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Thoaa too larga to ba antiraly Includad in ona axposura ara filmad baginning in tha uppar laft hand cornar, laft to right and top to bottom, as many framas as raquirad. Tha following diagrams illustrata the mathod: Las cartas, planchas, tablaaux, etc., pauvant Atre fiimte A das taux da reduction diffirants. Lorsqua la document ast trop grand pour Atre raproduit an un saul cliche, il ast film* A partir da I'angla supAriaur gaucha. da gauche it droits, at da haut en bas, en prenant in nombre d'images nAcessfiire. Les diagrammas suivants illustrent la mithode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 k- .^ 1 , f'^U |; ■ \m 1 M ^ m PEACE WITHOUT DISHONOUR, WAR WITHOUT HOPE. L^ AH AEGFMENT AGAINST nV > WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN. RECENTLY PUBLISHED AT BOSTON. BY AN AMERICAN FARMER. ^:V.. , t. LONDON : REPRINTED FOR J. BUTTERWORTH, FUET STREET, 1807. ^\ ■ ■ * »■. •1 ' ■♦• "I'". (.!»»» •-r. • . v- ■■ .... *. - A '., • ' ■> ^sJ G. WoodfilU Printor, P«t(rQOSter-row. TO THE PUBLIC. IT cannot he expected, that a farmer should display the ornaments of a polished style — The au' ihor has aimed only at perspicuity, impartiality, and truth. A boldness and freedom characteristick of the real, ancient New England farmers, will be found strongly marked in every part of this little essay. The publick good is the author's onltf olrject — true patriotism his only stimulus — and the promotion of justice, and vindication of our national good faith, his only aim. In these times of party spirit he cannot hope to escape censure. His love of truth — his display of our own errors — his disposition to render justice to other nations iliH probaUy be attributed to the basest motives — For such is too often the fashion of the diijj — to abuse those whom icc cannot answer. It would not surprise him, if he should e\en k called an old Tory or a British hireling ; for he has (*ften remarked that this is a species of argu- ment which never fails of success, when all other reasouing or abuse is found ineffectual. But he shall despise the calumnies, and smile at the attacks of all the partizans of war, a few of whom, broken in fortune and reputation, can only hope to rebuild both on the ruins of their Countrt/, hi V It iff V ? i J. \ < * fv * . •> - ) ^ :V Vu TO THE FATtMERS, MERCHANTS, AND MECHANIC KS OF NEW-ENGLAND. fttXOVr CITIZENS, IF at any time a citizen is justified in maktrtg an ap peal to ybtir tinderstanding, to your sober reason — If a cool and dispassionate display of your danger, and your true interests be at any period a duty, it surely becomes such, when you are threatened Tvith a c damity by which yo\ir rights, liberties, property, and live* are to be exposed to the most immtnent danger. *We are told by tiie public newspapers which have usually been the vehicles of the language of our administration — we are also informed, that many very influential men in and out of the administration, concur with the public papers in declaring, "that War will probably take place, and that it is inevitable, unless the government of Great Britain should make ample reparation for the attack on our frigate liie Chesapeake." We also know, that all descriptions of people in Great Britain, however opposed in political opinions, concurred in one sentiment, that Great Britain never could, and never ought to yield the principle for which they believed that we contend, the right of enlisting and harbouring the deserters from their publick •hips of war. It is rendered almost certain, therefore, that Great Britain, " while she will explicitly disavow the claim to search ourna- tional ships ofivar, will nevertheless co»i/e;j(/, that we have no right to cnliat her deserters, and protect them under our publick flag, but that if we do so conduct, and refuse to deliver than on demand, • Scf the langunpe of the Nathnal Intt.Uigencer, and of the Aurora, who con« aider war as inevitable, unlets Great Britain grants reparation for the attack on the Chesajenke. Mr. Gallatin, Mr. Dearborn, and utlicr publick gflic«f« are aUedgcd tu have 4 1 ' 4 . » > man. But the doctrine of the Government papier goes farther, ym can not only not discuss the question ofrij;lit, but you inusl he silent as to the re!W)urcc8 or ahility of the nation to gain the object of flic war. The opinion of tlu- Kxeeutive is conclusive on this point also The National Inlelligcncer tells the people of the United States, th.at Great Britain has done a.n unprovoked act, which justifies a dc- claration of war on our part; — this jx»int, it says^ it is treason in any body to disprove. — It adds, that this war would he expedient, because " we can bring Great Britain to our feet. We can ruin her manufacturers j we can starve her colonies; we can take Ca- nada and Nova-Scotia : whde the injury will be trifling to our- iK^lvcs, as we can supply ourselves as plentifully with foreign goods by prizes we shall take, as we are now supplied by commerce ; and our produce will meet as ready a sale in war as in peace." But any attempt to disprove these propositions, csjK-cially if made with truifi and ability, it declares to be the high ofTenec of treason, inasmuch as it tends to prove the opinions of great men erroneous, and to discourage the people from undertaking a war, %hieh those great men have resolved to wage. Braving all tlic dangers to which those writers are exposed, who venture to give lidit to the people, on this most interesting subject, and despising the threals of prosecution for treason, I shall attempt to develops the principles, to trace the history, and to expose the facts in relation to our alledgcd cause of complaint against Eng- land ; — to examine our own conduct, and the allegation so often made, that the attack on our National flag, was wholly without provocation; and lastly, to consider the expediency of war, in which will l>e involved, its objects — the prospect of succeas or de. feat ; our resources, an^ it Is said (roni good authority, Great Britain was ready and offered to yield the right of search except as it respected the narrow aeas, or that portion of the sea which immediately surrounds Great Bri- tain, and where the danger of the loss of their seamen, who are their only defence, was peculiarly imminent. It raimot be doubted, therefore, that peace, so much to be de- sired by this country, would not have been interrupted, and that our profitable neutrality would have been continued, had it not been for the affair of Uie Chesapeake, which cannot l>e too much deplored. The question, therefore, is limited to the examination uf the causes of that unfortunate act, and of the consequences which ought to result from it. As a great portion of the irritation which has been produced, Excited, and encouraged, has proceeded from an ignorance of the Ihcts which preceded and accompanied that affair, it will be use- tul, before we enter into an investigation of the Law of Nations upon this subject, to settle, as far as possible, these /ac^«. In tlie summer of 1 806, a French squadron of line of battle ihips and frigates having met with a gale upon our coasts, a part of them lovk refuge in the Chesapeake, to shelter themselves fiom their enemies. This rendered it necessary for Great Britain to detach a squadron to watch the motion of their ertemies, and they accordingly, as they lawfully might, took their station in Hampton Roads. By the Law of Nations, and the principles of an impar* h\ St« the President's Communications to Congress, on this subjecr. la W' lit if ; 11. tial neutrality, we owed fo both these squadrons, equal protection Willie we permitted the French to repair and refit their ships, re claim their deserters, and to prepare to encounter their enc mic», the hwsof hospitality equally demanded, that we should all,,^ cquul privi!c!^cs and indulgence to the British squadron, and more espt^ijhilly tliai!"ViriE! should not countenance or encouraire 'iff " ■ ' ' ,. ' • ' any measnres by Wfirch their in^ns of encountering their entrny sbodld b«J/xHiilur llir Halifax, prinUid in tUc i'riatul' Joiluw Wm'oul i«t««>l lii*.- niuiiiie-r.-, rt\hU--.4. . I I.' 11 Tprnnieni of the United States luid, as Captain Barron asserts, oi:- (hred the recruiting officers not to enlist British deserters. These desierters were not at this /me onboard the ship, but at the. rendez- vous. It naturally occurs to ask,. why did not Lievitenant Sin- clair, in obedience to the orders of the government, imnxe^liately tlischarge these nien f If he ha4 enlisted them i^mrant^ the spirit, nay, the letter qf his orders, obliged l^im to dischargp them as soon as he knew from the highest aji^thority, ih^i^^Oi^r^anding qliicer, that they were deserters from h^ ^p> M?ny hfiOfB&t well meaning men have contended!, that the. word •f 4 pdfli^k ,qQi<:er ought to be respected, ^r ,, ^ , .. , ^v. .,. .