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Tous lea autraa exemplairas originaux sont film*s an commen9ant par la pramiAre paga qui comporta une amprainte d'imprassion ou d'illustration at en terminant par la darnlAre page qui comporte una telle empreinte. Un des symboles sulvants apparaftra sur la darniAre image de chaqua microfiche, seloh le cas: la symbols — ► signifie "A SUIVRE". le symbols ▼ signifie "FIN". Les cartas, planches, tableaux, etc.. peuvent Atre filmAs A des taux de rAduction diffArents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul ciichA, il est filmA A partir da I'angie supArleur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas. an prenant la nombre d'imagas nAcessaire. Las diagrammas sulvants illustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 6 6 ^f T i^'^K * SPEECH OP MR. DOBBIN, OF NORTH CAROLINA, ON THE OREGON QUESTION. Delivered in the House of Representatives, U. »S*. Januurij 15, 1846. Tlie House beinff in Conimitlee of tlie Whole on the State of tlic Union, ami hnvin? nnder consideration the resolution avilhorizinij the President to give the notice for tiie terniniaiion of the joint occupancy of the Oregon Territory — Mr. DOBBIN addressed the committee as follows : Mr. Chairman: I do not arise with the design of inllictinir an liour's speech upon the com- mittee; and while I have not the vanity to indulge the hope of entertaining the committee with the charms of splendid declamation, or of illustrating this vexed question more elegantly or more clearly than other gentlemen; yet, sir, such is its magnitude, sucli the solemn responsibility its decision imposes on every reprrnentative — such the deep and intense interest with which our countrymen are all watching our deliberations here — that I feel excused and jus>'tied in pro- daimhig, witli undisguised frankness and candor, and as succinctly as possible, ai least a por- tion of the numerous reasons which animate me in the course I feel co\istraincd to pursue. Sir, I believe the present i.s an interesting crisis in our national history, when legislation should be the offspring of calm, dis})assionate, unexcitcd, ])alriotic, and statesmanlike deliinration ; when the illiberal and contracted suggestions of sectio' ,ii p-ejudice should be sternly discarded ; when party animosity should be sacrificed and forgotten; i,id this grave American question, involv- ing American honor and American rights, be .settled I v the suirsestions only of American pa- triotism. Mr. Chairman, had a stranger entered this' ) \\\. and listened to the thrilling and beau- tiful dissertations on the loveliness of peace — the n'.gbt.ul descriptions of the horrors of war — his mind would surely have 'v;en impressed with the ojiiuion that we were really discussing the Suestion of declaring war agi^insl England I For myself, I avow my diterminalion to vote for _ le resolution of the Committee on Foreign Afl'airs. to give notice to Great Britain to terminate ' the joint occupancy of Oregon, in pursuance of the treaty of 1828. I repudiate the charge that tliis is a war measure. I fling back the war-cry. If there be a war ]>arty and a peace party, I belong to the peace party. But, sir, this incessant alarm-shout of war, war. '■ <•, shall not de- ter me from voting to give this notice, when I entertain the sincere conviction thai national honor demands it — good policy demands it — fidelity to treaty stipulation demands it — ;justice to our ' adventurous pioneers in Oregon demands it; and, in my humble opmion, the public peace will be iiiore surely promoted by it. Mr. Chairman, gentlemen who have ingeniously sought to make this a war measure, may express surprise at the declaration. But here in my place, before this House and the country, I declare my solemn belief that gentlemen w^ho oppose this measure are openly advocating and proposuig a course of policy far, far more calculated to plunge our happy country into an early war with England — more evasive and violative of the spirit of our treaty stipulations — more surely to multiply difficulties in the adjustment of this already too long pro- •trticted controversy, and more inconsistent with the candid and honorable bearing of this gi-eat ' proud republic. What, sir, is the relative position of parties on this question ? All, all elieve our country's title to Oregon, if uot perfect, is at least the best. All concur in the opinion J. kO. 8. Gideon, Printers. | ■^ti -' ' i i %) U i-» t*^ iJ 2 treaty merer. •Jeclin( rnntcly The that the emigration of our citi7,(|g^ and of Britisli subjects to that territory, ami tlic difficulties and confusion iiece.sMarily produced by contlictiuir jurisdiction and laws, Imully call for n tcrn\i- nalion of the present convention between the two countries, All noie reject the /m-m/^r/y avowed policy of " masterly inactivity," and propusf nrlion. But, sir, I invoke the attention of the House to the character of the policy of