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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m^thode. 1 2 3 4 5 6 "^^ $iou$^ of Commons ©abates* SECOND SESSION-SEVENTH PARLIAMENT. SPEECH OF THE HOxN. DAVID MILLS (^N THK Eight of Canada to make her own Treaties 'fm< OTTAWA, 7th APRIL, 1892 SUPFLY-COMMERCIAI. TKEATIES. All'. FOSTER movofl tliat tlie Hoiisf resolve itself into Comniitt«? of Supply. .iirniii Mr. :MILLS (Botliwell). Mr. Speaker. I am alK)xit to submit to tlic Hoiise a motiou of very great impoi'tnuee. a motion wliich. in my opinion, the House would l>e wanting; in its duty to the oountiy if It fails to supiwrt. I am about to ask tlie House to decliire that the time has oome when commei'cial ti-fatios, in tlie interests of Canada, should be nofrotiateLl by persons who are responsible to the r.oveni- ment of Gmada and for whose acTj^ the ad- visers of the Cro^^^l in Canada should be held responsible to the House of Commons. We have often, within »^(se walls, had dra\ra for us bright word pictui'es of om* unmonse area, telling ns how we spanned the oontinonr ft-ora the Atlantio to the racilic. and how wo stretched fi-om the fertile r(^gions of the temperate zone far into the royions of p.-i-- petual frost. We have had presented to us glowing word pictui'es of the teeming mil- lions Avho, at no distant day, are to tilll the waste places, and to turn what is now a solitude hito fniitful fields, dotted with towns and cities, tilled %\ith a liusy and prosperous population. But after these delightful antici- jjatlons are i'oaUzeAvers are to remam the same as they are at present: are to remain .stationai':^. our political disaV)ili- ties fU'e to continue, and our poUtical life and actions are to operate within the limits fixed Ity the events and bj- the coiuUtions of a j periotl long since passesitlon on this subject, of commercial ti'eaties, perfectly InteUigible to the House and to the country. If I rightly understand them, it is their couteutioji that our foreign trade rela- tions must, as l(jng iis we remain a part of the Empu'e, continue in other liands than join's, so hi theu' opinion we must choose be- :tAveeii British connection and self-goveiiiment j l>eyond that measure of self-government j which we already possess. We must consent I to leave forever the regulation of oiu' foreign I ti-ade in other hands, or we must submit to , being put out of the British family and left to ; ])rotect oui'selves from foreign encreaohment I I do not know whether, if this alternative was the neces-sai-j- result of the proposition v.hich I maintain, that it would serlou.sly men- ace our future prospects ; l)iit I deny altogether that any such altei-native Ls before us ai'lsing out of tills subject Tliat such an alternative is uivolved has often been asserted, but no attempt has eA-er been made to sustain this \ oontpiition by rational rtrjfiunent. W'lum iv- preseutiitlve govonuiiout was doiimmled by the i)eoi)le of thl» oniony luilf a contnry ago, the sanu! assertion was nuidc. the same kind of arjfiuiii'nt was us<>IlfaiLs In s«iiuv,ii of a i)ni- text for putting an end to British aiitliority on this continent. Such, Sir, was the contei 'ion of tliat periinl. No doubt tlie oonueetiou was endangered, not, however, from aciiuiescence in tli(> proposed ref longer possible t(^ keep tlie iK'oole of the country in leading-strings, it was no longei" iKJSsible to pei-suade tlieiii tamely to submit to the pei-petuation of the political abiLses against wliich tliey at that time in\>- tested. Our fathers were told, as Ave luive lieeu told, of tlie grejitness of the parent state, tlie advantages of its protection, the wisdom of Its statesmen, tlie duty of implicit oliedience, and the wickedness of discontent. They were urged to A-enerate the old flag, to uphold tlie old .system, anil to stand by the old families. The advice soimdtxl amazingly like the advice Avhich, Avith e(iual disinttTcst- edness and with eqiail patriotic devotion, Ava^!, a little more than a year ago, pn)claimetl from the rostnim and reiterated by tlie uews- papei-s of hou. gentlemen who iioav sit upon your riglit. But in spite of this defence of the ancient system, it Avas overthroAvn. The demands for refonii were conceded, and the constitutional changes A\hicli Avi're long sought by the leadei^s of tlie Heforni party, were brought into practical oinnr^tiou. EA'ory one hi tliis country, Avhether in the House or out of it, laiows Avitli Avliat effect tliese changes Avere brought into practical operation. Xoue of the evil couseciueuces which were con- fidently predicted, came to pass. Instead of the tliiwrders such as we AA-ere told Avould arise, tliere was contenlment ; the Ixaids of imlon betAveen the colony and tlie parent state were strengthened, the affections of the people everywhere took the place of militaiy garrist)ns. Notlihig perished but the ascend- ancy of tliose who had subordiiuited the geuenil pultlic interest to tlieir own pecuuiarj or pers(mal adA'ancment. No ul>t the nieiJ Avho, for a long iieriod of years, had becomt! acMnmlnted with, or liad iM'coiiie luibitiuiteill to, a cei't;iin otHdal ntutini", to the exenJse otl a certain kind of autliorlty, were loath tol give up tliat autliorlty ; tliey luul conf«nuided| tliemseleves witli tlie political instituti(nis of| tlie (•<»untry. Such men do not Avell s«'e how tlw^ machine of government is to lie workeil witliout them. They are Uke the hangman in " Haruaby Uiidge " who. when he was con- demiUMl to death, asked that he might be spawHl for the sake of the constitution. These men did not see how the ad'airs of the (iov- ernment could \h; canied on in their absence. NoAV. these gentlemen do not say tliey are the state, lait tlu>y do regard themselves as a ueoessaiy part of its governmental madiinery. vr trans-atlantic otiicials Avho, hi the progress of the colonies, are from time to time de- l)rived of a portion of their authority, and Avho are, therefore, opiwsetl to change, do not. iu>verthele.ss, e.vhlblt the Siim*; ardour or the same fervour In cpposing the const itutloiuil reforms tiiat are demandiHi, tliat are some- times exhibiteatriotism of an<>tlier and a r tho socit^ty of nations wlieni'ver tlu> tiiiH> ch)UU's tliat tlu'y feel the want, and are preiKinnl to iiudertalie tlio resiM)nsll»illty whicli intonuitlonal oliliwi- tions ini[iosi>. It is not the intellcctiuil ca- pacity of tile people, it is not a lil^h dejiree of lntelliy:eneei on tlioir part, it is not lii«li cultiu'e, it is not tlie strengtli of theU* moral tibre, it is not tlieh hidustrial habit.s alone, or all these tx>getlu'r, tluit