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W¥ :E't])SEB:rseH, b.b "■»- , } •' I ,¥'**^- ID» IE®BIEIRT^1])M*S AtahuatpOiJilca. a ' J'^nu^.teuied by J't'tturv. %arxiiart ■ 1EK4JKAVEU TOR.TBJE EITCMSH CX.A^SsrC« piTBcisHED nr wndtZAK munut. waitirAX h^- ■^'pt^ DH Wm- WITH PRINTE] ^4 31919 THB HISTORY or THB DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OP AMERICA. BY Wm. ROBERTSON, D.D. P.R.S. ABRIDGED. WITH A MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR PROM THAT BY DUOALD STEWART^ FR-S-B. HALIFAX. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BT WILLIAM MILNBB, 0HBAP8XDB. MDCCCXLIY. % v/ ^iryiHirnHrdr. »V.K»0H iH ■ 4 ! ? ■ »' ? . c bit* Ai "^^^tcSk^ > -■ ! :■ i ?l ^,^-;,., ' /^.: f"*ii;s«-'». ;i jf- 1 Hi o-iini:?!? 'J ADVERTISEMENT. Thb present Edition of the celebrated History of tlM Discovery and Conquest of America, by Dr. Robert* son, has not teen materially abridged, but only con- densed to about four.*>►- -4i Sf ALVEIITISEMENT. abridged, and appended to this Edition. Two maps are also added, the one of the West India Islands, and the other of Mexico, on which the discoveries of Columbus and the conquests of Cortes may be traced. It is therefore confidently trusted that the present Edition of this interesting history will be found deserving of an extensive circulation among the young ; and that it will possess sufficient attrac- tion to draw their minds from the regions of Fiction and Romance into that wide field of historical know- ledge, which is both interesting and useful — but from which it is too frequently excluded by the voluminous nature and great expense of many of our most valua- |>le works. i'^^i AN ACCOUNT or THE LIFE AND WRITINGS ov WILLIAM ROBERTSON, D.D. Bv DUGALD STEWART, F.R.S. EuiNi. (Abridged.) William Robertson, D.D. late Principal of the Uni- versity of Edinburgh, and Historiographer to his Majesty ior Scotland, was the son of the Reverend William Robertson, minister of the Old Grayfriars' Church, and of Eleanor Pitcaim, daughter of David Pitcairn, Esq. of Dreg-horn. By his fatlier he was descended from the Robertsons of Gladnoy in the county of Fife ; a branch of the respectable family of the same name, which has, for many generations, possessed the estate of Struan in Perihshire. He was bom in 1721, at Borthwick (in the county of Mid-Lothian), where his father was then minister; and received the first rudiments of his education at the school of Dalkeith, which, from the high reputation of Mr. Leslie as a teacber, was at that time resorted to from all parts of ScofU'.nd. In 1733, he again joined his father's family on their removal to Edinburgh ; and to- wards the end of the same year, he entered on his course of academical study. From this period till the year 1799, when, by the pub- lication of his Scottish History, he fixed a new era in the literary annals of his country, the habits and occur- rences of his life were such as to supply few materials for biography ; and the imagination is left to fill up a long interval spent in the silent pursuit of letters, and enlivened by the secret anticipation of future eminence. His genius was not of that forward and irregular growth, which forces itself prematurely on public notice ; and it was only a few intimate and discerning friends, who, in n AN ACCOUNT OF THE LIKE j. the native vigour of his powers, and in the patient cul- ture by which he laboured to improve them, perceived the earnests of a fame that was to last for ever. The large proportion of Dr. Robertson's life which he thus devoted to obscurity will appear the more remark* able, when contrasted with his early and enthusiastic love of study. Some of his oldest common-place booka, still in his son's possession (dated in the years 17M, 1736, and 1737), bear marks of a persevering assiduity, unexampled perhaps at so tender an age ; and the notto prefixed to all of them, (Vita sine Uteris mors est, J attests how soon those views and sentiments were formed, which, to his latest hour, continued to guide and to dignify his ambition. In times such as the present^ when literary distinction leads to other rewards, the labours of the studious are often prompted by motivei very different from the hope of fame, or the inspiration of genius; but when Dr. Robertson's career commenced, these were the only incitements which existed to ani« mate his exertions. The trade of authorship was un> known in Scotland ; and the rank which that country had early acquired among the learned nations of Europe, had, for many years, been sustained entirely by a small number of eminent men, who distinguished themselves by an honourable and disinterested zeal in the ungainful walks of abstract science. Some presages, however, of better times were begin- ning to appear. The productions of Thomson, of Arm- strong, and of Mallet, were already known and admired in the metropolis of England, and an impulse had been given to the minds of the rising generation, by the ex- ertions of a few able and enlightened men, who filled important stations in the Scottish Universities. Dr. Hutcheson of Glasgow, by his excellent writings, and still more by his eloquent lectures, had diffused, among a numerous race of pupils, a liberality of sentiment, and a refinement of taste, unknown before in this part of the island ; and the influence of his example had extended in no inconsiderable degree, to that seminary where Dr. Robertson received his education. The Professorship of Moral Philosophy at Edinburgh was then held by Sir John Pringle, afterwards President of the Royal Society of London ; who, if he did not rival Dr. Hutcheson *• abilities, was not surpassed by him in the variety of his OF ay, that he considered himself as more deeply- indebted* than to any other circumstahce in 'his academical studies. The Vent of his.ffenius di^ not incline him to mathematical or.physic^l piirsutt^. nqlwithstanding the strong ,recommen^ati(>iis ft^e)^ H^-' rived framthe popular tiUents of Mr* Maclaurih; bfit hib' could .not fail to receive adyant^gje frpn^ the eloquence with which that iUustripus man ^new bow t6 adoi^n the most abstracted Bubjects,^» well as from that c6rrectfie8i and purity in hi/f cotnposi^tiona, which st|irent!iiid hltn'ro a high rank «n)iong, our, b^§t ,wr^^er8, auid vfhiAW'iih Scottish author of the.A^nie period had beeh' biDld"t(^ attain. ... '. , ......,.■,. .iLiVin." '' ,"■ :"," '"'^' A number of other leajrnfa4 . .^>^ respc;ciab1^ ^^^\ ^ whose names the, greater part,,now exist ii> tiraditibii' onl|yti.weve then resident in Edinburgh. A clnl^/bi^'itoi^^ oiety-of thiese^ carried o»,fo;r somii^ years 'filpriVaVe' ctitf- reepondenoe with Dr. Berkley, the celebrated 'bisliop dt Cioyne^ on the subject Qf his niet^pliysical publicatitoii'i and are said to have been numbered by hii!b kmbn^ the few who completely comprehended thbscopcJ of his reasonings against the existence of fhatter. liieCSndu- enoe «f this society,, i^i diffusing that (fjplr^t of ^ihildsoiihi- cal repearch which has .since peco|ne so, fashidfaablji'iil Scotland^ \x9§. often, M^en mentioned io iibe by thl6si^'Whd gest some circnmstfinces ^h^(^h conspired withDi'.lttt- bertson's natural inclination 'in' £Lxing his studlodi habits ; and partly as they help io account fbf the tad- den transition which Scotland made, about this {(iMod, from the temporary., obscurity iuto which it liad 'stidk, to that station which it ^a^ since miaiint'aiiieA ib' thel r«- public of letters. A grpat stock t)oth of g^hitii Attk dt learning, existed ip the cojintr^y ; But the*dilJifcu!ty'^ overcoming the peculiarities of a proviK fiiastical policy of Scotland, be aspired to add to the art Of classical composition, the powers of a persuasive and commanding speaker. With this view, he united with borne of his contemporaries, during the last years of his attendance at college, in the formation of a society, Where their object was to cultivate th^ study of elocu- tion, and to pirepare themselves, by the habits of extem« porary discussion and debate, fur conducting the business 4>f popular assemblies. Fortunately for Dr. Robertson, he had here associates to contend with worthy of himself: among others, Dr. William IM'Gie, an ingenious young physician, afterwards well known in London ; Mr. Wil. llam Cleghorn, afterwards Professor of Moral Philoso- phy in Edinburgh ; Dr. John Blair, late Prebendary nf Westminster ; Dr. Wilkie, author of the Epigoniad; and Mr. John Home, author of the tragedy of Douglas. His studies at the University being at length finished, Dr. Robertson was licensed to preach by the presbytery of Dalkeith in 1741, and in 1743 he was presented to the living of Oladsmuir in East Lothian by the Earl of Hopeton. The income was but inconsiderable (the whole OF DR. WILLIAM ROBERTSON. IX emoluments not exceeding one hundred pounds a year) : but the preferment, such as it was, came to him at a time sinj^ularly fortunate ; for not long afterwards his father and mother died within a few hours of each other, leaving a family of six daughters and a younger son, in such circumstances as required every aid which his slender funds enabled him to bestow. Dr. Robertson's conduct in this trying situation, while it bore the most honourable testimony to the generosity of his dispositions, and to the warmth of his affections, was strongly marked with that manly decision in his plans, and that persevering steadiness in their execu> tion, which were characteristical features of his mind. Undeterred by the ma^-rnitude of a charge, which must have appeared fatal to the prospects that had hitherto animated his studies; and resolved to sacrifice to a sacred duty all personal considerations, he invited his father's family to Gladsmuir, and continued to educate his sisters under his own roof, till they were settled respectably in the world. Nor did he think himself at liberty till then to complete an union which had been long the object of his wishes, and which may be justly numbered among the most fortunate incidents of his life. He remained single till 1751, when he married bis cousin Miss Mary Nisbet, daughter of the Reverend Mr. Nisbet, one of the ministers of Edinburgh. While he was thus engaged in the discharge of those pious offices which had devolved upon him by the sudden death of his parents, the rebellion of 1745 broke out in Scotland, and afforded him an opportunity of evincing the sincerity of that zeal for tbs civil and religious liberties of his country, which he had imbibed with the first principles of his education ; and which afterwards, at the distance of more than forty years, when he was called on to employ his eloquence in the national com- memoration of the Revolution, seemed to rekindle i' of ancient aterrupted ;ement, by ■ten more }se friends and. Tbe sasion are sxtant, in illustrate >r. Robert- ais project lot a little 'lights, as •y of Scot- i to see a p assured iment can reat, labo- ould take led to it.' ed among tends, en- > the fore- Bobert- k as * An rt's letter all those ct of the e History Bt with, 1 and very f I would r. Hume, our Ben- in great e subject, d induce Len prior !uce with OP DR. WILLIAM ROBERTSON. xrtt him should never be any obstruction to the sale or sue* cess of his work. Nor do I yet repent my having re^ ■isted so many solicitations to alter this resolution. But the case 1 now think is entirely changed. His History win have been published several years before any work of mine on the same subject can appear; its first run will not be marred by any justling with me, and it will have taken that station in the literary system which he- longs to it. This objection, therefore, which I thought, and still think, so weighty at that time, makes no im* pression on me at present, and I can now justify my un- dertaking the English History to myself, to the world, and to him. Besides, our manner of viewing the same subject is so different or peculiar, that (as was the case in our last books) both may maintain their own rank, have their own partisans, and possess their own merit, without hurting each other. ' I am sensible how extensive and laborious the un- dertaking is, and that I could not propose to execute it in the manner I could wish, and the public will expect, unless I shall be enabled to consecrate my whole time and industry to it. Though I am not weary of my pi-o- fession, nor wish over to throw off my ecclesiastical cha- racter, yet I have often wished to be free of the labour of daily preaching, and to have it in my power to apply myself wholly to my studies. This the encouragement your lordship mentions will put in my power. But as my chief residence must still be in Scotland, where I would choose, both for my own sake and that of my family, to live and to compose ; as a vi«it of three or four months now and then to England will be fully suffi- cient for consulting such manuscripts as have never been published ; I should not wish to drop all connexion with the church of which I am a member, but still to hold some station in it, without being reduced entirely to the profession of an author. * Another circumstance must be mentioned to your Idrdship. As I have begun the History of Charles V. and have above one-third of it finished, I would not choose to lose what I have done. It will take at least two years to bring thAt work to perfection ; and after that I shall begin the other, which was my first choice, long before Mr. Hume undertook it, though I was then too ditfident of myself, and too idle to make any progress in B xviii AN ACCOUNT OP THE LIFE the execution of it, farther than forming some general ideas as to the manner in which it should be prose* cuted.' In what manner this plan, after being so far ad« ▼anced, came to be Anally abandoned, I have not been able to discover. The letters from which the foregoing extracts are taken, seem to have been preserved by mere accident ; and after the date of the last, I find a blank till 1703 in Dr. Robertson's correspondence with Lord Cathcart. Some letters which passed between them about that time are now in my possession. They relate chiefly to a scheme which was then in agitation, and which was soon after accomplished, of reviving in Dr. Robertson's favour the office of Historiographer for Scot> land ; but from various incidental passages in them, it appears clearly that he still looked forwards to a History of England as the next subject he was to undertake after \] that of Charles V. It is not impossible, that the resig- nation of Lord Bute in 1764 may have contributed some- what to alter his views, by imposing on him the neces- sity of a new negotiation through a different channel. The History of Charles V., besides, employed him much longer than he foresaw; partly in consequence of his avocations as Principal of the University, and partly of those arising from his connexion with the church, in which, at that period, faction ran high. In the execu- tion too of this work, he found that the transactions re- lating* to America, which he had originally intended as the subject of an episode, were of such magnitude as to requii'e a separate narrative : and when at last he had brought to a termination the long and various^i labours in which he was thus involved, his health waa too much impaired, and his life too far advanced, to allow him to think of an undertaking so vast in itself, and which Mr. Hume had already executed with so splendid and so merited a reputation. The delays which retarded the publication of the His- tory of Charles V., together with the author's established popularity as a writer, had raised the curiosity of the public to a high pitch before that work appeared; and perhaps there never w^ a book, unconnected with the circumstances of the times, that was expected with more general impatience. It is unnecessary for me to say, tliat these expectations were not disappointed ; nor would OP DIl. WILLIAM ROBERTSON. xlx so I) it be worth while to swell this memoir with a repetition of the eulogiums lavished on the author in the literary journals of the day. While Dr. Robertson's fame was thus rapidly extend- ingr wherever the language in which he wrote was un< derstood and cultivated, he had the singular good fortune to find in M. Suard, a writer fully capable of transfusing into a language still more universal, all the spirit and elegance of the oiiginal. It appears from a letter pre- served among Dr. Robertiion's papers, that M. Suard watt selected for this undertaking, by the well-known Baron d'Holbach. He has since made ample additions to his fame by his own productions ; but, if I am not mistaken, it was his translation of Charles V. which first established his reputation, and procured him a seat in the French Academy. The high rank which this second publication of Dr. Robertson's has long maintained in the list of our Eng- lish classics, is sufficient to justify the warm encomiums of bis friends. To the general expressions of praise, however, which they have bestowed on it, I shall take the liberty of adding a few remarks on some of those specific excellences by which it appears to me to be more peculiarly distinguished. Among those excellences, a most important one arises from the address displayed by the author in surmount- ing a difficulty, which has embarrassed, mure or less, all the historians who have attempted to record the transactions of the two last centuries. In consequence of those relations which connect together the different coitntiies of modern Europe as parts of one great system, a general knowledge of the contemporary situation of other nations becomes indispensable to those who would fully comprehend the political transactions of any one state at a }iarticular period. In writing the history of a great nation, accordingly, it is necessary to connect with the narrative occasional episodes with respect to such foreign affairs as had an influence on the policy of the government, or on the fortunes of the people. To accom- plish this with success, by bestowing on these digressions perspicuity and interest, without entering into that mi- nuteness of detail which might mislead the attention of the reader from the principal subject, is unquestionably one of the most difficult tasks of an historian ; and in t /m ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE exeiPming IhU tan\, Dr. RobertBon's jiidgrment ■nd •kill will not ButTPT by a cornpurhon with those diiiplftyed hy the mo.Hf illustrious of hi» rivals. Mr. Huu ", in a letter to the author, object! that 'hi* hero is not very internsting,' and it must undoubtedly be acknowledged, thati^«^ oharacteristical qualities of hie Bind were less those uf an amiable man than of a great irrince. His character, however, on the whole, was sin- gularly adapted to Dr. Robertson's purpose ; not only as the ascendant it secured to him in the political world marks him out indisputably as the principal ftg;ure in that illustrious group which then appeared on the thea- tre of Europe, but as it every where displays that deep and sagacious policy, which, by systematizing his coun- sels, and linking together the great events of his reign , inspires a constant interest, if not for the personal for- tunes of the roan, at least for the magnificent project:^ of the politician. — Nor is the character of Charles, however unamiable, without a certain species of attraction. The reader who is previously acquainted with the last scenes of his enterprising and brilliant life, while he follows him through the splendid career of his ambition, can scarcely avoid to indulge occasionally those moral sym- pathies which the contr st awakens; and to borrow from the solitude of the cloister some prophetic touches, to soften the stemnehs of the warrior and the statesman. With a view to facilitate the study of this important portion of modem history. Dr. Robertson has employed a preliminary volume in tracing the progpress of society in Europe, from the subversion of the Roman Empire to the era at which his narrative commences. In this in- stance, as well as in the iirst book of his Scottish History, he has sanctioned by his example a remark of Father Paul, that an historical composition should be ' c<> iplete as possible in itself; exhiT'^*ing a series of evfci • ■ Hi- gible to every reader, without any referevi- ♦u %j ;u» sources of information. On the minuteness <>i.u accuracy of Dr. Robertson's researches concerning the state of Europe during the middle ages, I do not presume to offer •■in opinion. They certainly exhibit marks of very ex I '-'"AvM ard various reading, digested with the soundest )vu \6vnt: Mid of which the results appear to be ar- -f.o,:^-> t ^^ the most distinct and luminous older. At the thtia > 'hen be wn>t^-f such an arrangement of materials OF DR. WIJ.TAM HOBRRTSON. zxi was the grand desidfratnm, am' by far the moat arduoua task; Dor will the m it of haviug first brought into form a maaa of information so little accessible till then to ordinary readers, be ever ; tfected by the coutrovor- ■ies that may arise concerning the justnesa of particular conclusiona. In no part of Dr. Robertson's works has he displayt^d ti'ore remarkably than in this introductory volume, bis r lence in research ; his penetration knd good sense in selecting his information; or that comprehension of mind, which, without being misled by system, can com- bine, with distinctness and taste, the dry and scattered details of ancient monuments. In truth, this Disserta- tion, under the unassuming title of an Introduction to the History of Charles V., may be regarded as an intro- duction to the History of Modem Europe. It is inv Ju* able, in this respect, to the historical student ; autill more completely prepared for the undertaking by previmis habits of scientific disquisition, we uniformly find him V OF DR. WILLIAM ROBERTSON. XXlll interesting and instructive in the information he conveys ; and happy, beyond most English writers, in the descrip- tive powers of his style. The species of description too in which he excels is peculiarly adapted to his subject ; distinguished, not by those picturesque touches which vie with the effects of the pencil in presenting local scenery to the mind, but by an expression, to which lan- guage alone is equal, of the grand features of an unsub- dued world, in these passages he discovers talents, as a writer, different fi'om any thing that appears in his other publications ; a compass and richness of diction the more surprising, that the objects described were so little familiarized to his thoughts, and, in more than one instance, rivalling the majestic eloquence which destined Buffon to be the historian of nature. After all, however, the principal charm of this, as well as of his other histories, arises from the graphical effect of his narrative, wherever his subject affords him mate- rials for an interesting picture. What force and beatity of painting in his circumstantial details of the voyage of Columbus ; of the first aspect of the new continent ; and of the interviews of the natives with the Spanish ad- venturers ! W^ith what animation and tire does he follow the steps of Cortes through the varying fortunes of his vast and hazardous career; yielding, it must be owned, somewhat too much to the influence of the passions which his hero felt ; but bestowing, at the same time, the warm tribute of admiration and sympathy on the virtues and fate of those whom he subdued ! The arts, the in- stitutions, and the manners of Europe and of America ; but above all, the splendid characters of Cortes and of Guatimozin, enable him, in this part of his work, to add to its other attractions that of the finest contrasts which occur in history. On these and similar occasions, if I may be allowed to judge from what I experience in myself, he seizes, more completely than any other modern historian, the atten- tion of his reader, and transports him into the midst of the transactions which he records. His own imagination was warm and vigorotis ; and, although in the conduct of life it gave no tincture of enthusiasm to his temper, yet, in the solitude of the closet, it attached liim peculiarly to those passages of history which approach to the romantic. Hence many of the cliaracteristical beauties of his wri- xxir AN ACCOUNT OF THE LIFR tinges ; and hence, too, perhaps, some of their imperfeo- tions. A cold and phlegmatic historian, who surveys human aifalrs like the inhabitant cf a different planet, if bis narrative should sometimes languish for want of interest, will at least avoid those prepossessions into which the writer must occasionally be betrayed, who, mingling with a sympathetic ardour among the illustrious personages whose story he contemplates, is liable, while he kindles wit! their generous emotions, to be infected by the contagion of their prejudices and passions. As the work which has been now under our review did not complete Dr. Robertson's original design, he an- nounced in the Preface his intention to resume the sub- ject at a future period ; suspending, in the mean time, the execution of that part of his plan which related to the British settlements, * on account of the ferment which then agitated our North American colonies.' A ^1 fragment of this intended work, which has been pub- lished since his death, while it illustrates the persevering ardour of his mind, must excite a lively regret in all who read it, that a history so peculiarly calculated by its subject to co-extend its fame with the future progress of our language in the regions beyond the Atlantic, had not been added to the other monuments of his genius.* In consequence of the interruption of Dr. Robertson's plans produced by the American revolution, he was led to think of some other subject which might, in the mean time, give employment to his studiousleisure. His friends again suggested to him the History of Great Britain, from the Revolution to the Accession of the House of Hanover. Whatever the motives were which induced him to relinquish this project, it is certain that it did not long occupy his thoughts. From a letter of Mr. Gibbon, it would appear to have been abandoned before the end of the year 1779 : and 1 have not heard of any other work that he projected after this period. He seems indeed soon to have abandoned all thoughts of writing any more for the public, and to have indulged the idea of prose- cuting his studies in future for his private amusement. His circumstances were independent ; he was approach- ing to the age of sixty, with a constitution considerably • Mr. Dngald Stewart here refers to the account of Virginia and New Eni^land, coniained in Books i\. and x. of the History of America, but which is oniitteii in thi^ E "' ■I'r. ilobertson's m •♦ i they are connected with f I ^^ ^" historian, as f«. ■igly. 111 the few remn-iT t . a °P""'»n. And »„ . ■thegeneral Strain nf I,' inversion, redundancy, m;.? ^""'^^ °^ ^amony 'i^to clas.ica| writers of Enrll,?H ^"P^^^^on with that of ,1. be perceived, origiS^f„' ?„f"^"-"."=e may I ,hij*« wnat are commonly callpH iv . ^ ^'^'"de, at presenf *« Dr. Robertson's works hf '^^'^'^^^^''W; for Cm «' '^ ••«-' "•-« « .i.-.-.: sr: i™;; OF DR. WILLIAM ROBERTSON. xxix f the link, »n of ent ob- ree, der , to ese ost oc- of sh he ct different from that in which he is accustomed to speak ; and is naturally led to evade as much as possible, the hazardous use of idiomatical phrases, by the employ- ment of such as accord with the general analogy of the lang;uage. If, however, in these and a few other respects, im- portant advantages are possessed by those whose standard of propriety is always before them in their ordinary habits of conversation and of business, it must, perhaps, be granted, on the other hand, that an ear thus fami- liarized from infancy to phrases which it has been accustomed to retain, without any selection, or any re- ference to general principles, can scarcely fail to have some effect in blunting an author's discrimination be- tween the established modes of classical expression and the accidental jargon of the day. Illustrations of this remark might be easily collected from writers of the highest and most deserved reputation ; more particularly from some who have cultivated, with the greatest suc- cess, the appropriate graces of the English tongue.— Even the works of Dr. Middleton, which have been often recommended to Scotchmen as the safest models for their imitation, abound with instances of colloquial language, sanctioned probably by the authority of the fashionable speakers of his time, but which, I should suppose, would now be considered as vulgarisms, by such of his country- men as have formed their taste on the compositions either of an earlier or of a later period. It may, perhaps, be questioned by some, whether Dr. Robertson has not cai'ried to an extreme his idea of what he has himself called the dignity of history ; but what- ever opinion we fovra on this point, it cannot be dis- puted that his plan of separating the materials of historical composition from those which fall under the provinces of the antiquary, and of the writer of memoirs, was on the whole happily conceived ; and that one great charm of his works arises from the taste and judgment with which ^e has carried it into execution. — Nor has he suffered this scrupulous regard to the unity of historical style to exclude that variety which was necessary for keeping alive the reader's attention. Whenever his sub- ject admits of being enriched or adorned by politicai or philosophical disquisition, by picturesque description, or XXX AN ACCOUNT OP THE LIFE by the interesting details of a romantic episode, he scru- ples not to try his strength with those who have excelled the most in these ditTerent departments of literature ; uniformly, however, avoiding to mingle in the hiimbla scenes of ordinary life, or to meet hid rivals on any grounci where he did not feel himself completely their equal. In reviewing the History of Dr. Robertson's life, our attention has hitherto been confined to those pursuits which formed the habitual occupation of his mind; and which have left behind them unperishable monuments. His life, however, was not devoted wholly to the culti- vation of letters. His talents fitted him in an eminent degree for the business of the world ; and the station iu which Providence placed him opened to him a field, which, however unequal to his ambition or to his genius, afforded him the means of .evincing what he might have accomplished, if his sphere of exertion had been more i\ extensive and brilliant. Among the active scenes in which he had an oppor- tunity to engage, the most conspicuous was presented to him by the Supreme Ecclesiastical Court in Scotland. The General Assembly of the Church of Scotland is composed of representatives from the presbyteries ; from the royal boroughs ; from the four universities ; and from the Scotch church of Campiyere: in Holland. The pres- byteries send two hundred and ninety members, of whom two hundred and one i*re ministers, and eighty- nine lay-eldei's ; the royal boroughs send sixty-seven members, all of whom are laymen ; the universities send five members, who may be either laymen, or ministers holding an office in the university ; and the church of Canipvere sends two members, one minister and one lay-elder. The whole number is three hundred and sixty-four, of whom two hundred and two are ministers, and one hundred and sixty-two laymen ; including in the latter class the members from the universities. The annual sittings of the Assembly continue only for ten days ; but a committee of the whole House (called the Commission) has four stated meetings in the year, for the despatch of whatever business the General Assembly has been unable to overtake. A question which came under the consideration of the Assembly iu tho year 1751, when he spoke for the J. ' M OF D\\. WILLIAM ROBERTSON. xxxi first time in that supreme court, afforded him an oppor- tunity of unfolding his general principles of ecclesiastical government. The conduct of a clergyman, who had dis- obeyed a sentence of a former Assembly, gave rise to a warm discussion ; in the course of which. Dr. Robertson, supported by a few of his friends, contended for the ex- pediency of a severe and exemplary sentence. But thin doctrine was then so little understood or relished, that he was left in an inconsiderable minority. The Commission of that Assembly, at their meeting, in November 1751, ordered the presbytery of Dunferm- line, which had already been guilty of disobedience, to admit Mr. Richardson as minister of Inverkeithing ; in- timating to them, at the same time, that in case of their continued contumacy, the. commission was to proceed, at their next meeting in MarclH to a very high censure. The presbytery again disobeyed; and yet the commis- sion, with a preposterous lenity, suffered their conduct to pass with impunity. The inconsistency and inexpe- diency of this sentence were urged strenuously by Dr. Robertson and his friends, who in their dissent, or pro- test against it, have left a valuable record of the general principles on which they acted. The last Assembly in which Dr. Robertson sat was that of 1780. While his faculties were yet vigorous, his con- stitution unbroken, and his influence undiminished, he chose to withdraw from the active scenes in which he had so long borne a part, and to consecrate the remain- der of his life to the quiet pursuits of study, and to the pastoral duties of his profession. His retreat was deeply rej^retted and sincerely felt by his friends ; nor was it less lamented by many individuals of the opposite party in the church, who, while they resisted his principles of ecclesiastical policy, loved his candour, and respected his integrity. The characteristic of Dr. Robertson's eloquence was persuasion ; — mild, rational, and conciliating, yet manly and dignified. In early life, when forced as a partisan to expose himself to the contentious heat of popular dis- cussion, he is said to have been distinguished by promp- titude and animation in repelling the attacks which he occasionally encountered : but long before the period during which I knew him, he had become the acknow- xxxli AN ACCOUNT OP THE LIFii: led|j;ed head of his party, and generally spoke last in the debute ; resuming the arguments on both sides, with such perspicuity of arrangement and expression, such respect to his antagonists, and such an air of candour and earnestness in every thing he said, that he (tften united the suffrages of the house in favour of the con* elusions he wished to establish. His pronunciation and accents were strongly marked with the peculiarities of hin country ; nor was this defect compensated by the graces of his delivery. His manner, however, though deficient in ease, was interesting and impressive ; and had something in its general effect, neither unsuitable to his professional station, nor to the particular style ot his eloquence. His diction was rich and splendid, and abounded with the same beauiias that characterize his writings. . I would willingly enlarge on his merits in a d^.fferent department of his piofessional employments, of which I am more competent to judge from personal knowledge, were I not afraid that my own academical habits might lead me to attach an interest to what would appear of little moment to others. I shall therefore only remark, in general, his assiduous attention, araidst his various occupations, both speculative and aciiv j, to the minutest duties of his office as head of the university ; duties, which nothing but his habits of arrangement and the severest economy of his time, could have enabled him to discharge with so little appearance of hurry or in- conrenience. The valuable accession of books which the public library received while under his administra- tion, was chiefly owing to his prudent and exact appli- cation of the very slender funds appropriated to that establishment; the various societies, both literary and medical, which, in this place, have long contributed so essentially to the improvement of the rising generation, were, most of them, either planned or reformed under his direction and patronage ; and if, as a seat of learning, Edinburgh has of late, more than formerly, attracted the notice of the world, much must be ascribed to the influence of his example, and to the lustre of his name. The good sense, temper, and address, with which he presided for thirty years in our university meetings, were attended with effects no less essential tr our pros- / fi s a OF DR. WILLIAM ROBERTSON. xxxiii perity ; and are attested by a fact which it perhaps without a parallel in the annals of any other literary community ; that during the whole of that period, there did not occur a single question which was not terminated by an unanimous decision. In consequence of the various connexions with so- ciety, which arose from these professional duties, and fh)m the interest which he was led to take, both by his official situation, and the activity of his public spirit, in the literary or the patriotic undertakings of others, a considerable portion of Dr. Robertson's leisure was de- voted to conversation and company. No man enjoyed these with more relish; and few havo possessed the same talents to add to their attractions. A rich stock of miscellaneous information, acquired from books and from an extensive intercourse with the world, together with a perfect acquaintance at all times with the topics of the day, and the soundest sagacity and good sense applied to the occurrences of common life, rendered him the most agreeable and instructive of companions. He seldom aimed at wit ; but, with his intimate friends, he often indulged a sportive and fanci- ful species of humour. He delighted in good-natured, characteristical anecdotes of his acquaintance, and added powerfully to their effect by his own enjoyment in re- lating thenl. He was, in a remarkable degree, sus- ceptible of the ludicrous : but, on no occasion, did he forget the dignity of his character, or the decorum of his profession ; nor did he even lose sight of that classi- cal taste which adorned his compositions. His turn of expression was correct and pure ; sometimes, perhaps, inclining more than is expected, in the carelessness of a social hour, to formal and artificial periods ; but it was stamped with his own manner no less than his premedi- tated style : it was always the language of a superior and a cultivated mind, and it embellished every subject on which he spoke. In the company of strangers, he increased his exertions to amuse and to inform ; and the splendid variety of his conversation was commonly the chief circumstance on which they dwelt in enumerating his talents ;— and yet I must acknowledge, for my own part, that much as I always admired his powers when they were thu« called forth, I enjoyed his society less, c XXXIV AN ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE than when I saw him in the mrcle of hii intimate*, or in the bosom of his family. It only now remains for me to mention his exemplary diligence in the discharge of his pastoral duties ; a dili- gence which, instead of relaxing as he advanced ia life, became more conspicuous, when his growing in* firmities withdrew him from business, and lessened the number of his active engagements. As long as his health allowed him, he preached regularly every Sunday ; and he continued to do so occasionally, till within a few months of his death. The particular style of his pulpit eloquence may be iudged of from the specimen which has been long in the hands of the public ; and it is not improbable, that the world might have been favoured with others of equal excellence, if he had not lost, before his removal from Gladsmuir, a volume of sermons which he had composed {\ with care. The facility with which he could arrange his ideas, added to the correctness and fluency of his .f-.y^ extemporary language, encouraged him to lay aside the practice of writing, excepting on extraordinary oc- casions ; and to content himself, in general, with such short notes as might recall to his memory the principal topics on which he meant to enlarge. To the value, however, and utility of these unpremeditated sermons * we have the honourable testimony of his learned and excellent colleague, who heard him preach every week for more than twenty years. < His discourses from this place,' says Dr. £rskine, ' were so plain, that the most illiterate might easily understand them, and yet so correct and elegant, that they could nut incur their cen- sure whose taste was more refined. For several years before his death, he seldom wrote his sermons fully, or exactly committed his older sermons to memory ; though, had I not learned this from himself, I should not have suspected it; such was the variety and fitness of his illustrations, the accuracy of his method, and the pro- priety of his style.' His health began apparently to decline in the end of the year 1791. Till then, it had been more uniformly good than might have been expected from his studious habits ; but, about this period, he suddenly discovered strong symptoms of jaundice, which gradually under* ' OF DR. WILLIAM ROBERTSON. xxxr inincd his constitution, and terminated at length in a lingerir*^ and fatal illness. He had the prospect of death iv>ng before him ; a prospect deeply afflicting to his family and his friends ; but of which, without any visible abatement in his spirits, he happily availed him- self, to adorn the doctrines which he had long taught^ by an example of fortitude and of Christian resignation. In the concluding stage of his disorder, he removed from Edinburgh to Grange House in the neighbourhood, where he had the advantage of a freer air, and a more quiet situation, and (what he valued more than most men) the pleasure of rural objects, and of a beautiful landscape. While he was able to walk abroad, he com- monly passed a part of the day in a small garden, en- joying the simple gratifications it afforded with all his wonted relish. Some who now hear me will long re- member, — among the trivial yet interesting incidents which marked these last weeks of his memorable life, — his daily visits to the fruit-trees (which were then in blossom), and the smile with which he, more than once, contrasted the interest he took in their progress, with the event which was to happen before their maturity. At his particular desire, I saw him (for the last time) on the 4th of June, 1793, when his weaknesH confined him to his couch, and his articulation was already beginning to fail : and it is in obedience to a request with which he then honoured me, that I have ventured, without consulting my own powers, to offer this tribute to his memory. He died on the 11th of the same month, in the seventy-first year of his age. I have already hinted at his domestic happiness. No- thing was wanting to render it perfect while he lived ; and, at his death, he had the satisfaction to leave, in prosperous circumstances, a numerous family, united to each other and to their excellent mother by the tenderest affection. The general view which has been already given of Dr. Robertson's occupations and habits, supersedes the necessity of attempting a formal delineation of his cha- racter. To the particulars, however, which have been incidentally mentioned in the course of this biographical sketch, it may not be unimportant to add, that the same sagacity and good sense which so eminently distinguished x:x.x.Vi AN ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE him as a writer, guided his conduct in life, and rendered his coiinsels of inestimable value to his friends. He was not forward in offering advice ; but when consulted, as he was very frequently, by his younger acquaintance, he entered into their concerns with the most lively in- terest, and seemed to have a pleasure and a pride in imparting to them all the lights of his experience and wisdom. Good sense was indeed the most prominent feature in his intellectual character ; and it is unques- tionably, of all the qualities of the understanding, that which essentially constitutes superiority of mind : for^ although we are sometimes apt to appropriate the ap- pellation of genius to certain peculiarities in the intel* lectual habits, it is he only who distinguishes himself from the rest of mankind, by thinking better than they y on the same subjects, who fairly brings his powers into comparison with others. This was in a remarkable de- gree the case with Dr. Robertson. He was not eminent for metaphysical acuteness ; nor did he easily enter into speculations involving mathematical or mechanical ideas; but, in those endowments which lay the foundation of successful conduct, and which fit a man to acquire an inflaence over others, he had no superior. Among those who have, like him, devoted the greater part of life to study, perhaps it would be di£Eicult to find his equal. His practical acquaintance with human nature was great, and he possessed the soundest and most accurate notions of the characters of those with whom he was ac- customed. :x) associate. In that quick penetration, indeed, which reads the soul, and estimates the talents of others by a sort of intuition, he was surpassed by many ; anu I have often known him misled by first impressions : but where he had an opportunity of continuing his observa- tions for a length of time, he seldom failed in forming conclusions equally just, refined, and profound. In a general knowledge of the world, and of the ways of men, his superiority was striking and indisputable ; still more so, in my opinion, than in the judgments he formed of individuals. Nor is this surprising, when we consider the joint influence of his habits as an historian, and as a political leader. Too much cannot be said of his moral qualities. Ex- emplary and amiable in the omces of private life, he exf V g ■i I OF DR WILLIAM ROBERTSON. xxxvii hibited, in his public conduct, a rare union of political firmness with candour and moderation. — * He enjoyed/ says Dr. Erskine, ' the bounties of Providence without running into riot ; was temperate without austerity ; condescending and affable without meanness; and in expense neither sordid nor prodigal. He could feel an injury, and yet bridle his passion ; was grave, not sullen ; steady, not obstinate; friendly, not officious; prudent and cautious, not timid.' — The praise is liberal ; and it is expressed with the cordial warmth of friendship ; but it comes from one who had the best oppoi'tunity of know- ing the truth, as he had enjoyed Dr. Robertson's inti- macy from his childhood, and was afterwards, for more than twenty years, his colleague in the same church ; while his zealous attachment to a different system of ecclesiastical government, though it never impaired his affection for the companion of his youth, exempts him from any suspicion of undue partiality. In point of stature Dr. Robertson was rather above the middle size ; and his form, though it did not convey the idea of much activity, announced vigour of body and a healthful constitution. His features were regular and manly ; and his eye spoke at once good sense and good humour. He appeared to greatest advantage in his com- plete clerical dress ; and was more remarkable for gra- vity and dignity ir discharging the functions of his public stations, than for ease or grace in private society. His portrait by Reynolds, painted about twenty years ago, is an admirable likeness ;* and fortunately (for the colours are already much faded), all its spirit is preserved in an excellent mezzotinto. At the request of his colleagues in the University, who were anxious to have some me- morial of him placed in the public library, he sat again, a few months before his death, to Mr. Raeburn ; at a time when his altered and sickly aspect rendered the task of the artist peculiarly difficult. The picture, how- ever, is not only worthy, in every respect, of Mr. Rae- bum's high and deserved reputation, but to those who were accustomed to see Dr. Robertson at this interesting period, derives an additional value from an air of lan- guor and feebleness, which strongly marked his appear- ance during his long decline. * Soe Frontispiece. xxxviii AN ACCOUNT OP THE LIFE, Ac. I should feel myself happy, if, in concluding this Me- moir, I could indulge the hope, that it may be the means of completing and finishing that picture which his wri- tings exhibit of his mind. In attempting to delineate, its characteristic features, I have certainly possessed one advantage ; — that I had long an opportunity of knowing and studying the original ; and that my portrait, such as it is, is correctly copied from my own impressions. I am sensible, at the same time, that much more might have been accomplished by a writer whose pursuits were more congenial than mine to Dr. Robertson's : nor would any thing have induced me to depart, so far as I have now done, from the ordinary course of my own studies, but my respect for the last wish of a much-lamented friend, expressed at a moment when nothing remained for me but silent acquiesce^'ce. ■ I. m$^ : \ '-J ; * . \ • 'w/'lV",;-' >*> PREFACE THE first' edition. ■i>f:i,. In fulBlllng the engagement which I had come un- der to the public with respect to the History of Ame- rica, it was my intention not to have published any part of the work until the whole was completed. The present state of the British colonies has induced me to alter that resolution. While they are engaged in civil war with Great Britain, inquiries and specula- tions concerning their ancient forms of policy and laws, which exist no longer, cannot be mteresting. The attention and expectation of mankind are now turned towards their future condition. In whatever manner this unhappy contest may terminate, a new order of things must arise in North America, and its affairs will assume another aspect. 1 wait with the solicitude of a good citizen, until the ferment subside/ and regular government be re-established, and then I shall return to this part of my work, in which I had made some progress. That, together with the history of Portuguese America, and of the settlements made by the several nations of Europe in the West India Islands, will complete my plan. The three volumes which I now publish contain an account of the discovery of the New World, and of the progress of the Spanish arms and colonies there. This is not only the most splendid portion of the American story, but so much detached, as, b^ itself, to form a perfect whole, remarkable for the unity of the subject. As the principles and maxims of the Spaniards in planting colonies which have been adopted in some ^ xl PREFACR. measure by every nation, are unfolded in this part of my work, it will serve as a proper introduction to the history of all the European establishments in America, and convey such information concerning this impor- tant article of policy, as may be deemed no less inte- resting than curious. In describing the achievements and institutions of the Spaniards in the New World, I have departed, in many instances, from the accounts of preceding historians, and have often related facts which seem to have been unknown to them. As it was from Spain that I had to expect the most important information with regard to this part of my work, I considered it as a very fortunate circum- stance for me, when lord Grantham, to whom I had the honour of being personally known, and vvith whose liberality of sentiment and disposition to oblige I was well acquainted, was appointed ambassador to the court of Madrid. Upon applymg to him, I met with such a reception as satisfied me that his endea- vours would be employed in the most proper manner, in order to obtain the gratification of my wishes ; and I am perfectly sensible, that what progress I have made in my inquiries among the Spaniards, ought to be ascribed chiefly to their knowing how much his lordship interested himself in my success. But did I owe nothing more to lord Grantham, than ^he advantages which I have derived from his atten- lioo in engaging Mr. Waddilove, the chaplain of his embassy, to take the conduct of my literary inquiries in Spain, the obligations I lie under to him would be very great. During 6ve years that gentleman has carried on researches for my behoof, with such acti- vity, perseverance, and knowledge of the subject to which his attention was turned, as have filled me with no less astonishment than satisfaction. He procured for me the greater part of the Spanish books which I have consulted ; and as many of them were printed early in the sixteenth century, and are become e\- jtremely rare, the collecting of these was sucn an oc< > ^ / his ex- oc- '■V, J"- PREFACE. xli cupation as alone req[uired much time and assiduity. To his friendly attention I am indebted for copies of several valuable manuscripts, containing facts and details which I might have searched for in vain in v^orks that have been made public. Encouraged by the inviting good-will with which Mr. Waddilove con- ferred his favours, I transmitted to him a set of que- ries, with respect both to the customs and policy of the native Americans, and the nature of several institu- tions in the Spanish settlements, framed in such a manner, that a Spaniard might answer them, without disclosing any thing that was improper to be com- municated to a foreigner. He translated these into Spanish, and obtained from various persons who had resided in most of the Spanish colonies, such replies as have afforded me much instruction. Notwithstanding those peculiar advantages with which my inquiries were carried on in Spain, it is with regret I am obliged to add, that their success must be ascribed to the beneficence of individuals, not to any communication by public authority. By a singular arrangement of Philip II. the records of the Spanish monarchy are deposited in the Archivo of Simancas, near Valladolid, at the distance of a hundred and twenty miles from the seat of govern- ment, and the supreme courts of justice. The papers relative to America, and chiefly to that early period of its history towards which my attention was directed, are so numerous, that they alone, ac- cording to one account, fill the largest apartment in the Archivo ; and, according to another, they com- pose eight hundred and seventy-three large bundles. Conscious of possessing, in some degree, the industry which belongs to an historian, the prospect of such a treasure excited my most ardent curiosity. But the prospect of it is all that I have enjoyed. Spain, with an excess of caution, has uniformly thrown a veil over her transactions iu America. From strangers they are concealed with peculias xLveii 10 ner own subjects the Archivo of Simancas is not opened xlii PREFACE. U without a particular order from the crown ; and after obtaining that, papers cannot be copied, without pay- ing fees of office so exorbitant, that the expense ex- ceeds what it would be proper to bestow, when the gratification of literary curiosity is the only object. ^ It is to be hoped, that the Spaniards will at last dis- cover this system of concealment to be no less impo- litic than illiberal. From what I have experienced in the course of my inquiries, I am satisfied, that upon a more minute scrutiny into their early opera- tions in the New World, however reprehensible the " actions of individuals may appear, the conduct of the ' nation will be placed in a more favourable light. In other parts of Europe very different sentiments prevail. Having searched, without success, in Spain, tor a letter of Cortes to Charles V. written soon after he landed in the Mexican empire, which has not hitherto been published, it occurred to me, that as the emperor was setting out for Germany at the time when the messengers from Cortes arrived in Europe* the letter with which they were intrusted might pos- sibly be preserved in the imperial library of Vienna. I communicated this idea to Sir Robert Murray Keith, with whom I have long had the honour to live in friendship, and I had soon the pleasure to learn, that upon his application, her imperial majesty had been graciously pleased to issue an order, that „ not only a copy of that letter (if it were found), but of any other paperr'> in the library, which could throw light upon the History of America, should be trans- mit'ed to me. The letter from Cortes is not in the imperial library, but an authentic copy, attested by % notary, of the letter written by the magistrates of the colony planted by him at Vera Cruz, which I have mentioned, Book V. having been found, it was tran- scribed and sent to me. As this letter is no less curi- ous, and as little knowu, as that which was the object of ray inquiries, I have given some account, in its proper place, of what is most worthy of notice in it. Together with it, I received a copy of a letter from PREFACE. . « • * xliii Cortes, containing a long account of his expedition to Honduras, with respect to which I did not think it necessary to enter into any particular detail ; and likewise those curious Mexican paintings, which I have mentioned, Vol. iii. p. 23.* My inquiries at St. Petersburgh were carried on with equal facility and success. In examining into the nearest comir :. CONTENTS. BOOK I. Progress of navigation amonr the ancients. View of their discoveries as preparatory to those or the moderns. Imperfection of ancient navli^ation and geography. Doctrine of the zones. Farther disco verii-s checlced by the irruption of barbarous nations. Geographical knowledge still preserved in the Eabt, and among the Arabians. Revival of commerce and navigation in Europe— favoured by the Croisades — extended by travellers into the East— promoted by tlie Invention of the mariner's compass. First regular nian of discovery formed by Portugal. State of that kingdom. Scliemes of Prince Henry. Early attempts feeble. Progress along the western c.iast of Africa. Hopes of discovering a new route to the East Indies. Attempts to accomplish thii. Prospects of success . . .1 BOOK II. Birth and education of Columbus— acquires naval skill in the service of Portugal — conceives hopes of reaching the East Indies by holding a westerly course — his system founded on the ideas of the ancients, and knowledge of their navigation — and on the discoveries of the Portuguese. His negotiations with different courts. Obstacles which he had to surmount in Spain. Voyage of discovery— diffi- culties— success — return to Spain. Astonishment of mankind on this discovery of a New World. Papal grant of it. Second voyage. Colony settled. Farther discoveries. War with the Indians. First tax imposed on them. Third voyage. He discovers the continent. State of the Spanish colony. Errors in the first system of colo- nizing. Voyai;e of the Portuguese to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope. Effects of this. Discoveries made by private ad- Tenturers in the New World. Name of America given to it. Machi- ' nations against Columbus — dissrraced and sent in chains to Europe. . Fourth voyage of Columbus. His discoveries— disasters— death . 48 BOOK III. State of the colony in Hispaniola. New war with the Indians. Cru- elty of the Spaniards. Fatal regulations concerning the condition of the Indians. Diminution of that people. Discoveries and settle- ments. First colony planted on the continent. Conquest of Cuba. Discovery of Florida— of the South Sea. Great expectations raised by this. Causes of disappointment with respect to tliese for some time. Controversy concerning the treatment of the Indians. Con- trary decisions.. Zeal of the ecclesiastics, particularly ot Las Casas. Singular proceedings of Ximenes. Negroes imported into America. Las Casas^s idea of a new colony— permitted to attempt it — unsuc- cessful. Discoveries towards the West. Yucatan. Campeachy. New Spain— preparations for invading it 139 ' « BOOK IV. View of America when first discovered, and of tho manners and policy of its most uncivilized inhabitants. Vast extent of America — gran- deur of the objects it presents to view— its mountains— rivers— lakes — its form favourable to commerce— temperature — predominance of cold— causes of this — nncuitivaied- unwholesome — its animals — soil, inquiry how America vma peopled— various theories— what appears klvtli CONTENTS. f- moat probtble. Condition and character of Hit Anierlcant. All, the Mexicans and I'eruvtniiit exceptpd, in the state of Mvaffet. In- aulry conAned to the uncivilized trib«>M. Difficulty of obtaining tn- lormation — various causes of this. Metho«i observed In the Inquiry. 1. Tiie bodilv constitution of the Americans considered. II. i'be aualitiea of tneir minds. III. Tlieir donu-titic state. IV. Their po- tical state and institutions. V. Tlielr system of war and nubile se- curity. VI. The arts with which they were acquainted. VII. Their reliifiouB ideas and institutions. VIII. Such sinirular and detached customs OS are not reducible to any of the former heads. IX. Gene- ral review and estimate of their virtues and defectit • • .176 BOOK V. History of the conquest of New Spain by Cortes BOOK VI. 380 HiAlory of the conquest of Peru by Pizarro — and of the dlMcnsions and rivii wars of tlie Spaniards in that country. Ori(fin, pro|fre>»M, and cirects of these .... . . . 385 BOOK VII. View of the institutions and n^anners of the Mexicans and Peruvians, Civilized states in coninarison of other Americans. Recent orijfin of the Mexicans. Facts wliich prove their progress in civilization. View of their policy in its various braiiclies— of their arts. Facts which in- dicate a small progress in civilization. Wliut opinion should be formed on coniparinf( those contradictory facts. Genius o( their re- lirion. Peruvian monarchy more ancient. Its policy founded on reiiirion. Sinirular eiTects of this. Peculiar state of property among the Peruvians. Their public worlis and arts — roads — bridges — build- ings. Their unwarlike spirit. Cursory view of other dominions of Spain in America. Ciniiioa and Snnora. California. Yucatan and Honduras. Chili. Tucuman. Kingdom of Tierra Firnie. New kingdom of Granada . . . . . .464 BOOK VIII. View of the interior government, commerce, 5cc. of the Spanish colo- nies. Depopulation of America — firiiit effect ot tlieir settlements — not the consequence of any system of policy — nor to be inipiitt-d to religion. Numberof Indians' still remaining. Fundamental maxims on which the Spanish system of colonization is founded. Condition of different orders of men In their colonk's — Chapetoncs— Creole* — Negroes— Indians. Ecclesiastlcai state and (lolicy. Chanwtei' of se- cular and reeiiiar clercry. Small prowrfss of Chrlntianlty among the natives. Mines chief obiect of tneir attention. Mode of worliing these — their produce. Effects of encouraging this species of Indns- iry. Other commodities of Spanish America. First effects of this new commerce with America on Spain. Why the Spanixh colonics iiave not been as beneficial to the parent state as those of other na*- tions. Errors in the Spani^ti system of regulating this commerce- confined to one port — carried on by annual fleets. Contraband trade. Decline of Spain botii in population and wcaltl). Remedies pro- posed. View of the wise regulations of the Bourlwn princes. A new and more liberal system introduced — beneficial effect* of thla — probable consequences. Trade between New Spain and the Phi- lippines. Revenue of Spain from America— whence it arises — to V hat It amounts . . .... ftos HISTORY OP THB DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF AMERICA. ■-VI BOOK I. The progress of men in discovering and peopling the various parts of the earth, has been extremely slow. Several ages elapsed before they removed far from those mild and fertile regions in which they were originally placed by their Creator. The occasion .^f their first general dispersion is known ; but we are unacquainted .iih the course of their migrations, or the time whea they took possession of the different countries which they now inhabit. Neither history nor tradition furnish such information concerning those remote events, as enables us to trace, with any cer« tainty, the operations of the human race in the infancy of society. We may conclude, however, that all the early mi- grations of mankind were made by land. The ocean, which surrounds the habitable earth, as well as the various arms of the sea which separate one region from another, though destined to facilitate the communica- tion between distant countries, seem, at first view, to be formed to check ths progress of man, and to mark the bounds of that portion of the globe to which nature had confined him. It was long, we may believe, before men attempted to pass these formidable barriers, and became so skilful and adventurous as to commit D ^m 3 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST I •': Sifc_.,,^-/' themselves to the mercy of the winds and waves, or to quit their native shores in quest of remote and un- known regions. Navigation and ship-building are arts so nice and complicated, that they require the ingenuity, as well as experience, of many successive ages to bring them to any degree of perfection. From the raft or canoe, which first served to carry a savage over the river that obstructed him in the chase, to the construction of a vessel capable of conveying a numerous crew with safety to a distant coast, the progress in improvement is immense. Many efforts would be made, many experi- ments would be tried, and much labour as well as invention would be employed, before men could ac- complish this arduous and important undertaking. The rude and imperfect state in which navigation is still found among all nations which are not consider rably civilized, corresponds with this account of its progress, and demonstrates that, in early times, the art was not so far improved as to enable men to undertake distant voyages, or to attempt remote discoveries. As soon, however, as the art of navigation became known, a new species of correspondence among men took place. It is from this era that we must date the commencement of such an intercourse between nations as deserves the appellation of commerce. Men are, indeed, far advanced in improvement before commerce becomes an object of great importance to them. They must even have made some considerable progress to- wards civilization, before they acquire the idea of pro- perty, and Ascertain it so perfectly as to be acquainted with the most simple of all contracts, that of exchanging by barter one rude commodity for another. But as soon as this important right is established, and every indi- vidual feels that he has an exclusive title to possess or to alienate whatever he has acquired by his own labour and dexterity, the wants and ingenuity of his nature suggest to him a new method of increasing his acqui- sitions and enjoyments, by disposing of what is super- fluous in his own stores, in order to procure what is OF AMERICA. necessary or desirable in those of n.K ^ a commercial intercourse b?lc^^''- "'"°- ^''^"s «'"ong the members of ".el" I .'''* '' ^?'"^d o° degrees, they discover thlT T. *^<^™»nunity. fiv sess what th^y themselvefwanf '':."""? *"^'« P^^ of which they wish to partrke ' f«d enjoy comforts and upon the same princb es th.!"/^' '^""^ "^^de. caiTjed on within the%3v nn *^^T'^^^ ^''^^c is established with other natToJ; '"^f ^^"^^ ^0">nierce is and mutual wants rende Jhi, J .'"' '""^"^^ ^^t^rest and imperceptibly introduce th'"""^""''" ^^^'''aWe, ^'h.ch facilitate its progress an^ 1"^'^'"'' "'^^ ^^^^s «o very extensive comZern/ ?'^,^'' " '^^"'«- But contiguous provinces whose soil f'. P'r »^^^^««n nearly the same, yield simfl! f"*^ ^^^''^ate being countries cannot con vtS' P''^^"'*'^"^- ^emotf those places whe e o^acc^nr?'^."^ are desired, and bec'ome valuable ll^^'l ^^"^^> '^^y tnat men are ndebtpH fnr .k ^^ *s to navigation superfluous stoTZ^'I^t K'"^ '[""^Portin^ he "ants of another. The ?■ l •' *""• '° '"PP'y «he particular climate are no f™' ""' W^'ings of a f lone, but the enjoyment of hH^'' '»"""«<' '» 'Mf •he most distant region" """" " ~°"»umea.ed to derived" frti^att td"'^'^^ «' "•« '"'vanUges sp'-ead, the intercour.e a.r.„ '^""."'erce continu^^to ambition of conque J *f ?h^"''""'^'=<'«''*' "rcuS Irade proved a great source of dF°" '" "»"»erce. acquainted »Th t| e\"i,u'rtLn'\r '="''« «olri"g'„':^ modiHes. of .K„ ..:«■. ^""ation, the nature ^-j". ™ after a reeulaiTr™"' P"" of the glohe" R,T, '•'"'"" egular comn.erce was esublis^h^dli .he t^rTd"! 4 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST after nations wore considerably civilized, and the sciences and arts were cultivated with ardour and suc> cess, navigation continued to be so imperfect, that it can hardly be said to have advanced beyond the in- fancy of its improvement in the ancient world. Among all the nations of antiquity, the structure of their vessels was extremely rude, and their method of working them very defective. They were unac- quainted with several principles and operations in na- vigation, which are now considered as the first elements on which that science is founded. Though that property of the magnet, by which it attracts iron, was well known to the ancients, its more important ^ and amazing virtue of pointing to the poles had en- tirely escaped their observation. Destitute of this faithful guide, which now conducts the pilr with so much certainty in the unbounded ocean, aring the darkness of the night, or when the heavens are covered with clouds, the ancients had no other method of re- gulating their course than by observing the sun and stars. Their navigation was of consequence uncer- tain and timid. They durst seldom quit sight of land, but crept along the coast, exposed to all the dangers, and retarded by all the obstructions, unavoidable in holding such an awkward course. An incredible length of time was requisite for performing voyages, which are now finished in a short space. Even in the mildest climates, and in seas the least tempes- tuous, it was only during the summer months that the ancients ventured out of their harbours. The re- . mainder of the year was lost in inactivity. It would have been deemed most inconsiderate rashness to have braved the fury of the winds and waves during wintei'. While both the science and practice of navigation continued to be so defective, it was an undertaking of no small difficulty and danger to visit any re- mote region of the earth. Under every disadvantage, however, the active spirit of commerce exerted itself. The Egyptians, soon after the establishment of their ^,. r V, Igation ItaVing \y re- [ntage, itself. If their OP AMERICA. > 5 monarchy, are said to have opened a trade between the Arabian gulf or Red sea, and the western coast of the great Indian continent. The commodities which they imported from the east, were carried by land from the Arabian gulf to the banks of the Nile, and conveyed down that river to the Mediterranean. But if the Egyptians in early times applied themselves to commerce, their attention to it was of short dura- tion. The fertile soil and mild climate of Egypt pro- duced the necessaries and comforts of life with such profusion, as rendered its inhabitants so independent of other countries, that it became an established maxim among that people, whose ideas and institu- tions differed in almost every point from those of other nations, to renounce all intercourse with n eigners. In consequence of this, they never went us of their own country j they held all seafaring per- sons in detestation, as impious and profane ; and for* tifying their own harbours, they denied strangers ad- mittance into them. It was in the decline of their power, and when their veneration for ancient maxims nad greatly abated, that they again opened their ports, and resumed any communication with foreigners. The character and situation of the Phenicians were as favourable to the spirit of commerce and discovery as those of the Egyptians were adverse to it. They had no distinguishing peculiarity in their manners and institutions ; they were not addicted to any singular and unsocial form of superstition ; they could mingle with other nations without scruple or reluctance. The territory which they possessed was neither large nor fertile. Commerce was the only source from which they could derive opulence or power. Accord- ingly, the trade carried on by the Phenicians of Sidon and Tyre was more extensive and enterprising than that of any state in the ancient world. The genius of the Phenicians, as well as the object of their policy and the spirit of their laws, were entirely commercial. They were a people of merchants, who aimed at the empire of the sea, and actually possessed it. Their 6 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST ship3 not only frequented ail the ports in the Medi- terranean, but they were the first who ventured be- yond the and* at boundaries of navigation, and, pass- ing the Straits tf Gades, visited the western coasts of Spain and Africa. In many of the places to which tliey resorted, they planted colonies, and communi- cated to the rude inhabitants some knowledge of their fts and improvements. While they extended their discoveries towards the north and the west, they did not neglect to penetrate into the more opulent and fertile regions of the south and east. Having ren- dered themselves masters of several commodious har- bours towards the bottom of the Arabian gulf, they, after the example of the Egyptians, established a re- gular intercourse with Arabia and the continent of India on the one hand, and with the eastern coast of Africa on the other. From these countries they im- ported many valuable commodities unknown to the rest of the world, and, during a long period, engrossed that lucrative branch of commerce without a rival. The vast wealth which the Phenicians acquired by monopolizing the trado carried on in the Red sea, in- cited their neighbours the Jews, under the prosperous reigns of David and Solomon, to aim at being admitted to some share of it. This they obtained, partly by their conquest of Idumea, which stretches along the Red sea, and partly by their alliance with Hiram, king of Tyre. Solomon fitted out fleets, which, under the direction of Phenician pilots, sailed from the Red sea to Tarshish and Ophir. These, it is probable, were ports in India and Africa, which their conduc- tors were accustomed to frequent, and from them the Jewish ships returned with such valuable cargoes as suddenly diflfused wealth and splendour through the kingdom of Israel. But the singular institutions of the Jews, the observance of which was enjoined by their divine Legislator, with an intention of preserving them a separate people, uninfected by idolatry, formed a national character, incapable of that open and libe- ral intercourse with strangers "'vhich commerce re- II ■ - am, jder ed le, uc- the as Ithe of Iby \ed )e- re- OF AMERICA. 7 quires. Accordingly this unsocial gerius of the peo- ple, together with the disasters which befell the king- dom of Israel, prevented the commercial spirit, which their monarchs laboured to introduce and to cherish, from spreading among them, The Jews cannot be numbered among the nations which contributed to improve navigation, or to extend discovery. But though the instructions and example of the Phe- nicians were unable to mould the manners and tem- per of the Jews, in opposition to the tendency of their laws, they transmitted the commercial spirit with fa- cility, and in full vigour, to their own descendants the Carthaginians, The Commonwealth of Carthage applied to trade and to naval affairs, with no less ar-^ dour, ingenuity, and success, than its parent state. Carthage early rivalled and soon surpassed Tyre in opulence and power, but seems not to have aimed at obtaining any share in the commerce with India. The Phenicians had engrossed this, and had such a com- mand of the Red sea as secured to them the exclu- sive possession of that lucrative branch of trade. The commercial activity of the Carthaginians was exerted in another direction. Without contending for the trade of the East with their mother-ecu atry, they extended their navigation chiefly towards the west and north. Following the course which the Pheni- cians had opened, they passed the Straits of Gades, and, pushing their discoveries far beyond those of the parent state, visited not only all the coasts of Spain, but those of Gaul, and penetrated at last into Britain. At the same time that they acquired knowledge of new countries in this part of the globe, they gradually carried their researches towards the south. They made considerable progress by land, into the interior provinces of Africa, traded with some of them, and subjected others to their empire. They sailed along the western coast of that great continent, almost to the tropic of Cancer, and planted several colonies^ in order to civilize the natives, and accustom them to commerce. They discovered the Fortunate Islands, 8 DISCOVER X AND CONQUEST now known by the name of the Canaries, the utmost boundary of ancient navigation in the western ocean. Nor was the progress of the Phenicians and Car- thaginians in their knowledge of the globe owing en- tirely to the desire of extending their tr:«.de from one country to another. Commerce was followed by its usual effects among both these people. It awakened curiosity, enlarged the ideas and desires of men, and incited them to boiJ enterprises. Voyages were undertaken, the sole object of which was to disco t^er new countries, and to explore un- known seas. Such, during the prosperous age of the Carthaginian republic, were the famous navigations of Hanno and Himlico. Both their fleets were equip- ned by authority of the senate, and at public expense. Hanno was directed to ste^^r towards the south, along the coast of Africa, and he seems to have advanced much nearer the equinoctial line than any former na- vigator. Himlico had it in charge to proceed towards the north, and to examine the western coasts of the European continent. Of the same nature was the extraordinary navigation of the Phenicians round Africa. A Phenician fleet, we are told, fitted out by Necho, king of £gypt, took its departure about six hundred and four years before the Christian era, from a port in the Red sea, doubled the southern promon- tory of Africa, and after a voyage of three years, re- turned by the Straits of Gades to the mouth of the Nile. Eudoxus of Cyzicus is said to have held the same course, and to have accomplished the same ar- duous undertaking. These voyages, if performed in the manner which I have related, may justly be reckoned the greatest effort of navigation in the ancient world ; and if we attend to the imperfect state of the art at that time, it is difficult to determine, whether we should most ad- mire the courage and sagacity with which the design was formed, or the conduct and good fortune wuh which it was executed. But unfortunately all the original and authentic accounts of the Phenician and OF AMERICA. 9 Carthaginian voyages, whether under ken by public authority, or in prosecution of their private trade, have perishea. The information which we receive con- cerning them from the Greek and Roman authors, is not only obscure and inaccurate, but, if we except a short narrative of Hanno's expedition, is of suspicious authority. Whatever acquamtance with the remote regions of the earth the Phenicians or Carthaginians may have acquired, was concealed from the rest of mankind with a mercantile jealousy. Every thing relative to the course of their navigation was not only a mystery of trade, but a secret of state. Extraordi- nary facts are related concerning their solicitude to prevent other nations from penetrating into what they wished should remain undivulged. Many of their discoveries seem, accordingly, to have been scarcely known beyond the precincts of their own states. The navigation round Africa, in particular, is recorded by the Greek and Roman writers, rather as a strange amusing tale, which they did not comprehend, or did not believe, than as a real transaction, whi«^h enlarged their knowledge and influenced their opii ions. As neither the progress of the Phenician or Carvhaginian discoveries, nor the extent of their navigation, were communicated to the rest of mankind, all memorials of their extraordinary skill in naval affairs seem in a great measure, to have perished, when the maritime power of the former was annihilated by Alexander's conquest of Tyre» and the ei^^pire of the latter was overturned by the Roman aims. * k i v^i^^ Leaving, then, the obscuro and pompous accounts of the Phenician and Carthagiu^an voyages to the cu- riosity and conjectuies of antiqiiaries, history must rest satisfied with relating the progress of navigation and discovery among the Greeks and Romans, which, though less splendid, is better ascertained. It is evi- dent that the Phenicians, wh:» instructed the Greeks m many other useful sciences and arts, did not com- municate to them that extensive knowledge of navi- gation which they themselves possessed j nor did the 10 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST RomaDs imbibe that commercial spirit and ardour for discovery which distinguished their rivals the Cartha* ginians. Though Greece be almost encompassed by - the sea, which formed many spacious bays and com- . modious harbours : though it be surrounded by a ^■ great number of fertile islands, yet, notwithstanding, such a favourable situation, which seemed to invite that ingenious people to apply themselves to naviga- tion, it was long before this art attained any degree of perfection among them. Their early voyages, the object of which was piracy rather tnan commerce, were so inconsiderable, that the expedition of the Ar- gonauts from the joast of Thessaly to the Euxine sea, appeared such an amazing effort of skill and courage, ' as entitled the conductors of it to be ranked among the demigods, and exalted the vessel in which they sailed to a place among the heavenly constellations. Even at a later period, when the Greeks engaged in their famous enterprise against Troy, their knowledge in naval affairs seems not to have been much improved* According to the account of Homer, the only poot to whom history ventures to appeal, and who, by his scrupulous accuracy, in describing the manners and arts of early ages, merits this distinction, the science of navigation, at that time, had haruly advanced be- yond its rudest state. The Greeks in the heroic age seem to have been unacquainted with the use of iron, the most serviceable of all the metals, without which no considerable progress was ever made in the me- chanical arts. Their vessels were of inconsiderable burden, and mostly without decks. They had only one mast, which was erected or taken down at pleasure. They were strangers to the use of anchors. All their ope- rations in sailing were clumsy and unskilful. They turned their olservation towards stars, which were improper for regulating their course, and their mode of observing them was inaccurate and fallacious. When they had finished a voyage they drew their paltry barks ashore, as savages do *h ' ■K #« v% ^ u€ir canc€3, auu OP AMERICA. It lour for Cartha- issed by id ccm- d by a i^andiDg to invite naviga- egree of res, the mmerce, ' the Ar- cine seat courage, I among ich they dilations, gaged in lowledge tn proved. y poGt to , by hi* ners and science ,nced be- iroic age of iron, |ut which the me- [len, and ^e mast, They leir ope- They Ich were jir mode lllacious. iw their )e3) and these remained on dry land until the season of retuin- ing to sea approached. It is not then in the early or heroic ages of Greece that we can expect to observe the science of navigation, and the spirit of discovery, making any considerable progress. During that pe- riod of disorder and ignorance, a thousand causes con- curred in restraining curiosity and enterprise within very narrow bounds. • • But the Greeks advanced with rapidity to a state of greater civilization and refinement. Government, in its most liberal and perfect form, began to be esta blished in their different communities ; equal laws and regular police were gradually introduced ; the sciences and arts which are useful or ornamental in life were carried to a high pitch of improvement, and several of the Grecian commonwealths applied to corrmerce with such ardour and success, that they were considered, in the ancient world, as maritime powers of the first rank. Even then, however, the naval victories of the Greeks must be ascribed rather to the native spirit of the people, and to that courage which the enjoyment of liberty inspires, than to any extraordinary progress in the science of navigation. In the Persian war, those exploits which the genius of the Greek historians has rendered so famous, were performed by fleets, composed chiefly of small vessels without decks ; the crews of which rushed forward with impetuous valour, but little art, to board those of the enemy. In the war of Peloponnesus, their ships seem still to have been of inconsiderable burden and force. The extent of their trade, how highly soever it may have been estimated in ancient times, was in proportion to this low condition of their marine. The maritime states of Greece hardly carried on any com- merce beyond the limits of the Mediterranean sea. Their chief intercourse was with the colonies of their countrymen, planted in the Lesser Asia, in Italy and Sicily. They sometimes visited the ports of Egypt, of the southern provinces of Gaul, and of Thrace, or, passing through the Hellespont, they t»aded with the 12 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST ^ countries situated around the Euxine sea. Amazing instances occur of their ignorance even of those coun- tries which lay within the narrow precincts to which their navigation was confined. When the Greeks had assembled their combined fleet against Xerxes at Egina, they thought it unndvisable to sail to Samos, because they believed the distance between that island and Egina to be as great as the distance between £gina and the pillars of Hercules, They were either utterly unacquainted with all the parts of the globe beyond the Mediterranean sea, or what knowledge they had of them was founded on conjecture, or de- rived from the information of a few persons, whom curiosity and the love of science had prompted to travel by land into the Upper Asia, or by sea into Egypt, the ancient seats of wisdom and arts. After all that the Greeks learned from them, they appear to have been ignorant of the most important facts, on which an accurate and scientific knowledge of the globe is founded. The expedition of Alexander the Great into the East considerably enlarged the sphere of navigation and of geographical knowledge among the Greeks. That extraordinary man, notwithstanding the violent pas- sions which incited him, at some times, to the wildest ac- tions, and the most extravagant enterprises, possessed talents which fitted him not only to conquer but to govern the world. He was capable of framing those bold and original schemes of policy, which gave a new form to human affairs. The revolution in com- merce, brought about by the force of his genius, is hardly inferior to that revolution in empire, occasioned by the success of his arms. It is probable, that the opposition and efforts of the republic of Tyre, which checked him so long in the career of his victories, gave Alexander an opportunity of observing the vast resources of a maritime pov^'er, and conveyed to him some idea of the immense wealth which the Tyrians derived from their commerce, especially that with the East Indies. As soon as he had accomplished the ■r OP AMERICA. 