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The First pronounced by - The Right Hon.rHOAf^5 rOJVNSHEND, in the Houfe of Commons, And printed in the London Packet of February 1 8. The SlECOND by The Right Learned Counfellor LEE, in Guildhall, And printed in the Public Ledger of AuguJI it^ In the Examination of which a Comparifon naturally arifes between the public and private Virtues of Their Prefent Maje{lies> and thofe of King William and Queen Mary. The Merits, alfo, of Roman Catholics, and of Diflenters from the Church of England^ refpeAing Allegiance and Liberty, and their Claims to National Protedtion, are fairly dated, from their paft and prefent TranfaAioas. " By ]. S H E B B E A R E, M 2). Falfus honor javat, et mendax infamia terret Quem niA roendofum et mendacem. Hor. LONDON: Printed for S. Hooper, at No. 25, LudgatcHill; and T. Davies, in RufTel-Street, Covent>Garden. { Price Two Shillings and Sixpence. ] \ t r ! ■..1" v-o' "l f ■ s' -» J 1 :.W1 >l i 'I ■^ If ^r: ,:.:%i ,-:,',: f I .' *' '5 \V -~»< »(l »< »W« .i>«. H .,.,.*. .,,.. ;., ., - , . ...... , -. t,- ■ ■ w ■- . ' '>.■■■• ^'^H -:*r' ■'i; . ,•;■:;•;■'".*-■,:;' ■' ^ ': ■■■.■- ^ ' : ■ . " /M''r^ 1 ■'.. '■'i ^1 . '■■•■■I .■^■-/.. ..f' . •■ .■■..".. -,'-.- . ._ * ^f-^- > J , ''^ ' ■■ , ''' ri ^^B '^jT.'r^^!li:-^-' =.:'■■ I -.^ 'V^'-'. )• ;v ' % ■ \.i. '.• .^ ., .:■;,.■■■■ 1 •■; ^ 4' u ( r A N S W E R ^;/^r.; ? Vrr-.v^^^.:..- .K .; V . *■ ■ TO THE i^y.i }:~i'-; ^v:./!, ; ,, .. •■. ... i i^ - 1^^. ; 91 -i fc; »'*T Q.U E R I E S, e^f. ^Mi^l Mat^n-Ai: THERE are few propenfities more prevalent among the individuals of human kind, whofe tranfa6tions have been the leaft removed from the moft common that can happen, than a perfiiafion that the daily occurrences of their lives are of fo interelling a kind, as to be highly deferving the attention of the public. This opinion of their im- portance chiefly ariies from the partiality of f<;lf- love. Euch of them not only obferves, with a de- preciating eye, the actions of other men ; but be- holds, in a too favourable afped, his own alfo. From this origin have iprung the numerous me- moirs and lives which have been obtruded On the world, not only by men who have been their own biographers i but by fuch alio who have applied, to the talents of others, through a confcious de- ficiency in their 6wn. The motive of my ap- pearing before the public, on this occafion, B arifes h K ij ■ ■ ( 4 ) • arifes not from that caufe, but from the delire of not being deemed more culpable than I am •, and of defending myilif from fuch calumny, as no nian, the lead iufceptible of the emotions of an honeft heart, can lufFcr to remain unanfwcred, without being juftly charged, eiiher with an un- pardonable infenfibility to the claims of charafterj or with an impoflibility of obviating the accufati- ons which are laid againll hinv For although no man of fenfc will think it either necefiary, or even prudent, to reply to the obloquy and invedives of anonymons writers, who may have defamed him by a relation of circumftances that never exifted i by mifreprefentations of thofe which have, when they are not of an immoral nature, and of no concern to the public ; yet does it fometimcs hap- pen, although the accufer withhold his name, that the fafts on which he grounds his accufations may be incontrovertible, notwithftanding the manner, m which they ate reprcfcmed, imparts a falfehood to all that he relates j and the nature of them may be fo criminal, that to abftain from attempting a refutation, would be juftly confidered as a con- ceHlon to their cruth^ and adequate to klf-cOQ^* demnation. ^^ • • :^' (^v- Innumerable are the inftances of the former kind of publications againft me, to which I have iicvcr given tf>e leaft reply. Of the latter, there has appeared a pape*-, in the Public Ledger, of the loth of Auguft, v/hich no man, who is not dead to every laudable fenfaiion, can^ fuffef and remain in fil'ence. The malevolence it con- tains is direded againft the moft eftimable part of every man's charader, his integrity. It is iblely on that account that I am induced, in thb manner, to make my appeal. And I would wil« ' lingly P I* , (t < s ) lingly hope, that, on fo intercfting an occafion,' the vindication of a private man will not be deem- ed an impertinent obtrufion on the public. On the 29th of July, a paper was printed in the Public L.edgcr, under the denomination of **a *' charader of Dr. Shebbc&re." In this notable performance, it was faid, that " John Shebbcare ** was bred an apothecary, if he had any breeding, " dubbed a doftor of phyfic at a foreign feminary, where degrees are held in equal eftlmation as at a Scocch univerficy : that is, afles might have, if afles could hray Qt fay for them." This, I imagine, is the firft time it has been aflerted/ that afles are not dodors of phyfic, becauie they cannot hray. However, from this fpecimen of this writer's wit, fatire, and good manners, may it not be fairly inferred, that he is jullly entitled, by his talents, to the degree of dodor, without being obliged to pay for them. In whatever part of the world I took my degree, I would hope that what I have written in phyfic, has neither difgraced the uni- verfity from which I received it, nor induced the faculty to pronounce me a novice in my profefllon. However, *' being thus dignified," he fays, " I fet up for a v/riccr, and received fubfcriptions, to a Gonfidcrable amount, for an hillory of Eng- land, which, to this hour, has never been pub- liflied." To this part, he fliail receive an an- fwer, when I come to examine his paper of the loth of Augurt. He then lays, I "poured out fuch foul abufe on the late king, that the miniftry, more loyal than the prefcnt, proceeded againft me with ** juftice." In this place, I apprehend, this gen- tleman-like writer lies under a miftake. In what did I ]^ow foul ahfe on the Uce king, or on any other (( a {( «( •■-^M-'iom, »_«xr*r«w«r»jjl ,.1*'^ i ^ ' ( 6 ) , Other perfon? And when he pronounced the mi- niftry of that king to be more !< y;il thnn the pre- ient, had he forgotten that thclc loyal minillcrs of George the fecond, when rebellion was in the realm, in one body threatened to defert him, un- lefs he difmiHed lord Granville from his iei vice, and obtained thtrir end ? have the prelVnt minillry prcfiimed to treat their fovcrtign with an infult fo egregioufly difloyal ? have any minillcrs fince his majefty*s acceflion to the throne, facrificed the honour and the welfare of Great Britain to German intereUs ? have they chained a Britifh fleet in the bay of Gibraltar, whillt thofe of France were uniting, in order to obtain the retreat of a French army, from the confines of Hanover ? have they defeated an expedition againft Rocheforte, for the fake of concluding a treaty at Clofter- Seven : or are fuch tranfadions the proofs of loyalty in this writer's opinion ? if they profecuted me with juftice, did I not attone for the offence with a fuf- ficient fuffering ? however, he adds, " the dodlor, by tills, obtained his end : he received a pu' nilhment, which, to a virtuous charailer, would " be worfe than death •, to him it was dijlingitijhed " exaltation." Does it not feem to be a fingiilar conceit of his, that I wrote on purpofe to be pu- nilhed ? and, if the puniflimt-nt can conrtitute the crime, I am apprelitnfive this ingenious writer will be mightily puzzled to prove that the martyrs, and even the apoftlcs, whoie punifliments were greater than mine, v/ere not men of lefs virtuous chara<5ter than I am. As to my exaltation, it was diftinguiflied enough. And, if that were my end in writing, I obtained it. And lo far am I from a defire of engrofilng fuch diliinguifhed exaltation, that I fincerely with the writer of this paper, and it C4 ./ it il (( i( «« (C i( (( ( 7 ) of another, of the loth of Auguft, may be re- warded according to his defcrts ; and then he will be equally diftinguifhed and exalted. -"".»•' Upon this exaltation, it feems, "I became no- ticed and inlblenc : ever iiipercilious, and now contemptibly arrogant, affected an air of greac- ncfs, and frowned difapprobation on kings, treated Galen with contempt, no longer thought of fupplying holpitals with bandages, but pre- fcribed for the conjiitution^ propoled ftyptics to heal its wounds, and wilhed, like another Sa- chevercl, to lee my comely portrait grace the bottom of an old-maid's urinal:" all which being fo prettily told, fo ftridly decent, and fo important to the public, what pity it is that I can- not acquiefce in the truth of things that would do me fo much honour ! This gentleman-like writer now fays, " the " do6lor had his wifli: he became popular; if to ** be known for a libeller of the king, and defpifed ** as a traducer of the revolution, can be deemed " popularity." Now, it fo happens that I was not accufed of libelling the king, or of traducing the revolution, but of writing a fixth letter to the people of England, and. therefore I could neither be found guilty of, nor known for, either of thofe offences : nOr did I become popular on rhefe, or on any other accounts. And yet, the firji of them, alone, haih fince fufHced to make one man the moft popular, and the molt fignal patriot of the age. He continues: "and thus, pointed at ** by the rabble, difdained by men of fenfe, and ♦* execrated by every friend to the family on the ♦* throne, I was a proper fubjed for minillers like (( the prefent to penfion, to patronize, and to V employ." Among the men of fenfe, will this writer '""►'— —~^t ^.\i„£ijK* '■• \ < 8 ) writef prefume to count himfelf, who In every line gives demonftration that he muft be eminent among the rabble : or among . the friends of the family on the throne, whofc allegiance expired wiih the late king : if we may judge from his filencc rclpt-fting his prefcnt Ibvereign, and his farcafm on" the miniilers ? , , r s .. Thefe minillers, I find, are as reprobate as my- felf. Ax\di^ 2i% ftmileijimilibus gaudentf lexpsftthey will improve their patronage of me. For can it be coniiilent, either with honour or confcience, tofuffer jne to be traduced, ;is magnificently as if I were a lord of the trealury at leaft, for fo fmall a fum as two hundred a year? if this circumftance be not duly re- gaided, to be calumniated can no longer he efteem< ed the inleparaMe charat^^erillig of a great man. For their own fakes, therefore, I humbly hope that they will exalt me, not in this writer's way, that I •may approach more nearly to their height *, and that no further difgrace be brought on their grea^inefs, by a liberally of maledjdlion on a perfon !o inferior as I am, both in rank and profit, and fuch as would do honour to a fecondary, if not a, prime minifter. As to the afi^air of my employ-^ meht, this gentleman and a multiplicity of others^ by their judicious treatment of his majefty and his minifters, the propriety of theii' reprefentations» the truth of their aflertions, the force of cheir ar- fuments, the wit and iatire of their publications, ave driven the band of penfioners quite out of the field ; rendered all writing on the fide of ad- miniftration unneccflary ; and produced the very ^fiedbi which were diametrically oppofite to their intention. Have they not evinced, in a manner that can require no anfwer, that his majedy is an . arrant Jacobite, and is now a(itually preparing to furrender ^i ( 9 ) furrcndcr his crowns, kingdoms, and dominions ro the prcccnder : that in order to facilitate thi» wonderful revolution, he is now, by all pofTible means, endeavouring to bring popery ding dong into this realm \ to eftablifh the mafs by bell, book and candle, and within fix weeks to rekindle the fires in Smith field •, that the archbifhops and bi- fliops, who protcft agaiiift the popifh religion, and the minifters who protell againft all religions, are united heart and hand Hi this idolatrous defign. That, by aflenting to a llatutc enadled for the cftablifhmcnt of a legiflature, in Canada, accord- ing to the reqiTcft of the fubjefts in that province, his majefty hath violated hrs coronation oath, in which he fwcars to govern according to the ftat^ces of this realm-, and that by thus atfting, ac- cording to this rcqueft of the Canadians, he hath made them all flavcs, they and their progeny for ever. In Hke manner have they not proved, that his majefty hath moft egregioufly infra(5bcd the firft »»• tide of Magna Charta, in which it is faid, " the "church of England fhall be free, enjoy all her '* rights entire, and her liberties unhurt." That this infradlion is accomplilhed by permitting the Cana- dians to enjoy the religion in which they were bred, which was granted them on the capitulation as Qiiebec, and is that very religion, which alone exifted in England, when, for the prefervation of the church, this very Magna Charta was made ? all which things arc proved in a manner fo convince ing, that nothing remains to be written againft them that can add vigour to the efFefts they have produced in the niinds of all men of common iinderftandings. By thefe means arc wc ;\J /t- not Ml I ■' ( 10 ) not fupplanted, and they become the mini- tter's bcft friends ? And, if the cffeft may be 'di- vided from the caufe, are they not the propereft objedts for being peofioncd ? But alas ! fuch arc the fublimc and difinterefted fentiments of their" fouls, and fuch their animofity to Corruption, that the thought of forfaking patriotifm for pence, can find no entrance into fuch pure and conditutional bofoms. , Naturalifts Iiave remarked that, of all animals, a hog is the leaft formed for fwimming : and when- ever he prefumes to undertake it, that from his want of Ikill in that exercife, he cuts his throat by the mifapplication of his fore-feet j perifhes in the prefumption ; is given to the dogs ; and men are deprived of many a good ham and flitch of bacon. This animal I take to be the archetype of the prefent antiminifterial writers. For, by having en- gaged the right hoof in that talk, to which, by na* ture, they are unequal, they have cut their own throats ; are become carrion ; flink in the noftrils of all honeft men ; are food only for the hounds of modern patriots ; and the world is thereby robbed ,pf many A ftout ploughman , and nimble tayk)r. -J- ry--/ .-■-,■»? v /• c "-■-■''' Vi"? On this account, T humbly intrcat that the pa- trir. Mar- to the latter. ( «3 ) latter, I conceive, the Tinging boys belong. " The ** proof, however, was worked up into 2i pamphlet,** which paflTage, had it been written by a man of common underftanding only, would have been, the pamphlet worked up into a proof, " was fdon found " on ftalls i" where it will be in vain to Ibok for the rncomparable publications of this gentleman. They have received their proper application, have difcharged their duty, and are funk to that placd of repofe, which is deitined for all fuch ufeful performances. Errors, like draws, upon the furface ffoW : He that would feck for pearls muft divef below. The gentlemari prdceeds: "the young man j quitting ail further attempts to book-making, took orders, fwallowed the whole thirty- nine, " and blf fled himfclf to think, that what (luck ia other people's throats, the capacioufnes of his thorax could digeft, without a fingle palliative: " and as the father commenced politician, fo thtf " fon commenced theolbgue, through neceflity." As to the "book- making," I Ihall fay nothing: but, if this defcription of this young man be to be relied on, he mu(l be of as fmgular a- conforma- tion in his bodily, as in his mental parts. Firfi"^ he has iWallowed the whole thirty-nine orders. Till now, I never heared of more than two; priefts and deacons. In the writings of almbft any other fcribe, it might have been imagined, that he had miftaken orders for articles. But in him who talks of the thorax as the place of digeftion, can it be lefs than fliare ignorance ?" however, it feems, this young man is the only clergyman, in whofe throat ihefe thirty-nine orders did not (lick, which feems C 2 ta (( (( « (( i u ) !fi t n rl \ ' . V ( 14 ) to be fome.vhat furpr fing, fincefo many rhonfands are now walking about, all alive, unchoakcd by thend. Be that as it may : tht y were cleverly fwaJ lowed into his cap;\cious thorax. Till now, it has been thought that the throat led into the Jlo^ mach't but, in my voung man, it leads into the thorax^ where, ic keius, they are digefted, wich- out " j'alliativcs.'* Hince it is c'ear, that my fon has his ftomach where others have their lungs, and his lungs where others have their (lomachs j or that the ftomach is placed in the thorax together with the lungs. As this is the only true and ge- nuine forrnatioii of a church of England divine j as my young man is the only perlbn lb formed •, and he alone has fwallowed the whole thirty-nine orders, and blefled himfelf that they did not ftick in his throat, why are the miniftry io blind to fuch lingular qualifications ? why do they not make Ijim a dean at leaft to begin with ? is not this amazing negledt of advancing the only man who is truly formed to be every thing in the church of Eng- land, a moft convmcing proof, and the only one I wiOi to have removed, that his majefty and his minifters are rank papifts. For to what other reafons can it be imputed, that the only man in the kingdom, lb truly, lb ecclefiaftically, and fq cannonically formed, fliould remain without pre- ferment ? Arid is not this the firft time that pal- liatives have been laid to digeft ? Will it not prove an embarrafling fubjcft, to decide whether thi? gentleman bt more incomparable as a divine, an anatomift, a phyfician, or a writer ? and, let me tell him, if neceffity made me a politician, and th^ young man a theolcgue, as he calls him, we have inuch to offer in our behalf, from being compcUe4 t)y fp irrefiftable a ci\Mfe. < ■ . (( ( 'J ) The gentleman now returns to me : " the fuc- cefs of the one, however, iir olved in it the " profperity of the other." Being found guilty of a libel, ftanding on the pillory, three years im- prifonment and a fine fceni to be but an odd fuc- cefs on my fide. However, it involved in it the profperity of my young man. 1 have heared it laid, " happy is the child whofe father goes to the *' devil ;'* but 1 never heared, till iiow, that the fame good fortune attends the children of thole who ftand on the pillory, yec I hope it will prove true. However., the writer may taice the hinr, be equally fuccefsful, and involve in it the prolperiry of his own progeny, by the like means. The holes are open to him. He now adds, " for as old Sheb- ♦' beare exhibited his bronzed phyz through the ** hole of a pillory, as he was elevated on a wood- " en roftrum, he gained admirers as culprits at " the gallows gain pity) from the beholders." Now, as I was not the maker of my own phyz, by what means could t prevent its qualities ? I ex- hibited the bell face, and the bell apparel I had ; and I was attended with good company. And, if I gained admirers, I fee no occafion for exhibiting a better. As to the compariton of pity and the gallows, I would advife this writer to referve the latter for bimfelf, as the only means by v hich he can obtain the former, " Amongll theie behold- '' ers," as he fays, " fome of them complimented ♦* my fapient Ion with a valuable ciiurch living." Now icfo happens, that this living was prcfcnted by a lady, as guardian to her two grand- daughters j the firll of thefe was then in Lanca- shire, and the children were then unborn. On this ^^;:ount? I humbly prefume that neither of them could C4 t« K tt CC ( 16 ) could have been my beholder on that day of ex- altation. And now fays this incomparable fcribe, " if " the reader's indignation is excited, by the con- *' du(5t of the former, that indignation fhould be " a little foftened, our of pity to the latter, who •* has fome virtues." 1 am glad he acknowledges that. But why; then has he abufed him, without provocation ? he then adds, " but what virtues either of them may poffefs are almoft totally eclipfed by an immoderate fhare of vanity?" and thus, it feems, that 1 have fome virtues alfo. But what is this immodtrare fhare of vanity ? it is that, " thofe who know the family can bear' witneft, that it was no uncommon thing (aftet* the doctor's exaltation on the pillory) for them to boaft, that they were of French extraftion, •' and allied, by the grandmother's fide,, to fome *' of the antient kings of France." As this gen- tleman feems to be the very quintefcence^of truth, it cannot be doubted that he knows fomebody, who knows the family, who can bear witnels to the preceding circumrtance. But it is all news to me. Forlamandevcr Ihall betoonluchanEngliih- man, to entertain the vanity of being thought of French extradlion. Unlefs, it can be proved, that I am defcended from his mod chriftian majefty. Then, indeed, my loving coufin, the king of France, may recommend me to his loving coiifin, the king of Gi^eat-Britain, and fome advantage may be derived from my confanguinity. How- ever, I am more than fufpicious, that my pedigree cannot bear ivttnefs to this defcent^ the molt ex- traordinary, I believe, that has ever been known. It is that 1 am allied, by the grandmother's fide, to fome of the antient kings of France. Till this time. / tB^ y'JC ?'» / m> ( '7 ) time, I alwavs imao-ined that, like other men, I had a father and mother, and th^t^ch of them had a father and mother alfo ; and therefore the ; I mull have had two granci mothers. But it feems I have been conftantly miflaken. For I am dercended di- rectly from one only, ibe grandmother, and allied, by her fide, to thr kings of France. And hereby it Ihould feem that this alliance was not continued, like that of other men, through a father and mo- ther. I confefs it puzzles me much to explain, by what method of procreation I can have had but cne grandmother; or, without parents, even fo much as one. And if I had a father and mother, how one woman can be the grandmother of both of them, unlefs mine were brother and fifter, which, I believe, they were not. This llory, of the grand- mother and my defcent, would, I imagine, puzzle the whole college of heralds; not only to af- certain the grandmother, but alfo to exemplify, by any method now in ufe, my alliance to the French monarchs, without the intervention of two parents. As this boaft did not take place till after my exaltation on the pillory, it would feem as if I obtained this high alliance by a/cent, and not by defcent. And that, when my body was raifed above the heads of the people, my blood, alfo, was ex- , alted above theirs, into blood-royal. Bur, this gentleman being the fole herald of this defcent, he muft explain it, or it will never be under- ftood. " Such," fays this worthy writer, "is Dr. Sheb- •' beare: fuch is the rev. John Shebbeare, his " fon :" and then I readily allow, that be\s, in con- formation of body, and that /am, in genealogical defcent, not to be ec^ualled in the univerfe. A thoufand 'fJ^'-'-'-'Wrr m» -toA, ( i8 ) A thoufand fnch papers would have been ap-« plied to their proper ufe^ unnoticed by me, as SL multiplicity of that kind had already been, but on the loth of Auguft, the following letter appeared in the Public Ledger. Sir, For the Public Ledger. To DoSior Sbebbeare. I As you feem difpofed, "^y candour, to anfwef every queftion which m; be afl'""'^'V^»-'^'^iSi?^S 1 _. J m % t (C (« ct ti (( (( (t «c (C it t( ct C( ( 20 ) induced by two realbns. Firft, that tiiofc wlio have (hewn thenilllvcs fo cordially difpokd to treat me with ill manners, may not lay hold on this occafion to indulge their flandcr under that fignature. And iecondly, that Mr. A. M. may have nothing imputed to his charge which he has not written: nor 1 have any thing to an- fwcr which proecds not from that perfon. And I Ihall be under no apprehenfion of not dif- proving all that he can adduce, and of not fatis- fying the public that the whole which he hath afTerted, in his letter, is a futile tale and a groundlefs accufation." From the preceding paflTage, it appears that this correfpondent of mine has taken occafion to fay, in the introdudlion to the queries, " as you ftem *' difpofed, by candour, to anfwer every queftion ** which may be aflied with good-nature," &c. and from hence has thought proper to take up a paflage of the firft paper in the ledger, where it is laid, I have received fubfcriptions for an hirtory of Eng- land, which, to this hour, has never been publilhed. He then affumes the fignature of " a fubfcriber," and with good-nature, as he avers, propounds the antecedent queries. It does not to me appear on what grounds he can conclude that, becaule I had limited the ill manners and (lander, with which I might be treated, to the fubjefts folely of papers, wnder the fignature of A. M. that therefore I feem difpofed to anfwer every qlieftion, which may be aflced, under every other. Might not the perfon, to whom I had lent my furtout, have as realonably laid claim to the ufe of all the clothes I pofiefs ? and how the queries, which he alks, can be detn> ed to proceed from gcsd-nature, is paft my con- ception. 0' . '\ , V •- . : .' ... I will V ^ ? I ^S .-*V — .-alf, •>■-.- it V 1 ( 21 ) 1 will now give both diftindl and faithful anfwers to every query. Query i (l, Did you not, many years ago, folicit fubfcriptions for an hiftory of England, which you engaged to finilli, and declared was then in great forwardnefs? Anfwer, I did folicit fuch fub- fcriptions, ror a firll volume of an hiftory of Eng- lantl, but not in the manner you repreient it, in your firll paper, as preceding my imprifonment : It was after 1 was confined in the King's Bench. I engaged to finifh iij but 1 never declared that it was in great forwardnefs, becaufc it was not then begun. Q^ 2d, Did you not receive fubfcriptions to a very confiderabie amount ? A. Not fufficient to pay for paper and printing. And, as a fpe- cimen of what I received from thofe who, I thought, were the moft likely to promote it, the fubfcriptions from the lords and gentlemen of the Cocoa-tree amounted but to feventeen guineas. But the fmallnefs of this fum is, by no means, of- fered as an excufe for tiie delay in printing it. Q^ 3d, Has the work (which fo many years ago was in great forwardnefs) ever yet appeared in print? A. The work was never faid to be in great forwardnefs, nor has it yet appeared in print. '■ , ' . _; Q^ 4.th, Had you, at the time you received the fublcriptions, the fmalleft intention that it Ihould ? have you, at this inltant, the fmalleft intention that it fhall ever be publiflied? A. The firft receipts which were delivered, were for a firft vo- lume of an hiftory of England, from the revoluti- on to the prefenc time. But, at the perfuafion of my friends, I was induced to alter my defignj and D 2 . re- a i I '' 'fv' ( 22 ) receipts were iflued tor a firft volume of the hiftory of England, and of the conftituiion thereof, from its origin to the prefent time. That volume I wrote, and had it tranfcribed, whilft I was in pri- fon : it is now in mv poflcflion. Of every receipt I delivered to my friends, to be difpofcd of, and of every guinea (the terms of the fubfcription) I received, a regular account was kept, which I now have. Both of thie (hall be open to the infpeftion of the writer of thefe queries, if he be in fadt a fubfcriberj and of every other who may chufe to re- ceive fuch fatisfaiflion. Is it not therefore too ma- nifeft to be denied, that at the time I propofed to write this hlftory, that 1 intended the publication of it ? with what other imaginable defign could I have given myfelf the pains of writing it ? and al- though many circumftances of a private and do- meflic nature mud be included in the fubfequent ^exculpation of myfelf, which few are willing to relate \ yet I will poftpone that and every other confideration for the fake of truth, and the pre- fervation of my integrity. I will, therefore, with- out difguife or relervation, candidly aiTign my reafons for the delay in printing -, and declare my prefent intentions. A few days before my being tried, for writing the fixth letter to the people of England, the dutchefs of Quecnibury, with great juftice, ob- tained an injun and am now engaged in. No time was ever fixed, for the delivery of the books ♦, and therefore I cannot have exceeded any engagement. And there are various inftances, of which one is very recent, that of a gentleman, who has con- ftantly received fubfcriptions, for a time much more confiderabie, than that between my receiving the firft fubfcription and this day, who has ho- nourably difchargcd the obligation. And, from a like behaviour, nothing but death Ihall prevent me alfo. Q^€th, If you do neither of thefe, have we any cccafion to fcarch the records, to prove your infamy r muft we look to the pillory, for the bed whok-length pidure of the man j to his public conduct, for the belt miniature of his moral tur^ pitude ? — A. V/hac I have done, and fhall do, refpeding either of ihcfe, I have already declared, in my anfwer to the preceding query. And, thus, you mud fearch the records, to prove what you call my infamy, for it cannot be proved by wiuu you fay. But remember, it is not xho. fcajfold^ but the crime^ that conftitutcs the infamy of punifh- ment. Take my whole-length pidlure from the pillory, if you like it •, and the miniature, alio, from the moral turpitude of my public conduit, a!