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 AN 
 
 . H 
 
 ENQUIRY, 
 
 WHETHER 
 
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 ■:-; I -i 
 
 
 The guilt of the Present CIVIL WAR 
 
 « • V. ' «i • . 
 
 ■ m AMERICA,. 
 
 
 ;\:*^ 
 
 OVOHT TO »E ?H»«rtP«» *» -sn^ ^': 
 
 
 
 GREAT BRITAIN or AMERICA^ 
 
 '"4 
 
 SA 
 
 ;%. 
 
 fe%: 
 
 
 LONDON: 
 Printed for JOHN DONALDSON, the Coknir 9t 
 
 ARUNDlt STRERT, No. 195, IK THE StRAND, 
 
 .. JiPCClXXVI* 
 
 
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 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
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 An ENQUIRY, &c. 
 
 T> E F O R E the clofe of the laft war, the 
 ■■^ inhabitants of the Englifh colonies in Ame- 
 rica were confidered as Englifbmen, having a 
 right to the fame privileges with thofe who con- 
 tinued to refide in England, fubjeded to no fe- 
 parate laws, except fiich as the mutual advan- 
 tages of commerce and fituation rendered indif- 
 penfably requifite. In this capacity they were 
 defended and protefted by the arms of Great- 
 Britain J and every Englifhman, regardlefs of 
 the treafure that wa? laviihed in the caufe of the 
 colonics, confidered every advantage gained as 
 an extenfion of the laws, freedom, and power of 
 this country. The open and unfufpicious Eng- 
 lifli, never apprehended that their diftant fellow 
 citizens would have ihefaintefl: wifh to tear from 
 the parent ftate members that fhe had guarded 
 with fo much afFe<ftion, and nourifhed with fo 
 much of her blood. The French were of dif- 
 ferent fcntiments, they declared publicity in the 
 coffee- houfes at Paris, that the conqueft of Ca- 
 nada would be no injury to France, but would 
 
 B ultimately 
 
( 2 ) 
 
 iiltimatclj' break the forces of Britain, by opci- 
 ing a way to the feparation of provinces whicJi 
 now made a part of her united ftrcngth. The 
 intercepted letters of Montcahn, the celebrated 
 commander of the French forces in Canada, de- 
 clared the fame fentiments. Yet fo little defe- 
 rence did Englifhmen pay to their opinions, that 
 a pamphlet, fuppofed to be wrote by the Earl of 
 Bath, addrefled to a noble Peer, and a great Com- 
 moner, wl ich was publiflied purpofely to warn 
 the nation of fome errors they were likely to com- 
 mit, in the 'ntended treaty of peace, and which 
 ilrongly recommended the retaining of the Weft 
 India iflands, preferably to the northern conti- 
 nent of America, never fupportcd this opinion, 
 by the fmalleft hint,, that in order to fecure more 
 firmly the allegiance cf the New-England pro- 
 vinces to Britain, it might be expedient to leave 
 part of Canada in poflefilon of the French. I'he 
 Englifli confcious of their own intentions, and 
 having not die leail diikufl of the mutual con- 
 fidence and affeftion of their fellow citizens in 
 that part of the empire, were anxious folely to fe- 
 cure their colonies from foreign violence. A<flu~ 
 ated by thefe principles, they retained Canada, 
 , ; . . u, '• f. • I...' and 
 
{ 3 ) 
 
 iiicJi 
 
 The 
 
 rated 
 
 , de- 
 
 defe. 
 
 |j that 
 ail of 
 om- 
 warn 
 com- 
 vhich 
 Weft 
 onti- 
 
 and rdinquiflied the more profitable pofleflions 
 of Martinico and Guadaloupe. 
 
 Unhappily this belief of reciprocal afFeAion 
 is now found to be an illullon : A civil war is 
 commenced between Great-Britain and her colo- 
 nies of North America : A war that muft fome- 
 where imply the deepeft guilt: But to which 
 party the guilt is to be imputed is the fubjetl: of 
 the following difquifition i and the caufe of the 
 injured part, the moft interefting caufe that 
 has occurred fince the Revolution, will dwell 
 on every honefl: citizen's mind, and prove a 
 fufficient apology for the attempt of a private 
 perfon to perform a talk for which others have 
 fuperior advantages of information and ability, 
 but none a more difinterefted defire to eflablifh 
 the truth. 
 
 The thirteen provinces of America, which are 
 at war with Britain, were eftabliihcd in confe- 
 quence of charters granted to th^m by the crown 
 of England. They continued till very lately 
 without exception to acknowledge the aiithority 
 of thefe charters : They have indeed boaAed of 
 them as their fureft arms of defence. Habemus 
 fsnatus confultum qtiaft gladium in vagina conditum^ 
 fiiys the Farmer's Letter?, 
 
 The 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 The firft charter was granted by James I. 
 in the year 1606, to Sir Thontias Gates, and 
 others of the city of London and elfewhere, giv- 
 ing them " licence to deduce colonies into any 
 part of America, lying between four and thirty 
 and five and forty degrees of northe*-n latitude.'^ 
 Which trad of country includes the whole of 
 the four colonies of New-England, except a 
 very fmall part of the provinces of Main and 
 New Hamplhirc, the whole of the colonies of 
 New York, Jerfey, Penfylvania, the counties of 
 Newcaftle, Kent, Suffex on Delawarrej the 
 colonies of Maryland, Virginia, North Caro- 
 lina and part of South Carolina. This charter, 
 conformably to the defire of the gentlemen to 
 whom it was granted, appointed that two colo- 
 nies or plantations fhould be eftablilhed. One of 
 them by certain knights and otiiers of the city 
 of London and elfewhere, at any place on the 
 coaft of America, between thirty four and forty 
 one degrees of northern latitude, which fhould be 
 called the firft colony. And the other by certain 
 knights and others of Plymouth and other places, 
 between thirty eight and forty ♦ive degrees of 
 northern latitude, which (hould be called the fe- 
 cond, or Plymouth colony. And to prevent their 
 
 interfering 
 
( s ) 
 
 interfering with each other, the charter provided, 
 that as foon as any fetclcment was fixed, no fub- 
 fequent plantation fhould be made within one 
 hundred miles of that which had been juft 
 planted. The charter ordains, that each of thefc 
 colonies (hall have a council to regulate all.caufes 
 which may arife within the colony j it further 
 ordains, that one fuperior, or domeftic council, 
 fhall be eftablilhed, confifting of thirteen perfons 
 appointed by the king, which (hall be called the 
 council of Virginia, and have the fuperior ma- 
 nagement and dircflion only of all matters that 
 concern the government of the feveral colonies 
 within the abovemcntioned precindts. And to en- 
 courage the firft fettlers, they are allowed to im- 
 pofe a duty of two and a half per cent, on all 
 merchandizes imported into the faid colonies by 
 perfons not being of the colonies, but being of 
 the realms and under tl>c obedience of the king; 
 und five per cent, on all merchandizes imported 
 by other perfons, Thcfc duties, during the fpace 
 of twenty one years, are to be wholly applied to 
 the benefit of the colonics within which they are 
 levied i and at the expiration of that term they 
 are to be taken to the ufe of the king, and col- 
 }e^ed by fuch officers and miniflers as the king 
 
 Ihali 
 
-f! 
 
 :^ 
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 (hall appoint. It further ordains, that the inha- 
 bitants of the colonies, and fuch chilJren as 
 Ihall be born within the precinds of tht ;n, are 
 to enjoy ** all the liberties, francliifes, and im- 
 munities, within any of the king's other domi- 
 nions, to all intents and purpol'cs as if they had 
 been abiding, and born within the realm of 
 England, or any other of the faid dominions." - 
 The proprietors of the firft charter not 
 meeting with the expedcd luccefs, obtain- 
 ed from the crown an alteration of their 
 charter j and the thirteen provinces, now at war 
 with Britain, have in confequence received dif- 
 tinfl charters under fucccflive reigns. To encou- 
 rage the original fettlers, the firftcharter of Maflli- 
 chufet's Bay, granted to the people of New Eng- 
 land an exemption from all taxes for the fpace 
 of one and twenty years. And the charter of 
 Penfylvania declared, that the inhabitants of 
 that colony fliould not be taxvd, except by their 
 own aflemblics, or by ad of parfiament in Eng- 
 land. And in every charter it is declared, that 
 not only all the Englifh who fettle in the colo- 
 nies, (lull retain the rights and privileges of Eng- 
 lilhmen, but all who are born there, or in the 
 pafiTage to and from England to the fcveral colo- 
 
 nies^ 
 

 ( 7 ) 
 
 nies^ ITiall be deemed natural born fubjefls of 
 England. * , • ^ • •• 
 
 Since therefore the inhabitants of the EngliHi 
 colonies retain and poflefs the rights, privi- 
 leges, and frredom of Englifhmen, and are pro- 
 tected by Englilh arms, they are of courfe fub- 
 jefl to the laws of the Englilh parliament : for 
 it is impoffible to poflefs the rights of a citizeo 
 without being fubjedl to the duties and allegi- 
 ance of one i and the very claufcs in the char- 
 ters, which jucicioufly and humanely exempt the 
 colonies from taxation for a certain number of 
 years, after their firft fettlement, virtually imply 
 the right and propriety of their being taxed if 
 found expedient at the expiration of that term. 
 
 By the fpirit of the charters, it is manifeft: 
 that the feveral princes who granted them, and 
 the planters or corporations to whom they were 
 granted, confldered the colonies as fubjedt to the 
 legiflative authority of England. It is now proper 
 
 to 
 
 • See a hiftory of the charters of MafLchufct's Bay, in a 
 pamphlet, written by Ifrael Maudult, Efq ; and a mi- 
 nute detail of the feveral charters, in a book, entitled. 
 Remarks on the principal A&i of the Thirteenth Parliament 
 of Great Kritaiii ; and a colIe(51ion of t' <rtcrs printed for 
 Owen, Almon and Blythe, in |766. 
 
I 
 
 ( 8 ) 
 
 to enquire what has been the conduft of Eng- 
 land towards them, from the granting of the 
 charters lo the origin of the prefent conteft. 
 
 Eight years after granting the firft charter of 
 Virginia, the houfe of commons having -received 
 petitions, and being about to pafs a bill relating 
 to that charter, it was moved, that a member of 
 the houfe, being a patentee, or one of thofe to 
 whom the charter of Virginia had been jointly 
 granted, and asfuch intercfted in the petition then 
 depending before the houfe, (hould withdraw du- 
 ring the debate -, it was refolved by the houfe, 
 that he ihould not withdraw •, and this refolution 
 was formed on the following parity of reafon, 
 " that if there was a bill depending concerning 
 York, the member for York would not with- 
 draw, for it concerneth the common-wealth.** 
 A reafon which implies, that the houfe confidei*- 
 cd Virginia as a part of the (late no lefs than any 
 borough in England. * ^. ,- • 
 
 - During the civil wars, when the houfe of 
 commons alone, or jointly with the lords, af- 
 fumed the fovereignty of Britain, they affiimed 
 the lame authority over the colonies as over any 
 courvy in England. They pafled an ordinance 
 
 m 
 
 
 ornals, vol. i. page 481 and 487. 
 