13 ? East and That pas- st ac- essed ut to hose ve a om- is, is loned It the rhich ^ries, vast him t'ians the the destruction of Tyre, and reduced Egypt to subjection, he formed the plan of rendering the empire which he proposed to establish, the centre of commerce as well as the seat of dominion. With this view he founded a great city, which he honoured with his own name, near one of the mouths of the river Nile, that by the Mediterranean sea, and the neighbourhood of the Arabian gulf, it might command the trade both of the east and west. This situation was chosen with such discernment, that Alexandria soon became the chief commercial city in the world. Not only during the subsistence of the Grecian empire in Egypt and in the east, but amidst all the successive revolutions in those countries from the time of the Ptolemies to the discovery of the navigation by the Cape of Good Hope, commerce, particularly that of the East Indies, continued to flow in the channel which the sa^^acity and foresight of Alexander had marked out for it. His ambition was not satisfied with having opened to the Greeks a communication with India by sea ; he aspired to the sovereignty of those regions which furnished the rest of mankind with so many precious commodities, and conducted his army thither by land. Enterprising, however, as he was, he may be said rather to have viewed than to have conquered that country. He did not, in his progress towards the east, advance beyond the banks of the rivers that fall into the Indus, which is now the western boundary of the vast continent of India. Amidst the wild exploits which distinguish this part of his history, he pursued measures that mark the superiority of his genius as well as the extent of his views. He had penetrated as far into India as to confirm his opinion of its com- mercial importance, and to perceive that immense wealth might be derived from intercourse with a country, where the arts of elegance, having been more early cultivated, were arrived at greater perfection than in any other part of the earth. Full of this idea, he resolved to examine the course of navigation from the mouth of the Indus to the bottom of the Persian 14 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST gulf ; and, if it should be found practicable, to enta- blish a regular communication between them In order to effect this, he proposed to remove the cata- racts, with which the jealousy of the Persians, and their aversion to correspondence with foreigners, had obstructed the entrance into the Euphrates ; to carry the commodities of the East up that river and the Tigris, which unites with it, into the interior parts of his Asiatic dominions ; while, by the way of the Arabian gulf, and the river Nile, they might be con- veyed to Alexandria, and distributed to the rest of the world. Nearchus, an officer of eminent abilities, was intrusted with the command ^the fleet fitted out for this expedition. He performeu liiis voyage, which was deemed an enterprise so arduous and important, that Alexander reckoned it one of the most extraordi- nary events which distinguished his reign. Incon- siderable as it may now appear, it was, at that time, an undertaking of no little merit and difficulty. In the prosecution of it, striking i.iStances occur of the small progress which the Greeks had made in naval knowledge. Having never sailed beyond the bounds of the Mediterranean, where the ebb and flow of the sea are hardly perceptible, when they first ob- served this phenomenon at the mouth of the Indus, it appeared to them a prodigy, by which the gods testt* fied the displeasure of heaven against their enterprise* During their whole course, they seem never to have lost sight of land, but followed the bearings of the coast so servilely, that they could not much avail themselves of those periodical winds which facilitate navigation in the Indian ocean. Accordingly, they spent no less than ten months in performing this voy- age, which, from the mouth of the Indus, to that of the Persian gulf, does not exceed twenty degrees. It is probable, that, amidst the violent convulsions and frequent revolutions in the east, occasioned by the contests among the successors of Alexander, the na- vigation to India by the course which Nearchus had opened was discontinued. Tiie Indian trade carried OF AMERICA. 10 on at Alexandria, not only subsisted, but was so mucii extended under the Grecian monarchs of Egypt, that it proved a great source of the wealth which distin- guished their kingdom. The progress which the Komans made in naviga- tion and discovery, was still more inconsiderable than that of the Greeks. In the history of the Roman re- public, hardly one event occurs that marks attention to navigation any farther than as it was instrumental towards conauest. When the Roman valour and discipline haa subdued all the maritime states known in the ancient world ; when Carthage, Greece> and Egypt, had submitted to their power, the Romans did not imbibe the commercial spirit of the conquered na- tions. Among that people of soldiers, to have ay^plied to trade would have been deemed a degradatica o;' a Roman citizen. They abandoned the mechctnical arts, commerce, and navigation, to slaves, to freed- men, to provincials, and to citizens of the lowest class. Even after the subversion of liberty, when the severity and haughtiness of ancient manners began to abate, commerce did not rise into high estimation among the Romans. The trade of Greece, Egypt, and the other conquered countries, continued to be carried on in its usual channels, after they were reduced into the form of Roman provinces. As Rome was the capital of the world, and the seat of governmcL., Jl the wealth and valuable productions of the proviii; as flowed na- turally thither. The Romans, satisfied with this, seem to have suffered commerce to remain almost en- tirely in the hands of the natives of the respective countries. The extent, however, of the Roman power, which reached over the greatest part of the known world, the vigilant inspection of the Roman magis- trates, and the spirit of the Roman government, no less intelligent than active, gave such additional secu- rity to commerce, as animated it with new vigour. The union among nations was never so entire, nor the intercourse so perfect, as within the bounds of this vast empire. Commerce, under the Roman dominion, 16 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST was not obstructed by the jealousy of rival states, in terrupted by frequent hostilities, or limited by partial restrictions. One superintending power moved and regulated the industry of mankind, and enjoyed the fruits of their joint efforts. Navigation felt this influence, and improved under it. As soon as the Romans acquired a taste for the Iuxuri<^s of the east, the trade with India through Egypt was pushed with new vigour, and carried on to greater extent. By frequenting the Indian conti- nent, navigators became acquainted with the periodi- cal course of the winds, which, in the ocean that separates Africa from India, blow with little variation during one half of the year from the east, and during the other half blow with equal steadiness from the west. Encouraged by observing this, the pilots who sailed from Egypt to India abandoned their ancient slow and dangerous course along the coast, and as soon as the western monsoon set in, took their depar- ture from Ocelis, at the mouth of the Arabian gulf, and stretched boldly across the ocean. J'he uniform direction of the wind, supplying the place of the com- pass, and rendering the guidance of the stars less ne- cessary, conducted them to the port of Musiris, on the western shore of the Indian continent. There they took on board their cargo, and returning with the eastern monsoon, finished their voyage to the Arabian gulf within the year. This part of India, now known by the name of the Malabar coast, seems to have been the utmost limit of ancient navigation in that quarter of the globe. What imperfect knowledge the ancients had of the immense countries which stretch beyond this towards the east, they received from a few adventurers, who had visited them by land. Such excursions were neither frequent nor extensive, and it is probable, that while the Roman intercourse with' India subsisted, no traveller ever penetrated far- ther than to the banks of the Ganges. The fleets fiom Egypt which traded at Musiris were loaded, it is true, with the scices and other rich commodities of OF AMERICA. 17 m :tial and the ader r the )ugh A on lonti- riodi- that iaticn luring m the s who ncient and as depar- n gulf, niform com- ss ne- ris, on There with to the India, seems tion in ledge which ceived land, nsive, course d far- fleets ed, it ities of the continent and islands of the farther India ; but these were brought to that port, which became the staple of the commerce between the east and west, by the Indians themselves, in canoes hollowed out of one tree. The Egyptian and Roman merchants, satisfied with acquiring those commodities in this manner, did not think it necessary to explore unknown seas, and venture upon a dangerous navigation, in quest of the countries which produced them. But though the discoveries of the Romans in India were so limited, their commerce there was such as will appear consi- derable, even to the present age, in which the Indian trade has been extended far beyond the practice or conception of any preceding period. We are informed by Pliny, that the commerce with India drained the Roman empire every year of more than four hundred thousand pounds ; and by another author, that one hundred and twenty ships sailed annually from the Arabian gulf to that country. The discovery of this new method of sailing to In- dia, is the most considerable improvement in naviga- tion made during the continuance of the Roman power. But in ancient times, the knowledge of re- mote countries was acquired more frequently by land than by sea ; and the Romans, from their peculiar disinclination to naval affairs, may be said to have neglected totally the latter, though a more easy and expeditious method of discovery. The progress, how- ever, of their victorious armies through a considerable portion of Europe, Asia, and Afriv??., contributed greatly to extend discovery by land, and gradually opened the navigation of new and unknown seas. Previous to the Roman conquests, the civilized na- tions of antiquity had little communication with those countries in Europe, which now form its most opulent and powerful kingdoms. The interior parts of Spain and Gaul were imperfectly known. Britain, sepa- rated from the rest of the world, had never been visited, except by its neighbours the Gauls, and by a few Carthaginian merchants. The name of Germany 18 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST had scarcely been heard of. Into all these countries the arms of the Romans penetrated. They entirely subdued Spain and Gaul ; they conquered the great- est and most fertile part of Britain ; they advanced into Germany, as far as the banks of the river Elbe. ^ In Africa, they acquired a considerable knowledge of the provinces, which stretch along the Mediterranean sea, from Egypt westward to the Straits of Gades. In Asia, they not only subjected to their power most of (he pro\inces which composed the Persian and the Macedonian empires, but, after their victories over Mithridates and fygranes, they seem to have made a more accurate survey of the countries contiguous to the Euxine and Caspian seas, and to have carried on a more extensive trade than that of the Greeks with the opulent and commercial nations then seated round the Euxine sea. From this succinct survey of discovery and naviga- tion, which I have traced from the earliest dawn of historical knowledge to the full establishment of the Roman dominion, the progress of both appears to have been wonderfully slow. If we reject accounts that are fabulous and obscure ; if v/e adhere steadily to the light and information of authentic history^ with- out substituting in its place the conjectures of fancy, or the dreams of etymologists, we must conclude, that the knowledge vvrich the ancients had acquired of the habitable globe was extremely confined. In Europe the extensive provinces in the eastern part of Germany were little known to them. They were al- most *otally unacquainted with the vast countries which are now subject to the kings of Denmark, Sweden, Prussia, Poland, and the Russian empire The more barren regions, that stretch within the arctic circle, were quite unexplored. In Africa, their researches did not extend far beyond the provinces which border on the Mediterranean, and those situated on the western shore of the Arabian gulf. In Asia, they were unacquainted, as I formerly observed, with all the fertile and opulent countiies beyond the mr sppm *^u^ commerce with Tn j' ^ ^' °^Ject of seem to have ever penetrar^T •. °f'* ' "or do theJ g'ons occupied bv fh! ^^ *"*« ^^^ose immpnJ ^ "vea from any detail nf tu • ^jr^®' than can be rl« posed the earfh * u i- ^"^"' ^IiscoverieQ tk ^®' tending on either s,"; toS-H "^ *^ "»«• and ei . "" unremittino- hpnf o«°! , " *® ^e so bumf »,^ inhabitant,. On%t' *;/:, '» ^e equally destSe „? » n,an for hi, hab utii* '"?''' '">'' "«3t,ed foCS!f "' "■= S;abfe™a";?h"l '° ""'' '^"'t "hich are now l-n^ ^^"'ns within the Z^u *""* habi,a„,/r„ »-^^^^ '0 yjefd'.herlr?n'' «>'a.ion° A, alT,r" "^ P"l«'"al Zui.v fVlJP- sonmar and m*,; 1 "«""ants, was fnnn^ r— r^-aie ? ani conjecture, not on di^overv t^ "" "'- - • ' hey even 20 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST believed, that by the intolerable heat of the torrid zone, such an insuperable barrier was placed 'letween the two temperate regions of the earth, as would pre- vent for ever any intercourse between their respective inhabitants. Thus this extravagant theory not only proves that the ancients were unacquainted with the true state of the globe, but it tended to render their ignorance perpetual, by representing all attempts to- wards opening a communication with the remote re- gions of the earth as utterly impracticable. But, however imperfect or inaccurate the geogra- phical knowledge which the Greeks and Romans had acquired may appear, in respect of the present im- proved state of that science, their progress in discovery will seem considerable, and the extent to which they carried navigation and commerce must be reckoned great, when compared with the ignorance of early times. As long as the Roman empire retained such vigour as to preserve its authority over the conquered nations, and to keep them united, it was an object of public policy, as well as of private curiosity, to exa- mine and describe the countries which composed this great body. Even when the other sciences began to decline, geography, enriched with new observations, and receiving some accession from the experience of every age, and the reports of every traveller, continued to improve. It attained to the highest point of per- fection and accuracy to which it ever arrived in the ancient world, by the industry and genius of Ptolemy the philosopher. He flourished in the second century of the Christian era, and published a description of the terrestrial globe, more ample and exact than that of any of his predecessors. But, soon after, violent convulsions began to shake the Roman state ; the fatal ambition or caprice of Constantine, by changing the seat of government, di- vided and weakened its force ; the barbarous nati ns, which Providence prepared as instruments to over- turn the mighty fabric of the Roman power, began to assemble, and to muster their armies on its frontier ; I itions, ice of inued f per- in the lolemy ntury ion of n that shake Irice of ]nt, di- latLns, over- began (ontier ; / f OF AMERICA. 21 (he empire tottered to its fall. During this decline and old age of the Roman state, it was impossible that the sciences should go on improving. The efforts of genius were, at that period, as languid and feeble as those of government. From the time of Ptolemy, no considerable addition seems to have been made to geographical knowledge, nor did any important revo* lution happen in trade, excepting that Constantinople, by its advantageous situation, and the encouragement of the eastern emperors, became a commercial city of the first note. At length, the clouds which had been so long gathering round the Roman empire, burst into a storm. Barbarous nations rushed in from several quarters with irresistible impetuosity, and, in the general wreck, occasioned by the inundation which overwhelmed Europe, the arts, sciences, inventions, and discoveries of the Romans, perished in a great measure, and disap- peared. All the various tribes, which settled in the different provinces of the Roman empire, were unci- vilized, strangers to letters, destitute of arts, unac- quainted with regular government, subordination, or laws. The manners and institutions of some of them were so rude, as to be hardly compatible with a state of social union. Europe, when occupied by such in- habitants, may be said to have returned to a second infancy, and had to begin anew its car^ r, in im- provement, science, and civility. The first effect of the settlement of those barbarous invaders was to dis- solve the union by which the Roman power had ce- mented mankind together. They parcelled out Eu- rope into many small jnd independent states, differ- ing from each other in language an». customs. No intercourse subsisted between the members of those divided and hostile communities. Accustomed to a simple mode of life, and averse to industry, they had few wants to supply, and few superfluities to dispose of. The names of i^tranger and enemy became once more words of the same import. Customs every where prevailed, and even laws were established, which an lii^ I i! 1 22 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST rendi^red it disac-reeable and dangle rous ht visit anv foreign country. Cities, in which alon : an ^^.ytensive commerce can oe carried on, were few, iist: .usidera- ble, and -lestituie of those immurr'ties wlich prcdnr?; security or excite enterprise. The sciences, on which geography and liavigation ara fountl^.d, wc.«, little cu!- tivat«}d. The accounts of a^ ':^.ent iinprovements and discoveries, contained in the Greek and Eo^nan au- thors, were neglected or misunder tood. The kiiow- ledge of rrmote regions was lost; rheiv situation, theii coiaraoditiv."^, and almost theirnarnes^ were Mnkni.> u. On?} circumstance prevented commercial initrcourse '•vkh di».\i^t nations from ceasing altogether. Con- starsr Jiople. though often threatened by the fierce in- vailei? M ho spread desolation over the rest of Europe, was k\) fortunate as to escape their destructive rage. In that city, the knowledge of ancient arts and dis- coveries was preserved ; a taste for splendour and elegance subsisted ; the productions and luxuries of foreign countries were in request; and commerce con- tinued to flourish there when it was almost extinct in every other part of Europe. The citizens of Con- stantinople did not conBne their trade to the islands of the Archipelago, or to the adjacent coasts of Asia ; they took a wider range, and following the course which the ancients had marked out, imported the commodities of the East Indies from Alexandria. When Egypt was torn from the Roman empire by the Arabians, the industry of the Greeks discovered a new channel, by which the productions of India might be conveyed to Constantinople. They were carried up the Indus, as far as that great river is na- vigable ; thence they were transported by land to the banks of the river Oxus, and proceei<^,d down its stream to the Caspian sea. There* " entered the Volga, and sailing up it, were carrier land to the Tanais, •; Mch conducted them " t'? : e Euxine sea, where ils from Constantinoa e ^^^ted their arri- val. This extraordinary and ted. ' mode of con- veyance merits attention, not on! li a proof of the OF AMERICA. 23 ddis- r and •ies of s con- nct in Con- ands Asia ; course the ndria. ire by ered a Indiii were is na- to the /vn its ^ed the i violent passion which the inhabitants of Constantino- ple had conceived for the luxuries of the east, and as a specimen of the ardour and ingenuity with which they carried on commerce; but because it demon- strates, that during the ignorance which reigned in the rest of Europe, an extensive knowledge of remote countries was still preserved in the capital of the Greek empire. At the same time, a gleam of light and knowledge broke in upon the east. The Arabians, having con- tracted some relish for the sciences of the people whose empire they had contributed to overturn, trans- lated the books of several of the Greek philosophers into their own lano^uagre. One of the first was that valuable work of Ptolemy, which I have already men- tioned. The study of geography became, of conse- quence, an early object of attention to the Arabians. But that acute and ingenious people cultivated chiefly the speculative and scientific parts of geogra- phy. In order to ascertain the figure and dimensions of the terrestrial globe, they applied the principles of geometry, they had recourse to astronomical observa- tions, they employed experiments and operations, which Europe, in more enlightened times, has been proud to adopt and to imitate. At that period, how* ever, the fame of the improvements made by the Ara- bians did liot reach Europe. The knowledge of their discoveries was reserved for ages capable of compre- hending and of perfecting them. By degrees the calamities and desolation brought upon the western provinces of the Roman empire by its barbarous conquerors, were forgotten, and in some mea?urp repa'w^d- The rude tribes which settled t' .io acqui.ino; insensibly some idea of regular go- vernment, and sr me relish for the functions and com- forts of civil life, Europ' began to awake from its torpid and inactive state. The Erst symptoms of re- vival were discerned in Italy. The northern tribes which took possession of this country, made progress in improvement with greater rapidity than the people S4 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST settled in other parts of Europe. Various causes, which it is not the object of tliis work to enumerate or explain, concurred in restoring liberty and indepen- dence to the cities of Italy. The acquisition of these roused industry, and gave motion and vigour to all the active powers of the human mind. Foreign com- merce revived, navigation was attended to and im- proved. Constantinople became the chief mart to which the Italians resorted. There they not only met with a favourable reception, but obtained sucli mercantile privileges as enabled them to carry on trade with great advantage. They were supplied both with the precious commoditie ; of the East, and with many curious manufactures, the product of an- cient arts and ingenuity which still subsisted among the Greeks. As the labour and expense of convey- ing the product'ons of India to Constantinople by that long and inairect course which I have described, rendered them extremely rare, and of an exorbitant price, the industry of the Italians discovered other methods of procuring them in greater abundance, and at an easier rate. They sometimes purchased them :j Aleppo, Tripoli, and other ports on the coast of Syria, to which they were brought by a route not un- known to the ancients. They were conveyed from India by sea, up the Persian gulf, and asctadiug the Euphrates and Tigris, as far as Bagdat, were carried by land across the desert of Palmyra, and from thence to the towns on the Mediterranean. But, from the length of the journey, and the dangers to which the caravans were exposed, this proved always a tedious, and often a precarious mode of conveyance. At length the soldans of Egypt, having revived the com- merce with India in its ancient channel, by the Ara- bian gulf, the Italian merchants, notwithstanding the violent antipathy to each other with which Christians and the followers of Mahomet were then possessed, repaired to Alexandria, and enduring, from the love of gain, the insolence and exactions of the Pvlaho- metans, established a lucrative trade in that port. \ I OP AMERICA. 25 ses, B or )en- ;iese )all om- im- t to only such f on plied , and an- nong ivey- le by ribed, bitant other and hem ast of un- from the Tried ence i the the ious, At om- Ara- the Itians sed, love ho- ort. From that period, the commercial spirit of Italy be- came active and enterprising. Venice, Genoa, Pisa rose, from inconsiderable towns, to be populous and wealthy cities. Their naval power increased ; their vessels frequented not only all the ports in the Medi- terranean, but, venturing sometimes beyond the Straits, visited the maritime towns of Spain, France, the Low Countries, and England ; and, by distri- buting their commodities over Europe, began to com- municate to its various nations some taste for the va- luable productions of the east, as well as some ideas of manufactures and arts, which were then unknown be- yond the precincts of Italy. While the cities of Italy v/ere thus advancing in their career of improvement, an event happened, the most extraordinaiy, perhaps, in the history of mankind, which, instead 0/ retarding the commercial progress of the Italians, rendered it more rapid. The marl'al spirit of the Europeans, heightened and inflamed by religious zeal, prompted them to attempt the deliver- ance of the Holy Land from the dominion of infidels. Vast armies, composed of all the nations in Europe, marched towards Asia, upon this wild enterprise. 1 he Genoese, the Pisans, and Venetians, furnished the transports which carried them thither. They supplied them with provisions and military stores. Besides the immense sums which they received on this account, they obtained commercial privileges and establish- ments, of great consequence in the settlements whi'^^ the Crusaders made in Palestine, and in other pro- vinces of Asia. From those sources, prodigious wealth flowed into the cities which 1 have mentioned. This was accompanied with a proportional increase of power ; and, by the end of the Holy War, Venice, in particular, became a great maritime state, possessing an extensive commerce, and ample territodes. Italy wa.'. .he only country in which the Crusaders con- tribute d to revive and diffuse such a spirit as prepared Europe for future discoveries. By their expeditions into Asia, the other European nations became well \ i i is DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST acquainted wj♦^ remote regions, which formerly they knew only Im n^/nt,, or by the reports of ignorant and credulous pi-g-ini ;>. They had an opportunity of ob- servitij? the manners, the arts, and the accommoda- tions, of people more polished than themselves. This intercourse between the East and West subsisted al- most two centuries. The adventurers who returned irom Asia communif Jw»* lu ihei- countrymen the ideas which they had acquired, and the habits of life they had contracted, by visiting more refined nations. The Europeans began to be sensible of wants, with which they were formerly unacquainted : new desires were excited ; and such a taste for the commodities and arts of other countries gradually spread among them, that they not only encouraged the resort of foreigners to their harbours, but began to perceive the advantage and necessity of applying to commerce themselves. This communication, which was opened .tween Europe and the western provinces of Asia, encouraged several persons to advance far beyond the countries in vi'hich the Crusaders carried on their operations, and to travel by land into the more remote and opulent regions of the East. The wild fanaticism which seems, at that period, to have muigled in all the schemes of individuals, tio less than in all the counsels of nations, first inc^trjd mci to eL r upon those long and dan^ gerous peregrinations. They were afterwards under- taken from prospects of commercial advantage, or from mot; es of mere rjriosity. Benjamin, a Jew of Tudela,in the kingdom cf Navarre, possessed with a superstitious veneratior ^ >i the law of Mo3es, and solicitous to visit hi '^ourtrymen in the east, whom he hoped to find i cli i state of power and opu- lence as might redcuad u the honour of his sect, set out from Spain in the year 1160, and travelling by land to Constantinople, proceeded through the coun- tries to the north of the Euxine and Caspian seas, as far as Chinese Tartary. From thence he took his ortiitK n rM I o ft d r vailUU3 v lent ems, Des of ions, dan- nder- c, ov Jew with and hom opu- ;, set igby Boun- s, as k his OF AMERICA. fHi frovinces of the farther India, he embarked on tlie ndian ocean, visited several of its islands, and re- turned at the end of thirteen years by the way of Egypt, to Europe, with much information concerning a large district of the globe, altogether unknown at that time to the western world. The zeal of the head of the Christian church co-operated with the supersti- tion of Benjamin the Jew, in discovering the interior and remote provinces of Asia. All Christendom having been alarmed with, accounts of the rapid pro- gress of the Tartar arms under Zengis Khan, Inno- cent IV. who ent tained most exalted ideas concern- ing the plenitude of his own power, and the submis- sion due to his injunctions, sent father John de Piano Carpini, at the head of a mission of Franciscan monks, and father Ascolino, at the head of another of Domi- nicans, to enjoin Kayuk Khan, the grandson of Zen- gis, who was then at the head of the Tartar empire, to enibrace the Christian faith, and to desist from de- &olating the earth by his arms. The haughty de- scendant of the greatest conqueror Asia had ever beheld, astonished at this strange mandate from an Italian priest, whose name and jurisdiction were alike iknown to him, received it with the contempt which it merited, though he dismissed the mendicants who delivered it with impunity. But, as they had pene- trated into the country by diflPerent routes, and fol- lowed for some time the Tartar camps, v/hlch were always in motion, they had opportunity of visaing a great part of Asia. Carpini, who proceeded by the way of Poland and Russia, travelled through its northern provinces as far as the extremities of Thibet. Ascolino, who seems to have landed somewhere in Syria, advanced through its southern provinces, into the interior parts of Persia. Not long after St. Louis of France contributed farther towards extending the knowledge which the Europeans had begun to aci}uire of those distant regions. Some designing impostor, who took advan- tage of the slender acquaintance of Christendom with 28 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST the state and character of the Asiatic nations, having informed him that a powerful khan of the Tartars had embraced the Christian faith, the monarch listened to the tale with pious credulity, and instantly resolved to send ambassadors to this illustrious convert, with a view of enticing him to attack their common enemy the Saracens in one quarter, while he fell upon them in another. As monks were the only persons in that age who possessed such a degree of knowledge as qualified them for a service of this kind, he employed ill it father Andrew, a Jacobine, who was followed by father William de Rubruquis, a Franciscan. With respect to the progress of the former, there is no me- morial extant. The journal of the latter has been published. He was admitted into the presence of Mangu, the third khan in succession from Zengis, and made a circuit through the interior parts of Asia, more extensive than that of any European who had hitherto explored them. To those travellers, whom religious zeal sent forth to visit Asia, succeeded others who ventured into re- mote countries, from the prospect of commercial ad- vantage, or from motives of mere curiosity. The first and most eminent of these was Marco Polo, a Vene- tian of a noble family. Having engaged early in trade, according to the custom of his country, his aspiring mind wished for a sphere of activity more extensive than was afforded to it by the established traffic carried on in those ports of Europe and Asia, which the Venetians frequented. This prompted him to travel into unknown countries, in expectation of opening a commercial intercourse with them, more suited to the sanguine ideas and hopes of a young adventurer. As his father had already carried som<% European commodities to the court of the Great Khan of^ the Tartars, and had disposed of them to advantage, he resorted thither. Under the protection of Kublay Khan, the most powerful of all the successors of Zen- gis, he continued his mercantile perngrinations in Asia ^oung rian the k, he [ublay Zen- Asia OF AMCKICA. 80 upwards of twenty-six years; and, during that time, advanced towards the east, far beyond the utmost boundaries to which any European traveller had ever proceeded. He passed through the chief trading cities in the more cultivated parts of Asia, and penetrated to Cambalu, or Peking, the capital of the great kingdom of Cathay, or China, subject at that time to the successors of Zengis. On his return, he as- tonished his contemporaries with his v. scriptions of vast regions, whose names had never been heard of in Kurope, and with such pompous accounts of their fertility, their populousness, their opulence, the variety of their manufactures, and the extent of their trade, as rose far above the conception of an uninformed age. . . About half a century after Marco Polo, Sir John Mandeville, an Englishman, encouraged by his ex- ample, visited most of the countries in the east which he had described, and, like him, published an account of them. The narrations of those early travellers abound with many wild incoherent tales, concerning giants, enchanters, and monsters. But they were not, from that circumstance, less acceptable to an ignorant age, which delighted in what was marvel- lous. The wonders which they told, mostly on hear- say, filled the multitude with admiration. The facts which they related from their own observation at- tracted the attention of the more discerning. The former, which may be considered as the popular tra- ditions and fables of the countries through which they had passed, were gradually disregarded as Europe advanced in knowledge. The latter, however in- credible some of them may have appeared in their own time, have been confirmed by the observations of modern travellers. By means of both, however, the curiosity of mankind was excited with respect to the remote parts of the earth ; their ideas were enlarged, and they were not only insensibly disposed to attempt new discoveries, but received such information as di- 33 DISCOVERY AND CONQUESl rected to that particular course ia which these were afterwards carried on. While this spirit was gradually forming in Europe, a fortunate discovery was made, which contributed more than all the efforts 9 ud ingenuity of preceding ages, to improve and to extend navigation. That wonderful property of the magnet, by which it com- municates such virtue to a needle or slender rod of iron, as to point towards the poles of the earth, was observed. The use which migrht be made of this in directing navigation was immediately perceived. That valuable but now familiar instrument, the mariner's compass, was constructed. When, by means of it, navigators found that, at all seasons, and in every place, they could discover the north and south with so much ease and accuracy, it became no longer ne- cessary to depend merely on the light of the stars and the observation of the sea-coast. They gradually abandoned their ancient timid and lingering course along the shore, ventured boldly into toe ocean, and, relying on this new guide, could steer in the darkest night, and under the most cloudy sky, with a security and precision hitherto unknown. The compass may be said to have opened to man the dominion of the sea, and to have put him in full possession of the earth, by enabling him to visit every part of it. Flavio Gioia, a citizen of Amalfi, a town of considerable trade in the kingdom of Naples, was the author of this great discovery, about the year 1302. It hath been often the fate of those illustrious benefactors of mankind, who have enriched science and improved the arts by their inventions, to derive more reputation than benefit from the happy efforts of their genius. But the lot of Gioia has been still more cruel ; through the inattention or ignorance of contemporary histo- rians, he has been defrauded even of the fame to which he had such a just title. We receive from them no information with respect to his profession, his character, the precise time when he made this impor- I OP AMERICA. 31 tant discovery, or the accidents and inquiries which led to it. Many causes combined in preventing this beneficial invention from producing its full effect in- stantaneously. Men relinquish ancient habits slowly, and with reluctance. They are avirse to new ex- periments, and venture upon them with timidity. The commercial jealousy of the Italians, it is probable, la- boured to conceal the happy discovery of their coun- tryman from otber nations. The art of steering by the compass with such skill and accuracy as to in- spire a full confidence in its direction, was acquired gradually. Sailors, unaccustomed to quit sight of land, durst not launch out at once and commit themselves to unknown seas. Accordingly, near half a century elapsed from the time of Gioia's discovery, before navigators ventured into any seas which they had not been accustomed to frequent. The first appearance of a bolder spirit may be dated from the voyages of the Spaniards to the Canary or Fortunate Islands. By what accident they were led to the discovery of those small isles, which lie near five hundred miles from the Spanish coast, and above a hundred and fifty miles from the coast of Africa, contemporary writers have not explained. But, about the middle of the fourteenth century, the people of all the difiPerent kingdoms into which Spain was then di- vided, were accustomed to make piratical excursions thither, in order to plunder the inhabitants, or to carry them oflf as slaves. Clement VI. in virtue of the right claimed by the holy see, to dispose of all coun- tries possessed by infidels, erected those isles into a kingdom, in the year 1344, and conferred it on Lewis de la Cerda, descended from the royal family of Castile. But that unfortunate prince, destitute ot power to assert his nominal title, having never visited the Canaries, John de Bethencourt, a Norman baron, obtained a grant of them from Henry III. of Castile. Bethencourt, with the valour and good fortune which distinguished the adventurers of his country, attempted and effected the conquest -, and the possession of the ii DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST Canaries remained for some time in his family, as a fief held of the crown of Castile. Previous to this expedition of Bethencourt, his countrymen settled in Normandy are said to have visited the coast of Africa, and to have proceeded far to the south of the Canary Islands. But their voyages thither seem not to have been undertaken in consequence of any public or regular plan for extending navigation and attempting new discoveries. They were either excursions sug- gested by that roving piratical spirit, which descended to the Normans from their ancestors, or the commer- cial enterprises of private merchants, which attracted so little notice, that hardly any memorial of them is to be found in contemporary authors. At length the period arrived, when Providence de- creed that men were to pass the limits within which they had been so long confined, and open to them- selves a more ample field wherein to display their talents, their enterprise, and courage. The first con- siderable efforts towards this were not made by any of the more powerful states of Europe, or by those who had applied to navigation with the greatest assi- duity and success. The glory of leading the way in this new career, was reserved for Portugal, one of the smallest and least powerful of the European kingdoms. As the attempts of the Portuguese to acquire the knowledge of those parts of the globe with which man- kind were then unacquainted, not only improved and extended the art of navigation, but roused such a spi- rit of curiosity and enterprise, as led to the discovery of the New VVorld, of which I propose to write the history, it is necessary to take a full view of the rise, the progress, and success, of their various naval opera- tions. It was in this school that the discoverer of America was trained ; and unless we trace the steps by which his instructors and guides advanced, it will be irnpossible to comprehend the circumstances which suggested the idea or facilitated the execution of his great design. Various circumstances prompted the Portuguese to 1 ! ill OP AMERICA. exert their activity in this new direction, and enabled them to accomplish undertakings appaiently superior to the natural force of their monarchy. The kings of Portugal, having driven the Moors out of their domi- nions, had acc[uired powder, as well as glory, by the success of their arms against the infidels. By their victories over them, they had extended the royal au- thority beyond the narrow limits within which it was originally circumscribed in Portugal, as well as in other feudal kingdoms. They had the command of the national force, could rouse it to act with united vigour, and, after the expulsion of the Moors, could employ it without dread of interruption from any do- mestic enemy, fiy the perpetual hostilities carried on for several centuries against the Mahometans, the martial and adventurous spirit, which distinguished all the European nations duri.ig the middle ages, was improved and heightened among the Portuguese. A fierce civil war towards thf close of the fourteenth century, occasioned by a uisputed succession, aug- mented the military ardour of the nation, and formed or called forth men of such active and daring genius, as are fit for bold undertakings. The situation of the kingdom, bounded on every side by the dominions of a more powerful neighbour, did not aflford free scope to the activity of the Portugjuese by land, as the strength of their monarchy was no match for that of Castile. But Portugal was a maritime state, in which there were many commodious harbours ; the people had begun to make game progress in the knowledge and practice of navigation ; and the sea was open to theiii, presenting the only field of enterprise in which they could distinguish themselves. Such was the state of Portugal, and such the dispo- sition of the people, when John 1., surnemed the Bastard, obtained secure possession of the crown l«y the peace concluded with Castile, in the year 1411. He was a prince of great merit, who, by superior couraCjC and abilities, had opened his way to a chrono, which of right did not belong to him. He instantly 'm^K # 34 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST fterreived that it would be impossible to preserve pub- ic order, or domestic tranquillity, without finding some employment for the restless spirit of his subjects. With this view he assembled a numerous fleet at Lisbon, composed of all the ships which he could fit out in his own kingdom, and of many hired from foreigners. This great armament was destined to attack the Moors settled on the coast of Barbary. While it was equipping, a few vessels were appointed to sail along the western shore of Africa bounded by the Atlantic ocean, and to discover the unknown countiies situated there. From this inconsiderable attempt, we may date the commencement of that spirit of discovery, which opened the barriers that had so long shut out mankind from the knowledge of one half of the terrestrial globe. At the time when John sent forth these ships on tliis new voyage, the art of navigation was still very imperfect. Though Africa lay so near to Portugal, and the fertility of the countries already known on that continent invited men to explore it more fuily, the Portuguese had never ventured to sail beyond Cape Non, That promontory, as its name imports, was h'therto considered as a boundary "hich could not be passed. But th^j nations of Europe had now acquired as much knowledge as emboldened them to disregard the prejudices and to correct the errors of their ancestors. The light of science began to dawn. The works of the ancient Greeks and Romans began to be read with admiration and profit. The sciences cultivated by the Arabians were introduced into Europe by the Moors settled in Spain and Portugal, and by the Jews, who were very numerous in both these kingdoms. Geometry, astronomy, and geo- graphy, the sciences on which the art of navigation is founded, became objects of studious attention. The memory of the discoveries made by the ancients was revived, and the progress of their navigation and com- merce began to be traced. Some of the causes which have obstructed the cultivation of science in Portugal, 1:^ I C f f s ii h n w al m th IWi. OF AMERICA. 35 during this century and the last, did not exist, or did not operate in the same manner, in tho fifteenth cen- tury; and the Portuguese, at that period, seem to have kept pace with other nations on this side of the Alps in literary pursuits. As the genius of the age favoured the execution of that new undertaking, to which the peculiar state of the country -nvited the Portuguese, it proved success- ful. The vessels sent on the discovery doubled that formidable Cape, which had terminated the progress of former navigators, and proceeded a hundred and sixty miles beyond it, to Cape Bojador. As its rocky clifft*, which stretched a considerable way into the Atlantic, appeared more dreadful than the promontory which they had passed, the Portuguese commanders durst not attempt to sail round it, but returned to Lisbon, more satisfied with having advanced so far, than ashamed of having ventured no farther. Inconsiderable as this voyage was, it increased the passion for discovery, which began to arise in Portu- gal. The fortunate issue c^" the king's expedition against the Moors ol Barbary, added strength to tliat spirit in the nation, and pushed it on to new under- takings. In order to render these successful, it was necessary that they should be conducted by a person who possessed abilities capable of discerning what W'as attainable, who enjoyed leisure to form a regular system for prosecuting discovery, and who was ani- mated with ardour that would persevere in spite of obstacles and repulses. Happily for Portugal, she found all those qualities in Henry duke of Viseo, the fourth son of king John by Philippa of Lancaster, sister of Henry IV. king of England. That prince, in his early youth, having accompanied his father in his expedition to Barbary, distinguished himself by many deeds of valour. To the martial spirit, which was the characteristi : of every man of noble birth at that time, he add rha interest of Portugal, were malevolent and ill founded. But, in order to silence all the murmurs of oppo- sition, he endeavoured to obtain the sanction of the highest authority in favour of his operations. With this view he applied to the pope, and represented, in pompous terms, the pious and unwearied zeal with which he had exerted himself during twenty years, in discovering unknown countries, the wretched inha- bitants of which were utter strangers to true religion, wandering in heathen darkness, or led astray by the delusions of Mahomet. Pie besought the holy father, to whom, as the vicar of Christ, all the kingdoms of the earth were subject, to confer on the crown of Portugal a right to all the countries possessed by infidels, which should be discovered by the industry of its subjects, and subdued by the force of its arms. He entreated him to enjoin all Christian powers, under the highest I»en' Jlies, not to molest Portugal while engaged in this aiidahlt enterprise, and to prohibit them from settling m it.v cf the countries which the Portuguese should dicicovf^r. He promised that, in all their expeditions, it should be the chief object of his countrymen to spread the knowledge of the Christian religion, to esta- blish the authority of the holy see, and to increase the flock of the universal pastor. As it was by improving with dexterity every favourable conjuncture for ac- quiring new powers, that the court of Rome had gradually extended its usurpations, Eugene IV. the pontiff to whom this application was made, eagerly seized the opportunity which now presented itself. He insiantly perceived, that, by complying with Prince Henry's request, he might exercise a prerogative no less flattering in its own nature, than likely to prove beneficial in its consequences. A bull was accordingly issued, in which, after applauding in the strongest terms the past efforts of the Portuguese, and exhorting them to proceed in that laudable career on which they ^^ i u OF AMERICA. 41 to 1- Kt pope, in the pleni- d n-ht to confer it. 0. the advantages ion. His schemed the bull approving had entered, he granted them an exclusive right to all the countries which they should li :;over, from Cape Non to the continent of Indip Extravagant as this donation compreheading such a large portion of '' p ha^ 'table «rlobe, would now appear, even in Cathc c • '"''-, mO person in the fifteenth century doubted th tude of his apostolic po' ' Prince Henry was sook which he denved from this tr: were authorized and sanctifitv. of them. The spirit of discovery vas connected with zeal for religion, which, in that age, was a principle of such activity and vigour, as to influence the conduct of nations. All Christian princes were deterred from intruding into those countries which the Portuguese had discovered, or from interrupting the progress of their navigation and conquests. The fame of the Portuguese voyages soon spread over Europe. The learned and speculative reasoned and formed theories concerning those unexpected dis- coveries. The vulgar inquired and wondered ; while enterprising adventurers .crowded from every part of Europe, soliciting Prince Henry to employ them in this honourable service. Many Venetians and Genoese, in particular, who were at that time superior to all other nations in the science of naval affairs, entered aboard the Portuguese ships, and acquired a more perfect and extensive knowledge of their profession in that new school of navigation. In emulation of these foreigners, the Portuguese exerted their own talents. The nation seconded the designs of the prince. Private merchants formed companies, with a view to search for unknown countries. The Cape de Verd islands, which lie off the promontory of that name, were dis- covered", and soon after the isles called Azores. As the former of these are above three hundred miles from the African coast, and the latter nine hundred miles from any continent, it is evidentj by their venturing IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 Ik 1^ m 2.2 I.I It: us 112.0 m. — I'-^ i'-^ ^ 6" ► V] 71 ^l. ? ><^ (? / Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 \ V '^1*^^ °^>. ^1.^^ ^i; S"^ 42 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST so boldly into the open seas, that the Portuguese had, by this time, improved greatly in the art of navigation. While the passion for engaging in new undertakings was thus warm and active, it received an unfortunate check by the death of Prince Henry, whose superior knowledge had hitherto directed all the operations of the discoverers, and whose patronage had encouraged ^ and protected them. But notwithstandino; all the advantages which they derived from these, the Portu- guese, during his life, did not advance, in their utmost progress towards the south, within five degrees of the equinoctial line ; and after their continued exertions for half a century, hardly fifteen hundred miles of the coast of Africa were discovered. To an age acquainted with the efforts of navigation in its state of maturity and improvement, those essays of its early years must necessarily appear feeble and unskilful. But incon- siderable as tney may be deemed, they were sufficient to turn the curiosity of the European nations iuto a new channel, to excite an enterprising spirit, and to point the way to future discoveries. Alphonso, who possessed the throne of Portugal at the time of Prince Henry's death, was so much en- gaged in supporting his own pretensions to the crown of Castile, or in carrying on his expeditions against the Moors in Barbary, that the force of his kingdom being exerted in other operations, he could not prosecute the discoveries in Africa with ardour. He committed the conduct of them to Fernando Gomez, a merchant in Lisbon, to whom he granted an exclusive right of commerce with all the countries of which Prince Henry had taken possession. Under the restraint and oppres'- sion of a monopoly, the spirit of discovery languished. It ceased to be a national object, and became the con- cern of a private man, more attentive to bis own gain, than to the glory of his country. Some progress, how- ever, was made. The Portuguese ventured at length to cross the line, and, to their astonishment, found that region of the torrid zone, which was supposed to be OF AMERICA. 4S hat be scorched with intolerable heat, to be not only habi< table, but populous and fertile. John II. who succeeded his father Alphonso, pos- sessed talents capable both of forming and executing great designs. As part of his revenues, while prince, had arisen from duties on the trade with the newly- discovered countries, this naturally turned his atten- tion towards them, and satisfied him with respect to their utility and importance. In proportion as his knowledge of these countries extetided, the possession of them appeared to be of greater consequence. W hiie the Portuguese proceeded along the coast of Africa, from Cape Non to the river Senegal, they found all that extensive tract to be sandy, barren, and thinly inhabited by a wretched people, professing the Maho- metan religion, and -subject to the vast empire of Morocco. But to the south of that river, the power and religion of the Mahometans were unknown. The country was divided into small independent princi- palities, the population was considerable, the soil fertile, and the Portuguese soon discovered that it produced ivory, rich gums, gold, and other valuable commodities. By the acquisition of these, commerce was enlarged, and became more adventurous. Men, animated and rendered active by the certain prospect of gain, pursued discovery with greater eagerness, than when they were excited only by curiosity and hope. This spirit derived no small reinforcement of vigour from the countenance of such a monarch as John. Declaring himself the patron of every attempt towards discovery, he promoted it with all the ardour of his grand-uncle Prince Henry, and with superior power. Tile effects of this were immediately felt. A powerful fleet was fitted out, which, after discovering the king- doms of Benin and Congo, advanced above fifteen hundred miles beyond the line, and the Portuguese, for the first time, beheld a new heaven, and observed the stars of another hemisphere. John was not only solicitous to discover, but attentive to secure the pos- session of, those countries. He built forts on the coast 44 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST of Guinea ; he sent out colonies to settle there ; he established a commercial intercourse with the more powerful kingdoms ; he endeavoured to render such as were feeble or divided, tributary to the crown of Por- tugal. Some of the petty princes voluntarily acknow- ledged themselves his vassals. Others were compelled to do so by force of arms. A regular and well-digested system was formed with respect to this new object of policy, and by firmly adhering to it, the Portuguese power and commerce in Africa were established upon a solid foundation. By their constant intercourse with the people of Africa, the Portuguese gradually acquired some know- ledge of those parts of that country which they had not visited. Tlie information which they received from the natives, added to what they had observed in their own voyages, began to open prospects more ex- tensive, and to suggest the idea of schemes more important, than those which had hitherto allured and occupied them. They had detected the error of the ancients concerning the nature of the torrid zone. They found as they proceeded southwards, that the contment of Africa, mstead of extending in breadth, according to the doctrine of Ptolemy, ^ *hat time the oracle and guide of the learned in the nee of geo- graphy, appeared sensibly to contract itself, and to bend towards the east. This induced them to give credit to the accounts of the ancient Phenician voyages round Africa, which had long been deemed fabulous, and led them to conceive hopes, that, by following the same route, they might arrive at the East Indies, and engross that commerce which has been the source of wealth and power to every nation pos- sessed of it. The comprehensive genius of Prmce Henry, as we may conjecture from the words of the pope's bull, had early formed some idea of this navi- gation. But though his countrymen, at that period, were incapable of conceiving the extent of his views and schemes, all the Portuguese mathematicians and pilots now concurred in representing them as well OF AMERICA. 45 he by ^ast founded and practicable. The king entered with warmth into their sentiments, and began to concert measures for this arduous and important voyage. Before his preparations for this expedition were finished, accounts were transmitted from Africa, that various nations along the coast had mentioned a mighty kmgdom situated on their continent, at a great distance towards the east, the king of which, according to their description, professed the Christian relidon. The Portuguese monarch immediately con- cluded, that this must be the emperor of Abyssinia, to whom the Europeans, seduced by a mistake of Ru- bruquis, Marco Polo, and other travellers to the east, absurdly gave the name of Prester or Presbyter John ; and, as he hoped to receive information and assistance from a Christian prince, in prosecuting a scheme that tended to propagate their common faith, he resolved to open, if possible, some intercourse with his court. With this view, he made choice of Pedro de Covillam and Alphonso de Payva, who were perfect masters of the Arabic language, and sent them into the east to search for the residence of this unknown potentate, and to make him proffers of friendship. They had in charge likewise to procure whatever intelligence the nations which they visited could supply, with respect to the trade of India, and the course of navigation to that continent. While John made this new attempt by land, to obtain some knowledge of the country which he wished so ardently to discover, he did not neglect the prosecution of this great design by sea. The conduct of a voyage for this purpose, the most arduous and important which the Portuguese had ever projected, was committed to Bartholomew Diaz, an officer whose sagacity, experience, and fortitude, rendered him equal to the undertaking. He stretched boldly towards the south, and, proceeding beyond the ut- most limits to which his countrymen had hitherto advanced, dbcovered near a thousand miles of i\ew 40 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST country, and at last descried that lofty promontory which bounds Africa to the south. But to descry it was all that he had in his power to accomplish. The vio- lence of the winds, the shattered condition of his ships, and the turbulent spirit of the sailors, compelled him to return after a voyage of sixteen months, in which he discovered a far greater extent of country than any former navigator. Diaz had called the promontory which terminated his voyage, Cabo Tormentoso, or the Stormy Cape ; but the king, his master, as he now entertained no doubt of having found the long-desired route to India, gave it a name more inviting, and of better omen. The Cape of Good Hope, Those sanguine expectations of success were con- firmed by the intelligence which John received over land, in consequence of his embassy to Abyssinia. Covillam ard Payva, in obedience to their master's instructions, had repaired to Grand Cairo. From that city t'ucy travelled along with a caravan of Egyp. tian merchants, and, embarking on the Red sea, arrived at Aden in Arabia. There they separated ; Payva sailed directly towards Abyssinia ; Covillam embarked for the East Indies, and, having visited Calecut, Goa, and other cities on the Malabar coast, returned to Sofala, on the east side of Africa, and thence to Grand Cairo, which Payva and he had fixed upon as their place of rendezvous. Unfortu- nately the former was cruelly murdered in Abyssinia, but Covillam found at Cairo two Portuguese Jews, whom John, whose provident sagacity attended to every circumstance that could facilitate the execu- tion of his schemes, had despatched after them, in order to receive a detail of their proceedings, and to communicate to them new instructions. By one of these Jews, Covillam transmitted to Portugal a jour- nal of his travels by sea and land, his remarks upon the trade of India, together with exact maps of the coasts on which he had touched ; and from what he himself had observed, as well as from the information OF AMERICA. 47 lad iia. to m to of >on he lion of skilfu seamen in different countries, he concluded* that, by sailing round Africa, a passage might be found to the East Indies. The happy coincidence of Covillam*s opinion and report, with the discoveries which Diaz had lately made, left hardly any shadow of doubt with respect to the possibility of sailing from Europe to India. But the vast length of the voyage, and the furious storms which Diaz had encountered near the Cape of Good Hope, alarmed and intimidated the Portuguese to such a degree, although by long experience they were now become adventurous and skilful mariners, that some time was requisite to prepare their minds for this dangerous and extraordinary voyage. The courage however and- authority of the monarch gra- dually dispelled the vain fears of his subjects, or made it necessary to conceal them. As John thought himself now upon the eve of accomplishing that great design, which had been the principal object of his reign, his earnestness in prosecuting it became so ve- hement, that it occupied his thoughts by day, and bereaved him of sleep through the night. While he was taking every precaution that his wisdom and ex- perience could suggest, in order to insure the success of the expedition, which was to decide concerning the fate of his favourite project, the fame of the vast dis- coveries which the Portuguese had already made, the reports concerning the extraordinary intelligence which they had received from the east, and the prospect of the voyage which they now meditated, drew the at- tention of all the European nations, and held them in suspense and expectation. The Venetians began to be disquieted with the apprehension of losing their Indian commerce, the monopoly of which was the chief source of their power as well as opulence, and the Portuguese already enjoyed in fancy the wealth of the east. But, during this interval, which gave such scope to the various workings of curiosity, of hope, and of fear, an account was brought to Europe of an event no less extraordinary than unexpected, the «1 48 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST difcuvery of a New World situated in the west ; and the eyes and admiration of mankind turned imme- diately towards that great object. BOOK II. V Among the foreigners whom the fame of the disco- veries made by (he Portuguese had allured into their service, was Christopher Colon, or Columbus, a sub- ject of the rCj^ublic of Genoa. Neither the time nor place of his birth are known with certainty ;* but he was descended of an honouraoie tamily, though re- duced to indigence by various misfortunes. His an- cestors havine betaken themselves for subsistence to a seafaring life, Columbus discovered in his early youth the peculiar character and talents which mark out a roan for that profession. His parents, instead of thwarting this original propensity of his mind, seem to have encouraged and confirmed it, by the educa- tion which they gave him. After acquit ing some knowledge of the Latin tongue, the only language in which science was taught at that time, he was in- structed in geometry, cosmography, astronomy, and the art of drawing. To these he applied with such ardour and predilection, on account of their con- nexion with navigation, his favourite object, that he advanced with rapid proficiency in the study of them. Thus qualified, he went to sea at the age of fourteen. and began his career on that element which conducted him to so much glory. His early voyages were to those ports in the Mediterranean which his country- men the Genoese frequented. This being a sphere too narrow for his active mind, he made an excursion to the northern seas, and visited the coasts of Iceland, to which the English and other nations had begun to resort on account of its fishery. As navigation, in * From two letten addretsed by Columbus to Ferdinand and Isa- belto. Robemon con«ldert him to have been born in the year 1447. But Wa«hlUirton Irving, in his Life of Columbus, Axes the period of his birth about the year I43A. OF AMERICA. 40 leen, cted fe to itry- too In to ind, Into „ in Isa- JI447. lod of every direction, was now become enterprising, he pro- ceeded beyond that island, the Thule of the ancients, and advanced several degrees within the polar circle. Having satisfied his curiosity by a voyage which tended more to enlarge his knowledge of naval affairs than to improve his fortune, he entered into the ser- vice of a famous sea-captain, of his own name and family. This man commanded a small squadron fitted out at his own expense, and by cruising some- times against the Mahometans, sometimes against the Venetians, the rivals of his country in trade, had ac- quired both wealth and reputation. With him Colum- bus continued for several years, no less distinguished for his courage, than for his experience as a sailor. At length, in an obstinate engagement off the coast of Portugal, with some Venetian caravals, returning richly laden from the Low Countries, the vessel on board which he served took fire, together with one of the enemy's ships, to which it was fast grappled. In this dreadful extremity his intrepidity and presence of mind did not forsake him. He threw himself into the sea, laid hold of a floating oar, and by the support of it, and his dexterity in swimming, he reached the shore, though above two leagues distant, and saved a life reserved for great undertakings. As soon as he recovered strength for th Jriumey, he repaired to Lisbon, where many of his couc crymen were settled. They soon conceived such a favourable opinion of his merit, cs well as talents, that they warmly solicited him to remain in that kingdom, where his naval skill and experience could not fail of rendering him conspicuous. Columbus listened with a favourable ear to the advice of his friends, and hav- ing gained the esteem of a Portuguese lady, whom he married, fixed his residence in Lisbon. This alliance, instead of detaching him from a seafaring life, con- tributed to enlarge the sphere of his naval knowledge, and to excite a desire of extending it still farther. His wife was a daughter of Bartholomew Perestrello, one of the captains employed by Prince Henry in his Q 50 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST early navigalions, and who, under his protection, had discovered and planted the islands of Porto Santo and Madeira. Columbus got possession of the journals and charts of this experienced navigator, and from them he learned the course which the Portuguese had held in making their discoveries, as well as the various circumstances which guided or encouraeed them in their attempts. The study of these soothed and in- flamed his favourite passion ; and while he contem- plated the maps, and read the descriptions of the new countries which Perestrello had seen, his impatience to visit them became irresistible. In order to indulge it, he made a voyage to Madeira, and continued dur- ing several years to trade with that island, with the Canaries, the Azores, the settlements in Guinea; and all the other places which the Portuguese had dis- covered on the continent of Africa. y By the experience which Columbus acquired dur- ing such a variety of voyages, to almost every part of the globe with which, at that time, any intercourse was carried on by sea, he was now become one of the most skilful navigators in Europe. His mind, naturally inquisitive, and capable of deep reflection, was so often employed in revolving the principles upon which the Portuguese had founded their schemes or discovery, and the mode in which they bad carried them on, that he gradually began to form an idea of improving upon their plan, and of accomplishing dis- coveries which hitherto they had attempted in vain. To find out a passage by sea to the East Indies, was the great object in view at that period. From the time that the Portuguese doubled Cape de Verd, this was the point at which they aimed in all their naviga- tions : but they searched for it only by steering towards the south, in hopes of arriving at India, by turning to the east, after they had sailed round the farther ex- tremity of Africa. This course was still unknown, and, even if discovered, was of such immense length, that a voyage from Europe to India must have ap- peal ed» at that period, an undertaking extremely ar- OF AMERICA. W^ Ithe ip. duoiis, and of very uncertain issue. More than half a century bad been employed in advancing fiom Cape Nou to the equator ; a much longer space of time might elapse before the more extensive naviga- tion from that to India could be accomplished. These reflections upon the uncertainty, the danger, and te- diousness, ot the course which the Portuguese were pursuing, naturally led Columbus to consider whether a shorter and more direct passage to the East Indies might not be found out. After revolving long and seriously every circumstance suggested by his supe- rior knowledge in the theory as well as practice of na- vigation ; after comparing attentively the observations of modern pilots with the hints and conjectures of ancient authors, he at last concluded, that by sailing directly towards the west, across the Atlantic ocean, new countries, which probably formed a part of the great continent of India, must infallibly be discovered. Principles and arguments of various kinds, and derived from different sources, induced him to adopt this opinion, seemingly as chimerical as it was new and extraordinary. The spherical figure of the earth was known, and its magnitude ascertained with some degree of accuracy. From this it was evident that the continents of Europe, Asia, and Africa, as far as they were known at that time, formed but a small portion of the terr?iqueous globe. It was suitable to our ideas concerning the wisdom and beneficence of the Author of Nature, to believe that the vast space still unexplored was not covered entirely by a waste unprofitable ocean, but occupied by countries fit for the habitation of man. It appeared likewise extremely probable, that the continent, on this side of the globe, was balanced by a proportional quantity of land in the other hemisphere. These conclusions concern- ing the existence of another continent, drawn from the figure and structure of the globe, were conBrmed by the observations and conjectures of modern navi- gators. A Portuguese pilot, having stretched farther to the west than was usual at that time, took up a piece R2 DISCOVKUY AND CONQUEST of timber artificially carved, floating upon the sea, and as it was driven towards him by a westerly wind, he concluded that it came from some unknown land situated in that quarter. Columbus's brother-in-law had found, to the west of the Madeira Isles, a piece of timber fashioned in the same manner, and brought by the same wind ; and had seen likewise canes of an enormous size floating upon the waves, which re- sembled those described by Ptolemy as productions peculiar to the East Indies. After a course of wes- terly winds, trees, torn up by the roots, were often driven upon the coasts of the Azores; and at one time, the dead bodies of two men with singular fea- tures, resembling neither the inhabitants of Europe nor of Africa, were cast ashore there. As the force of this united evidence, arising from theoretical principles and practical observations, led Columbus to expect the discovery of new countries in the western ocean, other reasons induced him to be- lieve that these must be connected with the continent of India. Though the ancients had hardly ever pe- netrated into India farther than the banks of the Ganges, yet some Greek authors had ventured to de- scribe the provinces beyond that river. As men are prone, and at liberty, to magnify what is remote or unknown, they represented them as regions of an im- mense extent. The journal of Marco Polo, who had proceeded towards the east far beyond the limits to which any European had ever advanced, seemed to confirm these exaggerations of the ancients. From these accounts, which, however defective, were the most accurate that the people of Europe had received at that period, with respect to the remote parts of the east, Columbus drew a just conclusion. He con- tended, that in proportion as the continent of India stretched out towards the east, it must, in consequence of the spherical figure of the earth, approach nearer to the islands which had lately been discovered to the west of Africa ; that the distance from the one to the Other was probably not very considerable ; and that OF AMERICA. |^ the most direct as well as shortest course to the re- mote region? of the east, was to be found by sailing due west. This notion concerning the vicinity of In- dia to the western parts of our continent, was counte- nanced by some eminent writers among the ancients, the sanction of whose authority was necessary, in that age, to procure a favourable reception to any tenet. After weighing all these particulars, Columbus, in whose character the modesty and diffidence of true genius were united with the ardent enthusiasm of a projector, did not rest with such absolute assurancq either upon his own arguments, or upon the authority of the ancients, as not to consult such of his contem- poraries as were capable of comprehending the natu < of the evidence which he produced in support of his opinion. As early as the year 1474, he communi- cated his ideas concerning the probability of discover- ing new countries, by sailing westwards, to Paul, a physician of Florence, eminent for his knowledge of cosmography, and who, from the learning as well as candour which he discovers in his reply, appears to have been well entitled to the confidence which Co- lumbus placed in him. He warmly approved of the plan, suggested several facts in confirmation of it, and encouraged Columbus to persevere in an undertaking so laudable, and which must redound so much to the honour of his country, and the benefit of Europe. Fully satisfied himself with respect to the truth of his system, he was impatient to bring it to the test of experiment, and to set out upon a voyage of discovery. The first step towards this was to secure the patronage of some of the considerable powers in Europe, capa- ble of undertaking such an enterprise. As long ab- sence had not extinguished the affection which he bore to his native country, he wished that it should reap the fruits of his labours and invention. With this view, he laid his scheme before the senate of Ge- noa, and making his country the first tender of his service, offered to sail under the banners of the re- public, in quest of the new regions which he ex- Ri DISCOVERY AxND CONQUEST pected to discpver. But Columbus had resided fur so many years in foreign parts, that his countrymen were unacquainted with his abilities and character. They inconsiderately rejected his proposal, as the dream of a chimerical projector, and lust for ever the opportunity of restoring their commonwealth to its ancient splendour. '^ . Having performed what was due to his country, Columbus made his next overture to John II. king of Portugal, in whose dominions he had been long esta- blished, and whom he considered, on that account, a» having the second claim to his service. Here every circumstance seemed to promise him a more favoura- ble reception. In Portugal, the professional skill of Columbus, as well as his personal good qualities, were thoroughly known : and as the former rendered it probable that his scheme was not altogether visionary, the latter exempted him from the suspicion of any si- nister intention in proposing it. Accordingly, the king listened to him in the most gracious manner, and referred the consideration of his plan to Diego Ortiz, bishop of Ceuta, and two Jewish physicians, eminent cosTuographers, whom he was accustomed to consult in matters of this kind. As, in Genoa, ignorance had opposed and disappointed Columbus ; in Lisbon, he had to combat with prejudice, an enemy no less for- midable. The persons, according to whose decision his scheme was to be adopted or rejected, had been the chief directors of the Portuguese navigations, and had advised to search for a passage to India, by steer- ing a course directly opposite to that which Columbus recommended as shorter and more certain. They could not, therefore, approve of his proposal, without submitting to the double mortiBcation of condemning their own theory, and acknowledging his superior sa- gacity. After starting innumerable objections, with a view of betraying him into such a particular expla- nation of his system, as might draw from him a full discovery of its nature, they deferred passing a final judgment with respect to it. lu the mean time, tliey OP AMERICA. ^ DlDg r sa- 4 m with pla- full T'i iDal liev i I conspired to rob him of the boDour and advantages which he expected from the success of his scheme, advising the king to despatch a vessel secretly, in order to attempt the proposed discovery, by following ex- actly the course which Columbus seemed to point out. John, forgetting on this occasion the sentiments be- coming a monarch, meanly adopted this perfidious counsel. But the pilot chosen to execute Columbus's plan had neither the genius nor the fortitude of its author. Contrary winds arose, no sight of approach- ing land appeared, his courage failed, and he returned to Lisban, execrating the project as equally extrava- gant and daogerous. Upon discovering this dishonourable transaction, Columbus felt the i^idignation natural to an ingenu- ous mind, and in the warmth of his resentment de- termined to break off all intercourse with a nation capable of such flagrant treachery. He instantly quitted the kingdom, and landed m Spain towards the close of the year 1484, resolved to propose his scheme in person to Ferdinand and Isabella, who at that time governed the united kingdoms of Castile and Arragon. But as he had already experienced the uncertain issue of application to kings and minis- ters, he took the precaution of sending into England his brother Bartholomew, to whom he had fully com- municated his ideas, in order that he might negotiate, at the same time, with Henry VII. who was reputed one of the most sagacious as well as opulent princes in Europe. It was not without reason that Columbus entertained doubts and fears with respect to the reception of his proposals in the Spanish court. Spain was, at that juncture, engaged m a dangerous war with Granada^ the last of the Moorish kingdoms in that country. The wary and suspicious temper of Ferdiaand was not formed to relish bold or uncommon designs. Isabella, though more generous and enterprising, was under the influence of her husband in all her actions. The ^Spaniards had hitherto made no efforts to extend na- 56 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST vigatioD beyond its ancient limits, the war with the infidels affording an ample field to the national activity and love of glory. Under circumstances so unfavour- able, it was impossible for Columbus to make rapid ?)rogress with a nation naturally slow and dilatory in brming all its resolutions. His character, however, was admirably adapted to that of the people whose confidence and protection he solicited. He was grave, though courteous in his deportment ; circumspect in his words and actions ; irreproachable in his morals ; and exemplary in his attention to all the duties and functions of religion. By qualities so respectable, he not only gained many private friends, but acquired such general esteem, that, notwithstanding the plain- ness of his appearance, suitable to the mediocrity of his fortune, he was not considered as a mere adven- turer, to whom indigence had suggested a visionary project, but was received as a person to whose propo- sitions serious attention was due. Ferdinand and Isabella, though fully occupied by their operations against the Moors, paid so much re- gard to Columbus, as to remit the consideration of his plan to the queen's confessor, Ferdinand de Talavera. He consulted such of his countrymen as were supposed best qualified to decide with respect to a subject of this kind. Some of them, from mistaken notions con- cerning the dimensions of the globe, contended that a voyage to those remote parts of the east which Colum- bus expected to discover, could not be performed in less than three years. Others concluded, that either he would find the ocean to be of infinite extent, ac- cording to the opinion of some ancient philosophers ; or if he should persist in steering towards the west beyond a certain point, that the convex figure of the globe would prevent his return, and that he must in- evitably perish, in the vain attempt to open a commu- nication between the two opposite hemispheres, which nature had for ever disjoined. Many rejected the scheme in |;eneral, upon the credit of a maxim under which the ignorant and unenterprising shelteF them- OP AMERICA. 5T leiu- seives in every age, * That it is presumptuous in any person, to suppose that he alone possesses knowledge superior to all the rest of mankind united.' It required all Columbus's patience and address to negotiate with men capable of advancing such strange propositions. He had to contend not only with the obstinacy of ignorance, but with what is still more intractable, the pride of false knowledge. After innu- merable conferences, and wasting five years in fruitless endeavours to inform and to satisfy judges so little capable of deciding with propriety, Talavera, at last, made such an unfavourable report to Ferdinand and Isabella, as induced them to acquaint Columbus, that until the war with the Moors should be brought to a period, it would be imprudent to engage in any new and extensive enterprise. Whatever care was taken to soften the harshness of this declaration, Columbus considered it as a final rejection of his proposals. Though he felt deeply tho cruel blow given to his hopes, and retired immediately from a court, where he had been amused so long with vain expectations, his confidence in the justness of his own system did not diminish, and his impatience to demonstrate the truth of it by an actual experiment, became greater than ever. Having courted the pro- tection of sovereign states without success, he applied next to persons of inferior rank, and addressed succes- sively the dukes of Medina Sidonia and Medina Celi. His negotiations with them proved as fruitless as those in which he had been hitherto engaged ; for these noblemen were either as little convinced by (Colum- bus's arguments as their superiors, or they were afraid of alarming the jealousy and offending the pride of Ferdinand, by countenancing a scheme which he had rejected. Amid the painful sensations occasioned by such a succession of disappointments, Columbus had to sustain the additional distress of having received no accounts of his brother, whom he had sent to the court of Eng- land. In his voyage to that country, Bartholomew / 58 DISCOVERS AND CONQUEST had been so unfortunate as to fall into the hands of pirates, who having stripped him of every thing, de- tained him a prisoner for several years. At lenorth he made his escape, and arrived in London. He laid before the king the proposals with which he had been intrusted by his brother, and, notwithstanding Henry's excessive caution and parsimony, which rendered him averse to new or extensive undertakings, he received Columbus's overtures with more approbation than any monarch to whom they had hitherto been presented. Meanwhile, Columbus being unacquainted with his brother's fate, and having now no prospect of encou- ragement in Spain, resolved to visit the court of Eng- land in person. He had already made preparations for this purpose, and taken measures for the disposal of his children during his absence, when Juan Perez, the guardian of the monastery of Rabida, near Palos, in which they had been educated, earnestly solicited him to defer his journey for a short time. Perez was a man of considerable learning, and of some credit with Queen Isabella, to whom he was known personally. He was warmly attached to Columbus, with whose abilities as well as integrity he had many opportunities of being acquainted. Prompted by curiosity or by friendsliip, he entered upon an accurate examination of his system, in conjunction with a physician settled in the neighbourhood, who was a considerable profi- cient in mathematical knowledge. This investigation satisfied them so thoroughly, with respect to the solidity of the principles on which Columbus founded his opinion, and the probability of success in executing the plan which he proposed, that Perez ventured to write to Isabella, conjuring her to consider the matter anew with the attention which it merited. Moved by the representations of a person whom she respected, Isabella desired Perez to repair immediately to Santa Fe, in which, on account of the siege ot Granada, the court resided at that time, that she might confer with him upon this important subject. The first eiFect of their inteiview was a s:racious invitation - >4 OF AMERICA. 69 she itely (e ot light The Ition of Columbus back to court, accompanted with the present of a small sum to equip him for the journey. As there was now a certain prospect that the war with the Moors would speedily be brought to a happy issue by the reduction ot Granada, which would leave the nation at liberty to engage in new undertakings ; this, as well as the mark of royal favour with which Colum- bus had been lately honoured, encouraged his friends to appear with greater confidence than formerly in support of his scheme. The chief of these, Alonso de Quintanilla, comptroller of the finances in Castile, and Luisde Santangel, receiver of the ecclesiastical reve- nues in Arragon, whose meritorious zeal in promoting this great design entitles their names to an honourable place in history, introduced Columbus to many per- sons of high rank, and interested them warnriiy in his behalf. But it was not an easy matter to inspire Ferdinand with favourable sentiments. He still regarded Colum- bus's project as extravagant and chimerical ; and in order to render the efforts of his partisans ineffectual, he had the address to employ, in this new negotiation with him, some of the persons who had formerly pro- nounced his scheme to be impracticable. To their astonishment, Columbus appeared before them with the same confident hopes of success as formerly, and insisted upon the same high recompence. He proposed that a small fleet should be fitted out, under his com- mand, to attempt the discovery, and demanded to be appointed hereditary admiral and viceroy of all the seas and lands which he should discover, and to have the tenths of the profits arising from them settled irre- vocably upon himself and his descendants. At the same time, he offered to advance the eighth part of the sum necessary for accomplishing his design, on con- dition that he should be entitled to a proportional share of benefit from the adventure. If the enterprise should totally miscarry, he made no stipulation for any re- ward or emolument whatever. Instead of viewing this uuuci as the clearest evidence of his full persuasion CO-^" 60 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST with respect to the truth of his own system, the persons with whom Columbus treated began meanly to cal- culate the expense of the expedition, and the value of the reward which he demanded. The expense, mo- derate as it was, they represented to be too gr"?at for Spain in the present exhausted state of its finar^ces. They contended that the honours and emoluments claimed by Columbus were exorbitant, even if he should perform the utmost of what he had promised ; and if all his sanguine hopes should prove illusive, such vast concessions to an adventurer would be deemed not only inconsiderate, but ridiculous. In this imposing garb of caution and prudence, their opinion appeared so plausible, and was so warmly supported by Ferdinand, that Isabella declined giving any coun- tenance to Columbus, and abruptly broke off the negotiation with him which she had begun. This was more mortifying to Columbus than all the disappointments which he had hitherto met with. He withdrew in deep anguish from court, with an inten- tion of prosecuting his voyage to England as his last resource. About that time Granada surrendered, and Ferdi- nand and Isabella, in triumphal pomp, took possession of a city, the reduction of which extirpated a foreign power from the heart of their dominions, and rendered them masters of all the provinces, extending from the bottom of the Pyrenees to the frontiers of Portugal. As the flow of spirits which accompanies success ele- vates the mind, and renders it enterprising, Quintanilla and Santangel, the vigilant and discerning patrons of Columbus, took advantage of this favourable situation, in order to make one effort more in behalf of their friend. They addressed themselves to Isabella, and after expressing some surprise that she, who had always been the munificent patroness of generous undertak- ings, should hesitate so long to countenance the most splendid scheme that had ever been proposed to any monarch, they represented to her, that if now she did not decide instantly, the opportunity would be irre- OF AMiltlCA. CI any did in trievably lost; that Columbus was on bis way to foreign countries, where some prince, more fortunate or adventurous, would close with his proposals, and Spain would for ever bewail that fatal timidity which had excluded her from the glory and advantages that she had once in her power to have enjoyed. These forcible arguments, urged by persons of such autliority, and at a juncture so well chosen, produced the desired effect. They dispelled all Isabella's doubts and fears ; she ordered Columbus to be instantly re- called, declared her resolution of employing him on his own terras, and regretting the low estate of her finances, generously offered to pledge her own jewels, in order to raise as much money as might be needed in making preparations for the voyage. Santangel, in a transport of gratitude, kissed the queen's hand, and in order to save her from having recourse to such a mortifying expedient for procuring money, engaged to advance immediately the sum that was requisite. Columbus had proceeded some leagues on his jour- ney, when the messenger from Isabella overtook him. Upon receiving an account of the unexpected resolu- tion in his favour, he returned directly to Santa Fe, though some remainder of diffidence still mingled itself with his joy. But the cordial reception which he met with from Isabella, together with the near prospect of setting out upon that voyage which had so long been the object of his thoughts and wishes, soon effaced the remembrance of all that he had suffered in Spain, during eight tedious years of solicitation and suspense. The negotiation now went forward with facility and despatch, and a treaty or capitulation with Columbus was signed on the 1 7th of April, 1492. The chief articles of it were: — 1. Ferdinand and Isabella, as sovereigns of the ocean, constituted Columbus their high admiral in all the seas, islands, and continents, which should be discovered by his industry ; and stipu- lated that he and his heirs for ever should eniov this office, with the same powers and belonged to the hi&:h admiral of enjoy tnis prerogatives which Castile, within the 02 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST limits of his jurisdiction. 