j all thofe who lead the opinions of this fettled world, muft either affedl to contemn him as a filly vifionary foolifh, inexperienced adventurer, or crufh him' as a prefumptuous, turbulent, danger- ous difturber of the State. This is the flate of the fpirit of civiliz- ing ad:ivity, as it hath long dragged on a feverifli being in Europe, in the old world. Some tinie or other (and perhaps foon) events may ariie, which fliall induce the Governors and leaders of that corner of the world to revife, to confider, and perhaps to reform the hard conditions of the im- prifonment of this civilizing acftivity, and to give it liberty, free as its native eflence. In s* .> tH r 4^ ] In the mean while we will turn our eyeS weftward. . :~ In this new world we fee all the in- habitants not only free, but allov/ing an univcrfal naturalization to all who wiih to be fo ; and an uncontroulcd liberty of ufing any mode of life <$hey choofe, or any means of getting a live- lihood that their t*alents lead them to. Free of all reftraints, which take the pro- perty of themfelves out of their own hands, their fouls are their own, and their reafon 3 they are their own mafters, and they adt j their labour is employed on their own property, and what they produce is their own. In a country like this, where every man has the fall and free exertion of his powers, where every man may acquire any lliare of the good things thereof, or of in- tereft and power which his fpirit can work him up to J there, an unabated application of the powers of individuals, and a perpe- tual ftrugglc of their fpirits, Sharpens their wits, and gives conftant training to the mind. The acquirement of information in things and bufmefs, which becomes ne- 5 ceiliuy t 41 ] thofe, who pay their court to Power, U ftill employed in finding oyt new and ftrik- ing realons for old maxims, or inventing fidions and cafes for reconciling old efta-* blifhments, to new modes of ading in them, which facfV, truth, ;and irrefiftible neceflity, have introduced in pradice. If any genius ever dare to break ihU fpiritual fubordination, and to purfue, either in fpc- cuUtion or practice, any new courfc to truth or adion; all thofc who lead the opinions of this fettled world, muft either affedt to . contemn him as a filly: viijonary fooliflii inexperienced adventurer, or crufli him as a prefumptuotis, turbulenjt,^ danger- ous difturber of the State. This is; the ftate of the fpirit of civiliz- ing activity, as it hath long dragged on a feverifti being in Europe, in the old world* Some time or other (and perhaps foon) events may arife, which (hall induce the Governors and leaders of that corner of the world to revife, to confider, and perhaps to reform the hard conditions of its' impri- sonment, and to give it liberty, free as it$ G native isfltcve eiferiee. In the mean while we witt tmh out* eyes weftward, in this new World we fee d\\ the itt- habkants not «nly free, but allowing *n univerfftl naturalization to all wh» wifli to be foi and an uncontcouled lM}erty of ufing any mode of Ufe they chooie^ or any means of getting a live- fibpod that their talents lead them to* Free of all reftraintis* which take the pro- perty of themfelves out of their own hands^ their fouls are their own, and their reafon ; they are their own mafter^, and they adt ^ their labour is employed on their own property, and what they produce is their own. In a country like this, where every man has the full and free exertion of his powers, where every man may acquire any fliare of the good things thereof, or ^ in* tereft and power which his fpirit can work him up to ; there, an unabated application of the powers of individuals, and a perpe- tual flruggle of their fpirits, fharpens their wits, and gives conftant training to the mind. The acquirement of information in things and bulinef^ which becomes ne- ceffary r 43 ] ttSkry to this mode of life, giN^es the mind, thus (harpened, and thus exercifed« a turn of inquiry and invfiftigation which fdroos a charaBer f^ecuJiar to theft people, which is not to be met with, nor ever did exift in any other to the fame degree^ unlefs in fome of the ancient republics^ where the people were under the fame predicament. This turn of charadter, which, in the or- dinary occurrences of life, is called inqui" Jitivenefs, and which, when exerted about trifles, goes even to a dcgreie of ridicule ia many inftances ; is yet» in matters of bufi- nefs and commerce, a mod ufefal and ef- ficient talent. Whoever knows thefe peo- ple, and has viewed them in this light, wiU confider them as animated in this new world . (if I may fo exprefs inyfclf) fsjith the Spirit of the new philofophy, Thc|f fyftem of life is a courfe of experiments f ^nd, (landing on that high ground of im- provement, up to which the moft en- lightened parts of Europe have advanced, like eaglets they commence the iirft efforts of their pinions from a towering advan- tage, Q % Nothing ■A. ; 1 I [ 44 ] Nothing in the old world is Icfs regard- ed than a poor man's wifdom ; and yet a rich man's wifdom is generally nought but the impreflion of what others teach him : On the other hand, the poor man's wifdom is not learning, but knowledge of his own- acquiring and picking up, and founded upon fadt and nature by fimple experience. In America, the wifdom and not the tnan is attended to j and America is peculiarly a poor mar country. Every thing in this wildernefs oi woods being to-, tally diflfertnt from an old world, almoft worn out ; and every perfon here far re- moved from the habits, example, and per- verfion, or obftrudlion, of thofe who affume the power of diredting them : the fettler's reafon, not from what they they hear, but from what they fee and feel. They move not but as Nature calls forth their adivity, nor fix a ftep but where ufe marks the ground, and take the diredlion of their courfes by that li"!e only, where Truth and Nature lead hand in hand, They find themfelves at liberty to follow what mode they like j they feel that they can venture [ 45 ] to try experiments, and that the advan* tagcs of their difcovcries are their own. They, therefore, try what the foil claims, what the climate permits, and what both will produce and fuflain to the greateft advantage. Advancing in this line of la* hour by Juch a fptrit of induSlion, they have brought forward into culture an abun- dant produce, more than any other nation of the old world ever did or could. They raife not only abundance and luxurious plenty to their internal fupply, but the iflands of the Weft Indies have derived great part of their fupply from the fuperabund- ance : even Europe itfelf hath, in many articles of its fupply, profitted of the pro- duce of this new world. It has had its fi(h from their fcas; its wheat and flour from one part ; its rice from another ; its tobacco and indigo from another 5 its tim- ber and naval ftores from another : olives, oranges, wines, and various other articles of the more luxurious produce, having by ex- perience been found to thrive, are in ex- -perimental culture. If you view this civilizing ipr;rit in its f ril fimple movements, yoi^ will fee it ai^ ia b'i: II':'*" it: r 46 1 io its £f(l infancy, Co attaching itfclf to tKe bofom of the cointnon mother Earth, as the infant hangs qpon the bread of its naiural mother. The inhabitants, where nothing particular diverts their courfe, ar€ all landworker^. Here one fees them la-' bouring after the plough, or with the fpade 9nd hough, as though they had not an idea beyond the ground they dwell upon; yet is thtir mindv aU the while, enlarging all its powers, and their fpirit rifes as theijF improvements advance. * He, who has ob- ferved this progrefs of this new-world, will know that this is true, and will have ktn many a real philofoph^r, a politician, or a warriour, emerge out of this wildernefs, as the feed rifes out of the ground, where it hath lain buried for its feafon. As in its agriculture, fo in thofe mer* chanick handicrafts, which are neceffary to, and concomitant with that, the new world hath been led to many improvements of implements, tools, and machines : a deficiency pf many of thcfe, an inaptitude in * I hope no 01^ will (o mirui^derfland this, as to take it fof a fancy-drawing of what may ke ; it is a lineal and exaft pore^ here fpecified in the higher, a^ well a& ii^ the common, diurnal mechanics. This new world hath not /et turned its labour into the aSiive channel of arts and manufadures ; becaufe by employing that labour ^ I 48 1 labour in its owa natural way, it can pfd-* duce thofe things which purchafe fuch ar^ tides of arts and manufa£tures> cheaper than a country not yet ripe for thofe employ- ments^ could make them. But although it doth not manufadlure y^r j/&/^, the fet- tlers find intervals and fragments of thne^ which they can fpare from agriculture, and which they cannot otherwife employ, in which they make moft of the articles of peifonal wear and houfhold ufe, for horns confumption. When the field of agri- culture fhali be filled with hufbandmen^, and the claffes of handicrafts fully ftocked s as there are h'^re no laws that frame con- ditions on which a man is to become en-- titled to exercife this or that trade, or by which he is excluded from exercifing the one or the other, in this or that place ; as there are here no laws that prefcribe ths manner in which, and the prices at which, he is to work, or that lock him up in that trade which it has been his misfortune to have attached himfelf to j aknough while he is ftarving in that, he could, in fome other line of bufinefs which his circum- ftances t 49 J " ftsihces point out, and his talents lead him to be ufeful to the public, and maintain himfelf j as there are none of thofe op- prclling, obftruding, dead-doing laws here: the moment that the progrefs of civiliza- tion, carried thus on in its natural courfe, is ripe for it; the branch of manufac- tures will take its (hoot, and will grow and increafe with an aftonifhing exuberancy. Although the civilizing adivity of Ame- rica does not, by artificial and falfe helps, contrary to the natural courfe of things, inconfiftent with, and checking the firft applications of, its natural labour, and be- fore the community is ripe for fuch en- deavour, attempt to force the eftablifhment of manufactures : yet following, as Ufe and Experience lead, the natural progrefs of im- provenient, it is every year producing a fur- plus profit i which furp'us, as it enters again into the circulation of produdivc employ- eieni, creates an accumulating accelerated progreflive feries of furplufes. Wif^ thefe accumulated furplufes of the produce of the earth and feas, and not with manu- faSlures, the Americans carry on their com-' H mcrcial ( 5» J jW^reT/W/ exertions. Their fifti, wheat, floury rice, tobacco, indigo, live ilock, barrel pork 2nd beef (fome of thefe articles being pe^ culiar to the country and ilaple commodi- ties) form the exports of their commerce. This has given them a diredt trade to Eu- rope s and, with fome additional articles, 3 circuitous trade to Africa and the Weil Indies. The fame ingenuity of mechanic handi- craft, which arifes concomitant with agri- culture, doth here alfo rife concomitant with commerce, and is exerted in ship- building: it is carried on, njec- tion is made to this defcription of the im* proving commerce of America* will open to view another extraordinary fource of am^ plitude and gr'owtb of /late. It will be faid, that the faA of the balance of trade, being at all times, and in every channel, 6nally ^ainil America, fo as to draw all the gold and iilver it can colle it"^'.' f-*: 'T' -t't ,.,-■-■ ■■".ff.'-.v ■•••■^ .:^v V, ■.Tti..^,;''*-'iSi[*..jv.''- ■ -•V 7r"ir,''>'5Ti'"i, "^5 ,"'""»■' '■'.'r^-'i'y::-''/ ,' ;'■ ■1", r -^.i-.. [ 54 1 that :|t ivhich it was circulating abroad, ihould raife the price of this {Article in Eng-^, land* it will, for the fame reafon as it went out, be again imported into England;... sot coming as the balance of their accounts,, but as the article of trade, of which the beft profit could at that moment be made. The fa(ft was* that at that period, quantities of EngliQi gold coin, to a great amount, were adually imported into England in bulk; and yet this was no mark of any fudden change of a balance of trade in fa« vour of that country. The balance of trade, reckoned by this fallacious rule, has been always faid to be againft North America alfo : but the fa£t is, that the government of that country, profiting of t creJu afifing from the pro^ gr^five improvements, and advancing com-- merce of it (which all the world fees, or it would be no credit) hath, by a refined policy eilablilhed a circulation of paper- money to an amount that is ailpnifhing ; that from the immenfe quantity it iliould depreciate* is iioxtiing to this argument ifor i$ f 5J ] ie has had its effn^. The * Am^Hcans, th?fe- fore, as well as England, can fparc their gold and filver, can do without it. The efflux, therefore, of the precious metals, is no proof of its being a balance againft them. On the contrary, they being able to go on without gold and filver, but want- ing other articles, without which they could not go on, neither in the progrcffion of their improvements, in the advance of ihcir com- merce, nor in the condudt of their war mat- tersi the metallic money is in pan hoarded, and in part goes out, and thofe articles of more ufc to them are imported. Does it not then turn out to be a faft, that tliis objedion, which is always given as an -j- inftancc of weaJcncfs in America, under which fhe mud fink, turns out, in the true ftate of it, an In- ftance of the mojl extenfive amplitude and growth * My information fays, that there is now locked up in Ame- rica more than Three Millionst Englifti money, in gold and filver fpecies, which when their Paper it annihilated will come forth. Editor. f Would ft not be well for England, if while fhetriumphi over this mote in her {ifter's eye, (he would attend to the beam in her own, and prepare for the confequences ©f her own Paper Money ! Editor. :'-! 't . "I* M I i6 ] growth of Jlate, which would not have been confidered, or even feen, had the ob- jedioa not been made. ' . m. ^^ , I will here, therefore, from this compa- jifon of the fpirit of civilizing activity in the old and in the new world, as one fees it in its application to agriculture, handU crafts, and mechanics, and finally in an adive commerce, fpatiating on an ampli- tude of bafe, the natural communion of a great country, and rifing in a natural pro- greflion, venture to affert, that in this point. North America has advanced, and IS EVERY day advancing, TO GROWTH OF STATE, WITH A STEADY AND CON- TINUALLY ACCELERATING MOTION, OF WHICH THERE HAS NEVER YET BEEN ANY EXAMPLE IN EuROPE. But farther ; when one looks to the pro- greflive population which this foftering happincfs doth, of courfe, produce, one can- not but fee, in North America, that God's firft blefling, " Bi fruitful and multiply j replenifi the earth and fubdue it,'* hath operated in full manifeftation of his will. In Europe, on the contrary, where a wretched, felfifh, felf-obftruding policy, hath *'~, v?'.r %/'' -'' "■' .- » t 57 1 hath rendered barren, not . only fruitful countries, but even the womb itfelf >; 6i\t' may fay, in melanchoUy truth, that the fiffl curfe, •* I will greatly multiply thy' forrow in procreation ; in forrow (halt thdti^ bring forth children," feems to have bicen* executed in judgment. That wretched ftateof the country and people, which hath rendered fruitfulncfs a matter of forrow,' and children a burthen, hath arrefted the* progrefs of. population. The apprehen-" lions of having a family to fupport when the poor parents know not where or how to provide a honie and fuftenance ; the dread of bringing into the world (objects £o dear to all parents) who are to be born in a (late not much better than Havcry, hath palfied the very idei of mar* riagc, the fruits of which are to be brought forth in forrow. * In North America chil- dren are a blefling, ar? riches and ftrcngth to the parents -, and happy /; every man that bath his quiver full of thein. As the nature I and * Magnum quidam elt incitamentuni> tolere Hberos ia fpem alimentorum, majus tamen in fpem liberiatis, in fpem iecuritatis. Plin. Paneg. l. ^ 27. '< !' f 5« 1 - ■ ■• • , and caufes of thit amazing population hath been Co faliy difcuGcd, and with decide4 defnonftration» explained in <* Obfervathns €9ncernmg the mcnafe ifmankindt tbt pto^ fUng ofcountrieSf &c,*' I ihall refer thofe who think it neceflary to purfue this point of the eomparifon further* to that little treatiie $ and (hall proceed here to confirm it by examples of the adual encreafe ilated in authentic fadts. The province of Majfachufett^s Bay had inhabitants in the year 1722— •—94,000 1 742— -- 1 64,000 ♦ 1/51—— 164,484 1761— —216,000 ^.,„ • 1765 255»500 ^771 292,000 1773— —300,000 In the colony of Connecticut the inhar bitants, at the beginning of lafl war* and of the prcfent, (lood 1756 129,994 ,774 257,356 Obfer/e here, that the numbers, by which thcfe * N. £!. A great depopulation, by the fnalKpox and war. I 59 1 thefe people have thu9 encreafed, are not aided by any accretion of (Irangers -, but* on the contrary, they appear lefs than they would adually be, if all thofe people whom the colony loft in the courfe of laft war* and all rhofe who, in very great numbers* emigrated to the weftward fince the war* could have been added i as it is, they have encreafcd nearly the double in eighteen years. As it may be a matter of curio^ty* and not irrelevant to the argument, I will here infert a particular inftance of fecundity in a family in Connecticut. Mary Loomis (or Loomax) born at Windfor in Connec- ticat - - • w ^^ I • 1680 Married John Buel of Lebanon in do* 1696 Died at Li:chfield in do. • - 1768 Defcendants ving at her death : ; : ;s C . Gr« Cr.ild. Fourth Gcn« . Child. Gr Child. !• 75 Died bef. her 1 M «6 if « ...J 13 101 «74. 2Z, Tot.defcendants JA'i»;« h"de*«b 33« Died before her 74., Tot. en ;r<:'>re born j^ ■%■ '.'.•SO.,. '/••s \:y'X 1 IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // v^ m^K- *" '^,'* 1.0 I.I f ,^ ^ I Iffi 12.0 18. fl 1-25 1.4 1.6 < 6" ► V] c* ^? Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 VwEST MAIN STREET WEF;SV'?Ta.4<03 ^^ \\ ,^ .The Province New YoRit. J k.^; J ^;:^ i!si ^'^774- 182,251.^ .,.,^^^^ .rfj' t^ ^ The Dominions of Virginia. ' J^'-^ ,'c?i> t>d? '1756 i73»3i6 * i^^i^^^'ff''^ :^^r! i^ t - *i.