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Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed beginning with the front cover and ending on the last page with a printed or illustratttS ■^ 'O '^ G='=0 <=0 CONGRESS. IJT THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. SUruPDAr, JANUAitr 25, 1812. Tlie Report of a Cominiltcc of the wliole House on the bill " concerning a Naval establishment being under consideration, the Speaker \Yas addi csv i by Mr, QuiNt y, of Blassachusctts : I-*" t t I 1 V *: JUN 14 1935 .1 ■ ii^MiU;U..Jiai^Umqmm!!JT!g-^-!g!tf!'if*^'i<''.u»'»!M!;!;^!^ ji^ijWtt'.iigfyjs.TKi.'iKH.'iJ.'.'Jft'nrHiifi.s! '.M-t-»«iS IVES. '2. kvliole IIouso on icnt being under i)y Mr- QuiNCY, %^ $ MR* STEAKEn, I rise to address yon, on this occasion^ "with no af- fected diffi«Ienee ; and with many doubts, concerning the expediency of taking any part, in this debate. On the one hand, the snhjeet has been discussed with a zeal, in- ilustry and talent, which leave but little scope for novel- ty, either in tonic, or illustration. On the other hand, arguments from this side of the house, in favor of this question, are received with so natural a jealousy, that I know not, whether more may not be lost than gained, by so unpropitious a support. Indeed, Sir, if this subject had been discussed on narro«v, or temporary, or party principles, I sliould have been silent. On such ground I could not condescend to debate ; I could not hope to iniiu- ence. But the scale of discussion has been enlarged and liberal j relative rather to the general system, than to the particular exigency ; in almost every respect, it has been honorable to the house, and auspicious to the prospects of the nation. In such a state o^ feeling and sentiment, I could not refrain from indulging the hope, that sugges- tions, even from no favorite quarter, would be received with candor, perhaps with attention. And, when I con- sider the deep interest, which, the state, from which I have the Imnor to be a representative, has, according to my apprehension, in the event, I cannot permit the op- portunity, entirely, to pass, without bringing my small tribute o'f reflection, into tlie general stock of the house. The object I shall, chicHy, attempt to enforce, is the necessity and duty of a systematic protection of o;r ma- ritime rights, by maritime means. I wouid call the thoughtful, and intelligent men of ^his House and nation, to the contemplation of the essential connexion, between a naval force, proportionate to the circumstances of our sea coast, the extent of our commerce, and the inherent enterprise of our people j— I say, sir, I would eail them to the contemplation of the essential connexion, between such a naval force and the safety, prosperity and existence of our union. In the course of my observations, and as a subsidiary argument, I. shall also attempt to shew the connexion between the adoption of the principle of asys- tcmatic maintenance of our maritime rights, by maritime -•••^imm-vm m m P-Ai meani, and relief fVom our present national cmbarrasg- ments. I eonfess to yoii, Mr. Speaker, I never can look, in- de<«(I, in my opinion, no Amrrii-an stftt^sman tm^Ui ever to look, on any question, in{» at all times, in distinct view, the nature of our political association, and the character of the independent 8overei,«:nties. which compose it. Anionj* statci;, the only snre and iieimanent hond of imion is interest. And the vita! interests of states, Rlthou.s;h tlicy may he sometimes obscured, can nevec. foe a very lonjjf time', he misappre- hended. The natural profection, which the essential in- terests of the pfreat component parts of our political as- sociation require, wiI5 he, sooner or hifer, understood, hy the states, concerned in those interests. If a protection, upon system, he not provided, it is inipossihlc that diserm- tent should not result. And need I tell statesmen, that, when ja^rcat local discontent is coml.ined, in those sections, with si-eat physical pow«^ and with acknowledj^^cd por- tions of sovereignty, the inl»red ties of nature will he too strou}? for the artificial ties of ^.urchment rcmpac t ?— Hence H results that the esseiitialiutercsts of the great component parts of our association, oii{;ht to be the polar lij^hts of all our statesmen. ''By them they should .i^uide their course. Accordiuj:? to tlie hear- inj^s and variations of those lip;!tts should the states- men of such a country adjust their policy. Always beavin}? in mind two assurances, as fiuuhimental prin- ciples of action, which the nature of thin^^s teaches • — that althouf^h temporary circumstances, party spirit' local rivalries, personal jealousies, su.-j;estions of suhor- dinate interests, may weaken, or even destroy, for a time, the intluence of t!ie leadinj^ and permanent interests of anygreat section of the country, yet those interests must ultimately, and necessarily predominate and swallow up all these local, and temporary, and per^onaI, and siiltor- dinate considerations: in other words, tjie minor interests wil! soon begin to realize the essential cfj sruld the stutes- I'oliey. Always nchunental pi-in- lhin;»;s teaehes ; s, party spirit, 'stions of suhop- fro,v. for a time, lent interests of ' interests must md swaMow up nal, and suhor- ininor interests >«?<'xion, Miiioh i^ prosperity of m8 ol" the coun- I r $ trr, nature haa made pr<5domin?.nt ;— and, that no politi- cal connexion, amonj? free sttites, ean he lasting, orouj^ht to he, whieli systematieally, oppresses, or systemalieally re ('uses to jiroteet, the vital interests of any of the sove- reii^n^ies, wliieh eom->ose it. I have rctMii-red t'» tliese sjenerul eonsiderations, to introihiee, aid elucidite this |):i'U'iple, which is, the h.isis of my aj'2:un»ent : — that, as it is the incumbrnt duty i»rf'very nali()rUo protect its essential interests, so it is the most im'»ressive and critical duty of a nation, com- posed of a vohmtary associution of vast, powerful and in- dependent states, to protect the esseutial interests of all its ijfreat, component, parts. Aal I add, that this pro. tectiou must no( hv formal, or fictitious, hut that it must be proportionate ;htly. if at all, on the abstract dnty of pro- tection ; wiiich is the very end of all political associations and without the attainment of which, they are burdens & no b!issin,«;s. But I shall keep it mainly, in my purpose, to esta!>!is.'i the connexion between a iiaval force and commercial prosperity ; and to show the nature of the necessity, and the de.^ree of our capacity, to give to our maritime rights a maritime protection. In contemplatinjj; the n .ture of the interest to be pro- tectt d, three prominent features strike the eye and direct the course of reilection J its locality ;— its greatness; and its permanency. 