( 9 ) 
 
 in the year 1642, " exempting them for a time 
 from all taxations whatever i in the year 1646, 
 they paflTed another ordinance, exempting them, 
 during the fpace of three years, from all cuftoms, 
 fubfidies, taxations, impofition, or other duty, 
 
 EXCEPT THE EXCISE.*'* 
 
 In the year 1650, they declare in the pre- 
 amble to an aft, or ordinance, " That in Vir- 
 ginia, and divers other places in America, there 
 are colonies and plantations which were planted 
 at the coft, fettled by the people, and fupported 
 by the authority of this nation ; which are and 
 ought to be fubordinate to, and dependent upon 
 England, and have ever fince the planting thereof 
 been and ought to be, fubjefV to fuch laws, or- 
 ders, and regulations as arc, or (ball be made by 
 the parliament of England." 
 
 In the year 1650 they palTed that celebrated 
 ordinance of Oliver St. John, which, though 
 the offspring of the pride and revenge of an in- 
 dividual, has proved n^oft honourable and bene- 
 ficial to England. The ordinance reftrained the 
 commerce of every Englifti colony to Britain, f 
 
 Thefe fcveral ordinances, which fo indifputably 
 alTert the lupreine authoriry of England over all 
 
 c ui» 
 
 .. * Sc2 Lortls Journals, vol.8, page 63?. 
 
 t Swc Par!. TJiit. vol. 19. page 314, 315. 
 
 
'! 
 
 ( 10 ) 
 
 its American colonies, were pafled by a houfe o^ 
 commons chofen by the people of England, at a 
 time when their dread of (lavery, had wound wp 
 the fpirit of freedom to its higheft pitch. If 
 therefore thefe gentlemen, confcfiedly zealous for 
 liberty, aiferted their authority over the colonies, 
 reftrained their commerce, and apprqved the tax- 
 ing of them even with internal taxes, the taxes 
 of excife, they certainly did not confidcr them- 
 '^^Ives as guilty of a6ts of opprel'fion ; they 
 thought they were innocently difcharging their 
 duty, in fupporting the glory and welfare of 
 England. The candid and liberal will afcribe 
 to others the fame motives of adlion. 
 
 After the Reftoration, the king, lords, and 
 commons, continued to alTume the fame lupreme 
 authority over the colonies, as had been exercifed 
 by the feveral fovereign powers, during the pre- 
 ceding twenty years. They granted lo the crown 
 a duty of tonnage and poundage, and declare 
 the duties fliall be payable upon commodities not 
 only imported into the realm of England, but 
 alfo into the dominions thereunto belonging, 
 See 12 Charles II. * • 
 
 They wifely and unanimoufly pafled an a6t, 
 called, the Ad of Navigation, confirming the be- 
 
 forementiontd 
 
forementioned celebrated ordinance of Sf. John, 
 which a6l reftraincd the commerce of the colonies 
 to their mother country. See 12 Car. II. c. i8." 
 
 Three years after they paffcd another aft ta 
 keep the colonies, as they exprefs thcmfelveS| 
 in a firmer dependence on England, to make this 
 kingdom a ttaplc not only of the commodities 
 ©f the plantations, but alio of the commodities 
 of other countries for fupplying them. See 15 
 Car. II. c. 7. ; i 
 
 In the year 16.72, they pafled an aft impofing 
 a duty on fugar, molaffes, tobacco, &c. whea 
 tranfporied from one colony to another; which 
 duties or cuiftoms are ordered to be collefted by 
 officers appointed by the commiflioncrs of the 
 cuftoms in Englanvl, and tlie penalty for non- 
 payment to be the fame a:* for defrauding his 
 majcfty of his cuftoms in England; thefe cuf- 
 toms were appoiiited to be levied at the ports 
 from which the commodities were exported. 
 
 On the payment of thefe duties the colonics 
 j^flfumed the liberty of exporting thefi goods to 
 foreign markets j bqt to prevent fucb a falfc in- 
 terpretation of the aft, in the year 1696 (7 and 
 8 fVilliam III. c. 22) another aft was made, in 
 wbich thefe fcvcral duties are ordered to be paid 
 
 on 
 
•( 12 ) 
 
 
 on goods tranfported from one colony to another ; 
 and it is further provided, that nocwithftanding 
 the payment of fuch duties, fecurity (hall be 
 given that the goods arc to be exported to feme 
 part of his majefty's dominions; and the officers 
 appointed for collecling thefe his majefty's re- 
 venue (as the ad calls them) have the fame 
 power of vifiting, fearching, and entering wharfs, 
 "warehoufes, &c. as the officers of the cuftoms 
 in England. ■ ' . 
 
 In this revenue a6t of king IVilliam^ there is 
 this remarkable claufe, very fimilar to the ordi- 
 nance of 1650, before mentioned, * and alfo to 
 the Declaratory Aft pafTed in his prefent ma- 
 jefty's reign, when lord Rockingham was firft 
 lord of the treafury, ** That all lavvs, bye-laws, 
 vifages or cuftoms, at this time, or which here- 
 after ftiall be in praftice in any of the faid plan- 
 tations, which are in any wife repugnant to the 
 beforementioncd laws, or any of them, fo far as 
 they do relate to the faid plantations, or any 
 of them, or which are any wife repugnant to 
 this prefent ad, or to any other law hereafter to 
 be made in this kingdom, fo far as fuch laws 
 Jhall relate to and mention the faid planttitions, 
 - ..... afQ 
 
 * ■ * Sec pjge y. 
 
( 13 ) 
 
 are illegal, null, and void to all intents and pur^ 
 pofes whatfoever." 
 
 The above aft alfo regulates the internal po- 
 licy of the colonies, by precluding the colonics 
 from alienating their lands in favour of others 
 than natural born fubjedls. i .- 
 i In queen Anne's reign fevcral a^s were pafTed, 
 prohibiting the exportation of rice and molalTes 
 to foreign markets j prohibiting the cutting 
 down of pine, pitch or tar trees, not inclofed 
 and under a certain diameter; afcertaining the 
 rates of foreign coins in America ; eftablilhing 
 a genera] Poll-Office, and appointing poft-maf- 
 ters, and fixing the rates of poftage. Thefe 
 a^s not only regulate the internal government 
 of the feveral coionies, but the laft of them 
 aiflually raifes an internal revenue. See 3 and 4 
 Anniy c. 5 and loj 6 Amte^ c. 30 i 9th Anne^ 
 c, 10. 
 
 In the reign of George I. an a£t was made, or- 
 dering the plantation duties, as they are in this 
 4ft called, which were eftablilhed by the 25th of 
 Charles II. to be pajd into the exchequer; and 
 in the '""mc reign, an aft was made further rc- 
 Jilraining the cutting of pine trees, conformably 
 %o the aft made in queen Anne's reign j and in 
 
 twq 
 
 il 
 
( 14 ) 
 
 two other a6ts during this reign, furs and 
 copper ore are forbid to be exported to any 
 place except Great Britain. i. ' . • ;. ». 
 
 In the reign of George 11. it is ena<Sted, that 
 an affidavit, taken before the mayor, or other 
 chief magiftratc, of any town in England, fhouid 
 be received as legal evidence in all the courts 
 of the plantations ; and it was alfo ena^ed, that 
 lands, houfes, negroes, other hereditaments, and 
 all realeftates whatever, fhouid be iiable to, and 
 chargeable with all debts due to the king .or any 
 of his fubjefts, fee 5 George II. and in the 
 fame reign, cap. 7. the commons give akd 
 GRANT, certain duties on all foreign fpirits, ^0* 
 laffes, fyrrups, fugar and panels, imported into 
 the plantations ; fee 6 George II. c. 1 j. -.i . » 
 
 In the 14th of George II. an aft paffed, im- 
 pofing a duty of fixpence a month on all the 
 Britifh American failors, towards the fupport of 
 Greenwich Hofpital. In the fame reign an aft 
 pafled, reftraining the governors and ailemblies 
 of the provinces, from making any a(Sl, order, 
 rcfolution, or vote, whereby paper bills, or bills 
 of credit, fhall be created or iflTued, and alfo the 
 adls prohibiting the exportation of hats, from 
 qne plantation to another, or any other place 
 
 whatfoever^ 
 
( 15 ) 
 
 Vfhatfo€ver< and for preventing the erection of 
 any millj or other engine for Hitting or rolling; 
 iron, or placing forges^ worked with a tilt ham- 
 mer, of furnaces for making (leel. 
 
 Thefe afts and ordinances, inconteftibly prove, 
 that the legiflative power, during every king's 
 reign^ and the Lords and Commons during 
 the Interregnum, from the firft granting of the 
 charters to his prefcnt majelly's reigr, have uni- 
 formly exercifcd a fupreme authority over all the 
 colonies, and have raifed taxes from them up- 
 wards of one hundred years. The reader will 
 therefore naturally wonder, whence arofe this 
 prefent dil'pute, fmce it is not eafy to difcernj 
 that a tax of threepence a pound on tea is more 
 oppreflive than Hve (hillings on a hundred 
 weight of fugar ; and yet the exacting of this 
 tax on tea, is held out by the Americans as the 
 juftifiable reafon for the commencing the prefent 
 civil war. Let us therefore calmly enquire whe- 
 ther there is any elTential difference between thi$ 
 duty and thofe before impofed. 
 
 It is allcdged, that this tax was impofed with 
 the exprefs intention of raifing a revenue from 
 the colonies, whereas the former taxes had only 
 been impofed with a view to regulate the com- 
 merce i but before we give our aflent to fuch 
 
 allegations. 
 
;' 
 
 ii- 
 
 •I 
 
 ( 16 ) 
 
 allegations, it behoves one who wiflies to know 
 the real truth, to examine the afts of parliament, 
 and compare them with each other. The duties 
 or cuftoms on fugars, &c. eftablilhed by 25 
 Charles II. were ordered to be levied in the co- 
 lony from whence the commodities were ex- 
 ported, and not in the colony into which they 
 were imported. But notw"*hftanding the pay- 
 ment of this duty, fecurity \,.as to be given for 
 the afbual landing of the goods in the feveral 
 colonies for which they were entered. The 
 higher duties laid on fugar, molaflfes, &c. by 
 6 George II. encouraged indeed the commerce 
 of the Englidi colonies, as well as augmented the 
 revenue. The allowing a drawback of one (hil- 
 ling in the pound on tea, on exportation to the 
 colonies and only impofing a duty of three- 
 pence on their importation, tends to prevent 
 I'muggling and encourage commerce i the im- 
 ports on fugar, &:c, as well as the imports upon 
 tea, are levied by his majefty*s officers of the 
 cuftoms, and tiie proceeds paid into the exche- 
 quer. The one is as much an internal tax as 
 the other, the one is no more neceffary for the 
 regulation of commerce than the other. The 
 one MS effeflually raifes a revenue as the other •, 
 
 Hnce 
 
( 17 ) 
 
 RACt therefore the impofing this tax on tdi, h 
 conformable to the original charters, oanfbnii- 
 ^cf to afts of parliament pafled rcry csAf^ and 
 Conformable to the cuftoms and pradbice of Eng- 
 land for thcfc hiirtdrtd years, the debate wonld 
 fe^tti to be dofcd, and the offering any furehiet' 
 argdmerit in fitpplof t of the meafik'e; fechis of- 
 ferhig :t!i^ infalt to the leader. 
 
 But as fome gentlemen, of greafl emtnencc, 
 itnd who at tiniits highly poiK(fStd the popidiat 
 favottr, hit'^e deela^ed themfelves of contrary 
 ^ntimentsi and as their authority ha^ given 
 ipiric to the colonies, and has induced many in 
 this country to adopt the fame opinion, iit may 
 Ibe expedient to examine the fp<k:iout avguments 
 which have been advanced. 
 