^f,^ }-, ,;,-,♦,, ,-rft .rc^ftV This is an excellent general principle^ awd %\t obsenanc^ of it would tend very much to preserve the peace of natiow^; l^ut we should not fofgettbat this rule has a double applicatip^ J^^^r rnleias much in favour of the officers of other, natiptis as^pf our own. When, therefore, Lord James Townshend pltdged hi^,\v9rd to Lieutenant Sinclair, that the men w)iam he had enlistet^ coiv , tnry to tlie orders of our govemweat, were his. s^or«u and,tlia^;^hc Bntisii government ha4 zpropertrf ia their services, it, was asfuu^ the duty of Lieutenant Sinclair to give full f.iilU ta tli^ wprjl^of Captain Townsliend, as it wa^s the duty of Cuipt^in Humphreys to iiive credit to the declaration of Captain Barror^ :— it was still sttoiifjer; — Lieutenant Sinclair did not, could not^ know that the (kciaration of Lord Townsliend was untrue ; but Captain Hum- phreys did know that tlic declaration of Gommodore Burrou was unt'ouudod, and he turned out to be right in the fact. Lieutenant Sinclair made an evasive answer to tlui application uf Captain Townshend, aiid did not deliver or difchurgc the mai. \n apphcation was then raaeafcd demands and. refusals were knqvvn to the commander m chief, Admlcal Berkeley, finding, as he alledirtN that ihr seamen of the British fleet were deserting every day/he jssufd thr order referred to in the note below,* in substance direcN int-' tho olhiers of his Majesty's ships under- hiB command, to re- quirt" permission of the Captain of the Chogapeakt to starch thai ship, on thr hi{>h seas, for the deserters referred to in said orHer, and to proceed and search for tho !$ame, at the same time oiK nnj; a fif^c and reciprocal permission to the Americati olfict rs. Captain Homphreys, of the Leopard, waicntnrsted with tho execution >'t this order, and the manner in which he exc(:utf.(l it, is too \ul • St-e Admiral Ikrkf ley's or^tT, printed in the Trial of .fciikm I'attoriJ^ IS luiown to need repetition. Two or tUree remarks, however, maf nut be amiss, as an opportunity will not again occur in the course of the fwoposed discussioa: — Ist, That another formal demand was made/jf <^ir pwrt seafjoen, by the Qritish officers, before the last altari^t^iftas resorted to ; ^lat this demand was couched in terms so.pf4i^ ^^ respectful, that it would not have been beneath the 4igpi|y of, C^tain Barron to have met it with equal, polite- ness, and to have stated the case trulif to Captain Humphreys, ihat thcte of the i;nen dei^aanded had escaped, and that the fourth he was ready to deliver ; this would probably have fmished this unhappy afiair, 2tl^ That nothing in the answer of Captain Bar- ron, is a fuificient excuse for his not delivering up Jenkin Batford, one of the mutineers, Uien on board the Chesapeake. Tlie reabon assigned to the British officer, that he was ordered not to sutler his crew to be mustered, by any but his own officers, does not apply—There was no necessity ofmusteritig tkeni at all. Al this time it was well known, it niust h(^ve been knoixn on board the Cliesapeajce, who the men demanded were. And he, declaim that be had positive orders from the Government not to enlist deserters, which amounted to an order to deliver them, if he had tnhsted them , ignorantfy. . ,,, ^ ,: . , , ,p , j ^ , , He might Uterefpre have obeyed both tJiese orders qftlie Govern- nient, and have preserved the lionour of our flag; and what is more, the honpur, faith and reputation of our officers. By sending oii board t|;ie British ship, Jenkin Ratford, of London, a mutineer, and desertef, and accuinpanying it witli^ declaration on his honour, that the others had deserted fvom tj^e Chesapeake, he would have ^tii»fie(ji Capt. Humplu'cys, would have substantially obeyed the (»nler of our Government not to enU»t deserters, and have pre- vented the unhappy patastrophe. ./.,,„„.[/ ,,,,,,, ,,,..;,;, ..,ft 3dly. Tlie meanness of uwiiy oi"our publick papers and resolu- lipns \\\ ftprtstnUn^j his attack as cowiMdly, and assassiii'l ike, can- not be too much condeumed by every candid aud ingenuous mind. The Leopard was a 50 gun diip, and carried a smaller number of mtti than the Chesape^e; the Chesapj^ake was a large 44, which our officers have ol'teij declared e^ual to a British t)4. So far from the British officers knowinjx that the Chesapeake was un- prepared, it turns out by the charges of our own officers agaiubt 11 M '. M Barroti, that slie WB^fuUy prepared. Indeed the British oflicerj «re sai«i to have avowed to ours, befSrflrc she sailed, that they were instnicttdi to obt»ih the«e^tfteti Hyfbrte ff they w^re not gi\'en up Our own dffictp; a1%«!t4ifcvhig i-es«l\^d'tb defend his ship, ought t» Iwvenaiied h<*'fla^ t.is; tler erpcct to find on board <»ne of mir ptiblM'k sltips. They al)»o fi>und twelve other l^ritish stiuntn, wlio not bciui^ rfr»v;>v*r,y. th(py*utfrred to remain. It turind out thereliirc, that there *'ere on board the Chesaprakr, when Mic Kas at Washington, Hv** Britifih desi'rtors ffotn the ITalifax, thrc« «U scrtcrs from the MeLunpus, aufl twehc other Britisli s(;amt ii. Tilt llntish (»fti;»lMl. ,,:,,,,,>» ." i > The a.st»»iii>htn«'nt artd iiifhgnation offvoryAuiejieau vav-txt ilc'l n)on afttT, by the PreM informed. "No .do.ub|t tl^ese^ hiigh oftcers. miifXi rq\y upon the veracity and accuracy of .ipfcriqr agenU.T— lJJ^b^pp»^3f; tile wurcc igf the President's information was impure; and a publtck, sol^nui, na^ tiuual declaration) by ^le negligence or falsej^ood of some «ubtil« tern ofiicer, turns out to be unsupported hyfact». Tiic case was this:— rThe. Proplaowtion stales, that tke act of the British oflict'is was so nui/ch the more unpardonable, ■' ^W had been p^evio^^sly^ anc^tained tlial this seamtn demanded, wtm native citizens yf tb^ jUjjkited StJUcs," [ The essence o^ the criifunality consisted jn demandingn&tire ci- tizeixs of the United St^^s, and in attackii^, a ship of war -for not ilelivt-'iing such citizens.. Now il; turn's OUtMa* uU the seainertjie^ mandcd, were patiye JBri^M'^. seamen, and tJiiere&pe, all this ^j-a|w When tlie pwblick vallt^ i,ip,un .the.Qoyqrnment for tlj^eyidenW o( the citizeuhivp of these d^icr^er^, the President, it is presumed, called on the intciiof olVicers, on y{\\o»ti report he had made t?« tlechiration : and thct^, la order to c^vti' Uieii* eirors, instead of fur- nishing the t \ idciiee of the citizenship of. the deserters from tbtt ' Hiihfax, who xvcrc denuinded, guvc tl)€; documents in relation to tlie * desfriers from the Melam^us, ,\vho w^re not detn4jmlcd, but who i b»iiij^- foiuid ani*ni^ the crcvv of,tbp Chesapeake, were taken out. • l Iiesf! ducumeiitfi wtre jiiibliirhtd ai|d aj)iihwd to support the pro- ilamation, and to prove that tlic llniisli ollicers made an atta<'k *•"" the recovery of native Auieriians. This \* now knoMH to be. faUo. Kur an explic:\lion of tlM« p'Jiul, sit;e the note*.*' * -•-■ i * S<^amt!i> wltndiBcrtwl from tlip f Inlifrtv, t.rtnl James Towinliencl, antiak« was luade, ■/:. Ruhnnl Hiiliir^of Tiverpool, '^ lU inandeiJ, Liiit cscjped tVoin tlif Clitfsa- lltnry SniiiMlci*), of <;iii>!ii)fk, f Cbrsa- WilliamlhU, gii'l.ilu(l'l[>liui, J iln. do. Iinakc. [Sic the cL'itinuHliuTt qj't/lii hdU- i>t Ihr }u\rtpui^i.