'Hie locality of any j^reat ijiterest, in an association of states, such as compose this union, will be a circujustuace of '.ri'iiary importance, in the estiuration of every wise stat.'sman. >Vheu a great interest is, equally, dllfuscd over the whole mass, it nray be neglected, oroppresscd, or even abandoned, with less hazard of internal dissension. The eq-iality of the pressure lii^htcns the burdew. The common ntiture of the interest removes the causes of jcu- m M|j;#'i-W in more intimate rehitiori to eoni- merce. The industry of tliat seclion has its shujie und energy from eommerciul prosperity. To the eonsti'uc- tion, (lie supply and the »npjior( of navi^.ition, its ma- nulaetures have a direct, or iridlreet, referenee. And it is not very ditferent with its a^ricuUiire. A country, divided into suiall farms, anion};, a pojMilation. p-eut, compared with its extent, ncjuirt s quick eireuhition 'uid easy processes, in the exchange of its commodities, 'i uis can onJy be(»htained by an active and prosperous ronimeree. In order more clearly to apprehend the locality of th« commercial interest, cast ,\our eyes upon the abstract of tonnage, lately lakl upon our tables, according to annual custom, by the secretary of our treasury. It will be found ihat Tons, The aggregjttc tonnage of the U. States is 1,424,000 Of this there is owned between the Missis- — — sippi and the Potomac - . - - 221,000 Between the Potomac and the Hudson, 321,000 And north of the Hudson, ... 8S2,000 I i 1,4.24,000 If this tonnage be estimated, new and old, as it may, itvitliout cxtravagancKj at an average value of fifty dollars the ton ; The total aggregate value of the tcnnagc of the United States uiay be stated, ih round nun»bers, at g 70,000,000 Of which four sevenths are owned north of the Hudson, equal to - . . jg 40,000,000 Two sevenths are owned between the Hudson and the Potomac, equal to . . . g iO,000,OLO One seventh is owned south of the Potomac, equal to - - - - g 10,000,000 g 70,000,000 To place the locality of this interest in a light still more striking and impressive, I state, that it appears by that abstract that the singie state of MAssiciiir. I tiirps have, m to com* ( 8iiu|ie and ic c'onsh'uc- lion, its ma- ivnoe. And A coimlry, lion. ^I'euty iuilaiiun nnd iUlies. 'i Ills s roniinerce. L'Biity of til* ' abstract of ig; to annual will be found Tons. 1,424,000 - 221,000 321,000 882,000 l,42t,00O I, as it may, • fifty dollar* of id g 70,000,000 g 40,000,000 on $ 20,000,OLO ic, $ 10,000,000 S 70,000.000 a light still it appears by MAssiciiir. SETTS ALONE, POSSESSES NEATil.Y HALF A MILLION OF TONXAOE. Precisely, in roiiru! innnbers, 49<»,00() i(»nrj. An amount oftonnaj»e equal, within fifly thousaml tons to (be whole tonnage, owned by all the slates south of the Hudson. I refer to this rxcessive disproportion between the ton- nage, owned in dillerent states and seetionsof tbe United States, rather as a type, than as an estimate, of tlie great- ness of the eonjparative disproportu n of the whole eoin- nuM'tial interest, m those respective states and sections. 'l'h<' I ruth is. this is much greater than the proportion of tornage indicates, inasmuch as ihe cay.itul and tlie indus- try, occupied in llnding employ for this great amount of tonnage, are almost wiudly ])ossessed by the sections of the country, to which that tonnage oeloiigs. A satisfac- tory estimate of the value, of that capital and industry would lequire a minuteness of detail, little reconcileablo cifiicr with your patience, or with the necessity of the present arguuu'ut. Enoiigh has been said to convince any one. who wHI tuke the trouble to rellect upon the subject, that the inlercst, is, in its nature, eminently local; that it is iu»possiMe it can l)c systematically abandoned, with- out convulsing that whole section of country,* and that the states, interested in this commerce, so vital to their prosperity, have a right to claim, and ougiit not to be content with less, than ellicient protection. The imperious nature of this duty will be still farther cnfoi'ced by considering ihe greatness of this interest. In doing this, I prefer to present a single view of it ,• lest by distracting the attention to a great Variety of particulars, the effect of the whole should be lost, in the multitude of details. Let us inquire into the amount of property, an- nually exposed to maritime depredation and what the protection of it is worth, to the nation, which is its pro- prietor. An estimate of this kind must, necessarily, be very loose and general. But it will be, suffieientlv, accu- rate to answer all the purposes of the argument. For the subject IS ot thi>. masrive character, that a mistake of many millions makes no material alteration, in the conclu- sion to tie drawn Irom the statement. Tbe total export of the United States, in the treasury year, ending on the 1st day of I ■:_^^m«H^, ', ! 10 Oelober, 1807, was 108,000,000 of col- lars. That of the year ernhng the l^t or Octoher, 1811, was S ^^^^^O 000 The averaere value exceed, 80,000,000. Kut to avoid all cavil I state the annual average value of exports of the United States, at To this add the annual average va ue ot the shinpinir of the United States, which, new and old: cannot he less than S 50 the ton, and on one ndllion four hundred thousand tons, is also - - " " .. To this add the average annual value oi freight, out and home, which, cakulated on voyages of all descriptions, may be fairly stated at S 70 the ton, and is For this estimate of the value of Ircight and tonnage, i am indehtedto an honorahle friend and colleague, (Mr. Heed) whose in- formation a?id general intelligence concern- ing commercial suhjects are, perhaps, not exceeded by those of any gentleman, in either branch of congress. To this add the total averag< value of pro- perty annually at risque, in our coasting trade, which cannot be less than and pro- bably far exceeds - - - - Our seamen are also the suhjects of annual exposure. The value of this hardy, in- dustrious and generous race of metj is not to be estimated in money. The pride, th© hope and, if you would permit, the bul- wark of this commercial community, are not to he put into the scale, against silver, or gold, iu any moral, or political esti- mate. Yet, for the present object, I may he permitted to state the value of the siiill and industry of these freemen, to their country, at'S 500 each, which m 120,000 seamen thcunqucstionahle num- ber i» • S 70,000,00(1 70,000,009 ys,ooo,ooo ioo,ooo,ooi Malting a gi-oss aggregate of 6o,oao,ooo S 398,000,000 I . / 'mi^imtm-i^ 11 [)- id ri- ot ie il- re sr, ti- ay he to J!l 70,000,009 • I 98,000,000 ^ Alfhougli I Imve no questioh of the entire eorpectnes«» of this calculations yet for the purpose of avoiding every i objection, which nnght arise, in relation to the value of I freij^ht or tonnage, I put out of the quesdon ninety-eight I millions, of the ahove estimate, and state the amount of S 70,000,00(1 I annual mvmlime exposure at only S 300.000,000. 