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A 
 
 E 
 
 E R 
 
 i 
 
 ADDRESSED TO TH E 
 
 ABBE RAYNAL 
 
 ON THE 
 
 Affairs of North- America. 
 
 X N WHICH 
 
 The Miftakes in the Abbe's Account 
 
 OF THE 
 
 REVOLUTION OF AMERICA 
 
 ARE CORRECTED AND CLEARED UP. 
 
 if] 
 
 By THOMAS PAINE, M. A. 
 
 OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA, AND AUTHOR OF 
 A TRACT, ENTITLED ** COMMON SENSE." 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, PRINTED: 
 
 LONDON, REPRINTED, 
 For C. DILLY, ik the Poultry, 
 
 M.DCC.LXXXII. 
 
, .. . t 
 
r 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 LONDON tranflation of an original work In 
 French, by the Abbe Raynal, which treats of 
 the Revolution of North America, having been 
 Reprinted In Philadelphia and other parts of the continent, 
 and as the diftance at which the Abbe is placed from the 
 American theatre of war and politics, has occafioned him 
 to miflake feveral fails, or, mifconceive the caufes or 
 principles by which they were produced j the following 
 tradl, therefore, is publilhed with a view to redlify them, 
 and prevent even accidental errors intermixing with hifto^. 
 xy^ under the fandlion of time and filence. 
 
 The editor of the London edition has entitled it, '* The 
 Revolution of America, by the Abbe Raynal," and the 
 American printers have followed the example. But I 
 have underftood, and I believe my information juft, that 
 the piece, whicli is more properly refleilions on the re- 
 volution, was unfairly purloined from the printer which 
 ithe Abbe employed, or from the manufcript copy, and is 
 only part of a larger work then in the prefs, or preparing 
 for it. The perfon who procured it appears to have been 
 hn Englifliman, and though in an advertifement prefixt 
 to the London edition, he has endeavoured to glofs over 
 the embezzlement with profeflions of patriotifm, and to 
 
 foften 
 
1! 
 
 [ vi ] 
 
 foftrn it with high encomiums on the author, yet the 
 aelicn, in any view, in which it can be placed, is illi- 
 beral ajid unpardonable. 
 
 (( 
 
 (C 
 
 c< 
 
 (C 
 
 cc 
 
 (& 
 
 In the courfe of his tr.ivels," fays he, " the tranflator 
 happily fucceeded in obtaining a copy of this exquifite 
 little piece, which has not yet made its appearance from 
 any prcfs. He publifhes a French edition, in favour of 
 thofe who will feel its eloquent reafoning more forcibly 
 its native languas-c, at the fame time with the tol- 
 
 m 
 
 lowing tv;inflaJ;ion of it ^ jn wnich he has been defirpus, 
 j^erhaps in vain, that all the warmth, the grace, the 
 ftrength, the dignity of the original, faould not be loft. 
 ** And he flatters hiinfelf, that the indulgence of the illu- 
 ftricus hiftorian will not be wanting to a man, who, 
 of his own motion, has taken the liberty to give this 
 compofition to the public, only from a ftrong perfua- 
 fion, that its momentous argument will be ufeful, in 
 a critical cpnjun6|^irc, to that country M'hich he loves 
 with an ardour, that can be exceeded only by the 
 nobler flame, which burns in the bofom of the philan- 
 thropic author, for the freedom and happiiipfs of all the 
 countries upon earth." 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 (C 
 
 cc 
 cc 
 <c 
 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 This plaufibility of fettirg ofF a difhonourable a£tion, 
 may pafs for" patriotifm and found principles with thofe 
 who do not enter into its demerits, and whofe intereft is 
 not injured nor their happinefs affeiSted thereby. But it 
 is more than probable, notwithflanding the declarations 
 it contains, that the copy was obtained for the fake of 
 profiting by the fale of a new and popular work, and that 
 the profeiTions are but a garb to the fraud. 
 
 It may with propriety be remarked, that in all countries 
 where literature is prote6led, and it never can flourifti 
 where it is not, the works of an author are his legal pro- 
 perty ; and to treat letters in any other light than this, is 
 to banilh them from the country or ftrangle therh in the 
 birth.— ——The embezzlement from the Abbe Raynal, 
 was, it is true, committed by one country upon another, 
 and therefore fhews no defeat in the laws of either. But 
 it is ncverthelefs a breach of civil manners and literary 
 juflicej neither can it be any apology, that becaufe th6 
 
 7 countries 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 
f vii .1 
 
 :t the 
 8 ilU- 
 
 iflator 
 quilite 
 E from 
 cur of 
 srcibly 
 he fol- 
 ifirpus, 
 :e, the 
 be loft. 
 be illu- 
 , who, 
 ive this 
 perfua- 
 ;ful, in 
 ^e loves 
 by the 
 philan- 
 f all the 
 
 ; aftion, 
 th thofe 
 itereft is 
 
 But it 
 arations 
 
 "ake of 
 and that 
 
 ountries 
 flourifli 
 gal pro- 
 this, is 
 in the 
 Raynal, 
 another, 
 |er. But 
 I literary 
 caufe th6 
 countries 
 
 n 
 
 countries are at war, literature ftiall be entitled to depre- 
 dation *. 
 
 But the foreftalling the Abbe's publication by London 
 editions, both in French and Englifli, and thereby not 
 only defrauding him and throwing an expenfive puolica- 
 tion on his hands by anticipating the fale, are only the 
 fmaller injuries which fuch conduct may occafion. A 
 man's opinions, whether written or in thought, are his 
 own until he pleafes to publifh them himfelf ; and it is 
 -J, adding cruelty to injuftice, to make him the author of 
 
 ^ what future refle(9:ion, or better information, might occa- 
 
 . fion him to fupprefs or amend. There are declarations and 
 
 I, fentiments in the Abbe's piece, which, for my own part, 
 
 I did not expedl to find, and fuch as himfelf, on a re- 
 vifal, might have feen occafion to change ; but the anti- 
 cipated piracy effeftually prevented him the opportunity, 
 and precipitated him into difficulties, which, had it not 
 been for fuch ungenerous fraud, might not have hap- 
 pened. 
 
 This mode of making an author appear before his time, 
 will appear ftill more ungenerous, when we confider how 
 exceedingly few men there are in any country, who can 
 at once, and without the aid of reflection and revifal, 
 combine warm paffions with a cool temper, and the full 
 expanfion of imagination with the natural and neceflary 
 gravity of judgment, fo as to be rightly balanced within 
 
 themfelves, 
 
 * Thejiate of literature in America mujl one day heco^n-: a 
 fuhjeil of legijlative confider ation. Hitherto it hath been a ;.v/-- 
 interejled volunteer in the fer vice of the revolution^ and no mufi 
 thought of profits : hit when peace fjall give time and oppor- 
 tunity for Jiudy, the country will deprive itfclfofthe honour and 
 fervice of letters and the improvemettt offcience, unlefs fuffcient 
 laws are made to prevetit depredations on literary property. — 
 '^- It is well worth remarking, that Rujfniy who but a few years 
 ago, was fcarcely known in Europe, owes a large Jh are of her 
 prefent grectnefs to the clofe attention Jhe has paid, and the wife 
 encouragement fije has given, to every branch of fcience and 
 
 i learning ; and ive have almoft the fame injlancs in France, in 
 
 ^ the reign of Lewis the XIV* 
 
I viii ] 
 
 themfelves, and to make a reader feci, fancy, and under- 
 ftandjuftly at the fame time. To call three powers of 
 the mind into adion at once, in a manner that neither 
 fhall interrupt, and that each fhall aid and vigorate the 
 other, is a talent very rarely poilefled. 
 
 It often happens that the weight of an argument is loft 
 by the wit of fetting it off j or the judgment difordered 
 by an intemperate irritation of the paffions : yet a certain 
 degree of animation muft be felt by the writer, and raifed 
 in the reader, in order to intereft the attention ; and a fuf- 
 Jicient fcope given to the imagination, to enable it to ere— ' 
 ate in the mind a fight of the perfons, charafters and cir-t 
 cumftances of the fubjedl j for without thefe the judgment 
 will feel little or no excitement to office, and its determi- 
 nations will be cold, fluggilh, and imperfeft. But if either 
 or both of the two former are raifed too high, or heated 
 too much, the judgment will be joftled from its feat, and 
 the whole matter, however important in itfelf, will di- 
 minifti into a pantomime of the mind, in which we create 
 images that promote no other purpofe than amufement. 
 
 The Abbe's writings bear evident marks of that ex- 
 tenfion and rapidnefs of thinking, and quicknefs of fenfa- 
 tion which of all others require rcvifal, and the more 
 particularly fo, when applied to the living charadlers of 
 nations or individuals in a ftate of war. The leaft mif- 
 information or raifconception leads to fome wrong con- 
 clufion, and an error believed becomes the progenitor of 
 others.— And as the Abbe has fufFered fome mconvenien- 
 cies in France, by miftating certain circumftances of the 
 war, and the charadlers of the parties therein, it becomes 
 fome apology for him, that thofe errors were precipitated 
 into the world by the avarice of an ungenerous enemy. 
 
 •J 
 
 /* 
 
 LETTER 
 
( under- 
 wers of 
 neither 
 rate the 
 
 
 f 1 J 
 
 at is loft 
 
 fordered 
 
 certain 
 
 nd railed 
 
 nd a fuf- 
 
 t to cre--^ 
 
 and cir-t 
 
 udgnient 
 
 determi- 
 
 t if either 
 
 or heated 
 
 feat, and 
 
 will di- 
 
 we create 
 
 :ment. 
 
 that ex- 
 1 of fenfa- 
 the more 
 rafters of 
 lead mif* 
 rong con- 
 igenitor of 
 onvenien- 
 :es of the 
 t becomes 
 recipitated 
 snemy. 
 
 E 
 
 E R 
 
 
 ADDRESSED TO THE 
 
 ABBE R A Y N A L 
 
 ON THE AFFAIRS OF 
 
 NORTH*AMERICA, 
 
 TTER 
 
 TO an author of fuch diflinguifhed reputation A9 
 the Abbe Raynal, it might very well become me 
 to apologize for the prefent undertaking; but as to be 
 right is the firft wifh of philofophy, and the firft principle 
 of hiftory> he will, I prefume, accept from me a declara- 
 tion of my motives, which are thofe of doing juftice, in. 
 preference to any complimental apology, I might other- 
 wife make.— The Abbe, in the courfe of his work, has, 
 in fom« inftances^ extolled without a reafon, and wounded 
 without a caufe. He has given fame where it was not 
 defervcd, and withheld it where it was juftly due ; and 
 appears to be fo frequently in and out of temper with 
 
 B his 
 

 I ?; 
 
 t « J 
 
 his fubjc£ls ind parties, that few or none of them are dc* 
 cifively and uniformly marked. 
 
 It is yet too foon to write thehiftory of the revolution, 
 and whoever attempts it precipitately, will unavoidably 
 miftake charadlers and circumflances, and involve himfclf 
 in error and difficulty. Things like men are feldom un- 
 derftood rightly at firft fight. But the Abbe is wrong 
 even in the foundation of his work ; that is, he has mif- 
 conceived and miftated the caufes which produced the 
 rupture between England and her then colonies, and 
 which led on, ftep by flep, unftudied and uncontrived on 
 the part of America, to a revolution, which has engaged 
 the attention, and affected the intereft, of Europe. 
 
 To prove this, I (hall bring forward a paflTage, which, 
 though placed towards the latter part of the Abbe's work, 
 is more intimately conne6led with the beginning; and in 
 ■which, fpeaking of the original caufe of the difpute, he 
 declares himfelf in the following manner— 
 
 *' None," fays he, " of thofe energetic caufes, which 
 ** have proiluced fo many revolutions upon the globe, 
 ** exillcd in North-America. Neither religion nor laws 
 *' had there been outraged. The blood of martyrs or 
 " patriots had not there dreamed from fcafFolds. Morals 
 ** had not there been infulted. Manners, cuftoms, ha- 
 ** bits, no obje«5l dear to nations, had there been the fport 
 " of ridicule. Arbitrary power had not there torn any 
 inhabitant from the arms of his family and his friends, 
 to drag him to a dreary dungeon. Public order had 
 not been there inverted. The principles of adminiftra- 
 tion had not been changed there i and the maxims of 
 
 govern- 
 
 <( 
 
 (C 
 
 <c 
 
 li 
 
 i 
 
 « 
 
 
 (( 
 
i 
 
 r 3 J 
 
 *^ government had there always remained the fame. 
 
 •* The whole queftion was reduced to the knowing 
 whether the mother country had, or had not a right 
 to lay, dircdly or indiredly, a flight tax upon the 
 
 ** colonies." 
 
 cc 
 
 (( 
 
 On this extraordinary paflage, it may not be impro- 
 per, in general terms, to remark, that none can feel like 
 thofe who fufFer j and that for a man to be a competent 
 .*; judge of the provrocative, or as the Abbe ftiles them, 
 
 I the energetic caufes of the revolution, he muft have re- 
 
 J fided in America. ^ 
 
 The Abbe in faying that the feveral particulars he has 
 enumerated, did not exid in America, and neglecting to 
 point out the particular period, in which he means they 
 did not exift, reduces thereby his declaration to a nullity, 
 by taking away all meaning from the pafl'age. 
 
 They did not exift in 1763, and they all exifted be- 
 fore 1776 ; confequently as there was a time when they 
 did noty and another when they did exift, the t'vne when 
 conftitutes the eflence of the faft, and not to give it, is 
 to withhold the only evidence, which proves the declara- 
 tion right or wrong, and on which it muft ftand or fall. 
 But the declaration, as it now appears, unaccomp mied 
 by time, has an efFed in holding out to the world, that 
 there was no real caufe for the revolution, becaufe it der 
 nies the exiftence of all thofe caufes, which are fuppofed 
 to be ju^ifiable, and which the Abbe ftiles energetic. 
 
 I CONFESS myfelf exceedingly at alofs to find out the 
 time to which the Abbe alludes j becaufe, in another part 
 of the work, in fpeaking of the ftamp ad, which was 
 
 B 2 pafied 
 
-I ! 
 
 t 4 J 
 
 pafled in 1764, he ftiles it " An ufurpation of the Ame-o 
 ricans moji precious and f acred rights" Confcquently he 
 here admits the moft energetic of all caufes, that is, an 
 pfurpation of their maji precious and f acred rights, to have 
 exifted in America twelve years before the declaration 
 of independence, and ten years before the breaking out 
 of hoftilities. — The time, therefore, in which the para- 
 graph is true, muft be antecedent to the flamp aft, but 
 as at that time there was no revolution nor any idea of 
 pne, it confequently applies without a meaning j and as 
 it cannot, on the Abbe's own principle, be applied to 
 any time after the ftamp aft, it is therefore a wandering 
 folitary paragraph connefted with nothing and at va- 
 riance with every thing. 
 
 The ftamp aft, it is true, was repealed in two years 
 after it was pafled, but it was immediately followed by 
 pne of infinitely more mifchievous magnitude, I mean 
 the declaratory aft, which aflerted the right, as it was 
 lliled, of the Brit|fh Parliament, " to bind Jmerica in all 
 iafes whatjoever*' 
 
 If then the flamp aft was an ufurpation of the Ame- 
 ricans moft precious and facred rights, the declaratory 
 aft left them no right at all ; and contained the full 
 grown feeds of the moft defpotic government ever exer- 
 cifed in the world. It placed America not only in the 
 loweft, but in the bafeft ftate of vaflalagej becaufe it 
 demanded an unconditional fubmiflion in every thing, 
 or as the aft exprefles it, in all ccfes whatfoever : And 
 what renders this aft the mere oftcnfivc, is, that it ap- 
 pears to have been pafled as an aft of mercy j truly then 
 it may be faid, that the tender mercies of the wicked are 
 crneL 
 
 Ail 
 
 .ill 
 
m 
 
 T 5 1 
 
 All the original charters from the Crown of Eng- 
 land, under the faith of which, the adventurers from 
 the old woild fettled in the new, were by this adt dif- 
 placed from their foundations j becaufe, contrary to the 
 nature of them, which was that of a compad, they were 
 now made fubjedl to repeal or alteration at the mere will 
 of one party only. The whole condition pf America 
 was thus put mto the hands of the Parliament or the 
 Miniftry, without leaving to her the leaft right in any 
 cafe whatfoever. 
 
 Ail 
 
 There is no defpotifm to which this iniquitous law 
 did not extend ; and though it might have been conve- 
 nient in the execution of it, to have confulted manners 
 and habits, the principle of the adt made all tyranny 
 legal. It ftopt nowhere. It went to every thing. It 
 took in with it the whole life of a man, or, if I may fo 
 exprefs it, an eternity of circumftances. It is the na- 
 ture of law to require obedience, but this demanded fer- 
 vitudej and the condition of an American, under the 
 operation of it, was not that of a fubje6l, but a vafial. 
 Tyranny has often been eftabliflied without law, and 
 fometimes againji it, but the hiftory of mankind does 
 not produce another inftance, in which it has been efta- 
 blilhed by law. It is an audacious outrage upon civil 
 government, and cannot be too much expofed, in order 
 to be fufficiently detefted. 
 
 Neither could i: be faid after this, that the lesifla- 
 ture of that country any longer made laws for this, but 
 that it gave out commands ; for wherein differed an a6l 
 ofParliamentconftruded on this principle, and operat- 
 ing in this manner, over an unreprefented people, from 
 the orders of a military eftablifliment ? 
 
 The 
 
[ 6 ] 
 
 [ 
 
 The Parliament of England, with refytd: to Ame- 
 rica, was not feptennial but perpetual. It appeared to 
 the latter a body always in being. Its eledion or its 
 expiration were to her the fame as if its members fuc- 
 ceeded by inheritance, or went out by death, or lived 
 for ever, or were appointed to it as a matter of office. 
 Therefore, for the people of England to have any jiiit 
 conception of the mind of America, refpc<^ing this ex- 
 traordinary a6l, they muft fuppofe all election and ex- 
 piration in that country to ceafc for ever, and the pre- 
 fent Parliament, its heirs, &c. to be perpetual j in this 
 cafe, I aflc, what would the moft clamorous of them 
 think, were an z6k to be paflld, declaring the right of 
 fuch a Parliament to bind them in all cafes whatfoever ? 
 For this word whatfoever would go as effedlually to 
 their Magna Charta, Bill of Rights, 'Trial by Juries, &c. 
 as it went to the charters and forms of government in 
 America. 
 