\ V u Hi I'h*" t; In fact no etideAce haa yet been, and no evidence eter fan ht tddoced to ^pnmt tkat the mmmen demandtd, and wImk protection bywitvii' the itfeMMrflf mack, if«re AawhcMi; imcaase they ttf wM Bi|^ilil cwMKa to be native 'li» caaa «l^e nen takoi fton tiM liBtainpuii, has aflNotfacn, ktwacehowthefbctstnnt » Jnrtnd of MippMlini^ 6ie iiroclanwtNnf n to the fttct of Hieir iMT^iy hmi mcentHmdttbhtmtAn eHiMoa, it fnna out, diat Capt, Bwvw Wa4 BMpljr taken the tiary of tba culpriti: It turns out ftrtlMr, ilMft one of them wat barn al BoMiite, in Spanish Ameri- cab and mm mtt eran a citizen of the United State* ; that the two others were black aMO, bom tlavca in Maryland, and strictly tbarefef^ not wtiif^ cttutem, diougb fia. afttrdecsriion. A~^y 'tr-mii V|« > %. ip: ^ PiK)laalui|ttliat it haa uo connaxian widi the affiiir of the Ck.s.i- peak«s they-iHit bani^^r mm dammkd^ I woukl okaerfr, that it ik not cuaapek-at ibr onr GoTfniaaent U» deny the rif^iit of oar citi- zens tocntcr iiitu tbt-f i);n nervioa, MK*lbrai(|aj«fiadictien, bei^se 1st. The prucut atUiiHiiHir;*iioti and all the party now in power in Sttnn n ''••"•It- (1 fron* th-' XU Umptis, Jolin Stra< luui, <>f Mui \ 1 uid, I not J<>nnm(tpd, but takm, "' %ViHiaiii W:,i., otMsi\!aiid, /• do. *1* if «'^ l>aiiicl M.trtiiii ot Biiu.Mi. ; dr.. do. It- lUie United States, opposed the plan of the Washington administra- tioa to pfobtbitaiicit conduct^ and tbey contendedk^tfwt a citizen in time of fCMC, nigfat cxpitriMe himRif «t fimmam. The^femout tunpU) of C nnwn d w e Jicfoey annkhB in tevef^r^neVnecolkction. Sdly. Tbe Act of Congress prohibiting our citizc w -fiwi f «ri»»« ferawoy ig»ftt»onf, and al- most Nn»MsClUei«|4lio«lifm tkaitLey may lfevvages, he becomet to all biteHta Aid fatpmmi M^jeoiiof Ms nevly udopiedeamgibnf. asKl MI ow maittM ot^er^blnly^aAd hli to our protceiiaa abiohftely CMM. To 1llQ|iliit#aht»< caie^ id tit i^ppot^ttiat Capt Barney had (tenv«r«df»t>':ihe'frtgat»irtkidi iie conHnanded, t» tl|e Brj«Mh in the CbMapeaUe^'aad haid kndedt and the Freach GovemwMrat Imd xlematfdtKlNbt deliveryef him tor thepurpoKe of ^riishtnant, and lifedtiirMtefted lui^^^with wit, in case af i^^fiMal, ifr there any do«4»t that ^idfoold have delivered him up ? And s>ho«ild we not be jiMtt^dacmcd accoinplicei of Itta crime, if we should Teftufc ? ?*?"■«.• Wi'-->b ;riu fi^tvl tvcf* Now the^case of these two Mfaht m«h, is precMely the ume with that (^ Capt. Barney. — Mr. Jaflfenon calls them cti/cow ^ tAe United SiMlm; iX$o, fheir rigfat«f expatriation i»- aa igraat a» that of Captaiti Bame>y, or «if M r^ Jefferson ; and when once legally entered into ianign aonricev it' they desert, they are m much re- claimablaiMailhMroftiirothefa would be. c 1 bate- fafieiy eeiMdered the case of these men belonging to the Melampus, because some ]>eople have, or pretend to have, scruples on tUJi subject 4 but I repeat, thai, the case of these men furnii no ))art of tlie real question. J} 18 pi ' Si. E«'. • It will constitute no part of the discuision between the tw» countrie«i; it does not afltct tlie merit or demerit of Admiral Berkeley : lie or'ed, ouo. was actually found concealed on board of our ship ; and tliat twenty liritish wilors were found to have been en- tercd on Imard ol \\Qt: 1 shall MOW proceed to examine the principles of the Law of Nations on this subjert, and whether we were in good faith, oblig- td to deliver up these omt all the writers on the Law of Nationi^ most of whom ai*c on the side of fireedom, and the privilevies o tlie -citizen, agree, that subjects not In publick employ, c. nit evpa- 19 triate themi^Ires while their nation is at tiwir. Burlam&iui, Vatte!, Crot U!i, aud Puffendorf^ all hold the «an)e opinions, but as it would exceed the \i«nits of this cbsay to 4uote tlie, opinion pi, all ^o^thenii at large,. I shall ponfine myself to thqse of Grotiuf,.a Dvitcli, waiter, whose excellhitr treatise on the rights of , War and Pea^e, ha« been considered a standard work upon this subject, i r In the XXI Vth section of his Vth chapter, he lays it down as a general principle, that the subjects of any nation may. change tke r country at pleasure, to which general rule, he makes tlie fol- lowing exceptions: — " And yet herein also, we are to submit to natural equity, that it should not be lawl'ul when the public was damnified by it. — For as Proculus observes, always not that which is profitable to sonie one of the society is usually to be observed, but what is expedient for the whole. . , r . » r r ■ " But it is expedient for the whole, that in case any great debt be contracted, no citizen should forsake the city, until he have first paid his proportion of it. Also, if upon confidence of the number of their citizens, they have begun a uar, bitt especially if they are in danger to be besieged, no citizen ought to forsake it, till he have first provided a person as able as himself to defend the Common- wealtli." , . • .. ^ _^^, , , , , . , . ^ .., ._ In this point all the writers on the Law of Nations are agreed, and if they had been silent, the dictates of common sense and na- tural equity, and the first principles of the social compact, would have decided the question. , In the case of Great Britain, all the reasoning of Grotius, ap- plies to the contest in which she is now engaged. It Will not be denied that she has undertaken this war " in con- fidence of the number, and ability of her subjects ;" nor will it be f|uestioned, " that she is not only in danger, but is actually threa- tened with bejng beucged" by the most formidable power which llie world has ever seen. Wc caimot, therefore, resist the conclu- si»n of Grotius, that no private citizen of Great Britain has a right to forsake his countiy, without providing a person ecjually Me to defend the Commonwealth. If this doctrine is true with respect to private citizens, who arc only bound by a tacit and inij)licd contract, how much stronger if 20 W '^' J._ii4L •t i*- i t>.e principle when applied to persons in puhlick employ, bound by an rrprcss agreement, obliged by their having received tlie publick money for tiieir services, and on whose indclity the cx« ist^nee -ii,".iu'iU / 'uii rr;, ri h,.„, '' ' If it be thei-efore the highest crime, and one of the greatt>t injii- fies which a sul^ct can do to his country to desert its service, can it be nec**»«ary to prove that it is unlawful for a friendly uaUon le receive, eiicMirag*, enlist, and defend by force such dtacrters ? In !m|)|)ort of the monstrous opinion, that it is nut unlawful, some people have remarked, that by the modern usages of na- tionff, criininalK who have committed offences less than murder ami f&r^t^, are by the courtesy of such natiom>, not demanded when tiiey 'escape out of their own couutcy into a foreign one. But let me ask, why are murderers and forgers excepted from the^^nerai rule ? Is it not alledgvd to be, because justice ic- (jiures thai such heinous criminals should not e»cap<' punuc imj)res ".ould ?ioi have mentioned it ? 41 In fact the acknowledged usage of all civilized neutral nationi, III irstorinw such deserters I'rom the armies or ships of nations at war, th« ahiodute necessity of »uch an usage to the e>?istence of nations, perfectly account foe this ailenoe. .Al^fiict wUiclt took pliice the last year, in our own country, proves that the b>ench oiBccrs view it in this light Admiral WillaunieZvUtet with an American brig at sea; he found iu her four deserter«v vho had escaped from the Valeureuse frigate. Not coutontwiU^ taking them our, he vfT\\x& a letter* in a most indignant stFaiO) {,& hift'Mi- nitter at our Court, and desireti him to demand satisfBetion for Uiis minvoiuU'.ct ; — not for the jniseonduct of one of oar public oflficers, in enli«ting his men and refusing to deliver theui wlitn demanded, but tor the misconduct of a private citi;!eii, in dai ing to tv^lojf KK-n, who had been onco iu the service of his Jinperiui Majei^, 'X\\\i case, though an extravagant one, and partaking of the. charac- ter of French doBniuution; i:i stro)>g evidence of the general uuder- stiiuling- of military men, tliat '' deserters tirora piA>lick se^ice cannot beharboured.T'ii.', ii^, .;/;.,,.', >;. yc, .^.,.... :iui ui u;; Such i>eenistohave be«n the impression of pur ovfp Gove^rnQient, j'l.- >^. I loii ;•■ "til"'' I'tii-i 'li.iii.ui i ■ 'ij^'iii-;!* WiVi jj^rij «;m!r v I'C:) !'">ll(1 "To Gen. TcnREAU, Fivnch Ambassador at XVashington. MV LORD, * 'I " Yo«. Iiavf learnt by tko arrival of Some of my sratffreilsiiipfi in An*«rir!\, tJicviii|'oituj>3te t'vciit by whiijt thty wer^t scj aratcd fioni ine." [IKto Admi- ral WiMaumc/ givosthe dctarl of the tempest] TliM al thin date tlie pDii- vJroyaut+as.niarty new masttd, and procitds to enforce to nmc^ral Tiirreap, how iieci ssary it was tlut tlu; ships which had pat into th<> American jM.rts iu diur^sj, stioulU liuMca to join Inm at tl)e HavaanH, wlicrc hi$>^quKdipn if col- lected and united to the Spanish force at tiiat place, wiuiid in rfTv-ct oppose a s i'<^ng sqtmdton, and double to that of the English: who nt .F(inini<;a» havff ciily tKU liuc oi' battlfi siiips. ^Adpiiiul \Villautn(/. iuilhcrsiiyts, that he pur- pdsid g;oii>g to Vt-rn Cniz, agreeably to tlie prnjeotof thP gowrnmrtit of the i tti(i4;ti tlie nior*; justice, those people (menning the Ameri- can mcich3»t») have for three y« jirs past been quntimially injuring our n)arin« fey s( (iucinit tnif' ^>d)t's('aih<^n ffom ns. i%"f^)m >.»')! 