IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) .vf-^ 1.0 ^^ ta ^^s Itt |2i2 122 i 1.1 l'^ 1^ '-^ 'A Hiotograp]:iic Sdmces Corporatioii SJ WIST MAIN STMIT WIUTIR,N.Y. 14SM (716) •72-4S03 CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHIVl/ICIViH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques Technical and Bibliographic Notea/Notas tachniquaa at bibliographiquaa Tha Inatituta haa attamptad to obtain tha baat original copy availabia for filming. 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Whenever poaaible, theae have been omitted from filming/ II aa paut que certainea pagea blanchea ajout^aa lore d'une reatauration apparaiaaant dana la texte. mala, loraqua cela 6tait poaaible, cea pagea n'ont pea Att filmAea. Additional commanta:/ Commantairea suppl^mantairaa: L'Inatitut a microfilm^ la meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a 6tA poaaible de aa procurer. Lea dttaila de cet exemplaire qui aont paut-Atre uniquea du point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dana la mAthode normale de f ilmage aont indiqufo ci-daaaoua. 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T» to Tl PC of fil Oi b« th ai< ot fir ai< or Th ah Tl wl M( dil en' be rig re< mi Thia item ia filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document eat filmA au taux da rMuction IndiquA ci-daaaoua. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X 12X 16X 2DX 24X 28X 32X TiM copy ffilmMl h«r« ha* bMn r«pro (moaning "CON- TINUED"), or tha symbol V Imaaning "END"), whichavar applias. Maps, platas. charts, ate. may ba filmad at diffarant raduction ratios. Thosa too larga to ba antiraly includad in ona axposura ara filmad baginning In tha uppar laft hand cornar. laft to right and top to bottom, as many framas as raquirad. Tha following diagrams illustrata tha mathod: L'axamplaira film4 f ut raproduit grAca * la g^nArosit* da: Library Division Provincial Archives of British Columbia Laa imagaa suivantas ont 4tA raproduitas avac la plus grand soin. compta tanu da la condition at da la nattat* da i'axamplaira film*, at 9n conformity avac las conditions du contrat da filmaga. Laa axamplairas originaux dont la couvartura an papiar ast imprimAa sont filmis mn commandant par la pramiar plat at an tarminant soit par la darnlAra paga qui comporta una amprainta d'imprassion ou d'illustration. soit par la sacond plat, salon la cas. Tous las autras axamplairas originaux sont filmAs an ccmman9ant par la pramiAra paga qui comporta una amprainta d'imprassion ou d'illustration at 9n tarminant par la darniAra paga qui comporta una talla amprainta. Un das symbolas suivants apparaitra sur la darniAra imaga da chaqua microfich<4. salon la cas: la symbols — ► signifia "A SUIVRE". la symbols V signifia "FIN". Las cartas, planchas. tablaaux. ate. pauvant Atra filmAs A das taux da rAduction diff Arants. Lorsqua la documant ast trop grand pour Atra raproduit 9n un saul clichA. il ast filmA A partir da I'angla supAriaur gaucha. da gaucha A droita, at da haut an bas. an pranant la nombra d'imagas nAcassaira. Las diagrammas suivants illusfrant la mAthoda. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 ne ^ 'Uectiorv Mr. Qy subject nc the Hous tracted u i ed, has lo ( mains un: 'i lieve I ha the whole now riser tude and Parties, I uses in E cessary fi can instit are for th ■ ters. Bu I from all 1 't an Amer I sovereign I a qucsUoi the maim SPEECH or HON. J. POLLOCK, OF PENNSYLVANIA ON THE OREGON QUESTION, DELIVERED :J the house of representatives, FRIDAY, JANUARY 16, 1846, The resolution from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, requiring the President to notify Great Britain of the intention of the United States to terminate the joint occupancy of Oregon, and to abrogate the convention of 1827, being under consideration in Committee of the Whole — Mr. POLLOCK, who was entitled to the floor, rose and said : Mr. Chairman: I design briefly to discuss the subject now under consideration. I am aware that the House is already wearied by so long and pro tracted u debate: the subject, though not exhaust- ed, has lost its novelty; the interest it excites re- mains unabated. Although, Mr. Chairman, I be- lieve I have a " clear and unquestionable" title to the whole hour under the rule, yet I am willing to compromise with the House, and perhaps not go beyond forty-nine minutes, or at furthest, upon the principle of progression and expansion, I may be inclined to occui>y fiily-four minutes forty sec- onds. In common with many gentlemen who have preceded me, I may be permitted to congratulate the House and the country that this question has now risen above party considerations. Its magni- tude and importance require that it should do so. Parties, I acknowledge, sir, £U-e not without their uses in Republican Governments: they are as ne- cessary for the preservation and purity of republi- can institutions as the storms that agitate old ocean are for the purification of its migh'y mass of wa- ters. But this question, separated as it should be from all local feeling and sectional prejudices, is an American nuestion — a question of American sovereignty — of American rights to American soil: a question involving the honor of our country in the maintenance of rights; and I do most earnest- ly protest against its being degraded to a mere party question. Sir, we have rights in Oregon — we have righ to Oregon: this