d«»terniUi(> whetlier a cxHnninnlty is entitled to s<^)verei>,'n authority or whetlier it is not. These are huportaut factors, no doulit. in detennininii,' the use which a stale will make of llie authority wliich It claims, and with which it is invested. , But govennnent is a pmctical want, and we haA'e no assni-ance tliat tlie powers of .uo\- enunent will he wisi-ly used any further than tlie uecssity for those i>o\\ers actiuilly are felt. These powers are limited in variot'.s ways : by tlit^ iH'cuniary ooniUtion of the population, by tlieir phj'slcal ou'cuiuotances, by their industrial progivss, by their external relations, pollticiil and conunercial. Where there is little wealth accumuLittHl necessity coini)els people who exercise political pow<'r to use their resoiuves in the direction of their most pi"essinff wants. Those wliich are most severely felt are tliose which are usually tirst pnwided for. We do not. nor ou.nlit we to seek to claim for a politioiil coimuuuity power without re.spoasibilit>-. I need not stx)p to point out the abuses which would l)e certain to arise If one govermuent were t*) decide on t'le measure of expemUtiu'e and another gov- ernment \vei"e requu'eil to provide the means by which tiiese obligatioiLS were to be met. If governmeut lie a niattcn- of growth, it is sufficient that tlie powei"s which we possess should be such as to enable us to meet l)y pniotlcal legislation, and by executive authority, all our wants and aU our necessi- ties. It Is out ol these phases that a state grows in power, as it gi-ows In the extent of its interest, and tliat there arises the dift'er- ence between a territorial and provincial govemment imder our ooiLstitution. It Is out of tliese phases of political gro^^'tll tliat the difference liotween a territorial and a state goveiimieut arises under the ooustitution of tlie T'liltert States. These distinctions grow out of the circumstances of the population SiiKl are ivoognized but are not created bylaw. ^^^lat is proper at one time In a community nuiy have been iiniiroper at an eiuiler period, and It is becjiuse of this increasing degree of complexity, and the convspondhig exten- sion of iiutlKirity whidi ought to accompany tliiit complexity, that we say that one oolouy of the ICmpii'c may rightly claim to be en- trust«Ml witli authority whlcli cannot be fairly claimed by another colony. One of the best known maxims of the English common law la that a (5olony of British subjetits cany with tliem into a. distant i>ortion of the Queen's douimious so much of the law of England as ma.v be sultetl to their circumstances. No nuitter how well Infonned the memlMjrs of that c^onmnmlty may be, they do not cany with tlKMU tile whole iKxly of the English law. There Is much of It they have no use for. Tlieixj Is much of it that is the necessary accident >)f the historical growth of the parent st lie. There is nmcli of it that gi'ew out of the ooiuUtions of early government which do not preva'l in the parent stiite In UKjderu limes. So tlu>st> featiu-es, these provisions of the law, are not carried witli the colony. ^I'hero is no constitutional rale \\hlch with- holds fi'om a colony of Britlsli subjects any imitlciUar power or autliority wliicli they may reastuiably claim, and which tliey may claim a!^ necessary for tlie promotion of their in- terests and the protection of tlieh- rights. There may be conditions and circumstances In il new colony of Englishmen or of British subjects so different from anj'tliing that exists hi the parent state, tliat there is uotliing in the iKKly of the law which they cany with them, there is nothing in the law which tliey left belilnd them, wliloh wUl adequately meet their waait.s. But they ai-e not left, luider tlie English constitutional system, helpless. They carry with them, not only certain pro- N-isions of the law which ai-e suited to their circmnstances, but they cany with them as a pai jf the common law the power to call Into existence the machlneiy by which the law may be amendcMl. by which it may be supplemented, by which it may be adjustee the perfection of reavson, and it would fall veiy far short of tills if a British subject did not cany with hhn into a, iie^- colony tluit part of the law which confers on hhu the rights and prlvl- leges of a freemnn, frwdom from taxation without his consent, the right to counsel Ills Sovereign, either personally or by repi'esentn- tion, the light to give his consent to niiy change in the law of the pl■o^ince by wlilch he is to be goveme immense Holds ■within the limits of which the colony does not legislate. It makes no attempt to legis- late, not because the power has been with- held imder the authority of the TOUUuon law. not because power has been taken away by any Imiierial enactment, but l»ecause it is shut out by Its local and and peculiar circiim. stances, by the simple chai-acter of lt8 wants and by the interest of the population. If you look. Sir. at the condition of the colony, you vriW find that the administration oi' civil jiLstice largely relates to mattei-s that are of a simple character and are easily imder- stootl. You will find that the expeudltm-es on the objects of government are in the flrat instance mostly municipal. There ai*e roads and bridges to build, harboiu's to protei't, the education of the chddi'en of the commimity to provide for, courts of justice to establish, the navigation of rivers to tmpix)ve, roads con- necting the different settlements of the in- terior Mith each other and viith the coast, to malie. Tliese are ii.sually the matters which first occupy the attention of a colony of Eng- lishmen ; not because in a. new country theti" rights are more limited Hum they are in the pai'ept state ; but because they ha.^-" j.ewer political interests. We see in a colony the state in the process of formation, and thc' public duties, and the pubUc functions of a higher order aa* of a later growth, There ai'e a himdred things whicii the sovereign state is called upon to deal with, but with which the colony has for a long series of years no concern. Now, this power of gov- ernment increases with the necessities of the population. Power and responsibility, imder the English constitutional system, go hand hand, and the same thing may be affirmed o1 power and necessity ari.sing from the growth! of a colony towaixls nati(»nality. The first of these is evoked by the parent state for the i pmp()s<^ of upholding and maintaining Its I suporinteiulenct; (►ver the Empire ; the second, I the power arising from necessity, the colony I Invokes for the extension of Its authority and ] for the nitlonal adjustment of Its freedom j in acconhinoe vitli Us want« Jind wWh Its Interests. P<»wer. at the first age of colonial existence. Is often wisel.