1. UG Ad. P. WILUUMEZ. On board th« Foucfroyant, Ilavaniia, Ibtk October, 1 806." n iih '^ II r.f?; tad its erden on thix subjtKrt are conclusive as against oursetvcH. It directed its officers not to enlist deserters from the British ships ; if this order had been issued and txccuted in good faitli, ue Miuuld have been fully acquitted, even if deserters had been unintentional- ly entered, and found on board, and the whole weight of unpro- voked hostility, with which Great Britain has been charged, wouhl have rested upon her officers: — But unhappily for an, after admit- ting the Law of Nations to be as we have .-r! Afcd, by xmwwt i|,c abovementioned order, our sub)*eque"' condjjt evinces eiihcr n want of sincerity in issuing that order, or a subsequent change in the policy which dictated it. If it had l)ecn made with good faith, why was not a regtilar formal enquiry madt- upon Mr. Erskinc'* demand ? Why were not the British officers invited to point out the men, and exhibit the evidence of their claim to them P Wai not the demand of a pihlic Minister sufficieiitly solemn, and did it not require some notice and respect ? Could it be imagined that our officers could know the deserters by intuition ? or was it pre- sumed tliat they knew them to be on board, in direct breach of the ordeiy aforesaid^ not to enlist th€m ? ' '" '"" ''-^" " " ' Will it be contended, that they were ignorant wlio they werf, and that they relied upon the culprits coining forth of ihoir own accord, out of a crew of 400 men, and sayinjj, " Kcce iiouiines, we deserve a tialter r It is apparent lo every fair and candid man, that if the order was issued in good faith, wlien tiie British officers gave notice that five of their seamen were enlisted, there was but one plain, upright Couri*e — to ask the British officers io point out the men. But would you deliver up men upon the mere declaration of British officers r ! ! — Do not be alarmed, I would no/; — but / would institute an oj^ciVi/ enquiry', in which the British officers as prosecutors, should be permitted to exhibit their proofs ot duir claim to the men charged ; and the alledged deserters sliould havf had ample time, and the aid of Government to suhstantiute iheir claims to our protection. , This was the course of nature, of truth, of good faith, of national justice. It was the way to avoid misunderstanding, to save thr lives of our citizen*, which have been destroyed inconsequence of S3 the neglect of this course, to avoid War, with which we tfC t!jreal«?ned. ,..,*. 1 here is nothing in this procedure derogatory to our national lionour. It was reservin*^ tlie jurisdiction and trial of tlie question to ourselves. It would have given perfect Hatisfuotion to atl i>arti€» and would have heightened the confidence of all nations in our gi)0(l faith. ,,.'.'. , -, m ' r . It was peculiarly proper in this case, hecause the alledged deser" ti(»n had taken place in our oivn territory, while the ships of a friendly power were under onr protection. We were therefore bound to know« or at least to enquire into the facts, and to render liistice. A respect to our territorial rights, alone prevented the British from retaking their criminals by fresh pursuit. A reapect to ourselves, and to the obligations of an impartial neutrality, re quired that we should render them that justice which their respect /or «A prevented tliem from doing for themselves. ^, But why was not this natural and fair course of procedure adopted ? The history of the case gives tlie answer. Upon such an investigation and enquiry, the deserters from the Halifax would have all turned out to be native British subjects; of course there could have been no apology for not restoring them. On the other hand, to restore to those enemies of the human race, as I have htsrd some persons call thcra {hostea humani generis) the very means by which th»^y were to annoy the fleet of our illustrious friend, the Kmpcror of the West, and this in the very face of his august re- , p'-esentative, would have been to ha:^ard the displeasure of our lirnicst, fastest friend. In other words, deep rooted, and cultivated antipathy to Great-Britain, and an habitual dread, as well as sincere purtiahty to France, forbad the adoption of any measures, which, liy conciliating the former, would tend to ren4er (he latter more jealous of us. But some honest, and aftnv able and respectable mes, who go filon^ with us in our opinions to this point, who agree, that the practice of enlisting British deserters is extremely wrong, and a violation of neutrality, and e\en in the opinion, that our own con- duct in this allair might justify hostilities from the government of Great-Britain, still contend that Beikchy had no such right, that It belonged oniy to his governintut t- age :.o far (*alj as is itccessaty to ihe execution of those orders. But if in ihe course of sudi duty, an unexpected incident takes place, wliiih l^ors to defeat tbfC ol^iect of liieir orders, that same military >tnct- ness rcquin^s tliat they should remove such obstacle d' pructu;abli:. Au tjfBcer is sent, us was the comnumder of the Biitiiili ileet in Ilaoipton roads, to watch and pnvent the escu|»e of an etuuiy— he lauds the guiih of one of his siiips to careen her. — A ncidrnl siiip of jvar, dicccily Ssfore hib eyes, lands atid jmts tlie guns on bcaid, uud prckcei-ds Ui sta — will any man be so uineasotuble is to cou trad, that Cbe British olTiccr cannot pursue such slii}>, demand ii.> ^uus, and ou refusal* Kotupel by farce tlte «urreudei>- of tiieia ? Shall he stibmit to see the object of his expedition defeated, ;ukI rep ; . to bi>^ {j>ioven»nicnt tiUac h« conceived it to be more j/iopti lltar th'' f^un» ii\iou\d be dif)/wn/tlicaUy iki^tundcU T :i But, say s*mie vther vhJtctoi«, true, in eitrane caces, t\u la\« < I telf-piiscrvation wiii justify an interior olHcer m making turcihii reprisals, but v^as tlie case of Admiral Berkeley such un one f rvi.T sukWer lb, that e\tryolhcer so tnlrusted, must judyc furhiumit. Hf 25 takes his honour and life in one hand, and his sword in the other. It' his government justifieshitn, he escapes — ifshe condemns, ht fulls. But that Admiral Berkeley had reason to apprehend a total de- struction of the British squadron on our coasts, the following -ftcts ficem to establish : — Ist, It is alledged that desertion had become so j'rt(juent that tlic British squailron had lost nearlj' an hundredmea, between March and June, and f^reat rewards had iieen ofTered at 1 lalit'ax, by the Province, for the ani)rehension of these detierters. jdly, Although Captain Barron gave such wretched protection to the deluded men who entered on board his ship, still the example \vas so contagious, that imfiied/dtrly after, throe men deserted, landed near Hampton, and were secreted by our inhabitants. Nineteen, British seamen rose upon a British cutter, and brought her into the Delaware, where they landed, were protected, and have not been (leli\eredup; on the (wntrary, our newspapers congratulated " f Acs* much injured and high spirited men," on their success. Six men ran away with a boat of the (^olumbine, at New York — and six more landed at New-York, from the Jason, and are all concealed in our country : — and lastly, sixty-five sailors rose upon their officers, in- the Jason, with the intent of escaping to ow friendly jAojw- — and they woidd lave succeeded, had it not been for the timely and spirited interreronce of their oilicers. This frigate has since ar- rived at Haliiax, with titty of her crew in irons, so that her crui«e against her lawful enemy was defeated. Can any one deny, after these examples, that the case was so extreme as to justify an (•fficer in resorting to foive, after every other means had failed ? But it must not be fnry;ntten that the true, and indeed mxly real questiotj between tlje two nations is, whether the facts which jtrectded ibe attack on the Chesapeake, amounted to such a provo- ( ation, that if rrported to the government of Great Britain, that goverruiient would have been authorized to make repiisaLs, or even to declare war against us ? — Let any man consult the writers on t!ie Law of Nations, or his own feelings of moral propriety, and decide. This is certain, that as a Mlirrerent nation, we !.l»ould lie the lust to submit to a prmciple, which in its <»peration Huul<| completely defeat the best concerted njilitary enterprises. Aiul we »lM)uld tUink that our moderation had been sulliciently ''.'t 26 manifested, if, after three several inferior demands, our publitl ministers i»ud tiiade a Jonnal demand of another sovereign, and been rf/ii!