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 ( 285 ) 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 Art. v.— CANADA: ITS POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 
 
 1. Parliamentary Government in the British C'^lonies. By 
 
 Alpheus Todd, Librarian of Parliament, Canada. Bos- 
 ton, 1880. V 
 
 2. Colonies and Dependencies. By J. S. Cotton and E. J. 
 
 Payne. London, 1883. \ 
 
 3. Census of Canada. 1880-81. 
 
 4. Trade and Navigation. Returns of Canada for \^9)^. 
 
 5. Constitution of Canada. By Joseph Doutre, Q.C. Mon- 
 
 treal, 1880. /? /' ^ . .y^-fi\-C^.. 
 
 THE great interest tha/i is^noV<r taken in questions affecting 
 '^ bttr-Colonial Empire^' shows quite clearly that BHtaHi~haS 
 been at last fully aroused from that ' fit of absence of mind ' in 
 which, as Professor Seeley somewhat sarcastically observes, ' she 
 has conquered and peopled half the world,' and that she has 
 begun to realize that an English people means something more 
 than ' simply a race inhabiting an island off the northern coast 
 of the Continent of Europe.' This interest in the Colonies 
 certainlv stands out in remarkable contrast with the indifference 
 that was too often felt by Englishmen whenever colonial matters 
 were brought under their notice. For many years the Colonies 
 were generally associated with some grievance, which it was not 
 always possible for the officials of Downing Street to understand 
 or remedy. Public men, as a rule, were not likely to win much 
 eclat in England by devoting themselves to the consideration of 
 Colonial questions. Governors-General sometimes thought it a 
 form of banishment to be fo! ced, for public or private reasons, to 
 preside for a few years over rhe destiny of a Colony. We find 
 Lord Sydenham, better known as Poulett Thomson in English 
 political history, lamenting on one occasion in a letter to a friend 
 that it was not at all prooable that his successful administration 
 of the affairs of Canada would render him * half so marquant a 
 person as a good speech in the House of Commons, or a pleasant 
 breakfast at Greenwich would have done.' Even Mr. Disraeli, 
 
 •^ 
 
 v.n 
 
 \{ 
 
 4A.Ji^ 
 
 VOL. V. 
 
 U 
 
286 
 
 Canada : its Political Development. 
 
 who posed towards the close of liis career as the very pillar of 
 
 Imperialism, was at one time among those wlio had no very high 
 
 opinion of the colonial connection. In 1852, whilst Chancellor 
 
 of the Exchequer in Lord Derby's Ministry, he wrote to Lord 
 
 Malmesbury, then Foreign Secretary, ' These wretchetl Colonies 
 
 will all be independent in a few years, and are a millstone around 
 
 our necks.' Some persons will probably say that the imaginative 
 
 mind of the author of llie Wondrous Tale of A Iroy always found 
 
 a greater attraction in the magnificent glamour of the Eastern 
 
 Empire, than in the constitutional struggles of free communities 
 
 like Canada. Be that as it may, there is every reason to believe 
 
 that at the time Mr. Disraeli wrote these words, and in fact fur 
 
 some years later, British statesmen had no very clear conception 
 
 of the value and importance of Colonies. They had constantly 
 
 before them the fact that the defence of the Colonies involved a 
 
 heavy annual expenditure, which though they could hardly explain 
 
 it to the satisfaction of the tax-payer, was more than balanced 
 
 by the prestige of a Colonial Empire. But no doubt much of 
 
 the indifference felt for the colonial connection must be traced to 
 
 the general conviction expressed in so many words by Mr. Disraeli, 
 
 that the time must come when the Colonies would separate from 
 
 England and become independent, as the natural outcome of the 
 
 self-government conceded to them by the parent State. 
 
 / Lord Derby, who is certainly the last man in England to take 
 
 a sentimental view of any question, gave expression quite recently 
 
 to the change of mood with respect to the Colonial dependencies 
 
 since the day Mr. Disraeli wrote the memorable words we have 
 
 quoted. * I do not believe,' he said on the 3rd of March last, 
 
 * that at this time, or for twenty years past, any man has looked 
 
 upon the Colonies as a burthen to the Empire, or that it wa,s, . J.^ 
 
 desirable that any of them should secede.' ' It is not necessary to 
 
 go into any elaborate argument to prove that prosperous countries 
 
 like the Dominion of Canada, or the Colonies of Australia, can 
 
 no longer be fairly considered millstones around the neck of 
 
 England. If a British regiment is still sent to Canada, it is 
 
 simply because it is necessary to make a show of British 
 
 sovereignty. If British men of war still visit Canadian ports, 
 
 it is because England must keep her sailors tMuployed. Canada 
 
 t' 
 
 Wt- 
 
 1 
 
Canada: its Political Development. 
 
 287 
 
 
 
 now recognizes fully her obligations to maintain a well organized 
 militia force for jiurposes of order and defence ; and the British 
 tax-payer can no longer assert witii any degree of justice that the 
 connection with this important dependency is a cause of taxation. 
 Englishmen see in this very fact so much evidence of the rapid 
 development of the new Dominion. They cannot fail to admit 
 that her people are proving to the world every day that they 
 possess those qualities which go to constitute a nation. The 
 thought will then probably occur to an Englishman that the 
 prestige of his country will hardly be enhanced in the opinion of 
 Europe, if all those great Colonial dependencies that form the 
 Empire were to be allowed to separate without an effort to draw 
 them closer to the parent State. At a time when other peoples 
 in Europe are ambitious to found colonies, it would indeed be 
 strange that Britain, the greatest colonizer among the nations, 
 should allow herself, through her own indifference, to be isolated 
 eventually from those countries which it is her most enduring 
 glory to have founded. 
 
 The history of the constitutional progress of Canada is 
 peculiarly instructive, because it illustrates so clearly the bene- 
 ficial effects of the liberal Colonial policy which was first developed 
 practically by Lord John Russell in 1839, and steadily carried 
 out by his successors in the office of Colonial Secretary, notably 
 by Earl Grey in 1847, when Lord Elgin was appointed Governor- 
 General. This new policy, which reunited the Canadas, and 
 conceded to them a larger measure of self-government, was an 
 entire reversal of the policy which had characterized the adminis- 
 tration of Colonial affairs for more than half a century. From 
 1792 to 1840 Canada was governed from Downing Street. This 
 was the period memorable in Colonial history for the steady 
 interference of the Imperial authorities in the internal affairs of 
 the country. In 1792 the Imperial Government established 
 representative Assemblies both in Upper and Lower Canada, 
 with the object, as stated by a Lieutenant-Governor, of giving 
 the people a form of government which would be, 'as far as the 
 circumstances of the country would permit, an image and tran- 
 script of the British Constitution.' But this new system was 
 extremely defective in a vital part. It was after all but a mere 
 
 tOm 
 
288 
 
 Canada: its Political Development. 
 
 semblance of the British Constitution on which it was based. 
 On the one hand it gave the people representation in the Legis- 
 lature, and on the other placed all the substantial power in an 
 Executive, over which the people's House could exercise no con- 
 trol. The result was, in the course of time, an irrepressible 
 conflict between the elected Assembly and the nominated 
 Executive and Legislative Councils who, with the Governor, 
 really governed the country. The Executive Government did 
 not bear any responsibility to the people as represented in the 
 Legislature, and was generally a mere reflex of the will o^ the 
 Governor, who was sometimes an irascible military man, accus- 
 tomed to the discipline of a garrison, and little inclined to 
 conciliatory or moderate methods of administering public affairs. 
 The Governor-General himself was always instructed by the 
 Imperial authorities, who, it must be presumed, too often in the 
 pressure of other and, as they believed, more important affairs, 
 left matters pretty much in the hands of some clerk in Downing 
 Street. Lord Durham, during his brief tenure of office as 
 Governor-General and High Commissioner, immediately recog- 
 nized the important fact that his plan of reuniting the Canadas 
 under one Legislature would be hardly workable, unless the 
 Government was responsible to the popular branch. 
 
 * I would not impair,' he wrote in hia Report of 1839, * a single prero- 
 gative of the Crown ; on the contrary, I believe that the interests o' the 
 people of these provinces require the protection of prerogatives which have 
 not hitherto been exercised. But the Crown must, on the other hand, 
 submit to the necessary consequences of representative institutions ; and 
 if it has to carry on the government in unison with a representative body, 
 it must consent to carry it on by means of those in whom that represen- 
 tative body has confidence.' 
 
