\> ^ ^ 4^^ '^*> ■*^. \V ..^ ^ .1p^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) :^ %^ 1.0 V^ lis 111 m S lii 120 1.1 Il£lli4li4 ^>Tv ^/s*" > Photographic Sciences Corporation 4^ s 1 L1>^ \\ ^. 23 WBT MAIN STRIIT «VltSTIR,N.Y. USM (71«)l7a-4S03 O^ .♦v-^ K<^ ^A ^ _^; CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHi\/l/ICMH Collection de microfiches. CaiMdisn Irotitute for Htotorical Mlcroreproductkww / liwtitut Canadian da mieroraproduetlont MatoitaiuM TMshnleal and BMbNoaraohle NotM/?^toMs fchniauw m MbNoaraohiaiMS TIM iMtltiit* hM awmpfd to ototirin tlw bMt orloliMl eo^ avaltobto for flHninii. rMturw of this copy MfMoh moy bo MoNoflvoiNilooHy imi^uOt wMeh moy oHor any of tho imogoo in ttio roproduetion. of iwfilch moy tionlfleontly chongo tho usual mothotf of fllmlnfl. aro choekod bolow. Linatltut mierofllm* io moWour oxomplairo quH hil o «t« pooalMo do so procuror. Loa dAtoHa point do vwo MbHograptiiqua, qui pauvont modif iar una imago roproduite. ou qui pouvom oxigar una modlficotion dona ia mAthodo normaia da f Hmaga aont indiquAa ci-dasaoua. 1 — 1 Colourod covora/ 1 1 Couvorturo do coulour "n Colourod pogoa/ — 1 Pogoa da couiour TIM toi r*n Covora damagad/ D Couvorturo ondommogAo Covora roatorod and/or iaminotod/ Couvorturo roatauria at/ou poiiicuMo I — I Covor titio miaaing/ La titra da couvartura manqua I — I Colourad mapa/ D Cartas gAograpliiquas m% couiaur Colourad ink (i.a. othor than blua or block)/ Encro do couiour (i.o. autra qua Maua ou noiro) I — I Colourad piatas and/or iiluatrationa/ D D D D Planchas at/ou iiluatrationa an couiour Bound with othar matariai/ RaiiA avac d'autras documonta Tight binding may cauaa shadowrs or distortion along intarior margin/ La r9 liura sarrAa paut causar da i'ombra ou do ia distortion io long do la marga intAriaura Blank laavas addad during rastoration may appaar within tha taxt. Whanavar poaaibia, thasa hava baan omittad from filming/ 11 so pout quo eartainaa pagaa blanchaa aJoutAas iors d'una rastauration apparaiaaant dans ia taxta, mais, lorsqua oaia Atait possible, cos pagas n'ont pas «t4 fiimAas. Additional comments:/ Commantairas supplAmentairas: D D D D D D D Pagaa doaaous. 10X 14X 1BX 22X 2SX 30X v/ 12X ItX aDx HX 2SX 32X ^"KOgp^', Th* copy WiiMd hara liM Immi raprodiiMd thanks to tno floiMffowty of: Ubrory of tho Public Archivoc of Canoita L'OKomololto flhnA fut raBtodiilt of ^ oo k !■ pubNqiMcdu CMwda quality legibility tha Tha imagaa appaaring haia ara tha possibia conaidarina tha condition of tha original copy and In kaaping filming contract spacif Ications. Original copiaa in printad papar covara ara fllmad baginning with tha front cover and anding on tha last paga wdth a printad or illuatratad imprac- sion, or tha back covar whan approprlata. AH othar original copiaa ara fllmad bagliming on tha first paga with a printad or illuatratad impraa- sion. and anding on tha last paga with a printad or illustrstad imprassion. Tha last rocordad frama on aach microflcha shall contain tha symbol — ^> (moaning "CON- TINUED"), or tha symbol V (moaning "END"), whichavar appiias. Laa imagaa awwantas ant 414 raprodultaa avac la plus grand aoin. compta tanu da la co ndition at da la nattatA da I'axamplaira fNm4. at an conformltA avac laa condMona du contrat da fHmaga. Laa OKamplalraa orlginaux dont la couvartura an papiar aat imprlmte sont fNm4s an comman9ant par la pramlar plat at an tarminant aoh par la damlAra paga qui comporta una ampratoita dimpraaalon ou dlNustration. soit par la aacond plat, salon la cas. Tous laa autraa axamplalraa orlginaux sont fHmis sn commandant par la pramMra paga qui comporta una ampralnta d'impraaaion ou dlHustration at an tarminant par la da ml Ara paga qui comporta una taNa ampralnta. Un daa symbolaa suhranta apparaltra sur la damMra imaga da chaqua microfiche, sakm la cas: la symbola -^> slgnifla "A 8UIVRE". la symbola ▼ slgnifla "FIN". IMaps. piatas, charts, ate, may ba filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are flimed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Lea cartas, planches, tableaux, etc.. peuvent Atre flimte i dee taux da rMuctton diffirents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un soul cllch*. II est flimi A pertir do i'engie supArleur gauche, do gauc^ia A droKe. et do haut an baa, an prenant la nombre d'imagae nAcessaire. I.ea diagrammae suhranta illustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 S 6 " 'if CONFEDERATION OF THE ,v^'-'' ^ascs PEOVINCES OF BRITISH NORTH AMERICA. •' We dMrv VVm Irade among ali the Provineee, mnder our national Jlag, wUk one eoin, one wiMumre, cut taiigr, one pott office. We feel thai the wurti, the pre»$, the edneatiomal kutttutiona tf Sorth jtmHcu, aouM be elevated by Umoir/ that intercommunication by raUroade, tetegrapht, and e t tam b o ati , wohU ta promoted,- and that, if fiieA a caatlbvMUifon <{/' inttreete were aoMeoed wieetg and with pn^fer gnarde, Vm Jbnndation ef • greaX noMan, in friendly eonnectiim with the mother-eonnlf^y, would be laid on •» ind etrnetMe teii*." -xlioa. JoMph Uow« to the Hon. '"v ^1 BT JOHN GEHRQE BOURINOT, BDITOR LirAL "BKPOKTKK.' .-..' ?1 w >m ' I-' f- * A ia&VJblUWd Craft ttto " ft vLrt'A:^ EJv'b:h.'< j ri»i*ofTareiit state must be placeil on a UUTereiit basis. After many straggles and iwrdships their people have Ht last amassed no ioeonsiderable aniooat of \7ealth, and are able to point to the pre* (tent prosperity and vitality of the coDiitries in which they dwell with commendable pride. The fores^ the mine, the sea, the land have yielded to them riches ia abundanoe. Bostling oommanities have sprung up in every quarter of that extensive range of territory which still remained to Kngland on the consummation of the inde- pendence of her old «olojiies, which have now become a power of such colossal pro- portions ▲ century ago what is now known as British America only held a popu- lation of about aeveoty-five thoui»and soub, nearly all bound to England's hereditary enemy by ties ef a common language, race, and history. This population has now in« creased to four millions, all animated by a feeling of the most profound loyal-, ty to Uie. Power which has so long ma- tured and protected them, and none mote so than the descendants of the men who founded " New France " oh the St. Lawrence. Montreal, the "Ville Marie*' of the early French, is now one of the finest cities of this continent, and has a population ol at least 120,000 persons. In 1790 the population of the Thirteen Colo- nies was estimated* at 3,900,000, including over 700,000 negrads, and the total amount of their Export* and laporti at •71,000,000. The total trade of Ihe proviocea el British America may now ha put tlowa at dUO,- 000,000, or nearly, doable the trade of the United States 78 years ago. A people who have won so noble a heritage withia a cen- tory provu them»elves worthy scions of that stock whioh haa peopled,aad earried the lan- guage, liberty, and energy ol Great Britain over, so large a portion of the glebe. The future destiny of this people eanaet fail to be a topic ef no ordinary interest to the stateemea and puhUMsist* of the British Empire. Shall Britiah America remain oonnoeted with Gffeat Britain? Or ahall it fellow the date of the Thirteen Colonies and become a aepamlA State? Or shall it be absorbed into the raoka «f the ambitious Republic on ita borders? These are the questions which are now engaging the at- teutioa of the best mind* of these colonies a* well as ot the parents tale. In a very short time, perhaps, aa answer to these questions will be given, A few days hence, there will assemble in London a Conven- tion of delegates from the provinces, for the express purpose of oonsicbring and effecting very mateiial change* in the pre- sent political status of the countries they represent. The uousequence of their defi- berations, it is obvious, must aflfect Britisli America for all time to come. Under such circumstanoos, it becomes the imperative) duty of every colonist >jrho values the pri ■ vileges he now enjoys, and hopes to see them preserved, tp consider the necessity and advisability of the changes which an? proposed to be made in the oonstitution of thei$e dependencies of Great Britain. (2) in into the derelopaieDt it! ability f British within its Befora proMedin; to best meant of giving to Britiah Ameriea, i for «Blf-def«aoe, ma4 liberty and British i borders, it nuy not be unprofitable if we turn for a few moments to a consideration of the present rektions between these de- pendenoies and the parent state. If the people of British Ameriea are animated by feeling* of stranj afieotimi for the country from whieh they bav* sprang, it is mainly beoanse iu s t^ e sme n have pursued to- wards them, of leoent years, a wise and liberal poHey. The history of the old Thirteen Colonies is pregnant with the illustration that free and rigorous oonmiu- nities, possessed oC that Jove for fieedom whioh is tiie duraisteristio of the Teutonic race, cannot be ooereed in a. manner incon- sistent with the solf-goremment they may enjoy. Tho « Stamp Act » was not objec- tionable beeanae of the burthen it would impose upon the ^d eelonist^ but because of its Tiolotion of th^ireonetifutional privi- lege*. No tax oould be eonstitotioaally levied upon the eolonies eze^t through thmr repteee yt atifes In their own legisla- tures. But a oenttiry ago the relations be- tweenthe parent state and its dependencies were vaguo and undefined. British states- men had to lose one-half of this continent and pass through a giood deal of other ex- perience, before they could come to utider- stniid the eystem of government by whioh colonial dependencies could be made not only more prosperous within themselve?, but more valuable to Ae Empire itself. It was not till a very long While after the Thirteen Colonies had passed from the pos- session of Great Britain into the position of independent states, that British statesmen awoke to the ftill appreciation of their obligations to their colonial empire and of the mode by which its attachment to the Crown might 1)0 placed on firm and lasting foundations. The unfortunate occurrences that transpired in Canada from 18ST-8, had the result of drawing attention to the nature of the defects that existed in the system ot colonial gorommeBt, and to the necessity of providing som« radical amendment. fmn the ^mfki Utf pufblioatlon of Lord Dubh4m's f«notts report, which has exer- cised such remarkable