\' exercised by the parent state, which at a later period, if serious abuses are nr,t to grow up, must be transferrelony ad- vances in civilization, in poinilatlon. and in wealth, the iiolitical liovi:'.on recedes, the area embraced witJiin the autliorlty of colonial legislation and ;iovennn<'nt is increa.scd. and the authority of the parent state over the colonlt3 is proportionately diminished. In other words, the Imperial rarliament and tlie administrative officers of the parent state, are by the ncH^c^ssitles of the colony relieved of a part of their trust That Is the position. AMiere tne colony hart no Interest at all In the subject, or whei"e it had no interest distinct from that of the parent siate, the parent state may without Injui^-, or inconvenience, or any sens(^ of oppression, and Avithout any rtanger of friction, exercise such authority. But, Sir, in the groMih ot colonies the time comes where the way parts : and a colony may take one ii>ad in its mterest. and the parent state may continue on the other. It Is perfectly clear that Avhenever that condition of things arises that the colony can no longer afford, A\ith regard to that partioular mattei", to allow the authority 1o remain with the parent state, without having its interests .subordinated and saaific-ed to those of the superior authority. TTierefore, if you examine, ^Ir. Speaker, the progre'nS of colonial goveiiunent xmder the English ctinstitutional system, you will find / that In every case where repivseutatlve gov- ernment lui8 been cstat)UKlu>d. the Mieoretiail principle wlilch I hiive jiwt stiitoi exactly cor- responds ^vlth the historical facts. There is no exception ; it ic a necessary oousefnience of growtli luulpr o\u' systiMu : tlu> t'rou- that sys- tem is, tho loss lutcrft'it'iuc Uiero Ls ; the iiion- promptly concession is nuulc ,1)y the parent state to tlie \»ant.s of the colony, and th(» more dearly they are laid before the p:uvut state. the less will Ik* the fi1<:^tlon, and the stronger the bond of mi Ion botwecu them. Xow. Sir, no one would veiitnro ti» :ir;?tie In^fore a jndi- clal tribunal that when a person comes to a l)olnt whcn^ his lntere> on opposite sides, that he iiuiy be safely left to j^o agahist his interests in discliarjie of a duty. The nile whldi luus been reco}mlz(> individual conscience. This is the neces.sai*y r ;>sult from the fact that the individr"' stands alone against the whole community, and In .matters of public interest it frequently happens that one-luiif the com- 1 mvmity, in political ethics as well as in ques- tions of public policy, stai ;ls against the ot;ier half ; so that rules f)f i'.i)rlght dealhigs are more readily applied as l)etween one imll- viduiil ami another than betAveen any indivi- dual and tlie state, or between one stnte and another. Public opinion always' comes more promptly to the suppoit of tlie public a.s against the Individual, than it doi>s In one [ state against another. Take the case of some matter in wliich an Imperial officer is under- : taking to act for a, province. Is it not per- ' fectly clear that in such a case tiiere is in the ' lirst place a disposition to maintain things as tliey are ? But, under disincUnation to change ' and that strong hiterest which tlie parent !^tate has in maintahiing things as they are, a public wrong is often shielded by the ignor- ance, by the indifference, by the self-interest. by the false political maxiias which have be- come cun-ent in the comiminity -nitii regard to the particular subject which is reganled as a srrievauce. In the case of one entrusted with I authority in the parent state, there comes to i the .supi)ort of that otflclai the public ophilou of a ver.v numerous coiinminlty— of a oom- I munlt>' who un(h'rtnke to maintain the exls- ; tence of the odice and the fmictlons of the i officer upon the gi-ound that the.v have existed for a long series of .Acars. And so we fi*e- (piently tlnd that the host interests of a pro- vince are held in check by the maintenance of th(> authorlt.v of some Imperial ofHcor, whose ' ftmctions ought to come to an end, and v/hose iluty should lie superseded bj- some other In authority. An otlidal In the United Kingdom. In the discharge of his duty abroad, can never be able to give more than a sul)ordinate place to colonial i\iatters which are not also mat- ters of great Imperial concern. But, SU*, we ;ire met at: this point by the objection that tile exiernal relations of all paits of the Em- pire naist ever remain hi tlie hands of Her Miijesty's advisers at Westminster ; tli;it no othei' rule can bi> reconciled with tlif unity and stability of the P',niplre. This, Sir, it .seems to nu'. is simply begging the question In dispute. 1 deny Ir. ^^■el•e iJie contention weU f minded, It \\duld onl.v prove this, that the (i"stiny of the British Empire Is that itx Ci)lonles sliall reach a period of niaturlt.v, and tha.; the Phnpire shall then fall to pieces. The doctrine of Impeiiid snpremac.v, and of Im- perial superintendence, was stated al)out u \ear ago with great force and precision by J oi\l Sallsbiu-y. In discussiiig the action of the Imperial Go\ernmeut towanis Xewfound- land in Its oispute with the GoA-erument of France. Lo.d Sallsbmy nu>d(> these obseirva- tlons in defence of interference by Impeilal authorities. He said : "We give them (the XewfoundUmd people) unlliuiterial I'arlianicnt and Im- perial officerH to the oflicci's iind antlioHtlcs In a dependency, I shall imdortakc to .stafo later. When, Sir, we tli*Ht 8<»t ont to >dve ynicticii] oiTect to onr claim lo Holf-);ovoniment, we con- tined our demands to our domestic art'iiirs ; we limited those demands hy cnn- local Inter- ests. We did so because these wen> sntli- dent at that time to meet all onr governmen- tal wants. The.v aiv not such, however, a.s to meet the v/aiit.s of a nceni to us and them, the (Government of Canada shouM be represented. I sjiy, Sir. that tliese things show that Ave are no longer n. colony such i\B we once were, that we are net longer an in- fantile community, Imt a state posses.sing the instincts and interests Avhich belong to a peo- ple Avho must be reganled in some respects as a sovereign people. Do they not show. Sir. that we believe ourselves to lie the best guar- dians of our cwn Interests ? i)o they not show that in respect of all those mattc-i.3 in which we have external relations, .re belie^■o that we can do more for oiu^elv s tli;in others can do for us ? Sir, what nu'ant the