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V v^r. t\ t }, i ■M '^f^m *t tiiJthecurfoof KmgstolietttBirfed ^^^ By Slaves, and tak« their humour fora wamn^ vv .And oa this winking of auihpri^ ' .:^ To understand a law, to know the ffltaning, * V* (\ Of 4anget ous MajelOy) w^*" p«rch*nc« it firoWBi ^ More upon humour than advifed refpeA« %.4\^\\- '■■'•'„■■■ ' ■ ■ "■ ■■ \ ■ • 'SBAHwnAjir. ■;. ■^ -. .» - J .,, > tl The following tittle fradi having been much [" admired for the plain and intelligible man^ ner in ivhich it Jlates THE ^lUESflOKr now before the Public^ it is reprinted by fome Friends t-o the Coti/iitution, mid it is not doubted but, that the Author, whoever he is, will excufe, Jn account of the objedt, -the liberty taken in doing this without his- confent, '"" ""-"iR'wr.MpirsaK's.' u >1 r « J . • » , __ ■ — ■ " ■■'■' . . ■ >•' .- lii/,^! J . y ■ r ) "' THE f RUE STATE OF THfe (QUESTION. THE prefeiit difpute between the King and the Houfe of Commons, is the •univerfal topic in all I'ocieties : It is as it ought to be, the leading idea in every man's mind ; and however the convcrlation begins, it naturally Aides into this great fvbje^t, for a great one it certainly is, un- lefs liberty and the conflitution are become mere founds. A z In s .,?.-^««^,vilK5*>j#fti!S«i^i :f t 4 ] 111 liftenlng to and partaking of tliefe amicable altercations, I have obferved with greajr furprife, that there are numbers who do not at all underftand the ftate of the cj^ueftion : now as I think if ever any poli- tical queftion could admit of being render- ed fimple and clear, it is that which at pre- lent is in difpute, I mtift beg that fuch as ivifli to decide upon it: fairly and honeftly, and are not predetermined that reafon fhall have no effed upon them, will liften to what I have to fay; I will bs as ihort as 1 can, and I will attempt no oratory, for I dcTue not to perfuade, but to convince ; and I will endeavour to affume no fadl that is not univerfally allowed, nor to draw any conclufion that is not fair and obvious. The actual Government was fixed at the Revolution. The tyranny and bigotry of the King had diffolved the Gontra fcience ; and in the governors of the peo*- pie it is the public advantage ; every exer- xiie of power, therefore^ which has not thje^puhlic good for its object, however fup- |)0ited by theory, or by whomfbever exet>^ ciied,. is arbitrary ^d illegitimate* ; v * *•'' But to return to the more immediate -objedfc of this Addrefs. I have endeavourr cd to ihow that the eitabliihment pf imme^ *4 <• W*V diate .(•?'■ t " i 5iate and perfonal influence upon the ruini bf public parliamentary refponfible Admi- hiftratioh has been the great objedl of the prefent reign— that the latter is a fyftem admirably calculated to fecure the inde- pendency of Parliament and the rights of the people, without endangering the juft prerogative of the Crown— -and that the former tends evidently to fubvert the inde- pendency .of Parliament and the Hberties of the people by throwing the whole weight of power into the hands of th« JCirig. Now no man will have the elS*on- ttry to deny that the laft Adminiftratioti were forced into power by the fble efficacjf of parliamentary fuppbrt in direct oppofi-i tion to fecfet influence which they ftood pledged to detedl'and peM in all its forms* Hence the relu(?:ant delay with which the/ were at firft admitted into office — ^hehce fheiartful and fuc<*d^fbl attempt to break their force by tempting Lord Shelburna with a bait which he had not ftrcngth of mind to refift— hence the rage and delp^r occafioned Hy the Coalitiou, which onCc more enai^d parliamentMy fuppprt to- take^ perfonal inlhjenc^ by ftoim at it has been' B 2 «ni- -^^if^r-^'wmaMmmm^ i^^Ufwiwi^B^TW .. '.