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Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont filmis en commenpant par la pr.jmiAro page qui comporte une empreente d'impression ou d'iliustration et en terminant par la derniAre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon Ie cas: la symbole — ► signifie "A SUIVRE ". Ie symbole V signifie "FIN ". d at ge to be med left to IS as ate the Les cartes, planch'Sis, tableaux, etc., peuvant dtre film6s A des taux de rCiduction diff6rents. Lorsque Ie document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul ciichA, 11 est film6 A partir de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche 6 droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant Ie nombre d'images n6cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants iliustrent la m6thode. 1 2 3 4 5 6 ELEAZER WHEELOCR RIPIE! OF- The War of 1812. Major General in the United States Army- Member of Congress— Etc. -BY— HIS NEPHEW. NICHOLAS BAY LIES. DBS KOIIOBB, IOWA. J-, r, <.■ i • * -»•-# fj 90c • "'-'^ o see ■-> 'I o- <, , -'.. e rt'3„ ■* »o'-' ^-^ (■'g ^,^ %' I''? ^^=n ;,..».» »,- BBBVOINBB, IOWA. BBEWSTEB A, CO., PlUirtKaa Ain> PTTBMBHBBtt. 1890. -il . > f „ J » it '^^.J '.l^ :vi i *, y^gf^ ■ "i«iMnnwiBmnvw,«MW .. F553 ■ « • • ( • • •* • • • • • r PREFACE. In writing the life of General Ripley and for a more just understanding of his character, the author has taken the liberty to go into the details of history, the delineation of contemporaries; the results of the measures which engaged his at- tention, and the efforts he made to shape public opinion in regard to them. To such results we properly look in judging of the patriotism, the sagacity and courage of Public Men and in deciding what amount of praise or censure, they merit whether in militarj'^ or civil life. The people of the United States, prior to 1815, w*?re divided into two political parties, known as federal and republican. General Ripley, in- early life, joined the latter and as conducive to a better understanding of the aims and principles which controlled him, and the respective parties, we give in an appendix, a concise history of the ex- citing questions which, growing out of the action of the general government, agitated New Eng- land during that period. I ■I ^ r' I i 1 •# i MS i f I >s Ife* w .■.^fW^-. ;,•"'.;;( ' !.■■' ■ * '. ' CONTENTS. CHAPTER T. Page. Hiirlrnnd Military Li fo of Elenzer Whee- 'lock Ripley:— 1782-1815 1 CHAPTER H. Military ami Political:— 1815-1820 79 ?P CHAPTER III. Civil and Political:— 1820-1836 101 CHAPTER IV. i Political-Retirement-Death— 1836-1839.. . . 138 APPENDIX. Politics in New England:— 1789-1815 151 Parties-United States Bank-Alien and Se- dition Laivs-Embargo-War of 1812 and the Hartford Convention. ' i s ^ '-'i f 'it I ■ ' yS ! 1 ■K^vftf^^^Si^ ^."!e»SS!iPM»!*'"»'*^i?<««**«^e„ ■f.o»^ *»ia®jf 4-^1(>,<^i.ra4^t, Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley. CHAPTER I. , Life of Eleazer W. Ripley, 1782-1815. Eleazer W. Ripley, conspicuouss among the heroes of the war of 1812, with Great Britain, a prominent and influential member of the great political party to which Jefferson, Madison, Jack- son, Edward Livingston, George Bancroft and Levi Woodbury belonged, and ever a devoted friend of the National Union, was born at Hanover in the state of New Hampshire, April 15th, seven- teen hundred and eighty-two. His father, Sylvanus Ripley, was a member of the first class which was graduated at Dartmouth College. Subsequently became professor of the- ology in that institution, and while occupying that position was accidentally killed February 5th, sev- enteen hundred and eighty-seven, hj being thrown from r sleigh, on his way to a neighboring town to fill an appointment. He left a widow and three sons and three daughters, to lament his early and untimely decear^e. From information furnished by Mitchell's His- tory of Bridgewater, Massachusetts, it is probable that Professor Ripley was the grand-son of the William Ripley who served in Gallup's compan}', in the unsuccessful expedition against Quebec, in ■IS . \ 2 Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley. I' 169C). Jonathan Riplej% the father of the Profes- sor, was born March 5th, 1707, and died August lOth, 1772, and the Professor hiniself was bom September 29th, 1749. On his mother's side, Gen- eral Ripley was grand-son of Eleazer Wheelock, D. D., the founder of Moor's Charity School, for the education of Indian youths, and subsequently of Dartmouth College. Doctor Wheelock was the great grand-son of Ralph Wheelock, who was born in Shropshire, England, about A. D. 1600, and after having \jQen educated at Clare Mall, Cambridge, and become a non-conforming minister, emigrated with many others to America, in 1637, in the pursuit of re- ligious liberty. He settled in Dedham, Massachu- setts, and became proprietor of Medfield, where many of his descendants resided. Not having charge of a church, he is said to have employed himself in the instr^ption of youth and in giving such "wise counsel as was needed in civil and ec- clesiastical matters" at that early period.* His son Eleazer, was both a christian and a soldier. In a war with the Indians he ommanded a corps of Cavalry, occupied his own house for a garrison, and with graat spirit and gallantry expelled the savages from his settlement. Upon the return of peace, he conciliated them by gciod offices and of- ten joined them in the chase. His son Ralph, un- distinguised by any civil or military prominence, acquired and sustained the character of a hospita- *London Christian Observer, January, 1814. " .fijjSS^j^MW#i w •«»,»*7»-- ■i tiiiimnrai^i!iiiiiiaai'i''< e Prof e 8- 1 August was bom side, Gen- ^heelock, >chool, for isequently and-son of kiropshire, ving '.jeeti become a dth many- suit of re- Massachu- eld, where ot having employed in giving vil and ec- [.* His son dier. In a a corps of I garrison, pelled the e return of ces and of- Ralph, un- rominence, a hospita- jF/i? Family — In Colonial Days, . 3 ble ?md pious farmer. He was twice married. His first wife was Ruth Huntington with whom he was united in marriage January 8th, 1707. The children by this marriage were Eleazei, the only son, named after his paternal grand-father, and five daughters. His second wife was Mercy Standish, a descendant of Miles Standish, who figured so largely in the early settlement of Rhode Island. Some writers, probably not aware of the two mar- riages, have represented that Dr. Wheelock, and through him General Ripley, were lineal descend- ants of the famous Colonial soldier. The son Eleazer, was born in Dedham, Connec- ticut, April, 1711. Receiving a handsome legacy from his grand-father, after whom he was named, he was enabled to enter Yale College, where he took his American degree in 1733, and where he was the first to receive the interest of a legacy given by Dean Berkley, to the best classical scholar. After graduation he entered the ministry and in 1735 be- came pastor of the North Society, in Lebanon, Connecticut. Describing his character as a preacher, his co-temporary, Dr. Trumbull, says: "His preaching and addresses were close and pungent and yet winning beyond almost all com- parison, so that his audience would be melted into tears before they were aware of it." "The intoler- ance which drove his great grand-father from Shropshire, gave character and tenacity to his love of freedom. His love and zeal for Christ and his cause gave him pilgrim self-denial and power. 1 .M% r. - ^ i^i'/e of FJeaz*}r Wheelock Ripley. His first great work as an itinerant preacher, raised him to the high position of yoke-fellow of Whitefield in the Great Awakening, and shadowed forth his great good-will to man, however and wherevex his Lord and Master might call him.* Soon after this he became interested in the educa- tion of youth, and formed the plan of an Indian missionary school. As early as 1743, he received, among the boys whom he was educating, as his first Indian pupil, Samson Occam, who subse- quently became a distinguished preacher, not only in this countrj' but also in Great Britain, which he visited in 1766 at the instance of Mr. Wheelock. While abroad he was extremely successful in se- curing funds for the promotion of the beneficent objects of the school, which as early as 1762 had more than twenty pupils, chiefly Indians. About 1754, Joshua Moor, having donated a house and two acres of land in Lebanon, contiguous to Mr. Wheelock's house, the institution was named Moor's Charity School. Occum, aided by the Rev Nathaniel Whitaker, who accompanied him.succeeded in raising by con- tributions about £7000, in England, and between £2,000 and £3,000 in Scotland, to be expended un- der the supervision of a board of trustees, of which Lord Dartmouth was president, and of the Scotch Society for propagating christian knowl- edge. After operating the school some fifteen years. Dr. Wheelock determined to seek a more ♦Crosby's Century of Dartmouth College. ' %®>i^''3sB#^^flB^?S^ r- oreacher, -fellow of shadowed ever and ;all him.* he educa- in Indian received, ig, as his lio subse- % not only which he Vueelock. iul in se- jeneficent 1762 had s. About louse and >us to Mr. IS named Whitaker, Qg by con- l between ended un- ustees, of and of the ^n knowl- ne fifteen k a more .'■ -"c His Family, ■ ■:■■■ ,-A^rM^r\^''''-^; . --''M: desirable location for the institution, and to obtain for it an incorporation as an academj^ at which white and Indian youths could receive a regular and thorough education. At that time, Harvard and Yale Colleges and Brown University, in its in- fancy, were the only colleges in New England. He finally selected Hanover, New Hampshire, as the site of the proposed institution, and obtained a charter for Dartmouth College, which was partly endowed by Governor John Wentworth. The school and the college were, however, kept distinct although Dr.Wheelock was president of both. The college was named after the Earl of Dartmouth, who was a benefactor of the school, but not of the college "to the establishment of which he and the other trustees were opposed as being a departure from the original plan." In 1770 President Whee- lock removed to the new location which at that period was an arduous and toilsome undertaking. Of this, says one writer "Dr. Wheelock, in 1770, with his family, servants, laborers and scholars, seventy in all, with cattle and cjrts, implements of husbandry, books and household effects, etc., traveled slowly and wearily one hundred and fifty miles over rough roads, to their destined wilder- ness home." As to the condition of travel then in New England, in comparison with the present, that distinguished scholar, Professor George Tick- nor, of Harvard College, gives this graphic ac- count in his auto-biography: "My grand-father's farm was at Lebanon on the Connecticut river. Dartmouth College in Hanover, New Hampshire, 1 -: 1 .^^.■^n,v.n.i->m-rmrt ^ imm m i >m'IV» VI^'' 6 Life of Eleazer Wheelock Riple}-. ftv- where my father was educated, was only a few miles off, and he liked to visit both. My mother went with him, and so did I, beginning in 1802. But it was a very different thing to travel then and in the interior of New England, from what it is- now. The distance was hardly one hundred and twenty miles, but it waa a hard week's work with a carriage and a pair of horses. The carriage be- ing what used to be called a coachee. One day, I recollect, we made with difficulty thirteen miles, and the road was so rough and dangerous that my mother was put on horseback, and two men were hired to go on foot with ropes to steady the car- riage over the most difficult places. But we got through at last, and I enjoyed it very much, for it was all new and full of strange adventure. I was eleven when I took this, my first journey." The winter of 1771 proved cold, the snow lay from four to five feet deep and provisions were procured with difficulty for the support of the many per- sons at Hanover. The duties that devolved upon the pres- ident were various, but he applied himself with untiring zeal to their performance. Receiv- ing no salary but only a support, he served as President of the college and preceptor of the school, supervised the erection of the necessary buildings, the location of roads, the clearing of land, and the building of bridges and of mills. With him it was a labor of love and of a broad, comprehensive sense of duty. As to the extent of his labors we may form an idea from the follow- -^•■— -•• — '!•* —■•^v'-- ,^>^4- Irf-wijijs *J ■ij^JS^^^'^WTfs^^i.s- ''^■■'* ^--f^' "- ii ^Wt'' ly a few r mother in 1802. then and hat it i& idred and krork with -riage be- )ne day, I en miles, 8 that my men were the car- t we got uch, for it re. I was ey." The from four procured many per- the pres- himself Receiv- served as ;or of the necessary learing of of mills. A a broad, e extent of he foUow- Founding of Dartmouth College, ing description, which he gave of them at the ex- piration of those years: "For six months" says he, "in the year, I have thirty to forty laborers, be- sides men in the mills, kitchen, wash-house, etc., the last 3'^ear about eighty students, dependent and independent, besides my family, consequently large. I have seven yoke of oxen, twenty cows; have cleared and fenced fifteen acres of wheat, and have twenty acr^s of corn; have cleared pas- turing, sowed hay-seed, and girdled ell the growth on five hundred acres, I have enclosed with a fence abou* two thousand acres of this wilderness to restrain my cattle and horses. A little more than three years ago mere was nothing but a hor- rible wilderness, now eleven comfortable dwelling houses, beside the students' house, bams, malt and brew house, shops, etc. I live in my little store house, my family is much straightened but cannot afford to build for myself."* President Wheelock was unceasing in his ef- forts to advance the interests of the institution, but the difficulties which soon arose between the mother countr}" and the Colonies, followed by open war, interfered with the prosecution of his plans, cut off his resources, and he found himself con- fronted by pecuniary' embarrassments. In April, 1775, intelligence reached Massachu- setts that the complaints of the American Colon- ists met with an unfavorable reception in Eng- land, that both houses of parliament had pledged *Dr. Crosby. t si '■■■'■' »-Vi«*>ur« W*W=!«W»l »*•' s Life of Elt'azer Wheelock Ripley. I to their king their most zealous and hearty co-op- eration for the reduction of the colonies, and that the army of General Gage, in Boston, v^ould be speedily and largely re-enforced. At the same time British emissaries were industrious among the Indians of the Northwest in stirring up and enlisting them with all their ferocious and merci- less passions in the service of the British king. The people of New England were Cvspecially ex- posed to their fury, and the frontier settlement at Hanover would naturally be the first to suffer from one of their warlike and predatory incursions. Alarmed at the dangers which menaced the settle- ment and the college, which had so long been the object of his are and nurture. President Whee- lock dispatched "James Dean, a young preacher, who understood the language of the Iriquois, to itinerate among the Indians in Canada and bright- en the chain of friendship." * The dreaded attack was happily averted, and to the long devotion of the president in his efforts to ameliorate the condition of the Indian8,may pos- sibly be attributed, in a large degree, the escape, at this critical period, from the horrors of savage warfare. - The deep anxiety which filled his mind may be inferred from what he says in a letter written in 1775: "I have sent to Connecticut upon the almost hopeless errand to hire £600 and propose to mortgage my patrimony and all ♦Bancroft, Vol. iv, pp 309-10. rty co-op- , and that would be the same IS among g up and nd merci- tish king-, icially ex- ilement at iiffer from ncursiona. the settle- 5 been the ;nt Whee- preacher, riquois, to nd bright- erted, and his efforts 3,may pos- he escape, of savage ind may be written in upon the B600 and ^ and all Hia Family — The Revolutionary War, 9 my interest there, as security for three or four 3'ear8 ratlier than send these boys away. He did not live to see the close of the struggle, but expir- ed on the 24th of April, 1779, with his intellect un- impaired to the last." Says his biographer: "For the several duties of president of the school and college, professor of divinity and pastor of the church in the college, Dr. Wheelock received no other compensation than a supply of provisions for hia family; and having advanced between three and four thousand dollars out of hia own funds for the use of the institution at the season of its chief difficulties, he, by his last will, bequeathed to it this sum, reserving only an ai.nuity of about one hundred and sixty dollars to his eldest son, an invalid." "The charter of the college gave him the right to appoint his successor who should con- tinue in office until disapproved by the trustees,* and he selected his second son, Colonel John Wheelock, then in the continental army and who served under General Gates at the capture of Burgoyne. Upon the cessation of hostilities. Col. Wheelock made a successful visit to Europe in the interest of the institution and held the posi- tion of president for some thirty years.f After ♦Trustees of Dartmouth College v s.Woodward, 4 Wheaton, U. S. Rep. p. 518, V. 5. iWheelock, John, D. D.L.L.D, ns4.-i8iy. B. Conn, studied 3 years at Yale College. Went with his father to Hanover 1770 and graduated at Dartmouth College 1 771; was tutor 1 772-1 774: represented Hanover in the legista- 'r p M ' I ■,-.,''*ir*'w»*'"' li^-*"-**^* ■ I' lit >>.' t /{7 Z.//e of Bleazcr Wheelock Ripley, the cloBfc of the war, the college entered again up- on a prosperous career; handsome donations flo\v- ed in to itb assistance, from different sources es- pecially from the states of Vermont and New Hampshire, and the many illustrious men, who have received its benefits, bear undisputed and ample testimony to its usefulness. Among these, General Ripley occupied a prominent position. " .--■-'^-■-^^^a':' :4'^--':y :■■..', ■■^'-'t'-^ Born soon after the decease of his maternal grand-father, after whom he was named, deprived of paternal instruction, the supervision of his early education devolved upon a mother, who, a woman of culture and energy, applied herself with a mother's solicitude to the education and support of her young and dependent children. In a place but just reclaimed from its primeval forests and solitude, and reminded on every hand by the example of others, of what man owes to man, it was natural that youth should be inspired with eager and ambitious hopes. Under such influences the young Ripley entered the College in the fourteenth year of his age and throughout his college course sustained such rank as gave promise of future usefulness. ture 1773; served for a time in continental army, became lieut., colonel and major; was on Gates' staff; elected president on the death of his father 1779; visited England 1780 to obtain funds; was shipwrecked off Cape Cod and lost his money and papers; was removed in 1815 on account of an ecclesiastical controversy, but restored in two years. He published sketches of Dartmouth College. — Attierican Addition to Chambers' Encyclopedia. H. ^X-i. fw^if "^ *>5S>"^ir^i^ V ' igain II p- oiis flow- ind New len, who uted and ;upied a maternal deprived n of his ler, who, d herself ition and children, primeval -^ery hand . owes to inspired der such B College iroughout : as gave :came lieut. , ident on the btain funds; and papers; controversy, f Dartmouth lopedia. £arljr L,ife-'1782-1812, 11 *".. -i Upon his graduation in the year eighteen hundred he commenced the study of law in the office of hi« cousin, Judge Woodward, at Hanover, and afterwards prosecuted it in the office of his brother-in-law, the Hon, Judah Dana, of Fryeburg, Maine. * Amid the high party spirit which pervaded the country, Blackstone and Coke could not exclu- sively occupy his mind, and he soon became warmly and prominently enlisted in the political contest which was then fiercely agitating the com- munity. He espoused the side of what was then called the republican and subsequently the demo- cratic party and advocated its principles with a zeal and efficiency that drew upon himself the notice and displeasure of some prominent and in- fluential political opponents. The hostility caused by his political attitude proved an obstacle to his admission to the bar, but this was filially overcome, although a feeling of deep exasperation toward the judges, who passed upon his application for admission, long remain- ed in his bosom, and, perhaps, was never fully removed. At this period of his life, party feeling in New England ran high and at this remote period it is difficult to realize the extent and bitterness which party animosity attained. After his admission to the bar, he located in Maine, then a province of Massachusetts, where he was soon engaged in an extensive and success- M f l!\ :!li ir I:" I r »•# /2 /^//f o/ Elt'uzer HhevJock Ripler. ful pnictice of his profcsHion. At the same time hiB mind wan not indifferent to political matteri* in which ht took an active part and in 1807 he vvat* returned by the town of Winslow, as a member of the legishiture of iyiassachUvHett8, in which he exerted himself with great success to effect an ad- justment of the conflicting land titles by which the section of the state, represented by himself, was greatly disturbed. A member of subequent sessions, he was elected in 1811 to fill the Speak- er's Chair in the House of Representatives, vacat- ed by the appointment (.-' the Hon. Joseph vStory as one of the judges of the Supreme Court of the United States. lie presided with distinguished ability, but having removed to Portland, he was not a member of the House for the following ses- sion but was returned in 1812 to the State Senate for the district composed of the counties of Cum- berland and Oxford, the latter county being then the residence of his brother, James W. Kipley, and of his brother-in-law, Judah Dana, both active and influential democrats and who doubtless had an important agency in elevating him to the sen- ate. At this period he boldly avowed himself in avor of a w^ar with England. His senatorial du- ^a were vSoon terminated by his accepting the ap')ointment of lieutenant colonel in the United States army, conferred upon him by President Madison. Entering upon his military duties, he was en- trusted with a sub-district extending from Saco to the eastern frontier of what now constitutes the MMEM^ l^ or- auie time I luatteri* 07 lie wan nieiuber which he ect an ad- by which f himself, mbequent he Speak- ,rea, vacat- .^ph vStory urt of the inguifthed d, he was )wing ses- ite Senate B of Cuni- eing then /. Ripley, oth active Dtlese had 3 the 8en- limself in torial du- ipting the he United President lie wap en- >ni Saco to itutes the JSarh' Lih^Proksaiomil and Political 1^ state of Maine. He applied himself assidnonsly to placing his district in a posture of defence, to wn[)eriti tending the recruiting service, Jind to a severe course of military study. Between the 18th of June, 1«12> and Septem- ber, his recruits were etubwlieil into a reginient, called the twenty-first, of which he had the com- mand an*»»:»MH«»a!aw^1MMM^ I 14 Life of Eleazer Wbeelock Ripley. In the excitement of political and even reli- gious strife and controversy, how liable ie the mind to be carried to extremes, which are re- membered with regret when the moment of ex- citement is passed. Highly embellished descriptions of the dis- astrous character of republican policy were in many instances too successful in dispelling the influence of a proper sense of the national honor and of the national rights. To such an extraordinary pitch did hostility to the war arise that the Senate of the Legislature of Massachusetts, upon the capture of the British ship, Peacock, by Captain Lawrence, declared it "unbecoming a moral and religious people to ex- press approbation of naval and military exploits which were not immediately connected with the defence of their coast and soil, "and the corporation of the city of Hartford, Connecticut, passed an or- dinance excluding all troops of the United States from the city, while the state legislature was en- deavoring to discourage and prevent the enlist- ment of soldiers. From the position which he had occupied as an advocate of the war, and as a member of the Massachusetts legislature. General Ripley was ful- ly apprised of the opinions of the people in that quarter of the Union, and of the great responsibil- ity that rested upon those who were determined to sustain the policy of the government. With the natural energy of his character, he endeavor- the dis- were in ling the al honor hostility ^islature e British Glared it le to ex- exploits* with the ■poration ed an or- 2d States was en- le enlist- mpied as er of the ' was ful- le in that iponsibil- termined It. With indeavor- Miliiarv Lifes 15 ed to dispel the fears of the timid, to defeat the intrigues and machinations of opponents, to strengthen the government and to promote the glory of his country. His political feelinga and his love of fame were alike combined to stimulate him in his efforts to avert a disastrous issue to the war. Hence his industry the first winter to pre»> pare himself and his regiment for active service was unceasing, and the ensuing spring found them ready for an active and brilliant career. Promoted to the raiik of Colonel upon break* ing up his winter, quarters, he marched to Sack- etts Harbor, where his regiment was attached to the brigade of General Pike, to whom was en- trusted the immediate command of the meditated attack upon York,* the capital of Upper Canada. On the 23 of April the troops embarked upon this expedition and executed its object with great gallantry. On the morning of the 27th, a landing was effected, despite a severe cannonade opened upon the shipping; the enemy abandoned their forts and the assailants rushed forward to seize them. At tiiis moment the magazine of the ene- my exploded, annihilating the advance columns and mortally wounding the gallant Pike. Amid the consequent confusion, the enemy were noticed calling in their detached parties and concentrating their force in the town. This however was aban- doned at theappioach of the American troops, and left to capitulate upon such terms as the enemy ♦Now Toronto. - , - Sj \'M 815 i f I ^ I : i t I. f I; i i'iiii»i»iiiii»iiMniintfn NiimiMWW'WiWlBiiitirViMWTirim^^ .1,1 d includ- jy's regl- it Chrj'st- ompelled ; claimed •onounces »t during^ iisplaj-^ed iboiit two 's official from the : the next s way un- y wouiid- :illed and IS loss on y the en- 11 of Gen. le protec- tion with 1 largely hundred, . force at \ When gade fell le battle, ton, Wal- immings, MUitary Life~1812~1815, 19 Worth and Whiting are mentioned with distinc- tion. ^ On the 12th of November, Wilkinson received a letter from Gen. Hampton refusing to co-oper- ate with his division or to proceed further into Canada, and thereupon with the unanimous ad- vice of a Council of War, Gen. Wilkinson aban- doned the expedition and had his army rem^oved to French Mills, on Salmon River. And thus a campaign planned upon a large scale, from which great results were anticipated, came to an inglorious close. The cause which contributed largely to this result was the absence of harmony among those who should have merged jjrivate feelings in co-patriotic determination to make success the paramount object, and which is thus indicated by Ingersol in his history of the War: "On the 5th of September, 1813, he (Arm- strong) arrived at Sacketts Harbor, whence he wrote in familiar terms to Gen. Wilkincoj, that Gen. Hampton would go through the campaign cordially and vigorouslj^ but resign at the end of it; be ready to move by the 20th with an effective force of 4,000 men and militia detachment of 1,500. On the supposition that Provost had taken post and chosen his champ de battaile, I had, adds Armstrong, ordered Hampton to the Isle Aux Noix. Wilkinson's jealousy of Armstrong's authority was as sensitive as Hampton's of Wil- kinson's. On the 24th of August, Wilkinson wrote to Armstrong: I trust you will not interfere with ;! i 20 Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley, *a. n my arrangmente, or give orders within the dis- trict of my command, but to myself, because it would impair my authority and distract the pub- lic 'service. Two heads on the same shoulders make a monster. Unhappily for the country, that deplorable campaign was a monster with three heads, biting and barking at each other, with a madness which destroyed them all and disgraced the country. Discord was a leprosy in the very marrow of the ^^nterprise, worse than all its other calamities. Arnistrong was on good terms with both Wilkinson and Hampton till it failed, but thenceforth the enmity became as bitter between him and both of them, as between the two them- selves,"— Foi. /, p. i?i?5. The campaign, however, had tested the brav- ery of individual corps and their officers. The British force at this period, in the two Canadas, was probably inadequate, if vigorously and skillfully assailed, for the defense of the im- mense line of frontier with a sparce population, extending from Quebec to the upper lakes and against which, at any point, an overwhelming force could be readily concentrated. Unfortunately the Secreta t of War was deficient in the energy and promptitude of action suited to the crisis, and while absorbed in drawing up plans of campaigns and embodying the military precepts of Napoleon and Frederick the Great, in prolific epistles to the commanding officers he was either destitute of that capacity of discriminating character, which the dis- ecaiise it the pub- ihoulders ntry, that ith three :r, with a lisgraced the very- its other rms with ailed, but between wo them- the brav- 1 the two igorously f the im- jpulation, lakes and ling force lately the lergy and risis, and ampaigns Napoleon les to the istitute of er, which MUitary Life—lS 12-18 15. 21 would enable him to select a proper commander in chief, or from partiality could overlook the grossest raiilitary mis-conduct and palliate and excuse the most blundering operations. The American force, instead of being combined and striking a decisive blow, was stationed in detached bodies unable, from- their remoteness, to sup- port each other in the event of an attack, and passinp^ the season in idleness, or in engagements unproductive of any signal results. If the inefficiency of the campaign arose from the incapacity of the generals or a spirit of rival- ship, which impelled them to seek individual re- nown regardless of the interests of the countrj^, they should have been promptly removed and the Secretary of War should thereby have given an example of his own military genius that would prove that he had studied the precepts of distin- guished soldiers to some purpose. Whatever m^ay have caused the inefficiencv of the campaign its conduct was severely criticized and created general dissatisfaction. Armstrong, Secretary of War, felt the necessity of a bold and fortunate movement to arrest the public censure, and for this purpose, determined upon a winter campaign which was subsequently abandoned in conse- quence, as he says, of the "blunders of Mc Clure, the crimes of Leonard and the disobedience of Wilkinson."* After his army was placed in winter quarters, ♦Armstro ig's notices of the war of 1812. Vol, 2. p. 64. ef yi 22 Life of iSleazer Ji'Tieelock Ripley. ■ . Wilkiiisoii left hi» caiup on account of indisix>si- tion, and the command devolved uix)n the Senior Brigadier General, Jacob Brown, of New York, who wa.s destined to play a conspicuous part in subsequent millitary operations. Having distin- guished himself as a Brigadier General of state militia in repelling a British attack ui>on Sacketts Harbor, May 29th, 1813, he was soon after honored by a commission of the same grade in the United States ariii}^ and served with ability and distinc- tion in Wilkinson's unfortunate expedition. On the 24th of January, 1814, he was promoted to the rank of Major-General and placed in command of the military^ district previously commanded by Wilkinson. In the latter part of February', such informa- tion of the position of the English force in Canada \vas received at Washington, that it was resolved to commence active operations immediately, and to capture Kingston, with the public stores of the enemy, which were deposited there, before the British Army should be re-inforced, which was not expected until Jvme. Orders were consequent- ly issued to Gen. Brown and simultaneously an order, intended to fall into the hands of the enemy and to deceive them, was issued directing the cap- ture of Fort Niagara.