> you call it: for know, that although that con- E dud ■ii a' k I, ,*! I *i ( 23 ) du(fl were illegal, ic was not immoral. UiileG to deliver luch truths, as have never been ccnrrovert- ed, in defence of* the rights and liberties of my native country, be sn immoral ad. 1 he laws, indeed, may make trutb a liM ; but can thc-y alter the nature of things, and make that a moral tur- pitude, which as fubjtds of this kingdom we ought to perform ? Review this query. And, if you are fufceptible cf the leall- fenfation of an honeft heart, place yourfclf, a volunteer, on the pillory, and prove, at leaft, as you are capable of the infamous ad, of wantonly invading the charadcr of an honeft man; that, confcious of this moral tur- pitude in yourfelf, and of the libellous calumny of your queries, you can repent as well as tranfgrefsi and, by that ad of morality, at once do juftice to me. by doing julticc on yourfelf. Q^ 7ih, In cafe of your death, have you de- puted your fon, to return the lubfcribers their money ? or is he to write the hiftory his fatl r was paid beforehand for undertaking ? an hiftory from yourfelf would be dull enough in all confcience ; an hiftory from your fon v;ould be a fcald-mife- rable produdion indeed! A. 1 have, already, told you, I do not intend to die till what I pro- pofc be finiilied. If I do, care fliall be taken refpeding what you afli. And, if you chufe a farther fatisfadion, let ir.e have the pleafurc of feeing your gccd-natured face^ and yc.^ fti all re- ceive that which fh;*!! content you. But what right, under the if;nn fubjcril/er^ even with your real name annexed, can you have to treat my fon in fo illi- beral a manner ? or even me, unlefs you had firft enquired the reafons why the hiftory was not pub- liflied ? had you forged a kibfcription to a draft for five pounds, you had merited a halter by the laws. But Uiilefi to 3n:rovern- trs of my 1 he laws, they alter iioral tur- we ought f you are left heart, ory i and infamous cr of an oral tur- ilumny of ranfgrefs; juftice to : you de- fers their "atl rwas ory from nfcience ; ald-mife- already, F I pro- ae taken chule a afurc of Ihall re- at right, eal name fo illi- had firft lot pub- draft for le laws. But f '<*, •?,( / -^ I ( 29 ) But have not you invented a new kind of forgery, more injurious fhan the former, by afiuming that term to which you are not entitled, and which is infinitely more deferving a public punifliment? for who exills and deferves the name of man, that does noteftimate his charader beyond his money! there- fore altho' the laws cannot commit you to the hands of the public executioner, yet juftice would, for this unprovoked and audacious invafion of my cliara6ttr. But if you be a real fubfcriber, de- clare your name, live not beneath the guilt of fo foul a forgery, repent cf the iniquitous incention to purloin that which is the immediate jewel of our fculs. As to the merit of my writings and my fons, thcfe fhall fpeak for themfelves. If they poflefs no merit, you can neither impart it, by your ap- plaufe, nor, if they do, deprive them of it, by your defamation. Q^ 8th, For what did lord Bute procure you a penfion ? for the punctual performance of your promill; ? or for the fcandalous perfonal abufe you caft on his late majf Ity ? if you keep your word with govtfrnment no better than with your fub- fcribers, adminiftration, if they thought of pur- chafing your honour, were moft confoundedly taken in. A. It was not by the means of lord Bute that my penfion was procured. /\t the time it was bellowed on me, Mr. Grenville was mi- nifler. It was Sir John Philips who interefted him- felf in my favour ; and, on his perfonal application to the king, his majefty was p leafed to fpeak of me in terms too favourable for me to repeat ; but which I will, undeviatingly, endeavour to deferve, by allegiance and by gratitude. I fay not this, with the leaft intent to infinuate that i cnteriain £ 2 thg :a !? WtJ .' i ( Zo ) the flighteft fufpicion, had his lordfhip been then the miniller, that he would have oppofed his ma- jefty's bounty towards me. Neither have I ever united, nor will unite, in the malicious, unrelent- ing and unmerited purluit of that nobleman. For, by fixing the magiftracy of the Judges during life, by limiting the civil lift to 800,000/. per annum^ by reducing the profufion of the houl'ehold eX" pences, and by concluding a war, of which a two years farther continuance, would, in all probabi- lity, have bankrupted this nation, he proved, that he entered on the miniftry with a fincere intention of ferving, and did ferve his country. But fuch Was the enormous parliamentary corruption, whicU the whigs had begun, and cherilhed, from the re- volution to his majefty*s acceflion to the throne,, that, had a bill been then propofed, in the com- mons, for their admiflion into the celeftial man.- fions, the majority of them would not have given their votes, without being paid, for this iiUvation of their own fouls. That peace, which his enemies have fp fcanda- louily decried, is now proved to be of infinite advan* tage to this kingdom. On that peace the prcfent mii niftry have formed that aft, which, according to the opinions of the moft celebrated writers on the polity and government of nations, is the moft jutt, judicious^ and requifite, that a conquering ftate can inftitute^ fincc nothing can acquire and preferve the allegU ^nce of new fubje^s, fo effeftually as permitting them to remain in the fccurc enjoyment of their religion and laws, theformerof which was ftipulated on the capitvilation at Quebec. That a^ has not only fixed the fidelity of thofe Canadians to theij new king; it has eftabliihed alfo an ample and fufHcU cnt force to quell the democratic fpiritsof the Ame^ riean been then tfd his ma- avc I ever , unrelent- man. For, iuring life, per annum^ lehold eX" ^hich a two ,11 probabi- roved, that e intention But fuctx tion, whicU •om the re-, the throne* n the com' edial man.- have given is ialvation fg fcand^- iniieadvan-e prefent mit ding to the n the polity ,judicious^ m inilituiei the allegtr permitting nt of their s (lipulated a^ has not ins to their fandfUiBci-i >f ihcAmct rican * I I I ■0. -4 ( 30 rican feftaries ; in whom rebellion is as naturally inherent, as aliment in foodj, ?nd who will as cer^ tainly manifeft their regicide difpofitions, on all occafions that may offer, as plants will germinate in th^ vernal feafon. As to your ifst they (hall be anfwered, when you can prove there is the leaft ground for alking them. Q^ 9th, With what Ihadbw of reafon, can you complain of being treated with ill manners, in the ledger, when you have been fet upon, though not in the pillory, for abufing your fovercign, in the groffcft terms ? A. And thus, it fecms, you conclude that, becaufe I have been fet on the pil- lory, for a libel, I have no fhadow of reafon to complain of your eflFrontery, when you treat mc as a felon. Would it not be juft as fenfible in you to have concluded that, on having been ob- liged to live one day without food, I could have no fhadow of reafon to complain, if it was con* ilantly denied me ? as to the abufe of the late king, I have already anfwered that part of your query. Q. loth, Inftead of reviewing the writings of other men, would not your time be more properly employed in a review of your own adlions, and a preparation for the grave, to which you arc now moft vifibly haftening? A. With refped to the reviewing of other men's writings, I am not now engaged in that office; nor ever was I, longer than three months : and even that was more than fix years fince. As to the reviewing of my acti- ons, that cannot be your concern. And it your own be as deteftable, as your heart is evidently black, from thcfe queries •, take the hint of re- viewing and repenting of them alfo : left it be, Otherwifej your fate never to defcend to a grave of H ( 3* ) of chriftian burial. For, after this unprovoked defign, in difguife to ftab my integrity, can it be a wonder, if you become a real aflaflin, are hang- ed at Tyburn j given to the furgeons for difledion ; and your (kcleton exhibited in a glafs cafe, with this motto, pejjimorum fejfimus. .... Q^iith, Will it not be very complaifant in you, to anfwer fuch of thefe queries, as relate to the fubfcfiption money, received for your hiftory of England ? A. I have been more than very complaifant: I have anfwered all the queries. And, I flatter myfelf, to the fatisfadion of all men, that I am not the villain you would make me ; and that I have proved that you defervc that deteftation which you intended to heap on me. Such are my anfwcrs to the preceding queries. In thefe, he has compelled me to rdace many things, which men in general would wilh to avoid, the laying before the public : but in none have I deviated from truth. And I doubt not, that the difapprobation of fo malignant and fo un- provoked an attack on my character, will prove to be the general fentiment of thofc who mav read thisanlwer. >.'-„>. . '"■;':'' ^- As I have now both fully and candidly anfwer- ed the queries which this fubfcriber pronounced with fuch fignal good nature^ I fhall, in my turn,^ prefume to aflc him a like number; and call on him for anfwers. ■ Query i. Had you received the education of an apothecary, which you affcft to deride, would you have talked oi Jiyptia to heal, of bandages being fold by apothecaries^ and of urinals as uten- fils for women. Would not you have known that the throat does not Itrad into ihe thorax j that the • thorax 'm}\ A ( 33 ) thorax is not the ftomach ; and therefore does not dipelt i and would not that breeding have prevented you from the difgrace of expofing yourfelf by fuch egregious ignorance? ,, ., , . Q^ 2. How cdiiwtyou to conceive that ajfes can- not bray ? are you void of ail vocal utterance, or fo deaf that you cannot hear yourfelf? Q^ 3. Can your education have exceeded that of a drayman, who have miftaken the two facer- dotal orders for the thirty nine articles of the church of England ? are you not endowed witl^ moft con- fummate effrontery to accufe a man of being bred a Jacobite : you, who do not underftand the dif- ference, between dejure^ and de fa^o, as applied to kings ? or can you be the lead judge of literary performances, who have not ideas to the words you ufe ? Q^ 4. "What right, or what provocation have you to recall the puniftiment I fuffered, or repeat- edly to expofe me in the Public Ledger, before the eyes of all the Britifli fubjedls, as Itanding on the pillory, fixteen years after I had attoned for the offence ? Q^ 5. Are you not the very libeller, which in me you fo much condemn ? do you not deferVe that punilhment, which, as you fay, is, to a vir- tuous ch?ra(fler, worfe than death? have you in your queries afforded the minutefl hint that you are actuated by one fpark of virtue, fenfc, or good manners ? 0^6. In what pafTages of my writings is the late king treated mih foul abufe\ or the revolution traduced ? are you not one of that traiterous gang that is eternally infulting his prefent majefly with the moft flagrant libels ? ■ ^ . • 0,7. !i Mil k . [■>' ( 34 ) Qi 7. W^rc you really ^ fubfcribcr, what plau* fiblc motive could you have had to treat me pub* lickly as a felon^ acquiring money under falfe pretences, without having previoufly applied to me for anfwers to the fubjedl of your queries ? have you not alTumed the fisnacure, without being a fubfcriber, in order to ftbricate a pretext for propofing to me your illiberal queftions ? will you dare to affix your name to them ? if you refufe it, are you not avowedly guilty of a forgery, inex- preflTibly more criminal, than that of fubfcribing another man's name to a bill, with a view frau- dulently to obtain money from the perfon on whom it is drawn ? is not integrity more valuable than riches ? in juftice do you not more truly de* ferve to die by the hands of the common hang- man, for thus endeavouring to rob me of my good name, than if you had been feized in burglariouHy breaking into my houfe ? 0^8. Would not you, who have thus infidi* oufly laboured to ilab my reputation, have as wil- lingly altafllnated me, could you have accomplifh- cd it with the like concealment and impunity ? 0^9. Is not this aft of caufelelsly invading my reputation an infamy which ought to be branded on your forehead, as a ftigma to warn mankind from aflbciating with fo malicious and fo black a man ? Q^ 10. Ought you not to be expelled the fo^ ciety of all eftimable men, as a l^eing peftilential to the community ? Q. 1 1. Will it not be as complaifant in you, is it not as indifpenfably your duty to anfwer thefe queries, and to fubfcribe your real name, as it was mine to anfwer yours, and affix my name to that anfwer ? unkfs you comply with thefe particulars, do I \ It plau^ Jl ie pub* M er falfe '-.^H Ik'd to '^ uerics ? j^ 11 being M cxt for" :W vill you 'm :fufe it, >fl , inex- ;3 fcribing 1 .1 •w frau- ' m rfoh on ^ valuable M. ruly de- .9 n hang- ~|| ly good ^ ariouOy m s infidi* m : as wil- ^ mplifh- 9| ity ? M ling my M branded m icinkind m 3 black *' 'fill the fo'- m lilential ■i you, is 1 er thefc s s it was M to that -1 ticulars, If do ■ •■'t- ( 35 ) do you not (land fclf-condemned, and dcferve the univerfal dcteftation of mankind ? I rtiall now leave you to ruminate on what I have written, and to do juftice to yourlclf, by anlwer- ing, if you can; if not to me, by a full acknow- ledgement of your flagitious treatment. In the mean while, I Ihall take this opportunity of adver- tifing the publifliers of the ledger, and of all other papers, that 1 will no longer be tamely taken up by them, like an odd man, among the chairmen, when no other is at hand, to fupply paragraphs of defamation, and fill the meafure of their Icurrility, when no other fubjcft can be found. Whatever were my offence, I neither fled from the fentence of the court, nor have 1, from that day to this hour, either in words or writing, at- tempted tc afperfe the charadler, or arraign the jufl:ice of ihat judge and jury by whom I was tried and found guilty. I knew that greater punilh- mcnts were not unprecedented : and mine I bore without complaining. 1 was foon convinced that nothing of a cruel or vindidlive fpirit poflfefl^ed lord Mansfield againfl: me. For when my life was in danger, from an ill ftace of health, and I applied to the court of King's-Bcnch, for permifilon to be carried into the rules, a few hours in the day, his lordfhip readily acceded to that petition. This judge Fofter pertinaceoufly denied and defeated. Even fince the time when the celebrated pJtriot of the London livery was fentenced, but to two years imprifonment, and a fine which, to him, was no- thing, for one off^ence againft the government, and three againfl: religion, I neither did then, nor do I now complain of the apparent difparity of offence and inflidion betweep us. It was his peculiar hap^jinels to be tried, found guilty, and F fentenced '■<»..-,- ?^" W A MO ( 36 ) fciuenctd in ihe reign of our preftrtt foverclgn, to whom his cntrmiej) have imputed even mercy as a crime. Is it not natural to iiragine that the being expofcd on the pillory, three years clofc confinement with- in the walls of a prifgn, together with a fine, might have been deemeti a punifhment adequate to the tranfgrefllon i and rufficient to falisfy the vindidive fpirit, even of Wliigs, and Prcfbyterians : more cfpecially, as no man among them has hitherto been able to difcover, that what I wrote, and for which 1 fufivred, was either falfe, malicious, or feditious? Nor did it relate to the private adlions of any man, but to the public and national pro- ceedings of miniftcrs, with which the people have a claim to be acquainted, when they are deftrudive of their happinels and welfare. And I may aver, with the ftndeft veracity, that tiie letters which were written to the people of England, contri- buted not a little towards creating the popularity, and thereby to the elevation of lord Chatham to the feat of prime minifter. To him, his enemies acknowledge- this nation is indebted, for the hap- py change of their affairs, on his admifllon to the condud: of them. Why then are my endeavours, to that end, entirely buried in oblivion ; my offence and my punifliment inccflantly remembered ? Even againit the difcarded minifters, who fo re- lentlefsly purfued me, I never have complained. Men in power, place, and profit, are naturally vinui(5live, and iecl the lofs of them with inex- prtflible refentmentj and not the lefs, l^ccaufe the allegations which are brought againit them are in- dilputably true. Such t'ing the conditions of their being men, whatever were my fufferings, however feverely they weri: inflided, I have, at no time. ing expofed ment with- fine, might uarc to the : vindi(5live ans ; more IS hitherto te, and for tlicious, or 'ate adlions clonal pro- cople have deftrudive may aver, tcrs which id, contri- )opulariiy, batham to is enemies r the hap- fion to the ideavours, T)y ofFcncG :red ? who fo re- mplained. naturally I'nh inex- 'caufe the m are in- iitions of Lifferings, ive, at no '' time. (. 37 ) . time, fince the day of my commitment to prison, written one word againll them. They are now dead, and peace be to their manes. It is lord Chatham only of whom I have reafon to complain i who having profited by my writings, and having publickly declared, that he avowed the truth of all that they contained-, in return for my en- deavours to Icrve him, after he was mounted above the throne, and poffcfled of abfolute power, not f i|| only pern)iited me to be punilhed for writing words lels offenfive than he had repeatedly fpoken in the houfe of commons j but even ill treated Sir John Philipps, who applied to him in my favour. Such being the true ftate, refpefting me and my punilhoient, on what pretext, after the ex- piration 0^ fixteen years, from the time of my of- fence, am I to be thus undcfervedly treated by thofe whofe talents arife not to the knowledge cither of the fubje(5t, or the language in which they write i who in ambufcade fo infidioufly attack me on all occafions ? why is my tranfgreffion never to be forgotten, and my punifhment to know no bounds ? why do they return to old tranfacStiotis for new abufe; and continually expofe me on the pillory for that which 1 have already aitoned by my fuffcrings ? for, is it not as equally a punifh- ment to be expofed in news-papers to the millions of my fellow-fubjedls, as at Charing-Crofs, to a few hundreds? and would not thcfe remorfelefs mifcrcants, who thus treat my name in their pub- lications, as readily bring me in perfon to the pil- lory, could it be done with equal impunity. Of fuch anonymous and abufive writers I (hall hence- forth take no notice j but leave them in their gar- rets to their lice. -. ■' F 2 But UU 1 rM- J.p ( 38 ) But although thefe writers are contemptible, namelefs and infcrutable, their publifhers are not. And 1 would have thefe gentlemen be cfifured, that I will no longer be made their property of abufe : and if any thing be hereafter ini'erted, without the name of the writer, and their being poffefled of fufficient evidence to prove who he is, that I will fcek from them that rcdrefs, to which by law I am entitled ; and no longer remain fu- pinely inattentive to fuch publications as are illegal. Full fixteen years I have been the caufeleis obje<5l of their maledudlion and calumny, without re- fentment or reply. They have now extended their malevolence to my fon. And, if they ihall be ftill indulgfvi in this illiberal proceeding, they may,' at length, plead prefcription } and their fucceflbrs in fcana^:! perfevere with impisnity, not only to re- vile me, but all that may be defcended from me. And to this admonition I expedl they will pay a due attention. J-iaving now done with namelefs and abufive writers, and with news-paper publifhers, I fhall embrace this occafion of conveying my fentiments to a pair of gentlemen who, in fpeeches, fince pubiilhed, have been pleafed to traduce me, with- out the leaft provocation. Thefe are tvvoOratcrs, of prodigious merits tae right hon. Tommy Townlhend, and the right learned Counfellor Lee. The former of thefe is thus charafterifed in the St. James's Chro- nicle of July the ^cth, by a writer who affumes the fignaturc of Ciio : and therefore, mufa rRajora iatiamus. *' The right, honourable I'homas Townfliend is one of the moll rcfpcdtable members that fit in the houfe, Though he is wanting in fluency of ex- ■prcflioni yet the foundnefs of his fcnfe, the fpirit of .4'* II i^ i ^v, lend is in the of ex- fpirit of ( 39 ) of condi'.ft, the Integrity of his charader, and the vehenricncc of his manner, render him, upon the whole, one of the molt formidable members in oppofition." To the integrity of his charader I have nothing to objei^ •, for I know nothing of it. The foundnefs of his fenfe and the fpirit of his conduft, I fhall beg leave to examine. At the fame time, I acknowledge the " vehemence of his manner," does render him one of the moft formidable mem- bers in oppofition i for, in his fpcaking; he feems as if he were going to biie. Clio continues, ** his eloquence, when he hap- pens to be fluent, which he fometimes is, has a greater etFed than that of any man in the houfe ; for the fpirit, the fire, with which he attacks a minifter,or a meafure, is commanding : he throws his objeftions in the IVrongeft light poffiblc, and is unmerciful in the conclufions he draws from evil doings." A very butcher of an orator. " In his connexions and fpecches, he is remarkiible for his true old Whiggifh principles ♦, and his abhorrence of the meafures, which brought in Tories and Jacobites." Ever fince he hath been difmifled from his places and profits. Clio proceeds, " his fpeech on the penfions, given to do^Vors Shebbeare and Johnfon, and the countenance fhewn to Sir John Dairympie, for having vilified the memory of lord Ruflel, and the great Sydney, was a per- formance, which will nor be foon forgiven at St. James's." Which, if it be true, is no great proof of the foundnels of his fenfe. However, that fpeech " had prodigious merit, and was greatly/ r^^ceived. Lord iMorth attempted to anfwer it, but failed." Nevcrthelefs, I will undertake to attempt that in which, as Clio fays, the prime mini- fter mifcairicd. " The channel in v/hich the pa- .•'>*3 ili •■'n tronSj^e 'm 1 1 1 -* ■ (40) tronage of the prefent reign flows, is a never- failing topic with him." He is no longer in that channel. " And he cuts it up with great ipirit, wit, and as lirtle mercy." With much more mercy fmall as it is than fnirit, or wit, I affure you. And is not cutting up a channel moft happily metaphorical ? And now, fays Clio, " whenever a change in the miniftry happens, he is expected to fill one of the higheft poih in adminiftration ; and he will fill it with credit to himfelf, and advantage to th« kingdom." From a compariibn of this charadler with the fpeech above alluded to, and printed in the London Packet of the ibth of February, I cannot but conclude, they are the produdions of the lame genius. And this charafler intended as an election pufi^, to exhibit his talents and his con- iequence to the univerfity of Cambridge, of which he is the reprefentative. Be that as it may, L humbly prefume to offer a different reading of the lall paflage in his character j and to luppofe Mr. Townfhenci fpeaking in the firiV perion. **' When- ever a change in the miniftry happens, I expert to fill one of the higheft pofts in adminiftration : and I will fill it with profit to myfelf, whatever the cdvantage may be to the kingdom." The charader being difpulched, I come now- to the fpeech itfelf, of fuch prodigious merit, and lb greatly received, that lord North failed in anfwering it. It was fpoken in oppofition to a motion Made in the houfe of commons, for pro- fccuting the printers of a paper that appeared in the Public Advcrtifer and Morning Chronicle, of the 1 6th of February, figned a South Briton. " I cannot forbear, fays he, remarking, on the induftry and pains employed to paint the olTencc now ftated to you in the moft aggravated colours, when the very per- ■T- - '£^-»». ^ '■^' ( 41 ) pprfons, who .not only condemned the revolution, which is the thing brought againft the pitiful author of the libel, now before you, but who reviled the prince on the throne, and endeavoured to over- turn the conllitution and the laws, are now pub- licly carefled and penfioned. The men I mean are, Dr. Shebbcare and Dr. Johnfon. I have no perlonal knowledge of either of them j but I am well informed, that Shebbeare has a pen- fion, and that Johnfon's has been doubled Ance he wrote a certain pamphlet, in which every prince, fince the revolution, buthisprefent majefty, has been modinfamoufly and fcandaloufly traduced. Are thefe then the men that are to be taken into the bofom of adminiftration, in order to be re- warded for offtnces little fhort of treafon -, and is a poor wretched printer or obfcure fcribler to feel the full force of our indignation for a crime how- ever reprehenfible in itlelf, when compared with thole which I have mentioned fcarcely worthy of our notice ? there are fome perfons, near me, defcendants of the illuftrious Ruflel ; and I have myfclf, a drop of the blood of Sydney in me. I muft confefs, i cannot therefore fit filent and hear the relrntmenis of this houle poured upon an in- fignificant printer, at the inftigation of thofc who countenance, protect, and encourage the men who have attempted, in the moft cool and deliberate manner, to revile that revolution, to which thofe heroes fo glorioully paved the way." I (hall now examine into ihc prcdigious merit of this exhibition of oratoric excellence, the found icrife, and fpirit of conduct of this moll formi- Xi^^!e member in the oppofition, concluding that f". iiis occafion he was fluent. 'J here are various qurtii'ications, both in the fpeaker and tlie fpeech, thac I'-^m a \ I >i i\\ ' ( 42 ) that are indifpenfibly requifite to conftitute the former an crator^ and the latter an oration. Among thefe, confiftcncy of charafter, truth, and fenti- ments coinciding, through the whole, and con- ducive to the lime purpofc, to fay nothing of the energy of llyle, propriety of expreflion, and powers of elocution. Among the excellences of this formidable fpeaker, enumerated in the pre- ceding character, this is one, " that he is remark- able for his true old whiggifh principles." And, as an evidence of this truth, he gets up, de- nominates the paper before them a libel againft the revolution •, and declares, he cannot fit fiient, and hear the refentments of the houfe poured upon aa infignificant printer, who, as he allows, had pub- liftied a libel againft the revolution. This, 1 ap- prehend, " ■ the very perfedlion of conliftency ; an old whig L; -^ paper before him, a libel againft the revolution. He then harangues in favour of the perfons who printed this libel, with intent to avert the indignation of the houfe; and thisbecaufc hecannot fit fiient and hear the refentment of that houfe, from men who countenance and protetl thofe voho have reviled the revolution. And yet, this countenance and protedion is that very tranfgrefil- on which he himfejf is at that moment commit- ting, in defence of the printer, who he himfelf has denominated to be a like levilerof that revo- lution. Does not this fpirited condud, and con- fiftency-of principle, evince the foundnefs of his fenfe, and confirm " that there is fomething in his charader very firiking .