influence upon this portion of the British Empire, may be dated a new era in the history of these colonies. From that report sprung the system of Besponsible GovernBoeot, which gave the people their proper influence in the mn- nagement of public afioirs. The wisdom of tho mother country in conceding this great principle is shown by the feelings of devotion< to the Crown that now animate all classes in these dependencies. If Bri- tish statesmen^ a oenlury ago, had as anxi> ously itnd thoroughly studied the charac- taristics of the peoples that inhabited their colonial empire, as have their suecessorM for the past thirty years, the Thirteen Colo- nies might have long remained connectod with the parent Mate, oiv in all probability, would have severed their connection with it in peace and amity. liothingean be more patemaaor gentle than the rule that i» exercised by Great Britain over these qoilying dependencies of the Enqiire, A nominal vdto over all acts of an Imperial character, and the ap- pointment of their Governors, are the only privileges which she virtually retains in token of her sovereignty, whilst she affords them the protection of her fleets and armies without a^siugle shilling in return for such senrices. No communities in the worJil are freer than these Colonies of Great Bri- tain. They possess Representative Insti- tutions in their entirety, and are left per- fectly untrammsl*! to arrange all matters of trade, even though in doing so they maj conflict with the policy and interests of tho mother-country. It would be indeed sur- prising if British America had failed to become vigorous and prosperous under a combination of circumstances so eminently favourable to its development. Wha* reason exists e feelings of now animate "M. If Bri- had as aa.\i. the charac- labited their ' suecessoriM irteen Colo- ' connected probability, ection with ijiit ' or gentl« hy Great endencies » over all 1 the ap. the on iy etains in 18 a/ford.^ d armie.i for such e World eat Bri- 9 Insti- *ft per- natters y may of the d sur- 'ed to er a ently pre- lem- sclrM en|OfjbnMp0ritjru|(l happhiMs, fhe ties tba/t bln^ tbem to ih« inoitber>ooan- tfjT w appnently of a most oadurine eha- raet^r^ Mid titere can be no poaaible neoes* sity for a change t He mast be a very an- pcrfieial obeerver of currtnt erents, who fails to gire the eerreot answer to sach an euqtiiry as this. Both inttriuU and extemtU causes press upon oa the neoessity of chan3;e, if we are desiroas of presenring th« pririieges we nOw^cnjoy as a part and parcel of the. Rmpire. Even Mr. Howe, the most determined and able opponent of the plan of Confederation, does not hesitate loconfeas tha^ the colonies cannot remain much longer aa they are now. In his pamphlet on the '* Organization of the Em- pire"* he expresses bis belief that " but for external pressure, and danger from withoot, we might go aa we are without any materi- al change.'^ He suggests a scheme for the urgar^i^ation of the Empire which is wild anu cLimerical in the extreme, but the fact that he does so, shows quite oonclusirely that he no moro than any other leading mind of Britishr America is ableato resist tl\e conviction that some organic change is absolutely required in the^e depeiidencies of Groat Britain. Though these colonies lie cotuiguous to each Other, and are dependencies of the same Empire, they are entirely separate states as far as Govorament is conc«med. The only link that aow binds them to one another, is the sentiment of attachment each feels to- wards the Monarch. Each enjoys the pri- vileges of self-goyomment distinct from its colonial neighbour. Each, may tax the com- moditiea of the other as it may beet suit its own interests. Eaoh has its own currency, its own peculiar laws, its own system of Edu- cation. Whilst this Isolation might be ex- cusable and necessary in the infancy of a voloay, it becomes -absurd and positively injurious when that colony exhibits all the sitrongth and capacity of virility. Commu- *" " Tlia OaOiMlKATIOiC OP THK KMPIIIIB." By tllO Uun. t)o8«>pU IIowu l^ndon: Edward Stanford, 9, nities isolated frofn eaeh other, without iden- tity «f interest, can never expect to attain that expansion whieh, in view of their great notnral capabilities, they have a riijht to look for in the ftitttrar. Not Only ia commerce and all branches of industry kept within narrow bounds, but colonial intellect is "cabined, cribbed, conHnai." The di- vision of the provinces into so many dis- tinct goreniments has only produced poli- tical heart-bnrnings, raneor and faction, and has deprived British America of that wider field ot honourablo emuUtion which a Union would offer t« its sons. The honours and dignities that can now be achieved in the field of eolonial statesmanship are few and insign^oant. How many oulonial statesmen have won for themselves a name beyond the circle of the countries whero they have labored 1 If a Nova Scotian or a Canadian has gained rank anil fame, it is because he has becm placed by some means or other in the service of the Rmpire, and thereby enabled to developn that talent and eourai^e which iu the nar- row sphere of colonial life he would never, in all probability, have an opportunity of fully displaying. V/hat colonist except Mr. Hincks ever received any substantial re- ward from the Imperial Government be- cause of his ability in the field of colonial statesmanship. Should a state of things so repngnunt to the spirit of freemen, animated by natural inpulsea of ambition, much long- er be allowed to exist 1 Many years a^o Mr. Howe gave utterance to this feel- ing, which struggles for utterance in every colonial heart, and indignantly exclaimed that he fur one was not prepared to have " the brand'of inferiority stamped npon his brow." But the consideration that above all others impels British American statesmen to com- bine for a change in the present political relations of these colonies toward:! each other and the Empire as well, is the fao that Isolation is fraught with the greatest peril to their future security and peace. It would now be superfluous to dwell on th«< (4) I (langerfi thai arise from tho geoRrnpliioal l»P«. w^ <••'< f^***" /'"'"•'« «"»«' '»^»- > •■»■«* nn.ii:<... «f n.:i:.k *«».:.. ti.- ..,^-« wHKout nom* hope that bjr pradmeo, flrmncM. and posilioii of Briluh America. The sreat ,^h„„o„.„;,by,„ft,;,Vic.Ur.»ttiiiir public opi- Power on her burdem ntand* before her in alon rif ht. throanh Amrimn etoniwli ofcireulKilur. iHarlioment nil attitude of constant menace. The ubro- •• «o »•»« pow.ir, tbo puttllo MBUntnt, m4 Umi rft^tRn^^ , .. ^j ^ ^ Waiiun of Uie Reciprocity Treaty- the Fe- "["Hl"*'""*'^' T',"?/ '1"* "^ "•'* ? '". '"J:i7 "^" ' ", r / / muton who control ttip UoTprnmrnt s« tn make war man orijanizntion — the tone of CongreM witiiatiMuin nmrif impofttbioi but iu the prf. nnd of American ninny evidenoes of pubiiflists fire ho the danger which threatens British America. When Mr. Hu\rR addressed his first letter to the peo- ple of Nova Scotia, last winter, ap^ainst tho pamu{^o of the Confederation renoiution in our Legislature, he pointed nnt in the Mn( ttmiHtr qf Mo lUpiMie w» hav* no trnurity ,fi>r puter, and wo may m w, upon tho ruconKtrucllon policy, for ton wceka, advertisements of quack medicines with nnd one branch baa Juatpaued A btJ over tho veto by which the press is filled now-a-day.s pio- . two.thlrd mjority. Both partlw a» appaaling to j „ ^ j„ f humanity. We I tha country fbr support iho Foulans are said to con- l r • «« trol aml!H'»n of »ote«, and certainly makeup a for- »ro very much afraid, ho.vcver, that Mr. inldnblo portion of Uie D(>mocratlo party that tup- Hnwti cannot legitimately take out n [\a- porta the l«re.ident. ThOM» who eheri.h bard feellnfft tent for his invention. As far as we have SKalntt the I'rovinaoa and the BrItUh tiovernment , 11.1 1 .. 1 •■ control a ffood many more. Out of these oorapllaa- been able to learn only one other pubiie liona no human being, at this moment, can toll what man in British America, besides Mr.Howe, may or may not ariao." * . . ,. x*r r ever seriously promulgated the novel idea ft is unneeessary to toll the observer of of Representation in the Imperial Parlin- eurrent events on this continent that the ment. It will, of course, cause n feeling position of aflairs has been much o^ro- of intense mortification to rise in Mr vated since Mr. Howk penned the letter Howk's loyal breast, when he leurns that from which the foregoing extract is taken, that man was a leader in the Canadian Kenianism has become more powerful than rebellion of 1837 to which he, in theex- ever, as a political element, in the American uberanoe of his present devotion to the Uuion. The American Secretary oi State Crown, so often refers us. Mr. Howe has stands forth as tho champion of the Fenian only resuscitated an old scheme long ago circles, which row vengeance upon Cana- suggested and advocated by no less a per- da if the men who invaded her soil last win- son than William Lton Mackenzie In ter, and shed innocent blood, should pay a letter to the Earl of Daliioitsie, written the penalty duo to their infamous crime, in 1828, at the time when he was nrging In view of such a state of things, therefore, redress for existing political grievances, it is not surprizing to funl Mr. Howe in Mr. Mackenzik wrote : " I have long been his latest pamphlet striking those warning satisfied that if the Nortd American Colo- notes : — nies were rid of these tm. .ior and subordi- •' Turning to the United stakes wo And «nr moat (br* nate Legislatures, which are and must ever midab'.p commercial rival, and, as.raatters stand, per- be insufficient for the purposes for which .Of I Now nearlj written, M •uhenie of Minted ill lis plan :— To tn>at all ,nd where ih a (t|M>ratiuii, tatua than C nd h> p«*nnll >ne, two ur tt ng tu their al I bo advant aaauining the tu be correct, 1. Wegitl tiie modcN of to thoae whi« a. We are Jority of cadi name and bri ueta ami com 8. Wo woi aa they wuuli announced tt 4. We Im about bril>cr rarllament. 