>ed rructiss. . c-tJ.iH ,. .o ^>; Bttt uilmit. ifiU ik\.jx>s$4hlt, that all the reasotiing we liave cited .* tiTon^'j.wlMl that We t4..vc good cause of war a^mvsji Great Bntiiin, doe» it loilow, tiuit war is ikvcisarilji/ to be nndectakca / Are there no cases in uindi war, thouglj juslitiable, may hm avoided, without dishonour ?: Lti-t us listen to (irotius on that pt, no motive for war, but to exact punh/tment in a doulnful case. Again says ( jrotius " No prudent man will adverUurt; iu such an enterprise, wlicre good success shall bring liitlc prolit, but where the least i*iiscarria<;e may prove fatal." " Grant tliat our yjrievances are unjvut, and unworthy to be liorne, yet it wiil not f(»l1ow, that we ouglit, by t«trivmj» ai^ainsit them, to make uup Condit^nn xcoru:" Apply it to our /)>L'5e/7fciii./' ii^ tritU- a itiHifut''Jp m't "» ripij''al, tjr tia- asKuunitiyu wt « g*.iRiiil iijilil lo bcarcii imblick, bi.ii' ,«iiic^» latttr til' y tlitdoim. 13 m It was no more founded on the right of search, than if one of our ships on the high seas, in fime of peace, should forcibly seize a boat belonging to a British ship, with a lieutetiant and crew on Ijoanl, and shouM hold them in diiresa after demand ; and there- upon the British captain should attack and disable our ship, and retake his men ; both these acts are equally reprisals for previous injuries, and are lx)th founded on the laws of nature and nations^ .^ 1 ask, once more, is war alviajfs to be undertaken when it is ju»- tifiable? 'f' n. . ;;,.;:;.,,.. I answer, our own practice proves the contrary. France cap- tured our ships in violation of the treaty of Xl'i'A — she atterwards set up the abominable doctrine of the role d'equipage, and con- demned millions upon it — she afterwards decreed, that all neutral vessels, liaving one dollar's value of British manufactures on board, sliuuld, togetlier with their cargoes, be lawful prize ; and several more millions fell under this pretext. Ail these acts were violations of the lawof natioa^ — ^UoftheiB were cause of war — yet we did not go to war — we made a treaty, and instead of her making either ackruKvkdgmcnt or sati^actioh for either of these injuries, we explicitly renouticed all claim to tUem. Spain shut tbe port of New Orleans, contrary to treaty — rshe did it with marked insolence — she has since marched armed men into our territory, seized our citizens, and lately has taken possession of loiije of our national military stores — still we have not made war i)jK)n Spjjin, though war would have been justifiable, and though, liotli with regard to France and Spain, we had givcu no caune qf ofeitce, as we have done in this case to Great Britain. If jt be asked, how it liappensthat the men wlio were in favour of war with France and Spain, are opfwsed to one with Great BritAin — I answer, I st, That the iujuriesof France and Spain were uiiprovok» oilw^tlswot to enlist d«>crlcrs, whichor- ders were openly disnbfycd, and therefore the causo of war is doubtful : hut lastly, Suih was the local and political situation of France and Spam, tlwt they couhl not injure us, while they were at war wttb Great Britain. An iinpasbabU jjnlph lie* between \.u — but w« a»e I . 5S vtilneraWp at cvrry pe merr ^y^nrX to l>t*r nmrinc ; and althoiicrh tlif KHltorof the Nntir-nal lntHlijjt^ncer antt h»S|>iitix,w, may think the ruin of S-WjCXK) ni<'r«.l>ant!» a niPtterof wwh ])eiti(n indiflh-ence, that he will not .<«iitl) r it to tnpr a tine culci'lati.m, vt-t the peopie of Nevi- Fnerhnd fV^el dillerenJy. 't'h« y know that iIk y are necewiirily a cornmrrciai ptopit ; (hey have not one milhdu slaves to lalwur for their support; the\ live by the sweat (»t" tln-ir own Irrozci : their pon«, their kinsmen, their friends, are en'^'ajji d in commenre ; and we farmers of the northern eli<'ve that yon cvtu *tion of e^ptdi^iM^, 1 shaflntit efiter nuub into the details, but shall state thoin with all pMssiI)le bre\ily. <'onsistcnt with ]-)erspicttity. Onr mehns of hntioyu'nrV ;»rtd irsoMrresAs -stated by ifie adw- tatesoF war, are of two !^peeie!i, divert and indirect, nnliiary uml connnerrinl. Of our militarv r'st.urees r>ne vrmild think that brt little tie^d ]>(■ said. The jealousy tf military ff.n < always sufhrienilv stn>n::, h-v, been stren;,'thcnedhy our phil-Nophiekadmiitistnition; tlienec(s«iry of eonfoniiincr to rlie fi\U- opinion^ am! prejndrets by wliiefi tl;iv aiYpiired power, hasobli'jed them to (h-troyeren the littl' tutiitiiiy Jind naval fone, which their jirede; es5ors had built up. 'Vhf Pr; kideutbas tau|;hl tl;.' people lo lK!;fve. tlni the expcricmenf \\\\ M.nion^ and of all ii;'e>, was r,f no a^ail : tjjat all his pTe(leres««ir< in power, from .*^aul to l!oi.:.j)art». hiivc h< i u mi^lakvU m hr'icviii:,nii thcneees»ifv of foree in ord'-r to ninini on r-^fx-ct ; that ihenn^c <.rjuj.tico \% the f»ru)Chl"liuiil ,ind n.ixm {Ijr 'most < fTLOliial \v»,a;!nit to protect cur r:;{!it^, or to avonije iiijnrie-s. \\'ii!\ Ihi'^ all coii- iinennir weajwi he hns rnarehed Ixildly on, till he h;e. hroua' > Olio tiu fi< 111 with a ro<', who hiivin;,' b-oii r1ralleny;t d to ma: ib tlifHf, '.\:ll ti.k<; tiK iil'irlv ;• \\si: inS f'U-' We.'Mons. 29 If our>ittle band of 3000 soldiers, could be drawn off from ihc tlefence of a frontier of .5000 miles, and from our tottering forta, more dangeroiw to their defenders than their assailants, and if Mh. Jtiierson could by the force of reason, persuade our enemi-es to Miter a wwall defile, hke that of ThermopyliQ, perhaps even this lilile knot of heroes might lie immortalized by rictory. So also, if our enemies would he jfraciously pleased to run their hne of battW shijMi atfrouiwl in convenient numbers, Mr. Jefferson's naval ibrce uoulU be found very effective, or, which would be still mope < onvenient, and good humoured on the part of our enemies, tf (liw would send one ship at a time, to permit Mr. Fulton to make tliiee or Jilf>ur experiments, we could in the course of two years, destroy tlie British navy. liut we have 100,000 militia, and we can by the very cheap priicess of an act of Congress, increase tiiis number at pleasure. If the war was to be a defensive one, like the la'^t, it must be admits tid, that this species of force may be calculated upon. But the iiiiiiua cannot be marched out of Llie United States, aiid we have 110 ii.se for tliem u:Uiim. , , liut they would volunteer tlieir services to take Canada and No- va Scotia.' — I do not say that this achievement is impossible ; but I am surprised, that our publick writers should be so little sparing of our foeliiii;», as to rccal those two scenes of our nusforttin*). — Tlif plains oi Abraham, and the Inthuuis of Penobscot, exhibit no liuiKnuablc monmuent* of either our power or conduct. .,j ,,, ,(^, Hut prrhaps we might have better succejss in another attempt; pcrliaps with the loss of twenty thous.uul men, and tlie espeaae of fifty millions of dollars, we might take, and garrison those pro- vinces, with the exception of the ckty of Quebec ; lliat city we pro- Italily could not take.* Suppose us then in t^uiet possession of • It is siirpribiiijf witli what •oiifi Iciic-' rncu vi\M nv totally ij;noiaiit of tiit stjitf r»f tlicsft ]lr(ivliii'(s, boast of tHkiuu; them at !» st.oki'. Qiicbto \v;w in a iiiiimos Mtiiutioiiiv Immi atiafkul Ixlon;, and \i't wtfaik'ti inouiutU'inpt, thoiijili We hiid two armies l.o'oiv it. — It has since l)0(ii iluii-onijjhly fortitial, and is Ji'jw tlw (ubraUar »if Aimiica. We hate i <> letti^oii to doubt, tt'iit it would li:ii nut a;iain t tin -.c/inli' Fit-nrh nnnii, at Itasl. as loiijr as baiit/i 'k. \V»- on 'II' '>tlier barwl, aro J<«titutf ot tfnf,'iii<"PrK, or iniliiaiyskillsuthoifnttociuol an "|>i.riiti<,ii. Hut vvi' shall b(;tuM, tlialwcsliull have Ir iic'.i ufHicrs, Frcnuii skill, III iRh ttr'.illfvy.— .Aud isi this our ivmofut-nn * liic luttiis ! lieu libertas ' li4 m SSI - 30 tH?«:e provinrcs; rf \vh3t benefit will thry be to us, or wli4( injurr the lcen a ronstam source of expense. To ug the one would add a mass of fmnnla- tion, hostile twus in feeltnpH, lanjifuaqfe, Tiianners, rcliirion, and ai. tached. si-neerely, anfl irrpcovcTaV)ly so, to iho nation Mhose [mwrr and asrendanoy we have the hi';;hest reason to dnead. Kvory (a- nudiv.i is a Frenchman at heart, slaves to their prirstp, tltevian easily be persuaded to join the im])erial banner <>f tranre, vhin- evef the Emperor hwlully authi>rized by the (Sovereign Poiitil), •hall think proper to d splay it. " i»'u i- .du/ ^'..l,.>>.