 I AM perfuaded, that the Gentleman to whom I ad- 
 drefs thefe remarics, will not, after the paffing this a£t, 
 fay, '* That the principles of adminiftration had not been 
 ** changed in America, and that the maxims of govern- 
 ** mcnt had there been always the fame.*' For here is, 
 in principle, a total overthrow of the whole j and not a 
 fubverfion only, but an annihilation of the foundation 
 of liberty, and abfolute domination eftablifhed in its 
 ftead. 
 
 The Abbe likewife dates the cafe exceedingly wrong 
 and injurioufly, when he fays, *' that the whole queftion 
 ** was reduced to the knowing: whether the mother 
 •* country had, or had not, a right to lay, directly or in- 
 ** diredlly, a flight tax upon the colonicSt" — This was 
 
 mt 
 
 I 
 
 C 
 
 c 
 I 
 
 a 
 
r'l 
 
 r 7 ] 
 
 not the whole of the queftion j neither was the quantity of 
 the tax the obje£i;, either to the Miniftry or to the Ame- 
 ricans. It was the principle, of which the tax made 
 but a part, and the quantity ftill lefs, that formed the 
 ground on which America oppofed. 
 
 The tax on tea, which is the tax here alluded to, 
 was neither more or lefs than an experiment to eftablifli 
 the pradice of the declaratory law upon ; modelled into 
 the more fafliionable nhrafe of the univerfal futremacy of 
 Parliament, i'or until this time, the declaratory law 
 had lain dormant, and the framers of it had contented 
 themfelves with barely declaring an opinion. 
 
 Therefore the whole queftion with America, in tre 
 opening of the difpute, was. Shall we be bound in all 
 cafes whatfocver by the Britifli parliament, or fhall we 
 not ? For fubmillion to the tea or tax a£i implied an 
 acknowledgment of the declaratory a6l, or, in other 
 words, of the univerfal fupremacy of Parliament, which, 
 as they never intended to do, it was neceffary they 
 fhould oppofe it, in its firft ftage of execution. 
 
 It is probable, the Abbe has been led into this mif- 
 take by perufing detached pieces in fome of the Ameri- 
 can news-papers j for, in a cafe where all were inte- 
 refted, every one had a right to give his opinion j and 
 there v/ere many who, with the beft intentions, did not 
 •hufe the beft, nor indeed the true ground, to defend 
 their caufe upon. They felt themfelves right by a ge- 
 neral impulfe, without being able to feparate, analyze, 
 and arrange the parts. 
 
 I AM fomewhat unwilling to examine too minutely into 
 
 the 
 
[ 8 ] 
 
 the whole of this extraordinary pafl*age of the Ab-e, left 
 I (hould appear to treat it with feverity otherwife I could 
 (how that not a fingle declaration is juftly founded : For 
 inftance, the reviving an obfolete z6t of the reign of Hen- 
 ry the eighth, and fitting it to the Americans, by autho- 
 rity of which they were to be feized and brought from 
 America to England, and there imprifoiied and tried for 
 any fuppofed offences, was, in the worft fenfe of the 
 words, to tear them, by the arbitrary power of Parliament y 
 from the arms of their families and friends, and drag them 
 not only to dreary but difiant dungeons. Yet this aft was 
 contrived feme years before the breakingout of hoftilities. 
 And again, though the blood of martyrs and patriots had 
 not ftreamed on the fcaffolds, it ftreamed in the ftreets, 
 in the maflacre of the inhabitants of Bofton, by the Bri- 
 tifh foldicry in the year 1770. 
 
 I 
 
 
 Had the Abbe faid that the caufes which produced the 
 revolution in Americawereoriginally <://^r^«/from thofc 
 which produced revolutions in other parts of the globe, 
 he had been right. Here the value and quality of liberty, 
 the nature of government, and the dignity of man, were 
 knov/n and underftood, and the attachment of the Ame- 
 ricans to thefe principles produced the revolution as a 
 natural and almoft unavoidable confequence. They had 
 no particular family to fet up or pull down. Nothing of 
 porfonality Vt^as incorporated with their caufe. They 
 ftarted even-handed with each other, and went no fafter 
 into the feveral ftages of it, than they were driven by the 
 unrelenting and imperious condu6i: of Britain. Nay, in 
 the laft aft, the declaration of independence, they had 
 nearly been too late ; for had it not been declared at the 
 exaft time it was, I fee no period in their afEiiirs fince, in 
 
 which 
 
I* 
 
 'it 
 
 [ 9 ] 
 
 which it Could have been declared with the fame gffc^^ 
 and probably not at all. 
 
 But the objedk being formed before the r-verfe of for- 
 tune took place, that is, before the operations of the 
 gloomy campaign of 1776, their honor, their intereft, 
 their every thing called loudly on them to maintain it 5 
 and that glow of thought and energy of heart, which 
 even a diftant profpeft of independence infpires, gave 
 confidence to their hopes and refolution to their con- 
 duft, which a ftate of dependence could never have 
 reached. They looked forward to happier days and fcenes 
 of reft, and qualified thcbardfhips of the campaign by con- 
 templating the eftabliihment of their new born fyftem. 
 
 If on the other hand, we take a review of what part 
 Britain has adled, we iliall find every thing which ought 
 to make a nation blufli. The moft vulgar abufe, accom- 
 panied by that fpecies of haughtinefs, which diftin- 
 guifhes the hero of a mob from the character of a gentle- 
 man ; it was equally as much from her manners as from 
 her injuftice that fhe loft the colonies. By the latter 
 ihe provoked their principles, by the former ihe wore out 
 their temper; and it ought to be held out as an example 
 to the world, to (how, how necelTary it is to conduit the 
 bufinefs of government with civility. In fhort, other 
 revolutions may have originated in caprice or generated 
 in ambition ; but here, the moft unofi^ending humility 
 was tortured into rage, and the infancy of exiftence 
 made to weep. 
 
 A UNION fo extenfive, continued and determined, fuf- 
 fering with patience and never in defpair, could not have 
 l^een produced by common caufes. It muft befomething 
 
 j^C capable 
 
[ 10 ] 
 
 capable of reaching the whole foul of man and arming h 
 with perpetual energy. In vain is it to look for prece- 
 dents among the revolutions of former ages, to find out, 
 by comparifon, the caufes of this. The fpring, the pro- 
 grefs, the obje£l, the confequences, nay, the men, their 
 habits of thinking, and all the circumftances of the 
 country are different. Thofe of other nations are, in 
 general, little more than the hiftory of their quarrels. 
 They are marked by no important character in the annals 
 of events ; mixi^ .n the mafs of general matters they oc- 
 cupy but a common pa^e ; and while the chief of the 
 fuccefsful partizans fleptinto power, the plundered mul- 
 titude fat down and forrowed. Few, very few of them 
 are accompanied with reformation, either in government 
 or manners J many of them with the moft confummate 
 profligacy. Triumph oh the one fide and mifery on the 
 other were the only events. Pains, puniHiments, tor- 
 ture, and death were made the bufinefs of mankind, 
 until companion, the fairefl: alTociate of the heart, was 
 driven from its place, and the eye, accuftomed to conti- 
 nual cruelty, could behold it without offence. 
 
 But as the principles of the prefent revolution dif- 
 fered from thofe which preceded it, fo likcwife has the 
 condmSt of America both in government and war. 
 Neither the foul finger of difgrace nor the bloody 
 hand of vengeance has hitherto put a blot upon her 
 fame. Her vidlories have received luftrefrom a great- 
 nefs of lenity ; and her Jaws been permitted to flumber, 
 v.hi're they might juftly have awakened to punifh.' 
 War, fo much the trade of the world, has here been only 
 the bufinefs of hecefTity ; and when the neceifity (hall 
 ccafe, her very cncnjies muft confefs, that as Ihc drew 
 
 ... . tha 
 
 1 , 
 
the fword in her juft defence, flie ufed it without cruelty, 
 and fheathed it without revenge. 
 
 As it is not my defign to extend thefe remarks to a 
 hiftory, I {hall now take my leave of this paffage of the 
 Abbe, with an obfervation, which until fomething un- 
 folds itfclf to convince me otherwife, I cannot avoid be- 
 lieving to be true ;— which is, that it was the fixt de- 
 termination of the Britiih cabinet to quarrel with Ame- 
 rica at all events. 
 
 . They (the members who compofe the cabinet) had 
 no doubt of fuccefs, if they could once bring it to the 
 iflue of a battle ; and they expelled from a conqucft, 
 what they could neither propofe with decency, nor hope 
 for by negociation. The charters and conftitutions of 
 the colonies were become to them matters of offence, 
 and their rapid progrefs in property and population were 
 difguftingly beheld as the growing and natural means of 
 independence. They faw no way to retain them long 
 but by reducing them in time. A conqueft would at 
 once have made them both lords and landlords; and 
 put them in pofleffion both of the revenue and the rental* 
 The whole trouble of government would have ccafed 
 in a vi(Sl:ory, and a final end been put to remonftrance 
 and debate. The experience of the ftamp adt had taught 
 them how to quarrel with the advantages of cover and 
 convenience, and they had nothing to do but to renew 
 the fcene, and put coi^tention into motion. They 
 hoped for a rebellion, and they made one. They ex- 
 pe(Sled a declaration, of independence, and they were not 
 difappointed. But after this, they looked for viftory, 
 and they obtained a defeat. 
 
 C 2 If 
 
 -'A 
 
I> i 
 
 i 
 ■A 
 
 I 12 ] 
 
 If this be taken as the generating caufe of the conteft, 
 then is every part of the condudl of the Britifh Miniftry 
 confiftent from the commencement of the difpute, until 
 the figning the treaty of Paris, after which, conqueft 
 becoming doubtful, they retreated to negociation, and 
 were again defeated. 
 
 - Tho' the Abbe pofleffes and difplays great powers of 
 genius, and is a mailer of ftile and language, he feems 
 not to pay equal attention to the office of an hiflorian. 
 His fadls are coldly and carelefsly ftated. They neither 
 inform the reader nor intereft him. Many of them are 
 erroneous, and moll: of them defective and obfcure. It 
 is undoubtedly both an ornament and a ufeful addition to 
 hiftory to accompany it with maxims and reflecSlions. 
 They afford likewifc an agreeable change to the ftile and 
 a more diverfified manner of expreffion j but it is abfo- 
 lutely neceffary that the root from whence they fpring, 
 or the foundations on which they are raifed, fhould be 
 well attended to, which in this work they are not. The 
 Abbe haftens through his narrations as if he was glad 
 to get from them, that he may enter the more copious 
 field of eloquence and imagination. 
 
 The aftions of Trenton and Princeton in New- 
 Jcrfey, in December 1776, and January following, on 
 which the fate of America ftood for a while trembling 
 on the point of fufpence, and from which the moft im- 
 portant confequences followed, are comprifed within a 
 fmgle paragraph faintly conceived, and barren of cba- 
 jra«5ler, circumftance and defcription. 
 
 
 ♦* On the 25th of December," fays the Abbe, " they 
 
 <« (the 
 
[ IJ ] 
 
 •* (the Americans) croffed the Delaware, and fell acei" 
 ** dentally upon Trenton, which was occupied by fifteen 
 ** hundred of the twelve thoufand HefHans, fold in fo 
 '* bafe a manner by their avaricious mafter, to the King 
 *' of Great Britain. This corps was majfacred, taken, 
 •* ordifperfed. Eight days after, three Englifli regiments 
 ** were in like manner driven from Princeton, but after 
 ** having better fupported their reputation than the fo- 
 reign troops in their pay, 
 
 « 
 
 »» 
 
 This is all the account which is given of thefe moft 
 interefting events. The Abbe has preceded them by two 
 or three pages on the military operations of both armies, 
 from the time of General Howe arriving before New- 
 York from Halifax, and the vaft reinforcements of Bri- 
 tifh and foreign troops with Lord Howe from England. 
 But in thefe, there is fomuch miftake, and fo many omif- 
 fions, that, to fet them right, muft be the bufinefs of hif- 
 tory and not of a letter. The aftion of Long-Ifland is 
 but barely hinted at, and the operations at the White 
 Plains wholly omitted : as are likewife the attack and lofs 
 of fort Wafhington, with a garrifon of about two thou* 
 iand five hundred men, and the precipitate evacuation of 
 Fort Lee, in confequence thereof; which lofles were in 
 a great meafure the caufe of the retreat through the Jer- 
 fies to the Delaware, a diflance of about ninety miles. 
 Neither is the manner of the retreat defcribed, which, 
 from the feafon of the year, the nature of the country, 
 the nearnefs of the two armies, (fometimes within fight 
 and (hot of each other for fuch a length of way) the rear 
 of the one employed in pulling down bridges, and the 
 
 van of the other in building them up, muft neceffari 
 accompanied with many interefting circumftances. 
 
 ly be 
 
 It 
 
 " 111 
 
 71 
 
 .A 
 
 ■,v. 
 
, i 
 
 ill: 
 
 ; 1 
 
 I. f 
 I 
 
 [Hi 
 
 It was a period of diflrefTes. A crifts rather of danger 
 tihan of hope. There is no defcription can do it judice ; 
 ^nd even the actors in it, looking back upon the fcene, 
 are furprifed how they got through ; and at a lofs to 
 account for thofe powers of the mind and fprings of ani- 
 ijfiation, by which they withftood the fqrce of accumu- 
 lated misfortune. 
 
 
 It was expelled, that the time for which the army was 
 inlifted, would carry the campaign fofar into the winter, 
 that the feverity of the feafon, and the confequcnt condi- 
 tion of the roads, would prevent any material operation 
 of the enemy, until the new army could be raifed for the 
 next year. And I mention it, as a matter worthy of atten- 
 tion, by all future hiflorians, that the movements of the 
 American army, until the attack upon the Heflian poll 
 at Trenton, the 26th of December, are to be confidercd 
 as operating to effed: no other principal purpofe than 
 de]ay, and to wear away the campaign under all the dif^ 
 advantages of an unequal force, with as little misfortunq 
 as poiTible. 
 
 < ) 
 
 But the lofs of the garrifon at fortWafliington on tho 
 l6th of November, and the expiration of the time of a, 
 confiderable part of the army, fo early as the 30th of the 
 iame month, and which were to be followed by almoft 
 daily expirations afterwards, made retreat the only final 
 expedient. To thcfecircumftances may be added the for- 
 lorn and deflitute condition of the few that remained j for 
 the garrifon of Fort Lee, which compofed almoft thq 
 whole of the retreat, had been obliged to abandon it fo 
 inftantaneoufly, that every article of ftores and baggage 
 was left behind, and in thisdeftitute condition, without 
 t^pt or blanket, and without any other utenhls to drefs 
 1 their 
 
 
t 'J 1 
 
 their provifion, than what they procured by the way, 
 they performed a march of about ninety miles, and had 
 the addrefs and management to prolong it to the fpace 
 of nineteen days. 
 
 By this unexpe^ed or rathenlnthought of turn of af- 
 fairs, the country was in an inftant furprifed into con- 
 fufion, and found an enemy within its bowels, without 
 an army to oppofe him. There were no fuccours to be 
 had, but from the free-will offering of the inhabitants* 
 All was choice, and every man reafoned for himfelf. 
 
 It was in this fituation of affairs, equally calculated 
 to confound or to infpire, that the gentleman, the mer* 
 chant, the farmer, the tradefman, and the labourer mu<* 
 tually turned from all the conveniencies of home, to 
 perform the duties of private foldiers, and undergo the 
 feverities of a winter campaign. The delay, fo judici-* 
 aufly contrived on the retreat, afforded time for the vo-* 
 lunteer reinforcements to join General Walhington on 
 the Delaware. 
 
 The Abbe is likewife wrong in faying, that the Ame« 
 rican army fell accidentally on Trenton. It was the very 
 object for which General Wafliington crofTed the Dela-< 
 ware in the dead of the night and in the midfl: of fnow^ 
 ftorms, and ice; and which he immediately recroffed 
 with his prifoners, as foon as he had accomplifhed his 
 purpofe. Neither was the intended enterprife a fecret 
 to the enemy, information having been fent of it by 
 letter, from a Britilh Officer at Princeton, to Colonel 
 Rolle, who commanded the Hefllans at Trenton, which 
 letter was afterwards found by the Americans. Never- 
 thelefs the poft was completely furprifed. A fmall cir* 
 
 cumftatice, 
 
f «6 ] 
 
 cumftance, which had the appearance of miftake on the 
 part of the Americans, led to a more capital and real 
 miftake on the part of Rolle« 
 
 The cafe was this. A detachment of twenty or thirty 
 Americans had heen fent acrofs the river from a poft, a 
 few miles above, by an Officer unacquainted with the 
 Intended attack ; thefe were met by a body of Heifians 
 on the night, to which the information pointed, which 
 was Chriftmas night, and repulfed. Nothing further 
 appearing, and the Heifians, miftaking this for the ad- 
 vanced party, fuppofed the enterprifedifconcerted, which 
 at that time was not began, and under this idea, re- 
 turned to their quarters; fo that, what might have raifed 
 an alarm, and brought the Americans into an ambufcade, 
 ferved to take nff the force of an information, and pro- 
 mote the fuccefs of the enterprife. Soon after day-light 
 General Wafhington entered the town, and after a little 
 oppofition, made himfelf mafter of it, with upwards of 
 nine hundred prifoners* 
 
 This combination of equivocal circumftances, falling 
 within what the Abbe ftiles *' the wide empire of chance i** 
 would have afforded a fine field for thought, and I wifh, 
 for the fake of that elegance of refle£Uon he is fo capable 
 of ufmg, that he had known it. . . .; j 
 
 But the a^ion at Princeton was accompanied by a ftill 
 greater embarrafiment of matters, and followed by more 
 extraordinary confequences. The Americans, by a hap- 
 py iiroke of generalihip, in this inftance, not only de- 
 ranged and defeated all the plans of the Britiih, in the 
 intended moment of execution, but drew from their poile 
 the enemy they were not able to drive^ and obliged them 
 
 to 
 

 [ '7 ] 
 
 to clofc the campaign. As the c'ucumflancc is a curlofity 
 in war, and not well untlcrilood in Europe, I fliall, &•> 
 concifely as I can, relate the principal parts; they may 
 fcrve to prevent future hillorians from error, and recover 
 f'rom forgetfuinefs a fcene of magnificent to* tituJe. 
 