6. We arc beat men, I>e into these ( would bo s< tho Intellect Hoor of Tarli 0. Wo do nUl Mininte conduct bel noyC, thus ti tics lor the 1 Last wl interest touched c body tho seriously ither in lonsidere tical sug< press da any prac dation • Life a AKD THK Toronto, 1 f (5) nod tlui 10 to till' t a« In makowMr n t but in tht pre- no tenurity /)>»■ py wlih diMrlmt- eot of the nmlon RKSKXTATION LIAUKNT. the argument tained to thut (tome chnngo I necessary — opennd to l\w y must assume 8p«ct to self, orward with u all the defects just ns the edicines with (w-a-days pio- u inanity. We, )ver, that Mr. ake out a [ia- ir as we have 9 other public- desMr.HowE, ;ho novel idea nperinl Parlia- ause a feelin^U' rise in Mr he leunis thut the Canadian he, in the e\- ivotion to the ilr. Howe ha.s Bme long ago no less a per- CKGNzie In )U8iK, written e was nrging il grievances, ave long been nerican Colo* ' and subordi- md must evcr les for which », flrmnoM. and ^^"^ ^^^ intended, «nd allowed, instead, a leader of the Oorernment addreMed the tthijt publlo opi. hlue treight in both branches of the British Houte of AMembijr last winter un the suh- *--I".!l[^ J*'!"'" ( '**"''""*■"'' '• would prove the foundation ject of Union, he dismissed the suggea* Itrm th<> I ''^ their permanent and true happiness."* tion in half a doxen wonln, "n« a I Now nearly forty years after this letter was mem ignu fatmu which appeared Id be ritten, Mr. Hows revives the Utopian dancing before the eyes of some gentle- luheme of having these colonies repre- men." No colonial public man, indeetl, wnted in a distant Parliament. Here is who valued bis reputation as a practical is plan :— and shrewd statesman, could stand up in To troat sii tlio Colonint which litro L^UIstumi. the face of a colonial assemblage and urge nd whew tht ty^Usm of ilniponp<>nnitthemto«ondtotiieHoUM.>o(C'ommona We may go further and hazard the obser- 110, two ur thra* iMmbiin or their eatriMU, accord, vation that British statesmen to whom this D|totMr.J«.,populatI«ua«dimpor»a*.. ^^^eme is suggested, wilt look at it in I be advantages Kalned l>y thi* mode of tetaetion, ,• • awumtnff the principle of any lort of roprcMnUtion amazement. Political philosophers have tuboeorrrct, arevarioua: invented at one time and another many 1. WeRHiridorallqnettionsaboatiVancliUeana curious political systems, which were to tliemodcHofelootion, which iiilghkornutcorrtMuond ... , . . ^.,. . • to thote Which obtain In England. revolutionize the world. That very exeel- 2. We are secure of men truly rvpreasnting the ma- lent man. Sir Thomas Moae, has given us. Jorityofcaclioolony. because they would speak in the his ideas of a perfect common weakh, name anil bring with them the authority of the cabi* • • i • ■ i • ^^i • • i i net. and conslituencles they r*pre«,nted. ^^^ich he placed UX the imaginary island 8. Wuwoud have no trouble about changing them, of "Utopia." LocKE, the greatest phi loso- as thoy would sit till Uicir sugocssors, dulyaecredited, pher ot the seventeenth century, devised a announced the fact of a change of admlnUtration constitution for the early colonists of Caro- 4. We have no contented elections or questions / i-i about bribery and corruption to waste the tims of '">«> which was "unlike anything ever seen I'arliamant. before, and if any one may venture to aay 6. Wo are secure, by this mode, of obUlning tho ^hg ^^^j supremely absurd."* Some of best men, l>ecause only the best can win their way , , , , %■ i ■ u • i. into these Colonial cabineu, of whom the flower ^he loyal gentlemen figured in this remark- would bo selected by their colleanuea to represent able constitution as landgraves or earls, the Intellect and character of each province on the and others as caciques or barons ; but "one "r Wodl'Sngmorelnthct, than permit Colo- '"^y S^^'^er that the derision of the vulgar nUl Ministers to dotcnd their policy and explain their deprived the new titles of their value." conduct before I'arllaraent, as MrlUsh Ministers do LocKK was a gootl philosopher, but he ir*:l''"^*"A"A"AVAr--".'''° '!l«^*•^^'.•'"^^^ couUl not devise a constitution suited to the requirements of a new country. Now, two tics lor the better discbarge of their duties at homo. Last winter one of the journals in the iuterest of "Mr. Howe and his party touched cursorily upon this scheme, but no> body thought for a moment that it was seriously mentioned. It was not discussed ither in or out of the press, but was simply onsidered as one of those purely theore- tical suggestions with which the Opposition press daily teemed in default of having any practical plan to offer for the consoli- dation of British America. When the •LirB AHD Tmn or William Lyom Mackkrzib A»D THK ItKOKLLioM or 1837-8. By C. Llndsejr, Toronto, ItJUa. I'sgelW. centuries after Loc k e gave his constitution to Carolina, a Nova Scotian philosopher ma!r, c .1 his appearance and suggests a political scheme, which is equally novel, and equally absurd. It is true that Mr. Howe does not create caciques and landgraves, but then he would manufacture a body of men which would Icok as novel and out of place in the British Parliament as did Locke's dig- nitaries in "the plantations" of Carolina. J/te would originate a "Colonial brigade" to •Exodus or th« WJcsTznir Natiomb. Viseonat Bury. Vol. 1, pi 878. (6) % Hit at St. Stephen's. All of U8 have heanl conaidered M a wiUul temptation of ProT of the "It ,Hh briKode," and of the cuaiusion Jeocc." it rrealtnl in purliamoulary procucdingrt. Afjain, Mr. Hows ouuht tn nee that hia It is haKlly po^ittbia to diflcunA tiiia ^chLMne flchoma would bo porfuctly impraclicAble of Ml HowK in anyXh'ing liku a terious whilst the Prrvince« remained in their pre« vein, but nuppaie it were carried out, wiiat sent condition of Isolation, with sepamtu wotild be the npectaulu pruffeiiled tu the ^^overnmentA, without identity of intereiit. world. We would see a few colonial dele* Under hi.i plao, each province would nend R.'itcs AtttinK in n I'urliument, where their one or two or three dele-riites "arcordiu:? to vuicRH would be drowned by the clangour their nize, population, and relative import- ofovertiOO icprexentatives of the British anee." The delegates would therefore en to IsleH. TVey would become diasatittfied by the Imperial Parliament, bound only to look (he little ntl 'iition that would bo paid to oo- after the interests of the parti iuhir province lonial affairs. Many of them, in their ze»l which would send them. Local jealousies to attract notoriety, would make lengthy and antipathieii would bo reproduced on npeecheM on colonial topics, too often to the floors of the Commons ot Kngland. empty benches. Count-outa would become Suppose Mr. Howe were tu u;o himself as the rule when a particularly patriotic dele- uno of these delegates : nothini,' would be gate would rise with the intention of un- more likely than that wo would see him burthening himself of pomo grievance frequently getting up and denouncing which, interesting aa it might be to himself some imaginary attempt on the part of the and his constituents, would not have the Canadian Parliament at Ottawa to interfere slightest connection with Imperial concerns, with the rightj and privileges of Nova Sco- Many of these delegates, would, doubtless, tia. I'rince Edward Island would also air be not inferior, in intellectual vigour and some grievance — perhaps some of the ability, to those a::ioag whom they would New Brunswickcrs looked with a jealous sit, but being out of place, representing a eye on its oyster beds Mr. Howe must number of communities thousanUs of miles see that, supposing his scheme could be car-* distant, with whom British members of ried out, the first step necessary would be a Parliament would necessarily have little ac- Federation of uU the Provinces. If they quaintance, and therefore aothing in com- were ever to have any influence at all in raon except a feeling of attachment to one Parliament, a political combination must Sovereign, they would be cripple** in their first exist between them. exertions, and prevented from effecting any An eminent political thinker, Mr. Johm good whatever. Mr. Hows himself proves Stuart Mill, writing on the "Govern- the absurdity of his own plan when he nient of Dependencies," alhides to tlie says : " These men would represent com- practicability of " a perfectly equal federa- munities wide as the poles asunder, with tion between the mother country and her climates, soils, productions, interests, is colonies." He says: — ••■'----' varied as the skies under whicrh they were * ^ , ^. ^ , , , , f u .t " WHIi till* vi»w it lias been proposed by some tliat bred. They would Know less ot each other ^^^ ^^,^,^,gg ^,^^^,^ ^j„^„ reproseiitativcs to tlie Brt- and of each other's interests than the body tUl» LoKiMature. and by otlicrs that tho powers of oar of Englishmen, among whom they were own. as writ «« of tlieir l-arUaraent.i, «lu.uid be con- thrown, would perhaps know of them all." But, to quote Mr. Howe's own words in re flnwl to inti'rnal policy, aud that them eltould be ano- ther reprtseutalive l>o>lij,jorjoreiffn and imperial ccn- cema, in icft.V/i last the rfryxin/i inies of Great Britain forenoe to representation a; Ottawa, "the shoutabr rfifresmtetl in the tame mafiner, and with vaultincr ambition of some men would dis- "♦.« *«« compl>^en,»>,a, ''••'^/^';""''* J'f^- ^ ** "= tuts system tliere would be a pcrfMlly ee con- sitould be OMO- (I imperial cow- ' Creat Britaht, niwr, andvtUli ain it»ff/- On f equal federa- id her colonleb, ! ings cf equity •ad eoHMpliona of pabUe moniUj from whkh th<>M ■offwlion* enunaU ara worthy of all pralw, bat Ui« raRgMtionf tbrmiwIVM are to inconaUtiml with ra- tkmat prineipUt r the Interests, opinions, or wishes of English, Irish, or Scotch."* It will be seen from this extract that Mr. Mirx even considers a scheme far more practicable and generous to the colonies than that of Mr. Howb, as very absurd. Mr. Howe would only have one Parliament which would deal with both domestic and foreign affairs, whereas that mentioned by Mr. Mill provides for two distinct re[>re- sentative bodies. No sane man could sup- pose it possible that a single body com- posed of such heterogeneous materials, could satisfactorily deal with questions of an Imperial nature as well as of internal policy. Such a body would become, in course of time, a perfectly political Bedlam. Again, Mr. Howe would only send a very few Colonial delegates, whereas Mr. Mill confesses that the federation between the parent state and its dependencies would have to be perfectly equal in respect to representation. It is, however, only necessary to read Mr. Howjc's pamphlet toaeiethat h» feels all the time he is writing that his plan is im- practicable. He raises the doubt whether " the colonists would value this privilege," and "send these members." It is certainly • CoHBiSKiuTiQin oat BarBjnswTATiva Govaair HSHT. Chap. XTril. dilhcult tu see in what way '-tlie conviction that ttiey had the right to send them at all times would add a new element of strength and cohtuiion to the Empire.