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PHILOSOPHY & HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION, Br A. ALISON, Esq. LoNBoN : CHAPMAN & HALL, Piccadilly. •'This is in every respect a remarkable book; remarkable for the extent and variety of its information, for the sincerity of its convic- tions, for the boldness of its views, and for the out-spoken, fearless manner in •wiiich it is written. It is unquestionably honest and con- sistent throughout. Neither can there be a second opinion as to the great value of the Work in a social point of view, as an exponent of the errors of past civilization, and of the probable future to which present civilization is tending at a rate of rapidity of which few per • sous have any clear conception," — Observer, " The work is of an entirely opposite character to that of Mr. r)uckle ; being a vindication of the efficacy of the Free Will in the affairs of the world ; and wo hail it cheerfully as a valuable protest against the overwhelming preponderance, of late years, of the Neces- sitariau School." — AtheHceum. THE IXDEPENDENCE OF CANADA. 1 am of opinion thnt England should not only not interfere with the civil war now raffing in America, but that sho should retire allo- gfther from the North American Continent by declining; Canada an independent state. So long as Canada belongs to us wc hold out a bait to the United States to go to war with us with a view to its annexation. That being so, it is manifestly the interest both of Eng- land and Canada to separate. The press and all our leading statesmen are unanimous in expressing their readiness to give tip Canada if the Cunadians themselves are willing to accept indi'pendence, and if these liberal professions on our part are sincere there will be no difficulty in eflTecting that object. The great Tragan, who restored the glories of Rome, contracted the limits of the empire both in Europe and Asia, and when we with- draw our troops from Canada, and declare her independent, wo shall strengthen the British Empire, for instead of that vast country con- tributing to the strength oi' England, it is a constant source of weak- uess. We have only to look at the map to convince ourselves that it is essential to the stability of the British Empire that Canada should be given up. By giving up Canada we lose nothing, for our trade will go on with her after she is independent the same as now. So far from losing any thing we shall be great gainers by the change, for we shall save the expense of maintaining an army and navy for her defence Avhich would materially add to the taxation of England. I have taken some trouble to ascertain the sentiments of the Canadians on this important point, and the result of ray enquiries are, 1st, that they would prefer to remain connected with England, and 2nd, that they are satisfied if they were independent, the chances of war with the United States would be reduced in the ratio of twenty to one. Mr. Rose in his recent speech in the Canadian parliament stated that all the wars and rumours of wars in Canada arose solely out of their connection with England, a statement which confirms the infor- mation I have derived from private sources. Now I submit that the last admission here made necessarily over-rules the first, for if the chances of war are materially reduced by their independence, it must be their interest to be independent. Peace is a necessity to a young country like Canada, and that blessing by their own showing will be more securely guaranteed to them by their separation from England than by their continuing as they are. If Canada should prefer dependence that would be no reason why we should not make her independent. We must look to our own intcrof-f ns well as to tho intorests of others, and if it can bo shown thot it is tho interest of all parties that Can-ida be independent, we to hesitate in malting her so even althoujih she should ought not great nations like England and the United States object to it. Two meet each other in every quarter of the globe, and all the disputes which are ever occuring between them must eventually be settled on Canadian ground. But let Canada be an independent ntate and she will be a neutral power in the event of a war breaking out. Lot this view of tho question be elearly explained to the Cumulians in a despatch properly drawn up from the Foreign Office, and tho objections which they have hitherto had to independence will be removed. But would the Canadians be able to defend themselves and remain independent if they were separate from England ? This I do not doubt provided they adopt a form of government calculated to maintain peace and advance tho interests of the nation. Sueh a government would at once be recognized by the European powers, and to these powers Canada might appeal in the event of any uncalled for attack on them by the United States. Let Canada elect a King and a Parlia- ment, and she will be acknowledged by nil the powers of Europe, when she will be in a much safer position than she is at present although she was studded all over with camps and fortifications. If the Canadians should elect one of our Princes for her king the chances are they would succeed in obtaining the consent of England and the other powers to that election. This would keep up a connec- tion between England and Canada which would be beneficial to both parties, whereas the present connection, as shown by the Canadians themselves, is prejudicial to the interests of both countries. A com- mercial troaty upon the principles of free trade could be made, and if necessary a loan guaranteed by England and France, or by England alone, might be arranged, as in the case of Belgium and Greece when they were made independent states. If Canada should refuse the offer of independence she would be unworthy of her descent as freeborn Englishmen. She would have to say, " We are weak and faint-hearted, and must refuse tho liberal offers of England." Is that language becoming an Anglo Saxon race ? I think not, and that being so we need not anticipato the refusal of our offer. Depend upon it, the difficulty of carrying out this great mea- sure, so essential to the future welfare of England and Canada as well as the peace of the world, will not come from Canada but from jungland. Members of Parliament are ready enough to profess wil- lingness to