gentlemen who discourse so vehemently against this notice as a war measure. The distinguished geiitlenian fiom Virginia, (jVTr. Hivtkk,) whos( elociueiice and patriotism all admit, proposes, not "inactivity," but, the pa,ssing of " sucii measures as may encourat;c our settlements in the disputed territory wilhnut contravening any treaty stiinilations." He thhiks that thousand.s of dollars may be judiciou.sly expended for colonizing the territory ; and that if our settlements are once firmly planted south of the Columbia, the crack of our An\eri- can rifles, and the sound of the axe of oiu' western pioneer, will in due time be heard, not only north of that river, but north of the 49th narallel! Another gentleman, opposed to the notice, ventures the liope that soon a hundred tliousand American emigrants could be encouraged to settle there, and among tliem twenty thousi nd good riflemen ! Other gentlemen, who concur in this mjVrt//e(/ pacific policy, concur also in the opinion that this is the wisest policy to secure the territory, not only to the 4i)th degree, but " the whole uf Oregon" — .some, even, in their ardor'f stoutly scouting the idea of ever allowing to Great Britain a pound of its earth, a rock, a tree, or shrub! And this, Mr. Chairman, is irravely urged by gentleu'en as the penreful mode of .se- curing the " wholf; of Oregon." For what are emigrants to be encouraged to go to Oregon: To seize possession of it .' What are the implements they bear with them f The axe, and the riHe, too. What is to be heard after they reach there? The sound of the axe, but the crack •>! ■the rijlc, also. What part are they to oi-cupy' First, '.hey are to settle south of the Columbia but in due time they are to press on north of the Columbia, and north of the 49tb parallel! 1 ask, what means tiiis rush of emigrants, bearing not the. olive-branch of peace, but the instrii nient of war .• Does this j>lan, even at the starting point, wear the aspect of \wmc ': I denoum'. the scheme, while I respect its ctriginators. It doubtless was suggested by a desire for peace but it is deceptive, and i^uist lead to war. Reject this resolution, and refuse ti^give the notice ii accordance with the tre ay, and adopt the other policy, and wliat will the Bruish Govermiiei say? What the Hudson Bay Coni|)aHy.- What the other powers of the world say : Woul not the British minister here inform his Government that although the Congress had refused i give notice, not t<> be lulled into apathy, that the American Coi.gress had discussed the policy i giving the notice, but that some dif;tinguished gentleiuan, being alarmed lest it might produ' war, had j)ersuaded the adoption of another policy, called the peace policy, l)y wliich emigrani under the guise of .>jettling the country, were to go armed with rifles; that they were first plant themselves south of the Columbui, but that, " in due season," the crack of the Anieric rifle was to be heard even north of 4t)°.' And that, by this jilan, " the whole of Oregfin" w ■to be secured I Tliink you, sir, that the British Cabinet, ever sensitive to British interest, woidd hear all tl and be idle.- Would they not jiromptly and energetically adopt n counteracting policy, startl ' |Ve liavej at the development of this new scheme of ours ? Would they not encourage British emigraii "^jtyi an and setid Britisli soldiers, too, to settle in Oregon, to save it from falling into the hands of Ad wisest st ricans? Would they not feel iU'oused, even to excitement, on learning that, instead of giv; countrynj notice, we liad resolved on resorting to a scheme })rofessing peace, but ultimately designed had no ' the exclusive seizure of "the whole of Oregon .-" ;al)Ie Gail And, Mr. Ciiairman, when the American emiurrants and the British emigrants reached tlii ;'^"y -"nbj what wouhi follow? The cross of St. George, and the stars and stripes, would i)e seen float i^"*^ "ot a in dangerous jiroximity. Under the one, would be seen rallying the Hudson Bay Compii with their savage allies and British soldiers ; under the other, the liardy and adventurous A r, cans, attached to their soil, and bent on its exclusive ])ossession. How long, sir, could ? jealous adversaries eye ea(;h other as contending rivals for sovereignty in Oregon, and ren unexcited and peaceful .- Is it not to be expected, sir, under such circumstiinces, that soon tl would be collisions, skirmishes, and violent outbreaks? Would not the report of the first be the signal for general conflict • Would not the news be lUUTied over the mountains to bold and daring countrymen in the West, who would rush to the detence ntid aid of their: ■and brotiiers in Oregon ? Would not the news fly to England? And then, sir, would iii the horrors of war be the early fruit of this i)eaceful mode of saving Oregon ? Much has been said, in this debate, about the importance of having the sympathies of o powers in the event of war. Would not England, in such a war, have the advantage in particular ? Would she nf)t say to the other powers, when asked what produced the w.