2. They appointed Columbus their viceroy in all the islands and continents which he should discover; but if, for the better administration of affairs, it should hereafter be necessary to establish a separate governor in any of those countries, they authorized Columbus to name three persons, of whom they would choose one for that office ; and the dignity of viceroy, with all its immunities, was likewise to be hereditary in the family of Columbus. 3. They granted to Columbus and his heirs for ever, the tenth of the free profits accruing from the productions and com- merce of the countries which he should discover. 4, They declared, that if any controversy or law-suit shall arise Wjth fespect to any mercantile transaction in the counl^es'Which should be discovered, it should be determined ;i)y the sole authority of Columbus, or of judges to be appointed by him. 5. They permitted Columbus to advance one-eighth part of what should be expended in preparing for the expedition, and in carrying on commerce with the countries which he should discover, and entitled him, in return, to an eighth part of the profit. Though the name of Ferdinand appears conjoined with that of Isabella in this transaction, his distrust of Columbus was still so violent that he refused to take any part in the enterprise as king of Arragon. As the whole expense of the expedition was to be de- frayed by the crown of Castile, Isabella reserved for her subjects of that kingdom an exclusive right to all the benefits which might redound from its success. , As soon as the treaty was signed, Isabella, by her attention and activity in forwarding the preparations for the voyage, endeavoured to make some reparation to Columbus for the time which he had lost m fruit- less solicitation. By the 12th of May, all that de- pended upon her was adjusted; and Columbus waited on the king and queen in order to receive their final instructions. Every thing respecting the desti- nation and conduct of the voyage, they committed implicitly to the disposal of his prudence. But that 1 OP AMERICA. 03 an de- for all her ions Ition ruit- jde- Ibus leir ;sti- Itted that they might avoid giving any just cause of offence to the king of Portugal, they strictly enjoined him not to approach near to the Portuguese settlements on the coast of Guinea, or in any of the other countries to which the Portuguese claimed right as the disco- verers. Isabella had ordered the ships, of which Co- lumbus was to take the command, to be fitted out in the port of Palos, a small maritime town in the pro- vince of Andalusia. As the guardian, Juan Perez, to whom Columbus had already been so much indebted, resided in the neighbourhood of this place, he, by the influence of that good ecclesiastic, as well as by his own connexion with the inhabitants, not only raised among them what he wanted of the sujgouthat he was bound by treaty to advance, but engaged se- veral of them to accompany him in the voyage. The chief of these associates were three brothers of the name of Pinzon, of considerable wealth, and of great experience in naval affairs, who were willing to hazard their lives and fortunes in the expedition. But, after all the efforts of Isabella and Columbus, the armament was not suitable, either to the dignity of the nation by which it was equipped, or to the importance of the service for which it was destined. It consisted of three vessels. The largest, a ship of no considerable burthen, was commanded by Colum- bus, as admiral, who gave it the name of Santa Maria, out of respect for the blessed Virgin, whom he ho- noured with singular devotion. Of the second, called the Pinto, Martin Pinzon was captain, and his brother Francis pilot. The third, named the JVtgna, was under the command of Vincent Yanez Pinzon. These two were light vessels, hardly superior in bur- then or force to large boats. This squadron, if it merits that name, was victualled for twelve months, and had on board ninety men, mostly sailors, together with a few adventurers who followed the fortune of Columbus, and some gentlemen of Isabella's court, whom she appointed to accompany him. Though the expense of the undertaking was one of the cir < 01 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST cumstances which chiefly alarmed the court of Spain, the sum employed in fitting out this squadron did not exceed 4000/. Columbus pushed forwards the preparations with such ardour, and was seconded so effectually by the persons to whom Isabella committed the superinten- dance of this business, that every thing was soon in readiness for the voyage. But as he was deeply im* pressed with sentiments of religion, he would not set out upon an expedition so arduous, and of which one great object was to extend the knowledge of the Christian faith, without imploring publicly the gui- dance and protection of Heaven. With this view, he, together with all the persons under his command, marched in solemn procession to the monastery of Habida. After confessing their sins, and obtaining absolution, they received the holy sacrament from the hands of the guardian, who joined his prayers to theirs for the success of an enterprise which he had so zealously patronized. Next morning, being Friday the 3d day of August, in the year 1492, Columbus set sail, a little before sun- rise, in presence of a vast crowd of spectators, who sent up their supplications to Heaven for the pros- perous issue of the voyage, which they wished rather than expected. Columbus steered directly for the Canary islands, and even in this short run, the ships were found to be so crazy and ill-appointed, as to be very improper for a navigation whicn was expected to be both long and dangerous. Columbus refitted them, however, to the best of his power, and having supplied himself with fresh provisions, he took his de- parture from Gomera, one of the most westerly of the Canaries, on the 6th day of September. Here the voyage of discovery may properly be said to begin ; for Columbus holding his course due west, left immediately the usual track of navigation, and stretched into unfrequented and unknown seas. The first day, as it was very calm, he made but little way ; but on the second, he lost sight of the Canaries : and OP AMERICA. 65 many of the sailors, dejected already and diamayed, when they contemplated the boldness of the under- taking, began to beat their breasts, and to shed tears, as if they were never more to behold land. Columbus comforted them with assurances of success, and the prospect of vast wealth, in those opulent regions whitner he was conducting them. To unskilful Spanish sailors, accustomed only to coasting voyages in the Mediterranean, the maritime science of Colum- bus, the fruit of thirty years' experience, improved by an acquaintance with all the inventions of the Portu- guese, appeared immense. As soon as they put to sea, he regulated every thing by his sole authority ; he superintended the execution of every order : and allowmg himself only a few hours for sleep, he was at all other times upon deck. As his course lay through seas which had not formerly been visited, the sound- ing-line, or instruments for observation, were continu- ally in his hands. After the example of the Portu- guese discoverers, he attended to the motion of tides and currents, watched the flight of birds, the appear- ance of fishes, of sea-weeds, and of every thing that floated on the waves, and entered every occurrence, with a minute exactness, in the journal which he kept. As the length of the voyage could not fail of alarming sailors habituated only to short excursions, Columbus endeavoured to conceal from them the real progress which they made. With this view, though they run eighteen leagues on the second day after they left Gomera, he gave out that they had advanced only fifteen, and he uniformly employed the same artifice of reckoning short during the whole voyage. By the 14th of September, the fleet was above two hundred leagues to the west of the Canary Isles, at a greater distance from land than any Spaniard had been be- fore that time. There they were struck with an appearance no less astonishing than new. They ob- served that the magnetic needle, in theif compasses, did not point exactly to the polar star, but "varied towards the west j and as they proceeded, this va- H m |PMf€')VBRY ANU CONQUEST nation increased, i'dis appearance filled the compa- nions of Columbus wiih terror. They were now in a bounrogres3, and concealed dangerous rocks, or some arge tract of land, which had sunk, they knew not how, in that place. Columbus endeavoured to per- suade them, that what had alarmed, ought rather to have encouraged them, and was to be considered as a sign of approaching land. At the same time, a brisk gale arose, and carried them forward. Several birds were seen hovering about the ' ir, and directed their flight toward the west. The dc^, ' i" crew r^ sumed some degree of spirit, am' c ;^..^ u entertain fresh hopes. Upon the 1st of October they were, according to >■'' ' * H? fold them, that the direction of the needle was not to the Polar Stai-, jiut tosoi.ne fixed and invisible point; the variation, therefore. wa« " - caused by 9ny fallacy in the compass, but by the movement or the Forth Star i(;v. .» nhich, like the other heavenly bodies, had its revolu- ti9ns, and e* ciy day described a circle round the pole. ^i 5 8 1; OP AMERICA. (57 Ing to «c Polar fore.wM ]t or the revoltt- the admiral's reckouuig, seven hundred and seventy leagues to the w« st of the ^ > naries ; but lest his men should be intimidated by the prodigious length of the navigation, he gave out that they had proceeded only five hundred and eighty-four leagues; and, fortu- nately for Columbus, neither his own pilot, nor those of the other ships, had skill sufficient to correct this error, and discover the deceit. They had now been above three weeks at sea ; they had proceeded far beyond what former navigators had attempted or deemed possible ; all their prognostics of discovery, drawn from the flight of birds and other circumstances, had proved fallacious ; the appearances of land, with which their own credulity or the artifice of their com- mander had from time to time flattered and mused them, had been altogether illusive, and their prospect of success seemed now to be as distant as ever. These reflections occurred often to men, who had no )ther object or occupation than to reason and discourse con- cerning the intention and circumstances of their ex- pedition. They made impression, at first, upon he Ignorant and timid, and extending, by degrees, to such as were better informed or more resolute, the contagion spread at length from ship to ship. From secret whispers or murmurings, they proceeded to open cabals and public complaints. They contended that it was necessary to think of returning to Spain, while their crazy vessels were still in a condition to keep the sea, but expressed their fear that the attempt virould prove vain, as the wind, which had hitherto been so favourable to their course, must render it im- possible to sail in the opposite direction. All agreed that Columbus should be compelled by force to adopt a measure op which their common safety depended. Columbus was fully sensible of his perilous situa- tion. He retained, however, perfect presence of mind. Sometimes he employed all the arts of insinuation, to sootli his men. Sometimes he endeavoured to work upon their ambition or avarice, bv magnificent descrip- 6» DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST tions of the fame and wealth which they were about to acquire. On other occasions, he assumed a tone of authority, and threatened them with vengeance from their sovereign, if, by their dastardly behaviour, they should defeat this noble effort to promote the glory of God, and to exalt the Spanish name above that of every other nation. Even with seditious sailors, the words of a man whom they had been accustomed to reverence, were weighty and persuasive, and not only restrained them from those violent excesses which they meditated, but prevailed with them to accom- pany their admiral for some time longer. As they proceeded, the indications of approaching land seemed to be more certain, and excited hope in proportion. The birds began to appear in flocks, making towards the ?outh-west. Columbus, in imi- tation of the Portuguese navigators, who had been guided in several of their discoveries, by the motion of birds, altered his course from due west towards that quarter whither they pointed their flight. But, after holding on for several days in this new direction, with- out any better success than formerly, having seen no object, during thirty days, but the sea and the sky, the hopes of his companions subsided faster than they had risen ; their fears revived with additional force ; impatience, rage, and despair, appeared in every countenance. All sense of subordination was lost : the officers, who had hitherto concurred with Colum- bus in opinion, and supported his authority, now took part witii the private men : they assembled tumultu- ously on the deck, expostulated with their commander, mingled threats with their expostulations, and re- quired him instantly to tack about and return to Eu- rope. Columbus perceived that it would be of no avail to have recourse to any of his former arts, which having been tried so often had lost their effect. He therefore promised solemnly to his men that he would comply with their request, provided they would ac- company him, and obey his command for three days OF AMERICA. G9 longer, and if, daring that time, land were not dis- covered, he would then abandon the enterprise, and direct his course towards Spain. » Enraged as the sailors were, and impatient to turn their faces again towards their native country, this proposition did not appear to them unreasonable. Nor did Columbus hazard much in confining himself to a term so short. The presages of discovering land were now so numerous and promising, that he deemed them infallible. For some days the sounding line reached the bottom, and the soil which it brought up indicated land to be at no great distance. The flocks of birds increased, and were composed not only of sea-fowl, but of such land birds as could not be sup- posed to fly far from the shore. The crew of the Pinta observed a cane floating, which seemed to have been newly cut, and likewise a piece of timber artifi- cially carved. The sailors aboard the Nigna took up the branch of a tree with red berries, perfectly fresh. The clouds around the setting sun assumed a new appearance ; the air was more mild and warm, and, during night, the wind became unequal and variable. From all these symptoms, Columbus was so confident of being near land, that on the evening of the 11th of October, after public prayers for success, he ordered the sails to be furled, and the ships to lie tu, keeping strict watch, lest they should be driven ashore in the niffht. A little after midnight the joyful sound of land ! Itmd ! was heard from the Pinta, which kept always ahead of the other ships. But having been so often deceived by fallacious appearances, every man was now become slow of belief, and waited in all the an- guish of uncertainty and impatience, for the return of day. As soon as morning dawned, all doubts and fears were dispelled. From every ship an island was seen about two leagues to the north, whose flat and verdant fields, well stored with wood, and watered with many rivulets, presented the aspect of a delight- ful country. The crew of the Pinta instantly began 70 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST the Te Deum, as a hymn of thanksgiving to God, and were joined by those of the other ships, with tears of joy and transports of congratulation. This office of gratitude to Heaven was followed by an act of jus- tice to their commander. They threw themselves at the feet of Columbus, with feelings of self-condemna- tion mingled with reverence. And passing, in the warmth of their admiration, from one extreme to an- other, they now pronounced the man, whom they had so lately reviled and threatened, to be a person in- spired by Heaven with sagacity and fortitude more than human, in order to accomplish a design so far beyond the ideas and conception of all former ages. As soon as the sun arose, all their boats were manned and armed. They rowed towards the island with their colours displayed, with warlike music, and other mar- tial pomp. As they approached the coast, they saw it covered with a multitude of people, whose attitudes and gestures expressed wonder and astonishment at the strange objects which presented themselves to their view. Columbus was the first European who set foot in the New World which he had discovered. He landed in a rich dress, and with a naked sword in his hand. His men followed, and kneeling down, they all kissed the ground which they had so long de- sired to see. They next erected a crucifix, and pros- trating themselves before it, returned thanks to God for conducting their voyage to such a happy issue. They then took solemn possession of the country for the crown of Castile and Leon, with all the formali- ties which the Portuguese were accustomed to observe in acts of this kind, in their new discoveries. The Spaniards, while thus employed, were sur- rounded by many of the natives, who gazed, in silent admiration, upon actions which they could not com- prehend, and of which they did not foresee the con- sequences. The dress of the Spaniards, the whiteness of their skins, their beards, their arms, appeared strange and surprising. The vast machines in which they had traversed the ocean, that seemed to move upon •';*i. e sur- silent com- le con- iteness Strange they upon OF AMERICA. li ft the waters with wings, and uttered a dreadful, sound resembling thunder, accompanied with lightning and smoke, struck them with such terror, that they began to respect their new guests as a superior order of be- ings, and concluded that they were children of the sun, who had descended to visit the earth. The Europeans were hardly less amazed at the scene now before them. Every herb, and shrub, and tree, was different from those which flourished in Europe. The soil seemed to be rich, but bore few marks of cultivation. The climate, even to the Spa- niards, felt warm, though extremely delightful. 1 he inhabitants appeared in the simple innocence of na- ture, entirely naked. Their black hair, long and un- curled, floated upon their shoulders, or was bound in tresses around their heads. They had no beards, and every part of their bodies was perfectly smooth. Their complexion was of a dusky copper colour, their fea- tures singular, rather than disagreeable, their aspect gentle and timid. Though not tall, they were well- shaped and active. Their faces, and several parts of their body, were fantastically painted with glaring co- lours. They were shy at first through fear, but soon became familiar with the Spaniards, and with trans- ports of joy received from them hawksbells, glass beads, or other baubles, in return for which they gave such provisions as they had, and some cotton yarn, the only commodity of value that they could produce. To- wards evening, Columbus returned to his ship, ac- companied by many of the islanders in their boats, which they called canoez^ and though rudely formed out of the trunk of a single tree, they rowed them with surprising dexterity. Columbus, who now assumed the title and autho- rity of admiral and viceroy, called the island which he had discovered San Salvador, It is better known by the name of Guanahani, which the natives gave to it, and is one of that large cluster of islands called the Lucaya or Bahama isles. It is situated above three thousand miles to the west of Gomera, from which •4 .-•II 72 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST the squadron took its departure, and only four de^ees to the south of it ; so little had Columbus deviated from the westerly course, which he had chosen as the most proper. 4 Columbus employed the next day in visiting the coasts of the island ; and from the universal poverty of the inhabitants, he perceived that this was not the rich country for which he sought. But, conformably to his theory concerning the discovery of those regions of Asia which stretched towards the east, he concluded that San Salvador was one of the isles which geogra- phers described as situated in the great ocean adjacent to India. Having observed that most of the people whom he had seen wore small plates of gold, by way of ornament, in their nostrils, he eagerly inquired where they got that precious metal. They pointed towards the south, and made him comprehend by signs, that gold abounded in countries situated in that quarter. Thither he immediately determined to direct his course, in full confidence of finding there those opulent regions which had been the object of his voyage, and would be a recompense for all his toils and dangers. He took along with him seven of the natives of San Salvador, that, by acquiring the Spa- nish language, they might serve as guides and inter- preters ; and those innocent people considered it as a mark of distinction when they were selected to accom- pany him. He saw several islands, and touched at three of the largest, on which he bestowed the names of St. Mary of the Conception, Feruandina, and Isabella. He in- quired every where for gold, and the signs that were uniformly made by way of answer, confirmed him in the opinion that it was brought from the south. He followed that course, and soon discovered a country which appeared very extensive, not perfectly level, like those which he had already visited, but so diver- sified with rising grounds, hills, rivers, woods, and plains, that he was uncertain whether it might prove an island, or part of the continent. The natives of ;iiy.'..,:^i^"^i^'4v. ■■■? were im in He untry evel, iver- and )rove 3S of OF AMERICA. 73 San Salvador, whom he had on board, called it Cuba ; Columbus gave it the name of Juana. He entered the mouth of a large river with his squadron, and all the inhabitants Had to the mountains as he approached the shore. But as he resolved to careen his ships in that place, he sent some Spaniards, together with one of the people of San Salvador, to view the interior part of the country. They, having advanced above sixty miles from the shore, reported, upon their return, that the soil was richer and more cultivated than any they had hitherto discovered ; that, besides many scat- tered cottages, they had found one village, containing above a thousand inhabitants ; that the people, though naked, seemed to be more intelligent than those of San Salvador, but had treated them with the same re- spectful attention, kissing their feet, and honouring them as sacred beings allied to heaven ; that they had observed some ornaments of gold among the people, but of no great value. These messengers had prevailed with some of the natives to accompany them, who informed Columbus, that the gold of which they made their ornaments was found in Cuhanacan. By this word they meant the middle or inland part of Cuba ; but Columbus, being ignorant of their language, as well as unaccus- tomed to their pronunciation, and his thoughts run- ning continually upon his own theory concerning the discovery of the East Indies, he was led, by the re- semblance of sound, to suppose that they spoke of the Great Khan, and imagined that the opulent kingdom of Cathay, described by Marco Polo, was not very remote. This induced him to employ some time in viewing the country. But he did not find gold in such quantity as was sufficient to satisfy either the avarice of his followers, or the expectations of the court to which he was to return. The people of the country, as much astonished at his eagerness in quest of gold as the Europeans were at their ignorance and simplicity^ pointed towards the east, where an island which they called Hayti was situated, in which that 7* DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST metal was more abundant than amon^ them. Co- lumbus ordered his squadron to bend its course thi- ther ; but Martin Alonzo Pinzon, impatient to be the first who should take possession of the treasures which this country was supposed to contain, quitted his com- panions, regardless of all the admiral's signals to slacken sail until they should come up with him. Columbus, retarded by contrary winds, did not reach Hayti till the 6th of December. He called the port, where he first touched, St. Nicholas, and the island itself Espagnola, in honour of the kingdom by which he was employed ; and it is the only coun- try, of those he had yet discovered, which has retained the name that he gave it. As he could neither meet with the Pinta, nor have any intercourse with the in- habitants, who fled in great consternation towards the woods, he soon quitted St. Nicholas, and sailing along the northern coast of the island, he entered another harbour, which he called Conception. Here he was more fortunate ; his people overtook a woman who was flying from them, and after treating her with great gentleness, dismissed her with a present of such toys as they knew were most valued in those regions. The description which she gave to her countrymen of the humanity and wonderful qualities of the strangers ; their admiration of the trinkets, which she shewed with exultation ; and their eagerness to participate of the same favours, removed all their fears, and induced many of them to repair to the harbour. The strange objects which they beheld, and the baubles whicii Columbus bestowed upon them, amply gratified their curiosity and their wishes. They nearly resembled the people of Guanahani and Cuba. They were naked like them, ignorant and simple. Here Colum- bus was visited by a prince or cazique of the country. He appeared with all the pomp known among a sim- ple people, being carried in a sort of palanquin upon the shoulders of four men, and attended by many of his subjects, who served him with great respect. His deportment was grave and stately, very reserved to- .*jL-J.V J^^^iLiUi^i^,^ T I! hicii their tibled were lum- ntry. sim- upon ay of His to- OF AMERICA. 75 war.ls his own people, but with Columbus and the Spaniards extremely courteous. He gave the admiral some thin plates of gold, and a girdle of curious work- manship, receiving in return presents of small value, but hicrhly acceptable to him. '^ Columbus, still intent on discovering the mines which yielded gold, continued to interrogate all the natives with whom he had any intercourse, concern- ing their situation. They concurred in pointing out a mountainous country, which they called C'lhao, at some distance from the sea, and farther towards the east. Struck with this sound, which appeared to him the same with Cipango, the name by which Marco Polo, and other travellers to the east, distinguished the island of Japan, he no longer doubted with respect to the vicinity of the countries which he had disco- vered to the remote parts of Asia ; and in full expec- tation of reaching soon those regions which had been the object of his voyage, he directed his course to- wards the east. He put into a commodious harbour, which he called St. Thomas, and found that district to be under the government of a powerful cazique, named Guacanahari. He immediately sent messen- gers to Columbus, who, in his name, delivered to him the present of a mask curiously fashioned, with the ears, nose, and mouth of beaten gold, and invited him to the place of his residence, near the harbour now called Cape Fran9oi3, some leagues towards the east. Columbus despatched some of his officers to visit this prince, who, as he behaved himself with greater dignity, seemed to claim more attention. They returned with such favourable accounts both of the country and of the people, as made Columbus im- patient for that interview with Guacanahari to which he had been invited. He sailed for this purpose from Si. Thomas, on the 24th of December, with a fair wind, and the sea perfectly calm ; and as, amidst the multiplicity of Ijis occupations, he had not shut his eyes for two days, he retired at midnight in order to take some re- 76 DISCOVERY \ND CONQUEST pofte, having committed the helm to the pilot, with strict injunctioas not to quit it for a moment. The pilot, dreading no danger, carelessly left the helm to an inexperienced cabin-boy, and the ship, carried away by a current, was dashed against a rock. 'J'he violence of the shock awakened Columbus. He ran up to the deck. There all was confusion and de- spair. Fie alone retained presence of mind. He ordered some of the sailors to take a boat, and carry out an anchor astern ; but, instead of obeying, they made off towards the Nigna, which was about half a league distant. He then commanded the masts to be cut down, in order to lighten the ship ; but all his endeavours were too late ; the vessel opened near the keel, and filled so fast with water that its loss was in- evitable. The smoothness of the sea, and the timely assistance of boats from the Nigna, enabled the crew to save their lives. As soon as the islanders heard of this disaster, they crowded to the shore, with theit prince Guacanahari at their head. Instead of taking advantage of the distress in which they beheld the Spaniards, to attempt any thing to their detriment, they lamented their misfortune with tears of sincere condolence. They put to sea a number of canoes, and, under the direction of the Spaniards, assisted in saving whatever could be got out of the wreck ; and, by the united labour of so many hands, almost every thing of value was carried ashore. As fast as the goods were landed, Guacanahari in person took charge of them. Next morning this prince visited Colum- bus, who was now on board the Nigna, and endea- voured to console him for his loss, by offering all that he possessed to repair it. The condition of Columbus was such, that he stood in need of consolation. He had hitherio procured no intelligence of the Pinta, and no longer doubted but that his treacherous associate had set sail for Europe, in order to pre-occupy so far the ear of their sovereign, as to rob nim of the glory and reward to which he was justly entitled: There remaiaed but one vessel. II OP AMERICA. 7r »arge idea- that ttood no but lope, hgn, he bsei. and that the smallest and most crazy of the squadron, to traverse such a vast ocean, and to carry so many men back to Europe. P2ach of those circumstances was alarming, and filled the mind of Columbus with the utmost solicitude. The desire of overtaking Pin- zon, and of effacing the unfavourable impressions which his misrepresentations might make in Spain, made it necessary to return thither without delay. The difHculty of taking such a number of persons aboard the Nigna, confirmed him in an opinion, which the fertility of the country, and the gentle temper of the people, had already induced him to form. He resolved to leave a part of his crew in the island, that by residing there, they might learn the language of the natives, study their disposition, examine the nature of the country, search for mines, and prepare for the commodious settlement of the colony, with which he purposed to return. When he mentioned this to his men, all approved of the design ; and many offered voluntarily to be among the number of those who should remain. x Nothing was now wanting towards the execution of this scheme, but to obtain the consent of Guaca- nahari ; and his unsuspicious simplicity soon presented to the admiral a favourable opportunity of proposing it. Columbus having, in the best manner he could, by broken words and signs, expressed some curiosity to know the cause which had moved the islanders to fly with such precipitation upon the approach of his ships, the cazique informed him that the country was much infested by the incursions of certain people whom he called Carribeans, who inhabited several islands to the south-east. These he described as a herce and warlike race of men, who delighted in blood, and devoured the flesh of the prisoners who were so unhappy as to fall into their hands ; and as the Spaniards at their first appearance were sup- posed to be Carribeans, whom the natives, however numerous, durst not face in battle, they had recourse to their usual method of securing their safety, by 78 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST flying into the thickest and most impenetrable wood;). Columbus instantly ofTered him the assistance of the Spaniards to repel his enemies ; he engaged to take liim and his people under the protection of the power- ful monarch whom he served, and offered to leave in the island such a number of his men as should be sufficient, not only to defend the inhabitants from future incursions, but to avenge their past wrongs. ' The credulous prince closed eagerly with the pro- posal, and thought himself already safe under the patronage of beings sprung fiom heaven, and superior to the power of mortal men. The ground was marked out for a small fort, which Columbus called Navidad, because he had landed there on Chiistmas-day. A deep ditch was drawn around it. The ramparts were fortified with pallisades, and the great guns saved out of the admiral 3 ship, were planted upon them. In ten days the work was finished ; that simple race of men labouring with inconsiderate assiduity in erect- ing this first monument of their own servitude. Dur- ing this time, Columbus, by his caresses and liberality, laboured to increase the high opinion which the natives entertained of the Spaniards. But while he endea- voured to inspire them with confidence in their dispo- sition to do good, he wished likewise to give them some striking idea of their power to punish and destroy such as were the objects of their indignation. With this view, in presence of a vast assembly, he drew up his men in order of battle, and made an ostentatious but innocent display of the sharpness of the Spanish swords, of the force of their spears, and the operation of their cross-bows. These rude people, strangers to the use of iron, and unacquainted with any hostile weapons but arrows of reeds pointed with the bones of fishes, wooden svvoids, and javelins hardened in the fire, wondered and trembled. Before this surprise of fear had time to abate, he ordered the great guns to be fired. The sudden explosion struck them with such terror, that they fell flat to the ground, covering their faces with their hands ; and when they beheld OF AMEIUC.V. 79 erect- Dur- jrality, latives mdea- dispo- Lsome f such this p his s but anish ation rs to ostile es of the e of Ins to with ;ring iheid \i the astonishing effect of the bullets among the trees, towards which the cannon had been pointed, they concluded that it was impossible to resist men, who had the command of such destructive instruments, and who came armed with thunder and lightning against their enemies. After giving such impressions both of the benefi- cence and power of the Spaniards, as might have ren- dered it easy to preserve an ascendant over the minds of the natives, Columbus appointed thirty-eight of his people to remain in the island. He mtrusted the command ot these to Diego de Arado, a gentleman of C/ordova, investing him with the same powers which he himself had received from Ferdinand and Isabella; and furnished him with every thing requisite for the subsistence or defence of this infant colony. He promised to revisit them soon, with such a reinforce- ment of strength as might enable them to take full possession of the country, and to reap all the fruits of their discoveries. In the mean time he engaged to mention their names to the king and queen, and to ftlace their merit and services in the most advantageous ight. Having thus taken every precaution for the security of the colony, he left Navidad on the 4th of Janu- ary, 1493, and steering towards the east, discovered and gave names to most of the harbours on the north- ern coast of the island. On the 6th he descried the Pinta, and soon came up with her, after a separation of more than six weeks. Pinzon endeavoured to jus- tify his conduct, by pretending he had been driven from his course by stress of weather, and prevented from returning by contrary winds. The admiral felt such satisfaction in this junction with his consort, which delivered him from many disquieting appre- hensions, that, lame as Pinzon's apology was, he ad- mitted of it without difficulty, and restored him to favour. During his absence from the admiral, Pinzon had visited several harbours in the island, had acquired H DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST some gold by trafficking with the natives, but had made no discovery of any importance. From the condition of his ships, as well as the tem- per of his men, Columbus now found it necessary to hasten his return to Europe. Accordingly, on the 16th of January, he directed his course towards the north-east, and soon lost sight of land. He had on board some of the natives, whom he nad taken from the different islands which he discovered ; and besides the gold, which was the chief object of research, he had collected specimens of all the productions which were likely to become subjects of commerce in the several countiies, as well as many unknown birds, and other natural curiosities, which might attract the attention of the learned, or excite the wonder of the people. The voyage was prosperous to the 14th of February, and he had advanced near five hundred leagues across the Atlantic ocean, when the wind began to rise, and continued to blow with increasing rage, which terminated in a furious hurricane. Every thing that the naval skill and experience of Columbus could devise was employed, in order to save the ships. But it was impossible to withstand the violence of the storm, and, as they were still far from any land, destruc- tion seemed inevitable. The sailors had recourse to prayers to Almighty God, to the invocation of saints, to vows and charms, to every thing that religion dictates, or superstition suggests, to the affrighted mind of man. No prospect of deliverance appearing, they abandoned themselves to despair, and expected every moment to be swallowed up in the waves. Besides the passions which naturally agitate and alarm the human mind in such awful situations, when certain death, in one of his most terrible forms, is before it, Columbus had to en- dure feelings of distress peculiar to himself. He dreaded that all knowledge of the amazing discoveries which he had made was now to perish. Less affected with the loss of life, than solicitous to preserve the memory of what he had attempted and achieved, he OP AMERICA. 81 sRions nd in >f his en- He ISeries jcted the ., he retired to his cabin and wrote, upon parchment, a short account of the voyage which he had made, of the course which he had taken, of the situation and riches of the countries which lie had discovered, and ( f the colony that he had left there. Having wrapped up this in an oiled cloth, which he enclosed in a cake of wax, he put it into a cask carefully stopped up, and threw it into the sea, in hopes that some fortunate accident might preserve a deposit of so much import- ance to the world. At length Providence interposed, to save a life reserved for other services. The wind abated, the sea became calm, and on the evening of the 15th, Columbus and his companions discovered land ; and though uncertain what it was, they made towards it. They soon knew it to be St. Mary, one of the Azores or western isles, subject to the crown of Portugal. There, after a violent contest with the governor, in which Columbus displayed no less spirit than pru- dence, he obtained a supply of fresh provisions, and whatever else he needed. One circumstance, how- ever, greatly disquieted him. The Pinta, of which he had lost sight on the first day of the hurricane, did not appear ; he dreaded for some time that she had foundered at sea, and that all her crew had perished ; afterwards, his former suspicions recurred, and he be- came apprehensive that Pinzon had borne away for Spain, tiiat he might reach it before him, and, by giving the first account of his discoveries, might ob- tain some share of his fame. In order to prevent this, he left the Azores as soon as the weather would permit. At no great distance from the coast of Spain, when near the end of hb voyage, and seemingly beyond the reach of any dis- aster, another storm arose, little inferior to the former in violence ; and after driving before it during two days and two nights, he was forced to take shelter in the river Tagus. Upon application to the king of Portugal, he was allowed to come up to Lisbon ; where he was received with all the marks of distinction due to a 82 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST man who had performed things so extraordinary and un'^xpected. The king admitted him into his presence, treated him with the highest respect, and listened to the account which he gave of his voyage with admi- ration mingled with regret. While Columbus, on his part, enjoyed the satisfaction of describing the impor- tance of his discoveries, and of being now able to prove the solidity of his schemes to those very persons, who, with an ignorance disgraceful to themselves, and fatal to their country, had lately rejected them as the projects of a visionary or designing adventurer. Columbus was so impatient to return to Spain, that he remained only five days in Lisbon. On the 1 tb of March he arrived in the port of Palos, seven months and eleven days from the time when he set out thence upon his voyage. As soon as the ship was discovered approaching the port, all the inha- bitants of Palos ran eagerly to the shore, in order to welcome their relations and fellcw-citizens, and to hear tidings of their voyage. When the prosperous issue of it was known, when they beheld the strange people, the unknown animals, and singular produc- tions, brought from the countries which had been dis- covered, the effusion of joy was general and un- bounded. The bells were rung, the cannon fiied ; Columbus was received at landing with royal honours, and all the people, in solemn procession, accom- panied him and his crew to the church, where they returned thanks to Heaven, which had so wonderfully conducted and crowned with success a voyage of greater length and of more importance than had been attempted in any former age. On the evening of the same day, he had the satisfaction of seeing the Pinta, which the violence of the tempest had driven far to the north, enter the harbour. * The first care of Columbus was to inform the king and queen, who were then at Barcelona, of his arrival and success. Ferdinand and Isabella, no less astonished than delighted with this unexpected event, desired Columbus, in terms the most respectful and OF AMERICA. 8:) y and sence, tied to admi- on his impor- ble to irsons, selves, 1 them seven he set he ship 3 inha- )rder to and to sperous strange 3roduc- jen dis- nd un- i filed ; onours, accom- re they lerfuUy yage of id been T of the J Pinta, n far to )rm the ,, of his no less event, flattering, to repair immediately to court, that from his own mouth they might receive a full detail of his extraordinary services and discoveries. During his journey to Barcelona, the people crowded from the adjacent country, following him every where with admiration and applause. His entrance into the city was conducted, by order of Ferdinand and Isabella, with pomp suitable to the great event, which added such distinguishing lustre to their reign. The people whom he brought along with him from the countries which he had discovered, marched first, and by their singular complexion, the wild peculiarity of their fea- tures, and uncouth finery, appeared like men of an- other species. Next to them were carried the orna- ments of gold, fashioned by the rude art of the natives, the grains of gold found in the mountains, and dust of the same metal gathered in the rivers. After these appeared the vaiious commodities of the new-disco- vered countries, together with their curious produc- tions. Columbus himself closed the procession, and attracted the eyes of all the spectators, who gazed with admiration on the extraordinary man, whose su- perior sagacity and fortitude had conducted their countrymen, by a route concealed from past ages, to the knowledge of a new world. Ferdinand and Isa- bella received him clad in their royal robes, and seated upon a throne, under a magnificent canopy. When he approached, they stood up, and raising him as he kneeled to kiss their hands, commanded him to take his seat upon a chair prepared for him, and to give a circumstantial account of his voyage. When he had finished his narration, the king and queen, kneeling down, offered up solemn thanks to Almighty God for the discovery of those new regions, from which they expected so many advantages to flow in upon the kingdoms subject to their government. Every mark of honour that gratitude or admiration could suggest was conferred upon Columbus. Letters patent were issued, confirming to him and to his heirs all the pri- vileges contained in the capitulation concluded at 84 DISCOVERY AND COxNQUEST V Santa Fe ; his family was ennobled ; the king and queen, and, after their example, the courtiers, treated him, on every occasion, with all the ceremonious re- spect paid to persons of the highest rank.* But what pleased him most, as it gratified his active mind, bent continually upon great objects, was an order to equip, without delay, an armament of such force, as might enable him not only to take possession of the countries which he had already discovered, but to go in search of those more opulent regions, which he still confi> dently expected to find. Wliile preparations were making for this expedi- tion, the fame of Columbus's successful voyage spread over Europe, and excited general attention. The multitude, struck with amazement when they heard that a new world had been found, could hardly be- lieve an event so much above their conception. Men of science, capable of comprehending the nature and of discerning the effects of this great discovery, re- ceived the account of it with admiration and joy. Various opinions and conjectures were formed con- cerning the new-found countries, and what division of the earth they belonged to. Columbus adhered te- naciously to his original opinion, that they should be reckoned a part of those vast regions in Asia, compre- hended under the general name of India. This senti- ment was confirmed by the observations which he made cojicerning the productions of the countries he had discovered. Gold was known to abound in In- dia, and he had met with such promising samples of it in the islands which he visited, as led him to believe that rich mines of it might be found. Cotton, an- other production of the East Indies, was common there. * At one of the banquets which were given to him, occurred the well-known circumstance of the eqfg. A courtier present, impatient of the honours paid to Columbus, abruptly asked him, Whether he thought that if he had not discovered the new world, there would have been wanting men in Spain capable of the enterprise ' Columbus made no direct reply; but, taking an egg, invited the company to make it stand on one' end; each one attempted it in vain; on which Columbus broke one end, and left it standing on the broken part, illus- trating, in this simple manner, that when he had once shewn tlie way to the new world, oothingf was easier than to follow it. t )n, an- there. jrred the Impatient lielher he )uld have Columbus jipany to in which irt.ilius- tlie way Y:^ OF AMERICA. The pimento of the islands he imagined to be a spe- cies of the East Indian pepper. He mistook a root, somewhat resembling rhubarb, for that valuable drug, which was then supposed to be a plant peculiar to the East Indies. The birds brought home by him were adorned with the same rich plumage which distin- guishes those of India. The alligator of the one country appeared to be the same with the crocodile of the other. After weighing all these circumstances, not only the Spaniards, but the other nations of Eu- rope seem to have adopted the opinion of Columbus. In consequence of this notion, the name of Indies is given to them by Ferdinand and Isabella, in a ratifi- cation of their former agreement, which was granted to Columbus upon his return. Even after the error ivhich gave rise to this opinion was detected, and the true position of the New World was ascertained, the name has remamed, and the appellation of West In- dies is given by all the people of Europe to the coun- try, and that of Indians to its inhabitants. " i The name by which Columbus distinguished the countries which he had discovered was so inviting, the specimens of their riches and fertility which he produced were so considerable, and the reports of his compa- nions, delivered frequently with the exaggeration na- tural to travellers, so favourable, as to excite a won- derful spirit of enterprise among the Spaniards. Cau- tious as Ferdinand was, and averse to every thing new or adventurous, he seems to have catched the same spirit with his subjects. Under its influence, prepa- rations for a second expedition were carried on with a rapidity unusual in Spain, and to an extent that would be deemed not inconsiderable in the present age. The fleet consisted of seventeen ships, some of which were of good burden. It had on board fifteen hundred persons, among whom were many of noble families, who had served in honourable stations. The greater part of these being destined to remain in the country, were furnished with every thing requisite for conquest or settlement, with all kinds of European domestic m DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST nnimals, with suchi seeds and nlanU as were mo!!t likely to thrive in the climate of tiie West Indies, with utensils and instruments of every sort, and with such artificers as might be most useful in an infant colony. Hut, formidable and well-provided as this fleet was, Ferdinand and Isabella did not rest their title to the possession of the newly discovered countries upon its operations alone. The example of the Portuguese, as well as the superstition of the ajre, made it necessary to obtain from the Roman pontiff a grant of those ter- ritories which they wished to occupy. The pope, as the vicar and representative of Jesus Christ, was sup- posed to have a right of dominion over all the king- doms of the earth. Alexander VI. a pontiff infamous for every crime which disgraces humanity, filled the papal throne at that time. As he was born Ferdinand's subject, and very solicitous to secure the protection of Spain, in order to facilitate the execution of his ambitious schemes in favour of his own family, he was extremely willing to gratify the Spanish monarchs. As it was necessary to prevent this grant from interfering with that formerly made to the crown of Portugal, he appointed that a line, supposed to be drawn from pole to pole, a hundred leagues to the westward of tho Azores, should serve as a limit between them ; and, in the plenitude of his power, bestowed all to the east of this imaginary line upon the Portuguese, and all to the west of it upon the Spaniards. Zeal for propa- gating the Christian faith was the consideration em- ployed by Ferdinand in soliciting this bull, and is mentioned by Alexander as his chief motive for issuing it. I n order to manifest some concern for this laudable object, several friars, under the direction of father Boyl, a Catalonian monk of great reputation, as apos- tolical vicar, were appointed to accompany Columbus, and to devote themselves to the instruction of the natives. The Indians, whom Columbus had brought aloDsr with hifn» havina received some tincture of Christian knowledge, were baptized with much so- lemnity, the king himself, the prince his son, and the OP AMERICA. as chief persons of his court, standing^ as their godfathers. Those first fruits of the New World have not been fol- lowed by such an increase as pious men wished, and had reason to expect. Nothing now reta/ded the departure of the fleets Columbus was extremely impatient to revisit the colony which he had left, and to pursue that career of glory upon which he had entered. He set sail from the bay of Cadiz on the 25th of September, and touching again at the island of Gomera, he steered farther towards the south than in his former voyage. By holding this course, he enjoyed more steadily the benefit of the regular winds which reign within the tropics, and was carried towards a larger cluster of islands, situated considerably to the east of those which he had already discovered. On the 26th day after his departure from Gomera, he made laud. It was one of the Caribbee or Leeward Islands, to which he gave the name of Deseada, on account of the impatience of his crew to discover some part of the New World, After this he visited successively Dominica, Mariga- lante, Guadaloupe, Antigua, San Juan de Puerto Rico, and several other islands, scattered in his way as he advanced towards the north-west. All these he found to be inhabited by that fierce vace of people whom Guacanahari had painted in such frightful colours. His descriptions appeared not to have been exaggerated. The Spaniards never attempted to land without meeting with such a reception, as discovered the martial and daring spirit of the natives ; and iu their habitations were found relics of those horrid feasts which they had made upon the bodies of their enemies taken in war. But Columbus, eager to know the state of the- colony which he had planted, made no stay in any of. those islands, and proceeded directly to Hispaniola.. When he arrived off Navidad, the station in which he had left the thirty-eight men under the command of Arjda, he was astonished that none of them appeared, and expected every moment to see them running with 88 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST transports of joy to welcome their countrymen. Full of solicitude about their safety, and foreboding in his mind what had befallen them, he rowed instantly to land. All the natives from whom he might have re- ceived information had fled. But the fort which he had built was entirely demolished, and the tattered garments, the broken arms and utensils scattered about it, left no room to doubt concerning the unhappy fate of the garrison. While the Spaniards were shedding tears over those sad memorials of their fellow-citizens, a brother of the cazique Guacanahari arrived. From him Columbus received a particular detail of what had happened after his departure from the island. As soon as the powerful restraint which the presence and authority of Columbus imposed was withdrawn, the garrison threw off all regard for the officer whom he had invested with command. They roamed in small parties over the island, extending their rapacity and insolence to every corner of it. Gentle and timid as the people were, those unprovoked injuries at length exhausted their patience, and roused their courage. The cazique of Cibao, whose country the Spaniards chiefly infested on account of the gold which it con- tained, surprised and cut off several of them, while they straggled in as perfect security as if their conduct had been altogether inoffensive. He then assembled his subjects, and surrounding the fort, set it on fire. Some of the Spaniards were killed in defending it, the rest perishing in attempting to make their escape by crossmg an arm of the sea. Guacanahari, whom all their exactions had not alienated from the Spaniards, took arms in their behalf, and, in endeavouring to protect them, had received a wound, by which he was still confined. Though this account was far from removing tlie suspicions which the Spaniards entertained with re- spect to the fidelity of Guacanahari, Columbus pe - ceived so clearly that this was not a proper juncture for inquiring into his conduct with scrupulous accu- racy, that he rejected the advice of several of his ' // / OF AMERICA. 89 ttCCU- of his officers, who urged him to seize the person of that prince, and to revenge the death of their countrymen by attacking his subjects. Instead of wasting his time in punishing past wrongs, he took precautions for pre- vf^nting any future injury. With this view he made choice of a situation more healthy and commodious than that of Navidad. He traced out the plan of a town in a large plain near a spacious bay, and obliging every person r > put his hand to a work on which their common safety depended, the houses and ramparts were soon so mr advanced by their united labour, as to afibrd them shelter and security. This rising city, the first that the Europeans founded in the New World, he named Isabella, in honour of his patroness the queen of Castile. In carrying on this necessary work, Columbus had to contend with the laziness, the impatience, and mu- tinous disposition, of his followers. By the enervating influence of a hot climate, the natural inactivity of the Spaniards seemed to increase. Many of them were gentlemen, unaccustomed to the fatigue of bodily la- bour, and all had engaged in the enterprise with Ihe sanguine hopes excited by the splendid and ex^iggerated description of their countrymen who returned from the first voyage, or by the mistaken opinion of Columbus, that the country which he had discovered was either the Cipango of Marco Polo, or the Ophir, from which Solomon imported those precious commodities which suddenly diffused such extraordinary riches through his kingdom. But when, instead of that golden harvest which they had expected to reap without toil or pains, the Spaniards saw that their prospect of wealth was remote as well as uncertain, and that it could not be attained but by the slow and persevering efforts of industry, the disappointment of those chimerical hopes occasioned such dejection of mind as bordered on despair, and led to general discontent. The spirit of disaffection spread, and a conspiracy was formed, which might have been fatal to Columbus and the colony. Happily he discovered it, and, seizing the go DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST ringleaders, punished some of them, sent others pri- soners into Spain, whither he despatched twelve of the ships which had served as transports, with an earnest request for a reinforcement of men and a large supply of provisions. '' . f Meanwhile, in order to banish that idleness, which, by allowing bis people leisure to brood over their dis- appointment, nourished the spirit of discontent, Co- lumbus planned several expeditions into the interior part of the country. He sent a detachment, under the command of Alonzo de Ojeda, a vigilant and en- terprising officer, to visit the district of Cibao, which was said to yield the greatest quantity of gold, and followed him in person with the main body of his troops. In this expedition he displayed all the pomp of military magnificence that he could exhibit, in order to strike the imagination of the natives. He marched with colours flying, with martial music, and with a small body of cavalry that paraded sometimes in the front and sometimes in the rear. As those were the first horses which appeared in the New World, they were objects of terror no less than of admiration to the Indians. They imagined that the horse and the rider formed one animal, with whose speed they were astonished, and whose impetuosity and strength they considered as irresistible. But while Columbus endeavoured to inspire the natives with a dread of his power, he did not neglect the arts of gaining their luve and confidence. The district of Cibao answered the descriptbn given of it by the natives. It was mountainous and uncultivated, but in every river and brook gold was gathered either in dust or in grains, some of which were of considerable size. The Indians had never opened any mines in search of gold. The small quantity of that precious metal which they pos- sessed, was either picked up in the beds of the rivers, or washed from the mountains by the heavy rains that fall within the tropics. But, from those indications. IIIC 4nn^ tn^^ ^*^\b« v^^viv* VIJUl ItlU UUUULlV contained rich treasures in its bowels^ of which they OF AMERICA. 01 s pri- ofthe sirnest upply vhich, ir dis- , Co- iterior under ad en- which i, and of his pomp iit, in . He c, and letimes e were .VoHd, iration ^e and they rength umbus of his g their swered It was 'er and grains, ndians The jy pos- rivers, ns that rations, -y hoped 8oon to K .iiasters. In order to secure tlie command of this valuable province, Columbus erected a small fort to which he gave the name of St. Thomas, by way of ridicule upon some of his incredulous fol- lowers, who would not believe that the country pro- duced gold, until they saw it with their own eyes* and touched it with their hands. The account of those promising appearances of wealth in the country of Cibao came very seasonably to comfort the desponding colony, which was affected with distresses of various kinds. Their stock of pro- visions was mostly consumed, and the diseases pre- dominant in the torrid zone began to spread among them. Alarmed at the violence and unusual symp- toms of those maladies, they exclaimed against Co- lumbus and his companions in the former voyage, who, by their splendid but deceitful descriptions of Hispaniola, had allured them to quit Spain for a bar- barous uncultivated land, where they must either be cut off by famine, or die of unknown distempers. Several of the ofHcers and persons of note, instead of checking, joined in those seditious complaints. Father Boyl, the apostolical vicar, was one of the most tur- bulent and outrageous. It required all the authority and address of Columbus to re-establish subordination and tranquillity in the colony ; but when, by his un- wearied endeavours, concord and order were so far restored that he could venture to l^^ve the island, he resolved to pursue his discoveries, that he might be .able to ascertain whether those new countries with which he had opened a communication were con- nected with any region of the earth already known, or whether they were to be considered as a separate portion of the globe hitherto unvisited. He appointed his brother Don Diego, with the assistance of a coun- cil of ofHcers, to govern the island in his absence ; and gave the command of a body of soldiers to Don Pedro Margarita, with which he was to visit the different parts of the island, and endeavour to establish the authority of the Spaniards among the inhabitants. 92 DISCOVEKY AND CONQUEST Having left them very particular instructions A^ith respect to their conduct, he weighed anchor on the 24th of April, with one ship and two small barks, under his command. During a tedious voyage of full five months, he had a trial of almost all the numerous hardships to which persons of his profession are exposed, without making any discovery of impor- tance, except the island of Jamaica. As he ranged along the southern coast of Cuba, he was entangled in a labyrinth formed by an incredible number of small islands, to which he gave the name of the Queen's Garden. In this unknown course, among rocks and shelves, he was retarded by contrary winds, assaulted with furious storms, and alarmed with the terrible thunder and lightning which is often almost incessant between the tropics. At length his provi- sions fell short ; his crew, exhausted with fatigue, as well as hunger, murmured and threatened, and were ready to proceed to the most desperate extremities against him. Beset with danger in such various forms, he was obliged to keep continual watch, to observe every occurrence with his own eyes, to issue every order, and to superintend the execution of it. But this unremitted fatigue of body, and intense applica- tion of mind, overpowering his constitution, though naturally vigorous and robust, brought on a feverish disorder, which terminated in a lethargy, that de- prived him of sense and memory, and had almost proved fatal to his life. But, on his return to Hispaniola, the sudden emo- tion of joy which he felt upon meeting with his brother Bartholomew at Isabella, occasioned such a flow of spirits as contributed greatly to his recovery. It was now thirteen years since the two brothers, whom simi- larity of talents united in close friendship, had se- parated from each other, and during that long period there had been no intercourse between them. Bar- tholomev/, after finishing his negotiation in the court of England, had set out for Spain by the way of France. At Paris he received an account of the ex- OF AMERICA. 93 emo- rother ow of •t was simi- i se- )eriod Bar- court ... -/ xy oi \e ex- traordinary discoveries which his brother had made ia his first voyage, and that he was then preparing to embark on a second expeilitiou. Tiiough tins naturally induced him to pursue his journey with the utmost despatch, the admiral had sailed for Hispaniola before he reached Spain. Ferdinand and Isabella received him with the respect due to the nearest kinsman of a person whose merit and services rendered him so con- spicuous ; and as they knew what consolation his Eresence would afford to his brother, they persuaded im to take the command of three ships, which they had appointed to carry provisions to the colony at Isabella. He could not have arrived at any juncture when Columbus stood more in need of a friend capable of assisting him with his counsels, or of dividing with him the cares and burden of government. For al- though the provisions now brought from Europe aiibrded a temporary relief to the Spaniards from the calamities of famine, the supply was not in such quantity as to support them long, and the island did not hitherto yield what was sufficient for their suste- nance. They were threatened with another danger, still more formidable than the return of scarcity, and which demanded more immediate attention. No sooner did Columbus leave the island on his voyage of discovery, than the soldiers under Margarita, as if they had been set free from discipline and subordina- tion, scorned all restraint. Instead of conforming to the prudent instructions of Columbus, they dispersed in straggling parties over the island, lived at discretion upon the natives, wasted their provisions, seized their women, and treated that inoffensive race with all the insolence of military oppression. "• ■ . As long as the Indians had any prospect that their sufferings might come to a period by the voluntary departure of the invaders, they submitted in silence, and dissembled their sorrow ; but they now perceived that the yoke would be as permanent as it was in- tolerable. The Spaniards had built a town, and 04 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST surrounded it with ramparts. They had erected forts in different places. They had enclosed and sown several fields. It was apparent that thev came not to visit the country, but to settle in it. Though the number of those strangers was inconsiderable, the state of cultivation among this rude people was so im- perfect, and in such exact proportion to their own consumption, that it was with difficulty they could afTord subsistence to these new comers. Seli-preser- vation prompted them to wish for the departure of guests who wasted so fast their slender stock of pro- visions. The injuries which they suffered added to their impatience for this event. They had long ex- pected th^t the Spaniards would retire of their own accord. They now perceived that, in order to avert the destruction with which they were threatened, either by the slow consumption of famine, or by the violence of their oppressors, it was necessary to as- sume courage, to attack those formidable invaders with united force, and drive them from the settle- ments of which they had violently taken possession. Such were the sentiments which universally pre- vailed among the Indians, when Columbus returned to Isabella. Inflamed by the unprovoked outrages of the Spaniards, with a degree of rage of which their gentle natures, formed to suffer and submit, seemed hardly susceptible, they waited only for a signal from their leaders to fall upon the colony. Some of the caziques had already surprised and cut off several straggler^. The dread of this impending danger united the Spaniards, and re-established the authority of Co- lumbus, as they saw no prospect of safety but in com- mitting themselves to his prudent guidance. It was now necessary to luive recourse to arms, the employ- ing of which against the Indians, Columbus had hi- therto avoided with the greatest solicitude. Unequal as the conflict may seem, between the naked inha^ bitants of the New World, armed with clubs, sticks hardened in the fire, wooden swords, and arrows Tw\infpH with h.'ir.p ciaieu wun uuncs ur i ._ a:^^- iifits ■ ana troops accustomed II com- [t was iploy- idhi- Lequal jinha- sticks lirows iomed OP AMERICA. to the discipline, and provided with the instruments of destruction, known in the European art of war, the situation of the Spaniards was far from being exempt from danger. The vast superiority of the natives m number, compensated many defects. A handful of men was about to encounter a whole nation ; two- thirds of the original adventurers were dead, and many of those who survived were incapable of service. The body which took the field consisted only of two hun- dred foot, twenty horse, and twenty large dogs ; and how strange soever it may seem to mention the last as composing part of a military force, they were not perhaps the least formidable and destructive of the whole, when employed against naked and timid In- dians. All the caziques of the island, Guacanahari excepted, who retained an inviolable attachment to the Spaniards, were in arms to oppose Columbus, >vith forces amounting, if we may believe the Spanish historians, to a hundred thousand men. Instead of (jlttempting to draw the Spaniards into the fastnesses 6f the woods and mountains, they were so imprudent as to take th^ir station in the Vega Real, tht most open plain the country. Columbus did not allow them time to perceive their error, or to alter their po- sition. He attacked them during the night, when un- disciplined troops are least capable of acting with union and concert, and obtained an easy and blood- less victory. The consternation with which the Indians were filled by the noise and havoc made by the fire- arms, by the impetuous force of the cavalry, and the fierce onset of the dogs, was so great, that they threw down their weapons and fled, without attempting re- sistance. Many were slain ; more were taken pri- soners, and reduced to servitude ; and so thoroughly were the rest intimidated, that from that moment they abandoned themselves to despair, relinquishing all thoughts of contending with aggressors whom they deemed invincible. Columbus employed veral months in marching through the island, and in subjecting it to the Spanbh DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST government, without meeting with an> opposition. He imposed a tribute upon all the inhabitants above the age of fourteen. Each person who lived in those districts where gold was found, was obliged to pay quarterly as much gold dust as filled a hawk's bell ; from those in other parts of the country, twenty-five pounds of cotton were demanded. This was the first regular taxation of the Indians, and served as a pre- cedent for exactions still more intolerable. Such an imposition was extremely contrary to those maxims which Columbus had hitherto inculcated, with respect to the mode of treating them. But intrigues were carrying on in the court of Spain at this juncture, in order to undermine his power, and discredit his opera- tions, which constrained him to depart from his own system of administration. Margarita and father Boyl were now at court, and in order to justify their own conduct, or to gratify their resentment, watched with malevolent attention for every opportunity of spread- ing insinuations to his detriment. Fonseca, arch- deacon of Seville, who was intrusted with the chief direction of Indian affairs, had conceived such an unfavourable opinion of Columbus, for some reason which the contemporary writers have not mentioned, that he listened with partiality to every invective against him. Columbus saw that there was but one method of supporting his own credit, and of silencing all his adversaries. He must produce such a quantity of gold as would not only justify what he had reported with respect to the richness of the country, but en- courage Ferdinand and Isabella to persevere in pro- secuting his plans. The necessity of obtaining it, forced him not only to impose this heavy tax upon the Indians, but to exact payment of it with extreme rigour. The labour, attention, and foresight, which the In- dians were obliged to employ in procuring the tribute demanded of them, appeared so intolerable an evil, to men accustomed to pass their days in a careless, im- provident indolence, that they had recourse to an // OF AMERICA. 07 ie In- ribute al, to im- expe3ient for obtaining deliverance from this yoke, which demonstrates the excess of their impatience and despair. They formed a scheme of starvmg those op- pressors whom they durst not attempt to expel ; ^nd from the opinion which they entertamed with respect to the voracious appetite of the Spaniards, they con- cluded the execution of it to be very practicable. With this view they suspended all the operations of agriculture ; they sowed no maize, they pulled up the roots of the manioc or cassada which were planted, and retiring to the most inaccessible parts of the mountains, left the uncultivated plains to their ene- mies. This desperate resolution produced in some de- gree the effects which they expected. The Spaniards were reduced to extreme want ; but they received such seasonable supplies of provisions from Europe, and found so many resources in their own ingenuity and industry, that they suffered no great loss of men. The wretched Indians were the victims of their own ill-concerted policy. A great multitude of people, shut up in the mountainous or wooded part of the country, without any food but the spontaneous pro- ductions of the earth, soon felt the utmost distresses of famine. This brought on contagious diseases; and, in the course of a few months, more than a third pait of the inhabitants of the island perished, alter ex- periencing misery in all its various forms. But while Columbus was establishing the foundsN. tions of the Spanish grandeur in the New World, his enemies laboured with unwearied assiduity to deprive him of the glory and rewards, which by his services and sufferings he was entitled to enjoy. The havd- ships unavoi.;^able in a new settlement, the calamities occasioned by i.n unhealthy climate, the disasters attending a voyage in unknown seas, were all repre- sented as the effects of bis restless and inconsiderate ambition. His prudent attention to preserve disci- pline and subordination was denominated excess of rigour ; the punishments which he inflicted upon the mutinous and disorderly were imputed to cruelty K ^ 98 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST These accusations gained such credit in a jealous court, that a commissioner was appointed to repair to Hispaniola, and to inspect into the conduct of Colum- bus. By the recommendation of his enemies, Aguado, a groom of the bed-chamber, was the person to whom this important trust was committed. Puffed up with such sudden elevation, Aguado displayed, in the exercise of this office, all the frivolous self-importance, and acted with all the disgusting insolence, which are natural to little minds, when raised to unexpected dignity, or employed in functions to which they are not equal. By listening with eagerness to every ac- cusation against Columbus, and encouraging not only the malcontent Spaniards, but even the Indians, to produce their grievances, real or imaginary, he fo- mented the spirit of dissension in the island, without establishing any regulations of public utility, or that tended to redress the many wrongs, with the odium of which he wished to load the admiral's administration. As Columbus felt sensibly how humiliating his situa- tion must be, if he should remain in the country while such a partial inspector observed his motions, and controlled his jurisdiction, he took the resolution of returning to Spain, in order to lay a full account of all his transactions, particularly with respect to the points in dispute between him and his adversaries, before Ferdinand and Isabella, from whose justice and discernment he expected an equal and a favour- able decision. He committed the administration of affairs, during his absence, to Don Bartholomew his * brother, with the title of Adelantado, or lieutenant- governor. By a choice less fortunate, and which proved the source of many calamities to the colony, he appointed Francis Roldan chief justice, with very extensive powers. Columbus appeared at court with the modest but determined confidence of a man conscious nut only of integrity, but of having performed great services. Ferdinand and Isabella, ashamed of their own facility in lending too favourable an e:>r to frivolous or un- i OF AMERICA. 90 ialous )air to olutn- ruado, whom p with ia the rtance, ich are :pected ley are ery ac- ot '^nly ians, to he fo- without or that idium of stration. 13 situa- ry while ns, and ation of :ount of to the ersaries, justice favour- ation of [new his * itenant- which colony, [ith very lest but only of Services. facility or un- founded accusations, received him with such distin- guished marks of respect as covered his enemies with shame. Their censures and calumnies were no more heard of at that juncture. The gold, the pearls, the cotton, and other commodities of value, which Colum- bus produced, seemed fully to refute what the mal- contents had propagated with respect to the poverty of the country. By reducing the Indians to obedi- ence, and imposing a regular tax upon them, he had secured to Spain a large accession of new subjects, and the establishment of a revenue that promised to be considerable. By the mines which he had found out and examined, a source of wealth still more co- pious was opened.. Great and unexpected as those advantages were, Columbus represented them only as preludes to future acquisitions, and as the earnest of more important discoveries, which he still meditated, and to which those he had already made would con- duct him with ease and certainty. The attentive consideration of all these circum- stances made such an impression, not only upon Isabella, who was flattered with the idea of being the patroness of all Columbus's enterprises, but even upon Ferdinand, who having originally expressed his dis- approbation of his schemes, was still apt to doubt of their success, that they resolved to supply the colony in Hispaniola with every thing which could render it a permanent establishment, and to furnish Columbus with such a fleet, that he might proceed to search for those new countries, of whose existence he seemed to be confident. The measures most proper for accomplish- ing both these designs were concerted with Colum- bus. Discovery had been the sole object of the first voyage to the New World ; and though, in the second, settlement had been proposed, the precau- tions taken for that purpose had either been insuf- ficient, or were rendered inefTec^.ual by the mutinous spirit of the Spaniards, and the unforeseen calamiicies arising from various causes. Now a plan was to be formed of a regular colony, that might serve as a 100 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST model in all future establLhrnents. Every particular was considered with attention, and the whole arranged with a scru| ulcus accuracy. The precise number of adventurers «/ho should be permitted to embark was fixed. They were to be of difterent ranks and pro- fessions ; and the proportion of each was established, according to their usefulness and the wants of the colony. A suitable number of women was to be chosen to accompany these new settlers. As it was the first object to raise provisions in a country where scarcity of food had been the occasion of so much distress, a considerable body of husbandmen was to be carried over. As the Spaniards had then no conception of deriving any benefit from those produc- tions of the New VVorld which have since yielded such large returns of wealth to Europe, but had formed magnificent ideas, and entertained sanguine hopes, with respect to the riches contained in the mines which had been discovered, a band of work- men, skilled in the various arts employed in digging and refining the precious metals, was provided. All these emigrants were to receive pay and subsistence for some years at the public expense. Thus far the regulations were prudent, and well adapted to the end in view. But as it was foreseen that few would engage voluntarily to settle in a country, whose noxious climate had been fatal to so many of their countrymen, Columbus proposed to transport to Ilispaniola such malefactors as had been convicted of crimes, which, though capital, were of a less atrocious nature ; and that for the future a certain proportion of the offenders usually sent to the galleys should be condemned to labour in the mines which were to be opened. This advice, given without due reflection, was as inconsiderately adopted. It was not, however, with such materials that the foundations of a society, destined to be permanent, should have been laid. When such a mixture of what is corrupt is admitted into the o.^ginal constitution of the political body, the vices of those unsound and iucuri\ble mem- OF AMERICA. 101 well that mtry, Jny of lort to ricted less 5rtain illeys rhich due Is not, Is of a been ipt is Htical lem- bers will probably infect the whole, and must cer- tainly be productive of violent ard unhappy effects. This the Spaniards fatally experienced ; and the other European nations having successively imitated the practice of Spain in this particular, pernicious conse^ quences have followed m their settlements, which can be imputed to no other cause. Though Columbus obtained, with great facility and despatch, the royal approbation of every measure and regulation that he proposed, his endeavours to carry them into execution were so long retarded, as must have tired out the patience of any man less accustomed to encounter and to surmount difficulties. Those de- lays must be chiefly imputed to the malicious arts of Columbus's enemies. Astonished at the reception which he met with upon his return, and overawed by his presence, they gave way, for some time, to a tide of favour too strong for them to oppose. Their enmity, however, was too inveterate to remain long inactive. They resumed their operations, and by the assistance of Fonseca, the minister for Indian affairs, who was now promoted to the bishopric of Badajos, they threw in so many obstacles to protract the preparations for Columbus's expedition, that a year elapsed before he could procure two ships to carry over a part of the supplies destined for the colony, and almost two years were spent before the small squadron was equipped, of which he himself was to take the command. This squadron consisted of six ships only, of no great burden, and but indifferently provided for a long or dangerous navigation. The voyage which he now meditated was in a course different from any he had undertaken. As he was fully persuaded that the fertile regions of India lay to the south-west of those countries which he had discovered, he proposed, as the most certain method of finding out these, to stand directly south from the Canary or Cape de Verd Islands, until he came under the equinoctipl line, and then to stretch to the west before the favourable wind for such a course, which blows invariably between 102 DISCO\ RY AND CONQUEST the tropics. With this idea he set sail, and touched first at the Canary, and then at the Cape de Verd, Islands. From the former he despatclied three of his ships with a supply of provisions for the colony in Hispaniola; with the other three, he continued his voyage towards the south. No remarkable occur- rence happened until they arrived within five degrees of the line. There they were becalmed, and at the same time the heat became so excessive, that many of their wine casks burst, the liquors in others soured, and their provisions corrupted. The Spaniards, who had never ventured so far to the south, were afraid that the ships would take fire, and began to apprehend the reality of what the ancients had taught concerning the destructive qualities of that torrid region of the globe. They were relieved, in some measure, from their fears by a seasonal le fall of rain. This, how- ever, though so heavy and unintermitting that the men could hardly keep the deck, did not greatly mitigate the intenseness of the heat. The admiral was so much exhausted by fatigue and want of sleep, that it brought on a violent Rt of the gout, accompanied with a fever. All these circumstances constrained him to yield to the importunities of his crew, and to alter his course to the north-west, in order to reach some of the Caribbee islands, where he might refit, and be supplied with provisions. On the 1st of August, the man stationed in the round top surprised them with the joyful cry of Land ! They stood towards it, and discovered a considerable island, which the admiral called Trinidad, a name it still retains. It lies on the coast of Guiana, near the mouth of the Orinoco. This, though a river only of the third or fourth magnitude in the New World, far surpasses any of the streams in our hemisphere. It rolls towards the ocean such a vast body of water, and rushes into it with such impetuous force, that when it meets the tide, which on that coast rises to m un- common height, their collision occasions a swell and agitation of the waves no less surprising than for- OP AMERICA. 