 The result of Lord Durham's mission was the Act of 1840, 
 reuniting the two provinces of Canada ; a measure well calculated 
 to promote the material, the political, and the intellectual develop- 
 ment of the two sections, since it enlarged their sphere of 
 political action and otherwise stimulated their national growth. 
 The outcome of the union was the concession of Responsible 
 Government in its completest sense, by the time Lord Elgin 
 assumed the Governorship. This important constitutional prin- 
 
 it 
 
Canada: its Pulltlcal Deodopment. 
 
 289 
 
 %f 
 
 ciple was not embodied in any statute; for, as Lord Jolin 
 Russell truly said in a despatch to Lord Sydenham, 'It was 
 impossible to reduce into the form of a positive enactment a 
 constitutional principle of this nature.' Consequently we can 
 trace its history only in the despatches and instructions issued 
 from tim ' to time to Governors-General, more particularly to 
 Lord Elgin, who had the gratification of establishing the principle 
 most firmly before he retired from the administration of Canadian 
 affairs. Tlie effect of the larger spliere of political action opened 
 up to the public men of Canada by the Act of 1840, and its 
 logical sequence, responsible government, was the conciliation of 
 all the rebellious elements that had existed previously. The 
 Liberals of the Western section were content now that it was no 
 longer possible to rule the country through an official clique, and 
 an irresponsible Executive. The French Canadians, day by 
 day, saw their influence increased by a union which it had been 
 actually expected by Lord Durham and other English statesmen 
 would have had the very opposite effect. The grievances which 
 had so long irritated them disappeared one after the other, and 
 the very measure they had so frequently urged in vain on the 
 Imperial Government previous to the troubles of 1837-8, — an 
 Elective Legislative Council, — was actually conceded to the 
 Legislature of the United Provinces under the influence of the 
 new and wise policy adopted by the Imperial authorities. In 
 ten years from the commencement of the union and the con- 
 cession of self-government, it would have been impossible to 
 suppose that this was the same country where Lord Durham 
 frankly confessed in 1839, there were many people inclined to 
 Annexation with the United States, when they compared its free 
 government and prosperous condition with the poverty and 
 illiberal institutions of their own country. 
 
 The Act of 1840 I'emained in force for just a quarter of a 
 century, and was repealed by tlie new constitution of 1867, 
 which brought all the principal provinces of British North 
 America into a federal union. T'e public men of Canada, after 
 so many years of self-government, recognized the necessity of 
 bringing a number of provinces, long politically and commercially 
 isolated from each other, into a union which would enable them 
 
 mR 
 
290 
 
 Canada : itx PolitJral Development. 
 
 A 
 
 'if\>^ 
 
 A 
 
 to stimulate intercolonial trade, build national works, and 
 promote measures of national defence. The union of 1840 
 had shown the Canadians the advantages of home government, 
 and made them naturally ambitious of again enlarging their 
 sphere of political action. Political jealousies had arisen between 
 the English and French sections on account of the Western 
 province demanding increased representation. These jealousies 
 were aggravated by the politicians, until at last a union of all 
 British North America was believed to be the best solution of 
 existing difficulties. The idea of a federation had been fore- 
 shadowed by Lord Durham, but it took twenty-five years to 
 waken Canadian politicians i:o its advantages. The British 
 Government readily co-operated with the public men of the 
 Provinces in bringing about the union. Fifty years before the 
 officials of Downing Street had been constantly interfering, with 
 injurious consequences, in the domestic affairs of Canada ; but 
 now it was their policy to allow the Colonies to manage their own 
 business. Imperial interference was no longer considered ex- 
 pedient except in cases where Imperial interests were clearly 
 involved. The policy inaugurated in 1840 had its logical 
 sequence in the federal union of 1867, which gave a still larger 
 measure of self-government to Canada. 
 
 Seventeen years have passed away since the Canadian Pro- 
 vinces entered on this new era of political development, and 
 whatever may be the defects of the federal system, it must be 
 admitted that it has on the whole come up to the expectations of 
 its founders. Already the Confederation, originally confined to 
 four provinces, embraces all the territory between the Atlantic 
 and Pacific Oceans. Within a few years a new province has 
 grown up in the vast North- West, whose natural capabilities for 
 the cultivation of cereals are now generally recognised ; whence, 
 in the course of a few decades of years, a considerable proportion 
 of the world's supply of wheat must come. One great railway, 
 which had been long vainly desired by the people of British 
 North America, was soon built after the consolidation of the 
 provinces, and the Western country connected with the provinces 
 by the sea. A greater work, clearly of Imperial as well as 
 Colonial interest, absolutely essential to the settlement of the 
 
 V 
 
 :i3 
 
 ^ /r/ 
 
 
 
V 
 
 Canada: its Political /)erelonment, 291 
 
 /. /.•.,•. 
 
 North West and to tlie unity of tlie Dominion, will be completed 
 a few mouths hence between the Pacific Ocean and the old 
 provinces. Short lines of railway have been built to connect 
 with the three great roads of the Dominion, the Intercolonial, 
 the Canadian Pacific, and the Grand Trunk. The Canals have 
 been enlarged so as to give greater facilities for Western traffic, 
 and, if possible, to make the St. Lawrence the principal artery for 
 the rich agricultural country which lies around and beyond the 
 Lakes. Manufactures have sprung up through the artificial 
 stimulus given to capital and industry by a fiscal policy which, 
 whatever English economists may tliink of its soundness, and how- 
 ever much it may be antagonistic to those principles of Free Trade 
 which prevail in Great Britain, seems to have originated in the 
 aspirations of, the people to possess a 'national policy.' The 
 aggregate trade of the Dominion, that is of the Imports and 
 Exports, has increased in twenty years from £27,000,000 to 
 
 UjS £4ii,000,000, and the revenue has doubled within the same 
 period. The people have now on deposit at interest in the 
 various Banks, Loan, Building and other Companies probably 
 
 ^20 £^0,000,000, or £4: for every man, woman, and child in 
 Canada. In addition to its effect upon the material condition 
 of the country, Confederation has stimulated the intellectual 
 development of the people. Educational facilities have been 
 largely improved ; the newspaper press has increased in influence, 
 and not a few works of historical and constitutional value have 
 been produced by Canadian authors, while art, scientific, and 
 literary associations have been stimulated under the inspiration 
 of the more progressive ideas, which have been the outcome of a 
 political system which has given a wider scope to intellectual 
 action. 
 
 But the most important result of Confederation has un- 
 doubtedly been the more intimate political, social, and commercial 
 relations that the provinces have now with each other. Previous 
 to 18G7 there was little intercourse possible, whilst each province 
 had a government and tariff of its own, but now the Maritime 
 and Western sections are brought necessarily into immediate 
 contact with one another, and made to feel that they have a 
 common interest in each other's prosperity. The different races 
 
 
 [/! 
 
 %!/: ^ 
 
 ih 
 
 /*.: 
 
292 
 
 Canada : Itn Politicnf Development, 
 
 th'.it inhabit Canada have been harmonized to an extent that 
 would hardly have been i ssible under any other system. The 
 million and more of people who speak the French huii^uage, and 
 still form a distinct section of the population, are found working 
 earnestly with the English speaking majority in promoting the 
 interests of the whole Dominion. Yet half a century ago the 
 French Canadian people were in rebellion. If we find them now 
 happy and contented, it is because they have at last attained that 
 self-government for which they so long contended previous to 
 1840, and have special guarantees for the preservation of those 
 institutions to which they are deeply attached. In the same 
 way the Irish are seen working alongside the English and French 
 for the advancement of those interests in which all are equally 
 interested. 
 