1 To this must he added the value of the property on our ^ seaboard, of all the lives of our citizens and of all the ci- ties and hal)itations, on the coast, exposed to instant in- sult and violation, from the most contemptible maritime plunderer. No man can Oiink that I am extravagant, if I add, on this accouat, an amount equal to that, annually exposed at sea, and state the whole amount of maritime and sea coast exposure, in round numbers, at Six Hun- DiiF/o Millions of Dollars. I am aware that this estimate ixills short of the reality. I know that the safety of our domestic hearths and our al- tars, and the security of all the dear and tender objects of affection anddutv, which surround them, are beyond the reach of pecuniary estimates. But, 1 lay those consider- ations out ol'tlic question, and simply inquire, what is the worth of a rational degree of security, in time of war, for such an amount of property, considering it merely as an interest to be insured, at the market rate, of the worth of protection. Suppose an individual had such a property '.It risque, which, in tisue of peace, was subject to so much plunder and insult, and, in time of war, was liable to be ^wcpt away, would he not he deemed, unwise, or rather absolutely, mad, if he neglected, at the annual sacrincc of one, or two, or even three per cent, to obtain, fortius property, a very high degree of security ; as high, perhaps, as the divine will,' pennits man to enjoy, in relation to the possessions of this life, which, according to the hxcd dispensations of his Providence, are necessarily uneertam and transitorv? But suppose that instead of one, two, or three per cent, he could by the regular annual applieation of hvo ihinh of one per cenU upon the whole amount ol the property, *ut risque* obtain a security thus high and nesirable. To what language of wonder and contempt would such an individual subject himself, who, at so Hmull a bacriliee, should refuse, or neglect to obtain «o ioo,ooo,ooi 6o,oao,ooo I S 398,000,000 HoaMagot aiiiMi i wyM h wi?t>gnnwiiHH autiaid KMkMBgBoi'™»'*''ffl ff nHni^ ::*nfn*«?W .i.«i»-„^ i 12 imporfanta Wossin}*? Wliat, ihon, shall be said of a iia- fion. (Iiiis npj^lectinf^nnd thus irl'iislnij:, when toita((afh, not only all the considf^rations oi* iiikrcsf and prescrva- / even, ])oi*linps. of its ehihlron. and fcnuiles from niassa- cre, or hrnfai vioh;nce? Is thoi-c any l;infrniifjj«' of eon- tempt and detestafion too strou;^ fur sueh l)lind infutua- ti«in ; sueh palpahle impiovidenec^ ? Foe lei it he lenieni- bered that /teo t/ti»*ds o/*07i« prr cent, upim Ihc (uvonnl of propevlv. thus aiivnuUii cvjinscd, ?w i'o?M* J^Ullioiis of Hol- lars. The iinnual, systematic nppeopriiirion < and our pe- cuniary ability toproteet it ma\ lie made more strikiniily apj)arent, by a eomparison of our eommeree with (hut of Great Britain, in the single [lai'tieuhir of export. 1 state, then, as a lact.of whieli any man uMiy satisfy liiniself, by a referenee to IVi'lMierson's Arnials of Com- nieree, Avhere the tables of liiitish export may be l<»und, llf.it. taking' tlieuiiu^ years prior to the uaroC our revolu- tion from 176(5 to 177i, inclusive, (li<^ totil averaj^e ex- ^vvi «>f (ii'ejit Britain was /. Ki.OGO.OUO sterlinjjj, e(jU!»l io S7i,000,0(M). An amotinl less, by \^'\^ million of dollars, than (he present total averaj^^c ex]KM'( ol' (he V. H(j!(es. > And vi;!:;:'n. (aUitij^ (he nine years, bei;!,iniiin};' with i7-{»i> and (Uidiniij wi(h i-r4W. inclusive, (he te(j»l avei;'i>;e antsual export ol* (Jreat I»ii(ain was /. .:i..O()(».()//<'c/n/ iv.'/f/*' of (he British export and (hat Ihe wnl rc.'»t' is sonu what higher: jferhajis thir- ty percent, 'i his eir<'ums(aue<'. al(lMiuj.vh i(,in ad«'t>ree, diniinisijes the appr«»xlma(iou ol' (ln' American to (he Bri- li>h eommeree, in point oi' amcunit. dn«'s not nra(erially alfect the arf»'(iment. I'pcn (he liasis of hei* eommeree C5rea( lJri<. in maintains a nr. lilime force ol* ei/^ht hun- dred, or a (housand, vessels of >Yur. And will it be sc- f ;.»*-«•»<* )c said of a na- icn to it attach, and prescrva- individual, liiit L' : such as the 10 safety of the (knaslatior and I es iVoin massa- ^ !s:iii!fjj(* of con- it hlind infalua- L't it he rcnicm- ( I he (DP 01 171 1 of \[illiovt< of Jhil- iTion of \vhicii 1 ho;)os of coin- rest and ouppe- inoir stiikiriijlv ■cc witli that of export. an \\v,\y sadsfy Uinals of Nom- ina y he l<»iind, • ol* onr rcvolii- lil avcraj^e cx- I'llinjjf, c;e aiittii;;! slerlitifi;. c(jiial ions of (toUai'v, , ill 1.S(I7. It \% lirilish cxixjrt : ifcil.ajis ihic- it, ill adcj»i'cc, ii-aii to the Bri- iiot niateriallv her ( onniiciee ol' eij'^ht hull- I will i( be; Kc- % I'loTii^ly contended that, npontlie hasis of a coninicrceilike ours, tiuis treadin,^ upon the heels of Ui'ilish j^ccatness, Ave are absolutely witliout the ability of maintaiuin^j; the secuiily of our sea-hoard, the saA'tv of our cities and the unobstructed coursed of our coastint;; trade? By recurrinji; to ihf 'permanency of tliwinlevesf. t'se f\vth of a night, if it had its vigour from the temporary excitement and the accumuiated nu- Iriment, which warrin,a; elements, in Europe, had swept from the places of their natural deposit, then, indeed, there might be some excuse for a temporising policy, touching so transitory an interest. But commerce, in the eastern states, is of no foreign growth ; and of mo adventitious seed. Its root is of a fibre, which a^nost two centuries have nourished. And the perpetuity of its destiny is written, in legible characters, as well in tlie nature of the country, as in t!ie dispositions of its inhabi- tants. Indeed, vsir. look along your whole coast, from Passamaquody to Capes Henry and Charles, and behold the deep and Car winding creeks and inlets, the noble basons, ti»e projecting head lands, the majestic rivers, Rnd those sounds ami hay?!, which arc inoiT like iiihind seas, than like any thing, called by those names, in ol5»er quarters of the globe, (.'an any man do this and not rea- lize, that (he destiny of (he people, inluibidng such a f-onntry, is essentially marfiime? Can any man do this, without being impressed by the conviction ('".