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From the " Voyac.ks " o\- Samtkl dk Champlain, Having returned to France after a stay of three years in New France,* I proceeded to Sieur de Monts, and related to him the principal events of which I had been a witness since his departure, and gave him the map and plan of the most re- markable coasts and harbors there. Some time afterward Sieur de Monts determined to con- tinue his undertaking, and complete the exploration of the interior along the great river St. Lawrence, wiiere 1 had been by order of the late King Henry the Great t in the year 1603, for a distance of some hundred and eighty leagues, commencing in latitude 48° 40', that is, at Gasp^, at the entrance of the river, as far as the great fall, which is in latitude 45° and some minutes, where our exploration ended, and where boats could not pass as we then thought, since we had not made a careful examination of it as we have since done.t Now, after Sieur de Monts had conferred with me several times in regard to his purposes concerning the exploration, he resolved to continue so noble and meritorious an undertaking, notwithstanding the hardships and labors of the past. He honored me with his lieutenancy for the voyage ; and, in order to carry out his purpose, he had two vesse' equipped, one com- * Champlain arrived on the shores of America on the 8th of A!ay, 1604, and left on the 3d of September, if>o7. He had consequently been on our coast three years, three months, and twenty-five days. T/ie notes are reprinted from Stafter \ The late Kii:^ Henry the Great Henry IV died in i')io. and this inlroduHory pas- sage was obviously written after that event, probably near Ih*; tmie ol the publication of his voyages in 1613. I In the preliminary voyage of 1603, Champlain ascended tlie Si Lawrence as far as the tails of St. Louis, above Moniteal manded by Pont Gr.iv^, who was commissioned to trade with the savages of the country and bring back the vessels, while I was to winter in the country. Sieur de Monts, for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the expedition, obtained letters from his Majesty for one year, by which all persons were forbidden to traffic in peltry with the savages, on penalties stated in the following commission : — kt^ «■ '! ii ! ■ f!t'- Henry hv the grace of God Kixg of France and Navarre, to our beloved and faithful Councillors, the officers of our Admiralty in Normandy, Brittany, and Guienne, bailiffs, marshals, provosts, judges, or their lieutenants, and to each one of them, accordmg to his authority, throughout the extent of their powers, jurisdictions, and precincts, greeting : Acting upon the information which has been given us by those who have returned from New France, respecting the good quality and fertility of the lands of that country, and the disposition of the people to accept the knowledge of God, We have resolved to continue the settlement previously un- dertaken there, in order that our subjects may go there to trade without hindrance. And in view of the proposition to us of Sieur de Monts, (ientleman in Ordinary of our chamber, and our Lieutenant-General in that country, to make a settlement, on condition of our giving him means and sup- plies for sustaining the expense of it,* it has pleased us to promise and assure him that none of our subjects but himself shall be permitted to trade in peltry and other merchandise, for the period of one year only, in the lands, regions, harbors, rivers, and highways throughout the extent of his jurisdic- tion : this We desire to have fulfilled. For these causes and other considerations impelling us thereto, We command and decree that each one of you, throughout the extent of your powers, jurisdictions, and precincts, shall act in our stead and carry out our will in distinctly prohibiting and forbidding all merchants, masters, and captains of vessels, also sailors and others of our subjects, of whatever rank and profession, to fit out any vessels, in which to go themselves or send others in order to engage in trade or barter in peltry and other things with the savages of New France, to visit, trade, or communi- cate with them during the space of one year, within the juris- •The contribution by Henry IV. did not probably extend beyond the monopoly of the fur-trade granted by him m this commission. I 1.1 h , 9 ) diction of Sieur de Monts, on penalty of disobedience, and the entire confiscatl(jn of their vessels, supplies, arms, and merchandise for the benefit of Sieur de Monts , and, in order that the punishment of their disobedience may be assured, you will allow, as We have and do allow, the aforesaid Sieur de Monts or his lieutenants to seize, apprehend, and arrest all violators of our present prohibition and order, also their vessels, merchandise, arms, supplies, and victuals, in order to take and deliver them up to the hands of justice, so that action may be taken not only against the persons, but also the property of the offenders, as the case shall require. This is our will, and We bid you to have it at once read and pub- lished in all localities and public places within your authority and jurisdiction, as you may deem necessary, by the first one of our officers or sergeants in accordance with this requisition by virtue of these presents, or a copy of the same, properly at- tested once only by one of our well-beloved and faithful coun- cillors, notaries, and secretaries, to which it is our will that credence should be given as to the present original, in order .that none of our subjects may claim ground for ignorance, but that ail may obey and act in acv. rdance with our will in this matter. We order, moreover, all captains of vessels, mates, and second mates, and sailors of the same, and others on board of vessels or ships in the ports and harbors of the aforesaid