 Immediately after the furprize of the Hc/Ilans at 
 Trenton, General Wafhington rccrofl'cd the Delaware, 
 which at this place is about three quarters of a mile over, 
 and.reaflumed his former port on the Pcnnfylvania fide, 
 Trenton remained unoccupied, and the enemy were ported 
 at Princeton, twelve miles diftant, on the road towards 
 New- York. The weather was now growing very fevere, 
 and as there were very few houfes near the fliorc where 
 General Wafhington had taken his ftation, the greatcft 
 part of his army remained out in the woods and fields. 
 Thefe, with fome other circumftances, induced the re- 
 crofling the Delaware and taking poireflion of Trenton, 
 It was undoubtedly a bold adventure, and carried with 
 it the appearance of defiance, cfpecially when we con- 
 fider the panic flruck condition of the enemy on the lofs 
 of the HciTian poft* But in order to give a juft idea of 
 the affair, it is necefliiry I Ihould dcfcribe the place. 
 
 iH f 
 
 ■n 
 
 
 I 
 
 Trenton is fituated on a rifing ground, about three 
 quarters of a mile difliant fiom the Delaware, on the 
 caftern or Jerfcy fide j and is cut into two divifions by a 
 fmall creek or rivulet, fufncient to turn a mill which is 
 on it, after which it empties itfelf at nearly right angles 
 into the Delaware. The upper divifion which is to the 
 north eaft, contains about feventy or eighty houfes, and 
 the lower about forty or fifty. The ground on each fide 
 this creek, and on which the houfes are, is Ukcwife rifing, 
 and the two divifions prcfent an agreeable profpcd to 
 
 '■'f 
 
 •''•J I 
 
 p 
 
 each 
 
 ■mK I 
 
I 
 
 ¥'■ I 
 
 II 
 
 [ 1« ] 
 
 each other, with the creek between, on which there is a 
 fmall flone bridge of one arch. 
 
 ! I 
 
 ScAPCELY had General Wafliington taken poft here, 
 and before the feveral parties of militia, out on detach- 
 ments, or on their way, could be collefted, than the 
 Britifh, leaving behind them a ftrong garrifon at Prince- 
 ton, marched fuddenly and entered Trenton at the up- 
 per or north eaft quarter. A party of the Americans 
 fkirmifhed with the advanced party of the Britilh, to 
 afford time for removing the ftores and baggage, and 
 withdrawing over the bridge. 
 
 In a little time the Britifli had pbfleflion of one half of 
 the town. General Wafliington of the other, and the 
 creek only feparated the two armies. Nothing could be 
 a more critical fituation than this, and if ever the fate of 
 America depended on the event of a day, it was now. 
 The Delaware was filling faft with large fheets of driv- 
 ing ice and was impaflable, fo that no retreat into Penn- 
 fylvania could be efFe6ted, neither is it poflible, in the 
 face of an enemy, to pafs a river of fuch extent. The 
 roads were broken and rugged with the froft, and the 
 main road was occupied by the enemy. 
 
 About four o'clock a party of tl. Pritifli approached 
 the bridge, with a defign to gain it, out were rcpulfcd. 
 They made no more attempts, though the creek itfelf is 
 paffable any where between the bridge and the Delaware. 
 It runs in a rugged natural made ditch, over which a 
 perfon may pafs with little difficulty, the ftream being 
 rapid and (liallow. Evening was now coming on, and 
 the Britifli, believing they had all the advantages they 
 could wifli for, and that they rould ufe them when they 
 
 pleafed. 
 
 If!' 
 
[ 19 3 
 
 pleafed, difcontinued all further operations, and held 
 themfelves prepared to make the attack next morning. 
 
 But the next morning produced a fcene, as elegant as 
 it was unexpected. The Britifh were under arms and 
 ready to march to adlion, when one of their light-horfe 
 from Princeton came furioufly down the ftreet, with an 
 account, that General Wafhington had that morning 
 attacked and carried the Britifh pofl at that place, and 
 was proceeding on to feize the magazine at Brunfwick ; 
 on which the Britifh, who were then on the point of 
 making an alTault on the evacuated camp of the Ameri- 
 cans, wheeled about, and in a fit of condernation 
 marched for Princeton. 
 
 .i'M 
 
 This retreat is one of thofe extraordinary circum- 
 ftances, that in future ages may probably pafs for fable. 
 For it will with difficulty be believed, that two armies, 
 on which fuch important confequences depended, fhould 
 be crouded into fo fmall a fpace as Trenton, and that 
 the one, on the eve of an engagement, when every ear is 
 fuppofed to be open, and every watchfulnefs employed, 
 fhould move completely from the ground, with all its 
 ftores, baggage, and artillery, unknown and even unfuf- 
 pe6tcd by the other. And fo entirely were the Britifh 
 deceived, that when they heard the report of the cannon 
 and fmall arms at Princeton, they fuppofed it to be 
 thunder, though in the depth of winter. 
 
 Gener Ai, Wafhington9 the better to cover and difguife 
 his retreat from Trenton, had ordered a line of fires to be 
 lighted up in front of his camp. Thefe not only ferved 
 to give an appearance of going to reil, and continuing 
 
 D a that 
 
 
 M\ 
 
 ■4^ 
 
ilii 
 
 [ 20 ] 
 
 that deception, but they efFet^ually concealed from the 
 Britifh whatever was a£ling behind them, for flame cati 
 no more be feen through than a vvall, and in this fitua- 
 tion, it may with fome propriety be faid, they became a 
 pillar of fire to the one army, and a pillar of a cloud to 
 the other : after this, by a circuitous march of about 
 eighteen miles, the Americans reached Princeton early 
 in the morning. 
 
 The nurnber of prifoners taken were between two and 
 three hundred, with which General Wafliington imme- 
 diately fet ofF. The van of the Britifli army from Tren- 
 ton entered Princeton about an hour after the Americans 
 had left it, who continuing their march for the remainder 
 oftheday, arrived in the evening at a convenient fituation, 
 wide of the main road to Brunfwick, and about fixteen 
 miles diftant from Princeton. — But fo wearied and ex- 
 haufted were they, with the continual and unabated fer- 
 vice and fatigue of two days and a night, from adion to 
 aftion, without flielter and almoft without refrefhment, 
 that the bare and frozen ground, with no other covering 
 than the fky, became to them a place of comfortable reft. 
 By thcfe two events, and with but little comparative force 
 to accomplifh them, the A mericans clofed with advantages 
 a campaign, which, but a few days before, threatened the 
 country with deftru6lion. The Britifh army, apprehenfive 
 for the fafety of their magazines at Brunfwick, eighteen 
 rniles diftant, marched immediately for that place, where 
 they arrived late in the evening, and from which they 
 made no attempts to move, for nearly five months. 
 
 Having thus ftated the principal outlines of thefe two 
 moft interefting adlions, I (hall now quit them, to put the 
 
 Abbe 
 
[ 21 J 
 
 Abbe right in his miftated account of the debt and paper 
 money of Americaj wherein, fpeaking of thefe matters, 
 he fays, ^ 
 
 ** These ideal riches were reje£led. The more the 
 ** multiplication of them was urged by want, the greater 
 •* did their depreciation grow. The Congrefs was indig- 
 *' nant at the affronts given to its money, and declared 
 ** all thofe to be traitors to their country who fhould not 
 ^* receive it as they would have received gold itfelf. 
 
 ■ ]* L 
 
 \, ■ Mil 
 
 ■ 'M 
 
 •* D D not this body know, that prepofleffions are no 
 more to be controled than feeling's are ? Did it not 
 perceive, that in the prefent crifis every rational maa 
 would be afraid of expofmg his fortune ? Did it not 
 fee, that at the beginning of a republic it permitted to 
 itfelf the exercife of fuch afts of defpotifm as are un- 
 known even in the countries which are moulded to, 
 and become familiar with, fervitude and oppreflion ? 
 Could it pretend that it did not punifti z want of con- 
 fidence with the pains which would have been fcarcely 
 merited by revolt and treafon ? Of all this was the 
 Congrefs well aware. But it had no choice of means. 
 Its defpifed and defpicable fcraps of paper were acSlu- 
 ally thirty times below their original value, when more 
 of them were ordered to be made. On the 1 3th of 
 September, 1779, there was of this paper money, 
 amongft the public, to the amount of ;^. 35,544, 155. 
 The ftate owed moreover ^^•8,385, 356, without reck- 
 oning the particular debts of fmgle provinces.'* 
 
 In the above recited paflages the Abbe fpeaks as if the 
 United States had contraded a debt of upwards of forty 
 
 millionc 
 
 
[ 12 ] 
 
 millions pounds ftcrling, befides the debts of individual 
 States. After which, fpeaking of foreign trade with 
 America, he fays, that"thofe countries in Europe, which 
 ** are truly commercial ones, knowing that North-Ame- 
 *' rica had been reduced to contra<3: debts at the epoch 
 «' of even her greateft profperity, wifely thought, that, 
 ** in her prefent diftrefs, fhe would be able to pay but 
 *' very little, for what might be carried to her," 
 
 H i' 
 
 I i^NOW it muft be extremely difficult to make foreign- 
 ers underftand the nature and circumftances of our paper 
 money, becaufe there are natives, who do not underftand 
 it themfelves. But with us its fate is now determined. 
 Common confent has configned it to reft with that kind 
 of regard, which the long fervice of inanimate things 
 infenfibly obtains from mankind. Every ilone in the 
 bridge, that has carried us over, feems to have a claim 
 upon our efteem. But this was a corner ftone, and its 
 ufefulnefs cannot be forgotten. There is fomething in 
 a grateful mind, which extends itfelf even to things that 
 can neither be benefited by regard, nor fufFer by nc- 
 gledl ; — But fo it is ; and almoft every man is fenfiblc 
 of the cffed:. 
 
 But to return. The paper money, though iflued from 
 Congrefs under the name of dollars, did not come from 
 that body always ac that value. Thofe which were if- 
 fued the firft year, were equal to gold and filver. The 
 fecond year lefs, the third ftill lefs, and fo on, for nearly 
 the fpace of five years ; at the end of which, I imagine, 
 that the whole value, at which Congrefs might pay away 
 the feveral emiffions, taking them together, was about 
 ten or twelve millions pounds fterling, , 
 
 a Now 
 
Now as it would have taken ten or twelve millions 
 fterlirtg of taxes, to carry on the war for five years, and, 
 as while this money was iffuing and likewife depreci* 
 ating down to nothing, there wefe none, or few valuable 
 taxes paid ; confequently the event to the public was the 
 fame, whether they funk ten or twelve millions of ex- 
 pended money, by depreciation, or paid ten or twelve 
 millions by taxation ; for as they did not do both, and 
 chofe to do one, the matter, in a general view, was in* 
 different. And therefore, what the Abbe fuppofes to be 
 a debt, has now no exiftence; it having been paid, by 
 every body confenting, to reduce at his own expence, 
 from the value of the bills continually paffing among 
 themfelves, a fum, equal to nearly what the expence of 
 the war was for five years. 
 
 
 Again. The paper money having now ceafed, and 
 the depreciation with it, and gold and filver fupplied its 
 place, the war will now be carried on by taxation, which 
 will draw from the public a confiderable lefs fum than 
 what the depreciation drew; but as while they pay the 
 former, they do not fufFer the latter, and as when they 
 fufFered the latter, they did not pay the former, the 
 thing will be nearly equal, with this moral advantage, 
 that taxation occafions frugality and thought, and de- 
 preciation produced diflipation and careleiTnefs. 
 
 And again. If a man's portion of taxes comes to lefs 
 than what he loft by the depreciation, it proves the al- 
 teration is in his favor. If it comes to more, and he is 
 juftly afleffed, it (hows that he did not fuftain his propsr 
 (hare of depreciation, becaufe the one was as opcratively 
 his tax as the other. 
 
 It 
 
 
I ! 
 
 IS i'^ 
 
 i 
 
 in ■' 
 
 I H ] 
 
 It is true, that it never was intended, neither was it 
 forefeen, that the debt contained in the paper currency 
 (hould fink itfelf in this manner ^ but as by the voluntary 
 condu£t of all and of every one it has arrived at this fate, 
 the debt is paid by thofe who owed it. Perhaps nothing 
 was ever fo univerfally the a6t of a country as this. 
 Government had no hand in it. Every man depreciated 
 his own money by his own confent, for fuch was the ef* 
 fe£t, which the raifing the nominal value of goods pro- 
 duced. But as by fuch redudion he fuftained a lofs equal 
 to what he muft have paid to fmk it by taxation, therefore 
 the line of juftice is to ronfider his lofs by the deprecia- 
 tion as his tax for that time, and not to tax him when 
 the war is over, to make that money good in any other 
 perfons hands, which became nothing in his own. 
 
 Again. The paper currency was iflued for the exprefs 
 purpofe of carrying on the war. It has performed that 
 fervice, without any other material charge to the public, 
 while it lafted. But to fuppofe, asfome did, that, at the 
 end of the war, it was to grow into gold or filver, or 
 become equal thereto, was to fuppofe that we were to get 
 two hundred millions of dollars by going to war^ in- 
 ftead oi paying the coft of carrying it on. 
 
 But if any thing in the fituation of America, as to her 
 currency or her circumftances, yet remains not underftood, 
 then let it be remembered, that this war is the public's 
 •war J the people's war ; the country's war. It is their 
 independence that is to be fupported j their property that 
 is to be fecured ; their country that is to be faved. Here, 
 government, the army, and the people, are mutually 
 and reciprocally one. In other wars, kings may lofe their 
 
 thrones 
 
r 25 J 
 
 thrones, and their dominions j but here, the lofs muft 
 fall on the majejiy of the multitude^ and the property they 
 are contending to fave. Every man being fenfible of 
 this, he goes to the field, or pays his portion of the 
 charge, as the fovercign of his own pofTeffions j and 
 when he is conquered a monarch falls. 
 
 
 i. % 
 
 I -J 
 
 The remark, which the Abbe in the conclufion of 
 the paflage has made, refpcdling America contracting 
 debts in the time of her profperity (by which he means, 
 before the breaking out of hoftilities) ferves to fhow, 
 though he has not made the application, the very great 
 commercial difFcrence between a dependent and an inde- 
 pendent country. In a ftate of dependence, and with a 
 fettered commerce, though with all the advantages of 
 peace, her trade could not balance itfelf, and Ihe an- 
 nuallv run into debt. But now, in a ftate of independ- 
 ence, though involved in war, ihe requires no credit > 
 her fbrcs arc full of merchandize, and gold and filver 
 are become the currency of the country. How thefe 
 thintrs have eftubliflied themfelves it is difficult to ac- 
 count for : But they are fa<5ts, and fa^Sls are more power- 
 ful than ari^uments. 
 
 i 
 
 As it is probable this letter will undergo a republi- 
 cation in Europe, the remarks here thrown together 
 will ferve to fhow the extreme folly of Britain, in reft- 
 ing her hopes of fuccefs on the extinction of our paper 
 currency. The expectation is at once fo childifli and 
 forlorn, that it places her in the laughable condition of 
 a famiflied lion watching for prey at a fpider's web. 
 
 m 
 
 From this account of the currency, the Abbe pro- 
 ceeds to ftate the condition of America in the winter 
 
 E I777» 
 
 .it I 
 
I 
 
 ilk 
 
 It 
 
 I 
 
 [ 26 ] 
 
 1777, and the Tprlng following j and clofes his obfcr- 
 vations with mentioning the treaty of alliance, which 
 was figned in France, and the propofitions of the Bri- 
 tifli Miniflry, which were rejefted in America. But 
 in the manner in which the Abbe has arranged his fails, 
 there is a very material error, that not only he, but other 
 European hiflorians have fallen into; none of them 
 having affigned the true caufe why the Briti/h propofals 
 were rejeded, and all of them have affigned a wrong 
 one. 
 
 In the winter 1777, and fpring following, Congrefs 
 were aflembled at York-town in Pennfylvania, the Bri- 
 ti(h were in pofleffion of Philadelphia, and General 
 Waihington with the army were encamped in huts at 
 the Valley-Forge, twenty-five miles diflant therefrom. 
 To all who can remember, it was a feafon of hardfliip, 
 but not of defpair ; and the Abbe, fpeaking of this pe- 
 riod and its inconveniences, fays, 
 
 *' A multitude of privations, added to fo many other 
 *' misfortunes, might make the Americans regret their 
 *' former tranquillity, and incline them to an accommo- 
 *' dation with England. In vain had the people been 
 •' bound to the new government by the facrednefs of 
 *' oaths and the influence of religion. In vain had en- 
 •• deavours been ufed to convince them, that it was im- 
 *' poffible to treat fafely with a country in which one 
 •' parliament might overturn what fhould have been 
 *' eftabliflied by another. In vain had they been 
 •* threatened with the eternal refentment of an exaf- 
 *' perated and vindidlive enemy. It was poffible that 
 " thefe diftant troubles might not be balanced by the 
 " weight of prefent evils. 
 
 «« So 
 
[ 27 ] 
 
 ** So thought the Britifli miniftry when they fent to 
 ** the New World public agents, authorized to offer 
 *' every thing except independence to thefe very Ame- 
 '* ricans, from whom they had two years before exa(5led 
 " an unconditional fubmiflion. It is not improbable, 
 '* but that by this plan of conciliation, a few months 
 *' fooner, fome effed might have been produced. But 
 ** at the period at which it was propofed by the Court 
 " of London, it was rejedled with difdain, becaufe this 
 *' meafure appeared but as an argument of fear and 
 *' weaknefs. The people were already re-affured. The 
 Congrefs, the Generals, the troops, the bold and 
 flcilful men, in each colony had pofleffed themfelves 
 of the authority J everything had recovered its firft 
 fpirit. This was the effeSf of a treaty of friendjhip and 
 commerce between the United States and the Court ofVer- 
 *' failles^ figned the 6th of February 1778.'* 
 
 (C 
 
 «c 
 
 C( 
 
 cc 
 
 C( 
 
 ■ V. 
 