(. although the poor projects of poliliciaus mviy embarras, for a (imc, (lie disposiliuns, growing out of (he condilion of such a country, yet that nature will be too strong for cobweb re. gula(ious and will vindicate her rights, with certain ef- fect ; perliaps with awful pciils? A'o nation ever did, or €ver ought (o, resist such allurements and invitafions to a particular mode of industry. The purposes of Provi- dence, relative to the destimUion of men are (obegJithcr- ed Crom the circums(an« es, in which his beneficence has placed them. And, to i-h fuse (o make use of the means u£ prosi)erily, which his goodness has put into our iiands, m vl.at h it, but spnrnin.e: at his l)oimty, and vejeeting the blessings, wJiich his intinile wisdom has designated lor us, bv the" verv nature of his allotments ? The employments of industry, connected with uavijyation and commercial cnfcrpHse; ai-e precious to the people of that quarter of t!ie country, by ancient prejudice, not less than by recent profit. The occupation is rendered dear and yenerable, by ail the clierislicd associations of our infancy and all the sa^e and prudential maxims of our ancestors. And, as to the lessons of encouragement, derived from recent cxmiience. what nation, eVer within a similar period, re- ccived so many that were sweet and salutary? What na- tion, in so short a time, over before ascended to sucU a heidit of commercial greatness ? It has been said, bv some philosophers of the other hemisphore, thai nature, in this new world, had worked by a sublime scale; that our mountains, and rivers and lakrs were, beyond all comparison, greater than any thing the ohl world c'ouid boast ; that she had, here made nothmg iVmiinutive kxckvt its animals. And ought we not to ft ar lest tlie bilterness of this sarcasm should he con- centrated ou our country, by a course of policy, wholly ,iu" orthy of the magnitude and nature of the interests, committed to our guardianship i Have we not reason to fear that some fntuie cynic, witli an asperity, which truth .hall make 5>iercing. will declare, that all things, m theso Vnitcd States, are great,— exci.pt its sTATESMiix; ami tliiit we are ]rignru'^. to whom Providence has entrusted, fi,r seme inscrutable purpose, gigantic labours? Can we deny the iustice of suiii>tj4>kHrtiiiU im;.'uu;tUwyiiOi>ii^MHhi!iiiiiuAtlllliliui^ / ^jM'"-'*"*^'- rejecting the ij«;nated for iis, ". employments (1 commercial lat quarter of than by recent md venerable, II fancy and all stors. And, as 1 from recent lar period, re- [•y? "Wliatna- ided to such a of tlic other d, had worked nd rivers and | ' than any thing | e made nothing 1 ought we not should be con- policy, wholly ' the interests, e not reason to itr, which truth things, in theso ■ATESMiiN ; and has entrusted, ours ? Can we lark, if, instead dard of action, st and the nuiK to our task the ; and mete out • fee-tables, our liVain from sub- j ve do not rise, j ibligations ; and i cople to realise, c daily spring- 15 ing among states, which are not so much one empire, as a congregation of empires ? Having concluded what I intended to suggest, in rela- tion lo the nature of the inlevest to he pvotecled^ I proceed to consider the nature of the jtroledion, ivhichf it is our dufij to extend. And, here, Mr. Speaker, I am necessitated to make an observation, which is so simple and so obvious, that, were it not for the arguments, urged against the princi- ple of maritime protection, I sliould have deemed the mere mention of it, to require an apology. The remark is this, that rights, in their nature local, can only he maintained, where they exist, and not where they do not exist. If you had a field to defend in Georgia, it wouhl be very strange to put up a fence in Massachusetts. And yet, how does this diller from invading Canada, fur the purpose of defending our maritime rights ? 1 beg not to be understood, Mr. Speaker, by this remark, as in. tending to chill the ardor for the Canada expedition. It is u ry true, that to possess ourselves of the Caui'das, avd Nova Scotia and their dependencies, it would coiven, or all cUimorsihout inai'itinien2;l»'. hut if yon have no nraritime power to maintain it, yon have a name, and no reality j yon have Iheshatlow, without the suhhtanee ; you have the sign of a i5ai?;, hut iu truth — you uavl no flag. In eou'sideriri!^ this suh/ieet of nraritime protection, I shall recur to the nature and dei^ree of it, and to our ca- pacil\ to extend it. And, iicre. we are always met, at the very threshold witli this ohjection ; "A naval force requires much time to get it into readiness, and the ex- igency will he past, heforc the preparation can he coni- picatcd." Thus want of foresight, in times past, is made an apology for want of foresight, in the time present.— AVe were unwise, in ti«e heginning and unwise we resolve to continue, until the end of the chapter. We refuse to do any thing until the moment of exigency, and then it is too late. 'J hus our improvidence is nrade sponsor for our » ^ - — -- - --"--» _m. aia.7 ■ <» the law of our nature. JJencc it is tliat adversity is suid to keep a school, for eertaiu people, who will learii in no 1 ,'i^i"'fn»W*fJiM r'uat tlien re- iie dny. tln^t hy nijuitinie !;iv«Mi, or all •stood, by the or Talsc : oi'. 11 tl:c oiioinies isnirnt of* it. iV(/;n noticing toiuliing the vvi' WHS soine- h :; J-aj^, with i(i(k, and cal- i'd security on IT. Their is hirijjj. A ihxs; \e evidence of •e of maritime ; ujion a stuff*, ime power to ily : you have ive the sign ol protect ion, I md to our ca- ll ways met, at A naval force is, and the ex- n can he coni- s past, is made me prcst'iit. — iise >ve resolve ^Ve refuse to , and then it is sponsor for our ature and the e casualties of are the modes, ctjon. This is civersitv is said I'll! learu in no *7 other. Hence, too, the poet likenB it to " a toad,iigly « and venomous, which hears a precious jewel, in itf head." And, in another place, but with the same general relation, « out of this thorn danger, we pluck the flower safety." This law is just as relative to nations, as it is to individuals. For, notwithstanding all the vaunting of ^^ statesmen, their whole business is to apply an enlarged common sense to the affairs, entrusted to their manage- ment. It is as much the duty of the rulers of a state, as it is that of an individual, to learn wisdom from misfor- tune, and te draw, from every particular instance of ad- versity, those maxims of eoa'duet, by the collection and application of which, our intellectual and moral natures are distinguished and elevated. In all cases of this kind, the inquiry ought to he, is this exigency peculiar, or is it general? Is it one, in which human effort is unavailing, and therefore requires, only, thp ?xercise of a resignation and wise submission to the divine will ? Or is it one, which skill, or power, may limit, or obviate ? On the re- sult of this inquiry our obligations depend. For when man conducts toward a general evil, as though it were peculiar; or when, through ignorance, or pusillanimity, he neglects to use the means ot relief, or prevention, to the extent, in which he possesses them ; if he stretches himself out, in a stupid languor, and refuses to do ar.y thing, because he finds he cannot do every thing, then, indeed, all his clamours agaiast the course of nature, or the conduct of others, are but artifices, by which he would conceal from the world, perhaps from himself, the texture of his own guilt. His misfortunes are, in such case, his crimes. Let them proceed from what source they will, he is himself, at least, a half- worker in the fabric of his own miseries. Mr. Speaker, can any one contemplate the exigency, which at this day, depresses our country, and for one mo- ment, deem it peculiar ? The degree of such commer- cial exigencies may vary, but they must, always, exist. It is absurd to suppose that such a population as is that of the Atlantic states can be either