will be admitted by all, although gentlemen may honestly differ as tj the extent of those rights. Our rights, then, whatever they are, or whatever may be their extent, must be main- tained; they can never be honorably abandoned. Sir, to those propositions no dissenting voice will be heard. I propose briefly to refer to, not to investigate, our rights in and our title to Oregon. From the best examination I have been enabled to make of this question, our title to the whole of Oregon is superior to that of any other nation on the face of the globe. Our title to 49° is clear, and ought to be unquestionable. Between 49° and 54° 40' there is, it must be admitted , some room to cavil. No gentleman in this House pretends to deny that Great Britain has cluims to tlie country north of 49°. Whether these claims amount to rights — rights to be regarded by the United States and to be enforced by Great Britain, is another question; and that these claims have been, to some consider- able extent, repeatedly recognised by the United States, must also be admitted with equal u nimity. Our title to Oregon has been set forth and main- tained with clearness and signal ability by the hon- orable gentlemen to whom the diplomacy of the country has, at different periods in our history, been committed. These discussions, from the times of the venerable Gallatin down to the pres- ent Secretary of State, have been characterized by as much talent, skill, and profound knowledge of the subject, as the diplomatic records of any Gov- ernment can exhibit. The question of title, thus determined, thus spread out upon the record, ha« been submitted to the country. The aigumeut ot 3 the Secretary of Stute, so far as regards the claim of Great Britain, is conclusive and irresistible. The Brit'sh Minister himself has failed to refute them. The only right she has to claim anything fVom the United States rests exclusively on the fact, that we have recognised some right on her part to the territory in dis])ute, in the negotiations and treaties with her in 181d, 1834, 1826, 1837, nnd lastly in 184.5. This recognition has been made by us at different [leriods and in various ways. Throwing aside for the present the Spanish title, which is ours by purchase, our own, independent of that, is in itself superior to any which can be setup against us by any of the nations of the earth. The discovery of the mouth of the Columbia river, by Captain Gray; our settlement on its banks, not only ai its mou.h, ut Astoria, but at a distance of several hundred miles up the stream, which settle- ments have been recognised by Great Britain, in the treaty at Ghent in 1814, and the subsequent res- toration of Astoria to the United States m pursu- ance of that treaty in 1818; the exploration of the whole river and most of its branches by Lewis and Clarke in 1805; the fact of its contiguity to our own territories; all recognised as they are by the law of nations as elements of title, combine to in- vest us with a title to the territory which would be good against the world. The principle is generally, if not universally recognised, thattlic discovery of the mouth of a river before unknown, gives to the nation discovering it a right to the entire region drained by its waters. We are the discoverers of the Columbia, and our rights extend as far as its tributaries extend, unless some of those tributaries had been visited prior to our discovery, of which there is no authentic evidence. If it be true, as is asserted, and as geographers have established, that the Columbia river drains the country up to 53"^ north, then the discovery of the river gives us a title up to that latitude; thus leaving 1° 40' of dis- puted territory. But, sir, in addiuon to our own title thus derived, the Spanish title was acauired subsequently to our discoveries by the United States, and is now fully vested in us by virtue of the treaty of 1819 with Snuin. This title, although it might have been consiaered whilst outstanding as nntagonistical to ours, yet in our hands it has been united to, and strengthens, if need be, our own title, thus rendering it certainly and unqualifiedly better than the British title. If Great Britain has any claims based upon prior discovery, they can only be those surrendered to her by Snain. But when we regard the fact that the Snanisn claims to discovery, which were unquestionably prior to hers, and admitted so to be by England herself, have now come into our possession, however inconsistent they may be with that which we possess in our own right, both being now merged into one, no na- tion can on that account now object to our claim. Two titles may in their nature be antagonistical, but when both unite in the same party, who can object because of their inconsistency ? Not Great Britain certainly. Spain, prior to our purchase from her, might nave objected and protested against our occupation and settlement of the country, yet, having by purchaee succeeded to all her rights, our tide therefore to the whole of Oregon, although perhasp not perfect and free from difficulty, is in every respect auperior to any claim or tide that England may have in or to the di-nputed tcrri' tory. On the otlicr hand, sir, upon what is the claim of the British Government to any portion of the Oregon territory founded? It is based principally, as I underxluntl it, upon the rigliis, if any, acquir- ed Iw England from