 On this paffage of the Abbe's I cannot help remark- 
 ing, that, to unite time with circumflance, is a material 
 nicety in hiftory ; the want of which frequently throws 
 it into endlefs confufion and miflake, occafions a total 
 feparation between caufes and confequences, and con- 
 neds them with others they are not immediately, and 
 fometimes not at all, related to. 
 
 The Abbe, in faying that the offers of the Britifh 
 Miniftry *' were rejected with difdain," is right, as to 
 thefa^, but wrong as to the time ; and this error in the 
 time, has occafioned him to be miflaken in the caufe. 
 
 The figning the treaty of Paris the 6th of February, 
 1778, could have noeiFe^ on the mind or politics of 
 
 £ 2 America 
 
 •'i I 
 
C 28 J 
 
 Amrrica until it was hicivn In /Imcricei ; and thereforp, 
 when the Abbe lays, that the rcjcdion of the Britifli of- 
 ftrs was in ccnfcqucncc of the allinncc, he muft mean, 
 that it was in conrccjuencc cif the alliance being hioxi-n in 
 America ; which was not the cafe : And by t!iis miftake 
 he not only takes from her tlie reputation, which her 
 unihakcn fortitude in that trvine iituation defcrvcs, but 
 is iikcvvifc led very injuriouily to fuppofe, that had (he 
 vet kr.ozcn of the treaty, the ori'ers would probably have 
 been accepted ; whereas flie knew nothing of the treaty 
 at the time of the rejection, and confequently did not 
 rejcd them on that ground. 
 
 The propofitions or offers above mentioned were 
 •contained in two bills brought into the Britiih Parlia- 
 ment by Lord North on the 17th of February 1778, 
 Thofe bills were hurried through both Houfes with un- 
 ufual hafte, and before they had gone through all the 
 curtomary forms of Parliament, copies of them were fent 
 over to Lord Howe and General Howe, then in Phila- 
 delphia, who were likewife CommifHoners. Genci ,1 
 Howe ordered them to be printed in Philadelphia, and 
 fent copies of them by a flap; to General Wafhington, 
 to be forwarded to Congrefs at York-Town, where they 
 arrived the 21ft of April 1778. Thus much :'or the ar- 
 rival of the bills in America. 
 
 CoxGRESs, as is their ufual mode, appointed a com- 
 mittee from their own body, to examine them and re- 
 port thereon. The report was brought in the next day 
 (the twenty-fecond) was read, and unanimoullv agreed 
 to, entered on their journals, and publifhed for the infor- 
 nution of the country. Now this report rauft be the re- 
 jection 
 
 tm 
 

 t 29 ] 
 
 jeclion to which the Abbe alludes, bccaufe Congrcfs gave; 
 no other formal opinion on thofe bills and propofitions : 
 And on a fubfequent application from the Britifli Com- 
 miflioners, dated the 27th of May, and received at 
 York-Tow^n the 6th of June, Conjrefs immediately re- 
 ferred them for an anfv/cr to their printed rcfolves of the 
 22d of April. Thus much for the rejeilion of the offers. 
 
 On the 2d of May, that is, eleven days after the 
 above rejc£lion was made, the treaty between the United 
 States and France arrived at York Town ; and until this 
 moment Congrefs had not the leaft notice or idea, that 
 fuch a meafure was in any train of execution. But left 
 this declaration of mine fliould pafs only for alTertion, I 
 Ihnli fupport it by proof, for it is material to the charac- 
 ter and principle of the revolution to fhow, that no con- 
 dition of America, llnce the declaration of independence, 
 however trying and fevere, ever operated to produce the 
 moftdiflant idea of yielding it up either by force, dif- 
 trefs, artifice or pcrfuafion. And this proof is the more 
 necefiary, becaufe it was the fyftem of the Britifii mi- 
 niftry at this time, as well as before and fince, to hold 
 out to the European powers that America was unfixt in 
 her refolutions and policy; hoping by this artifice to 
 leflen her reputation in Europe, and weaken the confi- 
 dence which thofe powers, or any of them, might be 
 inclined to place in her. 
 
 At the time thcfe matters were tranfa<Sling, I was 
 fecretary in the foreign department of Congrefs. All the 
 political letters from the American CommiiTioners refled 
 in my hands, and all that were officially written went 
 from my office j and fo far from Congrefs knowing any 
 
 thing 
 
(i 
 
 1 
 
 r 30 ] 
 
 thing of tlic fignlng the treaty, at the time they rejcdci 
 ti\c Britifh ofters, they haJ not received a line of infor- 
 mation from their Commiflioners at Paris on any fub- 
 jccl wh;*tevcr for upwards of a twelvemonth. Probably 
 the lofs of the port of Philadelphia and the navigation 
 of the Delaware, together with the danger of the feas, 
 covered at this time with Britifh cruizers, contributed 
 to the difappointment. 
 
 One packet, it is true, arrived at York- Town in Ja- 
 nuary preceding, which was about three months before 
 the arrival of the treaty ; but, ftrange as it may appear, 
 every letter had been taken out, before it was put on 
 board the veflei Avhich brought it from France, and 
 blank white paper put in their Head. 
 
 Having thus ftated the time when the propofals from 
 the Britifli Commiflioners werefirft received, and likewife 
 the time when the treaty of alliance arrived, and (hewn 
 that the rcjecStion of the former was eleven days prior to 
 the arrival of the latter, and without the leaft knowledge 
 of fuch circumftance having taken place or being about 
 to take place ; the rcjedlion, therefore, mufl, and ought 
 to be attributed to the fixt unvaried fentiments of Ame- 
 rica refpedling the enemy flie is at war with, and her de- 
 termination to fupporther independence to the laftpoflibie 
 effort, and not to any new circumftance in her favour, 
 which at that time fhe did not and could not know of. 
 
 Besides, there is a vigour of determination and fpirit 
 of defiance ''n the language of the rejedion, (which I here 
 fubjoin) which derive their greatefl glory by appearing 
 before the treaty was known ; for that, which is bravery 
 in diftrefs becomes infult in profperity : And the treaty 
 5 placed 
 
I 31 ] 
 
 placed America on fuch a ftrong foundiulon, that hml 
 (he then known it, the anfwer which flie gave, would 
 have appeared rather as an air of tiiuniph, than as the 
 glowing fercnity of fortitude. 
 
 Upon the whc c, the Abbe appears to have entirely 
 miftaken the matter ; for inftead of attributing the re- 
 je<Slion of the propofitions to our knowledge of the treaty 
 of alliance ; he (hould have attributed the origin of them 
 in the Britifh cabinet, to their knowledge of that event. 
 And then the reafon why they were hurried over to Ame- 
 rica in the ftate of bills, that is, before tiicy were pafled 
 into a<Sls, is eafily accounted for, which is, that they 
 might have the chance of reaching America before any 
 knowledge of the treaty (hould arrive, which they were 
 lucky enough to do, and there met the fate they fo 
 richly merited. That thefe bills were brought into the 
 Briti(h Parliament after the treaty with France was 
 figned, is proved from the dates : The treaty being on 
 the 6th, and the bills the 17th of February. And that 
 the figning the treaty was known in Parliament, when 
 the bills were brought in, is likewife proved by a ipeech 
 of Mr. Charles Fox, on the faid 17th of P'ebruary, who, 
 in reply to Lord North, informed the Houfe of the 
 treaty being figned, and challenged the Minifter's know- 
 ledge of the fame fad. *} 
 
 TuorcH 
 
 *)In congress, April 22d, 1778. 
 
 • ^ I ^HE Committee to whom was referred the General's 
 X. letter of the 1 8th, containing a certain printed paoer 
 fent from Philadelphia, purporting to be the draught of a Bill 
 for declaring the intentions of the Parliament of Great Britain, 
 as to the exerci/e of what they are pleafed to term theirr/|rA/ of 
 impofing taxes within thefe United States ; and alio the 
 draught of a Bill to enable the King of Great Britain to ap- 
 point CommiiTioners, with powers to treat) confult, and agree 
 
 upon 
 
 . '11 
 
f 3* 3 
 
 I', 
 
 Though I am not furprifed to fee the Abb^niiftakea 
 In matters of hiftory, adled at fo great a dilhuicc from his 
 
 fphcre 
 
 
 if 
 
 it 
 
 upon the mcano cf quieting certain diforders within the faid 
 States, beg leave to obferv., 
 
 ** That the faid paper being induflrioufly circulated by 
 emiflaries of the enemy, in a partial and fecret manner, the 
 fame ought to be forthwith printed for the public information. 
 
 •• The Committee cannot afcertain whether the contents of 
 the faid paper have been framed in Philadelphia or in Great 
 Britain, much lefs whether the fame are rcaily ar.d truly in- 
 tended to be brought into the Parliament of that kingdom, or 
 whether the faid Parliament will confer thereon the ufuj.1 fo- 
 lemnities of their lav/s. But are inclined to believe this v/ill 
 happen, for the following reafons : 
 
 " lit. Because their General hath made divers feeble ef- 
 forts to fet on foot feme kind of treaty during the laft winter, 
 though, either from a miftaken idea of his own dignity and 
 importance, the want of information, or fome other caufe, he- 
 hath not made application to thofe who are invelled with a 
 proper authority. 
 
 *' 2dly. Ef CAUSE they fuppofe that the fallacious idea of 
 a ceflation of hoftllities will render thefe States remifs in their 
 preparations for war. 
 
 *' 3dly. BtCAUSE believing the Americans wearied with 
 war, they fuppofe we will accede to their terms for the fake 
 of peace. 
 
 *• 4ihly. Because they fuppofe that our negociations may 
 be fubjeft to a like corrupt iofiuence with their debates. 
 
 '• jthly. Because they exped from this ftep the fame ef- 
 fedi they did from what one of their minifters thought proper 
 to call his conciliatoty motion^ viz. that it will prevent foreign 
 powers from giving aid to thefe States ; that it will lead their 
 own fubjefts to continue a little longer the prefent war ; and 
 jhat it will detach fome weak men in America from the caufe 
 of freedom and virtue. 
 
 ** 6thly. Because their King, from his own flievuing, hath 
 reafon to apprehend that his fleets and armie?, inllead of be- 
 ing employed againlt the territories of thefe States, will be 
 necvfiiiry for the defence of his own don'.inions. And 
 
 *' 7thly. Because the impradicability of fubjugating this 
 country being every day nic re and more manifell, it Is their 
 interellto extricate thf ."<ifelvei from the war upon any terms. 
 
 '• Thk Committee beg leave further to obferve. That, upon 
 a fuppcliiicn the maiters contained in the faid paper will really 
 
 be 
 
f 33 3 
 
 fphereoflmmedlateobfervatic'B, yetl am hiore than fur-* 
 prifed to find him wrong, (or at leaft what appears fo to 
 
 me) 
 
 ■ ■' 
 
 ^into the Britifh Statute Book, they fcrve to Ihevv, in a clear 
 point of view, the weaknefs and wickednefs of the enemy. 
 
 *' Their Weakness, 
 
 •* ift. Because they formerly declared, not only that they 
 had a right to bind the inhabitants of thefe States in all cafes 
 whatfoever, but alfo that the faid inhabitants fhould abfolutely 
 and unconditionally fubmit to the exercife of that right. And 
 this fubmifiion they have endeavoured to exadt by the fword. 
 Receding from this claim, therefore, under thcprefent circum- 
 flances, (hews their inability to enforce it* 
 
 /* zdly. Because their Prince hath heretofore rejefted the 
 humbleil petitions of the Reprefentatives of America, praying 
 lobe confidered as fubjefts, and protcfted in the enjoyment of 
 peace, liberty and fafety ; and hath waged a mod cruel war 
 againft them, and employed the favages to butcher innocent 
 women and children. But nOw the fame Prince pretends to 
 treat with thofe very Reprefentatives, and grant to the arms of 
 America what he refufed to \itx prayers. 
 
 " sdly* Because they have uniformly laboured to conquer 
 this continent, rejecting every idea of accommodation propofed 
 to them, from a confidence in their own ilrength. Wherefore 
 it is evident, from the change in their mode of attack, that 
 they have loft this confidence. And 
 
 *' 4thly. Because thecondant language, fpoken not only 
 by their Minifters, but by the moll public and authentic a6h of 
 the nation, hath been, that it is incompatible with their dig- 
 nity to treat with the Americans while they have arms in their 
 hands. Notwithllanding which, an ofier is now about to be 
 made for treaty. 
 
 •* The Wickedkess and Insincerity of the enemy ap- 
 pear from the following confiderations: 
 
 ** ift. Either the Bills now to be paffed contain a direft 
 or indireft cefiion of a part of their former claims, or they do 
 not. If they do, then it is acknowledged that they have fa- 
 crificed many brave men in an unjuft quarrel. If they do not, 
 then they are calculated to deceive America into terms, to 
 which neither argument before the war, nor force fince, could 
 procure her afient. 
 
 •• adly. The firft of thcfe Bills appears, from the title, ta. 
 be a declaration of the intentions of the Sritifh Parliament con- 
 cerning the exercife of the right of impofing taxes within thefe 
 States. Wherefore, IhoulU thefe States treat under the faid 
 
 F Bill, 
 
 
 i« 
 
 M 
 
 ■■ i 
 
I 
 
 t;t lii! ! 
 
 [ 34 ] 
 
 me) in the well enlightened field of philofophical re- 
 fle(5tion. Here the materials are his own ; created by him- 
 felfj and the error, therefore, is an a6t of the mind. 
 
 Hitherto 
 
 Bill, they would indireQly acknowledge that right, to obtain 
 which acknowledgment the prefent war hath been avowedly 
 undertaken and profecuted on the part of Great Britain. 
 
 •* 3diy. Should fuch pretended right be fo acquiefced in, 
 then, of confequence, the fame might be exercifed whenever 
 the Dritifli Parliament Ihould find themfelves in a different tern- 
 per and di/pofttion \ fince it muft depend upon thcfe, and fuch 
 like contingencies, how i<sx men will a£l according .0 their 
 termer intentions. 
 
 *• 4thly. The faid firftBill, in the body thereof, containeth 
 no new matter, but is precifely the fame with the motion be- 
 fore-mentioned, and liable to all the objedlions which layagainfl 
 the faid motion, excepting the following particular, viz. that^ 
 the motion a£lual taxation was to be fufpendcd, fo long as Ame- 
 rica ihould give as much as the faid Parliament might think 
 proper : Whereas by the propofed Bill, it is to be fufpended, 
 as long as future Parliaments continue of the fame mind with 
 the prefent. 
 
 ** 5thly. From the fecond Bill it appears, that the Britlfh 
 King may, if he pleafes, appoint CommilTioners to treat and 
 agree with thofe, whom they pleafe, about a variety of things 
 therein mentioned. But fuch treaties and agreements are to be 
 of no validity without the concurrence of the faid Parliament, 
 except fo far as they relate to iht/ufpenjion of hoftilitips and of 
 certain of their ads, the granting of pardons, and the appoint- 
 ing of Governors to thefe fovereign, free and independent 
 States. Wherefore, the faid Parliament have referred to thcrn- 
 felves, in exprefs ijuards, the power of fetting afide any fuch 
 treaty, and taking the advantage of any circumftances which 
 may arife to fubjeit this continent to their ufurpations. 
 
 *' 6thly. The faid Bill, by holding forth a tender of par- 
 don, implies a criminality in ourjuUifiable refiilance, and con- 
 fequently, to treat under it would be an implied acknowledg- 
 ment, that the inhabitants cf thefe States were, what Britain 
 has declared them to be. Relets, 
 
 *' ythly. The inhabitants of thefe States being claimed by 
 them as fubjeds, they may infer, from the nature of the nego- 
 ciation now pretended to be fet on foot, that the faid inhabitants 
 wcidd of rig.it be afterwards bound by fuch l.'iws as they fliould 
 make Wherefore any agreement entered into on fuch nego- 
 ciation might at any future time be repealed. And 
 
 Sthly. Because the faiu Bill purports, that the Commif- 
 
 fionets, 
 
 << 
 
[ 35 ] 
 
 Hitherto my remarks have been confined to circum- 
 fl^nres i the order in which they arofe, and the events 
 
 
 fioners therein mentioned may treat with private individuals ; 
 a meafure highly derogatory to the dignity of national cha- 
 rader. 
 
 *' From all which it appears evident to your Committee, 
 that the faid Bills are intended to operate upon the hopes and 
 fears of the goou people of thefe States, fo as to create divifions 
 amonj; them, and a dcfedlion from the common caufe, now by 
 the blefnng of Divine Providence drawing near to a favourable 
 iffue. That they are the fequel of that infidious plan, which, 
 from the days of the Stamp-a£l down to the prefent time, hath 
 involved this country in contention and bloodflied. And that, 
 as in other cafes fo in this, although circumftances may force 
 them at times to recede from their unjuftifiable claims, there 
 can be no doubt but they will as heretofore, upon the firft fa- 
 vourable occafion, again difplay that lull of domination, which 
 hath rent in twain the mighty empire of Britain. 
 
 *' Upon the whole matter, the Committee beg leave to re- 
 port it as their opinion. That as the Americans united in this 
 arduous contell upon principles of common interell, for the de- 
 fence of common rights and privileges, which union hath been 
 cemented by common calamities and by mutual good oflices and 
 afFeftion, fo the great caufe for which they contend, and in 
 which all mankind are interefted, mull derive its fuccefs from 
 the continuance of that union. Wherefore any man or body 
 of men, who fhould prefume to make any feparate or partial 
 convention or agreement with Commiffioners under the crown 
 of Great Britain, or any of them, ought to be confidered and 
 treated as open and avowed enemies of thefe United States. 
 
 ** And further your Committee bcgleave to report it as their 
 opinion, That thefe United States cannot, with propriety, hold 
 any conference or treaty with any Commiflioners on the part of 
 Great Britain, unlefs they (hall, as a preliminary thereto, either 
 withdraw their fleets and armies, or elfe, in pofitive and ex- 
 prcfs terms, acknowledge the Independence of the faid States. 
 
 ** And inafmuch as it appears to be the defign of the ene- 
 mies of thefe Stales to lull them into a fatal fecurity — to the 
 end that they may a£l with a becoming weight and importance, 
 it is the opinion of your Committee, That the feveral State? be 
 called upon to ufe the moll ftrenuous exertions to have their 
 rcfpedivc quotas of continental troops in the field as foon as 
 poflible, and that all the militia of the faid States be held in 
 readinefs, to ad as occafion may require." 
 