excur- sion of the hon. Minister )" Fiuiince to the West Indies sixteen months aj -> ? It may be that the hon. gentleamin accomplished noth- ing ; but he hoped to accomplish sometliing when he set out. It may be that the strength of the hon. Minister of Finance does not He in the field of diplomacy, ■\^^lether the hon. Minister went to the West Indian Islands of his own free will, or whether in a moment of weakness he yielded to the pressing demands and imiwrtimitles of liis colleagues, I do not think it Is a matter of much couHequence to eniiulre. However this may be, th<» Minister of Finance set out on his voyage for the pur- pose of dealing with the relations l)otween this country and those West Indian Islands. If those relations are not very Intimat^e at tho l»resent time, tlie hon. Minister of Finance and Ills colleagues, at whose instance he \v«'nt. must hate tlaaight that it was desirable that those relations shouhl 1h» more Intimate. But, Sir. the hon. gentleninn. in going upon that joiiniey. with, the ai)probation of his col- leagues, assiuned that the commercial rela- tions of Canada with other countries were matters tliat properly fell within the juristllc- tion of the Government of Canada, and he ncted upon that iissumption. It Is true that tlie countries whicii he vi.sit«'d were Hritlsh possessions ; but. Sir. If It was proper to go t<» llie Island of .biiiiaic.i (ir to the Trovlnce of 'Juiana fca" the pnniose of extending the trade of this ccamto-. It would have been e(|ually ])roper to have gone to Mexico, to Coloinliin. or lo Hfiizil. I was with the extei'Uiil relations of the country that he un- dertook to de.'d. It was not i>olitical atlilia- tlon thiit he was stK'klng In his vlsl' to .Ta- malca. but whhr nuirkets. It nuisi, be as- sumed that in those ^^sits he sought to pro- mote tli«' interests of the i)eople of Canada, to eontilbuti' to their prospei-ity. and to add ti> their wealth. What tlie Minister .ilnied nt. lie did not accomplish. The actlcm of the Government i)rovely before me ; it jiroved the fmther ja-o- position that Canada has not become a self- contiiined comitry, capable of consuming all that it (vm pi'odnc(>. and of pnxlucing all that it can coiistime. This was one of the promises lion, gentlemen made in connection with their fiscal policy, and this promise has not been redeenuMl. It has. on the contrary, signnlly ! failed. T pass by that, however, for the pre- sent, and simply eall the attention of the House to the fact, that the story of the w.in- derings of this INIinister. who sidled over tlio sea and then sailed back .igain. has not yet s<'eu the light This silence Is suggesth'e and ominous. It shows that the Minister feels his polltlciil excm-sion did not bring tlie Govern- ment glory nor the country gain. Tht; Minis- ters have shown that they did not want closer trade relatUais with tlie neighbouring repub- lic. They did not. In the interests of Canada, desire that our people should look to the T^nltwl StntPH for nnytlilntr^ Tho.v hopwl that this West Iiidiiui voynp' woiilil »>iiiil»l«' tlM>iu t«t promlH*' Hucli nn r.\t(>iifsl(>n of tiixlo ns would (luicf ilic ninftoilnt's ot' diHContcnt. nlildi. prcviouH lo tlif clt'clitniH of liixl .v«'i\r, wcro lK'in« lioiinl. Tlio lion. ^'I'litloniiin vvoiilil linvo preferred iieKollnt,ioiis< with Uiissiii. Cliinn. TimlHictoo, or niiy otiier ("oiiiitry on tlic (urlol)o rntlu'r than a\1Mi tho rountry on om* iniiiiedinte honiei-s. I^efore liis wimderliiK's hewin, tlie wliole Adnihdstnitlon. (»r a larne nuiiiI)or of them at lonst, paid a visit to the Mai'ifimo l'rovine(>H. Tliey liiiew i»(>f(ire Hiey started tJuU, lliere was dlHeonleid ; (liey ld tliese tiiinfrs in tlieir liearts, and in their eaKleni ol)serval:ons feit called npon to consider wiiat ineasm-e of relief, otlier tlian reciprocity witii liie neiKldionrinu reimldic. they could offer the people of Canada, which would enfil)le tlieni to retain tlie coufldeiico of the countr.v. They were anxious to discover a solution, no doulit. but a solution otlier than that whidi most oI>viously ])resented itself ; and so. after (liis eastern excursion, aft<'r viewiii); the ground ui»oii our eastern border, the lion, jreiitleiiiaii set out ujioii lliis West rndia vo.vaw. He visiltHl ilie Leeward Is- lands, the Windward Islands, and, if I re- nuini'ter i-ifjlitly, also the mainland. Every- Avliere he failed in his negotiations. The authorities in these West Lidiaii provinces did not like the proposition of the lion, sentle- nuiu. They thought, perhaps, that the hon. gentleman wjus t(M) mudi like Cassius ; lie had a lean and hmigi-y look ; they thought, perhaps, that he offered too little and wanted too much. The matteix. after his exjilana- tlon, were even more iuixeIe of this flous*' a full stnti'- nient of the hon. gentieman'i!* visit t«) tlint country in the interests of the public st>nice ; ann laid upon the Talile. if would be wen that the visit of lln^ hon. genileman to tho West Indies wa« really a, l>urlesf|ue upon negotiations. Sir. had tlie lion, gentlemen ujion the Trea- siir.v lienclies any assurance whatever that tlieiv was ii seiiiblaiice of success in this I xcui'sion. the lire wliicii l>uriied so l)rigliily iipoii llie Conservative platforms in ilie lieulnniiig of tlie election c^impaign would j liiiA-e continued to ulow until (he day of tlie I election : but tli(> hon. gentleman was unalih' I to liold out an, liope of success, and so tiie j defence of the National Toiicy, with Avhich I the C4iiiipaign opemnl. Avas not the subject-matter cussioii on the part of the hon. gentli uui nd his colleagues and supi^orters when tliai cainpaign tlosed. If I the lion, gentleman liad suciM'Cth'd Avitli ii single West In battle, but we Would have lieaivl a great deal of the magniificeiit acliievi lueiits and brigiit pros- I»(>cts flowing from tlie lion, gentleman's visit to these luipit.v isles. There XA'ouid liaA'e be<'n predictions, vast and A-ague. .about tlie unity of the Kinjiire. abitut th(> propriety of au Imperial tariff, framed specially to exclude the (ieiitiles from tlii> imperial market and to put them on a footing of inequaUty, or at all events a tariff specially dii'ccted against our Samailtau neighbours. But from time to time the news came that the West Indian otiicials AA'ere opposed to the hon. gentleman's jiroposition. From time to time, it AA^as aiuiounced, lirst, that oiu' and then that aufttlKH" of those otiicials Avere opposed to the schemes of trade Avhich the hon. gentleman had submitted to them. AMien the hon. gentleman set out, he must have forgotten hat the admiration for the policy of protection, Avhich. no doubt, he sincerely entertained, and Avhich was entertained by his colleagues, A\as a highly artificial luibit of mind. It A\'as Uke the Avorship of the toads and lizards in ancient Egypt, and it was not a. condition of mind likely to be met with in men trained in the principles of political economy, men Avho imbibed their notions of commercial policy from the mother coimtiy. It was not llkoly that suHi men wmilil view with otiier fiH^liitfs thiiii those of iliwtfust and ivputf- niincH tluit poUcy <*( luutnal i>rot»vtlon whU-h tho lion, p'ui Ionian souKhr to extond over the West Imlia Islatuls. Hctdio tlu* Hoctlons weiv over, the hoii. (jentlenum and his col- lenirnes e^*aM»Hl to shiy; piuNins In pnUse of the Xallonal I'olley. 