* The result of these orders is thus described by the Secretary of War. "Unfortunately circum- stances had already occured to ijrevent a complir ♦Armstrong's notices of the war of 1812. Vol. 2, p. 64. a! L Pi I MUhnrj^ Life—im'^1815, :2'3 r- idisjiosi- le Senior w York, I part ill ■ ig distin- of state Sacketts honored le United I distinc- ion. On :ed to the joinmand anded by informa- n Canada resolved lately, and es of the efore the hich was nsequent- ously an he enemy 5 the cap- described y circum- a compli- 2, p. 64. ance with this order. In the opinion of the mili- tary as well as the naval commander at Sacketts Harbor, the force assigned to the service (four thousand men) was incompetent, and that had this been otherwise, the doubtful condition of the ice on thQ lake, would of it-^elf be sufficient to for- bid the experiment. This opinion being decisive with the President, no new or additional order was given, when (to the surprise of all having any acquaintance with the subject) it was found that the two commanders, by some extraordinary mental process, had arrived at the same conclu- sion — that the main action (an attack on Kings* ton) being impracticable, the r*/se (intended mere- ly to mask it) might be substituted for it— a belief under which a column of two thousand men was actuallj' put in motion for the Niagara.'* In March, 1814, a concentration of troops took place at Buffalo, New York, and went into a camp of instruction, of which Gen. Scott draws the fol- lowing picture: "Major General Brown, appoint- ed to command the entire frontier of New York, had marched some days earlier from tlie French Mills for the same destination with the 9th, 11th, 21st, 22d, 23d and 25th regiments of infantry (not, one of them half xwW), several field batteries and a troop of light dragoons. Scott joined him some miles east of Buffalo, March 24th, 1814. Brigadier General Ripley, Scott's junior, was with these troops. The major general, though full of zeal and vigor, was not a technical soldier, that is, knew but little of organization, tactics, police, etc. 24 Life of I^Ioazcr Wheelock Ripley. He, therefore.charged Scott with the establishment of a camp of instruction at Buffalo, and the prep- aration of the army for the field by the opening of the season. ,^ ^ ., The spring, in the region of Buffalo, is, till late in May, inclement, and March quite wintry. No time, however, was lost; the camp was formed on very eligible ground; the infantry was thrown into first and second brigades. The latter under Ripley, and the service of out-posts, night pat-ols, guards, and sentinels, organized a system of sani- tary police including kitchens, etc., laid down rules of civility, etiquette, courtesy— the indispen- sable outworks of subordination prescribed and enforced, and the tactical instruction of each arm commenced. Nothing but night or a heavy fall of snow or rain was allowed to interrupt these exer- cises on the ground— to the extent, in tolerable weather, of ten hours a day for three months." After such thorough military instruction these troops were well prepared for an active summer campaign, and in July and subsequent to the time when the enemy daily expected re-inforcements from Europe, Gen. Brown was instructed to cross the river, "capture Fort Erie, march on Chippewa, risk a combat, menace Fort George, and if assured of the awscendency and co-operation of the fleet, to seize and fortify Burlington Heights," etc. Having been promoted in the preceding April to the rank of Brigadier General he (Ripley) took leave of his regiment in a brief and handsome liahmcnt the prep- ; opening lo, iB, till e wintry. 18 formed 18 thrown ter under Lt pat-ols, n of sani- aid down indispen- ribed and each arm avy fall of lese exer- tolerable months." ion these ; summer ) the time )rcements d to cross Ilhippewa, if assured le fleet, to c. ding April pley) took handsome Military Life— 1812-1815. 25 address to which a committee of the officers made a reply accomoanied by the presentation of a sword as a testimonial of their respect and es- teem.* Being assigned to the command of the second brigade which embraced the 21st regi- ment, and subsequently a company of the 17th, another of the 19th, and a battalion of the 23u, reg- iments, he was detached with the first brigade un- der General Scott to execute the meditated inva- sion of Canada. Although averse to the move- ment, neither the ascendency or co-operation of the fleet being assured, he performed the duties assigned him with signal ability and courage. The country, which was to become the object of immediate attack and the scene for the display of American bravery, is thus described by an American historian: ''::--.■ ::''-^H;i;:;t::f::^'.. : ;.; "The romatic peninsula between those inland seas, lakes Ontario and Erie, and the river Niagara, whose waters unite the two lakes, was the theatre in the summer of 1814, of an isolated and sanguin- ary campaign, as striking as the rugged fea- tures of that wild region. The river running about thirty-six miles from one lake to the other, consti- tutes the national boundary between rival empires of the same lineage, language, hardy and adven- turous spirit, exaggerated to greater boldness in America by the vaster territories inhabited, waters navigated, and liberty enjoyed. Fort George in the corner between Ontario lake and the *Niles Reg. June 4, 1814. <• rJ 1 ?i i 1 ' j( - M?, T t ■'■: i If,- 26 Life of Elonxor Whoolock Ripley. f river Niajifara 011 the British .side, standH ()|)i)ositc to Fort Niagara on the Ainericati, wince Decenil^er 18 Hi, ami throujjjhont the war forcibl}' held by the Knjz;livsh, inneh to the divSg-raceof iVmerica, and in Hi)ite of all that public Kentinicnt conld do to jroad public force to retake it. At the other end of the peniiivSida, the British Fort IJrie stands oj)- posite to Buffalo, where the river Niagara flows into lake Erie. Black Kock, Willianistnirg, Man- chester, are villages on the New York side; New- ark and Chippewa on the Canadian, their Queens- town right op{)osite to our Lewistown. Midway between the two lakes the river Chippewa, coming from among the six nations and other tribes of the West empties into the river Niagara near the falls, opposite to the American town of Manchester. There the Niagara, about three quarters of a mile wide, after tumbling over rapids for near a mile, j)lunges down 170 feet of the most stupendous cataract of the world, one of the prodigious linea- ments of the North A^merican Continent."* On tli'^ morning of the 3d of July, 1814, the two brigades left camp, and crossing the strait from Buffalo, invested Fort Eri which sur- rendered after slight resistance. Its ;^-arrison con- sisted of 130 men under the comi\iand of Major Buck, of the 8th infantry, w^hile a large British force was at the same time entrenched at Chippewa, otdy a few miles distant under Major General Riall. Brown moved ^^^oward Chippewa the next day. *Ingersol, vol. 2. p, 85. ' ' a>i^i^ggg.^;^a5.ji;^;. ()pi)()site k'ce tuber held by !rica, and jld do to ther end tandw op- ara flows rg, Man- le; New- ■ Queens- Mid way I, eouiing jes of the the falls, nchester. of a mile r a mile, tpendous us linea- 1814, the the strait iiieh sur- •ison con- of Major e British hippewa, ;ral Riall. lext day. Mil if an ' Lifo— ISt'J-lStS, 27 Scott's brigade was in the advance, constantly an- noyed by the enetuy, and when it reached the j)lain, about two miles wide between Sreet's Creek and the Chii)pewa, the eneni}' made a vijajorous attack which was galhu'.tly rej)elled by Chaplain Crocker of the Dth regiment. Finding the eneui}' strongly posted, General Scott withdrew his bri- gade behind Street's Creek, where he encamped, and where he was joined about midnight by Gen. Ih-own and the 2d Brigade and artillery, and the next forenoon General Porter arrived with about three hundred volunteers and some three or four hundred Indians. " '. ' r ■ Karly on the morning of the fifth, the Ameri- ean pickets were assaidted by those of the British and to repel these,after having refreshed his troops, Porter was directed to proceed through the wood which skirted the plain on his left, and after driv- ing in the enemy's picket to fall back so as to entice the Brittsh to follow within reach of our main body. Gen. Porter proceeded to execute this order with great gallantry', when he was sud- denly confronted by the advance of the whole Bri- ish armj', 1700 men; unable to make a stand against this overwhelming force he fell back. Kiall had left his entrenchments, and crossing the Chippewa with his left resting on the Niagara river, advanc- ed read}' for battl«j. The continual firing between Porters force and the enemy's together with the clond of dust that rose in the distance, api)rised Brown of the enem^^'s purpose, and he took i ; :f 'h 'ii; »'. ■ I i 1 't ^I '•t ! tfli'T ■5Brr •"-'*'«5*?i 28 Life ofEIeazer Wheelock Ripley. I ' promp* measures to meet him. When this pur- '(* pose was discovered, Scott, whose brigade was >f.' just forming under arms for exercise, was order- ly* ed to cross the bridge over Street's creek and fi } meet the eneniy. Towson's battery rendered im- portant aid to this movement by being promptly placed in position in the plain near the bridge over Street's creek, and, by his well directed and animated fire, annoying che enemy's line. About five o'clock in the afternoon the engagement be- »! came general, and both sides fought with desper- ?| ate courage and a fixed determination to conquer, I the British infantry being supported by a battery I'' of twenty pounders and howitzers, and the Amer- i' ican by a battery with guns of inferior caliber and numbers. The brunt of the battle was main- tained with equal obstinancy by Scott's brigade, I Towson's artillery and by Porter's volunteers, wLo, recovering from their first onset, returned with gallantry to the combat. When the battle had raged for about an hour, a movement of Scott accompanied by an opportune discharge of Tow- son's battery spread consternation and dismay through the British ranks, and after a fearful loss on both sides, the enemy hastily retreated across the Chippewa to the protection of their entrench- ments. The British loss in killed and wounded was placed by the British Annual Register at one-third of the Englishmen engaged.* The second brigade under Riple;« ,in the mean- *Ingersol, vol. i, p. 91. m ._i-^...t^iila|^ilMi^ndon hid this pui:- h toward jn's coni- rolunteer far from ee miles, presence force and I position. ys, "Scott e appsar- ice if that f the dra- he means ence, Falls, he irectly in ercepting )atch this lunication tn." 1 been re- r General mmenced )nel Scott., ^norant of )lonel Jes- right and od, which Militury Life— 1812-1815. 35 concealed the enemy from his view, with the 9th, 11th and 22d regiments.these soon became exposed to an annihilating fire from a battery, which was placed upon an eminence,stipported by infantry,se- cure from any material annoyance from the Ameri- can artillery. The battle raged fiercely, the English battery was making terrible inroads upon his troops, but vScott with his 2nd brigade mantained the unequal conflict with unshrinking courage un- til the arrival of other troops upon the field, when the battery was carried, the enemy driven from their position and after the mOvSt sanguinary and hardest fought battle of the war the American army was victorious. vie. . The conspicious part performed by General Ripley in the battle of JLundy's Lane was fully brought out by the testimony before the Court of Inquiry subsequently instituted at his own request. This court convened at Troy, New York, in March 1815, and had proceeded only in part through the testimony of one witness, when the Court was dis- solved by an order which expreseed the mcst flattering opinion of his military conduct. The following is the testimony referred to and the order dissolving the court: "William McDonald, Captain in the 19th Regiment of U. S. Infantry, being produced and swcrn as a witness of Gen. Ripley — testified: That in the campaign of 1814, before and during the battle of Bridgewater near Niagara,he was acting aid to Brigadier General Ripley. On the morning of the 25th of July, the army under the command I I f 1 n, ■ i ■f^-K •afffap:'. Wf-"-: 86 Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley. m m of Major General Brown, was encamped on the upper side of Chippewa Creek, matiy of the men were that day engaged in washing and about half an lu)ur before suuvset were still out when a firing was heard, which they in camp, ascribed to Gen. Scott's being engaged with the enemy, as he had marched out with his brigade about two hours be- fore. When Gen. vScott first marched out, it was the general impression that he had done so for the purpose of parade and drill; our army at this time consisted of two brigades of regular troops, com- manded bv Brigadier Generals Scott and Ripley, and a small corps of 500 or 600 volunteers under General Porter. The total of General Ripley's brigade may have amounted to about 900: the effectives from 700 to 800. The day before at Queenstown Heights, he recollected hearing Gen. vScott say that his brigade contained about the same number, perhaps rather less. About the 16th of July, they had intelligence that Gen. Riall of the British army, lay at ten and twelve mile creek, with 1,500 men; according to the general impression, he had a fortified encamp- ment; to the best of his knowledge, no precise information was received of the force and position of the enemy between the 16th and 25th of July. On the day last mentioned, the proportion of those who formed the washing parties and scattered men of the camp amounted in the second brigade alone to 150 or 200 men; there were parties from the other, but he could not state the number. When Gen. Scott moved out in the afternoon, no idea was entertained that there would be an action, nor had they any knowledge of the vicinity of the enemy; the first information they had was :d on the the men ibout half in a firing d to Gen. as he had hours be- t was the so for the this time ops, com- id Ripley, ers under Ripley's 90(): the before at iring Gen. about the telligence at ten and ording to 1 encamp- lo precise d position th of July, m of those scattered id brigade rties from nber. afternoon, j.ld be an le vicinity y had was Military Life— 1812-1815. 37 from the firing. In the order of the encampment the first brigade under Gen. Scott rested on the Chippewa; the second commanded by General Ripley, about 200 yards, distant, with their front to the Niagara, and at right angles to the first; the encampment embraced the angle formed by the Niagara and Chippewa, which at that place form- ed a junction. V ,c Across the Chippewa v/as a bridge on which General Scott had passed and advanced two miles^ when the firing of musketry commenced; immedi- ately on hearing it. General Ripley ordered his brigade to be formed; by the time this was effected^ the report of artillery was distinguished ; soon after orders were received from Major General Brown, chrough some of his staff.for the second brigade tg advance and reinforce General Scott. Gen. Rip- ley, immediately on receiving the order, marched with his brigade across the Chippewa, and when about half a mile in the rear of the scene of action, it being then near dusk, dispatched the witness in advance to Major General Brown to ascertain the situation of the enemy, and what point he should march to and form his brigade. • The witness, on his way to General Brown.met his aid, Capt. Spencer proceeding with orders to General Ripley, to form his brigade in the skirts of a wood on the right of Gen. vScott's. The brigade accordingly continued to advance, apd was in the act of forming the line, when Gen. Ripley remark- ed to Col. Miller and other commanders that, to form a line in that place would be of no conse- quence, as they could not advance in line through the woods, and they were not then in striking dis- tance of the enemy — he added, that he would take upon himself the responsibility of moving farther on towards the enemy, before he formed; the wit- i I r i in s -I 38 Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley. neas left the brigade for a few minuteft to appri8*;ikmi*:iS:d0^i^: , '/^S^^¥^^^£^^-' ) appris<& not find ey. the scene ; brigade ng trot to tssing the ^termina- vvas verj' out us in [y direct- yv'hile the iprefision ne suffer- l destruc- Ripley in and Col. Jegiment, enemy's lone, they pel us to id though 3n an em- umber or e of Gen. been be- that time, y from it. liller, the o execute a line on enemy's i he gave »ry by an n column about the directed, "•c-sfi^ai^sgai'. MilHary Life— 1812-1815, 39 the witness met Gen. Brown, who enquired for Gen. Hipley, and asked what dispositions he had made; the witness informed him; he approved of it, appeared quite elated with the intelligence and accompanied him to Gen. Kipley; some conversa- tion took place between them, and in a very few minutes both battalions were in motion; the 2l8t commanded by Col. Miller, the 23d by Major Mc- Farland, but led by Gen. Kipley in person. While the 23d was advancing to operate against the enemy's flank, and about 150 yards distance from the height, they received a lire in front from per- haps fifty or sixty muaketrj^ which threw them into confusion for a few minutes, and caused them to fall back about fifty or sixty yards; the regi- ment however speedily recovered and formed in- to column, sooner than he has ever known one formed for parade — though perhaps not with equal accuracy. Some difficulty occured in form- ing the platoons, in consequence of their having been broken, but their numbers were guessed at, and wheeled into column with a view to dispatch and facilitate the movement; the whole was ac- complished under the particular direction and immediate agency of Brigadier General Ripley; his exertions to effect it were very great, and no one could be more active than he was. The whole interval from the moment the fire was received in front, until the actual re-organization of the col- umn in readiness to advance, did not exceed live minutes; they then marched directly and deployed upon the enemy's flank. ^ While this was performing Col. Miller' ad- vanced pursuant to his orders against the front, and succeeded in carrying the enemy's battery, consisting of seven pieces of artillery, to wit, two brass twenty-fours and smaller ones; having pass- JL .m ii ... t f ■ ■■ l^V ■ ^■4 I ■ ■ SI? - t. 1 I '; i I ? -Tfr t-"* •.*-^»*J»**- _^J!W!^^'*y i T 40 Li'fo of Elemcr Wheclock Ri'pfcr. t'd the poHitioti where the artillery had been phuit- etl, Col. Miller nj^ain fortned hiw Jine faein^ the enemy, and engaged with them within twenty I)aces diHtance; there appeared a perfeet Hheet of tire between the two lineH; while the 2lHt wan in this situation, the 23d attaeked the enemy'w tlank and ailvanced witliin twenty paeeH of it before the first volley was diseharged; a measure adopted by command of Gen. Kipley, that the fire might be effectual and more completely destructive; the movement compelled the enemy's flank to fall back immediately by descending the hill out of sight, ui)on which the tiring ceased. Prior to the firing of the 2'Si\, the enemy were closing in upon Col. Miller's command, which at)peared to be hard pressed, and as he conceived was recoiling; the force opposed amounted to double his number; but by the prompt aid of the 2;kl, the heights w^ere gained and cleared of the enemy. After this was achieved the 21st and 2od formed in line by order and under direction of Gen. Kipley, leaving the batteries which had been carried in the rear; while thus circumstanced, a detacment of the 1st Regiment, which consisted of from 100 to 200 men, and had remained in the rear, joined them on the heights, and was by Gen. Ripley forined into the line. He coidd not say what had detained the above detachment so long from the scene of ac- tion. Shortley after the line was formed, General Riplc}' sent him to ask Gen. Brown whether the captured artillery should not be moved off the field toward Chippewa. The witness met Gen. Brown ascending the hill, and delivered his message. The latter replied there were matters of more importance to attend to at that moment, and he would see Gen. Ripley. He appeared highly elat- I IMM ^"^^jyWWWW^ r- en plant- iicinj? the 11 twenty t Hheet of 9t wiiB in y's tlank lefore the [opted by might be live; the ik to fall ill out of ior to the g in upon be hard iling; the >, number; e heights After this u line by y, leaving the rear; of the Ist 3 200 men, !m on the 1 into the ained the me of ac- l, General hether the ff the field en. Brown message. i of more int, and he ighly elat- Military Life— 1812-1815. 41 ed and rode with Gen. Ripley, but the witness did not hear the conversation which passed. The heights thus gained was a very commanding posi- tion, and contained all the enemy's artillery, capa- ble of cntilading in every direction. While the second brigade thus occupied the heights, General Scott's brigade was about three hundred yards dis- tant and no enemy between them. The firing from it had by this time nearly ceased. After General Brown's interview with General Kipley, he left the hill, as the witness understood, in search of Gen. Scott. The 25th regiment then joined the second brigade, was formed on the right nearly at right angles to the 23d regiment, its left resting on Towson's artillerj', and disposed so as to tlank the enemy in case they attacked. The artillery under command of Major Hind- r nd Captain Towson had come up but a few moments before, in consequence of General Rip- ley's request communicated by the witness to Ma- jor Hindman and complied with by him. While Gen. Ripley's line was thus formed on the eminence, the enemy advanced upon it in con- siderable force — outflanking its right and left, and far exceeded it in numbers. On finding them ap- proaching. Gen. Ripley ordered the brigade to re- serve its fire until the enemy's should touch in pre- ference to firing first. This was done with a view to observe the flash of their muskets, and to take aim by the assistance of their light. The order was obeyed; the enemy advanced within ten or twelve yards of our right, composed of the 23d regiment. After receiving their fire, we returned it; the action then became general, a tremendous conflict ensued fOr about twenty minutes; at the expiration of which the enemy gave way, and again fell back out of sight. We having much the ad- 'I' I'l' ■iti ■ I ,S''!''- !^lf. -[(%■ ,'( r ' 42 Life of Eleazcr Wheelock Ripley. vantage of the ground, the enemy generally fired over our heads, but the continual blaze of light was such as to enable us distinctly to see their but- tons. An interval of half an hour followed when the eneni}'- advanced a second time, nearly in the same manner, attacked precisely in the same point but did not approach so near, before the firing com- mence. Our left had by this time been thrown forward by order of Gen. Ripley, and the line formed nearly parallel with the addition of General Porter's volunteers on the left and Gen. Scott with the three remaining batts lions on the right, but the latter were so situated as not to be engaged. The contest was more severe, and he thinks longer continued than the last. The same precautions were enjoined by Gen. Ripley, with respect to his men reserving their fire, and the re- ception of the enemy was equally warm. Some part of our right and left gave way; but our centre composed of the 21st regiment, stood firm, with the exception of some platoons, which also fell back; the enemy were repulsed, and retired again from the contest. Gen. Ripley, in person, rallied the detachments which gave way on the right and succeeded in bringing them back into action before the retreat of the enemy. An interval, not to exceed three quarters of an hour, ensued, during which all was darkness and silence, scarce interrupted by a breath of air. The men had neither water nor whiskey to refresh themselves, after the fatigues they had endured. The Court adjourned to Wednesday, March 15, 1815, 11 o'clock, a.m. Troy, March 15, 1815. The court commenced pursuant to adjourn- ment—the same members present. The examination of Captain McDonald being 1 1 lly fired of light eir but- ;d when y in the le point ig eoni-> thrown he line tion of nd Gen. i on the ot to be and he le same 2y, with I the re- i. Some r centre m. with ilso fell 2d again , rallied ght and 3 action ■val, not ensued, !, scarce len had nselves, larch 15, 1815. adjourn- Id being Mrntary Lift^— 1812- 1815. 43 resumed — he stated, that at the expiration of the interval last mentioned, the enemy advanced a third time to recover their artillery. It was our impression that they had been reinforced, and this was confirmed by prisoners who were taken at the time. The advance of the enemy was similar to the two preceding ones, and the fire was again opened by their line. Gen. Ripley's brigade re- served their fire as before. The duration and order of the conflict — its result and retreat of the enemy, were in all essential points similar to the last. ■ ••■ -^.t:- - ,,v.;/. ^', .'• - ^ ■ . , ^' ,- In every attack the enemy were repelled. Gen. Ripley made every possibe exertion to in- spire and encourage his troops; exposed his per- son during the hottest, of the fire of the enemy; and as he considered more . than was necessary. The witness several times endeavored to prevail upon him to retire, but without effect. His per- severence was unremitted. Sometimes acting as f .• closer as well as commander. He gave his orders with perfect coolness and deliberation, and attended as far as possible to its proper execution. The witness never knew- -him more collected. Gen. Ripley's position was never more than ten or twelve paces in the rear of his line. He received two balls in his hat, and his horse was -^ -^ounded during the several encounters. He, Lieu. Col. Nicholas, and the witness, were the only mounted officers of the brigade. After the last attack, ■ the second brigade for three-fourths, or one-half an hour, remained on the hill with very little change of position, its left was perhaps tl^ )wn back. L.i the interim, Gen. Ripley dispatched the witness with orders to Gen. Porter to send fifty or one hundred volunteers un- der his command, directing them to report to Col. ,r tH>, i i.>... 44 Life of Bleazer Wheelock ttipley. lir fe- McRae, and remove the captured artillery from the heights to the camp on tht Chippewa. He delivered the orders, saw the volunteers detached and marched on the hill. Owing io there being no drag ropes for the artillery, no horses on the gro;md, and the guns being unlirnbered, it wa» found impracticable to remove them, and the vol- unteers were then employed in removing the wounded. Prior to the attempt to remove the captured pieces, he saw no artillery corps on the ground,they having retired in consequence of their ammunition being expended and some of their caissons blown up by the enemy's rockets and ghellS. • ■ •■ ...-•;>'.-:'i^'. :■ 'S:-^:;ii' On the return of the witness, after commu- nicating the preceding order to Gen. Porter, pre- parations were made for the second brigade to retire agreeable to order from Gen. Brown, as General Ripley at the time informed him. He also stated that Gens. Brown and Scott were both wounded and had left the field. Our army accordingly retired unmolested and it was his impression at the time that the whole column did not exceed 700 v/hen the retrograde . move- ment was made. It was understood that vast numbers w^ere employed in carrying off the wounded. Others had given out for the want of water. When the second brigade marched to the field of battle, they met a considerable number of the first brigade returning to camp, some slightly wounded and others carried off by those who were uninjured. Many wounded were l^ft on the ground after the battle, they being scattered over a considerable extent and the night dark, it was impossible to find them. He does not think any wounded of Brigadier Gen. Ripley's brigade was '■jj . IT. Military Life--1812-1815. 45 ery from ;wa. He detached re being 8 on the d, it was I the vol- ving the tiove the »8 on the e of their of their kets and commu- rter, pre- •igade to 3rown, as lim. He vere both ur army was his ; column le . move- ;hat vast r off the i want of id to the ; number ip, some by those ere l^ft on scattered lit dark, it think any igade was left, unless some who attempted to get off without assistance and failed. When Gen. Ripley gave tlie order for the army to retire, he directed the several command- ers of battalions to collect all the wounded, and in the interval before retiring, he used every exertion to have this order properly executed. While the army was moving back, and after- wards, he knows of no other measures being taken to furnish horses, supply drag ropes and bring off the artillery which remained on the heights, with the exception of the smaller ones, which had been rolled down the hill. After 12 o'clock at night the army regained their camp. The witness added that the pickets and washing parties were not brought up, nor at all engaged during the action. Shortly* after the return to camp, about one o' clock, Maj. Gen. Brown directed Brigadier Gen. Ripley. The general order dissolving the court which follows, was at this period of investigation receiv- ed by the President and no further testimony wat> heard. I certify that the forgoing is a true jpy of the minutes and proceedings of the court of Enquiry of which Major General H. Dearbon was President, so far as the court proceeded in the investigation of the subject matter enjoined by the general order constituting said court. (Signed) EVERT A. BANKER, Judge Advocate. General Order, Adjutant and Ins. General's Office, 4th March, 1815. The Court of Enquiry of which Major General Dearbon is President, which was ordered to investigate the conduct of Brigadier General \ » ; ! «' ? S.I \ .