 F 2 they 
 
[ 36 ] 
 
 )i ' 
 
 they produced. In thefe, my information being better 
 than the Abbe's,, my tafk was eafy. How I may fucceed 
 in controverting matters of fentiment and opinion, with 
 one whom years, experience, and long eftabliflied repu- 
 tation have placed in a fuperior line, I am lefs confident 
 in ; but as they fall within the fcope of my obferyations 
 it would be improper to pafs them over. 
 
 kh i 
 
 From this part of the Abbe's work to the latter end, 
 I find feveral expreffions, which appear to me to ftart, 
 with a cynical complexion, from the path of liberal 
 thinking, or at leaft they are fo involved as to lofe many 
 of the beauties which diftinguifli other parts of the per-, 
 formance. 
 
 I 
 
 The foUoiving is the anfwer of Congrefs to the fecond appli" 
 cation of the CoftimiJJioners : 
 
 York-Tonvn, yune df 1778. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE had the honor of laying your letter of the 3d in- 
 ftantt with the a£ls of the Britiih Parliament which came 
 inclofed, before Congrefs ; and I am inilru£led to acquaint 
 you, Sir, that they have already exprefTed their fentiments 
 upon bills, not eiTcntially different from thofe a£ts, in a pub- 
 lication of the zzd of April laft. 
 
 *' Be aiTured, Sir, when the King of Great Britain ihall be 
 feriouily difpof^d to put an end to the unprovoked and cruel 
 war waged againil thefe United States, Congrefs will readily 
 attend to fuch terms of peace, as may confiit with the honor 
 of independent nations, theintereil of their conftituents, an4 
 the fccred regard they mean to pay to treaties. I have th^ 
 hopor 10 \ie, Sir, 
 
 7'our tnoji ohedientt and 
 
 mojl humble fervent, 
 
 HenryLaureks, 
 FrefidtntofCongref:' 
 His Excellency, 
 $ir Henry Clinton, K. B, Philad, 
 
 Ths 
 
[ 37 1 
 
 The Abbe having brought his work to the period 
 when the treaty of alliance between France and the 
 United States commenced, proceeds to make fome re- 
 marks thereon. 
 
 *' In Ihort," fays he, ** philofophy, whofe firft fenti- 
 
 5' mentis the defire to fee all governments juft and all 
 
 *' people happy, in cafting her eyes upon this alliance of 
 
 ** a monarchy, with a people, who are defending their 
 
 *' liberty, is curious to know its motive. She fees, at onc£f 
 
 *' too clearly-, that the happinefs of mankind has no part 
 
 «« in it," 
 
 Whatever train of thinking or of temper the Abbe 
 plight be in, when he penned this expreffion, matters 
 not. They will neither qualify the fentiment, nor add 
 to its dcfe£l. If right, it needs no apology; if wrong, 
 \t merits no excufe. It is fent into the world as an opi- 
 nion of philofophy, and may be examined without regard 
 to the author. 
 
 k 
 
 It feems to be a defedl, conneded with ingenuity, that 
 it often employs itfelf more in matters of curiofity, than 
 yfefulnefs. Man muft be the priyy counfellor of fate, or 
 fomething is not right. He muft know the fprings, the 
 whys and wherefores of every thing, or he fits downun- 
 fatisfied. Whether this be a crime, or only a caprice of 
 humanity, I am not enquiring into. I fhall take thot 
 paifage as I find it, and place my objedlions againft it. 
 
 It is not fo properly the motives which produced the al- 
 liance, as the confequences which are to he produced from itf 
 that mark out the Held of philofophical refle(E):ion. In the 
 one we only penetrate into the barren cave of fecrecy, 
 
 where 
 
 1 
 
 :} 
 
 t 
 
 II 
 
 1^' r 
 
t 38 ] 
 
 where little can be known, and every thing maybe mif- 
 conceived j in the other, the mind is prefented with a 
 wide extended profpe6l of vegetative good, and fees a 
 thoufaml bleflin^s budding into exiftence. 
 
 
 But the exprefllon, even within the compafs of the 
 Abbe's meaning, fets out with an error, becaufe it is 
 made to declare that, which no man has authority to 
 declare. Who can fay that the happinefs of mankind 
 made no part of the motives which produced the alliance? 
 To be able to declare this, a man muft be pofreHed of the 
 mind of all the parties concerned, and know that their 
 motives were fomething elfe. 
 
 In proportion as the independence of America became 
 contemplated and underft /od, the local advantages of It 
 to the immediate a6lors, and the numerous benefits it pro- 
 mifcd to mankind, appeared to be every day encreafing ; 
 and we faw not a temporary good for the prefent race on- 
 ly, but a continueJ ,ood to all pofterity; thefe motives, 
 therefore, added to thofe which preceded them, became 
 the motives on the part of America, which led her to pro- 
 pofc ajid agree to the treaty of alliance, as the beft ef- 
 tcdual method of extending; and fecuring happinefs j and 
 therefore, with refpcflto us, the Abbe is wrong. 
 
 France, on the other hand, was fituated very diffe- 
 rently to America. She was not acted upon by necelTity 
 to feck a friend, and therefore her motive in becoming 
 one, has the ftrongeft evidence of being good, and that 
 which is fo, muft have fome happinefs for its object. 
 With regard to herfelf, fhe fav/ a train of conveniences 
 worthy her attention. By leflening the power of an 
 enemy, whom, at the Kimc time, (he fought neither to 
 
 dcftroy 
 
t 39 ] 
 
 deftroy nor diftrefs, flic gained an advantage without 
 doing an evil, and created to herfelf a new friend by af- 
 {bciating with a country in misfortune. The fprings 
 of thought that lead to adions of this kind, however 
 political they may be, are neverthelefs naturally bene- 
 ficent ; for in all caufes, good or bad, it is neceflary there 
 fhould be a fitnefs in the mind, to enable it to a£l; in 
 character with the obje£l : Therefore as a bad caufe 
 cannot be profecuted with a good motive, fo neither can 
 a good caufe be long fupported by a bad one, and as no 
 man a£ts without a motive, therefore in the prefent in-, 
 (lance, as they cannot be bad, they muft be admitted to 
 be good. But the Abbe fcts out upon fuch an extended 
 fcale, that he overlooks the degrees by which it is mea- 
 fured, and rejects the beginning of good, becaufe the end 
 comes not at once. , , 
 
 It is true that bad motives may in fome degree be 
 brought to fupport a good caufe or profecute a good ob- 
 ject J but it never continues long, which is not tlie cafe 
 with France j for either the objed will reform the mind, 
 or the mind corrupt the objc£t, or elfe not being able, 
 cither way, to get into unifon, they v/ill feparatc in dif- 
 guft : And this natural, though unpeiccived progrefs of 
 aflbciation or contention between the mind and the ob- 
 ject, is the fecret caufe of fidelity or defedt^ion. Every 
 object a man purfues, is, for the time, a kind of miftrcfs 
 to his mind: if both are good or bad, the union is na- 
 tural i but if they are in reverfe, and neither can feduce 
 nor yet reform the other, the oppofition grows into dif- 
 like and a feparaiion follows. 
 
 When the caufe of America firft: made her appearance 
 
 on the ftage of the univerfe, there were many, who, in 
 
 7 the 
 
[ 40 ] 
 
 ii I ! 
 
 II 
 
 
 the ftile of adventurers and fortune-hunters, weredang<^ 
 ling in her train, and making their court to her with 
 every profeflion of honour and attachment. They 
 vrere loud in her praife and oilentatious in her fervice. 
 Every place echoed with their ardour or their anger, and 
 they feemed like men in love. But, alas, they were for- 
 tune-hunters. Their expe6lations were excited, but 
 their minds were unimprefTed ; and finding her not to 
 their purpofe, nor themfelves reformed by her influence, 
 they ceafed their fuit, and in fome inftances deferted and 
 betrayed her. 
 
 There were others, who at firft beheld her with in- 
 difference, and unacquainted with her chara«Ster were 
 cautious of her company. They treated her as one, 
 who, under the fair name of liberty, might conceal the 
 hideous figure of anarchy, or the gloomy monfter of ty- 
 ranny. They knew not what ihe was. If fair, (he was . 
 fair indeed. But ftill (he was fufpe6led, and though 
 born among us appeared to be a flranger. 
 
 
 AcciDEKT with fome, and curiofity with others, 
 brought on a diftant acquaintance. They ventured to 
 look at her. They felt an inclination to (peak to her. 
 One intimacy led to another, till the fufpicion wore 
 away and a change of fentiment fiole gradually upon the 
 mind ; and having no felf-interefl to ferve, no paflion of 
 difhonour to gratify, they became enamoured of her in-' 
 nocence, and unaltered by misfortune or uninHamed by 
 fuccefs, fliared with fidelity in the varieties of ^er fate. 
 
 This declaration of the Abbe's, refpe£iing motives, 
 has led me unintendedly into a train of metaphyfical rea- 
 foningj but there was no other avenue by which it could 
 
 io 
 
«.■ 
 
 h 
 Y 
 
 t 
 
 [ 41 ] 
 
 (o properly be appronched, To place prefumption 
 againfl: prefumption, afTortion againft aflertion, is a 
 mode of oppofition that has no efFeft ; and therefore the 
 more eligible method was, to fhew that the declarat on 
 does not correfpcnd with the natural progr^fs of the 
 mind and the infiuence it has upon our conJu^St. — I 
 ihall now quit this part, and proceed to what I have 
 before ftated, namely, that it is not fo properly the mo- 
 tives which produced the alliance, as the confequences 
 to be produced from it, that mark out the field of phi- 
 lofophical reflection. 
 
 It is an obfervation I have already made in fome for- 
 mer publication, that the circle of civilization is yet in- 
 complete. A mutuality of wants have formed the indi- 
 viduals of each country into a kind of national fociety ; 
 and here the progrefs of civilization has ftopt. For it is 
 cafy to fee, that nations with regard to each other (not- 
 withftanding the ideal civil law which every one explain, 
 as it fuits him) are like individuals in a ftate of natures 
 They are regulated by no fixt principle, governed by no 
 compulfive law, and each does independently what it 
 pleafes, or what it can. 
 
 Were it pofllble we could have known the world 
 when in a ftate of barbarifm, we might have concluded, 
 that it never could be brought into the order we now fte 
 it. The untamed mind was ther\ as hard, if not harder, 
 to work upon in its individual ftate, than the national 
 jmind is in its prefent one. Yet we have feen the ac- 
 complifliment of the one, why then fliould we doubt 
 that of the other I 
 
 ,1 
 
 ■■•I 
 
 
 
 There is a greater fitnefg in mankind to extend and 
 
 G com^^ete 
 
l! 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 '?■' 
 
 I 4» 3 
 
 complete the civilization of nations with each other at 
 this day, than there was to begin it with the unconnec- 
 ted individuals at firft ; in the fame manner that it is 
 ibmewhat caficr to put together the materials of a ma- 
 chine after they are formed, than it was to form them 
 from original matter The prefent condition of the 
 world differing fo exceedingly from what it formerly 
 wae, has given a new caft to the mind of man, more 
 than what he appears to be fenfible of. The want of 
 the individual, which firft produced the idea of fociety, 
 are now augmented into the wants of the nation, and bo 
 is obliged to feek from another country what before hq 
 fought from the next perfon. 
 
 Letters, the tongue of the world, have in fome 
 meafure brought all mankind acquainted, and, by an 
 extenfion of their ufes, are every day promoting fome 
 new ffiendfliip. Through tjiem diftant nations become 
 capable of converfation, and lofmg by degrees the awk- 
 wardnefs of ftrangers, and the morofenefs of fufpicion, 
 they learn to know and underftand each other. Science, 
 the partifan of no country, but the beneficent patronefs 
 of all, has liberally opened a temple where all may meet. 
 Her influence on the mind, like the fun on the chilled 
 earth, has long been preparing it for higher cultivation 
 and further improvement. The philofopher of one 
 country fees not an enemy in the philofopher of an- 
 other : He takes his feat in the temple of fcience, an4 
 aiks not who fits befide him. 
 
 This was not the condition of the barbarian world. 
 Then the wants of man were few, and the objed^s within 
 his reach. While he could acquire thefe, he lived in a 
 
 ftatc 
 
 i\ 
 
t 43 I 
 
 ftate of individual independence, the confequence of 
 which was, there were as many nations as perfons, each 
 contending with the other, to fecure fomethlng which 
 he had, or to obtain fomething which he had not. The 
 world had then no bufinefs to follow, no fludies to ex- 
 ercife the mind. Their time was divided between floth 
 and fatigue. Hunting and war were their chief occu- 
 pations ; ilecp and food their principal enjoyments. 
 
 Now it is othcrwife. A change in the mode of life 
 has made it necefTary to lie bufy -, and man Hnds a 
 thoufand things to do now which before he did not. 
 Inftead of placing his ideas of greatnefs in the rude 
 atchievements of the favage, he (ludies arts, fcience, 
 agriculture, and commerce", the refinements of the gen- 
 tleman, the principles of fociety, and the knowledge of 
 the philofopher. 
 
 There are many things which in themfelves are mo- 
 rally neither good nor bad, but they are productive of 
 confcquenoes, v/hich are ftrongly marked v/:th one or 
 ether of thefe characters. Thus commerce, though in 
 itfelf a moral nullity, has had a confiderable influence in 
 tempering the human mind. It was the want of objects 
 in the ancient world, which occafvoried in them fuch a 
 fude and perpetual turn for war. Their time hung on 
 their hands without the means of employment. The 
 indolence they lived in afforded leifure for mifchief, and 
 being all idle at once, and equal in their circumftances, 
 they were eafily provoked or induced to aftioh. 
 
 . But the introdu\Stion of cotnnierce furnifhed the world 
 with objects, which, in their extent, reach every man, 
 and give him fomething to think about and foirtething 
 
 G 2f to 
 
tlli 
 
 r 44 ] 
 
 to do ; by thcfc his attention is mechanically drawn 
 from the purfuits, which a ftate of indolence and an un- 
 employed mind occafioned, and he trades with the fame 
 countries which former ages, tempted by their produc- 
 tions, and too indolent to purchafe them, would have 
 gone to war with. 
 
 Thus, as I have already obferved, the condition of 
 the world being materially changed by the influence of 
 fcience and commerce, it is put into a fitnefs not only 
 to admit of, but to defire, an extenfion of civilization. 
 The principal and almoft only remaining enemy it now 
 has to encounter, \s, prejudice ; for it is evidently the in- 
 tereft of mankind to agree, and make the beft of life. 
 The world has undergone its divifions of empire, the fe- 
 veral boundaries of which are known and fettled. The 
 idea of conquering countries, like the Greeks and Ro- 
 mans, docs not now exift ; and experience has exploded 
 th*e notion of going to war for the fake of profit. In 
 ihort, the objeds for war are exceedingly diminiflied, 
 and there is now left fcarcely any thing to quarrel 
 about, but what arifes from that demon of fociety, pre- 
 judice, and the confcquent fullcnnefs and untraitable- 
 nefs of the temper. 
 
 There is fomething exceedirrgJy curious in the con- 
 ftitution and operation of prejudice. It has the iingular 
 ability of accommodating itfelf to all thepoffible varieties 
 of the human mind. Some paffions and vices are but 
 thinly fcattered among mankind, and find only here and 
 there a fitnefs of reception. But prejudice, like the fpider, 
 makes every where its home. It has neither tafte nor choice 
 of place, and aU that it requires is room. There is fcarcely 
 a fituation, except fire or water, in which a fpider will not 
 live. Soj let the mind be as naked as the walls of an empty 
 
 and 
 
 U 
 
t 45 ] 
 
 and forfaken tenement, gloomy as a dungeon, or ofna* 
 mcnted with the richeft abilities of thinking, let it be hot, 
 cold, dark or light, lonely or inhabited, ftill prejudice, 
 if undifturbed, will fill it with cobwebs, and live, like 
 the fpider, where there feems nothing to live on. If the 
 one prepares her food by poifoning it to her palate and 
 her ufe, the other docs the kame j and as feveral of our 
 palfions arc ftrongly charactered by the animal world, 
 prejudice may be denominated the fpider of the mind. 
 
 
 Perhaps no two events ever united fo intimately and 
 forceably to combat and expel prejudice, as the Revolu- 
 tion of America and the Alliance with France. Their 
 cfFeiSls are felt, and their influence already extends as well 
 to the old world as the new. Our ftilc and manner of 
 thinking have undergone a revolution, more cxtraordi- 
 nary than the political revolution of the country. We 
 fee with other eyes j we hear with other ears j and 
 think with other thoughts, than thofe we formerly ufed. 
 We can look back on our own prejudices, as if they had 
 been the prejudices of other people. We now fee and 
 know they were prejudices and nothing elfe, and relieved' 
 from their fhackles enjoy a freedom of mind, we felt not 
 before. It was not all the argument, however powerful, 
 nor all the reafoning, however elegant, that could have 
 produced this change, fo neceflary to the extenfion of 
 the mind, and the cordiality of the world, without the 
 two circumilances of the Revolution and the Alliance* 
 
 Had America dropt quietly from Britain, no material 
 change, in fentiment, had taken place. The fame no- 
 tions, prejudices, and conceits, would have governed in 
 both countries, as governed them before, and ftill th« 
 
 flaves 
 
'M 
 
 It 
 
 I'lM' 
 
 
 IJ 
 
 . r 46 J 
 
 flaves of error and education, they would have travelled 
 on in the beaten track of vulgar and habitual thinking. 
 But brought about by the means it has been, both with 
 regard to ourfelves, to France, and to England, everjr 
 Corner of the mind is fwept of its cobwebs, poifon, and 
 duft, and made fit for the reception of generous hap- 
 pinefst 
 
 Perhaps there never was an Alliance on a broader 
 bafis, than that between America and France, and the 
 progrcfs of it is worth attending to. The countries had 
 been enemies, not properly of themfelves, but through 
 the medium of England. They, originally, had nc quar- 
 rel with each other, nor any caule for one, but what 
 arofe from the intereft of England and her arming America 
 againft France. At the fame time, the Americans at a 
 diftance from, and unacquainted with the world, and 
 tutored in all the prejudices which governed thole who 
 governed them« eon:eived it their duty to a6t as they were 
 taught. In doing this, they expended their fubftance to 
 make conquefts, not for themfelves but for their mafters^ 
 who in returh treated them as ilaves. 
 