-.r Americans refused to give the notice accordinj to treaty, l)ut avowed a determination to .■:'' by other means, and that she was bound to defend or be recreaiU? I appeal, sir, to tlemen to look calmly at these natural consequences of their policy, and tell me if its pc; character can commend itself to their judgment ? Sir, it would begin in an undignifietl .s ble for land .and end in war. Again, Mr. Chairman, I cannot avoid the conviction, that if we have resolred on terniii this controversy, and exercising sovereignty over Oregon, or of taking possession of it, w fij!'' '"^^' honorably bound, by the treaty of 1898, to give twelve months' notice to Great Britain, il.'J.'^i"',' zard our national reputation for fidelity to treaty stipulation. It in Oreg for the Mr. nationa ■v'ith m if the p giving I and hig piece of dent, ur gentlemi dishono But, J dispute haunted in? patri war mils • tiation — multiply, ing war. war, and niote and for more after tlie 1 not — conf liope, thai be arousci own proij world wil this quesij the jirom/ so hfistilJ better thaf t^tiite, wll I England f |the cr^ ^negotiatij tJtiurels (ij ^ourels nj that Mrj •with )iiii| Jiegotiatil ■Of compJ tliereby i difficuftij to f)ur ti-| people, notice ui Ge]ul,r ■duty, to our pi in war- *nd bull IS well known that B ,|'"'' ^«-''" w for n U'rnii- nly aVDwril iliDii '»r tlie agiiinxt llu.^ ,1 patriolisiu V ciicouriiiic itioiis." H<'- iiiUiry •> ainl . our Ameri- iird, not only to ihc nouoc, iioouraged to ho concur in , to scrure the in their unhn'T a rock, a tree, III mode of se- , ^o to Oregon: i^axe, iindihi \)ut the crack 0} the Colunil)i;> i)tli piwixllcr. 1 , but the instni I denimni' Icsire for pea"'"- rive llie notice ii 'ish Governmci Idsnyf Woul ss had refused i sHcd the policy ' it might produ' which eniigrani ihey were first , of the Americ 3 of Oregon" w vould hear all tl iiig policy, startl British nnigraii the hands of An t^ instead of giv^ nately designed •ixnts reached tlv uld he seen f^oai son Bay Comp;- adventiu-ous A i, ong, sir, could s Oregon, and ren icesj that soon tl port of the first he nionntains to i^id aid of their ^ [>n, sir, would n^ •n? sympathies of <• he advantage ir. oduced the wr.r ermination to .-'' I appeal, sir, to tell me if its pc^ an vuidignified s golk'ed on tei;niii )ssession of it. ''• ) Great Britain, II known that B atfttesmen, and eminent statftsmen in our own country, and in this Housfl, deny that it was a treaty for "joint occupation," hut a commercial conventif>n for the purposes of trade and com- merce. If Inat be the true construction, I ask, can we, witii that treaty staring us in the face, dechnc giving the notice, and pass mensures to colonize Oregon for the avmced purpose of ulti- mately thereby seizing the "whole of Oregon," even to 54° 40' ? The committee will mark thr manifest (iistinction betW' <\ protecting our adventurous pioneers in Oregon, hy throwing the shield of our laws a'-ound the, and encouraging them to settle there for the avowed policy of seizing the country, to the ultini > exclusion of the Englisli. Mr. Chairman, statesmm should ever hesitate and p^ Jer well when national honor and national faith is at stake. And, sir, witii great deference to the eminent gentlemen who differ v'ith me on this question, I appeal to gentlemen's sense of lionor and frank and manly dealing, if the jjolicy of emigration and colonization, for the purpose of taking the territory virtually ftp/oir giving the notice, comjiorts well with the magnammous, Ijold, and manly bearing of a proud and high-minded nation. Will not the nations of the world taunt us with it, as an unmanly piece of tnanagemcnt, partaking more of the character of an artful game than of candi4, indepen- dent, undisguised action? And, sir, will they not have too nuich cause to do it? I beseech gentlemen to pause, to pause long, before our nation is made to act a part even bordering on dishonor. But, Mr. Chairman, when gentlemen seem convinced of the importance of terminating this dispute with England, and that difficulties are aimually accumulating, their imiiginations are haunted l)y the trrrific. war scenes so ingeniously depicted here, that while they tjilk with burn- ing patriotism about "the whole of Oregon," they urge the policy of colonization, and say if war must come, time, time, time is to achieve our triumph. Sir, this cry of time — wait — nego- tiation — has been raised and sounded here for twenty-eight years I Difficulties are constantly multiplying, and still the .same cry is made. Gentlemen argue as if giving this notice is declar- ing war. All admit it is of itself not c«me of war; and, Mr. Chairman, instead of producing war, and shutting the door of negotiation, 1 advocate it, because I firmly believe it tends to pro- mote and hasten nes^olintion and to preserve peace. Sir, have