<"' Let me now enquire into his reafons for fpeaking on this occafion. And thcfe are, " that he cannot forbear remarking, on the indujiry and pains cm- ployed to feint the offence now Jiated in the moft '"3; -^, "^'*tfrr. e the mong fenti- l cori- ng of ?flion, lences le pre- mark- And, p, de- lft the t, and pon aa i pub- » lap- :y i an againft ;our of itent to becaufc bf that k thofe this yreffi- ommit- limfelf It rtvo- nd con- of his in his )eaking cannot ns cm- le moft I \ ^'■M { 43 ) . nggta^ated colours.** This patTagCi 1 am appre- hcnfive, contains fome particulars, that neither* Ariitotlc, nor Quintilian have enumerated among thofe qualities in an oration, that pronounce a man to be a moft refpedable fpeaker. Do painters7?- lution, nor to defame thofe heroes, who may as juftly be faid to have glorioufly paved the why to the new Jerufalem, as to the revolution. But let Sir 4> r,1 ' 1 ( 49 ) Sir John defend himfelf, refpcifling his treatment of the revolution. As to Kuflcl and Sydney, he Itands forth, in his Memoirs, their confpicuoua panegyrill. It mufl be allowed, indeed, that he has adopted a new mode of verifying fafts in hiftory, by biinging indifputable authorities to difprove the truth of them. And now I would advile this formidable orator to let that drsp of ^dney blood out of his veins, if it have not already corrupted ihe whole mafs.- - "It is a general rule, fays Mr. BayeS, that you muft ever make a Jimile when you are furpriled." Now, as I am doubly furprifcd, on this occafion, before I proceed to offer my realons, for advifing this moft formidable member in oppofition to let out this Sydney drop, I (hall explain the ivjofurprizeSf and then bring Vfroftmiks. Firft furprize. That an orator fo refpedlable, of fuch iourd fenfc, fo formidable in oppofition to the miniftry, with all the other great talents and qua- lifications mentioned in his character, (hould make fuch a fpeech as the preceding. .- ' • .. Second furprize. That any man, who had heard that fpeech, could have conceived the ora- tor to be a perfon of fuch prodigious merit, fpirit, wit, eloquence, &c. even v/hen he is fluent. Thcfe Angular pha?nomena may receive a full explanation, by the fole circumftance of fuppofing the Ipeaker and the pancgyrift to be the fanje per- fon ; and then the f ^rprizes cealc. However that may be, I am neverthelefs refolved that my readers and the right honourable gentleman ihall have the two fjmilcs.: ; • • ' ; Firll fimile. If you put a calf's head in a pot and fet it on the fire, with the cover on, you will find, by degrees, that the heat below raifes the fcum ■-■ •^f*»*»;r J» :,*»*fc .«.^ ■■•w;- •^■"•^-SiMu; \! . ? v; ' ' ( ^0 ) fcutrt to the furface, fcts the pot a boiling, and tlrivcji that fcum, with a blubbering impetuofity, which ftriigglcs for an explofion^ between the pot-lid and the pot ; then thick and filthy it creeps down the footy fides of it. In this cale, the formidablenefs arifes from the danger of being fcalded» if we ap- proach too near the vehemence of the fpluttcring utenfil. This I take to be a pretty exadt refem" blancc of the unmerciful orator, when he is not fluent. Second fimile. If you place a barrel of new fmall beer on a dray* by the agitation of the ve^ hide, the fermentation vaftly encreafes, the drees rife to the top, and the vehemence of the work* ing will fplit the calk, unlefs ynu open the vent ) then out fprings the foaming, turbid, fpiritlefs li- quor, rifes prodigiouily into the fublime, exhaufts its friflcy force, and on the veflel's fides flows fwiftly down. In this t le, the formidablenefs arifes from the danger of being horridly befpattered if you approach too near the calk. This I take to be the true refemblance of this refpefl.'ible orator, when he is fluent. When the colonel, in the Committee, bids Teague to carry a meflfage to Mrs. Day, who had been his father's cook- maid, the Irifliman tells his mafler that, on the fight of her> the pots and the fpits will come into his head, and the laugh up- on his face, a^ainil which the colonel gives him the ftrongeft injundion. In like manner, when this unmerciful orator fliall again harangue the houfe, I warn the commons neither to let the pot nor the fmall beer barrel to come into their heads, nor the laugh on their faces : But to behave with all due decorum to fo refpeSiable a member. .;;;.:/ . ', And ' ' ■ I . -- * , .\ '■■^^&C~r. f "^ ( 5' ) i nOw^ having anfwercd this fpeaker, of old \vhiggilh principles, of found lenfe, fpirited con* duft, vehement manner^ and formidablencfs inop- pofition i of ftrii being in no more danger of lofing his onc^ci land- ing, than a perlon is of being robbed, who has no» thing to k)lc, '- •' J"' ' ''' ' ? "^I Clamahit Z'acuuj coram do£lort orator. Befides the preceding excellences, he is the foul of oppofition •, has great cloquenre, when he is fluent', more cffeflual, fiery, fpirited and com- manding, in attacking a minifter, than any man; he is an unmerciful old Whig, and abhorrcr of Tor'rs and Jacobites \ an orator of prodigious me- rit, great fpirit, wit, and as little mercy •, whom lord North attetnptcd to anfwer, but failed. Such, and fo formidable being the man, whom 1 have ^engaged, I (hall, in imitation of Sir John F il- ftaffe, to the prince of Wales, after he had killed a dead Percy, prefume to tell his lordfliip, "that if he do mcjuftice fo-, if not, let him demolifti the next unmerciful Tommy Townlhcnd himfelf. i look either to have my penfion doubled, or a good place, I can aflTure him." '^!?-.:;.. Having dil'patched my animadverfions, furprizes, and fimiles, I fhall now proceed to aflfign my rea- fons for advifmg the right honourable orator to let that drop of Sydney blood out of his veins. And to this intent, I (hall endeavour to give a faithful portrait of this glorious hero, Algernon Sydney ; a idrop of whofe facred blood, like a faint*s relique, H -. is ( i 1) ■ _Vif.^^.j^*Li-:>.^^i*i^'f^<^.y?'-*'i^.^j^*^ * f I " I Iff I ( s^ ) is fo much adored by him. And fiifl:, of his po- litical principles, in civil inftitutions. * He was a zealous republican, who upheld the magiftracy, and the miniftry, without a fingle perfon, king- fhip, or houfe of" lords. In his religious eftablilh- ment, he was averfe from the church of Eng- land, her dodrines, vlifcipiine, rites and ceremo- nies J an enemy to epifcopacy, and to all degrees of dignity in ccclefiattical polity. As a neceflary con- fcquence of thefe principles, he was an avowed enemy to the confhturion of this kingdom, which the orator not only effcfts to admire and eftetm, but to abhor thofe alfo, who, as he fays, have en- deavoured to overturn it. He held that kings were the truftees of, and derived their authority from the people; that the people are the fole judges of their regal government; have a right to take arms ; to dethrone their 1'overeigns, to change the conftiturion both in church and ftate -, and that the king^ being a politic perfon, uniefs he be deftroyed in his natural capacity, it is not high treafon. In obedience to thefe principles, he took arms, and engaged in the grand rebellion againft Charles the firft; in wiiich it does not appear that he fig- nalized himfelf by any confpicuous aflion. He was zealous and aftive, in all the prepofterous changes, ccclefiaftical and civil, of thefe times, till Crom- well alTumed the fole government of the king- dom i and he vehemently oppofed P.ichai J, after Oliver's death. At this time, unaltered in opi- nion, by the long experience; of that anarchy and defpotifm.^ which fubfiftcd under the yarioui- forms that government received, ar.d which demon- ftratcd the madnefs of expecting liberty from prin- ciples • Life of Sydney, p. 5, bis difcourfrs, paffim. y.i V \ ( S3 ) ciples fo aofurd and impradicable. Inftigated by the fame pertinacioufhers of democratic fury, and prdbvtcrian fanaticifi-n, he united with P/aifegod Barebones^ and his rump, under a fblcmn obliga- tion to accomplifl> the exclufioii of kings, pro- tedors, nobles and the church of England. At the reftoration, he was excepted amongft the regicides, as a man incompatible by his hatred to the conftitution, and as irreconcileable to a king in allegiance by any adts of kindnels. On his foli- citation to Henry Saville, ambaflador in France, to interfere in procuring him liberty to return to England, he wa« fuffertd to revifit his native land •, and obtained his pardon from Charles the fecond. Notwithftanding this ad of mercy, in the king, and without his having performed a fingle ad, during his exile, which nught merit this forgive- ncfs, *he immediately became a traitor to that very prince •, aiid an agent of the king of Prance, in order to promote the defigns of that monarch, and to oppofc thole of his lawful lovereign. And to this flagitious purpofc he was purchafed by a penfion, paid him by Barilion, the French ambaffador at rhe court of England. This treach'^ry, which was fufpeded during his life^ hath been lately verified by indiiputable authorities, taken from the letters of Barilion, prefe eyed in the proper place of de- pofiting fuch records in France. And i^i ?. letter of Sydney to Henry vSavil!e, who. lik': him, was a republican, and a traiiof lo his mailer, it is fo far confirmed as to fliew, that both Sydney and Saville were fecretly intriguing with the French court, againll their lovereign : for in that letter he fays, *";'(?« know Monjieur de Barilion governs :fs if, be be noi mijiaken'* Let the man whu glories in ♦ Sydney's letter to Saville, p. 45, 1-^ \ 1 I / i > Uv :. ( 54 ) having one drop of Sydney blood in him, explain this pafTa^e to any purpofe but the former, if he can. Not fatisfied with this treachery and ingratitude to the king, whofe lawful authority he acknow- ledged, by accepting pardon and life from his hands, he, with the lords Shaftfbury, RuPel, and otherSj) became the patrons and abettors of the enormous perjuries of Titus Oates, refpeding a Popiih plot againft the king's life. The mod groundlefs, malicious, and inhuman machination, that ever villains invented or fupported.By this in- fernal fidion not lefs than twenty men, entirely in- nocent of the charge, perilhed by the hands of the public executioner ; among whom was the aged and virtuous lord Stafford. This nefarioufnefs being ac- complilhcd, Sydney, with the lords Ruflel, Effex, Howard, Grey, together with Sir Thomas Arm- ftrong, Fergufon the Prelbyterian teacher. Rum- fey, Rumbold, Nelthorpe, Wade, Goodenough, "Walcot, Thomfon, Burton iione, and a few more, prefumed thcmfelves to be the people of England i pronounced that the king had, by his rnaladminiflration, forfeited his right to reign •, and therefore, that it was lawful to dethrone him by any means whatever. And, with that intent, they entered into a confpiracy to take arms, and to aiTafllnate their fovereign, Such were the natural cffcds of thofe principles which thefe men ef- poufed. And is there not fomcihiog Omilar that fcems to prevail, at prefent ? do not the alder- men Wilkes, Crofby, Bull, and Sir Watkin Lewes, together with the bill of rights men ; the gldermen Sawbridge, lownfhend, Oliver, Ca- tharine Macauley, and the con^liiutional fociety ; together with a majority of the com qion council, the livery of London, and the mob of Ncwcaftle, the ,'A.I 'i < ( SS ) the men of tender confcience, and the Antiartrcu- larians of the Feathers Tavern, prefume to be the whole people of England at this day ? and as their principles are the fame with republicans and regi- cides, is it not neceflary to be watchful of their actions? The plot being difcovered, Sydney was appre- hended, tried, found guilty, and beheaded. And althougli the law may have been unjuftly drained, in converting the papers, which were found in his cJofet, to a fecund evidence againft him, becaufe this proof, the crime of high treafon undoubtedly de- mands : and which can never be violated, but by the outrage of an unmerciful and unjuft judge. And altho' Sydney were not lawfully put to death, yet is there a man, now living, who believes he was not engaged in tliis confpiracy, to take away the life of that king, who gave him his, and therefore that he deferved his fate rperfons of upright hearts will moll certainly condemn and decefl the magiftrate i but can that violence, on one fide, exculpate the criminality on the other ? was Sydney in faftthewer^ to be pitied as a traitor, becaufe he fuffered by the fentence of the unjuft and cruel JefFeries ? And permit me to afk, that, fmce no argu- ment can palliate this illegal execution, even of a guilty man, what have the Whigs of ki' Wil- liam's reign to offer in their excufe, who, lu )ugh deficiency of a fecond witnefs, made an cxprcfs law of attainder, to put Sir John Fenwick to death j againft whom nothing can be faid, that will not be equally applicable to Algernon Sydney. Such was this heroic Sydney, by principle, a republican •, by pradice, a «-ebel j by intention, a regicide i and, in all, a fanatic vifionary. His dodrine, refpecfling the i ight of the people to op- pofe their fovercigqs in arms, to judge, depofc, and ■ f I * I' fl ft ij All . ( S6 ) and put them to death, if they be fulUinable inf anyftatc, and on the utmoft emergencies; are fbch as are the moft caufelefsly promulged in this kingdom. For, by this conftitution, the minifter }s iinfwerabic for theconduft of public affairs, the people have their repi'efentatives, and they are, by their duty and their office, es not this condennmtion of Dr. Johnfon and myftlf originate in his bolbm, becaufe we have Ihewen our allegiance and d«ity to his prefent majefty, by our writings i and the fenfelefs effufion of his panegyric proceed from the like principles, whicli a(?tuated the rebel heart of his heroic coufin Sydney ? 1 have now done with this moft refpe^able member, and his Sydney drop. I Ihall now proceed to examine the fpcech of counfellor Lee, a gentleman in whom the niceft bailance cannot determine whether modeity or argument do moil preponderate. This fpeech was inferted in the Public Ledger, the 12th of July, and delivered on the trial of the printers for that very paper which engendered that very fpeech of prodigious merits which bluftered from the oratoric lips of the formidable fpeaker, already mentioned. We aU know that a dog will return to his own vomit, but X ■ noc !,>*«■»» ■Ni- y.-.iv;.^,,^ / .•*»♦,' n I 1'! n ( 60 ) not to that of another. On this occafion, this learned and modeft advocate returns to lick up the filthy fcum, or foaming muddy and fpiritlefs Imall beer that fell from the moft refpeftable orator, and fpews it out once more in defence of the fame printers, in a fecond fpeech of equally prodigious merit. Among others, he is pleafed to favour me with one ihort paflage of his matchlefs harangue. " Such a fellow as Shebbeare, after grofsly tra- ducing the molt illuflrious charadcr of the age, and reviling in almoft diredt terms, the revoluti- on, he we find rewarded with a pcnfion." Now I am really at a lofs, to comprehend whom he in- tends by that defcription of the moji illuflrious cba- easier of the age : and, therefore, until he fhall be pleafed to name the perfon, and prove him to be that illuflrious character, 1 fhall not attempt to vindicate myfelf from the charge of traducing him. But what fuch a fellow as Lee can mean, by my reviling, in almoft dircdl terms, the revolution, I cannot comprehend : becaufe, in the fixth letter to the people of England, for which rfuffered,j it is faid of the revolution, ** I muft recur to thefe times, when James the fecond was exiled from thefe realms : it will be neceflary to remind you^ what were the honourable difpohtions of Knglilh men, the happy (late and condition of your com- merce and taxes at that hour, At that time, the love of liberty and their conftitution truely ani- mated the natives of England to oppofe the ufurpation of unlawful power in ihe fovereign and his miniflers : then it was that zeal for the efla" blifhed faith, infpired your bifhops to refift every attempt upon your religion : then it was you were a brave and honourable people : then it was that two millions fupplied the annual expences in time of f"''m: (61) bf war : then it was you paid only four (hillings taxes in every twenty, which you fpent, which are now rilen to fourteen. Such was your blifsful ftate when James was driven hence, and William and Mary mounted the throne of their father, and of thefe realms : a fituation, which no other ftate in Europe could poflels •, becaufe not blefled with fuch natural advantages." Ana now I appeal to ihe world, whether Tommy Townftiend and fuch a fellow as Lee, have not aflerted a whole falfe- hood, when they fay, " I have reviled, in almoji dired terms, the revolution ?'* It is true, indeed, if thefe orators mean by the revolution, the mifchiefs that were produced by ihofe minifters who engaged this nation in an ex- penfive and unfuccefsful war, to fupport the in- tererts of the Dutch ; who fpread univerfal cor- ruption through the parliament-, purchafed the members to exhauft the treafure, and laviQi the blood of their fellow-fubjeds, encreafed their taxes, raifed the prices of the neceflaries of life, and mer- cilefsly mortgaged them and their pofterity for the payment of thofe immenfe fums which they iquandered for alien interefts, and to enrich them- felves i then, indeed, that fellow Lee might have left out his almofi. And if expofing fuch enormous iniquities be reviling the revolution. I have reviled it, and glory in that adt. There are, in Italy, a fet of men, known by the name of banditti, who feem to poflefs a drop of the Sydney blood, and to be actuated by whig- gilh principles. Their occupation confifts in robberies, and murder, and they claim the right of perpetrating fuch execrable at^tions under the name of liberty of confcience. Whenever it happens that thefe formidable and unmerciful gen- I 2 tlemei^ " # il tlemen of prodigious mtrit arc difcovercrl, and in danger of being apprehended, they fly to that church for a lanttiiary, whofe holy ordi{ianccs they have conftantly violated, and into which they have never entered, but for the iake of committing facrtlegc, till that n.oiricntof lecking fafety from ihe hands of public jultice. In like manner, this fellow Lee and others who have been educated in whiggilh principles, and all thofe pradices which have fucceetled the expulfion of James the fecond, fly to the revokticn^ as to an alylum from the deteftation which attends their mildeeds •, and thank God for having been bred in fuch principles, as never can legitimately produce fuch praftices as they purfue: and thus they would fandify thcm- felves by a wvrd inapplicable to them and their ac- tions, withoutaviolation of every idea that originally attended it, and hardily hold up their faces againft truth itfelf. So much for the modefty of Mr. l:ee •, I (hall now proceed to the argumentative part of his fpcech, in defence of Ms clients. It is that becaufe I receive a penlion, die printers were to efcape convidion. If this could have anfwercd that purpofe, I flioulci have had no objeftion to it. But ought not that learned advocate to have re fleet- ed before he feledled this argument from Tommy the orator, that whilll he was bringing me as a penfioner, before the court, which as he was not pleading for a penfion for his client, did not pro- mifc to be of much fervice to his caufc -, he mufl: inevitably recall me as a perfon that had been punilhed for a libel, from which accufation it was his duty to defend his client. By that Angular and ufeful mode of defence, did he not produce a pre- cedent that operated in diametrical oppofition to that end, to which his rhetoric Ihould Ivave ibleiy tended ^ tended ? a confiftency of arguing which he has imi- tated alfo from the refp citable Tommy Townlhend. Mr. Lee now rifes to the very fummit of the fublime, and gives us an inftance of his oratoric |>owcrs, fuch as is not to be found either in Lon- gini!s, or Mr. Burke. " Rufiel, Sydney, and other ornaments ox" human nature, have not efcapcd the traduftory malice oi a libeller. In a book called Memoirs of Great Britain, they are mod; out- lagcoufly defamed." I have already Ihewn what «n amazing ornament Sydney was to human nature, (pTom this vehement eflfulion of ill-timed pane- gyric in Mr. Lee; may not the world be inclined to conclude, either that his wbele body is filled with Sydney blood j or his whole foul with fimilar principles ? which, if it be, may their fimilitudc be continued to the end, and his exit like that of him whom he fo rapturoufly pronounces to be an ornament to human nature •, the mod certain way in which this gentleman can be exalted to a like din:indion among pol'cerity. Mr. Lee continues. " Not that I blame an hiftorian for laying fads before his readers, but I blame him for prejudging a caufe by preliminary remarks of his own ; yet this is the cafe of the compiler of the book in queftion -, he prefaces his anecdotes with a prejudication of characters ; and he fays, that when the force of truth compelled him to prejudge them, he felt as a father v.ould do whofe fon had cowardly turned his back .n the day of battle." N'^w k fo happens, that in all this prodigious explofion of rhetorical refeniment againft Dal- ryniplc, there is not one fyllable of truth, ifl:. That, writer, in his Memoirs, is fo far from being a traduftory or malicious libeller, who has moft out- n.k^ i' i I ( 64 ) DUtrageoufly defamed both Ruflcl and Sydney^ that he has adopted the opinion of Whigs and Prefbyterians, and is manifcllly the encomiaft of thole two men. 2d, 1 he words which Mr. Lee recites ai'e not thofe of the hillorian. Thefc are, •* when I found in the French difpatches lord RuiTcl, intriguing with the court of Verlaillesj and Algernon Sydney taking money from it, I felt very near the fame Hiock, as if 1 had fecn a fon turn his back in the day of battle." Where then are the preliminary remarks of prejudging ? where dof's he (ay the force of truth compelled him to prejudge ? 3d, Thefe preliminary were pofterior remarks, and were not printed in, a preface to the memoirs 5 and therefore could be no prejudication of the characters, unltfs that which follows pre- cedes the thing which it fuccteds. They were ■printed in a preface to the fccond volume, con- taining a colledtion of (late papers, including in* dubitable fads, two years after the memoirs had been publiftied. And thus it happens that the cafe, which Mr. Lee blames, has no exiftence i and tha', which he approves, is the real cafe. To what then is this truihlefs exhibition of Mr. Lee to be attributed? to his modeft aflurance, which incontinently prompts him to utter every kind of defamation againft thoie whom he pleafes 'to traduce r ic bis ignorance, which precludes him from the underftandmg cf what he reads, wiiich has miftaken the true ftate for the falfe, the pre- face of the fecond volume, for that of the firft ; and put that in the front which follows in the rear? or to his love cf veracity, v.'hich uniformly inclines him to reprefent things as they are not ? it mull be allowed, however, that in the adl of fpeaking great words, to no purpofe, this gen- tleman ( 65 ) tleman has exhibited a fpecimen of prodigioui merit. Mr. Lee perfeveres. "But we fee no notice taken, no complaint made of a book wherein the charadlers of men, hitherto deemed an honour to their country, are traduced and villified ; their defuntl manes are impioully infulted, their living- dcfcendants are balely diflionoured." What no- tice Mr. L.ee would have had taken, or complaint made againft a book, which contains nothing but the moft auchentic documents of truth, he may explain if he can. And if the charadlers of thole he mentions have hitherto been deemed an honour to their country, it has been by rebels, regicides, republicans, Whigs, Prelbyterians, and fuch fel- lows as Lee. And, according to that orator, it is an impious infult on their defun£i manes to prove, that Sydney was a rebel, a regicide of one king, a fubverter of the conftitution, a penfioned traitor of France, and a confpirator againd the life of another king, who gave that Sydney the privilege of living in his native country. What a fjlefled idea of impioufnefs is generated in the con- ceptions of this advocate and his afTociates ! and if their heroes be traduced and villified, it is not by Sir John Dalrymple, but by truth herfelfj if fuch Ciilumny be applicable to what (he delivers. And if their living deibendants be dishonoured, it is by the demerits only of their dead anceftors. But this illuftrious advocate is even more a»- merciful than the formidable Tommy Townfhend. For he has put to death that which never dies. The manes of Ruflel and Sydney are defun£i. The foul which furvives the body is dead. This is, indeed, an infliction on thefe two heroes; moftr/w- mrcijul^ indeed, Counfellor Lee has flain im- mortality ■■.'/*!"^''*»iN«»r^*'«*'Mi»aifci ^^-.•\ It^ -'t M y. ( 66 ) mortality itfelf, and put the very fouls of Ruflei and Syndey to death ; a cruelty as much beyond that with which they were bodily inflided, as the deprivation of a life for a few years is inferior ta that of eternity. Mr. Lee now tells us, "that, fince his ad- vance to riper years, he had well weight-d the matter, and could not help looking upon Wil- liam and Mary as princes endowed \;ith every pub- lie virtue, which could render them deferving of 2 throne ; and every privjaie virtue which Ihould endear them to their fubjefts," I have no incli- nation to alter this manner of thinking, in this admirable orator : notv/ithftanding which, I (hall prefumc to declare that, be their virtues ever fo great, the fame virtues are to be as juftly attributed to his prefent majetty and his queen. And I would gladly know from what motives this ardent allegiance todead kings, andfuchmalcvolentinve«5tives heap- ed on me for having, as they fay, reviled them, can proceed. On what account, their former fovcreigns are fo extolled, and I am conitantly brought back to puniflimcnt ? but fuch is the truth, thefe violences are vt. commuted on me, becaufe I have traduced deau fovercigris, as they aflert ; but becaufe 1 will not revile the living. From this fource fprings that ftream of calumny which they have turned in upon me. Had I continued the libeller they report me, their approbation would then be equal to their prefent (lander-, { might have received the glorious appellation of a patriot •, and have been an illuftrious chairman at the bill of rights. But let me be expofcd a thoufand times on the pillory, and fent to prifon, for fuch deeds as 1 nave already lufFered, rather than be doomed to the principles of fuch men, . ( 67 ) men, and to prcfiding in their chair; for this "^vould be infamy indelhble. Cotinfellor Lee has, indeed, given ns his opi- fiion of the princes, William ana Mary, without favouring the public with his reafons for adopting it. I have given mine, alfo, j-efpedling his pre(enc najefty, and his royal confort. I will not reft my fentiments on aflertion, but prefume to compare the public and the private virtues of the princes, -on the throne, with thofc of the former pair, and leave the world to determine, in whom they are chc moft exalted ; and whether I be not as perfedlly juftified, 'n this fentiment, as Mr Lee and all his confederates of fimilar education and principles can be in theirs. With this view, I fhall begin with thbfe tranfadions which have been imputed to his majefty as criminally adminiftercd, expofe the futility and falfehood of fuch imputations •, bring inftances of iimilar events, in the reign of king William, and then defy Tommy Townlhend, Lee, and all of old whiggiih principles to refute what I Ihall deliver, or to fuggeft that their prefent majefties are not as juftly entitled to the encomium of public and of private virtues, as thofe princes whom they fo much extol. I. The firfl: imputation of ofience, in his ma- jefty, is that of favouritifm to lord Bute. That no- bleman was bornaBritifli fubjeA. By that birth, he is equally entitled, with all others, to diftinftions in poft and place. By his condu^, near his majefty, when prince of Wales, he acquired his efteem and affcftion, and received the effcdts of them, when the crown devolved on his head. This favourite received no diftindlivemarks from his fo* vcrcign beyond that of the order of the garter, and a peerage for his lady. K • 1. Let *?.. ■»t'»'-*«»SS»«. -f^f" 'l '•.3' ( 68 ) 1. Let mc now Oiew the effefls of favouritifm, in the reign of king William. Bentintk, a fo- reigner, was raifed from being a gentleman of the bed-chamber to the prince oi Orange, to an earl and marquis of England. He was prcfenttrd with five parts in fix of the whole county of Dcnbeigh, with 1 35,}) 20 acres of the forfeited eftates in Ireland i with large donations of land in England, and was, in fail, the fole minifter. Keppcl, ano- ther favourite, a Dutchman, and page to the king, was made eari of Albemarle, honoured with the order of the garter, and prdented with 108,633 acres of the Irifh forfeitures. Ginckle, a Dutch- man, was created carl of Athlone. Rouvigny, a French refugee, earl of Galway. Thefe were pre- fented with portions of the fame lands *, the former with 26,480, and the latter with 36,148 acres. Elizabeth ViUiers, a female favourite, was made countefs of Orkney, and prefented with 95,649 acres of king James's private eftate in Ireland, of the yearly income of 25,995/. On thefe, and a few others, were bellowed, in acres, 1,060,792, — in rent, 211,223/.