 It is Urged, that the inhabitants of the Colo- 
 nies are Englifhmen, and therefore according to 
 the fpirit and conftitution of England, can only 
 be taxed by then* own reprefcntativcs j that as 
 their diftance rendert it impoffible for the.ii to 
 be reprefeiitcd in the Britiih pftrliamttify they 
 can never be taxed except voinntarily, by ihdi» 
 own aflemblies ; that if the parliaitient 6f Eng- 
 land has a right to tax them a fingle farthing. 
 
 # 
 
I 
 
 it I 
 
 tff 
 
 ( i8 ) 
 
 without their own confent, it has a right to- tax 
 •them to the laft farthing of their polTcfljons. : id 
 J ; That the arguments which were urged in de- 
 fence of Hampden, in the noted caufc of fliip- 
 money, apply with equal propriety in favour of 
 the Americans, whom it is as illegal and oppref- 
 five for the parliament of England, to tax 
 without the confent of their own alTemblies, as 
 it was for the:kihg tp levy fhip-money folely by 
 his own authpi'ity } that a parliament, or houle 
 of commons, - exercifmg an authority over a peo- 
 ple, who have no influence in the nomination of 
 the reprefentatives who comppfe that parliament, 
 may be .as tyrannical as a (ingle perfon; that 
 encreaHng the number of tyrants, does not 
 decreafe the tyranny. . , ^.v^k n^-d -v.. .' .1,; r.., 
 - ^Though it, may be allowed, that in the fpe- 
 culative. cafe of a government to be new mo- 
 delled, every individual ought to be allowed an 
 equal vqte in the choice of the Icgiflature, yet it 
 may be juftly doubted, whether England, either 
 no?k or «Y,er did approach nearly to this perfec- 
 tion^. _ J ^vi;-;i, .1,, .^.. :cjzv..> Lvvi^ •.-: .^....-^ ,- . 
 ^ About a hundred years ago, the, county and 
 cjty of Durhjim did not fend members to par- 
 Jiament, and yet for above fifty years preceding 
 
 that 
 
'( 19 ) 
 
 that period they paid fubfidies, ai'WclI as other 
 cities and counties; and when they petitioned 
 the houfe of commons, to allow them to fend 
 members to parliament, the houfe rejeded the 
 petition, on a divifion of 65 1050. See the 
 Journals, vol. 9, page 69, and the particulars 
 in Grey's DebaoeSi page 120, vol. I. In a few 
 years after, the houfe granted ttieir reafonable 
 requeft, artd an a<5t pafled accordingly. •• • 
 , The number of freeholders, citizens, burghers, 
 who have the right of voting in the choice of 
 members of parliament, does not amount to one 
 fixth of the freemen of Britain, or one 20th of 
 the wliole inhabitants \ yet thefe people who have 
 no vote, fuffer no perfonal inconvenience, nor 
 are the inhabitants of Birmingham, Manchefter, 
 Leeds, Sheffield, and other towns, which fend 
 no members to parliament, more enflaved than 
 the voters of borough towns. — Thefe fafts are 
 not recited to juftify an unequal rcprefentation, 
 but to fhow that a comfortable degree of free- 
 dom may be enjoyed in a ftate, that has not at- 
 tained to the perfection of an equal reprefenta- 
 tion i and that the gentlemen who have wanton- 
 ly alTerted, t|iat taxation and rcprefentation a^e 
 
 infeparable. 
 
 
 '■' 1 
 
I :t 
 
 ( «0 ) 
 
 niieparable, have not paid a decent r^rd to 
 
 ttUth. : -....Jr. i. ...... r.j ;: ' ^' :■. -J 
 
 i If this maxim be the ipirit pf the £iB^li()i 
 conltitution, the prai^^ice, cuftom, and law of 
 the land, has ppt been always conformable to 
 iiich a fpirit. The inhabitants of the lUt ot , 
 Man, h^ve been lately fubjeded to pay cuftonM 
 «nd duties, though they fend no memjier to par^ 
 liameht, and no murmvir wag i'ailed on the occa^ 
 jion. The arguments therefore which pr^ve, 
 |ha$ the king could no^ juftly of his Ible aucho* 
 rity, without the gift and grant of parliament, 
 }^vy (hip-money, or any other taX|p, loan or be- 
 jKvolence, do not at all avail againd the parlia* 
 ameni's taxing Englilhmejn, or the Colonies, wha 
 have no vote in the choice of the members who 
 fCompofe the parliament. . i 
 
 ,' "When the king levied Ihip-moncy, without 
 the gift and confent of parliament, he notori- 
 oufly violated the law of the land ; but the tax- 
 ing of the colonics by parliament, is neither 
 contrary to the law of the land, nor to their 
 charters. 
 
 The king by levying (hip-money, &c. of his 
 own authority, is in reality conftituting himfelf 
 fole legiflator: The parliament by taxing the 
 
 colonics 
 
\rd to 
 
 ( «« ) 
 
 colonies acqqlr^ t)o ncvv authority ; (he is alreai' 
 dy their fupreme kgiOatMre, it is her dm/ to 
 govern them with candour and equity, but not to 
 witjidraw from theni her proteifboi?, nor to re- 
 linquiih her fovereignty over them. 
 . MMch has been faid, to prbve that the colo- 
 nics under fuch fubjeflion, are in a ilate of fla^ 
 very. In the freeft government, every man is 
 a Have to the laurs ; and mud either fubniit to 
 fucii flavery, or forfeit the benefits of public 
 order ^— the truth of this alternative fomc focir 
 eties have probably by this time coo fevereiy c}t<* 
 perienced; > 
 
 . ^vcry colony is fubjcft to the authority or 
 mil of the original litate ; which fubjedlion or 
 flavery, if it muft be fo called, is in<cparably 
 attached to the condition of a colony ; i;vhen a 
 colony refufes to acknowledge this fupremacy, 
 it afTumcs the rights of an independent flate: 
 Yet, though the colonies be thus abfolutely 
 fubjed to the parliament of England, the indi- 
 viduals of which the colony confift, may enjoy 
 iccurity, and freedom •, there is not a finglc in- 
 habitant, of the thirteen colonies, now in arms, 
 bvt who may be confcious of the truth of this 
 fiflertion. The compliment which Montefquieu 
 
 pays 
 
( " ) 
 
 1,1 
 
 fli 
 
 pays to the legiflature of England on the go- 
 yeinment of her colonies, is ftrrdlly true, that' 
 while fhe keeps the body politic in a ftate of de-- 
 pendence, (he makes the individual cotnpleatly 
 free. - .. .., 
 
 How fpecious foevcr the argument may ap- 
 pear, that a body of people, fubjeft to the will 
 of a legiflature, however numerous, which they 
 do not appoint, ire as much in a ftate of fla? 
 very as if they were fubjeft to the will of a 
 king or any fmgle per Ion ; yet it is not juft nor 
 conformable to faft. The populous and wealthy 
 city of Amfterdam is govern'^d by forty burgo-^ 
 matters; and the large Canton of Berne by no 
 snore th?^n two hundred and ninety nine citizens,' 
 even when the great council is compleat ; a va- 
 cancy in each of thefe ftates is repLced by the 
 furviving members; and the reft of the inhabi* 
 tants who are not burgomafters, or of the great 
 CO incii, have no voice at all in the cho.'ce; yet 
 neither is the citizen of Amfterdam, or an inha* 
 bitant of Berne, accounted a flave, or liable to 
 the fame oppreffion as a citizen of a defpotic 
 prince. ^ ^ 
 
 It may however be alledged, that there are pe- 
 culiar circumftanpes which prevent the burgo* 
 
 m afters 
 
V..->i'' 
 
 ( 23 ) 
 
 maftcrs of Amfterdam, or the great council of 
 Berne, from oppreffing the people. There are 
 alfo principle? . or motives of prudence which 
 have hitherto fo ftrongly operated in the Britifti 
 parliament, as to prevent it from offering the 
 leaft oppreflion to her colonies ; and will not the 
 fame motives or principles, continue to influence 
 its conduct, and produce the fame effeft ?— 
 The late ads of parliament, which have been 
 paffed, fince part of the colonies were in aflual 
 rebellion, are no exception. Thefe a6ls were 
 deemed neceffary to maintain the fupremacy of 
 Britain j when the colonies return to their duty, 
 the parliament will alfo rcfume its old good-hu- 
 mour and candour. 
 
 A Britirti colony cannot be oppreflcd except 
 by an adt of parliament, and it is fcarcely pofli- 
 ble that the three branches of the legiflatuar 
 Ihould concur to pafs an a6t of notorious op- 
 preflion^ The king has evidently no intercft to 
 urge one pate of his fubjeds to tyrannize over 
 another, or violently feizc the property of one 
 part of his fubjefls, foh;ly to prevent the other 
 from paying their juft tribute. Tiie advantages 
 which a member of either Jioufe would obtain, 
 by laying an cpprcflive tax on a colony, in or- 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 l? 'i 
 
 
 <fer fo aiHeviattethe taxes of this nation, ire tod in* 
 Cbnfidferabl^ to influence evtfA' the moft avaritro\is. 
 
 The miniftef whx) fhouM dare to propofe fiich 
 an a£t of injiiftiee, would in this free country 
 raife a clamour, which wou-M inceflaittly piirfu^ 
 him, and which even all the charms of place 
 would not be able to filence. 
 
 But as thofe opinions are juftfy efteemed to be 
 founded on the moll fblid bafis which arc found- 
 ed on fa<Els, we Ihall be belt enabled to form a 
 juft opinion of what may hereafter happen, by 
 taking a view of what has already pail. Before 
 the prcfcnt conted, the toul revenues of the 
 whole continent of America, which were ac- 
 counted for in the Excheq^ucr,- did not amount- 
 to above £. 7 j,ooo, which is but a fmall pro- 
 portion of that fum which has been annually 
 ipent to fupport and proteiH: then*, and to gwt 
 bounties on fuch of their produfls as it has 
 been judged expedient to encourage. 
 
 A gentleman, who furely muft be acknow- 
 ledged by them ff Ives to intend them no ill, has 
 declared, that their exports have encrcafed IVbm 
 £. 569,000 to £. 6,024,000, from the year 
 J 704, to 1774. They are now alfo laid to have 
 obtained fuch vNcaUh and power, that the whole 
 
 force 
 
( 2S ) 
 
 force of Britain is not able to command their 
 obedience. If therefore in the fpace of feventy 
 years, they have attained fuch amazing power 
 and commerce, and the whole burdens laid upon 
 them be fo fmall, it is quite unneceflary to urge 
 any further arguments to prove that they have 
 not hitherto been opprelTt^d. And now that it 
 has lately been judged expedient to oblige them 
 to contribute a more equitable Ihare to the fup- 
 port of the neceffary demands ot the ftate, 
 they have found people in this country, who 
 have zealouQy oppofed this demand, not on the 
 pretence, that the ratio demanded of them was 
 greater, or even equal to the fliare which they 
 ought to contribute. But upon this extraordi- 
 nary plea, that the gentlemen dare not truft 
 themfelves -, they are afraid, that aftel* having 
 experienced the advantages of a moderate tax, 
 they (hall be tempted to lay on an immoderate 
 one. Since therefore there are fo greaK a body ai 
 the people, who are afraid to do right, left 
 they Ihould hereafter be enticed to do wrong, 
 we may readily judge, what would be the ge- 
 neral fpirit of the nation, if a notorious aft of 
 violence was attempted. • "--''■' ■ 
 
 • -^ E They 
 
( 26 ) 
 
 They are no inconfiderable part of the nation, 
 who at prefent favour the Americans, alledging, 
 that favouring their caufe, is favouring the caufc 
 of equity and freedom. Surely neither the 
 Americans nor their abettors, will endeavour to 
 invalidate this argument, by infinuating that thefe 
 gentlemen may pofiibly oppofe the meafures of 
 the administration from other views not quite fo 
 generous and difinterefted. And no man caa 
 judge fo harflily of his country, as to appre- 
 hend that virtue and the love of liberty is to die 
 with the prefent patriots; fince therefore they have 
 lb ftrongly expreifed their dread o' eftablifliing 
 cuftoms which they tliemlelves acknowledge 
 Jhave only the appearance of wrong, they may 
 enjoy the comfortable hope that their pofterity 
 would at lead as warmly deteft what is really 
 and notorioLifly wrong. If fo, the rights and li- 
 berties of America are quif? fecure under the 
 prote6lion and fovereignty of a Britifh parliament. 
 : But if the Americans thought otherwife, and 
 fufpeded that their liberties, by paying obe- 
 dience to fuch a power without bi'ing reprefented, 
 were endangered, it was iheir duty to have pe- 
 titioned the hoiife for a reprefentation as had 
 
 been 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 been formerly pra<5ticed.* And their withdraw- 
 ing their allegiance without making fuch a re- 
 quifition, while they were enjoying the pri- 
 vileges of Englifhmen, was ungrateful and un- 
 juft, and every Itate in Europe will deem it 
 rebellion. 
 