-' .1748-9— —28,439. roV!.',.:,:-.^, A:< there never was a regulated general militia in Pennsylvania, which* could enable thofe, whofe buiinefs it was, to get^ accounts of the increafe of population ii| . |hat province, founded on authentic lifts, it hath been varioufly eftimated on fpecu- lation. Although there was a continued <-J^ '■' ■ " ' --'•■! .V;, • . import • * Thi; is fuppofed to be be^ow the aAual number, the great increafe of population beitig, in the back countriei, not then included in the regulations of the policy. ^ditor. Imi em| thai N r virij olhl pop the oth( latii % .> '■Ml import for niany years of frith and Forciga emigrants into Philadelphia (of which I have the numbers) yet» informed a$ I am, ^that man^^ of thefe palTed through the pro- yiiice, and fettled either dire&ly, or as ^fdon as their indented iervice expired, in 'other provinces, I think the progrefs of population may be reckoned here alfo by the ordinary courfe of procreation, as in other provinces aid colonies ; and by col- lating different eftimates, I think' I may venture t* .fay, that its population, when I was in the country, advanced ia a ratio between that of Mafiachufett's-bay and Virginia. The pity of Philadelphia, indeed, from circumflances of trade* ad- vanced with a more rapid motion, of which fad, the following is, a flatement in broof. Philadelphia hadin theyear houfes Inhabitants on eftimatej 1749 2076 from 16,000 tc 1 8,000 J .1753 2300 rr 3^3-8 to 35.Pooi '760 2969^ . . I 1769 . 4474 to fpeak of the population of the country in general i there were at the beginning of the war, 1754 and 5, various calculations and efli- mates r I :^ £* vv mates made of the numbers of the people on the contineat. Thofc who were fari- I^uine, and thought they could correA the materials from tvhich theedimate was to|)e made, fancied they were juiltHed in making the amount of the numbers of the people one milliott and a half, Thofe who did not admit fo much fpeculation into the calcula* tion, but adhered clofer to the fadts of the lifls as they were made out, could not Aate the amount at more than one miHion two hundred and fifty thoufand. -"'^ ' «* • The eftimaie of the numbers of the people, faid to have been taken by Con- grefs in September, 1774. makes them 3,026,678 5 but when I fee how that ac- count, from which the edimate is made, diifers, in many particular articles, from what I have ventured to ilate as authentic returns, I am convinced that there muft have been great fcope of fpeculation taken and allowed in that eflimate. I have feen another eftimate which makes the number, at a later period, after two of three years of war, 2,810,000. In what I am going to advance, I am myfelf rather rcafoning ft lit- •■■'.-• ^ J'-f^ ^\ ■ ' • ,i ■ reatoning upCD ettimate than authentic fa6^» for I have not fccn the returns of a// the provinces ; yet from what I have now feen^ compared with what I have known former- ly» I do verily believe, and therefore ven*!- ture to fay, that 2,141,307 would turn out the number neai^eft to the real amount in the year 1774* But what an amazing pro- grefs of population is it, which, in eighteen or nineteen years, has added near a million of people to A million two hundred and fifty thoufand, although a war was main- tained in that country for feven years of that period. ..,..,. . . . . ^ . In this view, one fees again the ampli* tude of the community unfolding its pro- greflive increafe and growth of State, beyond any example that any of the Powers of Europe can brin^ into compari-, fon in the account. But morej thefc, numbers are not a mere multitude of dwellers, fruges confu^ mere natu The frame and model cf thefe communities, which hath, from the iirfl: eftabliflmient of lhet:i, always v ken place, (Pcnnfylvania excepted) is fuch as hath enrolled \: w tr ■ ''.-x ■. '\ t 64 ] enrolled every common fubjedt, by the poll* to be a foldler j and, by rotation of duty; h^s trained, to a certain degree, a quarter' part, or about 535,326 of tbefe people ia- the aSlual ufe of arms^ fo that the country has this number not feparate from the civil community, and formed into a diftindt body' of regular foldiers, but remaining United to the internal power of the community* as it were, the nationai picquet guard, aU ways prepared for defence. I am aw&re, that even thefe numbers, being the numbers of a mere militia, will appear contemptible to the regular Captains and Generals of Europe $ yet, experi- ence in fadt hath always evinced that, for that very reafon, that they are not a fe- parate body, but mefllbers of the body of the community, they became a real and effeSiive national defence, have toes that are roots, and arms which will bring forth the fruits of external protection, with in- ternal fecurity and peace. This eftablifh- ment is an organized part of the body, and can be maintained at all times, and even in time of fervice, at little more expence than the .■h .. J it. '.**■ f 6.* 1 ■ fhe ordiriAfy vitat cif dalation fequif^s. Tf hd >«ij«l' grcatiicfs arid fIt'cngftK of the State arifts frotrt and ccnMs in tHis ♦ " that every ^i*innk^h fiibje^, by the poll, is fit to make i foTdier, and not certjiin conditions and . degrees of men only." I cannot clofe this jpart of my reafoAing betteir than m the fentiment in Vt^hich the fame greiat Statef- man and Philofopher gives his Opinion oil the matter, ** The true greatnefs of the State confifteth effcntfally in population of breed of men, and Where there is valour in the individuals, and a militat-y difpofition in the frame of the community J where all, and not particular conditions and de-* greeS only, make proffeffion of atms, and bear them in theit country's defence.*' Great as this amplitude of the cdmmiu« fti?:y may be at its bafc j far advanced as it may be in the progrefs of its civiH^Ihg ac* tivity i eftablKhed in intereil and power as it may be by an adtivc ciommeree ; and fe- curely fortified as it may feem in the union of its mjKtary fpirit i yet all this, without' the foul of Government, Would prove but * Ld. Vcrulam, \ \ [ 66 ] a phantom. So far as the vitality of Co** vernment can animate the organized being, and fo far as the fpirit of Government cat) actuate the vr'iW of the whole, fo far, and no farther, can the amplitude and growth of the State extend. , , . i-iii i If the dominions of an Empire be ex- tended, while, by reafon of a narrovvnefs or weaknefs in the vital fpring of Govern- ment, the fpirit of Government cannot fo extend, as to give vital union to its diflant parts, or, by an union of will, to adnata the con/en/us obedientium in thofe remote parts* the exteniion of the dominions works not to amplitude and growth, but to the diffolution of State. Such Government will call thofe remote parts, external pro- vinces i and becaufe it hath not the virtue or the vigour to fo extend the fpirit of Go- vernment to them, as that, while they obey the will, they feel thcmfelves vitally united to it, it will aflume the tone of Force. But as the natural internal force will not aa againft itfelf, that is not the force which Government in fuch cafe can wfci Government, brought into fuch an unhappy . I 67 ] unhappy cafe, muft attempt therefore to adt by external, unnatural force fent from tvithout. But, alas I any force that (even with violent temporary exertions) it can fend to thefe extremities (without draining itfeif at heart) will bear no comparifon with the natural internal force of thofc pro- vinces, and can have no efFedt but that of alienation and dilTolution. When fuch a cafe exifts, the dominions of an Empire, which were not too great for a right ^irit of Government, but which, aduated by that ipirit, was in a Continual progreflion to aip- plitude and growth of State, are foon found too great for the falfe and unnatural fpiritof Force. Let us here view this world (by the fatality here defcribed) now feparated and fallen off from that vital union by which it was once an organized member of the Eng- lifh Empire : let us view it as it now is, ah INDEPENDENT State t^at hath taken its equal Jiation amidft the nations of the farthi as an Empire, the fpirit of whofe government extends from the centre to its extreme parts, exadlly in proportion as the will of thqfe parts doth reciprocally unite K 2 in ,Tr3« I- '-Fi ■ £ 68 ] in ihat <;pcitcr. Her^ \ye (ball 6nd (as h^th always been foynid) **ThM iipiverfal par- ticipation of .council creates rd in every tf^ which 15} HnpoCed. This ponfi^eratipn aloiJjp >yi;U give «fficacy to government, and will crc- %tfi that cpnfenfus obedientiumf on whicl^ pnly the permanent power of the impe^ rium of a ftate c^n he founded ; this wil( giy;e exteni^on an^ ilability of empirp zs^ fgr as it can e^^tend its 4ominions." Jbh migbf h^'ue been, indeed, the ^n\ qf the pritifli Empire, America being a part of ix ; ^bis is tbe fpirit pf th? go^ Ycrnment of the new Empire of Americaj^ Qreat Britain being no part of it \i is i^ y^t^it^, )iab]e| inde^d^ tp inany ^ifprders, i.\ ' \ many • man/ ' • and 1^1 i ^' y of intc ■ >3 thofc c ,v infant % pepts i with it ftitutio *• ofilate To tainly ihoufai that i globe is eart] run its and re pronou whicfe. • nurfc i *•- &11 4ou Wh( plitude * • this ne^ ■ a£kuate ^her^r [ 69 ] wwy dangerous di^ejirea s but it is youn^ and (^ropg, ^qd wiU ftruggic, by the vigour of internal healing principles of life, againft thofc evils^ gnd furmpunc theni ; like thq infant Hercules, it will ftrangle thefe ler- pent8 in its ^nfip, It9 ftrength will grow with its years, and it will f (labliQi its con* flitution, and p{firf?<9 adM^tn^fs in growth of Hate. To this grcatnefs of empire it will cer- tainly arife. That it is removed three ihoufand miles did^ant f^-om its enemy i that it lies on another fide of the globe where it has no enemy ; that i<; is «arth-born, and like a giant ready to run its courfc, are not alone the grounds and reafons qn which a fpe^ulatift may pronounce this. The foftering care with which the rival Powers of Europe will nurfe it, enfures its eftabliihnient beyon4 &11 4ouht or danger. Where a ftr.tp is founded on fuch am-* plitudc of bafe as the union of territory in this new world forms ; whofe communion i« a£tuated by fuch a fpirit of civilization, ^herc all is cnterprize and experiment;; where • t N « where Agriculture, led by this fpirit, hath ipadc difcovcrics in Co many new and pe- culiar articles of culture, and hath carried the ordinary produce of bread-corn to a degree tjiat has wrought it to a ftaple ex- port, for the fupply of the old world;, whofe fiflieries are mines producing more folid riches, to thofc who work them, than all the filver of Potofi ; where experifncn^ tal application of the underftanding, as well as labour to the feyeral branches of the me- chanics, ha'>h invented fo many new and' ingenious improvements; where the Arts and Sciences, Legiflation and Politics, are ibaring with a ftrong and extended pinion, to fuch heights of philofophic induiflion 5 where, under this bleflfedncfs, Population has multiplied like the feeds of the har- veft ; where the ftrength of thefe numbcris, taking a military form, *'JhaIl lift up itfelf as a young lion j" where Trade, of a moft ^xtenfive orbit, circulated in its own (hip- ping, hath wrought up this effort of the Community to an aSitDe Comment -, where a;II thefe powers unite and take the form of cftabliftiment of Empire ; I may fuppofe that I cannot err^ nor give offence to the greatcfli t 7' 1 greatefl Power in Europe, when, upon t comparifon of the (late of mankind, and o^ the jftatcs of ihofe Powers in Europe, wi^h that of America, I venture to fuggeft to their contemplation, that America is grow- ing too large for any government in Eu- rope to govern as fubordinate ; that tho Government of North America is too firmly fixed in the hands of its own community, to be either direded by other hands, or taken out of the hands in which it is : and that the power in men and arms (be, they contemned or contemptible, as the wifdom of Europe may fuppofe) is too much to be forced at the diftance of three thousand miles., f .u . v ... ...•„ ^.. ^ If I were to addrefs myfelf to a philofo- pher, upon a fuppofed adventitious Aate of the planetary fyftem, and afk him, whe- ther, if an accretion of matter fhould en- large any fattellite till it grew into magni- tude, which balanced with its primary; whether that globe, fo encreafed, could any. longer be held by any of the powers of na- ture in the orbit of a fecondary planet ; or whether any external force could hold it ; J thus ;SjX*^;' ■^■. i 7* i tlius rcft'rained; he will anfwer me di* tcQ]y\ No. If I afkthd father of a family, whether, after his fon is grown up to manf^f as aforetime in his childhood ? Tha father will be fbrry to be aiked the quef- tion, and be willing to eVade it ; but he muft anfwer. No. Yet, if I afk an JJu-^ fbpean politician, who Icslrns by hearfay> and thinks by habit, arid who fuppofes of courfe that things muft go on, as they have always gone on i whether, if North America, groWn up, by a diftindt and in- dependent intereft in their ceconomy tnd comrherce, to a magnitude in nature, po- licy, and power, will remain dependent upon, and be governed by, any of thtf metropolitan ftates on the other fide of the globe; he will confidently anfwer. Yes. He will have ready a thoufand reafons why 'it muft be fo, although fadl rifes in his face to the very contrary. There have been (jt-o v_"'- f.:-tf»<': t 73 1 been, and there are, periods in the Hiftory of Man, when, indead of t&e politician being employed to find out reafbns to ex- plain fads, he and all about him (hall be bufied to invent, or make, faSii, that Jhall fuit predetermined reafonings. Truth, however, will prevail, and things will al- ways finally prove themfelves to be what they arc. . What has been here faid is not meant to eflabliih proof of the FaSi, which is in event', but fo to explain it, as that the confequences of it may be fairly and clearly feen. As to the exigence of the fads, or the effed of them in operation, it is of no import. The present combination of events, whether attended to or not, whether wrought hy wifdom into the fyflem of Europe or not, will, forcing its way by the vigour of na- tural caufes, he found there in all its afcend- ant operations. Thefe will have their ef- feds, and Europe in the internal order and ceconomy of its communities, in the cour''';s, of its commerce, will be affcdcd by it. The {latefnrmn cannot prevent its exiftence, nor refifl its operation. He may embroil Xf his ,:•*■ -'7;5T-"V'''".; '■ y '^^■^"1 : f?:^ ••■ - " ■" x-uta ■" r-^ . t 74 J " his own affairs ; but it will bccpmtf liis hefi. wifHom and his duty to hk fovereign and the people, that his meafures coincide and co-operate with it. ' The firft of the confequcnces is, the EfFeft which this Empire, in a new and fcparaW world, become a great naval Power, will have on the commerce, and perhaps by changes introduced in that, on ths political iyftem of the old world. - Whoever has read and underftands any thing of the flate of the Hanfeatick League in Europe, and conlidcrs it's pro-* grefs, firil by it's poffcffing all the com- manding articles of the commerce of the then world, and the commercial command of all the great rivers through which that commerce muft circulate j next it*s being the carrier f the trade of JEurope; and finally it's forming, on this afcendant in- tereft, by the means of it's (hipping and feamen, an aBive naval Fower^ that in all cafes could attract the intereft of, in many cafes refift, and even command the landed Powers; whoever, viewing this, confiders that this League was made up of a I 75 ] g number of towns, feparate from, and iinconneded with each other, and included within the dominions of other Powers and $tates, of a number of individual towns* who had no natural Communion, and only a forcjcd and artificial union amongft each other ; whoever, duly marking this at the bafis, follo\ys the progrefs of the power, not only commercial but naval and politi- cal, which this League, under all thefe na- tural difadvantages, eftablifhed throughout all Europe, will be at no lofs to fee on how much more folid bafis the power of North- America ftands founded, how much fafter and with more rapid increafe (unobrtru6led with th ofe difficulties which the League met with) it muft grow up, and to what an extent and afcendancy of interefV, carry- ing on the greateft part of the commerccj, and commanding the greatefl part of the (hipping of the world, this gtea^ commer- cial, naval, American Power mufl foon arrive at. If this League, without having the natural foundation of a political body, a landed root, could grow, by an aftive commerce and the efFcd of navigation, to L 2 fuch 1 .• ;',•■ ^\l.■|^^y:■^■^. .'.yr-^-tii [ 76 ] fuch power as we kt>ow it did poiTefs, and lifted with ; if this League, of parts feparated by Nature, and only joined by the artifi" cial cement of force, could become a great political body, exifting, as it were vitally, by a fct of regulations of internal police, and acting externally with an intered and power that took a lead, and even an afcendancy in wars and treaties, what muH: the States of North-America, removed at ft diftance of almoft half the globe, froni all the obilru^tions of rival Powers, having at it's root a landed dominion, peculiarly adapted to the communion of conj^merce and ur^ion of poiver, and already grown up \ti an almofl univerfal active commerce^ rife up to in their progrefs ? As this Hanfeatick League ^rcw up to power, Denmark, Sweden, Poland, and even France, fought it's alliance (under the common veil of pride) by offers of be- coming it's Protedlors. England alfo, growing faft into a commercial Power, had commercial arrangements, by treaty, with it. Jail fo now will the Sovereigns of Europe, juft fo now have the great Bourbon t 77 ] Bourbon Compad, the greateft PoWer in Europe, courted the friendfhip of America. Standing on fuch a bails, and growing up under fuch aufpices, one may pronounce of America as was faid of Rome, Civitas^ incredible efi memoratu, adeptd libertaU quantum brevi creverit, I mark here iv&at may be in eitentf from a view and confideration of what has: been in faSt, merely to obviate a fufpicion of my reafoning being theory and vifion. In the courfe of this American war, all the Powers of Europe (at lead the mari- time Powers) will, one after another, as fome of the firft leading Powers have already done, apply to the States of Ame- rica for a (hare in their trade, and for a fcttlement of the terms on which th^y may carry it on with them. America will then become the Arbithess of the com- mercial, and perhaps (as the Seven United Bcl|,*" Provinces were in the year 1647) the Mediatrix of peace, and of the political bufinefs of the world. . If North America follows the principles on which Naturp h^th eflabliHied her ; and if 1 ' .' 