^;fr T ik';-' •46 Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley, v Ripley during the last campaign is discharged from the service. The congress of the United States having ap- prove his conduct by a h:;rhly complimentary re- solve, and the President being pleased to express his favorable opinion of the military character of Gen. Ripley, he will honorably resume his com- mand. By orderi (Signed) . . ^i D.PARKER, • A. and I. General. Ad giving the salient points of the memorable battle of Lundy's Lane, we give the following ex- tracts from Ingersol's History of the War of 1812:* "When the conflict began, the British could not have been less than from two thousand to twenty-five hundred strong* Their seven pieces of artillery were posted on the summit of a hill, supported by a heavy line of infantry, flanked by cavalry. Scott's advance was lead by Captain Harris with his dragoons, and Captain Pentland's company of the 22d regiment, both officers much distinguished throughout the action, towards the end of which Pentland lost a leg, was left on the ground and taken prisoner^ Between .Wil8on'>8 tavern and Lundy's Lane, near the village of Bridgewater, the British artillerj'- opened upon Scott, who formed and reversed his column, falter- ing under its destructive severity. As it must be some time before Ripley's brigade and Porter's could come to Scott's aid, he detached Major Jes- sup with the 25th, to seek and engage the British left, while the General attacked their right. The other three regiments were moved beyond the ad- *C. J. Ingersol was a member of Congress from Pennsylva- nia from 1813 to 1815, and from 1841 to 1844, and occupied a prominent position during the war in the republican party II WitiinmiMiiniiriix ischarged aving ap- entary re- ;o express aracter of his com- fKER, I. General. lemorable owing ex- r of 1812:* tieh could lousand to -^en pieces t of a bill, flanked by y Captain Pentland'e cers much )ward8 the left on the 1 .Wil8on'>8 village of ined upon imn, falter- it must be id Porter's Major Jes- the British ight. The Dnd the ad- m Pennsylva- d occupied a in party Military Life— 1812-1815. m vanced companies, and statioped where, as well as during the change of position, their exposure and losses were so severe, that both McNeil and Brady, witli many, if not most of the other of- cers, were disabled by wounds, and their regiments so much demolished as to be con- fused, some retreating, their ammunition, too, at last falling short. Towson's inimitable battery on the right, by incessant reverberations of the most exciting martial music, encouraged the col- umn, but the British guns were so high that his shot passed over them, while their's plunged down with deadly aim, and for some time Towson ceasea firing, as useless. The action begun to-* wards evening; for more than an hour it was maintained by the first brigade alone, notwith- standing great disadvantages to contend against, with tiic Iv/ss of half their force; Jessup's detach-, ment, meanwhile, whose loss in killed and wound-' ed was in proportion to the other regiments, never faltering in its singular episode, till the en- emy on the right were routed. By musketry, at a hundred yards, at first, and then the bayonet, the British left was put to flight by Jessup, who thereupon seized a n id, which he discovered, to turn their flank, and with that advantage routed still more of them. Scott, with enthusiastic and matchless bravery, prosecuted his onset, a per-, sonal example to all, if of extravagant, yet sustain-^ ed and invincible ardor. It was Jessup's good fortune, the common effect of good conduct, to capture General Riall retiring wounded, together with Captain Loring, aid-de-camp of Gen. Drum- mond, several other officers and altogether one hundred and sixty-nine prisoners — as many as were left unhurt, of his own command. Drum- mond's dispatch confessed that on his arrival he found Riall's advance in full retreat, and when his ii It ■ 48 Life of Eleazer Wbeelock Ripley. m VJ\. own formation was completed, the whole front was warmly and closely engaged, the principal American efforts directed against the British left and center; after repeated attacks, those on the left forced back, and the Americans gaining tem- porary possession of the road." * * "As soon as Ripley heard Scott's firing, he formed his brigade. General Brown, whose aid Captain Austin, had been to inquire what firing it was, ordered Ripley's and Porter's brigades to the field, and his aid to tell Ripley where to take his station. Brown then with the engineer, Ma- jor McRae, hastened forward. Ripley and Porter lost no time, the men moving forward as rapidly as possible ovei the bridge and a distance of nearly three miles to the field of battle. It was night when they formed for action. The formid- able annoyance of nine heavy cannon, Drummond having added two to Riall's seven in battery on the top of a hill, at once suggested the obvious expediency if not absolute necessity, of over- coming so fatal a hinderance to any chance of suc- cess. It remains a matter of question whether Brown, Ripley, or McRae was first to declare that the battery on that hill must be stt rmed and taken. General Armstrong awards the honor to the engineer, Major McRae. The regiments of the second bs-igade were the 21st, Colonel James Miller, the 23d, Major McFarland, detachments of the 17th and 19th, with Captain Ritchie, of Major Hindman's battalion of artillery, preceded by Captain Biddle's artillery. The first regiment, Lieutenant Colonel Nicholas, was not attached to either brigade. General Ripley forthwith ordered the attack: Colonel Miller with the 21 st regiment, to storm the park; Major McFarland with the 23d regiment to take it in flank, and Colonel or- iole front principal ritish left Be on the ningtem- • « firing, he vhose aid at firing it -igades to •e to take neer, Ma- md Porter as rapidly istance of e. It was tie f ormid- rummond battery on e obvious , of over- nce of suc- n whether eclare that rmed and e honor to ^iments of »nel James chments of i, of Major eceded by regiment, attached to ith ordered t regiment, d with the ad Colonel MUitaiy Life— 1812-1815. 49 Nicholas to keep the musketry employed. After a few rounds, the men of the latter regiment recoiled and fell back in confusion. Major McFar- land was killed, and the 23d regiment also faltered and retreated. But Ripley soon restored them to good order and in person led them up the ascent, where they displayed in a few minutes as intend- ed. Miller, meanwhile unsupported by either the Ist or 23d regiment nevertheless moved steadily upwards with unflinching intrepidity, drove the British from their guns at the point of the bay- onet, took their whole park, and then forming his line within twenty paces of the retiring but hardly retreating foe, at least twice his number, a perfect sheet of fire, at half pistol shot distance, signalized the desperate efforts of the victorious to retain, of the partially vanquished to regain the great armament and trophy, the palladium and key of the contest. During this struggle of seme continuance the 23d regiment, gallantly led by Gen. Ripley marched upon the flank, by his order reserving their fire till within twenty paces, then poured it forth with such effect, that superadded to Miller's the British were driven down the. hill, leaving Ripley with the two regiments, in undisputed pos- session of the artillery and the eminence. In the darkness of the night during that extraordinary conflict, the British General Drulttmond in his offical report said, "in so determined a manner were the American attacks directed against our guns that our artillerj'^men were bayoneted by them in the very act of loading, and the muzzles of the American guns were advanced within a few yards of ours." * ♦ * * "The British driven down that hill leaving their killed and wounded with their guns in charge of the conquerors, took shelter and counsel about ■-f"7m^'«6»mr^ ''^SSlSW-r- T 50 Life of Eleaxer UTieelock Riptey. two hundred 3'ards from and underneath it; where shrouded in profound darkness and discomfiture, they reorganized for another effort. Soon after- wards some two hundred of the first regiment found their w^ay up the hill whither also Major Hindman repaired with Captian Towson and Ritchie with their guns; and for a short time, Gen- eral Brown was much elated with the triumph which he hojjed would be conclusive." * "The toil and tug of war, however, were only begun.when they seemed to be over. When Ripley with his 7(K) and Porter with his 5(X) men went to Scott's relief, reduced less than <^, as his brigade was broken into fragments, Drummond was stim- ulated as well as strengthened for further efforts by the continual arrivals of fresh troops; the British Annual Register confesses 1200,under Col.Scott,re- ceived during the action. Moved by every feeling of soldierly and national pride, dut}'^, and propriety, he was resolved to recapture the lost guns and restore the adverse fortune of the night excited by national even continental or hemispheric rival- " After about half an hours absence from their place of retreat under the hill, being reorganized and reinforced, they were heard again moving up the ascent. Ripley closing his ranks, forbade all firing till the-ftiashes of the British musketry en- abled the Americans to aim unerringly — for that pufpose to reserve fire till they felt the very push of the bayonet. Still superior far in number, the British marched on again and after one dis- charge from the Americans as directed, many more rounds were exchanged between the com- batants for some twenty minutes in close and furious battle. Never good marksmen, however, and with the disadvantage of standing lower, the r. t; where •mfiture, on after- eginient ^o Major son and tne, Gen- triumph * rere only n Ripley went to brigade k^as stim- sfforts by 2 British .Scott,re- y feeling- ropriety, ;nns and t excited ric rival- •om their trganized ovipg up rbade all ketry en- — for that the very I number, r one dis- jd, many the com- :lo8e and however, ower, the miitary Life— 1812-1815. 51 British now fired over the Americans, whose plunging shots were more effective, and the Brit- ish again forced to give way, retreated down the hill to their hiding place." « "As the regiment under Colonel Nicholas, conducted by Major Wood, was taking position. General Brown repeated to Colonel Miller that he was to charge and take the battery with the bayo- net, to which he good humoredly answered. It shall be done sir." "After the enemy's repulse, when attempt- ing to retake the cannon. Brown and Scott meeting directed Leavenworth to take command of the battalion consolidated from the three regiments of infantry, which were formed in Lundy's Lane. The 1st, 21st, and 2od regiments were now on the hill, and Major Hindman, Captain Towson -and Ritchie, with their guns on the summit near the church. The 19th,llth,and.22d consolidated, were on Lundy's lane in proximity with Captain Bid- die's company of artillery. The 25th, with Major Jessup, had returned and joined Leavenworth's battalion. Porter's volunteers gallantly led by him were with Ripley, and always among the foremost in the hottest fire, several of them killed, wounded and taken prisoners. After their victory they were appropriately employed in escorting the British prisoners to their place of confinemeftt in New York." ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ " Several subsequent attempts were made by the English to retake the hill, each as desperate as the preceding, but equally ineffectual, when at last, dispairingof success they abandoned the field so hotly and fiercely contested till past midnight. By their official report of the battle they admitted a loss of eight hundred and seventy eight, in kill- ed, wounded and missing. The American loss 4 i i ^ .-^,,r:g^.j,.,y,f^,^^^,^,^mT ^ff,^r?^ PiS 5» Life of ^leazer Wbeelock Ripley, was seven hundred and forty-three. Every gen- eral in both armies was wounded except Kipley, who had several shots in his hat. Wh" • the vic- tory was considered complete, Brown issued orders for a return to camp, and having as well as 8cott, been woimded, he devolved the command upon Ripley, and was immediately convej^ed to camp himself. Of the condition of the army at this period and of the return to camp, Ingersol says: "All that remained of the first brigade, af- ter that terrible conflict, did not exceed two hun- dred and twenty men; the ninth, eleventh and the twenty-second regiments consolidated under Ma- jor Leavenworth, not altogether one hundred. Many of the cartridges with which the American's fired, when attacked on the hill, were taken from the cartridge boxes of the English lying dead around them. Men and officers, after five hours constant fighting were completely exhausted, and many almost fainting with thirst. There was no water nearer than the Chippewa. Before they marched, however, from the hill, the wounded were carefully removed, and the return to the camp behind the Chippewa was slowly in perfect order, entirely undisturbed by the enemy. Seven- ty-six officers were killed or wounded and six hundred and twenty-nine rank and file, of whom the first brigade lost thirty-eight officers and four hundred and sixty-eight rank and file. The com- mander of the brigade and every regimental of- ficer were wounded." • * * "No battle in America, before or since, was ever so severely contested, or attended with casu- alties in proportion to numbers." * The failure to remove the captured cannon ♦Ingersolin 1849. ery geu- t Kipley, the vic- ti issued IS well a» ;oniniand iveyed to army at Ingersol igade. af- two hun- h and the nder Ma- hundred. tnerican'» iken from ing dead ive hours isted, and re was no Fore they wounded -n to the in perfect y. Seven- i and six of whom 3 and four The com- nental of- ■iince, was with casu- ;d cannon . ', ir Military Life— 1812-1815. 53 and the return of the retreating enemy to tlie bat- tie field, upon learning tliat the Americtui army had returned to camp, caused the British cokh* mandcr to bivouac upon the battle field and claim the victory. The conduct of General Ripley be- came the subject of severe criticism and censure, and, without inquiring into the motives of the misrepresentations which were heaped upon his head by some of his countrymen, it is evident by a comparison of the preceding evidence of Capt. McDonald with subsequent disclosures of Scott and Brown that the latter.without just cause, look- ed with disfavor upon his conduct,and contributed to detract from the credit which was his due. In his memoirs, disagreeing with McDonald as to the number of charges made by the enemy and making an undeserved thrust at Ripley, Scott says that in the second advance he (Scott) was prostrated "by an ounce musket ball through the left shoulder joint" that "unable to hold up his head from the loss of blood and anguish, he was taken in an ambulance to the camp across the Chippewa, where the wound was staunched and dressed. "On leaving the field he did not know that Ma- jor General Brown, also wounded, had preceded him. By seniority the command of the y^rmy now devolved upon Brigadier General Ripley. It must then have been about midnight. Ripley from some unknown cause, became alarmed and determined in spite of dissuasion, to abandon the field, trophies and all. The principal officers dis- t V-' "r ••; I . i'' ♦ft 'ii i' m III 1 fiffiti I EiJJ 'Mi if Kl m ill- 5-/ Life of f^fffiZor M'hootock Riplvy. patched a messetijaner to bring- 1)30^ Scott, but found him utterly jiroHtratc. Toward day some frag^nients of the euemy, seeking the tnain body, crossed the quiet field, and learning from the wounded that the AniericanB had flown, hawtened to overtake Lieutenant (^neral Sir Gordon Drnm- tnond lx!-low, who returned, bivomickod on the field, and claimed the victory." In connection with the battle, Scott also makes this extraordinary statement. Yi^ gays that dur- ing- the advance of the enemy up, on? occasion, "leaving his brigade on the right in line, he form- ed a small column of some two hundred and fifty men, and at its head, advanced rapidly to pierce the advancing enemys line, then to turn to the right and envelop his extreme left. If pierced in the dark, there seemed no doubt the whole would turn back, and so it turned out. Scott ex- plained his intentions and forcibly cautioned his own brigade and Ripley's on his left, not to fire upon the little column; but the instant the latter came in conflict with and broke the enemy Kip- ley's men opened fire upon its rear and left flank and caused it to break without securing a pris- oner." With regard to this daring, if not quixottic movement. General Brown says in his diary, that urged by General Ripley to order up General Scott who had been held in reserve with three bat- talions — he rode in person to General Scott and ordered him to advance, that the enemy was again 'r^tifc-,- "idutaiiiv' ivr. Mintarx Life— 1812-1815. 93 Scott, but day some iiain body, from the. 1, haHtened [ion Drum- cd on the also makes B that dur- ? occasion , e, he form- id and fifty y to pierce urn to the If pierced the whole Scott ex- utioned his not to fire t the latter enemy Rip- d left flank ing a pris- )t quixottic 8 diary, that lip General th three bat- al Scott and ly was again repulsed by the whole line.and driven out of sighl ;md adds, "but a short time had elapsed when he was seen once more advancing in great force upon our main line of troops under Generals Ripley and Porter. General Scott was now on our left, had given to his column a direction which would have enabled him in a fev/ minutes to have formed line in the rear of the enemy's right, and thus have brought the enemy between two fires; but in a moment, most imexpectedly a flank fire from a j)arty of the enemy concealed on our left, falling upon the center of Scott's command while in open column, blasted our proud expectations; his col- umn was severed in two, one part passing to the rear, the other by right flank of platoons towards our main line." After the final repulse of the enemy and his disappearance from the field, the surmises and imputations of Scott upon the final conduct of Ripley and his return to camp.are thus discredited and dispelled by the testimony of Brown in his diary. "Tlie enemy now seemed to be effectually routed; his force disappeared from the field. In a conversation which occured a few minutes after, between the Major General, Major Wood and McRae, and two or three other officers, it was the unanimous belief of all, that we had nothing more to app rehend from the foe with whom we had been contending; but it appeared to be admitted by the whole that it would be proper to return to camp. The idea did not occur to anj'^ one present, that it i I :\\ ?tM I'? -,,!'! ^■f■■m^<^:■KH^!1t^}^uts^'^l^W.),ri^i!m■m^ r "^■fmm'*^- -.■M; ^ f ■ UH'mI"' •1 iii ■' m m 56 Life of J^ieazer Wheelock Riplajr. would be neceesary to leaA''e behind a man or cannon." * n< » * "As the General moved towards camp, many ecattering^ men were seen by him on the I'oad; not a man was running away, none appeared to be alarmed, but having lost their officers, were seeking^ water, and were either drinking or struggliiig 1 "■ drink. This scene assured the Major Cieneral that it was proper for the army to return to camp in order that the scattering men might be ar- ranged to their companies and battalions, the army reorganized and refreshed before morning. An officer was accordingly sent to say to General Ripley, that the wounded men and the captured cannon being brought off, the army w ovild return to camp." The testimony l>eforethe Court of Inquiry ex- plains what was done and why the order of Brown was not complied with in its entirety, while the statement of the latter fully exposes Scott's "unkon^n cause" for the return of the army to camp and subject to ridicule his imputation that the movement originated with Ripley and was the result of alarm. C General Brown was |;reatly annoyed at the failure to bring off the captured artillery and was, perhaps, disposed to make Ripley the scape goat for any criticism thjit should arise on this account. His report to the secretary of war had for him no words of commendation, and says that within an hour after his return to camp, he was informed J,:,, Hi'!' Si':.-l!:^'1Vi>r. r- ip, many rood; not -ed to be e seeking rglilig I ^- r General I to camp ht be ar- , the army rning. An a General J captured nld retunx nquiry ex- :of Brown while the ics Scott's e army to ion that the id was the (ed at the -y and was, scape goat lis account, for him no within an informed Military Life~18 12-18 15, St that Gen. Ripley had returned without annoyance and in good order "that he sent for him and directed him to collect every description of force, to put himself ou the field of battle as the day dawned and there to meet the enemy if he again appeared. To this order he made no objection and I relied upon its execution. It was not ex- ecuted." In his diary published subsequent- ly, he says, "General Ripley being immediately sent for General Brown stated that there was no doubt in his mind, but that the enemy had retired, and that our victory was complete. He appeared to be of the same opinion as was every officer pres- ent. General Brown then in strong and emphatic language, ordered General Ripley to reorganize his battalions, to see that they were refreshed with whatever could be afforded in camp, and put him- self with all the men he could muster, of every corps, oa the field of battle, as the day dawned, there to be governed by circum3tances,at all events to bring off the captured cannon. It was not be- lived that the enemy would dare to attack him if he showed a good countenance. General Ripley left General Brown under the conviction that he would execute the order given to him; he did not make the slighest objection to it, none was suggested from any quarter." From this state- r.ient the following deductions naturally follow; that Ripley had no cause to object as he, as well as Brown and the other officers, believed that the victory was complete, that the battle field was un- occupied, and that the English, if they reappeared, f m ^n ^1 I gy?"*igiy!--'- ' •>{*. _2!5?'**fi?«"' ■ u'n n r. - ft 5^ Life of Eleazer lllieelock Ripley, hot the Americans, would be the attacking- party. Had Brown been apprised of the actual state of facts as they existed at the moment, would not a peremptor}'^ order to General Ripley to become the attacking party been looked upon as ail indiciition of military imbecility? - ■*' In alluding to this subject, Ingersol, in his historj^ of the war, says; "All this, which became the subject of much controversy among the Amer- ican officers, discrediting or defending l^iple}^ was more dexterously than candidl}-^, but so com- monly as to be almost always the case on such occasions, therefore not unpardonable, was turned by General Drummond into evidei^ce that he was riot conquered, but conqueror. ' ■" "A howitzer, which the enemy brought up was captured by us" said his dispatch. They captured nothing, but merely found a cannon accidentall}'^ left, when an hour after the enemy's retreat, their conquerors in complete and undis- turbed possession of the. guns and the Held, slowly and in i)erfect ( rder left it, and then to return to tlie indispensable repose of the camp. The struggle was over. Pride of success was sup- phmted by bodily exhaustion, anxiety for repose from excessive toil, and relief from tormenting thirst. The Americans therefore, but as victors, were marched to their camp as Brown had directed, though without the cannon as he had ordered. Vexed, mortified, stung by the omission to bring th,e,m away, when he heard of it, he . unwittingly ii 'Mm. , .S.:/\- r:^fmmmsms»s^'~ ng party, il state of t, would Ripley to ■ i upon as sol, in his :h became the Amer- g l^ipley, ut so com- e on such \'as turned lat he was rought up :ch. They a cannon le enemy's and undis- leld, slowly o return to imp. The was snp- for repose tormenting : as victors, ad directed, id ordered. 3X1 to bring imwittingly Military Li£c—1812-lSl5. 5a countenanced General Drummond's unfair as^ sumption by censuring General Ripley, ordering him to march next morning at sunrise to reoccupy the hill and bring away the guns, which was iiaji-^ possible. Ripley's division fit for that morning did not exceed sixteen hundred men; in the judge- ment of many, if not most of the ofiScers, it would have been madness, with such a force, hardly re^ freshed from yesterday's labor (for sunrise came- in three hours after their repose began, the night of the battle) to storm the hill of ©ridge w*4teir ., ">At the commencement of the battle on the 2§th, fheErfglish force has been estimated at 1637 m^n, increased by reinfareements during: the .enn gage went to 5130. including S45IU regularig, 12(]0 ittr cprpo^ratid ruilitia and'480 Indians. THe< Americ*iq force; was 750 augmented during the battle to 2^17, including ,the 2d brigade a detachment of. ajrtil^ Lery apd 6Q0 , .volunteers. The Josa upon the 4nierican side in Mlledand wounded/ was aboi^t one third of their number, with an equal ("-grcatet; loss upon the part of the enemy. . ,. •, • /v,.; On the morning of the ^t h- General Kipley, pursuant to the orders of Geii rai Jirown, again took up the march to the battle i 2ld, but finding it in the possession of the enemy, reinforced and strongly fortified, he abandoned the idea of making an attack and commenced a retrograde movement upon Fort Erie. Before doing this, however, he visited General Brown and explained Ifl eo Life of Eleazer IVheelock Ripley. fe, ii to him the condition of affairs and urged the abandonment of an attack upon the enemy. Brown insisted upon it, and as if still unconvinced of its hopelessness, would not yield an inch until the interview finally closed with this result as given in Brown's diary; "General Brown persisted when he informed the general, that General Porter was also opposed to proceeding. At these words, General Brown replied, 'Sir you will do as you please;" and had no futher intercourse with him until they met at Buffalo." Although at the expense of adding to Brown's enmity to himself, there is little doubt that Ripley's persistence at this time saved the Amer- ican army from annihilation. Left to do as he pleased, General Ripley immediately commenced a retreat to Fort Erie where General Brown determined to make a stand, instead of evacuating the Canadian side where he doubtless expected to be able to maintain his position until reinforce- ments should arrive under General Izard, in com- mand of a large force at Sacketts Harbor; his expec- tation of these however was not to be realized. Destroying the bridge across the Chippewa, and throwing every pocsible obstacle in the way of the enemy's advance. General Ripley arrived at Fort Erie on the 27th, and immediately applied himself with indefatigable zeal in strengthening the fortifications and rendering them secure against the anticipated attack. As soon as he could gain a short respite from these indispensable labors, he WU '.r^^fi^:' H%^:t ''*««*».. #.*i«M*6ife.yfem^ •ged the ; enemy. :onvinced nch until result as persisted ral Porter Be words, io as you with him J Brown's ubt that he Amer- do as he mmenced al Brown vacuating :pected to reinforce - ^, in com- his expec- alized. Chippewa, 1 the way ty arrived ly^ applied ngthening ire against tuld gain a labors, he - . .ji-ii;ii*(.,^^--irt--t Military Life^lS12-1815. dl hastened to pay a fitting tribute to the 2d brigade for their gallantry at Lundy's I«ane. In his bri- gade orders issued at Fort Erie on the next day he commended especially the gallantry of Colonel Nicholas and Major Brook, and of Colonel Miller he said "To Col. Miller of the 21st regiment, he re* turned more than hi« thanks. He deserved the gratitude and approbation of the nation; never was an enterprise more heroically executed; never was the valor of a veteran more proudly displayed. The brigadier general was satisfied with the con- duct of his staff, Lieutenant McDonald of the 19th and Lieutenant Clark of the llth. The officers of the brigade have to mourn the lose of Major Mc- Parland of the 23d and Lieutenant Bigelow of the 21st regiment." The enemy did not arrive before the fort un- til the 3d of Aiigust, by which time, owing to the unceasing efforts of General Ripley, it had been made secure against an immediate assault, and presented such a formidable front as to induce the enemy to resort to a regular investment Both sides henceforth applied themselves vigor- ously for assault and defence. Soon after the siege commenced. General Gaines, Ripley's senior, arrived and assumed the command being sum- moned by Brown for this purpose, while his dis- pleasure towards Ripley was at fever heat on the day after the battle of Lundy's Lane. Gaines was satisfied with the arrangments for defence and made no alterations in them. The American force at this time was composed of the first and second it! • r r^ 'Vi ^< <7i^ Life of J^/eazer ilJieelocIc Riplej^. I)rigade8, and Porter's volunteers, greatlj'' reduced in numbers by the battle of the 25th, and an addi- tional small force of New York and Pennsylvania volunteers, the whole combined estimated by Gen- eral Drummond not to exceed fifteen hundred men fit for duty, and which he believed was inadequate to prevent his carrying the fort by storm. This he determined to do. and witli this object, on the morning of the fifteenth, three columns of nearly four thousand men, with steel as their watchword and relying upon the bayonet, advanced to the as- sault. . ; , • ; i : .- General Ripley, 'whose; watchfulness was un- ceasing; on the fourteeiith, '^bbvit niidnight, dis- covered indicatioiis'of 'an as-sault,' had hife brigade instantly formed and dispatched his"* aid, then Meutenant Kirb3'( to, commuticat^ his impres- sions to General Gaines. These I were Bo6n verifi-* ed by the firing of the picket guard, which re-* treated to the works under the clommand of Lieu-i tenant Belknap, who more anxious ior his men; than himself, was wounded as he was the last in entering through the entry . port, : The English columns rushed to the assault with desperate fury. On the left, where Towson's battery and; Ripley's brigade were stationed, the latter in a line from the battery to the lake, the advancing column was received with such a destructive fire, from the batterj*^ and the second brigade as to recoil in con- fusion. Repeated attempts upon this part of the intrenchments were, equally unfortunate and dis- astrous. • ' . ■ ' I V ' /. > r ■ jt w T reduced ail addi- ipylvania by Gen- red men idequate m. This :t, on the of nearly atchword to the as- )• :i. .':,.^:-:.>' I was 11 n- ight, dis- fe brigade aid, then irtipres- i&u verifi-» vhieb re-f I of Lieu-" his men ae last in English rate fury, ! Ripley '3 line from lumn was from the )il in con- irt of the and dis' Military Li/e^l812-lS15. 63 Upon the rijjht and the center, the attack waa not so eaaih' repelled, notwithstanding the gal- lantrj'^ of Porier and his brave associates. After several attempts, a lodgment was made in the bastion, and the enemy fought with desperation to retain it, but were finally defeated in this, and toward dawn fled in disorder, leaving the com- manders of two of the columns dead, with a fur- ther loss of 222 dv»ad, 174 wounded and 186 prison- ers besides a great many killed and wounded who had fallen in the lake. Their whole loss was esti- mated at 962 and that of the Americans at 84. As giving the incidents Of the battle more in detail, we (extract the foUdwiug from an American historian:*^ --■^■'''" •- --- ■'-^■^•'-■v.-^;"- ■>•' :: "Gsneral Gains's position on the margin of the lake, where the river Niagara empties into it, a horizontal plain a few feet above the water, was strengthened by breastworks in front, entrench- ments an'd batteries. The small unfinished Fort Erie was defended by Captain William g, support- ed by Major Trimble's infantry'; the front batteries by Captains Biddle and Fanning, the left by a re- doubt of which Captain Towson had charge, all the artillery commanded by Major Hindman. Lieutenant Colonel Aspinwall was at the head of the 9tli, 11th and 22d regiments of infantry, from a few weeks of admirable service became the vet- eran brigade of Srott. General Ripley command- ed his own brigade, the 21st and 23d regiments. *Ingersol. ' ' - ■*' - - :'M\ A ■■^ 'SSSSi *WIIW»K-,^4i««'«l9»W»a»!^>' "kP-^ (f4 Life of Eleazer IVheelock RipTe-j^. General Porter, with the New York and Pennsyl- vania volunteers, occupied the center. Colonel Fischer, of De Watterville's regiment, led one of the British colunuis; Colonel Drummond a second. Lieutenant Colonel Scott the third. The first point assaulted w^as defended by Major Wood, of the engineers, volunteering to head the 21 st regi- ment of infantry, and by Captain Towson. Wad- ing breast deep through the water, the British column advanced in the dark within ten feet of the American line again and again, but was con- stantly repulsed. The left, attacked by Scott, wa» defended by Major McRae, with the 9th regiment under Captain Foster, and New York and Penn- sylvania volunteers, under Captains Boughton and. Harding; Colonel Drummond, with his column and the seamen under Captain Dobbs, assaulted the center with a daring courage, of which human- ity was no part. With scaling ladders he led his Sanguinary followers up the parapet of the old Fort, but was driven back with great carnage. Again twice mounting after being thrice repelled, they moved around by the ditch in total darkness, and once mounting with scaling ladders, overpow- ered and killed with pikes and bayonets Williams and McDonough with several men, severely wounding Lieutenant Watmough and carried the bastion, of which for more than an hour they held possession, defeating reiterated efforts of our peo- 'ple to dislodge them. There it was that Mc- Donough, overcome, entreating quarter in vain, and desperately defending his life with a hand- :iii<^"^'y r- Pennsyl- Colonel ;d one of a second, 'he first W^ood, of Ist regi- 1. Wad- i British n feet of was con- cott, wa» regiment id Penn- hton and column assaulted 1 human- led his the old carnage, repelled, larkness, )verpow- Williams severely rried the hey held our peo~ that Mc- in vain, a hand- MUitarjr Life— 1812-1815. 