 It is urged in favor of America, That what- 
 ever claufes there may be in the charters, or ads 
 of parliament, refpefting England's right to tax 
 the colonies, yet as in faft they have never been 
 taxed to any confiderablc extent, the law or 
 right is now become obfolete or tacitly renoun- 
 ced ; and that the renunciation is even in fome 
 meafure declared by permitting the aflemblies of 
 the fevcral provinces to raife money for the fup- 
 port ot their own government j that it is abfurd 
 to fuppofe two feparate powers to have the right 
 of raifing money in the fame province*, and that 
 this abfurdity has, in efFcd:, been ackowledged 
 by requifition of a Iccretajy of ftate made to 
 them to raife money during the war j and by the 
 thanks and the rcimburftMiicnt they received from 
 a Britifli parliament at the conclufion of it. 
 
 The obfervation of Montefquieu is juft. That 
 England on the eRablifliment of the colonics has 
 
 rather 
 
 • See p. 18, 19. 
 
 .'1 I 
 
 ^1 
 
 m 
 
 I 
 
I 
 
 
 ( 28 ) 
 
 rather had a view to the encreafe of trade than 
 the exa6lion of a rcrcnue. At their firft cfta- 
 b'ifhment (he has even fupported and cherifhed 
 them at confiderable expence. Parliamentary 
 aids have been fo lately and bountifully gnnte4 
 for the fupport of Georgia, Florida and Nov^ 
 Scotia, that their impreflion cannot be yet efiac'd 
 from the memory of any in England. But 
 though thefe aids have humanely and politically 
 been granted to mofl of the colonies, to enable 
 the firft planters to furmountthe obftacles which 
 unavoidably occur in the cftablilhment of new 
 fettlements, yet as loon as they acquired ftrength, 
 with equal, propriety taxes have been impofed, 
 though in fo moderate a degree as rather to have 
 the appearance of being laid on with a view to. 
 regulate the commerce and aflert the right of 
 taxation, than for the purpofe of a revenue. In 
 A country thinly peopled the expence of levying 
 taxes is often equal, and fometimes exceeds, the 
 amount of them -, probably for this realbn the 
 cxcife laid on in 1646 as mentioned before, wa$ 
 not collefted, nor the duties cf tonnage and 
 poundage in 1060. 
 
 ^ Befidcs, if the calculations ^vhich are fo incef- 
 funtly rung in our ears, of the rapid encreafe of 
 
 the 
 
HIRIiUia 
 
 ( 29 ) 
 
 the inhabitants in America, be juft, that they 
 double every twenty or twenty-five years, the 
 number of inhabitants in the year 1716, con- 
 fideringthe prodigious fwarms of Germans and 
 Britons which fince annually emigrated thither, 
 could fcarce exceed three hundred thoufand ; 
 and confequently the revenues which might 
 have been raifed from fuch a fmall number, 
 fcattered over a wide extenfive country, would 
 |)e too trifling for a national confideration. 
 
 The colonies have indeed, with the approba- 
 tion of the crown, expreflcd by their governors, 
 teen permitted to levy Ibme fmall revenue for 
 regulating the internal policy of the country: 
 corporations, counties, and parifhes in England, 
 are alfo permitted to a certain extent to raifc 
 money for the maintenance of the poor, repara- 
 tion of churches, bridges, high-ways. Sec. and 
 though this power has been exercifed with pro- 
 priety to a greater extent in the provinces, yet 
 the parliament of Britain has aflerted its con- 
 trouling power over them whenever it was judg- 
 ed to be exercifed improperly or to the general 
 detriment. 
 
 The a6l of alT^rmbly of Virginia, which laid a 
 ^Uty on the importation of negroes, was annul- 
 led. 
 
I 
 
 ( 3° ) 
 
 led, and an aft pafled in the 24th George II. 
 reftraining the governors and affemblies of the 
 provinces from making any aft, order, refolu- 
 tion, or vote, whereby paper bills, or bills of 
 credit fhall be iifued under any pretence what- 
 ever. And in the 14th of George II. an Aft 
 was paiTed reftraining them from erefting Banks. 
 But the Americans have exercifed this power of 
 taxation over themfelves with fo much moderation 
 that the parliament has rarely had occafion to 
 reitrain it. They would not cefs themfelves and 
 raife fufiicient fums even to repel the invation of 
 the Indians in the year 1 754. ' - ■» " - """ ' ^- /■ 
 At the clofe of the laft and the preceding war 
 the money which the provinces of America had 
 fpent during the war, was reftored to them by 
 parliament ; the provinces of Maffachufet's Bay 
 and New Hamplhire were the only provinces 
 who raiftd any money the firfl: war, and there- 
 fore there was fome propriety in repaying them, 
 efpecially as fome few private peoj)le had, in ex- 
 peftation of being amply repaid, advanced mo- 
 ney oiherwife much btyond their abilities. And 
 in the laft war Mr. Pitr, then fccretaiy of ftate, 
 wrote circular letters to feveral of the provinces, 
 reqncfting them to lend money to government 
 
 for 
 
( 31 ) 
 
 for die fupport of the war in America, and 
 pledging his honour that he would ufe his, ut- 
 moft endeavours to fee them repaid by par- 
 liament. — *— The money raifed by thefe pro- 
 vinces in confequence of thofe letters, com- 
 pared mth the money raifed in Britain, was but 
 a drop in the bucket ; yet this is the founda- 
 tion from whence all our ills have flowed i the 
 Americans then firft began to conceive the opi- 
 nion that the right of taxation was folely veiled 
 in their own aflemblics. -^ ': 
 
 It will be fomc apology for the parliament's 
 complying with Mr. Pitt's engagements, if we 
 confider, that as fome of tlie provinces had exert- 
 ed a fpirit againd the common enemy more 
 than others, it was but juft in the Britifli 
 parliament to reftore them to an equality with 
 thofe provinces which had Ihewn lefs zeal for the 
 fupport of the empire. — It might perhaps have 
 been wifcr in the parliament to have aded like the 
 Romans {Livy^ b. 27. c. 29) and exafted a double 
 ratio from the colonies who had not manifefted 
 a proper zeal, than to Iiave rcftored to the others 
 the fmall pittance which they had granted. 
 Small it may furcly ba called, for in the fe- 
 
 quel 
 
'ii\ 
 
 RiV' < 
 
 I 
 
 In ' 
 
 quel of thefe pages it fliall be proved to be fo 
 in comparifon of what the people of Britain ad- 
 vanced. 
 
 The fallibility of parliament is by certain 
 people freely enough anounced on fome occafi- 
 bns, but in this, wherein the acts and refolutions 
 of parliament coincide with their views, they 
 fpeak of their fentiments having thereby acquir- 
 ed a fandion, as if the wifdom of parliament was 
 infallible. But whatever may have been the mo- 
 tives for the condii6l of parliament in the above 
 inftances, on all other occafions they have flre- 
 mioufly maintained their fiipremacy and right of 
 taxation : and what particularly merits the read- 
 er's attention, is that on former occafions, the 
 whigs and republicans have been the foremoft 
 and moft zealous in aflerting thofe rights. Wit- 
 nefs the Excife by the Republican party, 
 and the duties of tonnage and poundage granted 
 by the Convention Parliament 1 660. — Witnefs 
 the duties on fugar, and a variety of other ar- 
 ticles laid on in 1672, by the parliament which 
 propofcd the Bill of Exdufion.— Witnefs the en- 
 forcing the lafl: mentioned act in King William's 
 reign, 1696, by giving the l^me powers to the 
 cuftom-h'Hirc ofFicers of entering wharfs, ware- 
 
 houfcF, 
 
^Cj 
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 hoiifes, &:c. as in England.— Witnefs the duties 
 laid on foreign fpirits, liigars, &c. in the reign 
 of George II. and alfo the adl prohibiting the e- 
 rc(5tion of flitting mills and fteel furnaces, pafled 
 in the 12th of the lame reign. — Witnefs the three 
 declaratory aifls, as they may be called ; the or- 
 dinance of the lords and commons, 1650, (p. 10) 
 The ad of 7th and Sth of King William (p. 12) 
 And the ad of his prefent Majefty's reign, when 
 Lord Rockingham was firft Lord of the Treafu- 
 ry, declaring that the King and parliament of 
 Great Britain have authority to make ftatues 
 to bind the colonies in all cafes whatibever. — — 
 Vv itncis, laftly, the bill propofcd by the whig 
 min'lry in Qtieen Ann-'s reign, 1710, which 
 was only prevented from being pafled into a law 
 by a change of adminiftration, when the Torries 
 fucceeded to the management of public afi^airs : 
 tiie title of the bill was. An aft for granting a 
 revenue to her Majefty, to arife within the pro- 
 vince of New York in America, for the fupport 
 of that government. In the preamble it is laid, 
 the Commons give and grant unto her Majefty, 
 the rates, duties, excilcs, impofitions. Sec. there- 
 in after mentioned. '* Wlicrcfore, when the 
 
 F eentkmen 
 
 • See Ol»lcrv;tions on the Tliirtccntli Pail. 
 
 m 
 
I" 
 
 
 '«h!t. 
 
 ( 34 ) 
 
 gentlemen cf the oppofition declare tlic prtfent 
 mcafures are founded on Tory and tyrannical 
 principles, they rather give a teftimony of their 
 zeal than of their candour. 
 
 The favourers of America farther alledge, that 
 as England afllimes an exclufive right to their 
 commerce, ftie in reality taxes them by this re- 
 ftraintj and by virtue of it receives all their 
 ■wealth, and cannot in reality receive more, how 
 high foever (he may tax them. 
 