*' So scats in the Imperial Parliament are to be kept open for acceptance or rejection, as tho whim or caprice of Cobnial constituencies may se- lect. Truly an admirabio plan, to consoli- date British interests on this continent and give unity and strength to these now iso- lated Colonies. But the most novel argu- ment used by Mr. Hows in urging his scheme upon the attention of British states- men and publicists is, that seats in the British Parliament will enable Colonial Ministers to be fitted " for the better dis- charge of their duties at home." This ar- gument does credit to Mr. Howb's ingen- uity, if it does not say much for his common senso or understanding. No one except Mr. Howe ever yet contemplated turning the highest Court of the Realm into a finish- ing school for Colonial politicians. After this the British public need not be startled at any suggestion he might make for the improvement of their constitution. Mr. Howe also feels that an objection might be raised that "the introduction of these men by this mode would destroy the symmetry, and violate the general principles upon which Imperial legislation is founded." Of course the scheme would be in direct vio- lation of the British constitution. He can- not have the representation he asks for, unless the local parliaments are first done away with. The scheme mentioned by Mr. Mill is a federation, in which the local parliaments would remain whilst there would be a general Parliament for Imperial and foreign concerns. Mr. Howe, however, coolly suggests an organic change in the British Constitution, but of course that is a matter of little moment compared with carrying out the wishes of the Nova Scotian political philosopher. ■• - *- ji-'- In promulgating this absurd scheme Mr. Howe has given additional evidence that he is not entitled to the character' of a sound, constitutional statesman, but is (8) Ai-- simpl/ a rash innovationist and theorist. All his life he has been suggesting theories and plans, but rarely if ever has he at> tempted to give them practical and definite form. On the contrary, when measures on which he has declaimed in legislative halls and on public platforms, have been brought before him for his advice or co-operation he hail turned from them under the influence of some unaccountable whim or some mo- tive of a personal character. For years he advocated the removal of the monopoly held over all our Coal Mines by a London Com- pany, but he never dealt with the question practically, and when the time came when he ought to have promoted its settlement, he was found in opposition. Yet the arrange- ment of this question which he opposed so violently has conferred more benefits upon the province of Nova Scotia than any other for the past thirty years. For years he urged a Union of these Colonies with all the ability at his command, but the moment the question assumed a practical shape, and he ought to have given it the aid of his voice and pan, he was again found in the ranks of the Opposition to a great political move- ment. Mr. Howe may have good and valid excuses for pursuing so extraordinary and erratic a policy in respect to these and other public measures, but you search for them in vain through colonial records. -•ff ■ '.W MS. HOWE'S SCBEUB OF TAXATION. But we have not yet done with Mr, Howk's echeme. Having suggested the idea of the representation of the colonies in the Imperial Parliament, he goes on to argue in favour of taxing the whole Empire just as the British Islands are taxed. Well may the people of Nova Scotia look at this part of his scheme in amazement. The mon who have been supporting him in his opposition to Union can yet hardly realize the fact that it is their leader who has propounded so re- markable a plan of taxation. But it is obvious that Mr. Howe has one set of principles for Nova Scotia and another for Great Britain. If one argument has been more frequently used than another by the Anti-Union party with Mr. Howe at their head, it is that Confederation must largely increase the burthens of the people. Nova Scotia would be largely taxed for the defence of Canada. Our young men would bo drawn away from their homes by the orders of the Government at Ottawa. By such arguments as these did Mr. Howe and his friends, in and out of the press, in- cite a spirit of opposition to the proposed Union. No more powerful argument can be used in a political canvass, than the statement that the taxation of the i^ople is to be increased. The politician who can make thn people believe such statements, is pretty certain to have a large following at his back. Knowing this, by past expe- rience, Mr. Howe has never hesitated to work, directly or indirectly, on the fears of the people in this way. No doubt, a very large number of the men who signed the petitions which he took to the mother country with him, were chiefly influenced by this taxation argument. But when Mr. Howe goes to England, he feels that the saifae arguments that were necessary to influence the people of this country, would not do there. He must therefore change his base and propound a scheme of tax- ation which might well make the people of these new countries stand aghast. We shall not attempt to condense the terms in which this plan is given, but give them in their entirety : — " Having made this step In advance, I would pro- ceed to treat the whole Empire as the British Islands aro treated, holding every man liable to serve the Queen in war, and making erery pound's worth of property responsible for the national defence. Great care should be taken that, in every province, a decennial census should be prepared under every possible guarantee Ibr Itallness and accuracy, and the information flimished by these returns should be di- gested and condensed so as to present at a glance a picture of the Empire. The census would of course give, as the baqis of legislation : ... The nnmber of people. The value of real and personal property. The amount of exports and imports. The tonnage owned. ■■oixx-;.**;"-^^^^ ■ t !nt has been other by the OWE at their must largely the people. ily taxed for young men their homes ant at Ottawa. id Mr. Howe the press, in- the proposed argument can iss, than the the people is cian who can ih statements, irge following by past expe- hesitated to )n the fears of doubt, a very lio signed the the mother ifly influenced But when Mr. feels that the necessary to country, would irefore change cheme of tax- e the people of aghast. We e the terms in It give them in nee, I would pro- he British laluida lable to serve the pound's worth of Kl defence. In every provinoe, >ared under every accuracy, and the ims sbonld be di- Bcnt at a glanoe a re, as the basis of ^l!; .ji-ifih''' i-ifi operty. rts. '^^ (9) New ships built. The number of fishermen and mariners employed. The infbrmation gathered by the last eensna may, for present use, be snffleient, and If so : A bill, making provision for the defence of the Em- pire, may be prepared to operate uniformly over the whole, and should be submitted simultaneously to all the provinces. It should provide— For the enrolment qf all the men from 16 (o 60 liable to be called out in case qfwar. For the ellbctivo organization and training, as mi'i- tia, of men between the ages of 18 and 46, year by year in time of peace. For fixing the quota, which in case of hostilities anyirAere, each province is to provide during the continuance of the war, the colonial govemic— b*'- ing the option to supply its quota by sending regi- ments already embodied, or by fiimishing volunteers Irom the youth of the country who might bo better spared. For incorporating these men into the British Army with their regimental numbers, but with some di8- tinctivo name or badge to maric their origin, as the " Welsh Fusiliers," or " EnniskiUen Dragoons" are distinguished. They should be paid out of the mili- tary chest, and treated, in all respects, as British troops from the moment that they were handed over to the Commander-in^hi^. For the establishment of Military Training Schools in each Province, and for instruction in military engi- neering and the art of war, at some seminary within reach oi the youth of every group of oolonies. For the enrolment of all sea-faring men from 16 to 60 as a naval reserve, the effective men between 18 and 45 being obliged to serve on board of block ships, harbour defences, or in forts or water batteries, for the same number of days which effective militiamen are obliged to servo on shore." A little further on he suggests the mode in which he believes the taxation ought to be levied ; — " As respects the mode in which this contribution should be loviod, there are many reasons why a tax on imports should be prelbrred. Direct taxes are ea- Aily collected in a densely peopled country like Eng- land, whure everybody can be got at, and where every acre of land has a marketable value. In the provin- ces direct taxes often cost more than they come to, because the scarcity of money in new settlements, the distances to be travelled by the collectors, and the difllculty of enforcing payment if there is evasion or resistance, renders this by flur the least satisfitotory mode of collecting revenue. But, added to their ad valorem duties, the tax for national defence could, if fairly adjusted, be paid by all the colonies without restricting their commerce or being burdensome to their industry." We are not at present dealing with the question of the amount of responsibility the provinces should assuiro in connection with their defences, — that is a subject which shall be touched upon shortly — but what we wish to ir::press upon our readers is the fact that this elaborate scheme of taxation is advocated by the leader of a party which has denounced the Confedera- tion measure as a deliberate attempt to in- crease the taxation of Nova Scotia, and to make the bone and sinew of the country liable to be called at a momenfa no- tice to the defence of Canada. In the first pamphlet* he addressed to the British pub- lic he dwelt with much earnestness on the strength of the mercantile navy of the Ma- ritime Provinces : , ,^^ " Here are colonies