Spain, by virtue of the Nont- ka Sound convention, signed at the Esrurial in 1790. By tlin Htiitulalions of that treaty the right to trade with the Indians, to make settlements, and to establish colonics on the territory was yielded to England, to be exercised in common with Spain, whilst the right of sovereignty, instead of being vested in England, was expressly held in abey- ance. This treaty, however, being annulled and aljrogated by the war of 171)6 between England and Spain, all the rights of England under that treaty were at the name time annulled and abrogated, and fell with the treaty . I have referred, sir, to the Nootka Sound con- vention for the pur])ose of directing the attention of the House to another bramrh of the claim of England to the Oregon territory, whii'h claim, though not founded upon, yet arose during the ex- istence of that convention. I r«ifcr, sir, to the dis- covery of Frazer's river by McKenzie, a British subject^ in 1792, and the subsequent settlement of that river by the Hudson Bay Company. It has been contended on the part of Great Britain that this discovery of Frazcr's river gives to England a right to all the country drained by the waters of that river and its tributaries, upon the same prin- ciple that the discovery of the Columbia gives to the United States a right to the territory drained by its waters. This would be true if the discovery of these respective rivers had been made under simi- lar circumstances, and equally independent of Spain. But, sir, in 1792, when Frazcr 's river was discovered, England and Spain were the joint oc- cupants of the very region drained by this river, by virtue of the convention to which I have refer- red, England being in possession by agreement with Spain, is to be regarded as a tenant in com- mon with her, and thus the acts of one or both would, upon every principle of civil and national law, inure to the benefit of each other. When, therefore, discoveries and settlements were made within the territory subsequent to the'convention of 1790, the whole benefits of such discoveries and settlements inured as much to the benefit of Spain as of Great Britain; the settlement of the one be- comes the settlement of the other, and both derive a mutual benefit ft'om the acts of the other; neither party, during the existence of the convention, be- ing competent to derive any exclusive right to the territory thus held in common from their own acts. And although Spain may have made no settle- ments whatever on Frazer s river, still Spain being a party in interest, is as such entitled to a full share of all the beneficial acts done by Great Britain. We have since become the owners of the Spanish title, and the convention of Nootka Sound being abrogated by the subsequent war between Spain and England, and the rignts of England under that convention being annulled, we continue to hold the Spanish title even to the country drained by Fra- zer 's river, our own title bein^ thus strengthened and sustained by the discoveries and settlementa of England herself. Our title, therefore, to the ter- ritory in dispute, as against England, is thus far sputed terri' : is th«! claim irUon of the J principally, 'any, accjuir- ! of the Noot- I E»curial in ;aty the right ilenienls,and ' wan yielded II with Spain, eftd of being eld in abey- annullod and England and ■r that treaty jrogaled, and I Sound con- the iitiention the rlaim of whii'h claim, iiring the ex- ir, to the dis- zie, a British settlement of lany. It has Britain that to England a the waters of le same prin- inbia gives to ry drained by B discovery of le under simi- iepcndent of er 's river was the joint oc- by this river, 1 have refer- jy agreement lant in corn- one or both and national ler. When, were made le'convention gcoveries and lefit of Spain the one be- d both derive >ther ; neither mention, be- e right to the leirown acts, de no settle- Spain being o a full share reat Britain, the Spanish Sound being tween Spain id under that le to hold the ined by Fra- Btrengthened settlements •e, to the ter* is thui far the brilor title. There are rirmmfltnnces, Imw- ' (!V(T, llint musi control the llniicd States in the fu- inif .'icillcmeiit of tl-';' fiurstioii. Su.:li, then, being our title to Oregon, the im- portant question arisen, what is the best policy to be pursued in relation to this controversy with Great I'ritain ? A great tUal hiis been said itf the polii'y of" mn.sterly inactivity;" much in its priiise, much in its condemnation. At one time, sir, I was the firm and uiiconiproniising advocate of this pol- icy. The past and present condition of Oregon indicated that this [-Milicy was not only " masterly," but '♦ w ise," and the result, if it had been permit- ted to Ofierate, would have iiroved the wisdom of those who advocated it. The arguments in sup- port of this policy were inviiiiil)llafed by the resolution now under consideration: for although wave after wave of population may flow into that great Pa- cific country; thouifh we may fill it with cities, and crowd it with towns and villages; erect palaces of justice and temples to the Most High; yet, sir, all thi.s process of settlement would not yierfect our title or extinguish the claims of England, so long as the convention of 1827 remains in full force and virtue. What, sir, will be the condition of Oregon in a quarter of a century from this time? Turning to the