 When framing the constitution of the Dominion, Canadian 
 statesmen had before them the invaluable experience of the 
 working of two great systems of government — the one in the par- 
 ent State, the other in the United States. In considering the best 
 method of consolidating the provinces under a federal system they 
 were necessarily guided by the experiences of the great country 
 on their borders. At the same time, while availing themselves 
 of the best features of the American federation, they endeavour- 
 ed to preserve as far as possible those English institutions which 
 are calculated to give stability to their government. The result 
 of their efforts is a constitution which, in the words of the orig- 
 inal resolutions of confederation, ' follows the model of the Brit- 
 ish constitution, so far as our circumstances will permit.* 
 
 The history of the circumstances under which the name of 
 Dominion came to be given to the united provinces shows the 
 desire of the Canadians to give to the confederation, at the very 
 outset, a monarchical likeness in contradistinction to the repub- 
 lican character of the American federal union. We have it on 
 the best authority that in 1866-7, the question arose during a 
 conference between the Canadian delegates and tlie Imperial au- 
 thorities what name should be given to the confederation of the 
 provinces, and it was first proposed that it should be called * the 
 kingdom of Canada ; ' but it is said that the Earl of Carnarvon, 
 then Secretary of State for the Colonies, thought such a designa- 
 
 % 
 
 1 
 
 MMMte 
 
 

 Canada: its Political Development. 
 
 293 
 
 i 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 i 
 
 tion inadvisable, cliiefly on the ^Tound that it would be probably 
 objectionable to the government of the United States, which had 
 80 recently expressed its disapprobation of the attem|)t of the 
 Emperor Napoleon to establish an imperial European dynasty in 
 Mexico. It is difficult to understand how any parallel could be 
 fairly drawn between the two cases, and most persons, less sensi- 
 tive than the noble Lord, will probably consider that it was pay- 
 ing but a poor compliment to the common sense of the American 
 people to suppose that they could take offence, on any reasonable 
 grounds, at the Canadians, the subjects of the Queen, calling 
 their confederation by a name which would simply illustrate their 
 attachment to those monarchical institutions under which they 
 had been living for a century and more. The famous message 
 of President Monroe, in which he laid down the doctrine that any 
 attempt of the Eurc^j'- "'i Powers to extend their system to any por- 
 tion of the Western hemisphere, would be regarded as dangerous 
 to the peace and safety of the United States, at the same time 
 expressly stated that all existing rights and interests — such as 
 those possessed by England in Canada — should be respected. 
 However, the Canadian delegates made due allowance for the 
 delicacy of the sentiments of the Colonial Secretary, and agreed 
 as a compromise to the less ambitious title, Dominion of Canada, 
 — a designation recalling that old Dominion, named by Raleigh 
 in honour of the Virgin Queen. 
 
 The Dominion is governed by a central government in accord- 
 ance with a written constitution known as the British North 
 America Act, while each province still retains such an administra- 
 tive and legislative machinery as is essential to its provincial ex- 
 istence. The Executive government and authority over Canada 
 are vested in the Queen, but as the Sovereign cannot be present 
 in the Dominion to perform those acts of state which the consti- 
 tution requires at her hands, she is represented by a Governor- 
 General, chosen every five years on the advice of her constitutional 
 advisers. The permanency of the Executive is a feature of their 
 government which the Canadians have learned to value by com- 
 parison with the elective system of the United States. The 
 Governor-General of Canada is appointed without the coun- 
 try being excited by a political contest, the issue of which at 
 
 MMi-.. ■ 
 
 '^l I IIMHi_. '%>• , 
 
"" 
 
 294 
 
 Canada : its Political Development. 
 
 times is flano;er()us to the whole body politic. It is only necessary 
 to consider tiie crisis through which the American Republic has 
 so recently passed, to understand the nature^ of tlie peril in which 
 the nation finds itself every four years. ^ We have just seen the 
 election of the Chief Magistrate decided by a few hundred votes 
 in a single State, out of over ten million votes that have been 
 polled in the union. Political passion was excited for a while to 
 fever heat; every effort was made by Mr. Blaine and his partisans 
 to arouse old animosities between the North and South ; and a 
 few reckless politicians might at any moment have precipitated 
 one of the most terrible conflicts that could convulse a people. / 
 It is creditable to the ition that it should have passed through 
 so serious a crisis wiih so much calmness, and that reckless 
 partisanship has not dared to outrage public opinion, a«d elmnge 
 tlie popular verdict as in 187<?-7-; but, nevertheless, we cannot fail 
 to see that once every four years the people are liable to pass 
 through a similar ordeal. From such dangers Canada is happily 
 free under her constitution, which makes the Sovereign the per- 
 manent head of the Executive, and removes her representative 
 from the turmoil of political controversy. In the administration 
 of public affairs, the Governor-General is guided by the advice of 
 responsible advisers, representing the opinions of the majority of 
 the Legislature. In Canada, for many years past, the policy of 
 the Imperial Government has been to refuse to interfere in any 
 way with its domestic affairs, but to leave them entirely in the 
 hands of the Governor and his advisers, who act in such matters 
 in accordance with the well known principles of the British 
 constitutional s^-stem. It is only with respect to questions 
 immediately affecting Imperial interests, especially the relations 
 of the Empire with loreign nations, that the Governor can be 
 said to be thrown to any extent on his own responsibility as an 
 Impeiial affair. Even in such matters he will generally find it 
 necessary to consult his Colonial advisers, though he may not 
 consider himself bound to adopt their advice. In these cases he 
 can only follow the instructions of the Government, of which he is 
 the accredited rejjresentative. 
 
 As in England, the Canadian Ministry is practically a com- 
 mittee of the dominant party in Parliament. Here again we 
 
 N 
 
 <• 
 
Canada : its Political Development. 
 
 295 
 
 .V 
 
 
 have evidence how little the public men of Canada are in- 
 fluenced by their intercourse with the United States. A tliorough 
 study of the British system, which requires Ministers to have 
 seats, and receive the support of a majority, in Parliumunt, has 
 clearly shown Canada its advantages over the American system. 
 Indeed, the latter existed to a certain extent in Canada 
 in those days when the governors appointed their executive 
 councils without reference to the legislature. After an experience 
 of over forty years of the working of responsible government, 
 Canadians have become thoroughly convinced that the presence 
 in the legislature of a body of men responsible to the Commons 
 and to the country for the administration of public affairs, and 
 for the conduct of legislation, has decided advantages over a sys- 
 tem which mves the whole executive Li-overnment to the Presi- 
 dent, and does not allow his ministers to sit or speak in either 
 branch of Congress. Whenever it is necessary to form a Minis- 
 try in Canada, members are summoned by the Governor-General 
 to the Privy Council of Canada ; another illustration of the de- 
 sire of the Canadians to imitate the old institutions of the parent 
 state, and copy their time-honoured names. The government of 
 the day is generally known as the Alinistry or Cabinet, but there 
 is no distinction as in England between those designations. 
 
 The Parliament of Canada consists of the Queen, a Senate, 
 and a House of Commons. In the construction of the Upper 
 Chamber or Senate, there has been an attempt to give it a shade 
 of resemblance to the distinguished body of the same name in 
 the United States. In the American Senate each State is re- 
 presented by two members, and consequently little Rhode Island 
 or Delaware has as much influence in the body as New York or 
 Pennsylvania. In the formation of the Canadian Senate, each 
 province has not the same number of Senators, but three geo- 
 graphical groups were arranged in the first instance, consisting of 
 Ontario, Quebec, and the Maritime Provinces, and to each group 
 was allotted a representation of twenty-four members. More re- 
 cently new provinces have been admitted into the Dominion 
 without reference to this arrangement, and now there are alto- 
 gether seventy-eight senators in Parliament. Between the func- 
 tions and responsibilities of the Canadian Senate and those of the 
 
 
 / 
 
 
 'III II HWfcl 
 
296 
 
 Canada : its Political Development. 
 