 A LONG fucceflion of infolent feverity, and the fepara- 
 tion finally occafioned by the commencement of hoflilities 
 at Lexington, on the 19th of April, 1775, naturally pro- 
 duced a new difpofition of thinking. As the mind clofed 
 itfelftowardt England, it opened itfelf towards the wOrld, 
 and our prejudices like our oppreilions underwent, thoug'h 
 lefs obferved, a mental examination ; until we found thef 
 former as inconfiftent with reafon and benevolence, as the 
 latter were repugnant to our civil and political rights. 
 
 VfftiLt <ve were thus advancing by degrees into the' 
 wide field of extended humanity, the alliance witlt 
 
 France 
 
 »-ii 
 
r 47 i 
 
 France was concluded. An alliance not formed for the 
 mere purpofe of a day, but on juft »nd generous grounds, 
 and with equal and mutual advantages ; and the eafy 
 affectionate manner in which the parties have fince 
 communicated, has made it an alliance not of courts 
 only but of countries. There is now an union of mind 
 as well as of intereft j and our hearts as well as our 
 profperity call on us to fupport it. 
 
 The people of England not having experienced this 
 change, had likewife no idea of it. They were hugging 
 to their bofoms the fame prejudices we were trampling 
 beneath our feet ; and they expelled to keep a hold upon 
 America, by that narrownefs of thinking, which Ameri- 
 ca difdained. What they were proud of, we defpifed j and 
 this is a principal caufe why all their negociations, con- 
 ftrufted on this ground, have failed. We are now really 
 another people, and cannot again go back to ignorance 
 and prejudice. The mind «nce enlightened cannot again 
 become dark. There is no poflibility, neither is there 
 any term to exprefs the fuppofition by, of the mind, 
 unknowing any thing it already knows; and therefore 
 all attempts on the part of England, fitted to the former 
 habit of America, and on the expectation of their apply- 
 ing now, will be like perfuading a feeing man to become 
 blind, and a fenfible one to turn an idiot The firft of 
 which is unnatural, and the other impoifible. 
 
 ii 
 
 
 As to the remark which the Abbe makes of the one 
 
 country being a monarchy and the other a republic, it 
 
 can have no effential meaning. Forms of government 
 
 have nothing to do with treaties. The former are the in- 
 
 % terpal 
 
li ! 
 
 II 
 
 I !' 
 
 r 4» 3 
 
 tcrnal police of the countries fcvcrally j the latter, their 
 external police jointly : and fo long as each performs its 
 part, v:e have no more right or buHnefs to know how the 
 one or the other concludes its domcftic affairs, than we 
 Jiave to enquire into the private concerns of a family. 
 
 
 m 
 
 |,>ih 
 
 m 
 
 w 
 
 But bad the Abbe refle£led for a moment, he would 
 have feen, that co'irts or the governing powers of al] 
 countries, be their forms what they may, are relatively 
 |-epublics with each other. It is the firft and true prin- 
 ciple of allianeing. Antiquity may n.tve given pre- 
 cedence, and power will naturally create importance, 
 but their equal right is never difputed. It may likewife 
 be worthy of remarking, that a monarchical country can 
 fuffer nothing in its popular happinefs by allying with 4 
 republican one i and republican governments have ne- 
 ver been deftroyed by their external conne<Slions, but by 
 fome internal convulfion or contrivance. France has 
 been in aUiance with the republic of Swiflerland for 
 more than two hundred years, and ftill Swiflerland re- 
 tains her original form as entire as iffhe had allied with 
 a republic like herfelf j therefore this remark of the 
 Abbe goes to nothing. — Befides, it is beft thct mankin4 
 (hould mix. There is ever fomething to learn, either 
 of manners or principle; and it is by a free communi- 
 cation, without regard to domeftic matters, that friend- 
 fliip is to be extended, and prejudice deftroyed all over 
 the world. 
 
 ilf 
 
 But notwithftanding the Abbe*s high profeflions in 
 favour of liberty, he appears fometimes to forget hi mfelf, 
 or that his theory is rather the child of his fancy than of 
 his judgment; For in almoft the fame inftant that he 
 
 cenfures 
 
 i'iitt 
 
t 49 ] 
 
 Cetlfures the alliance as not originally or Tufliciently cal- 
 culated for the happinefs of mankind, he, by a figure of 
 implication, accufes France for having aded fo generouf- 
 ly and unrefervedly in concluding it. ** Why did they, 
 ** (fays he, meaning the Court of France) tie themfelves 
 " down by an inconfiderate treaty to conditions with the 
 •' Congrefs, which they might themfelves have held in 
 •' dependence by ample and regular fupplies.' 
 
 It 
 
 
 
 When an author undertakes to treat of public hap- 
 pinefs, he ought to be certain that he does not miftake 
 palTIon for right, nor imagination for principle. Prin- 
 ciple, like truth, needs no contrivance. It will ever tell 
 its own tale, and tell it the fxme way. But where this 
 is not the cafe, every page muft be watched, recollected, 
 and compared, like an invented {lory. 
 
 I AM fiMT '•-d at this paflage of the Abbe. It means 
 nothing or "^ ans ill; and in any cafe it fhews the 
 great difrerence between fpeculative and pra£lical know- 
 ledge. A treaty according to the Abbe's language would 
 have neither duration nor af&<Slion ; it might have laft- 
 ed to the end of the war, and then expired with it. — But 
 France, by acting in a ftile fuperior to the little politics 
 ef narrow thinking, has eftablilhed a generous fame and 
 won the love of a country (he was before a ftranger to. 
 She had to treat with a people who thought as nature 
 taught them ; and, on her own part, (he wifely faw, 
 there was no prefent advantage to be obtained by unequal 
 terms, which could balance the more lading ones that 
 might flow from a kind and generous beginning. 
 
 From this part the Abbe advances into the fecret tranf- 
 a£lions of the two Cabinets of Verfailles and Madrid 
 
 H refpedting 
 
 A 
 
r:>ik 
 
 ?.r 
 
 [ 50 ] 
 
 refpe^ling the Independence of America j through which 
 I mean not to follow him. It is a circumftance fufE- 
 ciently fir iking without being commented on, that the 
 former union of America with Britain produced a power, 
 which inherhands, wasbeconiingdangerous totheworld : 
 And there is no improbability in fuppofing, that had the 
 latter known as much of the ftrength of the former, be- 
 fore ihe began the quarrel as fhe has known fince, that 
 inflead of attempting to reduce her to unconditional fub- 
 miffion, (he would have propofed to her the conqueft of 
 Mexico. But from the countries feparately Spain has 
 nothing to apprehend, though from their union flie ha4 
 more to fear than any other power in Europe. 
 
 • The part which I {hall more particularly conHne my- 
 felf to, is that wherein the Abbe takes an opportunity of 
 complimenting the Britifh Miniftry with high encomi- 
 ums of admiration, on their rejecting the offered media- 
 tion of the court of Madrid, in 1779. 
 
 It xnufl be remembered that before Spain joined 
 France in the war, fhe undertook the office of a media- 
 tor and made propofals to the Britifli King and Miniflry 
 fo exceedingly favorable to their interefl, that had they 
 been- accepted, would have become inconvenient, if not 
 inadmiffible, to America. Thefe propofals were never- 
 thelefs rejected by the Britifh cabinet ; on which the 
 Abbe fays,— 
 
 ** It is in fuch a circumflance as this ; it is in the time 
 ** when noble pride elevates the foul fuperior to all terror; 
 *• when nothing is feen more dreadful than the fhame of 
 ** receiving the law, and when there is no doubt or hefi- 
 " tation which to chufe, between ruin and dilhonour; 
 I " it 
 
% 
 
 [ 51 ] 
 
 " it is then, that the greatnefs of a nation is difplayed. 
 *' I acknowledge however that men, accuftomed to judge 
 *' of things by the event, call great and perilous refolu- 
 *' tions, heroifm or madnefs, according to the good or 
 *' bad fuccefs with which they have been attended. If 
 ** then, I fhould be afked, what is the name which fhall 
 ** in years to come be given to the firmnefs, which was 
 *' in this moment exhibited by the Englifh, I (hall an* 
 '* fwer that I do not know. But that which it deferves 
 *' I know. I y .ow that the annals of the world hold 
 *' out to us but rarely, the auguft and majeftic fpec-' 
 '* tacle of a nation, which chufes rather to renounce it$ 
 ** duration than its glory." 
 
 In this paragraph the conception is lofty and the ex- 
 preffion elegant ; but the colouring is too high for the 
 original, and the likenefs fails through an excefs of 
 graces. To fit the powers of thinking and the turn of 
 language to the fubje<^, fo as to bring out a clear con- 
 clufion that fhall hit the point in queftion and nothing 
 elfe, is the true criterion of writing. But the greater part 
 of the Abbe's writings (if he will pardon me the remark) 
 appear to me uncentral and burthened with variety. They 
 reprefent a beautiful wildernefs without paths ; in which 
 the eye is diverted by every thing, without being parti" 
 cularly directed to any thin;^ ; and in which it is agreea- 
 ble to be loft, and difficult to find the way out. 
 
 
 Before I offer any other remark on the fplrit and 
 compofition of the above pafTage, I inall compare it with 
 the circumflance it alludes to. 
 
 
 The circumflance then does not defcrve the cnco- 
 flfiium. The reje<^ion was not prompted by her fortitude, 
 
 li 2 but 
 
:;J-i 
 
 
 I 
 
 " :l 
 
 U' 
 
 1 1^ 
 
 [ 52 ] 
 
 but her vanity. She did not view it as a cafe of defpair 
 or even of extreme danger, and confequently the deter- 
 mination to renounce her duration rather than her glory, 
 cannot apply to the condition of her mind. She had 
 then high expectations of fubjugating America, and had 
 no other naval force againft her than France ; neither 
 was fl certain that rejeiling the mediation of Spain 
 would combine that power with France. New media- 
 tions might arife more favorable than thofe Ihe had re- 
 fufed. But if they fliould not, and Spaia fiiould join, 
 fhe fiill faw that it would only bring out her naval force 
 againft France and Spain, which was not wanted and 
 could not be employed againft America, and habits of 
 thinking had taught her to believe herfelf fuperior to 
 both. 
 
 ]* 
 
 .iiiii 
 
 But in any cafe to which the confequence might point, 
 there was nothing to imprefs her with the idea of renounc- 
 ing her duration. It is not the policy of Europe to fuffer 
 the extinction of any power, but only to lop off or prevent 
 its dangerous encreafe. She was likewife freed by fituu- 
 tion from the internal and immediate horrors of invafion ; 
 was rolling in difiipation and looking for conquefts j and 
 tho* fhe fufFered nothing but the expence of war, (he ftill 
 had a greedy eye to magnificent reimburfement. 
 
 But if the Abbe is delighted with high and ftriking 
 fintyularities of charadtcr, he might, in America, have 
 found ample field for encomium. Here was a people, who 
 could not know Vv^hat part the world would take for, or 
 againft them ; and who were«venturing on an untried 
 fcheme, in oppofition to a power, againft which more 
 formidable nations had failed. They had every thing to 
 Jcarn but the principles which fupported them, and every 
 
 thing 
 
[ 53 ] 
 
 thing to procure that was neceffary for their defence. 
 They have at times feen themfelves as low as diftrefs could 
 make them, without fliewing the leaft ftagger in their 
 fortitude ; and been raifed again by the moft unexpeded 
 events, without difcovering an unmanly difcompofure of 
 joy. Tohefitate or to defpair are conditions equally un- 
 known in America. Her mind was prepared for every 
 thing i becaufe her original and final rcfolution of fuc- 
 ceeding or periftiing included all poflible circumftances. 
 
 The rejc6lion of the Britifh propofitions in the year 
 1778, circumftanced as America was at that time, is a 
 far greater inftance of unfhaken fortitude than the refufal 
 of the Spanifli mediation by the Court of London : And 
 other hiftorians,befides the Abbe, ftruck with the vaftnefs 
 of her conduit therein, have, like himfelf, attributed it to 
 a circumftance which was then unknown, the alliance 
 with France. Their error fhews their idea of its crcat- 
 nefsj becaufe, in order to account for it, they have fought 
 a caufe fuited to its magnitude, without knowing that 
 the caufe exifted in the principles of the country. *) 
 
 *) Extract from ^^ ji Jhort review of the prefent reign" in 
 
 England. 
 Page 45. in the New Jnnual Regijicr for the year 1780. 
 
 " CT'HE Cotnmijfionersy who, in co7ifquence of Lord North* s 
 " -^ conciliatory bills, went over to America , to propofe terms 
 " of peace to the colonies, were wholly unfuccefsful. The con~ 
 ^'' cejjions which formerly ivould have been received with the 
 *' utmoji gratitude, were rcje^cd zvith difdai7i. Noiv was 
 *' the time of American pride and haughtinefs . It is probable^ 
 *' however, that it was not pride and haughtinefs alone that 
 " dilated the Refoluiions of Congrefs, but a diftrnfl of the 
 ^^ fmcerity of the offers of Britain, a determination not to give 
 " up their independence, and, above all, the engage- 
 
 ** MENTS INTO WHICH THEY HAD ENTERED BY 
 " THEIR J.ATE TREATY WITH FkANQE." 
 
 But 
 
 \s 
 
■' ' 
 
 [ 54 J 
 
 But this palfionate encomium of the Abbe is defcrvcd- 
 ly fubjc«Sl to moral and philcfophical objedtions. It is 
 the eiFuflon of wild thinking, and has a tendency to 
 prevent that humanity of refledlion which the criminal 
 conduft of Britain enjoins on her as a duty. — It is a 
 laudanum to courtly iniquity. — It keeps in intoxicated 
 fleep the confcience of a nation j and more mifchief is 
 efFeded by wrapping up guilt in fplendid excufe, than 
 by directly patronizing it. 
 
 Britain is now the only country which holds the 
 world in difturbance and war; and inftead of paying 
 compliments to the excefs of her crimes, the Abbe would 
 have appeared much more in character, had he put to 
 her, or to her monarch, this ferious queftion— 
 
 Are there not mi feries enough in the world, toodiHi- 
 cult to be encountered and too pointed to be borne, 
 without ftudying to enlarge the lift and arming it with 
 new deftrudlion ? Is life fo very long, that it is neceffary, 
 nay even a duty, to fhake the fand and haften out the 
 period of duration ? Is the path fo elegantly fmooth, fo 
 decked on every fide and carpeted with joys, that wretch- 
 ednefs is wanted to enrich it as a foil ? Go aflc thine 
 aching heart when forrow from a thoufand caufes wound 
 it, go afk thy fickened felf when every medicine fails, 
 whether this be the cafe or not ? 
 
 in. 
 
 i: 
 
 Quitting my remarks on this head, I proceed to 
 another, in which the Abbe has let loofe a vein of ilI-> 
 nature, and, what is ftill worfe, of injuftice. 
 
 After cavilling at the treaty, he goes op to characterize 
 
 the 
 
[ 55 ] 
 
 the feveral parties combined in the war — ** Is it poi&ble," 
 fays the Abbe, " that a ftrid): union (hould long fubflft 
 ** amongft confederates of charadlers fo oppofite as the 
 ** hafty, light, difdainful Frenchman, thejealous, haugh* 
 •' ty, fly, flow, circumfpedlive Spaniard, and the Ame- 
 " rican, who is fecretly fnatching looks at the mother 
 " country^ and would rejoice, were they compatible with 
 '< his independence, at the difafters of his allies." 
 
 To draw foolifli portraits of each other, is a mode of 
 attack and reprifal, which the greater part of mankind are 
 fond of indulging. The ferious philofopher ihould be 
 above it, more efpecially in cafes from which no poflible 
 good can arife, and mifchief may, and where no received 
 provocation can palliate the offence. — The Abbe might 
 have invented a difference of chara<Sler for every country 
 in the world, and they in return might find others for him, 
 till in the war of wit all real charafter is loft. The plea- 
 fan try of one nation or the gravity of another may, by a 
 little penciling, be diflorted into whimfical features, and 
 the painter become as much laughed at as the painting. 
 
 But why did not the Abbe look a little deeper and 
 bring forth the excellencies of the feveral parties ? Why 
 did he not dwell with pleafure on that greatnefs of cha- 
 rader, that fuperiority of heart, which has marked the 
 conduct of France in her conquefls, and which has 
 forced an acknowledcrment even from Britain ? 
 
 There is one line, at leafl, (and many others might 
 be difcovered) in^hich the confederates unite, which is, 
 that of a rival eminence in their treatment of their ene- 
 mies. Spain, in her conqueil of A^inorca and the Bahama 
 
 iflands 
 
lij 
 
 ll^;!!!. 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 r 
 
 |f 
 
 I 
 
 1 « 
 
 1 
 
 iff". 
 
 P.j 
 
 t i6 1 
 
 iflands confirms this remark. America has been invariable 
 in her lenity from the beginning of the war, notwith- 
 ftanding the high provocations (he has experienced ? It i» 
 England only who has been infolent and cruel. 
 
 But why muft America be charged with a crime un* 
 deferved by her condud^, more fo by her principles, and 
 vrhich, if a fa£^, would be fatal to her honour ? I mean 
 that of want of attachment to her allies, or rejoicing in 
 their difafters. She, it is true, has been affiduous in 
 ihewing to the world that fhe was not the aggreffor to- 
 wards England, that the quarrel was not of her feeking, 
 or, at that time, even of her wifhing. But to draw in- 
 ferences from her candour, and even from her j uftifica- 
 tion, to ilab her chara6ler by, and I fee nothing elfe 
 from which they can be fuppofed to be drawn, is unkind 
 and unjuft. 
 
 Does her rejection of the Britifh propofitions in 1778, 
 before (he knew of any alliance with France, correfpond 
 with the Abbe's defcription of her mind ? does a fingle 
 inftance of her condufl fince that time juftify it ? — But 
 there is a ftill better evidence to apply to, which is, that 
 of all the mails, which atdiiFerent times have been way- 
 laid on the road, in divers parts of America, and taken 
 and carried into New- York, and from which the moft 
 fccret and confidential private letters, as well as thofe 
 from authority, have been publilhed, not one of them, 
 I repeat it, not a fingle one of them, gives countenance 
 to fuch a charge. 
 