past, and examining what has been done in other portions of our country, we may, to some extent, answer the question. What was our con- ditiim less than half a century ago.' Ourpojuila- tion did not exceed five millions of souls — our cities were few — towns and villages far distant from each other — our commerce feeble, and the indus- try of the country just awakening into life and activity. Vast rr'gions lay still in a state of na- ture, and the Alleganies then consti.uted the ultima ihvlc of American civilization. No adventurous spirit that had climbed to the .summit of the steep, and cast his eye over the boundless waste be- yond, had as yet even in dim prospect contem- plated that wide and glorious valley, through wlii<'h (lows the father of waters; none liad as yet ven- tured his footsteps into that land unknown. But, sir, the scene has changed. The tide of our ad- vancing population, like the waves of a miirhty sea, has dashed over the stecjis of the Alleiranies, and, rolling through the valley of the Mississippi, has covered and filled it all; and evrn'now he« reacheil the foot of the Roikv mi>niiiain8, and assails every gorge of ijiiit mighty chain. That barrier, lofiy and insurmountable as it appears, , is beginning to yield — it will be crossed — it haw been -rossed, and already our hardy ]noneerH were foiuid beyond them on thi ir advancing way to thn I Pacific. Tln^ c.peration of the inc\iial)le laws of population would have secured Oreiron to us,'in n. manner peaceful and effiast ap|)eal.-4 with irresistible power in favor of the system of " masterly inactivity." But circumstances have now changed. It was a wise f)olicy; but it is no longer wisdmu to pursue it. We are now compelled to act — compelled iiy circum.<(tanc,e8 over which we ha.e no control. The agitation of the whole country, and the prevailing excitement upon this question, prevents the con- summati(m of a policy hitherto wise. This agita- tion has been produced by the act of the dominant party, which has added another element to the po- litical di.scords that distract us. The Baltimore Convention introduced into its creed the two grand articles of faith, "Texas and Oregon," in " disas- trous conjunction," in the estimation of many gen- tlemen now upon this floor, but who, at the time of their adoption, submitted most cheerfully and willingly to the decrees of that body. Sir, the in- troduction of great national questions — questions involving our relations with foreign nations — into the political arena of party strife, is an experiment of most doubtful tendency. Territorial oggran- dizement has of late become a popular idea; patri- otic appeals are made to the people ; an extension of our boundaries beyond tlicir present territorial limits is urged with vehemence and zeal; the spirit of conquest, bloodless indeed as yet, is rife amongst us; the policy of the country has beeen changed — a change that must be met by correspondent action prompt, efficient, and without delay. I am not, sir, the advocate of the extension pol- icy; 1 have opposed it heretofore, ami am opposed to it now, unless in a manner perfectly in accord- ance with the Constitution of our country, and with the .spirit of our institutions. Republican principles must and will spread. Yet, sir, I do not hold to the doctrine that we are bound to extend our country with them. Nothing can resist the spread of the princi]>les of republican liberty. You might as well attempt to chnin the lightning in its course, or stay the thunderbolt, as to arrest their onward prou'ress. The glorious principles of free- dom will continue to s]!read, until thrones and dy ! nasties shall crumble into dust, until the despotisms of the earth shall have passed away, and until the world shall feel and acknowledge their power. Bu 1 cannot consent to join the cry that the whole American continent nuist come into our confedera- cy, that the United States must extend from " seu to sen," and from " the rivers to the ends of the earth." It is impracticable, it is dmgerous to the integrity of the Union, and cjv'culated to burst asunder the cords which bind us as one people. This fital lust of extension, I fear, will sooner or later bring down to the dust the la.st Republic the world will ever see. If by our folly, sir, we jeop- ard the existence of our Union — if, by our reckless policy, wc perish iis u nation, with ua will perish the lust hope of freedom to the human race. Let our principles extend, j^ive them the " wings of the morning,' and let them " fly to the uttermost parts of the Hca:" God .*ij)eed their progress; but I be- HCiech gentlemen to stop the career upon which they seem to have entered. The spirit of concjuest is auroad in the land — that spirit that has written the history of the world in blood, and bowed the proudest nations of earth to the dust. Sir, there is a morbid, sickly appetite for territorial exten- sion, that must be checked, or we must fall. I care not from what quarter it comes, it is perni- cious, and threatens our dearest interests. Sir, we have territory enough — a territory, in- cluding Oregon, the most magnificent the world ever saw. Why, then, seek, in this spirit of ag- grandizement, to extend our territorial limits? Gentlemen have, during this debate, spoken in glowing terms of the greatness of our country, its honor, its power, and its grandeur. A proper de- gree of national pride is