- . ,. ; Fifty thousand Canndinns, disciplined by French veteran oifi- eers, after efleitin^ a junction with 50,000 Louinianians, who air e<]u;dly Frencli in diaraeter and feelinrrs, would become very nn- conif<»rtable neighbours to the Unitid States. "' ' NorvH Sroti.i does not olVer a more temptinpf prize. — A eoiniinf, poor, miseral>le, prmlticino no staple article, ^xtpuhited by nicii, embitten'd ac;".!ijjst us, by a thousand recoHections, and who, pio- bably, in half a century, will not have forjfottjen their deep roohd prejudu'cs aoainst us, and our system of fjovemment. \W cin- not, nikMXn-er, retain Halifax, without a superior na\-al force. •It will not be pretended therefore, that our exist mj^ mlitm^j means, directe- liarraSHed our ijovemment to find means to employ tt. At^rcmon It Mr. JeiliTson's only ti(«po« in his existinj; conteKi^ witii (iieat HritftHi and Spain, and as that cost^ no more than Mr, Madison"). tattny and ckrk Aire, he o* vtr dreamad that il wa» |)0!*sible thai iiii raimm mit^ht ptix^hatice fail of pixxiuemij its efleel, and that vn fclioubl have «»ct-a«M>u lor the ultima lutii/ reguuj, ixjwder urui hutla. Ilis pr khall state this pomt brirtly. Our revetme in tune o^ peace, is 10 niiUions of dollars, of which nuie tenths ate derived from iinpwU •I) uHTchandi/x. 'I'lus revenue, if it cutcld continue, i» t)ut unr. 31 icventeenth part of tUat of our proposed enemy, and would b« wliully inadequate to war operatioos. Four millions of it are plctltred lo pay the inlerertt of the national debt, which if we fail to do, not a cent wUl ever be obtained by loans or otherwise. The i-eiiia'ninjf six nrliiotip, would defray the expenses of a war about three monilia aunually. t or the remaining nine months, each year, we uiust seek other means, and incur a new deht. But as it is ad- nuUfd by Mr. Jellerstni'i pay)er, that our commerce will be destroy- ed, our revenue founded solely on that com inerre, wil]/«// with it. Two resources wliich «;ur present rulers have rendered as un- popular as their talents would permit, must then be resorted to — (oans and taxes. ,,. , , .,,^ ^j.,,. Post experience has rendered the monied interest too wise, to a(hanc<' their nmney without the pledge of new taxes; and even vith sudia pU.iij^e, an administration which has avowed its bostHity to public faith, and the individuals of which openly proposed lo cheat the publick creditors, Defore they came into power, can with a very ill grace propose to borrow, or expect to be belMived, yrhen they pronu,ic to putf. ,,„, ,,. ,,v„i,in,:. ;unt, would only pniduce aaonuch as the Jtoroiep, owihy; to the diminution of consumption produced by the distresie* of war, this source of revenue wdl only produce 750,OjO d6llur» jK'r annum. \V e must then calculate upon about 20,000,000 ilotlars direct taxes annually, on land and slavet. In laying this ta\, Mr. Jcillrson will have occasion iiw all his 100*000 militia and volunteers; and if we tho(ii;ht hiin as rmich of a statesman, as his friends prehnd to *\q, we should have Nipposed that Uii$ was the motive for rainmt; them. To brine;" this part of the happy eflectfi t>f a tuarjnr Jiritia^ dt-nerten, home t^ th*bosOms of the farmers of Ma*arhus*'ttH. this'strttc's proportion of the annual, war taxes to be InteU unlatkls; v(i to wipe oft' tjie:>e balances, as was ui i^ed Willi regard to those contracted dunugthe revolutionary war.* Thus, when we see what sort of relia^ice we can place upon tiit Anvirican army, ua\7, and revenue, in an ofteiisive war ajjain^t Great-Britain. , . ..i.f . iik ,,,._..„. ,■ , But we are told, that we can make a prc^aiorj/ war upou Uic British eonui»erce, and our lidnunistration gives another proof of Us spirit and ability, by proposvnjf to repose the conduct of the war in the individual euterprize of its citizens.- — ^This is precisely in character: but even tlii^ reliance, feeble and huiniliatinjj as it i**, will fail. — ^They will permit the people; of Mashachusetts, to be a< goud judges of this subject, as any in the United States. Instead o( tlttintf out their 700 d'lll sailing intrchantnien a« privateers, th^ir past exj>erience leaches thein, that witli every ad- ▼aittsge that system cannot be pursued, f Graat-Britain towardh tlif ..4*.- • So'.rth-Caroltnt ii said to be just collecting the ttx laid in 1798, and which tvt paid, ne.i!fy seven yeirs since ; and as she psys, I prpsume; no iiitcrf n for riiib drfav, It has been at our eXfen»e.— She has sared 50,000 doUars b> this pUn, out of the states wiio jiid with punctuality. f The opinions here eyprtswd are perfectly conferrfnble to those of our bslovd Wa..hliigtou in a cise simibr but less strong. These opiniqns may be szjtw in a Vrtev acfdrfssed frrm thr FTtemtive department to Mr.Moyrroc, datfd Sept. 11, 17Q5-— of which the foUp)iring it an extract. " How prenosrercnj is that policy which reqoire» UJ to abandon and destrny the *«ry »f>jeii, for the ^reitrvahoH of which, hosuUticf iit tobe commenctd ! It may not be amiss" lie -.xaAt^ •* to enlarge on the conictiuences of our engaging in the w nr «*»ihst Grcit-Hrfrahi. " I. Seeing she V.^i the eomrrnnd of the fea ^and appeantnces itdhait jirenply that ■'hewill mainfnmthat (^onirrnm*,) otir rorhmcr;*f mi^ght In one yenrV iitinini- lated, and ihouDnnlK uf ofti seamen b* shut up or dv^ing in jails and prison ship? Ill adviiiiin to her fleets now in tiimrnis!.!('n, prt\at«ers would 'warn, as foon i. obje.tito eHurimg and 10 atsaiJahit as Ameiican commerce shculu present. ^ ckiie of the last war, had learned the secret of paralyzing this gpecies of hostility. Can it then be expected, that with no enemy on the ocean, and with double the number of ships of war, she vvi\l kit still, and permit us peaceably to rob her citizens? Every naval oflicer, and every merchant know^, however ignoirant they may be at Washington, tluit fifty fast sailing frigates would as completely blockade our ports, and secure our privateers flrom the power qf doing injury, as if they were under lock and key. or hauled up ^ la Jefferson, in the dry docks of the Potomac. ' ' 'I.'' > We proceed then to consider the other branch of our meatis qf annoyance, which may be called commercial wi^fare. — It is main- tained, that we can by a war bring Great-Britain to an acknow- ledgment of otir claims; by confiscating the debts due to hcjr merchants ; by ruining her manufacturers ; by refusing to be oluthed ; and by starving her West-India colonies. Although it would be easy to shew, that all these measures would eventually produce more distress to the United States than to Great-Britain, that in all cases of this nature, the dependance is mutual, andithit lu such contests, the poorest state always suffers the most; yet I «hall leave this point to the good sense of my readers, and coii* siderthem as operating only on Great-Britain. ■ ' ^-/'V First then, we are to carry on the war, and to distress our enemy .,\.....i.i.i- .- -- . i.;J».: « Wwe look back to the two last yetfs of our revolutionary vrar, a judgment loay \k ft>rm«d on this point. A itnking defect m her naval airangen)eiits, in jieceding years, left our ports open for thr entry of commerce, for the equipment. ot privateers, and the introduction of prizes. A different arrangement in the latter psrtof the wv, totally changed the acene. The small privateers were hauled up as uuable to cs>pe with arme^ merchantmen, and the larger privateers were taken. Our :ihipping fcU at the same time a aacritice to the vigilant operation^ of the British navy, " At the pre$eBt moment (1795) her naval power is extended beyond all fiirmer ■xjmples : while tiat rfher eiumtt U at least ntt itiirtiued. " 34^. Uur lat^df^tras mtcU as cornmercial intierests would suffer beyond all ulutlation. Agriculture above the supply of uur own wants, wovild be suspended, ^i OJi fXtftiM f w r m pf 'i ■ t 54 by re'nrt'.np; to the oltl dis^jrarf ful system of confwratinn. If di, pnvr!;jr,icy and infamy of toHi propositions have no ivr/:;lif jn tli» estimatum of our fellow citi/rns, (which I vill not believe) tlu; nill surely listen to the maxims of experience, a dear hoti^ht ex- perienre, and an enli'^htened policy. How trifling a sum it j)if,- dnecd to the nation in the last war, every publick man knows.— -If ^ only tendrney was to screen a few fraudulent debtors, whorejoicinf. in an opporti^nityto defraud their honfst creHiton, co\\\i\ ofcoiimc, thmk It no robbery to defiraud the puWick. Nothin^j came inh th^ piihlick chest, and even the joy of the fraudulent \ouKl be so rumouf. to them, they certainly would not be tnen from fitting out privateew and takmRour own vojibtls; maiiy havi growh rich by pitinder of thid sort Patriot i»m Ann hbt prevent the slave trade, Ihou^ the laws are no wvprt ly pro- hibitory. In short, potriotimn cannot 1^ caJculattHl upon, to ctttct that ijchich power finds it vain to attempt. 