— in value, clear ot all in- cumbrances, 1,699,313/. Such was the account delivered into parliament, by the commiflioners, who were fent to examine into that affair, previous to the refumption, and as ratified by the houfe of commons. 2. Lord Bute was inhumanly abufed for mak- ing, and his majefiy for figning the lad treaty of peace with France. And yet, at this time, the expences of the lall year ainounted to more than 20,000,000/. including debts incurred and funis for the current year, that were railed without a loan. Thefe vvere borrowed on new taxes, and the debt& were not difcharged till after the peace. The pre- mium alfo for procuring this money amounted to more tf tr .f..j' a » ( 69 ) more than thirty per cent, the funds were funk tt fixty-five i and a bankruptcy imminently hung over the Hate, which, in all probability, would have fallen on it, had the war, with all pofllble fuccefs, continued two years longer, by which many thou- fands ofthefubjefts had inevitably been reduced to the utmoft diftrefs. This peace was approved by parliament •, and by that treaty the nation acquired feveral iflands of great value in the Weft- Indies, the extenfive province of Canada, and a number of loyal fubjefts to oppofe the rebellious intentions of the democratic feftaries in America, whofe in- folence has excited them not only to determine what merchandife (hall be imported into that part of his majefty's dominions ; but to throw into the rivers whatever they difapprove, when it arrives : and to treat with barbarous outrage their fellow- fubjefts who fhall difcharge their duty, by carrying them to that country, from this kingdom. 2. King William entered into a treaty of al- liance with the Emperor, Engliilh, Cpanifh, Italian and Dutch, wherein they proteft, before God, that they will not make peace with Lewis the four- teenth until he had made reparation to the Holy See^ and until he had annulled all his infamous pro- ceedings againft bo/y father Innocent the eleventh, and reftored to the proteftants of France all their pofTefllons, and an entire liberty of confcience. And the proteftants were therein invited to rebel, and threatened with deftrudion if they did not join them in arms againft their lawful fovereign. Notwichftanding this folemn afleveration king Wil- liam deferted the Emperor, and concluded a fepa- rate peace. The pope was fatisfied, and the French proteftants, whom he had excited to rebellion, were fcandaloufly left to the rcfcntment of Lewis the fourteenth j and their confcienccs at full liberty K 2 f L h"' T I ( 7" ) 10 continue their rebellions, without a fyllablc being ffipulated in their favour in that treaty, which king William had fokmnly protefted before God, not to cpnclude before their liberties and poflellions were reftored, and their religion tolerated in France. The fame king concluded the partition treaty, with Lewis the fourteenth, by the negoti- ation of Bentinck, an alien, without laying it be- fore either the parliament, or even the privy-coun- cil. For the execution of this, the lord chan- cellor Somers, of old whiggilh principles, in obedi- ence to a letter from kingWilliam, fent full powers and blank papers into Holland, to which he had affixed the great feal of England, without com- municating It to the other lords of the regency, or the privy-council, in order that the king might infert what terms, and appoint what commifil- oners he pleafed. By this treaty, during the life of the Spanifh fovereign, he prefumed to di- ftribute his dominions, and thereby infidioufly conveyed, together with his territories, the fub- jefts of that monarch to other princes, after his de- (ieafejas a Jamaica planter does his lands and his ne* groes to the perfon to whom he transfers his efre(5ts, And this unheard-of Violation on fovereigns and fub» jefts, and even on the rights of human nature, was tranfa(^ed without the knowledge of that prince, and that people who were thus difpofed of. This trea- ty produced a new war, which coft this fta(e, and ^ncreafed the national debt fo many millions du- ring the reign of queen Anne. 3, The miniftry leized John Wilkes and hia papers, by a general warrant ; fent him prifoner to the tower, trom whence he was discharged after a confinement of three days j and for which, by a verdiA, he received four thoufand pounds from lord Hallifax, then tecrctary of ftate« X ... 3- King \ , ,r\fi'' 1^^' ( 7« ) ;^. King William, when prince of Orange* arrcft- cd the carl of Feyerfham, for no other offence than :hat of bringing: him a letter from king James, who /vas then in England : and afterwards upon fufpicion only from intercepted letters, took into euftody the eanrl of Arran, Sir Robert Hamilton, and fent them prifoners to the tower, which Tindal allows to be illegal, the rights of the fwbje&s being thereby in- fringed, a.iJ the habeas corpus z6t violated. And to obviate all profecutions, for fo heinous an Out- rage on Englilh liberty, an a<5l of indemnity, for thofc who advifed it, was paiTed in the fubfequent fefTions of parliament. During his reign, and all others, even to the tim^ in which Mr. Wilkes wasf apprehended, general warrants, and feizing papers^ were conftantly in pra ftration ; after vrhich, the pradice was revived and continued. It was by a general warrant I and my papers were feized, when lord Chatham wasprinve minifter. And when I objected to the illegality of the proceding, another warrant was delivered me three days after I had been in cuftody ; but being deferted by thofe who ought to have aiBfted me, I was rendered incapable of feeking redrefs by law. 4. Another imputation of criminality was, thad of the houfe of commons, expelling John Wilkes, efq; after he had been duly elefled by the free- holders of Middlefex. John Wilkes, efq-, at the time of his eledion, was an outlaw, and twenty thoufand pounds lefs worth than a (hil- ling He wa« thereby difqualified to enjoy every right of a Britifh fubjeft, and of poflefling ^ny property in the kingdom, had there been any which remained for him to poflTefs. On that ac- count x^ T ( ^^ ) count, he could not be eledled but with a violation of the conftitution and the laws. Under thefe circumftances, it was a culpable lenity not to have fined the flicrifF who returned hinn: and Prodor and Cook were in faft the legal members. On his re-eleftion, .when the outlawry was reverfed, he was again expelled and difqualiHed from fitting in that parliament. This was done for writing a libel on lord Weymouth. JPrecedents in point are to be feen in the journals of the houfc of commons. Dr. Parry and Arthur Hall were both expelled and difqualiHed for libels. Added to ail this, Mr. "Wilkes had been previoufly found guilty of four Jibels ; three againft God, and one againfl his king. Had he been permitted to have Ikt, as a member, in that parliament, his privilege would jliave fecured him from all punifhment, as the of- fence of a libel is not one of thofe, which, by law, will authorise the commitment of a member of the commons to a prifon. The caufe of God and the king demanded that the privilege of the hoqfe ftiould not protect him from punifhment for fuch heinous iniquities. 4. On king James's abdication, a few men, un- eleded by the people, and at the exclufion of all others, were called together by the prince of Orange. Thefe transferred the adminillration of public affairs into his hands, advifed him to call a conven- tion, though not yet a king ; and this convention deprived king James of all fuiure right to re- afcend the throne of the three kingdoms. Was this an objedt of lefs confideration than the affair of John Wilkes } had fuch a convention a prece- dented right of expelling one king for ever, and of puttinganotheron histhronej and had the commons of England, after numberlefs precedents, no right ^ to J-.-.. ( 73 ) to expel and to difqualify John Wilkes from fitting in parliament, for the duration of {even years only ? whatever fubjeft, after the dcpofing of king James, to whom he had fworn allegiance, (hould prefume to attempt his reftoration, that man was a rebel, by the laws, and executed as a traitor. But the freeholders of Middlefex dared to re-eled John Wilkes, and petition the king to diflblve the parliament, for not admitting their hero to fit among them. I conclude, that the mal- adminirtraciori of king James juftly drew upon him the fate he fuffered. And I have hitherto difcover- cd no realbn to think, that Mr. Wilkes had any right to have been treated with fo fmgular a fa- vour, as to be received after difqualification. 5. Another caule of calumny was the king's refufing to comply with the London, the Middle- fex, and a very few other petitions, to diflblve the parliament •, becaule the freeholders of that coun- ty, and the people, were not fairly reprefented ; and as Mr. Wilkes was fairly eleded, and not per- mitted to fic in the houfe, it was an unlawful par- liament. A multiplicity of other particulars, as fallacioufly grounded, were included in thefe pe- titions ; and then his majefty was requefted to dif- mii's his minilters from his councils and prefence for ever. The firft was an objcft that could not con- llitutionally come before his majefty •, becaulis it is an ellablifhed maxim, that a king of Great Britain cannot attend to any reprefentation of what may pais in the houfe of commons, without it come di- redly from that houfe. To the other objedls of their remonftra;ice, had they really exilted, his prerogative could not lawfully extend. And even the very aft of tlius p'ititioning, addrefling, and rcnionltrdting, by a lord mayor, and part of the London f^i I 1 ' I r i ( 74 ) Londoo corporation, to difmifs a mihiilry on the hardinefs of their aflertion only, was an infoLencc iHiexampkd, and a moft culpable temerity. 5. The commons refolvc to addrefs king Wil- liam to iffue a procUmacion for the apprehending of Liidlow^ the regicide, then in England. The king delays his compliance therewith, until he knew him to be fafely arrived in Holland. They f^aifl wait on his majefty with their refolution, lefpeding the refumption of the forfeited lands in Ireland, with which the king, by an equivocating anfwer, evades his compliance } and it is obtained, at laft, by being tacked to a money bill, from which he was afraid to withhold his affent. The commons refolved to addrefs his majefty, that no perfon, who was not a native of his dominions, «9tcept the prince of Denmark, be sdmitted to his councils in England or Ireland. To prevent this addrefs, and to preferve his foreign favourites from being excluded, the king fuddenly prorogues the parliament. The commons petition the king to remove the €arls o( Portland, Somers, Halifax, and Orford, from his councils *, for having advifed the partition treaty. The king evades an anfwer. They arc impeached by the commons, for high cringes and mifdemcanours. Somers, for having affixed the great feal of England to full powers for concluding a peace, without the comminioners being named, or the conditions of the peace made known to him i and to blank-papers, to be filled up by tt^ king and Bentinck, as his majclly might pleafe. This was done without communicatii^ the afifair to the reft of the lords-juftices, or advt&og with the privv council. By the king's influence in the houie 01 lords, a quarrel arofc between them and , ^ the it' I*-— ••■—*■*-#», P*»>4{4aifMm*1f*^"''^'**Vr^ *-• "■ — ( 75 ) . . lire commons about the time of bringing fhe im- peached lords to trial. The houfe of lords ar- bitrarily appoint a day before the commons are prepared. The latter objeft to that proceeding, as iinconftitutionai -, and refiife to attend on that day. Lord Somers and the others are brought to trial before the lords, in Weftminfter Hall, at which time, the commons not appearing to carry on the impeachment, the trial does not proceed, and the offenders are thereby acquitted. Such was the event of that enormous crime of affixing the great feal of England, previous to the contents, which were to be mlerted in the papers ; and there- by imparting an authority to the king, of ratifying, without the knowledge and confent of the privy council, whatever might be deftruflive to the wel- fare of this kingdom. Such did that very par- tition treaty prove to be. It produced a long and expenfive war to fupport the Dutch, which wafted rivers of blood, and millions of our treafure, leaving the nation with their debts encreafed from 17 millions, at the death of king William, to 52 millions, at the death of queen Anne. 6. Extending the prerogative makes no incon- fiderable figure among [he calumnies againft his prefent majefty. And this was founded on the moft humane and moft laudable a(5l of royalty -, a proclamation, whereby his majcfty prohibited the exportation of corn, at a time when the price was enormous, and the people in danger of a famine. Had it been delayed till the parliament hud met, which could not have been in lefs than forty days, that time might have proved to be fufficient for the unrelenting lutt of gain to have exported half the grain of the kingdom, and to have re- duced the people to the utmoft diftrefs. To this L exertion r 1 ( 76 ) exertion of the prerogative royal, I am fully con- vinced, his majefty is juftly entitled. But had he not, it was of Inch a nature, that every man of fenfibility for the miferies of his fellow- fubje<5ls» muft have applauded the royal beneficence. 6. King William exerted his prerogative, in another way. He refulcd to give the royal aflfent to the bill fcr triennial parliaments, and to another, for excluding plac("men and penfioners from the hoiife of corr.mons. And when the houfe ad- dreflcd him, on diat fubjed, he evaded the in- tention of that addrefs, by an equivocal anfwer. When the commons were preparing to impeach Trevor and others, for receiving bribes, and being guilty of moil notorious corruptions, the king defeated that affair by a fudden prorogation of par- liament. By his prerogative, he granted to the Eaft India company the right of feizing the goods and fhips of all other fubieds, who might prefume to trade in any parts beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By this charter, the natives of England were ref(?inded from their ccnilitutionn' rights, that had been granted by Magna Cha. ., which ex- prefsly mentions the privilege of trading in all parts of the globe. Befides this abolition of that privilege refpefling Englilhmen, the Dutch, and all other aliens whatibever, were entitled to become members of that company. To that company king William granted not only the legiflative pow- er of making what laws they pleafed •, but t.he ex- ecutive alfo, cf appointing their own judges in India. And thereby the two mod incongruous powers were united that can fubfift in the fame community j an union totally fubverfive of free- dom, of the fecurity of life and poflefiions, and repugnant to the conititution of England. Befides this, I' .' m npany pow- !ie ex- ^ { 77 ) this ftretch, a power was given to the king, and. pafled intoa law by the reprelentatives of the people, by which his majclty might eftablifh whatever rules, qualifications, and appointments, in that charter; he might think reafonable. Such was the unlimited and unwarrantable authority then imparted to king William, by thedelep ted guar- dians of the rights and privileges of Engliflimen ; unexampled in its extent and nature, but by that law, which, in the reign of Henry the eighth, transferred an authority to the proclamations of that tyrant equal to the ftatutes of the realm. 7. When the civil magiflrate was called on to, prefcrvc the peace, and to read the riot ad, to a lawlefs mob, met in St. George's Fields, with an apparent intention of refcuing John Wilkes, efq;, from prifon •, and a fmall part of the foldiery was thought neceflary to prevent the ill efFeds of their tumultuous proceedings, the ad being read, the tumult not only continued, but even the ma- giftrate Was infulted and wounded by a brick, or by fome other thing of a like dangerous nature, which was thrown at him. The neceflfity of the cafe required thejuftice of peace to command the foldiers to fire 5 and one or more perfons were thereby killed. Among thefe was one Allen, whom two or three of the foldiers followed into a cowhoufe, and put to death. This was juftly con- fidercd as an exceeding of legal authority. One of the foldiers, fufpec^ed of this death, was feized, imprifoned, and tried at Guildford •, where it was clearly proved, that he was not a perfon concern- ed in that unlawful tranfadion. The man, who was the adual offender, was faid to have fled from juftice, and lord Harrington, in his majefty's aaqie, thanked the officer for doing his duty. La This ^i M ( 78 ) This whole tranfaftion was unjuftly imputed to the king, although it were abfolutely impoflible that his majelly could have had the lealt knowledge of the matter. The letter from the fecrctary of war was purely official, and exadlly fuch, as in the reign of king George the fecond, had been tranf- mitted to the officer who commanded at Coventry, when great numbers were killed by the foldiery, in fupprefiing a riot about the turnpikes. Not- \vith(tanding thefe circumllances proceeded re- gularly according to the ftatutes of the realm, the death of Allen excepted j and ihal becaufe he was followed from the place of the rior, this event was denominated the maflacre of St. George's Fields. And every artifice was excited to excite the people to an infurre£tion. 7. In the reign of king William, after the Mac- donalds of Glencoe had taken the oaths, by law required; and were peaceably returned to their own country, an armed force was infidioufly fent as friends among them, and in one night thirty-eight men were flain in their beds. An accident alone prevented that flagitious aft of cruelty from being extended to many thoufands of this and of other clans. The king with his ov.n hand figned the warrant, which authorized this mafracre,boih above and below. And, notwiih(tanding every attempt that was made, he would never permit any of thole to be punifhed, who were concerned in this mur- der, attended with every aggravating circumftance that can enter into fo execrable a detd^ *'conrcious that, in their caufe, his own was involved." 8. Another fource of difpleafure againft his ma- ]efly was the pardoning of Macquirk and Kennedy, who had been found guilty of murder^ Macquirk had been at Brentford on the day of Mr. Wilkes's ' • • - fecond ~^^' s ( 79 ) fecond elecflion ; and a riot arifing, one Clark had his hfad broken by Macquirk. Several days had pafied, after this affair had happened, before Clark was taken ill. Mr. ^parlinp;, apothecary, attended him ; and, as I recoiled, Mr. Broinfield the lur- geon faw him alio. Clark dying fo opportunely for their caiife, the patriots thought it a favour- able occaficn of afcribing it to the blow he had received at Brentford j and accordingly one Foote, a patriotic furjj^eon, was employed to open the body, in order to difcover the caufe of his death. An inqueft was taken by the coroner and hisjury, Mr. Sparling depofed that Clark died of a fever. Foote, that he died of the wound received at Brentford. I fliall take no notice of the manner in which the evidence was obtained, of Macquirk*s being the perfon who oave the blow. Macquirk was then feized and committed to gaol, took his trial, and by a itrange overfight, neither Mr. Sparling nor Mr. Bromficid were called as evi- dence on the trial. Foote fwore that Clarke died of his wound re;- ived at Brentford •, and on the verdi(5t being given, guilty of death, the patriots that delight not in blood, fhoured aloud for joy. And proved by that inhuman exultation, that the fpiric of revenge, and not of jullice,^ had incited them to the trial of Macquirk. When this fingular af- fair was reprefented to his majelly, and it was known that Koote, the fole witnefs on his trial, had never fecn Clark till he was dead i and that Mr. Sparling and Mr. Bromfield were not fub- pcEna'd on that trial, who had depofed at the co- roner's inqueil, that Clarke did not die of the wounds received at Brentford, ic was clearly ken that their oaths vyould certainly have fet afide the evidence of Foote, That duty therefore which ought to y ^A-m?m^- ■til t I ^ i\ ( 80 ) to be infeparable ■ from the bread of every fovcw reign, of preventing any fubjeft from being put to death iinjuftly, determined his majefty to be fatisfied of the reafon:. which induced this Foote to give fuch an evidence, in confeqiience of this^ humane refolve, a number of furgeons, of the greateft reputation in their profeflion, the moll un- exceptionable in their characters, and, by their fortunes, above all temptation from pecuniary in- fluence, was appointed to hear what Mr. Foote had to offer in favour of that opinion, on which his oath was grounded. It would be an abfurdity to conceive, that he, who had fworn in the pre- ceding manner, did not dc^liver every thing which might beil fupport his evidence. Yet fuch was the event, that, notwithftanding all he oiferedj the gentlemen who examined him, and who could as perfectly judge from Foote's relation, as he had done from the difledion only, whether he or Mr. Sparling were right in rheir opijiion refpeding the death of Clarke, were unanimoully ot opinion that his death was not caufed by that wound. I will appeal, therefore, to the fenfe of every unprejudiced perlbn, whether his majeftv; after the circumftances of this afiair had been thus cxamin- d into, and laid before him, could have confentcd to the execution of Macquirk, vithoyc being deemed as inrtrumental [u putting him to. death unjuftly. Happy Fngliflimen ! if you were fenfible of the fupreme felicity of being fub- jt^dls to a fovereign whom neither popular ap- plaufe can allure, nor popular calumny intimidate from treading in the paths of juilice and of mer- cy ! by whom the innocent, and thofe who delcrve not death, are not forfaken, and fuftered to expire by tlie hands of the common <;xecutiontT, through , . fcai ■•,'^W'". ( 8i ) Arar of party rage, as in the reign of Charles the fecond, that inexpreflible difgrace to fovereignty. He, when numbers o5 his fubjeds were doomed to die the vidtims of remorfelel's vengeance, and of perjurers, fuborned by regicides and republi- cans i whs-n the reprefentation of their innocence, and the perjuries of their purfuers were laid before him, flunk, like a daftard, from the calls of juftice, the admonitions of confcience, and the duty of a king, and faid i " I dare not pardon any one ; his blood be upon your head, and not upon mine." And thus the innocent were led to ignominious flaughtcr, and the enemies of truth, mercy, and of the conftitution, triumphed in rh:ir execrable a£li«ins, and revelled in the guiltlefs blood of their fellow-fubjedli. Kennedy was, indeed, a murderer, and ought to have fufFered that fentence to which he was juftly doomed. But fuch is the well known faft, that a pcrfon of didtindion, feduced by the al-- luremems of that murderer's fifter, whom he then kept as his harlot, forgot, at once, both his feel- ings for the flain, and his duty to his fovereign. And by his means, application was made to his ma- jcfty, with a milreprcfenfation of the fa<5t in favour of Kennedy. There is not a virtue of the human heart that may not, by artifice and deception, be induced to exceed the limits which are, by nature afTigned to its exertion. His majelty liiUncd to the application, unknowing from what motive it proceeded j and perfuaded that no mv.\ of fuch eminence and rank, as he that applied, would pre- fume ':o mifreprefent and to deceive him, pardon was obtained for Kennedy. By thefe means, in one inflance, excefs of virtue hath fived a villain from condign punilhment. But can it there- fore ^^1 ( 82 ) fore be confidered as a national misfortune, that mercy has been once mifplaccd, and cruelty hi- therto a ftranger to the bolbm of that king who now reigns over us ? 8. During the reign of king William, all legal profecution was either totally fufpended, or par- dons granted even to fuch murderers whofe crimes ro artifice could conceal, nor irifreprefentation di(- guife. The Glencoc affafllns were prefcrvcd from profecution. Somers, Trevor, and innumerable others, who had violat«:d the conftitution, and plundered their country, were, by court manage* ment, prevented from receiving their due punilh- ment. And lallly, Titus Gates, that nefaiious perjurer, in confequence of whofe enormities, more than twenty innocent men were put to death; his fe«uence, the king attempted to have reverfed. But the commons refufed to gratify him in fo im- pious an a(5l. 1 hat villain, was not only pardon- ed, but penfioned alio. The re.ifon of this flagi- tious favour being granted to fo execrable a wretch, may, perhaps, receive fome explanation from a palTage uniformly omitted by all die hiftorians of that prince's reign ; although it be equally authen- tic with any other of his tranfidions whatfocver. *'"*I prelume todeclare, fays the count d' Avaux, rhat 1 haveomitted nothing which may difcovtrthecom- binacions that the priiice of Or.n .;e has engaged in •with the moft abandoned of thi- Knglilh. On the 21ft of September, 167^, I fent intelligence that Gates, who has fince that time been fo notorious, Freeman, of whom I have already fpoken ; and Du Moulin, a man of intrigue, and an execrable villain, arrived together in Holland fome years paft, • D'Avaux, Tom. i. p. 32. "t-,1 ' i.iiiiiiiiWP ( 83 ) paft, and that the prince of Orange had been in great conferences with them." " ' From this paflage, may it not be reafonably fuggefted, from whence the contrivance of that plot, which never had a real exiftence, originated; by which fo many innocent men were inhumanly exe- cuted. Was it in the bofom of the prince of Orange, or did he only acquiefce in, and fupport that in- fernal perpetration ? may not this pardon and pen- fion ot fo execrable a villain, as Titus Oates, have emanated from the fame humane fenfation with the figningof the difpatch, that authorized the Glencoe maflacre, and refcinded all means of bringing the murderers tojuftice? and was notthecaufe of Oater, in this inftance alio, that in which the king was equally involved ? Mercy, it mufl be owned, was not among the vices of king Williai->^ : for in the aft of indem- nity, paffed in the year 1690, more perfons were excepted, than at the reftoration, after the king- dom had been fo long deluged in civil blood, the conftitution, civil and eccleliaftic, fubverted, and the king murdered at Whitehall. And it is a well known faft, that fcveral perfons, apprehended and confined in Newgate, without their being brought to trial, through want of evidence, remained in that jail ; and, after an imprilonment of many years, therein expired. 