within seven days' steaming of these shores, floating the fiug of England over a noble mercantile marine, and training 60,000 seamen and fishermen to defend it, and yet the House of Conimons is to be asked to allow some gentlemen in Ottawa to drau) these people aawy from the ocean, tchich for their oton and the general secunly qf tlie Empire they are required to protect, that their hearts may be bro- ken and their lives wasted on interminable fron'iers incapable qf defence. I'arliament, it is hopei. v^ill think twice about thi proposition, and of the BCu«me for launching a prince oi the blood into the sea of troubles for the gloriflcation of the Canadians." Now these same men may be ordered away, not only to defend Canada with " its interminable frontiers," but India or Aus- tralia or any other part of the Empire to which the British Government may think proper to send them. One would imagine that it would be no more dreadful to waste lives and break hearts in Canada, than in China, Australia, New Zealand, or any- where else. Indeed most persons would think that Canada should be nearer and dearer to us than any other section of the Empire, for, according to Mr. Howe himself, two years ago, the fate of Canada is the fate of Nova Scotia. " Talk," he stated on a pub- lic platform in Halifax, in 1862, "of the fall of Quebec being a source of sonow lo the inhabitants of this province. It would be more If the St. Lawrence were in the hands of our enemies, we should be com- pelled to beg permission to pull down the Bri' tishflag." In 1866 he begrudges lending • CONFKDESATION CONBIDEBED IN BZLATIOM TO THB iNTBRKSTs Of TBK Empibb. LoodoB: £. Stan- ford, Charing Cross. '., (10) the aid of a single Nova Scotian to Cana- anxiety to the parent state, in consequence da, though ever so many thousands of our of their proximity to a powerful and people may be sent to the extremes of the ambitious neighbour,) are to be represented earth, to waste their lives and break their in Parliament, and to become immediately hearts. connected with the government of the Em- British America is now to become a great pire, they must not expect any more fav- naval ar.d military power all at once, though ours than are extended to the people of Mr. Howe, in discussing the question of England. Confederation, has ridiculed the idea of " a There is a very pertinent enquiry that new nationality." Armies are henceforth may be made to M.-. Howe. How will the to be drilled, and navies to be equipped, men of Manchester, of Birmingham, of that the colonies may engage in all the Sheffield, and other manufacturing ciUes wars of the Empire. They are not only to de- and towns of Great Britain regard this fend themselves on this continent— a work scheme ? We shall endeavour to answer which will task their best energies — but this question from Mr. Howe's first pam- they are to be prepared to march to-morrow phiet, in which the following statement to talce an active part in any European war appears: " ' * ".:^'' that may arise. Mr, Howe can be very se- _ , ,, ,. , . . „ r 1. _" Then certain persoiw in the mannfacturing towns vere on the vaultmg ambition" of the men ^^d been diggusted with the high duties which Canada who are attempting to form a Confederation had impoted on Britiih productions. They were angry in British America, but what epithet shall and did not stay to reflect that if Canada were in error , 1. 1 . 1 1 III .1 the Maritime ProTlnces ought not to be punished for be applied to the man who would have these ^er fliult, seeing that they had never followed her ex- colonies actively interfere in European ample. British manafhcturers are admitted into them complications and would place them on the »"> »'">«'■ "«•»* revenue duties. They <»11 have an in- P .. ■^1. .1 I r T^ I 1 tcrest in fostering equitable commercial relations same footing with the people of England ^uh the whole Empire, and with foreign countries, themselves. (ar transcending any interest they may have in the Sheaves of articles have been written by consumption of three millions of people in a mere in- Mr. Howe'8 friends to show the enormous land countay which their vessels cannot appro«jh for , - nearly half the year, taxation that would result to the people of .. „„, ^^^ ^ngUsh manufacturers did not stay to the Maritime Provinces if they united them- reflect that by handing over nearly a million of good selves with the Canadas. Perhaps they customers to the Canadians they were doing a palpa- will now enquire into the efTe.cts of his pre- '^'? '"J"«"«=f *«, f''T'l?f '/"Ji", "l" 1°'°"^,^ *^ * '^ sides. Up to this hour it is doubtibl whether a Cana- sent scheme. The annual expenditure re- ^lan can be found who has invested a pound in Nova quired for the support of the army and navy Scotia, cleared a Iknn, built a ship, opened a mine, or of Great Britain may be given at £24,500,- expended a sixpence m defence of the country. The „^„^ , ,. .t*."^^ ,.„« «/.« T. • /. • expenses of its early colonization, and of its protec- 652- sterling, or $121,503,260. It is fair to ^^^^^ ,,^^3 ^^ ^^^ ^y Kngland; and from this coun- state that, feeling his scheme will be very try, and not from Canada, came the emigrants, the unpalatable to the people of this country, capital and the credit, which from time to time have , , . I'r -. I. .1 . stimulated its enterprises, and quickened its Industry, he endeavors to modify it by saymg that jfr^y, then, sliould yova .Scotia tale hlanJcets, broad ■ Great Britain ought to pay a little more in cloth, orockeryware, or cutlery from Canada duty free, proportion to the rest of the Empire, for cer- &«« tax the man^/acturers qf ^Atti»ashir«, Stafford- V • 1 1 X i tv. Ti ■ shire, and Yorkshire ? and yet this is just what these tain reasons which he sets forth. It is very ; /,.„.j,.„. .„ .♦. .„j ct,..n„„ ♦.» ... ♦>.- •f cunning Canadians are at; and, strange to say, the questionable, however, if Mr. Howe would ft-ee-traders ol England, who abhor discriminating be allowed to work out his scheme of taxa- tion in the least modified form. If the peo- ple of these colonies (which cause the most duties, and will not permit any of the colonies to lia- pose them, even for their own advantage, are quietly permitting one British colony to swing four others out of the flsoal f tion, and discriminate against the manufltcturlng '4 i Now Mr. here lion mili Itnpi Briti was Thei * Mr. Mirtin, in the " Statesmen's Year Book " for 1866. gives the total expenditure for the army, as TO- , ^ ^ m % ^ j,, a. *»•.■.. „ tod iy Parliament for /he year 1865-6, at jE14,8«,447, industry of England and in fcrour of their own." and that for the navy at Jei0,162,906. - '■•ajjiff^j ■• ..; ;: ?!;m>|MMI| (11) msequence rerful and 'epreaented nmediately of the £m> f more fav- people of iquiry that w will the agham, of ring cities egard this to answer first pam- Btatement taring towna hich Canada f were angry were in error punished for >wed lier ex- odlntotliem Itare an in- al relations n countries, have in the n a mere in- ipproachfor not stay to on of good ng a palpa- olonlsts be- lior a Cana- id in Nova a mine, or ntry. The its protep- this coun- (rants, the time have 3 industry. :els, broad dutyfree, fUafford. rhat these say, the iminating les to lu- re quietly ur others nations of lionsump- BMturing ffn." Now, what are to be the coiuequences of Mr. Howe's scheme ? It will be remem- bered that he proposes to raiso the propor- tion that the colonies will have to pay for military and naval expenditure, by dtt/t'es on Imports. The amount of Exports from Great Britain to British America in the year 1864 was £6,011,276 stg., or about $30,000,000. These Exports are chiefly manufactured goods, from which the proportion of the revenue of these provinces is now raised. Canada absorbs the greater part of the Ex- ports from Great Britain, having taken 821,036,000 worth in 1865. This trade, we are glad to say, is steadily in- creasing every year. Now it is a griev- ance on the part of the English manu- facturers, says Mr. Howe, that Canada im- poses high duties on their productions, and yet what does he propose doing ? Simply, forcing the Canadians and the Maritime Provinces to raise their present duties on British products to a very large extent. By his scheme, Canadian manufacturers are to be encouraged, at the expense of those of the mother country. Why Mr. Howe will have certainly done his best to hand over "a million of good customers to the Canadians, b} hav- ing discriminated against the manufactur- ing industry of England and in favour ot of their own." If the people of England and those of British America are to be placed on the same footing, in respect to mi- litary and naval expenditure, direct taxation would be a fairer mode of raising the money than the imposition of Import duties which must be levied on the manufacturing industry of Great Britain. The result of his scheme, some may think, would be the creation of a very valuable manufactur- ing interest in British America — a de- sirable consummation, undoubtedly, but one which ought to be attained by some other means than by carrying out Mr. Howe's system of protection. There is another feature of this question that is worthy of a moment's consideration. By reference again to Mr. Howk's first pamphlet, it will be seen how very fearfal he is that the United States of America would be mortally offer '»d, if British America should be i(7>:>: rated. Accord- ing to him, fearful cor. ^'qnenoes would ensue : — " The people of England are to defend these Provin oes with the whole force of the Empire, then let them think well of what they are about, for by dUturbiuy old currents qf thought, and multiplying the difflcut' ties of the conservative element in the United States, Mrely pressed at all times by the turtnUent and aggres- sive, they are increasing the hazards of a war ten- fold. The attitude of the British Provinces on the American continent is at this moment one eminently peaceful and sedaUve. But let this guy of a new na- tionality be sot up, which other people are to pay for and are expected to protect, and every young fellow who has had a taste of the licence of camp life in the United States will be sorely tempted to have a fling at it. Let Ihe provinces assume their accustomed role (f peaceful development as outlying jwrtions qf a great empire, with which the United States cannot afford to quarrel. She cannot then disturb them without