103 the his the ind! able ne it the y of far It and en it un- and for- midable. Columbus, before he could conceive the danger, was entangled among thosf> adverse currents and tempestuous waves, and it vt with the utmost difficulty that he escaped through a narrow strait, which appeared so tremendous, that he called it La Boca del Drago. As soon as the consternation which this occasioned permitted him to reflect upon the nature of an appearance so extraordinary, he discerned in it a source of comfort and hope. He justly concluded that such a vast body of water as this river contained, could not be supplied by any island, and consequently that he was now arrived at that continent which it had long been the object of his wishes to discover. Full of this idea, he stood to the west along the coast of those provinces which are now known by the names of Paria and Cumana. He landed in several places, and had some intercourse with the people, who re- sembled those of Hispaniola. They wore, as orna- ments, small plates of gold, and pearls of considerable value, which they willingly exchanged for European toys. They seemed to possess a better understanding, and greater courage, than the inhabitan .s of the islands. The country produced four-footed animals of several kinds, as well as a great variety of fowls and fruits. I'he admiral was so much delighted with its beauty and fertility, that with the warm enthusias^n of a dis- coverer, he imagined it to be the Paradise described in Scripture, which the Almighty chos3 for the residence of man, while he retained innocence that rendered him worthy of such a habitation. Thus Columbus had the gi ^ry not only of discovering to mankind the existence of a new world, but made con- siderable progress towards a perfect knowledge of it ; and was the first man who conducted the Spaniards to that vast continent which has been the chief seat ot their empire, and the source of their treasures in this quarter of the globe. The shattered condition of his ships, scarcity of provisJoiiS, his own infirmities, toge- ther with the impatience of his crew, prevented him irom pursuing his discoveries any farther, and made lOi DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST k necessary to bear away for Hisuaniola. In his way thither he discovered the islands of Cubagua and Margarita, which afterwards became remarkable for their pearl-fishery. When he arrived at Hispaniola, he was wasted to an extreme degree with fatigue and sickness ; but found the affairs of the colony in such a situation, as afforded him no prospect of enjoying that repose of v hich he stood so much in need. Many revolutions had happened in that country during his absence. His brotner, the adelantado, in consequence of an advice which the admiral gave before his departure, had removed the colony from Isabella to a more commodious station, on the opposite side of the is^ ".nd, and laid the foundation of St. Do- mingo, which was long the most considerable Euro- pean town in the New 'Vorld, and the seat of the supreme courts in the Spanish dominions there. As •oon as the Spaniards were established in this new settlement, the adelantado, that they might neither languish in inactivity, nor have leisure to form new cabals, marched into those parts of the island which his brother had not yet visited or reduced to obedience. As the people were unable to resist, they submitted every where to the tribute which he imposed. But they soon found the burden to be so intolerable, that, overawed as they were by the superior power of their oppressors, they took arms against them. Those in- surrections, however, were not formidable. A conflict with timid and naked Indians was neither dangerous nor of doubtful issue. But while the adelantado was employed against them in the field, a mutiny of an aspect far more alarming broke out among the Spaniaids. l^he ring- leader of it was Francis Roldan, whom Columbus had placed in a station which required him to be the guardian of order and tranquillity in the colony. He accused Columbus and his two brothers of arrogance and severity ; he pretended that they aimed at esta» blishing an independent dominion in the country ; he (axed them with an intention of cutting off part of th^ OP AMERICA. // 105 Spaniards by hunger and fatigue, that they might more easily reduce the remainder to subjection ; he repre- sented it as unworthy of Castilians, to remain the tame and passive slaves of three Genoese adventurers. Roldan*s insinuations made a deep impression on his countrymen. His character and rank added weight to them. A considerable number of the Spaniards made choice of him as their leader ; and, taking army against the adelantado and his brother, seized the king's magazine of provisions, and endeavoured to surprise the fort at St. Domingo. This was preserved by the vigilance and courage of Don Diego Columbus. The mutineers were obliged to retire to the province of Xaragua, where they continued not only to disclaim the adelantado's autht)rity themselves, but excited the Indians to throw off the yoke. Such was the di&iracted state of the colony when Columbus landed at St. Domingo. He was astonished 10 find that the three ships which he had despatched from the Canaries were not yet arrived. By the un- skilfnlness of the pilots, and the violence of currents, they had been carried a hundred and sixty miles to the west of St. Domingo, and forced to take shelter in a harbour of the province of Xaragua, where Roidan and his seditious followers were cantoned. Roidan carefully concealed from the commanders of the ships his insurrection against the adelantado, and employing his utmost address to gain their confidence, persuaded them to set on shore a considerable part of the new settlers whom they brought over, that they might pro- ceed by land to St. Domingo. It required but few arguments to prevail with those men to espouse his cause. They were the refuse of the gaols of Spain, to whom idleness, licentiousness, and deeds of violence were familiar ; and they returned eagerly to a course of life nearly resembling that to which they had been accustomed. The commanders of the ships perceiv- ing, when it was too late, their imprudence in dis- embarking so many of their men, stood away of St Domingo, and got safe into the port a few days 106 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST after the admiral ; but their stock of provisions was 6c wasted during a voyage of such long continuance, that they brought little relief to the colony. By this junction with a band of such bold and desperate associates, Roldan became extremely for- midable, and no less extravagant in his demands. Columbus, though filled with resentment at his ingra- titude, and highly exasperated by the insolence of his followers, made no haste to take the field. He trem- bled at the thou;rhts of kindling the flames of a civil war, in which, whatever party prevailed, the power and strength of both must be so much wasted, as might encourage the commca enemy to unite and complete their destruction. At the same time, he observed, that the prejudices and passions which incited the rebels to take arms, had so far infected those who still adhered to him, that many of them were adverse, and all cold to the service. From such sentiments, with respect to the public interest, as well as from this view of his own situation, he chose to negotiate rather than to fight. By a seasonable proclamation, offering free pardon to such as should merit it by returning to their duty, he made impression upon some of the malcontents. By engaging to grant such as should desire it the liberty of returning to Spain, he allured all those unfortunate adventurers, who, from sickness and disappointment, were disgusted with the country. By promising to re- establish Roldan in his former office, he soothed his pride ; and, by complying with most of his demands m behalf of his followers, he satisfied their avarice. Thus, gradually, and without bloodshed, but after many tedious negotiations, he dissolved this dangerous combination, which threatened the colony with ruin ; and restored the appearance of order, regular govern- ment, and tranquillity. -• In consequence of this agreement with the muti- neers, lands were allotted them in different parts ot the island, and the Indians settled in each district were appointed to cultivate a certain portion of ground for the use of those new masters. The performance p fight. ruin; •overn- t% OF AMERICA. // 107 of this work was substituted iu place of the tribute formerly imposed ; and how necessary soever such a regulation might be in a sickly and feeble colony, it introduced among the Spaniards the Repartimientos, or distributions of Indians, established by them in ail their settlements, which brought numberless calamities upon tiiat unhappy people, and subjected them to the most grievous oppression. This was not the only bad effect of the insurrection in Hispaniola ; it pre- vented Columbus from prosecuting his discoveries on the continent, as self-preservation obliged him to keep near his person, his brother the adelantado, and the sailors whom he intended to have employed in that service. As soon as his affairs would permit, he sent some of his ships to Spain v/ith a journal of the voy- age which he had made, a description of the new countries which he had discovered, a chart of the coast along which he had sailed, and specimens of the gold, the pearls, and other curious or valuable productions which he had acquired by trafficking with the natives. At the same time he transmitted ?.n account of the insurrection in Hispaniola ; and proposed several re- gulations for the better governmeot of the island, as well as the extinction of that mutinous spirit, which, though suppressed at present, might soon burst out with additional rage, lloldan and his associates did not nsglectto convey to Spain, by the same ships, an apology for their own conduct, together with their re- criminations upon the admiral and his brothers. Un- fortunately for the honour of Spain, and the happi- ness of Columbus, the latter gamed most credit in the court of Ferdinand and Isabella, and produced unexpected effects. But, previous to the relating of these, itisproperto take a view of some events, which merit attention, both on account of their own importance, and their connexion with the history of the New World. While Columbus was engaged in his successive voyages to the west, the spirit of discovery did not languish in *^ortugai. Ji:manuel, who inherited the enterprbing 108 DISCOVEIIY AND CONQUEST genius of his predecessors, persisted in their gprand scheme of opening a passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope, and, soon after his accession to the throne, equipped a squadron for that important voyage. He gave the command of it to Vasco de Gama, a man of noble birth, possessed of virtue, pru- dence, and courage, equal to the station. The squa- dron, like all those fitted out for discovery in the in- fancy of navigation, was extremely feeble, consisting of three vessels, of neither burden nor force adequate to the service. As the Europeans were at that time little acquainted with the course of the trade-winds and periodical monsoons, which ender navigation in the Atlantic ocean, as well as m the sea that sepa- rates Africa from India, at some seasons easy, and at others not only dangerous, but almost impracticable, the time chosen for Gama's departure was the most improper during the whole year. He set sail from Lisbon on the 9th of July, and standing towards the south, had to struggle for four months with contrary winds, before he could reach the Cape of Good Hope. Here their violence began to abate ; and during an interval of calm weather, Gama doubled that formi- dable promontory, which had so long been the boun- dary of navigation, and directed his course towards the north-east, along the African coast. He touched at several ports ; and after various adventures, which the Portuguese historians relate with high but just en> comiums upon his conduct and intrepidity, he came to anchor before the city of Melinda, in which port he found several vessels from India. Gama now purstied his voyage with almost absolute certainty of success, and, under the conduct of a Mahometan pilot, arrived at Calecut upon the coast of Malabar, on the 22d of May, 1498. What he beheld of the wealth, the populousness, the cultivation, the industry, and arts, of this highly civilized country, farsurpassed any idea that he had formed, from the imperfect accounts which the Europeans had hhherto received of it. But as he possessed neither sutticient force to attempt a settle- OF AMERICA lOff ment, nor proper commodities with which he could carry on commerce of any consequence, he hastened bacic to Portugal, with an account of his success in performing a voyage, the longest, as well as most dif* ficult, that had ever been made, since the first inven- tion of navigation. He landed at Lisbon on the 14th of September, 1499, two years, two months, and five days, from the time he left that port. Thus, during the course of the fifteenth century, mankind made greater progress in exploring the state of the habitable globe, than in all the ages which had elapsed previous to that period. Almost fifty years were employed by the F )rtu- guese in creeping along the coast of Africa from Cape Non to Cape de Verd, the latter of which lies only twelve degrees to the south of the former. Jv less than thirty years they ventured beyond the equ noitial line into another hemisphere, and penetrateo to the southern extremity of Africa, at the distance of forty- nine degrees from Cape de Verd. During the last seven years of the century, a New World was dis- covered in the west, not inferior in extent to all the p:irts of the earth with which mankind were at that time acquainted. In the east, unknown seas and countries were found out, and a communication, long desired, but hitherto concealed, was opened between Europe and the opulent regions of India. In com- parison with events so wonderful au,i vnexpected, all that had hitherto been deemed great o; splendid faded away and disappeared.. Vast objects now presented themselves. 'J'he human mind, roused and interested by the prospect, engaged with ardour in pursuit of them, and exerted its active powers in a new direction. This spirit of enterprise, though but newly awakened in Spain, began soon to operate extensively. All the attempts towards discovery made in that kingdom had hitherto been carried on by Columbus alone, and at the expense of the sovereign. But now private ad- venturers, allured by the magnificent descriptions he gave of the regions which he had visited, as well as 110 DISCOVERY AND CONQULbT K by the specimens of their wealth which he producecl, oftered to Ht out squadrons at their own risk, and to go in quest of new countries. One of the first propo- sitions of this kind was made by Alonso de Ojeda, a gallant and active officer, who had accompanied Co- lumbus in his second voyage. His rank and cha- racter procured him such credit with the merchants of Seville, that they undertook to equip four ships, pro- vided he could obtain the royal license, authorizing the voyage. The powerful patronage of the bishop of Badajos easily secured success in a suit so agree- able to the court. Without consulting Columbus, or regarding the rights and jurisdiction whioh he had acquired by the capitulation in 1492, Ojeda was permitted to set out for the New World. In order to direct his course, the bishop communi- cated to him the admiral's journal of bis last voyage, and his charts of the countries which he had dis- covered. Ojeda struck out into no new path of navi- gation, but adhering servilely to the route which Columbus had taken, arrived on the coast of Paria. He traded with the native^^, and standing to the west, proceeded as far as Cape de Vela, and ranged along a considerable extent of coast beyond that on which Columbus had touched. Having thus ascertained the opinion of Columbus, that this country was a part of the continent, Ojeda returned by way of His- paniola to Spain, with some reputation as a discoverer, but with little benefit to those who had raised the funds for the expedition. • Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine gentleman, ac- companied Ojeda in thi^i voyage. In what station he served is uncertain ; but as he was an experienced sailor, and eminently skilful in all the sciences sub- servient to navigation, he seems to have acquired such authority among his companions, that they willingly allowed him to have a chief share in directing their operations during the voyage. Soon after his return, he transmitted an account of his adventures and dib^- coveries io one of his countrymen ; and labouring ft OF AMERICA. Ill with tUfe vanity of a traveller to magnify his own ex- ploits, he had the address and confidence to frame his narrative, so as to make it appear that he had the glory of having first discovered the continent in the New World. Amerigo's account was drawn up not only with art, but with some elegance. It contained an amusing history of his voyage, and judicious ob- servations upon the natural productions, the inha- bitants, and the customs of the countries which he had visited. As it was the first description of any part of the New World that was published, a performance so well calculated to gratify the passion of mankind for what is new and marvellous, circulated rapidly, and was read with admiration. The country of which Amerigo was supposed to be the discoverer, came gradually to be called by his name. The caprice of mankind, often as unaccountable as unjust, has per- petuated this error. By the universal consent of nations, America is the name bestowed on this new quarter of the globe. The bold pretensions of a for- tunate impostor have robbed the discoverer of the New World of a distinction which belonged to him. The name of Amerigo has supplanted that of Colum- bus ; and mankind may regret an act of injustice, which, having received the sanction of time, it is now too late to redress. During the same year, Vincent Yanez Pinzon, one of the admiral's companions in his first voyage, sailed from Palos with four ships. He stood boldly towards the south, and was the first Spaniard who ventured to cross the equinoctial line ; but he seems to have landed on no part of the coast beyond the mouth of the Maragnon, or river of the Amazons. All these navigators adopted the erroneous theory of Columbus, ^.nd believed that the countries which they had dis- covered were part of the vast continent of India. During the last year of the 15th century, that fer- tile district of America, on the confines of which Pin- zon had stopped short, was more fully discovered. The successful voyage of Gama to the East Indies 112 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST having encouraged thr king of Portugal to ftt out a fleet so powerful, as not only to carry on trade, but to attempt conquest, he gave the command of it to Pedro Alvarez Cabral. In order to avoid the coast of Africa, where he was certain of meeting with variable breezes, or frequent calms, which might retard his voyage, (Jabral stood out to sea, and kept so far to the west, that, to his surprise, he found himself upon the shore of an unknown country, in the tenth degree beyond the line. He imagined at first that it was some island in the Atlantic ocean, hitherto unobserved ; but pro- ceeding along its coast for several days, he was led gradually to believe, that a country so extensive foruied a part of some great continent. This latter opinion was well founded. The country with which he fell in belongs to that province in South America, now known by the name of Brazil He landed ; and having formed a very high idea of the fertility of the soil, and agreeableness of the climate, he took pos- session of it for the crown of Portugal, and despatched a ship to Lisbon with an account of this event, which appeared to be no less important than it was unex- pected. While the Spaniards and Portuguese, by those successive voyages, were daily acquiring more en- larged ideas of the extent and opulence of that quarter of the globe which Columbus had made known to them, he hiu.jelf, far from enjoying the tranquillity and honours with which his services should have been recompensed, was struggling with every distress in which the envy and malevolence of the people under li command, or the ingratitude of the court which he servet^, could involve him. Though tlie pacifica- tion with Roldan broke the union and weakened the force ci the mutineers, it did not extirpate the seeds of discord out of the island. Several of the malcontents continued in arms, refusing to submit to the admiral. He and his brothers were obliged to take the field al- ternately, in order to check their incursions, or to crimes. The pcrputual occupation and li punish their i: OF AMERICA. 113 I 3i 11 disquiet which this created, prevented him from giving due attention to the dangerous machinations of iim enemies in the court of Spain. A good number of 8uch as were most dissatisfied with his administration, had embraced the opportunity of returning to Europe with the ships which he despatched from St. Domingo. They teased Ferdinand and Isabella incessantly with memorials, containing the detail of their own griev- ances, and the articles of their charge against Colum- bus. Whenever either the king or queen appeared in public, they surrounded them in a tumultuary man- ner, insisting with importunate clamours for the pay- ment of the arrears due to them, and demanding ven- geance upon the author of their sufferings. They in- sulted the admiral's sons wherever they met them, reproaching them as the offspring of the projector, whose fatal curiosity had discovered those pernicious regions which drained Spain of its wealth, and would prove the grave of its people. These avowed endea- vours of the malcontents from America to ruin Co- lumbus, were seconded by the secret but more dan- gerous insmuations of that party among the courtiers which had always thwarted his schemes and envied his success and credit. Ferdinand was disposed to listen, not only with a willing but with a partial ear, to these accusations. Even Isabella, who from the favourable opinion which she entertained of Columbus, had uniformly protected him, was shaken at length by the number and bold- ness of his accusers, and began to suspect that a dis- affeclion so general must have been occasioned by real grievances, which called for redress. The bishop of Badajos, with his usual animosity against Colum- bus, encouraged these suspicions and confirmed them. As soon as the queen began to give way to the tor- rent of calumny, a resolution fatal to Columbus was taken. Francis de Bovadilla. a knight of Calatrava, was appointed to repair to Hispaniola, with full powers to inquire into the conduct of Columbus, and if he should find the charge of mal-administration lt« DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST i> proved, to supersede him, and assume the government of the island. It was impossible to escape condem- nation, when this preposterous commicsaion made it the interest of the judge to pronounce the person whom he was sent to try, guilty. Though Columbus had now composed all the dissensions in the island j though he had brought both Spaniards and Indians to submit peaceably to his government ; though he had made such effectual provision for working the mines, and cultivating the country, as would have secured a considerable revenue to the king, as well as large profits to individuals, Bovadilla, without deigning to attend to the nature or merit of those services, dis- covered, from the moment that he landed in His- paniola, a determined purpose of treating him as a criminal. He took possession of the admiral's house in St. Domingo, from which its master happened at that time to be absent, and seized his effects, as if his guilt had been already fully proved ; he rendered himself master of the fort and of the king's stores by violence ; he required all persons to acknowledge him as supreme governor ; he set at liberty the prisoners confined by the admiral, and summoned him to ap- pear before his tribunal, in order to answer for his conduct ; transmitting to him, together with the sum- mons, a copy of the royal mandate, by which Colum- bus was enjoined to yield implicit obedience to his coTTimands. Columbus, though deeply affected with the ingra- titude and injustice of Ferdinand and Isabella, did not hesitate a moment about his own conduct. He submitted to the will of his sovereigns with a respect- ful silence, and repaired directly to the court of that violent and partial judge whom they had authorized to try him. Bovadilla, without admitting him into his presence, ordered him instantly to be arrested, to be loaded with chains, and hurried on board a ship. The Spaniards, who were mostly adventurers, whom their indigence or crimes had compelled to abandon their native country, expressed the most indecent sa- .J I / OF AMERICA. 115 [I tisfaction with the disgrace and imprisonment of Co- lumbus. They flattered themselves, that now they should enjoy an uncontrolled liberty, more suitable to their disposition and former habits of life. Among persons thus prepared to censure the proceedings and to asperse the character of Columbus, Bovadilla col- lected materials for a charge against him. All accu- sations, the most improbable, as well as inconsistent, were received. No informer, however infamous, was rejected. The result of this inquest, no less indecent than partial, he transmitted to Spain. At the same time, he ordered Columbus, with his two brothers, to be carried thither in fetters ; and, adding cruelty to insult, he confined them in different ships, and ex- cluded them from the comfort of that friendly inter- course which might have soothed their common dis- tress. Alonzo de Valejo, the captain of the vessel on board which the admiral was confined, as soon as he was clear of the island, approached his prisoner with great respect, and o^Tered to release him from the fetters with which he was unjustly loaded. * No,' replied Columbus, with a generous indignation, ' I wear these irons in consequence of an order from my sovereigns. They shall find me as obedient to this as to their other injunctions. By their command I have been confined, and their command alone shall set me at liberty.' Fortunately, the voyage to Spain vf?"- extremely short. As soon as Ferdinand and IsabeMa were in- formed that Columbus was brought home a prisoner, and in chains, they perceived at once what universal astonishment this event must occasion, and what an impression to their d* .advantage it must make. All Europe, they foresaw, would be fi' '^^d with indigna- tion at this ungenerous requital of a man who had performed actions worthy of the highest recompense, and would exclaim against the injustice of the nation, to which he had been such an eminent benefactor, as well as against the ingratitude of the princes whose reign he had rendered illustrious. Ashamed of their ■.* 116 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST own condu'^t, and eager not only to m-ike some re- paration for this injury, but to eiT-ACn tb*i stain which It miglit fix upon their character, the.'? instanih; ?,' ued orders to set Columbus at liberty,, invt^d hiin £. .niards; and their un- . • erous conduct exaspc :u.. nim to such a degree, that he could no longer co .r'3al the sentiments which i /-'■ OP AMERICA. some re- in which \x issued lio court, tbv-iv i\ iiercct the the feet lie silent j lind s'p- h he re- in a long ok of his evidence, (lies, who, laboured lis honour th decent 1 respect. had hap- joined m iur. But n order to laving au- lot restore as viceroy d. They id been so urt under e Ovando, governor BW injury, employed The sen- thing that hat wears imbus had their un- a degree, ints which 117 it excited. Wherever he went he carried about with him, as a memorial of their ingratitude, those fetters with which he had been loaded. They were constantly hung up in his chamber, and he gave orders, that when he died they should be buried in his grave. Meanwhile^ the spirit of discovery, notwithstanding the severe check which it had received by the unge- nerous treatment of the man who first excited it in Spain, continued active and vigorous. Roderigo de Bastidas, a person of distinction, iitted out two ships in copartnery with John de la Cosa, who, having served under the admiral in two of his voyages, was deemed the most skilful pilot in Spain. They steered directly towards the continent, arrived on the coast of Paria, and proceeding to the west, discovered all the coast of the province now known by the name of Tierra Firme, from Cape de Vela to the gulf of Darien. Not long after, Ojeda, with his former associate, Amerigo Ves- pucci, set out upon a second voyage, and being unac- quainted with the destination of Bastidas, held the same course, and touched at the same places. The voyage of Bastidas was prosperous and lucrative, that of Ojeda unfortunate. But both tended to increase the ardour of discovery ; for in proportion as the Spaniards acquired a more extensive knowledge of the American continent, their idea of its opulence and fertility increased. Before these adventurers returned from their voy- ages, a fleet was equipped, at the public expense, for carrying over Ovando, the new governor, to His- paniola. His presence there was extremely requisite, in order to stop the inconsiderate career of Bovadilla, whose iin^. udent administration threatened the settle- ment v-'itii ruin. Conscious of the violence and iniquity oi ais proceedings against Columbus, he con- tinued to make it his l ^le object to gain the favour and support of his country inen, by acrornmodating himself to *heir passions and prejudices. Instead of the severe discipline, necessary in order io habituate the dissolute and corrupted members of which the society was com- .■i.;fft.N/i 118 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST poHed, to the restraints of law and subordination, he suffered them to enjoy such uncontrolled license, an encouraged the wildest excesses. Instead of protecting the Indians, he gave a legal sanction *o the oppression of that unhappy people, and reduced them all to a state of complete servitude. As the avarice of the Spaniards was too rapacious and impatient to try any method of acquiring wealth but that of searching for gold, this servitude became as grievous as it was unjust, i'he Indians were driven in crowds to the mountains, and compelled to work in the mines, by masters who imposed their tasks without mercy or discretion. La- bour so disproportioned to t eir strength and former habits of life, wasted that feeble race of men with such rapid consumption, as must have soon terminated in the utter extinction of liie ancient inhabitants of the country. The necessity of applying a speedy remedy to those disorders, hastened Ovando's departure. He had the command of the most respectable armament hitherto fitted out for the New World. It consisted of thirty- two ships, on board of which two thousand five hun- dred persons embarked, with an intention of settling in the country. Upon the arrival of the new governor with this powerful reinforcement to the colony, Bova- dilla resigned his charge, and was commanded to return instantly to Spain, in order to answer for his conduct. Roldan, and the other ringleaders of the mutineers, who had been mrst active in opposing Columbus, were required to eave the island at the same time. A proclamation was issued, declaring the Datives to be free subjects of Spain, of whom no service was to be exacted contrary to their own inclination, and without paying them an adequate price for their labour. In order to limit the exorbitant gain which private persons were supposed to make by working the mines, an ordinance was published, directing all the gold to be brought to a public smeltiug-house, and ueclanng one half of it to be the property of the crcw'T. While these steps were taking for se< uring the tran- ,■.? J OP AMERICA. 110 quillity and welfare of the colony which Columbus had planted, he himself was engaged in the unpleasant employment of soliciting the favour of an ungrateful court, and notwithstandmg all his merit and services, he solicited in vain. After attending the court of Spain for near two years, as an humble suitor, he found it impossible to remove Ferdinand's prejudices and ap- prehensions ; and perceived, at lengtn, that he laboured m vain, when he urj^ed a claim of justice or merit with an interested and unfeeling prince. But even this ungenerous return did not discourage him from pursuing the great object which first called forth his inventive genius, and excited him to attempt discovery. To open a new passage to ttie East Indies, was his original and favourite scheme. This still engrossed his thoughts ; and either from his own ob- servations in his voyage to Paria, or from some obscure hint of the natives, or from the accounts given by Bastidas and de la Cosa of their expedition, h ? con- ceived an opinion that, beyond trie continent of America, there was a sea which extended to the ErrX Indies, and hoped to find some strait or narrow nee of land, by which a communication might be opened with it and the part of the ocean already known. By a very fortunate conjecture, he supposed this strait or isthmus to be situated near the gulf of Darien. Full of this idea, though he was now of an advanced age, worn out with fatigue, and broken with infirmities, he offered, with the alacrity of a youthful adventurer, to undertake a voyage which would ascertain this 'mn^r- tant point, and perfect the grand scheme whic. ^la the beginning he proposed to accomplish. Several circumstances concurred in disposing Ferdinand and Isabella to lend a favourable ear to this proposal. They were glad to have the pretext of any honourable employment for removing from court a man with whose i' nands they deemed it impolitic to comply, and V. hose services it was indecent to neglect. Though unwilling to reward Columbus, they were not insen- sible of his merit, and from their experience of his skiU 120 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST 1.1 and conduct, had reason to give credit to his conjec- tures, and to confide in his success. To these consi- derations, a third must be added of still more powerful ii'"'!' i.ce. * bout this time the Portuguese fleet, under Cabrtt!^ iirrived from the Indies; and, by the richness of Its cargo, gave the people of Europe a more perfect idea than they had hitherto been able to form, of the opulence and fertility of the East. Lisbon became immediately the seat of commerce and wealth ; while Spain had on); h. v,..p'.'Cta*i'>n of remote benefit, and of future gain, from the western world. Nothing, then, could be mure acceptable to the Spaniards thdk> * Columbus's offer to conduct them to the East, by a route which he expected to be shorter^ as well as less dangerous, than that which the Portuguese had taken. Even Ferdinand was roused by such a prospect, and warmly approved of the undertaking. But interesting as the object of this voyage was to the nation, Columbus could procure only four small barks, the larges'. of which did not exce'^d seventy tons in burden, for performing it. Accuo.v,med to Lrave danger, and to engage in arduous undertakings with inadequate force, he did not hesitate to accept the command of this pitiful squadroi. His brother Bar- tholomew, and his second son Ferdinand, the historian of his actions, accompanied him. He jailed from Cadiz on (he 9th of May, 1502, and touched, as usual, at the Canary islat ds ; from thence he proposed to have siGod dir^ ;tly for e continent ; but his largest vessel was so clumsy and unfit for service, as constrained him to bear away for Hispaniola, in hopes of ex- cha giiig her for sr nie ship ol the fleet that had carried out Ovando. When he arrived n* St. Domingo, he found eighteen of {^"iti ships ready loaded, and on the point of depart ig for Spain. Columbus immediately acquainted (.• ^ov rnor with the destination of his voyage, and u'e ac dent which had obliged him to alter his route. He requested permission to enter the harbour, not only that he might negotiate the exchange of his ship, but that he might take shelter during a OF AMEUICA. 121 conjee- ;e consi- powerful 3t, under richness e pet iect n, of the became ti ; while lefit, and Nothincr, irds thdk! ast, by a 11 as less ad taken, pect, and ye was to >ur small -enty tons to Lrave ngs with :cept the her Bar- historian ed from [as usual, to have !St vessel [Strained of ex- carried igo, he Id on the diately of his him to Inter the change uring a violent hurricane, of which he discerned the approach from various prognostics, which his experience and sagacity had taught him to observe. On that account, he advised him likewise to put off for some days the departure of the fleet bound for Spain. But Ovando retused his request, and despised his counsel. Ihs salutary warning, which merited the greatest attention, was regarded as the dream of a visionary prophet, who arrogantly pretended to predict an event beyond the reach of human foresight. The fleet set sail for Spain. Next night the hurricane came on with dreadful im- petuosity. Columbus, aware of the danger, took precautions against it, and saved his little squadron. The fleet desti id for Spain met with the fate which the rashness and obstinacy of its commanders deserved. Of eighteen ships, two or three only escaped. In this general wreck perished Bovadilla, Roldan, and the greater part of those who had been the most active in persecuting Columbus, and oppressing the Indians. 'J'ogether with themselves, all the wealth which they had acquired by their injustice and cruelty was swal- lowed up, which exceeded in value two hundred thousand pesos.* Among the ships that escaped, one had on board all the effects of Columbus which had been recovered from the ruins of his fortune. Histori- ans, struck with the exact discrimination of characters, as well as the just distribution of rewards and punish- ments, conspicuous in those events, universally attri- bute them to an immediate interposition of Divine Providence. Upon the ignorant and superstHious race of men, who were witnesses of this occurrence, it made a different impression. They believed Columbus to be possessed of supernatural powers, and imagined that he had conjured up this dreadful storm by magical art and inrintations, in order to be avenged of his enemies. Columbus soon left Hispaniola, where he met with * This sum, calculating the peso at 4s. 6d., would amount to 45.O00/-9 which (lakinir into account the hJ!,'h vaiue of money In the sixteenth CfiUui'y'< may he con&idcred equal to 325,000^ at the present period. 129 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST such an inhospitable reception, and stood towards the continent. After a tedious and dangerous voyage, he discovered Guanaia, an island not far distant from the coast of Honduras. There he had an interview with some of the inhabitants of the continent, who arrived in a large canoe. In return to the inquiries which the Spaniards made, with their usual eaeerness, concerning the places where the Indians got the gold which they wore by way of ornament, they directed them to countries situated to the west, in which gold was found in such profusion, that it was applied to the most common uses. Instead of steering m quest of a country so inviting, which would have conducted him along the coast of Yucatan to the rich empire of Mexico, Columbus was so bent upon his favourite scheme of finding out the strait which he supposed to communicate with the Indian ocean, that he bore away to the east towards the gulf of Darien. In this navigation he discovered all the coast of the continent, from Cape Gracias a Dios, to a harbour which, on account of its beauty and security, he called Porto Bello. He searched in vain for the imaginary strait, through which he expected to make his way into an unknown sea; and though he went on shore several times, and advanced into the country, he did not pene- trate so far as to cross the narrow isthmus which se- parates the gulf of Mexico from the great southern ocean. He was so much delighted, however, with the fertility of the country, and conceived such an idea of its wealth, from the specimens of gold pro- duced by the natives, that he resolved to leave a small colony upon the river Belen, in the province of Vera- gua, under the command of his brother, and to return himself to Spain, in order to procure what was requi- site for rendering the establishment permanent. But the ungovernable spirit of the people under his com- mand, deprived Columbus of the glory of planting the first colony on the continent of America. Their insolence and rapaciousness provoked the natives to take arms, and as these were n more hardy and war- II OK AMERICA. 123 on jqui- But like race of men than the inhabitants of the islands, they cut off part of the Spaniards, and obliged the rest to abandon a station which was found to be un- tenable. This repulse, the first that the Spaniards met with from any of the American nations, was not the only misfortune that befell Columbus ; it was followed by a succession of all the disasters to which navigation is exposed. One of his ships perished ; he was obliged to abandon another, as unnt for service ; and with the two which remained, he quitted that part of the continent, which in his anguish he named the coast of Vexation, and bore away for Hispaniola. New distresses awaited him in this voyage. He was driven back by a violent tempest from the coast of Cuba, his ships fell foul of one another, and were so much shat- tered by the shock, that with the utmost difficulty they reached Jamaica, where he was obliged to run them aground to prevent them from sinking. The measure of his calamities seemed now to be full. He was cast ashore upon an island at a considerable distance from the only settlement of the Spaniards in America. His ships were ruined beyond the possibility of being repaired. To convey an account of his situation to Hispaniola, appeared impracticable ; and without this it was vain to expect relief. His genius, fertile in resources, and most vigorous in those perilous ex- tremities when feeble minds abandon themselves to de- spair, discovered the only expedient which afforded any prospect of deliverance. He had recourse to the hospitable kindness of the natives, who, considering the Spaniards as beings of a superior nature, were eager, on every occasion, to minister to their wants. From them he obtained two of their canoes, each formed out of the trunk of a single tree hollowed with fire, and so mis-shapen and awkward as hardly to merit the name of boats. In these, which were fit only for creeping along the coast, or crossing from one side of a bay to another, Mendez, a Spaniard, Fieschi, a Genoese, two gentlemen parUcularly aud 124 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST attached to Columbus, gallantly offered to set out for Hispaniola, upon a voyage of above thirty leagues. This they accomplished in ten days, after surmounting incredible dangers, and enduringsucli fatigues that seve- ral of the Indians who accompanied them sunk under it, and died. The attention paid to them by the gover- nor of Hispaniola was neither such as their courage merited, nor the distress of the persons from whom they came required. Ovando, from a mean jealousy of Columbus, was afraid of allowing him to set foot in the island under his government. This ungenerous passion hardened his heart against every tender senti- ment, which reflection upon the services and misfor- tunes of that great man, or compassion for his own fellow-citizens involved in the same calamities, mu?t have excited. Mendez and Fieschi spent eight months in soliciting relief for their commander and associates, without any prospect of obtaining it. During this period, various passions agitated the mind of Columbus and his companions in adversity. At first the expectation of speedy deliverance, from the success of Mendez and Fieschi's voyage, cheered the spirits of the most desponding. After some time the most timorous began to suspect that they had mis- carried in their daring attempt. At length, even the most sanguine concluded that they had perished. The seanien, in a transport of rage, rose in open mutiny, threatened the life of Colunbus, whom they reproach- ed as the author of all their calamities, seized tea canoes, which he had purchased from the Indians, and, despising his remonstrances and entreaties, made off with them to a distant part of the island. At the same time the natives murmured at the long residence of the Spaniards in their country. They began to bring in provisions with reluctance, they furnished them with a sparing hand, and threatened to withdraw those supplies altogether. Such a resolution must have been quickly fatal to the Spaniards. Their safety depended upon the good-will of the Indians ; and unless they could revive the admiration and re- OP AMERICA. 126 n- iSt lir verence with which that simple people had at first beheld them, destruction was unavoidable. The .a- genuity of Columbus suggested a happy artifice, that not only restored but heightened the high opinion which the Indians had originally entertained of them. By his skill in astronomy he knew that there was shortly to be a total eclipse of the moon. He assem- bled all the principal persons of the district around him on ihe day before it happened, and, after reproach- ing them for their fickleness in withdrawing their af- fection and assistance from men whom they had lately revered, he told them, that the Spaniards were ser- vants of the Great Spirit who dwells in heaven, who made and governs the world ; that he, offended at their refusing to support men who were the objects of his peculiar favour, was preparing to punish this crime with exemplary severity, and that that very night the moon should withhold her light, and appear of a bloody hue, as a sign of the divine wrath, and an em- blem of the vengeance ready to fall upon them. To this marvellous prediction some of them listened with the careless indifference peculiar to the people of America ; others, with the credulous astonishment natural to barbarians. But when the moon began gradually to be darkened, and at length appeared of a red colour, all were struck with terror. They ran with consternation to their houses, and returning in- stantly to Columbus loaded with provisions, threw them at his feet, conjuring him to intercede with the Great Spirit to avert the destruction with which they were threatened. Columbus, seeming to be moved by their entreaties, promised to comply with their de- sire. The eclipse went off, the moon recovered its splendour, and from that day the Spaniards were not only furnished profusely with provisions, but the na- tives, with superstitious attention, avoided every thing that could give them offence. During those transactions, the mutineers had made repeated attempts to pass over to Hispaniola in the canoes which they had seized. But from their own 126 DISCOYERY AND CONQUEST I misconduct, or the violence of the winds and currents, their efforts were all unsuccessful. Enraged at this disappointment, they marched towards that part of the island where Columbus remained, threatening him with new insults and danger. While they were ad- vancing, an event happened, more cruel and afflicting than any calamity which he dreaded from them. The governor of Hispaniola, whose mind was still filled with some dark suspicions of Columbus, sent a small bark to Jamaica, not to deliver his distressed country- men, but to spy out their condition. He gave the command of this vessel to Escobar, an inveterate ene- my of Columbus, who, adhering to his instructions^ with malignant accuracy, cast anchor at some dis- tance from the island, approached the shore in a small boat, observed the wretched plight of the Spaniards, delivered a letter of empty compliments to the adnii- ral, received his answer, and departed. When the Spaniards first descried the vessel standing tcwirda the island every heart exulted, as if the long-expected hour of their deliverance had at length arrived ; but when it disappeared so suddenly, they sunk into the deepest dejection, and all their hopes died away. Columbus alone, though he felt most sensibly tliis wanton insult which Ovando added to his past neg- lect, retained such composure of mind as to bo able to cheer his followers. He assured them that Mendtz and Fieschi had reached Hispaniola in safety; that they would speedily procure ships to carry them oflT; but, as Escobar's vessel could not take them all on board, that he had refused to go with her, because ha was determined never to abandon the faithful com- panions of his distress. Soothed with the expectation of speedy deliverance, and delighted with his appa- rent generosity in attending more to their preservation than to his own safety, their spirits revived, and he T'^gained their confidence. Without this confidence he could not have resisted the mutineers, who were now at hand. All his en- deavours to reclaim those desperate men had no effect _. .^■.. ■«**■» ■■ OF AMERICA. 127 ible dtz hat on ha ra- tion Ipa- lion he ted jn- JCt but to increase their frenzy. The common safety rendered it necessary to oppose them with open force. Columbus, who had been long afflicted with the gout, could not take the field. His brother, the adelantado, marched against them. They quickly met. The mutineers rejected with scorn terms of accommoda- tion, which were once more offered them, and rushed on boldly to the attack. In the first shock, several of their most daring leaders were slain. The adelan- tado, whose strength was equal to his courage, closed with their captain, wounded, disarmed, and took him prisoner. At sight of this, the rest fled, with a das- tardly fear suitable to their former insolence. Soon after, they submitted in a body to Columbus, and bound themselves by the most solemn oaths to obey all his commands. Ha.dly was tranquillity re-esta- blished, when the ships aopeared, whose arrival Co- lumbus had promised w'Vh great address, though he could foresee it with little certainty. With transports of joy, the Spaniards quitted an island in which the unfeeling jealousy of Ovando had suffered them to languish above a year, exposed to misery in all its various forms. When they arrived at St. I^omingo, the governor, with the mean artifice of a vulgar mind, that labours to atone for insolence by servility, fawned on the man whom he envied, and had attempted to ruin. He re- ceived Columbus with the most studied respect, lodged him in his own house, and distinguished him with every mark of honour. But amidst those overacted Oemonstrations of regard, he could not conceal the hatred and malignity latent in his heart. He set at liberty the captain of the mutineers, whon Columbus had brought over in chains, to be tried for his crimes ; and threatened such as had adhered to the admiral with proceeding to a judicial inquiry into their con- duct. Columbus submitted in silence to what he could not redress j but discovered aa extreme impa- tience to quit a country which was under the jurisaic- tion of a man who had treated him, on every occasion, 128 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST with inhumanity and injustice. His preparations were soon finished, and he set sail for Spain with two shipvS. Disa8ter8 similar to those which had accompanied him through hfe continued to pursue him to the end of his career. One of his vessels being disabled, was soon forced back to St. Domingo ; the other, shattered by violent storms, sriled seven hundred leagues with jury-masts, and reached with difficulty the port of St. Lucar. There he received the account of an event which completed his misfortunes. This was the death of his pT'troness queen Isabella, in whose justice, humanity, and favour, he confided as his last resource. None now remained to redress his wrongs, or to reward him for his services and sufferings, but Ferdinand, who had so long opposed and so often injured him. To solicit a prince thus prejudiced against him, was an occupation no less irksome than hopeless. Ferdinand amused him with fair words and unmeaning piomises. Instead of granting his claims, he proposed ex )edients in order to elude them, and spun out the affair with such apparent art, as plainly discovered his intention that it should never be terminated. Disgusted with ihe ingratitude of a monarch wi.om he had served with such lidelity and success, exhausted with the fa- tigues and hardships which he had endured, and broken with the infirmities which these had brought upon him, Columbus ended his life at Valladolid on the 20th of May, 1506, in the 59th ye^r of his age. He died with a composure of mind suitable to the magnanimity which distinguished his character, and with sentiments of piety becoming that supreme respect for religion, which he manifested in every occurrence of his life.* • Robertson tells us nothintr respecting the funeral honours paid to Cojiinihus. The following account of his obsequies, which is given bv Washiiifirtan Irvinpf, cannot fail to iniercst the reader. ' Th« body of Columbus was deposited in the convent of S. Francisco, and his obsequies were ccletirated with funeral pomp in the parochial cliurch of Santa Maria de la Anti<y .the natives. She ImH '?'"'' •^'°'^'>^ ^^ected ^hich the women of aZ^' P'"'"* ^««d««^«s with Europeans, had alwL ,0^^%'"'^^^'^ to the Spaniards, and loa/pri ?k ^^.^ friendship of the --e of 'the adheits If' Vd^' ^^'^^^^^ ^"t »« her country, were so mn^K ^° ^^^"'"^ «e"led endeavouring {; retrain T' ^^^^P^rated at her accused her%f h^v nrformed TT''' *^^^ ^hey . t/^e yoke, and to extermin.f^ .1 .P^^" ^o throw off f 0. though he knew wXwh^ 1 «-n" to such profligate m^n IT u }^^ credit was due •nquiry, tSwarfs Xa^Lia with^K ^'^"' ^^^ther and seventy hor.emen^ 'C ^''' ^""^'"^d foot from taking alarm a?* this hr «??''^' '^^ ^"^^^ns ^'^veout that his sole in Lnhon ' 'PP""''a"ce, he "a. to whom his coin rv^l h Tl *° ^'^'t Anacoa- l^ehted in the mo^re Sful '^ ^''" '' "^"^h in- Jate with her the mod^ '? ? • ^''"^'•' and to reffu- to the king of Sna^n I ^''^^"^ the tribute payable this illustrious gues 'wifh^drh'' " ""'''' *°'-eive Pnncpal men !n her^dtn^illin^^^^^^^^ ^^« niimKo- y^'r 132 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST three hundred, and advancing at the head of these, accompanied by a great crowd of persons of inferior rank, 8he welcomed Ovando with songs and dances, according to the mode of the country, and conducted him to the place of her residence. There he was feasted for some days, with all the kindness of simple hospitality, and amused with the games and spectacles usual among the Americans upon ocd^t^ions of mirth and festivity. But amidst the security which this in- spired, Ovando was meditating the destruction of his unsuspicious entertainer and her subjects. Under colour of exhibiting to the Indians the parade of an European tournament, he advanced with his troops in battle array, towards the house in which Anacoana and the chiefs who attended her, were assembled. The infantry took possession of all the avenues which led to the village. The horsemen encompassed the house. These movements were the object of admiration with- out any mixture of fear, until, upon a signal which had been concerted, the Spaniards suddenly drew their swords, and rushed upon the Indians, defence- less and astonished at an act of treachery which ex- ceeded the conception of undesigning men. In a moment Anacoana was secured. All her attendants were seized and bound. Fire was set to the house ; and without examination or conviction, all these un- happy persons, the most illustrious in their own coun- try, were consumed in the ^ames. Anacoana was reserved for a more ignominious fate. She was carried in chains to St. Domingo, and, after the formality ot a trial before Spanish judges, she was condemned, upon the evidence of those very men who had be- trayed her, to be publicly hanged. . Overawed and humbled by this atrocious treatment of their princes and nobles, who were objects of their highest reverence, the people in all the provinces of Hispaniola submitted, w'^hout farther resistance, to the Spanish yoke. Upon the death of Isabella, all the regulations tending to mitigate the rigour of their servitude were forgotten^ and that wretched people OF AMERICA. 133 were compelled to labour in order to satisfy the rapa- city r^'' their oppressors, whose exactions no longer knew J, ly bounds. But, barbarous as their policy was, and fatal to the inhabitants of Hispaniola, it pro- duced, for 8ome time, very cons'ierable effects. By calhng forth the force of a whole nation, and exerting it in one direction, the working of the mmes was carried on with amazing rapidity and success. During several years, the gold brought into the royal smelting-houses in Hispaniola amounted annually to four handred and sixty thousand pesos, above £100,000 sterling ; which, if we attend to the great change in the value of money since the beginning of the sixteenth century to the present times, must appear a considerable sum. Vast fortunes were created, of a sudden, by some. Others dissipated, in ostentatious profusion, what they acquired with facility. Dazzled by both, new adven- turers crowded to America, with the most eager un- patience to share in those treasures which had enriched their countrymen ; and, notwithstanding the mortality occasioned by the unhealthiuess of the climate, the colony continued to increase. Ovando governed the Spaniards with wisdom and justice not inferior to the rigour with which he treated the Indians. He estabiic'^ed equal laws ; and, by executing them with iiinpartiality, accustomed the people of the colony to reverence them. He founded several new towns in different parts of the island, and allured inhabitants to them, by the concession of vari- ous immunities. He endeavoured to turn the attention of the Spaniards to sorre branch of industry more useful than that of searching for gold in the mines. Some slips of the sugar-cane having been brought froru the Canary Islands by way of experiment, they were found to thrive with such increase in the rich soil and warm climate to which they were transplanted, that the cultivation of them soon became an object of com- merce. Extensive plantations were begun ; sugar- works, which the Spaniards called ingenios, from the various machinery »; • ' jyed in them, were erected, ^^J DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST h and in a few years the manufact''^? of this commodity was the great occupation of tiie ;• t^Jlbitant9 of Ilisua- niola, and the most considurahle source of their wealth. The prudent endeavours of Ovando to promote the welfare of the colony were powerfully seconded by Ferdinand. The large remittances which he received from the New World opened his eyes, at length, with respect to the importance of those discoveries, which he had hitherto affected to undervalue. He now erected a court distinguished by the title of the Cam de ConiratacioHt or Board of Trade, composed of persons eminent for rank and abilities, to whom he committed the administration of American affairs. This board assembled regularly in Seville, and was invested with a distinct and extensive jurisdiction. He gave a re- gular form to ecclesiastical government in America, by nominating archbishops, bishops, deans, together with clergymen of subordinate ranks, to take charge of the Spaniards established there, as well as of the natives who should embrace the Christian faith. But ^notwithstanding the obsequious devotion of the Spanish court to the papal see, such was Perdinand's solicitude Xo prevent any foreign power from claiming jurisdic- tion or acquiring influence in his new dominions, that he reserved to the crown of Spain the sole right of patronage to the benefices in America, and stipulated that no papal bull or mandate should be promulgated there, until it was previously examined and approved of by his council. With the same spirit of jealousy, he prohibited any goods to be exported to America, or any persou to settle there, without a special license from that council. But, notwithstanding this attention to the police and welfare of the colony, a calamity impended which threatened its dissolution. The original inhabitants, on whose labour the Spaniards in Hispaniola de- pended for their prosperity, and even their existence, wasted so fast, that the extinction of the whole race seemed to be inevitable. When Columbus discovered Hispaniola, the number of its inhabitants was com- \ OP AMERICA. 135 puted to be at least a miliion. They were nuw reduced to sixty thousand in thf upace of fifteen years. The Spaniards, beinj; thus dc^ ived of the instruments which they were accustomed to employ, found it impossible to extend heir improvements, or even to carry on the work order to provide in m alarming, Ovando •"' ants of the Lucay< tence that they migl and instructed to great* Hi'" d already bcf^un. In le remedy for an evil so >^ '/ it* Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 A-^ \ q\ N> % 'cr - > 6^ ^ v\ «■ :^ 130 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST Spaniards to search for new countries, where their avarice might be gratified with more facility. Juan Ponce de Leon, who commanded under Ovando in the eastern district of Hispaniola, passed over to the island of St. Juan de Puerto Rico, which Columbus had discovered in his second voyage, and penetrated into the interior part of the country. As he found the soil to be fertile, and expected, from some symptoms, as well as from the information of the inhabitants, to discover mines of gold in the mountains, Ovando permitted him to attempt making a settlement in the island. This was easily effected by an officer eminent for conduct no less than for courage. In a few years Puerto Rico was subjected to the Spanish govern- ment, the natives were reduced to servitude ; and, being treated with the same inconsiderate rigour as their neighbours in Hispaniola, the race of original inhabitants, worn out with fatigue and sufferings, was soon exterminated. About the same time, Juan Diaz de Solis, in con- junction with Vincent Yanez Pinzon, one of Colum- bus's original companions, made a voyage to the con- tinent. They held the same cou^-se which Columbus had taken, as far as to the island of Guanaios ; but, standing from thence to the west, they discovered a new and extensive province, afterwards known by the name of Yucatan, and proceeded a considerable way along the coast of that country. Though nothing memorable occurred in this voyage, it deserves notice, because it led to discoveries of greater importance. For the same reason^ the voyage of Sebastian de Ocampo must be mentioned. By the command of Ovando, he sailed round Cuba, and first discovered with certainty, that this country, which Columbus once supposed to be a part of the continent, was a large island. This voyage round Cuba was one of the last occur- rences under the administration of Ovando. Ever since the death of Columbus, his son Don Diego had been employed in soliciting Ferdinand to grant him OF AMERICA. 137 the offices of viceroy and admiral in the New World, together with all the immunities and profits which descended to him by inheritance, in consequence of the oiiginal capitulation with his father. After hav- ing wasted two years in incessant but fruitless import tunity, he endeavoured to obtain, by a legal sentence, what he could not procure from the favour of an in- terested monarch. He commenced a suit against Fer^ dinand before the council which managed Indian affairs, and that court, with integrity which reflects honour upon its proceedings, decided against the king, and sustained Don Diego's claim of the vice- royalty, together with all the other privileges stipu- lated in the capitulation. Even after this decree, Ferdinand's repugnance to put a subject in possession of such extensive rights, might have thrown in new obstacles, if Don Diego had not taken a step which interested very powerful persons in the success of his claims. The sentence of the council of the Indies gave him a title to a rank so elevated, and a fortune so opulent, that he found no difficulty in concluding a marriage with Donna Maria, daughter of Don Fer- dinand de Toledo, great commendator of Leon, and brother of the Duke of Alva, a nobleman of the first rank, and nearly related to the king. The duke and his family espoused so warmly the cause of their new ally, that Ferdinand could not resist their solicitations. He recalled Ovando, and appointed Don Diego his successor, though, even in conferring this tavour, he could not conceal his jealousy ; for he allowed him to assume only the title of governor, not that of vice- roy, which had been adjudged to belong to him. Don Diego quickly repaired to Hispaniola, attended by his brother, his uncles, his wife, whom the cour- tesy of the Spaniards honoured with the title of vice- queen, and a numerous retinue of persons of both sexes, born of good families. He lived with a splen- dour and magnificence hitherto unknown in the New World ; and the family of Columbus seemed now to enjoy the honours and rewards due to his inventive 138 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST genius, of which he himself had been cruelly de- frauded. No benefits accrued to the unhappy natives from this change of governors. Don Diego was not only authorized by a royal edict to continue the repartimi' entos, or distribution of Indians, but the particular number which he might grant to every person, ac- cording to his rank in the colony, was specified. He availed himself of that permission, and soon after he landed at St. Domingo, he divided such Indians as were still unappropriated, among his relations and attendants. The next care of the new governor was to comply with an instruction which he received from the king, about settling a colony in Cubagua, a small island which Columbus had discovered in his third voyage. Though this barren spot hardly yielded subsistence to its wretched inhabitants, such quantities of those oysters which produce pearls were found on its coast, that it did not long escape the inquisitive avarice of the Spaniards, and became a place of considerable re- sort. Large fortunes were acquired by the fishery of pearls, which was carried on with extraordinary ardour. The Indians, especially those from the Lu ^ islands, were compelled to dive for them ; andth.^ ^angerous and unhealthy employment was an additional cala- mity, which contributed not a little to the extinction of that devoted race. Though it was about ten years since Columbus had discovered tiie main land of America, the Spaniards had hitherto made no settlement in any part of it. What had been so long neglected was now seriously attempted, and with considerable vigour. This scheme took its rise from Alonso de Ojeda, who had already made two voyages as a discoverer, by which he ac- quired considerable reputation, but no wealth. But his character for intrepidity and conduct easily pro- cured him associates, who advanced the money requi- site to defray the charges of the expedition. About the same time, Diego de Nicuessa, who had acquired a de- op AMERICA. 139 large fortune in Hispaniola, formed a similar design. Ferdinand encouraged both ; and though he refused to advance the smallest sum, was extremely liberal of titles and patents. He erected two governments on the continent, one extending from Cape de Vela to the gulf of Darien, and the other from that to Cape Gracias a Dios. The former was given to Ojcda, the latter to Nicuessa. Ojeda fitted out a ship and two brigantines, with three hundred men ; Nicuessa, six vessels, with seven hundred and eighty men. The^ sailed about the same time from St. Domingo for their respective governments. In order to give their title to those countries some appearance of validity, seve- ral of the most eminent divines and lawyers in Spain were employed to- prescribe the mode in which they should take possession of them. They instructed those invaders, as soon as they landed on the conti- nent, to declare to the natives the principal articles of the Christian faith ; to acquaint them, in particular, with the supreme jurisdiction of the pope over all the kingdoms of the earth ; to inform them of the grant which this holy pontiff had made of their country to the king of Spain ; to require them to embrace the doctrines of that religion which the Spaniards made known to them ; and to submit to the sovereign whose authority they proclaimed. If the natives refused to comply with this requisition, then Ojeda and Nicuessa were authorized to attack them with fire and sword ; to reduce them, their wives and children, to a state of servitude ; and to compel them by force to recognise the jurisdiction of the church, and the authority of the monarch, to which they would not voluntarily subject themselves.* • * The form employed on this occasion served as a model to the Spaniards in all their subsequent cnnqupsts in America. It is so ex- traordinary in its nature, and gives us such an idea of the proceedinsrs of the Spaniards, and the principles upon whicii they founded their right to the extensive dominions which they acauired in the New World, that it well merits the attention of the reader: — ' 1 Alonso de Ojeda, servant of the roost high and powerful kings of Castile and Leon, the conquerors of barbarous nations, their messenger and captain, notify to you and declare, in as ample form as I am ca- pable, that God our Lord, who is one and eternal, created the heaven «WHIIP 140 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST As the inhabitants of the continent could not at once yield assent to doctrines too refined for their un- cultivated understandings, and explained to them by interpreters imperfectly acquainted with their lan- guage ; as they did not conceive bow a foreign priest, of whom they had never heard, could have any right to dispose of their country, or how an unknown prince should claim jurisdiction over them as his sub- jectsj they fiercely opposed the new invaders of their territories. Ojeda and Nicuessa endeavoured to effect by force what they could not accomplish by persuasion. But they found these natives to be of a character very different from that of their countrymen in the islands. They were fierce and warlike. Their arrows were dipped in a poison so noxious, that every wound was followed with certain death. In one en- counter they slew above seventy of Ojeda's followers, and the earth, and one man and orte woman, of whom you and we, and ail the men who have been or shall be in the world, are descended. But as it has come to pass throu^^h the number of g'enerations during more than Ave thousand years, that they have been dispersed into di^ ferent parts of the world, and are divided into various kingdoms and provinces, because one country was not able to contain tbeut nor could they have found in one the means of subsistence and preserva- tion ; therefore God our Lord gave the charge of all those people to one man named St. Peter, whom he, constituted the lord and head of all the human race, that all men, in whatever place they are born, or in whatever faith or place they are educated, nileht yield obedience unto him. He hath subjected the whole world to his jurisdiction, and commanded him to estaolish his residence in Rome, as the most pro- per place for the gcvernment of the world. He likewise promised and gave him power to establish his authority in every other part of the world, and to judfre and govern all Christians, Moors, Jews, Gen- tiles, and all other people of whatever sect or faith they may be. To him is given the name of Pope, which signifles admirable, great father and guardian, because he is the father and governor of all men. Those who lived in the time of this holy father obeyed and acknow- ledged him as their lord and king, and the superior of the universe. The same has been observed with respect to them who, since his time, have been chosen to the pontificate. Thus it jiow continues, and will continue to the end of tlie world. ' One of these pontiffs, as lord of the world, hath made a grant of these islands, and of the Tierra Firme of the ocean sea, to the Catho- lic kings of Castile, Don Ferdinand and Donna Isabella, of glorious memory, and their successors, our sovereigns, with all they contain, as is more fully expressed in certain deeds passed upon that occasion, which vou may see, if you desire it. Thus his majesty is king and lord or these islands, and of the continent, in virtue of this donation ; and, as king and lord aforesaid, most of the islands to which his title hath been notified, have recognised his msi^esty, and now jrield obedi- ence and subjection to him as their lord, voluntarily and without resist- ance ; and instantly, as soon as they received informaUon, they obeyed / iof 0- us n, Mi OP AMERICA. 141 and the Spaniards, for the first time, were taught to dread the inhabitants of the New World. Nothing could soften their ferocity. They refused to hold any intercourse, or to exchange any friendly office, with men whose residence among them they considered as fatal to their liberty and independence. This impla- cable enmity of the natives, though it rendered an attempt to establish a settlement in their country ex- tremely difficult as well as dangerous, might have been surmounted at length by the perseverance of the Spaniards, by the superiority of their arms, and their skill in the art of war. But every dbaster which can be accumulated upon the unfortunate, combined to complete their ruin. Though they received two con- siderable reinforcements from Hispaniola, the greater part of those who had enpged in this unhappy expe- dition perished, in less than a year, in the most ex- treme misery. A few who survived, settled as a feeble the religioun men sent by the kingr to preach to them, and to instruct them in our holy faith ; and all these, of their own free will, without any recompense or gratuity. became Christians, and continue to be so; and his majesty havinir received them graciously under his protection, has commnnded that they should be treated in the same manner as his other subjects and vassals. You are bound and obliged to act in the same manner. Therefore I now entreat and require you to consider attentively what I have declared to you ; and that you may more per- fectly comprehend it. that you take such time as is reasonable, in order that you may acknowledge the church as the superior and guide of the universe, and likewise the holy father called the pope, in his own riifht, and his mtOesty by his appointment, as king and sovereign lord or these islands, and of the Tierra Firme : and that you consent that the aforesaid holv fathers shall declare and preach to you the doctrines above mentioned. If you do this, you act well, and perform that to which you are bound and obliged ; and his majesty, and I in his name, will receive yon with love and Kindness, and will leave you, your wives and children, free and exempt from servitude, and in the enjoyment of all you possess, in the same manner as the inhabitants of the islands. Besides this, his majesty will bestow upon you many privileges, ex* emptions, and rewards. But if you will not comply, or maliciously delay to obey my injunction, then, with the help of God, I will enter your country by force ; i will carry on war against you with the utmost violence ; I will subject you to tlie yoke of obedience to the church and king; I will take your wives and children, and will make them slaves. And I protest, that all the bloodshed and calamities which shall follow are to be imputed to you, and not to his mt^esty, or to me, or tiie gen> tienien who serve unaer me ; and as I have now made this declaration and rtquiKition unto you, I require the notary here present to grant me a certificate of this, subscribed in prooer form.' 142 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST colony at Santa Maria el Antigua, on the gulf of Darien, under the command of Vasco Nu^nez de Balboa, who, in the most desperate exigencies, dis- played such courage and conduct, as first gained the confidence of his countrymen, ftv.d n:?arked him out as their leader in more splendid and successful under- takings. Nor was he tne only adventurer in this ex- pedition who will appear with lustre in more impor- tant scenes. Francisco Pizarro was one of Ojeda's companions, and in this school of adversity acquired or improved the talents which fitted him for the ex- traordinary actions which he afterwards performed. Hernan Cortes, whose name became still more famous, had likewise engaged early in this enterprise, which roused all the active youth of; Hispaniola to arms ; but the good fortune that acipcjippanied him in his subsequent adventures, interposed to save him from the disasters to which his conipanions were exposed. He was taken ill at St. Domingo before the departure of the fleet, and detained there by a tedious indispo- sition. Notwithstanding the unfortunate issue of thi^ expe- dition, the Spaniards were not deterred from engaging in new schemes of a similar nature. The passion for new undertakings, which characterizes the age of dis> covery in the latter part of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth century, would alone have been suf- ficient to prevent them from stopping short in their career. But circumstances peculiar to Hispaniola, at this juncture, concurred with it in extending their, navigation and conquests. The rigorous treatment of the inhabitants of that island having almost extirpated the race, many of the Spanish planters, as I have already observed, finding it impossible to carry on their works with the same vigour and profit, were obliged to look out for settlements in some country where people were not yet wasted by oppression. Others, with the inconsiderate levity natural to men upon whom wealth pours in with a sudden flow, had squandered, in thoughtless prodigality, what they OF AMERICA. 14S ling Isuf- Iheir I, at Iheir. of kted lave on rere itry on. len (had Ihey acquired with ease, and were driven by necessity to embark in the most desperate schemes^ in order to re- trieve their affairs. From all these causes, when Don Diego Columbus proposed to conquer the island of Cuba, and to establish a colony there, many persons of chief distinction in Hispaniola engaged with alacrity in the measure. He save the command of the troops destined for that service to Diego Velasquez, one of his father's companions in his second voyage, and who, having been long settled in Hispaniola, had ac- quired an ample fortune, with such reputation for probity and prudence, that he seemed to be well qua- lified for conducting an expedition of importance. Three hundred men were deemed sufficient for the conquest of an island of above seven hundred miles in length, and filled with inhabitants. But they were of the same unwarlike character with the people of His- paniola. The only obstruction the Spaniards met with was from Hatuey, a cazique, who had fled from His- paniola, and had taken possession of the eastern extremity of Cuba. He stood upon the defensive at their first landing, and endeavoured to drive them back to their ships. His feeble troops, however, were soon broken and dispersed ; and he himself being taken prisoner, Velasquez, according to the barbarous m '?m of the Spaniards, considered him as a slave who iiid taken arms against his master, and condemned him to the flames. When Hatuey was fastened to the stake, a Franciscan friar, labouring to convert him, promised him immediate admittance into the joys of heaven, if he would embrace the Christian faitn. ' Are there any Spaniards,' says he, after some pause, ' in that region of bliss which you describe V — * Yes,* replied the monk, ' but only such as are worthy and good.'-— ' The best of them, returned the indignant cazique, ' have neither worth nor goodness : I will not go to a place where I may meet with one of that accursed race.' This dreadful example of vengeance struck the people of Cuba with such terror, that they scarcely gave any opposition to the progress of their invaders ; 114 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST and Velanquez, without the loss of a man, annexed this extensive and fertile island to the Spanish mo- narchy. The facility with which this important conquest was completed, served as an incitement to other under- takings. Juan Ponce de Leon, having acquired both fame and wealth by the reduction of Puerto Rico, was impatient to engage in some new enterprise. He fitted out three ships at his own expense for a voyage of discovery, and his reputation soon drew together a respectable body of followers. He directed his course towards the Lucayo Islands ; and after touching at several of them, as well as of the Bahama Isles, he stood to the south-west, and discovered a country hitherto unknown to the Spaniards, which he called Florida, either because he fell in with it on Palm Sunday, or on account of its gay and beautiful appear- ance. He attempted to land m different places, but meeting with sucli vigorous opposition from the na- tives, as convinced him that an increase of force was requisite to effect a settlement, he returned to Puerto Rico, through the channel now known by the name of the Gulf of Florida. It was not merely the passion of searching for new countries that prompted Ponce de Leon to undertake this voyage ; he was influenced by one of those vision- ary ideas, which at that time often mingled with the spirit of discovery, and rendered it more active. A tradition prevailed among the natives of Puerto Rico, that in the isle of Bimini, one of the Lucayos, there was a fountain of such wonderful virtue as to renew the youth and recall the vigour of every person who bathed in its salutary waters. In hopes of finding this grand restorative. Ponce de Leon and his followers ranged through the islands, searching, with fruitless solicitude and labour, for the fountain which was the chief object of their expedition. That a tale so fabu- lous should gain credit among simple uninstructed Indians is not surprising. That it should make any impression upon an enlightened people, appears, in iaaaiafejeaaigs: f lew take ion- the A |ico, tere lew ho bis rers Hess the libu- 5ted (any in OF AMERICA. Uf the present nge, altogether incredible. The fact, however, is certain ; and the most authentic Spanish historians mention this extravagant sally of their ere- dulous countrymen. The Spaniards, at that period, were engaged in a career of activity which gave a romantic turn to their imagination, and daily presented to them strange and marvellous objects. A New World was opened to their view. They visited islands and continents, of whose existence mankind in former ages had no conception ; and if the rapid succession of new and striking scenes made such impression even upon the sound understanding of Columbus, that he boasted of having found the seat of Paradise, it will not appear strange that Ponce de Leon should dream of discovering the fountain of youth. Soon after the expedition to Florida, a discovery of much greater importance was made in another part of America. Balboa having been raised to the govern^ ment of the small colony at Santa Mana in Danen, by the voluntary suffrage of his associates, was so extremely desirous to obtain from the croVhi a confir- mation of their election, that he despatched one of his officers to Spain, in order to solicit a royal commission, which might invest him with a legal title to the su* preme command. Conscious, however, that he could not expect success from the patronage of Ferdinand's ministers, with whom he was unconnected, or from negotiating in a cour^ to the arts of which he was a stranger, he endeavoured to merit the dignity to which he aspired, and aimed at performing some signal ser- vice that would secure him the preference to every competitor. Full of this idea he made frequent in- roads into the adjacent country, subdued several of the caziques, and collected a considerable quantity of gold, which abounded more in that part of the continent, than in the islands. In one of those excursions, the Spaniards contended with such eagerness about the division of some gold, that they were at the point of proceeding to acts of violence against one another. A young cazique who was present, astonished at the high 140 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST value which they set upon a thing of which he did not discern the use, tumbled the gold out of the balance with indignation; and, turning to the Spaniard?, ' Why do you quarrel (says he) about such a trifle ? If you are so passionately fond of gold, as to abandon your own country, and to disturb the tranquillity of distant nations for its sake, I will conduct you to a region where the metal which seems to be the chief object of your admiration and desire, is so common that the meanest utensils are formed of it.' Trans- ported with what they heard, Balboa and his compa* nions inquired eagerly where this happy country lay, and how they might arrive at it. He informed them that at the distance of six suns, that is, of six days' journey, towards the south, they should discover another ocean, near to which this wealthy kingdom was situated ; but if they intended to attack that pow- erful state, they must assemble forces far superior in number and strength to those with which they now appeared. This was the first information which the Spaniards received concerning the great southern ocean, or the opulent and extensive country known afterwards by the name of Peru. Balboa had now before him ob- jects suited to his boundless ambition, and the enter- prising ardour of his genius. He immediately concluded the ocean which the cazique mentioned, to be that for which Columbus had searched without success in this part of America, in hopes of opening a more direct communication with the East Indies. He was impa- tient until he could set out upon this enterprise, in comparison of which all his former exploits appeared inconsiderable. But previous arrangement and pre- paration were requisite to insure success. He began with courtmg and securing the friendship of the neigh- bouring caziques. He sent some of his officers to Hispaniola with a large quantity of gold, as a proof of his past success, and an earnest of his future hopes. By a proper distribution of this, they secured the fiEivour of the governor, and allured volunteers into OP AMERICA. 147 m sared pre- igan ^eigh- Wa to proot lopes. the into the service. A considerable reinforcement from that island joined him, and he then thought himself in a condition to attempt the discovery. The isthmus of Darien is not above sixty miles in breadth ; but this neck of land, which binds together the continents of North and South America, is strengthened by a chain of lofty mountains stretch- ing through its whole extent, which render it a barrier of solidity sufficient to resist the impulse of two oppo- site oceans. The mountains are covered with forests almost inaccessible. The valleys in that moist cli- mate, where it rains during two-thirds of the year, are marshy, and so frequently overflowed, that the inha- bitants find it necessary, in many places, to build their houses upon trees, in order to be elevated at some distance from the damp soil, and the odious reptiles engendered in the putrid waters. To march across this unexplored country with no other guides but Indians, whose fidelity could be little trusted, was, on all those accounts, the boldest enterprise on which the Spaniards had hitherto ventured in the New World. But the intrepidity of Balboa was such as distinguished him among his countrymen, at a period when every adventurer was conspicuous for daring courage. Nor was bravery his only merit ; he was prudent in conduct, generous, affable, and possessed of those popular talents which, in the most desperate undertakings, inspire confidence and secure attach- ment. Even after the junction of the volunteers from Hispaniola, he was able to muster only a hundred and ninety men for his expedition. But they were hardy veterans, inured to the climate of America, and ready to follow him through every danger. A thou- sand Indians attended them to carry their provisions ; and to complete their warlike array, they took with them several of those fierce dogs, which were no less formidable than destructive to their naked enemies. Balboa set out upon this important expedition on the Itit of September, about the time that the pe- riodical rains began to abate. He proceeded by sea. i4S DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST and without any difficulty, to the territories of a ca- zique whose friendship he had gained ; but no sooner , did he begin to advance into the interior part of the country, than he was retarded by every obstacle, which he had reason to apprehend, from the nature of the territory, or the disposition of its inhabitants. Though the guides had represented the breadth of the isthmus to be only a journey of six days, he had al- ready spent twenty-five in forcing a way through the woods and mountains. Many of his men were ready to sink under such uninterrupted fatigue in that sultry climate, several were taken ill of the dysentery and other diseases frequent in that country, and all be- came impatient to reach the period of their labours and sufferings. At length the Indians assured them, that from the top of the next mountain they should discover the ocean which was the object of their wishes. When, with infinite toil, they had climbed up the greater part of that steep ascent, Balboa com- manded his men to halt, and advanced alone to the summit, that he might be the first who should enjoy a spectacle which he had so long desired. As soon as he beheld the South Sea stretching in endless pros- Eect below him, he fell on his knees, and lifting up is hands to heaven, returned thanks to God, who had conducted him to a discovery so beneficial to his country, and so honourable to himself. His foU lowers, observing his transports of joy, rushed forward to join in his wonder, exultation, and gratitude. They held on their course to the shore with great alacrity, when Balboa, advancing up to the middle in the waves with his buckler and sword, took possession of that ocean in the name of the king his master, and vowed to defend it, with these arms, against all his enemies. That part of the great Pacific or Southern Ocean, which Balboa first discovered, still retains the name of the Gulf of St. Michael, which he gave to it, and is situated to the east of Panama. From several of the petty princes, who governed in the districts ad- OF AMERICA. 