1 Hn "■■■*•: ■m^tm^ I 78 ] If the European alliances which {he hat already made do not involve her in, and feducc her tOj a feric? of Cottdudt dc(trUGiv« 6( that fyflem, which thofe principles lea^ to; fhe muft obfcrve, that as Nature hath leparated her from Europe, and hath efta- bliflied her .. ■ >< • •. •^».'.i -ft I . . ) . ( -r ,^ ^ _ ,, . _ _ , - ,-, Europe, by the tnterventton of tot/ Ame» riean commerce in her markets, will find the good cffeds of a fair competiiion, hth m abundance of fupply, and in moderation of price. Nay, even England, who hath loA the monopoly, will be nd great lofer on* this fcore : (he will find this natural com- petition as advantageous to her, as the mo- nopoly which, in bounties, and other cods of prbte(^ibn, fhe paid fo dear for. r . \ Sbip'buiidingt and the fcience, as well as art of navigation, having made fuch pro- grefs in America, fo that they are able to build and to navigate cheaper than any coun- try in Europe, even cheaper than Holland with all her ceconomy can, there will arife in Europe a competition, at leafl in this branch of commerce. Ih this branch the Dutch will find powerful rivalfhip from that maritime people, the Americans. The Dutch will alfo find, in the markets of Eu- rope, a competition in the branch of the Fijfjeries. , , 1 life' '•^j ' I ■ ' '' , '1 > . The rice and the Bread corn wfiicK the Americans have been able to expert, to an amount that fupplied.., in the European mar^ ker. £ [ 83 1 ket, the defed arifing from England's with- holding her exports, will, when that export ihall again take place, k^ep down deprefTed th« agriculture of Portugal and Spain, and, in fome meafure, of France alfo, if the policy of thofe countries does not change the regula- jtlons, and order of their internal oeconomy. "' The peculiar articles of/upply to be had as yet from America only, alnd which the markets of Europe fo much feek after and demand, will not only give to the Ameri- cans the command of the market in thofe articles, but enable them, by annexing af- fortments of other articles of commerce, to produce thefe latter articles alfo, with preference and advantage in thofe markets. I^crefufeffi, the Jiour, the maize, the barrelled meat, the live-Jiock, and various lejj'er articles of fitbjijlence, and the lum^ her, all carried in American thipping to the Weftrlndia Iflands, diretftly from North America : the African (laves carried, by a circuitous trade, in American (hipping alfo, to the Weft-India markets: the taking from thence the . melo(res ; and the aiding thofe iflands with, American (hipping, in the carriage alfo of their produce, muftevcr Ma com- r . l^fS»i!P"- »«M~»"< •» [ 93 ] the principal leading rower in Europe, in regulating the courfes of the reft, and in fettling the common center of all." " *\ 'England is the State that is in thofe circumflances and in tliat fituation ; , the fimilar modes of living ar;d thinking, t^ fame manners and fame fadiions, the faine language and old habits of national love^ imprefled in the heart and not yet effaced, the very indentings of the fradture wliereat North- America ftands broken off from her, all confpire naturally to a rejun^ure by alliance. If, in the forming that junc- ture, England, no longer afluming to be what (he no longer is, will treat America, and all other Beings, as what they really are, (he might ftill have the afcendancy in trade and navigation, might {lill havo a more folld and Icfs invidious power than that Magni Nominis umbra with which (he braves the whole world 5 fhe " might yet have an adive leading in- tereft amongft the Powers of Europe, But (he will not. As though the hand of judgment was upon her, England will not fee the things which make for her peace. France, in) France, oq the contrary, already (and other States will follow this example) acknowledging thofe States to be what they artf has formed alliances with them on tcrnis of pedc(5^ equality and reciprocity. And behold the afcendant to which (he ^:fe£Uy rofe from that politic humiliation. Tl^ere never was a wifer or firmer ftcp t^ken by any cftabliflied Power, than that ivhicli the New States in America took for their frji footing in this alliance j there never was more addrcfs, art, or policy fliewn by any State, than France has given proof of in the fame ; when both agreed and became allied on terms which exclude no other Power from enjoying the fame benefits, by a like treaty, Gan it be fuppofed that other States, conceiving that the exclufive trade of Eng- land towards America is laid open, will not defire, and will not have, their ihare of it, and of the benefits to be derived from it ? They certainly will. Here then come forward the Beginnings of changes |n the European fyftem. If here are too co' irfes in which this general genej twixl com< [95 Ji general intercommunion of commerce, btf»«^ twixt Europe and North-America, ma^ come into operation : the one will lye itt ' fpecial and particular treaties of commerce^ I . with fpecific regulations and tariffs, matlcf feparately, from time to time, with each fe- paratc State : the other may come into ope-'^ ration by all the maritime States ' OP Europe, either previous to, or irlV confequence of fuch feparate treaties ; ' either previous to their engaging in a ge- ' neral war, or upon the general fettlement of a peace, meeting in some Congress to regulate, amongft themfelves, as well as with North-America, the free port, on one hand, and the f«ee market on the other; as alfo, general regulations of com- merce and navigation, fuch as muft fuit f^/r free-trader, now common to them all, mdif"^ ferently, and 'without preferente. Such^ regulations, in the firft place, muft exclude ' all monopoly of this fource of fupply and courfe of trade ; and fo far make an eflen- lial change in the commercial fyftem:' fuch regulations, not having reference only to America, but reciprocal references be- tween j:!l !! tween all the contrading parties, trading now under different circum (lances, and flanding towards each other in different predicaments, muil necefTarily change the whole of that fydem in Europe. . The American will come to market in his own (hipping and will claim the ocean as common', will claim a navigation re- ftrained by no lawi but the law of nations, reformed as the rifing crifis requires j will claim a free market, not only for the goods he brings, whencefoever he brings them, but alfo for the {hips in which he brings them ; the fale of his (hipping will make part of his commerce. America being a free port to all Europe, the American will bring to Europe not only his own peculiar Jlaple produce, but every fpecies of his pro- duce which the market of Europe can take off: he will expert to be free to offer to fale in the European market, every fpecies of wrought materials, which he can make to anfwer in that market : and farther, as his commerce fubfifls, and is carried on by a circuitous interchange with other coun- tries and regions, whence he brings arti- cles. [ 97 ] cles, not fimply for his own confumptlon, but as exchangeable articles, with which to trade in foreign markets j he will claim, as one of the condition's of \k\tfree market ^ that thefe foreign articles, as well as his own produce, fhall be confidered as free for him to import in his own (hipping, to fuch market. Thofc States who refufe this at iirft, feeing Others acquiefce in it, and fee- ing alfo how they profit by having articles of fupply and trade brought fo much cheaper to them, will be obliged, in their own de- fence, and to maintain their balance in the commercial world, to accede to the fame liberty. H^ncc again, even if the Ameri- can (hould not, by thefe means, become the afcendant intereft in the carrying-trade, and in {hipping and feamen, a mod eflential change muft arife in the European fyftem. Again j the American raifes his produce cheaper, and navigates cheaper, than any other can : his ftaple commodities are arti- cles which he alone can fupply ; thefe will come to the market aiTorted with others, which he thus can tnojl convenie?itly fupply ; and, unlefs the fame liberty and freedom O of ''IK ^li; i !!1 'i m 'I,:" % 1,: Vm^ 1 ;i| '. ■' ' t ' ' . !'ffll l'.'' ' - - ,-f '-.-.^i^r. ' '!■ *,. ' ■ :n;'j.4 ' ; ■''4ji ''11 '' ! , . *''z . iM-'-i i •! 1 1' 1 1 jl i' 1 % m i 1 i I'iHI ,0 1 |i i^a [ 98 ] of trade, which he enjoys, be reciprocally given and taken, by the European Powers, amongfl each other, he will come to the European market on terms which no other can. Nor is it in the articles which the Ame- rican brings to fale, but in his manner of trading for thofe articles which he pur- chafes, that th« community in Europe will be aifedted, benefitted, and improved. There will be found not only a fair com- petition in the fales, but the peculiar a6ii- vity of the American will raife, of courfe and as neceilary, a fpirit and activity amongft thofe who come to the fame market. That peculiar turn of character in the Ameri- can, before defcribed, that inquifitiveneff, which in bufinefs animates a fpirit of in- veftigation to every extent, and in the moft minute detail, wherever information is to be had, exjitcs and enables them to conduct their dealings in trade in a different and more advantageous manner than is ufu- ally pra(Slifed by the European merchant. They acquire a knowledge not only of the markets of Europe, that is, of the wants and [ 99 J and fupplics, how they correfpond, and of their relative values ; but they never reft till they arc poflcfled of, in the moft mi- nute degree, a knowledge of every article of produce and manufadlurc which comes to thofe markets ; until they know the cftab- lifhments, the operations, and the prices of labour, and the profits made on each, as well, or even better than merchants of the country themfelves. This ftate of in- formation, joined to their commercial ac- tivity, leads them to the immediate fources of all the fupplies they want to purchafc, without going through the channel of a foreign merchant or factor. > ""' A little time befori; the hrMking out of the troubles between England and America, feveral of the American merchants, e(pe- cially thofe of Pennfylvania, fending fomc of their o.wn houfe to England (as I am informed) became their own fadors, went immediately to the manufacturers in Bir- mingham, Wolverhampton, and Sheffield ; to the woollen manufadlurers in Yorklhire and Lancafliire ; to thofe of Liverpool ; gnd to thofe in the Weft ; and opened an 2 immediate ii||ii ^!i '«,';•' [ lOO ] immediate traffick with them at the f,rft hand. This fame fpirit of inveftigation, and this fame commercial activity will in the fame manner aduate their dealings in every other country of Europe where they have a free market, ^, The efFesJt arifing from this may appear, ftt firft view to be difadvantageous to thofe countries, and may indeed affect the courfes of the European Merchant individually, but it will become a general bleffing to the community of every country at large, by being the me?ns of raifing a more general competition and of difFuling a more equal or proportional fhare of profit between all ranks and orders of the induftrious. While trade is folely in the hands of the Mer- chant, He, not from the nature of the man, but from the nature of trade itfelf, b^ars har4 on the purchafer by his high rate of profit, and opprefies the manufac- turer by the bare living ihare of profit he allows him : the Merchant grows rich and ITiagnificent, makes a great bu^le and a great figure : the eye of the world, at- traced by the glare of theic mercantile in- itancc^ ftl cc qt nl oi a fiances of the advancing opulence in the country, has never accuftomcd itfelf to in- quire, whether part of this princely mag- nificence is not derived from the depreflion of induftry, occafioning, at the fame time, a certain defalcation from the quantity of goods which would otherwife be produced ? It can never be well with any country when the Merchants are Princes, or where the Prince is th'j Merchant. The more that the Merchant can make by high pro- fits, the lefs in quantity (on every confide- ration) will he carry to market. It will be his intereft to keep the market fcantily flocked ; it will become his intej^^ft, by the collateral occafion which this will give him, to reprefent the demand of the market as decreafed, for thus he will keep down the manufacturer's profit. Whereas, on the contrary, in the moment that com- merce becon .es free and open ; and, by the intermixture of this American fpirit of trade, runs, with fair competition, in " broader channel : The merchant mud make his way by being content with fmall profits, and by doing a deal of bufinefs on thofc !l li il'it !i li < tw [ I02 ] ^hojfe fmall profits. The confutncr and the jfoanv^^i^er .will come into more iinme- ^a^ CDnta^> and be known to each other. , ThiC one will favc ihc unreafonable ad- vances which he ufcd to pay, and the other w'^\ obtain a more equal (hare of the pro- fits which arife on his labour. More work ^iU bp done ; the profits of induAry more 3Cq,q^ly diftributcd i the circulation of the <,vital nutritious juices will be diffufed ..through the leffer vcffels, and give univerfal life aad health, and more perfe(^ exuberance of growth to the whole community. If thefe fads be true, and this rcprefen- tation of eiFeds be according to Nature ; and if thcfc operations take this courfe ; it will ;be needlefs to point out to the (hrewd fpeculations of th? merchants, what their conduft mud neceffarily be j but it will behove the Statsfmen in the fcveral Go- vernments of Europe to be aware, that, while this change is in operation, they do not fuffcf the merchant to pcrfuade them, tha^t the general commerce is languilhing and in decay, merely becaufe there is not the fame parade of wealth, in fuch dazzling in(lanees> [ K>3 ] inftances, in the partial accumulated opu- lence of particulars. Let th€in look firft to the market of fupply in fubfi^erK:*, and inquire, whether there is not plertty there ? Next to the rude produce, which is the bafis of manufactures, and inquir«« whe* ther, while more and more indi»ftry is daily called forth, it is not employed and more adequately paid by a free and extend- ed vent ? And whether, while the number and ingenuity of mantifadturers increaftfs and advances, they do not all live more comfortably, fo as to be able to maintain^ and confequently, in faft, to haVe, in- creafing families ; whether population does not progreilivcly encrcafe, ^s it meets the foi^rces of induftry in employment and pay. Let them, for the future, guard againft the narrowed intereft and cxclufive temper of fradc; while they encourage, 6yiin aftrac'^ he principle of general communion, the l^^nuine fpirit and life of commerce. The Political Founders of the old fyftem in the old world, were totally ignorant of this principle of commerce: they fee»n not to have undcrftood hov this fruit-bearing tree [ I04 ] Tree was to be planted, or how to be culti- vated. Inftead of th( ifhed prepann to impoverifli the foil from whence it fhould have drawn its nutrition; it was wifdom with them to render their neigh- bours and cuftomers poor. They cramped and mangled the very roots by the various ways in which population was obftruded. Their in Mtient avarice fapped the very bole of its 1 fluid, fo as to drain off that circulation, which fhould give nutri- tion and encreafe to it j by a wretched lyftem of taxation, they eflfeftualiy prevent- ed the ftock of labour and profit from ac- cumulating. They cut off the bearing branches (the hufbandmen and munufac- turers) by dragging thofe ufeful members to the barren labours of their flanding armies. And what little fruit, after all, the poor languid flarving Tree could produce, they gathered into monopolizing flores, left others fhould fhare the profit of it. But if the Statefmen of the prefent more en- lightened age will follow where experience, grounded in the adlual flate of things, leads ill throw the right, they a< o tl 11 adlivity [ 105 ] adivity of mankind into its proper courfe of produdlive labour. When man hath the liberty of exerting hi^ adive powers of induftry or ingenuity, as he can make them the mod produdive, and finds a free market fjr what he produces, and his fhare of profit in proportion to his efficien- cy in creating it^ then is the ground duly prepared for the encreafing population, opulence, and ftrength of the community ; . then will the Sovereigns of this old world find their foundeR intereft, and moft effi- cient power, arifing into amplitude and growth of flate, through means of their People's happinefs. If the Sovereigns of Europe (hould now at length find in the example of England, that the fyftem of eftabliffiing colonies in diftant regions and various climates, in order to create a monopoly of the peculiar produd of the labour of the people whom they fend thither, is at an end-, and would turn the fame attention, with the fame zeal, to colonizing at home% that* is, {hould, like the Police of China, give fource and exertion to their own internal P powers 111 [ io6 1 powers of produdllon, (hould cultivate their wafte lands, and improve their agriculture, and in its due turn, give every encourage- ment to manufadure j if they would abo- lifli all thofe ufelefs bonds of flavery, which operate in corporations and corporation- laws ; which fix down the adlivity of the human being, as it were a plant, to a local vegetable life, where its real powers are fettered and locked up, which repell all equality and competition, which obftrudt or pervert the very fpirit of communion, and render thofe, who (b d live under it, aliens to each other : As all thofe wretch- ed remnants of barbarifm (hall be removed, the produdive powers of the community will create thofe furplufes which will Ife- come the fource, and in the due courfe of nature, open in their turn the channels of commerce* If the European Statefmen, from expe- rience of what has paft, and been the ef- fect of the fyftem of Europe j from intui- tive experience of the progreflive State of America; fhould lee the felf-obftrudion which arifes from attempts to