a vio- lation of the diplomatic recognitions of tliree parts of a century, and withov.t a war, causelessly provoked, and on which neither the civilized world nor the great God of Battles can be expected to smile. Let us, then, fling into the Are the paper constitution, manufactured at Quebec, and Uovcrnor Banks's will probably be consigned to the flames immediately af- ter; and then we shall begin to breathe freely again, and can set about adjusting the one or two questions that remain as causes of national irritation, and may look forward to peace for a century, with industrial development on a scale so vast as to make war be- tween the two great branches of the family impossi- ble thenceforward and for ever." Ever since Mr. Howe returned last win- ter from the lengthy visit he paid to Wash- ington, he has referred so positively to the feelings of the American Government and people, that most persons are disposed to be- lieve that he is speaking " by authority." Be this as it may, he may well be asked, will not the " old currents of thoughts," and all the dangerous elements that he de- scribes as existing in the United States be fully as much agitated by his present scheme as by that of a simple Federation of the colonies. It is perfectly easy to un- derstand his first argument that the con- tinued isolation of the provinces would be very agreeable to the American Republic. Provinces which are allowed to grow up with increasing diversity of interests, with (12) H 1 oat unity of pnrpose or design, are not at all anlikely to fall, one alter the other, into the ranks of the American Union. But does he not see that his present scheme, which, if it were practicable, would place British America in the position not simply of a de- femive but an aggre$nve power,— since it would give her representation in the Im- perial Parliament, make her liable to taxa- tion for Imperial purposes, and, in fact, im- mediately responsible for the foreign policy of Great Britain— onght to be far more ob- noxious to our ambitious and troublesome neighbours than the system of Union de- vised at Quebec ? If ever they wanted an excuse for invading these colonies, they would soon be able to find it under Mr. Howe's admirable plan. He is very anxi- ous, if we are to believe what he says in the foregoing extract, that the provinces should have abundant opportunity " to re- sume their accustomed role of peaceful de- velopment as outlying portions of the Em- pire." A very natural and praiseworthy wish from a colonist, but is it to be best at- tained by a Union of the provinces or by Mr. Howe's wild scheme? Let anyone of ordinary intelligence study this question, and he will have little difficulty in arriving at the correct solution. Supposing this scheme of taxation could be carried out, what would be the position 01 these colonies in the Imperial Parlia- ment? It is true they would have a few re- presentatives in that body, — for Mr. Hows has felt Taxation without Representation would be a principle even he could hard- ly dare to advocate — but what weight would they have ? They might disapprove of some foreign policy which would largely increase the responsibilities of their con- stituents, but all they could do would be to remonstrate and pay the bills. Look at this question in what light we may, it is impossible not to see its unfair- ness and absurdity. Mr. Howe says him- self that it is doubtful if it will be accept- able to the people of these dependencies, but nevertheless he wishes that an enquiry shonld be made into their feelings on the subject Is it not very probable that this plan is suggested with a view of deferring the question of Union indefinitely, or til 1 such time as Mr. Howr may be in a posi- tion to carry out the political designs he has now in view ? It is a matter of notoriet)' to every one in the Maritime Provinces that the object of the Anti-Union party through- out has been DELAT. A "Remonstrance" recently sent to England by twenty out of one hundred and thirty members of the Ca> nadian Parliament, is simply a plea for de- lay. Mr. Howe's extraordinary scheme may be only a part of a general conspiracy to defer the question of Union as long as possible. If it bo true, as has been stated by many of the most reliable journals in Canada that the Canadian Remonstrance is chiefly signed by men " who are either open or avowed annexationists,"* it is time that all those who value British connection were on their guard. THE PLAN OP CONFEDERATION.* . Having dealt thus fully with Mr. Howe's scheme for the organization of the Empire, we may now proceed to enquire into the duty of the colonists at the present crisis. All of us recognize it zs an obligation de- volving upon us to assume larger responsi- bilities in the way of Self-Defence When these colonies were but poor and struggling communities, it was manifestly the duty of the parent state to assist them freely anil gratuitously to the full extent of its power ' but when they have outgrown the stage of pupilage and dependence, and exhibit thu strength and proportions of manhood, it is time they should assume some of its res- ponsibilities. If there are communities in British America who do not reoognize their obligations to the parent state, or, in the words of Mr. Howe, "who desire to enjoy all the privileges and immunities of the Queen's subjects without paying for or de- fending them," we do not know who they are. If one reason more than another has binatic • Toronto Daily Leader. f#>*>i (13) •lings on the ible that this r of deferring,' nitely, or tiJI be in a posi. designs he r of notoriet}' •rovinces that arty through- monstrance" wenty out of I of the Ca- plea for de- ary scheme conspiracy as long as been stated journals in )monstrance are either "♦ it is time connection ITION. ^T. Howe's he Empire, re into the »sent crisis, igation de- r responsi- Be When struggling he duty of freely and its power J e stage of xhibit the »ood, it is f its res- unities in nize their >r, in the 1 to enjoy » of the or or de- ^ho they >ther has influenced the statesmen of British America to urge a union of these colonies, it is the necessity of possessing that means oi com- bination which is found all powerful in time of war to repel aggression. An analogy may be dra^irn between the present position of British America and that of the Thirteen Colonies a little over a century ago. The old colonists then looked with suspicion and dread upon France just as we do now upon the Republic on our borders. It was a matter of notoriety during the years that followed the peace of Aix- la-Chapelle that France was desirous and was actually making preparations to hem in the British colonies as thoroughly as it was practicable by a chain of posts along the Mississippi. If the war, when it broke out, had found the colonies united as one, the mother country might hare been saved a vast amount of aanoyance and responsi- bility. Faults there were undoubtedly on both sides ; no common understanding ap- peared to exist between the parent state and its dependencies ; each seemed jealous and suspicious of the other. If the colonies yielded to the demands of Great Britain and granted pecuniary assistance for the conduct of the war against French aggres- sion on this continent, they did so in a spirit that reflected little credit on them. Each colony bad its own peculiar views on the subject, and only consented to pass bills for the requisite supplies, that were dogged by unnecessary stipulations — some of them encroaching directly on the prero- gative. When Washington was conduct- ing an expedition against the French who had established themselves on the Ohio, in accordance with their plan of hemming in the colonies, his efforts were rendered en- tirely nugatory through the want of the re- quisite aid. Appeals were made to the colonies, but no relief arrived. At last, outnumbered by the French, he was ob- liged to capitulate, and on the fourth of July, 1854, says Bancboft, "in the whole valley of the Mississippi, to its head-springs in the AUeghanies, no standard floated but that of France." In this same memorable year assembled at Albany an important Congress composed of delegates from seve- ral of the colonies. At that Congress the deputies came to a resolution that "it seemed necessary to take the most speedy measures to secure the colonies from the slavery they are threatened with, as the French Court have, since the peace, more than ever made this continent the object of their attention." They also came to the conclusion that the danger arose principally from the fact that the French possessed compact organization, whereas the British colonies " never entered into any joint ex- ertions or counsels." "We know well," exclaimed a Frenchman, in the presence of Washington at the time he was des- patched by the governors of Virginia to the Ohio to demand certain explanations of the French, " that you could raise two men for our one, if your assemblies were only united among themselves; but you dawdle over your preparations till the time for action is over." A plan of Union was accordingly drawn up by Franklin, at the Albany Congress, for the better political and mili- tary organization of the colonies. This plan of Union, however, came to nothing. " The system," says Bancroft, " was not altogether acceptable either to Great Bri- tain or to America. The fervid attachment of each colony to its own individual liberties repelled the over-ruling influence of a cen- tral power. Connecticut rejected it ; even New York showed it little favour ; Massa- chusetts charged her agent to oppose it." If British statesmen in those days had bet- ter appreciated the temper of colonists, aud could have been brought to look without sus- picion upon combinations between them for political or commercial objects, they would have been saved a vast amount of heart- burnings, expense, and bloodshed in the end. The Congress at Albany was an evi- dence that the Colonies were conmiencing to appreciate the extent of their dangers and see the necessity of combination be- tween each other. Such a Union as was (14) proposed might have been "the key- stone of that fabric of independence " * which, was eventually set up, but at all "• events the principal object its framers had in view was that of better securing them- selves from the aggression of the French. This scheme of Union having failed, the colonies remained still without