149 jacent to that gulf, he extorted provisions and gold by force of arms. Others sent them to him voluntarily. I'o these acceptable presents, some of the caziques added a considerable quantity of pearls; and he learned from them, with much satisfaction, that pearl oysters abounded in the sea which he had newly discovered. Together with the acquisition of this wealth, which served to soothe and encourage his followers^ he re- ceived accounts which confirmed his sanguine hopes of future and more extensive benefits from the expe- dition. All the peop^^^ vn the coast of the South Sea concurred in informmg him, that there was a mighty and opulent kingdom situated at a considerable dis- tance towards the south-east, the inhabitants of which had tame animals to carry their burdens. In order to give the Spaniards an idea of these, they drew upon (he sand the figure of the llamas, or sheep, afterwards found in Peru, which the Peruvians had taught to fierform such services as they described. As the lama in its form nearly resembles a camel, a beast of burden deemed peculiar to Asia, this circumstance, in conjunction with the discovery of the pearls, another noted production of that country, tended to confirm the Spaniards in their mistaken theory with respect to the vicinity of the New World to the East Indies. But though the information which Balboa received from the people on the coast, as well as his own con- jectures and hopes, rendered him extremely impatient to visit this unknown country, his prudence restrained him from attempting to invade it with a handful ot men, exhausted by fatigue, and weakened by dis- eases. He determined to lead back his followers, at present, to their settlement of Santa Maria in Darien, and to return next season with a force more adequate to such an arduous enterprise. In order to acquire a more extensive knowledge of the isthmus, he marched back by a different route, which he found to be no less dangerous and difficult than that which he had formerly taken. But to men elated with success, and 150 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST animated with hope, nothing is insuimoiintable. Bal- boa returned to Santa Maria, from which he had been absent four months, with greater glory and more trea- sure than the Spaniards had acquired in any expe- dition in the New World. None of Balboa's officers distinguished themselves more in this service than Francisco Pizarro, or assisted with greater courage and ardour in opening a communication with those countries, in which he was destined to act soon a most illustrious part. Balboa's first care was to send information to Spain of the important discovery which he had made ; and to demand a reinforcement of a thousand men, in order to attempt the conquest of that opulent country, concerning which he had received such inviting in- telligence. The first account of the discovery of the New World hardly occasioned greater joy than the unexpected tidings, that a passage was at last found to the great southern ocean. The communication with the East Indies, by a course to the westward of the line of demarcation drawn by the pope, seemed now to be certain. The vast wealth which flowed into Portugal from its settlements and conquests in that country, excited the envy, and called forth the emulation, of other states. Ferdinand hoped now to come in for a share in this lucrative commerce, and in his eagerness to obtain it, was willing to make an effort beyond what Balboa required. But even in this exertion, his jealous policy, as well as the fatal antipathy of Fonseca, now bishop of Burgos> to every man of merit who distinguished himself in the New World were conspicuous. Notwithstanding Balboa's recent services, which marked him out as the most proper person to finish that great undertaking which he had begun, Ferdinand was so ungenerous as to overlook these, and to appoint Pedrarias Davila go- vernor of Darien. He gave him the command of fifteen stout vessels, and twelve hundred soldiers. These were fitted out at the public expense, with a liberality which Ferdinand had never displayed in OP AMERICA. 151 Id of liers, lith a Id in any former armament destined for the New World ; and such was the ardour of the Spanish gentlemen to follow a leader who was about to conduct them to a country, where, as fame reported, they had only to throw their nets into the sea and draw out gold, that fifteen hundred embarked on board the fleet ; and if they had not been restrained, a much greater number would have engaged in the service. •; Pedrarias reached the gulf of Darien without any remarkable accident, and immediately sent some of his principal officers ashore to inform Balboa of his arrival, with the king's commission, to be governor of the colony. To their astonishment, they found Bal- boa, of whose great exploits they had heard so much, and of whose opulence they had formed such high ideas, clad in a canvass jacket, and wearing coarse hempen sandals used only by the meanest peasants, employed, together with some Indians, in thatching his own hut with reeds. Even in this simple garb, which corresponded so ill with the expectations and wishes of his new guests, Balboa received them with dignity. The fame of his discoveries had drawn so many adventurers from the islands, that he could now muster four hundred and fifty men. At the head of those daring veterans, he was more than a match for the forces which Pedrarias brought with him. But though his troops murmured loudly at the injustice of the king in superseding their commander, and com- plained that strangers would now reap the fruits of their toil and success, Balboa submitted with implicit obedience to the will of his sovereign, and received Pedrarias with all the deference due to his character. Notwithstanding this moderation, to which Pe- drarias owed the peaceable possession of his govern- ment, he appointed a judicial inquiry to be made into Balboa's conduct, while under the command of Ni- cuessa, and imposed a considerable fine upon him, on account of the irregularities of which he had thei^ been guilty. Balboa felt sensibly the mortification 152 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST of being subjected to trial and to punishment in a flace where he had so lately occupied the first station. *edrarias could not conceal his jealousy of his supe- rior merit: so that the resentment of the rne, and the envy of the other, gave rise to dissensions extremely detrimental to the colony. It was visited with a ca- lamity still more fatal, in a violent and destructive malady which carried off many of the soldiers who accompanied Pedrarias. An extreme scarcity of pro- visions augmented this distress, as it rendered it im- possible to find proper refreshment for the sick, or the necessary sustenance for the healthy. In the space of a month, above six hundred persons perished in the utmost misery. Pedrarias endeavoured to divert those who remained from brooding over their misfortunes, by finding them employment. With this view, he sent several detachments into the interior parts of the country, to levy gold among the natives, and to search for the mines in which it was produced. Those ra- pacious adventurers, more attentive to present gain than to the means of facilitating their future progress, plundered without distinction wherever they marched. Regardless of the alliances which Balboa had made with several of the caziques, they stripped them of every thing valuable, and treated them, as well as their subjects, with the utmost insolence and cruelty. By their tyranny and exactions, which Pedrarias, either from want of authority or of inclination > did not restrain, all the country from the gulf of Darien to the lake of Nicaragua was desolated, and the Spaniards were inconsiderately deprived of the ad- vantages which they mi^ht have derived from the friendship of the natives, m extending their conquests to the South Sea. Balboa, who saw with concern that such ill-judged proceedings retarded the execu- tion of his favourite scheme, sent violent remon- strances to Spain against the imprudent government of Pedrarias, which had ruined a happy and flourish- ing colony. Pedrarias, on the other hand, accused OF AMERICA. 159 him of having deceived the king, by magnifying his own exploits, as well as by a false representation of the opulence and value of the country. Ferdinand became sensible at length of his impru- dence in superseding the most active and experienced officer he had in the New World, and, by way of compensation to Balboa, appointed him adelantado, or lieutenant-governor of the countries upon the South Sea, with very extensive privileges and authority. At the same time he enjoined Pedrarias to support Balboa in all his operations, and to consult with him co'.icern- ing every measure which he himself pursued. But to effect such a sudden transition from inveteiate en- mity to perfect confidence, exceeded Ferdinand's power. Fedrarias continued to treat his rival with neglect; and Balboa's fortune being exhausted by the payment of his fine and other exactions of Pedrarias, he could not make suitable preparations for taking possession of his new government. At length, by the interposition and exhortations of the bishop of Darien, they were brought to a reconciliation ; and, in order to cement this union more firmly, Pedrarias agreed to give his daughter in marriage to Balboa. The first effect of their concord was, that Balboa was permitted to make several small incursions into the country. These he conducted with such prudence as added to the reputation which he had already ac- quired. Many adventurers resorted to him ; and with the countenance and aid of Pedrarias, he began to prepare for his expedition to the South Sea. In order to accomplish this, it was necessary to build vessels capable of conveying his troops to those provinces which he purposed to invade. After sur- mounting many obstacles, and enduring a variety of those hardships which were the portion of the con- querors of America, he at length finished four small brigantines. In these, with three hundred chosen men, a force superior to that with which Pizarro af- terwards undertook the same expedition, he was ready to sail towards Peru, when he received an unexpected 154 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST message from Pedrarias. Under pretexts which were false, bat plausible, he desired Balboa to postpone his voyage for a short time, and to repair to Ada, in or- der that he might have an interview with him. Bal- boa, with the unsuspicious confidence of a man con- scious of no crime, instantly obeyed the summons ; but as soon as he entered the place, he was arrested by order of Pedrarias, whose impatience to satiate his revenge did not suffer him to languish long in confinement. Judges were immediately appointed to proceed to his trial. An accusation of disloyalty to the king, and of an intention to revolt against the governor, was preferred against him. Sentence of death was pronounced ; and though the judges who passed it, seconded by the whole colony, interceded warmly for his pardon, Pedrarias continued inexora- ble; and the Spaniards beheld, with astonishment and sorrow, the public execution of a man whom they universally deemed more capable than any who had borne command in America, of forming and ac- complishing great designs. Upon his death the ex- pedition which he had planned was relinquished. Pedrarias, notwithstanding the violence and injustice of his proceedings, was not only screened from pun- ishment by the powerful patronage of the bishop of Burgos and other courtiers, but continued in power. Soon after he obtained permission to remove the colony from its unwholesome station of Santa Maria to Panama, on the opposite side of the isthmus ; and though it did not gain much in point of healthfulness by the change, the commodious situation of this new settlement contributed greatly to facilitate the subse- quent conquests of the Spaniards in the extensive countries situated upon the southern ocean. During these transactions in Darien, several impor- tant events occurred with respect to the discovery, the conquest, and government, of other provinces in the New World. Ferdinand was so intent upon opening a communication with the Molucca or Spice Islands by the west, that in the year 1515, he ntied out two OF AMERICA. 156 f, mds two ships at his own expense, in order to attempt such a voyage, and gave the command of them to Juao Diaz de Solis, who was deemed one of the most skil- ful navigators in Spain. He stood along the coast of South America, and on the 1st of January, 1516, en« tered a river which he called Janeiro, where an ex- tensive commerce is now carried on. From thence he proceeded to the mouth of Rio de Plata, one of the vast rivers by which the southern continent of America is watered. In endeavouring: to make a descent in this country, De Solis and several of his crew were slain by the natives, who, in sight of the ships, cut their bodies in pieces, roasted and devoured them. Dis« couraged with the loss of their commander, and terri- fied at this shocking spectacle, the surviving Spaniards set sail for Europe, without aiming at any farther discovery. Though the Spaniards were thus actively employed in extending their discoveries and settlements in Ame- rica, they still considered Hispaniola as their princi- pal colony, and the seat of government. Don Diego Columbus wanted neither inclination nor abilities to have rendered the members of this colony, who were most immediately under his jurisdiction, prosperous and happy. But he was circumscribed in all his opera- tions by the suspicious policy of Ferdinand. The most valuable prerogative which the governor possessed, was that of distributing Indians among the Spaniards settled in the island. The rigorous servitude of those unhappy men having been but little mitigated by all the regulations in their favour, the power of parcelling out such necessary instruments of labour at pleasure, secured to the governor great influence in the colony. In order to strip him of this, Ferdinand created a new office*, with the power of distributing the Indians, and bestowed it upon Kodrigo Albuquerque, a relation of Zapata, his confidential minister. Mortified with the injustice as well as indignity of this invasion upon his rights, in a point so essentia]. Don Diego could no longer remain in a place where his power and conse- 156 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST quence were almost annihilated. He repaired to Spain with the vain hopes of obtaining redress. Al- buquerque entered upon his office with all the rapa- city of an indigent adventurer impatient to amass wealth. He began with taking the exact number of Indians in the island, and found, that from sixty thousand, who, in 1508, survived after all their suffer- ings, thev were now, in nine years, reduced to fourteen thousand. These he threw into separate divisions or lots, and bestowed them upon such as were willing to purchase them at the highest price. By this arbi- trary distribution, several of the natives were removed from their original habitations, many were taken from their ancient masters, and all of them subjected to heavier burdens, and to more intolerable labour, in order to reimburse their new proprietors. Those ad- ditional calamities completed the misery, and hastened on the extinction, of this wretched and innocent race of men. The violence of these proceedings, together with the fatal consequences which attended them; not only excited complaints among such as thought themselves aggrieved, but touched the hearts of all who retained any sentiments of humanity. From the time that ec- clesiastics were sent as instructors into America, they perceived that the rigour with which their countrymen treated the natives, tendered their ministry altogether fruitless. The Dominicans, to whom the instruction of the Americans was originally committed, were most vehement in testifying against the repartimientos. The Franciscans, influenced by the spirit of opposition and rivalship which subsists between the two orders, dis- covered some inclination to take part with the laity, and to espouse the defence of the repartimientos. They endeavoured to palliate what they could not justify, and alleged, in excuse for the conduct of their coun- trymen, that it was impossible to carry on any improve- ment in the colony, unless the Spaniards possessed such dominion over the natives, that they could compel them to labour. OP AMERICA. 157 Both parties applied to the king for his decision in D matter of such importance. Ferdinand empowered a committee of his priv^-council, assisted by some of tlie most eminent civihans and divines in Spain, to hear the deputies sent from Hispaniola, in support of their respective opinions. After a long discussion, the speculative point in controversy was determined in favour of the Dominicans, tlie Indians were declared to be a free people, entitled to all the natural rights of men ; but, notwithstanding this decision, the repar- timientos were continued upon their ancient footinjf. As this determination admitted the principle upon which the Dominicans founded their opinion, they re- newed their efforts to obtain relief for the Indians with additional boldness and zeal. At length, in order to quiet the colony, which was alarmed by their remon- strances and censures, Ferdinand issued a decree of his privy-council, declaring, that after mature consi- deration of the Apostolic bull, and other titles by which the crown of Castile claimed a right to its pos- sessions in the New World, the servitude of the In- dians was warranted both by the laws of God and of man ; that unless they were subjected to the dominion of the Spaniards, and compelled to reside under their inspection, it would be impossible to reclaim them from idolatry, or to instruct them in the principles of the Christian faith ; that no farther scruple ought to be entertained concerning the lawfulness of the reparti- mientos, as the king and council were willing to take the charge of that upon their own consciences ; and that therefore the Dominicans, and monks of other religious orders, should abstain, for the future, from those invectives, which, from an excess of charitable but ill-informed zeal, they had uttered against that practice. That his intention of adhering to this decree might be fully understood, Ferdinand conferred new grants of Indians upon several of his courtiers. But in order that he might not seem altogether inattentive to the rights of humanity, he published an edict, in which he 158 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST endeavoured to provide for the mild treatment of the Indians under the yoke to which he subjected them ; he regulated the nature of the work which they should be required to perform ; he prescribed the mode in which they should be clothed and fed, and gave di- rections with respect to their instruction in the prin- ciples of Christianity. The violent operations of Albuquerque, the new distributor of Indians, revived the zeal of the Domi- nicans against the repartimientos, and called forth an advocate for that oppressed people, who JMssessed all the courage, the talents, and activity, requC^ in sup- porting such a desperate cause. This i^as Bartholo- mew de las Casas, a native of Seville, and one of the clergymen sent out with Columbus in his second voyage to Hispaniola, in^rder to settle in that island. He early adopted the opinion prevalent among eccle- siastics, with respect to the unlawfulness of reducing the natives to servitude ; and now he did not fail to remonstrate warmly against the proceedings of Albu- querque, and, though he soon found that attention to his own interest rendered this rapacious officer deaf to admonition, he did not abandon the wretched people whose cause he had espoused. He instantly set out for Spain, with the most sanguine hopes of opening the eyes and softening the heart of Ferdinand, by that striking picture of the oppression of his new subjects^ which he would exhibit to his view. He easily obtained admittance to the king, whom he found in a declining state of health. With much freedom, and no less eloquence, he represented to him all the fatal effects of the repartimientos in the New World, boldly charging him with the guilt of having authoiized this impious measure, which had brought misery and destruction upon a numerous and innocent race of men, whom Providence had placed under his protection. Ferdinand, whose mind as well as body was much enfeebled by his distemper, was greatly alarmed at this charge of impiety, which at another Juncture he would have despised. He listened with OP AMERICA. 1"9 deep compunction to the discourse of Las Casas, and promised to take into serious consideration the means of redressing the evil of which he complained. But death prevented him from executing (lis resolution. Charles of Austria, to whom all his crowns devolved, resided at that time in his paternal dominions in the Low Countries. Las Casas, with his usual ardour, prepared immediately to set out fur Flanders, in order to occupy the ear of the young monarch, when Car- dinal Ximenes, who, as regent, assumed the reins of government in Castile, commanded him to desist from the journey, and engaged to hear his complaints in person. He accordingly weighed the matter with attention equal to its importance ; and as his impetuous mind delighted in schemes bold and uncommon, he soon fixed upon a plan which astonished the ministers, trained up under the formal and cautious administra- tion of Ferdinand. Without regarding either the rights of Don Diego Columbus, or the regulations established by the late king, he resolved to send three persons to America as superintendents of all the colonies there, with authority, after examining all circumstances on the spot, to decide finally with respect to the point in question. It was a matter of deliberation and delicacy to choose men qualified for such an important station. As all the laymen settled in America, or who had been consulted in the administration of that depart- ment, had given their opinion that the Spaniards could not keep possession of their new settlements, unless they were allowed to retain their dominion over the Indians, he saw that he could not rely on their im- partiality, and determined to commit the trust to eccle- siastics. As the Dominicans and Franciscans had already espoused opposite sides in the controversy, he, from the same principle of impartiality, excluded both these fraternities from the commission. He confined his choice to the monks of St. Jerome, a small bttt respectable order in Spain. With the assistance of their general, and in concert with Las Casas, he soon TO VERY AND CONQUEST pit^'hed upon three peri:rms whom he deemed equal to the charge. To them he joined Zuazo, a private lawyer o^ Histinguished probity, with unbounded po vcr to regulate all judicial proceedings in ihe colonies. I. as Casas was ap{/''^nted to accompany them, with the title of Protector of the Indians. Upon the arrival of the superintendents, with their associate Zuazo, and Las Casas, at St. Domingo, the first act of their authority was to sot at liberty all the Indians who had been granted to the Spanish courtiers, or to any person not residing in America. I'his, to- gether with the information which had been received from Spain concerning the object of the commission, spread a general alarm. The colonists concluded that they were to be deprived at once of the hands with which they carried on their labour, and that, of consequence, ruin was unavoidable. But the fathers of St. Jerome proceeded with such caution and pru- dence, as soon dissipated all their fears. Their ears were open to information from every quarter; they compared the different .\ccounts which they received ; and after a mature consideration of the whole, they were fully satisfied thai the state of the colony ren- dered it impossible to adopt the plan proposed by Las Casas, and recommended by the cardinal. They plainly perceived that the Spaniards settled in Ame- rica were so few in number, that they could neither work the mines which had been opened, nor cultivate the country ; that they dependea for effecting both upon the labour of the natives, and if deprived of it, they must instantly relinquish their con ) uept:i, or give up all the advantage; which they deri"c6 tr- m them; that no allurement was so powerful > a mount the natural aversion of the Indians to any laborious effort, and that nothing but the authority of a master could compel them to work ; and if they were not kept •fioristsntly under the eye and discipline of a superior, \> grerl was their natural listlessness and indifference, t> at r.'^ey would neither attend to religious instruction, iiir observe thj>se rites of Christianity which they ha.d h tt in hi It, ive OF AMERICA. Ml been already taught. Upon all those accounti, the superintendeDts fuuiid it necessary to tolerate the re- partimicntoi, and to suffer the Indians (o remain under subjection to their Spanish masters. They used their utmost endeavours, however, to prevent the fatal effects of this establishment, and to secure to th« In- dians the consolation of the best treatment compatible with a state of servitude* For this purpose, they re- vived former regulations, they prescribed new ones, and neglected no circumstance that tended to miti- gate the rigour of the yoke. Zuazo, in hb department, seconded tne endeavours of the supenntendents. He reformed the courts of justice, in such a manner as to render their decisions equitable as well as expet' tious, and introduced various regulations which greatly im- proved the interior police of the colony. The -satis- faction which his conduct and that of the sup^;rin- tendents gave, was now universal among the Spani. rds settled in the New World, and all admired the bold- ness of Ximenes, in having departed from the ordi- nary path of business in forming his plan, as well as his sagacity in pitching upon persons, whose wisdom, moderation, and disinterestedness, rendered then, worthy of this high trust. Las Casas alone was dis- satisfied ; and perceiving that all his efforts in Ame- rica were fruitless, he soon set out for Europe, with a fixed resolution not to abandon the protection of a people whom he deemed to be cruelly oppressed. Had Ximenes retained that vigour of mind with which he usually applied to business. Las Casas must have met with no very gracious reception upon his re- turn to Spain. But he found the cardinal languish- ing under a mortal distemper, and preparing to resign his authority to the young king, who was daily ex- pected from the Low Countries. Charles arrived, took possession of the government, and, by the death of Ximenes, lost a minister, whose abilities and in- tegrity entitiofJ him to direct his affairs. Many ot the Flemish nobility had accompanied their fwvereign to Spain. From that warm preUileciion to his coun- 162 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST trynien, whicli was natural at his age, be consulted them with respect to all the transactions in his new kingdom, and they, with an indiscreet eagerness, in- truded themselves into every business, and seized al- most every department of administration. The direc- tion of American affairs was an object too alluring to escape the attention of the P^lemish ministers. Las Casas observed their growing influence, and courted them with assiduity. He represented to them the absurdity of all the maxims hitherto adopted with respect to the government of America, particularly during the administration of Ferdinand, and pointed out the defects of those arrangements which Ximenes had introduced. The memory of Ferdinand was odious to the Flemings. The superior virtue and abilities of Ximenes had long been the object of their envy. They fondly wished to have a plausible pretext for condemning the measures, both of the monarch and of the minister, and of reflecting some discredit on their political wisdom. The friends of Don Diego Columbus, as well as the Spanish courtiers, who had been dissatisfied with the cardinal's administration, joined Las Casas in censuring the scheme of sending superintendents to America. This union of so many interests and passions was irresistible ; and in conse- quence of it the fathers of St. Jerome, together with their associate Zuazo, were recalled. Roderigo de Figueroa, a lawyer of some eminence, was appointed chief judge of the island, and received instructions, in compliance with the request of Las Casas, to examine once more, with the utmost attention, the point in controversy between him and the people of the colony, with respect to the treatment of the natives ; and in the mean time to do every thing in his power to alle- viate their sufferings, and prevent the extinction of the race. This was all that the zeal of Las Casas could pro- cure at that juncture in favour of the Indians. The impossibility of carrying on any improvements in America^ unless the Spanish planters couid command for m ♦L , , ^P AMERICA. the labour of the natives «,. ^^3 ^»« plan of treaS;m .?r" '"^"P^''«ble objection provide some remedy for tt''"'^^^^' ^" ^^ »ound It was in vain ♦'V^ ■ ®' without which hi Casas proposed .o7„,'Ln'»-'>!' ^che^t tt: "egroes from ,he Por.ugue^ se.,.^»"'"' ""■»'"' o? that they migh, be emploved »^ f America, in order when solicitedt'rnlo' aS-co'^"'"'"' ^~ only rejected the proSL L °"""T*' P^'^">p' 0.0 .n,qu„y of reducin7or;aoe of"'* ""^ P"*^^*''"! "'"le he was consultini abon, ,k '"^" "> »'avery, 'l^erty to another. Bu? hTr "'f' <>' restoring f'^'ency natural to men ^hf T"*' '""° ">« '»"»? '■"petuosity towards a favourt "■'^ ""'"■ ''«'«"lonff »f making this distinction Wl,r!"' "''-' '""Pal-lf ^asas s plan was adopted rL I ® ^^"e^"* tas to one of his FtemkU f.' -'^^^ S^''a"^ed a patent elusive right of i^p ^i^,^""^^^^ containing aS t! Amenca. The favoSe so d h?''"^ "^^"-^^^ '"to Genoese merchants for tin /^:" P^^^"^ to some ,and they were the first who I '\^^*^"«^"d 'JucaTs ^orm that commerce for shv°K^^' ^"^^ ^ ''egulai: America, which has since t ^^*.^^^" Africa and a^^azing extent. ^'' ^""^ ^^''"ed on to such an -tionl wiU^'tr'S ^^"'r^-^ ^'^eir ope- ported into Hispaniola made nl ^^ ?"'"*^«»- »«- ^'^^L^^fe of the colony! ' °° S^'-eat change upon m 1(U DISCOVERV AND CONQUEST veterate there, as not to admit of a cure. But he flattered himself that he might prevent a pernicious system from being introduced into a new colony, though he had failed of success in his attempts to overturn it, where it was already established. Full of this idea, he applied for a grant of the unoccupied country, stretching along the sea-coast from the gulf of Paria to the western frontier of that province now known by the name of Santa Martha. He proposed to settle there with a colony composed of husbandmen, labourers, and ecclesias- tics. He engaged, in the space of two years, to civilize ten thousand of the natives, and to instruct them so thoroughly in the arts of social life, that, from the fruits of their industry, an annual revenue of fifteen thousand ducats should arise to the king. In ten years he expected that his improvements would be so far advanced, as to yield annually sixty thousand ducats. He stipulated, that no sailor or soldier should ever be permitted to settle in this district ; and that no Spaniard whatever should enter it without his per- mission. He even projected to clothe the people whom he took along with him in some distinguishing garb, which did not resemble the Spanish dress, that they might appear to the natives to be a different race of men from those who had brought so many cala- mities upon their country. To the bishop of Burgos and the council of the Indies, this project appeared not only chimerical, but dangerous in a high degree. They deemed the fa- culties of the Americans to be naturally so limited, and their indolence so excessive, that every attempt to instruct or to improve them would be fruitless. They contended, that it would be extremely imprudent to give the command of a country extending above a thousand miles along the coast, to a fanciful presump- tuous enthusiast, a stranger to the affairs of the world, and unacquainted with the arts of government. But Las Casas, far from being discouraged with a repulse, which he had reason to expect, had recourse once OF AMERICA. lf)5 the but fa- ted, it to |hey to more to t)ie Flemish favourites, who zealously pa- tronized his scheme, merely because it had been re- jected by the Spanish ministers. They prevailed with their master, who had lately been raised to the impe- rial dignity, to refer the consideration of this mea- sure to a select number of his privy-counsellors ; and Las Casas having excepted against the members of the council of the Indies, as partial and interested, they were all excluded. The decision of men chosen by recommendation of the Flemings, was perfectly conformable to their sentiments. They warmly ap- proved of Las Casas's plan ; and gave orders lor carrying it into execution, but restricted the territory allotted him to. three hundred miles along the coast of Cumana, allowing him, however, to extend it as far as he pleased towards the interior part of the country. This determination did not pass uncensured. Al- most every person who had been in the West Indies exclaimed against it, and supported their opinion so confidently, and with such plausible reasons, as made it advisable to pause and to review the subject more deliberately. Charles himself, though accustomed, at this early period of his life, to adopt the sentiments of his ministers with such submissive deference as did not promise that decisive vigour of mind which dis- tinguished his riper years, could not help suspecting that the eagerness with which the Flemings took part in every affair relating to America, flowed from some improper motive, and began to discover an inclination to examine in person into the state of the question con- cerning the character of the Americans, and the proper manner of treating them. An opportunity of makmg this inquiry with great advantage soon occurred. Que- vedo, the bishop of Darien, who had accompanied Pedrarias to the continent in the year 1513, happened to land at Barcelona, where the court then resided. It was quickly known, that his sentiments concerning the talents and di^sposition of the Indians differed from those of Las Casas ; and Charles naturally concluded, 106 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST that by confronting two respectable persons, who, during their residence in America, had full leisure to observe the manners of the people whom they pre- tended to describe, he might be able to discover which of them had formed his opinion with the greatest dis- cernment and accuracy. A day for this solemn audience was appointed. The emperor appeared with extraordinary pomp, and took his seat on a throne in the great hall of the pa- lace. His principal courtiers attended. Don Diego Columbus, admiral of the Indies, was summoned to be present. The bishop of Darien was called upon first to deliver his opinion. He, in a short discourse, lamented the fatal desolation of America, by the ex- tinction of so many of its inhabitants ; he acknow- ledged that this must be imputed, in some degree, to the excessive rigour and inconsiderate proceedings ol the Spaniards, but declared that all the people of the New World whom he had seen, either m the conti- nent or in the islands, appeared to him to be a race of men marked out, by the inferiority of their talents, for servitude, and whom it would be impossible to instruct or improve, unless they were kept under the continual inspection of a master. Las Casas, at greater length, and with more fervour, defended his own system. He rejected with indignation the idea that any race of men was born to servitude, as irreli- gious and inhuman. He asserted that the faculties of the Americans were not naturally despicable, but un- improved; that they were capable of receiving in- struction in the principles of religion, as well as of acquiring the industry and arts which would qualify them for the various ofHces of social life ; that the mildness and timidity of their nature rendered them so submissive and docile, that they might be led and formed ^vith a gentle hand. He professed, that his intentions in proposing the scheme now under consi- deration were pure and disinterested ; and though, from the accomplishment of his designs, inestimable OF AMERICA. 107 onti- race ents, lie to r the |s, at his idea rreli- |ies of t un- in- as of alify t the them and t his onsi- .ugh, able benefits would result to the crown of Castile, he never had claimed, nor ever would receive, any recompense on that account. Charles, after hearing both, and consulting with his ministers, did not think himself sufficiently in- formed to establish any general arrangement with re- spect to the state of the Indians ; but as he had per- fect confidence in the integrity of Las Casas, and as even the bishop of Darien admitted his scheme to be of such importance, that a trial should be made of its effects, he issued a patent, granting him the district in Cumana formerly mentioned, with full power to esta- blish a colony there according to his own plan. Las Casas pushed on the preparations for his voyage with his usual ardour. But he could not prevail on more than two hundred to accompany him to Cumana. Nothing, however, could damp his zeal. With this slender train, hardly sufficient to take possession of such a large territory, and altogether unequal to any efTectual attempt towards civilizing its inhabitants, he set sail. The first place at which he touched was the island of Puerto Rico. There he received an account of a new obstacle to the execution of his scheme, more insuperable than any he had hitherto encountered. When he left America in the year 1516, the Spaniards had little intercourse with any part of the continent, except the countries adjacent to the gulf of Darien. But as every species of internal industry began to stagnate in Hispaniola, when, by the rapid decrease of the natives, the Spaniards were deprived of those hands with which they had hitherto carried on their operations, this prompted them to try various expe- dients for supplying that loss. Considerable numbers of negroes were imported ; but on account of their exorbitant price, many of the planters could not afford to purchase them. In order to procure slaves at an easier rate, some of the Spaniards in Hispaniola fitted out vessels to cruise along the coast of the con- tinent. In places where they found themselves infe- rior in strength, they traded with the natives, and gave 103 DISCOVEIIY AND CONQUEST European toys in exchange for the plates of gold worn by them as ornaments ; but, wherever they could surprise or overpower the Indians, they carried them off by force* and sold them as slaves. In those pre- datory excursions, such atrocious acts of violence and cruelty had been committed, that the Spanish name was held in detestation all over the continent. When- ever any ships appeared, the inhabitants either fled to the woods, or rushed down to the shore in arms to repel those hated disturbers of their tranquillity. They forced some parties of the Spaniards to retreat with precipitation ; they cut off others ; and in the violence of their resentment against the whole nation, they murdered two Dominican missionaries, whose zeal had prompted them to settle in the province of Cumapa. This outrage against persons revered for their sanctity, excited such indignation among the people of Hispaniola, who, notwithstanding all their licentious and cruel proceedings, were possessed with a wonderful zeal for religion, and a superstitious re- spect for its ministers, that they determiqed to inflict exemplary punishment, not only upon the perpetra- tors of that crime, but upon the whole race. With this view, they gave the command of five ships and three hundred men to Diego Ocampo, with orders to lay waste the country of Cumana with fire and sword, and to transport all the inhabitants as slaves to His- paniola. Tnis armament Las Casas found at Puerto Ilico, in its way to the continent ; and as Ocampo re- fused to defer his voyage, he immediately perceived that it would be impossible to attempt the execution of his pacific plan in a country destined to be the seat of war and desolation. In order to provide against the effects of this unfor- tunate incident, he set sail directly for St. Domingo, leaving his followers cantoned out among the planters in Puerto Rico. From many concurring causes, the reception which Las Casas met with in Hispaniola was very unfavourable. In his negotiations for the relief of the Indians, he had censured the conduct of OF AMERICA. ■i ' ■;' ICO his countrymen settled there with such honest severity, as rendered him universally odious to them. They considered their own ruin as the inevitable consequence of his success. They were now elated with hope of receiving a large recruit of slaves from Cumana, which must be relinquished if Las Casas were assisted in settling his projected colony there. Notwithstanding all these circumstances, how- ever, which alienated the persons in Hispaniola to whom Las Casas applied from himself and from his measures, he, by his activity and perseverance, by some concessions, and many threats, obtained at length a small body of troops to protect him and his colony at their first landing. But upon his return to Puerto Rico, he found that the diseases of the climate had been fatal to several of his people ; and that others having got employment in that island refused to follow him. With the handful that remained, he set sail and landed in Cumana. Ocampo had exe* cuted his commission in that province with such bar- barous rage, having massacred many of the inha- bitants, sent others in chains to Hispaniola, and forced the rest to fly for shelter to the woods, that the people of a small colony, which he had planted at a place which he named Toledo^ were ready to perish for want in a desolated country. There, however, Las Casas was obliged to fix his residence, though deserted both by the troops appointed to protect him, and by those under the command of Ocampo, who foresaw and dreaded the calamities to which he must be exposed in that wretched station. He made the best provision in his power for the safety and subsistence of his fol- lowers ; but as his utmost efforts availed little towards securing either the one or the other, he returned to Hispaniola, in order to solicit more effectual aid for the preservation of men, who, from confidence in him, had ventured into a post of so much danger. Soon after his departure, the natives, having discovered the feeble and defenceless state of the Spaniards, assem- bled secretly, attacked them with the fury natural to iro DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST men exasperated by many injuries, cut off a good number, and compelled the rest to fly in the utmost consternation to the island of Cubagua. The small colony settled there on account of the pearl fishery, catchmg the panic with which their countrymen had been seized, abandoned the island, and not a Spaniard remained in any part of the continent, or adjacent islands, from the gulf of Paria to the borders of Darien. Asstonished at such a succession of disasters. Las Casas was ashamed to shew his face after this fatal termination of all his splendid schemes. He shut himself up in the convent of the Dominicans at St. Domingo, and soon after assumed the habit of that order. Though the expulsion of the colony from Cumana happened in the year 1521, I have chosen to trace the progress of Las Casas's negotiations from their first rise to their final issue without interruption. I return now to the history of the Spanish discoveries, as they occur in the order of time. Diego Velasquez, who conquered Cuba in the year 1511, still retained the government of that island, as the deputy of Don Diego Columbus. Under his prudent administration, (3uba became one of the most nourishing of the Spanish settlements. As it lay to the west of all the islands occupied by the Spaniards, and as the ocean, which stretches beyond it towards that quarter, had not hitherto been explored, the inhabitantfl were naturally induced to attempt new discoveries. Several officers, who had served under Pedrarias in Darien, entered into an association for this purpose. They persuaded Francisco Hernandez Cordova, an opulent planter in Cuba, and a man of distinguished courage, to join with them in the adventure, and chose him to be their commander. Velasquez not only approved of the design, but assisted in carrying it on. As the veterans from Darien were extremely indigent, he and Cordova advanced money for pur- chasing three small vessels, and furnishing them with every thing requisite either for traffic or for war A OF AMERICA. 171 )Ose. an shed land not lely )ur- nih hundred and ten men embarked on board of them, and sailed from St. Jago de Cuba on the 8th of Fe- bruary, 1517. By the advice of their chief pilot, An- tonio Alaminos, who had served under the nrst admi- ral Columbus, they stood directly vt^est, relying on the opinion of that great navigator, who uniformly maintained that a westerly course would lead to the most important discoveries. On the twenty-first day after their departure from St. Jago, they saw land, which proved to be Cape Catoche, the eastern point of that large peninsula projecting from the continent of America, which still retains its origi- nal name of Yucatan. As they approached the shore, five canoes came off full of people decently clad in cotton garments ; an astonishing spectacle to the Spaniards, who had found every other part of America possessed by naked savages. Cordova endeavoured by small presents to gain the good-will of these peo- ple. They, though amazed at the strange objects now presented for the first time to their view, invited the Spaniards to visit their habitations, with an ap- pearance of cordiality. They landed accordingly, and as they advanced into the country, they observed with new wonder some large houses built with stone. But they soon found that, if the people of Yucatan had made progress in improvement beyond their countrymen, they were likewise more artful and war- like. For though the cazique received Cordova with many tokens of friendship, he had posted a considera- ble body of his subjects in ambush behind a thicket, who, upon a signal given by him, rushed out and at- tacked the Spaniards with great boldness, and some degree of martial order. At the first flight of their arrows, fifteen of the Spaniards were wounded ; but the Indians were struck with such terror by the sudden explosion of the fire-arms, and so surprised at the execution done by them, by the cross-bows, and by the other weapons of their new enemies, that they fled precipitately. Cordova quitted a country where he had met with such a fierce reception, carrying oflf 172 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST two prisoners, together with the ornaments of a small temple, which he plundered in his retreat. He continued his course towards the west, without losing sight of the coast, and on the sixteenth da^ ar- rived at Campeachy. There the natives received them more hospitably ; but the Spaniards were much surprised, that on all tiie extensive coast along which they had sailed, and wliich they imagined to be a large island, they had not observed any river. As their water began to fail, they advanced in hopes of finding a supply ; and at length they discovered the mouth of a river at Potonchan, some leagu«>s be- yond Campeachy. Cordova landed all his troops, in order to protect the sailors while employed in filling the casks -, but notwithstanding this precaution, the natives rushed down upon them with such fury, and in such num- bers, that forty-seven of the Spaniards were killed upon the spot, and one man only of the whole body escaped unhurt. Their commanded; though wounded in twelve different places, directed the retreat with Eresence of mind equal to the courage with which he ad led them on in the engagement, and with much difficulty they regained their ships. After this fatal repulse, uothmg remained but to nastenback to Cuba with their shattered forces. In their passage thither they suffered the most exquisite distress for want of water, that men wounded and sickly, shut up in small vessels, and exposed to the heat of the torrid zone, can be supposed to endure. Some of them, sinking under these calamities, died by the way ; Cordova, their commander, expired soon after they landed in Cuba. Notwithstanding the disastrous conclusion of this expedition, it contributed rather to animate than to damp a spirit of enterprise among the Spaniards, and great numbers offered to engage in a new expedi- tion. Velasquez, solicitous to dis^tinguish himself by some service so meritorious as might entitle him to claim the government of Cuba independent of the ad- miral, not only encouraged their ardour, but at his / Ml 11 i- lis OP AMERICA. 173 own expense fitted out four ships for the voyage. Two hundred and forty volunteers, among whom were several persons of rank and fortune, embarked in this enterprise. The command of it was given to Juan de Grijalva, a young man of known merit and courage, with instructions to observe attentively the nature of the countries which he should discover, to barter for gold, and, if circumstances were inviting, to settle a colony in some proper station. He sailed from St. Jago de Cuba on the 8th of April, 1518. The pilot Ala- minos held the same course as in the former voyage ; but the violence of the currents carrying the ships to the south, the first land which they made was the island of Cozumel, to the east of Yucatan. As all the inhabitants fled to the woods and mountains at the approach of the Spaniards, they made no long stay there, and without any remarkable occurrence they reached Potonchan on the opposite side of the penin- sula. The desire of avenging their countrymen who had been slain there, concurred with their ideas of good policy in prompting them to land, that they might chastise the Indians of that district with such exem- plary rigour, as would strike terror into all the people around them. But though they disembarked all their troops, and carried ashore some field-pieces, the In- dians fought with such courage, that the Spaniards gained the victory with difHculty, and were confirmed in their opinion that the inhabitants of this country would prove more formidable enemies than any they had met with in other parts of America. From Po- tonchan, they continued their voyage towards the west, keeping as near as possible to the shore, and casting anchor every evening, from dread of the dan- gerous accidents to which they might be exposed in an unknown sea. During the day their eyes were turned continually towards land, with a mixture ot surprise and wonder at the beauty of the country, as well as the novelty of the objects which they beheld. Many villages were scattered along the coast, in which they could distinguish houses of stone that appeared 174 DISCOVEIIY AND CONQUEST white and lofty at a distance. In the warmth of their admiration, they fancied these to be citie!) adorned with towers and pinnacles ; and one of the soldiers happening to remark that this country resembled Spain in appearance, Grijalva, with universal applause, called it New Spain, the name which still distinguishes tjiis extensive and opulent province o' the Spanish empire in America. They landed in a river which the natives called Tabasco, and the fame of their victory at Potonchan having reached this place, the cazique not only received them amicably, but bestowed presents upon them of such value, as confirmed the high ideas which the Spaniards had formed with respect to the wealth and fertility of the country. These ideas were raised still higher by what occurred at the place where they next touched. This was considerably to the west of Tabasco, in the province since known by the name of Guaxaca. There they were received with the re- spect paid to superior beings. The people perfumed them as they landed, with incense of gum copal, and presented to them as offerings the choicest delicacies of their country. They were extremely fond of trading with their new visitants, and in six days the Spaniards obtained ornaments of gold, of curious workmanship, to the value of fifteen thousand pesos, in exchange for European toys of small price. The two prisoners whom Cordova had brought from Yucatan, had hitherto served as interpreters ; but as they did not understand the language of this country, the Spaniards learned from the natives, by signet, that they were subjects of a great monarch called Montezuma, whose dominion extended over that and many other pro- vinces. Leaving this place, with which he had so much reason to be pleased, Grijalva continued his course towards the west. He landed on a small island, which he named the Isle of Sacrifices, because there the Spaniards beheld, for the first time, the horrid spectacle of human victims, which the barbarous su- perstition of the natives offered to their gods. He touched at another small island, which he called OP AMERICA. 175 ters Ihad not irds i^ere lose )ro- so hU Lnd, iere rrid Isu- He lied St. Juan de Ulua. From this place he despatched Pedro de Alvarado, one of his officers, to Velasquez, with a full account of the important discoveries which he had made, and with all the treasure that he had acquired by trafficking with the natives. After the departure of Alvarado, he himself, with the remaining vessels, proceeded along the coast as far as the river Panuco, the country still appearing to be well peopled, fertile, and opulent. The squadron having now been above five months at sea, and the greatest part of their provisions being exhausted, Grijalva judged it prudent to return to Cuba, having fulfilled the purpose of his voyage, and accomplished all that the armament which he com- manded enabled him to perform. He arrived at St. Jago on the 26th of October, from which he had taken his departure about six months before. This was the longest as well as the most successful voyage which the Spaniards had hitherto made in the New World. They had discovered that Yucatan was not an island, as they had supposed, but part of the great continent of America. From Potonchan they had pursued their course for many hundred miles alon^ a coast formerly unexplored, stretching at first towards the west, and then turning to the north ; all the country which they had discovered appeared to be no less valuable than extensive. As soon as Alvarado reached Cuba, Velasquez, transported with success so far beyond his most sanguine expectations, immedi- ately despatched a person of confidence to carry this important intelligence to Spain, to exhibit the rich productions of the countries which had been discovered by his means, and to solicit such an increase of au- thority as might enable and encourage him to attempt the conquest of them. Without waiting for the return of his messenger, or for the arrival of Grijalva, of whom he was become so jealous or distrustful that he was resolved no longer to employ him, he began to prepare such a powerful armament, as might prove w 176 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST equal to an enterprise of so much danger and im- portance. „ but as the expedition upon which Velasquez was now intent, terminated in conquests of greater moment than what the Spaniards had hitherto achieved, and led them to the knowledge of a people, who, if com- pared with those tribes of America with whom they were hitherto acquainted, may be considered as highly civilized ; it is proper to pause before we proceed to the history of events extremely different from those whicii we have already related, in order to take a view of the state of the New World when first discovered, and to contemplate the policy and manners of i le rude uncultivated tribes that occupied all the parts of it with which the Spaniards were at this time ac- quainted. BOOK IV. Twenty-six years had elapsed since Columbus con- ducted the people of Europe to the New World. During that period the Spaniards had made great progress in exploring its various regions. They had visited all the islands scattered in diifFerent clusters through that part of the ocean which flows in between North and South America. I'hey had sailed along the eastern coast of the continent from the river De la Plata to the bottom of the Mexican gulf, and had found that it stretched without interruption through this vast portion of the globe. They had discovered the great Southern ocean, which opened new prospects in that quarter. They had acquired some knowledge of the coast of Florida, which led them to observe th "i continent as it extended in an opposite direction ; ancL though they pushed their discoveries no farther to- wards the north, other nations had visited those parts which they neglected. The English, in a voyage, the motives and success of which shall be related in another part of this History, had sailed along the coast OF AMERICA. / 177 of America from Labrador to the confines of Florida ; and the Portuguese, in quest of a shorter passage to the East Indies, had ventured into the northern seas, and viewed the same regions. Thus, at the period where I have chosen to take a view of the state of the New World, its extent was known almost from its northern extremity to thirty-five degrees south of the equator. The countries which stretch from thence to the southern boundary of America, the great empire of Peru, and the interior state of the extensive do- minions subject to the sovereigns of Mexico, were still undiscovered. When we contemplate the New World, the first circumstance that strikes us is its immense extent. It was not a small portion of the earth, so inconsiderable that it might have escaped the observation or research of former ages, which Columbus discovered. He made known a new hemisphere, larger than either Europe, or Asia, or Africa, the three noted divisions of the ancient continent, and not much inferior in dimen- sions to a third part of the habitable globe. f Next to the extent of the New World, the grandeur of the objects which it presents to view is most apt to strike the eye of an observer. The mountains in America are much superior in height to those in the other divisions of the globe. Even the plain of Quito, which may be considered as the base of the Andes, is elevated farther above the sea than the top of the Py- renees. This stupendous ridge of the Andes, no less remarkable for extent than elevation, rises in different places more than one-third above the Peak of Teneriffe, the highest land in the ancient hemisphere. From these lofty mountains descend rivers, propor- tionably large, with which the streams in the ancient continent are not to be compared, either for length of course, or the vast body of water which they roll to- wards the ocean. The Maragnon, the Orinoco, the Plata, in South America, the Mississippi and St» Lau= rence in North America, flow in such spacious chan- nels, that, long before they feel the iuuuence of the p 178 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST tide, they resemble arms of the sea rather than rivers of fresh water. The Jakes of the New World are no less conspicu- ous for grandeur than its mountains and rivers. There is nothing in other parts of the globe which resembles the prodigious chain of lakes in North America. They may properly be termed inland seas of fresh water ; and even those of the second or third class in magnitude are of larger circuit (the Caspian sea ex- cepted) than the greatest lake of the ancient continent. The New World is of a form extremely favourable to commercial intercourse. When a continent is formed, like Africa, of one vast solid mass, unbroken by arms of the sea penetrating into its interior parts, with few large rivers, and those at a considerable dis- tance from each other, the greater part of it seems destined to remain for ever uncivilized, and to be de- barred from any active or enlarged communication with the rest of mankind. When, like Europe, a con- tinent is opened by inlets of the ocean of great ex- tent, such as the Mediterranean and Baltic; or when, like Asia, its coast is broken by deep bays advancing far into the country, such as the Black sea, the gulfs of Arabia, of Persia, of Bengal, of Siam, and of Leo- tang ; when the surrounding seas are filled with large and fertile islands, and the continent itself watered with a variety of navigable rivers, those regions may be said to possess whatever can facilitate the progress of their inhabitants in commerce and improvement. In all these respects America may bear a comparison with the other quarters of the globe. The gulf ot Mexico, which flows in between North and South America, may be considered as a Mediterranean sea, which opens a maritime commerce with all the fertile countries by which it is encircled. The islands scat- tered in it are inferior only to those in the Indian Archipelago, in number, in magnitude, and in value As we stretch along the northern division of the Ame- rican hemisphere, the bay of Chesapeak presents a spacious inlet, which conducts the navigator far into / OF AMERICA. 179 :inent. arable ent is jroken parts, >le dis- seems be de- ication a con- eat ex- when, ancing gulfs f Leo- large atered may ogress ment. arison ulf ot South n sea, fertile scat- ndian alue Ame- nts a into the interior parts of provinces no less fertile than ex- tensive ; and if ever the progress of culture and popu- lation shall mitigate the extreme rigour of the climate in the more northern districts of America, Hudson's liay may become as subservient to commercial inter- course in that quarter of the globe, as the Baltic is in Europe. The other great portion of the New World is encompassed on every side by the sea, except one narrow neck which separates the Atlantic from the Paci6c ocean ; and though it be not opened by spa- cious bays or arms of the sea, its interior parts are rendered accessible by a number of large rivers, fed by so many auxiliary streams, flowing in such various directions, that, almost without any aid from the hand of industry and art, an inland navigation may be carried on through all the provinces from the river De la Plata to the gulf of Paria. Nor is this bounty of nature confined to the southern division of Ame- rica ; its northern continent abounds no less in rivers which are navigable almost to their sources, and by its immense chain of lakes provision is made for an inland communication, more extensive and commo- dious than in any quarter of the globe. The countries stretching from the gulf of Darien on one side, to that of California on the other, which form the chain that binds the two parts of the American continent to- gether, are not destitute of peculiar advantages. Their coast on one side is washed by the Atlantic ocean, on the other by the Pacific. Some of their rivers flow into the former, some into the latter, and secure to them all the commercial benefits that may result from a communication with both. But what most distinguishes America from other parts of the earth, is the peculiar temperature of its climate, and the different laws to which it is subject with respect to the distribution of heat and cold. We cannot determine with precision the portion of heat felt in any part of the globe, merely by measuring its distance from the equator. The climate of a country is affected, in some degree, by its elevation above the 180 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST sea, by the extent of continent, by the nature of the soil, the height of adjacent mountains, and many other circumstances. The influence of these, however, is, from various causes, less considerable in the greater part of the ancient continent ; and from knowing the position of any country there, we can pronounce, with greater certainty, what will be the warmth of its cli- mate, and the nature of its productions. The maxims which are founded upon observation of our hemisphere will not apply to the other. In the New World, cold predominates. The rigour of the frigid zone extends over half of those regions, which should be temperate by their position. Countries where the grape and the fig should ripen, are buried under snow one-half of the year ; and lands situated in the same parallel with the most fertile and best cultivated provinces in Europe, are chilled with per- petual frosts, which almost destroy the power of vege- tation. As we advance to those parts of America which lie in the same parallel with provinces of Asia and Africa, blessed with an uniform enjoyment of such genial warmth as is most fiiendly to life and to vege- tation, the dominion of cold continues to be felt, and winter reigns, though during a short period, with ex- treme severity. If we proceed along the American continent into the torrid zone, we shall find the cold prevalent in the New World extending itself also to this region of the globe, and mitigating the excess of Its fervour. While the negro on the coast of Africa is scorched with unremitting heat, the inhabitant of Peru breathes an air equally mild and temperate, and is perpetually shaded under a canopy of grey clouds, which intercepts the fierce beams of the sun, without obstructing his friendly influence. Along the eastern coast of America, the climate, though more similar to that of the torrid zone in other parts ot the earth, is nevertheless considerably milder than in those countries of Asia and Africa which lie in the same latitude. If from the southern tropic we con- tinue ouF progress to the extremity of the American OF AMERICA. of the y other ter, is, greater ing the e, with its cli- ition of In the of the which )untries ! buried situated nd best ith per- [)f vege- Vmerica of Asia of such vege- ilt, and i'n\\ ex- Imerican he cold also to xcess of Africa litant of iperate, lof grey ]the sun, Along though [parts ot 1 than in in the I'e con- lerican and 181 continent, we meet with frozen sean, and countries horrid, barren, and scarcely habitable for cold, much sooner than in the north. Various causes combine in rendering the climate of America so extremely different from that of the an- cient continent. Though the utmost extent of Ame- rica towards the north be not yet discovered, we know that it advances much nearer to the pole than either Europe or Asia. Both these have large seas to the north, which are open during part of the year ; and even when covered with ice, the wind that blows over them is less intensely cold than that which blows over land in the same high latitudes. But in America the land stretches from the river St. Laurence towards the pole, and spreads out immensely to the west. A chain of enormous mountains, covered with snow and ice, runs through all this dreary region. The wind in passing over such an extent of high and frozen land, becomes so impregnated with cold, that it acquires a piercing keenness, which it retains in its progress through warmer climates, and it is not entirely miti- gated until it reach the gulf of Mexico. Over all the continent of North America, a north-westerly wind and excessive cold are synonymous terms. Even in the most sultry weather, the moment that the wind veers to that quarter, its penetrating influence is felt in a transition from heat to cold no less violent than sudden. To this powerful cause we may ascribe the extraordinary dominion of cold and its violent inroads into the southern provinces in that part of the globe. After contemplating those permanent and charac- teristic qualities of the American continent, which arise from the peculiarity of its situation, and the dis- position of its parts, the next object that merits atten- tion is its condition when first discovered, as far as that depended upon the industry and operations of man. As a great part of the ancient continent has long been occupied by nations far advanced in arts and industry, our eye is accustomed to view the earth w 19i DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST in that form which it assumes when rendered fit to be the residence of a numerous race of men, and to sup- ply them with nourishment. But in the New World, the state of mankind was ruder, and tlie anpect of nature extremely different. Throughout all its vast regions, there wei3 only two monarchies remarkable for extent of territory, or distinguished by any pro- gress in improvement. The rest of this continent was possessed by small independent tribes, destitute of arts and industry, and neither capable to correct the defects, nor desirous to meliorate the condition, of that part of the earth allotted to them for their habita- tion. Countries, occupied by such people, were al- most in the same state as it they had been without inhabitants. Immense forests covered a great part of the uncultivated earth ; and as the hand of industry had not taught the rivers to run in a proper channel, or drained off the stagnating water, many of the most fertile plains were overflowed with mundations, or converted into marshes. In the southern provinces, where the warmth of the sun, the moisture of the cli- mate, and the fertility of the soil, combine in calling forth the most vigorous powers of vegetation, the woods are so choked with its rank luxuriance as to be almost impervious, and the surface of the ground is hid from the eye under a thick covering of shrubs and herbs and weeds. As we advance towards the northern provinces of America, nature continues to wear the same uncultivated aspect, and in proportion as the rigour of the climate increases, appears more desolate and horrid. Ko wonder that the colonies sent from Europe were astonished at their first entrance into the New World. It appeared to them waste, solitary, and uninviting. When the English began to setvie in America, they termed the countries of which thty took pos.caped the observation of his ignorant predecessors. He perceived that in proportion as the regions of Asia extended towards the east, they must approach nearer to America; that the communication between the two continents, which had long been searched for in vain, would probably be found in this quarter, and that by opening it, some part of the wealth and commerce of the western world might be made to flow into his dominions by a new channel. Such an object suited a genius that deliglited in grand schemes, Peter drew up instructions with his own hand for prosecuting this design, and gave orders for carrying it into execution. His successors adopted his ideas, and pursued his plan. After comparing the position of the countries in Asia which had been discovered, with such parts in the north-west of America as were already known, the Russian court formed a plan, which would have hardly occurred to a nation less accustomed to engage in arduous undertakings, and to contend with great diffi- culties. Orders were issued to build two vessels at the small village of Ochotz, situated on the sea of Kamchatka, to sail on a voyage of discovery. Though that dreary uncultivated region furnished nothing that could be of use in constructing them, but some larch trees : though not only the iron, the cordage, the sails, and all the numerou*^ articles requisite for their equip- ment, but the provisions for victualling them, were to be carried through the immense deserts of Siberia, down rivers of difficult navigation, and along roads almost impassable, the mandate of the sovereign, and the persevbr'ince of the people, at last surmounted every obstacle. Two vessels were finished, and, under the command of the Captains Behring and Tschirikow, sailed from Kamchatka on the 4th of June, 1741, in quest of the New World, in a quarter where it had never been approached. They shaped their course towards the east ; and though a storm soon separated the vessels, which never rejoined, and many disasters 192 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST befell them, the expectations from the voyage were not altogether frustrated. Each of the commanders discovered land, which to them appeared to be part of the American continent ; and, according to their ob- servations, it seems to be situated within a few degrees of the north-west coast of California. Each set some of his people ashore : but in one place the inhabitants fled as the Russians approached ; in another, they carried off those who landed, and destroyed their boats. The violence of the weather, and the distress of their crews, obliged both captains to quit this in- hospitable coast. In their return they touched at several islands, which stretch in a chain from east to west between the country which they had disco ered and the coast of Asia. They had some intercourse with the natives, who seemed to them to resemble the North Americans. They presented to the Russians the calumet, or pipe of peace, which is a symbol of friendship universal among the people of North Ame- rica, and an usage of arbitrary institution, peculiar to them. Though the islands of this New Archipelago have been frequented since that time by the Russian hunters, the court of St. Peteisburg, during a period of nearly thirty years, seems to have relinquished every thought of prosecuting discoveries in that quar- ter. But in the year 1768, it was unexpectedly le- sumed. The sovereign, who had been lately seated on the throne of Peter the Great, possessed the genius and talents of her illustrious predecessor. During the operations of the most arduous and extensive war in which the Russian empire was ever engaged, she formed schemes and executed undertakings, to which more limited abilities would have been incapable of attending but amidst the leisure of pacific times. A new voyage of discovery from the eastern extremity of Asia was planned, and Captain Krenitzin and Lieute- nant LevashefF were appointed to command the two vessels fitted out for that purpose. In their voyage outward thev held nearly the same cour rt it,U ihe OF AMERICA. 103 ig the 'ar in ,, she iwhich Ible of A |ity of lieute- U two >yage ih the former navigators, they touched at the same islands, observed their situation and productions more care- fully, and discovered several new islands, with which Behring and Tschirikow had not fallen in. Though they did not proceed so far to the east as to revisit the country which Behring and Tschirikow supposed to be part of the American continent, yet, by returning in a course considerably to the north of theirs, they corrected some capital mistakes into which their pre- decessors had fallen, and have contributed to facilitate the progress of future navigators in those seas. Thus the possibility of a communication between the continents in this quarter rests no longer upon mere conjecture, but is established by undoubted evi- dence. Some tribe or some families of wandering Tartars, from the restless spirit peculiar to their race, might migrate to the nearest islands, and, rude as their knowledge of navigation was, might, by passing from one to the other, reach at length the coast of America, and give a beginning to population in that continent. It is probable that future navigators in those seas, by steering farther to the north, may find that the continent of America approaches still nearer to Asia. According to the information of the barbarous people who inhabit the country about the north-east promontory of Asia, there lies, off the coast, a small island, to which they sail in less than a day. From that they can descry a large continent, which, accord- ing to their description, is covered with forest*, and possessed by people whose language they do not un- derstand. By them they are supplied with the skins of martens, an animal unknown m the northern parts of Siberia, and which is never found but in countries abounding with trees. If we could rely on this ac- count, we might conclude, that the American conti- nent is separated from ours only by a narrow strait, and all the difficulties with respect to the communi- cation between them would vanish. What could be offered only as a conjecture when this History was first published, is now known to be certain. Tim near t»l DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST approach of the two continents to each other has been discovered and traced in a voyage undertaken upon principles s > pure and so liberal, and conducted with so much professional skill, as to reflect lustre upon the reign of the sovereign by whom it was planned, and do honour to the officers intrusted with the execution of it.* It is likewise evident from recent discoveries, that an intercourse between our continent and America might be carried on with r.o less facility from the north-west extremities of Europe. As early as the ninth century, the Norwegians discovered Greenland, and planted colonies there. The communication with that country, after a long interruption, was renewed in the last cen- tury. Some Lutheran and Moravian missionaries, prompted by zeal for propagating the Christian faith, nave ventured to settle in this frozen and uncultivated region. To them we are indebted for much curious information with respect to its nature and inhabitantf:. We learn, that the north-west coast of Greenland is separated from America by a very narrow strait ; that, at the bottom of the bay into which this strait con- ducts, it is highly probable that they are united ; that the inhabitants of the two countries have some inter- course with one another ; that the Esquimaux of America perfectly resemble the Greenlanders in their aspect, dress, and mode of living ; that some sailors who had acquired the knowledge of a few words in the Greenlandish language, reported that these were un- derstood by the Esquimaux ; that, at length, in the year 1764, a Moravian missionary, well acquainted with the language of Greenland, having visited the country of the Esquimaux, found, to his astonishment, that they spoke the same language with the Green- landers ; that they were in every respect the same people, and he was accordingly received and enter- tained by them as a friend and a brother. • See Narrative of Captain Cook's Voyages, cspeciall) his last great CR«s in the years 1776, '777, 11 1 S and 1779, whicti communicates all tUv iitfurmation that can be dcsircv.^ on ttiis subject. OF AMERICA. Ids Lsbeen i upon d with pon the id, and ecution that an 1 might th-west sentury, planted country, ast cen- ionaries, an faith, iltivated I curious abitantf:. nland is it; that, ait con- ed; that ae inter- naux of in their sailors ds in the ^ere un- in the :juainted ited the shment, Green- e same enter- 1 last great Inicates uii By these decisive facts, not only the consanguinity of the Esquimaux and Greenlanders is estabhshed, but the possibiUty of peopling America from the north of Europe is demonstrated. If the Norwegians, in a barbarous age, when science had not begun to dawn in the north of Europe, possessed such naval skill as to open a communication with Greenland, their an- cestors, as much addicted to roving by sea as the Tartars are to wandering by land, might, at some more remote period, accomplish the same voyage, and settle a colony there, whose descendants might, in progress of time, migrate into America. But if, instead of ven- turing to sail directly from their own coast to Green- land, we suppose that the Norwegians held a more cautious course, and advanced from Shetland to the Feroe Islands, and from them to Iceland, in all which they had planted colonies ; their progress may have been so gradual, that this navigation cannot be consi- dered as either longer or more hazardous, than those voyages which that hardy and enterprising race of men is known to have performed in every age. Though it be possible that America may have re- ceived its first inhabitants from our continent, either by the north-west of Europe or the north-east of Asia, there seems to be good reason for supposing that the progenitors of all the American nations, from Cape Horn to the southern confines of Labrador, migrated from the latter rather than the former. The Esqui- maux are the only people in America, who, in their aspect or character, bear any resemblance to the northern Europeans. They are manifestly a race of men distinct from all the nations of the American con- tinent, in language, in disposition, and in habits of life. Their original, then, may warrantably be tracfi up to that source which I have pointed out. But among all the other inhabitants of America, there i3 such a striking similitude in the form of their bodies and the qualities of their minds, that, notwitiistanding the diversities occasioned by the influence of climates or unequal progress in improvement, we must pro« 106 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST nounce them to be descended from ono source. It is remarkable, that in every peculiarity, v/hether in their persons or dispositions, which characterize the Ame- ricans, they have some resemblance to the rude tribes scattered over the north-east of Asia, out almost none to the nations settled in the northern extremities of Europe. We may, therefore, rafer them to the former origin, and conclude that their Asiatic progenitors, having settled in those parts of America where the Russians have discovered the proximity of the two continents, spread gradually over its various regions. Thus have I finished a disquisition which has been deemed of so much importance, that it would have been improper to omit it in writing the history of Ame- rica. 1 have ventured to inquire, but without pre- suming to decide. Satis ied with offering conjectures, I pretend not to establish any system. When an investigation is, from itr nature, so intricate and ob- scure, that it is impossible to arrive at conclusions which are certain, there may be some merit in pointing out such as are probable. The condition and character of the American na- tions at the time when they became known to the Europeans, deserve more attentive consideration than the inquiry concerning their original. The latter is merely an object of curiosity ; the former is one of the most important as well as instructive researches which can occupy the philosopher or historian. In America, man appears under the rudest form in which we can conceive him to subsist. We behold communities just beginning to unite, and may examine the senti- ments and actions of human beings in the infancy of social life, while they feel but imperfectly the force of its ties, and have scarcely relinquished their native liberty. That state of primaeval simplicity, which was known in our continent, only by the fanciful descrip- tion of poets, really existed in the other. The q^reater f>art of its inhabitants were strangers to industry and abour, ignorant of arts, imperfectly acquainted with the nature of property, and enjoying almost without OF AMERICA. 197 restriction or control the blessings w^ich flowed spon- taneously from the bounty of ns re. There were only two nations in this vast continent which had emerged from this rude state, and had made any con- siderable progress in acquiring the ideas, and adopting the institutions, which belong to polished societies. Their government and manners will fall naturally under our review in relating the discovery and con- quest of the Mexican and Peruvian empires ; and we snail have there an opportunity of contemplating the Americans in the state of highest improvement to which they ever attained. At present, our attention and researches shall be turned to the small independent tribes which occu- pied every other part of America. Among these, though with some diversity in their character, their manners, and institutions, the state of society was nearly similar, and so extremely rude, that the deno- mination of savage may be applied to them all. It is extremely difficult to procure satisfying and authentic information concerning nat'ous while they remain uncivilized. To discover their true character under this rude form, and to select th<», features by w'liich they are distinguished, requires in observer possessed of no less impartiality than discernment. The Spaniards, who first visited America, and who had oppor'.unity of beholding its various trbes while entire anJ unsubdued, and before any change had been mride in their ideas or manners by intercourse with 1 race of men m^ch advanced beyond them in improvement, were far from possessing the qualities requisite for observing the striking spectacle presented to their view. Neither th° age in which they lived, nor the nation to which thoy belonged, had made such progress in true science, as inspires enlarged and liberal sentiments. The conquerors of the New World were mostly illiteriite adventurers, destitute of all the ideas which should have directed them in con- templating objects so extremely ditierent from those with which they were acquainted. Surrounded con- w 198 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST tinually with danger, or struggling witli hardships, they had little leisure, and less capacity, for any speculative inquiry. Not only the incapacity, but the prejudices of the Spaniards, render their accounts or the people of America extremely defective. Soon after they planted colonies in their new conquests, a diflfeience in opinion arose with respect to the treatment of the natives. One party, solicitous to render their servitude per- petual, represented them as a brutish, obstinate race, incapable either of acquiring religious knowledge, or of being trained to the functions of social life. T le other, full of pious concern for their conversion, con- tended th&i, though rude and ignorant, they were gentle, affectionate, dcile, and by proper instructions and regulations might be formed gradually into good Christians and useful citizens. This controversy, as I have already related, was carried on with all the warmth which is natural, when attention to interest on the one hand, and religious zeal on the other, ani- mate the disputants. Most of the laity espoused the former opinion ; while all the ecclesiastics, except- ing the Franciscans, were advocates for the latter ; and we shall uniformly find, that, accordingly as an author belonged to either of these parties, he is apt to magnify the virtues or aggravate the defects of the Americans far beyond truth. These conflicting ac- counts increase the difficulty of attaining a perfect knowledge of their character, and render it neces- sary to peruse all the descriptions of them by Spanish writers with distrust, and to receive their information with some grains of allowance. Almost two centuries elapsed after the discovery of America, before the manners of its inhabitants at- tracted in any considerable degree the attention of philosophers. At length they discovered, that the contemplation of the condition and character of the Americans, in their original state, tended to complete our knowledge of the human species ; might enable us to fill up a considerable chasm is thj history of its OF AMERICA. 