 Il 
 
 American body, there is no analogy wl'.atever. Tiie Senate of 
 the United States has entrusted to it under the constitution much 
 larger powers than are enjoyed by an upper chamber in the Brit- 
 ish parliamentary system. Though bills raising revenue can ori- 
 ginate in the House of Representatives oiily, yet the Senate may 
 propose or concur with amendments as in other bills ; a privilege 
 which the English or Canadian House of Commons will not con- 
 cede to the Lords or Senate. The American Senate has the right 
 to control the President in his nominations to public offices, and 
 to review the treaties tliat he may make with foreign nations. 
 The system of electing Senators by the legislature of each State 
 has worked admirably, since it has sent to Congress so far a body 
 of men, for the most part of intellectual power and high charac- 
 ter. The Canadian Senate, on the other hand, is simply the 
 House of Lords without the prestige that attaches to a body 
 composed of hereditary legislators. It is ambitious, however, to 
 to claim a comparison in every way it can with the House of 
 Lords, by basing its procedure upon that of its illustrious proto- 
 type, and by constituting itself a court for the trial of Divorce 
 cases ; the last being a proceeding not based on any legal right 
 that the Senate has under the constitution, but one tacitly re- 
 cognised as the most convenient method of dealing with a matter 
 placed under the jurisdiction of the Canadian Parliament. The 
 nomination of Senators by the Crown has certainly some ad- 
 vantages from a political point of view, since it enables a Minis- 
 try which has been in power for a long term of years to prevent 
 any unpleasantness or inconvenience in the Senate, by filling up 
 vacancies so as to make it a mere re-echo of its own political views. 
 Very few bills originate in the Senate, and for weeks honourable 
 gentlemen are obliged to adjourn until the Commons condescend 
 to send them something to do. The fact is the Senate, like the 
 Lords, has its difficulties. If it exercises its undoubted constitu- 
 tional functions, and interferes with important legislation of the 
 Lower House, if it rejects measures on which the popular cham- 
 ber has strong opinions, there is at once a vehement outburst of 
 indignation that it is setting itself up in opposition to the people's 
 will, and that tin- time has arrived either for sweeping it away as 
 an obstructive body, or for making some organic change in its 
 
 T 
 
 Y 
 
 ^ 
 
Canada: its Political Development. 
 
 297 
 
 %^ 
 
 constitution. On the other hand, should its members pay little 
 or no attention to legislation, should it devote little time to the 
 revision and amendment of bills, then the Senate is characterised 
 as a useless part of the constitutional maciiinery. It must be 
 admitted that of late years this body has yielded to the force of 
 circumstances with wonderful equanimity, and has not in any 
 way allowed its comfort to be disturbed by a display of legislative 
 activity. Under such circumstances it is easy to understand 
 that the Canadian Senate does not exercise any large influence 
 on the conduct of public affairs, though it must be admitted that 
 it contains many men of great ability and oxpex'ience. It appears 
 to be paying the penalty of being modelled after a house which 
 originated centuries ago when parliamentary institutions were in 
 course of development, and the House of Commons had not the 
 great power it now possesses. 
 
 The House of Commons, the great governing body of the 
 Dominion, has been made, so far as circumstances will permit, a 
 copy of the English House. An English parliamentarian, visit- 
 ing this body whilst in session, would at once see how closely 
 the public men of the Dominion endeavour to follow the rules 
 and usages of that great Parliament which has always been the 
 archetype of all legislative bodies throughout the world. Not 
 only in the House of Commons at Ottawa, but in all the Assem- 
 blies of the large provinces, he would see the Speaker and 
 Clerks dressed in silk robes, the gilt mace on the table, the ser- 
 jeant-at-arms in his official costume, the members observing the 
 time honoured rules of debate, and paying that respect to the 
 Chair which was so long a characteristic of the English House of 
 Commons until ' obstruction ' became the policy of a faction. In 
 a new country some of these forms may seem antiquated and out 
 of place, but nevertheless they will be interesting evidences to an 
 Englishman of the tenacity with which the people of a great 
 colony adhere to British customs und traditions. In this respect 
 the Canadian Parliament differs from the Congress of tlie 
 United States, in which the procedure has in the course of years 
 become very different in essential respects from that of England, 
 on which it was originally based. The conservatism of the 
 Canadians in this particular is the more remarkable when 
 
298 
 
 Canada : its Political Development. 
 
 u^ 
 
 we consider that in the Parliament of Canada and tlie Legislature 
 of Quebec there are so many members speaking the French 
 language, who might be expected not to have the same traditional 
 respect for the old forms of the British Legislature. Out of the 
 "/^C^^ two hundred /md eleven members who compose the Canadian 
 Commons, some fifty -^4eftst address the House from time to 
 time in French ; and in their knowledge of parliamentary rules, 
 of the working of parliamentary institutions, they are in no way 
 behind the English majority. //^ I'.f, 
 
 Of the two hundred and elevwi members of the House of 
 Commons, ninety-two come from the great province of Ontario, 
 sixty-five from Quebec, and tiie remainder from the maritime 
 and smaller provinces. Li rearranging the representation after 
 each decennial census, the Act of Union provides that ' there 
 shall be assigned to each of the other provinces such a number 
 of members as will bear the same proportion to the number of its 
 population (ascertained at such census), as the number sixty-five 
 bears to the number of the population of Quebec' By this ingenious 
 arrangement, originally contrived in the interest of the French 
 XJiinadian section, the representation is kept within certain limits. 
 [^ It must be admitted, however, that two hundred and eleven members 
 are a large number of representatives for five millions of people, 
 
 when compared with the three hundred and twenty-five members 
 
 who represent over fifty millions in the House of Representatives. ^ 
 
 AYe have in the foregoing paragraphs given a mere summary 
 of the leading features of the government to which is entrusted 
 the work of administration and of legislation for the Dominion. 
 This government has the control of all matters affecting trade 
 and commerce, currency and coinage, banking and the issue of 
 paper money, postal affairs, militia and defence, navigation and 
 shipping, fisheries, Indians and Indian lands, the Criminal Law, 
 patents of invention and discovery, copyrights, naturalization of 
 aliens, railways of an international and interprovincial character ; 
 and, in short, of all matters of a Dominion or national import. 
 It can alone impose and collect duties on imports, and regulate 
 tlie general trade of the Dominion. On the other hand, the 
 Provinces legislate separately on matters of a purely municipal 
 and provincial nature, such as direct taxation for provincial pur- 
 
 ^ 
 
 1 
 
I 
 
 *^ 
 
 •4- 
 
 J 
 
 Canada : its Political Decelojmient. 
 
 20i> 
 
 poses, local works and undertakings, incorporation of companies 
 for provincial objects, property and civil rights, establishment, 
 maintenance and management of hospitals, asykims, and chari- 
 table institutions generally, excepting marine hospitals. In each 
 province there is a Legislature generally composed of two Houses, 
 a Legislative Council and an Assembly. It is noteworthy that 
 in Ontario, Manitoba, and British Columba, the Upper House has 
 been abolished, and so far apparently without any detriment to 
 the public interests. In this respect th ire is a divergence from 
 the constitutional practice of the United States, where the old 
 British system of two Houses has been rigidly preserved in all 
 their legislative bodies ; but there is, it must be remembered, a 
 considerable difference between the functions and responsibilicies 
 of a Canadian Legislative Council, and those of even a State 
 Senate. The latter is elected by the people, and has powers 
 hardly inferior to those of the lower house, while the Legislative 
 Councils are, with the exception of the elected body in Prince 
 Edward Island, nominated by the Lieutenant-Governor in Coun- 
 cil, while their legislative functions are a feeble reproduction of 
 those of the House of Lords. It may be added here that the 
 necessity for having an upper house to revise and control hasty 
 legislation, and exercise a supervision over the acts of the adminis- 
 tration, — the principal uses of an upper chamber under an 
 English parliamentary system, — is superseded to a great extent 
 in the provinces by the fact to which we shall presently refer, 
 that the Lieutenant-Governors can veto, and the Governor- 
 General disallow, any act of a provincial legislature which, after 
 due consideration, has been shown to be unconstitutional or other- 
 wise antagonistic to the interests of the Dominion. 
 
 The administration of affairs in each province, the Legislatures 
 of which meet once e^'ery year, is placed under a Lieutenant- 
 Governor, appointed and removable by the Governor-General in 
 Council. Tiie principles of responsible government obtain in 
 every province as in the Dominion. The executive council, which 
 advises the Lieutenant-Go\ernor, holds office onlv whilst it has 
 the confidence and support of the majority in the Assembly. 
 In some of the provinces it takes nine or ten persons to manage 
 the provincial or local affairs of three or four hundred thousand 
 
300 
 
 Canada : its Political Development. 
 
 people. In the three provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, 
 and Prince Edward Island, there are three Legislatures, with an 
 aggregate of one hundred and sixty members, and three executive 
 councils, with twenty-five ministers in all; and yet these provinces 
 have altogether only a population of less than a million souls. 
 The affairs of the Empire State of New York, with its population 
 of five millions, — equal to that of Canada, — are managed by a 
 Legislature of one hundred and sixty members, and some seven 
 heads of departments, including the Governor. The proposition 
 which has been often mooted of uniting the smaller provinces 
 under one government docs not, however, obtain any large measure 
 of support, since it is antagonistic to the principle which lies at 
 the basis of the Canadian Confederation, that each of the old 
 provinces should preserve its autonomy as far as possible. 
 