combination between each other for defensive purposes. ' Even after the defeat of Bradoock, when it became more necessary than ever for the colonies to unite, the local legislatures con- tinued their policy of opposing the demands of the crown. Some of them actually " as- sumed the power of sending field commis- sioners with their armies after the fashion of the Dutch."t Now in 1866 the British American colo- nies also stand in the presence of a powerful and uncertain Power, without combination between one another for political or mili- tary purposes. Again a Colonial Congress has been held, with the view ot affording the means of combination. As in 1754, there is a show of resistance in some of the colonies to the carrying out of this politi- . eal project. It is satisfactory, however, to know that the relations between the parent . state and its dependencies are very dififer- ent from what they were a century ago. No suspicion or misunderstanding exists as to each other's motives and intentions. Both British and Colonial statesmen are in- fluenced by the desire of promoting the inter- ests of Great Britain and British America at one and the same time. But will a Union between the provinces afford them that security from aggression which its advocates say it will? It seems ; almost absurd to argue a point which . ought to be obvious to everyone. Especially ' now-a-days when Union is the great lever among peoples, no doubt should be raised • on the subject. We have seen the great Power on our borders contending for this very principle. What was it that gave •CtelnunII.178. f ^t.Lord Bvr^'i Kxoons o» Wmtibm Natiosb. Vol. 11. p. MB. such power for several years to the South- em States, in tlieir elForts to obtain their in- dependence, but the Union that existed be- tween them ? MThat was it but the same great cause that brought victory finally to the Northern States ? Or, if we look across the Atlantic, we see Italy at last, after years of misery, anarchy and tyranny, realizing the great idea of Unity within its borders. And we have just seen the same absorbing idea predominating within tlie limits of the old and effete Germanic Confederation. Whilst the old Thirteen Colonics remained without combinatiun, saspicious of tho motives of the Crown and of each other as well, they were comparatively powerless. If it had not been for the energy and determination of Great Britain herself, tho French might have carried out their ambitious designs on this continent. The mo- ment, however, the colonists became animated by a common purpose, and entered into n com- mon combination, they showed the strength and power that really existed within themselves. Still, in the face of the evidence that tho War of Independence gave them, there were not a few persona who contended in favour of the disinte- gration of tho Union that had been formed for the purposes of mutual defence. That admira- ble collection of political papers known as " The Federalist" was rendered necessary by the ex- istence of tho very spirit of isolation that now obtains among certain classes in these co- lonics. Tho question which is discussed in these essoys is stated to be, — "Whether it would conduce more to the interests of the peo- ple of America that they shoold, to all gene- ral purposes, be one nation, under one Fede- ral Government, or that they should divide them- selves into separate confSederacies, and give to the head of each the same kind of powers which they are advised to place in one national govern- ment." Politicians then appeared who insisted that " instead of looking for safety and happiness in union, wo ought to see it in a division of the States into distinct confederacies or sovereign- ties." Suppose this doctrine hod prevailed, a number of confederacies would have grown up on this continent, each jealous of the other. The aptitude of the Anglo-Saxon race for self-govenl- ment might perhaps prevent the occurrence bf ■uch a state of affiurs as has characterized the South American republics, hut still jealooties aiM ibe No the ing tar liie •eg me the ins W01 ble II tale pan oni toe the oftl rate eert der •oil diTi iBdC oTB tkm wltl Gn •••I ■Uv tm gab Ml Iba wa4 top ■kU iat feci iiiiiiii (15) he Soath< n their in- xisted be- the same finally to }ok across ifter years realizing borders, absorbing lits of the ation. remained motires of they were 3t been for at Britain I out their The mo- animated ito ft com- ength and iemstlres. io War of not a few he disinte- brmed for t admira- 1 as " The >y the ex- that now these co- cussed in hether it r the peo- all gene- me Fede- ride theoL- d give to }rs which kl govem- > insisted Ivappiness }n of the overeign- 3vailed, a iwn npon er. The lf-g0T8rt- rronce bf rized the iMlooaiM and diflcultiM wonid ooastaatly ariM between the diflcrent commnnities that would exist in Nortk America. By anion, on the other hand, the United Sutas have been able to rise to a lead- ing position not only as a commercial but a mili- tary power. The authors of The Federalist saw the results of the doctrine of Isolation, or Disin- tegration more properly, and opposed it by argu- ments which are just as oonolusive in favor of the contemplated anion of British America. For instance, the following argument, intended to show that the safety of the American people wonld be best secured by union, is quite applica- ble to the circumstances of British America : " Our goTemmsnt can eoUeet and avail itaelf of the talents and ezperienee of the ablest men, in whatever part of the Union thejr may be found. It can move on uniform principles of polier* It oaa harmoniao, awimihite, and protect thesevenU part* and meraben, and extend the benefit otlta foresight and preoautioa to eaeb, la the formstton of treaties it will regi rd the interests of the whole, and the partioalar interests of the parts aa eoaueeted with that of tlie whole. It ean applj Uie resouroes and power of the whole to the deftnoe of aajr partien'ar point, and that nM»« essily and ezpeditioaslf than State governments, or sepa- rate ConlMeraeiet ean possibly do, for want of eon- eert and unity of system. It can place the militiaun- der one plan of discipline, and, by putting their ofli- eers in a proper line of subordination to the Chief Magistrate, will, as it were, consolidate them into one eorps, and thereby render them more efficient thaa if divided into tidrteen or into three or four distinet Independent bodies. What would the militia of Bri- tain be, if the English militia obeyed the Government of England, If the Beoteh militia obeyed the Qovem- ■snt of Seotlaad, if the WeUh miUtia obeyed the Go- vetusent of Wales? Suppose an Invasion: wonld those three Governments (if they sgree at all) be able with all their respeetive fbrees to operate against the enemy so eflhetaally ss the single Government of Great Britain wouMf We have heard much of the •sets of Sngtaud, and the time may oome, if we are aUve, wlMB the fleets of Ameiiea may eagsge atten- tiea. But If one national government had not so i» gnlated the navigatioa of Britain ss to make it a nur- sery fbr seameB— if one aatienal govenunent had not aaUed flirlh all the national msans and matsriato for fltnslng Ssets, their powers and th^ thunder would ■ever have been eelebratsd. Let England have its navigation and fleet— let Wales hsTS its navigatioa sad fleet- let Scotland have Its navigation and fleet- let Inlsnd have Its navigation and fleet-let three or four off the ooBstltBsat parts off the British Empire be lader fbar independent govemsMnts, and It is easy topevsslvehowsoon they woald eaeb dwindle Into eosspaisttve Insignilleanee .... ItrsqnIrss no ■MUlntheseleaBeorwarte d l sssw that nallomlty in the oiiaalMtlon aaddiselpUne of the mmtia wonld ies H s a fls a with the most li Mifli l s l ifts t J sailed tale ssrrlse far the vnMIe • , ^ - .#- It won'd enable (hem to diseharge the duties of the eamp and of the fldd with mutual intelligeaee and eoncert— an advantage of peen iar aossnit la the ope- rations of aa army : and it would It them maeh soon- er to aequife the degree ol peofleicaey la military faBctleas whleh woald be essential to their nscfhlness. This dcsirab'e uniformity ean only be aeeomp^lshed by eonllding the regulation of the militia to the dirMtions of the eeatral authority. . . . Who so likely to make snitab'e provisions for the publle de- feaee aa that body to wbioh the guardianship of the puMie saiety is eonflded ; wliieh as the centre of infor- mation will best understand tlw extent and urgency of the dangers that threaten : as the r e pr esentative of the WBoui. will feel itaelf most deeply interested in tlM preservation of every part; whleh. flrom the res- ponsibility implied in the duty ssaigned to it, will be moet leasibly impressed with the necessity of proper exertions; and which, by the extension of its autho- rity throughout the States, ean alone establiih uni- formity and ooncert in the plans and messures. by which the common security is to be secured T Is there not a manUlBet Inoonsisteney in devolving upon the Federal Government the care of the general defence, and leaving in the State governments the ^flxHve powers, by which it is to be provided for? Is not a want of co-operation the infUlible eonseqaenee of sneh a system?" In the present position of the colonies, they are unable to take those measures for the public defence which wonld best ensure them from danger of invasion. No combination exists be- tween them * each province has its own interns! organisation for defence. It wonld be in the power of any colonial legislature to.morrow to refhse to vote the moneys requisite fbr defensive purposes. We believe there is now fiur too much patriotism in these provinces to allow them to imitate the example of the old colonists, in the first half of last century. Yet it would be possi- ble for nnscmpnlons politicians by raising false issues and otherwise working npon the feelings of the masses, to bring about similar results. The policy of laolation tends to intense seMsh- , neas ; it curbs the geaerons impnlscs of onr na- ture, vmqis US up in ourselves, prevents ns look- ing beyond onr own borders t in short, it is aatn- , gonistic to the growth of all those feeHags r" sympathies which wonld, in the tfmeg^ ^ ' cause ns to rise aa one people ia th# ''^ ^* . onreomnson rights and privilMe' /' * .. ' Isolatio. is o^ to L.^«^»^»'^»^ which has in aU time' F**^^ many eona- trie. fh» thefnnP«'tr-«J.