100 progress; and lead to speculations no less curious than important. They entered upon this new field of study with great ardour; but, instead of throwing light upon the subject, they have contributed in some degree to involve it in additional obscurity. Some authors of great name have maintained that this part of the globe had but lately emerged from the sea, and become fit for the residence of man ; that every thing in it bore marks of a recent original ; and that its in- habitants, lately called into existence, and still at the beginning of their career, were unworthy to be com- pared with the people of a more ancient and improved continent. Others have imagined, that, under the influence of an iinkindly climate, which checks and enervates the principle of life, man never attained in America the perfection which belongs to his nature, but remained an animal of an inferior order, defective in the vigour of his bodily frame, and destitute ot sensibility, as well as of force, in the operations of his mind. In opposition io both these, other philosophers have supposed that man arrives at his highest dignity and excellence longf before he reaches a state of re- finement ; and, in the rude simplicity of savage life, displays an elevation of sentiment, an independence of mind, and a warmth of attachment, for which it is vain to search among the members of polished so- cieties. They seem to consider that as the most per- fect state of man which is the least civilized. They describe the manners of the rude Americans with sucn rapture, as if they proposed them for models to the rest of the species. These contradictory theories have been proposed with equal confidence, and uncommon powers of genius and eloquence have been exerted in order to clothe them with an appearance of truth. As all those circumstances concur in rendering an inquiry into the state of the rude nations in America intricate and obscure, it is necessary to carry it on with caution ; and in order to conduct it with greater accuracy^ it should be rendered as simple as possible. JVIan existed us an individual before he became the 200 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST member of a conununity ; and the qualities which belong to him under his former capacity should be known, before we proceed to examine those which arise from the latter relation. This is peculiarly ne- cessary in investigating the manners of rude nations. Their political union is so incomplete, their civil in- stitutions and regulations so few, so simple, and of such slender authority, that men in this state ought to be viewed rather an independent agents, than as members of a regular society. The character of a favage results uimost entirely from his sentiments or feelings as i»n individual, and is but little influenced by his imperfect subjection to g;overnment and order. 1 shall conduct my researches concerning the manners of the Americans in this natural order, preceding gra- dually from what is simple to what is more complicated I shall consider, 1. Tho bodily constitution of the Americans in those regions now under review. IT. The qualities of their minds. III. Their domestic Btate. I V. Their political state and institutions. V. Their system of war, and public security. VI. The arts with which they were acquainted. Vil. Their religious ideas and institutions. VIII. Such singular detached customs as are not reducible to any of the former heads. IX, I shall conclude with a general review and estimate of their virtues and defects. I. The bodily constitution of the Americans. — The human body is less afTected by climate than that of any other animal. Some animals are confined to a particular region of the globe, and cannot exist beyond It ; others, though they may be brought to bear the injuries of a climate foreign to them, cease to multiply ^hen carried out of that district which nature des- tined to be their mansion. Even such as seem ca- pable of being naturalized in various climates, feel the effect of every remove from their proper station, and gradually dwindle and degenerate from the vigour and perfection peculiar to their species. Man is the only living creature whose frame is at once so hardy and so flexible, that he can spread over the whole OF AMERICA. 201 earth, become the inhabitant of every region, and thrive and multiply under every climate. Subject, however, to the general law of nature, the human body is not entirely exempt from the operation of climate ; and when exposed to the extremes either of heat or cold, its size or vigour diminishes. The first appearance of the inhabitants of the New World filled the discoverers with such astonishment, that they were apt to imagine them a race of men different from those of the other hemisphere. Their complexion is of a reddish brown, nearly resembling the colour of copper. The hair of their heads is al- ways black, long, coarse, and uncurled. They have no beard, and every part of their body is perfectly smooth. Their persons are of a full size, extremely straight, and well-proportioned. Their features are regular, though often distorted by absurd endeavours to improve the beauty of their natural form, or to render their aspect more dreadful to their enemies. In the islands, where four-footed animals were both few and small, and the earth yielded her productions almost spontaneously, the constitution of the natives, neither braced by the active exercises of the chase, nor invigorated by the labour of cultivation, was ex- tremely feeble and languid. On the continent, where the forests abound with game of various kinds, and the chief occupation of many tribes was to pursue it, the human frame acquired <^reater firmness. Still, however, the Americans were more remarkable for agility than strength. They resembled beasts of prey, rather than animals formed for labour. They were not only averse to toil, but incapable of it ; and when roused by force from their native indolence, and com- pelled to work, they sunk under tasks which the people of the other continent would have performed with ease. This feebleness of constitution was universal among the inhabitants of those regions in America which we are surveying, and may be considered as characteristic of the species there. 202 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST As the external form of the Americans leads us to suspect that there is some natural debility in their frame, the smallness of their appetite for food hai been mentioned by many authors as a confirmation of this suspicion. The quantity of food which men con* 8ume varies according to the temperature of the cli- mate m which they live, the degree of activity which they exert, and the natural vigour of their constitu- tions. Under the enervating heat of the torrid zone, and when men pass their days in indolence and ease, they require l>d and industrious societies. II. After considering what a'Ji; » to be peculiar in In. bodily constitution of .v;" . ^ericans, our atten- 4icT ti naturally turned tov/ rti:. *oq [)owers and qua-* litics of their minds. As tho lU I' idual advances from 7 OP AMERICA. 211 uliar. Itten- Igua-* Iroin the ignorance and imbecility of the infant state to vigour and maturity of understanding, something si- milar to this may be observed in the progress of the species. With respect to it, too, there is a period oi infancy, during which several powers of tne mind are not unfolded, and all are feeble and defective in their operation. In the early ages of society, while the condition of man is simple and rude, his reason is but little exercised, and his desires move within a very narrow sphere. Hence arise two remarkable charac- teristics of the human mind in this state. Its intel- lectual powers are extremely limited ; its emotions and efforts are few and languid. Both these distinc- tions are conspicuous among the rude?st and most unimproved of the American tribes, and constitute a striking part of their description. What, among polished nations, is called specula- tive reasoning or research, is altogether unknown in the rude state of society, and never becomes the oc- cupation or amusement of the human faculties, until man be so far improved as to have secured, with cer- tainty, the moans of sub5istence, as well as the pos- session of leisure and tranquillity. The thoughts and attention of a savage are confined within the small circle of objects immediately conducive to his pre- servation or enjoyment. Every thing beyond that, e- capos his observation, or is perfectly indifferent to him. Like a mere animal, what is before his eves interests and affects him ; what is out of sight, or at a distance, makes little inipression. While they highly prize such things as serve for present use, or minister to present enjoyment, they set no value upon those which are lot the object of some immediate want. Winen, on the approach of the evening, a Caribbee feels himseir disposed to go to rest, no consideration will tempt him to se '. his hammock. But, m the morning, when he is sallyin^ out to the business or pasllme of the day, he will part with it for the slightest ^oy that catches his fancy. At the close of winter,, while the impression of what he has suffered from the 212 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST rigour of ihe climate is fresh in the mind of the North American, he sets himself with vigour to prepare materials for erecting- a comfortable hut to protect him against the inclemency of the succeeding season ; but, as soon as the weather becomes mild, he forgets what is past, abandons his work, and never thinks of it more, until the return of cold compels him, when too late, to resume it. If, in concerns the most interesting, and seemingly the most simple, the rea^^on of man, while rude and destitute of culture, differs so little from the thought- less levity of children, or the improvident instinct of animals, its exertions in ot' er directions cannot be very considerable. Among civilized nations, arith- metic, or the art of numbering, is deemed an essential and elementary science ; and in our continent, the invention "ind use of it reaches back to a period so remote, as is beyond the knowledge of history. But among savages, who have no property to estimate, no hoarded treasures to count, no variety of objects or multiplicity of ideas to enumerate, arithmetic is a superfluous and useless art. Accordingly, among gome tribes in America it seems to be quite unknown. There are many who cannot reckon farther than three ; and have no denomination to distinguish any number above it. Several can proceed as far as ten, others to twenty. When they would convey an idea of any number beyond these, they point to the hairs of their head, intimating that it is equal to them, or with wonder declare it to be s') great that it cannot be reckoned. Not only the Americans, but all nations, while extremely rude, seem to be unacquainted with the art of computation. As soon, however, as they acquire such acquaintance or connexion with a variety of objects that there is frequent occasion to combine or divide them, their knowledge of numbers increases, so that the state of this art among any people may be considered as one standard, by which to estimate the degree of their improvement. The Iroquois, in North America, as they are much more clviUzed than the OF AMERICA. 213 rude inhabitants of Brazil, Paraguay, or Guiana, have likewise made greater advances m this respect ; though even their arithmetic does not extend beyond a thousand, as in their petty transactions they have no occasion for any higher number. The Cherokee, a less considerable nation on the same continent, can reckon only as far as a hundred, and to that extent have names for the several numbers ; the smaller tribes in their neighbourhood can rise no higher than ten. In other respects, the exercise of the understanding among rude nations is still more limited. I'he first ideas of every human being must be such as he re- ceives by the senses. But in the mind of man, while in the savage state, there seem to be hardly any ideas but what enter by this avenue. The objects around him are presented to his eye. Such as may be sub- servient to his use, or can gratify any of his appetites, attract his notice ; he views the rest without nriosity or attention. Satisfied with considering them under that simple mode in which they appear to hir;? separate and detached, he neither combines then. >> as to form general classes, nor contemplates their qualities apart from the subject in which they inhere, nor bestows a thought upon the operations of his own mind concerning them. Thu? he is unacquainted with all the ideas which have been denominated universal, or abstract, or of reflection. The range ot his understanding must, of course, be very confined, and his reasoning powers be employed m*'''«'«r on what is sensible. This is so remarkably the c < «vUh the ruder nations of America, that their language (as we shall afterwards find) has not a word to express any thing but what is material or corporeal. Time, space, substance, and a thousand other terms, wliich represent abstract and universal Mcas, are altogether «' .known to them. In situations where no extraor- II nary effort either of ingenuity or labour is requisite, in order to satisfy the simple demands of nature, the powers of the mind are so seldom roused to any exer- h 211 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST tion, that the rational faculties contiaue almost dor- mant and unexercised. The numerous tribes scattered OVt' • ■' >. >'ain3 of South America, the inhabitants cf sonrii» •n the islands, and of several fertile regions oil the continent, come under this description. But ill severer climateit, where subsistence cannot be pro- cured with the same ease, where men must unite more cloHely, and act with greater concert, necessity calls forth their taU-^* , -.«-! .siiarp^ns their invention, so that the intellectual powers are more exercised and improved. The North American tribes and the na- tives of Chili, who inhabit the temperate regions in the two great districts of America, are people of cul- tivated and enlarged understandings, when viewed in comparison with some of those seated in the islands, or on the banks of the Maragnon and Orinoco. Their occupations are more various, their system of policy, as well as of war, more complex, their arts more numerous. But 'jven among them, the intellectual powers are extremely limited in their c^ rations, and unless when turned directly to those objects which interest a savage, are held in no estimation. Both the North Americans and Chilese, when not engaged in some of the functions belonging to a warrior or hunter, loiter away their time in thoughtless indo- lence, unacquainted with any other subject worthy of their attention, or capable of occupying their mil f.'s. V even a ong them reason is so much cir- cumscribed in its exertions, and never arrives, in its highest attainments, at the knowledge of those gene- ral p uciples and rr- \xims which serve as the founda- tion of science, we may conclude, *liat tiie intellec- tual powers of man •- iiie savage state aie destitute of their proper o'' set, md cannot acquire any con- siderable degro' f V' our and enlargement. From the same causes, the active efforts of the mind are few, and, on most occasions, languid. Hence the people of several tribes in America waste their life m a listless indolence. To be free from occu- pation, seems to be all the enjoyment towards which OF AMERICA. .k 215 TV lAtVIt they aspire. They will continue whole days stretched out in their hammocks, or seated on the earth in per- fect idleness, without changing their posture, or rais- ing their eyes from the ground, or uttering a single word. Such is their aversion to labour, that neither the hope of future good, nor the apprehension of future evil, can surmount it. They appear equally indif- ferent to both, discovering little solicitude, and taking no precautions to avoid the one, or to secure the other. Man, in some parts of America, appears in a form so rude, that we can discover no effects of his activity, and ' e principle of understanding which should direct it seems hardly to be unfolded. Like the other animals, he has no fixed residence ; he has erected no habitation to shelter him from the incle- mency of the weather : he has taken no measures for securing certain subsistence ; he neither sows nor reaps ; but roams about as led in search of the plants and fruits which the earth brings forth in succession ; and in quest of the game which he kills in the forests, or of the fish which he catches in the rivers. This description, however, applies only to some tribes. Man cannot continue long in this state of feeble and uninformed infancy. He was made for industry and action, and the powers of his nature, as well as the necessity of his condition, urge him to fulfil his destiny. Accordingly, among most of the American nations, especially those seated in rigorous climates, some efforts are employed, and soKia previous precautions are taken, for securing subsister.ee. The career of regular industry is begun, and the laborious arm has made the first essays of its power. Still, however, the improvident and slothful genius of the savage stato predominates. Even among those more improved tribes, labour is deemed ignominious and degrading. It is only to work of a certain kind that a man will deign to put his hand. The greater part is devolved entirely upon the women. One half of the comuiuiiity remains inactive, while the other is 210 DISCOVERY ANI» CONQUEST oppressed with the multitude and variety of its occu- pations. Thus their industry is partial, and the fore< sight which regulates it is no less limited. A re- markable instance of this occurs in the chief arrange- ment with respect to their manner of living. They depend for their subsistence, during one part of the year, on fishing ; during another, on hunting ; during a third, on the produce of their agriculture. Though experience has taught them to foresee the return of those various seasons, and to make some provision for the respective exigencies of each, they either want sagacity to proportion this provision to their con- sumption, or are so incapable of u.-^y command over their appetites, that, from their inconsiderate waste, they often feel the calamities of famine as severely as the rudest of the savage tribes. What they suffer one year does not augment their industry, or render them more provident to prevent similar distresses. This inconsiderate thoughtlessness about futurity, the effect of ignorance and the cause of sloth, accompanies and characterizes man in every stage of savage life ; and, by a capricious singularity in his operations, he is then least solicitous about supplying his wants, when the means of satisfying them are most precarious, and procured with the greatest difficulty. 111. After viewing the bodily constitution of the Americans, and contemplating the powers of their minds, we are led, in the natural order of inquiry, to consider them as united together in society. Hitherto our researches have been confined to the operations of understanding respecting themselves as individuals, now they will extend to the degree of their sensibility and affection towards their species. The domestic state is the first and most simple form of human association. The union of the sexes, among different animals, is of longer or shorter duration in proportion to the ease or difficulty of rearing their offspring. Among those tribes where the season of infancy is short, and the young soon acquire vigour or agility, no permanent unio.i is formed* Nature i OP AMERICA. 217 ig commits the care of training up the oflfspring to the mother alone, and her tenderness, without any other assistance, is equal to the task. But where the state of infancy is long and helpless, and the joint assi- duity of both parents is requisite in tending their feeble progeny, there a more intimate connexion takes place, and continues until the purpose of nature be accomplished, and the new race grow up to full ma- turity. As the infancy of man is more feeble and helpless than that of any other animal, and he is de- pendent, during a much longer period, on the care and foresight of his parents, the union between hus- band and wife came early to be considered, not only as a solemn, but as a permanent contract. In the infancy of society, when men, destitute of arts and industry, lead a hard precarious life, the rearing of their projeny demands the attention and efforts of both parents ; and if their union had not been formed and continued with this view, the race could not have been preserved. Accordingly, in America, even among the rudest tribes, a regular union between husband and wife was universal, and the rights of marriage were understood and recognised. In tho'^e districts where subsistence was scanty, and the diffi- culty of maintaining a family was great, the man confined himself to one wife. In warmer and more fertile provinces, the facility of procuring food con- curred with the influence of climate in inducing the inhabitants to increase the number of their wives. In some countries, the marriage union subsisted during life ; in others, the impatience of the Americans under restraint of any species, together with their natural levity and caprice, prompted them to dissolve it on very slight pretexts, and often without assigning any cause. But in whatever light the Americans considered the obligation of this contract, either as perpetual, or only as temporary, the condition of women was equally humiliating and miserable. To despise and to degrade the female sex, is the characteristic of the savage state $18 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST in every part of the globe. Mau, proud of excelling in strength and in courage, the chief marks of pre- eminence among rude people, treats woman, as an inferior, with disdain The Americans, perhaps from that coldness anil msensibility which has been con- sidered as peculiar to their constitution, a^o^ neglect and harshness to contempt. The most intelligent tra- vellers have been struck with this inattention of the Americans to their women. It is not, as I have already observed, by a studied display of tenderness and attachment, that the American endeavours to gain the heart of the woman whom he wishes to marry. Marriage itself, instead of being an union of affection and interests between equals, becomes, among them, the unnatural conjunction of a master with his slave. It is the observation of an author, whose opinions are deservedly of great weight, that wherever wives are purchased, their condition is extremely depressed. They become the property and the slaves of those who buy them. In whatever part of the globe tliis custom prevails, the observation holds. In countries where refinement has made some progress, women, when purchased, are excluded from society, shut up in se- questered apartments, and kept under the vigilant guard of their masters. In ruder nations, they are degraded to the meanest functions. Among many people of America, the marriage-contract is properly a purchase. The man buys his wife of her parents. Though unacquainted with the use of money, or with such commercial transactions as take place in more improved society, he knows how to give an equivalent for any object which he desires to possess. In some places, the suitor devotes his service for a certain time to the parents of the maid whom he courts ; in others, he hunts for them occasionally, or assists in cultivating their fields, and forming their canoes; in others, he offers presents of such things as are deemed most valuable on account of their usefulness or rarity. In return for these he receives his wife ; and this circum- stance, added to the low estimatv: of women among OF AMERICA. / 219 savages, leads him to consider her as a female servai ' whom he has purchased, and whom he has a tiile to treat as an inferior. In all unpolished nations, it in true, the functions in domestic economy, which fall naturally to the share of women, are so many, that they are subjected to hard labour, and must bear more than their full portion of the common burden. But in America their condition is so peculiarly grievous, and their depression so complete, that servitude is a nume too mild to describe their wretched state. A wife, among most tribes, is no better than a beast of burden, destined to every office of labour and fatigue. While the men loiter out the day in sloth, or spend it in amusement, the women are condemned to incessant toil. Tasks are imposed upon them without pity, and services are received without complaisance or grati- tude. Every circumstance reminds women of this mortifying inferiority. They must approach their lords with reverence ; they must regard them as more ex- alted beings, and are not permitted to eat in their presence. There are districts in America where this dominion is so grievous, and so sensibly felt, that some women, in a wild emotion of maternal tenderness, have destroyed their female children in their infancy, in order to deliver them from that intolerable bondage to which they knew they were doomed. Thus the first institution of social life is perverted. That state of domestic union towards which nature leads the human species, in order to soften the heart to gentle- ness and humanity, is rendered so unequal, as to establish a cruel distinction between the sexes, which forms the one to be harsh and unfeeling, and humbles the other to servility and subjection. It is owing, perhaps, in some measure to this state of depression, that women in rude nations are far from being prolific. Among wandering tribes, or such as depend chiefly upon hunting for subsistence, the mo- ther cannot attempt to rear a second child, until the first has attained such a degree of vigour as to be in sonr.e measure indeoendent of her care= Araons: som.e 220 \V. DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST of the least polished tribes, whose industry and fore- sight do not extend so far as to make any regular pro- vision for their own subsistence, it is a maxim not to burden themselves with rearing more than two chil- dren ; and no such numerous families, as are frequent in civilized societie!:, are to be found among men in the savage state. When twins are born, one of them commonly is abandoned, because the mother is not equal to the task of rearing both. When a mother dies while she is nursing a child, all hope of preseivinor its life fails, and it is buried together with her in the same grave. As the parents are frequently exposed to want by their own improvident indolence, the diffi- culty of sustaining their children becomes so great, that it is not uncommon to abandon or destroy them. Thus their experience of the difficulty of training up an infant to maturity, amidst the hardships of savage life, often stifles the voice of nature among the Ame- ricans, and suppresses the strong emotions of parental tenderness. But, though necessity compels the inhabitant? of America thus to set bounds to the increase of t»..'ir families, they are not deficient in affection and attach- ment to their ofTspring. i'hey feel the power of this instinct in its full force, and as long as their progeng continue feeble and helpless, no people exceed them in tenderness and care. But in the simplicity of the savage state, the affection of parents, like the instinc- tive fondness of animals, ceases almost entirely as soon as their ofl'spting attain maturity. Little instructoii fits them for that mode of life to which they are des- tined. The parents, as if their duty were accom- plished, when they have conducted their children through the helpless years of infancy, leave them after- wards at entire liberty. Even in their tender age, ♦hey seldom advise or admonish, they never chide or chastise them. They suffer them to be absolute masters of their own actions. In an American hut, a father, a mother, and their posterity, live together like persons assembled by accident, without seeming to feel _. .»-.-«*•*■» ' / OP AMERICA. 221 the obligation of the duties r itually arising from this connexion. As filial love is . ;t cherished by the con- tinuance of attention or good offices, the recollection of benefits received in early infancy is too faint to excite it. Conscious of their own liberty, and impatient of restraint, the youth of America are accustomed to act as if they were totally independent. Their parents are not objects of greater regard than other persons, They treat them always with neglect, and often with sucli harshnes"* and insolence, as to fill those who have been witnesses of their conduct with liorror. Thus the ideas which seem to be natural to man in his savage state, as they result necessarily from his circumstances and condition in that period of his progress, affect the two capital relations in domestic life : They render the union between husband and wife unequal : They shorten the duration, ar*. weaken the force, of the connexion between pare, ts and children. IV. From the domestic state of the Americans, the transition to the consideration of their civil govern- ment and political institutions is natural. In every inquiry concerning the operations of men when united together in society, the first object of attention should be their mode of subsistence. Accordingly as that varies, their laws and policy must be difFerent. 'J'he institution suited to the ideas and exigences of tribes, which subsist chiefly by fishing or hunting, and which have as yet acquired but an imperfect conception of any species of property, will be much ri.ure simple than those which must take place when the earth is cultivated with regular industry, and a right of pro- perty, not only in its productions, but in the soil itself, is completely ascertained. All the people of America, now under review, belong to the former class. But though tliey may all be comprehended under the general denomination of savage, the advances which they hnd made in the art of procuring to themselves a certain and plentiful sub- sistence, were very unequal. On the extensive plams of South America, man aooears ia one of the rudest 222 DISCOVERY AND CONpUEST states in which he has been ever observed, or, perhaps, can exist. They neither sow nor plant. Even the culture of the manioc, of which cassada bread is made, is an art too intricate for their ingenuity, or too fatiguing for their indolence. The roots which the earth produces spontaneously, the fruits, the berries, and the seeds, which they gather in the woods, together with lizards and other reptiles, which multiply ama- zingly wiih the heat of the climate in a fat soil, mois- tened by frequent rains, supply them with food during some part of the year. At other times they subsist by fisiiing ; and nature seems to have indulged the laziness of the South American tribes by the liberality with which she ministers, in this way, to their wants. The vast rivers of that reaion in America abound with an mfinite variety of the most delicate fish. The lakes and marshes formed by the annual overflowing of the waters, are filled with all the diflferent species, where they remain shut up, as in natural reservoirs, ibr the use of the inhabitants. They swarm in such shoals, that in some places they arecatched without art or industry. In others, the natives have discovered a mruhod of infecting the water with ti.e juice of certain phnts, by which the fish are so intoxicated, that they float on the surface, and are taken with the hand. Some tribes have ingenuity enough to preserve them without salt, by drying or smoking them upon hurdles over a slow fire. The prolific quality of ths rivers in South America induces many of the natives to resort to their banks, and to depend almost entirely for nourishment on what their waters supply with such profdsion. As none but tribes contiguous to great rivers can sustain themselves in this manner, the greater part of the American nations, dispersed over the forests with which thoir country is covered, do not procure sub- sistence with the same facility. For although these forests, especially in the southern continent of America, are stored plentifully with game, considerable efforts of activity and ingenuity are requisite in pursuit of it. h ! I! / / OF AMERICA. 223 Necessity incited the natives to the one, and taught them the other. Hunting became their principal oc- cupation ; and as it called forth strenuous exertions of courage, of force, and of invention, it was deemed nc less honourable than necessary. This occupation was peculiar to the men. They were trained to it from their'' earliest youth. A bold and dexterous hunter ranked next in fame to the distinguished warrior, and an alliance with the former is often courted in prefer- ence to one with the latter. While engaged in this favourite exercise, they shake off the indolence pecu- liar to their nature, the latent powers and vigour of the'.r minds are roused, and they become active, per- severing, and indefatigable. Their sagacity in finding their prey, and their address in killing it, are equal. Their reason and their senses being constantly directed towards this one object, the former displays such fertility of invention, and the latter acquire such a de- gree of acuteness, as appear almost incredible. They discern the footsteps of a wUd beast, which ?scapG every other eye, and can follow them with certainty through the pathless forest. If they attack their game openly, their arrow seldom errs from the mark ; if they endeavour to circumvent it by art, it is almost impos- sible to avoid their toils. Among several tribes, their young men were not permitted to marry, until they had given such proofs of their skill in bunting as put it beyond doubt that they were capabla of providing for a family. Their ingenuity, always on the stretch, and sharpened by emulation, as well as necessity, has struck out many invenvions, which greatly facilitate success in the chase. The most singular of these is the discovery of a poison in which they dip the arrows employed in hunting. The slightest wound with those envenomed shafts is mortal. If they only pierce the skin the blood fixes and congeals in a moment, and the strongest animal falls motionless to the ground. Nor does this poison, notwithstanding its violence and subtilty, infect the flesh of the animal which it kills. I'iiat may be eaten with perfect safety, and retain ita 224 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST native relish and qualities. All the nations situated upon the banks of the Maragnon and Orinoco are acquainted with this composition, the chief ingredient in which is the juice extracted from the root of the curare, a species of withe. In other parts of America, they employ the juice of the manchenille for the same purpose, and it operates with no less fatal activity. To people possessed of those secrets, the bow is a more destructive weapon than the mu&ket, and, in their skilful hands, does great execution among the birds and beasts which abound in ;.he forests of America. But the life of a hunter gradually leads man to a state more advanced. The chase, even where prey is abundant, and the dexterity of the hunter much im- proved, affords but an uncertain maintenance, and at some seasons it must be sus-pended altogether. If a savage trusts to his bow alone for food, he and his family will be often reduced to extreme distress. In particular situations, some small tribes may subsist by fishing, independent of any production of the earth raised by their own industry. But throughout all America, we scarcely meet with any nation of hunters, which does not practise some species of cultivation. The agriculture of the Americans, however, is neither extensive nor laborious. As game and fish are their principal food, all they aim at, by cultivation, is to supply any occasional defect of these. In the southern continent of America, the natives confined their industry to rearing a few plants, which in a rich soil and warm climate were easily trained to maturity. I'he chief of these is maize, well known in Europe by the name of Turkey or Indian wheat, a grain extremely prolific, of simple culture, agreeable to the taste, and affording a strong hearty nourishment. The second is the manioc, which grows to the size of a large shrub, or small tree, and produces roots somewhat resembling parsnips. After carefully squeezing oat the juice, these roots are grated down to a fine powder, and formed into thin cakes, called cassada bread, which, though insipid to the taste, proves no contemptible OP AMERICA. / 225 food. As the juice of the manioc is a deadly poison^ some authors have celebrated the ingenuity of the Americans, in converting a noxious plant into whole- some nourishment. But it should rather be considered as one of the desperate expedients for procuring sub- sistence, to which necessity reduces rude nations ; or, perhaps, men were led to the use of it by a pro^'ress, m which there is nothing marvellous. One species of manioc is altogether free of any poisonous quality, and may be eaten without any preparation but that of roasting it in the embers. This, it is probable, was first used by the Americans as food ; and necessity having gradually taught them the art of separating its pernicious juice from the other species, they have by experience found it to be more prolific as well as more nourishing. The third is the plarUain, which, though it rises to the height of a tree, is of such quick growth, that in less than a year it rewards the industry of the cultivator with its fruit. This, when roasted, supplies the place of bread, and is both palatable and nourishing. The fourth is the potato, whose culture and qualities are too well known to need any descrip- tion. The fifth is pimento, a small tiee yielding a strong aromatic spice. The Americans, who, like other inhabitants of warm climates, delight in whatever is hot and of poignant flavour, deem this seasoning a necessary of life, and mingle it copiously with every kind of food they take. Such are the various productions, which were the chief object of culture among the hunting tribes on the continent of America ; in the islands, the mode of subsisting was considerably different. None of the large animals which abound on the continent were known there. Only four species of quadrupeds, be- sides a kind of small dumb dog, existed in the islands, the biggest of which did not exceed tlie size of a rabbit. This want of animals, as well as their peculiar situa- tion, led the islanders to depend principally upon fishing for their subsistence. Their rivers, and the sea with which they are surrounded, supplied them 226 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST with this species of food. At some particular seasons, turtle, crabs, and oilier shell-fish, abounded in such numbers, that the natives could support themselves with a facility in which their indolence delighted. At other times they ate lizards, and various reptiles of odious forms. To fishing, the inhabitants of the islands added some degree of agriculture. Maize, manioc, and other plants, were cultivated in the same manner as on the continent. }3ut though their demands for food were very sparing, they hardly raised what was Sufficient for their own consumption. If a few Spa- niards settled in any district, such a small addition of supernumerary mouths soon exhausted their scanty stores, and brought on a famine. Two circumstances, common to all the savage nations of America, concurred with those which I have already mentioned, not only in rendering their agriculture imperfect, but in circumscribing their power in all their operations. They had no tame ani- mals ; and they were unacquainted with the useful metals. In other parts of the globe, man, in his rudest state, appears as lord of the creation, giving law to various tribes of animals, which he has tamed, and reduced to subjection. The Tartar follows his prey on the horse which he has reared ; or tends his numerous herds, which furnish him both with food and clothing : the Arab has rendered the camel docile, and avails himself of its persevering strength : the Laplander has formed the rein-deer to be subservient to his will ; and even the people of Kamchatka have trained their dogs to labour. This command over the inferior creatures is one of the noblest prerogatives of man, and among the greatest efforts of his wisdom and power. Without this, his dominion is incomplete. He is a monarch who has no subjects ; a master without servants, and must perform every operation by the strength of his own arm. Such was the condition of all the rude nations in America ; and this, perhaps, is the most notable distinction between the inhabitants of the OP AMERICA. 227 Ancient and New Worlds, and a high pre'eniinence of civi'*. ,d men above such as continue rude. The greatest .operations of man, in changing and improving the face of nature, as well as his most considerable efforts in cultivating the earth, ai-j accomplished by means of the aid which he receives from the animals that he has tamed, and employs in labour. It is by their strength that he subdues the stubborn soil, and converts the desert or marsh into a fruitful field. But man, in his civilized state, is so accustomed to the service of the domestic animals, that he seldom reflects upon the vast benefits which he derives from it. If we were to suppose him, even when most improved, to be deprived of their useful ministry, his empire over nature must in some measure cease, and he would remain a feeble animal, at a loss how to subsist, and incapable of attempting such arduous undertakings as their assistance enables him to execute with ease. It is a doubtful point, whether the dominion of man over the animal creation, or his acquiring the useful metals, has contributed most to extend his power. The era of this important discovery is unknown, and in our hemisphere very remote. But in this, as well as in many other respectd^ the inferiority of the Ame- ricans was conspicuous. .() U the savage tribes, scat- tered over the continent -^nd islands, were totally un- acquainted with the metals which their soil produces in great abundance, if we except some trifling quan- tity of gold, which they picked up in the torrents that descended from their mountains, and formed into ornaments. Their devices to supply this want of the serviceable metals, were extremely rude and awkward. The most simple operation was to them an under- taking of immense difHculty and labour. To fell a tree with no other instrume^ls than hatchets of stone, was employment for a month . To form a canoe into shape, and to hollow it, consumed years ; and it fre- (juently began to rot before they were able to finish it. Their operations in agriculture were equally slow and defective. In ". .ntry covered with woods of w 228 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST the h:.rdest timber, the clearing of a small field des- tined for culture required the united 'forts of a tribe* and was a work of much time and great toil. This was the business of the men, and their indolence was satisfied with performing it in a very slovenly nianner. The labour of^ cultivation^ was left to the women, who, after digging, or rather stirring, the field, with wooden mattocks, and stakes hardened in the fire, sowed or planted it ; but they were more indebted for the in- crease to the fertility of the soil, than to their own rude industry. From this description of the mode of subsisting among the rude American tribes, the form and genius of their political institutions may be deduced, and we are enabled to trace various circumstances of dis- tinction between them and more civilized nations. 1. They were divided into small independent com- munities. While hunting is the chief source of sub- sistence, a vast extent of territory is requisite for sup- porting a small number of people. In proportion as n^eu multiply and unite, the wild animals, on which ihv.y depend for food, diminish, or fly at a greater liiirjtance from \he haunts of their enemy. A nation tt hunters cannot form into large communities, be- cause it would be impossible to find subsistence ; and they must drive to a distance every rival who may encroach on those domains, which they consider as their own. 'J'his was the state of all the American tribes ; the numbers in each were inconsiderable, though scattered over countries of great extent ; they were far remov. d from one another, and engaged in perpetual hostilities or rivalship. In America, the word nation is not of the same import as in other parts of the globe. It is applied to small societies, not exceeding, perhaps, two or three hundred persons, but occupying provinces greater than some kingdoms in Europe. The country of Guiana, though of larger extent than the kingdom of France, and divided among a greater number of nations, did not contain above twenty-five thousand inhabitants. lu the OF AMEIIICA. 229 provinces wltich border on the Oiinucu, one inuy trHvel several hundred miles in different directions, without finding a single hut, or < serving the footsteps of a human creature. ]n \orth America, where the climate is more riq^orous, an . the soil less fertile, the desolation is still g it' TIk , journeys of some hundred leagues ha e I . e tnrough uninhabited lains and forests. A^ 1 hunting continues to I nai. io which he trusts ' be said to have oc- e the chief employn for subsistence, he Cdu : cupied the earth. 2. Nations which depenu upon bunting are, in a great measure, strangers to the idea of property. As the animals on which the hunter feeds are not bred under his inspection, nor nourished by his care, he can claim no right to them, while they run wild in the forest. The forest, or hunting-grounds, are deemed the property of the tribe, from which it has a title to exclude every rival nation. But no individual arro- gates a right to any district of these, in preference to his fellow-citizens. They belong alike to all ; and thither, as to a general and undivided store, all repair in quest of sustenance. The same principles by which they regulate their chief occupation, extend to that which is subordinate. Even agriculture has not introduced among them a complete idea of property. As the men hunt, the women labour together, and after they have shared the toils of the seed-time, they enjoy the harvest in common. Among some tribes, the increase of their cultivated lands is deposited in a public granary, and divided among them at stated times, according to their wants. Among others, though they lay up separate stores, they do not acquire such an exclusive right of property, that they can enjoy superfluity, while those around them suffer want. Thus the distinctions arising from the inequality of possessions are unknown. The terms rich or poor enter not into their language, and being strangers to property, they are unacquainted with what is the great object of laws and policy, as well as the chief IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I ■^ 1^ 1 2.2 lAP IIII2.0 1.8 L25 1.4 |l.6 < 6" — ► y] /] 7 % 1/ '-!».' ^ 'W /A '/ Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 6" <^ 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 \\ 230 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST motive which induced mankind to establish the various arrangements of regular government. 3. People in this state retain a high sense of equality and independence. Wherever the idea of pro- perty is not established, there can be no distinction among men, but what arises from personal qualities. These can be conspicuous only on such occasions as call them forth into exertion. In times of danger, or in affairs of intricacy, the wisdom and experience of age are consulted, and prescribe the measures which ought to be pursued. When a tribe of savages takes the field against the enemies of their country, the warrior of most approved courage leads the youth to the combat. If they go forth in a body to the chase, the most expert and adventurous hunter is foremost, and directs their motions, fiut during seasons of tranquillity and inaction, when there is no occasion to display those talents, all pre-eminence ceases. Every circumstance indicates that all the members of the community are on a level* They are clothed in the same simple garb. They feed on the same plain fare. Their houses and furniture are exactly similar. No distinction can arise from the inequality of possessions. Whatever forms dependence on one part, or con- stitutes superiority on the other, is unknown. All are freemen, all feel themselves to be such, and assert with firmness the rights which belong to that con- dition. Many of the Americans, when they found that they were treated as slaves by the Spaniards, died of grief; and many destroyed themselves in despair. 4. Among people in this state, government can as- sume little authority, and the sense of civil subordi- nation must remain very imperfect. While the idea of property is unknown, or incompletely conceived ; while the spontaneous productions of the earth, as well as the fruits of industry, are considered as belonging to the public stock, there can hardly be any such subject of difference or discussion among the mem- bers of the same community, as will require the hand OF AMERICA. 231 n as- >ordi- idea ved ; well such lem- land of authority to interpose in order to adjust it. Where the right of separate and exclusive possession is not introduced, the great object of law and jurisdiction does not exist. When the members of a tribe are called into the field, either to invade the territories of their enemies or to repel their attacks, when they are engaged together in the toil and dangers of the chase, they then perceive that they are part of a political body. They are conscious of their own connexion with the companions in conjunction with whom they act ; and they follow and reverence such as excel in conduct and valour. But, during the intervals be- tween such common efforts, they seem scarcely to feel the ties of political union. No visible form of government is established. If violence is committed, or blood is shed, the community does not assume the power either of inflicting or of moderating the punish- ment. It belongs to the family and friends of the person injured or slain to avenge the wrong, or to accept of the reparation offered by the aggressor. If the elders interpose, it is to advise, not to decide, and it is seldom their counsels are listened to ; for as it is deemed pusillanimous to suffer an oflender to escape with impunity, resentment is implacable and ever- lasting. The object of government among savages is rather foreign than domestic. They do not aim at maintaining interior order and police by pubHc re- gulations, or the exertions of any permanent authority, but labour to preserve such union among the members of their tribe, that they may watch the motions of their enemies, and act against them with concert and vigour. Such was the form of political order established among the greater part of the American nations. In this state were almost all the tribes spread over the provinces extending eastward of the Mississippi, from the mouth of the St. Laurence to the confines ot Florida. In a similar condition were the people ot Brazil, the inhabitants of Chili, several tribes in Para- guay and Guiana, and in the countries which stretch w S32 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST from the mouth of the Orinoco to the peninsula of Yucatan. Among such an infinite number of petty associations, there may be peculiarities which con- stitute a distinction, and mark the various degrees of their civilization and improvement. But the descrip- tion which I have given of the political institutions that took place among those rude tribes in America, concerning which we have received most complete information, will apply with little variation, to every people, both in its northern and southern division, who nave advanced no farther in civilization, than to add some slender degree of agriculture to fishing and hunting. ^ t-s: ^.-^' •':--i'^, v-^rS^^s' Imperfect as those institutions may appear, several tribes were not so far advanced in their political pro- gress. Among all those petty nations which trusted for subsistence entirely to fishing and hunting without any species of cultivation, the union was so incomplete, aind their sense oi mutual dependence so feeble, that hardly any appearance of government or order can be discerned in their proceedincrs. Their wants are few, their objects of pursuit simple, they form into separate tribes, and act together, from in?*' ^t, habit, or con- veniency, rather than from any lal concert and association. To this class belong the Californians, several of the small nations in the extensive country of Paraguay, some of the people on the banks of the Orinoco, and on the river St. Magdalene, in the new kingdom of Granada. But though among these last-mentioned tribes there was hardly any shadow of regular government, and even among those which I first described its authority k slender and confined within narrow bounds, there were, however, some places in America, where govern-' ment was carried far beyond the degree of perfection which seems natural to rude nations. In surveying the: political operations of man, either in his savage or ^civilized state, we discover singular and eccentric in- stitutions, wtbich start as it were from their station, and fly ofif so mde, that we labour in vain to bring them IK OF AMERICA. 233 ige or within the general laws of any system, or to account for them by those principles which influence other communities in a similar situation. Some instances of this occur among those people of America, whom I have included under the common denomination of savage. These are so curious and important that I shall describe them, and attempt to explain their origin. In the New World, as well as in o*her parts of the globe, cold or temperate countries appear to be the favourite seat of freedom and independence. There the mind, like the body, is firm and vigorous. Accordingly,; if we proceed from north to south along the continent of America, we shall find the power of those vested with authority gradually increasing, and the spirit of the people becoming more tame and passive. In Florida, the authority of the sachems, caziquee, or chiefs, was not only permanent, but hereditary. They were dis- tinguished by peculiar ornaments, they enjoyed prero« gatives of various kinds, and were treated by their subjects with that reverence, which people accustomed to subjection pay to a master. Among the Natchez, a powerful tribe now extinct, formerly situated on the banks of the Mississippi, a diflference of rank took place, with which the northern tribes were altogether unacquainted. Some families were reputed noble, and enjoyed hereditary dignity. The body of the people was considered as vile, and formed only for subjection. This distinction was marked by appella- tions which intimated the high elevation of tne one state, and the ignominious depression of the other. The former were called Respectable; the latter, the Stinkards* The great Chief, in whom the supreme authority was vested, is reputed to be a being of su- perior nature, the brother of the sun, the sole object of their worship. They approach this great Chief with religious veneration, and honour him as the represen- tative of their deity. His will is a law to which all submit with implicit obedience. The lives of his sub- jects are so absolutely at bis disposal, that if any ouo sv 234 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST has incurred his displeasure, tiie ofiender comes with profound humility, and offers him his head. Nor does the dominion of the Chiefs end with their lives ; their principal officers, their favourite wives, together with many domestics of inferior rank, are sacrificed at their tombs, that they may be attended in the next world by the same persons who served them in this ; and such is the reverence in which they are held, that those victims welcome death with exultation, deeming it a recompense of their fidelity, and a mark of dis- tinction, to be selected to accompany their deceased master. Thus a perfect despotism, with its full train of superstition, arrogance, and cruelty, is established among the Natchez, and, by a singular fatality, that people has tasted of the worst calamities incident to polished nations, though they themselves are not far advanced beyond the tribes around them in civility and improvement. In Hispaniola, Cuba, aid the larger islands, their caziques or chiefs possessed exten- sive power. The dignity was transmitted by hereditary right from father to son. Its honours and prerogatives were considerable. Their subjects paid great respect to the caziques, and executed their orders without hesitation or reserve. They were distinguished by peculiar ornaments, and in order to preserve or aug- ment the veneration of the people, they had the address to call in the aid of superstition to uphold their authority. They delivered their mandates as the oracles of heaven, and pretended to possess the power of regulating the seasons, and of dispensing rain or sunshine, according as their subjects stood in need of them. In some parts of the southern continent, the power of the caziques seems to have been as extensive as in the isles. In Bogota, which is now a province of the new kingdom of Granada, there was settled a nation, more considerable in number, and more improved in the various arts of life, than any in America, except the Mexicans and Peruvians. The people of Bogota subsisted chieHy by agriculture. The idea of propcty OF AMERICA. 23S power as in of the ation, ved in xcept ogota pe-ty was introduced among them, and its rights, secured by laws, handed down by tradition, and ob&erved with great care. They lived in towns which may be termed large when compared with those in other parts of America. They were clothed in a decent manner, and their houses may be termed commodious, when compared with those of the small tribes around thero. The effects of this uncommon civilization were con- spicuous. Government had assumed a regular form. A jurisdiction was established, which took cognizance of different crimes, and punished them with rigour. A distinction of ranks was known ; their chief, to whom the Spaniards gave the title of monarch, and who merited that name on account of his splendour as well as power, reigned with absolute authority. He was attended by officers of various conditions ; he never appeared in public without a numerous retinue ; he was carried in a sort of palanquin with much pomp, and harbingers went before him to sweep the road and strew it with flowers. This uncommon pomp was supported by presents or taxes received from his sub- jects, to whom their prince was such an object of veneration, that none of them presumed to look him directly in the face, or ever approached him but with an averted countenance. There were other tribes on the same continent, among which, though far less advanced than the people of Bogota in their progress towards refinement, the freedom and independence, natural to man in his savage state, was much abridged, and their caziques had assumed extensive authority. V. After thus examining the political institutions of the rude nations in America, the next object of atten- tion is their art of war, or their provision for public security and defence. The small tribes dispersed over America are not only independent and uncon- nected, but engaged in perpetual hostilities with one another. Though mostly strangers to the idea of se- parate property, vested m any individual, the rudest of the American nations are well acquainted with the rights of each community to its own domains. This w 236 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST right they hold to be perfect and exclusive, entitling the possessor to oppose the encroachment of neigh- bouring tribes. As it is of the utmost consequence to prevent them from destroying or disturbing the game m their hunting grounds, they guard this national property with a jealous attention. But as their terri- tories are extensive, and the boundaries not exactly ascertained, innumerable subjects of dispute arise, u'hich seldom terminate without bloodshed. Even in this simple and primitive state of society, interest is a source of discord, and often prompts savage tribes to take arms, in order to repel or punish such as encroach on the forests or plains, to which they trust for sub- sistence. But interest is not either the most frequent or the most powerful motive of the incessant hostilities among rude nations. These must be imputed to the passion of revenge ; which rages with such violence in the breast of savages, that eagerness to gratify it may be con- sidered as the distinguishing characteristic of men in their uncivilized state. No time can obliterate the memory of an offence, and it is seldom that it can be expiated but by the blood of the offender. In carrying on their public wars, savage nations are influenced by the same ideas, and animated with the same spirit, as in prosecuting private vengeance. The resentment of nations is as implacable as that of individuals. It may be dissembled or suppressed, but is never extinguished ; and often, when least expected or dreaded, it bursts out with redoubled fury. When polished nations have obtained the glory of victory, or have acquired an addition of territory, they may terminate a war with honour. But savages are not satisfied until they ex- tirpate the community which is the object of their hatred. They fight, not to conquer, but to destroy. If they engage in hostilities, it is with a resolution never to see the face of the enemy in peace, but to prosecute the quariel with immortal enmity. The desire of vengeance is the first and almost the only principle, which a savage instils into the minds of his OF AMERICA. 237 children. This grows up with him as he advaDces in life ; and as his attention is directed to few objects, it requires a degree of force unknown among men whose passions are dissipated and weakened by the variety of their occupations and pursuits. The desire of ven« geance, which takes possession of the heart of savages, resembles the instinctive rage of an animal, rather than the passion of a man. It turns, with undiscerning fury, even against inanimate objects. If hurt acci- dentally by a stone, they often seize it in a transport of anger, and endeavour to wreak their vengeance upon It. If struck with an arrow in a battle, they will tear it from the wound, break and bite it with their teeth, and dash it on the ground. With respect to their enemies, the rage of vengeance knows no bounds. When under the dominioa of this passion, man becomes the most cruel of all animjils. He neither pities, nor forgives, nor spares. The force of this passion is so well understood by the Americans themselves, that they always apply to it, in order to excite their people to take arms. If the elders of any tribe attempt to rouse their youth from sloth, if a chief wishes to allure a band of warriors to follow him in invading an enemy's country, the most persuasive topics of their martial eloquer< 3 are drawn from revenge. * The bones of our coun»,.j uien,' say they, * lie uncovered ; their bloody bed has not been washed clean. Their spirits cry against us ; they must be appeased. Let us go and devour the people by whom they were slain. Sit no longer inactive upon your mats ; lift the hatchet, console the spirits of the dead, and tell them that they shall be avenged.' Animated with such exhortations, the youth snatch their arms in a transport of fury, raise the song of war, and burn with impatience to imbrue their hands in the blood of their enemies. Private chiefs often assemble small parties, and invade a hostile tribe, without consulting the rulers of the community. A single warrior, prompted by caprice or revenge, will tuke the field alone, and march several hundred miles 233 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST to surprise and cut oflP a stragghng enemy. But when a war is national, and undertaken by public authority, the deliberations are forgnal and slow. The elders assemble, they deliver their opinions in solemn speeches, they weigh with maturity the nature of the enterprise, and balance its beneficial or disadvan- tageous consequences with no inconsiderable portion of political discernment or sagacity. Their priests and soothsayers are consulted, and sometimes they ask the advice even of their women. If the deter- mination be for war, they prepare for it with much ceremony. A leader ofiers to conduct the expedition, and is accepted. But no man is constrained to fol- low him ; the resolution of the community to com- mence hostilities imposes no obligation upon any member to take part in the war. Each individual is still master of his own conduct, and his engagement in the service is perfectly voluntary. The maxims by which they regulate their military operations, though extremely different from those which take place among more civilized and populous nations, are well suited to their own political state, and the nature of the country in which they act. 'i'hey never take the field in numerous bodies, as it would require a greater effort of foresight and in- dustry than is usual among savages, to provide for their subsistence, during a march of some hundred miles through dreary forests, or during a long voyage upon their lakes and rivers. Their armies are not encumbered with baggage or military stores. Each warrior, besides his arms, carries a mat and a small bag of pounded maize, and with these is completely equipped for any service. While at a distance from the enemy's frontier, they disperse through the woods, and support themselves with the game which they kill, or the fish which they catch. As they approach nearer to the territories of the nation which they intend to attack, they collect their troops, and advance with greater caution. Even in their hottest and most active wars, they proceed wholly by stratagem and ambus- OF AMERICA. 230 voyage ire not Each small pletely from woodff, they roach intend e with active Lmbu$- cade. They place not their glory in attacking their enemies with open force. To surprise and destroy is the greatest merit of a commander, and the highest pride of his foUovirers. War and hunting are their only occupations, and they conduct both with the same spirit and the same arts. They follow the track of their enemies through the forest They endeavour to discover their haunts, they lurk in some thicket near to these, and, with the patience of a sportsman lying in wait for game, will continue in their station day after day, until they can rush upon their prey when most secure, and least able to resist them. If they meet no straggling party of the enemy, they ad- vance towards their villages, but with such {>oIicitU(le to conceal their own approach, that they often creep on their hands and feet through the woods, and paint their skins of the same colour with the withered leaves, in order to avoid detection. If so fortunate as to re- main unobserved, they set on fire the enemies' huts in the dead of night, and massacre the inhabitants, as they fly naked and defenceless from the flames. If they hope to eflect a retreat without being pursued, they carry off some prisoners, whom they reserve for a more dreadful fate. But if, notwithstanding all their address and precautions, they find that their motions are discovered, that the enemy has taken the alarm, and is prepared to oppose them, they usually deem it most prudent to retire. They regard it as extreme folly to meet an enemy who is on his guard, upon equal terms, or to give battle in an open field. The most distinguished success is a disgrace to a leader, if it has been purchased with any considerable loss of his followers, and they never boast of a vic- tory, if stained with the blood of their own country- men. To fall in battle, instead of being reckoned an honourable death, is a misfortune which subjects the memory of a warrior to the imputation of rashness or imprudence. This system of war was universal in America ; and the small uncivilized tribes, dispersed through all iu v\ 340 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST difTerent regions and climates, display more craft than boldness in carrying; on their hostilities. The number of men in each tribe is so small, the difficulty of rearing new members amidst the hardships and dangers of savage life so great, that the life of a citizen is ex- tremely precious, and the preservation of it becomes a capital object in their policy. Hut where their com- munities are more populous, so that they can act with considerable force, and can sustain the loss of several of their members, without being sensibly weakened, the military operations of the Americans more nearly resemble those of other nations. The Brazilians, as well as the tribes situated upon the banks of the river De la Plata, often take the field in such numerous bodies as deserve the name of armies. They defy their enemies to the combat, engage in regular battles, and maintain the conflict with that desperate ferocity, which is natural to men who, having no idea of war but that of exterminating their enemies, never give or take quarter. In the powerful empires of Mexico and Peru, great armies were assembled, frequent battles were fought, and the theory as well as practice of war were different from what took place in those petty societies which assume the name of nations. But though vigilance and attention are the qualities chiefly requisite, where the object of war is to deceive and to surprise ; and though the Americans, when acting singly, display an amazing degree of address in concealing their own motions, and discovering those of an enemy, yet it is remarkable, that, when they take the field in parties, they can seldom be brought to observe the precautions most essential to their own security. They never station sentinels around the place where they rest at night, and after marching some hundred miles to surprise an enemy, are often surprised themselves, and cut off, while sunk in as profound sleep as if they were not within reach of danger. If, notwithstanding this negligence and security, which often frustrate their most artful schemes, they OF AMKKICA. 241 catch the enemy unprepared, they rush upon them with the utmost ferocity, and tearing off the scalps of a]l those who fall victims to their rage, they carry home those strange trophies in triumph. These they preserve as monuments, not only of their own prowess, but of the vengeance which their arm has inflicted upon the people who were objects of public resent- ment. They are still more solicitous to seize prisoners. During their retreat, if they hope to effect it un- molested, the prisoners are commonly exempt from any insult, and treated with some degree of humanity, though guarded with the most strict attention. But after this temporary suspension, the rage of the conquerors rekindles with new fury. As soon as ^^ey approach their own frontier, some of their number are despatched to inform their countrymen with respect to tne success of the expedition. Then the prisoners begin to feel the wretchedness of their condition. The women of the village, together with the youth who have not attained to the age of bearing arms, as- semble, and forming themselves into two lines, through which the prisoners must pass, beat and bruise thent with sticks or stones in a cruel manner. After this Brst gratification of their rage against their enemies, follow lamentations for the loss of such of their own countrymen as have fallen in the service, accompanied with words and actions which seem to express the utmost anguish and grief. But in a moment, upon a signal given, their tears cease ; they pass, with a sudden and unaccountable transition, from the depths of sorrow to the transports of joy ; and begin to cele- brate their victory with all the wild exultation of a barbarous triumph. The fate of the prismiers remains still undecided. The old men deliberate concerning it Some are destined to be tortured to death, in order to satiate the revenge of the conc^ueror ; some to replace the members which the community has lost in that or former wars. Thev who are reserved for this milder fate are led to the nuts of those whose friends have been killed. The women meet them at 242 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST the door, and if they receive them, their sufferings are at an end. They are adopted into the family, and, according to their phrase, are seated upon the mat of the deceased. They assume his name, they hold the same rank, and are treated thenceforward with all the tenderness due to a father, a brother, a husband, or a friend. But if, either from caprice or an unrelenting desire of revenge, the women of any family refuse to accept of the prisoner who is offered to them, his doom is fixed. Mo power can then save him from torture and death. While their lot is in suspense, the prisoners them- selves appear altogether unconcerned about what may befall them. They talk, they eat, they sleep, as if they were perfectly at ease, and no danger impending. When the fatal sentence is intimated to them, they receive it with an unaltered countenance, raise their deathrsong, and prepare to suffer like men. Their conquerors assemble as to a solemn festival, resolved to put the fortitude of the captive to the utmost proof. A scene ensues, the bare description of which is enough to chill the heart with horror, wherever men have been accustomed, by milder institutions, to respect their species, and melt with tenderness at the sight of human sufferings. The prisoners are tied caked to a stake, but so as to be at liberty to move round it. All who are present, men, women, and children, rush upon them like furies. Every species of torture is applied that the rancour of revenge can invent. Some burn their limbs with red hot irons, some mangle their bodies with knives, others tear their flesh from their bones, pluck out their nails by the roots, and rend and twist their sinews ; and such is their cruel ingenuity in tormenting, that, by avoid- ing industriously to hurt any vital part, they often prolong this scene of anguish for several days. In spite of all that they suffer, the victims continue to chant their death-song with a firm voice, they boast " " 'r «a»^a« their want of skill in avenging their friends and rer ■-V?' OF AMERICA. 243 lati^DS, they warn them of the vengeance which awaita them on account of what they are now doing, and excite their ferocity by the most provoking reproaches and threats. To display undaunted fortitude in such dreadful situations, is the noblest triumph of a warrior. To avoid the trial by a voluntary death, or to shrink under it, is deemed infamous and cowardly. If any one betrays symptoms of timidity, his tormentors often despatch him at once with contempt, as unworthy of being treated like a man. Animated with those ideas, they endure, without a groan, what it seems almost impossible that human nature should sustain. They appear to be n'^r only insensnibie of pain, but to court it. * Forbear,' said an aged chief of the Iroquois, when his insults had provoked one of his tormentors to wound him with a knife, ' forbear these stabs of your knife, and rather let me die by Bre, that thoso dogs, your allies, from beyond the sea, may learn by my example to suffer like men.' This magnanimity, of which there are frequent instances among thu American warriors, instead of exciting admiration, or calling forth sympathy, exasperates the fierce spirits of their torturers to fresh acts of cruelty. Weary, at length, of contending with men whose constancy of mind they cannot vanquish, some chief, in a rage, puts a period to their sufferings, by despatching them with his dagger or club. This barbarous scene is often succeeded by one no less shocking. As it is impossible to appease the fell spirit of revenge which rages in the heart of a savage, this frequently prompts the Americans to devour those unhappy persons, who have been the victims of their cruelty. In the ancient world, tradition has preserved the memory of barbarous nations of cannibals, who fed on human flesh. But in every part of the New VVorld there were people to whom this custom was familiar. It prevailed in the southern continent, in several of the islands, and in various districts of North America. Even in those parts, where circumstances, with which we are unacquainted, had in a great mea- 241 DISCOVERY AND CONQUl^ST sure abolished this practice, it seems formerly to have been so well known, tliat it is incorporated into the idiom of their language. Among the Iroquois, the phrase by which they express their resolution of mak- ing war against an enemy is, ' Let us go and eat that nation/ If they solicit the aid of a neighbouring tribe, they invite it to * eat broth made of the flesh of their enemies.' Nor was the practice peculiar to rude unpolished tribes ; the principle from which it touk rise is so deeply rooted in the minds of the Americans, that it subsisted in Mexico, one of the civilized em- pires in the New World, and relics of it may be dis- covered among the mure mild inhabitants of Peru. It was not scarcity of food, as some authors imagine, and the importunate cravings of hunger, which forced the Americans to those horrid repasts on their fellow- creatures. The rancour of revenge first prompted men to this barbarous action. The fiercest tribes devoured none but prisoners taken in war, or such as they regarded as enemies. Women and children, who were not the objects of enmity, if not cut ofiT in the fury of their first inroad into a hostile country, seldom suffered by the deliberate effects of their revenge. The people of South America gratify their revenge in a manner somewhat different, but with no less un- relenting rancour. Their prisoners, after meeting at their first entrance with the same rough reception as among the North Americans, are not only exempt from injury, but treated with the greatest kindness. They are feasted and caressed, and some beautiful young women are appointed to attend and solace them. It is not easy to account for this part of their conduct, unless we impute it to a refinement in cruelty. For, while they seem studious to attach the captives to life, by supplying them with every enjoyment that can render it agreeable, their doom is irrevocably fixed. On a day appointed, the victorious tribe assembles, the prisoner is brought forth with great solera nity» he views the preparations for the sacrifice with as much OF AMERICA. 2i5 ting at much indifterence as if he himself were not the victim, and, meeting his fate with undaunted firmness, is despatched with a single blow. The moment he falls, the women seize the body, and dress it for the feast. They be- fimear their children with the blood, in order to kindle in their bosoms a hatred of their enemies, which is never extinguished ; and all join in feeding upon the flesh with amazing greediness and exultation. To devour the body of a slaughtered enemy, they deem the most complete and exquisite gratification of re- venge. Wherever this practice prevails, captives never escape death, but they are not tortured with the same cruelty as among tribes which are less accustomed to such horrid feasts. - ^ As the constancy of every American warrior may be put to such severe proof, the great object of mili- tary education and discipline in the New World is to form the mind to sustain it. Accordingly, it is early the study of the Americans to acquire sentiments and habits, which will enable them to behave like men, when their resolution shall be put to the proof. As the youth of other nations exercise themselves in feats of activity and force, those of America vie with one another in exhibitions of their patience under sufferings. They harden their nerves by those voluntary trials, and gradually accustom themselves to endure the sharpest pain without complaining. A boy and girl will bind their naked arms together and place a burning coal between them, in order to try who first discovers such impatience as to shake it off. All the trials, customary in America, when a youth is admitted into the class of warriors, or when a warrior is promoted to the dignity of captain or chief, are accommodated to this idea of manliness. They are not displays of va- lour, but of patience ; they are not exhibitions of their ability to offend, but of their capacity to suffer. Among the tribes on the banks of the Orinoco, if a warrior aspires to the rank of captain, his probation begins with a long fast, more rigid than any ever observed by the most abstemious hermit. At the close of this 216 DISCOVERY AND COxVQUEST the chiefs assemble, each gives him three lashes with a large whip, applied so vigorously, that his body is almost flayed, and if he betrays the least symptoms of impatience, or even sensibility, he is disgraced for ever, and rejected as unworthy of the honour to which he aspires. After some interval, the constancy of the candidate is proved by a more excruciating trial. He is laid in a hammock with his hands bound fast, and an innumerable multitude of venomous ants, whose bite occasions exquisite pain, and produces a violent inflammation, are thrown upon him. The judges of his merit stand around the hammock, and, while these cruel insects fasten upon the most sensible parts of his body, a sigh, a groan, an involuntary motion ex- pressive of what he suffers, would exclude him for ever from the rank of captain. £ven after this evidence of his fortitude, it is not deemed to be completely ascertained, but must stand another test more dreadful than any he has hitherto undergone. He is again suspended in his hammock, and covered with leaves of the palmetto. A fire of stinking herbs is kindled underneath, so as he may feel its heat, and be involved in its smoke. Though scorched and almost suffocated, he must continue to endure with the same patient in- sensibility. Many perish in this rude essay of their firmness and courage, but such as go through it with applause, receive the ensigns of their new dignity with much solemnity, and are ever after regarded as leaders of approved resolution, whose behaviour, in the most trying situations, will do honour to their country. In North America, the previous trial of a warrior is neither so formal, nor so severe. Though even there, before a youth is permitted to bear arms, his patience and fortitude are proved by blows, by fire, and by insults, more intolerable to a haughty spirit than both. The perpetual hostilities carried on among the American tribes are productive of very fatal effects. Even ia seasons of public tranquiiiity, their imperfect industry does noi supply them with any superfluous OP AMERICA. :47 store of provisions; but when the irruption of an enemy desolates their cultivated lands, or disturbs them in their hunting excursions, such a calamity re- duces a community, naturally improvident and desti- tute of resources, to extreme vvant. All the people of the district that is invaded, are frequently forced to take refuge in woods or mountains, which can afford them little subsistence, and where many of them perish. Notwithstanding their excessive caution in conducting their military operations, and the solicitude of every leader to preserve the lives of his followers, as the rude tribes in America seldom enjoy any interval of peace, the loss of men among them is considerable in proportion to the degree of populaticn. Thus famine and the sword combine in thinning their numbers. All their communities are feeble, and nothing now remains of several nations, which were once consi- derable, but the name. Sensible of this continual decay, there are tribes which endeavour to recruit their national force when exhausted, by adopting prisoners taken in war, and by this expedient prevent their total extinction. The practice, however, is not universally received. Resent- ment operates more powerfully among savages, than considerations of policy. Far the greater part of their captives was anciently sacrificed to their vengeance, and it is only since their numbers began to decline fast, that they have generally adopted milder maxims. But such as they do naturalize, renounce for ever their native tribe, and assume the manners as well as passions of the people by whom they are adopted so entirely, that they often join them in expeditions against their own countrymen. Such a sudden tran- sition, and so repugnant to one of the most powerful instincts implanted by nature, would be deemed strange among many people ; but among the members of small communities, where national enmity is violent and deen-rooted. it has thp Annptkruncp. of b<>ini7 gtiil more unaccountable. It seems, however, to result naturally from the principles upon which war is carried on in 248 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST America. When nations aim at exterminating their enemies, no exchange of prisoners can ever take place. From the moment one is made a prisoner, his country and his friends consider him as dead. He has incurred indelible disgrace by suffering himself to be surprised or to be taken by an enemy ; and were he to return home, after such a stain upon his honour, his nearest relations would not receive or even acknowledge that they knew him. Some tribes were still more rigid, and if a prisoner returned, the infamy which he had brought on his country was expiated by putting him instantly to death. As the unfortunate captive is thus an outcast from his own country, and the ties which bound him to it are irreparably broken, he feels less reluctance in forming a new connexion with people, who, as an evidence of their friendly sentiments, not only deliver him from a cruel death, but offer to admit him to all the rights of a fellow-citizen. The perfect similarity of manners among savage nations facilitates and completes the union, and induces a captive to transfer not only his allegiance, but his affection, to the community into the bosom of which he is received. But though war be the chief occupation of men in their rude state, and to excel in it their highest distinc- tion and pride, their inferiority is always manifest when they engage in competition with polished nations. The empires of Peru and Mexico, though their progress in civilization, when measured by the European or Asiatic standards, was inconsiderable, acquired such an ascen- dancy over the rude tribes around them, that they subjected most of them with great facility to their power. When the people of Europe overran the va- rious provinces of America, this superiority was still more conspicuous. Neither the courage nor number of the natives could repel a handful of invaders. The ■alienation and enmity, prevalent among barbarians, prevented them from uniting in any common scheme of defence, and while each tribe fought separately, all were subdued. The arts of rude nations unacquainted with the yi. OF AMERICA. 