country, to permit, as We have done, Sieur de Monts, and others possessing power and authority from him, to search the aforesaid vessels which shall have engaged in the fur-trade after the present prohibition shall have been made known to them. It is our will that, upon the requisition of the afore- said Sieur de Monts, his lieutenants, and others having au- thority, you should proceed against the disobedient and of- fenders, as the case may require : to this end. We give you power, authority, commission, and special mandate, notwith- standing the act of our Council of the 17th day of July last,* any hue and cry, Norman charter, accusation, objection, or appeals of whatsoever kind ; on account of which and for fear of disregarding which, it is our will that there should be no delay, and,* if any of these occur, We have withheld and re- served cognizance of the same to ourselves and our Council, apart from all other judges, and have forbidden and prohibited the same to all our courts and judges : for this is our pleasure. •This, we presume, was the act abrogating the charter of De Monts eranted in f6o3. Given at I'aris the seventh day of January, in the year of grace sixteen hundred and eight, and the nineteenth of our reign. Sir(-«isitctwiii Lit. ami Hn. Sot. of Quebec, 1867-68, p 5. 8 gi } rivers which How into this hike, one comes from the north, very ne;ir the mm, where they consider it much colder than in their own country : and the other two from other directions in the intt-rior,* where are nii;;rat(>rv savaj;es, Hvin^ (Jiily from hunting', and where our sii\ .i[;es carry the merchandise we ^ive them for tlieir furs, such as beaver, marten, lynx, .uui otter, which are fuund there in hirj^e numbers, and whicli ihey then carry to our vessels. These people of the north report to our sava|.;es that they see the salt sea ; and, if that is true, as I think it certainly is, it can be nothing; but a gulf entering the interior on the north. t 'I'he savages say that the distance from the north sea to the port of Tadoussac is perhaps forty-five or fifty days' journey, in consecpience of the difficulties presented by the roads, rivers, and country, 'vhich is very mt)untamous, and where there is snow for the most part of the year. This is what I have definitely ascer- tained in regard to this river I have often wished to exul': e it, but could not do so without the savages, who were unwill- ing that I or any of our jxirty should accorri^ny them. Nevertheless, they have promised that I shall do so. This exploration would be desirable, in order to remove the doubts of many persons in regard to the existence of this sea on the north, where it is maintained that the English have gone in these latter years to find a way to China. t I set out from Tadoussac the last day of the month to go to Quebec, § We passed near an island called Hare Island, || •The first of tlicse three rivers, which the traveller will meet ,is he p.isses up the northern shore of the lake, is the Pcrihouca tlowiiif^ from the north-east. The second is the Mis- tassina, represented hy the Indians as coniing trom the salt sea. The third is the Choniuu- chonan, flowing from the north-west. t There was donhtless an Indian trail from the head-waters of the Mistassina to Mistassin Lake, and from thence to Rupert River, which Hows into the lower part of Hudson's May. i The salt sea referred to hy the Indians was undouhtedly Hudson's Hay. The dis- coverer of this bay, Henry Hudson, in the years 1^107, ifK,S, and i'mh), was in the northern ocean se.irching lor a passage to C'alliav. In iiuo he discovered tlie strait and bay which now bear his name. He passed the winter in the southern pn-t of the bay; and the next year, lOi i, his sailor.'^ in a niutiny fon td linii and his officers into a shallop, and abandoned them to perish Nothing was IrmkI of tlRiu atterward. The lame of Hudson's discovery had reached Champlain before the pwblii.alion of this volume in 161 j. This will be apparent by comparing Champlain's small map with the Tahii.a Naitica of Hudson, published in ifiia. It will be seen that the wliole of the Carte (leographique de la Nouveile France of Champlain, on the west of l.umley's Inlet, including Hudson's Strait and Bay, is a copy from tiie Tabula N.iutica. Kven the names are in English, a few characteristic ones being omitted, such as Prince Henry, the King's Korlant, and Cape Charles. — /'/>/«■ Henry Hudson the Navigator, by G. M. Asher, LL.I)., tiakluyt Society, iS^io, p. xliv § This was June 30, 1608. II Isle aiix 1. livres, or hares. This name was given by Jacques Carlier, and it is still called Hare Island. It is about ten geographical miles longi ^nd generally about lialf or three-quarters of a mile wide. distant six leapiies from thv ahove-n.uinfl port : it i-. two leagues from the northern, and nearly four leagues from the southern shore, l-'rom Hare Island we procr-eded to a little river, dry at low tide, u|) which some seven hundred or eight hundred paces there are two falls. We named it Salmon Kivet,* sMice we caught some of these fish in it. Coasting al(jng the north shore, we ( ame to a jioint extending into the river, which we called Cap Dauphin, t distant tliree leagues from Salmon Kiver. Thence we proceeded to another, which we named Kagle Cape.t distant eight leagues from Cap J)auphiii littween the two there is a large l)ay,>J at the ex- t-eniity c-' v hich is a little river dry at low tide, l-rom Kagle Cape we pr' needed to Isle aux Coudres. || a good league dis- tant, which IS about a league and a half long. It is nearly level, '. ul g ows nr .uvver towaids the tw(^ ends. On the weste... side th'^'c are meadows, and rocky points extending some distan . out into the river. On the south-west side it is very re f; , yet very pleasant in consecjuence of the woods surrouiiding it. It is distant about half a league from the northern shoie, where is a little river extending some distance into the interior. We namod it Riviere du Goutfre,^i since abreast of it the t.de runs with extraordinary rapidit)" • and, although it has a calm appearance, it is always much agi- tated, the ilepth there being great but the river itself is shallow, and the.'e are many rocks at and about its mouth. Coasting along from Isle aux Coudres, we reached a cape which we named Cap de Tourmente,** five leagues distant; "Khicre itiix SauimoHs. "From all .Tp|)L'.