we'not struggled — yes, strus;gled — for more than a quarter of a ceiUury to negotiate with England without giving this notice? And after tlie lapse of that time, can it be called rashness, war, madness to give the notice? May we not — C(mfiaently relying on the strength of our title and righteousness of our cause — indulge the hope, that, when the notice is given, England will reflect, will appreciate our earnestness, will be aroused by the pressing importance of prompt action to act the jmrt in negotiation of lier own proposals, which her own sense of justice will dictate, and the public sentiment of the world will admonish her she ought to do? Sir, I applaud the President for his ed'nrl to settle this question in that spirit of liberal concession so creditable to his heart; but I equally applaud the promptness with which he took an independent and firm position, when the British minister so linstily rejected that liberal offer. With a title which no candid man can hesitate to i>ronouncc better than hers, he still, in the spirit of concession, approached her. She discarded our offer. r We Imve done our part for compromi.se; if she desires it, let her noiv act. Sir, let us do our duty, and give the notice. Has not negotiation, without the notice, baffled the efforts of our wisest statesmen? Did not Mr. Clay, with his lofty genius, the admiration of so many of his countrymen, try and fail? Did he not suggest the most liberal offer, while he said that England had no "color of title to any portion of the country." Did not Mr. Monroe, Rush, and the ■able Gallatin, also attempt it, and fail? Has not Mr. Calhoun, whose giant intellect can gra^p 'any subject, and who has evinced so much desire to i'djust it, attempted and failed? And have i"we not all peru.sed with pride the masterly correspondence of our jiresent eminent Secretary of I'Staie, who has also failed in his efforts at negotiation? When Lord Ashburton came from ■ England as a special minister to adjust our controversies, do not gentlemen remcml)er well that Hhe (T''- v/icn was to "hush up discussion " — the notice will be considered a threat, and check negotiation? And do not gentlemen know that his lordship returned home content with the daiucls and land he acquired in the northeast; leaving it to some fortunati. successor to acquire ■laurels and land in the northwest? Was not the same sugge.slion made when it was announced that Mr. Pakenham was coming? And gentlemen know the result of the effort to negotiate ■with him. And yet, Mr. Chairman, after all these liberal concessions, these anxious efforts at jiegotiation vithovt notice, by our most eminent and learned diplomatists, struggling in a spirit .■of compromise for a quarter of a century, we are told to wait a while longer, to pause still, and tliercby literally allow Britain, by time, to strengthen her prelen.sions to title, and increase the difficulties in the way of adjustment. Sir, I think our path of duty is clear and plain. Fidelity to our treaty demands that we first give the notice, for we are bound to protect and defend our people, who are daily flocking to that territory, under the belief that it is ours, and that this iioticc will be given. Gentlemen say that perhaps war may follow. I trust not, and trust that England will do her •duty. But, sir. must wc be alarmed, frighteiicd from the discharge of what honor and justice to our people commands us to do, because England may in her folly, without cause, involve us in war? Peace has its cliarms, and war its horrors. The mind delights to contemplate the holy find benign influence which an honorable peace exerts on nations, science, morals, and religion. The man that would recklessly check it in its progress, promoting happiness and prosperity in ibur beloved country, has neither the heart of a patriot or a christian. All — all shrink with ab- T horrencc from contemplating the carnage, and bloodshed, and wretchedness that mark tlie deso' lating track of war. But let us "be just and fear not," as has oft been said. Think you, sir, if the great and gallant Washington and Lafayette could revisit us, they would not blush at our degeneracy in shrinking from duty at this cry of war? Would they not remind us of our early history, and tell us that the "race is not always to the swift, nor the battle to the strong;" but that a just God controls the destiny of nations and of men .'' Sir, while I listened with pleasure at the charming eloquence of an honornb'e gcnilt man this morning, who vindicated so ably our title to Oregon, I was struck with no little sur[jrib»' at a part of his argument for delay — for time, and against the notice — quite evincive of the scarcity of more solid reasons. It was, that John Bull was getting older every day, and that already he had gray hairs upon his head, and that therefore time would do much for us! An adversary does us much wrong, and keeps from us our own — we must bear it i)i patience — and, if upon observation we discover a few gray hairs on his head, we are to leave him for the present to persist in his wrongs, calmly consoling our- self that as our adversary is already a little gray, he will become older and weaker in the decline of years, and llun the fight shall be made! And shall an American Congress seriously act upon this princfple, in reference to our valuable territory in the northwest, in which we have already suffered so much by delay? Surely, surely not, sir. Suppose our ancestors — the glorious sons of '76 — when but three millions only, writhing under a sense of unjust oppression, and indigntmt at the unholy attempts to crush them with stili more intolerable burdens, had concluded that "although Great Britain is rudely pressing us down with the yoke of tyranny, we will wait until she gets older!" Instead of this proud, independent republic, America, in all probability, would now be in a state of colonial vussaltige. But, sir, such timid counsels prevailed not m the days of Washington, and Adams, and Franklin. No, sir, no; the moment they felt that the principles of tnie liberty were violated, and their remonstrances despised, they flew to arms, and spillea their blood on many a battle-field. Suppose, sir, in our last, our second war of inde- pendence, our patriot and gallant statesmen, in the glorious Congress of that day, had listened to such timid counsels of waiting for John Bull to got older, and had been seduced and frightened by the panic cry of the horrors of war! Who, sir, can now conceive of its influence on the reputation and destiny of our happy country ? Our hardy tars, perhaps, would still be impressed, our flag still insulted, and our merchant vessels plundered on every sea. But, instead of this, the American feels a thrill of patriotic delight, as his mind reverts to the noble tnumphs of that war, and the laurels won on land and on sea, by promptly daring to maintain our rights. Mr. Chairman, gentlemen have said much of our want of preparation for war. I do not ex- pect war, but if it is inevitable, our best fortifications will be found in the noble hearts of our patriotic countrymen — our best preparation to let the people understand tl jir rights. A large standing army and navy have heretofore been regarded as contrary to the genius of republics. Such are a few of the reasons that guide me on this question. I yield to other gentlemen who are eager to participate in this debate, and will add but little more. I believe, in the present state of this controversy, our nationivl honor will be impaired if we now falter or hesitate to give this notice. Firmness and undaunted courage only can win from England respect, and exact from her justice. An unnecessary war-cry has been thrust into this debate. 1 do not anticipate it ; but if it come, let us begin it m honor, and it will end in triumph. England will be the aggressor. And if, sir, for the want of preparation, clouds and darkness obscure our horizon awhile, I believe the same protecting power that bore us successfully through the dark and perilous days of the revolution will sustain us again. And if history informs us that, in the war of 1812, defeat and disaster cast a gloom over our country for a season, history also informs us that soon, with a host of oiliei gallant spirits, we had a Brown, and a Scott, and a Jackson to make it i3rminate in a blaze of glory on land, and our Hulls, and Perrys, and Lawrences, to break the spell of British invincibility on sea. Mr. Chairman, I will detain the committee no longer. It is my misfortune to differ on this occasion with many with whom it is my pleasure generally to concur. While I regret it much, I feel animated with a consciousness of the rectitude of my motives. The peculiar crisis, sir, demands firmness as well as prudence, and true patriotism admonishes the statesman, in the ^lowuig language of another — ■:' ^'■:•.Tt " ne juBt and fear not ; Let all the ends thou aiin'st at be thy country's, tny God's, and truth's; then, if Uiou falPst, Thou fall'sta blessed martyr." •J ^r^ I .i*..,'!t,i; ...<^ u ii< .-.-■, .ii . •('! 1',; '■'■rill I :. i.. i,\ ,ii.-:i ■ y' ' '•'■.' ''J .-I 7 > ri >Uii>i ■n lark tlie Ueso* link you, Hir, t blush at our s of our early I strong;" but with pleasure d HO ably oul* lay — for time, ras, that John ead, and that :eeps from us ew gray hairs onaoling our- iu the decline ualy act upon '■ have already glorious sons and Indignant oncluded that , we will wait 1 probability, availed not m y felt that the r to arms, and war of indc- , had listened md frightened uence on the be impressed, stead of this, imphs of that rights. I do not ex- hearts of our litif. A large 1 of republics, iitlemen who ^^#!% npaired if we can win from irust mto this id in triumph, and darlcne.ss ifully through •y informs us !ason, history 1 a Scott, and i Perrys, and ' t •T.-.v differ on this igret it much, iar crisis, sir, 3sman, in the