9. 1 here is yet another imputation of crimi- nality againtt his majcdy -, becaule he pardoned Jones, who had been tound guilty of the moil unnatural, deteft;»ble, and unpardonable of all crimes. But fuch being the nefarioufnefs of the deed, ought rjtthe comm.iflion of it to be proved in the mod unexceptionable manner ? becaufe the mercy of the fovcrcign cannot otherwile be de- M ccntly \\ ,f- \i'- l-«r^" il r. ( 84 ) ccntly extended to fuch abominable criminals. That the witnefs and the circumllances of his evi- dence, againft Jones, render the crime juftly to be fufpe^ed i or, at lead, that it was not proved, by depofition, adequate to the infliftion of death, ap- pears to be too evident to be contradided. And all lawyers whom I have heard to fpeak. on that Tub- jeft, are unanimoufiy of opinion that, on the folc evidence of the boy lb circumftanced, Jones ought not to have fufFered death. The clamour excited on this occafion, fprang entirely from the malig- nant intentions of thole patriotic fpirits who omit not any opportunity of flancjering the beft of fovereigns. 9. Whether king William would have pardoned Jones, had he been on the throne, I fhall leave to the judgement of my readers j after having recited what his hiftorians have delivered. Tindal fays, he was not addided to women. Bilhop Bur- net pronounces, *' that he had no vice but of one fort, in which he was very caur' jus and fecret.*' What this vice was, fays Tindal, he has left the world to guefs; by which means, the worft of vice has been, by his enemies, fixed upon him. * Count D*Avaux fays, *' there was fo much af- fectation in the civilities that the prince of Orange exprefled for the duke of Monmouth, that he feemeti to feek, with pleafiire, every occafion of infultingthe king of England. He indulged him •with the fame liberty which was Ihewen to Ben- tinck only, that of ejittrin^ whenever he pleafed into the prince's chamber. He Icarcely bellowed a favour, but at his recommendation. And no one imagined he had properly paid his court to the prmte, if he left it unperformed to the duke of ... _ Monmouth, • Tom. 3. p. 121. i l# ( 8s ) Monmouth. All perfons, of the bed quality in Holland, contended with each other who Ihould entertain him. It Teemed as if the prince of Orange had changed his humour, or that he enter- tained fome defigns which were not well comprehend- ed. For he who was the moft jealous of all human beings, even to a degree of not permitting his princefs to receive any particular vilit, not only from man, but even from woman alfo, prelTed the duke of Monmouth to fee the princefs every after- noon, to teach her country-dancing. He obliged the princefs to learn to fcate on the ice, becaufe the duke of Monmouth had an inclination to learn that exercife. It was one of tiie moft extraordi- nary fights imaginable to fee the princefs of Orange on fcates upon the ice, with her petticoats tucked up learning to fcate, fometimes on one foot, and then on the other." I need not remark that the duke of Monmouth was reckoned to be the hand-^ iomeft of ail Engiifhmen. Burnet fays, " about tliis time, 1699, t! I'r king fet up a new favourite, Keppel, a gentleman of Gueldres. He was raifed from being a page into the higheft degree of favour, that any perfon had ever attained to, about the king. He was now made earl of Albemarle, and foon after, knight of the garter ; and by a quick and unaccountable pro- grete, he rcemed to have ecigroiied the royal favour li) cntwly, tdHK be difpoled of every thing that was m tbc kiing's power. Hr was a chearful young man, * Sid time art to pleafe-y but he could fcarce . o me attendance and drudgery that tias - dry co mainta n his poll. He never had yet « j;uinied himtcif in any thing, though the kinjT; dio It in eve'T tning. He was not cold nor dry^ as tfic earl ci' Portland was thought to be.'* M 2 Ar^ I :/l! ( 86 ) Are not the former precifely the marks of favour with which Charles the fecond diftiiiguifhed all his /^;;7^/^ favourites i and the latter, thole of diilike for which he put off one and took another ? " The carl of Portland, continues the bifhop, obferved the progrefs of this favour, and with great uneafinefs. They grew to be not only in- compatible, as all rivals iov favour muft be, but to hate and oppofe one another in every thing ; by which the king's affairs fuffered much. Port- land withdrew from the court, aqd laid down all his employments." Madam la Valliere, the fa- vourite miftrefs of Lewis the fourteenth, on being fupplantcd by a rival, left the court, and retired into the convent of the Carmelites. I ftiall leave my readers to determine whether Jones, under a like fentence in the reign of the glorious king Wil- liam, had been pardoned or not. It is my opi- nion, he would not only have received that favour, but a conliderable ptnfion. Becaule I itus Gates, a penfioner of king William, had been expelled iPOm on board a fliip of war for fodomy. lo. / mong the various charges which calumny hath laid againft his majefly, that of robbing the duke of Portland, by a grant of Inglewood for- reft and the manor of Carlifle to Sir James Lov/- ther, made a mod amazing outcry. Since that time it has been proved, in a court of law, that not only the part of ihat fun eft which was thus granted, had never been granted to the Portland family; but that it was illegally afilimed. That the manor of Carlifle had never been a grant from i;hc crown, is evident, becaule it was a purthafe for life of the laft liirviving Lelfce, to wliom it had been g'-anted by Cathatine, queen dowager of Charles'the fecond. And conlequently, after the ^^^th Ot' that Lciile, the Portlands had held it il- kgaliy ( 87 ) legally from the crown. Hence it appears, that, inftcad ftf his m3Jefty*3 robbing the duke of Port- land; his anceftors had robbed the crown i and he unlawfully retained what they ufurped. lo. It is an uniform opinion that whenever the crown of lingland devolves on the lawful fucceffor, that the kingdom of Ireland conftiiutionally be- comes a pare of his dominions. But as king Wil- liam was elevated to the throne by a convention of men called together by a prince of Orange, be- fore he was made king of England, fomc doubts have arifen, whether, in fuch cafe, the Irilh were obliged to receive him as their fovereign alfo. They had fworn allegiance to James the fecond. He had never been confidered by them as attempt- ing to fubvert their religion, or to enflave them. And he could not be faid to have abdicated that kingdom •, becaufe he was arrived ai ^ng them to prefcrve it to himfelf. Under thefe miftances, does it clearly appear, by what n. ..iS the frilh could have been denominated rebels, for taking arms in defence of king James ? and if not rebels, how their eftatts could have been forfeited, by their adherence to their only acknowledged fove- reign ? Whether they were rebels, or not, 1 Ihall not prefcme ro determine: nor conl'equently if their cltates were legal forfeitures. But there is one for- feiture, wl;ich leems to be of a moft fmgular kind. It is, that king James fliould be confidered as a rebel for defending; his kingdom aoainltking VVil- liam, and thereby fork it that eftate, in Ireland, which he held as private property. This, how- ever, amounting to more than tv.enty hve thou- fand pounds, of annual rent, was taken from him, and given to Elizabeth Viliiers, king William's (^Quntenanci}}g female favourite, But 1 aju not law- yer ll r ( 88 ) yer enough to determine whether this be or be not a robbery. I leave that to the learned Mr. Lee. 1 1. 1 he inattention of the miniftry to the Cor- ficans, when the French had landed on their ifland, with intent to take poflcflTion of it, was another fubjed of patriotic clamour. The brave, the me- ritorious and freeborn Corficans wcrearTerted to be moft (hamefully dcferted -, and even, that the caufe of liberty herlelf was facrificed to the king of France. Thefe patriotic zealots for liberty were therefore implacable, becaufe his majefty would not become the Don Quixote of all fovereigns; and wafte the blood of thoufands of his fubjeAs, and millions of their money, in defence of men whole freedom could not have been fecured, but by an eternal warj even fuppofing we could have aflifted them fo effedlually as to repel the French forces from the ifland. Jf we had fought it for ourfelves, and taken poflelTion of it, I am in doubt whether the Corficans would have thought their liberties improved by a change of mafters, and have defifted from taking arms againft the troops of England. Of this 1 am convinced, that to have prefervcd that ifland, would have cod, m oni year, as many Britilh lives, as there are Cor- ficans who are able to bear arms within it; and five times as much money as the fee fimpleof it is worth : to fay nothing of the too extenfive ftate of our foreign dominions, nor th.nthe French had purchafed it from the Gcfnoefe, to whom the Corficans were fubjedls. What reafonahle pretence could his majefty have formed for engaging in the affairs of Corfica ? if that ifland be of that immenfe import, which the patriots affeft to de- fcribe it, on what account have the king of Sar- dinia, the duke of Tufcany, and other Italian potentates ( 89 ) potentates confidered ic as an objedl altogether unworthy their concern, although it lie fo near to their dominions ? what then is Corfica to us, or what are we to Corfica ? 1 1. King William folemnlyprotefted before God never to make peace until the French Hugonots were reftored to their pofleffions \ to the peaceable enjoyment of their religion, and till liberty was reftored to France, by re-eftablifhing the ftates of that kingdom. He neverthelels concluded a peace with that monarch, without the leail mention of either of thefe particulars. And left his brother Calvinifts in the hands of a tyrant. 12. When the Spaniards had compelled the Eng- lifh to leave Falkland's idand, what an exquifite ftnfe for the honour of old England did the pa- triots cxprefs: nothing but war would fatisfy their indignation, and vengeance was to be poured on the Spaniards for this egregious infult on the Eng- lifli nation. His majefty and his miniftry were treated with the higheft indignity, for fuch (hame- ful pufillanimity, as that of not declaring hoftilities on the moment. Neverthclefs, the king and minifters by their firmncfs and wifdom were not of the fame opinion, which thefe clamourous fubjefls appeared to be. They conceived that neither the blood nor treafurc of his fubje^ls was to be wantonly wafted, at the incitement of fuch turbulent cxclaimers. In con- fequence of this paternal care in the king,he by treaty obtained the recall of the Spaniards, and the ifland was refumed by his fubjeds. No blood was fpilr. Andfmall was the expence, in preparing for a vindi- cation of the nation's rights and honour, Ihould the Spaniard refufe compliance with what was re- quired. Spain acceded to our terms, peace was confirmed, and p.uriotifm was grievoufly difap-. poinifd, ( oc ) pointed; by that humane ncgociation which fparcd our lives and treafiire, and rclcinded them from the hopes of carrying their fanguinary principles in- to execution, whillt the kingdom was engaged in a foreign war. 12. In the reign of king William, the people of Scotland planted a colony on the Ifthmus of Darien. By which the fmuggling trade on that coaft, fo advantageous to the Dutch, was in danger of being demolifhed. The king's minifters, in Scotland, encouraged the Scots in this undertaking, thinking it would prove abortive •, or, by the im- menfe expence, cure them of the inclination of en- gaging in fimilar undertakings' for the future. During this conduft, in Scotland, his majefty, in the grcateft privacy, fent officers to Jamaica, the Lcward iflands, and the continent of America, and proclamations were iffued, in his name, ftridlly commanding his fubjedts, on no pretence what- ever, to hold correfpondencc with, or to afford any afliftance, by arms, ammunition, provifions or neceflaries whatfoever, to the Scots at Darien. In this manner, whilft the Scottifti luhjedls were en- couraged at home to compleat their fettlements at Darien, they were treated as outlaws abroad, and deprived of every thing neceffary for their fup- port. In this ftate, being attacked by the Spa- niards, they were driven from the fertlement •, and in fpite of every application that could be made by all Scotland, no attention was paid to it, no demand was made on the Spaniards to compenfat^ for this violence. But Britilh honour and BritifK intereft filently gave way to the more powerful motives of Dutch affection, which reignfed pre- dominant in that king's heart*, who, from being a petty prince, and icrvant of the united pro- vincts, ( 9' ) vinces, was exalted to the thrones of^ three power- ful kingdoms. 13. When his prefcnt majefty afcended the throne, he chole to have his civil \\i\ fixed at eight hundred thoufand pounds ty year; the fame it had been in the reign of king George the fecond •, with this difTerence only, that the furplus, which had arilen from the revenues appropriated to the pay- ment of it, and had been applied by the preceding minillers to the king's private ufe, was now to con- tribute to the national ex'^ence, in augmentation of the finking fund. This furplus was then known to have been very confiderable. And fince that time, the duties appropriated to the difcharge of the civil lill, have amounted, on an average of the fourteen years of the prefent reign, to more ' than a million annually. In corifequence of the preceding eftabliOiment of eight hundred thou- fand pounds, the public has received an annual ad- vantage of two hundred thoufand j being in the wo millions eight hundred thou- ;. But as from this diminution of the V which arofe from the whole duties 1 thereto, in the reign of king George , his majefly's civil lift inevitably in- curred a debt of fix iuindred thoufand pounds. The miniilry, confcious of the advantage which the kingdom had received from '^e afceitaining of the yearly revenue at the fum love-mentioned, applied to pari, nnent for a gram 'o difcharge the preceding debt and as it was .equeftea with reafon, it was g .nted with juflice. This appli- cation was not unprecedented in formei reigns, in which no advantage had been derived to the nation, from the furplus of the revenue that ex- ceeded the fum ellablilhed for ihe civil lift ex- N pences. whol fan--' ,> iifuai , appr A the fev.. I i I IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I l^|28 |2.5 i Hi 112.0 1.8 L25 UU 11.6 Photographic Sciences Corporation m V ^^ [V -''"'is cS\ 2S ^^«ST MAIN ST%^iT W>.SSTER,N.Y. U580 (716) R7,1-4S03 ■'(^ •-^^ 1 3 ■ I ( 92 ) pences. It is manifeft, howtver, by adding the fiJC hundred thoiiAind pounds raifed to the eight hundred thou land yearly income, and t'aeh deduc- ing the whole fum from what the king would have received, had the civil lift been left as it ftood in the reign of his grandfather, that the nation has been benefited in the addition of two million two hundred thoufand pounds. Hence it appears, inftead of more money being taken from the an- nual income, to fupply the civil lift expences of his prefent majefty, than of king George the fe- cond, it may be truly faid, that by the limitation of that revenue to 800,000/. a year, the king has prefcnted, and the nation received the benefit of 2,200,000/. more, than it would have done, had the payment remained as indefinite as it did in the preceding reign. And this advantage ftili conti- nues proportionally to accrue. But the prefent patriots, being the fpawn of thofc who were uniformly rebels to the beft of kings, and inftrumenis of oppreflTion in the hands of the worft, are filent, refpefting the advan- tages which the nation has acquired; and clamour inceflantly againft the grant above-mentioned, as the moft oppreflive that had ever been devifed, and the moft injurious to the people. 13. During the reign of king William, the civil lift was fixed at feven hundred thoufand pounds a year ; when that fum would purchafe double what it will at prefent. This was obtained under the pretence of a penfion, of one hundred thoufand pounds to the queen Dowager ; and for fupporting thehoufliold of the duke of Gloucefter. To the queen's ufe he never paid a penny. To the duke of Glouceftcr's, fifteen thoufand pounds only. And hp rcfufed to advance one quarter's revenue ■>. . ' to %. { 93 ) to pnrchale plate and furniture for his royai high- neis's ufe. He fpent it chiefly on Dutchmen and Renegadoes of their native country, on one fe- male favourite, and in the exercife of that fort of vice in which he was fb fecretj and chiefly in Holland. 14. A {landing army is. another fubjeft of loud complaint againll his prefent majefty. At the fame time, it feems altogether irreconcileabte with the ftate of things, to reduce the number of land- forces, when it is confidered, how greatly the dominions of the crown exceed thofe which it poffeffed at the revolution : And that the fpi- rit of rebellion was foon manifefted after his ma- jefty's afcent to the throne, not only in this king- dom, but on thi? continent of America. Muftit not therefore appear to be an act of infanity to enter on a redudlion of the army ? For fuch is the prefent fpiric of the patriots and their populace, it can- not reafonably be called in queftion, byt that the city mob and city apprentices would long fince have repeated the like outrages which were perpetrated in the reign of king Charles the firft \ have driven his prefent majefty from his palace, or have com- mitted fome aft of rebelhon, even yet more violent againft him had no (landing troops exiftcd. Would ihey not have compelled the parliament to perpetrate whatever they demanded, and once more in civil bloodfhed have brought their Ibvereign to. the block and fubverted the conftitution in church and ftate? even as it is, they, on one occaflon, attempted vio- lence on lord North. That this is not a chimerical iuggeftion is more than probable, from the words of Dr. Prieftly, their fpiritual champion. That tender-confcienced and loyal teacher, in his eflTay on the principles of government p. 38. when N 2 fpcaking ( 94 ) fpeaking of the murder of Charles the firft de- clares, that " fuch a tranfadlion would have been," which both grammar and fcnfe require to be written will le, " an immortal honour to this country, whenever the fuperftitious notion (^the facrednefs of kings) (hall be obliterated." And if it be not now etfedtuaUy obliterated, it is not to the fupincnefs or malignancy of him and his brethren, the patriots, that its continuance can be afcribed. Even Dr. Price, in his appeal to the public, p. 39, in enumerating the caufes of our prcfent evils, introduces that of " giving fecurity to the Hanover fucceflion. This, fays he, is in truth the fundamental grievance of the kingdom •, and that patriotifm, the firft objed of which is not the removal of it, can be nothing but an impof- ture". To exped that fuch principles will not produce the fame effeds, which they have hither- to done, is to fuppofe the order of nature'to be abfolutely changed. And will it be more abfurd to fuppofe, that the feed of an onion will produce a pineapple, than that fuch principles, unchecked, will not generate rebellion. Such are the words of thefe reverend feekers of the Lord. And will it not embarrafs the unmerciful Tommy Town- Ihend, and the modeft Mr. Lee to diicover any thing in the writings of Dr. Johnfon, or myfelf, lo nearly approaching to treafon ? and yet, to ufe the words of that fellow Lee, ** we fee no notice taken, no complaint made of Books," wherein the principles of regicides and rebels are im- pioufly profefled and publicly promulgated. A llanding army is therefore become indifpenfibly requifite. It was to men of their principles and to lerve their own purpofes that a Handing army was iiril begvm, aiKl caufelelbly eftablilhed in this kingdom ^ r-. .tf ' ^- 4tw^m^u tt ^ir^ ;i* ' ' ' ' ' ' . ■j ffl tfw!**^*?^''** '^ ' * * *?' ■ ^^^k- ( 9S ) kingdom •, and, in conieouence of their prefent exertion of the fame principles, it is at length be- coa-je a nccelTaiy meafure that it be continued, in order to prevent their republican purpofes; and for tiie lee urity of his majefty and the conftitution. 1 huii the very forces, which they eftablilhed, bv an unforeictn event are become the evident nieans of fupprcfling thtir fcdicious principles from being carried into execution. 14.. When king William afcended the throne, a ftanding army was unknown in thefe realms. It was he began and continued it, during life. It was he, and the Whigs, who, inoppofition to the To- ries, prevented their being diminilhed below {even thoiifand forces. And in one year he kept three thouiand men in pay more than the number voted by parliament. It was the Tories who infilled on the Dutch guards being fent home; and on the renegado Frenchmen being difbanded. All man- kind are acquainted with what reluftance the king fubmitted to this neceflary adt. And when the par- liament would not confent that he fhould keep his alien guards, which were an eternal reproach to the honour and fidelity of the Englifti, he faid, ** if 1 had a Ton, by God thefe Dutch guards Ibould not quit me." J 5. Parliamentary corruption, placemen, andpen- fioncrs, conftituce another charge againft the pre- fent reign. 7b^J corruption is undoubtedly great enough. But from the revolution, to his majeily*s acceflion 10 the throne, the Whigs had fo far ef- faced all fenfe of national virtue, that the cafe was, in fad, no longer a corruption fpread by the mi- niftry, "among the members of parliament-, but a demand of the members to be corrupted by the jniniilry, which would take no denial. For a ma- jority / ■i ( 74 ) jority of thofe delegated defenders of the peoples rights, confidered the revenues of places and pen- fion§ as a kind of hereditary right ellablifhed by prefcriptionj and therefore that no minifter Ihould be permitted to tranfaft the national bufinefs, how- ever advantageous it might prove, without their be- ing previouQy obtained by pecuniary emoluments. And fince we have experimentally found that the exclufion of fome placemen has not improved the integrity of the houfes, what reafon have we to be- lieve that, if not a man of that fort had a feat in cither houfe, that the parliament would be lefs cor- rupt, or lefs compliable with the propofitions of the minifiers ? The commiflioners of the culloms, cxcile, ftamps, army agents, and a great number of others, are precluded from feats in the houfe of commons, as men too much under minifterial influence. But is the number in favour of court meafures thereby diminilbed ? would it not be bet- ter, according to the prefent and degenerate difpofi- tions of mankind, to have fuffered thefe men to have remained members; becaufe their falaries would then have influenced to nothing more than what is now accomplifhed by others, at a much greater expence ? P'or now two fets of men are paid for that wiiich might be as well pertormed by one alone ; and the expences faved to the peo- ple which are now waded on the latter. When corruption cannot be cured, which, by the praftice of the Whigs, has been foftered and continued through almoft a whole century •, when religion and national integrity, by their encouragment, alfo have been laughed into fcorn •, when all men are convinced that the prefent complainants in par- liament have praftifed the fame corrupt means, when they were in power ; and that thofe who are not. I '. A ) ( 97 ) not in that ho'^fe, are in oppofition to the lame mei* fures only, becaufe they do not participatein this di* ftriburion of corruption •, were it not better to admit all placemen and penfioners to fit in the houfe of commons, and thereby at leaft to fave the public money ; fince by the uniform experience of eighty- fix years, every reafjnable expedation of reftoring public virtue is at an end ? To what purpofe then can annual or triennial parliaments be revived, unlefs the difpofitions of men can be changed by their own votes in the houfe of commons? by fliortening the duration, the price of corruption will incre^fe, fince men will be bought whatever it may be. And if they have but one year's market, they know that the bufinefs of the itate cannot proceed without them i and therefore they will fell their commodity at a higher price. The nation muft confequently be taxed for more money -, the people be opprefled to provide it j and corruption become more egregious than be- fore, the fole event which is to be expeded from annual parliaments. That we have no longer trienial parliaments is owing to the Whigs, thole friends of Kngland, who without applying to their conftituents for a re-ele6tion, moit impudendy continued the preceding election from three to (cvgii years. It appears from the hiftory of this kingdom that, in the reign of Edward the fecond, .there were al- moft as many parliaments as years. In that of Richard the fecond, there were two new par- liaments more than the years he reigned j and three in one year. And yet, ^.re thefe times fuch as any friend co human kind, or lover of his coun- try, can wilh to fee reftored ? can it be deemed an unwarrantable conclufion, that the prefent men of principles fo fmiilar to thofe of the long par- liament. t^ ia ( 98 ) ■ Hament, in the reign of Charles the firft, who al- fo roared for triennial parliaments, will, like them alfo, when become a majority, rob the king ot' his prerogative, and eftablifli a parlinmenc that can be prorogued and diffolved by themfclves alone ? are not the rebellious ads of that parliamtnt luch as they yearn to imitate J" and wouki they not, at once, by a like law, not only deprive ttie king of his prerogative, in the antecedent refpeds •, but rob the people of their right of z. general ele£iion, by perpetuating themfelves for, ever ? fuc h wert; the tranfaftions in thofe days, when they had the effrontery to pretend, that '•.hey took arms in de- fence of the people's rights snd privileges, and for the king himfelf, againft wlioir; they waged war and fought to flay: fuch will they not proclaim them- felves to be, whenever they can find their power is become predominant in rhe commons. 15. The prince of Orange-, in his declaration, af- ferts, " that his expedition was intended for no other defign but to have a free and lawful par^ liament." The firft inftance of his fincerity was, to call together thofe who' had been members of any parliaments in the reign of Charles the fecond. This proceeding was, in fad, a pofuive interdidi- on, not only of all thofe who had been members in the reign of Jan.es the fecond, but of every other fubjed, except the mayor, aldermen, and the deputies of the common coui.cil of London. Of the members, as it was forefeen, thofe, who had been for excluding king James from the throne, made thclargeft number. Avx\ we are told by Tindal, " the pr/«ftf thought, that befides the fuffrages of the peers, it was proper t j be authorized by others, which might pafs for thofe of the people.