commendable. It is es- sential to the preservation of the national rights and national honor; but as with individuals so witli nations, there is " a pride that goelh Ijct'ore destruction, and a haughty spirit that goeth before a fall." If we have not reached that eminence, we nre at least rapidly approaching it — a giddy height, from which we may oe dashed to nieces. In the natural history of man, we are tolu that when an individual is raised to a great elevation, placed upon some lofty height, there is an almost irre- sistible impulse to dash himself from his giddy el- evation — to perish by the fall. This principle i.i as applicable to nations as to individuals. Let gen- tlemen look at the past, and learn wisdom from experience. Sir, they can gather precious politi- cal truths among the ruins of empires. Sir, the principles upon which I opjiose the im- politic and dangerous extension of the limits of our republic do not apply to the territory of Ore- gon That is a question of retention not of exten- sion; not of admission, but of the assertion of our rights, and an honorable determination to maintain them. In addition to the state of our country, '.he state of our foreign relations is another reason making it necessary to abandon the policy of '• masterly in- activity, and adopt some other. Inactivity has ceased to be wise. We have been informed by the President of the United States, in his annual mes- sage to Congress, that the negotiations between the two countries on this Oregon question have been abandoned; that the offer of compromise he had felt bound to make, having been rejected by the British Minister, had been withdrawn; that there was no probability of any future oilers of accom- modation which we could accept wiih a due regard to the national honor. He recommends that the notice be given, and that, at the expiration of the twelve months, the time will have arrived when our national rights must either be abandoned or firmly maintained. If so, what is now to be done? Must we stand still; must we, under circumstjuices like those which now mark our foreign relations, fold our arms and permit England to remain in quiet pos- session of the whole of Oregon ? The present is a crisis which demands prompt, united, urgeutaction The President has recommended that notice be im- mediately given of the termination of the existing convention between us and England in relation to Oregon. Now, sir, although I happen to dider with the President in political opinions, yet, this being an American question, it becomes the duty of every American citizen to unite in giving him that prompt and efficient support in this measure that shall give him a moral power which will be felt, not only from one end of this continent to the other, but from one end of the British dominions to the other. I do not wish, in a question of this character, to see the American Congress standing in opposition to the American President. For this, among other reasons, I am in Ikvor of giving the notice. I pre- fer it to be given in the manner proposed in the amendment oflered by the gentleman from Ala- bama, [Mr. Hilmard;] but, sir, if that amend- ment shall be rejected by the House, I am ready to go for the resolutions introduced by the honorable chairman of the Committee on Foreign Ail'aiis. I would refer this notice to the President of the United States, with authority to give it whenever, in his judgment, the interest of the country required it. It may be said that we are not sincere in the advocacy of the notice, when the notice, as pro- posed by the gentleman from Alabama, devolves the responsibility on the President of the United States. It is but devolving upon him the exercise of his constitutional rights, and no greater respon- sibility than properly pertains to the high office which the pettple of the country has conferred upon him. The President, aided by his Cabinet, is the proper person to decide upon the propriety or im- propriety of giving this notice. He is acquainted witn the whole course of negotiation on the sub- ject. He is behind the scenes. He understands all the secret machinery that is at work, and which has not been exposed to the public eye. With him rests the responsibility, and upon him would I devolve it. Nor would I do it out of any disre- spect towards him or the political party of which he is the head, but because it belongs to him to set- tle this question. Another reason why I am opposed to passing the resolution declaring absolutely that the notice should be given, is, that thereby the President would be deprived of the exercise of his discre- tion, in case circumstances should hereafter be so changed as to render it unadvisable to give it. But, if the House should not concur in these views, I shall vote for the proposition of the Committee on Foreign Aflai.