 This is not a country where men are under govern- 
 ment reftraint in fpeaking 3 and if there is any kind of 
 
 reftruiftt, 
 
[ S7 1 
 
 reftraint, it arifcs from a fear of popular refcntment. 
 Now, if nothing in her private or public correfpondence 
 favours fuch a fuggeftion, and if the general difpolition 
 of the country is fuch as to make it unfafe for a man to 
 fliew an appearance of joy at any difafter to her ally, on 
 what grounds, I afk, can the accufation ft-ind. What 
 company the Abbe may have kep*; in France, we cannot 
 know i but this we know, that the account he gives 
 does not apply to America, 
 
 Had the Abbe been in America at the time the news 
 arrived of the difafter of the fleet under Count dc GrafTc, 
 in the Weft-Indies, he would have feen his vaft miftake. 
 Neither do I remember any inftance, except the lois of 
 Charleftown, in which the public mind fufiFered more 
 fevere and pungent concern, or underwent more agita- 
 tions of hope and apprehenfion as to the truth or falfe- 
 hood of the report. Had the lofs been all our own it 
 could not have had a deeper effect, yet it was not one 
 of thefe cafes which reached to the independence of 
 America, 
 
 In the geographical account which the Abbe gives cif 
 the Thirteen States, he is fo exceedingly erroneous, that 
 to attempt a particular refutation, would exceed the li- 
 mits I have prefcribed to myfelf. And as it is a matter 
 neither political, hiftorical, nor fcntimental, and which 
 can always be contradi<5ted by the extent and natural 
 circumftances of the country, I (hall pat's it over j with 
 this additional remark, that I never yet faw an Eiiropeaii 
 defcription of America that was true, neither can any 
 perfon gain a juft idea of it, but by coming to it, 
 
 Though I have already extended this letter beyond 
 
 I .. what 
 
11 « 
 
 
 [ 58 ] 
 
 tirhat I at firft propofed, I am, neverthelefs, obliged to 
 omit many obfcrvations, I originally defigned to have 
 m^de. I vvifli there had been no occafion for making 
 any. But the wrong ideas which the Abbe's work had 
 a tendency to excite, and the prejudicial impreflions they 
 might make, muil be an apology for my remarks, and 
 the freedom with which they are done. 
 
 '' ,» 
 
 I OBSERVE the Abbe has made a fort of epitome of a 
 confiderable part of the pamphlet Common Senfe^ and in- 
 troduced it in that form into his publication. But there 
 are other places where the Abbe has borrowed freely 
 from the fame pamphlet without acknowledging it The 
 difference between focicty and government, with which 
 the patnphlet opens, is taken from it, and in fome ex- 
 preflions almoft literally, into the Abbe's work, as if ori- 
 ginally his own i and through the whole of the Abbe's 
 remarks on this head, the idea in Common .'^enfe is fo 
 clofely copied and purfued, that the difference is only 
 in words, and in the arrangement of the thoughts, and 
 
 pot in the thoughts themfelves*. 
 
 But 
 
 * Common Sense. 
 
 ** Some writers have fo 
 confounded fociety with go- 
 vernment, as to leave little or 
 no diftinftion between them ; 
 whereas, they are not only 
 •iifFerent, but have different 
 origins." 
 
 ** SocFETY is produced by 
 our wants and governments by 
 our wickednefsj the former 
 promotes our happinefs prji- 
 ti-vely, by uniting our affec- 
 tions, the latter nega/i'vely, by 
 irellraining our vices." 
 
 Abbe Raynal. 
 ** Care mull be taken not 
 to confound together fociety 
 with government. That they 
 may be known dilHnftly, their 
 origin fhould be confidercd.'* 
 
 ** Society originates In 
 the wants of men, government 
 in their vices. Society tends 
 always to good ; government 
 ought always lo tend to the 
 reprcffing of evil." 
 
[ 59 1 
 
 to 
 
 ive 
 
 ng 
 lad 
 
 But as it is time I fhould come to a conclufion of my 
 letter, I ftiall forbear all further oblcrvations on the 
 
 Abbe's 
 
 In the foUsiving paragraphs there is lefs lihenefi in the Ian- 
 gnagc, but the ideas in the one are evidently copied from 
 the other. 
 
 Common Sense. 
 *• In order to gain a clear 
 and jutt idea of the defign and 
 end of government, let us fup- 
 pofe a imall number of per- 
 fons, meeting in fome feque- 
 llered pait of the earth uncon- 
 nected with the reil; thty will 
 then reprefent the peopling of 
 any country or of the world. 
 In this ilate of natural liberty, 
 fociety will be our firft thought. 
 A thoufand motives will excite 
 them thereto. The ftrengih 
 bf one man i!> fo unequal to 
 his wants, and his mind lo un- 
 fitted for perpetual folitude, 
 that he is foon obliged to feek 
 alTiHance of another, who, in 
 his turn, requires the fame. 
 Four or five united would be 
 able to raife a tolerable dwell- 
 ing in the midft of a wilder- 
 nefs ; but one man might' la 
 bour out the common period 
 cf life, without accompliftuni; 
 any thing j when he had felled 
 Jiis timber, he could not re- 
 move it, nor ereft it after it 
 was removed; hunger, in the 
 mean time would urge him 
 from his work, and every dif- 
 ferent want call him a diff^^rt- nt 
 way. Difeafe, nay even inif- 
 fortune, would be death ; for 
 though neither might be im- 
 mediately mortal, yet either 
 of them would difable him 
 
 from 
 
 Abbe Raynal. 
 '* Man, thrown, as it were, 
 by chance upon the globe, 
 furrounded by all the evils of 
 nature, obliged continually to 
 defend and protect his life 
 againlt the ftorms and tempefls 
 of the air, againft the ii jnda- 
 tions of water, againll f'le fire 
 of vulcanoes, againft tiie in- 
 temperance of frigid and torrid 
 zones, againft the fterility of 
 the earth, which refufes him 
 aliment, or its baneful fecun- 
 dity, which makes poifon 
 fpringup beneath his f>.ct; 
 in Ihort, againll the claws and 
 teeth of favage bealts, who 
 difpute with him his habita- 
 tion and his prey, and, at- 
 tacking his perfon, feem re- 
 folved to render themfelveJ 
 rulers of this globe, cf which 
 he thinks himfeif to be the 
 mallfjr: Man, in this ftate, 
 ;.lone and abandoned to him- 
 feif, could do nothing for his 
 p'cfervation. It v : iKceflary, 
 therefore, thathv. ■' .;id unice 
 hiniieif, and airi;ciate with his 
 like, in order CO brin;; together 
 their itrer j.iV. .ind intel:i:jence 
 in com T.. a :lcck. It is b'.' this 
 union t]»at he has tiiumpKed 
 ever fo many evils, tiiUt he 
 has falhioned this globe to his 
 ufc, reilrained the river:, fub- 
 jiigaicd the leas, inCurod his 
 I 2 fub- 
 
 ^f 
 
[ 6o ] 
 
 Abbe*s work, and take a concife view of the ftate of 
 public affairs, fince the time in which that performance 
 was publilhed. 
 
 A MIND habited to a£lions of meannefs and injuftice^ 
 commits them without reflexion, or with a very partial 
 one; for on what other ground than this, can we account 
 for the declaration of war againft the Dutch. To gain 
 an idea of the politics which adluated the Britiih Mini- 
 Ary to this meafure, we muft enter into the opinion 
 which they, and the Englifh in general, had formed of 
 the temper of the Dutch nation ; and from thence infer 
 what their expedation of the confequences would be. 
 
 ii 
 
 J4 
 
 1 
 
 It i' 
 
 fli' 
 
 Common Sense. 
 from living, and reduce him 
 to a fiate in which he might 
 rather be faid to perifh than to 
 die. — Thus neceflity, like a 
 gravitating power, would form 
 our newly arrived emigrants 
 into fociety, the reciprocal 
 bleiTings of which, would fu- 
 perfede and render the obliga* 
 tions of law and government 
 unnecefTary, while they re»- 
 mained perfeftly juft to each 
 other. But as nothing but 
 heaven is impregnable to vice, 
 it will unavoidably happen, 
 that in proportion as they fur- 
 mount the Aril difficulties of 
 emigration, which bound them 
 together in a common caufei 
 they will begin to relax in 
 th^ir duty and attachment to 
 each other, and this remi/Tnefs 
 will point out the necefiity of 
 eflablifhing fome form of go-> 
 vernment to fupply the defeat 
 of moral virtue." 
 
 Abbe Raynal. 
 fubfiRence, conquered a part 
 of the animals in obliging 
 them to ferve him, and driven 
 others far from his empire, to 
 the depth of deferts or of 
 woods, where their number 
 diminifhes from age to age. 
 What a man alone would not 
 have been able to cfFefl, men 
 have executed in concert; and 
 altogether they preferve their 
 work. Such is the origin, 
 fuch the advantages, and the 
 end of fociety.— Government 
 owes its birth to the neceffity 
 of preventing and reprefling 
 the injuries which the afToci- 
 ated individuals had to fear 
 from one another. It is the 
 centinel who watches, in or- 
 der that the common labours 
 be not difturbed." 
 
 CoULO 
 
[61] 
 
 Could they have Imagined that Holland would have 
 fcrloufly made a common caufe with France, Spain, and 
 America, the Britifh Miniftry would never have dared to 
 provoke them. It would have been a madnefs in politics 
 to have done fo j unlefs their views were to haften on a 
 period of fuch emphatic diftrefs, as ihould juftify the con- 
 ceflions which they faw they muft one day or other make 
 to the world, and for which they wanted an apology to 
 themfelves. — There is a temper in fome men which feeks 
 a pretence for fubmiflion. Like a (hip difabled ina<^ion 
 and unfitted to continue it, it waits the approach of a flil 
 larger one toftrike to, and feels relief at the opportunity. 
 Whether this is greatnefs or littlenefs of mind, I am not 
 enquiring into. I fhould fuppofe it to be the latter, be- 
 caufe it proceeds from the want of knowing how to bear 
 misfortune in its original flate. 
 
 But the fubfequent condu(Stof the Britifh cabinet has 
 fliewn that this was not their plan of politics, and confe- 
 quently their motives mufl be fought for in another line. 
 
 The truth is, that the Britifh had formed a very hum- 
 ble opinion of the Dutch nation. They looked on them 
 as a people who would fubmit to any thing ; that they 
 might infult them as they liked, plunder them as they 
 pleafed, and ftlll the Dutch dared not to be provoked. 
 
 If this be taken as the opinion of the Britifh cabinet, 
 the meafure is eafily accounted for; becaufe it goes on 
 the fuppofition, that when, by a declaration of hoftilitles, 
 they had robbed the Dutch of fome millions flerling, (and 
 to rob them was popular) they could make peace with 
 them again whenever they pleafcu, and on almoft any 
 iCims the Britifli Miniftry fhould propofe. And no fooncr 
 
 was 
 
!i 
 
 ! I 
 
 ( 
 
 
 I'i <i 
 
 C e* ] 
 
 was the plundering committed, than the accommodation 
 was fet on foot, and failed. 
 
 When once the mind lofcs the fenfe of its own digni- 
 ty, it lofesjlikewife, the ability of judging of it in another* 
 And the American war has thrown Britain into fuch a 
 variety of abfurd fituations, that, arguing from herfelf, 
 Ihe fees not in what condu£l national dignity confifts in 
 other countries. From Holland fhe expe(Si:ed duplicity 
 and fubmiflion, and this miftalce arofe from her having 
 afted, in a number of inftances during the prefent war, 
 the fame charadter herfelf. 
 
 To be allied to, orconnc£led with Britain, feems to be 
 an unfafeand impolitic fituation. Holland and America 
 are inftances of the reality of this remark. Make thofc 
 countries the allies of France or Spain, and Britain will 
 court them with civility, and treat them with refpedt ; 
 make them her own allies, and fhe will infult and plun- 
 der them. In the fiift cafe, (lie feels fome apprehenfions 
 at offending them, becaufe they have fupport at hand ; 
 in the latter, thofe apprehenfions do not exift. Such, 
 however, has hitherto been her conduct;. 
 
 Another meafure which has taken place fincc the 
 publication of the Abbe's work, and likewife fince the 
 time of my beginning this let'cr, is the change in the 
 Britifh miniftry. What line tiie new cabinet will pur- 
 fue refpefting America, is at this time unknown j neither 
 is it very material, uilefs they are ferioufly difpofcd to a 
 general and honourable peace. 
 
 Repeated experience has fhewn, not only the im- 
 practicability of conquering America, but the ftill higher 
 impofUbility of conquering her mind, or recalling her back 
 
 to- 
 
I ^l ] 
 
 to her former condition of thinking, SIncethe commence- 
 ment of the war, which is now approaching to eight years, 
 thoufands and tens of thoufands have advanced, and are 
 daily advancing into the f rft ftagc of manhood, who 
 knov/ nothino: of Britain but as a barbarous enemy, and 
 to whom the independence of America appears as much 
 the natural and eftabliftied government of the country, as 
 that of England does to an Englifliman. And on the 
 other hand, thoufands of the aged, who had Britifh ideas, 
 have dropped, and are daily dropping, from the flage of 
 bufinefs and life. The natural progrefs of generation and 
 decay operates every hour to the difadvantage of Britain, 
 Time and death, hard enemies to contend with,fightcon- 
 ftantly againC: her intereft ; ar.d the bills of mortality, in 
 every part of Amcrioa, are the thermometers of her decline. 
 The children in the ftreets are from their cradle bred to 
 confider her as their only foe. They hear of her cruel- 
 ties ; of their fathers, uncles, and kindred killed j they 
 fee the remains of burnt and deftroyed houfes, and the 
 common tradition of the fchool they go to, tells them, 
 thofe things were done by the Britijh, 
 
 These are circumftances which the mere Englifh ftatc 
 politician, who confiders man only in a ftatc of manhood, 
 docs not attend to. He gets entangled with parties co- 
 eval or equal with himfelf at home, and thinks not how 
 faft the riling generation in America is growing beyond 
 his knowledge of them, or they of him. In a fcv/ years all 
 perfonal remembrance will be lolt, and who is King or 
 Minifter in England, will be little known and fcarcely 
 enquired after. 
 
 The new Britilh adminiftration is compofcd of pcrfons 
 who have ever been againfl the war, and who have con- 
 
 2 Itantly 
 
1 * 
 
 m 
 
 ill 
 
 m 
 
 Hi 
 
 r «4 ] 
 
 ftantly reprobated all the violent meafures of the former 
 one. They confidered the American war as deftruftive 
 to themfelves, and oppofed it on that ground. But what 
 are thefe things to America ? She has nothing to do with 
 Englifh parties. The ins and the outs are nothing to her. 
 It is the whole country fhe is at war with, or muft be at 
 peace with. 
 
 "Were every Minifter in England a Chatham, it would 
 now weigh little or nothing in the fcale of American 
 politics. Death has preferved to the memory of this 
 ftatefman, that fame, which he, by living, would have 
 loft. His plans and opinions, towards the latter part of 
 his life, would have been attended with as many evil con- 
 fequences, and as much reprobated here, as thofe of Lord 
 North ; and, confidering him a wife man, they abound 
 with inconfiftencies amounting to abfurdities. 
 
 It has apparently been the fault of many in the late 
 minority, to fuppofe, that America would agree to certain 
 terms with them, were they in place, which (he would 
 not ever liften to from the then adminiftration. This 
 idea can anfwer no other purpofe than to prolong the war ; 
 and Britain may, at theexpence of many more millions, 
 Jearn the fatality of fuch miftakes. If the new miniftry 
 wifely avoid thishopelefs policy, they will prove themfelves 
 better pilots, and wifer men, than they are conceived to 
 be J for it is every day expcdcd to fee their baric ftriicc 
 upon fome hidden rock and go to pieces. 
 
 But there is a line in which they may be great. A 
 more brilliant opening needs not to prefent itfelf ; and 
 it is fuch a one, as true magnanimity would improve, 
 and humanity rejoice in. 
 
r 65 J 
 
 A toTAL reformation is wanted in England. She 
 wants an expanded mind, — an heart which embraces the 
 univerfe. Inftead of fhutting herfelf up in an ifland, 
 and quarrelling with the world, (he would derive more 
 lading happinefs, and acquire more real riches, by gene-* 
 roufly mixing with it, and bravely faying, I am the ene- 
 my of none. It is not now a time for little contri-* 
 vances, or artful politics. The European world is too 
 experienced to be impofed upon, and America too wifa 
 to be duped. It muft be fomething new and mafterly 
 that muft fucceed. The idea of feducing America from 
 her independence, or corrupting her from her allfance, 
 is a thought too little for a great mind, and impofTible 
 for any honeft one, to attempt. Whenever politics are 
 applied to debauch mankind from their integrity, and 
 diffolvc the virtues of human nature, they become de- 
 teftable } and to be a ftatcfman upon this plan, is to be 
 a commiiHoncd villain. He who aims at it, leaves a va- 
 cancy in his character, which may be filled up with th(? 
 worft of epithets. 
 
 If the difpofition of England fliould be fuch, as not 
 to agree to a general and honourable peace, and that the 
 war muft, at all events, continue longer, I cannot help 
 wiftiing, that the alliances which America has or may 
 enter into, may become the only objctSls of *-he war. She 
 wants an opportunity of ftiewing to the world, that fhe 
 holds her honor as dear and facred as her independence, 
 and that fhe will in no fituation forfaice thofe^ whom no 
 negociations could induce to forfake her. Peace to 
 every reflective mind is a defirable object; but that peace 
 which is accompanied with a ruined chara»^ler, becomes 
 a crime to the feducer, and a curfe upon the feduced. 
 