\raiH-es," s.iys Laverdiere, " tliis .Sahium Kiver is tliat which empties into the ' I'ort k rKquillcs,' eel ''arhor, aNo lallcd ' Port aux Uuilles,' Skittles I'ort. Its moutli is two ieaijues Irom Cape Salmon, wit' which it must not be confounded." it i^ now kiuiwii as I'.lack River. i Cafi Ihiiifihin, now called Cape Salmon, which is about three le.iKnes from lUark Kiver. XCaf> J I'Aigle, now known as Cnp aux Oies, or Cioi e Cape. The E.ijjie Capt of to-day is little more than two leagues Irom Cape Salmon, while Cioose Cape is about eight leagues, as stated in the text. §rhe bay stretching between Cape .Salmon and Goose Cape is called Mai liay within which are Cape Kagle, Murray l'>ay, Point au Pies, White Cipe, Red Cape, Illack, tJape, Point Pere, Point Corneille, and l.ittle .Mai Hay. In the rear of (loose Cajie are les I'boule- niens Mountains, 2,547 teet in height On the opposite side of the river is Point Ouelle, and the river of the same name. \[lsle n.' r Coudres, Hazel Island, so mined by Jacques Cartier, still retains its ancient appellation Its distance Irom (loose Cape is about two leagues. The description of it in he text 18 very accurate If Riviere du Gouffrc This river still retains this name, signifying whirlpool, and is the same that empties into St Paul's I'ay, opposite Isle aux Coudres **Capde Toiiruiente. cape cf the tempest, is eight leagues from Isle aux Coudres, but about two from the Isle of Orleans, as stated in the text, which sufficiently identifies it. 10 and we gave it this name because, however little wind there may be, the water rises there as if it were full tide. At this point the water begins to be fresh. Thence we proceeded to the Island of Orleans,* a distance of two leagues, on the south side of which are numerous islands, low, covered with trees and very pleasant, with large meadows, having plenty of game, some being, so far as I could judge, two leagues in length, others a trifle more or less. About these islands are many rocks, also very dangerous shallows, some two leagues distant from the main land on the south. All this shore, both north and south, from 'I'adoussac to the Island of Orleans, is mountainous, and the soil very poor. The wood is pine, fir, and birch only, with very ugly rocks, so that in most places one could not make his way. Now we passed along south of the Island of Orleans, which is a league and a half distant from the mam land and half a league on the north side, being six leagues in length, and one in breadth, or in some places a league and a half. On the north side, it is very pleasant, on account of the great extent of woods and meadows there ; but it is very dangerous sailing, in consequence of the numerous points and rocks between the main land and island, on which are numerous fine oaks and in some places nut-trees, and on the borders of the woods vines and other trees such as we have in France. This place is the commencement of the fine and fertile country of the great river, and is distant one hundred and twenty leagues from its mouth. Off the end of the island is a torrent of water on the north shore, proceeding from a lake ten leagues in the interior ; t it comes down from a height of nearly twenty- li:%M * Isle li'OrUiins. Cartier discovered tliis island in 1535. and named it the Island of Baccluis, because he saw vines growing there, winch lie had not before seen in that region He says, " Kt pareillenient y trouuasnies force vignes, ce que n'auyons veu par cy deuant ^ toute la terre, & par ce la nomniasmes I'ysle de Hacchus."'— Brief Rhit Je fa Xiivig-ation Fatte en mdxxxv , par Jacques Cartier, D'Avezac ed., Paris, 1863, pp 14, m. The grape found here was proljably the t'rost drape, I' itis cordi/olui. Tlie " Island of Orleans" soon became the fixed name of this island, which it still retains. Its Indian name is said to have been Mi.iigo — U'ltie Laverdiere's interesting note, (hin-res de Chittii/>/ai>i, tome ii. p. 24. Champlain's estimate of the size of the island is nearly accurate, it is, according to the Admiralty charts, seventeen marine miles in length, and four in its gieatest width. t This was the river Slontmorency whiich rises in Snow Lake, some fifty miles in the in- terior. — / 'ide Champlam s reference on his map of (Quebec and its environs. He gave this name to the river, which it still retains, in honor of the Admiral Moiitmore.icy, to whom he dedicated his notes on the voyage of i'x)3. Vide Liiverdii're, in loco; alio Chaiii/>l(tiu, ed. 1632; Charier oi.t's Letters, London, i7''3, p. 19. The following is Jean .Allonse's descrip- tion of the fall cf Montmorency' : " When thou art come to the end of the Isle, thou shall see a great River, which falleth hfteen or twenty fathoms downe from a rocke, and maketh a terrible noise.'' — Haklnyt, vol. iii. p. 293. The perpendicular descent of the Montmorency at the falls is 240 feet \ II 24- the in- this (n he ed. icrip- It see ;th a rency five fathoms, above which the land is level and pleasant, al- though farther inland are seen high mountains appearing to be from fifteen to twenty leagues distant. From the Island of Orleans to Quebec the distance is a league. I arrived there on the 3d of July, when I searched for a place suitable for our settlement ; but I could find none more convenient or better