-s, for the giving this notice without the intervention of the discretion of the President. It has been said that such notice must necessa- rily lead to war; not that it is in itself a declara- tion of war, but that war must naturally and inev- itably follow as a consequence. But I appeal to gentlemen who have held this language that this notice is not a war measure; it is only the exercise of a right provided for in tlie treaty of 1827, and as such cannot possibly be a cause of offence. England has a right, by the same treaty, to give the notice to us; and would gentlemen regard such notice from Great Britain as just cause of war? Certain- ly not. What may result from it at the ex|iiration of the year is another question. It is meanwhile all mere conjecture — a speculation on probabilities — a simple expression of personal opinions. The re- mote consequences of present acUon cunnot be fore- I 5 It notice be im- of the existing 1 in lelution to •n to ditl'er with yet, this being eduly of every im that prompt ! that bhuli give ! felt, not only tlie other, but ns to the other, haructcr, to see 1 opposition to I, among other notice. I pre- roposed in the nan from Ala- if that amend- , I um ready to tlie iionorablc ign Ailaira. resident of the e it whenever, luntry recjuired sincere in the notice, as pro- )ama, devolves , of the United m the exercise greater respon- Lhe hi^h office conferred upon Cabinet, is the ropriety or im- e IS acquainted f>n on the sub- c understands )rk, and wiiich eye. With on nini would of any disre- arty of which to him to set- ed to passing that the notice the President of his dlscre- icreufter be so ive it. But, liese views, 1 Committee on lotice without he President, must neccssa- self a declara- ally and inev- at I appeal to Liagc that this y the exercise f 1827, and as nee. England ive tlie notice such notice ar? Certain- he expiration neanwhile all obabilities — n 113. The re- iinnot be fore- nccii. No «»fnl!eman will pretend to pronounce ab- | Holutely the result. It ia for us to determine what we arc to do note. To permit thcfuiestion to rest in its present con- dition, without action on the part of our Govern- ment, will more certainly lead to the results Mhich guntlcmen wish to avoid than the action now pro- posed. Oregon is now filling rapidly up with American citizens. During the past year, seven thousand have left their friends and home on this side of the mountjiins, and are now in the valleys of Oregon. They have carried with them the hab- its, feelings, and the patriotism of American citi- zens. Jealous of their rights, with a constitutional hatred to oppression; ever disposed to oppose the ami>iiioiis dcsign.s of England, and unwilling to submit to the jurisdiction of her laws, which have been extended over this territory; during and im- petuous; collisions must take place between the American emigrant and the British subject in the emphtymeiit of the Hudson Bay Company. The very agitation of the question in this House creates n necessity for immediate action. The debates here will be read by our countrymen on the shores of the Pacific ; their spirit will be stirred within them when they read the glowing appeals made to American patriotism; their hatred to British oppression will be excited when they hear the fierce denunciations of British rapacity made by members upon this floor. A conflict is inevitable tJiere unless our rights arc deteiTnined and main- tiiined by our action here, by which alone a speedy and honorable settlement of this vexed question can be effected. Sir, if the notice is given, it does not follow as a matter of course that we are to take armed pos- session of Oregon; it does not follow that we are to attempt to drive out every English settler, or that we are to take military possession up to 49°, fio as to give offence to England. By the notice, we only say to England that we are unwilling that our present connexion with her in relation to the Oregon territory should any longer be continued; tliat we are desirous to determine the extent of our rights, and to enjoy them in exclusive possession, and to extend to our citizens there the protection of our laws. I am in favor of the notice, Mr. Chairman, as a measure of peace. It is a measure of peace, and not of war, and the sequel of this controversy will establish these conclusions. A system of bragga- docio and gasconading has been practised not only in the United States but in England in relation to this great question. Both parties are engaged in it; we stand here on this side of the water and shake our fists at John Bull, and John Bull in re- turn hurls back defiance upon us. This is the relation of the parties, both knowing and under- standing well the trickery attempted to be played oflT upon each other. Sir, let the notice be given. It will prove to ourselves that we are in earnest on this great and absorbing question; that this system of bullying is at an end; that this question has assumed a magnitude that demands that our rights to Oregon shall be maintained; that the attempts to make it a party (question may be defeated and abandoned, and that it i)e placed before the country in its true, its national character. Again, sir; 1 anr in favor of the notice, to prove to England that wc arc in rnrnejit. She has never believed it; she never will believe it until she re- ceives notice from the President of the United States that wc no longer desire to hold that terri- tory in the manner we now hold it. Let England be convinced we are in earnest; let our people be so conviticed also; and, my word for it, nego- tiations, when reopened, will be conducted in a very diflercnt spirit from that which has hereto- fore characterized them. Let the notice be given to prove to the world that on this question we are in earnest. Other na- tions are looking on and watching the progress of this controversy with anxiety and deep interest. The issues of tliis question involve great and mo- mentous