2^19 the use of metals, hardly merit any mention on their own account, but are worthy of some notice, as far as they serve to display the genius and manners of man in this stage of his progress. The first distress a savage must feel, will arise from the manner in which his body is affected by the boat, or cold, or moisture, of the climate under which he lives ; and his first care will be to provide some covering for his own defence. In the warmer and more mild climates of America, none of the rude tribes were clothed. To most of them nature had not even suggested any idea of impropriety in being altogether uncovered. As under a mild climate there was little need of any defence from the in- juries of the air, and their extreme indolence shunned every species of labour to which it was not urged by absolute necessity, all the inhabitants of the isles, and a considerable part of the people on the continent, remained in this state of naked simplicity. Others were satisfied with some slight covering, such as de- cency required. But though naked, they were not unadorned. They dressed their hair in many different forms. They fastened bits of gold, or shells, or shining stones, in their ears, their noses, and cheeks. They stained their skins with a great variety of figures ; and they spent much time, and submitted to great pain, in ornamenting their persons in this fantastic manner. Vanity, however, which finds endless occupation for ingenuity and invention, in nations where dress has become a complex and intricate art, is circumscribed within so narrow bounds, and confined to so few arti- cles among naked savages, that they are not satisfied with those simple decorations, and have a wonderful propensity to alter the natural form of their bodies, in order to render it (as they imagine) more perfect and beautiful. This practice was universal among the rudest of the American tribes. Their operations for that purpose begin as soon as an infant is born. By compressing the bones of the skull, while still soft and flexible, some flatten the crown of their heads ; some squeeze them into the shape of a. cone ; others mould 2250 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST them as much as possible into a square figure ; and thev often endanger the lives of their posterity by their violent and absurd efforts to derange the plan of na- ture, or to improve upon her designs. But in all their attempts either to adorn or to uew-model their persons, it seems to have been le^s the object of the Americans to please, or to appear beautiful, than to give an air of dignity and terror to their aspect. Their attention to dress had more reference to war than to gallantry. The difference in rank and estimation between the two sexes was so great, as seems to have extinguished, in some measure, their solicitude to appear mutually amiable. The man deemed it beneath him to adorn his person, for the sake of one on whom he was ac- customed to look down as a slave. It was when the warrior had in view to enter the council of his nation, or to take the field against its enemies, that he assumed his choicest ornaments, and decked his person with the nicest care. The decorations of the women were few and simple ; whatever was precious or splendid was reserved for the men. In one part of their dress, which, at first sight, appears the most singular and capricious, the Americans have discovered conside- rable sagacity in providing against the chief inconve- niences of their climate, which is often sultry and moist to excess. All the different tribes, which remain unclothed, are accustomed to anoint and rub theii bodies with the grease of animals, with viscous gums, and with oils of different kinds. By this they check that profuse perspiration, which, in the torrid zone, wastes the vigour of the frame, and abridges the period of human life. By this, too, they provide a defence against the extreme moisture during the rainy season. They likewise, at certain seasons, temper paint of different colours with those unctuous substances, and bedaub themselves plentifully with that composition. Sheathed with this impenetrable varnish, their skins are not only protected from the penetrating heat of the •uu, but as all the inuurnerable tribes oi msects tiave an antipathy to the smell or taste of that mixture, {hey OF AMERICA. 251 {hey are delivered from their teasing persecution, which amidst forests and marshes, especially in the warmer regions, would have been altogether intolerable in a i»tate of perfect nakedness. The next object to dress that will engage the atten- tion of a savage, is to prepare some habitation which may afford him siielter by day, and a retreat at night. Some of the American tribes were so extremely rude, and had advanced so little beyond the primeval sim- plicity of nature, that they had no houses at all. During the day, they take shelter from the scorching rays of the sun under thick trees ; at night they form a shed with their branches and leaves. In the rainy season they retire into coves, formed by the hand of nature, or hollowed out by their own industry. Others, who have no fixed abode, and roam through the forest in quest of game, sojourn in temporary huts, which they erect with little labour, and abandon without any concern. The inhabitants of those vast plains, which nre deluged by the overflowing of rivers during the heavy rains that fall periodically between the tropics, raise houses upon piles fastened in the ground, or place them among tne boughs of trees, and are thus safe amid.st that wide extended inundation which sur- rounds them. Such were the first essays of the rudest Americans towards providing themselves with habita- tions. But even among tribes which are more im- proved, and whose residence is altogether fixed, the structure of their houses is extremely mean and simple. They are wretched huts, sometimes of an oblong and sometimes of a circular form, intended merely for shelter, with no view to elegance, and little attention to conveniency. The doors are so low that it is neces- sary to bend or to creep on the hands and feet in order to enter them. They are without windows, and have a large hole in the middle of the roof, to convey out the smoke. To follow travellers in other minute cir- cumstances of their descriptions, is not only beneath the dignity of history, but would be foreign to the object of my researches. One circumstance merits 252 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST attention, as it is singular, and illustrates the character of the people. Some of their houses are so large ai to contain accommodation for fourscore or a hundred persons. I'hese are built for the reception of different families, which dwell together under the same roof, and often around a common fire, without separate apartments, or any kind of screen or partition between the spaces which they respectively occupy. After making some provision for his dress and ha- bitation, a savage will perceive the necessity of pre- paring proper arms with which to assault or repel an enemy. I'his, accordingly, has early exercised the ingenuity and invention of all rude nations. The first offensive weapons were doubtless such as chance presented, and the first efforts of art to improve upon these, were extremely awkward and simple. Clubs made of some heavy wood, stakes hardened in the fire, lances whose heads were armed with flint or the bones of some animal, are weapons known to the rudest nations. All these, however, were of use only in close encounter. But men wished to annoy their enemies while at a distance, and the bow and arrow is the most early invention for this purpose. This wea- pon is in the hands of people, whose advances in improvement are extremely inconsiderable, and is familiar to the inhabitants of every quarter of the p[lobe. It is remarkable, however, that some tribes in America were so destitute of art and ingenuity, that they had not attained to the discovery of this simple invention, and seem to have been unacquainted with the use of any missive weapon. The sling, though in its construction not more complex than the bow, and among many nations of equal antiquity, was little known to the people of North America, or the islands, but appears to have been used by a few tribes in the southern continent. The people, in some provinces of (3hili, and those of Patagonia, to- wards the southern extremity of America, use a wea- pon peculiar to themselves. They fasten stones, about the size of a flat, to each end of a leather thong of OF AMERICA. 253 eight feet in length, and swinging these round their heads, throw them with such dexterity, that they seldom miss the object at which they aim. Among people who had hardly any occupation but war or hunting, the chief exertions of their invention, as well as industry, were naturally directed towards these objects. With respect to every thin^ else, their wants and desires were so limited, that their invention was not upon the stretch. As their food and habita- tions are perfectly simple, their domestic utensils are few and rude. Some of the southern tribes had dis- covered the art of forming vessels of earthen-ware, and baking them in the sun, so as they could endure the fire. In North America, they hollowed a piece of hard wood into the form of a kettle, and filling it with water, brought it to boil by putting red-hot stones into it. These vessels they used in preparing part of their provisions ; and this may be considered as a step towards refinement and luxury, for rnen in their rudest state were not acquainted with any method of dressing their victuals but by roasting them on the fire ; and among several tribes in America, this is the only species of cookery yet known. But the master- piece of art, among the savages of America, is the construction of the canoes. An Esquimaux, shut up in his boat of whalebone, covered with the skins of seals, can brave that stormy ocean, on which the barrenness of his country compels him to depend for the chief part of his subsistence. Tlje people of Ca- nada venture upon their rivers and lakes in boats made of the bark of trees, and so light that two mtn can carry them, wherever shallows or cataracts ob- struct the navigation. In these frail vessels they undertake and accomplish long voyages. The inha- bitants of the isles and of the southern continent form their canoes by hollowing the trunk of a large tree, with infinite labour ; and though in appearance they are extremely awkward and unwieldy, they paddle and feteer them with such dexterity, that Europeans, wtll acquainted with all the improvements in the 254 niSCOVBUY AND CONQUEST •cieoce of naviK«iion. have been astonished at tiie ra- pidity of their iiiution, and the quickness of iheir evolutions. Their pirogues, or war-boats, uru so large as to carry forty or fitly men ; their canoes employed in fishmg ha^ in short voyages are less capacious. The form as well as materiitU of all the.s« various kinds of vessels is well adapted to the service for which they are destined ; and the more minutely they are examined, the mechanism of their iitructure, as well as neatness of their fabric, will appear iUa more surprising. But, in every attempt towards industry amon^; thu Americans, one striking quality in their character is conspicuous. They apply to work without ardour, carry it on with little activity, and, like children, are easily diverted from it. Even in operations which seem the most interesting, and where the most power* ful motives urge them to vigorous exertions, they labour with a languid li&tlessness. Their work ad- vances under their hand with such slowness, that an eye-witness coiipjares it to the imperceptible progress of vegetation. They will spend so many years in forming a canoe, that it often begins to rot with age before they finish it. They will suffer one part of a roof to decay and perish, before they complete the other. The slightest manual operation consumes an amazing length of time, and what in polished nations would hardly be an effort of industry, is among sa- vages an arduous undertakinsr. Among the Spaniards in America^ the work of an Indian, is a phrase by which they describe any thing, i'l t''& execution of which an imm.asetime has b- en "'4.-';ii)yed, .a much labour wasted. Vi I. No circumstance respecting rude nationshas been the object of great er curiosity than their religious tenets and rites ; aud none, perhaps, has been so im- perfectly understood, or represented with so little f>: .3iity. Priests and misionaries arethe persons who have had the best opportunities of carrying on this inquiry ^uaong the must uncivilized of the American are has ious im- ttle who this can / OF AMKIUCA. tribes. Tut their mind^, en^^ioiii'eU by the docttine* of iheirown ret ion, and habituated to its institutionn, are apt to discover something wlucli resembles tho^e objects of their veneration, in the opinions t If n if 278 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST In surveying the rude nations of America, this na- tural distinction between the inhabitants of the tem- perate and torrid zones is very remarkable. They may, accordingly, be divided into two great classes. The one comprehends all the North Americans, from the river St. Laurence to the gulf of Mexico, together with the people of Chili, and a few small tribes to. wards the extremity of the southern continent. 'Jo the other belong all the inhabitants of the islands, and those settled in the various provinces which extend from the isthmus of Darien almost to the southern confines of Brazil, along the east side of the Andes. In the former, which comprehends all the regions of the temperate zone that in America are inhabited, the human species appear manifestly to be more per- fect. The natives are more robust, more active, more intelligent, and more courageous. They pos- sess, in the most eminent degree, that force of mind, and love of independence, which I have pointed out as the chief virtues of man in his savage state. They have defended their liberty with persevering fortitude against the Europeans, who subdued the other rude nations of America with the greatest ease. The na- tives of the temperate zone are the only people in the New World who are indebted for their freedom to their own valour. The North Americans, though long encompassed by three formidable European powers, still retain part of their original possessions, and con- tinue to exist as independent nations. The people of Chili^ though early invaded, still maintain a gallant contest with the Spaniards, and have set bounds to their encroachments; whereas, in the warmer regions, men are more feeble in their frame, less vigorous in the efforts of their minds, of a gentle but dastardly spirit, more enslaved by pleasure, and more sunk in indolence. Accordingly, it is in the torrid zone that the Europeans have most completely established their dominion over America ; the most fertile and desirable provmces in it are subject to their yoke ; and if several tribes there still eniov indeoendence. it is either be- OP AiMERlCA. / 279 cause they l.ave never been attacked by an enemy already satiated with conquest, and possessed of larger territories thau he was able to occupy, or be- cause they have been saved from oppression by their remote and inaccessible situation. Conspicuous as this distinction may appear between the inhabitants of those different regions, it is not, however, universal. Moral and political causes, as I have formerly observed, affect the disposition and character of individuals, as well as nations, still more powerfully than the influence of climate. There are, accordingly, some tribes, in various parts of the torrid zone, possessed of courage, high spirit, and love of independence, in a degree hardly inferior to the natives of more temperate climates. We are too little ac- quainted with the history of those people, to be able to trace the several circumstances in their progress and condition, to which they are indebted for this remarkable pre-eminence. I'he fact, nevertheless, is certain. As early as the first voyage of Columbus, he received information that several of the islands were inhabited by the Caribbees, a fierce race of men, nowise resembling their feeble and timid neighbours. In his second expedition to the New World, he found this information to be just, and was himself a witness of their intrepid valour. The same character they have maintained invariably in all subsequent contests with the people of Europe ; and, even in our own times, we have seen them m He a gallant stand in defence of the last territory which the rapacity of their invaders had left in their possession. Some nations in Brazil were no less eminent for vigour of mind and bravery in war. The people of the isthmus of Darien boldly met the Spaniards in the field, and frequently repelled those formidable invaders. And other in- stances might be produced. It is not, therefore, by attending to any single cause or principle, how power- ful and extensive soever its influence may appear, thai we can explain the actions, or account for the cha- niofor #%r' -- Even the law of cUmaie, mure uui- 280 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST versal, perhaps, in its operation than any that affectf the human species, cannot be applied, in judging of their conducti without many exceptions. v BOOK V. When Grijalva returned to Cuba, in 1518, he found the armament destined to attempt the conquest of that rich country which he had discovered, almost com- plete. Not only ambition, but avarice, had urged Velasquez to hasten his preparations ; and having such a prospect of gratifying both, he had advanced considerable sums out of his private fortune towards defraying the expenses of the expedition. At the same time, he exerted his influence as governor, in engaging the most distinguished persons in the colony to un(|^r- take the service. At a time when the spirit of the Spanish nation was adventurous to excess, a number of soldiers, eager to embark in any daring enterprise, soon appeared. But it was not so easy to find a person qualified to take the command in an expedition of so much importance ; and the character of Velas- quez, who had the right of nomination, greatly in- creased the difficulty of the choice. Though of most aspiring ambition, and not destitute of talents for go- vernment, he possessed neither such courage nor such vigour and activity of mind, as to undertake in person the conduct of the armament which he was preparing. In this embarrassing situation, he formed the chime- rical scheme, not only of achieving great exploits by a deputy, but of securing to himself the glory of con- quests which were to be made by another. He was solicitous to choose a commander of intrepid reso- lution, and of superior abilities, because he knew these to be requisite in order to insure success ; but, at the same time, from the jealousy natural to little minds, he wished this person to be of a spirit so tame and obsequious, as to be entirely dependent on his will. But he soon nerceived that it was impossible to find / OF AMERICA. 281 luch incompatible qualities united in one character. Such as were distinguished for courage and talents were too high-spirited to be passive instruments in his hands. Those who appeared more gentle and tractablo were destitute of capacity, and unequal to the charge. This augmented his perplexity and his fears. He deliberated long, and with much solicitude, and was still wavering in his choice, when Amador de Lares, the royal treasurer in Cub.i, and Andres Duero, his own secretary, the two persons in whom he chiefly confided, were encouraged by this irresolution to propose a new candidate, and they supported their recommendation with such assiduity and address, that, no less fatally for Velasquez than happily for their country, it proved successful. The man whom they pointed out to him was Fer- nando Cortes. He was born at Medellin, a small town in Estremadura, in the year 1485, and descended from a family of noble blood, but of very moderate fortune. Being originally destined by his parents to the study of law, as the most likely method of bettering his condition, he was sent early to the university of Salamanca, where he imbibed some tincture of learning. But he was soon disgusted with an academic life, which did not suit his ardent and restless genius, and retired to Medellin, where he gave himself up entirely to active sports and martial exercises. At this period of life, he was so impetuous, so overbearing, and so dissipated, that his father was glad to comply with his incli- nation, and send him abroad as an adventurer in arms. There vvere in that age two conspicuous theatres, on which such ot the Spanish youth as courted military glory might display their valour ; one in Italy, under the command of the great captain ; the other in the New World. Cortes preferred the former, but was prevented by indisposition from em- barking with a reinforcement of troops sent to Naples. Upon this disappointment he turned his views towards America, whither he was allured by the prospect of the advantages which he might derive from the pst- 282 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST tronajSfe of Ovando, the governor of Hispaniola, who was his kinsman. When he landed at St. Domingo in 1504, his reception was such as equalled his most sanguine hopes, and he was employed by the governor in several honourable and lucrative stations. These, however, did not satisfy his ambition ; and in the year 1511 he obtained permission to accompany Diego Velasquez in his expedition to Cuba. In this service he distinguished himself so much, that not- withstanding some violent contests with Velasquez, occasioned by trivial events unworthy of remem- brance, he was at length taken into favour, and re- ceived an ample concession of lands and of Indians^ the recompense usually bestowed upon adventurers in the New World. As soon as Cortes was mentioned to Velasquez by his two confidants, he flattered himself that he had at length found what he had hitherto sought in vain, a man with talents for command, but not an object for jealousy. Neither the rank nor the fortune of Cortes, as he imagined, were such that he could aspire at independence. He had reason to believe that by his own readiness to bury ancient animosities in oblivion, as well as his liberality in conferring several recent favours, he had already gained the good-will of Cortes, and hoped, by this new and unexpected mark of con- fidence, that he might attach him for ever to his interest. . , Cortes, receiving his commission with the warmest expressions of respect and gratitude to the governor^ immediately erected his standard before his own house, appeared in a military dress, and assumed all the en- signs of his new dignity. His utmost influence and activity were exerted in persuading many of his friends to engage in the service, and in urging forward the preparations for the voyage. All his own funds, to- gether with what money he could raise by mortgaging his lands and Indians, were expended in purchasing military stores and provisions, or in supplying the wants of such of his officers as were unable to equip 'ho OP AMERICA. 283 themselves in a manner suited to their rank. Inof- fensive, and even laudable as this conduct was, his disappointed competitors were malicious enough to give it a turn to his disadvantage. They represented him as aiming already, with little disguise, at esta- blishing an independent authority over his troops, and endeavouring to secure their respect or love by his ostentatious and interested liberality. They reminded Velasquez of his former dissensions with the man in whom he now reposed so much confidence, and fore- told that Cortes would be more apt to avail himself of the power which the governor was inconsiderately putting in his hands, to avenge past injuries, than to requite recent obligations. These insinuations made such impression upon the suspicious mind of Velas- quez, that Cortes soon observed some symptoms of a growing alienation and distrust in his behaviour, and was advised by Lares and Duero to hasten his depar- ture, before these should become so confirmed as to break out with open violence. Fully sensible of this danger, he urged forward his preparations with such rapidity, t' al (c set sail from St. Jagode Cuba on the 18th ol November, Velasquez accompanying him to the bhore, and taking leave of him with an appearance of perfect friendship and confidence, though he had secretly given it in charge to some of Cortes's officers to keep a watchful eye upon every part of their com- mander's conduct. Cortes proceeded to Trinidad, a small settlement on the same side of the island, where he was joined by several adventurers, and received a supply of provi- sions and military stores, of which his stock was still very incomplete. He had ban ly left St. Jago, when the jealousy which had been working in the breast of Velasquez grew so violent, that it was impossible to sup- press it. The armament was no longer under his own eye and direction ; and he felt, that as his power over it ceased, that of Cortes would become more absolute. Imagination now aggravated every circumstance which linH rnrmtTlv «>Yr>itar1 ciianipinn J ^ . — „ — ^ 284 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST pented bitterly of his own imprudence, in having committed a trust of so much importance to a person whose fidelity appeared so doubtful, and hastily de<* spatched instructions to Trinidad, empowering Ver- dugo, the chief magistrate there, to deprive Cortes of his commission. But Cortes had alreadv made such progress in gaining the esteem and confidence of his troops, that, finding oflScers a§ well as soldiers equally zealous to support his authority, he soothed or intimi- dated Verdugo, and was permitted to depart from Trinidad without molestation. From Trinidad Cortes sailed for the Havana, in order to raise more soldiers^ and to complete the vic- tualling of his fleet. There several persons of distinc- tion entered into the service, and engaged to supply what provisions were still wanting ; but as it was necessary to allow them some time for performing what they had promised, Velasquez, sensible that he ought no longer to rely on a man of whom he had so openly discovered his distrust, availed himself of the interval which this unavoidable delay aflPorded, in order to make one attempt more to wrest the command out of the hands of Cortes. He loudly complained of Verdugo's conduct, accusing him either of childish facility, or of manifest treachery, in suflPering Cortes to escape from Trinidad. Anxious to guard against a second disappointment, he sent a person of confidence to the Havana, with peremptory injunctions to Pedro Barba, his lieutenant-governor in that colony, instantly to arrest Cortes, to send him prisoner to St. Jago under a strong guard, and to countermand the sailing of the armament until he should receive farther orders. He wrote likewise to the principal officers, requiring them to assist Barba in executing what he had given him in charge. But before the arrival of this messenger, a Franciscan friar of St. Jago had secretly conveyed an account of this interesting transaction to Bartholomew de Olmedo, a monk of the same order, who acted as (0 IIIC CAUCUIIIUIJ. Cortes, forewarned of the danger, had time to take OF AMERICA. / 28a precautions for his owq safety. Plis first step was to find some pretext for removing from the Havana Diego de Ordaz, an officer of great merit, but in whom, on account of his known attachment to Velasquez, he could not confide in this trying and delicate juncture. He gave him the command of a vessel, destined to take on board some provisions in a small harbour beyond Cape Antonio, and thus made sure of his ab- sence, without seeming to suspect his fidelity. When he was gone, Cortes no longer concealed the intentions of Velasquez from his troops ; and as officers and soldiers were equally impatient to set out on an ex- pedition, in preparing for which most of them had expended all their fortunes, they expressed their asto- nishment and indignation at that illiberal jealousy, to which the governor was about to sacrifice, not only the honour of their general, but all their sanguine hopes of glory and wealth. With one voice they entreated that he would not abandon the important station to which he had such a good title, and ofiPered to shed the last drop of their blood in maintaining his authority. Cortes was easily induced to comply with what he himself so ardently desired. He swore that he would never desert soldiers who had given him such a signal proof of their attachment, ani promised instantly to conduct them to that rich country, which had been so long the object of their thoughts and wishes. This declaration was received with transports of military applause, accompanied with threats and imprecations against all who should presume to call in question the jurisdiction of their general, or to obstruct the execution of his designs. Every I'ling was now ready for their departure ; but though this expedition was fitted out by the united eflTorts of the Spanish power in Cuba ; though every settlement had contributed its quota of men and pro- visions ; though the governor had laid out considera- ble sums, and each adventurer had exhausted his stock or strained his credit, the poverty of the prepa- rations was such as must astonish the presept age, J :■■ r 28G DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST and bore, indeed, no resemblance to an arinamen destined for the conquest of a great empire. The fleet consisted of eleven vessels ; the largest of a hundred tons, which was dignified by the name of admiral ; three of seventy or eighty tons, and the rest small open barks. On board of these were six hundred and seventeen men ; of which five hundred and eight belonged to the land service, and a hun- dred and nine were seamen or artificers. The sol- diers were divided into eleven companies, according to the number of the ships ; to each of which Cortes appointed a captain, and committed to him the com- mand of the vessel while at sea, and of the men «vhen on shore. As the use of fire-arms among the nations of Europe was hitherto confined to a few battalions of regularly disciplined infantry, only thirteen soldiers were armed with muskets, thirty-two were cross- bowmen, and the rest had swords and spears. Instead of the usual defensive armour, which must have been cumbersome in a hot climate, the soldiers wore jackets quilted with cotton, which experience had taught the Spaniards to be a sufiicient protection against the weapons of the Americans. They had only sixteen horses, ten small field-pieces, and four falconets. -^ With this slender and ill-provided train did Cortes set sail, Feb. 10, 1519, to make war upon a monarch whose dominions were more extensive than all the kingdoms subject to the Spanish crown. As reli- gious enthusiasm always mingled with the spirit of adventure in the New World, and, by a combination still more strange, united with avarice, in prompting the Spaniards to all their enterprises, a large cross was displayed in their standards, with this inscription, Let us follow the cross, for under this sign we shall conquer. As Cortes had determined to touch at every place which Grijalva had visited, he steered directly towards the island of Cozumel ; there he had the good fortune to redeem Jerome de Aguilar, a Spaniard, who had been eight years a prisoner amoi/g the Indians. This / OF AMERICA. 287 man was perfectly acquainted with a dialect of their language understood through a large extent of coun- try, and possessing besides a considerable share of prudence and sagacity, proved extremely useful as an interpreter. From Cozumel Cortes proceeded to the river of Tabasco, in hopes of a reception as friendly as Grijalva had met with there, and of finding gold in the same abundance ; but the disposition of the na- tives, from some unknown cause, was totally changed. After repeated endeavours to conciliate their good- will, he was constrained to have recourse to violence. Though the forces of the enemy were numerous, and advanced with extraordinary courage, they were routed with great slaughter, in several successive actions. The loss which they sustained, and still more the asto- nishment and terror excited by the destructive effect of the fire-arms, and the dreadful appearance of the horses, humbled their fierce spirits, and induced them to sue for peace. They acknowledged tiie king of Castile as their sovereign, and granted Cortes a supply of provisions, with a present of cotton garments, some gold, and twenty female slaves. •- Cortes continued his course to the westward, keep- ing as near the shore as possible, in order to observe the country ; but could discover no proper place for landing, until he arrived at St. Juan de Ulua. As he entered this harbour, a large canoe full of people, among whom were two who seemed to be persons of distinction, approached his ship with signs of peace and amity. They came on board without fear or distrust, and addressed him in a most respectful man- ner, but in a language altogether unknown to Aguilar. This circumstance caused Cortes the utmost per- plexity and distress. But he did not remain long in his embarrassing situation ; a fortunate accident ex- tricated him, when his own sagacity could have con- tributed little towards his relief. One of the female slaves, whom he had received from the cazique of Tabasco, happened to be present at the first interview between Cortes and his nev/ guests. She perce ved 2Sd DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST v\ his distress, as well as ..he confusion oi Aguilar ; and as she perfectly understood the Mexican language, she expi .ined what they had said in the Yucatan tongue, ».ith which Aguilar was acquainted. This woman, known afterwards by the name of Donna Marina, and who makes a conspicuous figure in the history of the New World, where great revolutions were brought about by small causes and inconsider> able instruments, was born in one of the provinces of the Mexican ennpire. Having been sold as a slave in the early part of her life, after a variety of adventures she fell into the hands of the Tabascans, and had re* sided long enough among them to acquire their lan- guage, without losing the use of her own. Cortes now learned, that the two persons whom he had received on board of his ship were deputies from Teutile and Pilpatoe, two officers intrusted with the government of that province, by a great monarch, whom they called Montezuma ; and that they were sent to inquire what his intentions were in visiting their #.■ ind ler- en- illUb k**1;/'- / OF AMERICA. 281) which the Spaniards were accustomed to pay the petty caziques with whom they had intercourse in the isles, received them with much formal ceremony. He informed them, that he came as ambassador from Don Carlos of Austria, king of Castiie, the greatest monarch of the East, and was intrusted with proposi« tions of such moment, that he could impart them to none but the emperor Montezuma himself, and there> fore required them to conduct him, without loss of time, into the presence of their master. The Mexican officers could not conceal their uneasiness at a re- quest, which they knew would be disagreeable, and which ihey foresaw might prove extremely embar- rassing to their sovereign, whose mind had been filled with many disquieting apprehensions, ever since the former appearance of the Spaniards on his coasts. But before they atternpted to dissuade Cortes from insisting on this demand, they endeavoured to con- ciliate his good-will, by entreating him to accept of certain presents, which, as humble slaves of Monte- zuma, they laid at his feet. They were introduced with great parade, and consisted of fine cotton cloth, of plumes of various colours, and of ornaments of gold and silver to a considerable value ; the work- manship of which appeared to be as curious as the materials were rich. The display of these oroduced an effect very different from what the Mexicans in- tended. Instead of satisfying it increased the avidity of the Spaniards, and rendered them so eager and im- patient to become masters of a country which abounded with such precious productions, that Cortes could hardly listen with patience to the arguments which Pilpatoe and Teutile employed to dissuade him from visiting the capital, and in a haughty determined tone he insisted on his demand, of being admitted to a per- sona! audience of their sovereia:n. During: this inter- view, some pamters, in the train of the Mexican chiefs, had been diligently employed in delineating, upon white cotton cloths, figures of the ships, the liorses, the artillery, the soldiers, and whatever else 290 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST attracted their eyes as singular. When Cortes ob- served this, and was informed that these pictures were to be sent to Montezuma, in order to convey to hin\ a more lively idea of the strange and wonderful ob- jects now presented to their vie^v, than any words could communicate, he resolved to render the repre- sentation still more animating and interesting, by ex- hibiting su'^h a spectacle as might give both them and their monarch an awful impression of the extra- ordinary prowess of his followers, and the irresistible force of their arms. The trumpets, by his order, sounded an alarm ; the troops, in a moment, formed in order of battle, the infantry performed such mar- tial exercises as were best suited to display the effect of their different weapons ; the horse, in various evo- lutions, gave a spec men of their agility and strength ; the artillery, pointed towards the thick woods which surrounded the camp, were fired, and made dreadful havoc among the trees. The Mexicans looked on with that silent amazement which is natural when the mind is struck with objects, which are both awful and above its comprehension. But, at the explosioa of the cannon, many of them fled, some fell to the ground, and all were so much confounded at the sight of men whose power so nearly resembled that of the gods, that Cortes found it difficult to compose and re- assure them. The painters had now many new ob- jects on which to exercise their art, and they put their fancy on the stretch in order to invent figures and symbols to represent the extraordinary things which they had seen. Messengers were immediately despatched to Mon- tezuma with those pictures, and a full account of every thing that had passed since the arrival of the Spaniards, and by them Cortes sent a present of some European curiosities to Montezuma, which, though of no great value, he believed would be acceptable on account of their novelty. The Mexican monarchs, in order to obtain early information of every occur- rence in all the corners of their extensive empire, had / OP AMERICA. 201 introduced a refinement in p^'ice, unknown, at that time, in Europe. They had ouriers posted at proper stations along the principal roads ; and as these were trained to agility by a regular education, and relieved one another at moderate distances, they conveyed in- telligence with surprising rapidity. Though the ca- pital in which Montezuma resided was above a hundred and eighty miles from St. Juan de Ulua, Cortes's presents were carried thither, and an answer to his demands was received, in a few days. The same officers who had hitherto treated with the Spaniards, were employed to deliver this answer ; but as they knew how repugnant the determination of their master was to all the schemes and wishes of the Spanish commander, they would not venture to make it known until they had previously endeavoured to soothe and mollify him. For thin purpose they renewed their ne- gotiation, by introducing a train of a hundred Indians, loaded with presents pent to him by Montezuma. The magnificence of these was such as became a great monarch, and far exceeded any idea which the Spa- niards had hitherto formed of his wealth. They were placed on mats spread on the gro:ind, in such order as shewed them to the greatest ao vantage. Cortes and his officers viewed, with udmira^'on, the various manufactures of the country ; cotton stuffs so fine, and of such delicate texture, as to resemble silk ; pictures of animals, trees, and other natural objects, formed with feathers of different colours, disposed and mingled with 5uch skill and elegance, as to rival the works of the pencil in truth and beauty of imita- tion. But what chiefly attracted their eyes, were two large plates of a circilar form., one of massive geld representing the sun, tho other of silver, an emblem of the moon. These were accompanied with bracelets, collars, rings, and other trinkets of gold; and, that nothing might be wanting which could give the Spa- niards a comolete idea of what the country afforded, with some boxes filled with pearls, precious stones, and grains of gold unwrought, as they had been found in 2(J2 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST the mines or rivers. Cortes received all these with an appearance of profound veneration for the monarch by whom they were bestowed. But when the Mexi- cans, presuming upon this, informed him» that their master, thoi^gh he desired him to accept of what he had sent as a token of regard for that .nonarch whom Cortes represented, would not give his consent that foreign troops should approach nearer to his capital, or even allow them to continue longer in his domi- nions, the Spanish general declared, in a manner more resolute and peremptory than formerly, that he nnust insist on his Brst demand^ as he could not, without dishonour, return to his own country, until he was admitted into the presence of the prince whom he was appointed to visit in the name of his sovereign. The Mexicans, astonished at seeing any man dare to oppose that will, which they were accustomed to con- sider as supreme and irresistible, yet afraid of pre- cipitating their country into an open rupture with such formidable enemies, prevailed with Cortes U^ promise, that he would not move from his present camp, until the return of a messenger whom they sent to Montezuma for farther instructions. The firmness with which Cortes adhered to his original proposal, should naturally have brought the negotiation between him and Montezuma to a speedy issue, as it seemed to leave the Mexican monarch no choice, but either to receive him with confidence as a friend, or to oppose him openly as an enemy. The latter was what might have been expected from a haughty prince in possession of extensive power. But from the moment that the Spaniards appeared on his coast, he discovered symptoms of timidity and embarrassment. Instead of taking such resolutions as the consciousness of his own power, or the me- mory of his former exploits, might have inspired, he deliberated with an anxiety and hesitation which did not escape the notice of his meanest courtiers. The perplexity and discomposure of Montezuma's mind upon this occasion, as well as the general dismay of ,f- I OP AMERICA. 293 his the eedy 1 no as a The Dm a But i on and lions me- d, he did The mind ay of his subjects, were not owiog wholly to the impression which the Spaniards had made by the novelty of their appearance and the terror of their arms. Its origin may be traced up to a more remote source. There was an opinion, if we may believe the earliest and most authentic Spanish historians, almost universal among the Americans, that some dreadful calamity was impending over their heads, from a race of for- midable invaders, who should come from regions towards the rising sun, to overrun and desolate their country. And as the Mexicans were more prone to superstition than any people in the New World, they were more deeply affected by the appearance of the Spaniards, whom their credulity instantly represented as the instrument destined to bring about this fatal revolution nhich they dreaded. Under those circum- stances, it ceases to be incredible that a handful of adventurers should alarm the monarch of a great empire, and all his subjects. Notwithstanding the influence of this impression, when the messenger arrived from the Spanish camp with an account that the leader of the strangers, adhering to his original demand, refused to obey the order enjoining him to leave the country, Montezuma assumed some degree of resolution, and, in a transport of rage natural to a fierce prince unaccustomed to meet with any opposition to his will, he threatened to sacrifice those presumptuous men to his gods. But his doubts and fears quickly returned, and instead of issuing orders to carry his threats into execution, he again called his ministers to confer and offer their advice. Feeble and temporizing measures will always be the result when men assemble to deliberate in a situation where they ought to act. The Mexican counsellors took no effectual measure for expelling such troublesome intruders, and viere satisfied with issuing a more positive injunction, requiring them to leave the country ; but this they preposterously ac- companied with a present of such value as proved .frebh inducement to remain there. 204 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST Meanwhile, the Spaniards were not without solici- tude, or a variety of sentiments, in deliberating con- cerning their own future conduct. From what th^y had already seen, many of them formed such extia- vagant ideas concerning the opulence of the country, that, despising danger or hardships, when they had in view treasures which appeared to be inexhaustible, they were eager to attempt the conquest. Other**, estimating the power of the Mexican empire by its wealth, and enumerating the various proofs which had occurred of its being under a well-regulated admini^ tration, contended, that it would be an act of the wildest frenzy to attack such a state with a small body of men, in want of provisions, jinconnected with any ally, and already enfeebled by the dit^eases peculiar to the climate, and the loss of several of their number. Cortes secretly applauded the advo- cates for bold measures, and cherished their romantic hopes, as such ideas corresponded with his own, and favoured the execution of the schemes which he had formed. From the time that the suspicions of Velas- quez broke out with open violence in the attempts to deprive him of the command, Cortes saw the necessity of dissolving a connexion which would obstruct and embarrass all his operations, and watched for a proper opportunity of coming to a final rupture wiih him. Having this in view, he had laboured by every art to secure the esteem and affection of his soldiers. With his abilities for command, it was easy to gain their esteem ; and his followers were quickly satisfied that they might rely, with perfect confidence, on the con- duct and courage of their leader. Nor was it more difficult io acquire their affection. Among adven- turers, nearly of the same rank, and serving at their own expense, the dignity of command did not elevate a general above mingling with those who acted under him. Cortes availed himself of this freedom of inter- course, to insinuate himself into their favour, and by his aflfable manners, by well-timed acts of liberality to some, by inspiring all with vast hopeS; and by alio iv- to by to OP AMERICA. _./.. 2D5 ing them to trade privately with the natives, he at- tached the greater part of his soldiers so firmly to himself, that they almost forgot that the armament had been fitted out by the authority and at the ex- pense of another. During those intrigues, Teutile arrived with the f (resent from Montezuma, and, together with it, de- ivered the ultimate order of that monarch to depart instantly out of his dominions ; and when Cortes, instead of complying, renewed his request of an audience, the Mexican turned from him abruptly, and quitted the cantp with looks and gestures which strongly expressed his surprise and resentment. Next morning, none of the natives who used to frequent the camp in great numbers, in order to barter with the soldiers and to bring in provisions, appeared. All friendly correspondence seemed now to be at an end, and it was expected every moment that hostilities would commence. This, though an event that might have been foreseen occasioned a sudden consternation , among the Spaniards, which \mboldened the adherents of Velasquez not only to murmur and cabal against their general, but to appoint one of their number to remonstrate openly against his imprudence in at- tempting the conquest of a mighty empire with such inadequate force, and to urge the necessity of re- turning to Cuba, in order to refit the fleet and augment the army. Diego de Ordaz, one of his principal officers, whom the malcontents charged with this commission, delivered it with a soldierly freedom and blunlness, assuring Cortes that he spoke the senti- ments of the whole army. He listened to this remon- strance without any appearance of emotion, and as he well knew the temper and wishes of his soldiers, and foresaw how they would receive a proposition fatal at once to all the splendid hopes and schemes which they had been forming with such complacency, he carried his dissimulation so far as to seem to re- linquish his own measures in compliance with the request of Ordaz, and issued orders that the army SOG DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST should be in readiness next day to re-embark for Cuba. As soon as this was known, the disappointed adven- turers exclaimed and threatened ; the emissaries of Cortes, mingling with them, inflamed their rage ; the ferment became general ; the whole camp was almost in open mutiny ; all demanding with eagerness to see their commander. Cortes was not slow in appearing ; when, with one voice, officers and soldiers expressed their astonishment and indii^nation at the orders which they had received. They said they were liappy under his command, and they would follow him with alacrity through every danger, in quest of those settlements and treasures which he had s long held out to their view ; but if he chose rather to return to Cuba, and tamely give up all his hopes of distinction and opu- lence to an envious rival, they would instantly choose another general to conduct them in that path of glory which he had not spint to enter, Cortes, delighted with their ardour^took no offence at the boldness with which it was uttered. The sen- timents were what he hinself had inspired, and the warmth of expression satisfied him that his followers had imbibed them thoroughly. Without, therefore, allowing his men time to cool or reflect, he set about carrying his design into exe- cution. In order to give a beginning to a colony, he assembled the principal persons in his army, and by their suffrage elected a council and magistrates, in whom the government was to be vested. As men naturally transplant the institutions and forms of the mother-country into their new settlements, this was framed upon the model of a Spanish corporation. The magistrates were distinguished by the same names and ensigns of office, and were to exercise a similar jurisdiction. All the persons chosen were most firmly devoted to Cortes, and the instrument of their election was framed in the king's name, without any mention of their dependence on Velasquez. The two prin- ciples of avarice and enthusiasm, which prompted the Spaniards to all their enterprises in the New / he by in imea mly tion tioQ Tin- ted few OF AMERICA. S07 World, seem to have concurred in suggesting the name which Cortes bestowed on his infant settlement. He called it, The rich town of the true Cross. The Hrst meeting of the new council wag distin- guished by a transaction of great moment. As soon as it assembled, Cortes applied for leave to enter; and approaching with many marks of profound re- spect, which added dignity to the tribunal, and set an example of reverence for its authority, he began a long harangue, in which, with much art, and in terms extremely tlatteiingto persons just entering upon their new function, he observed, that as the supreme juris- diction over the colony which they hac plante* was now vested in this court, he considered thf n as clothed with the authority, and representing he per- son, of their sovereign ; Miat accordir ;';• he would communicate to them what he deem 'd .ssential to the public safety, with the same dutiful fidelity as if he were addressing his royal master ; that the security of a colony settled in a great empire, whose sovereign had already discovered his hostile intentions, de- pended upon arms, and the efficacy of ihese upon the subordination and discipline preserved among the troops ; that his right to command was derived from a commission granted by the governor of Cuba ; and as that had been long since revoked, the lawfulness of his jurisdiction might well be questioned ; that he might be thought to act up )i> a defective, or even a dubious, title ; nor could they trust an army which might dispute the powers of its general, at a juncture when it ought implicitly to obey his orders ; that, moved by these considerations, he now resigned all his authority to them, that they, having both right to choose, and power to confer full jurisdiction, might appoint one in the king's name, to command the army in its future operations ; and as for his own pait, such was his zeal for the service in which they were engaged, that he would most cheerfully take up a pike with the same hand that laid down the general's truncheon, and convince his fellow-soldiers, that though accus- 208 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST tomed to command, he had not forgotten how to obey, Having finished his discourse, he laid the commission from Velasquez upon the table, and after kissing his truncheon, delivered it to the chief magistrate, and withdrew. - u - "» The deliberations of the council were not long, as Cortes had concerted this important measure with his confidants, and had prepared the other members with great address, for the part which he wished them to take. His resignation was accepted j and as the un- interrupted tenor of their prosperity under his conduct afforded the most satisfymg evidence of his ibilities for command, tliey, by their unanimous suffrage, elected him chief-justice of the colony, and captain- general of its army, and appointed his commission to be made out in the king's name, with most ample powers, which were to continue in force until the royal pleasure should be farther known. That this deed might not be deemed the machination of a junto, the council called together the troops, and acquainted them with what had been resolved. The soldiers, with eager applause, ratified the choice which the council had made ; the air resounded with the name of Cortes, and all vowed to shed their blood in support of his authority. Cortes having now brought his intrigues to the de- sired i&bue, and shaken off his mortifying dependence on the governor of Cuba, accepted of the commission which vested in him supreme jurisdiction, civil as well as military, over the colony, with many professions of respect to the council, and gratitude to the army. Together with his new command, he assumed greater dignity, and began to exercise more extensive powers. Formerly he had felt himself to be only the deputy of a subject ; now he acted as the representative of his sovereign. The adherents of Velasquez, fully aware of what would be the effect of this change in the situa- tion of Cortes, could no longer continue silent and passive spectators of his actions. They exclaimed openly against the proceedings of the council as illegal, OF AMERICA. 299 « a&d against those of the army as mutinous. Corte5<, instantly perceiving tlie necessity of giving a timely check to such seditious discourse by some vigorous measure, arrested Ordaz, Escudero, and Velasquez de Leon, the ringleaders of this faction, and sent them prisoners aboard the fleet, loaded with chains. Their dependants, astonished and overawed, remained quiet ; and Cortes, more desirous to reclaim than to punish his prisoners, who were officers of great merit, couried their friendship with such assiduity and address, that the reconciliation was perfectly cordial ; and on the most tryintr occasions, neither their connexion with the governor of Cuba, nor the memory of the indignity with which they had been treated, tempted them to swerve from an inviolable attachment to his interest. In this as well as his otl)er negotiations at this critical conjuncture, which decided with respect to his future fame and fortune, Cortes owed much of his success to the Mexican gold, which he distributed with a liberal hand both among his friends and his opponents. : Cortes, having thus rendered the union between himself and his army indissoluble, by engaging it to join him in disclaiming any dependence on the gover- nor of Cuba, and in repeated acts of disobedience to his authority, thouglit he might now venture to quit the camp in which he had hitherto remained, and advance into the country. To this he was encouraged by an event no less fortunate than seasonable. 8ome In- dians having approached his camp in a mysterious manner, were introduced into his presence. He found that they were sent with a proffer of friendship from the cazique of Zempoalla, a considerable town at no great distance ; and from their answers to a variety of questions which he put to them, according to his usual practice in every mterview with the people of the country, he gathered, that their master, though subject to the Mexican empire, was impatient of the yoke, and filled with such dread and i.atred of Montezuma, that nothing could be more acceptable to him than any prospect of deliverance from the oppression under I 800 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST which he groaned. On hearing this, a ray of light and hope broke in upon the mind of Cortes. He saw that the great empire which he intended to attack was neither perfectly united, nor its sovereign universally beloved. He concluded, that the causes of disaffec- tion could not be confined to one province ; but that in other corners there must be malcontents, so weary of subjection, or so desirous of change, as to be ready to follow the standard of any protector. Full of those ideas, oa which he began to form a scheme, that time, and more perfect information concerning the state ot the country, enabled him to mature, he gave a most gracious reception to the Zempoallans, and promised soon to visit their cazique. In order to perform this promise, it was not neces- sary to vary the route which he had already fixed for his march. Some officers, whom he had employed to survey the coast, having discovered a village named Quiabislan, about forty miles to the northward, which, both on account of the fertility of the soil and commu- diousness of the harbour, seemed to be a more proper station for a settlement than tl'at where he was en- camped, Cortes determined to remove thither. Zem- poalla lay in his way, where the cazique received him m the manner which he had reason to expect — with gifts and c^i-esses, like a man solicitous to gain his good-will ; with respect approaching almost to adora- tion, like one who looked up to him as a deliverer. From him he learned many particulars with respect to the character of Montezuma, and the circumstances which rendered his dominion odious. He was a tyrant, as the cazique told him with tears, haughty, cruel, and siispicious ; who treated his own subjects with arrogance, ruined the conquered provinces by exces- sive exactions, and often tore their sons and daughters frorS them by violence ; the former, to be offered as victims to his gods ; the latter, to be reserved as con- cubines for himself or favourites. Cortes, in reolv to him, artfully insinuated, that one great object of the Spaniards in visiting a country so remote irom their OP AMERICA. 3D1 owD, wa<< to redress grievances, and to relieve the distressed ; and having encouraged him to hope for this interposition in due time, he continued his march to Quiabi^lan. The spot which his officers had recommended as a proper situation, appeared to him to be so well chosen, that he immediately marked out ground for a town. The houses to be erected were only huts ; but these were to be surrounded with fortifications, of sufficient strength to resist the assaults of an Indian army. The Indians of Zempoalla and Quiabislan lent their aid ; and this petty station, the parent of so many mighty settlements, was soon in a state of defence. While engaged in this necessary work, Cortes had several interviews with the caziques of Zempoalla and Quiabislan ; and availing himself of their wonder and astonishment at the new objects which they daily beheld, he gradually inspired them with such a high opinion of the Spaniards, as beings of a superior order and irresistible m arms, that, relying on their protec- tion, they ventured to insult the Mexican power, at the very name of which they were accustomed to tremble. Some of Montezuma's officers having ap- peared to levy the usual tribute, and to demand a certain number of human victims as an expiation for their guilt in presuming to hold intercourse with those strangers whom the emperor had commanded to leave his dominions, instead of obeying the order, the ca- ziques made them prisoners, treated them with great indignity, and as their superstition was no less barba- rous than that of the Mexicans, they prepared to sacrifice them to their gods. From this last danger they were delivered by the interposition of Cortes, who manifested the utmost horror at the mention of such a deed. The two caziques having now been pushed to an act of such open rebellion, as left them no hope of safety but in attaching themselves inviola- blv to the Snaniards. thev soon comoleted their union with them, by formally acknowledging themselves to be vassals of the same monarch. Their example was 332 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST followed by the Totonaque.s, a fierce people who in- habited the mountainous part of the country. They willingly subjected themselves to the crovvn of Castil«», and offered to accompany Cortes with all their forces in his march towards Mexico. Cories had now been above three months in New Spain ; and though this period had not been distin- guished by martial exploits, every moment had been employed in operations, which, though less splendid, were more important. By his address in conducting his intrigues with his own army, as well as his saga- city in carrying on his negotiations with the natives, he had already laid the foundations of his future suc- cess. But whatever confidence he might place in the plan which he had formed, he could not but per- ceive, that as his title to command was derived from a doubtful authority, he held it by a precarious tenure. The injuries which Velasquez had received, were such as would naturally prompt him to apply for redress to their common sovereign ; and such a representation, he foresaw, might be given of his con- duct, that he had reason to apprehend, not only that he might be degraded from his present rank, but sub- jected to punishment. Before he began his march, it was necessary to take the most effectual precautions against this impending danger. With this view he persuaded the magistrates of the colony at Vera Cruz to ad Iress a letter to the king, the chief object ot which was to justify their own conduct in establishing a colony independent on the jurisdiction of Velas- quez. In order to accomplish this, they endeavoured to detract from his merit in fitting out the two former armaments under Cordova and Grijalva, affirming that these had been equipped by the adventurers who engaged in the expeditions, and not by the governor. They contended that the sole object of Velasquez was to trade or barter with the natives, not to attempt the conquest of New Spain, or to settle a colony there. .1 *u . nr? _.. They asserted that Cortes ana the otiicers wno served under him had defrayed the greater part of the ex- OF AMERICA. / 303 « pense in fitting out the armament. On this account, they humbly requested their sovereign to ratify what they had done in his name, and to confirm Cortes in the supreme command by his royal commission. That Charles might be induced to grant more readily what they demanded, they gave him a pompous description of the country which they had discovered : of its riches, the number of its inhabitants, their civilization and arts ; they related the progress which they had already made in annexing some parts of the country situated on the sea-coast to the crown of Castile ; and mentioned the schemes which they had formed, as well as the hopes which they entertained, of reducing the whole to subjection. Cortes himself wrote in a similar strain ; and as he knew that the Spanish court, accustomed to the exaggerated representations of every new country by its discoverers, would give little credit to their splendid accounts of New Spain, if these were not accompanied with such a specimen of what it contained as would excite a high idea of its opulence, he solicited his soldiers to relinquish what they might claim as their part of the treasures which had hitherto been collected, in order that the whole might be sent to the king. Such was the ascendant which he had acquired over their minds, and such their own romantic expectations of future wealth, that an army of indigent and rapacious adventurers was capable of this generous efFo'-t, and offered to their sovereign the richest presen* that had hitherto been tvansmitted from the New World. Portocarrero and Montejo, the chief magistrates of the colony, were appointed to carry this present to Castile, with express orders rjt to touch at Cuba in their passage thither. While a vessel was preparing for their dep iare, an unexpected event occasioned a general alarm. Some soldiers and sailors, secretly attached to Velas- quez, or intimidated at the prospect of the dangers anavoiuabie in attempting to penetrate into the heart of a great empire with such unequal force, formed w 304 DISv;OVKRY AND CONQUEST the design of seizing one of the brisjantines, and makinf^ their escape to Cuba, lis oniw lo give the governor such intelligence as miohi enable bim to intercept the ship which was to vary jhc traa ire a' d der^patches to Spain Th'-^ cunspiipc; , thovc, «! formed by persons of low rank, was conuucted 'viih profound secrecy ; hut at the niOment when every thing was rmdy (or (locution, they were betrayed by one of their associates. Though the good fortuae of Cortes iuterpused so ieasonably ou this occasion, tbcj delertion of this con- 8pi<"»cy filled his mind wish most disqutt' ng appre- hensions, and prompted Isim to execute a scheme • * ich he had long revolved. He perceived that the jiDiiit of disaffection still lurked among his troops. He ohaerved, that many of his men, weary of the fatigue of service, longed to revisit their settlements in Cuba ; he resolved therefore to cut oft' all possibility of retreat ; and, with this view^ he determined to de- stroy his fleet ; but as he durst not venture to exe- cute such a bold resolution by his single authority, he laboured to bring his soldiers to adopt his ideas with resj)ect to the propriety of this measure. His addrejis in accomplishing this was not inferior to the arduous occasion in which it was employed. He persuaded some, that the ships had suffered so much by having been long at sea, as to be altogether unBt for service ; to others he pointed out what a season- able reinforcement of strength they would derive from tiie junction of a hundred men, now unpro^ltably employed as sailors ; and to all he repre^-ented the necessity of fixing their eyes and wishes upon what was before them, without allowing the idea of a re- treat once to enter their thoughts. With universal consent the ships were drawn n 'icre, and after strip- ping them of their sails, rip i, iron works, and whatever else might be of »<'<. hey were broke in ^f «- ?es. Thus, from a^i "^^ ■ of magnanimity, to 5s nothinsr '^ . r;i .'■* in histnrv. five hur dred men voluntarily con,^ led to be shut up in a Vm^:i so from Itably id the what a re- versal strip- , anil )ke in ty, to hur in a I OF AMERICA. / 806 hostile country, filled with powerful and unknown nations ; and having precluded every means of es- cape, left themselves without any resource but their own valour and perseverance. Nothing now retarded Cortes ; the alacrity of his troops and the disposition of his allies were equally favourable. All the advantages, however, derived from the latter, though procured by much assiduity and address, were well nigh lost in a moment, by an indiscreet sally of religious zeal, which, on many oc- casions, precipitated Cortes into actions inconsistent with the prudence that distinjjuishes his character. Though hitherto he had neither time nor opportunity to explain to the natives the errors of their own su- perstition, or to instruct them in the principles of the Christian faith, he commanded his soldiers to overturn the altars and to destroy the idols in the chief temple of Zempoalla, and in their place to erect a crucifix and an image of the Virgin Mary. The people be- held this with astonishment and horror ; the priests excited them to arms ; but such was the authority of Cortes, and so great the ascendant which the Spa- niards had acquired, that the commotion was appeased without bloodshed, and concord perfectly re-esta- blished. Cortes began his march from Zempoalla on the 16th of August, with five hundred men, fifteen horse, and six field-pieces. The rest of his troops, consititing chiefly of such as from age or infirmity were less fit for active service, he left as a garrison in Villa Rica, under the command of Escalante, an officer of merit, and warmly attached to his interest. 'J'he r^azique of Zempoalla supplied him with pro- visions, and with two hundred of those Indians called Tame'^'.ss, whose office, in a country where tame ani- mals wjre unknown, was to carry burdens, and to perform all servi .j labour. They were a great relief to the Spanish soldiers, who hitherto had been obliged, not only to carry their own baggage, but to drag along the artillery by main force. He offered like- z '^^"'iV, ,-.,.1 u sac DUSCOVERY AND CONQUEST wise a considerable body of his troops, but Cortes was satisfied with four hundred ; taking care, how- ever, to choose persons of such note as might prove hostages for the fidelity of their master. Nothing memorable happened in his progress, until he arrived on the confines of Tlascala. The inhabitants of that province, a warlike people, were implacable enemies of the Mexicans, and had been united in an ancient alliance with the caziques of Zempoalla. Though less civilized than the subjects of Montezuma, they were advanced in improvement far beyond the rude nations of America, whose manners we have de- scribed. They had mad 3 considerable progress in agriculture ; they dwelt m large towns ; they were not strangers to some species of commerce ; and in the imperfect accounts of their institutions and laws, transml»ed to us by the early Spanish writers, we discern traces both of distributive justice and of cri- minal jurisdiction in their interior police. Cortes, though he had received information con- cerning the martial character of this people, flattered himself that his professions of delivering the oppressed from the tyranny of Montezuma, their inveterate enmity to the Mexicans, and the example of their ancient allies the Zempoallans, might induce the Tlascalans to grant him a frienaly reception. In order to dispose them to this, four Zempoallans of great eminence were sent ambassadors, to request, in his name, and in that of their cazique, that they would permit the Spaniards to pass through the terri- tories of the republic, in heir way to Mexico. But instead of the favourable answer which was expected, the Tlascalans seized the ambassadors, and without any regard to their public character, made prepara- tions for sacrificing them to their gods. At the same time, they assembled their troops, in order to oppose those unknown invaders, if they should attempt to make their passage good by force of arms. They eoneluded, from Cortes's proposal of visiting Monte- zuma in his capital, that, notwithstanding all hid p. > / OF AMERICA. 807 lortes how- prove thing rrived f that emies ncient tiough , they i rude /e de- •es3 in J were and in i laws, jrs, we of cri- ,n con- attered j^ressed reterate )f their ice the a. la ilans of uest, in |at they le terri- But :pected, without »repara- [he same oppose impt to They Monte- hid p.J- fessions, he courted the friendship of a monarch whom they both hated and feared ; and his imprudent zeal in violating the temples in Zempoalla had filled the TIascalans with horror, as they were no less attoched to their superstition than the other nations of New Spain ; they were impatient to avenge their injured gods, and to acquire the merit of offering up to them, as victims, those impious men who had dared to profane their altars ; they contemned the small number of the Spaniards, as they had not yet measured their own strength with that of these new enemies, and had no idea of the superiority which they derived from thuir arms and discipline. Cortes, after waiting some days in vain for the return of his ambassadors, advanced into the Tlascalan territories. As the resolutions of people who delight in war are executed with no less promptitude than they are formed, he found troops in the field ready to oppose him. They attacked him with g^'pat intre- pidity, and, in the first encounter, wounded 8om*» of the Spaniards, and killed two horses ; a loss, i Jr situation, of great moment, because it was irreparaoic. From this specimen of their courage, Cortes saw the necessity of proceeding with caution. His army marched in close order ; he chose the stations where he halted with attention, and fortified every camp with extraordinary care. During fourteen days he was exposed to almost uninterrupted assaults, the TIas- calans advancing with numerous armies, and renewing the attack in various forms, with adegre? ^' alour and perseverance to which the Spaniards nad seen nothing parallel in the New World. But though the TIascalans brought into the field such numerous armies as appear sufficient to have overwhelmed the Spaniards, they were never able to make ahy impression upon their small battalion. Singular as this may seem, it is not inexplicable. The TIascalans, though addicted to war, were, like aii unpolished nations, strangers to military order and discipline, and lost in a great measure the advantage \\ 308 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST which they might have derived an'i ^^f! >3tuositv of their attack from their numbers, by their constant woui 1 ;>3tuosity 6oli«^itun , to carry c point of honour, founded on a sentiment of tenderness natural to the human mind and strengthenbd by anxiety to preserve the bodies of their countrymen from being devoured by their enemies, was universal among the p'^op^ . jt Jew Spain. Attention to this pious ofKce occupied them even during the heat of combat, brok& their union, and diminished the force of the impression which they might have made by a joint effort. Not only was their superiority in number of little avail, but the imperfection of their military weapons rendered their valour in a great measure inoffensive. After three battles, and many skirmishes and assaults, not one Spaniard was killed in the field. Arrows and spears, headed with flint or the bones of fishes, stakes hardened in the fire, and vooden sw ,rrN, though destructive weapons among naked Indian- were easily turned aside by the Spanish bucklers,- am could hardly penetrate the escnupiles, or quilted jackets, which the soldiers wore. The Tlascalans advanced boldly to the charge, and often fought hand to hana. Many of the Spaniards were wounded, though all slightly, which cannot be imputed to any want J rour; e or strength in their enemies, but to the defect of the arms with which they assailed them. Notwithstanding the fury with which the Tlascalans t ttacked the *^paniards, they seemed to have con- ducted their hostilities with some degree of barbarous generosity. T'^ey gave the Spaniards warning of their host' ^ intentions, and as they knew that their invaders ntr { provisions, and imagined, perhaps, Mks the cirer j. nericans, that they had left their own country because it did not afford them subsistence, they sent to their camp a large supply of poultry and maize, desiring them to eat plentifully, because they scorned to attack an enemy enfeebled by hunger ; and it would be an affront to their gods to offer them OF AMEUICA. 309 ibers, istant This >rnes9 ;d by •ymen verbal this eat of force J by a f little eapoas enbive. ssault9, Arrows fi<»he3, 8vi /rf'*^, ndianh irs, an. quilted scalane It hand nded, to any but to them. iscalans con- rbarous ning of at their )erhaps, eir own sigtence, try and se they vanger ; *er them >u re famished victims, as well as disagreeable to themselves to feed on such emaciated prey. • '^ < When they were taught by the first encounter wifh their new enemies, that it was not easy to execute this threat ; when they perceived, in the subsequent engagements, that notwithstanding all the eilorts of their own valour, of which they had a very high opinion, not one of the Spaniards was slain or taken, they began to conceive them to be a superior order of beings, against whom human power could not avail. In this extremity they had recourse to their priests, requiring them to reveal the mysterious causes of such extnordinary events, and to declare wnat new means th y should employ in order to repulse those formidable invaders. The priests, after many sacri- fices and incantations, delivered this response : That these strangers were the offspring of the sun, pro- created by his animating energy in the regions of the east ; that, by day, while cherished with the influence of his parental beams, they were invincible ; but by night, when his reviving heat was withdrawn, their vigour declined and faded like the herbs in the field, and they dwindled down into mortal men. Theories less plausible have gained credit with more enlightened nations, and have influenced their conduct. In con- sequence of this, the Tlascalans, with the implicit confidence of men who fancy themselves to be under the guidance of Heaven, acted in contradiction to one of their most established maxims in war, and ventured to attack the enemy with a strong body in the night-time, in hopes of de; iroying them when enfeebled and surprised. But Cortes had greater vigilance and discernment than to be deceived by the rude stratagems of an Indian army. The sentinels at his JUt-posts, observing some extraordinary move- ment among the Tlascalans, gave the alarm. In a moment the troops were under arms, and sallying out, dispersed the party with great slaughter, without al- lowing it to approach the camp. The Tlascalans convin ed by sad experience that their priests had w^^^^ 810 DlSCOVEllY 4NU CONQUEST deluded them, and satisfied that they attempted, in vain, either to deceive or to vanquish their enemies, abated their fierceness, and began to incline seriously to peace. They were at a loss, however, m what manner to address the strangers, what idea to form of their character, and whether to consider them as beings of a gentle or of a malevolent nature. There were cir- cumstances in their conduct which seemed to favour each opinion. On the one hand, as the Spaniards constantly dismissed the prisoners whom they took, not only without injury, but often with presents of European toys, and renewed their offers of peace after every victory ; this lenity amazed people, who, according to the exterminating system of war known in America, were accustomed to sacrifice and devour without mercy all the captives taken in battle, and disposed them to entertain favourable sentiments of the humanity of their new enemies. But on the other hand, as Cortes had seized fifty of their coun- trymen who brought provisions to his camp, and, supposing them to be spies, had cut off their hands ; this bloody spectacle, added to the terror occasioned by the fire-arms and horses, filled them with dreadful impressions of the ferocity of their invaders. This uncertainty was apparent in their mode of addressing the Spaniards. ' If,' said they, * you are divinities of a cruel and savage nature, we present to you five slaves, that you may drink their blood and eat their flesh. If you are mild deities, accept an offering of incense and variegated plumes. If you are men, here is meat, and bread, and fruit to nourish you.' The peace which both parties now desired with equal ardour, was soon concluded. The Tlascalans yielded themselves as vassals to the crown of Castile, and engaged to assist Cortes in all his future operations. He took the republic under his protection, and pro- mised to defend their persons and possessions from injury or violence. Thw treat \ J IS conciuaen a? a seasOuauic luuciure J' OP AMERICA. Sll \ for the Spaniards. The fatigue of service among a small body of men, surrounded by such a multitude of enemies, was incredible. Halt the army was oa duty every night, and even they whose turn it was to rest, slept always upon their arms, that they might be ready to run to their posts on a moment's warning. Many of them were wounded ; a good number, and among these Cortes himself, laboured under the dis- tempers prevalent in hot climates, and several had died since they set out from Vera Cruz. Notwith- standing the supplies which they received from the 'J'la<;calans, they were often in want of provisions, and so destitute of the necessaries most requisite in dan- gerous service, that they had no salve to dress their wounds, but what was composed of the fat of the Indians whom they had slain. Cortes remained twenty days in Tlascala, in order to allow his troops a short interval of repose after such hard service. During that time he was employed ia transactions and inquiries of great moment with re- spect to his future schemes. In his daily conferences with the Tlascalan chiefs, he received informatioa concerning every particular relative to the state of tho Mexican empire, or to the qualities of its sovereign, which could be of use in regulating his conduct, whether he should be obliged to act as a friend or as an enemy. As he found that the antipathy of his new allies to the Mexican nation was no less implacable than had been represented, and perceived what benefit he might derive from the aid of such powerful con- federates, he employed all his powers of insinuation in order to gain their confidence. Nor was any extraor- dinary exertion of these necessary. The Tlascalans, with the levity of mind natural to unpolished men, were, of their own accord, disposed to run from the extreme of hatred to that of fondness. Every thing in the appearance and conduct of their guests was to them a matter of wonder. They gazed with admira- tion at whatever the Spaniards did, and fancying them to be of heavenly origin, were eager not only to comply 1 312 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST with their demands, but to anticipate their wishes. They offered, accordingly, to accompany Cortes in his march to Mexico, with all the forces of the re- public, under the command of their most experienced captains. As soon therefore as his troops were fit for service, Cortes resolved to continue his march towards IMexico. As he was accompanied by six thousand Tlascalans, he had now the command of forces which resembled a regular army. They directed their course towards Cholula ; Montezuma, who had at length consented to admit the Spaniards into his presence, having in- formed Cortes that he had given orders for his friendly reception there. Cholula was a considerable town, and though only five leagues distant from Tlascala, was formcly an independent state, but had been lately subjected to the Mexican empire. This was considered by all the people of New Spain as a holy place, the sanctuary and chief seat of their god.«, to which pilgrims resorted from every province, and a greater n\imber of human victims were offered in its principal temple than even in that of Mexico. Mon- tezuma seems to have invited the Spaniards thither, either from some superstitious hope that the gods would not suffer this sacred mansion to be defiled, without pouring down their wrath upon those impious strangers, who ventured to insult their power in the place of its peculiar residence ; or from a belief that he himself might there attempt to cut them off with more certain success, under the immediate protection of his divinities. Cortes had been warned by the Tlascalans, before he set out on his march, to keep a watchful eye over the Cholulans. He himself, though received into the town with much seeming respect and cordiality, ob- served several circumstances in their conduct which excited suspicion. Two of the Tlascalans, who were encamped at some distance from the town, as the Cholulans refused to admit their ancient enemi*^j within its precincts, having found ^ jans to enter in OP AMERICA. / 313 ere the in disguise, acquainted Cortes, that they observed e women and children of the principal citizens retiring in great hurry every night ; and that six children had been sacrificed in the chief temple, a rite which indi- cated the execution of some warlike enterprise to be approaching. At the same time, Marina the inter- preter received information from an Indian woman of distinction, whose confidence she had gained, that the destruction of her friends was concerted ; that a body of Mexican troops lay concealed near the town ; that some of the streets were barricaded, and in others pits or deep trendies were dug, and slightly covered over, as traps into which the horses might fall ; that stones or missive weapons were collected on the tops of the temples, with which to overwhelm the infantry j that the fatal hour was now at hand, and their ruin unavoidable. Cortes, alarmed at this concurring evi- dence, secretly arrested three of the chief priests, and extorted from them a confession that confirmed the intelligence which he had received. As not a moment was to be lost, he instantly resolved to prevent his enemies, and to inHict on them such dreadful ven- geance as might strike Montezuma and his subjects with terror. For this purpose, the Spaniards and Zempoallans were drawn up in a large court, which had been allotted for their quarters, near the centre of the town ; the Tlascalans had orders to advance ; the magistrates and several of the chief citizens were sent for, under various pretexts, and seized. On a signal given, the troops rushed out, and fell upon the multi- tude, destitute of leaders, and so much astonished, that the weapons dropping from their hands, they stood motionless, and incapable of defence. While the Spaniards pressed them in front, the Tlascalans attacked them in the rear. The streets were filled with bloodshed and death. The temples, which af- forded a retreat to the priests and some of the leading men, were set on fire, and they perished in the flames. This scene of horror continued two days. At length the carnage ceased, after the slaughter of six thousand 914 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST Cholulans, without the loss of a single Spaniard. Cortes then released the magistrates, and reproaching them bitterly for their intended treachery, declared, that as justice was now appeased, he forgave the of- fence, but required them to recall the citizens who had fied, and re-establish order in the town. Such was the ascendant which the Spaniards had acquired over this superstitious race of men, and so deeply were they impressed with an opinion of their superior discern- ment, as well as power, that, in obedience to tiiis command, the city was in a few days filled again with people, who, amidst the ruins of their sacred buildings, yielded respectful service to men whose hands were stained with the blood of their relations aud fellow- citizens. From Cholula, Cortes advanced directly towards Mexico, which was only twenty leagues distant. In every place through which he passed, he was received as a person possessed of sufficient power to deliver the empire from the oppression under which it groaned ; and the caziques or governors communicated to him all the grievances which they felt under the tyranni al government of Montezuma, with that unreserved con- fidence which men naturally repose in superior beings. When Cortes first observed the seeds of discontent in the remote provinces of the empire, hope dawned upon his mind ; but when he now discovered such symptoms of alienation from their monarch near the seat of government, he concluded that the vital parts of the constitution were affected, and conceived the most sanguine expectations of overturning a state, whose natural strength was thus divided and impaired. While those reflections encouraged the general to persist in his arduous undertaking, the soldiers were no less animated by observations more obvious to their capacity. In descending from the mountains of Chaico, across which the road lay, the vast plain of Mexico opened gradually to their view. When they first beheld this prospect, one of the sr^ost striking and beautiful on the face of the earth ; when they observed _- ..•..■<**.