situated than the pomt of Quebec, so called by the savages,* which was covered with nut-trees. I at once employed a portion of our workmen in cuttmg them down, that we might construct our habitation there : one I set to sawing boards, another to making a cellar and digging ditches, another I sent to Tadoussac with the barque to get supplies. The first thing we made was the storehouse for keeping under cover our supplies, which was promptly accom- plished through the zeal of all, and my attention to the work. Some days after my arrival at Quebec a locksmith con- spired against the service of the king. His plan was to put me to death, and, getting possession of our tort, to put it into the hands of the Basques or Spaniards, then at Tadoussac, beyond which vessels cannot go, from not having a knowledge of the route, nor of the banks and rocks on the vvay. In order to execute his wretched plan, by which he hoped to make his fortune, he suborned four of the worst characters, as he supposed, telling them a thousand falsehoods, and pre- senting to them prospects of acquiring riches. These four men, having been won over, all promised to act in such a manner as to gain the rest over to their side, so that, for the time being, I had no one with me in whom I could put confidence, which gave them still more hope of making their plan succeed; for four or five of my companions, in whom they knew that I put confidence, were on board of the barques, for the purpose of protecting the provisions and supplies necessary for our settlement. In a word, they were so skilful in carrying out their •Chaniplain here plainly means to say that the Indians call the narrow place in the river Quebec. For this meaning of the word, viz. narrowing of waters, in the Algonquin language, the authority is abundant. Laverdiere quotes, as agreeing with him in this view, BelTenger, Ferland, and Lescarbot. " The narrow'ng of the river, ' says Charlevoix, "gave It the name of (Jiieheto, or Quebec, which in the A Igoiujuin language signifies contraction. The Abenaquis, whose language is a dialect of the Algonquin, call it (^uelibec, which signifies something shut wxi.'" — Charlevoit\ Letters, pp i8, 19. Alfred Hawkins, in his" Historical Recollections of Quebec, ' regards the word of Norman origin, which he finds on a seal of the Duke of Suffolk, as early as 1420. The theory is ingenious- but it requires some other characteristic historical facts to challenge our belief. When Cartier visited Quebec, it was called by the natives Stadacone — Vide C.trtier's Brief Rtcit, 1545, iJ'Avezac ed., Fans, 1863, p. 14. :f m f '" ! intrigues ^vith those who remained that they were on the point of gaining all over to their cause, even my lackey, prom- ising them many things which they could not have fulfilled. Being now all agreed, they made daily different plans as to how they should put me to death, so as not to be accused of it, which they found to be a difficult thing. But the devil, blindfolding them all and taking away their reason and every possible difficulty, they determined to take me while unarmed, and strangle me, or to give a false alarm at night, and shoot me as I went out, in which manner they judged that they would accomplish their work sooner than otherwise. They made a mutual promise not to betray each other, on penalty that the first one who opened his mouth should be poniarded. They were to execute their plan in four days, before the arrival of our barques, otherwise they would have been unable to carry out their scheme. On this very day one of our barques arrived, with our pilot. Captain Testu, a very discreet man. After the barque was un- loaded, and ready to return to Tadoussac, there came to him a locksmith, named Natel, an associate of Jean du Val, the head of the conspiracy, who told him that he had promised the rest to do just as they did, but that he did not in fact desire the execution of the plot, yet did not dare to make a dis- closure in regard to it from fear of being poniarded. Antoine Natel made the pilot promise that he would make no disclosure in regard to what he should say, since, if his companions should discover it, they would put him to death. The pilot gave him his assurance in all particulars, and asked him to state the character of the plot which they wished to carry out. This Natel did at length, when the pilot said to him : " My friend, you have done well to disclose such a ma- licious design, and you show that you are an upright man, and under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. But these things cannot be passed by without bringing them to the knowledge of Sieur de Champlain, that he may make provision against them , and I promise you that I will prevail upon him to pardon you and the rest. And I will at once," said the pilot, "go to him without exciting any suspicion ; and do you go about your business, listening to all they may say, and not troubling yourself about the rest." The pilot came at once to me, in a garden which I was having prepared, and said that he wished to speak to me in a private place, where we could be alone. I readily assented, and we went into the wood, where he related to me the whole affair. I asked who had told it to him. He begged me to pardon him who had made the disclosure, which I consented to do, alt'iough he ought to have addressed himself to me. He was afraid, he replied, that you would become angry, and harm him. I told him that I was able to govern myself better than that in such a matter, and desired him to have the man come to me, that I migi>^ hear his statement. He went, and brought him all trembling with fear lest I should do him some harm. I reassured him, telling him not to be afraid, that he was in a place of safety, and that I should pardon him for all that he had done, together with the others, provided he would