driven, or decoyed, from the ocean ? It is just as absurd to imagine, that wealth will not invitt cupidity ; and tliat weakaess will / msmmvMiiiHtHffliiil^i ;r^<.f■f^^:«^!jbe>^*■;■. ^^l1l^^ ■ PJ ■ f ■ !n;^lJ . gi J 4'^^w» ' ! *'fyfi*f^ -ii^^.t.i^i.i,Writ<^' m r 18 not insure, l)ol!i insnK mid pliindcf. Tlie cireiimsfanccs of our ;ige make this (riitii, si^'nally im])irssive. Who tloes not see, in the conduct of* Eiii'ojsc, a .t;onci*iil dcpai-fure ff'om those eonimor. pt'incijjlcs, whlcli oijcc constjhitcd na- tional morality? Wh.it is sifi*, wlilch power can seize, or in|»enuity can circumvent? or what Iriilhs more jKilpa- ble than these, — that Mure is no salVty (or nalional rij;hts, but in the national arm : and that im,!ortant interests, Bjstematically pursued, r.iust he systcnrnticaily {uoteeted. Touehin;^ the nature and de.q;ree of that maritime pro- tection, which it may he wise, in this nation, to extend, t» its maritime interests, it ?eems (o me, (hat onr exertions Khould rather he excited t!ran graduated, hy the present exi^;ency ; thiit our y course of reflections shouhl take a wider ran.;;c than tiiw proposi- liong on the table, and endnace, within the scope of re- mark, the j^eneral principles, by which the nature andile- gree of syKtemalic naval protection should, in my judg- ment be lej.'-ulated. Herp. it seems, hardly, necessary to observe, that a main object of all protection is sntisfaction to the per- sons, whose interests are inlcaded to he protected. And Jo this object a peculiar atleution on;;ht to be paid, when it happens, (hat the majuri(y of the rulers of a na(ion ar«5 composed of persons, not", luimediutely, coucerned ia .•^^tJ*?#^4^*«**^• ireiimsfanc(*<» t'. Who tloes ill dcpai'dire >ns(}hi<('d na- iM' can seize.. H ijioir |uilpa- (iotial n;;li(sy lit interests, Ily {Moteoted. liii'ititnc pi'o- lo extend, t» >iir extilioiis \' the Mi'osent fiD a };enei'al . in (his IV- :;jM<'s(ionab!e at t! « lass of \i\\H will have teni. than to '. Undoiiht- oranv other (in( t a inani- i\i^ishil(ire tu s i:i itseli* (o ritiiue force l)ut coi'dially i*olee(ion, so havinj^ I'ola- jn, I trust I »y course ot* !i« pJoimsi- stope of re- in re andde- m inyjudij- ;i've, that a to the per- •etcd. And paid, when of a nation ouccriied m 19 tliose interests, nnd not. generally, suspected of having an overweening attiu hinent to them. In such a stale of things, it is peculiarly Innjortant. that the course of con- duct a resent, the case, with the commercial, that it cannot he protected, against all the world, to the utter- most <»f its great Mess and dispersion, then the enquiry occurs, what l»rat:^'h <»f this interest is most precious to commercial men, and wliat is the nature of that protec- tion, which will give to it tlie higliest degree of certain- (y, of which its mUure is suseeptihie ? It has heen by the result of these two inquiries, in my nnnd, that its )j>ijMon has l)eeu determined concerningthe objects, and he deg/ee of proteetiun. 'louching that branch of interest, which is most pre- •ious to commercial men, it is impossible, that there can )e any mistake. For, however, dear the interests of )roperty, or of li!e, exposed upon the ocean, may be to (heir owners, or their friends, { the safety of our aU ars and of our firesides, of oui' cities and of our seaboard, mist, from the nature of things, be entwined into the af- ections, by ties, iiu'omparahly more strong and tender, bid it happensi that b;>lli national pride and honor are pe- \--ii f 11 20 ouliarly identified with the support of these primary ob- iecta of commercial inteiest. , „ ^ , * • ^„„ It is in this view, I state that the f.rsf and most impor- tant object of the nation oiip;ht to be such a nuval force, as shall irive such a degree of rational security, as the na- ture of the subject admits, to our cities and sea-board and coastin- trade What tlie system of maritime protection r.;hl ^o r?st upon this basi.; and that it shouW not at- tempt to go further, until these objects are secured.- And I have no hesitation to declare, that until such a maritime force he systematically maintained, by tbis na- tion, it shameftilly neglects, its most important duties and most critical interests. With respect to the nature and extent of tins naval force, some difference of o|>inion may arise, according to the view, taken of the primary objects of protection. For myself, I consider, that those objects are first to be broteeted, in the safety of wbicii, tlie national charac- ter and happiness are most deeply interested. And these are, chiefly, concepned, beyond all question, m the pre- servation of our maritime settlements, from pdlage and our coast from violence. For this purpose, it is jequi- site, that there should be a ship of war, for the harbor of every great city of the United States, equal, in point of force, to the usual grade of ships of the line of the maritime belligerents. Thes« sliips might be so instruct, ed, as to act singly, or together, as ciicniiistances might require. My reason for the selei-tion of this spcf'ies of force is, that it puts every city and great harbor of the United States, in a state of security from the insults, and the inhabitants of your sea coast from the depredation, of any single ship of war of any nation. To these should be added t number of frigates and smaller vessels of war. By such means our coasting trade might be protected, the mouths of our harbors secured, in paiticidar, that of the Mississippi, from the buccaneers of the West Indies and, hereafter, perhaps, from those of South America. A system of protection, graduated upon a scale, so eon- formaMe to the nature of the country and to the great- ness of the commercial interest, would tend to quiet that spirit of jealousy, whick so naturally, and so justly, be- 21 se primary ob- ind most impor- i a naval force, irity, as the na- d sea-board and ilime protection should not at- i are secured.— it until such a nod, by this na- artant duties and It of tliis naval se, according to ; of protection, sare first to ho lational charae jted. And these ion, in the pre- rom pillage and )se, it is requi- , for the harbor , equal, in point )f the line of the iit be 90 instruct- lunstances might )f this species of j lat harbor of the I the insults, and e depredation, of ) these should be ir vessels of war. ;ht be protected, articular, that of the West Indies South America, a scale, so con- md to the great- jnd to quiet that md 80 justly, be- pins to Bprin? among the States. Those interested, in Commerce would care little, what local infltienccs pre- dominated, or how the hall of power vibrated among our factions, provided an efficient protection of the:r essen- tial interests, upon systematic principles was not only se- cured bv the letter of the constitution, hut assured by a spirit, pervading every description of their rulers. But it :s said, that " we have not capacity to maintain such a naval force." Is it want of pecuniary, or want of physical