• OP AMERICA. / 315 fertile and cultivated fields i 'etching farther than the eye could reach ; when th ' saw a lake resembling the sea in extent, encompassed with large towns, and discovered the capital city rising upon an island in tiie middle, adorned with its temples and turrets; the scene so far exceeded their imagination, that some believed the fanciful descriptions of romance were realized, and that its enchanted palaces and gilded domes were presented to their sight ; others could hardly persuade themselves that this wonderful spec- tacle was any thing more than a dream. As they advanced, their doubts were removed, but their amaze- ment increased. They were now fully satisfied that the country was rich beyond any conception which they had formed of it, and flattered themselves that at length they should obtam an ample recompense for all their services and sufFenngs. Many messengers a ;ived successively from Mon- tezuma, permitting them one day to advance, requir- ing them on the next to retire, as his hopes or fears alternately prevailed ; and so wonderful was this in- fatuation, which seems to b? unaccountable on any supposition but that of a superstitious dread of the Spaniards, as beings of a superior nature, that Cortes was almost at the gaies of the capital, before the monarch had determined whether to receive him as a friend, or to oppose him as an enemy. When they drew near the city, about a thousand persons, who appeared to be of distJ U'tion, came forth to meet them, adorned with plumes and clad in mantles of fine cotton. Each of these, in his order, passed by Cortes, and s;aluted him according to the mode deemed most respectful and submissive in their country. They announced the apprtach of Monte- zuma himself, and soon after his harbingers came in sight. There appeared first two hundred persons in in uniform dress, with large plumes of feathers, alike in fashion, marching two and two, in deep silence, bare-footed, with their eyes fixed on the ground. These were followed by a company of higher rank^ \ 316 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST in their most showy apparel, in the midst of whom was Montezuma, in a chair or litter richly ornamented with gold and feathers of various colours. Four of his principal favourites carried him on their shoulders, others supported a canopy of curious workmanship over his head. Before hira marched three officers with rods of gold in their hands, which they lifted up on high at certain intervals, and at that signal all the people bowed their heads, and hid their faces, as un- worthy to look on so great a monarch. When he drew near, Cortes dismounted, advancing towards hiiv; with officious haste, and in a respectful posture. At the same time Montezuma alighted from his chair, and leaning on the arms of two of his near relations, approached with a slow and stately pace, his atten- dants covering the street with cotton cloths, that he might not touch the ground. Cortes accosted him with profound reverence, after the European faihion. He returned the salutation, according to the irode of his country, by touching the earth with his hand, and then kissing it. This ceremony, the customary ex- pression of veneration from inferiors towards those who were above them in rank, appear^-d such amazing co'^descension in a proud monarch, who scarcely deigned to consider the rest of mankind as of the same species with himself, that all his subjects firmly believed those persons, before whom he humbled himself in this manner, to be something more than human. Accordingly, as they marched inrough the crowd, the Spaniards frequently, and with much sa- tisfaction, heard themselves denominate i Teuks, or divinities. Nothing material passed in this first inter- view. Montezuma conducted Cortes to the quarters which he had prepared for his reception, and imme- diately took leave of him, with a politeness rot un- worthy of a court more refined. * You are now,* says he, ' with your brothers in your own house ; refresh yourselves after your fatigue, and be happy until I return.' The place allotted to the Spaniards for their lodging was a iiouse built by the father of ii • OF AMERICA. / 317 Montezuma. It was surrounded by a stone wall, with towers at proper distances, which served for de- fence as well as for ornament, and its apartments and courts were so large, as to accommodate both the Spaniards and their Indian allies. The first care of Cortes was to take precautions for his security, by planting the artillery so as to command the different avenues which led to it, by appointing a large division of his troops to be always on guard, and by posting sentinels at proper stations, with injunctions to observe the same vigilant discipline as if they were within sight of an enemy's camp. In the evening, Montezuma returned to visit his guests with the same pomp as in their first interview, and brought presents of such value, not only to Cortes and to his officers, but even to the private men, as proved the liberality of the monarch to be suitable to the opulencc'of his kingdom. A long conference en- sued, in which ('ortes learned wiiat was the opinfon of Montezuma with respect to the Spaniards. It was an established tradition, he told him, amon^, the Mexi- cans, that their ancestors came originally from a remote region, and conquered the provinces now subject to his dominion ; that after they were settled there, the great captain who conducted this colonyj returned to his own country, promising, that at some future period his descendants should visit them, assume the government, and reform their constitution and laws ; that from what he had heard and seen of Cortes and his followers, he was convinced that they were the very persons whose appearance the Mexican tra- ditions and prophecies taught them to expect; that accordingly he had received them, not as strangers, but as relations of the same blood and parentage, and desired that they might consider themselves as masters in his dominions, for both himself and his subjects should be ready to comply with their will, and even to prevent their wishes, Cortes made a reply in his usual style, with respect to the dignity and power of his sovere'^n, and his intention in sending him int'^ .v„. 318 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST :\ that country ; artfully endeavouring so to frame hi^ discourse, that it might coincide as much as possible with the idea which Montezuma had formed concerning]: the origin of the Spaniards. Next morning, Cortes and some of his principal attendants were admitted to a public audience of the emperor. The three subse- quent days were employed in viewing the city, the appearance of which, so far superior in the order of its buildings and ihe number of its inhabitants to any place the Spaniards had beheld in America, and yet 80 little resembling the structu<*e of an European city, filled them with surprise and admiration. Mexico, or Tenuchtitlan, as it was anciently called by the natives, is situated in a large plain, environed by mountains of such height, that, though within the torrid zone, the temperature of its climate is mild and healthful. All the moisture which descends from the high grounds is collected in several lakes, the two largesi of which, of abou* ninety miles in circuit, com- municate with each other. The wafers of the one are fresh, those of the others brackish. On the banks of the latter, and on some small islands adjoining to them, the capital of Montezuma's empire was built. The access to the city was by artificial causeways or streets formed of stones and earth, about thirty feet in breadth. As ihe waters of the lake during the rainy season overflowed the flat country, these causeways were of considerable length. That of Tacuba, on the west, extended a mile and a half; that of Tepeaca, on the north-west, three miles ; that of Cuoyacan, to- wards the south, six miles. On the east there was no causeway, and the city could be approached only by canoes. In each of these causeways were openings at proper intervals, through which the waters flowed, and over these beams of timber were laid, which being covered with earth, the causeway or street had every where an uniform appearance. As the approaches to the city were singular, its construction was remarkable. Not only the temples of their gods, but the houses belonging to the monarch, and to persons of dislinc- OF AMERICA. / 319 ings tion, were of such dimensions, that in comparison with any other buildings which had been hitherto dis- covered in America, they might be termed magnifi- cent. The habitations of the common people were mean, resembling the huts of other Indians. But they were all placed in a regular manner, on the banks of the canals which passed through the city, in some of its districts, or on the sides of the streets which inter- sected it in other quarters. In several places were large openings or squares, one of which, allotted for the great market, is said to have been so spacious, that forty or fifty thousand persons carried on traffic there. In this city, the pride of the New World, and the noblest monument of the industry and art of man, while unacquainted with the use of iron, and destitute of aid from any domestic animal, the Spaniards, who are most moderate in their computations, reckon that there were at least sixty thousand inhabitants. But how much soever the novelty of those objects might amuse or astonish the Spaniards, they felt the utmost solicitude with respect to their own situation. They perceived that, by breaking the bridges placed at certain intervals on the causeways, '^r by destroying part of the causeways themselves, their retreat would be rendered impracticable, and they must remain cooped up in the centre of a hostile city, surrounded by multitudes sufficient to overwhelm them, and with- out a possibility of receiving aid from their allies. Montezuma had, indeed, received them with dis- tinguished respect. But ought they to reckon upon this as real, or to consider it as feigned 1 Even if it were sincere, could they promise on its continuance? I'heir safety depended upon the will of a monarch in whose attachment they had no reason to confide ; and an Older flowing from his caprice, or a word uttered by him in passion, might decide irrevocably concern- ing their fate. These reflections, so obvious as to occur to the meanest soldier, did not escape the vigilant sagacity of their general. Before he set out from Cholula. Cortes 820 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST had received advice from Villa Rica, that Qualpo- poca, one of the Mexican generals on the frontiers, tiaving assembled an army in order to attack some of the people whom the Spaniards had encouraged to throw off the Mexican yoke, Kscalante had marched out with part of the |s:arrison to support his allies ; that an engagement had ensued, in wiiich, th;>ugh the Spani.^h were victorious, P^scalante, with Sv?veti of his men, had been mortally wounded, his horse killed, and one Spaniard had been surrounded by the enemy and taken alive ; that the head of this unfortunate captive, after being carried in triumph to different cities, in order to convince the people that their in- vaders were not immortal, had been sent to Mexico. Cortes, though alarmed with this intelligence, as an indication of Montezuma's hostile intentions, had con- tinued his march. But as soon as he entered Mexico, he became sensible, that, from an excess of confidence in the superior valour and discipline of his troops, as well as from the disadvantage of having nothing to guide him in an unknown country, but the defective intelligence which he had received from people with whom his mode of communication was very imperfect, he had pushed forward into a situation, where it was difficult to continue, and from which it was dangerous to retire. Disgrace, and perhaps ruin, was the certain consequence of attempting the latter. The success ot his enterprise depended upon supporting the high opinion which the people of New Spain had formed with respect to the irresistible power of his arms. Upon the first symptom of timidity on his part, their veneration would cease, and Montezuma, whom fear alone restrained at present, would let loose upon him the whole force of his empire. At the same time, he knew that the countenance of his own sovereign was to be obtained only by a series of victories, and that nothing but the merit of ttxtraordinary success could screen his conduct from the censure of irregularity. From all these considerations, it was necessary to maintain his station, and to extricate himself out of the u OF AMEIUCA. 821 iigh their fear him I, he was that tould irity. ■y to f the difBculties in which one bold step had involved him by ver* ing upon another still bolder. The situation was tryi'g, but his mind was equal to it; and after revolving the matter with deep attention, he fixed upon a ])lan no less extraordinary than daring. He determined to seize Montezuma in his palace, and to carry him as a prisoner to the Spanish quarters. From the superstitious veneration of the Mexicans for the person of their monarch, as well as their implicit sub- mission to his will, he hoped, by having INlontezuma in his power, to acquire the supreme direction of their affairs ; or, at least, with such a sacred pledge in his hands, he made no doubt of being secure from any effort of their violence. This he immediately proposed to his officers. The timid startled at a measure so audacious, and raised objections. The more intelligent and resolute, con- scious that it was the only resource in which there appeared any prospect of safety, warmly approved of it, and brought over their companions so cordially to the same opinion, that it was agreed instantly to make the attempt. At his usual hour of visiting Monte- zuma, Coites went to the palace, accompanied by Alvarado, Sandoval, Li.^^o, Velasquez de Leon, and Daviia, five of his prinjoal officers, and as many trusty soldiers. Thirty chosen men followed, not in regular order, but sauntering at some distance, as if they had no object but curiosity ; small parties were posted at proper intervals, in all the streets leading from the Spanish quarters to the court ; and the re- mainder of his troops, with the Tlascalan allies, were under arms, ready to sally out on the first alarm. Cortes and his attendants were admitted without sus- picion : the Mexicans retiring, as usual, out of respect. He addressed the monar, V" in a tone very different from that which he had employed in former confer- ences, reproaching him bitterly as the author of the violent assault made upon the Spaniards by one of his officers, and demanded public reparation for the loss which they had sus'.h': "' by the death of some of their 2 a 822 \^ DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST companions, as well as for the in^vlt offered to the great prince whose servants they v,i'rv Montezuma, confounded at this unexpected accusation, and chant;- iiig colour, either from consciousness of guilt, or fror.i feeling the indignity with which he was tre&ced, asserted ids own innocence with great earnestness, and, as a proof of it, gave orders mstantly to briug Qualpopoca and his accomplices prisoners to Mexico. Cortes replied, with seemmg complaisance, that a declaration so respectable left no doubt remaining in his own mind, but that something more was requisite to satisfy his followers, who would never be convinced that Montezuma did not harbour hostile intentions against them, unless, as an evidence of his conHdence and attachment, he removed from his own palace, and took up his residence in the Spanish quarters, where he should be served and honoured as became a great monarch. The first mention of so strange a proposal bereaved Montezuma of speech, and almost of motion. At length, indignation gave him utterance, and he haughtily answered, ' That persons of his rank were 0ot accustomed voluntarily to give up themselves as prisoners ; and were he mean enougn to do so, hut subjects would not permit such an aflfrunt to be offered to their sovereign.* Cortes, unwilling to employ force, endeavoured alternately to soothe and to intimidate him. The altercation became warm ; and having continued above three hours, Velasquez de Leon, an impetuous and gallant young man, exclaimcu with impatience, * Why waste more time in vain ? Let us cither seize him instantly, or stab him to the heart.' The threatening voice and fierce gestures with which these words were uttered, struck Montezuma. The Spaniards, he was sensible, had now proceeded so far, as left him no hope that they would recede. His own danger was imminent, the necessity unavoidable. He saw both, and abandoning himself to his fate, com- plied with their request. His officers were called. He communicated to them his resolution. Though astonished and afflicted, they a wj vil t]i OP AMERICA. 323 Ithem they presumed not to question ilie will of tlicir master, Ixit carried him in silent pomp, nil bathed in ientu, to tlic Spanish qiiaiters. Wher it was known that the stran^^ers were conveying iway the emperor, the people broke out into the wildest < inuports of grief and rw^c, ^ wit' mmediate destruction, to ihcir impious audacity. threatening the S m' ' a3 the punishmen ju ^, Uut as soon as iMc >te gaiety of countenai was hushed ; and u^ ■ own choice that he went \ppoared with a seeming va\ (1 his hand, the tumult declaring it to be of his ^ide for some time among his new friends, the multiiude, taught to revere every intimation of their sovereign's pleasure, quietly dis- persed. Montezuma was received in the Spanish quarters with all the ceremonious respect which Cortes had promised. He was attended by his own domestics, and served with his usual state. His principal officers had free access to him, and he carried on every func- tion of government as if he had been at perfect liberty. The Spaniards, however, watched him with the scru- pulous vigilance which was natural in guarding such an important prize, endeavouring at the same time to soothe and reconcile him to his situation, by every external demonstration of regard and attachment. But from cnptive princes the hour of hunnliation and suf- fering is never fur distant. Qualpopoca, his son, and five of the piincipal officers who served under him, were brought prisoners to the capital, in consequence of the orders which Montezuma had issued. The emperor gave them up to Cortes, that he might in- quire into the nature of their crime, and determine their punishment. They were formally tried by a Spanish court-martial ; and though they had acted no other part than what became loyal subjects and brave men, in obeying the orders of their lawful sovereign, and in opposing the invaders of their country, they were condemned to be burnt alive. The unhappy victims were instantly led forth. The pile on which they weie laid was composed of the weapons collected IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ■^'^,V^. 1.0 1^ US ^ m 1^ tii 2.2 I.I nil i 8 1.25 1 '-4 1 1.6 4 ^Uv W '/ Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14S80 (716)872-4303 ^v.A. ^■.,' \\, 324 DiSCOVEEY AND CONQUEST in the royal magazine for the public defence. An innumerable multitude of Mexicans beheld, in silent astonishment, the double insult offered to the majesty of their empire, an officer of distinction committed to the flames by the authority of strangers, for having done what he owed in duty to his natural sovereign ; and the arms provided by the foresight of their an*- cestors for avenging public wrongs, consumed before their eyes. But these were not the most shocking indignities which the Mexicans had to bear. The Spaniards, convinced that Qualpopoca would not have ventured to attack Escalante without orders from his master, were not satisfied with inflicting vengeance on the instrument employed in committing that crime, while the author of it escaped with impunity. Just before Qualpopoca was led out to suffer, Cortes entered the apartment of Montezuma, followed by some of his officers, and a soldier carrying a pair of fetters ; and approaching the monarch with a steia countenance, told him, that as the persons who were now to un- dergo the punishment which they merited, had charged him as the cause of the outrage committed, it was necessary that he likewise should make atonement for that guilt ; then turning away abruptly, without wait- ing for a reply, commanded the soldiers to clap the fetters on his legs. The orders were instantly executed. The disconsolate monarch, trained up with an idea that his person was sacred and inviolable, and con- sidering this profanation of it as the prelude of imme- diate death, broke out into loud lamentations and complaints. His attendants, speechless with horror, fell at his feet, bathing them with their tears ; and bearing up the fetters in their hands, endeavoured with officious tenderness to lighten their pressure. Nor did their grief and despondency abate until Cortes returned from the execution, and with a cheerful countenance ordered the fetters to be taken off". As Montezuma's spirits had sunk with unmanly dejection, they now rose into indecent joy ; and with an unbecoming tran- OF AMERICA. 825 now Itran- With their assistance, the Spanbh carpentere . completed two brigantines, which afforded a fnvolous amuse- ment to the monarch, and were considered by ("ortes as a certain resource, if he should be obliged to retire. Encouraged by so many mstances of the monarch's tame submission to his will , Cortes ventured to put it to a proof still more trying. He urged Monte- zuma to acknowledge himself a vassal of the king of Castile, to hold his crown of him as superior, and to subject his dominions to the payment of an annual tribute. With this requisition, the last and most humbling that can be made to one possessed of sro- vereign authority, Montezuma was so obsequious as to comply. He called together the chief men of his empire, and in a solemn harangue, reminding them of the traditions and prophecies which led them to expect the arrival of a people sprung from the same OP AMERICA. 327 stock with themselves, in order to take oossession of the supreme power, he declared his belief that the Spaniards were this promised race ; that therefore he recognised the right of their monarch to govern the Mexican empire ; that he would lay his crown at his feet, and obey him as a tributary. While uttering these words, Montezuma discovered how deeply he was affected in makincr such a sacrifice. Tears and groans frequently interrupted his discourse. Overawed and broken as his spirit was, it still retained such a sense of dignity, as to feel that pang which pierces the heart of princes when constrained to resign inde- pendent power. The first mention of such a resolu- tion struck the assembly dumb with astonishment. This was followed by a sudden murmur of sorrow, mingled with indignation, which indicated some vio- lent eruption of rage to be near at hand. This Cortes foresaw, and seasonably interposed to prevent it, by declaring that his master had no intention to deprive Montezuma of the royal dignity, or to make any in- novation upca the constitution and laws of the Mexi- can empire. This assurance, added to their dread of the Spanish power, and to the authority of their monarch's example, extorted a reluctant consent from the assembly. The act of submission and homage was executed with all the formalities which the Spa- niards were pleased to prescribe. Montezuma, at the desire of Cortes, accompanied this profession of fealty and homage with a magnifi- cent present to his new sovereign ; and after his ex- ample, his subjects brought in very liberal .contribu- tions. The Spaniards now collected all the treasure which had been either voluntarily bestowed upon them at different times by Montezuma, or had been extorted from his people under various pretexts ; and having melted the gold and silver, the value of these, without including jewels and ornaments of various kinds which were preserved on account of their curious workmanship, amounted to six hundred thousand vesits. The soldiers were impatient to have it divided> w 828 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST and Cortes eomplied with their desire. A fifth of the whole was firat set apart as the tax due to the kbg. Another fifth was allotted to Cortes as com- mander-in* chief. The sums advanced by Vela bable those concealments were not of great conse- quence. The total sum amassed by the Spaniards bears no proportion to the ideas which might be formed, either by reflecting on the descriptions given by historians 4>f the ancient splendour of Mexico, or by considering the productions of its mines in modern times. But among the ancient Mexicans, gold and silver were not the standards by which the worth of other commo- ditiet was estimated. They were altogether unac- OP AMERICA. 320 quaiQted with the art of working the rich mines with which their country abounded. What gold they had was gathered in the beds of rivers, native, and ripened into a pure metallic state. The utmost effort of their labour in search of it was to wash the earth carried down by torrents from the mountains, and to pick out the grains of gold which subsided; and even this simple operation, according to the report of the per- sons whom Cortes appointed to survey the provinces where there was a prospect of finding mines, they performed very unskilfully. From all those causes, the whole mass of gold in possession of the Mexicans was not great. As silver is rarely found pure, and the Mexican art was too rude to conduct the process for refining it in a proper manner, the quantity of this metal was still less considerable. Thus, though the Spaniards had exerted all the power which they pos- sessed in Mexico, and often with indecent rapacity, in order to gratify their predominant passion, and though Montezuma had fondly exhausted his treasures, in hopes of satiating their thirst for gold, the product of both, which probably included a great part of the bullion in the empire, did net rise in value above what has been mentioned. But however pliant Montezuma might be in other matters, with respect to one point he was inflexible. Though Cortes often urged him, with the importunate zeal of a missionary, to renounce his false gods, and to embrace the Christian faith, he always rejected the Proposition with horror. Superstition, among the lexicans, was formed into such a regular and com- Elete system, that its institutions naturally took fast old of the mind ; and while the rude tribes in other parts of America were easily induced to relinquish a few notions and rites, so loose and arbitrary as hardly to merit the name of a public religion, the Mexicans adhered tenaciously to their mode of worship, which, however barbarous, was accompanied with such order and solemnity as to render it an object of the highest veneration. Cortes, finding all his attempts ineffec* 890 DISCOVBRY AND CONQUEST tual to shake the constancy of Montezuma, was so much enraged at his obstinacy, that in a transport of zeal he led out his soldiers to throw down the idols in the grand temple by force. But the priests taking arms in defence of their altars, and the people crowding with great ardour to support them, Cortes's prudence overruled iiis zeal, and mduced him to desist from his rash attempt, after dislodging the idols from one of the shrines, and placing in their stead an image of the Virgin Mary. From that moment the Mexicans, who had per- mitted the imprisonment of their sovereign, and suf- fered the exactions of strangers without a struggle, began to meditate how they might expel or destroy Ihe Spaniards, and thought themselves called upon to avenge their insulted deities. The priests and leading men held frequent consultations with Montezuma for this purpose. But as it might prove fatal to the cap- tive monarch to attempt either the one or the other by violence, he was wilting to try more gentle means. Having called Cortes into his presence, he observed, that now, as all the purposes of his embassy were fully accomplished, the gods had declared their will, and the people signified their desire, that he and his fol- lowers should instantly depart out of the empire. With this he required them to comply, or unavoidable destruction would fall suddenly on their heads. The tenor of this unexpected requisition, as well as the determined tone in which it was uttered, left Cortes 00 room to doubt that it was the result of some deep scheme concerted between Montezuma and his sub- jects. He quickly perceived that he might derive more advantage from a seeming compliance with the monarch's inclination, than from an ill-timed attempt to change or to oppose it ; and replied, with great composure, that he had already begun to prepare for returning to his own country ; but as he had destroyed the vessels in which he arrived, some time was requi- site for building other ships. This appeared reason- able. A numl^r of Mexicans were sent to Vera Cruz OF AMERICA. S31 to cut down timber, and some Spanish carpenters were appointed to superintend the work. Cortes flattered himself, that during this interval he might either find means to avert the threatened danger, or receive such reinforcements as would enable him to despise it. Almost nine months were elapsed since Fortocarrero and Montejo had sailed with his despatches to Spain ; and he daily expected their return with a confirmation of his authority from the king. Without this, his condition was insecure and precarious ; and after all the great things which he had done, it might be his doom to bear the name and suffer the punishment of a traitor. While he remained in this state of suspense, anxious about what was past, uncertain with respect to the future, and by the late declaration of Montezuma oppressed with a new addition of cares, a Mexican courier arrived with an account of some ships having appeared on the coast. Cortes with fond credulity imagining that his messengers were returned from Spain, and that the completion of all his wishes and hopes was at hand, imparted the glad tidings to his companions, who received them with transports of mutual gratulation. Their joy was not of long con- tinuance. A courier from Sandoval, whr Cortes had appointed to succeed Escalante in coiui.-and at Vera Cruz, brought certain information that the arma- ment was fitted out by Velasquez, governor of Cuba, and instead of bringing the aid which they expected, threatened them with immediate destruction. The motives which prompted Velasquez to this violent measure are obvious. From the circumstances of Cortes's departure, it was impossible not to suspect his intention of throwing off all dependance upon him. His neglecting to transmit any account of his opera- tions to Cuba strengthened this suspicion, which was at last confirmed beyond doubt, by the indiscretion of the ofiicers whom Cortes sent to Spain. They, from some motive which is not clearly explained by the contemporary historians, touched at the island of '^ SS2 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST Cuba, contrary to the peremptory orders of their ge- neral. By this means Velasquez not only learned that Cortes and his followers, after formally re- nouncing all connexion with him, had established an independent colony in New Spain, and were soliciting the king to confirm their proceedings by his authority ; but he obtained particular information concerning tho opulence of the country, the valuable presents which Cortes had received, and the inviting prospects of success that opened to his view. All these circum- stances excited him to make an extraordinary effort in order to be avenged on the author of his wrongs, and to wrest from him his usurped authority and conquests. Nor did he want the appearance of a good title to justify such an attempt. The agent whom he sent to Spain with an account of Grijalva's voyage, had met with a most favourable reception ; and from the spe- cimens which he producedi such high expectations were formed concerning the opulence of New Spain, that Velasquez was authorized to prosecute the dis- covery of the country, and appointed governor of it during life, with more extensive power and privileges than had been granted to any adventurer from the time of Columbus. Elated by this distinguishing mark of favour, and warranted to consider Cortes not only as intruding upon his jurisdiction, but as disobedient to the royal mandate, he determined to vindicate his own rights, and the honour of his sovereign, by force of arms. In a short time an armament was com- pleted, consisting of eighteen ships, which had on Doard fourscore horsemen, eight hundred foot soldiers, of which eighty v.ere musketeers, and a hundred and twenty cross-bow men, together with a train of twelve pieces of cannon. As Velasquez's experience of tlie fatal consequence of committing to another what he ought to have executed himself, had not rendered him more enterprising, he vested the command of this formidable body, which, in the infancy of the Spanish power in Amenca, merits the appellation of an army, in Pamphilo de Narvaez, witn instructions to seize OF AMERICA. US Cortes and his principal officers, to send them pri- soners to him, and then to complete the discovery and conquest of the country in his name. After a prosperous voyage, Narvaez landed his men without opposition near St. Juan de Ulua. Three soldiers, whom Cortes had sent to search for mines in that district, immediately joined him. By this acci- dent he not only received information concerning the progress and situation of Cortes, but as these soldiers had made some progress in the knowledge of the Mexican language, he acquired interpreters, by whose means he was enabled to hold some intercourse with the people of the country. But, according to the low cunning of deserters, they framed their intelligence with more attention to what they thought 'would be agreeable, than to what they knew to be true ; and represented the situation of Cortes to be so desperate^ and the disaffection of his followers to be so general, as increased the natural confidence and presumption of Narvaez. His first operation, however, might have taught him not to rely on their partial accounts. Having sent to summon the governor of Vera Cruz to surrender, Guevara, a priest whom he employed in that service, made the requisition with such insolence, that Sandoval, an officer of high spirit, and zealously attached to Cortes, instead of complying wifh his de- mands, seized him and his attendants, and sent them in chains to Mexico. Cortes received ihem, not like enemies, but as friends, and condemning the severity of Sandoval, set them immediately at liberty. By this well-timed clemency, seconded by caresses and presents, he gained their confidence, and drew from them such particulars concerning the force and intentions of Nar- vaez, as gave him a view of the impending danger in its full extent. He had not to contend now with half- naked Indians, no match for him in war, and still more inferior in the arts of policy, but to take the field against an army in courage and martial discipline e([ual to his own, in number far superior, acting under w 331 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST the sanction of royal authority, and commanded by an officer of known bravery, fie was informed that Narvaez, more solicitous to gratify the resentment of Velasquez, than attentive to the honour or interest of his country, had begun. his intercourse with the natives, by representing him and his followers as fugitives and outlaws, guilty of rebellion against their own sove- reign, and of injustice in invading the Mexican em- pire ; and had declared that his chief object in visiting the country was to punish the Spaniards who hr\(l committed these crimes, and to rescue the Mexicans from oppression, lie soon perceived that the same unfavourable representations 'of his character and ac- tions had been conveyed to Montezuma, and that Narvaez had found means to assure him, that as the conduct of those who kept him under restraint was highly diiipleasing to the king his master, lie had it in charge not only to rescue an injured monarch from confinement, but to reinstate him in the possession of his ancient power and independence. Animated with this prospect of being set free from subjection to strangers, the Mexicans in several provinces began openly to revolt from Cortes, and to regard Narvaez as a deliverer no l6ss able than willing to save them. Montezuma himself kept up a secret intercourse with the new commander, and seemed to court him as a person superior in power and dignity to those Spaniards whom he had hitherto revered as the first of men. Such were the various aspects of danger and diffi- culty which presented themselves to the view of Cortes. After revolvmg every scheme with deep attention, he fixed upon that which in execution was most hazard- ous, but, if successful, would prove most beneficial to himself and to his country ; and with the decisive in- trepidity suited to desperate situations, determined to make one bold eflbrt for victory under every disad- vantage, rather than sacrifice his own conquests and the Spanish interests in Mexico. But though he foresaw that the contest must be terminated finally by arms, it would have been not OP AMERICA. 335 ust be in not only indecent, but criminal, to have marched again«t his countrymen, without attempting to adjust matters by an amicable negotiation. In this service he em- ployed Olmedo, his chaplain, to whose character the function was well suited, and who possessed, besides, such prudence and address as qualiticd him to carry on the secret intrigues in which Cortes placed his chief confidence. Narvaez rejected, with scorn, every scheme of accommodacion that Olmedo proposedf, and was with difficulty restrained from laying violent hands on him and his attendants. He met, however, with a more favourable reception among the followers of Narvaez, to many of whom he delivered letters, and presents of rings and chains of gold either from Cortes or his officers, their ancient friends and com- panions. Cortes, it is probable, was not much sur- prised at the untractable arrogance of Narvaez ; and, after having given such a proof of his own pacific disposition as might justify his recourse to other means, he determined to advance towards an enemy whom he had laboured in vain to appease. He left a hundred and fifty men in the capital, under the command of Pedro de Alvarado, an officer of distinguished courage, for whom the Mexicans had conceived a singular degree of respect. To the cus- tody of this slender garrison he committed a great city, with all the wealth he had amassed, and, what was still of greater importance, the person of the im- prisoned monarch. His utmost art was employed in concealing from Montezuma the real cause of his march. He laboured to persuade him, that the strangers who had lately arnved were his friends and fellow-subjects ; and that, after a short interview with them, they would depart together, and return to their own country. The captive prince, unable to com- prehend the designs of the Spaniards, or to reconcile what he now heard with the declarations of Narvaez, and afraid to discover any symptom of suspicion or distrust of Cortes, promised to remain quietly in the Spanish quarters, and to cultivate the same friendshio \\ 836 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST with Alvarado which he had uniformly maintained with him. Cortes, with seeming confidence in this promise, but relying principally upon the injunctions which he had given Alvarado to guard his prisoner with the most scrupulous vigilance, set out from Iviexico. His strength, even after it was reinforced by the junction of Sandoval and the garrison of Vera Cruz, did not exceed two hundred and titty men. As he hoped for success chiefly from the rapidity of his mo- tions, his troops were not encumbered either with ^^gg^gc or artillery. But as he dreaded extremely the impression which the enemy might make with their cavalry, he had provided against this danger with the foresight and sagacity which distinguish a great commander. Having observed that the lu- dians in the province of Chinantla used spears of ex- traordinary length and force, he armed his soldiers with these, and accustomed them to that deep and compact arrangement which the use of this formidable weapon, the best perhaps that ever was invented for defence, enabled them to assume. With this small but firm battalion, Cortes advanced towards Zempoalla, of which Narvaez had taken pos- session. During his march, he made repeated at- tempts towards some accommodation with his op- ponent, and the intercourse which this occasioned between the two parties proved of no small advantage to Cortes, as it afforded him an opportunity of gaining some of Narvaez's officers by liberal presents, of softening others by a semblance of moderation, and of dazzling all by the appearance of wealth among his troops, most of his soldiers having converted their share of the Mexican gold into chains, bracelets, and other orniments, which they displayed with military ostentation. Narvaez and a little junto of his crea- tures excepted, all the army leaned towards an ac- commodation with their countrymen. This discovery nf thA innlinatmn temper of Narvaez almost to madness. In a transport OP AMERICA. 937 intained in this inctioDs prisoner It from by the a Cruz, As he his mo- er with :tremely ,ke with danger tinguish the lii- s of ex- soldiers eep and midable nted for Ivanced en pos- ited at- lis op- asioned vantage gaining bints, of and of kong his d their ets, and military is crea- an ac- scovery violent ransport of rage, he set a price upon the head of Cortes, and of his principal oHficers ; and having learned that he was now advanced within a league of Zempoalla with his small body of men, he considered thb as an insult which merited immediate chastisement, and marched out with all his troops to offer him battle. But Cortes was a leader of greater abilities and ex- perience than, on equal ground, to fight an enemy so far superior in number, and so much better appointed. Having taken his station on the opposite bank of the river de Canoas, where he knew that he could not be attacked, he beheld ♦^^e approach of the enemy with- out concern, and (iisregarded this vain bravado. It was then the beginning of the wet season, and the rain had poured down, during a great part of the day, with the violence peculiar to the torrid zone. The followers of Narvaez murmured so much at being thus fruitlessly exposed, that their general permitted them to retire to Zempoalla. The very circumstance which induced them to quit the field, encouraged Cortes to form a scheme by which he hoped at once to terminate the war. He observed, that his hirdy veterans, though standing under the torrents which continued to fall, without a single tent or any shelter whatsoever to cover them, were so far from repining at hardships which were become familiar to them, that they were still fresh and alert for service. He foresaw that the enemy would naturally give them- selves up to repose after their fatigue, and that, judg- ing of the conduct of others by their own effeminacy, they would deem themselves perfectly secure at a season so unfit for action. He resolved, therefore, to fall upon them in the dead of night, when the sur prise and terror of this unexpected attack might more than compensate the inferiority of his numbers. He divided his little army into three parties. At the head of the first he placed Sandoval ; intrusting this gallant officer with the important service of seizing the ene- my's artillery, which was planted before the principal tower of the temple, where Narvaez had fixed bis 2 B \v 838 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST head-quarters. Christoval de Olid commanded the second, with orders to assault the tower, and lay hold on the general. Cortes himself conducted the third and smallest division, which was to act as a body of reserve, and to support the other two as there should be occasion. Having passed the river de Cauoas, which was much swelled with the rains, not without difficulty, the water reaching almost to their chins, they advanced in profound silence, without beat of drum, or sound of any warlike instrument: each man armed with his sword, his dagger, and his Chinautlan spear. Narvaez, remiss in proportion to his security, had posted only two sentinels to watch the motions of an enemy whom he had such good cause to dread. One of these was seized by the ad- vanced guard of Cortes*s troops, the other made his escape, and hurrying to the town with all the preci- pitation of fear and zeal, gave such timely notice of the enemy's approach, that there was full leisure to have prepared for their reception. ,But through the arrogance and infatuation of Narvaez, this important interval was lust. He imputed this alarm to the cowardice of the sentinel, and treated with derision the idea of being attacked by forces so unequal to his own. The shouts of Cortes's soldiers, rushing on to the assault, convinced him at last that the danger which he despised was real. The rapidity with which they advanced was such, that only one cannon could be fired before Sandoval's party closed with the enemy, drove them from their guns, and began to force their way up the steps of the tower. Narvaez, no less brave in action than presumptuous in conduct, armed himself in haste, and by his voice and example ani- mated his men to the combat. Olid advanced to sustain his companions ; and Cortes himself, rushing to the front, conducted and added new vigour to the attack. The compact order in which this small body pressed on, and the impenetrable front which they presented with their long spears, bore down all oppo- sition before it. They had now reached the gate. OF AMERICA. 339 i the rhold third )dy of hould uioas, ithout ; chins, leat of each id his tion to watch 1 good he ad- ade his J preci- Dtice of isure to igh the po riant to the erision [ual to ling on danger which could [enem^r, :e their I no less , armed }le ani- iced to [rushing to the |ill body 3h they il oppo- se gate, and were Rtrugghng to burst it open, when a soldier having set fire to the reeds with which tb'i tower was covered, compelled Narvaez to sally out. In the first encounter he was wounded in the eye with a spear, and, falling to the ground, was dragged down the steps, and in a moment clapt in fetters. 'I'he cry of victory resounded among the troops of Cortes. Those who had sallied out with their leader now maintained the conflict feebly, and began to surren- der. Among the remainder of his soldiers, stationed in two smaller toWers of the temple, terror and con- fusion prevailed. The darkness was so great, that they could not distingfuish between their friends and foes. Their own artillery was pointed against them. Wherever they turned their eyes, they beheld lights gleaming through the obscurity of night, which, though proceeding only from a variety of shining insects that abound in moist and sultry climates, their affrighted imaginations represented as numerous bands of musketeers advancing with kindled matches to th6 attack. After a short resistance, the soldiers com- pelled their officers to capitulate, and before morning all laid down their arms, and submitted quietly to their conquerors. This complete victory proved more acceptable, as it was gained almost without bloodshed, only two soldiers being killed on the side of Cortes, and twO officers, with fifteen private men, of the adverse fac- tion. Cortes treated the vanquished not like ene- mies, but as countrymen and friends, and offered either to send them back directly to Cuba, or to take them into his service, as partners in his fortune, on equal terms with his own soldiers. This latter pro- position, seconded by a seasonable distribution of some presents from Cortes, and liberal promises of more, opened prospects so agreeable to the romantic expectations which had invited them to engage in this service, that all, a few partisans of Narvaez ex- cepted, closed with it, and vied with each other in professions of fidelity and attachment to a general. S43 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST whose recent success had givea them such a striking proof of his abilities for command. In one point, especially, the prudent conduct and good fortune of Cortes were equally conspicuous. If» by the rapidity of his operations after be began his inarch, he had not brought matters to such a speedy i!«sue, even this decisive victory would have come too late to have saved his companions whom he left in Mexico. A few days after the discomfiture of Nar- V3ez, a courier arrived with an account that the Mexi- cans had taken arm?, and having seized and destroyed the two brigantines which Cortes had built in order to secure the command of the lake, and attacked the Spaniards in their quarters, had killed several of them, and wounded more, had reduced to ashes their maga- zine of provisions, and carried on hostilities with such fury, that though Alvarado and his men defended themselves with undaunted resolution, they must either be soon cut off by famine, or sink under the multitude of their enemies. This revolt was excited by motives which rendered it still more alarming. On the de- parture of Cortes for Zeropoalla, the Mexicans flattered themselves, that the long-expected opportunity of restoring their sovereign to liberty, and of vindicating their country from the odious dominion of strangers, was at length arrived ; that while the forces of their oppressors were divided, and the arms of one party turned against the other, they might triumph with greater facility over both. Consultations were held, and schemes formed with this intention. The Spa- niards in Mexico, conscious of their own feebleness, suspected and dreaded those machinations. Alvarado, though a gallant officer, possessed neither that extent of capacity, nor dignity of manners, by which Cortes had acquired such an ascendant over the minds of the Mexicans, as never allowed them to form a just esti- mate of his weakness or of their own strength. Alva- rado knew no mode of supporting his authority but ftxrna Tnctaa/I nf omnlnvinrr aHrlraea tn HiCPnnoArt the plans, or to soothe the spirits, of the Mexicans he OP AMERICA. t4l waited the return of one ot their solemn festivals, when the principal persons in the empire were dancing*, according to custom, in the court of the great temple ; he seized all the avenues which led to it, and, allured partly by the rich ornaments which the;^ wore in honour of their gods, and partly by the facility of cut- ting off at once the authors o/^that conspiracy which he dreaded, he fell upon them, unarmed and unsus- picious of any danger, and ma»(sacred a great number, none escaping but such as made their way over the battlements of the temple. An action so cruel and treacherous filled not only the city, but the whole empire, with indignation and rage. All called aloud for vengeance ; and regardle:^ of the safety of their monarch, whose life was at the mercy of th'a many rs which lis arms, speedily with un- trance as ihing his empire to Uruz was id. The ice. On , and in- is, Cortes the com- er to that centre ot i capital ; i, as well le did not been de- an chiefs r them so J was se- ire of the munition, s at Vera ence with and Ja* ise horses, he knew luction ot M of the tuntains ol antines, so iady to be in need of vas irking those necessary steps towards the execution of bis measures, an obstacle arose in a quarter where it was least expected, but most formidable. The spirit of discontent and mutiny broke out in his own army. Many of Narvaez's followers were planters rather than soldiers, and had accompanied him to New Spain with sanguine hopes of obtaining settlements, but with little inclination to engage in the hardships and dangers of war. As soon as they discovered the intention of Cortes, they began secretly to murmur and cabal, and waxing gradually more audacious, they, in a body, offered a remonstrance to their gene- ral against the imprudence of attacking a powerful empire with his shattered forces, and formally required him to lead them back directly to Cuba. Though Cortes, long practised in the arts of command, em- ployed arguments, entreaties, and presents, to convince or to soothe them ; though his own soldiers, animated with the spirit of their leader, warmly seconded his endeavours ; he found their fears too violent and deep-rooted to be removed, and the utmost he could effect was to prevail with them to defer their depar- ture for some time, on a promise that he would, at a more proper juncture, dismiss such as should desire it. That the malcontents might have no leisure to brood over the causes of their disaffection, he re- solved instantly to call forth his troops into action. He proposed to chastise the people of Tepeaca for the outrage which they had committed, and as the de- tachment which they had cutoff happened to be com- posed mostly of soldiers who had served under Narvaez, their companions, from the desire of ven- geance, engaged the more willingly in this war. He took the command in person, accompanied by a numerous body of Tlascalans, and in tlie space of a few weeks, after various encounters, with great slaughter of the Tepeacans, reduced that province to subjection. During several months, while he waited for the supplies of men and ammunition tvhich he expected, and was carrying on his prepaatious for 2 c 354 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST constructing the brigantines, he kept his troops con- stantly employed in various expeditions against the adjacent provinces, all of which were conducted with an uniform tenor of success. By these, his men be- came again accustomed to victory, and resumed their wonted sense of superiority ; the Mexican power was weakened ; the Tlascalan warriors acquired the habit of acting in conjunction with the Spaniards ; and the chiefs of the republic, delighted to see their country enriched with the spoils of ail the people around them, and astonished every day with fresh discoveries of the irresistible prowess of their allies, declined no effort requisite to support them. All those preparatory arrangements, however, though the most prudent and efficacious which the situation of Cortes allowed him to make, would have been of little avail without a reinforcement of Spanish soldiers. Of this he was so deeply sensible, that it was the chief object of his thoughts and wishes ; and yet his only prospect of obtaining it, from the return of the officer whom he had sent to the isles to solicit aid, was both distant and uncertain. But what neither his own sagacity nor power could have pro- cured, he owed to a series of fortu'i ~te and unforeseen incidents. The governor of Cuba, to whom the suc- cess of Narvaez appeared an event of infallible cer- tainty, having sent two small ships after him with new instructions, and a supply of men and military stores, the officer whom Cortes had appointed to command on the coast artfully decoyed them into the harbour of Vera Cruz, seized the vessels, and easily persuaded the soldiers to follow the standard of a more able leader than him who they were destined to join. Soon after, three ships of more considerable force came into the harbour separately. These belonged to an armament fitted out by Francisco de Garay, governor of Jamaica, who, being possessed with the rage of discovery and conquest which animated every Spaniard settled in America, had long aimed at in- truding into some district of New Spam, and dividing OF AMERICA. 855 ►pa con- jDst the ted with men be- led their wer was he habit and the country nd them, es of the no effort " ■ ■« however, hich the luld have [ Spanish e, that it hes; and he return to solicit Jut what lave pro- nforeseen I the suc- iUble cer- with new iry stores, command harbour persuaded nore able to join, ible force belonged de Garay, d with the ated every ned at in- id dividing .with Cortes the glory and gain of annexing that em- pire to the crowQ of Casule. They unadvisedly made their attempt on the northern provinces, whera the country was poor, and the people fierce and war- like ; and after a cruel succession of disasters, famine compelled them to venture into Vera Cruz, and cast themselves upon the mercy of their countrymen. Their fidelity was not proof against the splendid hopes and promises which had seduced other adventurers, and, as if the spirit of revolt had been contagious in New Spain, they likewise abandoned the master whom they were bound to serve, and enlisted under Cortes. Nor was it America alone that furnished such unexpected aid ; a ship arrived from Spain, freighted by some private merchants with military stores, in hopes of a profitable market in a country, the fame of whose opulence began to spread over £urope. Cortes eagerly purchased a cargo which to him was invaluable, and the crew, following the gene* ral example, joined him at Tlascala. From those various quarters, the army of Cortes was augmented with a hundred and eighty men, and twenty horses. The first effect of this junction with his new followers was to enable him to dismiss such ofNarvaez's soldiers as remained with reluctance in his service. After their departure, he still mustered five hundred and fifty infantry, of which fourscore were armed with musquets or cross-bows, forty horse- men, and a train of nine field-pieces. At the head of these, accompanied by ten thousand Tlascalans and other friendly Indians, Cortes began his march to- wards Mexico, on the 28th of December, 1520, six months after his disastrous retreat from that city. Nor did he advance to attack an enemy unprepared to receive him. Upon the death of Montezuma, the Mexican chiefs, in whom the right of electing the emperor was vested, had instantly raised his brother Quetlavaca to the throne. His avowed and inveteraie enmity to the Spaniards would have been sufficient to S56 DISCOVERY AND CONQUKST gain their suffrages, although he had been less (lis* tinguished for courage and capacity. As, from tha vicinity of Tlascala, he could not be unacquainted with the motions and intentions of Cortes, he observed the storm that was gathering, and began early to pro- vide against it. He repaired what the Spaniards had ruined in the city, and strengthened it with such new fortifications as the skill of his subjects was capable of erecting. Besides filling his magazines with the usual weapons of war, he gave directions to make long spears he^aed with the swords and daggers taken from the Spaniards, in order to annoy the cavalry. He sum- moned the people in every province of the empire to take arms against their oppressors, and as an encou- ragen^ent to exert themselves with vigour, he promised them exemption from all the taxes which his prede- cessors had imposed. But what he laboured with the greatest earnestness was, to deprive the Spaniards of the advantages which they derived from the friendship of the Tlascalans, by endeavouring to persuade that people to renounce all connexion with men, who were not only avowed enemies of the gods whom they wor- shipped, but who would not fail to subject them at last to the same yoke, which they were now inconsiderately lending their aid to impose upon others. These re- presentations, no less striking than well-founded, were urged so forcibly by his ambassadors, that it required all the address of Cortes to prevent their making a dangerous impression. But while Quetlavaca was arranging his plan of defence, with a degree of foresight uncommon in an American, his days were cut short by the small-pox. This distemper, which raged at that time in New Spain with fatal malignity, was unknown in that quarter ot the globe until it was introduced by the Europeans, and may be reckoned among the greatest calamities brought upon them by their invaders. In his stead the Mexicans raised to the throne Guatimozin, nephew and son-in-law of Montezuma, a young man of such OP AMERICA. 357 an of in an 1-pox. Spain irter ot >f ciml "- avtx<> high reputation for abilities and valour, that in this dangerous crisis his countrymen, with one voice, called him to the supreme command. As soon as Cortes entered the enemy's territories, in 1521, he discovered various preparations to obstruct his progress. But his troops forced their way with little difficulty, and took possession of Tezeuco, the second city of the empire, situated on the banks of the lake, about twenty miles from Mexico. Here he de- termined to establish his head -quarters, as the most proper station for launching his brigantines, as well as for making his approaches to the capital. In order to render his residence there more secure, he deposed the cazique or chief who was at the head of that com- munity, under pretext of some defect in his title, and substituted in his place a person whom a faction of the nobles pointed out as the right heir of that dignity. Attached to him by this benefit, the new cazique and his adherents served the Spaniards with inviolable fidelity. As the preparations for constructing the brigantines advanced slowly under tli% unskilful hands of soldiers and Indians, whom Cortes was obliged to employ in assisting three or four carpenters who happened for- tunately to be in his service, and as he had not yet received the reinforcement which he expected from Hispaniola, he was not in a condition to turn his arms directly against the capital. Three months elapsed before the materials for the brigantines were finished, and before he heard any thing with respect to the success of the officer whom he had sent to Hispaniola. This, however, was not a season of inaction to Cortes. He attacked successively several of the towns situated around the lake ; and though all the Mexican power was exerted to obstruct his operations, he either com- pelled them to submit to the Spanish crown, or reduced them to ruins. The inhabitants of other towns he endeavoured to conciliate by more erentle means. Most of the cities adjacent to Mexico were originally the capitals of small independent states,; and some pf 858 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST them, having been but lately annexed to the Mexican empire, still retained the remembrance of their ancient liberty, and bore with impatience the rigorous yoke of their new roasters. Cortes, having early observed symptoms of their disaffection, availed himself of this knowledge to gain their confidence and friendship. By offering with confidence to deliver them from the odious dominion of the Mexicans, and by liberal promises of more indulgent treatment if they would unite with him against their oppressors, he prevailed on the people of several considerable districts, not only to acknowledge the king of Castile as their sovereign, but to supply the Spanish camp with provisions, and to strengthen his army with auxiliary troops. Guati- mozio, on the first appearance of detection among his subjects, exerted himself with vigour to prevent or to punish their revolt; but, in spite of his efforts, the spirit continued to spread. The Spaniards gradually acquired new allies, and with deep concern he beheld Cortes arming against his empire those very hands which ought to have been active in its defence ; and ready to advance against tife capital at the head of a numerous body of his own subjects. While, by those various methods, Cortes was gra- dually circumscribing the Mexican power in sucn a manner that his prospect of overturning it seemed neither to be uncertain nor remote, all his schemes were well nigh defeated by a conspiracy no less un- expected than dangerous. The soldiers of Narvaez had never united perfectly with the original compa- nions of Cortes, nor did they enter into his measures with the same cordial zeal. Upon every occasion that required any extraordinary enbrt of courage or ot patience, their spirits were apt to sink ; and now, on a near view of what they had to encounter, in attempting to reduce a city so inaccessible as Mexico, and de- fended by a numerous army, the lesolution even ot those among them who had adhered to Cortes when tiA txiaa Aaaorttui Ktr tkoir naoApiatoa Vmcran in foil. Their fears led them to presumptuous and unsoldier- OF AMERICA. 359 [exican Bincient yoke of t>served of this ndship. om the liberal r would 'evailed tot only ^ereign» ns, and Guati- kong his nt or to irts, the 'adually i beheld f hands e; and ad of a iras era- such a seemed ichemes less un- ^arvaez compa- leasures ion that or ot w, on a smpting ind de- even ot s when to fail* soldier- like discussions concerning the propriety of their general's measures, and the improbability of their success. From these they proceeded to censure and invectives, and at last began to deliberate how they might provide for their own safety, of which they deemed their commander to be totally negligent. Antonio Villefagna, a private soldier, but bold, in- triguing, and strongly attached to Velasquez, artfully fomented this growing spirit of disaffection. His quarters became the rendezvous of the malcontents, where, after many consultations, they could discover no method of checking Cortes in his career, but by assassinating him and his most considerable officers, and conferring the command upon some person who would relinquish his wild plans, and adopt measures more consistent with the general security. The hour for perpetrating the crime, the persons whom they destmed as victims, the officers to succeed them in command, were all named ; and the conspirators signed an association, by which they bound themselves with most solemn oaths to mutual fidelity. But on the evening before the appointed day, one of Cortes's ancient followers, who had been seduced into the conspiracy, touched with compunction at the immi- nent danger of a man whom he had long been accus- tomed to revere, or struck with horror at his own treachery, went privately to his general, and revealed to him all that he knew. Cortes, though deeply alarmed, discerned at once what conduct was proper in a situation so critical. He repaired instantly to Villefagna's quarters, accompanied by some of his most trusty officers. The astonishment and confusion of the man at this unexpected visit anticipated the confession of his guilt. Cortes, while his attendants seized the traitor, snatched from his bosom a paper containing the association, signed by the conspirators. Impatient to know how far the defection extended, he retired to read it, and found there names which filled Ath -iim witn surprise and sorrow. £>ut aware how dan- gerous a strict scrutiny might prove at such a juncture* w SCO DISCOVRRY AND CONQUEST tie confined his judicial inquiries to Villefagna alono. As the proofs of his guilt were manifest, he was con- demned after a short trial, and next morning he was seen hanging before the door of the house in which he had lodged. Cortes called his troops together, and having explained to them the atrocious purpose of the conspirators, as well as ihe justice of the punishment inflicted on V^illufagna, he added, with an appearance of satisfaction, that he was entirely ignorant with re- fipect to all the circumstances of this dark transaction, as the traitor, when arrested, had suddenly torn and swallowed a paper which probably contdin«^d an ac- count of it, and under the severest tortures possessed such constancy as to conceal the names of his accom- plices. This artful declaration restored tranquillity to many a breast that was throbbing, while he spoke, with consciousness of guilt and dread of detection ; and by this prudent moderation, Cortes had the ad* vantage of having discovered, and of being able to observe, such of his followers as were disaffected ; while they, flattering themselves that tiieir past crime was unknown, endeavoured to avert any suspicion of it, by redoubling their activity and zeal in his service. . Cortes did not allow them leisure to ruminate on what had happened ; and, as the most efTuctual means of preventing the return of a mutinous spirit, he determmed to call forth his troops immediately to action. Fortunately a proper occasion for this oc- curred without his seeming to court it. He received intelligence that the materials for building the brigan- tines were at length completely finished, and waited only for a body of Spaniards to conduct them to Tezeuco. The command of this convoy, consisting of two hundred foot soldiers, fifteen horsemen, and two field-pieces, he gave to Sandoval, who, by the vigilance, activity, and courage, which he manifested on every occasion, was growing daily in his confidence, and in the estimation of his fellow-soldiers. The service was no less singular than important ; the beams, the planks, the masts, the cordage, the sails. OP AMBIUCA. SOI )em sisting and by the ifested dence. The the sails. the iron-work, and all the infinite variety of article;! requisite for the construction of thirteen brigantinen, were to be carried sixty miles over land, through a mountainous country, by people who were unac quainted with the ministry of domestic animals, oi the aid of machines to facilitate any work of labour. The TIascalans furnished eight thousand Tamenes, an inferior order of men destined for servile tasks, to carry the materials on their shoulders, and appointed fifteen thousand warriors to accompany and defend them. Sandoval made the di^^position for their pro- gres:^ with great propriety, and had the glory of con- ducting safely to Tezeuco a convoy on which all the future operations of his countrymen depended. This was followed by another event of no less mo- ment. Four ships arrived at Vera Cruz from His- paniola, with two hundred soldiers, eighty horses, two battering cannon, and a considerable supply of am- munition and arms. Elevated with observing that all his preparatory schemes, either for recruiting his cwn army, or impairing the force of the enemy, had now produced their full effect, Cortes, impatient to begin the siege in form, hastened the launching of the brigantinus. To facilitate this he had employed a vast number of Indians, for two months, in deepening the small rivulet which runs by Tezeuco into the lake, and in forming it into a canal near two miles in length ; and though the Mexicans, aware of his in- tentions, as well as of the danger which threatened them, endeavoured frequently to interrupt the la- bourers, or to burn the brigantines, the work was at last completed. On the 28th of April all the Spanish troops, together with the auxiliary Indians, were drawn up on the banks of the canal ; and with ex- traordinary military pomp, rendered more solemn by the celebration of the most sacred rites of religion, the brigantines were launched. As they fell down the canal in order, father Olmedo blessed them, and gave each its name. Every eye followed them with wonder and hope, until they entered the lake, when 802 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST they hoisted their saiU, and bore away before tlie wind. A general shout of joy was raised ; all ad- miring that bold inventive genius, which, by means 80 extraordinary that their success almost exceeded belief, had acquired the command of a fleet, without the aid of which Mexico would hove continued to set the Spanish power and arms at defiance. Cortes determined to attack the city from three different quarters ; from Tepeaca on the north side of the lake, trom Tacuba on the west, and from Cuyocan towards the south. Those towns were situated on the principal causeways which led to the capital, and intended tor their deience. He appointed Sandoval to command in the first, Pedro cle Alvarado in the second, and Christoval de Olid in the third; allotting to each a numerous body of Indian auxiliaries, to- gether with an equal division of Spaniards, who, by the junction of the troops from Hispaniola, amounted DOW to eighty-six horsemen, and eight hundred and eighteen foot soldiers ; of whom one hundred and eighteen were armed with muskets or cross-hows. 'J'he train of artillery consisted of three battering cannon, and fifteen field-pieces, lie reserved for himself, as the station of greatest importance and danger, the conduct of the brigantines, each armed with one of his small cannon, and manned with twenty-five Spaniards. As Alvaraao and Olid proceeded towards the posts assigned them, they broke down the aqueducts which the ingenuity of the Mexicans had erected for con- veying water into the capital, and by the distress to which this reduced the inhabitants, gave a beginning to the calamities which they were destined to sufiPer. Alvarado and Olid found the towns of which they were ordered to take possession deserted by their in- habitants, who had fled for safety to the capital, where Guatimozin had collected the chief force ot his empire, as there alone he could hope to make a successful stand against the formidable enemies who were approaching to assault him. OP AMKRICA. 303 "^ The firitt effort of the Muxicans wa« to destroy th« fl«et of brieantines, the fatal efTeots of who;^ opera- tions they toreflaw and dreaded. Guatimozin hoping to Hupply hy numbers what he wanted in force, as- sembled such a multitude of canoes as covered the face of the lake. They rowed on boldly to the charge, while the brisantines, retarded by a dead calm, could scarcely advance to meet them. Jiut as the enemy drew near, a breeze suddenly i^pfung up; in a moment the saiN were spread, the brigantine.t, with the utmost ease, broke through their feeble op- ponents, overset many canoes, and dissipated the whole armament with such slaughter as convinced the Mexicans, that the progress of the Europeans in knowledge and arts rendered their superiority greater on this new element than they had hitherto found it by land. From that time Cortes remained master of the lake, and the brigantines not only preserved a com- munication between the Spaniards in their different stations, though at considerable distance from each other, but were employed to cover the causeways oo each side, and keep off the canoes, when they at- tempted to annoy the troops as they advanced to- wards the city. Cortes formed the brigantines in three divisions, appointing one to cover each of the stations from which an attack was to be carried on against the city, with orders to second the operations of the officer who commanded there. From all the three stations he pushed on the attack against tha city with equal vigour ; but in a manner so very dif- ferent from the conduct of sieges in regular war, that he himself seems afraid it would appear no less im- proper than singular, to persons unacquainted with nis situation. Each morning his troops assaulted the barricades which the enemy had erected on the causeways, forced their way over the trenches which they had dug, and through the canals where the bridges were broken down, and endeavoured to penetrate into the heart of the city, in hopes of 364 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST obtaining some decisive advantage, which might force the enemy to surrender, and terminate the war at once ; but when the obstinate valour of the Mexicans rendered the efforts of the day ineffectual, the Spaniards retired in the evening to their former quarters. Thus their toil and danger were, in some measure, continually renewed ; the Mexicans re- pairing in the night what the Spaniards had destroyed through l^e day, and recovering the posts from which they had driven them. But necessity prescribed this slow and untoward mode of operation. The number of his troops was so small, that Cortes durst not, wi .1 a handful of men, attempt to make a lodgment in a city where he might be surrounded and annoyed by such a multitude of enemies. The remembrance of what he had already suffered by the ill-judged confi- dence with which he had ventured into such a dan- gerous situation, was still fresh in his mind. From these considerations he adhered obstinately, for a month after the siege was opened, to the system which he had adopted. The Mexicans, in their own defence, displayed valour which was hardly inferior to that with which the Spaniards attacked them. On land, on water, by night and by day, one furious conflict succeeded to another. Several Spaniards were killed, more wounded, and all were ready to sink under the toils of unintermitting service, which were rendered more intolerable by the injuries of the season, the pe- riodical rains being now set in with their usual vio- lence. Astonished and disconcerted with the length and difficulties of the siege, Cortes determined to maki one great effort to get possession of the city, before he relinquished the plan which he had hitherto followed, and had recourse to any other mode of attack. With this view, he sent instructions to Alvarado and San- doval to advance whh their divisions to a general as-, sault, and took the command in person of that posted on the causeway of Cuyocan, Animated by his pre- sence, and the expectation of some decisive event, th^ OP AMEllICA. 3a5 Spaniards pushed forward with irresistible impetuosity. They broke through one barricade after another, forced their way over the ditches and canals, and hav- ing entered the city, gained ground incessantly, in spite of the multitude and ferocity of their opponents. Cortes, though delighted with the rapidity of his pro- gress, did not forget that he might still find it neces- sary to retreat ; and in order to secure it, appointed Julien de Aiderete, a captain of chief note in the troops which he had received from l^iispaniola, to fill up the canals and gaps in the causeway as the main body advanced. That officer deeming it inglorious to be thus employed while his companions were in the heat of action and the career of victory, neglected the important charge committed to him, and hurried on, inconsiderately, to mingle with the combatants. The Mexicans, whose military attention and skill were daily improving, no sooner observed this, than they carried an account of it to their monarch. Guatimozin instantly discerned the consequence of the error which the Spaniards had committed, and, with admirable presence of mind, prepared to take advantage of it. He commanded the troops posted in the front to slacken their efforts, in order to allure the Spaniards to push forward, while he despatched a large body of chosen warriors through different streets, some by land, and others by water, towards the great breach in the causeway, which had been left open. (Jn a signal which he gave, the priests in the principal temple struck the great drum conse- crated to the god of war. No sooner did the Mexi- cans hear its doleful solemn sound, calculated to in- spire them with contempt of death and enthusiastic ardour, than they rushed upon the enemy with frantic rage. The Spaniards, unable to resist men urged on no less by religious fury than hope of success, began to retire, at first leisurely, and with a good counte- nance; but as the enemy pressed on. and their own impatience to escape increased, the ^'^rror and confu- w 800 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST sion became so general, that when they arrived at the gap in the causeway, Spaniards and Tlascalans, horsemen and infantry, plunged in promiscuously, while the Mexicans rushed upon them fiercely from every side, their light canoes carrying them through shoals which the brigantines could not approach, la vain did Cortes attempt to stop and rally his flying troops ; fear rendered them regardless of his entreaties or commands. Finding all his endeavours to renew the combat fruitless, his next care was Xo save some of those who had thrown themselves into the water ; bat while thus employed, with more attention to their situation than to his own, six Mexican captains sud- denly laid hold of him, and were hurrying him off in triumph; and though two of his officers rescued him at the expense of their own livesy.he received se- veral dangerous wounds before he could break loose. Above sixty Spaniards perished in the rout : and what rendered the disaster mure aflllicting, forty of these fell alive into the hands of an enemy never known to shew mercy to a captive. The approach of night, though it delivered the de- jected Spaniards from the attacks of the enemy, ushered in what was hardly less grievous, the noise of their barbarous triumph, and of the horrid festival with which they celebrated their victory. Every quarter of the city was illuminated ; tie great temple shone with such peculiar splendour, that the Spa- niards could plainly see the people in moiion, and the priests busy in hasteningthe preparations for the death of the prisoners. Through tlie gloom, they fancied that they discerned their companions by the whiteness of their skins, as they were stript naked, and com- pelled to dance before the image of the god to whom they were to be offered. I'hey heard the shrieks of those who were sacrificed, and thought that they could distinguish each unhappy victim by the well- known sound of his voice. Imagination added to saw Or heard, aud augmeuted lU wuai aI iiicy II. _ realty OF AMERICA. 307 at the calans, iously, y frotu hrougti :h. la i flying treaties I renew ^e some water ; to their ns sud- him off rescued ived se- k loose. ]d what liese fell lOWQ to the de- enemy, le noise festival Every temple te Spa- and the e death fancied ^liteness Id com- whom rieks of t they iC well- ded to ited its horror. The most unfeeling melted into tears of com- passion, and the stoute<>t heart trembled at the dread- tul spectacle which they beheld. The Mexicans, elated with their victory, sallied out next morning to attack him in his quarters. But they did not rely on the efforts of their own arms alone. They sent the heads of the Spaniards whom they had sacrificed to the leading men in the adjacent pro- vinces, and assured them that the god of war, ap- peased by the blood of their invaders, which had been shed so plentifully on his altars, had declared with an audible voice, that in eight days' time those hated enemies should be finally destroyed, and peace and prosperity re established in the empire. A prediction uttered with such confidence, and in terms so void of ambiguity, gained universal credit among a people prone to superstition. The Indian auxiliaries who had joined Cortes, accustomed to venerate the same deities with the Mexicans, and to receive the responses of their priests with the same implicit faith, abandoned the Spaniards as a race of men devoted to certain destruction. Even the fidelity of the Tlascalans was shaken, and the Spanish troops were left almost alone in their stations. Cortes, finding that he attempted in vain to dispel the super- stitious fears of his confederates by argument, took advantage, from the imprudence of those who had framed the prophecy, in fixing its accomplishment so near at hand, to give a striking demonstration of its falsity. He suspended all military operations during the period marked out by the oracle. Under cover of the brigantines, which kept the enemy at a distance, his troops lay in safety, and the fatal term expired without any disaster. Many of his allies, ashamed of their own credulity, returned to their station. Other tribes, judging that the gods who had now deceived the Mexicans, had decreed finally to withdraw their protection from them, joined his standard ; and such was the levity of a simple people, moved by every slight impressioDi \v SC8 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST that in a short time after such a general defection of his confederates, Cortes saw himself, if we may be- lieve his own account, at the head of a hundred and fifty thousand Indians. Even with such a numerous army, he found it necessary to adopt a new and more wary system of operation. Instead of renewing his attempts to become master of the city at once, by such bold but dangerous eflbrts of valour as he had already tried, he made his advances gradually, and with every possible precaution against exposing his men to any calamity similar to that which they still bewailed. As the Spaniards pushed forward, the Indians regularly repaired the causeways behind them. As soon as they got posJsession of any pirt of the town, the houses were instantly levelled with the ground. Day by day, the Mexicans, forced to retire as their enemies gained ground, were hemmed in within more narrow limits. Guatimozin, though unable to stop the career of the enemy, continued to defend his capital with obstinate resolution, and dis- puted every inch of ground. The Spaniards not only varied their mode of attack, but, by order of Cortes, changed the weapons with which they fought. They were again armed with the long Chinantlan spears, which they had employed with such success against Narvaez; and, by the firm array in which this enabled them to range themselves, they repelled, with little danger, the loose assault of the Mexicans ; in- credible numbers of them fell in the conflicts which they renewed everyday. While war wasted without, famine began to consume them within, the city. The Spanish briganiines, having the entire command of the lake, rendered it almost impossible to convey to the besieged any supply of provisions by water. The immense number of his Indian auxiliaries enabled Cortes to shut up the avenues to the city by land. The stores which Guatimozin had laid up were ex- hausted by the multitudes which had crowded into the capital to defend their sovereign and the temples of their gods. Not only the people, but persons of jction of n;»ay be- ired and imerous nd more v'lng his )nce, by i he had lly, and sincf his hey still ard, the behind f pirt of with the to retire tmed in though inued to and dis- not only " Cortes, They spears, against ich this ed, with ins ; in- ;s which without, ty. The nand of [)nvey to r. The enabled )y land, ■vere ex- into the mnles of rsons of OF AMERICA. 369 the highest rank, felt the utmost distresses of famine. What they suffered brought on infectious and mortal distempers, the last calamity that visits besieged cities, and which filled up the measure of their woes. But, under the pressure of so many and such va- rious evils, the spirit of Guatimozin remained firm and unsubdued. He rejected, with scorn, every overture of peace from Cortes ; and, disdaining the idea of submitting to the oppressors of his country, deter- mined not to survive its ruin. The Spaniards con- tinued their progress. At length all the three divisions penetrated into the great square in the centre of the city, and made a secure lodgment there. Three- fourths of the city were now reduced, and laid in ruins. The remaining quarter was so closely pressed, that it could not long withstand assailants, who at- tacked it from their new station with superior advan- tage, and more assured expectation of success. The Mexican nobles, solicitous to save the life of a mo- narch whom they revered, prevailed on Guatimozin to retire from a place where resistance was now vain, that he might rouse the more distant provinces of the empire to arms, and maintain there a more successful struggle with the public enemy. In order to facilitate the execution of this measure, they endeavoured to amuse Cortes with overtures of submission, that, while his attention was employed in adjusting the articles of pacification, Guatimozin might escape unperceived. but they made this attempt upon a leader of greater sagacity and discernment than to be deceived by their arts. Cortes, suspecting their intention, and aware of what moment it was to defeat it, appointed Sando- val, the officer on whose vigilance he could most per- fectly rely, to take the command of the brigantines, with strict injunctions to watch every motion of the enemy. Sandoval, attentive to the charge, observing some large canoes crowded with people rowing across the lake with extraordinary rapidity, instantly gave the signal to chase. Garcia Ilolguin, who commanded the swiftest sailing brigantine, soon overtook them. \> S70 DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST and was preparing to fire on the foremost canoe, which seemed to carry son.e person whom all the rest followed and obeyed. At once the rowers dropped their oars, and all on board, throwing down their arms, conjured him with cries and tears to forbear, as the emperor was there. Holguin eagerly seized his prize ; and Guatimozin, with a dignified composure, gave himself up into his hands, requesting only that no insult might be offered to the empress or his chil- dren. When conducted to Cortes, he appeared neither with the sullen fierceness of a barbarian, nor with the dejection of a supplicant. ' 1 have done,' said he, addressing himself to the Spanish general, ^ what became a monarch. I have defended my people to the last extremity. Nothing now remains but to die. Take this dagger,' laying his hand on one which Cortes wore, * plant it in my breast, and put an end to a life which can no longer be of use.' As soon as the fate of their sovereign was known, the resistance of the Mexicans ceased ; and Cortes took possession of that small part of the capital which yet remained undestroyed. Thus terminated the siege of Mexico, the most memorable event in the conquest of America. It continued seventy-five days, hardly one of which passed without some extraordi- nary effort of one party in the attack, or of the other in the defence, of a city, on the fate of which both knew that the fortune of the empire depended. The exultation of the Spaniards on accomplishing this arduous enterprise was at first excessive. But this was quickly damped by the cruel disappointment of those sanguine hopes, which had animated them amidst so many hardships and dangers. Instead of the inexhaustible wealth which they expected irom becoming masters of Montezuma's treasures, und the ornaments of so many temples, their rapacio is- ness could only collect an inconsiderable booty amidst ruins and desolation.* Guatimozin, aware of ' * The gold and Rilver, according to Cortes, amounted only to 120,000 pesos, a siiin much inferior to that which the Spaniards had fcrn>cr