 Great Britain certainly receives confiderable 
 advantages from her commerce with her colo- 
 nies i and has undoubtedly enuded many laws 
 with intention to fccure and encreafe thefe ad- 
 vantages J and feme of thelc laws, by reftraining 
 the commerce of the colonics, may fcem to be 
 injurious to them •, but if the whole of the laws 
 be impartially viewed, and the commercial re- 
 ftraints, which Great Britain has alfo impofed on 
 herfelf for the benefit of the colonics, and the 
 bounties which fiie has given to encourage the 
 cultivation of fuch articles of commerce as were 
 moft fuitable to the refpedive colonies ; it will 
 be granted, that fiie could not have enabled 
 wifer and more advantageous laws foi- the co- 
 lonies, if their commerce had been the folc ob- 
 
 jea 
 
( 3J ) 
 
 jetft of her care. She has not (o properly re- 
 itrained the commerce, as compelled the people 
 to dire(ft their induftry and (kill to the culture of 
 thofe articles which it was the intereft of each co- 
 lony to cultivate: flic has not diverted this boun- 
 tiful flream to an unnatural courfe j but has only 
 rellrained it to its proper channel, by which it 
 has fwelled to fuch amazing magnificence, that 
 though in the year 1704, the total of the ex- 
 ports from America amounted only to 569,950;,^. 
 yet in 1772, they amounted to no lefs than 
 6,024,171 £. (Sec Mr. Burke's fpcech, March 
 22d 1775, p. 9, 10.) The laws therefore can 
 never be oppreflive under whofe influence the 
 commerce of America hath fo rapidly increafcd. 
 
 By thefc laws the following articles pay lo 
 much lels duty when imported from the colonics 
 than from otiier places, that the moft confiderable 
 of them are fokly imported from the plantations: 
 
 Sugar, ■ 
 
 Tobacco, - ,' ' ' 
 
 Rum, 
 
 Molafles, 
 
 Cocoa-nuts, 
 
 CoflTee, 
 
 Ginger, 
 
 Whale 
 
I 
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 Whale-fin, 
 
 Tar, pitch. 
 
 The following articles are imported duty free 
 from America, and pay duty from other places : 
 . Pig-iron,^ 
 
 Wood, 
 
 Rice, 
 
 Pot and pearl afhes, 
 . Raw and und reft hides, i 
 
 . Raw filk into the port of London, 
 ;, Bar-iron into the ^'>ort of London, 
 
 Cotton wool is free at prcfent from all places, 
 / but till lately it was only free from the 
 Britifh plantations. 
 
 Bounties are given on the following articles 
 from America : 
 Indigo, 
 Hemp, 
 
 Rough and undrefl flax,. 
 Naval ftores, viz. 
 Mafts, 
 Yards, 
 
 Eowfprits, 
 Tar, 
 Pitch, 
 Turpentine, 
 
 Raw 
 
rec 
 es: 
 
 he 
 
 es 
 
 V 
 
 ( 37 ) 
 Raw filk into the port of London, 
 Deals, planks, boards, and timber. 
 Coals, when exported to the plantations, pay 
 lefs duty than when exported to other foreign 
 parts. American vefTels are deemed Britifh, 
 which encourages fhip building in America. See 
 Abftra^s of the A6ls of Parliament in Burrow 
 and Saxby on each of the above articles. 
 
 It is manifeft from the above laws, that the 
 advantages of commerce betwe-n England and 
 its colonies, are mutual ; for tho' England has 
 indeed much reftrided the trade of its colonies 
 to itfelf, yet it has in return, in reality reftricT:ed 
 itfelf to purchafe folely from its own colonies, 
 fuch articles as they can moll advantageoufly 
 produce. Every merchant knows, that fugar, 
 tobacco, rum, are folely imported from them. 
 
 '"hey who think: lightly of this reftridion mud. 
 alter their opinion by reflcding, that our favou- 
 rable treaty of commerce with Portugal is on this 
 exprefs condition, that lefs duties Ihail be impo- 
 fed en their wines than on thofe of France; where- 
 fore, if the whole- of the commercial colony laws 
 be accurately and candidly examined, it muft be 
 acknowledged, that the colonifls have no right 
 
 to 
 

 m 
 
 ( 38 ) 
 
 to plead exemption from taxation on their ac- 
 count. ' , . , . -s.. 
 
 By virtue of tiiefc laws, the commerce of the 
 colonies has become greater than the whole com- 
 merce of England in the reign of queen Anne : 
 In 1 704, the whole export trade of England, in- 
 cluding that to the colonies, amounted only to 
 6,509,000^. In the year 1772, the exports 
 from Britain to its colonies alone, are faid to 
 have amounted to 6,024,000 £. (lee the above 
 fpecch, p. iQ.) The colonies therefore, to make 
 a return for thcfe goods, muft export upwards of 
 feven millions fterling -, otherwife, Confidering the 
 intereft, freight, and infurance, the Britifh mer- 
 chant muft be a lofer. 
 
 In the reign of queen Anne, England was ac- 
 counted one of the firft commercial nations in 
 Europe, and by virtue of it maintained a long 
 and expenfiv- war, and annually railed a revenue 
 amounting to abou: 8 millions.* Surely therefore 
 America, under the advantage of a grtater com- 
 merce, might contribute fomething confiderabl* 
 toward the nccefl'ary fupport of the ftate, and tiie 
 people there Hill continue happy and free, as 
 they were ia England in the days of queen Anne. 
 
 The 
 * See Poftltth'vVajt's luftory o? the public revenitc. 
 
^ 
 
 ( 39 ) 
 
 The inference, that we receive all their wealth 
 becaufe we confine all their commerce to our- 
 felves, is fallacious ; for notwithftanding this re- 
 ftriftion of their trade, thcT daily increafe in 
 wealth J frefli lands are cultivated ; new manu- 
 fa6lures eflabliflied ; and were they to conti- 
 nue to improve in the fame ratio for the next hun- 
 dred years as the laft, they would be the wealth- 
 left and greateft commercial nation in the world. 
 No wonder, fince they are put in poffeflion 
 of fertile lands, for which they fcarcely pay any 
 T< :i and have the advantage and protection of 
 the heft of governments almoft without expence. 
 If Britain was to transfer foine part of this 
 wealth to itfelf, by obliging America to contri- 
 bute a moderate lli.ire towards the fiipplies of the 
 empire, even though fuch contribution IhouIJ 
 check a little the rapid progrcls of America, and 
 enable Britain to revive fome of its decllnino- ma- 
 nufa(5lures, it is evident no injullire or violence 
 would ' '" vommittedi the overburthened Eno-- 
 li(h fl^t j-Ji-'d indeed be a little ealcd, and the 
 Irregular prices of the American one gently 
 checked. 
 
 The large fums of money wliich the Ameri- 
 cans owe to the I'lnglifli merchants, induce fome 
 
 pcopb 
 
; 
 
 m 
 
 If 
 
 ( 40 ) 
 
 people to think that they are poor, and incapable 
 of paying taxes ', whereas the continuance of this 
 large debt folely arifes from their applying the 
 annual profits of their cultivated lands to the cul- 
 ture of frefh lands, inftead of liquidating their 
 debts i and while they have frefh lands to culti^ 
 vate, and they continue this praftice, they will 
 continue apparently poor, tho* they daily cn- 
 creafe in wealth. 
 
 Some gentlemen '\.ve fantaftically aflerted, 
 that the colonics pay ta. n every bit of cloth, 
 or other manufacture which they purchafe ; for 
 as the Englifti manufadurer pays taxes, thefe 
 taxes encreafe the rate of his wages, and conle- 
 quently enhance the price of the goods j thercr 
 fore they, the purchafers, ultimately pay the 
 taxes. 
 
 Without entering into a minute detail in an- 
 fwer to this argument , it may be lufficient to 
 jlledge — That on this principle every ftate in 
 Europe pays taxes to Britain, and Britain to 
 every ftate in Europe with which flie has com- 
 merce. If this ar.iwcr docs not equally apply to 
 the American colonics, and if the Englifh mer- 
 chant does not, on the fame parity of reafpn, 
 pay a tnx on every leaf of tobacco which he pur- 
 chafes 
 
YRnpniPi rrr^l' 
 
 m. 
 
 nics 
 
 ( 41 ) 
 
 chafes from Virginia, it is becaufe Virginia and 
 tne reft of the Englifli colonies have hitherto 
 been protedled ac England's expence, and have 
 in confequence been the only civilized focieties. 
 of wealth, which ever cxifted without paying 
 taxes to any extent : whicli objeflion the Eng- 
 lifli now wifli to remove. 
 
 Man is naturally th.' benefa^ftor of man, and 
 commerce the chain that in fome degree unites 
 focieties of the moft diftant fituations, even 
 though their cuftoms, manners, religion and civil 
 policy be ever fo different •, commerce not only 
 civilizes man, enlarges his fcience, diftributes the 
 peculiar produds of different climates, and fup- 
 plies their mutual wants, but diffufes arts, pro- 
 motes induftry, enriches the merchant, and con- 
 fequently enables the ftate the more eafily to raife 
 its revenues i in this fcnfe, but in no other, the 
 American, and every merchant, pays to Eng- 
 land a tribute on the gqods they purchafe. 
 
 With as little propriety it has been alledged, 
 that Virginia pays a large tribute to Britain, 
 becaufe the cuftoms which are levied on the im- 
 portation of their tobacco amounts to a large re- 
 venue. — If this inference is juft, Virginia pays 
 three times as much tribute to France on this 
 
 G article 
 
 I I m 
 
 'i 
 
-rjT 
 
 ( 42 ) 
 
 article as to Britain. But this nonfenfe h too 
 notorious to require farther animadverfion. 
 The laws feem harfh which impowered the ma- 
 giftrate to pluck up by the roots tobacco planted irt 
 England ; and which prohibit a Virginian frorti 
 creating a flitting mill: yet England is not injur- 
 ed by the one, nor Virginia by the other ; a piati- 
 tcr in Virginia can cam two fliillings a day, a nail- 
 er at Dudley or Hales Owen not above fixteen 
 pence : in confequence of this different price o^ 
 labour, the people of Virginia can import nails 
 from England cheaper than they can manufac- 
 ture themi and the law therefore which proh" **:s 
 them from crefting flitting mills, only prev. its 
 from mifapplying their flcill and induftry. 
 
 Many gentlemen have adopted an opinion, 
 iwhich one of extenfive knowledge has warmly 
 iiipportcd with all the fplendor of eloquence. 
 That the prefcnt wealth and power of Britain have 
 principally arifen from the commerce of the Colo- 
 nies ; and that the benefits it receives from this 
 commerce are an adequate recompence for the 
 immenfe treafurc that has been expended in fet- 
 tling, encouraging and prctefting them ; and 
 therefore, in prudence and equity, Britain ought 
 to be content with the profit of this commerce, 
 
 and 
 
.( 43 ) 
 
 and not cxatSt a fingle farthing from them by 
 taxation ; and that it was wrong to alienate their 
 aifedions by making an attempt which mud 
 tend to deftroy our connexion with them. 
 