capacity ? In relation to our pecuniary capa- city, T will not condescend to add any proof to that plain «tatcraent already exhibited, showing that we have an an- nual commercial exposure, equal to six hundred imlliom of dollars, and that hvo thirds of one per cenU upon this amount of value, or /our millions of dollars, is more than is necessary, if annually and systematically appropnated, for this great object; so anxiously and rightfully desired, by your *sca-hoard, and so essential to the honor and obli- gations of the nation. I will only make a single other statement, by way of illustrating the smallness ol the an- nual appropriations, necessary for the attainment of this important purpose. The annual appropriation of one cixlh of one per cent, on the amount of the value of the whole annual commercial exposure, (one million of dol- lars) is sufficient to build in two years, six seventy-four gun ships ; and taking the average expense, in peace and war, the annual appropriation of the same sum is suKi- cient to maintain them afterwards, in a condiiion for ef- ficient service. This objection of pecuniary inability, may be believed in the interior country, where the great- ness of the commercial property and all the tender obli- gations, connected with its preservation, ara not realized. But, in the cities and in the commercial states, the extent of the national resources is more truly estimated. They know the magnitude of the interest at slake and their essential claim to protection. AVhy, sir, were we serious- ly to urge this objection of pecuniary incapacity- to the commercial men of Massachnsett. , they would laugh us to scorn. Let me state a single fact. In the year 17i.5, the state, then the colony of Massachusetts Bay, included a population of 320,000 souls, and yet, m that iolant state ... ■• / oo •, I «f ihr counh-j. it owned a fleet ronsistinj? of three s//mt, r:""'' r,,''''^ '■''^"'^'^^ ' '"■'"- '^" "S.q:«'<'.^ute of ten vessels >.». J IjeM. j.;.,.rook ol the daii-ers, and shared in iho pofv, ol that (x-R'didon, which termiiiuted ui(h the sur- rxt!nr''r. "'•';'''"'^l'* ^'^"«M>«''Hn{,' the popiHation, th« ext „t of feii-,toi-y, the oapital an«l all the other lesoiirees ot vifh .he narrow means oC the eolo- ny of Massiuhusetf., a( rhat period of its history, it is not exrravapnf to ass.rt, rhat the fleet, it then possessed, ir. propor ion to i(s pecuniary resources, was ffreaJei- than would he, in proportion to the resourecs of the United /r^^^; W^^^ ""^ «"^' '"""^'•'^^ .h*t\ I ''''^ lan-Mai?e of wonder and admiration Fdm. nrl 1? 'T '■""!•'' ""^ «"''""^' «*' "^«''^^» statesmen, Edmund Lurke, ,n his speeeh for eoneiliation with Ame! no ^^!^'il\ commerce and enlerprize of that neo- phi " Mluni we speak of the commerce with our c^do- nies, fi.tion la^s afJer truth,- invention is unfruKful, ♦ and ima^nrahoi, cold and harren." - iVo sea, hut what 18 vexed by their flsheries. No climate that is no. wit- ' ness to their toils. Neither the perscveranee of Ilol- land, nor the uHivity of France, nor the dexterous and firm sa^rue.iy of Kn^Iish enaci.y, .hen, is unquestionable, but IS said, we are deficient in physical power. It is ' ;; r ^''*'' ^^!''^ '' \^r "W i«'i« objection, assert it only «s t respects Gre.< Britain, and admit, either express^ or by implualio!:, jiidced d.ey cuimot deny, that it is with- r three ships, nc's — oiw brig CM vessels of liared in i|jo uiHi ihe siir- iulation, th« icr resources ol* I lie eolo- tory, it is not possessed, ir» greiUer than ' the United ime hundred [1 admiration I statesmen, 1 with Anje- of that peo- th owi- eolo- i unfi'iruful, Ml, hut Avhat it is nof wit- iiee of II ol- xterous and eariied this V s vtent, to pis' : '■:. peo- sile, ai<(l not And shall tlieii' eoni* he national is too, after a extent to > and after •t thenj ex- ils, possess- •alculahle ? mable, but vcr. It is sen it only expressly, it is with- 23 in our physical capaclV to maintain our maritime ri-^hta a.s^..nst every other nation. Now, let it be j; an ed tlv ne h.ve such an utter incapacity, in relarion u. tl"e iti t nava! power; ^^rant that, at the nod of , hat nation e must abandon the ocean, (o the very mouths of our har bors; nay our harbors then.selves/ Mhat thenT D.^eJ it lol low that a naval force is useless ? Uecat.se we must subm.t to have our ri.W.t. plundered by :;',!", do^ I follow tha we must he tan.e and submissive to cverr o'' ""»• l»'oJection, a<,Minst their lepredations. I cannot exceed tln^ fact, when I sUto ihl qt dollar's. Oar capacity to ih,Sew\ o.ir commerce a^^amst every one of these powers, i. un.feniaide Be- cause we cannot maintain our i-i.^^hts a,,^.inst the strong ^.all we bear insult, and invite plunder: H-om the w^llf; Because here is one Leviathan,\n (he ocean, si all evetv Ihark sa .ate his maw, on our fatness, with i.u „;:.">? "^ Jiut let us examine th.s docfrine of utter inabilitv to «a,nta,n our maritime i-i.^^ht., a.^^.inst (Jreat B.i iof Z obtrusively and vehemently mainh.iucd bvsome vircla nor tnc .nost violenrly, against her ins^lhs a.u l^lt f hep,.o,cct were to maintain our maritime ri-ht, .Tatust that mistress of the sea, by convov !" 'u '"l^ e^^^ '^ou^Ivf '"%'•''', 'n^'^^ '"''^^^'''' ^^^' something, luii ^ousl.v fanciful and wild, in the proposition. But no.h ntr ke tins ,s either . oposed, or desired. The hu . y oi^ Hnmemaniuu.. ni ..elercnce to that natio^'h^f ^ .i?ber than tae protection of our harbors, the ccur.vof .«• eoasts and coasti,..,. trade. Is it poss hi. tl at su -h a >weras this shall be denied to exist! in thisn io ? If ^ex.st, IS .'. possible that its exercise .hall be with- Look at the present state of our harbors and sea-coast ^t^:""C^""^' ^ ''f r' -^ ^« ^'- fleets ^S it.iin, but to any s.nijile ship of the line ; to any sh..^le sate ; to any single sloop of war. It is t'rue ^ i.ofe!; m ■^ i { : t ' ? I I J / I I I . i; / ^ ; I 1 t> 24 of that nnlion induces her to ro-nrd your prohibitory laws, and her ships, now, sohlom Tisit yom- ports. But sup- pose her poller should change ; suppose any one of hei ships of war should Hiooso to hum uny of the numerous settlements upon yoursoa-coast ; or to plunder the inha- bitants of it ; wouid there not i)e some seeunty to thoso exposed citizens, if a n»val force were lying, in every ereat harbor of the United States, competent to protect, or avent,-e tliC a.