«« «*'^- That Britie' •««■« Miere that V^M wUl be the^aMW of intnuAn *• •W« Colonial Empire, and that it will require all the Roction with the present question, and all wo oner(;7 and oMlity at their command to hold intend now to do is (x> call attention to tlicfbllow- their own in the fatnre, in the presence of a ing paragraph for the purpose of our argument : great Power which is po^isessed of an insntinble "Norcnnitlte doubtful that the provi.icc.s of dcsiru for the a(M]uisition of territory, or, in other British North America are incapable, wluu ta- words, is influenced by the absorbing idea "thst porate and divided from each other, of making thuro shall exist on this continent ohe Kcpnblic those efficient preparations for national de- great and indivisible."* As long, however, as fence which Could be easily undertaken by a they know that the mother country stands ?jy country uniting in itself all the population aud their side, ever ready to lend them all the a sist rcMourccs of tlw wliole." The Government from tanco in her power when the necessity arise*, they which this despatch emanated, is no longer in can have no fears for the future, but can continue jjower, but these U every reason to believe that on that path of peaceful dovclojiment which they its •accessor entertains equally strong opinions, dc.iiru to pursue, and from which they hope they on the subject of Union. At all events, all that will never be called, to meet in conflict a the advocates of Confederation need ask at tho people to whom they are allied by the ties of a hands of British statesmen and publicists is a common origin and lan<;ua^e, and with whom fair and candid consideration of a question they have every wish to live on terms of amity, fraught with such momentyiis interest to these. So much space has been taken up with tho uulouica OS well us tp tliu £inpii-u ut large. It discussion of tho defence argument, on account must certainly re(iuire more cog(;nt arguments ofitu great impor tan uu, that other jKiints of in- thaq any that the Anti-Union pn,rty has yet ad- terest must be very briefly touched. In. vanced — something very different from the spe- dejid, it Is only necessary to look at the cial pleadings or whimsicalities of Mr. Howe, relative situations, and resources of the to create the impression in England that the provinces that constitute British An^erica, to Isolation of the provinces is not fatal to their '^^ how advantageous Union must bo to all of futHre pciiv'e and security, or that Cjonsolidation them. Each brings to the common fund some dues not bring with it an increase of strength. capability thiit the other wapts. Nova Scotia Tho arguments of tho Anti-Colonial partjr in flnqs in the great West that storehouse of food Kngland must lose their force |min|ediately this that she requires for the subvi^nce of her peo- proposed Unioii i^ consummated, |t )ias Io|>g.plo* Canada, on the other hand, finds in Novn been with ti.verau grjevaQyo t^at the parent state Sbotia those mnieral riches which she needs to .iliould iJ4ve to pay hU tVie bills for the dcfpncc wiii'ni tho homes, and ■fte'dt^fmaiiiijactQcics of' of dej^cn'dencies which only give ^r in. return I'CV pcoplp. Halifax.^nd St. J'ohi^givjc.hsir tbjiii,.,- a scntimen^ of devotion and ufffictioD .,w|ii^h, access to the ocean, from which she, is deh«ni!ed > casti^ ihcm nothing, ^b oiie cundeny that this, when the Ice King holds his reign. K we take arg^ulJuut ^s now considerably fovva and Voui,d. up the inaj) of America, we see in the far Wdst' hayo fiir' uiore so, if the colonic^ continued to . ""> ''™™<;rise trac,t of territory stretching ty tji.o . throw tlie burthen of their serf-de/'^i^ce u|!dn tife ^^\^X ^*^^PJ^^f r»Sl*.Wi»*imr<4 K«I»9W*^W' yf » ^i^ut stutb. 'thii fucL however, that this every :kind, .but now only inhurbitod hy.the seru. is proposed wit^'tne viow^of niajune t|ie vante of n fur-tradiug company. Here wc hare I position tlnitwi^li icnuyie tiiem to, the North West Tert;itorv,'\^ych. in the cqurse j* ^aro ohhe res^nsib'yityfcjiat tjjioj'^ of tijjii^', njust jTcetJ millj^ns.pf ^»ul,s, jij)(^' f9rjn(^ ^J^ ithe' inattor o)r'seI|(;protccHipn, part of the propoBfivl Copfwteracy ,«f: ,I^tj«ih/<^< , ., ; ?^!^^e weight witii tliosc who ^\mcrie4* Come Jilu!3tward,..anil. weisaehcfom'c aaveurgcdascpa,;adp>^^'i<- noble colony of Canada, fronted 'by-* Untaia iinfl hc^ outlyjii- fj^i,:,,i,; l^ p' 'the' groat 1atl:s, aiid fl.e St. tawrcVe^ Wiiji tw'ci •* arqwrtuinlyaatnruiCt vetuora^i-' 1 ■'"•^' ' -^^ '•••'^«" ■•■f' ■•'^*'' *'''■• c^^ y ,oa.uijs. f f e=^ ^o (Mi,es i^^ ^ ' i\ A:^«»mm,., to.,4r*Y-.,fi»W,t. AJ, i^. !(' Hv%- »'fP» « assume uuuht to " • 1 .7 thonsand mil (AflMthepTO^ Sedlia, ihe^ rence. Wo I iniervcne* •" nMeentreng taitis to the jihaticaHy i theOalfof PtlnceSdK f4Mi|idlaBd, a >9nion o< tnliy to e* that tlie ot are loen ai t»r what a ginatiofM* to'tliemei seneflag „f loyalt; well said British c tutions, mated a uizes the under oi Mr. H( Canadis luony howevc tbunda ('anad with t! devote lateral .iKMif'):ih jilU'iif -»<• .1 V (•..ii»4 ii..ii <. .J-. 'it4vi III, Wt M ill l I WU I MH ■MMWiM Degi. [that Ind'n the liold jf A lible jther ithftt iblic [■sfst thpj jinac khoy ihey ' ^ (17) ^\, ; thooMnd miteH of narlgation. Next in order cmo of the proriacei of British America, wre by the conviction that this meiiiniTd will not phaticaHy BrituA America. Then nestling i« onljr ba the beet means of giving greater davo- thoOnlf of 8t. Lawwnce, we see the ialand of lopment to the provincet ot British America Hrince 'Bdwanl« and to the Kaotward hnge New- aadincTBaaingtheirahilityfdMielf proteotinnibn- t'ovodlaBd, an it were a sentinel placed hyuature alaoofrendertigthocoanectitm lietweeatbcm aiiu to'gnard the appreaohes to Onnada. Doee not Oreat Brftnia far lees liable to fruttur»lhan ii a -Union of countirilB^ thus lying in cioae pnmi^ they rentained isohMed tut at preaem. Any one inity to each other -> each poesessing resoarcra who tnkeH the pains to read closely the rcso- that ilie other wantt-^soem natnraH Yet there lutioas adopted at the Qiipbee Ooaferenco in the >tre loen amongst ua who woald fhrUd the ham. October of 1864, wtt) see Rhund«M«vide«te that (or what ui« mere oliimeras of their own imagi^ its knnw^ Used every inu«Mi> in Aeir powor to ginatioffB. Jf rom the ^Wrtliost West o» €amda strengthen Che •connection betWMtt th^cdloaHes to.titemest Eastern- point of Newiomdhmd the and the Chrown. T*ie third -rcsohrtioii^'stKwi sane gag floav* over «ar hende. «<1« the spirit empimtitefllly that "in frmrting atcristitiHtfiin -fhr of loyalty to tho British Crown," it hua^een theGen6ral Government, tho- Oonftrfentfte, with well said by Mr. CARDwnLL, "of attachment to a TtewHo the perpetuation "of our eonnertidlf^ith British connection, and of love for British insti- the mother country, and to the promotion of the tutions, by which all these provinces are ani- best interests of the people of these provinces, Hiated alike, Her Majesty's Government reoog- desire to follow the model of the British Consti- nizes tho bond by which all may be combined tution, as far as circumstances will permit." imder one government." It has been said— by Here we have the keystone of the edifice that was Mr. flowK among the rest— that the French designed by the Quebec Convention. Defects Canadian element may prove fatal to the bar- have been pointed out in some details, but the mony of the Confedwai'ion. This argument, principal features of the plan have never yet been however, falls to the ground, for it has no solid proved out of harmony or proportion. Not a fnandation. No one can deny that the French single practical plan has been sugfjes'tcd to take its ('anadians are perfectly happy and contented place. A good many of the Anti-Union party in with their position— that England has no more the Maritime Provinces have opposed all kinds of .levotedanbjccts than they arc. One of the col- Union. Others again desire Union, but have lateral descendants of the brave mariner who objected to certain details touching tlie commu- rtrst sailed up the St. Lawrence, Jacqiirs Car- nities inwhicli they arc specially interested. But TiKH, of tho ancient town of St. Malo, has long the only public man who has attempted to give occupied a most influential position in Canada, a scheme in place of the Quel)ec Constitution, is und he, like the majority of his compatriots, al- ways stands ready to Tiudicate British connec- tion. A sentiment of nationality is not ueces- stirily generated by an identity of race and des- cent, or by community of language and religion. .Switzerland, it has been observed by Mr. Mill, Mr. Howe, and that, we have seen, supposing it is seriously proposed, could never meet the diffi- culties that press a Union upon British America, but is entirely impracticable. ^' This constitution is now about being revis''^^ by a second Convention in the city of I^ft' ' in the work previously mentioned, has a strong Wliatevermay be the result, it is re^ ''ff *up^ simtimcnt of nationality, though the cantons are suppose that the leading featur^ * ^y. ofditterentraces.diirerentlanguageB, and differ- feheme will remain entirelv '^f"'^^" "* Lilt religions, and though there has always been alterations may be made "••*' ^, '" ^*'"*°*^ *" a great weakness in the constitution of the Fede- the desires of the Ma'**™*^ Provinces. All of us ration itself. One great argument in favour of should be confide- ^'^a* ^'''^ •°*''"*^°^ *'*'**' ^°' e8 *'" ^ carefully protected by u the presence of a common danger. In the those to -no»e c»™ *^«y ^^""^ '>^'* waaMn for a forthiag of chaage^ bai in a spirit of geneniaity towards each other. For, to quote with a aUght verbal chaoge, tha warda of a Britiah Qaeen, to the Icoieh Pariia- BMut, in respect to the Union between Scotland and England, which waa opposed jnat aa penia- tently by certain politiciaaa aa the Confederatloo of Britiah America is aow : "In entire and per> foct Union will be the solid fanndation of bating peace : it will secure your religion, liberty and property, remova the animosities amongst your- selves, and the Jealausiea and dUBculties betwaM your diflbrent provinces. It must increase yoar strength, riches and trade ; and by this Uaiasi the whole of Britiah America, being joined in aflbctioB and free from all qrprehenaiona of dif> forant interaata, will be aaabled to renatall its I*. . . » 'i ';"•'■, 'V"' -?.'• l^^