force in ex~ clufivc [ '07 ] clufive c$mmerce I fliould fee, in the examples of Spain and England, the difappointcd ends of attempts to cfta- blKh a monopoly of navigation by the force of laws, inftead of creating or maintaining it by the fpirit of an adivc commerce ; fliould fee, that all the mea- fures oi prohibitions, by which the fcveral States of Europe labour to reprefs the reft, do but deprcfs themfelves j They may at length comp to a temper in thinking, at leaft, if they cannot yet bring themfelves fo to adl, that to give freedom, fcope, and activity to commerce, is the true fyftem for every country, which in its nature and operations is adtually commercial. All this^ I Jcnow, will be called fpecu- ktion ; and it is indeed, at prefent, but mere theory ; yet having, by a feries of experience, in repeated inftances, and in fome of great import, feen, \h2ii propojitions which have been contemned and rejeSied in otie country, have, in their due feafon, become operative ivifdom in another, I will (hoping that I do not prefume top much) proceed in this fpeculation. P 2 I will [ io8 ] I will fuppofe, that the Slatcfmcn of the old world, checked at leaft in their career of war ; entertaining fome doubts, or hefitation at leaft, ©n the principles and maxims of their old fyftem; perceiving that the oeconomical activity in Europe is on the turn to take a new courfe ; feeling, in fddl, the force and expanding operations of an adive commerce j finding themfelves under the neceflity of making fome reform at leaft, begin themfelves to /peculate, how, amidft a number of Powers of trade, fhifting their fcale, an even balance may be formed, and fecured in eftablifhment ; how, amidft a number of fludnating inte- refts, buoyant on the turn of this great tide in the affairs of many an equal level may be obtained and maintained* If this fhould lead them to review their old fyftem, and they (liould perceive how it is of itfelf prepared for change, perhaps they may find that Commerce, which might have rifen by a competition in an adive induftry, a retentive frugality, and exertions of in;::enuitv, hath Ions been an exclufive fcraoibling rivalfliip ; that that [ lOQ ] that * Commerce, inftcad of being (as ia it's true nature it is) an equal, equable, univerfal operation of communion, which concenters the enjoyments of all regions and climates, and confociates men of all nations, in a one mutual communion of all the blefllngs of Providence: when adluated as it hath been, by a repellant fel-" iifh principle, hath operated in Europe un- der the old fyftem, as the golden apple of Difcord, and been to the feveral neigh- bour nations an occafion of jealoufies of each others powers of enjoyment; alter- nate depreflions of each others interefts ; and a never-ceafing fource of wars for many of the latter ages of the world : per- haps they may alfb then fee that treaties of peace by which thefc have been termi- nated, are but truces j and that guarantees are but fo many entangling preparations for future wars. * While they cannot but fee things to have been fo, on one hand, they will, I fhouM !.<■] i^'H ■ ' * Quid quod omnibus interfe populis commercium dedit ? Ingens Nature beneficium, fi illud in injuriain fuam noa vcrut hominum fuo-or. ^ei^cce Nat. Queft. Lib. 5 and 18. [ MO ] ihould however hope, have fatisfadlion in perceiving, that the manners of mankind, foftencd and fmoothed by degrees, have at length become more humanized ; their fo- cicty and police more civilized j that the world at large hath been rifing nearer and nearer* every day, to a meridian which hath enlarged its views, which hath en- lightened, and infufed a more generous and liberal fpirit into it : that although many of the old, oppreflive, deprcfling forms and inftitutioRS of Government, as they refpedt the cultivators of the earth, the manufac- turer, the internal market, the merchant and external commerce, have not yet beea actually abolilhed^ yet that pra(^ic9, in the adminiftration of thofe governments, hath by various accommodations, various facili- ties, abrogated their worft and moil: mif- chievous operations; that the adivity of man finds every day more and more, a freer courfe; that it finds itfelf encouraged, where it is in a fituaticn fo to do, to engage in the culture (if I may Co exprefs myfelf ) of the fruitfulncfs of the fcas ; that artifi- cers and manufadurers begin to feel mou'ves which I t I" 1 which not only prompt their induftry, but encourage their ingenuity; that there arc a thoufands ways and channels (which though Pride will not open. Prudence will connive at) through which the intercourfc of markets finds every year a more free and unreftrained vent j and that the avill ad with this its manifcfled fpirit and will. .*-' The maritime powers of Europe, let them continue the war to what length of time they may, muft (before peace, refped- ing that continent, refpeding America, and the mixed interefts of Europe and America, can be even treated of) muft convene by their Confuls, Commilfioners, or other Mi- nifters, in order to confider the feveral points on which the war broke out, the points in claim and in adual conteft, the points on which they inay fafely fufpend hoftilities, the points which muft form the bafis of treaty, and which will enter into the future fyftem, the point on which peace by that fyftem may not only be made but eftablifhed Is ■*■• 4s [ "9 ] cftablifhed amongft the nations of the At- lantic ocean. Will not then reafon and be- nevolence, in which (rn this peculiar crifis) true policy and their right and beft intereft is included, fuggeft to their hearts, and ac- tuate their Councils to convene a Congrefs, before they are engaged in further hoftiliiies', before the dcvaftation of war extends ruin and mifery yet further. Some fuch ttiea- fure, derived from the fame feelings and reafonings, aduatcd by the fame motives, and pointing to the fame views, as led the the feveral great Trading Bodies of Europe to cor.vene in ^ Congress, which gave rife to the Hanfeatic League, is neither cbn^ trary to, nor out of the courfe of public bufinefs ; but is, on the other hand, what the nature of the prefent crifis in a more than ordinary neceffity requires. In this model there is example in fad, precedents in wifdom and policy, applicable in the fame manner to annofl the fame cafe as then exifted. If the Statefman, who on fuch occalions are to advife their Sove- reigns, {hould think that this example does not come up to ths prefent cafe, or that the mechanic t: m 'I s I'l Tl i I ; 1 [ "O 1 mechanic commercial rcafooiog of fuch homely parties can never be a model to the Aiblime of politics; this paper (juil ob- ferving in the pading, that thofe who think fo, know nothing of the wifdom of that League) would moft humbly recommend it to thefe Statefmen* taking up the fubjeift in an enlarged, liberal, philofophic view, to coniider difpailionately, and weigh tho- roughly, "whether j'ome General Council, on the model of that concerted between the great Henry of France and Elizabeth of England, two as^ noble fpirits and as wife politicians as the world hath iince fees, Jhotddnot now be propojed. This Memoirc does not mean a General Council, ercded into the fame eftablifhment (although on the fame bafe) as their defigns went to, wJiich was to the forming a Council of Adminift ration, for regulating and cond rat- ing a general political Jyjlem of all Europe, The general Council here fuggejfted, is Am- ply and dcfinedly a Council of Commerce, for all Europe and North America (abfolutely cxciulivc of all and every point of politics) formed by the feveral Sovereigns fending their €t C< €t t «" 1 Commiffioners or Miniftcrs to convene, as a Chamber or Board, reprefenting the fe- veral commercial interefts of each State j and, on a general liberal plan and fyftem of commerce, the conjunft and confociated common intereft of Ali. As fuch it fliould remain a ftanding perpetual Council of de- liberation and advice, and a seat op ju- dicial Administration common to all. *' Continuellement qffemble eri corps de ** Senat pour ddiberer fur les affaires fur ^^ ** venantes, ioccuper h difciiter les diffc^ens interets, pacifier les querelles, eclaircir Gf vuider tous les affaires -—pour affurer mU" ** tuellcmetjt la Hbcrt^ du con-merce" Al fo as a Great and General Court op Admiralty, to take cognizance of fuch matters of commerce in litigation, as, ac- cording to its eftablifliment, fliall come duly before it : and of all offences which fhall be committed againft thofe general and common laws of trade, which fliall have been, with ratification of the Sove- reign Powers, eftabliilied by it. Such a Council might not only prevent a moll dreadful general v/ar, which feems to R be (I (( ' !< I r n { 122 ] be coming on in Europe; but, if it fliould be fo happy as to agree on fuch reglemcnts as would eftablilh peace at prefent, might, for ever after be the means to prevent all future occalions of war, arifing from com- mercial quarrels. Or, if the rage of war did force itfelf upon the world, it would then be a Seat of common juftice, open to all nations, for the relief of the peaceable, in- duflrieus, and innocent, who ihould be ac- cidentally or iniquitoufly injured by any of the warring parties : a feat of fuch juftice as does not exift, and cannot be expeded, in any private national Court of Admiralty, in the prefent ftate of nations. Whatever is the fate of every other part of this pro- pofition, the prefent entangled, confound- ed, vague ftate of the marine law of na- tions, feems to be fuch, as creates a necef- iity, which muft draw this part into eftab- liftiment. At prefent, all principle, rule, and law, feems to be as much loft and gone, as if the nations were fallen back to the old ftate of piracy, under their old barbarifm. Europe cannot, even in war, go on under the prefent abrogation of all treaties, and. all the laws of nations. If [ 123 ] -' If the ftate of things, if the combina- tion of events are, in fa£t, fuch as mark the neceflity ©f fome fuch General Coun- cil : If the minds and tempers ot Sove- reigns, whofe hearts are in the hands of Providence, be in fuch frame as theimpref- fion of thefe things feems naturally to make: And if under this view of things, and in this fpirit of wifdom, they fliould fend their Commiffioncrs or Minifters to con- vene in fuch a General Council, with powers and inftru«flions to form fome gene- ral laws and edablifhment on the ground of Universal Commerce: the cardinal points which will mod likely come under deliberation will be : ifl- How far, in right, and how far in policy, it may be beft for All, to eftablifli, on mutual agreement, the Mare Liberum : and how far each in^ dividual nation, (providing for the fecurity of that peculiar property and dominion which they have, oqcupy, and duly hold, in local defined bays and harbours, 6cc. enclofed within the boundaries and coafls of their landed dominions) may accede to ;his cftablifhmcnt, as a law of nations, R z ^dly, J. ft '. 'J If .i I m I I m 1 2dly. How far the univcrfal Jus Navi- GANDi may be, or can be cilabliOied, coniiftent with the prefent national claims of the fcveral Maritime States; or how thofe n;iay be accommodated, mutUjally and reciprocally, fo as to lead to fuch eflablidi- ment hereafter. On this ground they will naturally meet each other, in forming at leail ibme general fyftem of regulations and laws, common to all, under which this univerfal commerce may aft and be pro- tcded : So that the exercife of this right may extend whcrefoever the ocean flows, and be as free as the air which wafts it ' over that ocean in all directions* ' - •» ; ^ 3dly. This will lead to deliberation on the LiBERTAS UNIVERSALIS CoMMER- ClORUM, FREE PORTS, and FREE MAR- KETS, in open equal trafEck. As a concomitant meafure, or at leail , (thefe being fettled) as a necelTary confe- qucnce of them, the Members of this Council muft enter into convention, ;iftcr- wards to be ratified by the refpcftivc So- vereigns, of reciprocal flipulations and terms, as to Port Duties and Market Tolls. The f '25 ] Tlile adjuftment of this latter point will derive, and naturally take its form from the mode of the eftabliflimcnt of the three former matters. They will, however, be bcft and moft wifely fettled, by thofe States' who are in circumftanccs which enable them, and who are under fuch a fpirit of wifdom as will direft them, to abolifh, by degrees, all Port Duties; and to raifc their revenue by Excife, Tallies, and other internal fources of finance, as are colleded not from the feller, where every impofition lays with redoubled load of tax on the Subject, and comes with defalcated and defective revenue to the State, but immediately on the confumerj where ih? ioad muft be proportioned to the abilicies of his bearing »f, and whence, whatever is colleded, comes in full to the State. *« Add to this, that it would be a means of making that country which adopt- ed this meafure, a free port ; a cir- cumftance yery defireablc to every well- wifher of his country. See then whether it does not dcfervc the care of every worthy patriot * ( 1 jM >i 1 s 3i \ 1 i li •71 J r -li 1 ' t »6 ] patriot t« make fuch a fchcme (if it can be) fcafible and practicable."* If the State of Europe, by its circum- i)anc«s and modes of buOnefs, by the fpirit oi its politicks, by the temper and under- ifanding of its Sovereigns, iS; not yet pre- pared and ripe for any fuch general fyftem and eilablifliment of Univirsal Com- MERGE, under the Mare Liberum, the Jus Navigandi, and the Libertas Universalis Commerciorvm: The bu- finefs of this Council will turn on the mak- log of fuch alterations, accommodations, and reform in the old fyflem, as may fuit apd follow the changes of it. They will* therefore, deliberate firft, on the nature and extent of the conditional grants of privileges of trade, which, under the air of protedion, they fhall offer to Ame- rica: Under this idea they muft fettlQ with Her and amongft each other quite new arrangementi of tariffs. As they fhall advance in multiplication of difficulties, and by degrees to a convidlion of the imprac- ticability of this line of meafures; they ♦ Sir Mat. Decker. will. [ 12f ] will, by degrees, tuCe even in their own ideas, this nation to be States admitted* and next go upon the experiment of trea- ties of commerce with her, on the old European fyflem. Experience will tsach them, that this will create a rivalfhip* which will evade and break all treaties of commerce. Mere then will they come round in a circle to the point of neceffity, as herein before ftated, which, firft or laft, muft force into eftablifhment, the meafure defcribed in this paper, -f- Foi/a tout ce qu* on pent raifonablement exiger, II n* efi au powvoir de /' humanity, que de preparer et agir, Le Succes eft I' Ouvrage d' une main plus puijfante. kH f Due de Sulli, Liv. 3a. FINIS. J < ■'"vv ■."•'r'j «-i,-' >i 'K .■.<•■•, J- t. -,.1"- •, ..^-i.^.^ii .,1 , r.ViJ. • ,■'•'■■ I - , 1- ■ ';] ••'■ . -;■- '\... ;.■ • : ,(■. ^ ' • -A ■■•■' TWO MEMORIALS, B T GOVERNOR POWNALL, [ Price IS. hd, ] ■\ 'I MEMORIAL- IN TWO PARTS. ORIGINALLY INTENDED TO BE PRESENTED T O T H E K I N G. SINCE PUBLISHED WITH AN EXPLANATORY PREFACE. ! ' n ! i ' niMfAoi, a T»rc ?ri^J T?{ 'E/pD'v})t ff'Ujuf«x«uf(;«i'. 'Ot /uir ^«() ^r^sa-- 7it' Oi iT' »Vi» To/fi-o Tptretnta-it, A\>.' eit ifv)(_l»* tx^* ^«> fji /mJ IsocRATis Orat. de Pace. I', ''' LONDON: PRINTED M.DCC.LXXXIV. -i v^r--\-,,j/: ■¥'■,'..■ ""^V , I i ! I I 2 PREFACE. dertake fuch negotiation. Or, If there were any reafons which might render it improper for him to be admitted to his Majefty's prefence, on the fubjed: of thefc memorials ; then praying that his Ma- jefty would be pleafed to refer the me- morials, and his fervant who prefcnted them, to his Cabinet, or a committee of the fame j to whom, under his Majefty's orders, he was ready to make the fame communications. But that if thefe condi- tions were not acceded to, that it fhould not be prefented. The Memorialift underftood that this would not be difagreeable to his Majefty. The late Secretary, in whofe hands thefe memorials were, thinking them worthy his Majefty's conlideration, would have prefented them. The Memorialift underftanding that the other Secretaries of State, for the reafons they alledged, could not be of opinion to advife the opening of any negotiations, e/pecially wth the perfons fltithonfed to treat of peace, and therein referred to -, and the memorials being delivered back to the Memorialift, ac- cording to his ftipulation, fincc the late Secretary delivered up the Seals \ the Memorialift finds himfelf precluded even from the endeavour of rendering that fervice to his Majefty and to his coun- 5 ^^y* P R. E F A C Ei i try, which circumftances, confequent of the lituation he was formerly in, put in his power, and which his zeal led him to make the offer of undertaking with- out prefent pay or futufe reward, as his Majefty's late Secretary can teftify. Some points, both as to fadt and as to opinion, which the Mcmorialift (with all due deference he fpeaks it) thinks his Majefly's Minifters are mifinformed inj and of courfe hold miftaken opinions upon, muft have arifen. Thefe, under a fenfe of zealous duty, and the moft pro- found refpe(fl to his Majefty, in the moft humble manner would have been ftated, Underftanding thefe memorials to be in- admiflible by the Minif^ers, he knows no means but this, whicii he hath finally prefumed to take, of layiii^^ them at his Majefty's feet. He knows thefe are mat- ters which ought not to come forward to public difcuffion : but, fince he hath un- derftood that Minifters have entered thei lifts in public debates on thefe points, and that feveral of his Majefty's fervants have given definitiije opinions on matters, which fhould have found their definitions only in the conclufions of private nego- tiation, he hopes that he ftiall not b» found offending. moft humbly craves his Majefty's B 2 gracious Ht '\ 1 \ ll is 4 PREFACE. gracious interpretation. He means not to offend ', at the fame time he thinks ic his duty to declare, that he means this- mode of making thefe matters public, as a juftification of himfelf to all who may be interefled in this great event, and us an appeal to his Majefty and to his people againfl: the opinions and conduft of the Minifters. This memorial does not enter into the real or artificial reafons on which Mi- niflers firft advifed his Majefty to carry force of arms into the governments