'I'liey assured the ppopU'. in some Instances, ihai It was a means to an end. that It was a teiiii»orary and eoerelve policy i-ntereil upon lor the pui'pose (if laluKiiiW ("onmvss to Its senses, nnd . f securhi); rfoin tlic rnlt«'d States a wider market and freer trade. S(» wluit was called the national policy was snperst\ded by wliat was claimed to lie tiie old poliey. tiic lari,'er policy, the poiii-y wiiich was the end towanls wldch the national policy was hut tho meims, aid so we llnd tiiat tliese >;entle- uit-n iMlt jx'rsiiaded their I'olloners tiiat tiUs oUl policy, as it was called, hieant Caiia^hi tor tlie Canadians, that it meant tho Xalioiml Policy, that it meant anythlni: that any class of the conuimnity mlKlii tliinU tiiey Avould lik« to have as a conuuercial policy, and so. dminj; the progress of tlie olectond conU'st, It was aimouncly to be in.iurod if they are not 4lealt with directly by ropre.s<>ntalives of tile Dominion '.' If that is not the case, why did the hon. gentlemen uudertake tlie.se negotiations V There may possilily be an- other explanailon. If the .Ministers were to spoalc frankly thoy might say tliat the farmers of Canada were too much In earnest to per- mit tiuMii to palter wllli this (piestlon of reciprocity. A coiiditum of tilings hau wen* wlw In their Kt'in'iiitloti. \Mieu the day of wiMlIi niiin', tlu'y wciv ivndy to Mii-on- down tlu-ir si lines, wIumv thoy luul cjiilt'il on all palrlotlc; (3aiia(iiaiis to brln>j tiit'U' olV('rlii>?s ami tlioir wacrllleos fur tlio past: tlilrlt'iMi yfars. I ticitrcciilt' tlic motives whlcii liave liecii alltKwl for tills QlianRO of policy. If lion. Koiillemen iiad been honest and sliiccrf in cndeavouiiim to sccun* reciprocity, tlicy would iicvcr have ri'tiiriied to CuiHUla eiiiply-lianded. We nay that If Canada Is to succeed In tliis mallei-, she must act for lierself, and iiol l»y anollier. No matter liow Ciieiully tiie British iiiid)assador may l)e. In- .'icts for another coimlry, ami another (iovei'iiiueiit lliaii Ihls, ami he cnn never forfrei. that tlie parth's to whom he Is responsible ha\e ditTereiK notions fn>iu ours, and tlie suhjccr. may not present jusi tlie same aspects to them that It does to us, and that he Is not impelled to master tlio snbjcci whldi most concerns its, nor Is hi- compelled to consider It from om* standpoint. He is not familiar with onr cin-umsliiiices. and never can feel as one of our own jx'ople wouhl do. He Is never in touch with the ptibli(! opinion of this coimlr.v, ami tliere are barriers in tlie way of his ev(>r bein;; so placed. Ills want of information, his per- sonal IndinVitMice. the al»sence of res|ionsi- blllty to us. his knowledge that mislaUe iind failure will entail uixtn him no serious con- sequences, render hhu morally incapalile of exercising in Hie bi^diest de^rree thai ability and sldll wliich our interest cills for at his hands : aiul those thinjis which inosl deeply concern us and wldch art'ecl our malerial well-b(MiiK nnisl ahva.vs lie subordiii;ited to the general Interest of the Empire for wlilcli he will be held to strict respoiisil)ilily. .Now, the Imperial (iovermiu'iit and Hie (inveru- ment of Canatla do not take exactly the same view of disputed (jucstions. Take, for in- stance, the disputes of the Imperial tloverii- inent witli the UnlteU States. What they most want is the early disposilion of a dis- agreeable dispute ; they want to have it dis- l>osed of, they are read.v to make large (X)ii- cesslons to attain that end. AN'hat we want Is a permanent reoogultlon of om* Just liglils ; and that being so, It Is of the tlrst conse- quence that we should apiiolnt the parlies who are to have charge esi)eciall.v of itur a>mmercial affairs. I say this because I think that the conduct of the hou. gentlemen, wiienever tliose questJouh Imve arUen, Hhows that in practice, whatever they may have proclaliiK^l from time to time, theoretlcaUy. on the tl(M)r of rarllament, they have lulmitted the .soundness of the proposlllon for which I contend. If that lie so, If the Imperial otHcei* is not coin|)etent, not qnalilied. from the nalmo of ills position and Ihe iialure of lib* responsibility, suflirienily to can; for our Inleiests. we see why it Is the hou. gentle- men eoiisliintly insist, so far as Ihe Hrillsh repri'sentativi> at Washinglon Is «)UceruiMi, thai his laltours shall always be siippleinentereseiiiatlves of Ihe iH.vernmeiil of Canada. Hut no mailer foi' what reason, tlie fact remains thai the Ministers sought to enter Into direct iiegotialioiiv at Waslilngtoii with the Wa.sh- imrloii .•iiilliorllies ; they did mil tnist to tlii> llnilia.ssy. and liy lln'lr conduct they luive allirmed that the present constitutlon.il ma- f'liinery is not adeqnalo lo ilie requirements of a colony such as Ihls. li; lii'inu six o'clock, liie Spi>aker left tiie Chair. Alter Recess. .Mr. .MILLS ( liolliweiii. Under tile cir- cumstances wiilch I have mentioned as to the pniciiec of the tiovernmeni in the pa.st, 1 Would ask whether It is :iot now tiK) late longer lo opi.(»se the i)iinciple embodied In ilic moiiou wliicli I am alxait lo sulHiiit to tills ib)iise. If it were in order to addrcs-s myself to the ^Ministers on llie Treasury iteiiches I would :^iy, that hitlierto you have oiiposed, by your speeches, the iiriuciples em- l)0(licd in my molioii, lint .vou have again and again practically, though fitfully, recog- nized Ihe sounilness of that principle. You were compelled to ciioose between acting on tlie principles suggested by tills motion, and accomplisiilng nothing beyond ])reparing a .Miiiiit*.' of Council for His Excellency to be forwarded to the Colonial Office. Sometimes the old course ii.