65 spike, was murdered by Drummond, who himself was shot in the breast, by a soldier and put to death, with no quarter, expiring on his lips, as he fell. Repulsed on the left, master of the fort in the centre, and strenuously contending for foothold on the right, the enemy for a long time maintained the battle fiercely raging. General Gaines, while striving to regain the bastion, order- ed reinforcements also to the right, which were promptly sent by General Ripley and Porter, both of whom were constantly active and sagacious to face every danger and supply every want. The victory was in no small measure ascribable to the infantry covering the artillery and protecting them at their guns. While Major Hindman and Trim- ble, Captains Foster and Byrdsall, repeatedly failed by many devices of dauntless courage to re- cover the bastion, of which the enemy kept pos- session for more than an hour, and the conflict on the right was still undetermined, an accident fixed the fate of the right, as, and nearly where a similar occurrence brought it on. Some cartridges depos- ited in a stone building, occupied by the Amer- icans, near the bastion, held by the British, explod- ed with terrible uproar which struck the latter with panic. In vain their surviving officers assur- ed their mentthat it was an accident, not a mine, and endeavored to rally them to renewed contest. Captain Biddle at that crisis, b> General Gaine's direction, wounded as the Captain was, by a shell contusion, enfilated with his piece the exterior plain and glacis, while Captain Fanning from his Hpjl; ■■■' ... • •}>■''• * ' i '''■' , .■ m: it m Life of Elenzer W^heelock Riploy. 'M^- batter}' dealt execution upon the enemy who all tied towards dawn in complete disorder and dis- may. • • •"■■ ■* ■' ■ • • " Foiled in this first attack on Towson's battery, supported by the 21st infantry, again repulsed by Ripley and Wood, attempting to turn the western batteries, and though for a while in , possession of an exterior central bastion, at length driven from every point, in panic and confusion, with a loss of a fourth of their force. The enemy by this defeat suffered a lesson of lasting impres- sion which was not disguised in the official dis- patches of Colonel Fisher, General Drun iid and General Prevost." In his official report of the assault, General Gaines says: " To brigadier General Ripley much credit is due for the judicious disposition of the left wing, previous to the action and for the steady disciplined courage manifested by him and his immediate command, and for the promptitude with which he complied with my orders for rein- forcements during the action." ^ , ; • • On the 17th, General Ripley made a report to his superior officer, in which he highly conipli- mented those under his immediate command and from which we make the following extract. "Brigadier General Gaines. Sir: — I take the liberty of reporting to 3''ou2the course of operations on the left flank of the camp during the action of the 15th ins. "'•!■■• Militiirv Life—I 8 12-18 15. . .*. 67 who all and dis- *owson*8 y, again 5 to turn while in it length infusion, e enemy iiTipres- icial dis- )nd and General ey much 3n of the for the r him and mptitude for rein- report to r compli- nand and ct. to you^the the camp "From indications satisfactory to me, I was persuaded very early of the enemy's design of attacking us in our position. Before any alann }. ! caused my brigade to occupy their alarm post. On the first fire of the picket, Captain Towson opened his artillery upon tliera from Fort Williams, in a style which does him infinite credit ; it was contin- ued with very great cflfect upon the enemy, during the whole action. .; -.^ . ' J - . „ ; ; . "The enemy advanced with fixed bayonets, and attempted to enter our works between the fort and water. They brought ladders for the purpose of scaling, and in order to prevent their troops from resorting to any other course, excepting the bayonet, had caused all their flints to be taken from their muskets. The column that approached in this direction consisted of, and amounted to at least 1500 men and according to the representations of the prisoners they were 2000 strong. The com- panies pDsted at the points of the works which they attempted to 'jscalade, were Captain Ross's Captain Marston's.Lieutenent Bowman's and Lieu- tenent Larned's of the 21st regiment, not exceed- ing 250 men under the command of Major Wood of the engineer corps. On the enemy's approach, they opened their musketrj'^ upon them in a man- ner the most poweriul; Fort Williams and this little band emitted one broad uninterrupted sheet of light — the enemy were repulsed. They rallied, came on a second time to the chaige, trd a party waded round our iine by the lake, and csme in :i n m;- 1 5tilf ■Sill? §4: ns Life of WcaXer Wheelock Riploy. on the flank: but a reserve of two companies posted in the commencement of the action to sup- port this point, marched up and fired upon the party — they were all killed or taken. Five times did the enemy advance to the charge; five times were their columns beaten back in the utmost confusion by a force, one sixth of their number; till at length, finding the contest unavailing, they retired. At this point we made 147 prisoners. "During the contest in this quarter, the lines of the whole left wing were perfectly lined, in addition to the reserved; and I found myself able to detach three companies of the 23d regiment from the left, to reinforce the troops at Fort Erie, viz. Capt. Wattler's, Lieut. Cantines and Lieut. Brown's companies, and one of the 17th under Chum/ They were in the fort during the time of the explosion and their conduct is highly spoken of by their commander, Major Brooks, their com- manding officer." Thus signally and disastrously foiled in the attempt to carr}'^ the American intrenchments by storm, the enemy again directed their efforts to investment and cannonade in the hopes of com- pelling their abandonment, while the intervening space between the opposing forces was the scene of frequent skirmishes. On the 2d of September, General Brown re- sumed the command, and while the enemy prose- cuted the investment with unabated ardor. Brown was equally intent upon preventing the capture of tnpanies ti to aup- ipon the ve times ve times i utmost number; ing, they jners. the lines lined, in -self able regiment ort Erie, id Lieut, th under 2 time of y spoken leir corn- ed in the ments by efforts to i of com- tervening the scene Jrown re- ny prose- or. Brown capture of Militarv Life— 1812-1815. fiD the Fort. With the inferior force under his com- mand, his mind was filled with anxiety, and while determined to hold out to the last, and if p<«8iblc, triumph over the enemy, he still looked abroad for help. On the 10th he wrote to General Izard, then in command of a large force on it» way to Sacketts Harbor, imploring aid. With a total force not exceeding two thousand tticn opposed to four thousand on the part of the enemy, he said: "I will not conceal from you that the fate of this army is very doubtful, unless speedy relief is af- forded." Izard's tardy advance caused Brown to loose all hope of timely aid from him, and to feel the necessity of relying solely upon the courage and zeal of his own small force. With an army too small to encounter the enemy in a pitched bat- tle in an open field, it was apparent that unless Canada should be promptly evacuated, which would imply that the object of the campaign was a failure, the road to safety lay in tlie surprise and destruction of the works before they could be protected by an adequate force. Ascertaining the manner in which the enemy prosecuted tlie con- struction of their works and the location of their troops. Brown determined upon a sortie which he believed would prove eminently successful. The result answered his most sanguine ex- pectations. The British army was encamped about two miles from their works, which were carried on by parties detailed for that purpose under the protection of a brigade of infantry. To resist this force and demolish the works, consist- ■■ v> m^m fh'"'- m IIIBI H -T l1^il TT .Mll»iilll * l| J i, I ■ — tHi-Hw jryi« ill r<7 .C//e o/ Eleazar Wlieelock Ripley, ^ t r if ' fi' I 1 ing of two batteries and the third already far ad- vanced, was the impoitant object in \iew. Alert- ness, preparation and courage on the part of the ei.emy, such as was exhibited by their foes in the previous attempt to storm and capture the Amer- ican works, would probably have brought the movement to a disastrous end. About mid-day, on the 17th of the month, the American troops ptarted upon the x^erilous enterprise. General Porter was ordered tomake a detour with his vol- aiteers "on the right, and throw themselves on the front and rear of the entrenchments, the first brigade under General Miller was ordered to ad- vance between the two forts and to divide and at- tack each of them in tlan. while General Ripley was placed in command of the reserve to be ready for any emergency." The duties assigned to the different corps were performed with alacrity and courage, the 'Ob- ject of the sortie was completely attained, but while occupied in sustaining those engaged in the demoliticti of the hostile batteries, Ger eral Rip- ley was struck by a musket siiot which passed through his neck ajd he fell senseless to the ground. An ofBcer who was by liIs side at the time he fell, in a letter to a friend in Pittsfield, Massachusetts, says: "That all the troops partici- pated in the action and that towards the close of it as ihe General was at the head of the 2;M regi- ment, tlien closely engaged at the distance of twentj yards from the en(-Jiy he received a mus- ket shot which penetrated his neck between the I If '» ley, dy far ad- w. Alert- ►art of the Foes in the the Amer- ou^ht the it mid-day, ;an troops General ith his vol- iselves on 8, the first ?red to ad- ide and at- :ral Ripley to be ready rent corps ige, the ob- tained, but Liged in the ;it eral Rip- ich passed ess to the side at the , Pittsfield, ops partici- ;he close of i 23d regi- listmice of ved a inus- )etvveen the Miliiarv Lite— 1812-1815. n throat and spine, entering in front of the right artery and passing out behind the left artery. His aid carried him from the field of battle, insensible through the flo\Nr of blood."* From the effects of this wound he tiever recovered, his neck remain- ing stiff until the day of his death. Of the duty to be performed by the assailing columns and of the result says Ingersol, "There were three British batteries in charge, at the moment, of the King's and De Watervillc's regi' ments, then on duty. Announced by tremendous fire from the fort, the rain falling in torrents, so as to render impossible the free use of fire arms, Porter led his column close up to the enemy's en- trenchments, turned their right without being perceived by their pickets, and soon carried by storm, battery number 3, together with a strong blockhouse. Thence instantly moving on battery number 2, he there met a stouter resistance. Col- onel Gibson was killed there, but after an obstinate combat, our people gv^t possession of the second batter>^ The intrepid Miller, for whom batteries had no terrors, then by IBrown's direction seized the moment to pierce the enemy's entrenchments between the two captured batteries, attacking the third battery. Davis and Wood fell, but again the enem)'^ was overcome, and abandoned his last battery. In half an hour after the first shot the three batteries and two blockhouses were taken, the magazine blown up, all the guns rendered us- ♦NHesReg., Nov. 5, 1814. i •si ! . if! '.■,tL ■t^tt'i' ^->i^''''^S**P^***'^'*'^^'i"'-''*'' '■■■v^il^^*^-'-^- J ^'»v^^ i 'K'jc*^*'- ^ iy ' ^ .*^w S JjS.l -Sfe>\'!. ■i'' JMgwii nH — nnnw iiiim ! ! VlcJ (.., M' - li:f «1 f f r', i. ;.;"5^ 7^ Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley, less and every object of the sortie accomplished, with considerable loss, indeed, but beyond Gen- eral Brown's most sanguine expectations. Gen. Ripley was then ordered up to superintend the difficult ojxi ration which General Miller had begun, of w ithdrawing the troops from their conquest and leading them back to Fort Erie, an operation which Gen. Brown with his staff , personally super- intended. In the performance of that duty Rii)ley, while speaking with Colonel Upham received a severe wound in the neck, from which he never recovered, though he survived many years, and served at one time in Congress from Louisiana." The v/hole British loss in killed, wounded, pris- oners, and missing, was placed by Brown at one thousand men. As soon as the firing was heard, General Drurnrnond had hastened to the scene of action and directed also his energies to the raKying of his retreating and discomfited troops and re- gaining the captured entrenchments, while Brown, with his design fully accomplished, was equally intent upon withdrawing his own troops to the pro- tection of his defences. This he success^vdy per- formed, but found that the operations of the day had resulted in a loss to the Americans of five hundred and elevexi killed, wounded and missing. This days work destroyed the hopes of the enenxy, and General Drummond immediately abandoned his position and sought safety beyond the Chippewa, where he fortified himself against attack. Before attempting to follow with his infer- ior force.Brown waited anxiously for the arrival of mm vr- Military Life^l812~1815. 73 iiplished, >nd Geti- 8. Gen. itend the ad begun, juest and r>peration [ly super- y Rii)ieY, eceived a he never iars, and Hiisiana." ded, pris- «vn at one as heard, scene of e rar^ying i and re- le Brown, B equally o the pro- ■*uly per- f the day 18 of five missing. es of the nediately y beyond If against hm infer- arrival of Izard 80 that a forward movement could be made with their combined armies. Inclement weather, bad roads and an aversion, it was said, on the part of Izard to co-operate with Brown, had, however, made the advance of Izard's army slow and un- reliable. Armstrong, having left the war depart- ment, was succeeded by Monroe, who issued an, order on the 27th of September to Izard, directing him to assume command of his and Brown's unit- ed forces, urging him to action and asvsu ring him of the confidence of the government in his gallant- ry and ability. On the 5th of October, Brown and I*orter had an interview with Izard at Lewistown, both eager for co-operation in Canada. On the 8th Izard made an abortive attempt to cross the Niagara and land his division in the face of the British batteries at Chippewa, but on the .10th and 11th landed near Fort Erie. The combined divisions amounted to six thousand men, while the force of the enemy was estimated at three thousand with the advantages of a fortified position. On the 14th of October, Izard appeared before the British intrench ments, but while willing to receive an attack would not venture to assail the British, position, and amid the chagrin and indignation of Ilia army and of his countrymen, he broke up his encampment on the 21st, prepared to go into win ter quarters, withdrew his army from Canada, and on the 5th of November, Fort Brie, the last vestige of American prowess on Canadian soil, was blown up by Major Totten of the engineer corps. After protracted and severe suffering. General ii ( I • ,';^^jiA««!!^(tW«wiifJiJ(\«fc/i.WS«»HtfB>-^^^^^ E;^!&<^^l ' -j-K^.if-w .»i« ... kk f '' w'}'^?i-t 74 Life of Bleazer Wheelock Ripley. Ripley so far recovered as to be able to travel,and started for Albany, where he arrived in January, 1815. 7Jurin^^ his long prostration, he received the constrmt and unremitted attention of his wife to whom he was married in 1811, and who was the daughter of the Reverend Thomas Allen, of Pitts- field, Massachusetts, a distinguished Revolutionary patriot. In an article in a Philadelphia Magazine,* in 1815, in reference to General Ripley, the writer paid her this tribute. "During this period of pain and danger, there was by his side, one who had previously shared his labors and privations, and n jw like a ministering angel assuaged his suffering. To this benign influence he may be considered indebted, not only for solace, but for the contin- uance of life!" 1 he announcement of peace, which soon followed, rendered his presence unnecessary upon the frontier, and as soon as returning health permitted, he demanded and put in motion a Court of Inquiry as to his military conduct, which had been missrepresented and traduced. Unfortunately, parties sometimes exist in armies as well as in the domain of politics, and Ripley undoubtedly felt that there was not only the mutual rivalry of brigades, with one of which he was so prominently and closely associated, but that he had also to defend himself from the enmity and attacks of his superior officer, and of others, who, from whatever cause, under the shelter of Brown's name and encouragement, had waged an ♦Port Folio. i,.j&' i^iW^-JlSSTK' • ■ ■ • ravel, and January, eived the s wife to was the of Pitts- lutionary agazine,* tie writer id of pain who had tions, and suffering, ansidered le contin- ice, which necessary ng health motion a ict, which exist in litics, and »tonly the which he iated, but he enmity of others, shelter of waged an Military Life— 1812-1815. T0 imjust and calumnious Warfare upon his reputation. He had disapproved of Brown's move rrjint into Canada, when it was made; he had not, for per- sonal glory and from undervaluation of the bravery, strength and skill of the enemy, proposed on the 2-kh and the morning of the 25th, as Scott had, to march with a single brigade to Burlington Heights, a project which was soon proved by events to be wholly impracticable; when ordered by Brown, on the morning after the battle of Lundy's. Lane to return to the battle field, he had dared by his persistency, to save the army in the face of Brown's exasperation and displeasure. On the other hand conscious that whenever advising, he frankly had done so upon his personal responsibili- ty and to the best of his ability, and that whenever acting he had performed his whole duty, he felt keenly the attacks that were made upon him. He shrank not from.but courted a public, a solemn and official investigation of his military conduct. He desired that all the facts should be presented in authentic shape for the impartial judgement of his countrymen, and so as not to be distorted upon the pages of history. Upon these he did not wish to be measured by the standard prepared for him by interested foes or military i-ivals and aspir- ants. As we have already seen only one witness had been partly examined when the Court of Inquiry was unexpectedly dissolved by an order dated the 4th of May, 1815, with ostensible reasons highly V kl * f ■d .!| J'fc .^ *^ mmmm timfmimimii^imil^ 1-i ':il ■'., m In r; ■pi,.;;;-*;?' ■"■ Ill, B-v i>ii h?!.l ii-: ' ■f 1 'Vt 76 Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley. gratifying to his feeling and honorable to his rep- utation. The current of public opinion flowed strongly in his favor. Congress voted him a gold medal, for his gallant conduct at Chippewa, Lun- dy's Lane and Fort Erie, testimonials of esteem on every hand reminded him that his countrymen appreciated his services and at last, even Brown himself, whatever may have been his mental res- ervations and secret animosity, felt constrained to contribute the following letter to his vindication: Washington City, May, 1815. Sir:— My report of the 7th of August, created an impression in relation to General Ripley which I by no means intended. I did not intend to im- plicate his courage, his talents or his zeal. In this report I stated that 1 had given him orders to m,eet and beat the enemy on the morn- ing of the 26th of July. This order was not given until after the command of the army had devolved entirely upon General Ripley, and I am full} < on vinced that circumstances afterwards oci;)|j leu io satisfy the judgment of Gen. Ripl}' that the onjei' could not be executed. that Justice to myself, as well as the army, require I should make this statement. I am etc., (Signed) Jacob Brow?j. Hon. Alexander A. Dallas, fSKm j^aMrfjr;?, T ■y- his rep- n flowed m a gold wa, Lun- ■ esteem intrymen n Brown ntal res- rained to idication: 1815. ;, created ey which d to im- 1. ;iven him [le morn- not given tlfcvolved nib 'f'" ujjflL'cl to tlife oi y, require B BROWKf. I I"-' Military Life--1812-1815. "77 Upon its face the letter would indicate the gen- erosity and frankness of a noble-hearted 8oMief> anxious to repair an unintended inji:ry to a brave and gallant comrade. The repwration to be satis- factory and complete required a publicity co-ex- tensive with the unintended and undeserved wrong. Yet subsequent disclosures, made many years after both had been consigned to their tombs, throw a shadow upon the sincerity and magnanimity of Brown, and th^t while endeavoring to ingratiate himself with John Q. Adams, just elevated to the presidency, he was engaged in prejudicing the mind of the latter against Ripley. In his diary under date of November, 1825, Adams gives this exposure of Brown's feelings. "Brown, general, with whom I resumed and fin- ished the conversation concerning the postmaster general, Mr. McLean^and H. Lee, of whom I spoke to him as I felt. I had also read through and re- turned to him his manuscript, narrative and docu- ments, relating to the Niagara campaign of 1814. His opinion of Ripley's shrinking from responsi- bility, the influence under which he altered his report to the war department, containing an im- plied charge against Ripley, and gave him a cer- tificate of good conduct under a promise that it should be confidential and never published, the subsequent allusion to it by Ripley in a publica- tion, and the interposition of Mr. Dallas and Mr. Monroe to pacify these differences were, in all their details, new to me. Brown thinks that the If, w 78 Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley. anxiety to retain Ripley as a New England man in the service as major general at the reduction of the army in 1816, was to propitiate a powerful in- fluence of Mr. Monroe's electioneering party for the then ensuing election of P. U, 3. } :#■ tfk d man in iction of erful in- >arty for CHAPTER II. Upon the return of peace, the army was re- duced to a peace establishment and was re-organ- ized. Two Major Generals, Jackson and Brown, and four Major Generals by brevuet, Macomb, Gaines, Scott and Ripley were retained in the ser- vice. Macomb entered the army in 1801 as second lieutenant of dragoons. Gaines entered the ser- vice in 1799 as second lieutenant in the 6th infan- try; Scott followed him in 1808 as captain of light artillery, and Ripley followed him in 1812 as lieu- tenant colonel. The United States was divided into two military divisions, Jackson being assigned to the command of the southern and Brown of the northern, and General Ripley was assigned to duty in the division of the latter, and on the 27th of May, 1815, issued orders upon assuming com- mand of his department, which included New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island. He immediately started upon a tour of inspection and upon his route was greeted by the most gratifying demonstrations of the deep hold that he had secured in the hearts of his old friends and neighbors. He was met and escorted into Portland by a large cavalcade irrespective of party. Bath greeted him with enthusiasm, and when he visited Hanover, his native town, he was received with every mark of respect and personal attachment, and was presented by the citizens ''M ^™^ ^-ri^'•l^^«!«^;^»'4;*f«.■^l;« 80 Life of Eleazer WTieelock Ripley. '^ .; ■. '. til with a sword * as a testimonial of their apprecia- tion of his gallant services in behalf of his coun- try. The surrounding circumstances brought to mind in vivid contrast his departure from them a few years previous, a poor youth to seek his fortunes upon the frontier of Maine, and his then position as a major general in the army of the United States, a distinction won, when only thirty- three years of age, for gallant and meritorious conduct on the field. His headquarters were fixed at Boston, and while here his notice was attracted to a recent publication, which abounded in the grossest mis- representations of the conduct of the American army at the capture of York, (Toronto) in upper Canada. Indignant at such a perversion of facts, which if true, discredited the army and placed them upon a level with a horde of marauding van- dals, he hastened to repel the unjust and malig- nant imputations; and to place the history of the affair in its true colors; he addressed the following letter, intended for publication, to his old com- mander. General Dearborn: Headquartkrs, Boston, Aug. 15, 1815. Sir:-— I take the liberty to state the occur- rences at York, after the capture of that place by the American force on the 27th of April, 1813. You will then e able to determine how much truth there is in the work entitled 'A Continua- lit ..." ! i 'H i% i^S*' ♦Niles' Reg., Vol, ii, p. 62. ^■■1 *«!»5JJ/?1/: ;..,,. pprecia- is coun- :)ught to m them seek his his then ly of the y thirty- ritorious iton, and a recent seat mis- American in upper 1 of facts, d placed iing van- id malig- ry of the following old com- 1815. he occur- place by )ril, 1813. 3w much Continua- ,,*K1HW '^V^7- J'ence KstfihJisJunoiit — lS/5-JS'JO. 81 tion of Goldsmith's History of England," so far as relates to the following article. Previous to the place being carried, an order had been issued by the ever to be lamented and gallant Oeneral Pike, prohibiting every species of plundering or depredation under the penalty of death. After the capitulation, a guard was post- ed in the town, by direction of General Dearborn, to carry this order into the strictest effect. As field officer of the day, during the first night, I had occasion rei)eatedly to visit the guard and al- ways discovered it extremely vigilant and atten- tive. The next morning I had occasion about seven or eight o'clock to visit the town. I met a straggler of the voliuiteers with his knapsack full of plate. I ascertained it belonged to a lady, the daughter of Honorable Judge Powell; it was im- mediately returned to her. I reported the cir- cumstance to General Dearborn, who ordered the man confined, and directed me to order up the 21st regiment under the command of Major Grafton to the town, for the purpose of protecting the inhabitants. The officers were quartered in the town, and the system established was for sen- tinels to be stationed to prevent depredation whenever it was requested. If this regiment did its duty, it will at once be perceived that there could be no plundering; and that it did perform its duty will appear from several circumstances; that the knapsack of every man was searched previous to embarking.and not an article of plund- ered property was found; that the inhabitants oi 'I I I i .1 if " T .11 ?4! i"', n IMAGE EV TEST TARC 1.0 III I.I 1.25 Photograph Sciences Corporatio: 1^ M ,j i l i (| i iH |*^ Hi Mi i .i i i i mi ii p ir i -^iiijsiV I ,^^ a ,^ _f- jir deport- m testified when Cap- •rieoner at wn that he jtected the lan at the L;ers of the ;orge Pro- i his letter, same time retaliation rie two na- kvs that acts jrly appre- ig; ordered had been :n stripped ler (private these facts Dearborn, nages to be [t was done, the build- personally, was absent ti sent the or it. re stores of the depot. «;^V,' y-«s^s«^(j«»w.^'^f^w»)*r-M?«^i^fl*«cr?.'-rj?rrtBSt'. ■r»i«;a.w,-« ^if^w^T^T:" ^■^Kf.*' <^ace Establishment— 1815-1820. 83 Agreeably to the articles of capitulation, these were delivered to us. Major General Dearborn directed a large proportion of them to be deliv- ered to the needy in the city, and particularly to the widows and families of the British and Cana- dian soldiers who had been killed in the action. In addition to this, co ij>"^erable quantities were deposited with the clergymen of the place to be distributed in a similar manner. I have seen many British officers, who have always complimented our forces for their liberali- ty of conduct on this occasion, manifested at York, and the inhabitants had applauded it in such for- cible terms, that they had even been accused of disloyalty by the British army. As respects the manner in which York was stated to be evacuated, in the work to which I have alluded, it is perfectly incorrect. The object of striking York at the opening of the campaign, was solely to destroy the frigate building there, and the military and naval depot. The first object was effected in order to ensure our control of Lake Ontario dur- ing the campaign of 1813. The second, with a view to destroy the military depot, from whence the right and central division of the army, under Generals Proctor and Vincent, drew their sup- plies; and the naval depot, to paralyze the effort^ of the British in building ships on Lake Erie. It was settled before the army left Sackett's Harbor, these objects accomplished, the division would sail for Niagara and operate against Fort George. i Ik -1 84 Life of JSleazer Whcelock Ripley. After the reduction of that post, the arm}'^ was to concentrate, by means of the fleet on Lake Onta- rio, and reduce Kingston. I will add that when we abandoned York, no British were, to mj' knowledge, nearer than Fort George on one side, and Kingston on the other. Yours respectfully, E. W. Ripley. Maj. Gkn. Dkarborn. * Maj. Gen. U. S. Army. The conduct ot the American troops at York, as thus described by General Ripley, was in marked contrast with that exhibited about the same time by British troops at San Sebastian, Spain. In a letter from that place, by the Editor of the New York Christian Advocate, published Januar>' I7th, 1889, the editor, after describing the capture of the forts occupied by the French, writes: "Notwithstanding the fact that the people of San Sebastian hailed the arrival of th3 allies, the English soldiers, after the victory, obtained access to the wine and spirit vaults, became drunk, and put the town to fire and sword. They robbed the houses, massacred the inhabitants, fearfullj^ out- raged women, and finally set fire to the dwelling- houses. Women without clothes and old men filled with wounds fled to the mountains, and died of hunger. Every building in the city, ex- cept thirty-eight, of which two were churches used" as hospitals, was burned, and all the records, civil and ecclesiastical, consumed. How far the offi- *Niles' Reg., Vol. 9, p. 160. T!'j\yag^^f^^;fam»^mifi'x0Fm^^m^' rting to the course of the federal party, to his belief that some of its leaders were unfriendly to our system of government, but that the dangerous purposes ascribed to some of the leaders were nev- er adopted, "if they were known," especially in their full ex^^ent, by any large portion of the federal party, but were confined principally to certain leaders, and they mostly to the eastward;" but he adds, "to give effect to free government, and se- cure it from future danger, ought not its decided f /iends, who stood firm in the day of trial, be prin- cipally relied on?" Would not the association of *pm^Kif«f)^^ ley. at can be the selec- :ion, party Now is the lied party anspicuous [ firmness, go far to, which, on cles in the the pleas- etofore po- ; of a great indulge in tlj^ enlisted nt support d not suc- ropriety of tie replied ad>' rting » his belief dly to our dangerous 3 were nev- ally in their :he federal to certain ird;" but he nt, and se- its decided ial, be prin- 30ciation of Peace Establishment— 1815-1820. 87 any of their opponents in the administration itself, wound their feelings, or at least of very many of them, to the injury- of the republican cause?" * * * My impression is, that the administration should rest strongly on the republican party, indulging to the oftier a spirit of moderation, and evincing a disposition to discriminate between its members, and to bring the "whole into the republican fold as quietly as possible." Mr. Monroe sub- sequently concluded to appoint General Jackson himself, but refrained from doing so, upon inform- ation through a friend of the latter that he did not wish to be nominated. Subsequently Mr. Calhoun was nominated and accepted. The correspondence between Jackson and Monroe remained unpublished for seven years, neither anticipating its publication, and when pub- lished it became conspicuous in the polit^':al and turbulent contests of the day, which extended during the subsequent turbulent administration of General Jackson as president, and afforded a memorable illustration that as "times change we change with them." In April, 1817, General Jackson issued an order to his subordinate officers not to obey any order emanating from the war department, unless coming through him as the organ of communica- tion. The president was in a strait between his acting secretary of war on the one hand and Gen- eral Jackson on the other, and did nothing, until finally the question was brought to an issue by 4»^ *SWr;^''!PT^#*?'')t fipffRWflwl* ■■ ' 'ISBTSiA"*"^ ■:s<^-' M: 1 4 sO, I'fef. 3?