of America. It was feen and declared, at the time, by thofe who knew that coun- try, that although fuch. meafures might defolate America, they muft, as they have done, feparate them from, and nearly ruin. Great Britain in the end alfo. It goes only to the motives and views now given out to Parliament by the Minifters, as the reafons for contimihig the war. It is faid, that although a fadtion, having}; arms in their hands, have declared all union with the nation difTolved, and all allegiance to his Majelly's govern- ment abfolvedi yet a majority in num- ber of the people in America are dif- pofed to fubmit to his Majefty 's pro- vincial government, and wifh to be under it. The truth is, there are in that coun- try. \\\ \ { PREFACE. c ¥ try, as in all others where the people have a fhare in the government, parties ; but more efpecially in a country wherein the curfe of civil war rages. Belides, the perfecution which the bad fpirit of man, in a predominate caufe, too often infpires; the many hard things which a govern- ment in a flate of war, and adling for th^" time with powers didlatorial, mufl ne- celTarily do ; alienate the fpirits of many; render others impatient under, and fome even enemies to, the very government which they themfelves had fet up. This in the cafe in America. But that there are a majority in number, or any proportion of numbers who wi(h to fee his Ma- jefty's provincial government eftablifhed with fuch powers, and under fuch forms, as mufl be now neceifary to give effi- ciency to civil powerj when the confenfus obedientium does not accompany it, the Memorialift, who hath known the ma- chine both in its compofition and in its parts ; who had once adminiftrative powers in it, and who hath carefully watched every motion of it fmce, thinks it his duty to declare, as he would have prefumed to have done in his Majefty's prefence, is a miftaken opinion of the Minifters, and not fadt. On the con- trary, were his Majefty's arms fo to pre- 3 3 vail^ ^ -!f PREFACE, f vail, as to place this fuppofed number of loyalifts in the feat of government; and was that government etlablifhed on civil power and authority only, it would be ineflicient and impradicable. Was it combined with military eftablifhmcnts, and derived its fpring from military force, thefe very loyalills, if ever they fubmitted to it, would take the iirft opportunity of revolting from it. Even thofe of them "who are living in this country under his Majefty's proteftion, and on his gracious bounty, will not venture (fome few excepted) to pled^ heir honour and cha- racter to the contrary of this. If they are rc^dy to acknowledge this, his Ma- jefty will find them more ufeful fubjedts fettled in the government of Quebec than living here. This reafon, therefore, on which his Majefty's Minifters advife the continuance of the war in America, is unfounded, will always prove delufive in the trial, and hath milled them. If the Minifters give hopes, either to his Majefty, or to the people, that they can at any pradicable expencc, or by any means, fend to America numbers, that (hall be equal every where, wherever the fervice requires it, to meet the num- bers which that country can at any given time bring into the field upon their own ground j PREFACE. 7, ground; they not only toti Ay over-rate the Iburces of Great Britain, both in men and money, but have no idea of the numbers which communities, in that ftate of civil progrefTion, in which the American colo- nies are, have always been able to bring, and can bring into the field occafionally, fufficient to the obftruding the opera- tions of his Majefty's arms. If they have hopes of fubduing by force of arms thefe people, as now connected with the French, and call this a French war in America— they fhould endeavour to have alliances alfo in America : they fliould endeavour to procure a fcederal union with the Americans, on the /olici bafis of the aHual Jiate of things. France would be conquered in America the moment that Great Britain formed an alliance with the Americans, or would be driven out of it. Thefe very Americans would foon have occafion to call upon his Majefty's arms fbr affiftance to drive the French army out of America, if they did not retire at the fame time in which his Majelly be- gan to withdraw his troops. His Majefly's Ministers, after the conceffions which they have perfuaded Parliament to make ; after the conceffions which they have fuffered his Majefty's Commiffioners to make, without difap- B 4 proving %^ T, \ym ii ' I s PREFACE. proving their conceflions, but rewarding their fervices ; cannot venture to fay to his Majefty, that they advife the carry- ing on the war in fupport of his Ma- jefty's fovereignty in America. While they held out revenue, to be drawn from America in aid of fupply, as an objedt to the landed gentlemen of England, they gave up taxation over America : they have fjoent more than fifty millions j and in- flead of revenue have created a debt which thefe landed gentlemen muft pay the in- ^ereft of. V/hilc they prefumed to hold out to his Majefly the maintenance of his fovereignty over America, as the ob- jedl of the war, they acquiefced in con- ceflions, offering to the American govern- mcnts,^ Jpecifically as Jiates, the power of the fword, the purfe, and the exercife of a perfed: freedom of legiflation and inter- nal government, and thereby, in effeifl, if not in fa(5t, have made a ceflion of that fovereignty to thefe States ; and have loft the country. Sad experience has ihown, that they have not the leaft embryo of an idea as to the means of carrying on the war in America. They have neither objeB nor (nd in view : yet they have entangled his Majefty's affairs in a fatal neceflity of go- ipg on with war, becaufe the Miniftcrs |?now not how to inake peace. While PREFACE. ^ Whiie at one time, " in the hour of ** their prefumptioHt" they have pledged the honour of the Crown and Parliament to meafures which they cannot cffed ; and at another, in the hour of their humi^ lietl'jn, have made concefllons in the other extreme ; they have brought forward the American colonies as States -, they brought them forward to the becoming an objed: under fo ftrange a predicament, as hath rendered it impoflible and impradiicable that even the mediation of friendly powers can interpofe and t^ke place. And finalh/, while nothing remained which ought to be done, or can be done, fo as even to commence negotiations in Eu- rope, but the making feme preliminary treaty for a truce that fhall prepare the way to a congrefs, they have cut even the very grounds of treaty from under their own feet. This ground, as flatei in the memo- rial, contained the only path which lay open and could have led to the veftibule of the Temple of Peace. The Memo- rialift, trufting that the Americans even ftill " retained too great a regard for the ** kingdom froin which they derive their " origin, to exped any thing in the manner ** of treating which was inconfiftent with ** her '■ I ' II i.' '*•!,*' i t 10 PREFACE. ** her honour," and that they would, ** in "^ the mere point of honour, even help ** out her Miniftcrs :" alfo confident that thofc perfons who are authorized by America to treat of peace, notwithftand- ing the recounts received, and opinions formed, by the Minifters, are, though enemies, ?nen of honour and good faith ; andconfcious that he was known, both in England and America, known by his in- jfignificance, never to have written, fpo- ken in Parliament, or adted in any one inflancc, on party grounds^ in this great queftion refpedling America, did prefume to think he could meet thefe perfons en grounds of agreement , preparatory and pre- liminary to definitive 'treaty in a gener«l congrefs of the Powers of Europe. The perfons who muft have adled in this, not bein? fuch as the Minifters could ad- vife the aBing imthy all confideration of the meafures propofed was precluded. As the very idea of fuffering thofe per- fons to communicate, who could perhaps have met on grounds of agreement ^ whereon negotiation in all its forms might here- after have advanced, was inadm^ifible by the Minifters, the Memorialift did not communicate the line of treaty^ nor the points through, which that line might have been drawn. As he did not find himfclf ■«' PREFACE. II fiimfelf called upon to communicate thofe matters to the Minifters, he {hould now think himfelf greatly unjuftifiable, to make them a matter of public communi- catioa. He hopes that the opportunity of obtaining that preliminary ground, whereon the Honour of the Crown and Nation might have ftood undimini(hed, will not be lod. 1 hat it may pleale God to protetft his Majefty's Honour ; to bicfs his. arduous endeavours for the welfare of liis people ; and that the next opportunity which Providence (hall fufFer to come forward, may fall into more acceptable hands, is the earnef^ prayer of his Majefly's faithful old fer- vant and devoted fubjedt. If unfortu- nately, by the high ton of fome part of the Miniltry, in which things will not bear them out j by the contemptuous rs- jedion 0^ perfons who could and would have helpt them out, an opportunity of ii\\:, like fhould not arife again (the Me- morialift ventures to exprefs an opinion, he does not prefiime to advife) nothing remains, but, by an a(fl of real dignity, and from a felf- derived fpirit of honour. To DECLARE THE AMERICAN CoLONIES Free States ; and to treat with them on the ground of perfed: reciprocity. If ^his country hath yet thofe friends in America \\ m ■I ^# wff^T'wr'vnf y.^'w^y f "y^^^jiijr^' ' '7^r **'7*'"^^v7^7j''^^c^ wif»*\; 12 preface: I Ml i- 1 Mil America which it is faid (he hath, here they may ad:ually and effedlually ferve it : and if the old colonial afFedtions, chang- ing their nature, have not turned to bit- tereft ha:e, in the enemies which {he hath there, fuch, when once become al- lies, will become friends iN some Fa- mily Compact. As the Memorialift. thought that no one ought to prefume to offer modes of ne- gotiation for peace, who did not know the ftate of the fervice as to war, he pre- pared at the fame time for his Majefty's infpedion, ^/ State of that Service, in a fe- cond memorial i pointing to that line which by fuccefs, if it (liould pleafe God to give fuccefs to his Majefty's arms, might lead to peace. This alfo was in the hands of the late Secretary, and would have been prefented. Candour, in an open way of ading, would have prefented this, though perhaps differing in fome points from ideas pre-con- ceived. It did appear to the .Memorialift, that, in the mode of conducting the war, which hath been adopted from the beginning, even fuccefs could not lead to peace. Peace is the end of all war j but the mea- fures of this war did not feem to have that objedl or end. He faw his Majefty's af- 5. f-iir* PREFACE. 13 fairs entangled in a fatal neccffity of go- ing on with war, becaufe the Miniftcrs know not which way to look for peace. He therefore pointed the meafures of the fervice which he prerumed to ftate, toob- jedts which might give grounds to peace, and firm alliance hereafter in a Family Compact -, by which Britons, and Briti(h Americans united, might once more be- come, on a more extended bafis, the great and glorious Nation they once were. The hopes which the Minifters gave of a fuccefsful ilTue to this war, at the time when they commenced it, were, that his Majefty was at peace with all the world befide : yet they have fo contrived their meafures, and have fet the condud: of the war on fuch a principle, as hath brought almoft every maritime power in Europe to be hoftile to, if not enemies of, this country. The confequenccs of thefe meafures in event, have fo combined America with Europe, that the contefl is become an American war in Europe, and a French war in America. The mea- fures of the ftate of the fervice which he prcfumed to offer, tended to feparate this unfortunate combination -, (o that by fuccefs, and a temperate ufe thereof, peace in Europe or America might train in fe- paratf negotiations (each on its own grounds) 'S :r,5 ■ ■ t '"'> (■ 'M-f r«».T-''jv'Y>» H PREFACE. u> grounds) and render it again poffiblc that, in that ftate of bulinel's, the medi- ation of friendly powers might take place. Thefe memorials in pure zeal, which the Memorialift hopes has not palTed its bounds, and in perfedl duty, are laid at his Majefty's feet, by an old fervant of the Crown, and faithful fubjedl. i i t^ T. P O W N A L L. May [ IS ] Mav it please Your Majesty, YOUR Majefty, by your fpeech from the throne, having, at the moment in which you are preparing to carry on the war with the greateft vigour, de- clared your wifh of procuring for your fubjcdls and their interefl: that protedlion by peace, which you are endeavouring to obtain for them by war ; having, under the fame confcious magnanimity as you put an end to the late war, exprelled to the world your readinefs to put an end to this. The French King havin ;\ , x his let- ter to the Archbifhop of *■■' i.j, given pledge, in an a(5t of devotion, to his royal word, that he is deiirous of peace. Two Auguft and Imperial Sovereigns having offered their mediation in nego- tiations to the fame end. The Americans (the fource, caufe, and objedl of the war) having, by perfons aU" thorized by them to treat of peace, declared, that any reafonable meafures to that end, /Jjould have every ajpjiance in their power ^ 3 whenever W^ 'fl'iWyy it!' w*','^*~vwr" ■ ri li r 16 ] "whenever Great Britain fiou/d he difpofed to it, (Nov, 23, 1 78 1.) And thefe laft notices having * come to your Majefty's Memorialift (as he did •f- immediately communicate to your Ma- jefty's Minifters) he, an old fervant of the Crown in this line of American fervice, pradlifed and experienced in thefe affairs, prefumes to obtrude himfelf into your Majefty's prefence, and to lay at your feet the follovi^ing memorial, as the laft and only effort which Providence hath left in his power, of doing his duty to your Majefty and to his country. If it were certain that a congrefs of all the Powers concerned in the prefent war, held under the mediation of the high Powers who have propofed the fame, would be produdtive of peace; yet no fuch congrefs can meet until the feveral parties, amongft whom parts of this great bufmefs form more particular relations, Ihall mutually amongft themfelves fettle fome preliminary articles, as to the man- ner in which they will meet, and as to the points in which they will (as our law- proceedings phrafe it) join ilTue on the matters to be difcuffed. Until fome * December 5, 1781. t December 6, 1761. grounds [ 17 ] grounds of agreement , whereon your Ma- jefty can fufFer the Americans to meet your Minifters, or to attend fuch con- grefs, fliall be fettled by fome prelimi- nary negotiation, your Majefty will never acquicfce in fending your Minifter to any congrefs into which their agents are ad- mitted as Minifters. This muft be an ad: of your own, in which no foreign Power can interfere, fo long as the Americans are your fubjedts. This memorial on this point, from pre- cedents of what hath been done in the like cafe, fuch at leaft as may exculpate his prefumption, endeavours to feek thofe grounds on which the way to peace may be cleared and plained. He would not dare to hold in your Majefty's prefence, an opinion that any fuch treaty (hould be held with rebellant fubjedts, did not the following precedent fliew that an EngliQi Sovereign had fo reafoned in the like cafe. In the year 1575, Que n Elizabeth offered her office of mediation* to Philip King of Spain, to the purpofe of forming fome compromife between him and his fubiedts : and fend- ing Sir Henry Cobham on the occiifion. * Carte, Cambden, &c. € dire6led 1 •1 - [ '8 ] directed him to reprefent the mifchiefs which muft enfue from the Dutch pro- •vinces falling under the French fubje&ion i and to prefs King Philip earneftly to make peace, rather than run that danger. Afterward, when the Dutch Deputies de- clared, that if they were rejedred by Eng- land, they muft apply to France for affift- ance, the Queen was alarmed, and pro- mifed to ufe her infiances again, to procure them a reafonable peace. In the year 1 576, fhe fent accordingly Sir John Smith to Spain on the fame errand. Her Majefty's reafoning on this occafion took it's ground iirft from necejfity, faying, that the greateft princes and monarchs that ever were, have been driven fundry times to yield to ne- ceility : Secondly, from policy , cautioning the King lejl the lofs of' thefe provinces Jhould put in peril his other Jiates and king" domsy being divided fo far afunder as they w^re: And laftly from prudence, that by acceding to fome compromife he would fpare innnite treafure, that was moil un- proiitably employed in the weakening of himfelf, by the deflrudion of his own natural fubjed:s. Not fucceeding in thef* advices, fhe entered into a league witli the States, and fent, in 1 577, Thomas Wilks to Spain, with a manifesto of her reafons. And t «9 ] And Lord North's eldeft Con*, with feverai other noblemen, went and ferved in their caufe. Her Majefty ceafed not hoWevef to prefs the neceffity of fome compro- mife, and in 1578 fent the fame Wilks to Don John of Auftria, to advife him to yield to a truce. All was in vain. The King however, in the year 1 609, did agree to a truce with them as with a free peo- ple -f-, under the guaranty of England and France, mediators J. If any grounds of agreement, any preli- minary terms, leading to peace, could thus be obtained, under fuch a truce as your Majefty might find it confonant to your honour to grant, your Memorialift moft humbly propofes that fuch fliould be in- definite', at the will of either party, or if made under guaranty, with the confent of the guaranties, to terminate on notice given according to the law of nations and of arms : ift, Becaufe if it were definite it would fubfift only by cabals preparing for certain war, fo as to obftru(5t inftead of open the way to peace : 2d, On the other hand, if the truce be definite, your Majefty, or (if there be guaranties) the guaranties, at any moment in which j;j * Cambden. \ Due de Sully. t Temple and PufFendorf. C 2 your \u^ II [ 20 ] your Majefty or they faw any ill ufe or abufe made by mal-pradtices, or bad faith, to the diminution of your rights, or thofe of your people, might annihilate the ground on which fuch mal-pradtices took their courfe, by declaring the truce at an end. On the contrary, if the ufe ofpof- fejjion granted under a truce were nor mif- ufed, but if fo ufed as to lead to treaty for peace in future : fuch treaty might wait events, or take place as emergent caufes called it forth ; might have its true digeftion of negotiation, and not rifque the being broken off by the determina- tion of a definite period j or it might continue, without falling back to a revival of all the difficulties with which this bufinefa muft always be entangled and perplexed. Under fuch a truce granted by your Majefty, the States of America (as the Commiflioners fent out from Parliament filled them) being in the poUeflion, ufe, and exercife of certain powers, as Free- States defaBo (while your Majefty quit- ted no claim, but remained in pofTeffion of your rights unafFeded, and of your honour unimpeached) would, if the ftate and circumftances of Europe required their attendance at any congrefs, come 4:h.ere as fuch only by virtue of the truce under [ *I ] under which they held quiet pofTeflion, and had the ufe and exercife of their powers, and not by right claimed : for until other Sovereign Powers fhall, as the French King hath done, acknowledge their independence, they cannot be re- ceived as independent States, the allies of any other Sovereign : On the contrary, fuch a truce would relieve all difficul- ties with thofe Sovereign Powers, who, though they did not acknowledge their independence, might fee the neccffity of thefe Americans being admitted as atten- dant, if not component parts, of any con- grefs which (hall meet. The chief matters refpecfting the modes of pojfejjion and the regulations of commerce, being by preliminary treaty, under the in- definite CO tinuance of fuch a truce, ar- ranged an ^ fettled, would clear the way of the pi in. >al difficulties of negotiation in any cong»jls 'o l>e held, both as to forms, matters, and qerfons, and preclude all cafes wherein your Majefty's honour might be « ommitted. Further : The putting of any negotia- tion, which your Majefty might permit to be undertaken, on the ground ot fuch a preliminary truce, in order to prepare iTi..i crs for the meeting of a congrtfs, will ^ive (notwithftanding fuch treaties '' C 3 already Si 'M ? %i ■ »a: "iu M V--^^ ^^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) fe // :/. ^- f/^ % 1.0 if u£ in lii 112.2 I.I 1.25 " u: 120 1.8 LA. Ill 1.6 % <^ /^ 02 m. Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 VEST MAIN STREET V^lBSTER, N.Y. 145110 (716) 872-45)3 ^ iV :\ \ ■"^^ ? ^ C/.A 1!S5!??T^ ■"'•™" i- t already fubfifting as the Americans have with the French King, and to which they referred in the late propofals) both op- portunity and right to negotiate feparately without France ; as fuch preliminary ne- gotiation would in no way contravene nor pven bring into queftion treaties already fubfifting. This memorial taking up the confix deration of your Majefty's iervice in the affairs of America in this point of proce^ dure, the Memorialift prefumes to offer his ferviccs to undertake a negotiation for the purpofe only of fettling a truce with the Americans, as a preliminary tneafure, in order the better to treat of peace in future j either feparately or in any general congrefs of the Powers of flurope. The Americans, although they have hitherto declined offers of conciliation, and even of treaty, are yet, at this time, even fince the advantages gained for them by the arms of the French King, ready and willing to treat. The character of all nations, where the power of deliberation lies with the people, fludluates between the extremes pf confidence and jealoufy. The peculiar charadteriftic of the Americans is, jea- loufy to the extreme. Great Britain hath not [ *3 J not been without her jealoufies, as un-: founded as the other. That repercuflion of the fpirit of je^loufy wrought the bi'each in your Majefty's government in America, and brought on the war. The fame fpirit is now fermenting in Artierica, to jealoufy of their great and good ally the French King. That paramount fovereign- ty of the Britifh Crown, which they feared in apprehention; actuated now by their General, fupported by a French army, they now feel in fadt. The many points on which future union of fyftem, and con- junct powers and operations, muft turn j the many difficulties which muft arife in eventual partitions of the advantages to be derived ; the very different idea of remu- neration which muft naturally arife in the expedlition of the French troops, and in the eftimation of the Americans y . the per- plexities which muft occur in arrangements that muft be made in quartering and fup- plying a regular army, that will not be ftiifted off, in the manner in which the poor v/retches of an American army have been treated ; the provoking infolcnce which the Americans muft experience from the French j but above all (of which the grcateft ufe may be made) the contempla- tion of the manner of getting rid of this army of allies, when ihcy want their fcr- vice -'"V'v;. S Ir [ H ] vice no longer, and define their departure) all thefe, like the original principles of dif** Iblution mixed with the human frame, are working to difeafe Syptoms of the fenfc with which they feel thefe things begin al- ready to Hibw themfelves, and will foon work to jealou5es that will break out in open quarrel, if your Majefty's meafures ihall give fcope to them. All thefe points confpire not only to make- it the intereft of the Americans, but their widi, to com- mence fome negotiation with Great-Britain before they are more entangled and involv- ed with thefe fufpedted allies : if this crifis be neglected, they may however be fo en- tangled, that their endeavours to emanci- pate themfelves, although confpiring, with the efforts of Great-Britain, may not be able hereafter to co-operate to any effect tual purpofe. Although the. Americans have refufed offers of conciliation, and propofitions of treaty with Great-Britain ; yet, when the grounds and reafons of their condudl are compared with the nature of their circumftances, and the circumftances under which thefe offers were made, a man of bufinefs will not only be not lurprized that they did thus re jedt offers, and decline treaty, but, from the nature of the reafon, will take experience how to frame any fu- ture negotiation on more pradical grounds. The The terms of conciliation which were' framed by Parliament, and fent over to the feveral Governors in America, in order that they fliould lay them before the refpedtive aflcmblies of each province, became inadmiffible to thefe people; ift, becaufe they were addreiled to bodies of men, who had delegated the powers of treating of thefe matters; while they pafled by that body of men with whom that power did refide : 2dly, becaufe the receiving of them by the refpecflive Affemblies would have been virtually to diffolve that union which exifted collec- tively in the Congrefs only: and 3dly, becaufe, under the queftionable form un- der which they came to the Afiemblies, had the people acceded to them, they muft previoufly be fuppofed to have given up that claim of right, on the claim of which they had feparated from Great Britain. In the predicament therefore under which they ftood, they could not receive them. The fame error of endea- vouring to make ground to fuit the plan of a meafure, injiead of forming the meafure to ground as it lay infacit rendered all prof- fers of treaty in 1778 impradicable. The Congrefs could not commit itfelf by tak- ing up propolitions offered by the Com- npiflioners ; becaufe it faw, that in mak- ing 1; -' ;fl t* : I'M ■ml ' X m ': V [ 26 ] iiig thefe offers they had exceeded their powers, and believed that Parliament, not bound even in honour to acquiefce, would not ratify them. Befides, however flattering the offered cejjions might be; the propofed union under which they were to vake place, according to the plan of the Commiffioners, fuppofed a non-exiftence of, or an inefficiency in, the Congrefs as to ilate-afFairs, which for the future were to be carried on in each refpedive Affem- bly of each feparate Province. T^he United States, therefore^ in Congrefs affembled, muft, before they could admit thefe propolitions, concede deliberately to a previous adt of abdication ; the offer therefore of thefe ccffions became inadmiffible by Congrefs. Although thefe ceffions, which the Com- miffioners in the hour of their humilia- tion made offer of, were not admiffible as propojitions to be treated upon j yet the Congrefs took the ground which they gave, as ground exifting in fadl, and re- quired an explicit acknowledgment of their independence : or a withdrawing of the fleets and army. The nature of the ground which both the conciliatory propofitions, and the offers of the Commiffioners, took, being ftK:h as the Congrefs could not meet upoa without renouncing their exiilence ; and r]7^"iis^~^s'-.-'' *•■'■' ,iPvii!\ir'r!»«vr-wt"-T [ 27 ] and which the feveral AiTemblies could not meet upon without renouncing their union in Congrefs j was the true reafon why the one could not be accepted, and why the fecond was inadmiffible in treaty : not that the Americans were not willing to treat, or had not many inte- refting concerns to treat for, as will ap- pear more fully in the following flatc of ihe circumftances and relations in which they ftood towards the fovereign Powers of the earth, amongft whom they de- clared themfelves to have taken their equal Jiation. From the moment that they declared that their allegiance to the Britifh Crown was abfolved, and that their political con- nexion with the Britifli ftate was dif- folved, they became aliens in Great Bri- tain 'y a trading nation of aliens, without any treaties of commerce, fuch as regu- late the commercial intercourfe, under the lil^c benefits which nations having treaties of commerce with Great Britaia enjoy. If they trade with other nations, and wiih to trade at large, and not by an ex- clufive trade with any one only, they muft make commercial treaties particular with each nation, and fettle the whole ajrrangement of tarifs peculiar to the terms 1 » i il. I ;r [ 28 ] terms of their fpecial treaties for them- felves J as they have no longer any right to communicate in, or enjoy, the fcederal benefits which they had hitherto enjoyed under their allegiance to the Britifh Crown, and during their continuing parts of the Britifli nation. Thefe rights, which the Britifh Crown had, through a long fcries of wars and treaties obtained, they, by their feparation, have loft all right to amongft the nations of the earth. They ceafe to have any right to, or ihare in, any of the Britifli fifheries, which arc by treaties, and the laws of. nations, the acknowledged appendages of the Britifli Crown. ' They have loft, lofing the benefits of the Britifli ad: of navigation, the carriage of the American and Weft India trade to Great Britain. The two laft branches of navigation was the great fource of their fliip-build- ing bufmefs, and the creation of their feamen. They have loft all right of trading .to the Britifli dependencies, by which they are cut oft' from their circuitous trade be- tween the fiflieries, Africa, and the Weft Indies, in fifli, flaves, &c. and in mo- lafles, the ground of their diftillery. They have loft all right of being pro- tcdted [ 29 ] te They have alio to fettle the terms un- der which they (hall pafs the Sound into the Baltic. Nor is the manner in which their flag fhall be received into the Port of Oftend yet fettled. This memorial does not enter into the predicament in which the American com- merce muft (land with refped of trade to and from Ireland, as that is become a hufinefs above, and beyond, the compre- henfion of the Memorialift. As they now Hand, they have all thefe rights, bothy^- deral and commercial^ to negotiate for, ma- ny of which Great Britain obtained in confequence of great and fuccefsful wars. If they can obtain thefe under any re- union with their nation and mother country, inftead of having them to fo- licit and treat for in every Court (not (landing on the vantage ground which Great Britain did when (lie obtained them) a people pradtifed and experienced will net he unfeeling to their own inte- reft. [ 3« ] reft, nor at a lofs to fee their way to it, whenever any preliminary treaty fhall have opened the way for them. ^. -, To Aim up all, they do in fadt feel all thefe matters and reafoning; and per- fons are authorized by them to treat of. peaccy and thefe perfons have declared that any reafonable meafures to that end ihall have every afliftance in their power, whenever Great Britain (hall be difpofed to it. It does not appear to your Memorialift (with the moft humble deference he fpeaks it) poflible, that any Minifter from your Majefty, after the offers of ceffions made by the Commiflioners, and after the demands made by the Congrefs thereupon, can meet with the Congrefi upon ground of treaty, until fome preli- minary terms be fettled, as they may be beft fettled, under the conditions of a. truce as above ftated. Your Memorial ift, from his experience in this bufinefs \ from information of the ftate of things, being convinced that a preliminary negotiation may be com-r. menced j from his knowledge of the per- fons with whom fuch matters mufk be negotiated, as men with whom it was once his duty to adt, with whom he has a^d, with whom he has negotiated bu- fineis^ !,. >} if tii! ' i; )j 1 M i I t 32 ] finefs of the Crown, and whom, how- ever habile and dextrous he found them, he always experienced to be of good faith ; as men who have known your Me- morialid in bufinefs, and will have that confidence in him which is necefTary to the digeftion of affairs ; is bold to offer, by his fervices, to undertake this negotia- tion, and is ready, whenever your Ma- jefty fhall command him, to fubmit either to your Majefty or to your Minifters, as. fliall beft pleafe your Majefty, his ideas of the line in which it cught to train. He does not prefume to vaunt of his former fervices in this American line, al- though he fliall always be proud of the approbation they received. They are no V forgotten ; and his fole ambition is to eftablifli new merit in your Majefty *s eye by new fervices to your Majefty and to his Country : nor doth he defire, in any Ihape whatfoever, any other reward. All which, craving your Majefty's moft gracious interpretation and pardon, if aught fliall appear amifs, is with the moft zealous duty to your Majefty, and in ex- treme anxiety for his Country, fubmitted to your Majefty's wifdom. ' Richmond^ January i, 1782. T. POWNALU Mav i ( ! I [ 33 ] -'■^ ■ - - ----- -' '-" ■ - ■ " 1 MaV it PLEASE Your Majesty, YO tJ R Memorialift having, by his memorial previous to this, which he now begs to lay at your Majefty's jfeet, pfefunied to ftate how, by negoti- ation for an indefinite truce, Great Bri- tain, without committing the honcur of the Crowni might advance to and /land on, together with America, grounds tjf agreement ; ahd having fuggefted that, Ji Jiandihg, fhe might, without diminution or impeachment of the honour of the Crown, treat with the Americans as with free Jiates de faSio, under a truce-, do^ herein proceed, in cafe all compromife ihall be found inadmifHble in idea, and all accefs to grounds of agreement im- j)radticable in faation, command, or protedtion in the American feas : with them, fhe may have all thefe, although they may not be able to fupply at prefent her navy with all the naval ftores that (he may want. They will, however, fupply fufficient quantity to ward off the monopoly which fome of the northern Powers of Europe have formerly endeavoured, and may again endeavour, to eftablifli againft Britain ; and have, and may again, as far as fuch could be eflabliflied, ufe it hoftilely againft her. The piovince Quebec, occupied to the extent that the variety of its natural pro- duels and capabilities go to, will become a much greater fource of trade, in all events, than may appear openly at firft fight. This province, by the command which it hath of water-carriage (if the maintaining of that command fhall be duly attended to and continued") will be the market to, and have the fuppiy of, not only the Indians, but of all the inhabit- D 2 ants 11 « if ■J 15 i • 5 r I 4 Ml ''•,1 MP [ 36 1 ants of the back countries, as they fhall become fettled, be they fettled by whom- foever they may; for the merchants of this province, by advantage of their wa- ter-carriage, and by their eafe of com- munication, v^rill be able to fupply the diftant market cheaper than any other can, and will of courfe have the cuftom. To defend and to maintain command in this province, the Memorialift ventures to fay it will be neceflary to maintain fuch a naval eftablifhment on the great lakes, and on Lake Champlain particu- larly, as (hall hold command in them. This mcafure this Memorialift firft had the honour to fuggeft and recommend at a congrefs held at Albany in the year 17545 this meafure was then adopted, was for the firft time in 1755 put into efficient execution, and proved a decifive meafure in the events of laft war. Such a naval power is necelTary for the defence of Montreal and Quebec; fuch is ne^effary to the maintaining of autho- rity .vith the Indians, and to the keeping open the courfes of trade and commerce 5 it is neceffary to cover the advancing fct- tlements of the province, as in time it fhall be enlarged in population and habi- tancy. The pofTeffion of the province Nov-a ' ■ Scotia, [ 37 } Scotia, by the command that a naval fla- tion at Halifax may give, is neceflary to the protection of the northern fifheries in America, at leaft to fuch fharc as this country may hereafter have in them. The fort of intereft and power which may arife from a right occupying of thefe provinces, will always retain fome hold on the thirteen tribes which have gone off from Ifrael'y and when war (hall end, will make it their intereft to feek the alliance of Great Britain : as, on the other hand. Great Britain will always find it her in- tereft to maintain a maternal alliance with the Americans, her defcendants. It is an objeftof fuch interefting impor- tance to the Americans apd French, that Great Britain fhould not poflefs thefe pro- vinces as an enemy, that they will certainly become an objed: of attack : Halifax and penobfcot will be attacked next campaign by tlie French and Americans, and moft likely Canada alfo. The defence of thefe provinces, and the maintenance of thefe pofts, is of fuch and fo great importance to Great Britain, that all the force which can be fpared for the North American fervice, ought to be united at thefe points, and not divided. They ought not to be frittered away by being ftationed at poft§ where the fervice is not fo decidedly ne- ceiTary, and where, not by the fatality, P 3 but i ■1 'Si fi ' 1 ' fW-^'-" .."