give up Canada, but are they sincere ? Have they made the offer, or arc they willing that Earl Kussell should make it in their name ? Let them do that, and I will answer for it that Canada will at once close v/ith the proposal. But it may be asked if the United States would not object to our declaring Canada an independent state, and make that change a pre- text for annexing it ? To this I reply that they would not ana could not do so. It is an acknowledged principle of international law that every nation has the right to adopt what form of government it pleases, and if we chose to give up Canada, the Canadians have a perfect right to take what form of government they please. When France changed from a monnrcliy to a republic in 18 13, the now form of ^^overnment was rcconni/od, n 111 when in 1852 tliit rcrxihlir wiis ronrcrtiJ iiito nn empire, the chinge was nt once ratitied by Kngliuid and tho other cabinets of Europe. And so would it b with Canada, for when that colony becomes an iudepeudent kingdom she will be rccogni/cd by every court in Europe. It has surprised many that tho Monroe doctrine, which ia inimi- eable to the monarchical form of government, should be so popular in America, but to those who know the facta of tho case it creates no surprise. The Americans feel that their republican form of govern- ment is so weak that they are jealous of any better form of govern- ment being formed on th(>ir borders. Tiiat is the reason why I*n>- sident Monroe was so anxious to prevent tho erection of monarchies on American soil. The existence of the ^^onroc doctrine is the proof of the weak- ness of the republican system, for if that system was strong the Ame- ricans would have no fear of monarchies competing with republics, [t is because of tho weakness of tho republican system and the strength of tho monarchical system that the Monroe doctrine has any existence. It is only error that fears truth, and it is because republics are errn- rpous in principle that they fear moniircliics. If the Americans really "hought a republic the best they would only be too glad to be sur- r unded by monarchies, for that would give them an advantoge over their neighbours. I believe England and Canada wore never before in such eminent peril of war and disaster ab now. This is the time to arrange matters when Commissioners from the Canadian Parliament are in London. Ijct 80 good an opportunity pass and we shall find ourselves so far committed to war that it will be impossible afterwards to give up Canada however willing we might then be to do so. Every thing has its remedy if that is applied in time, but nothing can be reme- died if the proper time f(n' applying it is allowed to pass. Now is the time for us to make up our minds to give up Canada, for that step will not only save us a world of money for the armaments which are now called for, but it will prevent the dangev of war with the United States. To postpone the consideration of this important question until after we have spei\t our money, or until we have drifted so far into war that it is impossible to give up Canada consistent with honor would be the height of folly. I trust therefore that this impor- tant question will be taken up at once with a view to its immediate settlement. Regrets have been expressed that the scheme of a confederacy of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick has fallen to tho ground, but there is no occasion to regret that, for if the scheme had been carried it would only have served to make things worse than they are. We abolished the East India Company because of tho double government which it involved. But with a Colonial confederation wo should create a treble government in Canada. There would be first, the parliament of the individual states, second the federal parliament, and third the colonial office in London, and I ask how so cumbrous and complicated a machine could be I xpecloil to work "^ Almost any thiii^ wouM 1)0 bettor tlian that, ■«') that tlic Ciinndinns muy 'hank tlio Now HrunHwiokcrM lor putting a \"tn on tlicir Mclioin»\ llow (uiy one tii tlioir spnsoH, Hoeing how badly a coiilbdcratiori has worked in AincMlca, nhould wish to import tho samo system into ('anada, only showa how great is the lack of etates- nicn worthy of the najnt*. The followiii}^ leltcr, which expreesoN the views of a largo portion of tho community both in Upper and Lower Canada, is very Hatisfuctory, and I think ou^ht to bo conclusive coupled with the testimony of the Hon. Mr. Kosc in the Canadian parliament. To A. Ar,TsoN, Ksq. London, April 1,3, 1865. Dkar Sir, — I am this morning in receipt of your printed letter to tlie Kditor of " Publit; Opinion." It is a curious coincidence that 1 should have expressed the identical views set forth in your letter lust Sunday to a friend who is about to proceed to Canada. I think the proclamation of the Independence of Canada will cut the Gordian knot of our present difficulties. I sail for New York next week tn route for Montreal, where I shall always bo glad to bear from you. Yours faithfully, E. A. P. Now that Richmond has fallen the real ditficulties of the United States w ill begin. After the Romans completed the conquest of Cai- thage, and had put the whole world under their yoke, they fell out among themselves, and the legions which harl hitherto fought only with barbarians, now fought with each other. The civil war which ensued continued for no leas than forty-five years, beginning with Marius and Sylla, and ending with Pompey, Julius Ccosar, Mark Antony, and Augustus. And so will it be with the United States if the cabinet of Washington do not look their difficulties in the face and apply a remedy competent to meet the vastness of the emer- gency. I hey have had four years experience of civil war, and if there arc to be forty years more, as wat^ the case with the civil war of Ancient Rome, the present generation will not see the end of it. I am satisfied that nothing short of dividing the United States into two independent states, either as monarchies or republics, will put an end to the war or give peace and prosperity to America. Now that the rebellion has been partially put down, the cabinet of Washington can do this with honour to themselves and benefit to every state in the Union. The liberal mind deviseth liberal things, and to be generous in the hour of victory