 The wealth cf a nation conHfts of the (kill 
 and induftry of its inhabitants, which commerce 
 faftains ar. ^ promotes ; and as the commerce of 
 the colonies conftitutes a great part of the com- 
 merce of Britain, and as the property of many 
 merchants is employed in the fadtories and plan- 
 tations of the colonies, this trade and commerce 
 undoubtedly conftitutes a great part of the wealth 
 of Britain, and confequently the lofs or Hag- 
 nation muft be a prefent injury.-.— — A ccf- 
 fation of the commerce to Lilbon, Cadiz or 
 Naples, in proportion to the extent of it, would 
 be at leaft an equal injury. Tt is fuppofed that 
 part of the returns for Englilh merchandize ex- 
 ported to thefe cities are made in gold and f|l- 
 ver; which returns are generally deemed the 
 nioft advantageous. The colonies cannot make 
 fuch returns, they have no mines at prefent 
 which produce thefe metals, and moft of the un- 
 wrought materials which are luppofed the next 
 beneficial return that are imported from the co- 
 lonies, can be procured from other places ; but 
 
 to 
 
 #1 
 

 ( 44 ) 
 
 to encourage ^^e ^c.nmcrcc of the colonies, boun- 
 ties havt Dt ** 3'.vf ii on the importation of many 
 of th , artic.s from the colonies, and a culloni 
 laid on them when imported from other places. 
 But notwithflanding thefe encouragements, the 
 principal returns are made in articles of luxury, 
 as fngar, tobacco, rum, &c. the imports of 
 which articles amount annually, to three millioni 
 llerling and upvards. The commerce of the 
 colonies is alio accompanied with the inconveni- 
 ence of a flow return of the money employed in it, 
 which does not arifc fo much from the diftance 
 as from the planters clearing their grounds and 
 cultivating their plantations with capitals fur- 
 niflied to them by the Englifh merchant, 
 
 Notwithftanding therefore this extenfive com- 
 merce of the colonies, which is faid to be the 
 flrength of Britain, it may be much doubted 
 whether its power would not have been grcater, 
 if inftead of eftablifliing colonies and fpinning 
 the web from its own bowels, it had availed it- 
 felf of the wealth and ingenuity of other nations, 
 and had" cultivated a niore general commerce. 
 If reftriAive commercial companies had been 
 abolifhed and national meafures adopted for the 
 proteftion of private traders in different parts of 
 
 the 
 
t 45 > 
 
 the world, it is more than probable that an en- 
 larged commerce, with upwards of two hundred 
 millions of people in the different kingdoms of 
 Afia, might have proved as advantageous as a 
 monopoly of commerce with two millions only. 
 
 The Spanifh colonies in America bear at leaft 
 as great a proportion to the wealth and power 
 of Spain as the Britifh colonies in America to 
 the wealth of the Britilh empne •, y6t it is genc-^ 
 rally thought that Spain has rather decreafed 
 than encreafed her power by the eftablifliment of 
 her colonies ; and if Britain has, on the contra- 
 ry, increafed in power, fincc the eftablifliment 
 o( her Colonics, this increafe of power and wealth 
 ought not to be afbribed to the eftablifliment of 
 the American Colonies, but rather to the wifdom 
 of her laws, and the induftry and ingenuity of 
 her inhabitants. But quitting this region where 
 Fancy may take her boldclt flights, let us con- 
 fine ourielves tofa(Sls. '' 'v^- -•-"' i ^ • " ' 
 " Ever fince the reign of James I. commerce 
 has been conftantly the objcd of parliamentary 
 attention, in that reign monopolies were dcmo- 
 liflied, and fo early as the Gommonwealth, the 
 Lords and Commons paflKfd an ad, or ordinance 
 for the improvement of commerce, which if the 
 
 curious 
 
( 46 ) 
 
 curiqus rea4er v^ill confult, he will find (Hat 
 the laws fince enabled, which have moil contri- 
 buted to the improvement of trade and com- 
 merce, are conformable to the principles and re- 
 gulations contained in that ordinance. See Pari, 
 hift. vol 19. p. 314, 315. 
 
 But what has molb of all contributed to the 
 encouragement of c|f(*merce, has been the fteady 
 Security of private property. During the la(l 
 hundred years, every man has fat under his own 
 vipe and his own fig-tree, no one making him 
 afraid : no foreign enemy has invaded the king- 
 dom, and there has been no civil commotion 
 worth notice. During fuch a period therefore, the 
 w?a^th of the nation muft have immenfely in? 
 preaied. 
 
 From the building of the walls of Athens, by 
 Themiftocles, to the commencement of the Pe- 
 Ipponefian war, only twenty-eight years, Athene 
 in that fhort period, by her naval (kill and com- 
 iherce, arrived to fuch power as to contend for 
 the fovereignty of Greece. From the end of the 
 mercenary war, which fo impoverifhed Carthage 
 as to reduce her to the wretched neceffity of fub- 
 mitting, without refinance, and almoil withoytr 
 murmur, to be robbed by the Romans of 1 200 
 
 talents, 
 
1 
 
 ( 47 ) 
 
 talents, and of the ifland of Sardinia, to the com- 
 mencement of the fecond Punic war, was only 
 twenty years, yet in this period fhc acquired fuch 
 ftrength, principally by her cortimerce and ma- 
 ritlmfe Ikill, as to conteft with Rome for the fo- 
 vereignty of the world : and the power of Car- 
 thage was fo nearly equal to that of her rival, 
 that viftory long hovered o'er the Carthaginian 
 canip, and would have fixed her feat there if the 
 factious citizens had not with-held from their 
 fuccefsful General the neceflary and opportune 
 fupplies. 
 
 If thefe two ftates, by their naval power and 
 commerce, arrived in fo ftiort a period to fuch 
 Vaft wealth and power, why might it not be exf- 
 pefted, that Britain, with as free a governtnerit, 
 i^ intrepid and aftive mariners, and as great an 
 attention to commerce, during a thuth longer 
 period, fliould attain to extcrifive wealth arid 
 pov<rtr, though the colonies of America had ne- 
 vef exifted : If fo, it may be afl<ed— Why this 
 cortteft ? The ahfwcr is obvious. Manufafturers 
 e^nfiot inrtiritly tUfh their hands ffotn one trade 
 t6 ariother ; neither can commerce hit iriftantly 
 iransfer'd from one nation to another. The 
 Thirties might have fiiri in a difFcferit charine?, 
 
 and 
 
( 48 ) 
 
 III 
 Id 
 
 
 Eil- 
 
 and yet zz noble a commercial city, and as fub- 
 (lantial docks have beencrec^tcd on its banks as the 
 prefent : but was this river now to alter its courle 
 a few miles only, fucii an alteration would be an 
 immenfe injury to Britain. Bcfides, as Ene^Iand 
 has expended enormous fums In eftablidiing and 
 proteding the colonies, fhe has a right to de- 
 mand peculiar returns from them. Tho* Eng- 
 land, like many other projedlors, may have fpent 
 large fums, for which fhe m .y never obtain an 
 adequate return, however oeneticial her projefts 
 may prove to others. 
 
 The money actually fpent on the Gondu4fl of 
 the late war amounted to, at leaft, ninety mil- 
 lions, which will be m.inifcft to any who reflects 
 on the feventy millions of additional debt that 
 was incurred, and the fums which were actually 
 raifed over and above what would have been nc- 
 ceffary in time of peace : how therefore can any 
 gentleman lay, that the extraordinary gains of 
 their commerce is an equivalent for our expen- 
 ces, when the annual interefl of thofe expences 
 amounts to two thirds of the total returns of 
 their trade. We all know that the laft war was 
 begun on account of our colonies in North Ame- 
 rica J and the Congrefs at Philadelphia, in their 
 
 petition 
 
C( 
 
 (C 
 
 C€ 
 
 (C 
 
 ({ 
 
 ( 49 ) 
 
 petition to his Majefty, 8th July 1775, have in 
 i'd£t declared the fame opinion : They fay, 
 ** That the benefits arifing from the union of 
 " the mother country and the colonies, excited 
 the wonder and envy of other nations, while 
 they beheld Great Britain rifing to a power the 
 *' moft extraordinary the world had ever known. 
 " Her rivals obferving, that there was no 
 probability of that happy connexion being 
 broken by civil dilfentions ; and apprehend- 
 injt its future effeds, if left any longer undif- 
 " turbed, refolved to prevent her receiving fuch 
 *' continual and formidable acceflions of wealth 
 a"d ftrength, by checking the growth of thofe 
 ments from which they were to be derived** 
 See Journal of the Congrefs^ ^77 5^ P- 130. 
 
 Acknowledging however the peculiar benefits 
 of this commcrcej it becomes more the intereft 
 of Britain to fecurc the allegiance of the colo- 
 nies : from the moment they become indepen- 
 dent ftates, they will trade where they can make 
 moft gain •, for ftates, as much as private mer- 
 chants, adopt the maxim, that trade knows no 
 friendfhip but preference : one pcrfon may be 
 preferred to another, where the gains are equal, 
 but on no ether terms, 
 
 H If 
 
 (( 
 
 (C 
 
( so ) 
 
 ll 
 
 
 fei I 
 
 If a parent ftate cannot juftly tax iti colonies, 
 and exercife dominion over them, neither can jt 
 juftly reftrl<fl their commerce. IF the former are 
 inconfiftent with civil libmy and the natu«-a)[ 
 rights of rtlan, fo is the latter. The Adl of Navi- 
 gation is asitnjuft as an impofition of three pence 
 a pound duty on tea : the one therefore may be 
 ^s rightfully refiftcd as the other ; and all the 
 arguments which have been alledged againft tax- 
 ing the colonies, apply with equal force againit 
 the A6t of Navigation. The Americans have 
 declared, and the ableft writers in their favour, 
 now acknowledge the fame fentiments. Let us not 
 therefore deceive ourfelves, and imagine that the 
 cxadion of the tax on tea i: the true and efficient 
 caufe of the prefent war^ it is only a circumftance, 
 an incident, which has fooner brought the comba- 
 tants into the field. It was more popular to refift 
 the exaction of the inipofl on tea, than ihc* 
 Afb of Navigation. And if the American* 
 " acknowledge it as a fignal inftaijce of divine 
 •' favour, that his Providence wouH not permit 
 '- them to be called into this fevere controverfv. 
 until they were grown np to their prefent 
 ftrength, had b°en previoufly exercifed in war- 
 like preparations, and polTeft of the means of 
 
 " defending 
 
 «c 
 
 iC 
 
( JI ) 
 
 ** defending themfelves," (fee ibid. p. 128.) 
 England alfo may rejoice, that this unnatural war 
 is commenced when (he is in perfed peace, and 
 every nation in Europe approves her caufe ; and 
 when her great fupenority will enable her to re- 
 flore peace and order to her deluded citizens with 
 lefs deftrudion than muft unavoidably have hap- 
 pened if the conteft had been deferred till the 
 parties were more equal. And fince the temper 
 of the colonies make it manifeft, that this evTnt 
 muft have taken place fooner or latter, it is the 
 intereft of the nation, however difagreeable it 
 may be to the prefent adminiflration, that it has 
 commenced thus early. ♦ 
 
 Every candid perfon muft acknowledge, that 
 the prefent revenues of Britain are inadequate to 
 defray the neceflary expence of the ftate and re- 
 duce the national debt with the fpeed that the 
 welfare and fafeiy of the nation require j from 
 the year 1763 to lyy^ the national debt has not 
 peen reduced more than eleven millions, which 
 redudion does not amount fully to a miilion an- 
 nually i during eight of the above years, the 
 land tax was only three (hillings in the pound, 
 if it had been four, this additional flv'lling would 
 in eight years have amoujiced to about 3,400,000 
 
 " pound ^ 
 
 if 
 
 i{ 
 
 
( 52 ) 
 
 ponnds. But this deficiency has been fully 
 Compenfated by the contribi'-tion of two millions 
 in five years, by the India Company •, by the 
 falc oi the French prizes which were taken be- 
 fort' the war, and by the money paid by the 
 Frcfich for maintaining their prifoners. 
 
 If therefore during thefe eleven years, which 
 immediately followed a fuccefsful v/ar, England 
 has not been able to liquidate above a million a 
 year of the debt, notwithftanding this mighty in- 
 ireafe o^ the commerce of the colonies, and in 
 confe<juence thereof an increafe of trade to other 
 places, what probability is there that a greater 
 fun can hereafter be annually liquidated. 
 