consequences, not only to ourselves, but to the world. Should war be the result — should the two greatest nations of the globe engage in a long and bloody war — nations which are the bul- warks of Christianity, of moral and religious civ- ilization — it will not be confined to the original par- ties — to Great Britain and the United States. Sir, the breaking out of such a war would put the match to a magazine whose exjilosion would con- vulse the world. There is another reason why this notice should be given. The country is now in an agitated and un- settled condition. All is doubt. Uncertainty every where prevails. It affects every branch of indus- try; it paralyzes the business of the country and unnerves the strong arm of the mechanic. The commerce and finances of the nation, the revemiea of the Government, and all the pursuits of active life, must suffer, and suffer severely, from a longer continuance of the uncertainty with which this sub- ject is surrounded. This uncertainty, this quasi war, must be removed. This can be effected by the notice proposed. It will give us peace. Let the country know what to expect. Either let them be certified that there will be no war, or, if war must come, let the fact be known; and if war is to be the result, let it come now. Let us not desire to delay it, and thus reserve its horrors for our pos- terity. This would be cowardice. If it is to come, let it fall on our own heads — on the heads of those who have occasioned it. This cowardly shrink- ing from present responsibility is incompatible with the honor of the American statesman, with the honor of the American character. Should the conflict come, the rights and the honor of the coun- try will be nobly susuvined — sustained with all the energy of a great and powerful nation ; sustained by the united hearts and united arms of a brave and generous people. But, sir, there will be no war. There is yet another reason for the notice. If wc wish to perfect our title to Oregon, we must 2:ive the notice. So long as this convention con- tinues in force this cannot be done. When the convention shall have been annulled, then, sir, all the settlements made there by our emigrants will inure to our benefit, and our title acquire additional strength from possession and occupation. The set- tlement of the country, in itself considered, during the existence of the joint occupancy, evidently gives us no title: it confers, however, one impor- tant benefit — it gives us the power to maintain our rights there. Wc require additional numerical force in Oregon. To secure this, dissolve all con- nexion with England; extend over our citizens the protection of tmr laws; jjivc ihrm aid anil HPPtirity 111 tlifir toilHoiiii- iiiurrli, mid hooii (lie \sil(l Hpiritof wcaltrii udvriitiirc will crowd your inouiituin- INiNSf.'s witli hiirdy cniiKraiitH. Tlieii, .sir, the Aiiip- rii^iii RctiliT, MS )ie wciidH Wm way to tlie Uocky moiiiitaiiiM, and takcH up liis aboac. in that t'lir-oir country, will fuid t<<>i"n ^ '''' '>'>■> t'><' protcclion of American lawn; that protection will l>e with liini in hin journey iii(;!i l)y the way; in hix Hhnnliers in Uie dark deiilcs of the Uocky nuiuntainti; will ho with and ai'ouiid him when ni tlie vullev's of Ore- gon he pitchcH his tent and buildH Win ca[)in, to re- main there an American citizen, near tlie whores of the t;rcat Pacific. Let us encourajre emiifration; let our people <;o armed with the physical means of self-d«fence; send them with the unerring; western rifle; wiih hearts true to themselves and their coun- try, and Or(!{;(»n will he ours. It has heen said, sir, that England, with her cor- morant a]ipctitc fur dominion, never relinquishes her prasp upmi territory when once within her power; that, in her negotiations, she seldom re- cedes from the positions she assumes. 1 will not deny the skill and success of British diplomacy. .She varies it to suit the character of the nation with which she nei;;otiates. She Irumnles upon the week, flatters the timid, and betrays the stronjj. Yet, nolwiihstandins; her power as a nation, and her skill in diploitiacy, the lion of Enu;land,likc the kina; of the forest, will quail and cower before t)»e unflinchinp: y;a/.e of stern and determined resist- ance. With tlie meiuomble example before us of tlte thirteen American colonies wrested from the British Crown, and tlieir independence acknowl- edged by that Power, it is too late to say that Enj;- land neve«- jw^-^h. Did time permit, I could refer fjentlemei ■ history of the treaty of peace at Ghent to }, 'lal even England ciui recede from propositioi.s iitclared by her commissioners to be " sine qua non"' in the adju.slment of existing con- troversies. In the progress of that negotiation, she demanded, as a " sine qua non,^'' the pacification of llic Indian trilies, and in ell'ect their recognition by the United States as independent nations within our territory. A proposition so j)re8iim|)tuous, it is needless to add, was instantly rejected by the American conmiissioners. She further demanded that the United States should abandon her naval power upon tlie lakes, and dismantle her fortifica- tions upon their shores and along the line of our northern frontier. Like the other, it was promjilly rejected, and England very prudently receded from her bold *' sine (/iid non" propositions. In the con- duct of negotiations and of this controversy, we