 We come now to consider the division of powers between the 
 central and provincial governments ; the most important part of 
 the constitution, involving, as it necessarily does, the unity and 
 security of the Dominion. We have already shown that the 
 general government has jurisdiction over all questions which 
 affect the Dominion, while the Provinces have jurisdiction over 
 matters of a purely provincial, local, and municipal character. 
 In dealing with this important question the Canadians have 
 endeavoured to profit by the experience of their American 
 neighbours, and to frame their constitution so as to avoid any 
 dangerous assertion of ' State Rights.' Happily for Canada 
 there has been no question of slavery to divide one section from 
 the other. No climatic conditions exist in the Dominion, as in 
 the United States, to create those differences of habit and tem- 
 perament which make the Southerners practically a distinct 
 people. What diversities of interests exist in the Dominion 
 arise from the geographical situation of the Provinces. We see 
 on the seaboard a Maritime section, where the people are mainly 
 engaged in mining or maritime pursuits ; again in the West, a 
 great prosperous agricultural and manufacturing community. 
 In the arrangements of tariffs the peculiar interests of the diverse 
 sections — especially of the Maritime Provinces — have to be care- 
 fully considered, and are no doubt at times a cause of considerable 
 perplexity to Governments and Parliaments ; but this diversity 
 
 
Canada : its Political JJevelopnieiit. 
 
 301 
 
 of interests was not :i souicc of eniljarrassnient at the time of the 
 formation of the constitution. Neither lias any JiiHculty arisen 
 from tlie existence in one Province of a hiri^e and i>ro\vinn; 
 population, closely united in all matters affeclin^i;' their language 
 and institutions. On the contrary, the federal constitution is to 
 a large extent based on principles fa\ourable to the existence of 
 the French Canadians as a distinct section of the poj)ulation of 
 Canada. 
 
 Accordingly, in perfecting the provisions of tlie new constitu- 
 tion, the [)nblic men of the provinces had not to contend with 
 an\' i>reat dilHculties arisint;; out of a di\ersitv of opunons and 
 interests. They were able to make such a division of powers 
 between the general .uid j)r(»vincial guv^'i'innents as was (piite 
 satisfactory at the time to all the provinces. Availing them- 
 selves of the experience of the United States, they ado[)ted at 
 the outset a [)rinciple with res[)ect to the balance of power the 
 very reverse of that which obtains in the constitution of that 
 country. It is expressly laid down in that constitution that 
 'the powers not '!ele<iated to the United States bv the constitu- 
 tion. nor })roliibiLed by it to the States, are reserved to the States 
 respectively, or to tlie people.' Now, in the Canadian Constitu- 
 tion, the powers of the provincial governments are distinctly 
 specified, while those of the general government cover the whole 
 ground of legislation not so ex[)ressly reserved to the provincial 
 authorities. The Dominion Government is authorised in express 
 terms 'to make laws for the peace, order, and good govermiieut 
 of Camilla in relation to all matters not coming within the classes 
 by this Act (the Act of Union) assigned exclusively to the legis- 
 latures of the provinces;' and in addition to this general [)rovision 
 it is enacted that ' anv matter comiui!; witliin anv of the classes 
 of subjects enumerated in this section (that is, the section defin- 
 ing the powers of the general Parliament) shall not be deemed to 
 come within the class of matters of a local or private nature (H)in- 
 prised in the enumeration of the classes of subjects, assigned ex- 
 clusivelv to the leiiislatures of the provinces.' 
 
 The object of the foregoing provision can be clearly miderstool 
 from the lann-uan-e of the astute Premier of Canada, Sir John 
 Macdonald, when he explained the details of confederation to the 
 
 VOL. v. 
 
 w 
 
 
 r>? 
 
 IMMWMIMltoi 
 
 ^^ 
 
 ■IMHI 
 
// /- 
 
 302 ChikkUi: ifs Pohtiad />evel(>i>rneiit. jjji\/f/l 
 
 Loi;isl;ituiv. ' \Vc iiiivc tlius avoided,' lie said, 'ili.it m'ciit source 
 of ueaknoss which has been I he cause of the disruption of the 
 United States ; we have avoidi,'d all contlict of jurisdiction and 
 authority.' After an experience of sc^'onteen years, it must he 
 acknowledi^ed tluit the (\)nstitution has worked exceedingly well 
 as a rule, but iit the same time it is evident that the hopes of the 
 Canadian Premier were somewhat too sannuine. In fact, it is 
 oI)\iously impossihle, under u written constitution, dedniui;" the 
 respect i\e powers of separate political authorities, to prevent 
 ([uestions of dnnht arisiiicr as it where really rests the riii;ht of 
 leiiislatiou in certain matters. The munerous cases that have al- 
 ready come before the courts of Canada and the I'rivy C-ouncil 
 of Enoland, show how (hilicidt it is by mere words to Hx tiie leijis- 
 lative limits of the central and j)rovincial <fovernmonts. It al- 
 ready takes scN'eral volumes to comprise all the rei)oi'ts and 
 pain])hlets that have appeared up to this time on this troublesome 
 question of jurisdiction. 
 
 The constitution of (.anada [)rovides a means ot arrivino; at a 
 solution of such difficulties as are likely to arise from time to 
 time in the workinii; of the federal svstem. Here a^.iin tlie 
 autliors of federation have availed lliemselves of the exi)erience of 
 tlieir American neinlihours, and have established a Supreme Court 
 or general Court of A[)peal for Canada, whose hiuhest functions 
 are to declch' tlu'se questions of jurisdiction. Tlie decisions of 
 tin's coui't are already doing nuich to solve dlfficul'Lles that imi)eiie 
 the suc("essful operation of the constitution. As a rule, cases come 
 before the Supreme Court on appeal from the lower courts, but 
 the hiw regulating its jurisdiction provides that the Goveiaior-jn- 
 council may refer any matter to this Court for an opinion..^ In 
 this respect the Court appears to have a wider scope than Is given 
 to the Supreme Court of the United States, which onlv adjudi- 
 cates on the facts of the particular case submitted to it through 
 the process of law, and is not called u[)on by the Government to 
 express an opinion on a general political j)roposition. When the 
 constitution of the United States was under consideration in 1787 
 the Convention relused to enteiralu favourably the proposition 
 that ' each branch of the Legislature, as well as the Supreme 
 Executive, shall have authority X.o re(jiiire the opinions of the 
 
[it sonrco 
 in of tlio 
 tioii and 
 
 must I)c 
 lixlv well 
 L's of tho 
 .('l-, it is 
 linii; ilio 
 
 prevent 
 riiflit of 
 
 liiv\'e al- 
 
 Couiicil 
 lie leuis- 
 , It al- 
 )i'ts and 
 iblesoino 
 
 /iiiff at a 
 
 time to 
 
 ^aiii the 
 
 I'ioncc of 
 
 le Court 
 
 uuciious 
 
 sions of 
 
 imj)i'iie 
 
 5es come 
 
 u'ts. hut 
 
 I'uor-in- 
 
 on.._ In 
 
 is ii;iven 
 
 uljudi- 
 
 t iii'oui;,'h 
 
 nent to 
 
 lien the 
 
 in 1787 
 
 position 
 
 nprome 
 
 of the 
 
 Canada: ils Political J)eoeloj)inent. 
 
 aoa 
 
 Supreme Judicial C-ourt. upon important ([uestions of law, and 
 u[)on solemn occasiijus.' 1 Not only may the Governor-General 
 refer to the Supreme (vourt of Canada for ' hearing or consitler- 
 iiiii; any matter whatsoever as he n\tiy think fit,' hut either House 
 of Parliament may send to the same tribunal for examination 
 and report any ])rivate bill or petition for a private bill on which 
 a questio!! oi jurisdiction has been raised. It is also provided that 
 it shall have jurisdiction in cases of controversy between the 
 Dominion and the Provinces, and between the Pi'ovinces them- 
 selves, on c(jn(lItion that the Jjegislature of a Province shall pass 
 an Act agreeing to such jurisdiction. But the Supreme Court 
 of Canada is not the court of last resort for Canaila. The people 
 have an inherent right, as subjects of the Queen, to appeal to the 
 Judicial Connnittee of the Privy Council of England. Several 
 cases, involvin*; constitutional issues of in'eat moment, lia\e al- 
 ready come before that learned body, and on more than one 
 occasion the decisions of the Supreme Court have been reversed, 
 though the general result has been so tar to strengthen conhdence 
 in the Canadian tribunal. 
 
 lint it is not only by means of the Courts that a check is ini- 
 ])osed upon hasty or unconstitutional legislation. The constitu- 
 tion provides that the Governor-General may veto or reserve any 
 bill [)assetl by the two Houses of Parliament when it conflicts with 
 iuiperial interests or imperial legislation. The veto, however, has 
 never been exercised in the history of Canada, but it was until 
 recently the practice to reserve for Her Majesty's assent such 
 bills as appeared to fall within certain classes of subjects expressly 
 set forth in the royal instructions to the Governor-General. 
 Since Confederation, however, the Imperial Government has 
 materially modified these instructions, because it has been deemed 
 ' inadvisable that they should contain anything which could be 
 interpreted as limiting or defining the legislative powers conferred 
 in 1867 on the Dominion Parliament.' 
 