•'-/'.. .'uV-i'Jiei^J [ " ] cmphatt(pally cxprefled by the creatures of the litter — and hence the laft defperate exertion of fecret influence over a few I^rds of the Bedchamber, to throw a Bill put of Parliament which had been brought in by the King's Minifters, and had pafled the Commons three Xo one ; and to remove an jA -Inuniftration in the plenitude of part liamentary fupport, to make way for a fet Qf men who have fworn allegiance to that influence to whifh they owe their ppli^ca^ exiite^ce, ,; ,^ v,.i-i;j; . ,, v,v[ \cr iit'^i-b^-- .Mr. Pitt, 3rou are a very young man, ^d it is the charaderiilic of ingenious youth to he open and unfufpedting. You polTelTed a charadter till nqvv fpotlefs, a great hereditary najne, and the reputation of knowledge and ability far above your years ; and you are followed by a fet pf men jufl flepning into the world, of whon^ ^s nothing is known nothing ill can be fpoken. Such u defcription of perfpn was perhaps the only inftrument the King could have employed with fuccefs on the prefent Qccafion. More experience would hav^ prefcrved you from becoming the dupe of the n^ofl hackneyed arts ; and with lefs ^ [ '3 ] charader your name could not have been held out as a fuccefsful lure to the people. But let me befeech you, Sir, in the name of this wretched ruined country to confider well what you do. The eyes of the vuii- verfe are turned towards you, and a fplen* did name and high charader are furely worth deliberation ! I know they are as difficult to fupport as they are rare and va- luable ; but they may be loft irretrievably by ^ ^iigle ad in a iingle inftant. Ex- amine, therefore, by what arts and on what motives your great father c^was firft dif- mifled from office, how hi« A^miniftra* tion was afterwards rendered impotent and abortive, and why the virtuous Lord Rockingham was obliged to refign ? Com* pare the arts then employed, and the ob- je£ts then propofed with the prefent cir- cumftances, obferve in what thpy differ in praftice or defign ^, and do not miftake the voice of a party, heated by the occafion, and the cry of interefted individuals for the calm deliberate approbation of the public. " * Mr. Pitt is faid to have urged the perfonal folicitation of his Sovereign as a principal motive for comiuf ipte office. The late Mr, Charles Yorke accepted the Seals becaute he could not refill royal fvlicit.itton. \V|i»i was the confe^uepce } . ..1 I have mm i I' n |i I '. I ' 1- have very willingly given you the credit of fuppofing you a6:uated only by great public coniiderations ; otherwife it would be eafy to point, out to you on ■what hollow and dangerous ground the intereft of your perfonal and private am- bition at prefent Hands. AH paft exa^nt- pie fhows you hovir unfriendly the fitua^ tion of Minifter is to the afFe(Stiont of the people; you therefore can hajrdly flatter yourfelf that an exception will be aiad^ in your favour in times fo peculiarly diffi- cult as the pjfgfent ; but if it could, you may reft affured, that the moment your popularity hiis ferved the turn, it will be-^ come an immediate objedt of jealoufy to the K— , to the junto, and to the greateft part of your motley aiibciates iii office; and that if you were ever to venture to reft upon it to carry any great public mea- fure into force which had not the tho» rough approbation of thefe perfons, that inftant your doom would be fealed; on the^iirft nod of the mafter, the mutes of the Bedchamber and interior Cabinet would ftand ready to give you the bow-ftring with as little remorfe iyid as much fatis- fcft lOU t 15 3 fadlon as they jufl ftrangled the laft let of Britifh Minifters. 7/r.:n rr, I •.' .:; ;jv-?iii I ^The queftion therefore is not whether it be eipexiient to difpoliefs the Rail ludia Company of its territorial or commercial powers-^-not whether Mr. Pitt or Mr. Fox be the honcfler or abler man, or whether JLord Grower ot- the Duke' of Pordand has the higher charader for political integrity •— -theffc queftions have nothing to dd avith thfe prefent fubje(3:, and thofe vvho put them forward as main points are ei-. tlier deceived themfelves, -or endeavour |)urpo{ely to miflead the attention of others* 2^0, the fole cbjed in difpute, it can- :not be too often repeated, is whether the iyftem of j a parliamentary refponiible Ad- miniftration fhall be reftored, a fyftem which for a period of 70 years our go- vernment was the envy of nations, and we became the firft people in the unlverfe; or that fatal error ratified and continued, which, during an operation of 20 yearsj has led us through a long and uninterruptr ed feries