must look England firmly in the face. To doubt, to hesitate, to betray symptoms of fear, is to lose all. t Sir, there will be no war. The mutual interests of both countries forbid it. The commercial rela- tions of the two nations obviously require peace, and no reason now exists or can arise from our present action why these relations should be dis- turbed. Gentlemen have pointed us to England, to her extensive warlike preparations, her steam- ers of war, and the fortification of her coast, and have asked, what means all this iireparation at this crisis? England, notwithstanding her extensive warlike preparations — although slie may be man- ning her fleets and flouting on the ocean her war- steamers by hundreds — will not enter into a con- test with us. All this is not intended for the Anuriian nation. Another (|tie.stioii is miom to be solved in Europe; there is nnother sliiig:;le soon to come, that will rr(|uiri^ all her force. All Eu- rope is now awaiting in intense anxiety the hap- pening of an event that will be pregnani with the fate of «nipircH. I refer, sir, to the deatli of Louis Philippe of France. His death (and I am not alone in this opinion) will be tlu; signal for a i^rcat struggle throughout the whole nf Europe. Tlien, sir, will come that conflict of systems of govern- ment to which gentlemen have so frequently allud- ed — a war of republicanism against de.s|iotisni, of popular rights against oppression and tyranny. This is the coiitingf years, in tlie Treas- )nds that the duties be re- is bestowinj; le could aak uch facts arc var. irr Can wc s; The idea Iter into such 1. Wc may ed oceans of Eiiicland be len tlic first bate that we but, like the battle." 1 311 this ques- ise men and :c are about, iider our ad- atlack, and own power, sisi affirres- hus acted, it war miiRt comr, we will find that it wan not " folly to be wine." It hn.1 been (iMcrlcd here that a compromise of this rpiention under cxiHting circiiniHtances would be diolionorablc. In this Reiiiimeiit I do not coii- ■•ur. Thou'^h the previoim ne^^otiation may have rl()rirations of every patriot and Christian heart should ascend to the throne of the Eternal, that the evils and dcva.stations of war may be averted from our belrtved country. Sir, not- U'ithstanding my abhorrence of war, I hope ever to be found an advocate of the preservation of our national lionor and our national ri Have all these means been resorted to, so thnt nothing remains l)ut war? The question is s'.ill open. The honor of the country is not involved, so as to prevent its ainiculilo adjustment. What, sir, is national honor.' Is it that sickly sensibility to imagined insult and injury that prompts men, in the spirit of modern chivalry, to imbrue their hands in the life's blood of their fellow-men.' It is tt nobler and more generous sentiment; it is a principle founded upon that grand .sentiment, " do unto others as you Would that others should do unto you.*' National honor must have its foun- dations deep in the eternal principles of truth ond justice. All other honor is a bubble; it might glitter, but only to deceive and to betray. There are otner considerations which induce m« to the course of policy I have indicated, but I for* bear to detain the committee longer. Do gentlemen doubt the policy of giving this notice.' If doubts exist, I am always in favor of resolving them in such manner as to jirotect and defend the rights and interests of the country. To doubt on this question is to jcopaid the interests of the nation. '< Our doiihu nre traitors ) And iiiaki! us lose the good wc inlgtit nttnin, By fearing to attempt." I believe, sir, the issue of our present difHcullics on this subject will be peace — an honorable f)eace. But whilst such is my opinion, let us be prepared for any contingency. I would say to the country, be ready for war. Are we in that condition now? I do not wish unnecessarily to disclose our wan! of preparation to the world. Our actual condition is, however, well known. Preparation, prompt and efficient, is necessary, and 1 am willing, to* morrow, to vote appropriations for building forty iron steamers of war, if .^o many be required. [A voice: " Of Pennsylvania iron .'"] Yes, of Penn* sylvania iron, and thus aflford incidental protection to the iron interest of Pennsylvania, notwithatand* ing the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Hunter] has expressed his regret that the agitation of the Oregon question had prevented, and was likely to prevent, the Democmtic party from consummating their favorite measure, the repeal of the tariff of 1842. To-morrow I am ready to vote appropria- tions of fifty millions of dollars to place our coun- try in a state of readiness to meet every emergency j although direct taxation might be the result. The citizens of Pennsylvania, already pressed down with a burden of taxation, will be ready to meet this additional burden, if necessary for the defence of the interests and honor of the country- Their patriotism and valor need no praise from me. In the day of trial they will be found at the post of danger; in the field of battle they will be found •• first in the fight, and last in the retreat.** Sir, I cannot conclude without recurring to th« sentiment of the gallant Decatur, as expressive of my own feelings, and applicable to the present crisis: "Our country! may she always be right) but right or wrong, our country!'*