-is bwii adopted, and a despatch is writleii. upon whidi no action is taken. It is left to mould in the s' adows of llie Colonial Office, where traditional prejudi- ces against every kind of chauire are neces- sarily \'ery strong. Sometimes a \enei"able official wlio may have survived from a former generation, wcmders why these mwldlesome colonies jire anxious to take charge of part of tlieir own business whidi has long l)eeu 10 entnisted to that departinent, and -which hi Ills opinion they will discliarge far less etli- ciently, and with far less pliill. tlian tlie Imsinoss l>as been mauapMl liy the offioiais of that office. If tliese geatieinen of routine have their Avay, t)iere never would be any change, but all thing" in relation to tlie guv- eriunent of tlie EnipU-e and the powers and duties of colonies would remaui as tliey are eiow. Sometimes wliero urgent solicitation is made on the part of any colony witli reference to foreign matters, tlie Colonial OHice communicates with tlie Foreign Office ui)()n the sul).|eqt, and a despatcli is wntten to the Ib'itisli ainl)assa(lor of tlie country with which the colony has Indirectly som;> business. That despatch is read to the ^Minister of Foreigu Affairs in that couutry, and a copy of it is left with hhn. It may be made, to some extent, the sul)Je(meii in this "^T^use, Avhy Ave should constantly impor:* .l/e Colonial Officx? with reference to ma li^re tliat specially coiic t>;e ever to be satisfactorily attende it the matters are to receive a projier solution, one that is required 1)y the inerit.=i and circumstances of tlie case. we oiight to take charge ourselves. T think, Rh*, we ought not to be sup- pliants hi these cases where Ave ouglit to be masters, and where we ought to lie masters because we are the parties chiefly concemefl. This principle in no way differs from the principle of domestic self-government whicli has been recognized Avherever responsible govemment is establi.she anotJier Administration, and who is under the supervision of anotlier Parliament A\hose interests are regarded as jiaramount and Avliose authority is claimed to lie such, is never likely tf a dependency, to its external relations, ibat iittentloa and that care Aviiich are abso- lutely nec«\ssaiy. I am of the opinion that those Avho have most carefully conslderwl this matt<>r Avill be least likely to dissent from this A'iew. The ancient doctrine, tliat a colony ought Ia) be knovAii only through the parent st.ite and ought (mly to speak through, the organs of that state, is, no doubt, strong, so far as the external reLitions of the c<^>lonies are conwrnwl. but it is tlu^ remnant only of a. political system Avliich for the most part has perished. "We live here for ourselves and not for the parert state. It is th(^ well-being of this coimtry of Avhicli the I'arliament of Canada, has charge ; Ave are not charged Avitli looking after the interests of the Ignited Kingdom ; aa'c are not called upon to exorcise a. parental supervision, or to specially concern ourselves about the affairs of other portions of the Empire. It is th«^ Avell-being of the people ftf Canada Avhicli specially interests as, and Avhen the people of Canada have in- terests Avliich extend beyond our teiTitorial limits. Avheii our ixnjple have so gi-oAvn and so far appi"oaclielicy Avould lead to sepamtion from the mother c. On the contrary'. I belicA-e it Avould have the veiy opposite effect ; at all eA*ents, it Avould be at 11 least a nioasiire of delay. It is no doiibt another step in tlie process of political evolu- tion. It is no donbt a .step wWch canles ns foi'ward .sitU nearer t4^) the condition of nation- ality'. It is as nccessaiy \a onr well-beinK to-day anind us to the mother counti'y ; yoii may l)y tliat line of ar;.nuuent convince a certain iwrtion of the poi)\dation that ytm are right in your contention ; Init the vitjil force which has jiiven rise to lliis demand, the sm*- roimdJJig circumstances, tlic industnal };Towtli of the countiy wliich lll•^'s.ses this demand niwn us will not be wealper to demand. I have heard it said tliat if we were to make this demand tlie Inipenal Govennnent would never consent to be held resixnisible for treaty olilipitions to which it hareijni head of the (4overnment in the Fnited King;dom. If treaties are nejrotiat(>d uiwn the responsi- bilitj' of Ministei's of the Crown lieiv, and who for these nep-otiations iire held I'cs- ponsible to this rarliameiit. tlmse negotiations will be conducteign atTaii-s we .shall see that this demand is not an unreasonable one (Hi tlie part of our colonies. Supi>osin}j a war were to occur lx>tween tlie Ignited Kiiiftdom and a giva.. eastern state, lietweeii tlie T'nited Kingdom and Tiiissia. That war might lie one wliich we thought might have been avolileil. It might 1)0 that, in our opinion, it ought to have lieeii avoided. It might lie that a full in- vestigation of the sul>.iect Avould convince us that p»'af!e might liave been maintaineas. l)ut it woidd only lie a general protection, sucli as would be afforded to tlie niercnant marine of aii.v jiortion of the Em- pire uiion the high seas. Tlie defence of our ports and harliours would deiiend upon our- selves. We would be required to erect fortifi- cations, to equip them and to man them. If there were invasion Ave Avnuld lie required to take all necessary st(>ps to reiiel it. We might be put to A-ei-j- g'-eat (wpense. if a Avar, gi'owing out of the consid(M'ation of matters over Avhich aac have no control and in Avliic)' A\e liaA'e no special interest, took place. I am m>t complaining of this. T am not saying tlijit this is any rea.soii Avhy our obligations slioulsts witli the parent state. That TtTISJST 12 being so, the principal autliority with regard to such matters must continue there ; but, Sir, tliat does not apply to eveiy foi-eigu i-elation that may arise. There may be cases in ■whicii the colony is tlie party chiefly con- cerned ; there may be cases ui which tlie interest imder discussion is a colonial interest and not an iinpeilal hiterest ; and surely where that is the case, It Is not mireasouable to say, that with regard to such matters tlie negotiations are to be conducted uik)U tlie ad\1ce of the Ministere of tliat colony, wlui are responsible to the colony wliicli is clii^dy ooncenied. We say tliat »ve tmst t^> Imperial authorities in all imperial matters. We do n( t question tlieir authoritj-, wo do not say that where the chief responsibility and bm'don devolves upon them, that we ought to ovei'- rale their views or to interfere with their authoiity. But sm-ely If we tmst them they should tiaist iis. Tills should be a matter of mutiuil tmst, and the Luperial Governmeut ought to be as prepared to stand by and to uphold a treaty relating to our ci\il and com- mercial mattei-s and