tell me in full the truth in regard to the whole matter, and the motive which had impelled them to it. "Nothing," he said, "had impelled them, except that they had imagined that, by giving up the place into the hands of the Basques or Spaniards, they might all become rich, and that they did not want to go back to France.' He also related to me the remaining particulars in regard to their conspiracy. After having heard and questioned him, I directed him to go about his work. Meanwhile I ordered the pilot to bring up his shallop, which he did Then I gave two bottles of wine to a young man, directing him to say to these four worthies, the leaders of the conspiracy, that it was a present of wine, which his friends at Tadoussac had given him, and that he wished to share it with them. This they did not decline, and at evening were on board the barque where he was to give them the entertainment. I lost no time in going there shortly after, and caused them to be seized and held until the next day. Then were my worthies astonished indeed I at once had all get up, for it was about ten o'clock in the evening, and pardoned them all on condition that they would disclose to me the truth in regard to all that had occurred, which they did, when I had them retire. The next day I took the depositions of all, one after the other, in the presence of the pilot and sailors of the vessel, which I had put down in writing ; and they were well pleased, as they said, since they had lived only in fear of each other, especially of the four knaves who had ensnared them. But f i 14 ». )! i feM; * now they lived in peace, satisfied, as they declared, with the treatment which they had received. The same day I had six pairs of handcuffs made for the authors of the conspiracy : one for our surgeon, named Bon- nerme, one for another, named La Taille, whom the four con- spirators had accused, which, however, proved false, and conse- quently they were given their hberty. This being done, I took my worthies to Tadoussac, begging Pont Grave to do me the favor of guarding them, since 1 had as yet no secure place for keeping them, and as we were occupied in constructing our places of abode. Another object was to consult with him, and others on the ship, as to what should be done in the premises. We suggested that, after he had finished his work at Tadoussac, he should come to Quebec with the prisoners, where we should have them confronted with their witnesses, and, after giving them a hearing, order justice to be done according to the offence which they had committed. I went back the next day to Quebec, to hasten the com- pletion of our storehouse, so as to secure our provisions, which had been misused by all those scoundrels, who spared nothing, without reflecting how they could find more when these failed ; for I could not obviate the difficulty until the storehouse should be completed and shut up. Pont Grave arrived some time after me, with the prisoners, which caused uneasiness to the workmen who remained, since they feared that I should pardon them, and that they would avenge themselves upon them for revealing their wicked design. We had them brought face to face, and they affirmed before them all which they had stated in their depositions, the prisoners not denying it, but admitting that they had acted in a wicked manner, and should be punished, unless mercy might be exercised towards them ; accusing, above all, Jean du Val, who had been trying to lead them into such a con- spiracy from the time of their departure from France. Du Val knew not what to say, except that he deserved death, that all stated in the depositions was true, and that he begged for mercy upon himself and the others, who had given in their adherence to his pernicious purposes. After Pont Grave and I, the captain of the vessel, surgeon, mate, second mate, and other sailors had heard their deposi- tions and face to face statements, we adjudged that it would m be enough to put to death l)u Val, as the instigator of the conspiracy; and that he might serve as an example to those who remained, leading them to deport themselves correctly in future, in the discharge of their duty; and that the Span- iards and Basque^, of whom there were large numbers in the country, might not glory in the event. We adjudged that the three others be condemned to be hung, but that they should be taken to France and put into the hands of Sieur de Monts, that such ample justice might be done them as he should recommend ; that they should be sent with all the evi- dence and their sentence, as well as that of Jean du Val, who was strangled and hung at Quebec, and his head was put on the end of a pike, to be set up in the most conspicuous place on our fort. After all these occurrences, Pont Grave set out from Quebec, on the i8lh of September, to return to France with the three prisoners. After he had gone, all who remained conducted themselves correctly in the discharge of their duty. I had the work on our quarters continued, which was composed of three buildings of two stories. Each one was three fathoms long, and two and a half wide. The store- house was six fathoms long and three wide, with a fine cellar six feet deep. I had a gallery made all around our buildings, on the outside, at the second story, which proved very con- venient. There were also ditches, fifteen feet wide and six deep. On the outer side of the ditches I constructed several spurs, which enclosed a part of the dwelling, at the points where we placed our cannon. Before the habitation there is a place four fathoms wide and six or seven long, looking out upon the river-bank. Surrounding the habitation are very good gardens, and a place on the north side some hundred or hundred and twenty paces long and fifty or sixty wide. More- over, near Quebec, there is a little river, coming from a lake in the interior,* distant six or seven eagues from our settle- *The river St. Charles flows from a lake in the interior of tlie same name. It was called by the Montagnais, according to Sagard as cited by I.averdiere, lu loco, "Cabitecou- bat, because it turns and forms several pomts " Cartier named it the Holy Cross, or St. Croix, because, he says, he arrived there " that day" ; that is, the day on which the exaltation of tlie Cross is celebrated, the 14th of September. 