^* And thofe men, io fekded and convened,, addrefied ' ( the { 99 ) (he prince to take upon him the adminiAration of public affairs. And thus this aflembly> in the place of a parliamenr, was eledled by the prince of Orange alone, on a fubjeft the mod important to a (late. One hundred and Hxty men, with the mayor, aldermen/and deputies of London, were conndered AS a majority of the people of England ; and the admini(tration of the nation was imparted to him withou:the leaft application for theconfent of the reft of the nation. A convention was called by the prince of Orange, the members of it were eleft- ed, and they placed the crown on the heads of him and the princefs Mary, and excluded king James, without confulting the people on that molt mo- mentous tranfadtion. It was now that parliamentary corruption, but little pradlifed in the antecedent reigns, was fpread with amazing zeal and rapidity; and inftead of callingfree parliaments, none had hi- therto been fummoned, in which a tenth part of pe- cuniary inHuence had been exerted to fupplant the freedom of clcdions. Burnet fays he complained of this corruption to the king. His majelly an- fwered, that it was mpti/Jibh to be prevented. Such hkring the caie, at that time, 1 imagine that eighty-fix years of fucceflive corruption hath "not changed that impojfibility into a thing pra^itable^ at prefent. For , by men of like principles with the prefent patriots, from 1688, to the acccfiTxon of his preftfnt majefty, that luxuriant plant hath been fo carefully manured and watered •, hath taken flich deep root; and brought forth fruit in (uch abundance, it appears to be as eafy to abolifh the exiftence of parliaments, as to eradicate the cor- ruption of them. And from an unremitcine ex- perience, is there not the greateft reafon to believe, vvith the revival of annual parliaments, and with • O ;hc 'M. li •.■-«»-V.. ■•■i-^J. ^, .»v '"'^~"«'Wl ( 100 ) the virtues of John Wilkes, efq-, added tothofe of tl)c prefcnt patriots, in and out of the com- mons, that the torrent of corruption will ftill p^ri^cre in its wonted rapidity ? iV ..!.<. ; * ijp. Tbjc Tale of places, and rrauds committed by thofe in office, conftitute an accufation of the pre- fent miniflers. I can recollect but one inllance in which, the former hath been brought to proof. And on that occafion the charge was refuted by a verdift of twelve jurors, in a court of law. Of the other charge the fole evidence hitherto appears to confift in nothing but the clamours of the patriots and the populace. 16. In the reignof king William, Burnet tells us, that places were fet to fale by the Whigs •, the fleec was vidlualled with unwholfome food •, the army in Ireland left unfurniflied with every thing necefiary; artillery, horfts, carriages, bread, medicines, &c. The duke of Leeds, Trevor, fpeaker of the com- mons, Guy, Craggs, and a number of others equally culpable, were impeached for bribery. The parliament was then prorogued, in order to preferve thele fcandalous offenders from puniih- ment. And an ad: of indemnity was foon paflled to refcind the means of bringing them to ju- flice. fieiidcs which, molt egregious abufes, ill practices, and intolerable exadions, by colonels and agents, were perpetrated on the officers and common men. And among the numerous frauds, that of falfe endorfements on exchequer bills was one, by which vaft fums were amaflfed by men in office. The perpetrators of all thefe heinous crimes, were altogether unnoticed, or but flightly punilhed. 17. Another caufe of murmuring is the behaviour of, the foldicry in their quarters, which exifts in k. »l'>»H«»*r' "-•-»■ •M^.^^^.n,%~^ ■: ■■*ii U' in ( loi ) in clamour only, as far as it has hitherto been proved. 17. In the reign of king William, the officers and folcliers extorted fubfiftence money from thofe on whom they wt re quartered, and to this violence they were chiefly induced by the frauds, and withholding of their fubfiltcncc money, by their colonels and agents. 1 8. The diminution of the gold coin of the king- dom was of late become fo notorious, that it was abfoluteiy neceflary to put a (top to that iniquity. This was done by afcertaining the weightis at which each piece (hould pafs, according to the reign in which it was Aruck. This moft reafonable pro* ceeding was, neverthelefs, a caufe of prodigioiis outcry } although a reform were abfoltitcly indif- penfible. The event has proved the excellence of the meafure •, the evil is renr>edied, and the nation has been put to the expence of 25,000/. only for a new coinage. 1 8. A like diminution of the coin was fuffered to take place, fo long in the reign of king Wil- liam, that 1,200,000/. (Burnet fays it coft 2,200,000/.) were raifed in parliament, by a ta< on windows, for fupplying the deficiency 6f dipt money. Five per cent was given as a reward for bringing in unclipt money ; and three- pence an ounce for all wrought plate above its real value, and the ufe of plate was prohibited in public houfes. Notwithftanding all this mode of pro- ceeding, which would at this day be pronounced an a(5l of arbitrary power, the diftrefs occafioned by • this recalling of the coin was fo great, that there was not money fuificient for the payment of fervants, labourers, and others, who were in weekiy wi^nt of their wages. Governmenc tallies and deben- 2 tures i'i • \ \H \ 'A ^ 1 li ( loi ) turcs were at forty, fifty, and fixty, exchequer, and even bank bills at twenty per cent, difcount. Such is the infinite difparity between the meafures taken by the miniftry, in the reign of the glorious kinjg William, and by thofe in this of his prefent tnajcfty. 1 9. Are not the marriages of their royal highnefles the dukes of Gloucefter and Cumberland, unpre- cedented inftances of two brothers engaging in matrimonial contracts, without previoufly declar- ing their intentions to him who was their brother and their fovereign P Precedents in this kingdom, ttrithout refpedt to their good or evil tendencies, are too frequently confidcred as authorities ade- quate to *« iuftification for fimilar behaviour on fubfequent occafions, as if the fole circumftance of preceding could impart a fandion to all that might follow of a like nature. 1 believe if Cain had (lain his brother Abel, in England, the pre- fent patriots would have brought that fratricide as an argument againft the juftice of his prel'ent ma- jefty, had he permitted one brother to be put to death for the murder of the other, provided it ^ould promote their confcientious purpofcs. His ma- jcfty, on the antecedent events, having confidered the numeroufnels of his children, and the ill ef- fefts which might arifc from intermarriages be- tween the royal family and thofe of his fubjeds, en- tered on a refoluciun of preventing fuch ill efiefbs by anticipation ; and betore it could have the leaft appearance of anfwering any intention againft any prince defcended from his grandfather. It was therefore enadted, that no perfon lineally defcended from that king, (hould legally contract a marriage, without the previous confent of his Jnajf^ftyi his heirs, or fuccelTors. But if any fuch '" de- ■\. 'Xfikt ts, en. I'lneally* >ntrafk of his U fuch ( '^3 ) . .... • defccndant, above the age of twenty-five years, fliall pcrfift in fuch intention of matrimony, upon giving notice to the privy-council of fuch inten- tion, after the expiration of one year, he or (he fhali be permitted to marry -, notwithHanding the king may not have confented to it j unlefs the par- liament, during that time, ihall exprefsly declare their difapprobation of fuch intended marriage. It is not eafy to fugged a method that at once fo juftly unites the claims of national felicity with thofe of nature. Such princes are prohibited from marrying, without the king's confent, only until they become well informed of the confequences which mav probably enfue fuch contra^s. They are then free from their fovereign's controul, and left to the two houfes of parliament, without his alTent required to their determinations. If the mar- riage appear to be reafonable, it will certainly be approved ; if not, it rclhon the houfes to juftify their refufal. And yet, fo propitioufly promifing to pre- clude innumerable ill effedts, as this a6t indifputably is, it was not the lefs an objedb of patriotic calumny. 19. Such an aft, as the preceding, could End no Klace in the regn of>king William. Queen Mary ad no children, nor did I ever hear uiat Eliza- beth Villiers, or any favourite, male or female, was ever fufpefted of being, in a breeding ftatc, from any intercourfc with that prince, bifliop Burnet excepted. And even that fufpicion of the prelate was entertained by himfclf alone. The pifliop, in whom credijlity and truth were as di- itant from each other as the two poles, paid an implicit obedience to the diAates of the former, and totally difregarded 'hofc of the iatttr. To ' his honour, however, it mull be allowed, that he Jjevcr diminilbed his native ftock of verity, thro* the 1 I !! i Ml '9 w" ( 104. ) the praflice of his life. For, in all his relations, he condantly made ufc of that only which is cither more or lef^ than the truth ; and hence, having ne- ver touched the truth itfelf, he went out or the world poflefled of the whole original (lock with which he came into it. As to his credulity, al- though it were daily wafted to the bones, yet, like the liver of Prometheus, what was devoured in the day, was regenerated in the night *, and it never fuffered a real leflening to the hour of his expi- ration. In confcquence of this profligate credulity, this right reverend ceconomifl: of veracity being occafionally indifpofed, by an advertifement was informed where a certain quack doctor might be found, who by cajiing his lordfliip's water, could not only difcover his difeafe, but fend him a cure, without the intervention of a perfonal enquiry into his complaints. Credulity feized on the occafion, and a fervant was difpaiched to this quack, with a phial of his holy water. But fuch were the efFedts of fate, that neither the fandliiy of the bilhop's man- ners, nor the prefervation or his precious health, could prevent the phial from bein» broken in the carrying. The fervant, who polTcfied, at leaft, as much fenfe as his mafter, thought that the water of one pe»fon might prove as good for the prefent purpofe, as that of another, and being apprchenfive g( being chidden alfo, if the accident were dif- covered, bought a phial, and knowing that water, frelh made, would create fome fufpicion in the dodtor, entered a beer houfe, and dcfired that the phial might be filled with fome water that had been made during the night. The good woman of the houfe, who was, it leems-, breeding, filled it with her own, and away trudged t,he fervant to the phyfical infpeiflor of urine. On M t_ ( '05 ) Cn his return, the bifhop cried out, ** Wecl Mon, what kens the doftor of my urine ?*' My lord, fays Sandy, "after meckle leuking on the wa- ter, he e'en told me, the perfbn who made that water is with bairn." " Ah ! geud God, cried his lordlhip, I always told his majelly what ic would at length come to. •\I myfelf faw a great deal of this management, for 1 was then at court** : 20. The difpleafure againft the princes for their rnarriages, was another article of rei'entment againd his majeily, by the patriots, who prefume to cen- fure his private as much as his public conduct. But certainly no ibvereign hath ever fhewn fo little diflike on fo unexampled an occaHOn. It is true, they do not appear at court, and there ic ends. In all other refpefts, no mark of refent- ment is (hewn either by his majefty or the queen. 20. King William and queen Mary refented the application of the princefs Anne to parliament, for fixing her revenue, when (he fo juftiy declined the dependence on the gencrofity of a Dutchman for the payment of her income. This behaviour was fo offenfive to king William and queen Mary, who fufpedled that this application had proceeded from the advice of the dutchefs of Marlborough, ?. - ' that f As the writer of this account had no other authority than his own aflerciun, to authenticate the above pafliage, and as, in all probability, he was not born till thirty years after the event could have happened, it recurred to hiin that the truth of it might poflibly be called in queilion. Notwithllanding this fmglc circumilance, he ftill expedts that it will obtain the credit which it deferves. Since it is to the full as practicable for the writer to have been at the couit of London, before he was born, as it was for Burnet to be at Whitehall, before he left Scotland. And yet, on fuch kind of evidence, much of iiis loidlbtp's hillory depends. t il ( 106 ) that they ordered the princefs to dirmlfs her from her fervice : and becaufe (he would hot comply with this injundtion, fhe was forbidden the court. In this dii'union the fifters remained } and the pious queen Mary fet out to anfwer for this want of natural affection, in another world, without de« firing to be reconciled to her only fifter in this* 2 1 . Another modeft charge of the patriots againft his majefty is, that of violating the grants made in royal charters to the Americans, by the preceding kings of England-, and in prefuming to extend into the colonies the legiflative right of taxation by the parliament of Great Britain ; which, as thefe fubjedts afTert, is done with intent to enflave the good people of America. But will thefe Americans and (heir con- federates, in this kingdom, uniformly allow, thatthe royal prerogative can, by grants, conftitutionally annihilate the authority of the Britifli legidature? will not this be to acknowledge and fupport, that a more excelTive power remains at prefent in the crown than was extirpated by the bill of rights ? by that bill, the king is inhibited from fufpending or difpenfing with laws already made } but by the prerogative, for which the patriots and the Ame- ricans contend, the parliamentary power of making laws, in this realm, refpefling America, is not only fufpended and difpenfed with, but abfolucely an- nihilated by the king. Becaufe, by his preroga- tive, he can refcind it from parliament, and be- queath it to the colonies. Is this dodliine coinci- dent with that which is lb vehemently urged againft exerting the prerogative- royal, even to the prcfer- vation of the people from ftarving ? But, to me|i of their principles, every excefs of that power it lawful i and the leail letial exertion of it a vio- lence, as each of them may quadrate with their de- figos* k: r-art46»*r» ( «c>7 ) figns. They never have allowed, nor ever \A\l allow, any meafure to be juft or unjud, but as it correCponds with or oppofes their purpofes. Has not the legjQature abolifhed the ancient rights of the church, of fuit and fervice in the field and at the courts of kings, and barons, of marriage^ ward, foccage and villain fervice •, together with a mul- tiplicity of others, fo folemnly granted, in magna cliarta, by compaft between the fovereign and his fubjedts, confecrated by the folemn rites and fanc- tion of religion, and confirmed more than thirty times in parliament ? and, were not thefe amazing changes accpmplifhed by the legiflaturc, in pro* portion as the progreffive alteration in manners, the augmentation of riclies, and the welfare of the ftate required them? But itfeems the grants of kings, to the fubjefts in America, are to be held more facred and inviolate than the great charter of Eng- land. And the power of the two houfes, added to that of the fovereign, on the prefent ftatc of "circumflanccs in America, fo different from that which cxifted when their charters were origi- nally granted, is to remain inert, and fupincly fee the colonies difmembered from their mother country. It (hould feem a parliament can lawfully do every thing in Great Britain, and nothing in America. The king can neither revoke his grants, nor the parliament alter them, whatever may be the emergencies which demand it. In objedion to the right of taxing them by par- liament, they anfwer, that they have an exclufivc privilege by charter, to tax thcmfelves, by their own aflcmblies, by whom it can alone be equitably done. But do thefe grants cxprefsly exclude the legiflativc authority of this kingdom from making laws to levy money in America ^ and if they do, is there Ml 1 ;! 'St-'--' it '• .. o . rr ; ( lO^ ) r an Englilhmah uninf^tuated with t)ne prefent pi- triotifm, or unaftuated by finifter motives, who would not exclaim againft the validity of fuch a pretended right in the crown? would not even thcfe patriotic malcontents be then the firA to roar againft kings, for infrading the rights, fubvei ting the liberties, deftroying the conftiturion, and en • flaying the people ? but now it fecis rioht. li- berty and conftitution are all to be preferved by fuftaihing that very prerogative- rpyal, which, on other occafions, they fo much afted to execrate and confine. Innumelrable are the charters grant- ed by kings to corporations in this kingdom, by which they arc duthorifed to levy money for their own ules ; but arc thefe corporations, by thefe charters, protected from the payriient of parliamentary imports ? Have riot the Americans, by their charters, the right alfo 6f making laws for themfelves ? will not the fame arguments, therefore, which arc urged in favour of their difobedience to taxation, be equally coercive ib every other Icgiflative ordinance ? and from thence, will it not as logically refult, that the parliament of Great Britain has, not the leaft fight toenadfuch laws, as n)ay» in the lead degree, or in any in'ftahce, effed the Americans in their fe- veral provinces? and then;, will not that ex- emption amount to an ablolute indepcAdancy on the legiflative authority of this realin ? a cqnclufi- 0ft, Which, i (hould think, can hardly be warrant- ed by the conltitutions, either of Great Britain, or of the colonies. Befides the preceding objeftion of thefe repub- lican rtialcontents, to comply with the a(5ls which are made, refpeding taxations on them in the pro- yinccs, they alledge, in their defence alio, that they n. .\ .'.-•■j*V'J^--*- pa- tho tha ting en- li- by on by of ( 109 ) they have no right of clefting members; and there- fore are not feprefenfpd in the houfe of commons, none to luperintcnd thejr concerns, and to affift in laying taxes by thtrlr own conlen^, as it is the undoubted ppvilpgc of all thpfc fubjefts who re- ficje in Gre^t Biitain : but in this they mult con- fcigufly offer wh^t they know to be untruf;. For, in ibis predicament, they ftand exadly on a level with nine parts in ten of f he fubjeifts of this king- dom, who have jno cleftive right. But the rights of cleftipn, and of being reprefented, are diQinA things, i or the inllant the members are elefced by the few, they become the rcprefentatives of (til. Unlefs this were the caie, all thole fubjefts, Wih,o ;have cppyhold eftates to any value, money in the fg.nds, pr on mortgages, to any amount what- ever, who annually trade and manufadure for great fums, as well as innumerable other?, who have not freeholds ojf forty fliillings a year, or are enti()e,d to vote by freedom, burgage tenure, or other qualification of the feveral cities and towns, which fend members to parliament, are not repre- fented. A conclufion to wnic.h, I iniagine, no Briton will accede. The Americans, tKerefqre, although they be without the right of eledion, are neverUielel's poiTelTcd of that qf being reprefented, .as fwliy as that great majority of non-eleftorL who inhabit, this iflancl. Being therefore, in a like con- dition, they ought, fpr that reafon, to pay the like obedience to the ti^ts of this legiflaturi^!, with thofe who dwell in England, and are not entitled* to the privilege of eledion. Should this vail majority of nbn-eleding con- ftituents prefume to withhold the taxes, which are unpofed on them, for the preceding reafons^ ^lyhich they may as juftly urge as the Amei;icans, would P 2 . thefc )V< ■.V V fr'" ' ( no ) ' thefe be arguments fufHcienc to protect them from ;t compulfory payment? the counties palatine of Chelter and Durham had, and now have laws pe- culiar to themfelves. The former fenc no mem- bers to parliament, till late in the reign of Henry the eighth j the latter, in that of Charles the fe- cond. Were they, before they fent members, without the reach of parliamentary taxation ? were not their grants as valid, and their objections as reafonably to be made, as by the Americans; but did that avail them ? Before the American (lamp ad was made, what inftance is there to be found, that thefe reftifF fubjedts conceived the idea of not being repre- fented in parliament ? did they ever abftain from applying thereto, on all occafions, which might ferve their purpofes and promote their interell ? during the laft war, when they boaded to expel the French from Canada, if arms were fent them* and when that requeil was complied with, it was found, by experience, that all their fanatic vaunt- ings expired in wind ; and that the Canadians, who were not a tenth part of their number,, would have driven them into the Atlantic ocean. On this diftrefs, did they not conceive themftlves to be reprefented in parliament, and apply for an army to fave them from deftru<^icn ? and was not that fuccour fent and fupponcd, at an immenfcexpence* to this kingdom ? By this aft alone,, were they not prcferved from the hands of their enemies ? and now they prefume to refill the Kritifli right of taxing them, by that very legiflanire, from whom they fought and received their temporal falvatiop. Such hath been, is, and ever will be the thankiefs reiurnsof thofe men, from whole hearts it would be excelTively more difficult to eradicate ingrati^ iude» ■.V:J 'SPSK;A»'>--4;^|*«i»J(fc^-. ( MI ) to dived arfenic of tho power of tude, than poiibning. It Ihoiild feem then, that thefq gracclefs fub- jeds confidcr the people of England as their flaves, to labour, and ro find men and money for their fervice and defence : and that they are our mafters, at full liberty to raife or withhold either of them as ihey pieale, whatever may be the emergencies that may happen in this part of the world. In faft, we are to be at all ihc expence of treafurd and of blood, and they to reap the advantage of it, without contributing one fhilling, or one man, towards the demands of either of them. Would not this infolence, if indulged, be adequate to tht folly of tofling up a halfpenny on the ridiculous conditions, that, by heads, the Americans mti^ and by tails, we in England lofe. If the fpirit of a Briton and a loyal fubjefl can bear this infult on his underllanding, on his property, and oh his right of preferving life in common with all other his majefty*8 fubjedls, their fouls are not made,' at prefent, of the fame eftimable materials with thofe of their ancedors. I will appeal to the common fenfe of all thofe, who are acquainted with the principles of thofe trans- Atlantic fedtaries, whether, in times of war, without the legiflative obligation of the parliament, they would raife a (hilling that was not tfi be folely applied to their own particular advantages ? are thefe the fubjecfls who are to be permitted to refift the laws of Britain, and to be indulged with raifing their own taxes on all emer- gencies ? to them is his majefty to apply, by re* quifition, for fupplies to be levied at their option ?"* and is the legislature of Great Britain to remain inl* exercive of her conditutional rights, and to be fo ^agitiqudy treated by fuch rebellious ingrates ? Bri* tons. ( i;i? ) p)nSj Brijtpn^, if you h^ye loft^ II fenfatlori fpr the ho- nour of your king and country, feel for your lives and properties a,tle^ftj and fufFer not yourfelvei to be thus 9udaciovifly infulted by thofe Americans, ifrho dare to tr^at you as n^en lubfervient to their P^rpofes, ^nd to fi^ on you alone the whole ex- penc^e f?f pejiqc and war. Will you tamely behold /thofe ^nemie? ,to vour conftitution, to withhold jC^emfelves from danger, and their money from cpnurihuting to the general caufe at their pleafure ? jf^ch, however, is the fpicablc ftate to which t;^ prcjent patriots, thofe prottdlors of your rjgjl^^ and Hl;)|ertjies, 4re labouring to reduce you I xian fucji men be the friends of tbeir country ? but ;^f;h hath been the audacious infoleiice of thefe ^mericap fedl,^ries •, for fuch alone are en- gaged in thi$ xebellious (oppofuion to the kin^ j^hac even the right of taxing the Americans, jby ^ .BritiiH pdrliamejnt, is no longier the ob- ject ,in,,difpute. For (ince the legiQature thought jptropi^ to cnaft, that teas, carried to America, 4^p]uld, -pn Unding, be fubje<£t to a Imall duty, the ;ether they (hall be ta^ed by par- ,lia ^hus ( 119 ) Thus the penal law of England and trial by iuries^ which the patriots aflert to be abolifhed, is, by this very aft, eftablifhed in Canada, at the defire of the people who knew the benefits and advantages refulting from their ufe •, for like reafons, as the former laws and mode of trial of the Canadians wereprelerved. Arcjunes then abolilhed inQ^icbec, when the fame method of trial is preferved, as in the criminal law of England ? is arbitrary power extended, either in penal or civil caufes, when in both inftances, the inclinations of the Canadian fubjeds are complied with ? from what motive then did this notorious calumny of annihilating juries and eftabiifhing^^f^ry in Quebec proceed ? from that infatiable luft of falfifying in the pref- byterians and other feftaries. " For, to reproach their fovereign with lying afleverations, is infe- parable from fuch men, fo intimately is the fpirit of falfehood amalgamated with the drofs of which they are compoTed, that divide them, as far as matter is divifible, and a lie (hall be found in every atom.'* The next article is "tliat the king, to his power, caufe the law and jviftice in mercy to be executed in all his judgements." And this obligation, it fliould feem, according to the humanity of pa- triots, his majefty has obferved with a criminal excefs. Tiie lail article is, "that the king, to the utmofl: of his power, will maintain the laws of God ; the true profellion of the gofpel i and the proteftant reformed religion, as by law eftablifhed : and will preferve unto the bifhops and clergy of this realm, and to the churches committed to their charge, all fuch rights and privileges, ^s do, or fhall by law li|^>pertiiin unio them, or anj- of them.'* Let ^.. ( I20 ) Let me now enquire, whether any thing con- tained in the Quebec adt bf repugnant to the pre- ceding article of the coronation oath. Do thefe propagators of falfehood conceive that, by this article of his coronation oath, his majefty is ob- liged to maintain the church of England, as the only true profefiion of the gofpel -, and the pro- tellant religion, by law eilablifihed, through all his dominions, whether they be fuch as he poflefled when he took that oath, or fince acquired by con- queft ? if that be their idea, prefbyterianifm muft be extirpated in Scotland j the Roman Catholic religion, in Minorca*, mahometanifm, and the re- ligion of the Hindoos in Bengal, and the Carnatic. Can all this be inferred from the word maintain? it was never meant to be more than fupport- ing the church of England, where it was then ef- tablifhed, and is not this indifputably evinced by the fubfequent particular? "that he will prcferve to the bifliops and clergy of this realm, and to the churches committed to their care, all fuch rights and privileges as do, or (hall, by law, appertain unto them." Are the churches and temples of the ,, dominions out of England committed to the epif- coraicare? In this inttance, then, is there the mi- nuted caule for that atrocious calumny of in- fracted faith, refpeding thr coronation oath ? In fad, the malignity, the falfehood, the ig- norance, or a combination of all thcfe qualities, have either blinded the inteliecls of patriots and prefbyterians, or prevented their acknowledging, that pcpery and the Roman Catholic religion arc not neceliarily conjoined. For certain it is, that the dif- cipline of a church may be changed-, the fupremacy and jurifdiftion imparted to another head -, and yer, the articles of faith, the dodnne, the mode of wor- fliip, and the forms of prayer, may remain unal- tered. •*'' noc dil- lacy yer, Iwor- ihal- :rcd. ( 121 ) tercd. Such was the real ftate of things, when Harry the eighth had finiflied the reformation, as far as he intended it. Ac that time, the papal power was totally extind in England; and the Roman Catholic remained to be the eftablilhed re- ligion. In this manner, itnowexills in Canada, and a reformation is begun, in that province, by his prefent majefty, by me?ns as laudable, juft, and humane, as the former were replete with the op- pofite qualities. But let this aft, refpefting popery, fpeak for itfelf. " And for the more perteft fecurity and cafe of the minds of the inhabitants of the faid province, it is hereby declared, that his majefty*s fubjefts, profefilng the religion of the church of Rome, of, and in, the laid province of Quebec, may have, hold, and enjoy, the free exercife of the religion of the church of Rome, fuhje^ to the king*s fuprcmacy^ declared and eftablilhed by an adt made in the firft year of the reign of queen Eli- zabeth, over all the dominions and countries which then did, or hereafter fliould belong, to the im- perial crown of this realm : and that the clergy of the faid church may hold, receive and enjoy, their accuftomed dues and rights, with refpeft to fuch perfons only as Ihall profefs the faid religion.''