2n(lly. A much smaller projiortion of the population of tlie united kini^domR ftf Great Britain and Ireland, are employed m manufai turiiic^ for us, than we have usually tiioug-ht. — Not nioic than one sixth part of tlie population of Great Britain, ia employed in dni/ tnunnfactures. Four fifths at least of the maimfartiiics of all nations, are cohsimicrl at home, (rreat Britain exports only al>oul MX ntillrons w«>rth annually, to \nverica, and it is only the profits on thiscapitai, which she would lo«o, which would nottx- cccd one million. — She nii-^ht not even loise ttiat; — the capital whifh is now employed in nianufacttirmsj; tor us, may lie wiilidra\in from manufactures, and employed in a{»ricuhure and conimprrc, audit would only be the drtfcrence of firoti' fi'-v/cen the new cm- pl(^y, and the ohl, which she would lose. But jiranttliat sne< have onij/ to /^iihcr up our garments and fall with r'tecerjcy." If Great Britain be so reducpd as lo be ruined })y one million more, xhe muftf/iU, and how loii^ our rit,'ht** and libcrtits, and Me lihet^ ftf the seas will surviTC her, I shall endeavoi/r to >hew briefly in tlie cmichnion of this sketch. But lastty, we arc to starw her West India colonies.— It i.« real- ly a^tonir-hinc;, that men will lie so blinded by their hatred to Gnat Britain, as 16 urp^e and appear to beliew such ab^^urd notions. ^\"hy did they not starve during the revohrtionary war ? Nova 37 S'otia tlien wpjilictl them- widi little or aotliing ; she can now Mipply them with nearly all tbcy want. 'I'hey do not tike u\xv Ixel' and |n>rk m peace, tliey arc so duinty; and yet w« talk uf starving them! lilit iftlioy could support a war of eij^ht year^, ulien Nova Scotia was a younj,', unculti\ ated country, when our privateers swaniied in these Keas, and the occmi was covered witU the fleetrf of Frauoe, Spttin, and Holland, hq%v much ca«icr wiH at Ik; to sustain a war, wlion the provwion vcssicls of Knj^land, can iiavipate in pert'ect safety, having no one to nndce them afhtid? Hilt do we not view the other side of Uic picture r Possessed a« tliey will be of 13uenos Ayres, where provisions are cheaper tliaji 111 any part of the world, is tliore not danger, that a war mth U9 may turn tJieir attention to other channels of sup|)ly, aijJ thu« destroy, perliaps tor ever this braiuih of our commerce ? it will be seen then, that the hope of coercing Great Britain by cohiRiercial warfare, is as delusive and desperate, as by aims; — and after u long, but bloodless was*, in which we should be called upon to suflcT rather than act, we »>hould probably be obliged to abandon the claims fur which the war was undertaken, unleaa Great Britain, from causes totally out (ifcur control, sln^vkl b* ©blig"ed to yield to the resistless power of France. . . , , \jeX us now take a brief view of t^e eiiects of a British war, up- on oiwselves. — Those, who deluded hx the language of the xtuur newspapers, and especi;dly Mr. Jeft'crson's, believe, that we are to enter into a war in which Great Britain will be the onl^ suHer«r; and that we shall continue to prosper as before, will l)e woefully deceived. Not a rnun who lm» any tiling to lose, not a labourer* who depend* on the sweat of his brow, but will feel, and rue the eftVcis of Mich a war :— they will be almost equally felt, and per- ceived in the coniptiT»g.hoti.«8 of the merchants; the parlours of the rich; and tiws cottage of the poor, ,, , /W^,,.,,^ .• = The farmer will siffFendcr his cattle to the tax gatherer; the tnechanick mil be obliged to hang up his rusty tools; and the clirldren of our iudut4Tict)» fisliemien, will ilemand their bread inr vuiu. This is tM» the picture of a fourtli of July orator— it is sul)er reality. 'I'he National UuelligeHctr vith the sang tix>id of a true phtlof^liefj ©orwi^^u-^ to b^'g'^^ar^ 'JAO,0()0 merchants, lie 38 admits " tliat commerce will be deslroj'cd by a war, uiul in u< fell will crush its immediate dependents ;" but he insults the un- dcrslandiufjs of us New Kngiand farmers, by insinuating; tluit all the other cla^scs «>f hocicty will escape its efletts. W'lio arc to on\. ploy and g;We bread to the 300,000 mechanioks m our seaport town!*, after the merchants are bej^gared? Who arc to pav the ba)iks wlien all the property of their debtors is aDiiilulnUcI h\ war r When the banks stop their dividends, and low part d their capitals, what will U'cnnie of the widows and orphan j m|,'. have deposited their httU modicum in these public institutions- \\'heu U»e small country bai.ks fail, who wdl ludemmfy tiie far- mers who hold tiu ir bill* ? What will become of the country traders, and the fariii(T«. wbc owe them, when the creditors of the bund so slow, and so unpop\ilar, ;uiil the calls on govtrnment w ill Ix* so much more pressing tlian tliost ot the publick creditors, that the interest of the national debt will [»; •usptndid. The piirty in |ioMtr, have alway.> been op[Kisi power; — it was a strong hold over thtir ptihtieal enemies. — But create more pressing exigeneu s, and thousarids of hontst crcdiliirs will be left to starve. — This is wliul they fonucrij/ projK)>e(l— it would gratify many secret vi ishes. if a war, then, will aunihilule a)iumere»-, as the National l.Uii- ligencer admits, will ruin 250.000 merchaius, beggar all die uia- chanicks iamitdialtly dt pendant on the UKTchants, injnit sorii •, aud produce the larlurr (jf many recollect the eli'ect^ of uur revolnluui- s& arywarf Can agriculture flourish, when there ere no buyers?' Vlieii all the ntJu-r orders of society are ruiaed, tlie taxes must, fall upon the land-holders — and we have shewn, that the revenue from impost failing, the fanners will he called upon to defray the •vbole expenses of the war, whirh will annually amount to aboMt sixteen times the pum of our present State tax. Can any aijrieultiiral profits meet these exifjencies ? When our rhildren are eallt^d off from the labours (,f the plougli, to those of war, can we mpport our fanulie«, and pay thf- extraordinary ♦Uuiands of p;ovenunent ? L t thos»! who »iew these as light and tolerable evils, be clamorous for war; but for ni^ part, I prefer to nuounee the ri^ht of protectinfj and enlistiiifij the subjects of fo« r< ij^ nations, when our own population fiu'nishes men sufficient for our commerce and our navy, to emi)arkin!Tf in a doubtful con- tost, ruinous in its efleets, and uncertoin as to its issue. I have said that the v ar, uhicli we are called upon to wage, would be a war tvitfiout fmpi. 1 have endeavoured to shew that we ran plaeeno reasonable reliance on our o-j:n resources in an offensive and extraneous war against Great Britain : but I shall be told, that ue may calculate x^non the aid • France, Spain, Holland, and Russia. Indeed, we have heer. alreudv told, that such an alliance would secure us success.* Without en*n*ing into the impolicy of iluie embarking in the wide field of European politicks, let us ad- mit that we do so embark, and that the utmost success crowns our cllbrts — let us suppose our enemy. Great Britain, prostrate at the fret of the allied powers — would our situation be ameliorated ? Should lie DC considered as principals, or, like the other allies, as liiiriible vassals in the train of the victor? Rouic toe hac Acr allies, but wd? '.hat situation less dependant thun thokc of the vanquiihtd ? 4. t * We alrfady perceive, by the subjoined arcount of the celebration of the lite Fn-nch vi>;ti>ne£ in Gror^in, that tome of our citizens have already cov iiecti'd our destinies with those of France, ^his article is copied trom the PuUi'* dium.of Oct. a.--'* Savannah, Sept. I a. On Saturday, the tjth insiart, a nu- merous company of republican* assembled at the Filature, to cciebrat^ thevic- tohes of the French nation over the alUeiof England — events kadint^ to u\< peace and prosperity of these U.Sutes— the Hon. Edward Telfair, Picsident, WiUian Supbtnj, xnd Peter H. Morel, Esqrs. Vice Presidents."