of folly and dijfhonour, from the pinnacle of glory and profperity to the briak of infamy and deftrudtion. - ; . Not 'r«^-9aMH«>«MMMKMMiniMMEtl t '« ) ■;^Not biit that the late Minifters might meet the prefent men with equal adyantage on all thefe collateral points as on the main queftion. Nay, the very India bill itfelft ^ainft which fo much popular clamour has been artfully excited, this ftrong hold of the new Cabinet, and the mamier in which it was brought into Parliament^ furnifh the ftrongeft inftance of the adhe*» rence of the late Adminiftratipn to their great principle, and ought alone to fecurat to them the perpetual confidence of the nation. Had Mr. Fox brought forward a trimming, half-formed, abortive meafure, placing the patronage in the Crown, and facrificing part of the ohjeGt of the bill to gain the fupport, or flop the clamour of interefted individuals, no pretext had then been furnifhed for what afterwards hap- pened, and what it was too well forefeen would be at rempted ; the evil indeed would not have been remedied, and mil- lions of people might have continued to groan under opprelfions that make a good man afhamed of his humanity ; but a fpo- xious palliative might have been held forth, and Minifters would have kept their offices, -^ at pe- th, ices, at at leaft tUl feme new and more iui)Il!b poifon could be prepared, or fome unguarde ed hour had fitrnilhed a ikht opportuiuty for an unfeeti hand to dkedl t^ ^etto to^ their hearts* But they f^omfid fuch paltry motives— they boldly ftepped forward with fiich a bill as they thought adequate to the evil, without regard to party clamours, or the certainty that every poffible advantage would be taken of thefe clamours to drive* them out of office on a plaufible and popu-I lar pretence. They treated the difeafe, not with the flattering undtion of a timid and ignorant pretender, . ,f, •— To iktn and film the ulcerous part While rank corruption mining tit withia Infeat unfeen » >r . .: V .:i: : i . •_*.■■ '-4 . .1-1 .^' ii • ^. » . J f ' . ^ *»• but with a firm and fteady hand, probing- the fore to the bottom, and amputating the. rotten parts to preferve the whole maf» from mortification. The objections to Mr. Fox's bill) upoa> which the clamours have been excited, arc^. That it takes away chartered rights ; That it places a great weight of patron- age in unfafe or improper hands ; :vi C That :■«: ! [ '8 j: :l That it trenches on the prerogatiirc of the Crovirn. iwi iz ,i'i::.^ >.-.; ■' ^Iik. .».'...■; - * The firft of theft obje£lions implies too, much ignorance of the fir ft principles of Icgiflation in general, and of the fpirit of the Britilh conftitut'^n in particular, that it hardly deferves a lerious anfwer. Are we to be told, that when any rights, of, which individuals are left in pofleflion by the law, become incompatible with the. public fafety, it is not only the right but the immediate duty of the legiflature to remove; them ?— That a grant from the Crown of a monopoly of thofe righ|;s neither does nor . can fence the rights themfelves from par- liamentary, regulation ?— That if the rights themfelves may be regulated or taken away, a fortiori, the monopoly of them may be reftrained or refcinded ?— &c. &r. If this is' not demonftrable I know nothing that' is fo. The anfwer to the fecond obje£lion has always appeared to me equally obvious and iimple. The corruption and incapacity of the Company's Government was the evil which the Bill was to remedy ; in tracing the caufes of this difu.der, it was founei not 'IL. has and :y of evil [ '9 1 hot fo much to proceed from Mal-admini- •fl:ration, as from a radical fundamental error in the Government itfelf. An impcrium ih imperio has always been efteemed a foltf- cifm in politics, but imperial jurifdic* tion in a trading company implies k monftrdus contradidtion of contending^' and irreconcileable principles from which the worft kind of tyranny muft neceflaril^ refult. The fble principle of a commercial company is gain ; and the fole princijite of •every juft Government ought to be 0fif>^ cure the profperity of the people gtnserned* Now is it not obvious that thefe two piin* ciples mufl remain at perpetual variance; ^nd that the former will always prevail over the latter ? If this reafoning is juft, and I think it is unanfwerable, it follows, that the firft preliminary ftep to the relief of the Eaft Indies was to remove every part of Government out of the hands of the Company; and the queftion only remain- ed, where thefe powers were to be placed. But after the vote " that the influence of *' the Crown had encreafed^ was encreaf^ •*^ ing, and ought to be diminifhed," with -what fort of coniiftency could the fame i-' .