- hi'ill 5.9 Z///e of Bleazvr Wheelock Riplej'. the refusal of General Kipley, in obedience to this order of General Jackson, refusing to obey an order from the war department. He promptly reported the facts to his superior officer. Jack- son at once assumed the responsibility of the act, and on the 14th of August wrote to the j)resident justifying his own conduct. When Mr. Calhoun came into the war depart- ment, he promptly decided that "on ordinary oc- casions orders from that department would issue only to the commanding generals of divisions, and in cases where the services required a different course, the general-in-chief would be notified of the order and with as little delay as possible." At the same time, he addressed a private letter to Jackson explanatory of the order and his views, which was highly gratifj^ing to Jackson. The in- cidents here referred to indicate the militar}' re- lations and the good feelings that existed between Jackson and Riplej'^ and which were carried by them into private life. In addition to the duties incident to his com- mand, General Ripley was also employed upon extra service in projecting and seeing to the es- tablishment of fortifications and to other work for the better security of the territor}-^ falling within the limits of his military department. . In 1820, tired probably of the inaction incident to a time of peace, he resigned his commission in the army, and resumed the practice of his profes- sion in New Orleans. He soon after became in- >3ftii*^'"' ■■'o|WH[as>kr^#«r. . dience to to obey an promptl}' :er. Jack- of the act. j)re8idcnt ar depart- [linary oc- ould issue Lsions, and I different lotified of able." At ! letter to his views, 1. The in- lilitarj' re- d between ;arried by his com- )yed upon to the es- r work for ng within >n incident mission in liis profes- )ecanie in- ProJ^ssioiml nntl PoliticnJ. ^ '■M^' volved in a protracted and unpleasant controversy with the government, relative to the adjustment of his accounts, and in 1822 the government insti- tuted a suit against him as a defaulter. After the lapse of years, obtaining a decision against the government, the latter, by a writ of error, canied the case before the Supreme Court of the United States, where it was tried in Januar3^ 1833, ex par-^ te on the part of the government. Judge McLean delivered the opinion of the court, and, after lay- ing down the principles which should govern in adjudicating upon the claims of the defendant, re- marked that "the distinguished services rend- ered bj the defendant during the late war are ad- vantageously known to the country; but the claims set up in the case under consideration, must be brought within the established rules on the sub- ject, before they can receive judicial sanction. And, as in the opinion of the court, the district court erred in their instructions to the jury, which were given without qualification, the judgment must be reversed and tne cause remanded for further proceedings." With this decision for a guide, the case again came up for trial in the inferior court in 1835, when the jury return'- d a verdict in his favor for $20,- 596.12. At the session of Congress in 1836 the char- acter of this prosecution was brought to the notice of the Senate by Mr. Hubbard of New Hampshire, who, in an able speech, exposed its injustice, and effected the passage of a bill directing the pay- ' ii ~^\ ■> ■ti^o: ' " '.'»*! *y ',»iTW*'*«»y ^'^yw^vt'^'^'ff'y*''; •.■'^-- '^"■S'.'-i"'""^*" Si' I ■„ ... , J ''.; i'^if.-- «ll!:-- 00 Life of Elemer IVheelock Ripley. mcnt of a part of the amount awarded by the jury. These proceedings dispelled any prejudice remaining againnt his conduct as a public officer^ but could not repair the inroads, which a keen sense of injury and injustice, sustained through so many years, had made upon his health. After returning to the bar, he was soon en- gaged in an extensive practice, but at the same time was deeply interested in developing the great agricultural and commercial resources of his adopted state by a wise and liberal system of internal improvements. With these feelings, he became a member of a Board of Commissioners of Internal Improvements, which was established, consisting of Henry Johnson, governor and ex- officio president of the board, E. W. Ripley, Phil. Thomas, Colonel Olivier, H. Bry and Jacque Vil- lere. A.8 soon as the Board organized, a plan of operation was agreed upon and the duties of each member designated, embracing an examination of the country in which he resided. In 1826 General Ripley and General P, Thomas examined what are called the Florida Parishes, situated between the Mississippi and Pearl Rivers. Governor John- ' son and General Villere examined the parishes composing the then first, second and fourth ju- dicial districts. Governor Johnson and Colonel Oli- vier the parishes of Attakapas and Opilousas, and Mr. Bry examined the north-western parishes. The improvemen tof the Bayou Plaquemine being ^aesi^sai. '■•T^,Vf'^ 3d by the prejudice (lie officer, ch a keen i through th. J soon en- the same oping the sources of system of eelings. he ssioners of stablisbed, or and ex- pley, Phil, acque Vil- l, a plan of lea of each nination of ^26 General lined what jd between ernor John- le parishes fourth ju- Colonel Oli- ilousas, and n parishes, mine being Professional and Political. PI conaidered of very great importance, was exam* ined by the whole Board. In November, 1826, the members met in New Orleans and presented in writing the results of their examination, agreed upon the substance and form of the report, and confided to General Ripley the duty of drawing it up, which he did, accom- panied by some general views calculated to awak- en and stimulate public interest on the subject of internal improvements. This report to tlie legislature, so written, was signed by all the members, except General Villere, who was absent when it was presented to the Board. In enlarge ingupon the subject, the commissioners said: "While, however, the commissioners are sensible of many defects, they have the consolation aris- ing from the reflection that they have made their greatest efforts, however humble may be its claim, to advance the prosperity and welfare of Louisi- ana. "The subject of internal improvements they deem of transcendent importance; not only the present generation will feel its beneficial effects; but it will impart its character to future age and posterity will hail with gratitude that legisl ture which first cotnmenced the mighty work. We hope and trust that it will rapidly progress. With the just pride of citizens of the American Repub- lic, we have seen the gigantic strides of some of our sister states. "New York, possessing about the same area as ? 1 *d\ ■J 'M?;}Ur Mi. ill! Pi ;ii:iP';i ■■I 5>^ X//e o/ Eleazer IVheelock Ripley. Ivonisiana, has the merit of taking the lead, and hai;* thrown civilized Europe in the back ground , by the boldness of her plans and the rapidity of their execution. Next to he^" is the young state of Ohio, which is now excavating a canal of niore^ than three hundred miles along a tract of country, which, thirty years since was inhabited only by savages. Other states have caught the generous enthusiasm, and the most intense emulation has been excited in a cauf e calculated to develop all the local re- sources, and to advance rapidly the prosperity of the individual states. "And will Louisiana pause on a subject so in- teresting to her welfare? Will her citizens re- main in apath)^, when they see the enterprise of New York already extending its system of canals to the very banks of the lakes, and opening cheap water transportation to the shores of the Hudson for immense regions, which heretofore have been considered indissolubly united with the great par- ent of our western rivers? Shall we slumber in .trarquillity, when we behold the spirit of the age, and the enterprise that supporting a^ d supported by our free constitution, is opposed by no obsta- cles and tired by no exertion? An enterprise that has already broken down the Alleghany and is, with rapid progress, bringing the waters of the Ohio and Mississippi to mingle with the Hudson. "Your commissioners fondly anticipate that the enlightened legislature of the state is thorough- ly awakened to the importance of this subject. Supported by public opinion, we have no doubt ilfl^*'^ T ^m lead, and haift ; gTotiiid, by ditj of their tate of Ohio, re? than three ntry, which, by savages, i enthusiasm, en excited in -he local re- prosperity of mbject so in- - citizens re- jnterprise of em of canals >ening cheap the Hudson re have been he great par- e slumber in ■it of the age, d supported by no obsta- iterprise that ly and is.with of the Ohio [udson. iticipate that eisthorough- this subject. Lve no doubt Profess:onal and Political. 93 they will enter with energy upon the career of internal improvement, and impart to every sec- tion of Louisiana, already so advantageously placed, by the bounty of providence, those ame- liorations, which are necessary to advance her high- est prosperity." '^^ Such appeals were not in vain, and in the course of a few years, not only were large amounts ex- pended upon local objects, but the gigantic scheme of connecting New Grl;ians and Nashville by a railroad was conceived and commenced. A worthy and patriotic spirit pervaded the people. New Orleans subscribed liberally to the undertaking, the state advanced its credit for a portion of the work, the coffers of individuals were generously opened to push on the enterprise, when the monied crisis of 1837 burst upon the land, and broken banks, universal distress and prostrated credit, suspended the prosecution of the work. Gradually recovering from the effects of this sudden blow, with confidence restored, her population aug- mented, her agriculture flourishing, her commerce wonderfully increased and expanded, the public mind of Louisiana again reverted to works of inter- nal improvements, and the state can now point to her splendid system of railways and her water commimications as indicating that she has not been idle by the side of her sister states in the march of improvement and the development of her agricultural and commercial interests. In the presidential contest of 1828, between '\J] 'jL^^fWfl &4 Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley. Jackson and Adams, General Ripley warmly sap- ported the former, his personal and political friend, and was the author of the address issued to the people of Louisiana by the democratic state con- vention. After glancing at the early career of the rival candidates and the military conduct of Jack- son in subduing the Creek Indians, the address pays a glowing tribute to his character, and closes with the following allusion to the duty of Louisi- ana: "In the approaching election, Louisiana has a more important part to perform than any of her mster states. It was here that Jackson gathered his brightest laurels. In defense of our city and all its endearing relations, he displayed the . no- blest exertions of heroic virtue. * « * • * While he (Mr. Adams) was favorable to a stipulation in the treaty of Ghent, to give to England for a limited time, the free navi- gation of the Mississippi, and thus afford to En - glish capitalists and subjects, the entire control of our commerce and commercial towns; General Jackson was hastening through trackless deserts to our defence. The glorious renown which we acquired under his auspices, is our dearest inheri- tance; it has made the name of Louisiana respected throughout the world; his fame and that of our fair capital are indissolubly connected to the latest posterity. The annals of every age have associated the battlefields of freedom with the chief by whose skill and valor the bright trophy has been achieved. The names of Jackson and New -M •■"'Sift:, annly sap- tical friend, 4ued to the ; state con- ireer of the ict of Jack- tie address , and closes '- of Louisi- Liisiana has I any of her 1 gathered XT city and 2d the. no- i favorable Ghent, to free navi- ford to En • e control of s; General ess deserts I which we rest inheri- a respected nd that of cted to the y age have [1 with the ight trophy 3n and New I^rofessional and Political. 95 Orleans are destined to remain united through every future generation. Together they will adorn the pages of impartial history; together they will excite *he efforts of the pencil; together they will awaken the inspiration of the bard, And shall posterity say that we have been ungrateful to our great benefactor? No, fellow citizens, such last- ing disgrace will not darken the bright pages of our history. Jackson is the choice of this state — the Louisianians are brave and they admire his valor — they are patriotic, and they respect his ardent love of country — they are generous and en- thusiastic, and they will evince their heart-felt gratitude to the savior of the state." The whole address, pervaded with the spirit of the preceding extract, ^.vas unanimously adopt- ed as was also a resolution presenting the thanks of the convention "to General Ripley, and the committee, for the able and eloquent address which the convention has adopted." Six thousand copies of the address and the proceedings of ihe convention were ordered published, half in French and half in English. The convention consisted of some of the most distinguished citizens of Louisi- ana, conspicuous for many years, in the history of the state, and was presided over by Bernard Marigriy, a name so well known throughout the val- ley of the Mississippi, during the irst half of the century. At this time. New Orleans, through its press and the spirit of its inhabitants, and through com- *5! It i i 1, (j ^4 • ii a- ?^; if 100 Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley. opposition sprang up from some local questions in which the people of the Florida Parishes were deeply intercepted and which threatened to prove serious to the friends of Livingston, unless re- moved. This was happily accomplished through the intervention of General Ripley, upon whose suggestion, Honorable Cade D. Strickland, a mem- ber of the legislature from those parishes, ad- dressed a letter to Livingston, who gave a re- sponse that proved satisfactory. In this he ex- plained not only what course ought to be taken in justice to all parties as to the local matters re- ferred to, but also expressed the opinion that senators should be governed by the instructions of the general assembly of the state which they represent. ". questions ishes were [1 to prove unless re- ed through pon whose nd, a mem- rishes, ad- ^ave a re- :his he ex- be taken in natters re- pinion that nstructions which they ■-r CHAPTER III. in 1832, General Ripley was a andidate for Congress in the second congressional district of Louisiana which lay east of the Mississippi river, but was defeated by a small majority. He was returned, however, at the next election in 1834, as a member of the 24th Congress and was re-elected in 1836, by an overwhelming and most flattering majority. When a candidate, his views >vere fully ex- plained upon the various political questions which at that period agitated the public mind, and which for a long time continued to occupy and divide public opinion. He clearly and emphatically con- demned the doctrine of nullification, was hostile to the incorporation of a national bank as unau- thorized by the constitution, took early and advanced ground in favor of donating the public land to actual settlers, rmd advocated the consti- tutionality of the Tariff of 1828, although favoring its modification, and gave his views upon the question of Internal Improvements. In 1831, when a candidate for the state senate, the substance of the queries propounded to him embraced three distinct subjects: Ist, the revenue laws of the country as embodied in the Tariff of 1828; 2d, the power of Congress to appropriate money for Internal Improvements; 3d, the con- '•^1 ^h ",»"f!&'-,^S|f«5l'*W." JC.f. fO'J Life of f^Ieazcr ll'hcelock Ripley. 't % .* I'jyi- I 1 otitiitional power of CougrcHs to incorporate a national bank. In a ftpeech delivered in April, 18IU, and pub- lished in coiniection with a letter dated October, 1831, he fully and frankly answered these ques- tions. He treated the Tariff in two aspects: 1st, its constitutionality; 2d, its expediency. In the discussion of the first head, he said: "liy the pres- ent constitut'on, the people of the diffdent states have, by a mutual compact, jjarted with a portion of the state sovereignt}' and vested it, without an'}' provision for its recall, in a national government. The states, then, had their general sovereignty limited by the powers delegated to the general government, while the national government, on the contrary, has its jjowers limited by the very enumeration of powers contained in the Constitu- tion of the United wStates, and particularly by the Articles of Amendment. But both sover- eignties, thus limited, derive their powers from the same source, to wit: the people of the sever- al states. They have seen fit, instead of impart- ing them to one government, either of the state or the United States, to divide thein, to commit certain powers with their necessary attributes to the national government, and deprive the states of them, and to retain the residue to the states re- spectively. Thus in fact, rendering neither of these governments the possessor of the whole at- tributes of sovereignty; but only in part. They possessed the power to modify their social com- pact as they pleased. They coi;ld have done away ,-l;„,. yf;fi'^-!--i..<\. , and pub- l October, lese ques- pects: Ist, y. In the Y the pres- tcnt states 1 a portion ithout any (vernuient. overeignty le general ntnent, on Y the very e Constitn- irly by the th sover- )wers from the sever- of impart- if the state to commit tributes to the states le states re- neither of e whole at- part. They social com- e done away ProfcssionnJ and Political. 103 with a national or state government entirely, if they had ^^hought proper. They are the source of all legitimate power, possessing the right to build up the social edifice with what dimensions they please. "The real structure of our form of government, then, appears to me to be this: that the people have determined to divest the states of specific attributes of sovereignt}', vesting them in a nation- al government, and they have gone further, and in certain enumerated cases, have prohibited the exercise of certain enumerated powers to the states respectively. The national government then, derives its existence from the same source which the state governments do — the compact of the people of the states. It is within the limits of its sovereignty as purely popular in its origin as the state government — resting on a similar basis, that of its having been enacted by "We the people of the United States." kiter enlarging upon this point and quoting the Articles of the Constitution, which give Con- gress the exclusive right of laying and collecting taxes, duties, imposts and excises, and to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several states and with the Indian tribes, he says: "When I examine the tariff of 1828, I find it an act to lay duties on certain imports and that the sole provisions relate to duties aud imposts upon articles of merchandise imported into the United States. I am therefore brought irresistably to the conclusion that the act is within the limits of the I cl imfi 1 104 Life of JBIeazer Wheelock Ripley. power delegated to Congress and is therefore con- stitutional." ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ "The other text of the constitution, the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations is equally comprehensive. That power is a sovereign power, which the people of the United States have vested in Congress. Its meaning is, that the whole mode by which our interchange of commodities to be carried on with foreign nations shall be vei^ted in the government of the United States. This power is always car- ried into effect in such a manner as shall most con- duce to the interest of the nation adopting a par- ticular system. In our system, we have resorted to many changes at different epochs of our history, according to our peculiar wants. ♦ • ♦ * After the adoption of the constitution, it becamo evident that unless we imposed high duties upon foreign vessels. Great Britain from her superior skill at that time, from the cheapness of her labor, and from the amount of her capital, would under- bid our ship-owners in our own ports for freight, and thus monopolize the whole carrying trade of the United States. This lead Congress in 1789 to impose tonnage duty on foreign vessels eight times greater than on American ships, and, in ad- dition, to lay ten per cent extra duties on merchan- dize imported in them, in order to protect the industry of our citizens as applied to navigation, and under the auspices of these fostering pro- visions of navigation, naval forces nave grown up until they have arrived at a point where they can 'fv^':': ■•( ley. refore con- ler text of commerce irehensive. the people Congress. which our ed on with overnment ilways car- 1 most con- iting a par- ve resorted our history, • ♦ * , it became Juties upon sr superior Df her labor, ould under- for freight, ing trade of j8 in 1789 to sssels eight ;, and, in ad- on merchan- protect the ) navigation, stering pro- ve grown up ere they can ProfoHsionnl and Political. 105 v^x proudly and gallantly enter the lists with all na- tions, cither in peace or war." As to the expediency of that tariff, he con- cluded as follows: "The advocates of the tariff as well as the nullifiers in my opinion, ought to reflect upon the wound which at this moment is being inflicted upon the relations of the Union. The southern planters feel that the duties on hemp, iron and woolens are high, and that they operate, as an op- pressive tax upon these articles of first necessity to the agricultural interests of the South. Now let the advocates of the tariff consent to its modi- fication. There is no legislation which so rouses the feelings of every American freeman, as an onerous tax. They will qiake any sacrifice if their courtrj' is invaded — they suffer privation in its defense without a murmur. But if a tax be imposed, which they conscientiously be- lieve oppressive, all the indignant feelings of freemen swell in their bosoms. Those feelings are honorable; sometimes they may be misdi- rected; but they are sentiments interwoven with our very existence, and have taught us to resist aggression from whatever quarter it may come. "Let the advocates of the tariff respect these feelings, and do not attempt ungenerously, be- cause in a majority, to force oppressive duties on the whole south, to build up their own manufac- turing interests; let them consent to a moderate reduction of the tariff of 1828, on articles of ne- % '»',■■ ■A ^■1 W-S-. •t ,.>i ••.*.! .'« l^ m Sa ■ ■'.ii»^>>^n^v , mf^mam jvi' y s' -'^v '' 'S» ■;^v"'i>' 14 'IK ,1^' 100 Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley, cessity, and every disoardant feeling- will be al- layed. On the other hand, I do hope that the doctrine of nullification will no longer be heard in the land. It is a doctrine which I view as menacing with the most deadly calamity that Union, under which we have so long prospered, and 'Aiiich in so interwoven with all the proud as- (sociations of American history. Let us exercise our constitutional rights, in petitions to Congress, armed with the force of public opinion, to obtain a modification of the obnoxious duties, but let us abstain from all menaces which are directed at the principles of the National Constitution." Upon the subject of Internal Improvements, he avowed his lielief that Congress 1 .d the power to make military roads, remarking that "it must occur to ever}' candid politician of every party, that the national government, entrusted with the power of peace and war, authorized to raise armies and build forts, has the necessary power of con- structing military roads so as to supply them with arms, food and clothing." He was also inclined to the opinion that Congress "had the power to make post roads, as the constitution expressl}^ granted the power to establish post offices and post roads," that upon consulting dictionaries, he found the word establish to mean to build upon, to found, to create, to make, that to make was the construction placed upon the word b}^ Mr. Lowndes of South Carolina and by Mr. Livingston of Louisi- ana. , . Upon the head of improving navigable rivers. 'pier- • will be al- )pe that the ;r be heard 1 I view as ilamity that J prospered, he proud as- iis exercise to Congress, ion, to obtain es, but let us ? directed at tution." iprovements, .d the power Lhat "it must every party, sted witVi the 3 raise armies ower of con- ply them with [so inclined to (Ower to make essly granted ;es and post iries, he found did upon, to make was the '■ Mr. Lowndes ston of Louisi- k^igable rivers, Professional and Political. 107 he argued that, under the constitution, Congress had the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations and with the different states, and in the exer- cise of this power had established custom houses on navigable waters^ had required all vessels nav- igating them of ten tons burden or upwards, to pay duties for an annual license, and had assumed this jurisdiction over the navigable river courses of the United States ever since the adoption of the constitution. That the question raised as to the power of Congress to levy a tax upon the citi- zens of a state for the privilege of navigating a river within the state would be more difficult to decide, j^et he must be a strong advocate for state rights, who would con.tend that Congress has power over a river, to lay a tax and yet could not appropriate a part of that tax to improve that very river." It appeared to him he said: "that if we on the Mississippi are compelled to pay this tax, that it is equally constitutional for Con- gress to expend it in improving the river, the nav- igation on which it is levied," These, he adds, "are the only cases, where I believe Congress has the power, which are gen- erally termed Internal Improvements, within the limits of a state; and I consider every one as de- ducible from the powers granted in the constitu- tion. The people of the states have given these powers, and the people only have a right to take them away. They hav been consecrated by the usages of every administration, and 1 conscien- -4' ",J Ml 5's^fi?^" rllSl i^ 108 Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley. tiowsly think have been granted by the people of the states to the national government. "The various other projects of cutting canals, making national roads, I believe to be constitu- tional, only so far as they are actually necessary as military roads, or as post roads; or are projects for improving navigable water courses, where government collects a duty on vessels of ten tons and upwards." A.8 to an United States Bank, he said, "Many men of high character and whose opinions are en- titled to weight, differ from myself on the subject, and I know that my sentiments are in direct op- position to a decision of that high tribunal, the Su- preme Court of the United States. . "In 1811, the question of renewal of the old bank of the United States, if I recollect correctly, was discussed in the legislature of a sister state, of which I was then a member. It was introduced in consequence of a resolution offered to instruct the senators and representatives of the state in Congress to vote against the renewal of the old bank, on the ground it was unconstitutional. This resolution I voted for. I thought that the charter of the bank was unconstitutional, not from any hos- tility to the institution, but I was of opinion that Congress had no power to establish a national bank given to them by the people. No such power is enumerated; and it strikes me that it would be a forced construction, to say that it was necessary to carry into effect the enumerated »J: people of Kg canals, ; conetitu- necessary ■e projects es, where )f ten tons id, "Many 3ns are en- he subject, direct op- lal, the Su- of the old : correctly, sister state, introduced to instruct lie state in of the old onal. This the charter jm anyhos- )pinion that a national . No such me that it that it was enumerated pTotessionnl and Political. 109 powers. I have had no reason to change this opin- ion. On the contrary, the fact that Mr. Jefferson mentions that in the original draft of the consti- tution, there was such a power given which was stricken out (in order to render the constitution palatable to Pennsylvania, where there were strong prejudices against banking) convinces me that there does not exist any power in Congress to incorporate a national bank out of the District of Columbia." When a candidate in 1834, he was again ap- proached with a multitude of questions, embrac- ing not only the topics already answered in 1831, but involving the nicest and most metaphysical doctrines growing out of the constitutional rela- tions of the states to the general government. In his reply, he dwelt with apparent pleasure upon the confirmation which his views, advanced in 1831, had subsequently received from the action of the president, by his memorable nullification proclamation, by his veto of the Maysville Road Bill, by the popular condemnation of the re-charter of the United States Bank, and by the re-adjust- ment of the tariff effected under the leadership of Henry Clay, by the Compromise Act of 1832-33. In commenting upon the tariff, he said: "I do not think it policy to force a factory system by any other protection than that which is incident to raising a revenue. To place thousands of our young men and women as laborers in the walls of a factory; to subject them to the caprice of one or If ^ f"^ KgESKIK- :OT'!' «■!* •iiip no Life of Eleazer JVheelock Ripley. two capitalists and dependent on their nod for daily wages, would rear up, in the manufacturing; districts, a dependent race of beings, and nourish a state of society which, like that of England, will form the germ of aristocracy and pauperism. Far better would it be for our free institutions to give away our public lands to rising genera- tions for the mere cost of surveying (perhaps ten cents an acre) in half sections to families, and quarter sections to unmarried men, on condition of settlement, than to rear them up dependent beings within the walls of a ivictory. It we thus dispose of the public lands, they being no longer available fluids to the treasary; the present grad- ual reduction would probably not more than meet the frugal expenditures of the country for many years to come. How much more salutary would such a course be, than a forced system of protection to factories. If the public lands were to be granted to actual settlers in convenient tracts, the whole valley of the Mississippi would, before long, teem with a prosperous and industrious population, owning the lands on which they were settled. A squatter on the i3ublic lands would be unknown, for he would be converted into the proprietor of the soil. His industry would be directed to schools, roav and those social relations which mark the independent freeman. And if the time ever ar- rives when liberty, with all her blessings, should be chased from our cities by venality and corrup- ir nod for lufacturing: xid nourish igland, will )erism. institutions ng g^nera- )erhaps ten milies, and 11 condition dependent It we thus r no longer esent grad- i than meet y for manj^ ich a course to factories, d to actual le valley of eem with a ion, owning A squatter own, for he ietor of the i to schools, h mark the me ever ar- iings, should and corrup- Professional and Political. Ill tion, she would fall back upon her natural protect- ors, the brave and hardy yeomanry of the land, where her altars would be secure." In replying to other questions, his opinions are developed by the following extracts with ref- erence to nullification. "My cTonclusions, therefore, are that there is no constitutional remed}^ against a law passed by Congress, excepting those pointed out and enu- merated above; to wit: instructions, remonstrance, the checks provided in passing the law that should be sanctioned by the House of Representatives — pass the Senate — be approved by the president — expounded by the Supreme Court — and at last be confirmed by a majority of the people of the states; by the ballot box at another election; and finally the right of amendment and impeachment. "But say the advocates of nullification, the majority of the people will become corrupt and oppress the minority. To this I answer, the ma- jority in a single sta^r may become corrupt and oppress the minority in their legislation. They may be corrupt in the very act of nullification. "This argument deduced by the advocates of ntdlification proves too much, if it proves any- thing. It is at war with the very principles of free government. Despots have said that the people would be corrupt and incapable of gov- erning themselves, and that a free government would degenerate into a tyranny. "The advocates of free government, on the C-i \ • Pi- ^ l11 Xv 3# 'k, '"'Ut - :;'.SS«'- ^-...