 The ignorant and faflious will fay this arifes 
 from an unfair account of the publick treafures -, 
 or from extravagant and injudicious difburfe- 
 ments of them. But the ingenuous enquirer 
 will refledl, that during the above period Mr. 
 Grenville, the Marquis of Rockingham, the 
 Duke of Grafton, and Lord North, have been 
 feverally ; at the head of the trcafury, and as nei- 
 ther they nor their friends and able coadjutors, 
 when in or out of office, have been capable of 
 pointing out a method of making any confidera- 
 ble fivings and paying annually larger fums, the 
 
 fair 
 
( 53 ) 
 
 fair inference that the fubjedl is incapable of it. 
 And fmcc every real patriot mult acknowledge, 
 that a greater annual redudion is abfolutely necef- 
 fary to put the nation in a ftate of fecurity,thelegi- 
 flature is reduced to the ncceflity of either impo- 
 fing heavier taxes on the Britifh fiibjefts, or com- 
 pelling every part of the empire to contribute its 
 proper ratio of tribute. 
 
 The gentlemen in oppofition, will fcarce 
 approve of laying a tax of five Ihillings in the 
 pound on land •, or of raifing the excife on beer 
 ib as to make it a penny a pot dearer to the la- 
 bourer. Britain is fjppofed to contain above 
 eight millions of people, and the Congrefs cfti- 
 mate the inhabitants of North America, at about 
 ■2,500,000. All parties acknowledge that Eng- 
 land raifes a revenue of ten millions, over and 
 above the cxpence of colled ion •, and it cannot 
 be proved that the whole of the North American 
 colonieL, raife above i 00,000 pounds. Thefc 
 fads are fo extraordinary, that notwithftanding 
 their prefent notoriety, they will hereafter fcarce 
 be credited. If a revenue was raifed on the co- 
 lonies proportionable to their wealth and num- 
 (p^rs of inhabitants, the national debt would 
 
 fpeedily 
 

 i 
 
 ■\ 
 
 n 
 
 Si 
 
 ( J4 ) ^ 
 
 fpecdily decreafc, and no part of the empire 
 would be long opprefled with heavy taxes. 
 
 Bi|t the impropriety of the Americans contri- 
 buting ib little to the fupport of the ftafc, wiil be 
 ftill more manifeft by enquiring what the total 
 of the taxes amount to which people of landed 
 property pay in America, and by taking a com- 
 pautive view of the price of labour, and pro- 
 vidons in England and America, 
 
 A gentleman purchafed an cftatc in the pro- 
 vince of New-York, with about 2,400 £. fter- 
 ling : He {locked this cftate, and lived on its 
 produce, and the total of the taxes which he 
 annually paid to the poor, church, county rate, 
 province or ftate, amounted to no more than 
 £ I IS yd fterling. The country gentlemen in 
 England, ^11 make their own reflexions on this 
 faft.— -It would be foolifti and ridiculous to at- 
 tempt to add luftrc to the Summer's noon day 
 isun. 
 
 A ihip carpenter in the province of New- 
 York can earn eleven /hillings of their currency, 
 or fix Ihillings fterling, a day i a houfe carpen- 
 ter, or bricklayer, eiglit Ihillings currt. icy, which 
 is four lliillings and fixpcncc fterling ; a cpmmon 
 J^bourer three fiiillings and fixpence currency, or 
 
 two 
 
 , 
 
( 55 ) 
 
 two ftiiilings flrcrling. It is well knovn that mcrt 
 employed in fimilar brairches of bufinefs, in 
 England, cannot earn abov« two thirds of the 
 kbote fiims ; and yet the prices of beef, breads 
 mrti, And rnoft of the necelTariles 6f life, are con- 
 fiderably lower in America than in England. ^ 
 On what principle therefore of policy, equity 
 or hlimaivity, ought the Englith artificers to be 
 opprefied with taxes and the Americans exempt ? 
 Why Ihould the Ihip builder or failor of Bofton 
 or New- York be put in a better condition than 
 the (hip builder or failor of Whitby, or Port 
 Glafgow ? — Thete in Britain are at leall as ufe- 
 fiil members of the empire as thofe in America ; 
 and if the former are loaded with takes, which 
 the latter are exeff>pt from, and cani.ot with €- 
 qual fkill and induftry live as comfortably, and 
 acquire as much wealth, the laws arc fome 
 where defective. It is the duty of the legi- 
 (lature to remove this inequality. If k cannot 
 be effedled without fome inconvenience,, as there 
 is no good without its alloy of ill, the real Pa- 
 triot will not be at reft till he has formed a plail 
 which fecms attended with the leaft inconveni- 
 ence. He win not fupinely acquiefce in permit- 
 ting his fcilcw citizens whofc families, or friciKl- 
 
 'y 
 
Kl 
 
 (' S6 ) 
 
 ly connexions, induce them to continue to re-» 
 fide at home, to fufFer notorious injuftice. 
 
 It would be unneceflary to dwell longer ort 
 this fubjeft, if fome very worthy citizens were 
 not almoft rivetted in opinion, that the monopo- 
 ly of commerce with the colonies is of itfelf a 
 fufHcient taxation; and if they are taxed it Hiould 
 only be with intention to regulate their com- 
 merce, or fimply to aflert the Supremacy of 
 Britain, without any intention of raifing a re- 
 venue. 
 
 If this reftridtive commerce had enabled 
 Britain to raife a revenue adequate to the demands 
 of the flate, it would have been unneceflary to 
 call in the aid of the colonies j or if this reltric- 
 tion had prevented men of induftry from acquire 
 ing wealth as eafily in the colonies, as in Britain, 
 it would have been cruel and unjuft to have de- 
 manded it, whatever might have been the cuftom 
 and law of the land, or even the neceflities of the 
 empire. 
 
 In the preceding pages it has been proved, 
 that a proper revenue cannot be raifed without 
 too much oppreffing the people in England, and 
 every American merchant knows that men of 
 equal induftry and capital, can much more 
 
 readily 
 
( 57 ) 
 
 r^iadily acquire; wealth in America than in Bri- 
 tain. Indeed the rapid incrcafe of the wealth 
 and commerce pf America, prove it to a de- 
 monftration •, for if the community increafe in 
 wealth, the individuals of which it is compofed 
 muft prpportipnably grow richer. 
 
 All the nations in Europe exercife fupreme 
 authority over their colonies and tax them. The 
 Romans taxed their colonies, and fometimes ex- 
 afted a tribute of one tenth of the corn, &c. 
 which is equal to a land tax of real fix fhillings 
 in the pound. ' •*' 
 
 The equity and neceflity of obliging every part 
 of the empire to contribute to its maintenance is Co 
 obvious, that the Americans would not have 
 had the folly and infolence to have oppofcd the 
 meafure, if the declarations of fome gentlemen or 
 diftinguilhed charadcr and ftation here, with 
 refpe(5t to the repugnance of the mode in which 
 this contribution was required to be made to tlic 
 principles of the conftitution and the rights con- 
 veyed to them by their charters, had not given 
 them encouragement for fuch a condud. 
 Thefe declarations therefore, from whatever mo- 
 tives they were made, have in reality much con- 
 duced to involve this country in an expenfive 
 
 I 
 
 war. 
 
( 58 ) 
 
 war, brought the grcatcft prelcnt mifery arfd 
 ruin on fome parts of the infatuated colohies> 
 with impending danger of the fame calamity to 
 the reft, and cannot ultimately tend to incrcafc 
 
 their freedom. "" ' " '" '' "' " 
 
 A writer, who has been confidercd as the 
 champion of liberty, and whofe fentiments many 
 of the oppofition have implicitly adopted on o- 
 ther occafions, has been very much overlooked 
 on the prefent. Junius fays : * 
 
 '* A feries of inconfillent mcafures has aliena- 
 " ted the colonies from their duty as fubjeds, 
 ** and from their natural affection to their com- 
 '* mon country. When Mr. Grenvillc was pla- 
 *' ced at the head of the Trcafury, he felt the 
 •* impoflibility of Britain fupporting fuch 
 an eftablilhment as her former facceflcs 
 had made indifpenHible, and at the fame time 
 of giving any fenfible relief to foreign trade, 
 " and to the weight of the public debt. He 
 " thought it equitable that thefe parts of the em* 
 *' pire which had benefited mod by tiie expences 
 " of the war, Ihould contribute fomething to the 
 •' expences of the peace -, and he had no doubt 
 of the conftitutional right veftcd in parliament 
 
 *- See Junius, vol. i. p. S» 
 
 «« 
 
 C( 
 
 «( 
 
 (( 
 
 , . "i^ 
 
Ti 
 
 4( 
 
 ( 59 ) 
 
 •* to raife the contribution. But unfortunately 
 ** for this country, Mr. Grenville was at any 
 " rate to be depreffcd, becaulc he was minifter -, 
 " and Mr. Pitt and Lord Cambdcn were to be 
 ** the patrons of America, becaule they were in 
 ** oppofitiom Their declaration gave fpirit and 
 ** argument to the colonics ; and while perhaps 
 
 they meant no more than a ruin of a 
 ** minifter, they in cffed divided one half 
 ** of the empire from the other," 
 
 At the words Mr. Pitt Junius puts a mark of 
 reference to a marginal note, wliich is in thefc 
 words : " Tet Junius has been called the parti- 
 ** zan of Lord Chatham l" • . 
 
 Junius alfo fays, in another letter, * ** When 
 ^* Lord Chatham afiirms, that the authori- 
 " ty of the Britifti legiflature is not lupreme 
 ^* over the colonies in the fame fenfe in which it 
 
 ** is fupreme over Great Britain 1 uiten to 
 
 ♦* him with diffidence and refped, but without 
 ** the fmalleft degree of convidion or aflent." 
 
 Tho* thefc are the fentiments of Junius, whofe 
 
 writings have been almoft adored, as written by 
 
 the God of Liberty, yet others, for having a- 
 
 dopted the lame fcntiments, are treated as the 
 
 , ., •?,,•■ , , ■ _i..: \ abettors 
 
 * See Juniuc^ vol. 2. p. 268, 269. 
 