1535. — l'u,e Cartiir, Hakiuyt, \-ol iii p. 7bh The Recollects gave it the name ol St Charles, alter the grand vicar of I'ontoise, Charles des fioues — Laverdi^te, in loco Jacques Cartier wintered on the north shore of the St Charles, which he called the St. Croix, or the Holy Cross, about a league from Quebec. " Hard by, there is, in that riuer, one place very narrow, deep, and swift running, but it is not passing the third part of a league, ouer against the which tliere is a goodly higri piece of land, with a towne therein ; and the country about it is very well tilled and wrought, and as good as possibly can be seene. This is the jilace and abode of Donnacona, and ot i6 l\ 3 • H' ment. I am of opinion that this river, which is north a quarter north-west from our settlement, is the place where Jacques Cartier wintered,* since there are still, a league up the river, remains of what seems to have been a chimney, the founda- tion of which has been found, and indications of there hav- ing been ditches surrounding their dwelling, which was small. We found, also, large pieces of hewn, worm-eaten timber, and some three or four cannon-balls. All these things show clearly that there was a settlement there founded by Christians ; and what leads me to say and believe that it was that of Jacques Cartier is the fact that there is no evi- dence whatever that any one wintered and built a house in these places except Jacques Cartier, at the time of his discov- eries. This place, as I think, must have been called St. Croix, as he named it , which name has since been trans- ferred to another place fifteen leagues west of our settlement. But there is no evidence of his having wintered in the place now called St. Croix, nor in any other there, since in this direction there is no river or other place large enough for vessels except the main river or that of which I spoke above ; here there is half a fathom of water at low tide, many rocks, and a bank at the mouth ; for vessels, if kept in the main river, where there are strong currents and tides, and ice in the win- ter, drifting along, would run the risk of being lost ; especially as there is a sandy point extending out into the river, and filled with rocks, between which we have found, within the last three years, a passage not before discovered ; but one must go through cautiously, in consequence of the dangerous points there. This place is exposed to the north-west winds; and the river runs as if it were a fall, the tide ebbing two and a half fathoms. There are no signs of buildings here, nor any indications that a man of judgment would settle in this place, there being many other better ones, in case one were obliged to make a permanent stay. I have been desirous of speaking at length on this point, since many believe that the abode of Jacques Cartier was here, which I do not believe, for the reasons here given ; for Cartier would have left to our two men we took in our first voy^se, it is called Stabacona, . . vnder which towne to- ward the North the riuer and port of the holy crosse is, where we staled from the 15 of Sep- tember vntil the 16 of May, 153^1, and there our ships remained dry as we said before." — I'idejaci^ues Cartier, Second I'oyage, Hakluyt, vol in. p 277. * The spot where Jacques Cartier wintered was at the junction of the river Lairet and the St. Charles. 17 posterity a narrative of the matter, as he did in the case of all he saw and discovered ; and 1 maintain that my opinion is the true one, as can be shown by the history which he has left in writing. As still further proof that this place now called St. Croix is not the place where Jacques Cartier wintered, as most persons think, this is what he says about it in his discoveries, taken from his history; namely, that he arrived at the Isle aux Coudres on the 5th of December,* 1535, which he called by this name, as hazel-nuts were found there. There is a strong tidal current in this place ; and he says that it is three leagues long, but it is quite enough to reckon a league and a half. On the 7th of the month, Notre Dame Day,t he set out from this island to go up the river, in which he saw fourteen islands, distant seven or eight leagues from Isle aux Coudres on the south. He errs somewhat in this estimation, for it is not more than three leagues. t He also says that the place where the islands are is the commencement of the land or province of Canada, and that he reached an island ten leagues long and five wide, where extensive fisheries are car- ried on, fish being here, in fact, very abundant, especially the sturgeon. But its length is not more than six leagues, and its breadth two, — a fact well recognized now. He says also that he anchored between this island and the main land on the north, the smallest passage, and a dangerous one, where he landed two savages whom he had taken to France, and that, after stopping in this place some time with the people of the country, he sent for his barques and went farther up the river with the tide, seeking a harbor and place of security for his ships. He says, farther, that they went on up the river, coasting along this island, the length of which he estimates at ten leagues ; and after it was passed they found a very fine and pleasant bay, containing a little river and bar harbor, which they found very favorabte for sheltering their vessels. * Cartier discovered