- C 2 Houfe p Houfe of Commons propofe to place in tih« hands of the Crown a patronage magnliled as ^ great and d^ge.rous ? Ai>d if a power has grown up in the State which it is conceived may be en^lo)^ foriinConftitutional purpo- ieSy whereican that powerbe fo fafejy cjepofited lis in the hands of the reprefentatives of the fjeoplc ? While tlie good underftanding be- tweeo the King and the Commons ihall fiibfift, there is no fear of the Crown's 5/yartting 4 due influence in that Houfe ; and if it is tk> cpafc, and the powers of each, in<^ Head of co-operating through the medium of a Parliamentary Adminiftration, are to be oppofed to each odher, where is the JEnglifliman who would hefitate which hands to ftrengthen? Or where is the man of common under jlianding who can fiippole that; the rights of the people are dearer tq the Crown than to their own immediate reprefentatives?-; j- -^--^ •• - • / ... Qn the laft objection I fl^all only oI>« •ferve, that the different branches of the fcgiflature have referved to themfeives various Kscccutive powers* The fupreme .judicature of the Lords- — the compel tency of bothlioufes to try and punifh * ^ert^n t 2' 3 certain offences— and above all, the power •of arraigning Miniilers, are all high ex- ecutive powers; thofe, therefore, who reafon merely firom the theory of the Con- ^itution, will, an this occafion^ aa almoft on all others, find their conclufigna wide of •ihe fa£t. *• ■■"' ^ '-•-•■._ •, •-_ »-■«-■ ] -:.*'-■'• One word on the diflblution of Parlia-» ment and I have done. The friends of the Coujpt^party afFedk to treat this meafure as the moft fimple and natural occurrence ; and to wonder why there (hould be the leaft hefitation in the King's Minifters on adopt- ing fo obvious and eaiy a refource in the prefent difficulty, i . ; . . * . i^U' : ButI alk, Is THERE NOTHING UNCON- jjtitutional in dissolving a parlia- ment, not sufficiently obedient to the royal pleasure, solely and Avowedly in the hope of obtaining thro' the influence of the crown, A NEW parliament MORE OBEDIENT TO THE ROYAL WILL ? It has been too frequently been jhe mis* fortune of mankind not to fee the danger till the mifchief has adually taken place, and it is too late for redrefs. Should ■ *» : • . "the m*mm •r^'vr.i^ T'VS ■'.I the pcr{oniil influence of the Crown tr> •unriph over Parliament, our fons will per- fedly underftand how their liberties were loft ; but they will ndt' perhaps To readily difcover by v/hat meiarts they are to be re*" gained, oiitujucjiijiii hiili .'tn tlo li;: i.v> Before I take my leave, I (hall ftate cei"* tain max'ms, which may lerve as a recapi- tulation of the fubje£t ; and which I ear»- neftly recommend to the attention of the public- '-'"i ^"^■' J"- b:/i: r-crp'i i'^ri s::: :■?, That the fyflem of a ftrong refponfible parliamentary Adminiflration is excellently calculated to prefers the confequence of Parliament and the rights of the people.. ^ -A That the lyflem of fecret and perfonal influence tends to lubvert the conftitutioni to fet the three eftates at variance, and to endanger the liberties of the people. • • That the late Miniftry owed their exil^- ence folely to the fupport of Parliament. ' That the prefent Miniftry owe their exiftence folely to the exertion of the fo- cret and perfonal influence of the Crown. That it is the indifpenfible duty of Par- liament to fupport fuch men only as they approve of. - ^- ; . ' .^ ♦ ■'.. '. :•/ Thj;t That to cliffolvc the Parliament merely for doing Its duty, would be an al>furd, dangerous, and unconftitutional exertion of the prerogative. . ,. . ,, ^, .' V leir tn. Par- ley i ■ ) > . FINIS. * I r:: b^t