*.'•"' "I^'^f.**; u II f ■; I li !m: I I ii [ 38 ] but by the natural courfe of war, they mud lurrender. The defence of the province Quebec depends, ifl, on the maintaining of the naval command of the lakes ; 2d, and next, on having within diftance of fupply and relief (and of mutual communication, where that can be contrived) ftrongly- fortified pofts, with fufficient garrifons, {^t the beads cf the nvaters oix^iVW. province, on Lake Champlain, with outpofts on Lake George and Wood Creek, and on the rivers St. Lawrence, St. Francis, and Chaudiere. I'he crc6ling the diftritft aforemen- tioned, lately called Vermont, into a fron- tier province, under fuch eflablirhments civil and military, under fuch tenure of property, and fuch frame of government, as fliall make it v/orth the while of thofe individuals (both thofe who lead and thofe v/ho are led) to wifli to be under fuch government, would prove a mcafure that might be wrought to a principal part of Arengtli. Another part of defence and llrength added to the province Quebec, would be a right eftablidunent and adminiftration of Indian affairs. The fettling fuch of the loyalirls, re- fugees from the Americans, as choofe to live [ 39 ] live under BritiHi government, in a way not to ruin but to prefcrve them, is not only a meafure which honour, juflice, and humanity require; but the fettling of them in thefe provinces (if that be done as it ought to be) will in time become one of the principal means of defence and ftrength to them. The giving to''thefe unfortunate and ruined people lands, in the common idea of that meafure, would be cruelty under the cloak of benevo-t lenee ; but the purchafmg for fuch of them, vv'ho had been farmers, farms, in part brought forward into culture (called by the Americans improvements) and the fettling them where they will be of the greateil ufe to the civil government, as alfo to the military defence, as a militia, would be an adl wherein true wifdom and real benevolence would unite. To thofe who had not been ufed to farming, but were merchants, houfes ihould be given, with the means of commencing again, in fome degree, their bufinefs. Thofe who were merely tradefmen and mechanics will be more eafily fettled and reinllated. Thofe who in their original homes, from whence they have been driven, were ad- vanced, or were advancing, to honours, and a fliare in the government of their country, will of courfe become fubiejlts D 4 for m llfi !:|] • f h i. 5 I 'i ,»?.,'■'' W.WiUi.'' I »-•■■ ^' f 4 ; .'1 ^y Imuh ,i i||^ ' ! >. , '-{■ Wk ' v-m ■ :i ■ ''.is ■ 1 \. '1 ^'-i f'l> (,. i!, 'T '■' -'Vm -^ vm ;'i T.j^ 'i ! ! '^m ■JaS 'Ifl 4i 'm 1.1 i - i- MJH ''1 ^m 1 i^H 1 '^^ •f I'.'V i hi „ Jfcitiii 'i;v,M|HHMH ^'Vt^^^^^Hm I 'tvS^^^^^^Si . i^'.^S i^I^^^^^hI ;'*' . "!f? nrii%9fl r iW' iH irSt t' 'S^ tl'IlK ; SjM ;i-.'wH .v-^JkH ; "^^TOss - ¥ m y \ r'^l 'i i' '^ l|! ' 'Ml Mai '(i ti * 1 vllm 1 ••".•yr.rv'r. ■ 7»":r"(r»Tv''T»"'TTr'' 7^ » I ^i [ 42 1 to the Weft Indies and to Europe. It is neccllary to the protedlion of the North American fifheries. New arrangements will become nccef- fary to be mad* either by reforming the civil, naval, and military commiflioners, that they may no longer, as they have al- ways hitherto done, both in jurifdidtion and execution, interfere with each other, but confpire to the one great point, your Majefly's fcrvice. ^lis Memorialijl tvould betray his diityy if he did not here mtniion the necrjjity which will arife of cfabUfuing a Free Colonial Conflitution of Goijcrnmcnt in thife provinces 'y but he does not now en- ter into it, as that is an important matter of confidcration fcparatc from the prcfent. It will however mix itfelf efientially in the confequences. The fquadron po/led at Halifax, and the fquadron ftationed in the Weft Indies, unlefs they are united under one general command as at prcfent, will of courfc have their orders to co-operate, and to ' join in part or the whole, as the fcrvice in its emergencies, for which no inilruc- tions can be given, may require. The Weft India fquadron will, in the ordinary courfe of fervice, convoy the trade up to the latitude of Bermud-", where the North 8 American -J 43 ] American fquadron will take It up, and convoy it to theWeftern ifles, or perhaps only to the Banks of Newfoundland, as the cafe may require ; and the European Weftern fquadron will be ready to receive it at its approAch to Europe : and fo by a like divifion of fcrvice from Europe back to America and the Weft Indies. The confideration whifch arifes upon your Majefty's ifland Bermuda, will come more properly fubmitted. to view at the fame point with that of Charles-town. The pofleffion of the city New York arifes next to view. As this memorial hath ftated above the neceflity of the command of the province Quebec be- ing carried up / may be faid as to thofe parts, where the French military force (like the rider which the horfe took to his aid) is afcendant in alliance with the Americans, of the cffedi of your Ma- jefty *s withdrawing your operations froni interfering with the harmony of this al- liance. By thefe means (formed as the combi- nation of events now is) the troops, inftead of remaining polled in ftations l^''t give no prote(ftion, that have no co-operation;, that are liable to diftradt the efforts of your Majefty's fervicc, and that are liable to be cut off from communication of fupply and aid ; would be fo drawn to- gether, as that they would have commu- nication and co-operation ; and give pro- teftion to your Majefty 's fubjetts and provinces^ and force and efficiency to your Majefty's command and govern- ment; and form a confpiring united iyftem of that command throughout your Majefty's dominions in America connetft- «d with Great Britain, By ?^?Vi'»',"if^': *■ ' ; .- ^;\ I 49 ] By thefe means your Majefty would ibon find yourfelf holding the balance of power between thefe new allies of that country : a power that would carry com- mand wherever it was called upon to in- terfere. All which, in perfed zeal and duty, and upon his allegiance, is moll humbly fub- mitted. Richmond, Jan, 2, 1782. T. POWNALL, ! It! E A P P E N- p If « • m HI iHi' |i ,-.^,;,.,^, 4 - ■- i [ 5> ] APPENDIX, CONTAINING SOME ARGUMENTS WHICH WERE IN THE FIRST DRAUGHT OF THE MEMORIALS, BUT WERE LEFT OUT IM THE SECOND DRAUGHT AS THEY NOW STAND AND WERE TO BE PRESENT- ED. THAT the idea of the foverei'gnty which the BritiQi State claims over America, and againft which, as it was claimed, America hath revolted, may no longer hang fufpended over that meta- phyfic ground on which it was at the commencement of the quarrel firfl: /^'ted, and on which it hath been labouring, un- til the bufinefs itfelf is quite ruined ia operation and nearly rendered impradtica- bie in negotiation : it is in the following paper ftated on the ground of Ja5}, as it ilood in adt and deed bcfcff; the revolt of the Colonies, and at. it now ftands lince E 2 the 111 I I '! > I»l u ;.k *:. ''-.f* ■ ■>jf. ■^■< n^ ': , ■- ■; 52 A P P E N P I X. the journey of Britifh CommifTioners to America. --The Britifli idea of the Britifli fove- reignty is, That the Americans as indivi- duals, as alfo in their refpedtive provin- ces, colonies, and plantations, are indiflb- lubly united to the Brittjh St ate ^ as fub- jefts thereof, without being participants in the governing legiflature : That they are; fubjedis of a monarchy, in and over the limitation, lettlement, ;.nd eftablifliment pf which, wholly refiding in Parliament, they have no Icgillative controul : That they arc lubjcds of the King, not in the {l\me manner as a Briton, who is a parti- cipant in the will of the ftate, is fubjedl to the King, but-fubjedl to the King in Par^ Uamcnt. The Americans always held they aie and ought of right to be fubjedt to the King in the fiime manner as a Briton is a fubjed ; but conceive x\\:\ the King ill Parliament is a compound monarch, in whom is united Icgiflative will and admi- nillfativc execution, and who is therefore in filTence and de fadto abfolute and defpotic. Theie two ideas, if there can be no mo- dification in the one or the other, arc io remote, and have fuch incompatible difparity, that they could never be brought to, or Hand on, the fame ground together. ■^ APPENDIX* St together. They never could unite in ad- miniftration of the government of the Colonies; and can never meet in any ne- gotiation of their bulinefe s they now Hand towards each other. No fyftem of the adminiftration of the Colonies could ever harmonize, much lefs unite thefe two repugnant and dif- cordant ideas, fo long as, or whenever' the People on the one hand, and Officers of the Crown on the other, wisre extrem6 to mark, without any modification, the utmoft bounds of either. The government of the Colonies was always, by thofe who referred to the aciual predicament in which the conftitutions ilood, and not to legal theories, which exifted only in the remembrance of law, conduced by that fort of addrefs, and un- der thofe mutual acquiefcences, by which the marriage ftate goes on; wherein, whilftone feems to govern, the other ac- tually does fo: and which, though fome- times difturbed with temporary mifun- derftandings, is upon the whole the hap- pieft flate. Thofe of the King's fervants in Ame- rica, who adminiftered the royal powers un- der this idea oi praSficable Jbvereignty har- monized with aSiual liberty y and who by their conduct could acquire an intereft £ 3 and II i •ri4 », I* ?4 APPENDIX. and afccndancy in the opinions of the people ; could, and did govern the Pro- vinces. Thofe Governors, and other Of- ficers of the Crown, who could not find in their admlniRration to admit of any modification of the firidl leg:l idea of fovereip-ntv, fo as to fet it on the fame ground with that liberty which the people called conflitutional, and claimed : thofe who thus referred to an ideal fovereignty, which never did exill in America, and could fee and admit an aflual liberty, which did exifl:, never could and never did irovcrn thcfe Provinces. On the con- trary, they perpetually brought the rights of the Sovereign into difcuffion j and as conftantly committed the lionour of the Crown in difputes, wherein it always lofl fome part, and have finally brought it into a conteft wherein it hath loll the whole. This is the opinion, and was the fyilem, of a poor practical Governor, who did govern his Majefry's provinces; this is t/jc leaf out of his hooky which the late Earl gf Plalifax dircded him to give to his fuccclTor, Sir Francis Bernard, that be vilght govern them as ivell as they had been governed by the forgotten fervant who writes this. This idea of harr.ionizing, by pra<3ical viodijkdtions of Sovereignty and Liberty ^ the proceedings o APPENDIX. 55 proceedings of Government on conftitU" tional ground, was the idea by which the Americans dre^v the line of their rights and claims. This ground, on which the adminiftration of the government of the Provinces had in ja£i always flood, was the old ground which they petitioned to be placed upon, and which they took and fortified, in order to maintain, at the commencement of this unfortunate con- teft. When the Americans were told from authority, fupported by arms, * that ** No line could be drawn between the fit' preme authority of Parliament and the total i7idependence of the Colonies' — when this alternative was the only ground left-^they declared themfelves free and inde- pendent: And, ift. T^hat all allegiance to the Britifi Crown is abfohed. 2d. That all political conncSlion with the fidte of Great Britain is dijlbhed. The conteil: ifTued in an appeal under arms to Heaven, Events, by Jomething con- trary to the ejlimation and ordinary courfe of human affairs, have declared againll Great Britain. She therefore, under powers originating in Parliament, and by Com- * Governor Hutchinfon's fpecch to the Afleinbly, June 6, 1773. milTioners ■i l-;Sl 'M i il 5^ APPENDIX. miffioners commiffioned and inftru£tcd J)y the King, has de faBo acknowledged thofe Provinces, Colonies, and Plantations ta he States. And by propofitions made, hath oiFercd to confent to the eftabliflimcnt of every State, with power, by its own legifla- ture, ift. To fettle its own revenue. £d. Its military eftablifhment; fo that no military force fhall be kept in the different States of America, without the confent of the ge- neral Congrefs or particular Af- femblies. ^d. To exercife perfeft freedom of le- giflation and internal government. If now, in the fame view as this paper hath ilated the adtual exiflence of the fo* vereignty prior to the revolt, the Minifter of the time being fhall examine what operation this ftate of fovereignty, which the Commiflioners propofed to confent to, muft have J they will find, that thefe States, thus become independent in legif- lation and internal government, indepen- dent as tQ the purfe and fword j and being removed from Great Britain at three thoufand miles diilancej this propofed fovereignty left to the mother-country could in principij be but a half-fove- reignty, and in execution no fovereignty ^tall. 1 Although •<«*■ V APPENDIX. n Although thefe propofitions were not accepted} although the government of Great Britain is by no law, human or divine; by no point of juftice, exprefs or implied; by no obligation, perfe(ft or imperfedlj bound to meet the fame parties on the fame ground : yet, this ceffion having been proftbred by oerfons authorifed from King and Parliament, and thefe p«'opolitions not difapproved, but the perfons who made them reward- ed ; being made when America flood on the defenfive j Great Britain, who re- tired back to this ground under the then predicament, can never, under the pre- sent circumftances of the Britifh arms, advance forward de fa(flo to better. The writer of this paper, having fub- mitted toconfideration, on the grounds of fad: : Firft, How the fovereignty exifted in efficiency, prior to the revolt : Se- condly, On what ground it muft now {land, as the flate of our negotiations have placed it : And, thirdly, having in his fe- cond memorial, by a detailed (late of the fervice, (hewn how it flands committed, in confequence of the events of war; cannot perceive that he exceeds the bounds of duty, which a faithful fubjed: owes to his King and Country, when he recommended, in his fecond memorial, the withdrawing the ''11'^ i ;"' ■i ni Iff M ! 58 APPENDIX. the troops from a fubordinate contefl: in North America, which mufl be decided by other events elfevvhere; or that he offends again ft the ftridteft bonds of his allegiance, when he recommends the treating with the Americans as ivith Free States^ for a truce, on terms of titi poffedctis, as preliminary to a general con- grefs of Europe; w^hile, faving the ho- nour of the Crown, he removes the ftum- bling-block which lies in limitc^ and re- commends what may be made pradii- cable : Nor that he could incur the im- putation of betraying the Crown, if he was a Minifter, and fliould advife, in cafe the fovcreignty can neither be prc- fcrved by arms, nor re-eftablifibed by treaty, not a furrender or a ceffion, but a withdrawing from the difmantled ruins of a fortrefs, no longer defenfible or tenable. F N S. I: t- -J ■ >'-'«^ • • . ♦ • / .f ■ --, ' ■- » 1 1 k ' 1 ■ % * ^ A MEMORIAL i ;'l r 1 ADDRESSED TO THE SOVEREIGNS of AMERICA, [ Price 25. 6d. ] •r iri! ( MEMORIAL ADDRESSED TO THE SOVEREIGNS ) il^is h O F AMERICA, By GOVERNOR POWNALL. To make Principles or Fundamentals, belongs not ^o Man, to Nations, nor to Human Laws: to build upon fuch Principles or Fundamentals, as are apparently laid by GOD in the inevitable Neceffity or Law of Nature, is that which truly appertains to Man, to Nations, to Hu- man Laws : to make any other Fundamentals, and then to build upon them, is to build Caftles in the Air. Han ington's Political Jphori/ms, Nc« 85. LONDON; Printed 1783, and again 17S4. ^^1 \W. I :i \ 'i'i^ ADVERTISEMENT. THE following Paper ftatesf, and e^^plains the Syftcm of the New World in America ; the natural Liberty of the Individual fettled there ; the Frame into which the Communities of indivi- duals (prior to all confideration of Political Society) naturally formi themfelvcs. By thefe principles it leads to the difcuffion of the nature of their States and their political Freedom ; of the nature of the Confederation and General Govern- ment ; and from hence the Spirit arid Temper of Polity, which may hereafter form t^e Reafon of StatCy Or Syftem of Adminiftration in the affairs df that Erhpire, are fketched 6ut. B k^ »'' '-i ■&• Vpm Is \ i t w ( ii ) As the feveral matters which range under this general Subjedt are intimately interwoven with the Ff- /ence, and deeply intereft the Exifl- enceoix\\\% Sovereign Empire, they ought to be apparent to, and to be underftood by, every Citizen of America, who has a fhare in the buiinefs of his Country : this Me- >rial, therefore, is addreffed to the Sovereigns of America. It is, moreover, publifhed to the Citi- zens at large, as " What concerns " Ally Jhould he conjidered of by Aiir A pradical knowledge of the matters contained in this Paper, cfpecially of thofe points which refped the new Syjlem of a New World ; a knowledge of the Con^ Jiitution of the General Govern- ment, and of the ground and move- ( iii ) movements of the American Ad" miniflration^ is indifpenfably necef- fary to every Statefman in Europe, who may have Connedions and Habits of bufinefs u^ith this New Emp're ; this Paper is therefore publifhed to Europe at large. It is not written for the Read- ing, nor calculated to the Reafon- ing of Britifti Politicians : it is drawn by a Scale below fuch Sub- limity: its home-fpun reafonings will be unintelligible to Britifli Statefmen, A itii Copies, how- ever, are referved for the inferior clafs of Readers and Reafoners who will underftand the Memo- rialift. If He could flatter himfelf that the Statefmen and Politicians of Qreat-Britain would defcend from. K. 2. diek m I n, t '• U 1^ t.'i.fS i ( 5^ ) their Superior Regions, and con- iriti ( I> ) Spirit applied to new matter, not a com- pounding judgment on the old, mufl: come forth and adt. Under circumftances important, in fituations pregnant like thefe, the American Politician and Statef- man, whole training and practice ic in a courfe of experiments, as