the Isle of Coudres, that is, the isle of filberts or l>azel-nuts, on ti]e 6th of September, 1535. — l-'ide Cartier, 1545, D'Avezac ed , Paris, 1863, p 12 This island is five nautical miles long, which agrees with the statement of Chaniplam, and its greatest width is two miles and a quarter. t Notre Dame Day, tour de nosire dame, should read " Notre Dame Kve " Cartier says, " Le sefitiesuie iour dudict mays ioiir nostre-datiie," etc — Idetn, p 12 Hnkluyt renders it, " Tlie seuenth of the monetli being our Ladees euen " — Vol in p 265. t As Champlain suggests, these islands are only three leagues higher up the river; hut, as they are oh the opposite side, they could not be compassed m much less than seven nr eight leagues, as Cartier estimates. m i8 This they named St. ('roix, since he arrived there on this day ; and at the time of the voyage of Cartier the place was called Stadaca,* but we now call it Quebec. He says, also, that after he had examined this place he returned to get his vessels for passing the winter there. .\\>w we may conclude, accordingly, that the distance is only five leagues from the Isle aux Coudres to the Isle of Orleans,! at the western extremity of which the river is very broad ; and at which bay, as Cartier calls it, there is no other river than that which he called St. Croix, a good league distant from the Isle of Orleans, in which, at low tide, there is only half a fathom of water. It is very dangerous for vessels at its mouth, there being a large number of spurs ; that is, rocks scattered here and there. It is accordingly necessary to place buoys in order to enter, there being, as I have stated, three fathoms of water at ordinary tides, and four fathoms, or four and a half generally, at the great tides at full Hood. It is only fifteen hundred paces from our habitation, which is higher up the river ; and, as I have stated, there is no other river up to the place now called St. Croix where vessels can lie, there being only little brooks. The shores are Hat and dangerous, which Cartier does not mention until the time that he sets out from St. Croix, now called Quebec, where he left his vessels, and built his place of abode, as is seen from what follows. On the 19th of September he set out from St. Croix, ■where his vessels were, setting sail with the tide up the river, which they found very pleasant, as well on account of the woods, vines, and dwellings, which were there in his time, as for other reasons. They cast anchor twenty-five leagues from the entrance to the land of Canada , t that is, at the •Tliiswas an error in transcribing, Cartier has St-idacome. I'lUe Brief RK- it, 1545, D'Avez-ic ed., p. 14. t The distance, according to Laune's Ciiart, is at least twenty-six nautical miles X Canada at this time was regarded by the Indians as a limited territory, situated at or about (Juebec. Tliis statement is confirmed by the testimony of Cartier, thus translated by Hakluyt: " I )onnacona their Lord desired our Captame the next day to come and see Canada, which he promised to doe: for the next day being the 13 of the moneth, he with all his (lentiemen and the fiftie Mariners very well appointed, went to visite Donnacona and his people, about a league from our ships " Their ships were at this time at St. Croix, a short distance up the St. Charles, which flows into the .St. Lawrence at Quebec; and the little Indian village, or camp, which Donnacona called Canada, was at Ouebec. Other passages from Cartier, as well as from Jean Alfonse, harmonize with this whicii we have cited Canada was therefore in Cartier's time only the name of a very small territory' covered by an Indian vilLige. When it became the centre of French interests, it assumed a wider meaning. The St. Lawrence was often called the River of Canada, then the territory on its shores, and finally Canada has come to comprehend the vast IJritish possessions in America known as the " IJominion of Canada." ig '' western extremity of the Isle of Orleans, so called by Cartier. What is now called St. Croix was then called Achelacy. at a narrow pass where the river is very swift and dangerous on account of the rocks and other things, and which can only be passed at Hood-tide. Its distance from ()uebec and the river where Cartier wintered is fifteen leagues. Now, throughout the entire extent of this river, from Quebec to the great fall, there are no narrows except at the place now called St. Croix, the name of which has been transferred from one place to another one, which is very dan- gerous, ^is my description shows. And it is very apparent, from his narrative, that this was not the site of his habitation, as is claimed, but that the latter was near Quebec, and that no one had entered into a special investigation of this matter before my doing so in my voyages. For the first time I was told that he dwelt in this place, I was greatly astonished, find- ing no trace of a river for vessels, as he states there was. This led me to make a careful examination, in order to remove the suspicion and doubt of many persons in regard to the matter.