 A 
 
 But where is the in^po.T»bility, or even the great dif- 
 
 K ficulty, 
 
ilr 
 
 ;ft 
 
 
 [ 66 J 
 
 iiculty, of England forming d fjitnufliip with France 
 and Spain, and making it a national virtue to renounce 
 for ever thofe prejudiced inveteracies it has been her cuf- 
 tomto cherifh ; and which, while they fervc to fink her 
 with. an encreafing enormity of debt, by involving her in 
 fruitlefs wars, become likewife the bane of her rcpofc, 
 and the deftruction of her manners ? We had once the 
 fetters that flie has now, but experience has (hewn us 
 the miftakc, and thinking juftly has fet us right. 
 
 The true idea of a great nation is that which extends 
 and promotes the principles of univsrfal focicty. Whofe 
 mind rifes above the atmofpheres of local thoughts, and 
 confiders mankind, of whatever nation or profeffion they 
 may be, as the work of one Creator. The rage for con- 
 queft has had its fafhion, and its day. Why may not 
 the amiable virtues have the fame ? The Alexanders 
 and Caefars of antiquity, have left behind them their 
 monuments of deftrudion, and are remembered with 
 hatred j while thefe more exalted characters, who firft 
 taught fociety and fcicnce, are bleft with the gratitude 
 of every age and country. Of more ufe was one philo- 
 Ibpher, though a heathen, to the world, than all the hea- 
 then conquerors that ever exifted. 
 
 Should the prefent revolution be diftinguifhed by 
 opening a new fyftem of extended civilization, it will 
 receive from heaven the higheft evidence of approbation ; 
 and as this is a fubjedt to which the Abbe's powers are 
 fo eminently fuited, I recommend it to his attention, 
 with the afte£tion of a friend, and the ardour of a uni- 
 vcrfal citizen. 
 
 * 
 
 \.t 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 SINCE cIoiinjT the fnrcgoinr', letter, fomc intimations, 
 refpedtinsr a oi^ncral peace, have made their way to 
 America. On what authority or foundation they fl.;nd, 
 or how near or remote fuch an. event mny be, arc cir- 
 cumftances I am not enquiring into. But as tho fub- 
 je6l muft fooner or later become a matter of ferious at- 
 tention, it may not be improper, even at this early pe- 
 riod, candidly to invciligatc f jme points that arc con- 
 nected with it, or lead towards it. •> 
 
 * 
 
 ^ / 
 
 The independence of America Is at this moment as 
 firmly eftablifhed as that of any other country in a ftatc 
 of war. It is not length of time, but power, that gives 
 liability. Na^ns at war know nothing of each other 
 on the fcorc of antiquity. It is their prefent and imme- 
 diate ftrength, together \ylth their connexions, that 
 muft fupport them. To which wc may add, that a right 
 which originated to-day, is as much a right, as if it had 
 the fan6lion of a thoufand years i and therefore the in- 
 dependence and prefent governments of America are in 
 no more danger of being fubverted, becaufe they are mo- 
 dern, than that of England is fccure, becaufe il is an- 
 cient. 
 
 The politics of Britain, fo far as they rcfpe£led Ame- 
 rica, were originally conceived in idiotifm, and adted in 
 madnefs. There is not a ftep which bears the fmalleft 
 trace of rationality. Li her management of the war, 
 fhehas laboured to be wrct(h(\% and itu'iievi to be hated ; 
 and in all her former :M<.p:. ".Jons for accommodation, 
 
 K J. ihc 
 
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 i 63 ] 
 
 fhe has difcovcred a total ignorance of mankind, and of 
 thofe natural and unalterable fenfations by which they 
 arc fo generally governed. How (he may conduct her- 
 felf in the prefent or futuie bufinefs of ncgociating a 
 peace, is yet to be proved. 
 
 He is a weak politician who does not underftand hu- 
 man nature, and penetrate into the efFc£t which mea- 
 fures of government will have upon the mind. All the 
 mifcarriages of Britain have arifen from this defe<Sl. The 
 former Miniftry a<Sled as if they fuppofed mankind to be 
 •without a mind 'y and the prefent Miniftry, as if America 
 was without a memory. The one muft have fuppofed we 
 were incapable of feeling ; and the other, that we could 
 not remember injuries. 
 
 There is likewife another line in which politicians 
 miftake, which is that of not rightly calculating, or ra- 
 ther of misjudging, the confcquence which any given 
 circumftance will produce. Nothing is more frequent, 
 as well in common as in political life, than to hear 
 people complain, that fuch or fuch means produced an 
 event diredtly contrary to their intentions. But thq 
 fault lies in their not judging rightly what the event 
 would be ; for the means produced only its proper andi 
 natural confequence. 
 
 It is very probable, that in a treaty for peace, Britain 
 will contend for fpme poft or other in North America ; 
 perhaps Canada or Halifax, or both : and I infer this 
 from the known deficiency of her politics, which have 
 ever yet made ufe of means, whofe natural event was 
 againft both her intereft and her expectation. But the 
 5 queftion 
 
 m 
 
[ 69 ] 
 
 ^ucftion with her ought to be, Whether it is worth her 
 while to hold them, and what will be the confequence. 
 
 Respecting Canada, one or other of the two follow- 
 ing will take place, viz. If Canada fhould people, it will 
 revolt ; and if it do not people, it will not be worth the 
 cxpence of holding. And the fame may be faid of Ha- 
 lifax, and the country round it. But Canada never will 
 people ; neither is there any occafion for contrivances on 
 one fide or the other, for nature alone will do the whole. 
 
 Britain may put hcrfclf to great cxpenccs in fend- 
 ing fettlers to Canada ; but the defccndants of thofe fet- 
 tlers will be Americans, as other defcendants have been 
 before them. They will look round and fee the neigh- 
 bouring States fovereign and free, refpeftcd abroad and 
 trading at large with the world; and the natural love 
 of liberty, the advantages of commerce, the blcflings of 
 independence and of a happier climate, and a richer foil, 
 will draw them fouthward, and the effect will be, that 
 Britain will fuftuin the cxpcncc, and America reap the 
 advantage. 
 
 One would think that the experience which Britain 
 has had of America, would entirely ficken her of all 
 thoughts of continental colonization ; and any part which 
 (he might retain, will only become to her a field of jea- 
 loufy and thorns, of debate and contention, for ever 
 ftruggling for privileges, and meditating revolt. She may 
 form new fettlements, but they will be for us j they will 
 become part of the United States of America ; and that 
 againft all her contrivances to prevent it, or without any 
 endeavours of ours to promote it. In the firft place, fhe 
 cannot draw from them a revenue until they are able 
 
 to 
 

 
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 M 
 
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 I** 
 
 ' [ 70 ] 
 
 to pay one, and when they arc T/, rhoy will be above 
 fubjcdion. Men Toon become aitachccl to the foil they 
 liv^o upon, ai.d incoi-poratcJ with ihc profperity of the 
 place ; and it fiKnifics but little what opinions they 
 come over with, for time, intcreft, and new connections 
 will render them obsolete, and the next generation 
 know nothing of them. 
 
 Were Butain truly wife ftie would lay hold of the 
 prefent opportunity to difentangle hcrfclf from all conti- 
 nental embarralTmcnts in North-America, and that not 
 only to avoid future broils and troubles, but to fave ex- 
 pences. For to fpcak explicitly on the matter, I would 
 not, were I an European power, have Canada, under the 
 conditions that Britain muft retain it, could it be given 
 to mc. It is one of thofe kind of dominions that is, 
 and ever will be, a conftant chur^c upon any foreign 
 holder. 
 
 As to Halifax, it will become ufelefs to England after 
 the prefent war, and the lofs of the United States. A 
 harbour, when the dominion is gone, for the purpofe of 
 which only it was wanted, can be attended only with ex- 
 pence. There are, I doubt not, thoufands of people in 
 England, who fuppofc, that thofe places are a profit to 
 the nation, whereas they are direftly the contrary, and 
 inflead of producing any revenue, a confiderable part of 
 the revenue of England is annually drawn off, to fup« 
 port the expence of holding them. 
 
 Gibraltar Is another inftance of national ill policy. 
 A poft which in time of peace is not wanted, and in time 
 of war is of no ufe, muft at all times be ufelefs. Inftead 
 
„ 
 
 I 
 
 7« 
 
 1 
 
 of affording proteiTtion to a navy, it requires the aid of 
 one to maintain it. And to fiippofc that (Jibraltar com- 
 mands the Mediterranean, or the pais into i:, or the trade 
 of it, is to fuppofc a dctc<51ed falfliood ; becaufc though 
 Britain holds the poll, fhc has loii the other three, and 
 every benefit (he expelled from it. And to' fay that all 
 this happens becaufc it is beficged by land and water, 
 is to, fay nothing, for this will always be the cafe in 
 time of war, while France and Spain keep up fuperior 
 fleets, and Britain holds the place. — So that, though as 
 an impenetrable inacccfllblc rock it may be held by the 
 one, it is always in the power of the other to render it 
 ufelefs and exceffively chargeable. 
 
 I (hould fuppofe that one of the principal obje6ls of 
 Spain in befiegingit, is to fhow to Britain, that though 
 jfhc may not take it, (he can command it, that is, fhe can 
 Ihut it up, and prevent its being ufcd as a harbour, 
 though not a garrifon. — But the fhort way to reduce 
 (jibraltar, is, to attack the Britifti fleet; for Gibraltar 
 is as dependent on a fleet for fupport, as a bird is on its 
 wing for food, and when wounded there it ilarves. 
 
 There is another circumftance which the people of 
 England have not only not attended to, but fecm to be 
 utterly ignorant of, and that is, the difi^erence between 
 permanent power, and accidental power, con fidercd in a 
 national fcnfe. 
 
 Bv pcrmanrnt pow^er, I mean, a natural inherent and 
 pcrp;.ti5ai ability in a nation, which though always in 
 bein^;, m?y not be always in action, or not alv*'ays ad- 
 vantagoouily directed 3 and by accidental power, I mean, 
 
 a fortunate 
 
C 7== J 
 
 a fortunate or accidental difpofition or excrcifc of na- 
 tional ftrcngth, in whole or in part. 
 
 r < 
 
 !•'■ 
 
 There undoubtedly was a time when any one Euro- 
 pean nation, with only eight or ten (hips of war, equal 
 to the prefent fhips of the line, could have carried terror 
 to all others, who had not began to build a navy, how- 
 ever great their natural ability might be for that pur- 
 pofc ; But this can be confidered only as accidental, 
 and not as a flandard to compare permanent power by, 
 and could lail no longer than until thofe powers built 
 as many or more fhips than the former. After this a 
 larger fleet was neceflary, in order to be fuperier j and 
 a IHll larger would again fuperfode it. And thus man- 
 kind have gone on building fleet upon fleet, as occafioa 
 or fituation dictated. And this reduces it to an ori^i- 
 nal queftion, which is : Which power can build and 
 man the largeft number of fhips ? The natural anfwer 
 to which, is. That power which has the largeft revenue 
 and the greateft number of inhabitants, provided its fi- 
 tuation of coaft affords fufHcicnt conveniencies. 
 
 \i 
 
 
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 ■ia 
 
 
 I 
 
 ■: <( 
 
 France being a nation on the continent of Europe, 
 and Britain an iiland in its neighbourhood, each of them 
 derived different ideas from their different fituations. The 
 inhabitants of Britain could carry on no foreign trade, 
 nor ftir from the fpot they dwelt upon, without the af- 
 fiftance of (hipping ; but this was not the cafe with 
 France. The idea therefore of a navy did not arife to 
 France from the fame original and immediate neceflity 
 which produced it to England. But the queftion is, that 
 when both of them turn their attention, and employ theif 
 revenues the fame way, which can be fuperior I 
 
 Ths 
 
[ 73 1 
 
 The anhual revenue of France is nearly double that 
 of England, and her number of inhabitants more th-.uj 
 twice as many. Each of them has the fame Icncrth ol" 
 coaft on the channel, bcfidts which, France has fcvcral 
 hundred miles extent on the bay of Bifcay, and an open- 
 ing on the Mediterranean : and every day proves, that 
 pradice and excrcifc make failors, as well as foluicrs, 
 in one country as well as another. 
 
 If then Britain can maintain an hundred Hiips of the 
 line, France can as well fupport an hundred and fifty^ 
 becaufe her revenues and her population arc as equal to 
 the one as thofe of England are to the other. And the 
 only rcafon why {he has not done it, is becaufe (he has 
 not till very lately attended to it. But when flic fees, 
 as (he now fees, that a navy is the firft engine of power, 
 fhe can eafily accompliih it. " • 
 
 England very falfely, and ruinoufly for herfelf. In- 
 fers, that becaufe fne had the adv;uitao;e of France, while 
 France had the fmaller navy, that for that rcafon it is 
 always to be fo. Whereas it may be clearly fecn, that 
 the ftrength of France has never yet been tried on a 
 navy, and that fhe is able to be as fupcrior to England 
 in the extent of a navy, as flic is in the extent of her re- 
 venues and her population. And Enjiland may lament 
 the day, when, by h.r infolence and irjuftice, file pro- 
 voked in France a maritime difpoiition. 
 
 It is in the power of the combined ^cets to coiquer 
 every ifland in the Wcil Indies, an<l reduce all the JJri- 
 tifli navy in tnofj places. For were France ard Spain 
 to fend their whole naval force in Europe to thofs 
 
 L iilands, 
 

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 ll;'. T H 
 
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 ii'i 
 
 ff. 
 
 [ 7+ ] 
 
 iflands, it would not be in the power of Britain to follow 
 them with an equal force. She would ftill be twenty or 
 thirty (hips inferior, were ftje to fend every veflel flic 
 had, and in the mran t," ic all the foreign trade qf Eng- 
 land would lay cxpofed to the Dutch. 
 
 It is a maxim, which, I am pcrfuaJed, will ever hold 
 good, and more cfpeciaily in naval operations, that a 
 great power ougrit never to move in detachments, if it 
 can poflibly be avoided ; buc to go with its whole force 
 to fome important object, the reduction of which ftiall 
 have a dccifiye eftt6l upon the war. Had the whoh: of 
 ^hc French and Spanifia fleets in Europe come lad fpring 
 to the Weft Indies, every ifland had been their own, 
 Rodney their prifoner, and his fleet their prize. From 
 the United States the combined fleets can be fii^>plied 
 with provifions, without the nepefuty of drawing them 
 from Europe, which is not the cafe with Enu^land. 
 
 Accident has thrown fome advantages in the way of 
 England, which, from the inferiority of her navy, (he 
 had not a right to expecSl:. For though ftie has been 
 obliged to fly before the combined fleets, yet Rodney has 
 twice had the fortune to fall in with detached fqua- 
 drons, to which he was fuperior in numbers : The firft 
 cff Cape St. Vincent, where he had nearly two to one, 
 and the othv^r in the Weft Indies, where he had a ma- 
 jority of fix fhips. Vidlorics of this kind almoft pro- 
 duce themfelvcs. They are won without honor, and 
 fuftered without difgracc : And are afcribable to the 
 chj.nce of meeting, not to the fuperiority of fighting. 
 For the fame Admiral, under whom they were obtained, 
 was unable, in three former enoag-emcnts, to make the 
 3 leai^ 
 
[ 75 ] 
 
 leaft impreflion en a fleet confifting of ai equal number 
 of fhips with his own, and compounded for the events 
 by declining the adlions *. 
 
 To conclude, if it may be faid that Britain has nu- 
 merous enemies, it likewife proves that fhe has given 
 numerous offences. Infolence is fure to provoke hatred, 
 whether in a nation or an individual. The want of 
 manners in the Eritifh court may be feen even in, its 
 birth-days and new-years Odes, which arc calculated to 
 infatuate the vulgar, and difguft the man of refinement ; 
 And her former overbearing rudenefs, and infufferable 
 injuftice on the feas, have made every commercial na- 
 tion her foe. Her flf^ts were employed as engines of 
 prey ; and a(Sled on the furface of the deep the charac-r 
 ter which the (hark does beneath it. — On the coiner 
 hand, the Combined Po\ -^rs are taking a popular part, 
 and will render their reputation immortal, by eftablifli- 
 ing the perfedl freedom of the ocean, to which all coun- 
 tries have a right, and are intcrcfted in accomplifhing. 
 The fea is the world's highway j and he who arrogates 
 a prerogative over it, tranfgreffes the right, and juftly 
 brings on himfelf the chaftifement, of nations. 
 
 Perhaps it might be of fome fervice to the future 
 tranquillity of mankind, were an article introduced into 
 the next general peace, that no one nation fliould, in 
 time of peace, exceed a certain number of fhips of war. 
 Somethingof this kind feemsnecelTaryi for according to the 
 
 * See the accounts^ either Englijh or French ^ of three ac' 
 tions in the IVtJi Indies^ bttwtfn Count de Guichen and Ad* 
 tniral Rodney y in 1780. 
 
 prefent 
 
■Ix- 
 
 4 
 
 [ 76 ] 
 
 prefent fafliion, half the world will get upon the water# 
 and th; tu appears no end to the extent to which navies 
 may be carried. Another rcafon is, that navies add no- 
 thing to the mannc.s or moraia of a people. The fequef* 
 tercd life which attends the fervlce, prevents the oppor- 
 tunities of fociety, and is too apt to occadon a coarfeu'^rs 
 of ideas and language, and that more in (hips of warthaii 
 in commercial employ; bccaufe in the latter they mix 
 mor'c with the world, and arc nearer related to it. I men- 
 tion this remark as a general one ; and not applied to 
 any one country more than another* 
 
 BkiTAlfJ has how had the trial of above fevcri years, 
 tvlth an expence of nearly an hundred million pounds 
 fterling ; and every month in which (he delays to con- 
 clude a peace, cofts her another million fterling, over 
 nnd above her ordinary expehces 6f government, which 
 are a million more; fo that hei' tota? monthly expence is 
 two million pounds fterling, which is equal to the whole 
 yearly expence of America, all charges included. Judge 
 then who is beft able to continue iti 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 ^ii. 
 
 She has likewife many atonehients t6 make to an in- 
 jured world, as well in one quarter as another. And in- 
 ftead of purfuing that temper of arrogance, v^rhich fcrVes 
 only to ftnk her in the eftcem, and entail on her the dif-» 
 like, of all nations, fhc will do well to reform her man-* 
 ners, retrench her expences, live peaceably W'th hci' 
 neighbours, and think of war no more* ' ' - 
 
 r 
 
 i 
 
 "I 
 
 Philadelphia, Auguft 2i> 1782. 
 
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