 It is now understood that the reserved power of disallowance 
 which Her Majesty's Goverinnent possesses under the law is 
 sufhcient to meet all possible cases. In the Provinces the 
 Lieutenant-Governors may also veto bills of the Legislature, or 
 reserve them for the consideration of the Governor-General in 
 
 M 
 
 ■III iiii*> 
 
 mill. 
 
 2a& 
 
ao4 
 
 C(niii(l(i: its J'olilicd/ DerclopniCht. 
 
 council. It is iiotewoi'tliy that in thu I'roviiuvs of Nov:i Scoti:i, 
 Now nniiiswick, niid Priiico EdwiU'il Ishuul, tliu Lieutcimiit- 
 (»(»\cni(irs lia\(.' fi\'(|ueutly \\illilu.'l(l tiieir assent, — a poswr not 
 cxeivisetl hy the (Ji'own in England since tliu ilays of (iiicoii 
 Anne. In this case these oflii-ials can I'xorcise a power creator 
 than that ol" the President or t!u,' (lovernors of States, since thti 
 Lei^ishitures cannot, under tlie Canadian constitution, pass the 
 hill over the veto by a two-thirds majority. The power has never 
 been exercised In the lar<j;er Provinces, and thouu'h it is of course 
 in conformity with the letter of the law. it seems at variance 
 with the sj)irit and [)rinciple of responsilde ii;overnment. The 
 exeix'i^eof the power is in fact unnecessary, since th(' constitution 
 _i;i\es to the oencnd no\ernmeut the [)ower of annullin^i!; such 
 provincial Acts as are considered unconstitnlional. The Dominion 
 Clovernment su[)ervises al! the Provincial le:i;isLitlon, and lias 
 in a few eases disallowed certain Proviu'dal .Vets. This 
 l)ower is exercised wvy carefully, as it is re<j;arded with 
 intense j'-alonsy by the Provincial (loveriunents. In fact in 
 tiie case of ow^i bill disallowed by the Dominion Clovernment, 
 the I legislature of Ontario re-enacted it on several occasions, 
 though of course only to have it again I'ejec'ed. Tliis fact 
 shows the delicate position in which the Dominion (jrovernmi.'nt 
 is placed in exercising a power wlucli gi\'es it so wide a con- 
 trol over provincial legislation. Any injustice or abuse of 
 authority would undoubtedly lead to grave cu;uplicaiio;!s. 
 
 We ha\c now reviewed the; leading features of the co-i^titu- 
 tional deveh);)ment of Canada, and shown in what ves])eels it is 
 based on the American and Dritish systems of uovernment. Eng- 
 lishmen generally will assuredly find some satisfaction in the fact 
 ihat their greatest dejiendency has endeaNoured to follow so 
 closely the leading principles of the parliamentary government of 
 the pai'ent State. The ccnistitution, on tiie who!.', appears to be 
 a successful effort of statesuiansiiip, a,nd well adapted to [)rouiote 
 the unity of the Dominion, if worked in a spirit of compi'oniise 
 and conciliation. Canada is now (j;()verned b\ a ixditical system 
 which, from the village or town council up to tiie parliament of 
 the Dominion, is intend'd to give tlie j)eo^.!e full control o\'er 
 tlieir own alfaii's, ,Vt lae ba^e of the entire (olilieal organisation 
 
 tiitmiiin ffi it* 
 
 m 
 
Scotia, 
 
 k'liaiit- 
 
 ,\\M' not 
 
 (^ucreii 
 
 LI, 1 vat or 
 
 lice t lie 
 
 )ass the 
 
 ;is never 
 
 t" com'se 
 
 variance 
 
 The 
 
 sritiitiou 
 
 iiii; sucli 
 
 ' aiiluioii 
 
 and has 
 
 rrii • 
 IMIS 
 
 L'(l with 
 fact ui 
 _'rinnent, 
 ccasions, 
 hils fact 
 eminent 
 ! a cou- 
 ihuse of 
 
 Ci)'l>tltU- 
 
 'cls it is 
 nt. ii^nij;- 
 I the t'ai't 
 'oUow so 
 nineiit of 
 ai's to he 
 promote 
 nproniise 
 I system 
 inient of 
 trol o\i;r 
 inisutiou 
 
 ('anada : ilx I'olitical L)ei'vli>j>iiifiil. 
 
 aof) 
 
 1I(> tliose nitinicli")al institutions wlioso orliirin must he souL!;lit In 
 the vllla;4'e ('(iinmiMiities of the (Jermanic trlh-s. K.;r|i |»rovince 
 i-; ih'\I(le(l Into <HstIiict municipal tllstricts, whose pur^'ly h)cal af- 
 faii's are ^^overned i)v ch'cted hodies, in accordance with a well 
 matured system of l.iw. Still hlii;li"r u]t in tlu* body politic is the 
 pro\inci' wIlIi a o'ovcrnmcnt, wiio>" functions and re-;])onsIhilIties 
 are linuted liy the federal coii'^titnllon. 'i'hcn comes llie ;;('ni'r;d 
 ^overmneiit to tn)inplete the structure— to i:Ive unity and har- 
 mony to the whole. With a fe(leral system wdiich ijivcs due 
 streno;tIi to the central aiitliority, and at tlie same time every 
 freedom to the j)r()\jiicial organisations; with a judiciary free 
 from po[)ular influences, and dlstinifuisiied for character and 
 learniniT ; with a public service, restini;- on the safe tenure of 
 fjood behaviour; with a ])eoi)le who respect the laws; — the ^ . J 
 Dominion of Canada nmst Inu'e a brli^ht caree-r before her, if her // A 
 ])olitical develo[>mcnt continues to be promoted on the sumo wise "'/. ^^ 
 principles that so far illustrate her constitutional liistory. /^C' ". .>L, 
 
 / The inrpilry now naturally sno^ests itself, wdiat will be the out- 
 "•^omo of this development; what is the destiny in store for a 
 country showinn; so much eneruy and enterprise in all the pursuits 
 of industrv.and such admirable caiiacitv for self-iiovernment i The 
 five millions of j)eople \\\u) now inhabit the Dominion nmst 
 double in imnd)er within a decade or two, accordini; as the agri- 
 cultural and mineral wealth of her new territories is developed. 
 When millions of people inhal)it a continuous (diain of proviiuies 
 from the Atlantic to the Pacific, will they be satisfied with their 
 present hrferior position '? This is a ([uestion that presses itself 
 more and more upon the attention of statesmen and publicists in- 
 terested in the unity of the Emjiire. 
 
 ilowslig-ht the ties are that nowbindCanadato the parontStato 
 is very elearly shown by the fact, that she mi,<:^bt to-morrow be- 
 come an independent power without any immediate percepti- 
 ble effect on the prosperity or greatness of Tu'itain. For the 
 / moment it would simply mean that llor Majesty's Govcn-nment 
 
 / would have one governor less to appoint ii< hor dominions, and 
 that the Colonial Oltice would have fewer desj)at(;hes to write 
 
 \^\ and receive in future. The regiment that now keeps up a 
 semblauce of British rule in Halifax would be removed, while 
 
 
 w: 
 
 V 
 
 ^ 
 
 sT 
 
 
 ^^ 
 
 M^ 
 
 z 
 
 1 1 
 
 4v t 
 
 V3- 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 1* J!-. C^<-«, 
 
 /HU 
 
 
 K.JL 
 
 
306 
 
 Canada : its Vuidical J)evelojmient. 
 