■,- ^':J*f^'^' ■ ■'i"jf" lt2 Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley. other hand, have alleged that the majority of the people were honest, and properly educated in our system of government, they would not wish to oppress their fellow men. "The historj'^ of our country has so far evinced that they are capable and willing to correct all abuses. They have invariably so acted during our brief but glorious career. It does appear to me that it is a poor compliment to the cause for which our fathers shed their blood, that a small minority should denounce the vast majority of the people of the United States as having already be- come corrupt and degenerate. ***** •'It will be perceived in all the views that I have taken of the subject, I have confined myself to the powers and remedies presented by the con- stitution. "There is an extra constitutional power inherent in freemen, and that is never transferred to any government, whether national or state. This is the right to resist oppression whenever the major- ity become corrupt and tyrannical over their fel- low men. This was the right which our fathers had, to declare this country independent of Great Britain. When all modes of redress are unavail- ing, if the majority of the states play the tyrant and violate the constitution; the minority in favor of their unalienable rights— the rights of freemen — can resist tyranny from whatever quarter it may come. As our fathers of the Revolution did, they can spread their banner of liberty to the M#4»«<.iV ^'^M^ '^' ■» ^'i' •k''iW«*A»^. ley. Professional and Political. 113 •ity of the ited in our t wish to ar evinced correct all ed during appear to cause for at a small ority of the ilready be- * « « ;w8 that I led myself by the con- er inherent red to any e. This is the major- r their fel- our fathers nt of Great re unavail- the tyrant ity in favor of freemen quarter it olution did, srty to the breeze, and resolve to conquer or die. This is the right, which nature and nation's God have im* parted to man. But may centuries roll by and numberless ages pass by, before our Union shall in this way perish amidst the corruption and op- pression of a degenerate posterity." ♦ ♦ ♦ "But after the Supreme Court have made their decision, it appears to me there is another power which is superior to it, which is the people of the different states, acting through their legislatures and by declaratory amendments to the constitu- tion, deciding what its construction should be. * * * * * Laws cannot retroact because they are prohibited by the constitution from so doing, but it is in the power of the people through the action of their state legislatures in their elementary sovereignty. I conceive to pass rules of interpre- tation of the constitution which can act upon cases alreadj'" decided by the Supreme Court, provided the majority of the states, required by the consti- tution, concur in the amendment. This power then, with the power reserved of impeachment, would be the power of the people to act as the ultimate arbiter to settle any doubtful constitu- tional question." General Ripley was governed by a broad and comprehensive policy with regard to the disposi- tion of the public lands as indicated by his posi- tion upon the subj 3ct when a candidate for Con- gress in 1834. President Jackson had already, in his fourth annual message in December, 1832, t 1 1 , « 1 'A- 'r* i I ; i i i . ■ ! i i Cf ^(jiu.;,sed to the peace, with ibolition in : questions, Slavery Agitation. 125 so much in accord with southern sentiments, Mr. Adams, was, perhaps, in no placable mood to with-hold hard and exasperating blows from those v/ho had so recently aided in his presidential de- feat, and he at once became the active, determin- ed and untiring ally of the abolition party in main- taining upon the floor of Congress, their doctrine of the right of petition and in arousing the anti- slavery feeling of the North in reference to the future of Texas. Neither was his course at this time at variance with his convictions of early life> as indicated by his diary where, alluding to the Missouri compromise of 1820, he says that the Cabinet of Mr, Monroe, of which he and Mr. Cal- houn were members, was unanimous in the opin- ion that it was constitutional, and adds: "I have favored this Missouri compromise, believing it to be all that could be effected under the present Constitution, and from extreme un- willingness to put the Union at hazzard. But perhaps it would have been a wiser as well as bolder course to have persisted in the restriction upon Missouri till it should have terminated in a convention of the states to amend and revise the Constitution. This would have produced a new Union of thirteen or fourteen States, unpolluted with slavery, with a great and glorious object to effect, namely, that of rallying to their standard the other states by the universal emancipation of their slaves. If the Union is to be dissolved, slavery is precisely the question upon which it ■sm m i Jim ^ m * ;| w)|ii^ .0 V M l i ff y n rMH ii Cl::'.> I2G Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley. ought to break. For the preaent, however, the contest i» laid asleep" His feelings thus indicated, characterized his course to the last and when the annexation of Texas was near cousummation.found expression in an address of thirteen anti-slavery members of Congress, headed by himself, who denounced the measure in the severest and most inflamatory language and as one "so injurious to the interests and abhorrent to the feelings of the people of the free states as in our opinion, not only inevitably to result in a dissolution of the Union but fully to justify it, and we not only assert that the people of the free states ought not to submit to it, but we say with confidence, they would not submit to it." - - ■■ ,. ■■••■,:/-:-F--; In such a champion, so learned, cool, energet- ic and persevering the most ultra anti-slavery man had a tower of strength, which never failed him in time of need. The petitions themselves evinced the earn- estness, the sincerity and the fixed resolution of the petitioners. Some were couched in mild and unobjectionable language as if avoiding to give offence but seeking to do away with what they considered a great national evil, others bristled with harsh epithets, and reflected the bitter and envenomed feelings of those, who, outside of the halls of Congress, from the public rostrum, assail- ed the Constitution as a "covenant with hell". It was contended that, whatever the tone and charac- ^^%;.'. wever, the terized his vexation of preBsion in lembers of Lounced the inflamatory le interests jople of the tievitably to >ut fully to the people lit to it, but )t submit to ool, energet- ■slavery man r failed him 2d the earn- resolution of in mild and iing to give 1 what they lers bristled e bitter and utside of the strum, assail- ith hell". It e and charac- . /vis Slavery Agiiaiion.,. ter of the petitions, the constitution declar- ed that Congress should make no law abridging *'the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the government for a redress of grievances" and that it was the imperative duty of the government to receive the petition, refer them to a committee for investigation and report •for the ftnal action of Congress. On the other side, it was urged that while the petitioners could not be deprived of his legal right to complain of what he conceived a grievance, yet when the character of the complaint was well understood, was calculated to produce great exasperations dan- gerous to the best interests of the country and was obnoxious to the sentiments of a large and overwhelmning majority of the American peo- ple, that their representatives had a perfect and constitutional right to make such disposition of the petition as their self respect and sense of duty to their constituents required. The doctrine maintained by the petitioners, it was urged, open- ed the door for the introduction and conversion of Congress into a theater for the discussion of every conceivable subject, such as slavery, the imitation of revolutionary France in the abolition of the Sabbath, the ostracism of the Bible, the establish- ment of a monarchy or the dissolution of the Union, etc., to the neglect of the real objects for which the government was instituted. As showing the temper of the House, and the antagonistic views of the members, it may not be t:« n 4 .1 !■ . 128 Life of Bleazer Wheelfjck Ripley, out of place to give the following extracts from the remarks of William Blade, one of the ablest mem- bers of the Vermont delegation, and of Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, subsequently Presi- dent of the United States, on the other: Mr. Slade said; "for himself he was in favor of the prayer of the petition. The petitioners first wished the abolition of slavery within the District; so did he. They desired to abolish the slave trade in the District, and so did he. He was not, however, in favor of the immediate and unqualified abolition of slavery within the Dis- trict, because he believed it impracticable; and to seek it, would defeat the very object he: and those who concurred with him desired. He believed there was no right of one man to hold another as property, and that the exercise of such power ought everywhere to cease; but the work should be done gradually. The states of the Union owed obligations to the African race; and it was their duty to prepare them for a state of emancipation and freedom. They were bound to enact laws for this purpose. He was an Anti-mason and an Abo- litionist on this principle, and always should be- He was, however, in favor of an immediate aboli- tion of the slave trade within the District of Co- lumbia. He said the sentiments of the people of the North had not been fairly described by gen- tlemen who had addressed the House. Gen- tlemen were altogether mistak**ti on this sub- ject. It was not a few miserable fanatics, as had deen asserted; and the gentleman from New L8 from the ►lest mera- f Franklin intly Presi- 18 in favor petitioners within the abolish the id he. He ediate and a the Dis- ible; and to t^ and those [e believed another as inch power •k should be Fnion owed t was their nancipation act laws for and an Abo- should be- diate aboli- trict of Co- e people of )ed by gen- ouse. Gen- n this sub- fanatics, as I from New Slavery Agitation. 129 Hampshire (Mr. Pierce) waa equally mistaken in thinking that not one out of five hundred of the people there, were in favor of this object. There was a full and deep feeling among the peo- ple at the North. Public meetings had been re- ferred to. Those meetings, Mr. S. said, applied only to the abolition of slavery generally, and not in this District. As proof of this, he referred to the Boston resolutions. Mr, S. then referred to the clause in the Constitution of the United States, giving Congress the right of exclusive ju- risdiction, and was understood to contend that that clause involved the entire jurisdiction, and as such, the right of Congress to legislate on the sub- ject of slavery here. Had it not been for the de- nunciatory language used by the abolitionsists, of land pirate and kidnapper, applied to the people of the South, he did not know bwt that he should have been an abolitionist himself on the whole question. He believed slavery ap evil, and one that ought to be abolished, and that would eventu- ally be abolished every where." Mr. Pierce, who was absent at the time of Mr. Slade's attack, on a subsequent day in the course of replying to it, and the personal attacks of an abolition paper in New Hampshire, said, . '; "Whether, as has been said, there be incident- ally a conjunction between two parties of this Union, to shake it to its centre, it was net for him to say, but he would express his belief that there was sufficient patriotism and moral firmness in it' • . ^k % 1 ^^J*^i4 «4^' '•■ ' .'■/•^-,-., '■ 1 I 1^ I I ir id ft'. &■ * > rftt * h iSO Life (ff Eleazer Wheelock Ripley. the sutii*^ clime, and patriotism and moral firm- ness enough among the snow capt hills of the north, to put down agitators, if they existed in both sections of the country, and to transmit an unbroken Union to posterity, with all the rights •dnd privileges secured by the constitution and now happily enjoyed under it." • "What were the remarks for which he had been arraigned, not only before the public, but be- fore the Senate of the United vStates, as having been guilty of untruth in his place on that floor? What he said was, that there was no such dispo- sition among the people of his section of country as that indicated by the gentleman (Mr, Slade,) and that not one in a hundred of Mr. P's constitu- ents who did not entertain the most sacred regard for the rights of their southern brethren, and not one in five hundred who would not have those rights protected at any and every hazard. When he made that remark, he did not, of course, intend to include the children who knew not what they did, nor the ladies, who, in their proper sphere, had his highest respect and veneration. He meant to speak of the yeomanry of his country, the legal voters. With this qualification, he was prepared to re-assert all he said before. He would go further. Within the last six months, as every one there must know, the subject of abolition had been much agitated in public, and he had never seen yet the first abolitionist, man, woman or child, within his knowledge, in the district in which he resided." •'•mmmm oral ftrtn- ills of the xiated in anstnit an the rights tition and ich he had (lie, but be- as having I that floor? • >uch dispo- of country- Mr. Slade,) "s constitu- Ljred regard en, and not have those ard. When lurse, intend t what they per sphere, ration. He his country, tion, he was before. He iix months, e subject of public, and ionist, man, dge, in the Slavery Agitation. 131 Mr. Slade and Mr. Pierce, represented in Congress, the radical and the conservative elemsnts of the north, at this period, and while the ons fanned the flames of sectional strife the other attempted to allay and extinguish them. General Ripley was desirous of contributing to the latter result, and having hassarded his life upon the battle field to maintain the rights of his country against an imperious and domineering foreign foe, so also he was now anxious to subdue the storm which threatened our domestic peace and our national Union. '^'^ When the question of disposing of one of the petitions, was under consideration he said "This was a grave and important question. There was no subject of deeper interest in the quarter of the country from whence he came. He had been sent here to oppose every effort of a certain class of citizens, in reference to slavery within this District, or elsewhere. In disposing of the ques- tion before the House, care should be takea rather to allay the public feeling than to add to the exist- ing excitement. The right of petition was a solemn one, and had been guaranteed from the time of Magna Charta to the present moment. Our citizens have a right to petition for a change of their Constitution, and indeed for a change in the form of their Government. Every decorous memorial should be received; but when received, it is in the power of the House to dispose of it as it may deem proper. The motion to reject this petition was an incipient question, and, in his i' 11! 132 Life of Eleazer Wlteelock Ripley. 'A I 5; opinion, should take precedence. He again adverted to the great excitement in the South on this subject, and the importance of allaying that excitment by a decisive course here. If the gen- tlemen from the North were sincere in their friendship for their brethern in the South, and were desirous of breaking down the double wall of partition between these two sections of the country, they could give an earnest on the pres- ent occasion, by voting promptly to reject this petition; and when it shall go forth that we have rejected it by a vast majority, it will have an ef- fect even upon the fanatics themselves, who do not understand the position and feeling of the South on this subject, while it will, at t' same time, allay the existing excitement in th£ tion of the country." At a late day in the session in 1836, Congress decided that all memorials relating to the subject of slavery should be received and laid upon the table without any further consideration. This rule was recommended by a special committee of which Pinckney, of South Carolina was chairman, and which had been appointed in pursuance of a resolution which he had many weeks previously presented and which was adopted by a large major- ity, that memorials for the abolition of slavery in the District should be referred to a select commit- tee with instructions to report that Congress pos- sesses no constitutional authority to interfere with slavery in the states and that in the opinion of the M -. He again ; South on aying that If the gen- e in their South, and ouble wall )n8 of the I the p res- reject this it we have lave an ef- es, who do ling of the t f same hi "tion B, Congress the subject i upon the tion. This )mniittee of 8 chairman, •suance of a previously large major- f slavery in ect commit- ngress pos- terfere with )inion of the SJaverp- Agitation. 133 HouBe, Congress ought not to interfere in any way with slavery in the District of Columbia, be- cause it would be a violation of the public faith, unwise, impolitic and dangerous to the Union. Mr. Adams and six others, a majority of them from the South, voted against that portion of the rule that referred to the states, while seventy-six votes were given against that portion which relat- ed to the impolicy of interfering with the subject in the District of Columbia, The rule that thus provided for the summary disposition of abolition petitions greatly incensed Mr. Adams and became the object v his an* nual and pertinacious attacks Aided by the growing anti-slavery feeling of the North, intensi* lied by the continual and often tumultuous agita* tion of the slavery question in Congress and by the proposed annexation of Texas, he finally sue* ceeded in 1844, in having it stricken from the Rules of the House. Another phase of slavery agitation was pre* sented by the condition of Texas, and when a Bill appropriating money for the defense of the west- ern frontier and to prevent any incursions into the United States in the war then existing be- tween Mexico and Texas, Mr. Adams was prompt to sieze the opportunity to object in advance to the annexation of Texas and to arouse the anti-slavery feeling of the . country and said, among other things, if he had been rightly informed, this was a war of Texas to establish slavery in the repub- '•»aUM\^ia^u^^iAm v-vy ■!--•' '■,, 134 Life of Eleazer Wheelock Ripley. lie of Texas, which had been banished by th6 United Mexican States, that it was a resistance against the abolition of slavery by Mexico, and that Texas was making war to establish that slavery which had been abolished: Now if this was the case and if the acknowledgment of the independence of Texas was to follow by an appli- cation to admit her to become one of the states of this Union, he bagged leave to declare off from that reception. He would be for receiving no such addition ti the United States." Stung by the replies which his remarks had elicited and by the direct charge that he was solely responsible for the treaty negotiated during the administration of Monroe, by which the boundary was so fixed as gave Texas to Mexico, he emphatically declared "that he was the last man of Mr.Monroe's admin- istration who consented to the treaty, and that he was the only member ox that administr. .ion who was for holding on to it." General Ripley followed him, discussing the difficulties growing out of the undefined bounda- ry line settled by the treaty between the United Sta' 38 and Mexico, and "expressing his surprise at what had fallen from the gentleman from Mas- sachusetts when he remembered who was the author of the eloquent and learned defence of General Jackson's taking possession of Pensacola, the principle of which was identical with the ex- igency on our Louisiana border.'V : S-^j^ '; Despite the opposition of Mr, Adams and his mmm 1 aWMP Upley. ihed by the a resistance Mexico, and stablish that Now if this rment of the by an appli- the states of are off from receiving no Btung by the ed and by the sponsible for linistration of J so fixed as :ally declared rnroe's adinin- y, and that he aistr. ion who liscussing the fined bouuda- :n the United g his surprise lan from Mas- who was the id defence of 1 of Pensacola, 1 with the -ex- \danis and his Slavery Agitation. 135 co-ad] ntOTS and after the crushing defeat of the Mexicans, Texas hastened to seek recognition from foreign governments. The British Minister^ Palmerston, assured tlie Texas commissioner^ General Henderson, that if Texas would with* draw the proposition of annexation to the United States, England would recognize her independ* ence. This proposition was immediately with* drawn, but notwithstanding this, the United States recognized the independence of Texas on the 3d of March, 1837, being the last day of Jack* son's administration, France followed the exam- ple on the 25th of September, 1839; Belgium and Holland soon after,and England did the same in a treaty made November 13, 1840. Whatever opin- ion may be entertained of the merits of the con- troversy between Mexico and Texas, one distin- guished American statesman and author, Mr. Blaine, forty years after annexation was consum* mated wrote: "But Texas had passed definitely and finally beyond the control of Mexico, and the practical issue was, whether we should incorpo- rate her in the Union, or leave her to drift in un- certain currents, possibly to form European alli- ances, which we should afterwards be compelled, in self defence, to destroy. An astute statesman of that period summed up the whole case when he declared that it was wiser policy to annex Texas and accept the issue of immediate war with Mex- ico, than to leave Texas in nominal independence, involving us probably in ultimate war with Eng- land. a ■■'•■ 1 ■M'H i; 1 f if Ml /.7<7 Zii'/e o/ Eleazer Wheelock Ripley, "The entire history of subsequent events has vindicated the wisdom, the courage and the statesmansiJp with which the democratic party dealt with this question in 1844." In view of events subsequent to annexation, the student of history, indulging in speculation, has a wide field for conjecture. Had the exclu- sion ix)licy prevailed what would be the present condition of Texas? Would it not constitute a vast slave territory, enriched and strengthened by an immense influx of population after the col- lapse of the confederate government, and bound to Great Britain in the closest social, political and commercial alliance, instead of being the great and noble state it now is, with territorial area of imperial dimensions dedicated to freedom? The frankness with which General Ripley avowed his sentiments during this session evinces his anxiety to preserve fraternal relations be- tween the states and to protect what he conceived the constitutional rights of his constituents, but un- derstanding as he did the temper of both sections, he was not insensible to the gravity of the con- troversy or unmindful of the teachings of history, and came to the conclusion that slavery would become extinct in a hundred years and so exprss- ed himself to a friend in 1837. But 80 rapidly did events bearing upon slav- ery, succeed each other, that its final extinction was effected in one fourth of the predicted time, and now, after the lapse of a quarter of a century, II ■»T I?-. "VS^Ji^)* tPi'*?^' sir?^^^''>'3T;rr^ • *. ''jm*\ -^j-^ ^ ►/pr- events has e and the ratic party- annexation, peculation, the exclu- the present onstitute a rengthened ter the col- and bound olitical and r the great rial area of iom? iral Ripley jion evinces ilations be- e conceived ents, but un- »th sections, of the con- s of history, ivery would i so exprss- l upon slav- 1 extinction iicted time, )f a century, Slavery Agitation. 137 having passed through the asperities of political strife and calamities of civil war, in the quietude of peace, surrounded by the evidence of national prosperity and hopeful of the future, the A.mer- ican citizen may bow before the altar consecrated throughout the land to freedom,and reverently ex- claim "what hath God wrought!" Upon the adjournment of Congress, General Ripley visited his New England friends, return- ing to Washington in time to resume his seat in December, 1836. m\ I i 1 5?**r -„*-A iT^ W**ipM HWllWIll li: v'-', ,.•;., ^ ^ .:■ ,^.--;''-' "'--'',■''■'"'"'■■ i: ■■ ;. . r - ' ■' v,:^--=-^''";jS:J-t^^ A'.Vr ^:i; -J'^';^v^''p;V' CHAPTER IV. ■f;r At the second session of the Twenty-fourth Congress, he was joined in Washington by his brother-in-law, Honorable Judah Dana,of Fryburg, Maine, and grand-son of Israel Putnam, of Revo- lutionary fame. General Ripley in early life had been a student in his office when fitting for the bar; had stood by his side in supporting the dem- ocratic party prior to the war of 1812, and both now appeared in Congress as the friends and sup- porters of General Jackson. Dana, having been appointed United States Senator from Maine in the place of Senator Shepley, resigned, soon after taking his seat, voted for Benton's famous expunging resolution of the vote of censure upon Jackson. In the course of the debate Dana ex- pressed his pleasure in being able to contribute by his vote to this act of justice to the President. X This subject had greatly excited the public mind since its first introduction. Jackson's course with regard to the removal of the United States revenue from the United States Bank in which it had been deposited, had aroused to the highest pitch the fury of the friends of the bank and par- ticularly of the leaders of the whig party. These thought the time opportune for the crushing of their great political antagonist and the party which sustained him. Clay at once with his usual .■~«c»8>S- r^Vfr Twentj'^fonrtb Congress. 139 renty-fourth 5ton by his of Fryburg, m, of Revo- rly life had ting for the ag the detn- 2, and both ids and sup- liaving been m Maine in igned, soon on' 8 famous lensure upon ite Dana ex- o contribute le President. d the public kson's course Jnited States k in which it ) the highest >ank and par- jarty. These le crushing of iid the party with his usual boldness and skill pushed through the Senate on the 28th of March, 1834, 9 resolution condemning in the strongest terms tjie action of the president as a violation of his constitutional obligations and as meriting rebuke and condemnation. The presi- dent immediately strongly protested upon various grounds against this course of the Senate and one of his friends, Senator Benton, promptly gave notice that he would introduce a resolution to ex- punge Clay's resolution of censure from the jour- nal of the Senate and would persist in this effort until it was crowued with success or until his own political life should terminate. The whole country became agitated over the question. State legislatures and the people at large made their feelings known upon the one side or the other at the National Capital and as Clay was defiant, vituperative, eloquent and adroit to defeat the obloquy aimed at his mea- sure, so Benton was resolute, bold, and untiring in redeeming his pledge. At las the succeeded and carried his resolution through the Senate on the 16th day of March, ^837, by a majority of five, and in accordance with it, the Secretary of the Senate at once proceeded to draw broad dark lines around Mr. Clay's condemnatory resolution, and wrote across its face, "Expunged by order oi the Senate, the 16th day of March, 1837." General Jackson was naturally and intensely absorbed in the progress of the contest and gave a "grand dinner" to those Senators who had voted i. /I i ■?■ Mii j j [j i > i »fiir;rn)r ii c ) yM ■'4-:*' '' ' ; * .■/'>. 140 Life of Elekzer Wheelock Ripley. for his exculpation and their wives, but being too much enfeebled by sickness he only met them at the table, placed Benton in the chair and with- drew to his sick room. "That expungation, (said Benton) was the crowning glory of Jackson's civil, as New Orleans had been of his military life." While the President was the object of attack and defense in the Senate at this session, his of- ficial and public acts were subjected to the most bitter, if not malignant assaults in the House. Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, and Bailie Peyton, of Tennessee, were conspicious in the attacks up- on the president. The former seizing upon the President's message as a pretext for unloading his batteries of political warfare, and probably with a view of diminishing the popuicrity of the incoming administration to which Jackson was known to be favorable, on the 12th of December, 1836, in the committee of the whole, submitted a resolution "that a committee should be appointed upon that part of the President's message which related to the condition of the various Executive Departments, the ability and integrity with which they have been conducted, the vigilant and faith- ful discharge of the public business in all of them, and the causes of complaint from any quarter, of the manner in which they have fulfilled the objects of their creation." , ■ . , -. Mr. Wise then proceeded to discuss the policy, conduct and merits of the president, drawing a parallel between him and several of Ei'^ plejr. but being y met them r and with- jation, (said tcson's civil, iry life." :t of attack iion, his of- ;o the most the House, [lie Peyton, attacks up- g upon the r unloading id probably ority of the ackson was f December, submitted a )e appointed 3sage which s Executive y with which nt and faith- . all of them, any quarter, fulfilled the discuss the e president, id several of Twenty-fourth Congress. 141 the Roman Emperors and indulging in severe strictures upon the last Message. His motion was carried by a vote yeas 86, nays 78; the committee was ordered to consist of nine, and the committee rose and reported to the House. An acrimonious discussion arose upon its adoption, but it was ultimately adopted almost unanimously, yeas 165, nays 9. General Ripley was absent, but the resolution was voted for alike by the friends and opponents of the administra- tion: General Ripley was hostile to the resolu- tion, when first presented, contending that it was a covert attempt to blacken the character of Jackson, was unprecedented in the history of the country, and that before an investigation was ordered specific charges should be made to which the attention of the committees should be directed. He said; "Had this been a proposition to in- quire into the condition of the Department of State, of the Treasury, of the Navy and War Department, and the General Post Office with a view to investigate abuses, if they exist, no per- son would be more willing to join in the inquiry than myself. No individual would be more anxious to enforce the responsibilities of subordi- nate officers. "There are none who will go further to ferret out malpractices, and if they really exist, to punish them with the high constitutional power of this House. Had the resolution for inquiry ■tl \M |i ii yj |> jj i i ii M > i l flj # iiT;m t «BiT iiiii »i«yw > r ) \ t ^> j ^^ 142 Life of Eleazer Wheelock Riplev. had these objects solely and honestly in view, I should have been the last to oppose it. But Sir, the President is constitutionally responsible for the whole of the Executive Department; the various radia of its powers concentrate, as well its responsibilities as its honors, upon him; and when I take these circumstances into view, and also consider the spirit in which this debate has been conducted, the position of the President cannot be observed without exciting our share of sympathy, shall we at a moment when his connection with the Aiijerican people is about to terminate for- ever, and all the aspirations of ambition are to be dissolved by age, infirmities and sickness; when the consciousness of his high and devoted ser- vices which we all know he must possess, and the enthusiastic affection of the American people were about to cheer the evening of his life and to gild his expiring lamp, is it right or proper for the representatives of the people whom he suc- cored and saved, to cut off this departing solace, and to embitter his last days, by adopting a resolution, which, if adopted, will sanction an opinion of this House, that corruption and Andrew Jackson have been coupled together! Will they do this without specific charges, without some allegation sustained at least by the endorse- ment of one individual in the House, who will give his name to posterity as the author of the allegation! * ^ :^^^^ W^ ♦ "Party spirit has raged and misrepresented all your Presidents during their term of office,but r ft ^mm H* fev. in view, it. But esponBible ment; the as well its and when and also ;e has been t cannot be sympathy, action with ninate for- n are to be tiess; when ivoted ser- 3sses8, and can people life and to proper for am he suc- departing y adopting sanction an iption and I together! ^es, without tie endorse- ;, who will ithor of the ■epresented 3f ofifice,but Twenty-fourth Congress. 