i;; the way for the American people to crown themselves with laurels which will never fade. The speech of Mr. Seward the Secretary of State, delivered at Was^hington, on receipt of the newv of the fall of Richmond, is en- couraging. Ho, like Napoleon the third, bag declared the American empire to be peace, and that her neighbours shall have full liberty to adopt what form of government they please. *• Our motto henceforth," said Mr. Seward, ' shall, with your permissitm, be this — Every nation is entitled to regulate its own domestic affairs as it pleases, and all are bound to conduet themselves so as to promote peaco on earth and good will to mankind." (Great chc ing). I urn only afniid tluit, Mr. Sownrd promises more tlinn lie in able to perl'orin, iov uuIchs he has the moral courage uiid public spuit to make tho80 chun^^OH in the constitution tbat the war hag ri-mJered necessary, he will (hilt into revolution and war in spite of himsi'lf. That Mr. Linoohi and Mr. Seward, who co-ild easily liave prevent lmI the war by ^rantin^ the necessary changes on the Constitution de- manded by the South, will now retrieve the errors of the past and wave their country, is a (juestion the future will alone disclose. One thing is certain, they must not allow creats to rulo them, but so to act that they may rule events. That is the office ol a ruler, and I trust Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Soward will yet prove themselves to be statesmen worthy of the great nation over whicb they preside. With an enormous army and navy to maintain, and an o(iually large debt to keep olloat, coupled with state rights and interests to maintain and reconcile, it will be impossible in my opinion to carry on the government under tlie present Constitution, for disaffection and rebellion will only be silenced or put down in one place to break out in another. If the states of the North could l)e thrown into one Ftato, and those of the South into another state, there would be pomothing like unity, but a Confederation of thirty-four states with their local parliaments will never answer now that the nation had become n great uaval and military power. We had at one time u federation in Great Britain, viz. England, Scotland and Ireland, with a i)arliainent for each state, and the result was nothing but disafl'oction, revolution and war, evils which would ultimately have ruined the country. These evils wer^^ entirely removed by the union of Scotland in the year 17<>7, and the union of Ireland in 1800, and to these measures England owes her present great- ness. Now if Great iJritain found it impossible to go on with three states in federation, how is it possible to conceive that America can be governed with thirty-four sovereign states in federation ? The Ame- rican is a much worse case than ours, and unt il a union of the States in made there can be no peace and no real union. It is only a few years since England gave up Affghanistan. After having put down the rebellion in that province we withdrew our troops and made it an independent state. India has produced some of the greatest generals of modern times, of whom I may mention Wellington, Napier, Rose, Outram and Lawrence, and this act of statesmp"- hip shows that she has produced statesmen equally great. And if we »ow give up Canada with the object of removing any chances of war, Luat will be another proof that we do not urge self-sacrifice on our relatives in America without practising it ourselves. We will do any thing in reason to prevent war, but if the American people will not help us to keep the peace, by setting their own house in order for a permanent state of peace and prosperity, it will not be in the power of the govern- ments either of England or America to prevent war. Even although there was no danger of war, we ought to make vJanadtt independent. Our duty towards that country dcuianded that we should have done this twenty years ago, and the sooner we per form our duty now the better it will be for the peace of the world, 1 While England will do its duty towards Canada irrespective of nhat America may do, let tho Americans feel assured that we will rejoice to hear of a final settlement of their affairs, and of a war which has been almost as disastrous to Europe as it has been to America. There can be no doubt that a war between England and the United States would be as disastrous to England as the civil war in America has been to the United States, even if we were tc come off victorious. I'o say that there is no danger '.i such a war is rediculrus. Canada is quite defenceless, and wha» is more it is indefensible. The United States have an enormous army and navy which will scon be idle and in want of employment. They want something to re-unite them, and they imagine a foreign war would have that effect. These being the facts of the case, it is only cryitjg peace, peace, when there is no peace, to say that there is no danger ot war. The Americans have already taken one step towards war, iu serving a notice on us to terminate the treaty of 1817, and the nexl step will be to cover the lakes with gun-boats. No ; we must look t > facts and not to professions of peace, and judging the question in that light it is impossible to shut our eyea to oiu" danger. The difficulty will be iu persuading the Parliaaient of England to part with Canada for they are interested in holding it for the sake of the patronage it gives. But if the questiou of the Independence of Canada is made the turning poiiit at the General Election iu July next, we shall have such an expression of public opinion in favour of the measure that the Government will be obliged to yield. I trust I have done my duty u pointing out what I believe to be a threatened calan ' 7 of inealeuLible magnitude and severity, and how that evil may be .evented. If the advice I have ventured to offer is not taken, and if war is the consop^"»nce, perhaps it will be remembered that this tract was written and no man would listen to its warning voice. If England docs not ma'Ue the offer to Canada there is nothing to hinder the Cai:udians from petitioning England to make them indo • pendent. Both countries will therefore have themselves to blame, if they are involved in war when they might have prevented it. 72, Sloane Street, Loudon, April 19, 1865'. 11. Wccde, riiater, 13n, lligh Load, Kaight.b'iOgn