— Are we neutrjl ? Arc Russia and Pi ^Mila our iri«nds i It it usual tv lejoice over the dcftrviction of one'ii fiihilated the republirlc of Italy, to place a diadem on his own l)r«)w, who rompelled the stubborn Dutchman, our friend and alU/ to receive a master, after 1 00 years of unexampled resistuiR c u, «rppi I ssion — who has left not one shred of liberty or indepcmli ni « Hnou^'h tJie vast, |)opulous, and powerful regions, over which h -. vie toviou? armri have extended, be delicately or scrupulouslv a- giiidful of the maritime rightK of nations? ' »*^ ni Havm^ conquered the conf'nent of Europe, he exclaimed, "all I want are com$mrce, folonies ami .sAips." Can ai^y virtuous and liigh-minded freeman of ojir coimtry l)elieve, that in procuriiij the gratifkatiov) of these wants, he will be more scrupulous nr ten 4«;r of the li^jhts t>f other nations, than he has been in attHininj; Uie va^t and immeasurable power which he now possesses ? It may perliaps be thouf^ht by snvH\ that I have b« rn t. <» in my censures of the present administration, that I havi ..iihinwi that they have rather cuurted, than .'Ou^ht to avoid, the present jtale of iiusunder.^tandlnjr between us and CIreat Hiitain. I con fej« thai ilsiK'h should be the iufereucc, it would not be an unfan joqc. I liavc aiway> been apprehensive, that the marked partJHli ty or dirud oi" France, and the deep-rooted bostihty to Great ■firitau), which they l»ave ipva'-'Tibly discoyeixd, would lead n ant cun>efjuences. It is well known, to all men who havf IMttKcU Ok: ct»ur><' of our |H>liiical histoi'y, tliat the j)crsoas ncu vUwiM>i> thr m. W'howoili hlVK nmv^Xivi th.it our j»r<'fi-«t .i*lTiiit)ii(r4tion roMidhavtr Ixmn'ihc lit»ttii iniulf , Bhtiur, to uij.iV: wi wir. byunil by so tniny ties «)f ptatitiulc, by loiigratHLti: tb' if upstart (ran* cr, hi* ai:ie?:,?nn tt' tl^i' throne? Wh*> would ♦>>"etboug!. tl..»t cut r^puHtiiin I'rrskJtui would ^vc Ih.'v ju tjgcr to .nilrcH nis " djjriyi)!: ii^vd tyi.thti ^i l!ulla:id ^" V^^« wc uld K.ivr KcPn •Tiiitof WnlV.iiigton, ifti- 'hctJ lh'i> [U.t tie sea! to lyrAr.nyv* eUTfially ,W>vo Ji/vinf no niunstur at ihi' ,V"'.;rt. thi't loutd I »■ n,. r.rc s'ity it "vyiinj ii'.y Uiiui ufi cl.t nibjecl ? Jjci I'-n lt it is unreasonable to expect iii a pubtick tfedty with another nation, that every article should be in our own favour— s'.uiething must necessarily be given upon both sides, or a state of hostiUty never could cease. The only question ought to be, whe- ther it was as good, as luider ill the circumstances of the case, we had a right to expect ? It is believed that this treatyj on the whole, was such an one as the United .States ought to have accepted. oil, That there was no foundation fortlie report, that there was annexed to the treaty a condition which the United States ought not to haVe acceded to. It may perliups occur to some of our readers, convinced as they .ill be of the impolicy of entering into a war with Great Britain, •< d of the total incompetency of our means to carry on such a f'-'r to ask. Is it good policy to expose the weakness of our couiv- iry to the world ? Does it not betray a want of patriotism, to pub- lish our opinion of our ow« misconduct, and to endeavour to prove that we are unable to cope with a nation with whom we may pos- sibly be embroileu /* This is a species of popular error, too com- mon with many descriptions of persons in our country. V\'ithmy justification onlliis topick, I shall close this address to aiyfcliow-cilizeni. Q m 49 in all frp(! gr>vcTnmfnt3, public opinion must eventually dir^j the moil iinptrtant mK\8, rrs of the administration. When once expressed hy thelc^al * roiifitituted uuihurities, iMsbindinir upon all the citizens, tiiongh it is still com pt tent for t/icm to use the press in * We say, that when expressed by the constUutrd atitboritifs, this publick opi- rion ouglit to be. treated with the hig^but rap.ci \ ami one would havc .sunuQ^fd tiiat in a country Ukc ours, wliicli boasts of its light and infoimation, a con- trjry opinion could not (• mail : but tlic >iational Intelligencer, in its sertouj reasoning, considers the expression of the publick opinion, by the popul.KV in ahout t-velve mercantile towns as hiixamg on jli ihr ..itizeiis. in re p!v to some reasonings, endeavouring to shew that war would not be justih.'ijlv that paptr remarks, that it is uiuKcessary to enter into the iliscus'iion of the justice of a war' " the people have decided that ijuegtion — tiiey h.ve wUkJ »t, unless iniplo repara. tion be made." The Chronicle holds the same language. New we undertake to s:iy, that the numbers and the violence d;splnv:'d on this occasion, were less than those which appeared in opposition to the BritishTrtit'; — ' •/ "tie of the same great cities was in opposition to t/jjt instrument— bu, hap^ , I A country, Washington did not mistake the clamours of a muhitiidf inagte. ,\\\nih />e.K:.\i/>i<- mtn think it mi re prudent to go with than to op. J>osc,in till. ..rJt paroxysms of its rage, for the zviil of the people. €'^v;rnor Sullivan and Sheriff Allen tried at that time the effect nf opyinsiiion, tnd thry h^d very convincing proofs of the wisdom, good sense ^ aud rcason;(bleuesi of an infuriated populace. It is ridiculous to call the proceedings nt the State House, in Boston, the sciist Cf the iphahitants of Mossacluisetts. Tiiose of us who were near enough to Bos- ton 'to lift up the splendid veil with which these thingc are covered, know thit ©either that meeting, nor the one signed by William Cooper, were correct cxprcs- eicns of the ]niblick will. The history of these meetings is briefly this:— TTie cool and judicious m^n of fcoth ]iarti'.-s m Boston, were opposed to h iving any meeting en the sul)n\t, and Cpenly expressed their disapprobation of tfcem. Not that the uihabitants of this tnetropolis are evtr bchuid tluir felLw- citizens in thiir zeal to vindicate the tithts, •nd maintain the honour of tl;cir tovuitry — but they thought tliat we wereifoig- norantof the facti, and too tinctrtain of the true course to be pursued, to venture to give a decided opinion upt ii the subject. Such was the temjicr of the iiiiiabit.ints, when a respect for the citizens of NorfViIk, induced the Selectmen to call r.iuwi!- nitetiiig. /\t this nuetiiig, it is well known iliat so great an uncertainty prcvaikd, •sto the true policy to be ad.ij^ted, that the inhabitants, on the proposition v^ ap- |Kjint u eoinmittc, did not generally vote on cither side, and the ie.s|>cctalile Mode- rator, thi::kiii^ tiiut tile luktwartnnefs discovered was not sulHciently uspiitfiUVt the Otcision, intimated the proj'ricty of more apparent acal, and actualiy put the question fur a second tune. This state of facts is wel) known, and the Editor of the Aurora, at Phihckljiiia', has an arch allusKui to,if, whi'ii lie observed, that the lesohitionr. ot' iJostnii wtrc force meat. 'J he Chronicle ri-peatid this wit agnintt iis owi tcttn, atiil yet has the efl'iontery to cite these resolutions, as expressive at' the p'jM^k Will. It may be said, that this goesto prtvc titat many individui.ls :icted with is- strict rity. Mid I ask, how people must he expected to act in a popular t'overntnent, wIkd fhe ■S1IJ115 jic suddenly and ^vioKiitly iLlUmcd? To soothe snd pcrjtmtle, (i ippi* .d Jiitiumc t til m •l'!'osi"J, IS iTifn of r.-.t, ar.J ts of this lie ridns, ■re K Dig. to venture liabit.irts, il! :.ttW!'- ■ri".aili'j, 11 •'■ a!'- Il' Mude- .it' 13o>tPti :;uii, and ,i v\ ith IH- 43 wder to effect a change in the administration, or a repeal of the measurest But as this public opinion may he directed or forestalled b artful and designing men, or may he misdirected by error or pas- sion, it is not only the right, but the duty of those who believe that such errors exist, to endeavour to correct them. When, therefore, a parly of men, from sinister or from honest motives misrepresent the conduct of a foreign nation, present an unnatural and distorted views of facts, appeal to the public pas. sions, attempt to silence all opposition, represent our ability to wage war in a most extravagant light, magnify our means of in- juring our enemy, and diminish her. power and ability to injure us, and especially if all this be done while the question is still open and before the Legislature, who are alone authorized to decide it^ are convened — it is the most solemn duty which a citizen is ever called upon to exercise, to correct such false statements, to re- move erroneous impressions, and to endeavour to conduct his fel- low-citizens from the mazy labyrinth of error and prejudice, into tiie paths of light and truth. Such an office I have, with con- icirfuus inability, attempted '.j execute: — Happy, if my Teeble elVorts shall in any degree contribute to preserve my beloved coun- try from tlie dangers which surround it. •' I v.li^n 'he C 1 I'pl'Uil 6. Woodfall, Pi inter, i'atcruostt'r-ruw.