* Hence, is it not evident, that the king*s fu' premacy is eftablilhed in Canada, and tht pr*>^l aboliflied ? And, by the aft of Elizabeth, abov j referred to, allecclefiaftical jurifdiftion is annexed to the crown j and neither the pope, nor other foreign potentates, can exercife any power or authority in this kingdom. And thus his majefty is equally the fupreme head of the church of Rome, in Canada, as he is of the proteftant church, in England, and of prefbytery, in Scotland. On thofe terms, tliele catholics can only have, hold, and . \ •'f ■■ll f:'t i ( 122 ) and enjoy the free exercife of their religion ; and then only, in fuch a manner, that no proteftant is obliged to pay one farthing of the accuftomed dues and rights which formerly appertained to the Roman Catholic clergy, and which die catholics mud continue to pay. In order to enjoy this toleration alfo, they are obliged to take the following oath* *' I A. B. do fincerely promife and fwear, that I will be faithful, and bear true allegiance to his ma- jefty king George, and him will defend, to the utmoft of my power, againft all traiterous con- fpiracies and attempts whatfoever, which fhall be made againft his perfon, crown, and dignity \ and I will do my utmoft endeavour to difclofe, and make known to his majefty, his heirs, and fuc- ceflbrs, all treafons and traiterous confpiracies, and attempts which I ihall know to be againft him, or any of them j and all this I do fwear^ without any equivocation, mental evafion, or fecret refervation, and renouncing all pardons and difpenfations from any power or perfon whomfoever to the contrary. So help me God." Hence, it is indifputable, that every Canadian, taking this oath, doth folemnly depoi'e all that can be defired, to bind him to the defence of the king, and all that is requifite to be renounced, refpecV ing the pope, and cth^r potentates, iiis alle- giance is as far acknowledged and fecured to his majefty, as the facrednefs of an oath cap afcertain it. And this oath is not to be refufed, but under the fubfequent penalty i "that every perfon who fliall negledt or refufe to take the faid oath, before- mentioned, (hall incur, and be liable to the fame penalties, forfeitures, difabilitics, and incapacities, as he would have incurred, and been liable to, for negleding or refufing to take the oath required by the /;•- ( 123 ) the faid ftatute, pafled in the firfl: year of the relgh of queen Elizabeth." Thefe penalties, forfeitures, &c. are, " that all offenders fhall be out of the king's protection j forfeit their lands and goods j be imprifoned and ranfomed at the king*s pleafure j and, if not to be found, they are to be outlawed." Such are the conditions, on which alone the Ca- _ nadians can enjoy their religion, and hold thefr lands and poffeflions ; and even from thefe the re- ligious orders and communities are excepted. In this manner, convents, both of men and women, muft infenfibly decline. No more of either fex can be fecluded in fuch retreats j becaufe no means of fuftenance will remain for fuch perfons. At the fame time, with this provilion to fupprefs mo* naP:eries, all due encouragement is given for pro- teftants to fettle in that country. Since his majefty '*can make fuch provifion, out of the reft of the accuftomed dues and rights of the catholic clergy* «LS may fuffice for the maintenance of proteftanc divines of the church of England, as he Ihall think expedient." Such are the excellent inllitutions, contained in this law, refpedling the Canadians. Popery is abolilhed. The bringing of any bull, order, or other pretended authority, from the papal fee, or other ftate, is attended with a praemunire. The Roman Catholic religion is fubjeded to the king's fu- premacy. The monalHc orders muft imperceptibly decay without the cruelty of turning numbers of inoffenfive men from their abodes to ftarve, as ic had been lb inhumanly done in England. No bloody articles are inftituted, for all men to ac- knowledge, as by Henry the eighth. The civil laws and courts of juftice of Canada are prefervedi the criminal are cftablillicd to be the lame, and R their \ J X n * ■ i ; 1 f-k I &, . ( J2^ ) thetr caufes to be tried by juries, a^ in Erglancf. '1 he pofibfiions of laymen and ecclefiaftics are ef- tabli(h»'d, excepting thofe of the regular clergy ; for the propagation ot the cliurch of England, and the fupport of her clergy, it is amply provided. In fadt, no circumftance feems to be omitted, which humanity and the chriftian faith can diftate: nothing enjoined, but what good polity hath fug- gefted, and reafon can iupport. And in no reign, (ince this kingdom hath exifted, is there to be found one inilance, in which the wifdom ot the inftitution is fo perte*<5tly united with the precepts of Chrift, and the virtues that dignify the beft of men. Jn this place, ir is impoflible to abftain from declaring that, to the immortal honour of the prelscy of thi;; realm, they have, in the ena(5Ving of this law, afford (--d rhe ir.oft undeniable proof, that, by the dodlrines which are taught in the evan- gelical writings, their ad:ions have been truly di- recled. Among the bifhops, confifiing of more than twice the number of the apoltlcs; but one fpeech- printing Ifcariot is to be found. Such is, in fad, the true ftate of the Canadian ftatute, for which the patriots and prefoyterians fo au-iacioully defame their fovereign, his miniders, and the parliament itfeif And i fliall now afk, on what pretext, ef- frontery can dare to afiert the coronation oath has not been inviolably prelerved r 2 2. When king William caine to the throne, he took the very oath before infcrted. The firft article, " of governing the people according to the ftatutes, laws, and cuftoms," he violated by keeping three thoufand men in arms beyond the numb'i'r limited by an exprefs ftatute, to omit all other inftanccs. The fug. in were to be executed in ail his judge- was inluimaiily violated by the Glenco ( U5 ) The fecond article, "that law andjuftice, mercy, ments," mafTacre, authorized by his own hand, and the aflaf- lins were prei'trved from punifnment. Such was the union of jultice and mercy in that prince, in the parcon and penlion of that nefarious perjuror Titus Oatcsi ii) afienting to the bill of attainder of Sir John Fenwick j and in a multiplicity of orher inllanccs. The third article of '* the coronation oath to maintain the protellant church, eftablilhed in this kingdom," was obferved in the fubfequent manner, in his firft fpeech from the throne. "And as I doubt nor, fays he, you will fufficienily provide aoainfl: papifts, fo I hope you will leave room for the ad- miffion of all proteitants, that are willing and able to ferve." In confequence of this defign, a bill was brought into the houfe of lords, ** for the ab- rogating of the oaths of fupremacy and allegiance, and appointing other oaths." Thus the facramen- tal teft was to be aboliflicd, in order to admit every kind of difiencer into place and office. But this intention was rejected by a great majority. The lords had not tht n forgotten, nor ever will, I truft, forget, that thofe very dillcnters had murdered their king -, driven than for being a part in the le- giflature, fubvertcd the conftitution, ecclefialtical Ihed the blood of ihoufanids and ten of their fellow fubjeds ; robbed their patrimonies and pofTellions, and realm with rapine, delblaticn, and and civil , thoufands them of filled the llaughter. This tell, fo gricvoufly complained againft by the prefent feftaries, is obligatory on none but luch as accept either civil or military offices. It may then R 2 alfd ■S \ 'h ■;•( ( '26 ) alio be taken , any ti mt within twelve months, and then omitted, on the penalty of 500/. To excufe offenders alio an aft is annually paffed. And w ho are there, the quakers excepted, among the fwarms of fedtaries, that rcfufe this teft, when either ambition or inte- rtft attend the taking of it ? Do they not, on »il fucK occafions, folemnly depofe, on oath, ren- dered ftill more awful by receiving the cucharift, that the king is, alone, both head of the church and Itate ; then immediately abfolvc thcmfclves from that facred obligation, and remain profefTing a contrary opinion, in both refpefts, during life ? on the other hand, the Roman Catholics, whq, as thefe feflaries alTert, may conftantly receive ab- folution from their prieft, for breach of oath, and facramcntal teft, dare not to enter into thofe obligations j although to forfwear themlelves be a crime, the punifhment for which may be inliantly averted by a prieft. But fuch is the difference, that, whilft every catholic refufes to take the oaths, al- tho* he may be abfolved by papal power, every prcftjyterian is hinifclf a pope, or confeflbr, com- mits the fins he likes, pronounces his own pardon, and abfolves himfelf. Such is the daily practice of all thofe icdtarics. A toleration, however, king William obtained for them. How well thty dtferve that indul- gence, their prcfent writings and tranra tion was foon effaced from hisconfcience: hefpcedily aboliihed that church, and eftabliftied prcft^yiery in its place. To ';•! / ( 127 ) To evince alfo how much the fpirit of toleration actuated his condud, a law was made, by which all perfons, educated in the catholic religion, or even lufpeded of it, who (hould fucceed to any eftates, before 1 8 years of age, were obliged to take the oaths of Uipremacyand allegiance; and the ted, as foon as they came to age. Until this was done, the cftate was to devolve to the next of kin, being proteftant ; and to return on taking the oaths. All popilh pricfts were banifhed ; and, on return, ad- judged to perpetual imprifonment. Burnet voted for this bill, and fays, " that if a government find any fe£i, in religion, incompatible with its quiet and /afet)\ it mighty and fometimes ought to fend away all that feSi^ with as little hardjhip as pojftble.^* Were this do(5trine now carried into a law, what a bleiled tranfportation would fpeedily take place, from this kingdom and the colonies. Such was the difference with which the difienters and the Roman catholics were then treated, al- though the land were ftill reeking with the blood of kmg and fubjcdts, flaughtered by the former i and with that of catholics, unjuftly put to death for a plot which never had conception, but in the heads of regicides, perjurors, and prelbyterians. At this time alfo, the intended affaffmation of king Charles the fecond, at the Rye houfe, was frefh in all mens memories. By whom then has the coronation oath been violated \ by your pre- fent fovereign, or by king William ? Such then being the true ftate of all thofe ac- cufations, which the malignancy of the patriotic., and Icflarian tribes have lb falfcly and fo injurioufly propagated againd their lawful king; and fuch the true ftate of fa<^s, refpeding king William, I (hall now . I ,a ( "8 ) now proceed to confider both fovereigns, relative to their public and their private virtues. J. When his majelly aibended the throne of thefc realms, the nation was involved in tlie moft cxpenfive war that had ever exiiauftcd it. Ic was become vifiblc to all men of underltanding, as the fate of nations no longer depends on the moft powerful arm, but on the longtft fupply of money i that, althou^^h our fleets and armies fhould be attended with uninterrupted conqueft, the im- pra deftination effacing every humane fenfation, and fanftifying every ad of cruelty. Patriots be for ever filent, relpedling Jefieries, that inhuman judge, or de'iermine of all men according to their deierts. i^rom the day of his being Stadtholder, to that of his acceflion to the throne of thcfe realms, he was totally engaged in fubduing the Loveftein party, and in endeavours to become abfolute in Holland. Lewis the fourteenth oppofed him in all his meafures, not through affedion, but thro* intereft to preferve the United Provinces in their prcfent form of government. On this account, the king of France was firft de'^fted by the prince of Orange. This deteftation augmented with every defeat he received from that king, which were equal to the number of battles in which he was en- gaged. V V ( I3J ) gaged. And there can hardly exift a more ridiculous ftory, truriiped up to create his confequence, among the Englilh after an unluccefsful campaign, thaa that Lewis the fourteenth had fent affaliins into the - camp, to put him to death j when it was his life alone, that was fo precious to the French : fmce, by a long and uniform experience, they had been taught the infufficiency of his generallhip, and the certainty of their fuccefs, whilft he command- ed. The reverfe of this they were foon taught, by the fuperior abilities of the duke of Marlbo- rough, to create whofe importance no fiilinous affaflinations were requifite to be invented. During this time alfo, the regicides of his grandfather, thofe who plotted to deftroy his uncle, and every enemy to England, found afylum and prote(5tion in Holland. He engaged with Oates in that fiditious plot, for murdering the king, on which fo many innocent catholics were put to death, in order to excite the populace againft his father, and to exclude him from the throne. He coincided with RulTel, Sydney, Per- gufon, and others, in the Ryehoufe plot, to affaf- fmaie the king. The two firft had their attainders taken off, after his coming to the throne of Eng- land. Shaftefbury, Fegufon, Burnet and others, found refuge near him j and Fergulbn, the pref- byterian teacher, and Burnet, the prefbyterian prelate, returned with him, when he landed in England. James the fecond, by fufpending and difpenfing with the laws ; by endeavouring to obtain an abo- lition of the Teft-adl, and to admit papifts, pref- byterians, i,jid other fedaries, into all offices, civil and military ; by his' attempts to introduce papifts into power in the univerfities of Oxford and 1 m m i ( »36 ) and Cambridge ; by his bigotry, and defigns to fubvert the eftablifhed church, and to encreafe ar- bitrary power, defervsd to lofe his crown. And he was expelled the kingdom jiiftly. I'he revolution was, therefore, a blcfling to the nation. And king "William afcended the throne of his confort's fa- ther, and his own uncle. That King, in his private life, did never manifeft the leaft love for fcience, literature, or arts. His pleafures were all unnatural. Ht- de- lighted in blood, whether in war or peace. Slaughter- ing inoffenfive animals, by (hooting, was his chief delight in the latter; in the former, that of his fellow creatures. F " was never elevated but in a day of battle i and, ex ' "..^one, he left ail of them with difappointment si dilgrace. He loved not the Englifh •, and in peace or war annually paHed the feas to fpend his time and EngliQi money in the fwamps of Holland. The pious queen Mary entered her father's pa- lace, infenfible to his fate : and (hewed no kind of compundion on the remembrance of him, who had once inhabited it. One pious tear might have dropped and have bef n pardoned. Nor was Jhe ever reconciled to her fifter. From hence, may it not be reafonably inferred, that tender- nels of heart was not the charafterillic of that good queen, who manifelled no affedion in thofe in- liances, where nature is moft prompt to exert it. Filial afFeflion and that of a fifter were aliens to her breaft. Such are the public ^nd the private virtues of their prefent majclties, and of king William and queen iVlary. Thofe of the former princes are proved by the living tcftimony of their daily a»ftions, whilft all hiftory evinces the fa<5ls which are related of ( '37 ) of the latter. Mr. Lee may now continue in his former opinion refpedting William and Mary. The moft formidable ^ ommy Townfhend may unite with the learned coiinfellor, roar allegiance to dead princes, vvitii a view to countenance their filence, reipeding the living, and exert their ora- toric power? againft me, as often as they pleafe. I defire no other punifhment, on thefe gentlemen, than that they may be obliged to prini thdr fpeeches. It is a tale that has been afiiduoufly propagated by the rettaries, that popery has, at all times, been aitended with llavery in this kingdom •, and that the prefhyterians, and other revolters from the church of England, arc, and ever have been, the faft friends of freedom, and the conftitution. That the Roman Catholics are conftant perfecutors of thofe who, for confcience fake, dilTent from their opinions j and that the latter have been, and are, the advocates for univerfal toleration and liberty of confcience. I Ihall prefume to examine into the truth of this aflertion, from fads alone. And with that view to lay the mod material tranfaftions of both before the public, and then leave it to their determination. In the reign of king John, both the prelates and nobles difclaimed allegiance to him j becaufe he had acknowledged his dependence on the pope, in temporal concerns. Langton, archbilhop of Canterbury, was the perfon who began, con- duced, and obtained Magna Charta, in his reign -, and had it again confirmed in the fubfequent. In the reign of i^ienry the third, the dignified eccle- fiaftics diftiained to fubmit to taxes impofed by the papal fee, even in contradiction to their fovereign*s recommendation. And the bilhop of London pro- nounced, ''It the mitre be taken from mv htad, a iielmet Ihall initantly liipply its place." Stratford, archbilhop n /' ( >38 ) archbifhop of Canterbury, at the head of the clergy, in defence of thofe parts of Magna Charta, relative to the church, oppofed the incroachments of Edward the third. In that reign, alfo, the parliament enaded, that none (hould transfer to Romecaufes appertaining to the king's court. In the reign of Richard the fecond, ail thofe who might introduce bulls and mandates from Rome, were deprived of the king's proteftion, their lands and goods were forfeited, together with imprifon- ment and ranfom at the king's pleafure, and out- lawed if not to be found. This law of praemunire was ftrengthened by Henry the fourth. The par- liament, in the reign of Henry the eighth, abo- lifhed the papal fupremacy and jurifdidlion. All thefe exertions, and eftablifliments, were accom- plifhed by Roman Catholics. So far they were the friends of civil and religious liberty, and thefteady fupporters of the conftitution. "With relation to fuch mdtives and f '^s, hif- tory does not authorife me to deliver an^ rhing on the part of the prefbyterians, and other diflenters from the eftablilhed church." I Ihall, therefore, proceed to fhcw what mifchiefs have been attempt- ed and accomplilhed by the Roman Catholics, and then bring parallels from the deeds of the fedtaries. When Henry the eighth and the parliament had abolifhed the papal, and eftablilhed the royal fu- premacy, as the Roman Catholic religion ftill re- mained, but few and impotent infurredlions were the confequence ot that alteration -, and thefe were eafily fubdued. Nothing material was excited in ' oppofition to the farther reformation that was made by Edward the fixth. In his reign, the ancient laws againft heretics were abrogated with great judgement i but others, fcarccly lefs fanguinary againft -%. h ( 139 ) againft catholics, were enacted in their place. On the alcent of Mary to the thront-, ihe precfrd* ing laws of l^.dvvard were annulled j the Roman Catholic religion, together with the papal fu- preniucy, were reftored -, and the laws againft heretics inoft injudiciouQy revived. Thoulands, whom curiofity or averfion from protcftantifm, had broLighi to the inhuman fpedtaclf, of chriftians expii-ing in the flames, feeing ihe fortitude with which they died, and admiring their conilancy in fuffering, were enthufiaftically feized wich perfuafion, that the caufe for which they expired mud contain both truth and falvation. Thofe, therefore, who came catholics, returned from thefe inhuman executions, converted to the pror^jft- ant church. That punilhment, therefore, which advances the very t\u\ which it was iiiitituced to deflroy, is certainly the moft injudicious a<5t of miftakcn polity. During this reign, about two hundred of the church of England expired in the flanies, the martyrs of their faith. Qu'-en Elizabeth, ipeing fcated on the throne, the nati )n again returned to the church, as reform- -ed by I'.dward the fixch. But fuch is the con- fequence of reformation in religion, one conftantly begets another, as if religion were intended for nothing eife but to be mended, and greater evils may, by progrefllon, arife from that caufe, than have been remedied by it in the beginning. For fuch is the invariable difpofition of zealots, and of deligning men, that the former never judgip.g what the qualities of the human mind, the cir- curnftances of the times, the; prefervation of religi- on and found polity require, imagine nothing to be compleat in reformation, whiitL any thing retncini of the old eltablilhment ; at the fame time the latter T feizing ( ^6 ) tmliig ihe lull: of innovation, and of difobediehce to all power in the populace, artfully conduding *., in thfir criminal purfuiis, under the deceptive d' and mod pioufly configned their anceftors to the devil, for being idolaters. The puritans, for fuch they were firft called, paid the like compliment to the living; denominated all that remained of rites, ceremonies, and worfhip of the ancient religion in the reformed church to be idolatry -, and, with like piety, fenienced thefe profeflbrs of the new faith to the infernal regions alio. In this manner reformation as fpontaneoufiy grew out of reforma- tion, as one polype from another, and as regularly became new cxiikncies. The tenets, on which they ^\ A ( >4« ) they differed and contended, were all founded in truth, and warranted by fcripture. The gofpel was explained by every man, according as it heft might lerve his purpofe j a multiplicity of fenfes ■were found to be in the fame text, and every one was a perfedl judge of the truth and reftitude of what he read. By theic means, every individual was right in his own opinion; and every man wrong, that differed from him : and thus being all right, as they confidered themfelves, and all others wrong, as ihey were confidered by them; all were right, and all wrong, at the fame time. 1 he principles, vvhicK ;ere adopted by thefe pu* ritans, were not examined by the criterion of human judgement, in order to determine, whether they would tend to the improvement of true religion, morality and virtue; but by that which every crafty and inftdious knave could twill the fcrip- tures to exprels, and to ferve the purpofcs of molt efFedlually fcducing the populace. The dodrines ot Calvin, mixed with fanaticifm, are irrefillable. ^eal is the fharpened wedge, and predellination that tremendous weight which drives through all oppofition. Thefe were adopted by the puritans, and applied progreflively to all the purpofes of national deftrudion. Leicefter, Wal- lingham, Cecil, and others, were puritans at heart, and patrons of them openly. Thefe principles were countenanced as beft adapted to fupport their defigns on the church lands, which were left un- pillaged by Henry the eighth, of which Leicefter and others obtained confiderable portions. Thefe men ruled Elizabeth. Laws were cnaded, which made it high treafon, for a fubjeft, born in Eng- land, to return a prieft from beyond the feas to his native country. It was made treafon, either to T z conveic /!• ^m 'Mi ■ly ( 142 ) convert another, or to bt- converted by him. It wa5 fl'lony, uHo, :o cntt-rtair.. f^rcrctc, or any ways afljA :* Roman Catholic priefh i'^y thelc llinguinary flanites, as many priefts, of the konian Catholic fait!i, have bt\^n drawn, hang- ed, cu' up alive-, their liearts torn from their bo- die.n, v.hilit palpitatinsj, in the executioner's hand, and thrown into the flames-, their members fe- vered, and cxpofed on the public places, in which they Ibflcrtd, as there were proteRani^ that perilh- eci i.n the fiames of Mary. Thefe viftirns hau com- miuea lu other crime than that of bein;.^ priells, and preaching tJieir do^lrines, like r\i!guilin, who iirfl piomulged the fame chrifiian faith, and efta- biifhed that religion, for which they died, among our anceftors. Not a man of them, when aflcf^d, but would have willingly coinpliedwith taking any cath of allegiance to the reigning prince, in all temporal affairj,. Not a man would take it in ecck-fialtical, on the terms of life, fincerely offered, wh>.n racks, in prifon, ftretched him agoniling in torture, nor when the inftrumcnis of execution and lighted fires were prefent to his eyes. One of thefe vlciims, whofe name was Tunftal, when the long detail of drawing, hanging, cutting down alive, ripping open, burning and difmembering, was j)ronounceu, heard it with that reiolution which a perfe(5l ccnfcioufncfs or being right can alone inlpire ; and infiantly replied, iveli^ my good lord^ this 'ivholc dreadful fcntence imports but one death. Words whiLli expr;.!s a fublimity of fentimenr, and fuperioricy of Ibui, tliat nothing has exceeded, or can exceed. IVIany, alio, who entertained them, pcrilhc'l by the jiands of the public hangman. For t'lK'fe puriiar.ical ilatefmen had, by law, converted tv.ery laudable fenfation of the heart, and a(5l of f humanity. 1^1 ,« { 143 ) humanity, in parents, brothers, fifters, relations, friends, into iVlony anti clealh. Such was the minirteriai inflidion : but by prcfbyterian principles men are not made martyrs, buc perfecutors. Religion is their inftrument of milchief, not tjieir guide to falvation. Their faith, refpeding the obligations of an oath, is taken from two lines in Hudibras : 'Tis he, that breaks the oath, who makes it, Not he, who for convenience takes it. It is uniformly feen, that hang but felf-intereft, or even the pauJtry honour of a mayoralty or (herifF- fhip betore thtir eyes, or put their property in danger, their conl'ciences are diftendcd with the utmoft facility; and no oath is too large to be taken down 5 of fuch fmgular ftuff are they com- pofed, they dilate like a viper fwallowing a toad. And when none of the preceding objeds are of- fered, the Imallelt grain is too large to find admit- ance into fuch tender confciences. Such was the parliamentary infliction of a puri- tanical minillry againll the Roman catholics, whole plea of perlevering in that rtligion, which had fubfided \o many ages, and was firll pro- mulgcd among !'