* ill Mi '545. The first explorer of the American coast in the service of France was tlie Florentine Ver- razzano, in 1524. His account of his voyage is given in Old South Leaflet No. 17. This account is the subject of much controverfy; out, if it is to be relied on, Verrazzano explored the coast from a point a little south ot Cape Hatteras, northward a.s far as Newfoundland, at various points penetrating several leagues into the Cduntry. Ten years later, in 1534, came Jacques Cartier. He steered for Newfoundland, and, believing that he was on the way to Cathay, advanced up the St. Lawrence till he saw the shores of Anticosti, when, the autumnal storms gathering, he returned to France. The next year he came again, with three vessels. He gave the name of St. Lawrence to a small bay opposite the island of Anticosti, a name afterwards extended to the entire gulf and to the great river above. CJartier calls the river the " kiver of Hochelaga," or " the great river of Canada.'' He confines the name of Canada to a district extending from the Isle aux Coudres in the .St Lawrence to a point some distance above the site of Quebec. The country below, he says, was called by the Indians Saguenay, and that above Hochelaga. He visited the site of Quebec, and ascended the river to a place which he called Afout Royal, Montreal. He wintered at Stadacone ((Juebec), and the next summer returned to France He came again in 1541 ; and Roberval came, and La Roche, and others. It was in ifKij that Champlain first appeared upon the scene. Samuel de Champlain was born in 15^)7 at the small seaport of Ilrouage, on the Ray of Riscay. His father was a captain in tlie royal navy, where he himself seems also to have served; and he had fought for Henry IV in Hnttany He also went to the West Indies in the service of the king; and Ins manuscript account, with over sixty crude colored pictures, still exists. He came to Canada in 1603 with I'ontgrave, penetrating as far as Montreal. In 1604 he came with De Monts, exploring the .\ova .Scotia coast, and establishing a settlement on an islet which they named St. Croix, at the mouth of the river now bearing that name. The next spring De Monts and Champlain, leaving St. Croix in a little bark with twenty men, * The locality of Cartier's winter-quarters is established by Champlain with the certainty of an historical demonstration, and yet there are to be found those whose judgment is so warped by precrncei\'ed opinum that they resist the overwhelming testimony whidi he brings to bear upon the subject. Charlevoix makes the .St. Croix of Cartier the Riviire de Jacques Cartier. — I'lde Shea's Charlevoix, vol. i. p. 116. lit f r f . •if ■ 20 tailed down tlic New Kngland coast ax far as Nausett ]larbor, on Cape Cod. passing Mount Iiesert and tlie mouths ol the Fenol)%tot and the Kennel)ec, crossing Casco l!.i\ , and descry- ing the distant peaks o< the White Mountains, pnssin)^ the Isles of Slioals and Cajie Ann, aiid cnteruiK Massachusetts May, giving the name of Uiviere du Guast to a river tlowing into it, probably the Cliarles. Chaniplain describes the islands of lioston (tarbor as covered with trees, and says they were met by great numbers of canoes tilled with astonished Indians. They passed I'oint Alierton and Nantasket Heach, and took shelter in I'nit St. Louis, as they called the harbor of I'lyinouth, where the Pilgrims landed fifteen years later. The next summer Chaniplain came down the coast again, this time as far as the neighborhood of Flyan- nis; and always and everywhere he made maps and charts and pictures, many of which have come down to us, and have the highest historical value. In i'ki.S Chaniplain came from France the third time, now with the distinct purpo.se of establislung a settlement on the St. I.awrer.ce as a centre of operations for the French in Canada. The founding ol Quebec followed, as detailed in the present leatlet. The story can be followed further in Tiis account of his " Voyages," from which this extract is taken. With the story of his explorations and adventures in C^anada for the next (juarter iA a ( entury, his discovery of Lake Chaniplain, his Indian wars, his discovery of Lake Huruii, his surrender of (Juebec to the Flnglish in if^2(), his visit to London and the restoration of Canada to the French crown, and his death in ift^i in Quebec which he had founded, the siudent of history is familiar. No man did more to plant and spread the power of Frame in America. Champlain's books, says I'arkman, "mark the man, — all for his theme and his purpose, nothing for himself. Crude in style, full of the superiicial errors of carelessness and haste, rarely diffuse, often brief to a fault, they bear on ever)' page the palpable impress of truth.'' We are most fortunate in having a fine translation of Champlain's accounts of liis various " Voyages," by Charles Fomeroy Otis, Ph 1), with historical illustrations and a memoir by Kev. Edmund F. Slafter, who is the great American authority upon Chaniplain and his work. The three volumes, which are pimlished by the Prince Society, are eiiiiched by copies of all the local and general maps and drawings in the early French editions, most curious and interesting; and the work is of priceless value to tUe Knglisli student of Clinmnlain. It is from the account of the voyage of 1608, in the second volume, that the story of the founding of Quebec, given in the present leatlet, is taken Mr. Slafter is also the author of the fine chapter upon Chaniplain, in the " Narrative and Critical History ol America," vol. ii.j and the special stutent is referred to li;s critical essay on the sources of information, appended to that chapter. This entire second volume of the " Narrative and Critical History" is devoted to the subject of French Explorations in North America. To the general subject of "France and England in North America" our great historian, Francis Farkman, devoted the work of his whole lite; and his volume on " Pioneers of France in the New World" contains the most graphic and interesting account whicb exists of Champlain's life and work. The Old South lectures for i88(;, under the title of " America and P'rance," were entirely devoted to subjects in which the history of America is related to that of France, the first lecture b>iing upon "Chaniplain, the Founder of Quebec " ; and the student is referred to the full list of those lectures and the accompanying leaflets. One of the subjects for the Old South essays for i8()S is "The Struggle of France and England for North America, from the Founding of Quebec by Chaniplain tiilthe Capture of Quebec by Wolfe."