 v_- 
 
 tlif ll"('t would IK) l(m|L>'ov Ix; boiuul to iiiako that port a lioad- 
 qiiartcrs in Aiiicrifaii waters. As lav as the coiniucri'ial I'ela- 
 tioiiH ot the two conntrioH avo (•(HiccriKMl — Ihu important point, 
 pr()l)al)ly, in tlu; opinion ol' many En^'lishmon — tliuso would 
 not be aiVcH-tcMl to any marked dugruu by the separation of the 
 colony t'rom the parent State, since the Dominion now imposes 
 duties on imi)orts without much consideration tor Uritish 
 manufacturing^ interests. Canada would .then bo able to 
 make her own treaties with foreig'ii nations without any 
 reference to the Imperial authorities. On the otlier hand, 
 (Janada would have to increase her expenditures tor 
 the pur2)ose8 of national defence, and of keeping- up a 
 little staff' of envoys and consuls, besides payin£>' for 
 other privilo<>'es inseparable from a national existence. 
 r>ut national aspirations are the natural outcome of 
 the o-rowth and prosperity of a people. The j;'reat forces 
 which are silently at work, developing:,' a national character, 
 may become more powerful as the years pass than the senti- 
 mental feelina; wlii(.-h now binds Canada to the parent State. It 
 is quite certain, however, that it will be with very f^reat reluc- 
 tance that (Janada will sever the comiection to which slie has 
 faithfully adhered for a century and more. Should the time 
 arrive for Independence, the records of her history Avill pro- 
 bably show that she had far out^-rown a position of mere 
 colonial dependency, and that it was not possible to devise a 
 plan which Avould enable her to remain in the Empire on terms 
 compatible with her dignity and security. 
 
 Of course should Canada at any future time be dissatisfied 
 with the semi-independent position she now occupies, and 
 begin seriously to consider the necessity for a chan,i:^e in her 
 political condition, there is always open to her the alternative 
 of amiexation to the g-reat Republican Power that lies to her 
 south. Some persons may consider on first reiiection that the 
 natural political, and commercial tendency of a country situ- 
 ated like Canada must be towards connection with a people 
 whose rapid development is the most remarkable event of the 
 century. By the time a new century dawns there will be 
 probably over oighty million people within the borders of the 
 
 ptes 
 
 ./ 
 
I r.'la- 
 |)()iiif, 
 W'Diild 
 <>r the 
 i[)()ses 
 Jritish 
 jIu to 
 t iiiiy 
 hand, 
 f for 
 up a 
 for 
 
 no of 
 
 I'll roes 
 
 ractor, 
 
 i sonti- 
 
 ato. It 
 
 rcliu!- 
 
 10 lias 
 o time 
 
 11 pro- 
 ' more 
 ^viso a 
 
 tonus 
 
 / 
 
 C(i)ui(lti : /V.x I'olltlcal Jhn'cfojunent. 
 
 ;{()7 
 
 I'liiii'd States, and if would soon dilllcult fi'i* llio Canadiati 
 people fr» rcsisl llic puweiful inllueiiees (hat \\Midd attract 
 thorn towards the Ko[inl)li('. I'ut tlioro is certainly no ovidenco 
 before US just now to lead us to such a (,'onclusion. Indeed, 
 ■\vo believer thai every year which carries (^anada fni'tlier in 
 hor career ol' jjolitieal and industrial deyeloinneiit, ri-nders 
 ainiexation less probable. We have already shown that it was 
 very diU'erent forty-liyi^ years a^'o when ('aiuida Avas relatiyely 
 a ])()(>]• ami ill-'-'oyei-ned conntry. Hut tlu' effect of the liberal 
 (-olom'al policy of faio-laud sim;e 1<S4() has been entirely to (b's- 
 p(.'l all feelin,ii,'s of disciontent, and to stron<>'then the attachment 
 of all classe^' of the ])eoplo to their own country and its i/isti- 
 tutious. , 'I'he Coufederatiou of the rrovinoes, by eidari;in;i,' 
 the arena of pijlitical action, and iiicreasini»- the fa(rilities for 
 trade and conmierce, has ci'itated a national s[)irit aniou«^ the 
 ])eo])l(! : a laudable desire, especially anion,!;" the youiijz,'er men, 
 to build u[) a new nationality to the north of the Americ^an 
 Kopubli(,', if possible in close connection Avith the parent State. 
 Of course it Avould l)o very dilferent -were (/anada ill-jjjoverned; 
 were her trade to diminish, and her great north-west t(;rritory to 
 become a burthen instead of a source of wealth and po[)ulat' n. 
 If during the closing years of this century Canadians should 
 sec the faibu'i^ ol' all their great schemes (>f internal develop- 
 ment, jirobably a strong annexation party would soon assert 
 itself; but at present there is every evidence to prove that 
 Confederation is a success, and that the Canadians are capable 
 of working out their political fortunes apart from the United 
 States. 
 
 In the meantime, before any movement has been made in 
 Canada in the (hrection cither of Independence or Annexation, 
 prominent Englishmen are combining with prominent Colonists 
 to [)lace, if possible, the relations of the Coh)nies with the 
 mother country on a more satisfactory and durable basis, -The 
 matter has gone so far as to recpiire a conference in London 
 for the purpose of considering the best means of preserving 
 the integrity of llie em])ire. The result of the confercMice has 
 l)cen the formation of a S()ci(ity, (tailed 'TIk^ lin})erial Federa- 
 tion League^ whoso object is stated to Ix; ' to secure by Fede- 
 
 
 Oi 
 
 f 
 
 j TMMl.HfWTnl' i TT C 
 
 / 
 
:^)08 
 
 Canada: lff< Polidca/ Development. 
 
 ration tlie porinaiioiit unify of tlio onipirc' Tii's sclioiuo of 
 l^'odcnilioii is ' iiof fo inlcrrcrt; wiili llic (>xisfiiio" ri;;'hfs df local 
 ])iirliaiiHMils as ro,ii;aiHls local allairs," but should coinhino 'on 
 {i!i ciinifaljlo basis flio rcsoureos of flio empire lor tl;o mainfcn- 
 anco of coininon infercsfs and ad<'<piafely provide for an or!j,'a- 
 in'scd drl'ence of coiunion riu'lifs." 
 
 Tho f'l'dt'i'afion of the empire is a scheme certainly calcul- 
 ated by iis Imperial scope to strike the imagination of the ])i)l- 
 itical enthusiast. It is a scheme which has been dreamed ol" by 
 statesnion and students since flie days of Ednmnd Burke. Ifs 
 reah'safion, hoAvevcr, is surrounded with the gravest dinicultics 
 Avhich ap[)car insu])erable to some ])ractical statesnicti, to 
 whom il is yet anovel ({uestion brought into prominence wifhin 
 a few months. A I'tMlerafion of the empii'e, in tho biKadcsf 
 Sense of Ihe phrase, means the creation of" an Imperial Parlia- 
 ment \vhit;h may legislate for the general ])urposes of the; em- 
 ])ii'e, and the establishment or continuance of legislatures in 
 each country or dependency to legislate for local and minor 
 objects. lief'ore this can be realised, England must be con- 
 vinced of the necessify of reconstructing her constitutional 
 system in vital particulars, of granting legislatures to Scotland 
 and Irelaml, of esfa])lishing a Suprt'me (Jourt to adjudicate on 
 the (]ucst ions which wuuld inevitably arise; in the h'gal con- 
 sfruction of the Avrifteii constitution which nnist bind fogcfher 
 the federation. ( )n the other hand, Canada Avould have to 
 mak(. 'adical changes in her federal system so as to adapt it 
 to the nv order of things. In all prol)abihty her general ])ar- 
 lianuMit wordd have to be abolished, and each province r(^})re- 
 senfed in the Imperial Parliament, whose functions it Avould be 
 fo legislate for such general objects as now appertain to the 
 Dominion. The tariffs of the Colonies Avould have to be 
 arranged by the Imperial Parliament, and the result Avould 
 certaiidy be, as things are now, the free trade and not the pro- 
 tective system which at present prevails in Canada and Vic- 
 toria. Considering that such a grand scheme of federation is 
 impracticable on the face of it, the advocates of rm])erial unify 
 propose a Colonial Council to sit in London, and deh'berato on 
 such (picstions as affect the empire as a whole, though no one 
 