143 they have passed and are passing off the. stage of action, all with the award of official and personal integrity. Some have not been re-elected by the people, but against them no charge of corruption is found embodied in the annals of the country. Nor does any American citizen, at even this lapse of time, impeach their integrity, no one charges them (Jefferson and Madison) with wilful or wanton corruption while administering the affairs of the commonwealth. The only alle- gation made against them, as they quit the scene of their labors, of their glories and their services, were that a destingusished member, formerly of Virginia, accused Mr. Jefferson of retiring with a political falsehood in his mouth; and an equally distinguished member from Massachusetts gave his solitary vote to im- peach Mr. Madison, I have no doubt, sir, aftef the execitement of party was over, both of these gentlemen regretted their allegations. The charges never have, and never will affect the great patriarch of liberty, the author of the Dec- laration of Independence.or his equally illustrious friend, the founder and champion of our constitu- tion. The one unfurled to the world, the princi- ples of popular government, the other more than any man connected liberty with law and se- cured an equality of political rights by securing to society the fruits of labor. * * "The honorable member (Mr. Peyton, of Ten- nessee) has also referred to the Secretery of the ■ti III V:: . \ ii,ifm]»nvi 144 Life of Eleazer IVheelock Ripley. Treasury aa being embraced in the general alle- gation of corrup*'v.n. Sir, the lofty character of Levi Woodbury is too well known to this House and to this Nation, to require any comment from me. Born, reared and educated amidst the granite mountains of lay native state, hia stern and ster- ling virtues had already carried him to the high- est honors of New Hampshire, when in the midst of the panic battle, he was called to the arduous duties of the Treasury of the United States. New England may justly feel proud of the high character which he has reflected back upon his native land. And let me ask, what inducement to corruption can there be on the part of Levi Woodbury? There has been no special charge against him, not a whisper of prejudice that he has done anything to forfeit his exalted character. He is affluent in his personal situation, with every thing to make him happy in domestic life, and above all, principles of the most stern and un- bending integrity are jnterwoven with his nature. The only allegation insinuated against him is, that, in the exercise of his duty imposed by a law passed by this House, he is compelled to transact official business with an agent of the deposite banks. "That agent is no agent of this govern- ment, we have no constitutional power over him."t ■■ *>v -.V , ■: r*,;,y.: * ■ ♦ ♦ "I feel sir, that I should have but unworthily fAt a late period, Mr. Woodbury became a distinguished member of the United States Court, W?i^ plev. ^neral alle- •haracter of this House ment from the granite ti and ster- o the high- n the midst he arduous ted States. Df the high c upon his inducement art of Levi cial charge lice that he \ character. , with every ic life, and ern and un- L his nature, him is, thati i by a law to transact he deposite his govern- power over * » unworthily a distinguished '■>VMi-1 • .V. Twentj'- fourth Congress. ' . I4S discharged my duty as a representative of Louisiana, had I not raised my voice in opposi-' tion to this resolution! Whatever may be the personal or political predilections of my constitu- ents, gratitude to Andrew Jackson for the inesti- mable benefits, he has conferred upon the citizens of our State is an almost pervading sentiment. It is like the vestal flame, guarded with intense care, and faithfully transmitted from one genera- tion to another."* At a subsequent day a select committee was appointed in accordance with Wise's Resolution, but no report was made upon the subject matter referred to it. Wise and Peyton were both members of the committee and in one of its meetings the latter became embroiled in a quarrel with Reuben B. Whitney, a witness, whom the committee considered contumacious; Peyton flew into an ungovernable and discred- itable passion. Wise- espoused his cause, the witness was arrested and brought to the bar of the Honse to answer for his conduct and from the investigation which followed crd ccnsumed much time until the very eve of the adjournment of the 24th congress, it would not have been unnatural for a stranger to infer that Wise and Peyton for their overbearing conduct and pro- fanity towards the witness, were culprits whose conduct was the subject of the investigation. General Ripley soon after the effort he made *Congressioiial Globe App. p 30-31 — 1836-7. ii i ■'££'* P i ih '"xTii iCTiir. nivnm-^t'VKmfmmKaL ,.' 140 Life of Btcnzer Wheelock Ripley. iti vindication of Jackvson was precluded by ill health from further active participation in the proceedings of Congress. Ke-elected in 1830 by an overwhelming majority, he was unable to take his seat in the 25th Congress. Prior to the adjournment of the 24th Congress, in the spring of 1837, he experienced an attack resembling paralysis and at first his life was despaired of. Slowly regaining sulificient strength to travel, Y.-^ '. inimenced his journey homeward, where he arrived m the latter part of May with his health apparenti/ somewhat improved and it was hoped by his many friends that it would be sufficiently restored to enable him to discharge the duties of representative, but these hopes were doomed to disappointment. At times, his mind seemed endowed with unusual vigor while at other moments he ap- peared laboring under a high state of nervoua excitment if not alienation of mind, doubtless aggravated by the effects of the wound received at the sortie of Fort Erie. In an almost helpless condition, his strength and mental powers gradually sinking, he lingered until the second of March, A. D., 1839, when he expired at his plantation in the Parish of East Feliciana. He was removed for inter- ment to the plantation of Judge Boyle in West Feliciana, the family burying ground of his surviving widow, where the last sad rites to the m pley. ided by ill ion in the in 183G by ible to take th Congress, d an attack lis life was ent strength homeward, )f May with roved and it it would be discharge these hopes idowed with lents he ap- of nervous a, doubtless nd received his strength sinking, he ., A. D., 1839, n the Parish d for inter- y\e in West >und of his rites to the '■■ i i ( M,ii|i ii(»ii| ii i iiiw ii>i jii ir in i Slavery Agitation. 147 departed, were paid to his feniains by the Louis- iana Jackson volunteer military company. General Ripley was married twice, his first wife whom he married ip 1811, was the daughter of Reverend Thomas Allen, of Pittsfield, Mas- sachusetts, who was chaplain in the Revolutionary war, and was with General Stark at the battle of Bennington, and died at the Bay of Biloxi in 1820. A son and daughter were the fruits of this marriage and upon the death of their mother were sent to their Uncle, General James W. Ripley, of Fry burg, Maine, to be educatad, where they remained until their father some years subsequently, married Mrs. Smith, of the Parish of West Feliciana, Lcuigiana, when they returned lo the paternal roof. The son Henry, as already narrated, fell in ths cau33 of Texas and the daughter married Thornton Lawson, Esq., who 3t the time of his death was judge of the judicial district in which heresided, and who, previous to going upon the bench, had been an active and influential member of the demo- cratic party in the State. A Tennesseean by birth, he came to the state with letters of introduction from Jackson to whom he was greatly attached. His wife survived him several years, and died in 1872 in the Parish of St. Charles. Her only child, a daughter, died many years previously in New Orleans. Mrs. Lawson was a lady of great intellectual vigor, of fascinating manners and was universally esteemed and V -^'Hrr'rr^ . . ■:*)4?^i^.'!^-^^^^'^^iB^^ki>:>^-^&mi&-J^£i^ig' iiKva^MW-^-iii^'- .. , , . .7.. .. , . .^,. ..- «. t,y m^iri>. «f. rf". ar.a'f.ffws: t48 Life of EleEZer Wheelock Ripley. beloved. The death of those nearest and dearest to her clouded her last days with projtound sorrow and at times "obscured her reav^on to such in extent as to require great watchfulne^s upon the. part of her friends. .?■_'''" ' ", ' ' General Ripley had no children by the second marriage and his surviving widow afterwards married and of whom her daughter writes; "she died October 29th, 1869, at uie age of sixty-three, honored and loved by all that knew her." ,, ./■ ^y.-.'. ■J • ^^S■;r,s■■ , r?^^;v,V;,-:;-.v "■ -• ,^' -'--fM''_,, '\-:''m rV' 5 J a-.' /ViV'3S?=-l->'i-5^i-i iplejr. f id dearest to )und eorrow to such in ss upon the y the second afterwards writes; "she sixty-three, ;r." ■/ v t ■ > r ,;, ,j.,, ,,.,;, V 11* lit Iff fS'i I ^S I '-III i:r;Mr''iiirri'rffiin'iift'i-TiV mitting to he people of the States for ratification, that Const. Uiti on, which, with some subsequent amendment, has proved for a century, the great charter of our political principles and the sup- port of our national existence. During the dis- cussions of its different provisions in the conven- tion and before the people, a great difference of jr^ ', t It * t ft 152 Adoption of the Constitution. opinion was manifested as to its merits and de- fects. It was only after the most strenuous ex- ertions by its friends, including' Washington, Hamilton, Madison, Jay and others of distinguish- ed ability, was its ratification secured against the vigorous opposition of such revolutionary patri- ots as Samuel Adams, George Clinton, and Pat- rick Henry. The latter were filled with appre- hensions that the proposed government, if estab- lished, would, by the assumption of implied pow- ers, become a consolidated government that would override the reserved rightvS of the states and eventuall}'^ prove dangerous to the liberties of the people. s • With the ratification of the Constitution, all eyes turned to Washington as a fit man to be placed at the head of the new government and he was twice elected with gratifying unanimity to the exalted position of President. For eight years he performed his executive duties so wisely and well as to secure to himself the love and admira- tion of his countrymen. At this period the old dynasties of Europe were either crumbling inco ruins or threatened with destruction by the advancing light and in- vigorating influences of republican ideas, and so profound and wide spread was the sympathy in the United states with the cause of freedom among the oppressed and down trodden people of other lands that it threatened to overstep the boundaries of prudence and plunge our govern- n. Jefferson and Hamilton. 153 ;8 and de- nuoua ex- ashington, istinguish- gainst the larj' patri- and Pat- ith appre- t, if estab- plied pow- tnent that the states e liberties itution, all man to be ent and he animity to jight years visely and tid admira- of Europe threatened ht and in- sas, and so 'mpathy in [ freedom len people erstep the Lir govern- ment unwisely into European conflicts. Wash- ington with keen perception saw the danger and averted it with cool judgment and firm hand. The same good judgment and patriotism were exhibited in the management of the complicated and nice questions which resulted from the revo* lutionary war, such as providing for the payment of the Continental and State debts, contracted in sustaining the war, and just remuneration to the suffering soldiers who had so bravely borne its burdens. To these were added questions bearing upon the future effectiveness of the government, such as the question of a national bank. Upon some of these questions, there was harmony of opinion but upon others the widest difference and the fiercest contest, and out of them grew those political organizations, which were known until 1815, as republican or democratic on the one side and federal upon the other. As ajnong the people, so the same division existed in the cabi* net of the president, those two great men, Thomas Jefferson, the philanthropist, and Alex- ander Hamilton, the great financier, representing opposite sides. While the work of creating the new Consti- tution was going on in tliis country and while Hamilton was giving it the support of Ih'h great intellect, Jefferson was representing his country in Prance where his feelings were strongly enlist- ed in the republican cause. By his draft of the Declaration of American Independence in 1776, hie name had become inseparably connected 1 ; -1 . i ,■., ) m^ .:» v^;- ;■■ 154 Jefferson as a Refortner. Wi t with that instrument, while his subsequent efforts to adapt the institutions of his native Viri^nia to republican principles caused him to be recogniz- ed every where as an illustrious statesman. Re- tiring from Congress, he took his seat in the Vir- ginia House of Burgesses, in 1776, and became immediately the master spirit in revolutionizing the domestic and long established institutions of the State. ..s* ^^ < The whole system of entails, which transmit- ted land and slaves from generation to genera- tion without the power of alienation and secure from the claims of creditors was soon swept away by his vigorous action. The same fate soon over- took the law of primogeniture under which the eldest son inherited the land and slaves of his father. Such a far reaching revolution of prop- erty interests encountered strong opposition from the parties directly affected and the bitter hostility which it aroused against him is thus described by his biographer. "That distinguish- ed class, whose existence as a social caste, had been forever destroyed, reviled the destroyer from this time forth with relentless animosity; and even to the second and fourth generations, the descendants of many of these patrician families vindictively cursed the Statesman who had placed them on a level with the rest of their countrymen." He aimed at the establishment of as com- plete religious freedom as now exists in the Jefferson as a Reformer. 153 went efforts Vir^nia to e recogniz- 8inan. Re- in the Vir- nd became )lutionizing titutions of h transmit- to genera- and secure swept away £ soon over- which the aves of his on of prop- opposition d the bitter lim is thus distinguish- 1 caste, had le destroyer 4 animosity; generations, se patrician tesman who rest of their of as com- xists in the United States, but the bill he introduced for this purpose was stubbornly resisted by the establish- ed church and did not become a law to its full extent until 1786. Two important subjects, which were dear to his heart, failed of accomplishment. One was the adoption of an extensive and far reaching school system and the other, a law providing for the abolition of slavery. Of the latter he wrote in 1821; "it was found that ttie public mind would not yet bear the proposition, nor will it bear it even to this day, yet the day is not distant when it must bear and adopt it, or worse will follow. Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate than that these people are to be free." Being a mem- ber of Congress in 1783, he presented the deed of cession made by Virginia of her claim to the North Western territory, and was placed upon a committee to draw up a plan for i'.s government. This plan which contemplated new States in the future has been ascribed to him and con- tained a provision, 'that after the year 18Q0, of the christian era there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the said states, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, etc." This provision, however, was defeated, only six of the North Eastern and Middle States voting for it. It was destined to reappear with- out reference to a future period in the memorable ordinance of 1787 providing for the government 11! r: i ii m 156 JefFersoii and Hamilton. it of the territory north west of the Ohio river, which, in positive terms, excluded slavery from the territory, and remains a perpetual monu- ment of the views and aspirations of the founders of the Republic.;^ 5 ? nv : v- Having been Minister to France, in 1789, Jefferson returned to the United States, and upon the solicitation of Washington, and strongly urged by Madison was induced to accept the position of Secretary of the foreign Department and entered upop the discharge of its duties in March 1790. -\i At this period the financial condition of th ; country absorbed the public mind and was discussed upon different sides with great vehe- mence. Hamilton, as Secretary of the Treasurj^ had brought to the subject his great and mar- velous financiering ability and, under his skill- ful leadership, the foreign debt and the domestic National debt were disposed of in accordance with his recommendations, but his scheme for the assumption of the war debts of the individual States met with fierce opposition, and on the 29th of March was voted down by a small majority. The excitment, already intense, increased, and the assumption of the State debts occupied all minds to the exclusion of other matters. Congress met and adjourned without doing anything. The secretary of the Treasury was over- whelmed with profound anxiety and the crisis called into activity all the resources of his fertile ! - Jefferson and Hamilton, 157 3hio river, jvery from tual monu- ne founders e. in 1789, States, and igton, and induced to the foreign lischarge of lition of th ; 1 and was great vehe- e Treasury, :at and raar- er his skill- he domestic I accordance scheme for le individual i on the 29th all majority, ased, and the ied all minds 'ongress met ng. Y was over- nd the crisis of his fertile miiid to avert the defeat of one of his cherished measures and to secure a few coveted votes. The permanent location of the national Capital was still unsettled and created bitter con- troversy. Hamilton eagerly seized upon this as f* tneans of extricating himself from the difficul- ties with which he was encompassed and adroit- ly made advances to Jefferson to secure his co-op - eration. The latter, recently returned from Europe, and perhaps not fully realizing the cur- rent of public affairs or the character of Hamilton or his designs as afterwards portrayed by himself gave his influence in the desired direction and the assumption of the State debts and the per- manent location of the National Capital upon the banks of the Potomac were soon accomplished. Jefferson, however, was not at ease for the part he performed in the trans^ction, and ere long made the humiliating acknowledgement that he had been duped by Hamilton. They soon became widely estranged and began to look upon each other with profound dislike. This was so strong with Jefferson, that he was unwill- ing to remain in the cabinet but Washington suceeded in retaining him till the close of 1793. At the session of Congress which convened in December 1790, Hamilton submitted his plan of a National Bank and discussed w^ith his custo- mary ability the constitutionality, the utility and expediency of such an institution. A charter of a bank having finally passed Congress, the presi- %1 n I lii.lv -in : i T*" ' ,1- iiiiiaaa iCi^^ii2aCiStX;5-^i£'-:-.; 15S United States Bank. '•'i ;!('• dent, before j^iving it his approval, required of his constitutional advisers their opinions in writ- ing as to its constitutionality. Jefferson and Ran- dolph, the attorney g-eneral, were decidedly of the opinion that Congress, by the passage of the bill, had obviously transcended their constitutional pow- ers, while Hamilton, and Knox, Secretary of War, as decidedly maintained a contrary opinion. Af- ter mature consideration, the president approved the law, but in commenting upon this, Smucker, in his life of Hamilton, says: "His habitual propensity to add rifror to the Union, inclined hi' to the conviction that the Bank was fully auii. irized by the Constitution, and he accordingly gave the sanction of his sig- nature to the act of incorporation. It cannot be doubted, however, that his mind had been long predetermined in favor of the measure; and, that however he might hold his judgment open to a conviction of its illegality, should it be made so to appear to him, yet that his wishes and affec- tions toward it as a favorite measure of his feder- al policy, had closed those avenues to conviction, which can only bias the iinderstandim? when the feelings are neutral and the desires uninfluenced toward a particular conclusion." At the preceding session of Congress, the proposition to assume the paj-^ment of the State debts had been inveighed against as unconstitu- tional and as conferring upon the general govern- ment dangerous and preponderating influence ac- ^^. quired of 8 in writ- and Ran- dly of the f the bill, ional pow- y of War^^ tiion. Af«. approved Smucker, iror to the I that the nstitution, )f his sig- cannot be been long ;; and, that open to a i made eo and affec- his feder- conviction, when the linfluenced igress, the f the State unconstitu- ral govern- ifluence ac- Devvlopment of Parties. 159 companied by a pernicioua diminution of the consequence .ind influence of the State govern- ments. All those who had been opposed to the ratification of the Constitution as tending to l)uild lip a grand consolidated government naturally gravitated to this side of the question. Their numbers were now increased by those who were opposed to enlarging the powers of the govern- ment beyond those actually conferred, by a broad construction and by implication. Jefferson and Madison who had been so conspicuous in secur- ing the ratification of the constitution were among these. The discussions upon the assumption of the State debts, followed by that of the Bank qnes- tion brought into full light the conflicting and in- harmonious views of public men nnd gave rise to those two adverse parties which were for many years known as the federal party upon the one side and republican and democratic upon the other. In the discussion of the bank question, Mr. Jefferson presented in unambiguous language his views of the powers of Congress, but his able and exhaustive argument, while clearly indicating the foundation and views of the republican party, failed to convince the judgment of Washington and presented the antagonistic views of Jefferson and Hamilton in the strongest light, placed each at the head of opposing parties and these, not confining themselves to the field of argument, soon passed into the boundless region of sus- f! *? ••^11 1 ir«:i "1 M 1 Vi ^^^ 4i4*»Ptl?vtr3£SC i M i TI I itn ^» y..M i .l i|t J ^ i-i; ^ »(. .^J. i ' ^^'-*T -*v».^^*tiJ^S?." Iff IfiO IJatniUott. i). picion and abuse. Jefferson and Hamilton were portrayed by their opponents with venomous pens and the leaders themselves lost all respect for each other. • •. ; ■-■. ' - : Jefferson said that he told Washington in 1792, "that though the people were soimd, there were a numerous sect who had monarchy in con- templation; that the Secretary of the Treasury was one of these. That I had heard him say that this Constitution was a shilly-shally thing of mere milk and water, which could not last and was only good as a step to something better. That when we reflected that he had endeavored in the Convention to make an English constitu- tion of it, and when in failing in that we saw all his measures tending to bring it to the same thing, it was natural for us to be jealous; and par- ticularly when we saw that these measures had established corruption in the Legislature where there Wfis a squadron devoted to the nod of the Treasurer, doing whatever he had directed or which he should direct." i :.:"''v-r^:-:/.-Mm-'ftK-ti:-.- While such was the light in which Hamilton appeared to Jefferson, Marshall, their great co- temporary, and of the same political party with Hamlinton, wrote of him: "While one party sin- cerely believes his object to be the preservation of the Constitution of the United States in its purity, the other, with perhaps equal sincerity imputed to him, the insiduous intention of sub- verting it. While his friends were persuaded Iton were venomous ill respect ingtoii in und. there ly in con- Treasury [11 say that thing of t last and ng better, indeavored 1 constitu- (ve saw all the same is; and par- jsures had ;ure where nod of the iirected or I Hamilton r great co- party with a party sin- •reservation bates in its d sincerity tion of sub- persuaded tl^ashingt<,n niiil Hamilton, 101 ill that as a statesman he viewed foreign nations with un equal eye, his enemies could perceive in his conduct only Uoatility to France and friendship to her rival. In the good opinion of the President, to whom he was best known, he had always held a high place; and he carried with him out of office, the same cordial esteem for his character and respect for his talentw, which had induced his appointment. . ^^ , . ;> As embarrassing and disagreeable as the antagonism of his two Secretaries proved to the President, he fully appreciated their good quali- ties, held the scales of justice with even hand be- tween them, and knew what allowance to make for their mutual distrusts. These did not divert him from pursuing the even tenor of his way and doing that which he considered best for the inter- ests of his country. ., . ,, : ,, . Notwithstanding the able and probably to many minds, unanswerable arguments of Jefferson, Washington finally approved of the bank bill, and its constitutionality subsequently coming before the Supreme Court for consideration was sustained by that august tribunal. This decision, however, did not secure the approval of many eminent men, remained for many years a subject of contention and bitter controversy and extensively divided public opinion. The estab- lishment of the bank and the opposition it evoked in Congress strengthened the antagonism of the '■tn s , : I li 'Ill HMIWlllliMiliWiil i.iii sifsiignifrr 162 Jefferson and Hamilton. In Federal and Democratic parties and drew down upon Hamilton as the head of the former, for Buocessive years, the most bitter assaults. He was held up to public execration as a monarchist and as aiming to establish his favorite strong government by insidiously and systematically subverting the safeguards of the constitution. On the other hand, Jefferson did not escape the fiercest vituperation from his political op- ponents. His religious sentiments were bitterly assailed; he was pointed at as the base and servile tool of French revolutionary Jacobins, and nothing politically was too execrable to 1 e im- puted to him by his infuriated enemies. Th^ repellent picture drawn by each party, and its leaders of the other side has been softened by time; what was, in the heat of party excite- ment considered just grounds of condemnation has been disjjelled by the light of subsequent revelations and now both Jefferson and Hamilton receive the plaudits of the American people as statesmen and patriots seeking each according to his own judgement, he welfare of his country. The charge of being a monarchist, however pressed so heavily upon Hamilton, in conse- quence of his course in the Convention of 1787 and the unfavorable remarks, in which he was said to have indulged, with regard to its imper- fections, that on the 16th of {September 1803, in a le^'er addressed to Timothy Pickering, we are supplied by him with the following vindicatioii: I'H. rrr. Hamilton's Self Vindication. 1G3 drew down former, for ssaults. He 1 monarchist orite strong stematicall)'' constitution. i not escape political op- Are re bitterly e and servile icobins, and )ie to I e im- les. y each party, )een softened party excite- ;ondemnation f subsequent nd Hamilton an people as according to 8 country. hist, however )n, in conse- ntion oi 1787 vhich he was to its imper- mber 1803, in :ering, we are vindication: "The highest toned propositions, which I made in the Convention, were for a President, Senate and Judges, during good behavior; a House of Representatives for three years. Though I would have enlarged the legislative power of the general government, yet I never contemplated the abolitior) of the State govern- ments; but on the contra*/, they were in some particulars, constituent parts of my plan. * * "And I may add that in the course of the discussions in the Convention, neither the propo- sitions thrown out for debate, nor even those who voted in the earlier stages of deliberation, were considered as evidence of a definitive opinion in the proposer or voter. It appeared to be in vsort understood that, with a view to free investigation experimental propositions might be made, which were to be received merely as suggestions for consideration. "Accordingl3% it is a fact that my final opinion was against an executive during good behavior, on account of the increased danger to the pub- lic tranquillity, incident to the election of a magistrate of his degree of permanency. In the plan of a Constiution which I drew up while the Cov^nention was sitting, and which I communi- cated to Mr. Madison about the clo.sc of it, per- haps a day or two after, the office of President has no longer duration than three years." While the controversy between the two Secretaries m4 Uie t^if parties was character- C-' ill ;,-"i [|: :f?|S'i tr si. ..MtiBii'itafiWiiiiiiTiifirwftrytrW^ "If,: 10^ Federal Tactics, ■■f' y, "i Pj M III iil ized, by extreme bitterncBfi, important measures ujx)n which parties were organi?,ed and which were advocated by Hamilton, having been approved by Washington the federal party naturally looked upon the la iv^ as identified with themselves and shrewdly, if not unfairly, attempted to untilize his popularity in the re- sponse which was made b}' Congress to one of the presidents annual messages. During the iirettwo administrations, it was customary for the President to open the session of Congress with a speech and for the House to call in a body upon the president and deliver an address. In rep}3'ing upon one of these occap"ons, the Federal party having the majority, the reply was so worded that in the opinion of repulican members, the}'- were placed in the awkward position of voting against the reply or of expressing condemnation of their own political conduct. Among these were Andrew Jackson and Edward Livingston who, rather than stulily themselves, voted irs the negative. The Federalists at once availed them- selves of thio as indicating hostility to Washing- ton and as a means of strengthening themselves with the people. The true history of the affair was some forty years subsequently given by Livingston. Hav- ing just taken his seat in the United States Sen- ate, from Louisiana, he was present at the memo- rable debate between Webster and Haytie, in 1830, in which the former made his masterly vin- dication of New^ England, from the aspersions of -SV;,-. ,*a4^fcfe.».:,'. :iv;i)^j. , "pi* ■■■■'ff*'' .