negotl.ted by us, and reUiting to mattei-s in whicli we are cluetly concerned, as we are, as every other iwrtion of the Empire Is, to uphold the exercise of its miquestioned authoiity In these mattei"s which clilefly concern itself. Sow, ^Nlr. Speaker, it seems to me tliat tlie time lias come when the ix>wei' to act must, in the case of all the lai-ge colonies, accompany tJie interest. Tluit. I think, is a safe nile. I think that mistakes are much less lilcely to be made and diflicul- tles are much leas likely to groAV up, and ill- feeling is much le.ss Ukely to be engendei'ed, where the sovereign responsibility iv.st,s with those Avho ai'e chiefly affected. The sovei-eign power to ti-eat and to bind may be exercised by the appointees of the Crown uixin the advice of Ministers responsible to tJie com- mmilt^i' which Is chiefly Interested. The external relations of the Empire might re- malu unchanged if tliis principle Ije fully recognized. I repeat that I accept the nile which I liave quoted from Ixird Salisbury, namely, that the partj- who is chiefly affected Is the pai'tj' who has the right to exercise the sovereign power. Xow. let me. by way of lllustnition. suppos(^ that Avar, out of some matter of dispute, should arise betAAfcn the United Kingdom and the llni!»d Stites. "Who would be tlie party who Ls chiefly coucemed? Would it lie the United Kingdom that would be likely to be invaded or would it be Canada ? Can there be a doubt that Canada woidd be the party who would chiefly suffer from any conflict that might arise ; a 'id Canada lielng the party having the liu'ge.st measure of responslblUty, the largest Interests Involved, she Is the party that ought to detennlne what these relations should be, and v\iiat negotiations should be had to secure a fair and just settlement. Sir, this. It st'Qius to me, \Aould In no way interfere with the relations which have existed between the colonies aiid the mother land. The con- stitutional dev(.iopment of the colonies no doubt must luing about a cluinge In one respect m the relations of the dependencies to the parent state. That relation Is no longer the relation of lord ami vassivi. It Is the relation of friends standing upon a footing of i'(iuality. not equal In strength but eonal 111 rights, and the d(jmluant Influence of the mother coimtiy ought to depend upon its superior AA'ealth. and its superior numbers, and not upon any assertion of sovereignty oA'er us with regard to mattei-s specially con- cerning ourselves. Tlie union of the Empire in the futm'e must be a union based not upon the assertion of legislative, executive, or military supri'iiuu'.A'. The penuaiience of the union and the strength of the imlon depends on the absence of coercion and of restraint. The strength of that union depends lai-gely upcjii the language, upon a common litera- ture, upon a conuuou .system of jurisprud- ence, upon a common system of constitutional govornment,. and upon tlie common hopes and aspirations of the people of the various communities with regard to their progress. Those, Sir, are, In my judgment, far stronger and far more enduring elements of union than the mere posses.slon of superior legis- lative or military authority. It Is an esstnitlal C(jiidltiou of progress that Ave must groAV into a broader freedom, and become po.ssessed of a greater measure of poAA-^er, and hi'.:' greater authoiity devohitig upon us and greater responsibilities. In tlie nature of things tliis must be so, miless we, by our follies or by our vices, put an end to our progress. It is only by ceasing to be a progressive people that aa'c can cease to gi'ow In the direction of a larger measure of authority than wo have up to this time possessed. I-et us look. Sir, for a moment at some of the recent phases in the relations Avhle'i the different parts of the iiJmplre have towards eiuii other. Has any one forgotten I ^\ \ 13 the assertion of Australia a few years ago that she ought to possess the power of acquliing new tenitoiy ? Austmlla Insisted upon the acquisition of New Guinea for the piupose of protecting and promoting her future Interests. The deniiiud was a novel dema^ ; It was a new experience to the Ck)lonlal Minister, and Lord Derbj-, who was Colonial Secretary at the time, replied : That Her Majesty's irapeiial advisers must be the sole judges as to whether Her Majesty's Imperial dominions ^-should be extended or whether they should not. But Australia contested that principle. She said : That rule is all veiy Avell in the great majorltj- of instances ; but she maintained that cf ses might arise when the interests of the colony are paiumoimt, and where that is the case it was the colony that should guide the parent state and not the parent state that should determine what were the interests of the colony. The colonists pointed out that they had upon their northern border an immense island containing nearly 300,000 square miles, and they could not be indifferent to the occupation of that Island in the future. They said : The Islands in the soutlieni seas are within the sphei'e of our dominion ; we are opposed to their acquisition by any European state ; we cannot afford to have established upon oiu' border by a great miUtary power a colony which would entaU upon us serious bm'dens to prevent our liberties being menaced, which would not rest upon us at all if these acquisitions were not had. They impressed on the Imperial Government their views, and Lord Derby ultimately gav<» way ; but he did not do so until the Empire of Germany had acquired 00,000 square miles, more than one- fifth of the area of the Island of New Guinea, hut this discussion which took pUice between the Imperial Government and the govern- ments of the Ansti'alian colonies shows the dij'ection in which the ;rroater colonies are growhig. It shows that tliey cannot be indif- ferent to tlieir external relations, that they are anxious to watch their opportunities, and that they have hopes that at no distant day those colonies will becojne united and gi-ow into a gi'oat commonwealth.: they arc the aspirations bom of freedom in the midst of gr-eat opportimities, and no one that follows that correspondence can faU to sympathize with the AustraUan colonies, and to believe that they were altogether in the right. Well. Sh", France acquired the Islands of New Ire- land and the New Hebrides, and imdertook to estabUsh penal settlements there. The col- onies protested. They presented their views to the Foreign Office, and the Foreign Office became the mere instmment for the pmpose of giving effect to the -views of the colonies in regard to these matters. Then, look