in the new phi- lofophy, will not refufe to hear any ad- vice which is fuggeilcd, will not rejed; the offers of any fervice, though he nei- ther calls for the one nor wants the other. Makmg his experiences in very line of reafoning, in that of others as well as his own, he will frame and found his own re- solutions on his own reafons fo informed. TheSciteandCircumftancesintowhich your Affairs were brought in the year 1776: and your felf-confci<>afnefs prompt- ing you to find that you were not infaSi what political eftablifliments had made you by law, a Branch of a family, fubjed: to and dependent on another Branch of the fame family as your Sovereigns; but :hat you were what nature had wrought you up to, equal brothers of the fame family: C 2 feeling \\-'^ I iV: m '¥ i 111 i 1 I' I I! I I L' iiL <( tt ( 12 ) feeling yourfclves driven by neceftity to a reparation ** from the political Bands ** which had hitherto conneded you. You ** found it necelTary to aflume, amongft the Powers of the earth, that Separate and Equal Station io which the laws of " Nature and of Nature's God intitled ** you : and therefore Declared, that the " United Colonies of Britons in America, " were and of right ought to be. Free '*' and Indlpendent States*" This, like all other revolutions of Na- tions, hath been contefled by arms. Sweet Love changing its nature turns ti bttterff hate; fevere therefore and deftructive has been the war of Brethren. Ihe appeal "was to Heaven : and the luccefs of your Caufe hath exhibited an encouraging ex- ample to mankind that the vigour of natural principko will, where they can adl and are exerted, although with an inferior force, prove in the end im- pregnable and irrefiflible to mere force, however fupported : That a Syftem of meafures founded in the nature of things, ( is ) tbu9gs;» and aduated by the dire^ rule oi Common Se»fe, mrft always rife fuperior to and oveviop all eftablifhments found' ed in the devkes of Men, and built up in all the Art atid Myftery of Politics ; That a ConicioUs Spirit, which fuch cir» cumfta-accs infpircj will bear up againit aod itnally bear down all artificial cou^ rj^e of Military Power, howfoever trains- ed and Arengtheiied : That a Caufe fo foujided, fo animated, fo condu^ted^ will pcedomip'aic and be eftablHfhed. It hath been the decided, willi of God^ that this y&M Cwife flioiild prevail, and that your ladependenjKe and Sovereignty (hould be . acii<^nowledged by the Sovereigns of the earth, now your equals. . v v ^ As I recommended in my Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe j fo in this now- ^ddreffed to tb^ "•* Majesty if thjb • People ^This exprefllon, which the Memorialift wHl have frvquent occafion torepeaU isjuftified in the preeeJ deotof the forms ufed inexpreffingthe Sovereignty of th9 Eam^o People* as ufed ii^ fome of their TfeMie«j w |f ii I il I 4i i i! iiii '' ' If 111 ilJM^ lit ' , \ i' ( '4 ) p£o?LE of America, the whole argti- ment recommends to their confiderationi I. What the precife change of their Syftem is. 2. What may be the general confequenccs of fuch change. 3. With what fpirit, and by what condudt the ad-' vancing Jiate of things {hould be met. The inveftigation of thefe points can be purfucd only by that felf-collcdted frame of mind within yourfelves, combined with a plain and fober love of Truth, which will confider well of what fpirit you are', which will ftate Perfons and Things as they really exiji ; and will, in the right Spirit of Sovereigns of a State founded in Political Freedom, treat them as being what they are. The moment that you became, de jure by the Law of Nations, acknowledged in- dependent and Sovereign, equal to other Sovereigns Treaties j Majfeftatem PopuH Rom. comiter c6n- fcrvent : and as a common form in their a 'wM ! (;. i i [ ( i6 ) Sovereignty by the force of arms; it hath pleafed him to fix the rights of your equal ilation with the Sovereigns of the earth in the rights of Treaty, and that your Empire fliould be acknowledged by the Law of Nations : He hath, however, fo wrought, according to the ufual difpen- fations of his providence, that you muft tvorkout your own falyation. If you ar'^ not in your PrincipkSy in your Spirit, in the State of your Confederation ^ in the Conjiitution of your General Government, in the Powers of your Union, as yet ripe for Political Freedom and formed for Empire) * your Liberty is immature, your Sovereignty is premature* The firft danger is, if you miftake your Spirit, if you, negledt to build on your real foundation, as it is laid in Nature, or if you raife a fu- perftrudure not confonant tp it. C^xamine,, therefore, * Ncque ambigitnr quin Brutua, qui tarttum gloris, Superbo exado Rcge, meruit j peflirao publico iJ fadurus fucilt, fi libertatis itnmaturae tupidine prioruni Rcgum alicuiRegnumextorfiflet. Hi i| ( '7 ) . 1 therefore, of what Spirit you are : Searcli thorougiily and I'urvey the Ground that is the foundation of your General Confti- tution, and, attending foberly in reafon, and not in the partial unequal movements of paflion, diftinguifh the operations of Polity which arife by the energy of natu- ral principles, from thofe which are forced on by art, and conftrained by violence againft Nature. Follow thofe principles in the order of your Superftrudurc : and when the great Machine of Government is formed, aduate it by the Spirit of Free- dom as it lies in Truth. Feel, as one foul, the concentered Vigour of Sovereign Impe' rium : feel the felf-poize of your natural Staiiorf, the Center and balancs of your Force j the courfe and range of your orga- nifed energy j the Spring of Adivity in your political perfon : and you will find it no difficult matter to (land firm on the Bafis of yoUr Sovereignty : You will expe- rience but little obftrudioh, at leaft fuch i^ is of little cdnfequence to the exefcife ii I 1 i j! I I I, ■> I''' f I \ 1 ( 18 ) 5ihd adminiftration of ydur tmp^nuhi. You wHl feci the meanwhile the ex- panding powers of your Liberties and freedom come forward, by a natural vita- lity, into Fruit, the fruits of Peace, Plen- ty, and the folid pefrmanent happinels of Being. Theffe are not wdrds of courfe, this is ftot mere harangue : thofc who knew the States and Citizens of America, as it was my duty to do, and as I did, faw, not from ah ex poji faSio view of the EfFe<5t as it is now decided, but in the operation of the Caufcs working to this certain effedt, and pronbuhced, not ih vague and general terms of harangue, but in defined fpecific declarations of leading Fadts, that Ye were ripe for Political Freedom j that the foun- dation of a great Empire was laid 5 and that it would arife into Eftablifhment. And thus this your Memorial'Il, in his Memorial dddfefled to the Sovereigns of Europe, ftated you. That you have united, at the rifque of every \:bkx ( '9 ) every thing which forms the happipefs and exiftence of Man, to oppofe the Meafures and Provincial Government of your late Sovereign : that you have perfe- vered in your refiftance to the emancipat- ing of Yourfelves from all regal Power : that you have taken the Government into your own hands :^tha( you have conduded it with fuch fpirit through fo many diiHt culties and dangers in war» and in treaties, is no unec^uiyocal demonflration to all mankind, that the fpirit of freedom and a right (tixk of Government dwells in the Citizens of America. If* whea thefe Citizens come to the forming of the political eftablifhment of their* General, Government, aii uniform Idea of Self-efti- ^lation (each aiming to be that, i\n4 no n;iore, than he really is,^and all treating ii ' m m %' \. • Non, inopia jErarii> non vis hoftium, noiv, a^dverfa res ingentem eorum apimumfubegit, quin, quod vittute ceperant, fimul cujm animo retmeient, Atq; ea magis fortibus conciliis qua,m bonis prseliis. patrata funt. SalluJIius fie fcribit de oj:tu et progrelTu, |(.om. Imperii, . • : i ^:- i. i. ;s ill I' ( 20 ) jpach other invariably as what he is in his individuality) a(5tuate5 the People ; if a temper that equalizes every participant of the Community in the rank and order in which he is a Member of the State, adluates the body of the People ; if a jealous guard over the rights, property, lives, and fecurity of the People, inter- woven with a confcious Reveicnce for the Honour of Government ; if a heart- felt duty, adive in the fupport of Go- vernment, combined with a prompt and a<5live fpirit ot refiftance to every thin^ which would obftrudt or abate its opera- tions, forms the charadler of the Ameri- cans : if this fpirit animating the body of the people, actuates their leaders ; the 5tate, bottomed on the real and adual foundation as it lies in the Community, will be built up in its Conflitution con- formable to it i* and the Power of the Govern- f The reafons why the American Fmp.ire \yiH jiQt bp liable to the ilivillou of intercHs, and to •'■- •■ • ■ - thq ( 2' ) Government and the Spirit of the People will conlpire in the Adminiftration of it. This power and Spirit fo combined per- vades the whole in its reafoning part, and gives fpring to the whole in every ^dt of Government. It equally exifts in the paflive virtue of Obedience, as in the adtive duty of Command. Liberty will feel the confcious fcnfe of confidence and uniform obedience ; and Governqient^ jgoverning by the lead of the people, will command irreliflibly. There can be no contention for, nor acquifition of, unequal Domination in Men i but the Contefl will be (fo it was at Rome in her happier days) who fliall heft promote the interefl and honour of the State in ferving, or beft exert it in governing. On the coi^- trary, where there is a reludance in the Individual, arifing partly from a want of entire alTurance in himfclf and his poli- tical lituation, and partly from a jealoqfy the ruinous conefts which took pace in Rome, will Ipe given by the Memorialift in that part which confiders the Conftitution, i- H- V. «f i i . 4 \\i I iii.i1 iji ' ! t' ■ ! !, i ( « ) qf thofe in oilier iituatioQS, tq e(lablt(l^ fuch power as is nece0ary to render th^ State Ai< A^ENT i wherQ there is a rer liflance to the command of all above^ ^od adefire of Pomination over all below j^ vrl^erd there is an impatience oppofing it-; ^elf reciprocally to all command on one tiand, and to all che^k and reilraint q{ power 01^ the other ^ where that temper: Operates in the People, or a^Sluates their iLteaders, and is miflaken for the Spirit of Liberty : either the State is not founded on the true bads of the People j or is not built up in i'lj) conftitution according to the Frame of the Community y or there does not refide the true and genuine fpirit of Liberty in the Community, operat- ing to Political freedom in the State. Let the Citizens of America therefore enter ferioufly and in earneft with them- ! felves into the enquiry : Whether they Bnd within their Community a Spirit of ^ttrai^ion operating, as an internal prin- ciple, tqi Unions or vvhe^ber their Com- Os ) thiinity iias beert compreffed into Ha pre- fent Conftdcration only by an (external caufe, and will remain fo compreffed fo bug as, &ti^ only fo long as, that power ihatl a(a upon them from without. Thbfe Who, at the time of the commencement of thefe events, knew the tharadler of that People, and watched their condufl:^ knew that thfc vigour of natural Principles di-eW them torefifl the unnatural Violence of Provincial Government. This Vigout of nattifail Principles gave Unity, WilHom^ iand pcrfevering firmnefs to theirCouncils; arid the arddUr of the Spirit of Liberty gaVe ftrength to their own arms, and rendered them impregnable to thofe of the Enemy. If, examining the temj^ ^hd'fplrit v»if the people, arid theCondudtof their Leaders, they find ^nat the fame t?rincip!es continue now to operate from an internal attra• •■':•' •>• >' If this genuine Spirit pervades the cha- rader of the People, thofe amongft them, whom the Senfe and Opinion of the People delline to be Rulers, will be trained to the charafler of Sovereigns, and, when adlually cloathed with the Majefty of the People, will feel a confcioufnefs, not of the pride of fheii* own perfon, but of the Honour and Dignity of the People. Under this qonfcious fenfe they will, as the Confuls of Rome did, a' ( 33 ) under the circumftances of its Birth, and with reference to thofc relations amongft which it muft, in its firfl years, take its courfe, will be feen to ftand in the fame predicament at its firfl eftablifliment, as Man, the Individual, doth at his birth. Cicero, in treating of the beft poffible Republic, takes his ground of reafoning from this reference : " Homo non ut a Matre, fed a Novercd Naturd editus eft in vifam ; corpore nudo & fragili & in* Jirmo ', animo autem anxio ad tnoleftias, hiimili ad timores^ molli ad labores, prono ad libidines, in quo tamen ineft tanquam obrutus quidem divinus ignis ingenii ^ mentis.'* It hath not, however, been fo with the American States at this their coming forth. They have been in their infancy nurtured and protedled by Great-Britain as by a mother, between whom and her children there has been the pureft reciprocation of maternal affedion and filial Piety, until evil councils broke the tie. Under this F relation in \t I' , ( 34 ) relation thcfe States arofe to manhood : all, therefore, which Cicero refers to ia his allufion to the birth or firft eftablifli- meat of a Republic, de corpore mido & fragili i^ infirmoi de animo anxio ad .10- lejl'tas, humili ad timores, molli ad labores j all that he refers to as to the wants, de- fedis, infirmities, and weaknefles, of In- fancy, doth not apply, either in mind or body, to thofe States adult in manhood, before they took their flation of Indepen- dence. * ** a hey are already hardened *' into Republics" They are come forth in full maturity of age. It is however at an age prona ad libidines. As man in his youth lives under a per- petual conflid of his pafiions ; fo have all States, fo will the States of America, at their firft emancipation to liberty, feel, in the efFervefcent temper of their youth, the fame tumults in the bofom of the State ; * This is an expreflion of the Earl of Clarendon in the MS. draught of his plan for fending Com- miffioners to America in 1664, they W'' b^S irr''7irTj''*^ ( 35 ) * they cannot therefore too carefully watch over their hearts, that, while they think that they are cultivating the facred Love of Liberty, they may not become inflam- ed with the libidinous pafllon of Licence, They muft in their zeal for the intereft of the ftale, in their exertions of their conftitutional (hare of power in the go- vernment, in their natural and not inufe- ful diflferings of opinion upon men and meafures, keep a conftant check over the ardour of young imprelfions j other wife that which (liould be the natural (I had almoft faid the mechanical)motion of their agency, will break out in the conflidts of ♦ What is here faid of the Libidlnes adokfcentis Civltatls is not the refinement of Theory and in* experience, but the repealed leflTon of the greateft and moft experienced Statefmen : and in the very manner in which I have here given the caution againft thofe political Ubidines^ Cicero gives the like caution in his fixth book de Repub. Graves enim dominae cogitationum libidines, infinita quaedam cogant atq; imperant, quae quia expleri atq; fatiari nullo modo poflunt, ad omne facinus impellunt eos qui illecebris fuis incenduntur. F2 parties m fc.'fe rf m "^?*f»"r'--" ' '^'■;.'^\-''<«''r:y"" w- '■ ; i.^--' ■ 1 -i^ir-^-^Tfrr^ ^mm }'?!!H l:i m hi !■ ■ 'I ; 1! ( 36 ) parties and fii(ftions, perpetually tending to eftablidi the interefts and domination of men. Et hire quafi materiei omnium mtiloru?:: feniper fuere. The lead of Ame-- ricu will, by combinations of military fub- ordination, tend in a direct line to the deCpotifin of One i or, by civil intrigues, and th corruption of the purle, converge in oblique lines to the Tyranny of the Few ; or, by the enert'^v of cnttrprizing ambition, be v\rou2,ht into a difcordant and repuiiWe ftar which will break all order and dilTolve Ai iyllctn. Had this been the cale in Rome, Dijjipatce (faith \.\vy^' Rrs, nondiim adiutce^ dijlordid fo- reJit, qiiasjoijii tf^ahquiila moderatio impe- rii y coque fiutriendo perduxit, ut bonamfru- gem libertatis^ maturis jam viribus^ jerre pJ! ; would defcribe, to be vilionary and tn I'air^ and may hold the confiderations thereupon, which it would recommend, as the mere |.* ! 'M * The Memorial will mention in another place Indian Politics, as they reCpeit this new -Empire of America. This theoretic i -4 ( Uni^ipWU^ $ < i ( 46 ) theoretic eflays of an unemployed and in- experienced man. This Memorial, there- fore, will only repeat what the Memorial addreffed to the Sovereigns of Europe dated as a maxim (rather a fundamental Principle) of American Politics : ** That *' as Nature hath feparated her from Eu- " rope, and hath eflabli{hed her alone " (as a Sovereign) on a great Continent, " far removed from the Old world and all " its embroiled interefts, * that it is con- ** trary to the nature of her exiftence, and •« confequently to her intereft, that Ihe •• fhould have any connexions of Politics «* with Europe other than merely com- *' mercial 3 that flic ihould be a Free ** Port to all Europe at large, and in *• reciprocity claim a Free Market in " Europe j and that fhe fliould have no *' commercial treaties with any European ** Power partial to fuch power and ex- ** cluHve to others i bise that fhe fliould * Common Senfe, It give ( 47 ) '* give and enjoy a free Navigation and ^* an open trade with all.'* Fundamental Principles fimilar to thefe, although they may not have been able to prevent her from forming fome con- nexion?, fome alliances, may yet, if a fyftem of Politics is founded on them as decided maxims of State, and invariably and uniformly purfued, preferve her from the entanglements in which (he might be otherwife involved, and guard her againft the dangers which the confequences of thofe connexions may lead to. Although a bold and daring, or a lucky ftroke, may fucceed for the hour or the fcafon, or in the tranfient fmall affairs of Individuals; yet nothing hut Syjiem, as it arifes from the nature of the State, ivill be efficient to any- permanent purpofe \ to an Empire no- thing but "yftem, even in the line of de- fence, will guard a State againft, and repel the attacks of Fortune. The mod daring Fortitude, the mod adtive courage, un- lefs it hath fuch foundation, would be- conac i 1 r rfl Un llfj if ;: J 1 liip at' ■■« '