 /*t 
 
no of 
 
 local 
 
 ' oil 
 
 iitcti- 
 (I )•;;•: 1- 
 
 ilc-ul- 
 ' J)ol- 
 ofby 
 Its 
 iltii'.s 
 
 M, to 
 
 liiti 
 »a(L'st 
 •avlia- 
 
 \0 Clll- 
 
 res ill 
 minor 
 ) con- 
 itional 
 ot 
 
 \ 
 
 CrmnJa: its PoWlot! Development . 300 >^^-*^ -• • "' 
 
 oxplains how it is to work in liiirinoiiy with aiul rxorciso any 
 ])ow(ir("iil iiiduoiuje on tlio IiMpcriaKJovorinnontand ParlianuMit. \ 
 
 It is (inito evident that wialo thoro is lloaliii'j; ihroiui'li the I 
 
 minds oi" the advocates of lin[)erial federation a vagne id^a ot" j 
 
 tiie desirability and necessity of Imperial unity, ?io one has yet 
 been able to ontline a ])lan wliich has a jiracticrd basis ot , 
 
 action. /J'hc Ili'cuiier of Canada, wJv) Ma Ihorou^'li Imperialist, y 
 
 lm« frankly confessed in a brilliant Hpeech, qnite recently de- — ""^ 
 livorod in Ontario in the proseucc of one (»i the lari^j'ost assem- 
 blages of inlluential men that ever met in Canacia, tliat-i' ' '^ 
 representation in an Impei-ial Parliament is impracticable, and •' - ' *^' ^^ 
 that Canada wonld not in any way lessen or ini[)air her present 
 achnirable system of Ikmuc govermnent. A\'liilst achiiitlini;; the 
 impracticability of the idea of a I'uderation of the empire in the 
 Avide sense c;enerally given it, he appeared to think that some 
 scheme could be devised to <i'ive Canada a hiii'her status in 
 \^ the worhl, and at the same time enable her to remain associated 
 with the empir(> for certain common objects and for deiV'tice 
 particuhirly./i/f'j J . - »l ■ /■ ... ., , .0 , ■\ y* -• ' •*■■ ' f-> * "• •• ■ 
 
 iVs we look over tlie Colonial cm])iro of Great Britain we see fu^^' '^ 7/ 
 that the time is not fai" distant when all the groups of her self- ^..^,-T;,V '^- 
 governing colonics in the western and eastern henn"s[)heresAvill ,,^,/ , .j* 
 be formed into federations based more or less on the Canadian ^f \ \ 
 system. The Australian Colonies have already taken a step - / C < f Vri<, 
 
 in this direction, and there is noAV everv reason to believe that I * 
 
 u ... V ' ""' 
 
 the scheme of haviii^ a federal council to deal with certain 
 
 matters common to all will l)e n;alised ere many months pass 
 
 away, ^riie South AiVican Colonies may evrn bt; forctjd, wlim 
 
 they emerge IVom their present dilliculties, to obey the common 
 
 law of destiny which is biinging all the colonial connnunities 
 
 into closer comiection with each other. It was even ])roposed 
 
 to um'te the island of Jainaica with the dominion of (Vjiada, 
 
 but this project has not. been favourably entertaiiuHl, and in 
 
 referring to it now we wish merely to show IIk; tendency in 
 
 the West Indian (colonies themselves towards a larger political 
 
 status Avhicli will enable them to dcveIo])e their industry and 
 
 connncrce to a greater extent than seems possible while they 
 
 remain isolated political comnmuities without a ciommoji bond 
 
 of interest. 
 
 t <^ JV' 
 
 '4 
 
 r i t\. *> •'»-•■+ '^ 
 
 
 IKW 
 
 •.Ik 1 , 
 
 /•►t 
 
310 Canada : ita J^oli/lfo/ J)ei'e1opment. 
 
 III tho ineantimo wliilo (-kui; colonial (lopoiuloncios avo dovol- 
 oping tlieir general rosonrces, and inakinu,- steady progress in 
 their political cojidition, it is the duty ;ind interest of British 
 statesmen to give every euconrageniL'nt to tlie movement that 
 is on foot to place, if possible, the relations between iMig- 
 land and lier great colonies on a more satisfactory basis. It 
 is desirable that every attention, should be iiiven to a subject 
 which is now engrossing so much attention. It would be a 
 matter of regret if it could be said hereafter that the colonies 
 separated from the mother country because she was indifferent 
 to the connection, and made no earnest effort to bring them 
 nearer to her on terms reconcilable with their interests and self- 
 respect. 
 
 Tlie success which has so far attended tho efforts of tho 
 Canadian people to develop their material rosourees, and place 
 their system of government on a stal)lo foundation, leads us to 
 entertain the most sanguine hopes as to tlie future of their 
 country. For a centurv thev liave successfullv resisted all the 
 influences which nn'ght be supposed to draAv them tdoser I > 
 the United States, and have steadily laboured, in tlie face i f 
 not a few obstacles, to strengthen their position to the north nf 
 the American Kepubhc. IStep by step they arc working their 
 way over the prairies and mountains of the Citntinent toward 
 the Pacific Ocean; building railways ami forming new pro- 
 vinces, ere long to be tilled up by an industrious and sturdy 
 population like that which has achieved such satisfactory 
 results in old Canada, and in the country by the sea. If they 
 continue during a few decades more to be animated by the 
 same public spirit that has distinguished their efforts since tho 
 commencement of Confederation, Canada will be able to 
 assume a much more conspi(Mious position among tlie free 
 communities of the world, and may prove a formidable rival 
 even of the United States in the great work which both have 
 to accomplish on the Continent of America. And it is assuredly 
 the earnest desire of Canadians as well as Knglishmen that 
 if when that time comes a largo scheme of federation is clearly 
 impracticable, there may exist at least such an allianco, between 
 Canada and the parent State as will give greater security to 
 
 ^' 
 
 v^ 
 
 /• 
 
Stuart Pretenders. 
 
 311 
 
 iii 
 itish 
 that 
 
 >>■_ 
 
 It 
 
 )joct 
 
 >o a 
 
 ) I lies 
 
 M'CIlt 
 IL'lll 
 
 solf- 
 
 both, and afTord to tlie world tlio intercstiiii^ spectacle of a 
 people who owe to Great l>ritain tlieir tree institutions never 
 lorgettinp,' in the fulneso or liKir strength and prcisperity the ' 
 
 land of their origin, but still bound to her by the closest ties of ^>^ <r^<-^iA 
 sympathy and atfection, and ever ready to lend her material 
 assistance iu the hour of need. 
 
 Art. VI.— STUART PRETENDERS. 
 
 BARON DE REUMONT, formerly Prussian Ambassador at 
 Florence, and author of a Ilistorij of the City of Roiiie, 
 published in 1882 in the Uistoriclws Jarhuclt der Goerres 
 Gesellscliaft, a very brief article on ' A Stuart Pietender in 
 the Seventeenth Century.' A learned Jesuit father wrote a 
 history of the Conversion of Charles II., King of England, to the 
 Catholic Church, which appeared, in l^i'^s in the Civilta 
 Cattolica (Fifth Series, vols. VI. and VII. ^ .nd in the course of 
 this history ffiive an account of the eldest of all the natural sons 
 of that monarch, addressed to the then General of the Jesuits, 
 Father Oliva, residing at S. Andrea del Quirinale in Rome. 
 lie also jrave extracts from the entrance books of the Jesuit 
 Novitiate, proving that a natural son of Charles II. had been 
 admitted a novice into the order of Jesuits. The last will and 
 testament of this son of Charles II. was published in /' Itcdia 
 Beak, a Naples newspaper (1881, No. 13), by Don Sci})ione 
 Volpicella, first librarian in the National Library, Naples. And 
 also, the parish priest of S. Sofia in St. Giovanni Carbonara, 
 Naples, lately discovered a certificate, partly illegible, of the 
 marriao-e, on the li)th of February. 1669, of Sii-nor Giacomo 
 Enrico Boveri .... and Signora Teresa Corona. The 
 Jesuit Father who wrote the articles in the Civilta Cattolica 
 seems Lo have heen unaware that James Stuart, alias De la Cloche 
 du liourg de Jersey, alias Henri de Rohan, (dias IJoveri, had ever 
 
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