^-gression of any sin.i,^le ship ol war, ol whatever force ? Wouhl not the knowledge oi its exist- ence teach the naval commanders of that nation, both cau- tion and respect ? Sir. It is worthy of this nation, ant fully within its capacity, to maintain such a iorce. JNol a sini^Ie sea-bull shonhl put his head over our acknow- ledged water-line, without finding a power, sufticieiit to take Lim by the horns. .,, #^ * But it is said that, •♦ in case of actual war, with Great « Britain, our shi )s would be useless. She would como ♦« and take them."' In reply, to this objection, 1 shah not recur to tho<^e details orcircumstances, already soire- ' quently slated, which would give our ships of war, fight- in«'. on their own coasts, and in the proximity ol relief and sui.' Iv. so many advantages over the ships of a na- tion, o:»lij>ed to come three thousand miles to the com- bat. I5iir aMoNving this argiiment, from British naval superioriiv its full force, 1 ask. What is that temper, on which a nation can most safely rely in the day of tri- al ? Is it that, which takes council «f fear, or that, which listens, only, to the suggestions of duty ? Is it that, which magnifies all the ical dangers, until hope and exertion are parulized. in ti.eir first germinations ? Or, is it that, which daics to attempt noble ends, by appropri- ate means ; which, wisely, weighing tiie nature of any anticipated cx.j.-t'nt'y^ prepares, uccoiding to its powers, resolved that, whatever else it may wrnt. to itself, it will never.be wanting? Grant all that is said, concerning Bri- tir,h naval superiority, in the cAcnts of war. hascomimra- tive weakness nothing to hope from «;.;>orlunity ? Are not the circumstances, in which this couutry and Great Britain would be placed, rel: tivc 10 naval combats, upon «ur own coast, of a nature to suousilicn the hope of iuch n^v9JVtfViJimu«iij>jM)j|m£l4i£Htiia;|inif^t? (|t -' iiHSti!Wiiaias»i!!;!ty8 mm^. iil)i(ory laws, s. But sup- y one of liei* llie numerous uliTtlie inha- iii'ily to thoso ing, ill cvei-y (nt to protect, lip of \Tar, of ;e of its exist- ion, both eau- lis nation, and a force. Not our acknow- ', sutticieiit to ir, with Great le would eomo ection, 1 shall already so IVe- of war, iijjjht- inity of relief ships of a na- 5 to the coui- Brilish naval s that temper, the day of tri- 'car, or that, >f duty ? Is it until hope and rations ? Or, is }, by appropri- nature of any to its powers, fo itself, it will [•oncerninj; Bri- \. has compara- (irtunity ? Are ntry and Great cosnbats, upon lie hope of iuch ^5 •pporlunity ? Is it of no worth to % nation to be in a c«n. dition to avail itself of conjunctures and occurrences? Mr. Speaker. Preparation, in »nch eases, is evei'y thing. All history is replete with the truth, that ♦« the battle is not, alwayv, to the strong, — but that time arid chance happen to all.'» Suppose that Great Britain should send Twelve Seventy -fours to burn our cities, or lay waste our coasts. Might not such a naval force be dispersed by storms J diminished by s!iipwreclu) ; or delayed and weak- ened by the events of the voyage ? In such case, would it be nothing to have even half that number of line of battle ships, in a stale of vi^'orous preparation, ready to take the advantage of so probable a circumstance ; and so providential an interposition ? The adage, of our school books, it as true, in relation to states, as (o nien, in com< mou life ; — " Heaven helps those, who help themselves." It is almost a law of nature. God grants every thing t© wisdom and virtue. He denies every thing to folly and baseness. But suppose the worst. Grant that, in abat- thi such as our brave seamen would fight, in defence of their conntry, our naval force be vanquished. What then ? Did enemies ever plunder, or violate, more fiercely, when weakened and ci'pplcd by the effects of a hard bought victory, than when flushed, their veins full, thay rush upon their prey, with cupidity stimulated by contempt ? Did any foe, ever grant to pusilhmiinity, what it would have dcn'ttsd to prowess ? To be conquered, is not, always, J be disgraced. The heroes, who shall peiVih in such combats, shall not fall in vain for their country. Their blood will be the most precious, as well as the strongest, cement of our Union. What is it, that constitutes, the moral tie of our nation ? Is it that paper contract, called the constitution 7 Why is it, that the man of Virginia, the man of Carolina, and the man of Massachusetts are dearer to each other ihau is, to either, tha man of South America or the West Indies ? liOcality has little to do with implanting this inherent feeling and personal ac- quaintance less. Whence, then, does it result, but from that moral sentiment, which pervudes all and is preciout to all, of having shared common dangers, for the attain- uent of couimuH blessings. Tho strong ties of ever/ B tfc. [I'll :nmmiaiii^; i^iHii^-mi^mm^^ wm \M^mtimmiim» i m- 26 people nre those, which spring from the ^'f J^^ f "I^^J^/^ through the aflfections. The lamil.v compact of the St vtcs La this for its basis, that their heroes have mmgled their Wood, in the same eoulests ; that all have a common riKht in their glory; that, if I may be a lowed the ex- pression, in the temple of patriotism all have the san.e TJf U i, inquired, « what effect viU this policy have nnott the present exigency ?" 1 answer, the happiest, in every aspect. To exhibit a definitive intent .0 maintain maritime rights, by maritime means, what >yt>»t <«?^; Telopc new stamina of national characer? No nation can, orlias aright, to hai>e rcsi.eet from ethers, which does not first l«arn tx, re.pect itself. And how is this to Ik. at^ iained? Bv a course of conduct, conformable to its du- ties, and relative to its condition. If it abamlons, wliat U ought to defend ; if it flics from the field, it is bound to maintain, how can it hope for honor? lo what other inheritance is it entitled, but disgrace ? V oreign nations, nndoubtedlv, look upon this unicm, with eyes, long, read in the history of man : and with thoughts, deeply, versed, in the effects of passion and interest, upon independent states, associated by ties, so, apparently, slight and novel. They undei-stand well, that the rivalries among the great interests of such states; the natural envyings, which, m nil countries, spring between agiicultiire, commerce and manufactures ; the inevitable jealousies and f ars of' each other, of south and north, interior and sea-boiud.; the in- cipient, or progressive rancour of party animosity ; ar« the essential weaknesses of sovereignties, thus, combined. Whether these caust's shall operate, or whether they shall cease, foreign nations will gather from the features of our policy. They cannot believe that such a nation 11 strong, in the aftectious of its associated parts, when they gee the vital interests of whole states abandoned. But re- verso this policy ; show a definitive and stable intent to yield the natural protection to such essential interests j then they will respect you. And, to powerful nations, honor comes attended by safety. Mr. Speaker— What is national disgrace ? Of what ftuir ii< it ttomposod 2 Is a nation disgraced because it4 :± MitM likMittnrtt iwi ami twin« t of the States mingled their ve a common lowed the ex- lave the same is policy have »e happiest, in it to maintain is it, hut (o de- [•? No nation rs, which docs s this to Iw at' lahle to its du- [)andotis, what id, it is hound To what other oreit^n nations, yes, long, read ileeply, versed, in independent ight and novel. niong the f:;i*eat ings, which, in commerce and (1 f'-ai's ol' each -hoard ; (he in- animosily ; are Ihus, combincdi L'ther they shall tlie reatuies of iich a nation ii Alts, when they loned. But re- itahle intent to lUial interests; wcrful nations, acf ? Of what ;ud kcuause iU 27 fl.