^1 important anized and ivitig been ii-al party identified it unfairly, in the re- ) one of the lie ilret two tor the igress with body upon In repl) ing ieral party 80 worded tibers, they ri of voting ndenmation iiong these Livingston voted in the mailed them- to Washing- themaelves j( some forty stou. Hav- States 8en- : the memo- Hayne, in lasterly vin- isperaions of Webster and. Livingston. W5 the latter, but in the course of which he took oc- casion to say to the amazement of Living:ston: *'We know, or we might know, if we tura to tlie journals, who expre^ssed resi>e<;t, gratitude and regret, when he retired from, the chief magistracy and who refused to exprevss respect, gratitude or regret. I shall not open these journals." The arrow was doubtless aimed at President Jackson, but it hit Livingston as well and he was not dis- |)osed to submit in silence to undeser\'ed censure. Promptly replying, he expressed the opinion that the Senator would have done well to have opened those journals and ascertained tine truth, avowed the veneration he had entertained for Washington from his childhood, aiuJ charged that the federal dominant party had so framed the customary annual reply to the President's mes- sage as would expose the minority, including Jackson and himself, if they voted for it, to the accusation of condemning themselves or of being hostile to the president. To avoid this, he pro- posed to amend the reply by declaring that "while we entertain a grateful ccnvicticn that your wisdom, friendship and patriotii^ni have been signally conducive to the buccoss of the present form of goveTtiment, we cannot fcrfcear to express our deep sentiments of regret with which we contemplate 3^our intended retirtment from office." "Now sir," gaid Livingston^ "ccni- pare this clause, which we were all rc^dy to vote for and did vote for with that which was sup- ported by the majority and «ay which <5f them '4, ^rtif^()flB\«i»iwMeij«ir7l5¥aa^^^-- Mathew I^on, 260 i tliey did ♦ * e explicit are, that ) the Con- he people 3uld obey; ryants and peech was e country, idignation. it to order lepart, the edience of president w the sus- ed place at 1 law made oppose any ited Statea esident by motives of victims of r and piib- iresentative <97 to 1801. r mounths, ler the law lughout the of the lav/ the Union, a martyr to the cause of civil liberty in vast concourse and with indignant feelings accompanied him with a popular o'/ation on his way to prison, from which he was released Feburary 7th 1799, and promptly raised the money with which to pay his fine. In this, however they had been antic- ipated by Lyon himself or some unknown friends. While member of Congress, he continued to dis- play upon a National theater his undying hatred to the law under which he had suffered and of the party which made it. After the party heat and political questions of that period had disappeared, the heirs of Lyon applied to con- gress to have the fine refunded to them. In 1840 the subject was referred in the House of Re- presentatives to the Judiciary Committee, com- posed of some of the ablest lawyers in Congress, if not in the United States, which reported a bill to refund the fine, which passed the House by a vote of 121 to 15 and the Senate without op- position. As showing the character and operation of the law, one of the publictions, for which Lyon suffered, was in this language; "Copy of a letter from an American diplomatic character in France (Joel Barlow) to a member of Congress in Philadelphia." "The misunderstanding between the two governments has become extremely alarming; confidence is completely destroyed, mistrusts, jealousies, and a disposition to a wrong attribu- tion of motives are so apparent as to require the '"m* il •«i:". +■! 170 Sedition Ln ir iM utmost caution in every word and action that are to come from the Executive, I mean if your object i» to avoid hostilities. Had this truth been understood before the recall of Monroe — before the coming or second coming of Pickney; had it guided the pens that wrote the bullying speech of your president and the stupid answer of your Senate at the opening of Congress in November last, I should probably have had no occasion to address you this letter. But when we found him borrowing the language of Edward Burke, and telling the whole world, that although he should succeed in treating with the French, there was no dependence to be placed in any of their engage- ments, that their religion and morality were at an end, and they had turned pirates and jjlunderers, and that it would be necessary .to be perpetually armed against them, though they are at peace, we wonder that the answer of both Houses had not been to send him to the mad house. Instead of this, the Senate have echoed the speech with more servility than ever George the Third experienced from either House of Parliament." - This arraignment of Adam's was probably drawn out by this allusion to France in his first annual message: "The state of society has so long been disturbed, the sense of moral and religious obligations so much weakened, public faith and national honor have been so impaired, respect to treaties has been so diminished, and the law of nations has lost so much of its force, while ^m- 2<« >n that are [in if your truth been •oe — before :kney; had ing speech rer of your November occu?ion to found hiiii Burke, and 1 he should lere was no iir engage- were at an phmderers, perpetually it peace, we ,es had not Instead of peech with the Third liament." 18 probably in his first has so long nd religious c faith and •ed, respect md the law orce, while Sedition Lair, .i)<^i^^::-:.r ^.-'', =^*. pride, ambition, avarice, and violence, have been HO long unrestrained, there remains no reasonable ground on which to raise an expectation that a commerce without protection or defence will not be plundered." The law which made Lyon's publication criminal and subjected him to heavy fine and imprisonment not to exceed two years was well cah^ulated to stir society to its verv^ depths, and having soon expired by limitation, too universal- ly odious to encourage any attempt at re- newal. The committee, that reported the bill to refund the fine, expressed the opinion that the law was unconstitutional and void, and remarked: "No question connected with the liberty of the press ever excited a more universal, and intense interest, ever received so acute, able, long con- tinued and elaborate investigaton, was ever more generally understood, or so conclusively settled by the concurring opinions of all parties, after the heated Dolitical contests of the day had passed away." While the excitment caused by the vSedi- tion law was so bitter at the time of, and follow- ing its enactment, the inflamed heads of its oppo- nents inveiged against it with no cool and mea- sured words and were susceptible of interpreta- tions which the authors themselves, probably did not intend. The speech of Livingston gave utterance to the public indignation as represented by the ■-i -,v I- f ^ ^H i-tf I %j6 I :-:M M 172 Resolutions of 1798-90. leading- democratft of the day, and was succeeded by the memorable Kentucky and \ irginia res- olutions of 1798-4)1). These, ever since their adoption, have been subjects of controversy and adverse interpretation and have been extensivel}' invoked as countenancing nvdlification and soces- sion and have been subjected to severe criticism. They afterwards received exposition from some of those who were foremost in giving them cur- rency. The opinions of Livington were devel- oped in Jackson's celebrated porclamation against South Carolina nullification in 1832, of which, as Secretary of State he drevv up the original draft. Madison, in a letter to Edward Everett, in 1830, says: In the event of a failure of every constitutional resort and an accumulation of usurpations and abuses rendering non-resistance, a greater evil than resistance and revolution, there can remain but one resort, — the last of all — an appeal from the canceled obligations of the Con- stitutional compact to original right and the laws of self preservation. This is the ultima ratio of all governments, whether consolidated, confeder- ated or a compound of both." / - « Mr. Webster, whose opinions were formed by an intellect trained to the work of discussing great political questions, weighing evidence and determining its relevancy and importance in his, debate with Hayne said; "I wish now Sir, to make a remark upon the Virginia resolution of 1798. I cannot undertake to say how these resolutions were succeeded rjjjinia res- ;ince their iversy and extensively and Hcces- 2 criticism, from some ; them cur- icre devel- ion against f which, as inal draft. ,,^ Everett, in e of every nulation of -esistance, a Lition, there t of all — an of the Con- nd the laws nia ratio of 1, confeder- e formed by [ discussing ddence and :ance in his, Sir, to make 1 of 1798. I lutions were 7| I^r^olijfions of 1703-90. 173 understood hy those who passeil Uieiii. Their langu- 5jge is not a little indefinite. In the case of the ex- ercise by Congress of dangerous power not grant- ed to them, the resolutions assert the right on the part of the State, to interfere and arrest the i)ro- gress of the evil. TLis is susceptible of more than one interpretation. It may mean that states may interfere by complaint and remonstrance or by proposing to the people iin alteration of the Federal Constitution. This would all be quite un- objectionable; or it may be, that no more is meant than to assert the general right of revolution as against all governements, in cases of intolerable oppression. This no one doubts, and this, in my opinion, is all that he who framed the resolutions could have meant by it, for I shall not readily be- lieve that he was ever of the opinion that a state under the constitution and in conformity with it, could, upon the ground of its own opinion of its unconstitutionality ,however clear and palpable she might think the case, annul a law of Congress so far as it should operate upon herself, by her own legislative power." The current of popular opinion finally set strongly against Adams. The Alien and Sedition laws had excited a storm of abuse; his negotia- tions with France had caused great dissatisfac- tion in his own party, and the sympathies ascrib- ed to him of favoring English interests against republican France, however groundless, operated greatly to his prejudice and all contributed to Ms ■ m "1 ii f SMIi i/i . il t Ii nfl IMAGE EVA TEST TARGE 1.0 I.I lU Ui us 1 1.25 1 < 6" Photographic Sciences Corporation 'U. pufm^^tHm ^ i }i I I I ii i, !i |a i in,; i Not suceeding in this, the president was severely censured by his opponents for with-holding it from the Senate as it contained, they said, pro- visions favorable to commerce. The republican party however sustained his action as being fully within hits constitutional powers. American commerce and seamen were sub- jected to such outrage in every quarter of the globe as to induce congress to pass a law in Dec. 1807, known as the Embargo Act, which prohibited American vessels from sailing for foreign ports, all foreign vessels from taking out cargoes, and all coasting vessels were required to land their cargoes within the United States. This law passed the House by a vote of 82 to 44 and the Senate 22 to 6. Jefferson said "the effect of the law had been to save our mariners and our vast mercantile property, as well as affording time for prosecut- ing the defensive and provisional measures called for by the occasion." The embargo was denounced by the Federal party and, perhaps, no where more violently than in New England. Jefferson was accused of pro- curing it in the interest of France as it would disastrously affect, the manufacturing industries of Great Britain that, unlimited in duration in- stead of regulating ooiumerce, as authorized by the Constitution it destroyed it, and that if intended as a measure of safety, tiiose who were willing to assume the risks were the best judges of the ',«f6 J7S Embargo. i fl f fei' IP dangers which they incurred. Ships, It was eaid, remained idle and went to decay in their harbors, products of the soil or of mechanical industry accumulated and depreciated in value for the want of a market, evasion of law and a clandestine commerce weakened the tone of public morals, dulled the moi-al susceptibilities of courts and jurors; and politicians, with all the ingenuity and eloquence at their command, drew fanciful pictures of the public distress and drowned the voice of reason and the promptings of patriotism by appeals to excited passions and jjarty interest. Although the extent of the disaffection in New England may have been exaggerated, and especially in Massachusetts where it doubtlef?s attained the greatest propor- tions, it was sufficiently great to excite apprehen- sion in the bosoms of Jefferson and his political friends and they were induced to modify it by a non-intercourse law which removed the Embargo from Ihe whole world but the two belligerents, and from them upon certaiii conditions. The elder Adams approved of the Embargo and his son favoring that measure, as well as some other acts of the Administration, so offended his old friends who had placed him in the United States Senate that he resigned that position in 1808 and in 1809 was appointed by the president minister to St. Petersburg. In November of the latter year he confidentially informed Mi*. Giles, one of the prominent supporters of the administration, of the embittered feeling which the Embargo 4. ■♦!« '^1 lEttihargo. 119 9, it was f in their icchanical 1 value for aw and a tone of jptibilities ith all the land, drew itrees and romptings issions and it of the have been isachu setts !8t propor- apprehen- lis political iify it by a e Embargo elligerents, tiona. The I and his son e other acts old friends bates Senate and in 1809 lister to St. tter year he one of the istration, of e Embargo had enkindled in Massachusaetta, that the peo- ple were constantly instigated to forcibly resist it, that juries after juries would acquit, regard- less of the decision of courts, up3n the ground of its uriconatitutionality; that a separation of the Union was openly stimulated in the public prints, that a convention of delegates of the New Biigland States was proposed to be held at New Haven; that the objects of the leaders of the Federal party had been for several years a dis- olution of the Union and the establishment of a separate confederacy; and that, if civil war ensued, they would secure the aid of Great Bri^ tain. These facts, he claimed, he knew from unequivocal evidence, although not proveable in a court ^ 1 law. In imparting his information he took occasion to assure Mr. Giles that he had no personal or interested motive for his sup- port of Mr. Jefferson's administration and had no favor to ask of him whatever! The information thus communicated as to Eastern disaffection reached Mr. Jefferson and probably had great influence in procuring a modification of the Em- bargo, as it also undoubtedly had the effect of strengthening, if not to a considerable extent creat- ing, the impression which sei-zed upon the public mind outside of New England, that she was the hot bed of traitors and over-run with treason. From disclosures in 1828, it would seem that federalism and the loyality of New England was receiving its severest blows, without suspecting their source from one who had enjoyed their i I' 4. -i mm "f" — fr"" — rijimii I .:i^fi- i*(7 Gov. Chittenden and the War. If confidence and whose father had been honored by their unanimous support. In 1808, James Madison, the trusted friend of Jefferson, was elected president, receiving one hundred and twenty two electoral votes, including the six of Vermont while his federal competitor received only forty-seven of which Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island and New Hampshire gave thirty-nine. It was a period of gloom and despondency in those States, and a committee of the legislature of Massachusetts, in January 1809, thus depicted it. ° ; c ^^^-^ -rr "Our agriculture is discouraged. The fish- eries abandoned. Navigation forbidden. Our commerce at home restrained, if not annihilated. Our commerce abroad cut off. Our navy sold, dismantled, or degraded to the service of cutters or gunboats. The revenue extinguished. The course of justice interrupted, and the nation weakened by internal animosities and divisions, at the momoat when it is unnecessarily and in- providently exposed to war with Great Britain, France and Spain." - '; • , :'; ;=^^ r ;^^s ; At a time of commercial distress so alarming according to the testimony of his political adver- saries, and of party animosity at its highest pitch, Madison entered upon his presidential duties embarrassed abroad by the arrogant con- duct of England and France, and at home, by the vituperations and attacks of political opponents and sometimes by the disapproval of friends. ■'%(■ nored by ., -. - ■■ ■.■-.»■?- . f. friend of "* ' ,' ving one' ! including )inpetitor achusetts, ampshire loom and imittee of lary 1809, The fish- den. Our inihilated. lavy sold, of cutters hed. The the nation divisions* ily and in- at Britain, 3 alarming ical adver- ts highest )residential rogant con- me, by the opponents of friends. Cor, Strong and the War* 181 Decidedly a man of peace, he fully realized the responsibility that rested upon him in the event of war, and the procrastination caused by the negotiations to avert it, irritated some of his own party while his opponents tauntingly proclaimed that "he could not be kicked into a war." His revilers, however, were destined to be undeceived and with peaceful measures and patience ex- hausted, war was finally declared against Great Britain June 18th, 1812. Anterior to this as well as during the war. New England continued to be convulsed with party strife, first one party then the other securing the ascendency. Elbridge Gerry, a revolutionary patriot, and afterward vice president of the United States, was elected governor of Massachusetts by the re- publicans in 1810, and in 1811, with both branches of the legislature on the same side. The next year he was suceeded by Caleb Strong, federalist, with the house of representatives of the same party. In his message, while adverting to the con- dition of the country, he said; if those measures are thought to be unjust or particularly injurious to this part of the Union let us cherish a confi- dence in the wisdom and justice of the other states and wait with patience for the remedy pro- vided by the constitution." The federalists obtained control of Vermont electing Martin Chittenden governor in 1813 and 1814. •i , t. ;1 • \ :^ -m IT*- J! «?5 18'J American Victories. v^>.- A controversy arose between those govern- ors and the presidcint as to the constitutional rights of the latter to order detachments of the state militia to be marched into other states and placed under United States officers, insisting that the executives of the several states had the power to determine if the exigency under the constitution of the United States had arisen so as to require the state militia or any part of it to be placed in the service of the United States at the request of the president. The judges of the Supreme Court of the state sustained this view of the subject, but in 1827, after the subsidence of party spirit, the Supreme Court of the United States unanimousl)' rejected it. The governor"^ of Massachusetts and Connec- ticut, acting under their own convictions, refused to obey the president's requisition for the militia to defend the maritime frontier. When Congress convened the correspondence of the refusing govenors was laid, by the president, before that body and in his message he condemed their action as founded on a novel and unfortu- nate exposition of the constitution and against the example of Washington in 1794, when he placed the militia of several states called out to suppress insurrection, under a governor of Virginia during his own absence. . Chittenden, the governor of Vermont, was also inflexibly opposed to the militia going out of the state, except in a contingency provided for by yt:^ ":fT- e goverri- stitiitional ntft of the states and isting that 9 had the under the ivsen 8() as of it to be tea at the es of the this view )aidence of he United , iS: \^-' f''-'i''if.'^:l d Connec- ns, refused he militia spondence : president, condemed d nnfortu- nd against , when he ailed out to )vernor of mont, was 3ing out of ided for by Madison, 183 the constitution and a body of them having vol- untarily placed themselves under the command of a United States officer, at Plattsburg, New York, he issued a proclamation ordering them to return and expressing his extreme regret at their move- ment for "the defence of a sister state, fully com- petent to all the purposes of self defence, leaving the Vermont frontier in a measure unprotected and exposed to the ravages of an exasperated en- emy." This proclamation filled the militia with in- dignation, his messenger, who conveyed it, was summarily expelled from camp, and the officers made a reply asserting that they were in the actual service of their country; that if legally ordered into that service he had no authority to order them out, and that if illegally ordered into it, their continuance was either voluntary or com- pulsory, and if the latter they had their redress by an appeal to the laws of their country; that in either case he had no right to interfere, and that an invitation or order to desert the standard of their country would not be obeyed by them, al- though proceeding from the governor and cap- tain general of Verriont. Indignation was not confined to the camp, and Mr. Sharp, of Ken- tucky, at the following session of Congress, intro- duced resolutions looking to a criminal prosecu- tion of the governor of Vermont for enticing soldiers, by his proclamation, to desert the ser- vice of the U . ..ed States. The delegation of the ■.V J ■i'! 'M \jS-f mmmjm:ri^nyff^fW'f''':r^'"]i^m^s^: 184 Madison. latter state was republican and objected to the resolutions; Mr. Fisk, one of the number, statinj^ that he bclived few people in his state approved of the proclamation and that he was certain the delegation from the state cowlemned it. The resolutions were laid on the t^.ole and not called up. ' :-.-■ •■■:■- '■■■rx-::i:z' . However great the obloquy incurred by the governor from his historic proclamation, he soon had an opportunity to evince his loyalty to his O'vn state and his alacrity to repel a large British force invading New York, Receiving information in April from the United States officers at Platts- burg, of a probable immediate attack upon the vessels of Macdonought's fleet then at the mouth of Otter Creek, in Vermont, and others then on the stocks, he promptly ordered out fifteen hundred of the militia for ^heir protection, and to remain as long as necessary for that purpose. Y/hen an attack was made on the first of the fol- lowing month the militia in the vicinity partici- pated ill the gallant repulse of the enemy. The fleet, in September, achieved a splendid and memorable victory on Lake Champlain, accom- panied by the disastrous defeat at Plattsburg, of the British army under General Provost. (,£ This signal land victory was achieved with the aid of twenty -five hundred Vermont volun- ters under General Strong, called to the service by the govornor, in the absence of a requisition from the president, upon the application of Gen- >l|!tl ' m 4 ^># fM t (j'ected to the imber, stating bate approved as certain the med it. The and not called ¥■ W ■"A. curreu by the nation, he Booa loyalty to his i large British ng information icers at Platt8- tack upon the n at the mouth others then on d out fifteen otection. and to that purpose, irst of the fol- icinity partici- s enemy. The splendid and mplain, accom- t Plattsburg, of •ovost. achieved with (^ermont volun- to the service >f a requisition lication of Gen- Anierican Victories. 185 eral Macomb for assistance. These victories were followed by great rejoicing throughout the state. The governor, in his message to the legisla- ture in October, congratulated them upon the grand results "so glorious to the American arms, and reflecting the highest honor upon t'^e patriot- ism, spirit and valor of our fellow citizens, who without distinction of age.character or party, were ready to brave danger in its most formidable ap- pearance for the defence of their country." He also bestowed the highest encomiums upon Strong, Macdonough and Macomb. Amid the general exultation over the victories he could not abstain from saying: "But J consider it due to myself, ard more especially to my con- stituents, explicitly to 3tate that the events of the war have in no wise altered my opinior of its origin or its progress. I have conscientiously 'i ■«v.^'^r"**w^;!f*.rii Hartford Convention. 187 measures, and other political questions, fresh fuel was added to an exicited party spirit by the initiation, in 1814, of the memorable Hartford convention. In his message, in October, of that year, gov- enor Strong, of Massachusetts, called the atten- tion of the state legislature to the exposed con- dition of the state to hostile attacks and to the deppressed condition of commerce. The com- m^ittee to whom the subject was referred, through the Hon. H. G. Otis, submitted a report with several resolutions, one in favor of the volunteer enlistment of ten thousand men for twelve months or during the war, to be organized with officers appointed by the govenor for the defence of the state; one for appointing delegates to a convention with an invitation to the other New England states to participate and consult upon the public grievances and the best means of defence, and also upon measures to procure a convention of delegates from all the states in order to revise the constitution thereof and more effectually to secure the support and attachment of all the people by placing all upon the basis of fair representation. , The resolutions were adopted, but thirteen Senators and seventy-six members of the House filed protests against the action of the majority. Invitations were accepted by Rhode Island and Connecticut but not by New Hampshire and Ver- mont. In the former state ther^ was no ppportu- n 11 ■A s J*- I k 3 i^ If 188 Hartford Convention. i m - nity for the legislature to act upon it, the council being republican, refusing to convene for that object. It was considered, however, by the legislature of Vermont, which was strongly feder- al. A Council of twelve members constituted one branch of the legislature but some year&afterward was superceded by a state senate. When the invitation of Massachusetts was eubtnitted by Governor Chittenden, it was referred to a joint committee of three on the part of the Council, and six on the part of the House, those of the Council being Wm. Hall, Jr., Nicholas Bajiies and John W. Chandler; those of the House Nathaniel Niles. Chaunccy Langdon, Henry Olin, Asa Lyon, John Philips and David Edmond; of these, six were federalists and three republi- cans. ,,,.... , , .. ,^ .:■.-,,,.,,, . , ., -■„.-,- ,j,. .,.- The tdmmittee unanimously reported against appearing or participating in the convention and both branches with unanimity concurred in the report. The convention convened at Hartford, Connecticut, closing their proceedings early in January, 1815, having carried them on under a cloak of impenetrable secrecy, recommending that Congress should be asked to permit the states separately or in concert to assume the defence of their territory against the enemy and the application of a reasonable portion of the taxes collected within them to that purpose; that several amendments should be made to the ■i% e council I for that •, by the g\y feder- ituted one afterward setts was js referred art of the e, those of as Baj^lies le House jnry Olin, imond; of ; republi- :ed against jrition and ed in the Hartford, s early in n under a mmetiding permit the ssume the nemy and ion of the t purpose; ade to the Hartford Convention. 189 .i0.'^"' National Constitution to apportion representation and direct taxes according to the number of free persons; and providing that no new state should be admitted, no Embargo laid for more than sixty days, that no interdiction or commerce between the United States and foreign governments should be permitted, that no declaration of war should be made, nor authorization of acts of hostility against any foreign nations except such acts should be in defence of the territories of the United States, without the concurrence of two- thirds of both branches of Congress, also that no person thereafter naturalized should be eligible to any civil office under the authority of the United vStates, and that no person should be elected pres- ident for the second term. If an application to Congress proved unsuc- cessful, peace not concluded and the defence of the New England states neglected as had been done, the3^ assert, from the commencement of the war, they express the opinion that it would be expedient for the states to send delegates to a con- vention to be held in Boston in the following June to consult, and act as the crisis should require. The legislature of Massachusetts approved the report and appointed delegates to proceed to Washington, Connecticut taking similar action. The secrecy which enshrouded the conven- tion, and which was not removed from its Journal for several years, gave loose rein to rumor with her hundred tongues and to the imputations of 5 'J 1 feSf Wo Hartford Convention. exasperated political foes. Aroused at last by the continual representation of treasonable de- signs, Otis and other leading federalists of Massa- chusetts declared that "the main object of the convention was the defence of this part of the country against the common enemy." That pro- ceedings and report of the convention was in conformity with this object, that the convention adjourned early in January, 1815, and that on the twenty-seventh of the same month Congress passed an act which gave the state the power sought by Massachusetts, viz. that of "raising, organizing and officering state troops to be employed in the state raising the same or in an adjoining state, and providing for their pay and subsistence." That, they say, "was the most im- portant object aimed at by the institution of the convention, and by the report of that body. Had this act of Congress passed before the act of Massachusetts for organizing the convention, that convention would never have existed, and that they had never known nor suspected the party which prevailed in Massachusetts in 1808, or any other party in this state ever entertained the design to produce a dissolution of t.ie Union or the estab- lishment of a separate confederation." * The federal mission to Washington, was, how- ever, suddenly arrested as the tidings of Jackson's great victory at New Orleans and of the treaty of peace swept over the land, welcomed every where by bonfires, illuminations, booming of can- non and general exultation, drowning the voice RD-94 Bra of Good Reeling, 191 at last by Dnable de- B of Massa- ect of the .art of the That pro- ion was in convention that on the Congress the power of "raising, ops to be me or in an leir pay and le most im- ition of the )ody. Had the act of rention, that d, and that i the party L808, or any ;d the design or the estab- 3n, was, how- 5 of Jackson's he treaty of 3med every ming of can- ng the voice of party strife and carrying to the federal party the deep conviction of its complete and final over- throw. '' In Massachusetts, at the following election, the republicans carried the state, and the senate at once rescinded the unpatriotic resolution of a former federal senate, in the matter of the capture of a British frigate, which denounced the war as unjust and unecessary. i' iiiifOfOti The accession of the Republican Monroe to the presidency, in 1816, inspired confidence in the triumphant party that their victory was complete and enduring, and introduced an "era of good feeling," which subdued the aspcrites of former strife, and henceforth old political adversaries to-mingled in opposing or supporting public men and measures as their individual sense of duty dictated. In after years many New England federalists of 1812, occupied high and responsible positions in public life, conspicuous among them being that eminent orator, jurist and states- man, Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, and also Samuel Prentiss of Vermont, who, for many years adorned the judiciary of his state by his legal ability, and then faithfully served for twelve years in the Senate of the United States with great credit to himself and satisfaction to his constitutents. ii GENEALOGY. fi ml |;d If W>6 ■|f.i«.,