 •■ W' 
 
( 6o ) 
 
 ! 
 
 iH 
 
 » • ■ ■ • . * 
 
 ibcttors of tyranny; and they who petitioned the 
 Houfe, and addrefled the throne, to maintain this 
 fupremacy (o neceffary to the welfare of Britain, 
 are faid to prefent 1>M thirjiy petitions^ ** and 
 ** that a fpirit of domination has kd them with 
 " favage folly to addrefs the throne for the 
 •* flaughter of their brethren in America." ^Set 
 Dr. Price on Civil Liberty, &:c. p. 54.) The 
 author, whofe zeal is fo well exprefled in the laft 
 fentence, has declared fentiments which, as they 
 tomcide with thofe of many of the Aftierican af- 
 ftmblics, and of the Congrefs at Philadelphfe, 
 claim particular attention. The author declares, 
 ** That in every free ftate every luan is his own 
 legiflature. That civil liberty, in the moft per- 
 fcdl degree, can only be enjoyed in fmall ftates, 
 where every member is capable of giving his fuf- 
 fragcs in perfon : but that in large ftates fucK 
 near approaches may be made to perfe(5b liberty, 
 fls fliall anfwer all the purpofes of government, 
 by the appointment of reprefentatives or dele- 
 gates. But if the laws are ipade by one man, or 
 a junto of men, in a ftate, and not by common 
 content, a government by them does noi differ 
 tVom llavery. And if the reprefentatives or de- 
 Ji^j»afes are chofcn for lone terms, by a part on- 
 
 ... ■ ,^ 
 
 • • i 
 
( 6i ) 
 
 ly of the ftatc, and fubjc(fl to no cohtroul from 
 their conftituents, the very idea of liberty will 
 bcJoft." From thefe principles the author in- 
 fers, " that no one community can have any 
 power, or property, or legiflation of another 
 community that is not incorporated with it by a 
 juft and adequate reprefentation. And that a 
 country that is fubjeft to the legiflature of ano- 
 ther country, in which it has no voice, is in a 
 ftate of flavery.'' And confequently if Britain 
 cxercifes a fupreme authority over the colonies, 
 as they have no reprelentation in the Britilh par- 
 liament, they are in a ftate of flavery. But as 
 liberty is the unalienable right of man, which 
 neither individuals nor communities can be de- 
 prived of by wontra^l, compaft, or favour^ the 
 polonies have a right to refift Great Britain 
 when fhc endeavours to deprive them of it by 
 taxation or legiflation." (i^ee Dr. Price, p. i9,&c.) 
 If the above principles are jufl: and true, it 
 indifputably follows : firfl:, That all the nat.jns 
 in the world, except a very few, the whole of 
 whofe inhabitants fcarcely amount to one mil- 
 lion, have a right to rife in rebellion to alter 
 their prefent forms of government j fince their 
 l^ws are enabled cither by one man, or a junto 
 
 of 
 
( 62 ) 
 
 of men, and not by the whole of the peojsle col- 
 leded in a legiflative capacity, nor by a jufl: and 
 adequate reprefentation of them. The ftates of 
 Holland, the Canton of Berne, the Hanfc towns, 
 and even England itfelf, come under this pre- 
 dicament : which lad the author undoubtedly 
 did not intend, for certainly nothing is Icfs his 
 difpofition than the with to deflroy the peace 
 and good humour of England, and let in hodile 
 array friend againft friend, brother againil brO' 
 ther, and the fon againft the father. Yet un- 
 happily all this is implied in his pamphlet. For 
 *' fince in Great Britain, confifting of near fix 
 millions of inhabitants, 5723 perfons, moft of 
 them the loweft of the people, eleft one half of 
 the houfe of commons" (fee Dr. Price, p. 10.) 
 the legiflature of Britain cannot be faid to be 
 a juft and adequate icp«'efentation of the people, 
 and therefore the people have as juu c right to 
 rife in rebellion to remedy this imperfedion of 
 reprefentation, as the Americans have to rid 
 themfelvcs of the fupremacy of Britain ; for it 
 has been demonftrated, fo as not to leave a pof- 
 fibility of doubt in the minds of the moft fan- 
 guinc favourers of America, that they neither 
 ^re nor have been opprcfled j and therefore the 
 
 W 
 

 ( 63 ) 
 
 |5fefcnt rebellion can be folely on the pretence 
 of fccuring thcmfclvcs from future oppreffion. 
 
 2dly, That all the colonies belonging to the 
 different natioi.*, of Europe,have : right to revolt, 
 and form thcmfclves into independent ftates, for* 
 they arc all fubjeft to the fupremacy of their pa- 
 rent ftates, and none of them are governed bylaws 
 of their own making. Spain will not be much 
 indebted to this author for exciting her colonies 
 to rebel : neither can the caufe of the Britifh 
 colonies be much benefited by fopporting their 
 rcbcllioi' orr fuch principles only as would jufti- 
 fy the immediate rebellion of every colony in 
 the world : neither can any colonies be hereaf- 
 ter cftiblifhed, " for as neither compadV, protec- 
 tion, or favour, can confer an obligation on 
 them to remain dependent on their parent ftate," 
 they will trade wherever intereft or fancy promps 
 them : and confequently no nation can have a- 
 ny motives to form expenfive cftablifhments of 
 colonies, and therefore this plentiful fpring of 
 commerce and population would foon dry up. 
 
 The form of government which this author 
 reprefents as the moft perfed, in which every 
 man is his own legiflator, is fo far from being 
 entitled to that pre- eminence, that it ought ra- 
 
 -"- » ■ • thfr 
 
thcr to be ClaflSpd with the moft imperfeft ones j 
 the other form which iqvefts the legiflative au- 
 thority in delegates choTeo by the whole inhabi- 
 ^ant^, is liable to i'ewer exceptions ; altho*, if 
 thofe delegates are only cho(en for a fnort: peo 
 riod, and their power litnited by being obligecjl 
 to confult their conllitueiiii^s, this form will par- 
 take much of the impcpfeftions of the other. 
 
 In a ftate where every R>an is a legiflator, the 
 citizens inftead of employing themfelves in the 
 peaceful occupations of ^rts and commerce, will 
 form themfelves into fadious political cabals: 
 the affemblies of the ftate, if the ftate be of any 
 magnitude, muft confift of fuch multitudes a^ 
 will unavoidably be tumultuous and diforderly j 
 the voice of the worthy and the modeft wlU be 
 feldom heard i the ild, the ambitious, the art- 
 ful, will have mofl: fway -, an Alcibiades will 
 rule, and a Socrates will be martyred ^ a The- 
 midocles, a Zenophon and Ariftides banilhed ; 
 the great Pericles fined, and his fon with Bvc 
 other admirals put to death when they deferve^ 
 laurels for the vi^ory they had obtained*, a vain-> 
 glorious war, unjuil as deftruftive, refolved 
 againft Syracufe, and the whole revolted city qf 
 Mytelinc ordered to be malTacred. If any one 
 
 V . rcflefts 
 
'f<mi,iiMi'-c-j--ii-Ty»5ijjy^iM.wi.«u iiii^l"'" liPf^li I W P^Wpif^Viil^V 
 
 {6s) 
 
 reflefts on what was a<flcd in the Campus Mar- 
 tius of Rome, from the murder of the Gracchi 
 to Jie eftablifiimentof the fovereignty in the per- 
 fon of Auguftus Caefar, it will.diminifli his at- 
 tachment to that form of government where 
 every man adls as legiflator. But if any one 
 wi(hes to fee the glaring imperfeftions of this 
 form of government, let him read in Polybius 
 the revolt of the Carthagenian mercenaries, after 
 the firft Punic war, when every foldler became 
 his own legiflator, till they were at laft reduced to 
 fteli. relief by fubmitting themfelves to the arbi- 
 trary comm:.nd of fuch wretches as Spendius and 
 JMatho. 
 
 The imperfeflions of this government are Co 
 numerous, that it has no where long fubfifted, 
 but has become the prey of fome artful and 
 ambitious demagogue. If thefe forms are fo 
 very neceflary to the welfare of mankind that 
 it is even juftifiable to commence a civil war 
 to eftablilli them, it is fomewhat furprizing there 
 never has been any confiderable eftablifliment of 
 them. The pious will not adopt fuch an opi- 
 nion, as it feems derogatory to the wifdom of 
 Providence i the naturalift well obfervcs, that 
 aU animals, and even inanimate machines, are 
 
 K con- 
 
■f 
 
 (.66 ) 
 
 conftrufted of that form which beft anfwers the 
 purpofes for which they feem intended. The 
 knowledge of the optician and anatomift, fcant/ 
 as it is, is yet fufHcient to convince him that the 
 eye is of that form which befl: anfwers the pur- 
 pofes of vifion J he perceives in fome degree the 
 propriety and neccffity of every mufde, coar, 
 and humour which compofes that delightful or- 
 gan ; he is convinced there is nothing defective, 
 nothing redundant. The moralift who refleds on 
 the mental world, makes the fame obfervatioQ 
 on the inftindls and pafllons of animals ; he will 
 iK)t therefore readily acquiefce with Dr. Price, 
 that man, the fovereign of the earth, is the only 
 animal of impcrfeft conftruclion, which he cer- 
 tainly is, if the form of government which the 
 Dodt'itr has given a fketch of be abfolutcly ne* 
 c^iTary to his welfare ; fmce it neither now is, nor 
 ever was, eflablilhed to any extenfive degree ; 
 and therefore this defeA muft arife from the na- 
 tvrai imperfedion of man. 
 
 It falls not within the purpofe of this difqui- 
 fition to attempt to defcribe the mod excellent 
 forms of government ; but on this occasion ic 
 may not be improper to declrrf. that the princi- 
 pal purpofes of government of every ftatc arc 
 
 the 
 
■ IIW!!' W!?«H!!i|riV' rt^flMIWfll* 
 
 i; 
 
 ( 67 ) 
 
 the protedVion and fecurity of the perfons and 
 property of its members, which are beft obtain- 
 ed by a fyftem of equitable laws, whofe authority 
 proteft the weakeft and controul the mightieft. 
 In every nation, where fuch a fyftem of laws arc 
 eftabiiflied and reverenced, the inhabitants will 
 be happy, whatever may have been the original 
 or prefent form of government. It is for thefe 
 rcafons that fome of the ableft political writers 
 liave properly called government an empire of 
 laws, and not of men. Let any one examine 
 the government of England and its American 
 colonies fince the Revolution, and he muft ac* 
 knowledge that they have been bleft with the go- 
 vernment of lawsi no king or governor has 
 dared to fubftitute his will for law ; no fortifica- 
 tion has been erefted, no military force eftablifh- 
 €d to over-awe the colonies; the inhabitants 
 have been permitted to carry their own arms i 
 and it has been already clearly proved that they 
 have neither been loaded with taxes nor other- 
 wife oppreft, fo as to prevent their living com- 
 fortably, and rapidly encreafing in wealth. 
 Wherefore, their prefent revolt has arifcn fole- 
 ly from fpeculative notions, the folly and wick- 
 cdncfs of which muft appear to every one who 
 
 con- 
 
 •■ ■f- 
 
( 68 ) 
 
 confiders, that ' 'Ugh fome of the ableft men in 
 different ages aiiJ nations have propored dilFer- 
 ent forms of government, yet they widely difFei; 
 from each other, j^nd no one of them has met 
 with univerfal approbation. — If America could 
 detach herfelf from Great Britain, without being 
 guilty of ingratitude, and the moft notorious in- 
 juftice; without the ruin of her trade, the de- 
 ftrudion of her faircft towns, the mifery and 
 daughter of her inhabitants, yet the wifeft maj/ 
 doubt whether it would be a defirablc event; 
 and whether they were not changing an excellent 
 form of government for a bad one If the dif- 
 ferent provinces of America were formed into 
 feparate independant ftates, and united in a 
 general (jonfedcracy, what fecurity is there that 
 they would continue long in peace ? Conneflicut 
 and Penfyivania arc even now at variance about 
 the limits of their provinces, notwithllanding 
 their union againil Great- Biicain* and fourfcore 
 .of one party were killed in the conteft laft year. 
 Aie the inhabitants of America more wife? 
 mc're virtuous ? or Itifs avaricious than the an- 
 cient Grecians j who by their dilfentions fo weak- 
 trntd each other as to become an eafy prey to 
 their common enemy. 
 
 *Till 
 
( 69 ) 
 
 *Till the late difturbances the Americans 
 lived in perte<5t eafe and freedom, every man's 
 perfon and property was quite fecure ; he was 
 only amenable to the laws, and thofe fo mild 
 that they reftrained no man more from the exer- 
 cife of his natural liberty, than a good man 
 would with to reftrain himfelf if there was no 
 municipal law at all. The prefs was open, con- 
 verfation free, no perfecution for religious prin- 
 ciples, every man was at liberty to worfliip God 
 after his o.vn mode. The fpirit of freedom 
 flourilhed in every village. Their number and 
 wealth increafed fo faft, that England would 
 foon have as little power as (he has hitherto had 
 inclination to opprefs and enflave them, which 
 makes the folly of thofe in America who are the 
 authors of this war, as notorious as their wicked- 
 nefs. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
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