„u in«.ltc(l •-because its teamen are impressed ;— ^t™. eti No, sir. AlwIracte.Uy coosidered, hU tins .. '„ d s.-e B.<.»«»c all this n.ay ^-W^ftJiyT^* «. weak as not to be able to maintao the dignity 01 u» flag, 0^ tleCecdun. of it, .itizens ; or the f-^^f^^ course. Na^'-^l weak-es' is never d.sgraee. »"*;»''' this is disgrace ; ,vhen «e s«l,.nit to u-ult "m to .n^»r,. whH-b we have the power to pr< vent, or ri di ess. i« re'tial constituents are ,ant of »™-.;r,«™*;„f JAt >Vben a nation, with ample "''^»"«' ^l-'^f/^Sle tato thick in the brain, as not to put tl'^ m.'"^° * "Xp force, of preparation; <«;' .«'■-':' 'l"Sy noUn manly ef! it is so tame, in si)irit, as to seek satet^, «?^' . \:^ f..rt but in ritirement ; then a nation is "'"S''"*:" ' "Lt r, .'rh ks from its high and sovereign " "J^-'^^;; »„ '^l of the tribe of Issachar, crouching down, lft»««»^«^ burdens ; the French burden, on the ™'' -^ ^ » * ^^.^fp]:,, :;l'':t"a^t*riis Virryinf ^^^ ^ -> '<- nt^1^r^i:t'Klr"lSionsnoU^^^^^^^^ Hunnal expenditure ani> more unplcdgod J"'"''^;;' "• vemm than any nation, of the civ lr«-d xvorld. \et ana_ tion, thus, distinguished. »''-';;";^:'!; '^^J'^l'^^ X',m. V.!l m-nts, it' hon,e. «>nght such a -'- »,'^^^»'-,'h^ ,.< ? l« tht'ie anv other mode ot leliei iiom iu« d^;il. of disgn^e. than by . e ige of national conduct "' Wilh'X't to Groat Britain, it seems impossiWe. thaTslch a'dmnge, in • policy. "''""W "^ 'fj^i e ous. No nation ever did, or ever can conduct towar^ -,n„ that is true, in the same way as it conducts jowaru. Z' that is ll^l e to all its ebliga. ions. Clear conception, .rhiterest ltd faithful iuUUment of duty, as «rtai»ly .«■ lifu i 2S f «re, lofMier »r later, honor and safety, ai blindness t:o in- terest anfl abandonment of duty do, assuredly, enf;iil dis- grace and embarassment. In relation to the principle, whieh regulates the commereiHl conduct of Great Bri- tain towards the United State9, there is much scope fop diversity of opinion. Perhajjs, those judfjfc most truly, who do not attribute to her any \evy distinct, or uniform, system of action, in relation to us ; but who deem hep course to result from views of temporary expedience, growing out of tJie circumstauces of the time, and the eharacter of our administration. If lhi» be the ease, then, whatever eou use of coiidu«'t has a tendency to show a change, in the character of the American policy, must produce a proportionate change, in that of the British And if tameness and systematic abandonment of our commercial rights have had the effect to bring upon us so many miseries, a contrary course of conduct, having for its basis a wise spirit and syskinatie naval support, it may well be hoped, will have the opposite effect of re- newing our prosperity. But, if it he true, as is so fre- quently and »o confidently, asserted, that Gieat Britain is jealous of our commercial greatness ; if it be true that she would depress us, as rivals ; if she begins to regard us as a power, which may soon curb, if not, in aftertimes spurn, her proud control on her favorite elenient, then, indeed, she may be disposed to quench the ardor oft)ur na- val enterprise; then, indeed, it may be her care so to shape the course of herpolicy as to deprive our commerce ©f all hope of its natural protection ; and to co-operate with, and cheriih, su»h an adniinishation, in this country, as hates a naval force and lovos commercial restriction.— In this view of lier poliiey ; and I am far from adserting. It is not correct, is it not obviou«, that she may be con- tent, with the pivnent condition of our cAuimerce ? Ex- cept ackuowledgeil eolonjul vaisalage, what stale of things wot.id be more desireable to lier ^ The whcde sea is heP OWB. Her American rival, tamely, nrakes cession of it to her possession. Our commercial capital is, already, seeking employment, in her cities ; and our seamen, in ber ships. What then results ? Is it not, on this view «f her policy, und«nittble, that an adminisUatifin, in this iiLi.^iitLti. ^i^^.,;»SL;...ia3asaittaiiaMf^ £9 indnf^ss t:o in. ly, enf;iil ilis- the principle, f Great Bri- ueh scope fop s inosf truly, t, or uniform, ho deem hep 7 expedience, ime, and the he the ease, ency to shovr policy, must he British.--i nent of oup ► bring upon i4luct, having aval support, effect of re- a» is so fre- cat Britain is he true tliat ins to regard ill anertimes ement, then, lor oft)ur na- • care so (o ur commerce r> co-operate this country, 'Ciitric(ion.>— • in uiHcrting, may he con- lerce ? Ex- :alc of thing* Je »ea is hep cession of it is, already, ' seamen, in in this view iti;)n, in this eountry, for the purposes of Great Britain, is iuch at thinks commerce not worth havini;, or n<»t worth derend- in.^ ,* such as, in every scheme of noi«iial protection, me- ditates to itnothinj?, i)ut Hdi!i»5on.il rmharassment and e- ventual ahandonment ? Must not such anadminisf ration be convenienf t.> a British ministry, if such he Bi-itish policy \ And if Bridsh ministers should ever tind such an admin- istration, in this country, made to their hands, may we not anticipate that they will take care, to manage, with a view to its conii-niance in power ? Of all p»)licy the most ^ ominous to British ascendancy, is that of a systematic, -^ maritime defence of our maritime righfs. The general effect of the policy, 1 advocate, is to pro- duce confidence at home, and respect abroad. These are twin shoots from the same stock and never fivil to flourish, or fade together. Confidence is a plant of no mushroom growth and of no artificial texture. It springs, only, from sage councils and generous endeavors. The protec- tion, you extend must be efficient aud suited to the na- tore of the object, youprofVss to maintain. If it be nei- ther adequate, nor appropriate, vour wisdom may lie doubted, your motives may be distrusted, hut, in vain, you expect confidence. The inhabitants of the sea-board will inquire of their own senses and not of your logic, con- cerning the reality of their protection. As to respect abroad, what cour e can be more certain to ensure it ? What object more honorable, what more dignified, than to behold a great nation pursuing wise cuds, by appropriate means ; rising to adopt a series of sy strum- tic exertions, soiled to hir power and adequate to her pur- poses ? What object more consiW i *l i WWH HIHWIB|W U{l?Wfli!H!<^^«'lfh<«««in*w . pRsential in- lion find no I of safety, liscord, and he best fit- lourislnnent before thej nedly, burst e intermedi- desdtute of n to discern ? It hasra- senii-barba- nd with the . In truth, eeile. Ricli erent spirit, •ir strength moral sense rity, or tem- rned, not to of a chief- — what havo f insult and ling effiicient eommercial )ation> w'dl, — instead of siiiuu Pura- m v,::i m i , .„,;^,.M.^^, t