for a moment at the discussion which took place between England and Germany with regard to the respective spheres of Influence of those nations in southern Africa. Cape Colony be- came interestetl in the discussion, and its Government and tne press insisted on their right to be heard -with regard to that matter, jon the ground tliat it was one affecting the j futiu-e interests of that colony, even more 'than it affected the interests of the parent j state. All those discussions, like tlie action of I the Government here— although they fonner- ly opposed this principle— have again and again made It clear that the larger colonies have outgrown the principle of local self- government confined to mere domestic affaii-s. They have reached the very border line of sudi authority. Their interests are extend- ing beyond that ; and now the time has come when they must assert their claim to a larger measure of goAommental authoritj- in order that they may adjust the functions of the Government to tlie new ciromustances which have arisen. Sir, it is in this way that the Empire is growing ; it is in this direction that the authority- of colonial govenunent is be- ing extendetl. Now. I know that there are some hon. gentlemen In this House who sub- seril>e to the doctrine of imperial federation, and who are looking forwai'd to that as a solution of some of those difficulties which are pressing themselves upon tlie attention of the governments of all the Irrger colonies. I may sjiy, after ha^-ing given tlint subject the best consideration that I have been able to give it. that I do not thlnli it is in that direction that ! the solution of the relations of tlie different \ portions of the Empire to each other will be foimd. On the subject of an imperial federa- tion applied to couimimities so widely sepa- rated from each other as those which consti- tute the British Empire, there is such an ab- sence of general knowledge with regard to matters of a sovereign and large character, but an acquaintaiv <• with which is in the nature of things 1 tliat tliere will always be wanting some ■ the essential elements to anything Uke a systematic and well-organized 14 federal oraplre. Sir. the relations between the different i)ortion.s of the Empire are Iteiug worke give free play to this piin- ciple as applied lo our own retiulrements. I readily admit that the public otHclals of the parent state, who are long habituated to the ;ulmiuisti'atlon of certain departments of the (Joveniment may not willingly surrender any piatlon of the power with which they have lieen long entrusted ; and so you may look for opiMxsltioii to this pi-oposition. I>ut It must not be furgotteu that concession is not alwa.vs made to convict' )ii ; it Is as often made to get rid of imiKntunity and its lan-es- sary worry, as Justice was done by tlie unjust judge mentioned in the (lospcl. The vital growth of our national ( Jovernment cannot be InuKHled by uistltutions whicli have .survived the circumstance upon which their utility de- pended ; it is necessary tliat a new arrange- ment In this particular should be establl.shed, and, once It is established iuid adjusts Itself to Its environments, tlie governing of the Em.' plre TAill, no doubt, be more satlsfactoiy than It Ls at present. There will bo fewer frictions, and everybody A\ill be ready U) aduut tJiat the condition of things introducetl Is superior to tJiat which it lias supplanted. I ask the attention of the House; for a mojueut, to the Importance of commerce In the eyes of Eng- lish stiitesmen. See the number of costly ap- pliances which the British Government main- tain all over the world for the protection and extension of their ti-ade and commerce. There are coaling statlous. foits, docks, sliips of war, and all these things, mainly for tlie pro- tection of that commerce. Consider the con- sular syst^iiu, now a branch of the Foreign Office, collecting information tliat may be ne- cassary for the maintenance and furtlier ex- tension of coimiierce. You have consuls and vice-consuls uiwn whom duties are Imposed and labours of a \ery important charact«'r which they are reipiired to perform. The in- formation which they are required to coUect and report is of the Jii-st consequence to tlie manufactiu-ers and merchants. They make 15 jnces of 9 undue pou the pi-econ- Llkely to ; consU- i to the Now, iituleutly tor the le House his piin- iieuts. I s of the d to the s of the iider any ley have nay look r.nt it >n is not iis (if ton its iicces- lio unjust nie vital :'iinuot be surv'veil itility de- arran^ie- taljllshed, ists itself ! the Eni' tmy tliau frictions. Iniit that superior : ask the lit, to the of Eng- iostly ap- snt niain- etion and ee. There sliips of • tlie pro- the cou- Foroign ly be ne- irtlier ex- isuls and Imposed character The In- to collect ice to tile ey make f known the character of the trade; of every port and e\'ery consular district. Tliey inform the British public of tlie kiud of ^:o(m1s tluit eutei into coiiipctiliou witli Kritish manufac- •tiU"es and Britisli products in each particular locality. They inform tliom of tlii' directions in wliich tnidc may lie extendce taken to tliis end is to have the right to negotiate Ci^immercial treaties on our own be- half conciHled to us hy Her INlaje.sty's .Minis- ters in AVestminster. .\nd so, witli the \iew of obtainuig the opinion of the House and this country upon this (luestion, I l>eg to move : That all tiie words after Hie word "Tliiit" be left out, and tlie following Inserted instead thereof : " it is exi»edlent to obtain the neces- sjiry i>owei>i to enable Her ^lajesty the Queen throngh Her representative the Governor Gen- iM'al of Caimda, upon the advice of his Minis- ters, to appoint an agent to negotiate commer- cial trejities with otlier British possessions or with foreign sttxtes. sub.|(Hit to the prior con- sent or sultsequeut approval of the Parlia- ment (►f Canada." I use the word "agents" becjiuse I wish to use as lu'oad and compreliensive a term as l)(>ssil)le. It will cover evt'iy species of gov- ernment representatii^e abroad, whetiier he be a commercial or political agent, whether he be a iHH'son holding the rank of a permanent ollicial or ambassador, or whether he be a plenipotentiary extraordinary, specially ap- polnttnl for a .specitlc puiiiose !Uid tlie accom- plishment of a particuljir end, and so with j these explanations as to tlie cluiracter of my motion, I beg leave to put it hi your hands, Sir. st^conded by the lion, member for Quebec Eiist (Mr. Laurlen. OTTAWA: Printed by S. E. Dawson, Printer to the Queen's Most Excellent Majeaty. 1892. /