- Englifii ; was, on ihat ac- , count, more ilrong than that for innovating and difl.urbing the church fo lately eftablifiied, and which, at length, fubverted the conftitution both civil and religious. In this manner, pu- ritanical cruelly was cxercii'cd through the reign of that queen. At length, Ihe law to what excels that^ fanatic and infidious race were extending their de- figns. Slie felt the ill effedls of their principles, and enabled laws to fupprefs them aifo. But thefe, • • in ( ■ TSI \ : :\ !' II :fi ;i ( 144 ) in like manner, were injudicionfly formed. The evil was thereby augmented, and (he then too late, forefaw the fanguinary calamities which they would one day infll4S ) propenfity with pain •, and wifhed to edrange his 4'overeign's heart from thofe he liked. At this time, the mod nefarious defign of blowing up, by- means of gun-powder, king, lords and commons, was undertaken by about fourteen of the papifts. The intention was difcovered by fuch means, and prevented in fuch a manner, that it is not without probability that the prejfbyterian, Cecil, had con- trived this cxecrablt: undertaking, by fecretly pradifing on a few fiery bigots of the papal church j in order, by thofe means, to avert the inclinations of James from his Roman catholic fubjedls. Among thefe. Garnet, the Jefuit, fuffered death. His crime was, not revealing this defign, which had been imparted to him in corvfeflion. I pre- tend to no excufe for this Jefuit's condud. But certainly being, by his religious office, under the moft folemn obligation not to reveal what was confefled to him, he had abetter plea than Burnet, whom I conftanJy confider as a prcfb-terian prieft. He, good man, left England, to feek an afylum in Holland; becaufe he certainly knew what was intended, and feaied that the undertak- ing then on foot was premature : for he fays, ** He thought the beft thing for him to do was to go out of the way beyond fea. This gave him great credit with all the malcontents, and he made the bell ufe of it he could," After this avowal, he that will not conclude that Burnet, by ditVegarding his oath of allegiance and not reveal- ing what he knew, who had no excufe, from vows or oaths to the contrary, and by encouraging thofe he did, was not as great a villain, and merited death as much as Garnet, mud find more coercive arguments than I have hitherto difcovered. 'V, The ;' V ( 146 ) The contrivers of this execrable intention re ceived that punirnmcnt which was iiiftiy due to them. But by the mod diligent fearch it was found that no other Roman catholic was concern- ed in that plot; no arms were colleded, nor mili- tary preparations made j lo that no confequence, in favour of papifts, could hav(^ been derived from that horrible intention. It is difficult, there- fore, to decide whether the folly or the iniquity be moft enormous in that fanguinary purfuit. For, had the event taken place, would it not have proved more fatal to the Roman catholics than to the reft of the kingdom ? for who can doubt that in the firft impuHes of vindidive ratine, they had periihed by th'^ hands of the prottftants ? This plot, the council of Cecil, and the prefbyterian intereft in Scotland prevailed on James to perfecute and put to death numbers of Roman catholic priefts, whole whole crime was Iblely that of being of the prieft- hood, and preaching their dcfi.ni.es for confcience fake, the very thing thefe profbyterians claimed as the original rights of humankind. , NotwithfiandiiiK James the hrft was animated with luch aborrence of the prefbyterians, his pe- dantic and difputatious Ipirit, and his afFedtation of being a profound 1 heologilt, facilitated the means that brought his fon to the block. In fatfb, he adopted the moll egregious eitor. that a fove- reign can comn;it, relpe^^ing iVch dillentions as may arife from a church eftablifhed. Hefuffered the clergy to enter into c^ynferences and difpures with the prefbyterian teachers. Whereas he Ihould have known that in fuch riflemblies neither truth nor reafon have power to fubdue enthufiafm and change ihe cpirions of the controvertifts. Mo- tives of a ccnuarv nature and too powerful to be 1 1 ' i il to be ( 147 ) t? overcome by argument, animate their hearts and difputations. They are kindled into greater .refentment againll each other, and from that im- pulfe feparate with more averfion j and therefore, are lels open to convidicn than when they met. No converts are made by Tiich diiputes. At the fame time, by indulging the preft>yterians with thofe conferences, the king imparted a confequence to their caufej and afforded reafon to fuggeft, that it contained fomething* which "deferved a refutation. All fuch proceedings are deftruflive of the end to which they are intended, and unwarrantable by- manly and found polity. James being dead, his fori Charles legally af- fumed the fccptrc of the three kingdoms. During the two preceding reigns, the puritans had en- creafed in number, and in riches. Thefe circum- ftances augmented their power, and inflamed their infolence. They were now no longer the humble fuitors, for confcience fake, to be permitted to worlhip God in their own way. They entered on the relblution and the means of demolifhing every objedt which might refifl: tlicir defigns, whether it were ecclefiaftical or civil. The king, and the houfe of lords, religion and the laws, were alike to be aboliihed. They were confcious, however, that their machinations mull prove abortive, unlcfs fome fpecious phn were devifed to create a difcontent between the fovereign and his fubjecls. Without that aid, on what pretext ci^ukl they conmience thofe mifchiefs which they had projeded. But in fearch of that afliftance, they were not long employed, in the laft year of the reign of James, they h^d urged him to a war with Spain and the emperor; they then gave him a fupply; and a petition Hgainft popery was prefented to the throne. U James • \, !( - ( h8 ) James being dead, and the nation thus involved in hoflilities, aparliainenc was called, in which the prelbyterian members exceeded in number thofe "of the eftablilhcd church. They foon difcovered their ftrength. On this their defigns broke violent- ly forth, and they immediately began to carry their fcditious intentions into adion. With this view they refolved not to fettle the revenues of tonnage and poundage on the king, beyond a year j and refufed to grant luch fuppliesas were adequate to the fupporting of that war which they had, in faft, begun. Jn this dilemma, to which they had reduced their fovereign, they poured complaints of grievances, and made no provifion for the civil lift, nor for fuftaining the war. The king per- ceiving their defigns, and that nothing but fcdi- tious purpofes v;ere intended, diffolved the par- liaroentj and, by his fole authority, ordered his of- ficers to continue in colleding the duties which had been ufually fettled on his predeceflibrs. Ano- ther parliament was called, in the following year, and this, proceeding in a like manner, it was dil- folved, as the former had been, and for like rea- fons. A third parliament was again called, and filled with the fan'je men, or others of fimilar prin- ciples. They greedily feized on the king*s raifing money by his own authority, as illegal and arbi- trary, although by tlieir premeditated refufal of fupplies, he had been compelled to it; and that ic was not unprecedented. On this event, they formed a petition to the king, which contained fuch articles as were reafonably to be alked, and which could not be refuted without difpleafing the people. Thefe were, that no, loan 6r tax might be levied without confent of parliament ; that no man might be imprifoned but by legal procefs j and a per- fcdi- al of lac ic they ained and ig the ic bs man and a (149) few others. To thefe the king anfwered, " I will, that right be done, according to the laws and rultoms of the reahn." But this was received as inadequate to what they expeded. They again petitioned for a more fatisfadlory anfwer. His ma- jefty then gave his full aflent, according to the uliial form in parliament : but their fyltem was, never to be fatistied with any return to what they afked, and confequently they refoived on prefent- ing a remonftrance againft the king's having re- ceived tonnage and poundage. This defign being known, his majefty came to the houfc, paflcd the afts, which confirmed the rights and liberties, for which they petitioned, together with fomc others, and then prorogued the parliament. It aflembled again in the fame year. The com- mons immediately began on the late fubjt ft, of the illegality of tonnage and poundage. The king informed them, in his fpeech, that he did not chin: it of right, but de bene ejfe •, or, for the public wel- fare ; and defired it might be fettled on him, as it had been on his ancellors. No attention was paid to this requeft. They not only continued the com- plaints on the grievances of adminiftration, but now no longer talked of liberty of confcience, to fervc God in their own way; but erefted tl ifelves into an inquifition •, enquired into, and conutmned that liberty in others, who were equally entitled to it with thcmfclves; and debated concerning the increafe of i^rminianifm and popery. Pym, alfoj moved in the houfe, that they fliould engage in a covenant to maintain their rights and religion. They then refoived to proceed on affairs relative to religion, before they entered on the confideration of the tonnage and poundage. And Cromwel . U 2 informed ( 150 ) informed the houfe, that popery was countenanced by the bifhop of Winchefter. The fpeaker of the commons, being called up- on by the houfe, to read a remonftrance, he re- fufed to comply with it ; when endeavouring to leave the chair, he was held in it by force, the doors were locked, and the fiibfequent proieftation was read. " That whoever Ihould bring in inno- vations in religion, or feek to introduce popery or Arminianifm, Ihould be accounted enemies to the kingdom." It feems difficult to decide, whether the effrontery of this proteftation be greater, in their interdicting innovations in religion, who were then labouring to innovate, by eftablifhing cal- vinifm in the place of the church of England ; or in denying that liberty of confcicnce to others, which they themfelves afierted was the right of all mankind. On this, the king diflblved the par- liament. • ' ' ' The fpirit of intolerance increafed amongft thofe prefbyterians, exadiy with their powers of carrying it into execution. Every thing was popery that remained, either in form of worlhip or of prayer. The mitre, the furplice, a burning taper, a piece of painted glafs, were deadly fins and remnants of idolatry. All were to be abolifhed, as odious to God, in order to effcd a godly thorough reforma- tion. At the fame time, they converted the very effence of chriftianiiy to the mott infernal pur- pofes. They prefumed to kek the lord in prayer, to grant them fuch things as no being but the devil could hear, with*out horror. They role from their knees, aflerting it was obtained. They applied the wrathful texts of the jewifh theocracy, pro- nounced againft idolaters, to the church eftabliih- ed, and converted Chrift himfelf to become an in- ftrumcnt !'l: in > I > ( >ji ) ftrument of their impious defigns, by calling him their king Jefus. All this they allerted to be un- dertaken in lupport of that gofpel, which teaches charity to all mankind, and even forgivenefs to our enemies. No falfehood was too flagrant for their affirmation •, no deed "oo cruel for their under- taking, provided the tendency of them were to promote their abominable purpofes. Two things there were, befides the levying of tonnage and poundage, that afforded too much caufe for their feeking the abolition of them. Thefe were the courts of high commiflion, and Star-chamber. During this time, the Scotch prelbytenans were equally engaged in like rebellious tranfaftions. They entered into a folcmn league and covenant . againft the epifcopal church, eltablilhed in Scot- land, and to erec\ calvinifm. In 1640, the par- liament met, and immediately returned to their late grievances in religious and temporal affairs. It is again diffolved ; but the fuppreffion of the Scot- tilh rebellion requiring fupplics, which could not be raifcd without a parliament, another was called in the fame year. On the 3d of No- vember, began the feffion of that parliament, which, before its difTolution, entirely fubverted the conftitution, in church and ftate ; and exer- • cifed fuch unremitting tyranny, and afts of bar- barifm, as were even a dil'grace to rebellion. All. this was done far confcience fake, for the li- berty of worihipping God in their own way, and for eftablifhing the throne of king Jefus. The fame grievances were again urged by the commons. Pym carried up an impeachment againit the earl of Strafford. He is committed to the cuftody of the black rod. Pennington, a prefby- terian alderman' of the city of London, followed by •■« ( >iO by a tumultuous populace, carried a petition, as from the city, againft the difcipline and ceremonies cf ihe church i and foon after, with a like riotous attend- ance, he prefents another for the abolition of epif- copacy. The commons then refolved thac the convocation had no right to make cannons j thac the fubfidies which they granted were illegal i and framed a bill for fining all thac fat in that aflembly. And yet, all thefe rights exifted in the clergy, long before the houfe of commons had a being, and had uniformly continued to make a part of the conftitution of England to that day. Never were impudence, falfehood, and hypocrify, lb perfcdiy combined as in the fanatic commons of thole days. Archbifhop Lau,l was now impeached of high treafon, by Danzel Hollis, taken into the cuftody of the black rod, and, foon after committed to the tower. And in this manner, the earl of Straf- ford, and this prelate, the chief fupporters of the church and ftate, and of greateft abilities and re- folution, were taken from the king, and impri- fcned. A bill for triennial parliaments was, at that time, the fubje«5t of great clamour by the prefbytcrians, as it is at prefent. That bill then meant only that the king fhould not difcoutinue a meeting of par- liament more than three years. This adt was palfed. The commons, with thanks to his ma- jefty, declared, that nothing now remained, but to teftify their devotion to him, and to make him a glorious king. We fliall foon fee of what ftuff their devotion was compoled, and the means they purfued to make their fovereign glorious. One adt of their devotion was to refolve, that no bilhop fliould have a vote in parliament. Another was to keep the Scotch army in pay j and to borrow money -.-i^-' -"--^l-.*.- ( IJ3 ) money of the city of London on the fubfidies* which was an aft equally arbitrary and illegal with '.hat of the king's levying tonnage and poundage by his own authority. There was now an un- doubted rebellion in the kingdom : in faft, it had -already long fubfifted. But the king fatally defer- red to arm, and to defeat it. The articles of im- peachment aoainft lord Strafford were unequal to the accufation, for it all of them could have been proved, they could amount to nothing like high treafon. They therefore defpifed the regular proceedings of jullice, proceeded by bill of attainder, and framed a law exprefsly made to put him to death, guiltlefs of the charge j which, on that account, was as equally a murder, as if the fame prelbytcrians had aflaflinated him in the ftreet. Kotwithftanding this parliamentary outrage oil the conftitution, chele fanatics, *' whom no king can govern, and no God can pleafe," headed by one Cornelius Burgefs, followed by a mob, came Tiotoufly to the houfe of commons, exclaiming, jujtice^ jujiice, againft the earl of Strafford. For murder was jujiice, in the opinion of a prelbyterian teacher, at that time, as it appears to be in that of Prieftley in the prelent. They infulted the king, and when thejuftices of the peace attempted to commit the mod audacious of them to prifon, the commons interpofcd, and committed the jufticcs, for afting in defence of their fovereign and the laws, againft his rebellious fubjefts. In this way, they proved themfelves to be at his devotion, and making him a glorious king. The day was now arrived, fraught with ruin to the conftitution. The king, on fatal and im- prudent deed! figned the paper that appointed the commiflion, by which the bill of lord Strafford's aLtviinder » Vi. , ' r. 1 j l(: ( 154 ) attainder was paflcd in the houfe of lords, and another, that the parliament Ihould not be dif- folved without the confent of the commons. Such was the iflue of obtaining a triennial parliament. By thefe afls, he, in fad, fubfcribed his own death warrant j and the hand that figned thefe papers, I had almoH: faid, deferved to have that htfad, which belonged to it, taken from its ilioulders by an axe. And now it was vifible, that thofe prelbyterian commons, thofe friends of the people, thefe pro- tc61:ors of their rights and liberties, had not only prevailed on the king to renounce his lawful right of proroguing and dilTolving parliament-, but that they had robbed their fellow- fubjefts alfo of their right of a. general clcftion, and of being reprefented by any other than that which was then fitting. For this parliament never diflblyed itfelf, until the re- itoration of Charles the fccond. May this prece- dent, fo fatal, fo fanguinary, and deftrudlive, pre- vent both the fovereign to yield to any application from fedarian fubjedts, and the people from abet- ting their machinations. For it is as certain, that the king fhall fuffcr, by indulging their petitions, and the people be deprived of their rights and liberties, by men of fuch principles, as that the fun fhall rife to-morrow. And believe me, al- though at the day of judgment they fuffer for their transgreflTions, yet, neither wifdom, nor chriftan patience ought to remit to that day of dootn the punilhment which they fo truly merit. • The king then paired a bill, by which he renounced all right of levying tonnage and poundage, by his prerogative, or on any merchandife whatloever •, another to annihilate the courts of high commif- fion, and of the Star-chamber •, and one alfo of pacification between England and Scotland, by which »*»**" ( '55 ) 'which the demands of all the prelbyterian Scots were granted. Here every purfuit of the houfe of commons ought to have terminated. The levying of money, by pit-rogative-royal, the courts of high commifTion, and Star-chamber, were abo* lifhed J and libercy of confcience was no longer oppofed. But thefe envenomed fedlaries refolved to proceed until the whole conftitution of the ftate were perfectly demolifhed. Every concelTion of the king was a freHi incentive for proceeding to nev demands. And in this manner it will eternally refult, when fovereigns yield to the petitions of men who are, by principle, implacable, but with the death of that man who fhall give credit to their hypocritical applications, and yield his aflent tQ their infidious undertakings. Every moment expedited the ruin of the king, in which no man was more inftrumental than himfelf. He confenied to the abolition of epifcopacy in Scot- land. He difmiffcd colonel Lunsford from the lieutenancy of the tower, on the application of the commons^ that they could not conBde in him } and firjohn Byron was placed in his (lead. Twelve of the biihops protefted againd all afts palTed in parlia- ment ftnce they were withheld from fitting in the houfe of lords. They were comm' ed by the par- liament to the tower, as guilty of high treafon. The treafonable correfpondcnce being difco- vered, between the prefbyterian commons arul the Scots, the king ordered Kimbleton, Pym, Hamp- den, Hollis, Haflerig and Stroud to be appre- hended. The commons refolved to ftand on their defence. The king demanded the members above- named in their houfe. They were abfent. The commons voted that demand to be a breach of pri- vilege, and the city mob was raifed to prote<5t them. X Ac /f I' M r < T.;6 ) ; Atthfe tiiT>e,^js hiajtily and the royal family being expofed to great dangd, retired to I i«mpton-Court. Hhe prfifbyterian IherilTs of London, accom- panied ivkU the train bands, and the populace, in arms, ccrrried back the demanded members in tri- umph to WcftmihlVtr; v/hilll the framen and wa- terntifeB, ift boat?, ijquipped with ficld-pic<:cs, pro- 'cceded, from London Bridge to the fame place. Thc^wferc thanked %y the commons and promifcd ■fln ordinance 15f>r th^lr indemrvity. Nothing is fo fatal to a fovereign as temporizing with ftfbels. It was ne>w difcerned how erroi^eoully the kirig had conducted himfeJf, in fufFerihg thefe 'preibyterian futjje a ftacc q( defence^ that the lords lieutenant Ihould bring to the houfc their qonjiTiiffions, md cancel them as illegal. And that the admiral ihqgld prepare a fleet, and pro- ceed to lea in their fervicf. The king i'at up his ftandard, and prepared tor defeating thole rebels, by the power of arms, which he- had too long and too fatally neglcdcd* whilft they were haftening 10 that means of deft raying him. During the preceding part of this reign, but three Roman catholic peribns had fuffered death, for being of that pri^i^hooti. The priions were, indeed, thronged wit|\ perfons of that religion, bothiecelcjfiaftics and bymen ; but, with the in- creafe of power among the prcfbyterian commons, the fpiritof perfecution proceeded with equal fteps. The- Catl,vllic priefts weie now to be brought to the gaUow8, for exerciling choir right of Ici-ving God in their own way. Goodman, a prieft, :was con- demned tO die, The king, in »i^rs. The king refolvcd to commit no more fuch cruelties*, and refufed tofign the warrants of fevcn priefts, condemned at one time to death, at .-M-n*- X 2 'the HI \ ■ ( '58 ) the Old- Bailey. The prclbyterians then, feeing it in vain to feek the fandlion of the royal name to countenance their perfecuting refolves, alTumed the full power of life and death ; and a num- ber of men, whofc whole crimes were being priefts, were executed with ali the fcverity of that inhuman fentence, which condemns to be hanoed, cut down alive, emboweled, and hearts to be thrown into the flames. Such was^ the tenderncfs of the prefbyterian commons, who were at that in- flant roaring againll the Roman catholic perlccuti- ons in the reign of bloody Mary. This mercyt con- ilantly unpardonable in a king, that is not their favourer, was publilhed through the realm, as a proof of his majefty*s being a bloody papift, and of their being the true friends of Chrift's gofpcl. Their perfecuting fpirit, for confcience fake, was lb exercifed in 1641, that they executed two priefts, and fentenced feveral others to death. This had a double eficd^. It withheld the merciful difpofition of the king from urging the Roman catholics to join his ftandard« through apprehenfion, that all of that religion would thereby fuffer, who might fall into the hands of the rebels. And the ca- tholics were fo intimidated by thefe fanguinary proceedings of the prefbyterians, that, feeing there remained nc o^her method to preferve themielves and their eflfedls, lomc few of them oppofed the king) whom they liked, and aflifted the prefbyterians, whom they had reafon to deleft, In the religion of fuch catholics, rebellion effaced the fin of idolatry. For, in faft, it was loyalty to their fovereign, that was the fole caufe of all the fanatic lies, groundlefs charges, and barbarous punifhments, which were urged againft all men of che church of England, and Roman - " '- catholics, ves ofed the tell, aced ally of and inR man lies, ( 159 ) catholics. And co promote that malignancy, the caufe of JtTus was fee up againft their lawful king. The parliament now voted, that whoever ihould raife forces for their fovereign, were to be deemed trairors. And they publifhed a remonllrance, de- claring, that the fupreme legidative authority was in the two houfes : and that the kin^r had no right of withholding his alTent from the ads they pafled. They now committed the very crime, from which their rebellion had originated, and iffued an ordi> nance, by their fole authority, for levying tonnage and poundage. They paffed another ordinance alfo for aiTefTrng, through the kingdom, a weekly tax of 34,808/. for the maintenance of their forces againft their /bvereign : which, they impudently alerted to have been raifed for his prefervation. •■■' • The prilbners, taken at Brentford, being re- leafed by the king, on having fworn not to take arms any more againft him. Downing and Mar- (hal, two prcfbyterian teachers, who had been con- Aantly roaring againft the pope, as the idolatrous 'vhore of Babylon, alTumed that very power which they had fo vehemently execrated } and abfolved all thofe relcafed prifoners from their oaths, who, again, engaged in the rebel army, through pure tendernefs oi confcience. 'J he church of England was now demolifhed. An alTembly of prefby terian teachers was conftituted to fettle the national religion, on the calvinillical principles, doftrines and difcipline 5 and the two houfes, and the city of London, united with the Scots, in taking the lolemn league and co- venant. The presbyterian, being now the eftablifhed church, by ordinances of rebellion, their teachers laboured to ercdt a government therein, which was to ( i6o ) to contain, the very powers, thej bad aboIHhed^ as too ciefpotic. Such as, thofe of the keys, and of excommunication. Epifcopacy was cxwrminated ; the (hurch lands were alienated, to pay the debts in-^ curred by the iwo houfes j and the benefices diftri- biWted to their teachers, from whence the clergy of the church of England were expelled. And now, thefe presbyicnan teachers denied that li- berty of conlcience to all other .re<5ls, as well as to the churchmen of England, and they clainried both civil and ; ecclefial^iicai authority over mens perfon?^ properties, and confcicn(ces» The fpirit ©f perfccution thjrftcd for this power, in order to fwpprefs all whodifferedjn opinion from themlelvcs. They infilled on a ft ri«?t uniformity in difcipltne, .faith and worfhip; and vehemently inveighed ;^ir>ft toleration, whifh the independents, their 5i4wturiil fp»wn, determined to fuppprt. They e>yt1i haralTed the houfe of commons to grant tf ,4>,fuch powe.'Si as might enable ihem to compel^ bypeffecuiiony thofe who (hould prefnme to dil- iejit fifom covenant uniformity, and the divine iright of prefbytery. i his the independents, in pariiampnt, did in fome meafure prevent from, be- ing.ftriftly eftabliflied. 7" he diredory was enjoin- ed, as the rule of worlhip, in all churches, under a pecuniary fifle, for each Sunday's omiffion. Whoever (hould prefume to fpeak or aft againft ic was fined from five to fifty pounds. The Com- mon-.Prayer vva^ fofbidden, not only in churches, but in. private fanjilies under a like, penalty. Eve- ry clergy man. of. the church of England muft take the covenant, or be ftripped ot his living, and fent, with his family, to ftarve : and. then .an ordinance of the two houfes, unprecedented among chriftians,- y/gs rpade the zd of .May J1648, againlt herefy and blalphemy. Among a variety ( i6i ) of articles, rhc(e that follow are to be feen. That whoever (hall affirm, that the Godhead and man- hood of Chrift are not diftind natures ; that the death of Chrift is not meritorious; that the fcrip- tures are not the word of God ; that ChnO: is not rifen ; that there is no refurredion, or a fu- ture judgment •, (hall fufFer death, as in cafes of felony. And then, that whofoever fays, that iall men fhall be faved ; that man, by nature, 4iath free-will to turn to Gc»d ; that man is bound to believe no more than by his nealbn he can con>- ^rehend •, that the bapttfm of infants is onlawfuli iliall be committed to prifon, till they cao ifind fecurity, that he -would not either main- tain or publilh fuch errors. Such was the lu(\ of 'cftabliftiing abfolute dominion, by what was then called the legiflature. By this ordinance, ithc churchmen of England, Papifts, Arminiana, An- tinomians, Arians, Socinians, Anabaptifls, and all •other fedaries, then cxifling, were doomed to per- fecution. The virulence of this prelby terian ordinance de- 'droyed iihecr>d for which it was intended. The inde- pendents revolted from chctti, and became their matters. They were univer^Uy detefted by all men •of every other religion, or fed, for their attempt- ing to eltabiifli this tyranny on confcience. Ajid this deteftation filone induced them to af&ime the affec- tation of tendernefs for the king's life, when they faw their tyrannical fyftem difappointed by the in- dependents. Thefe were the blefled feekers of the vLord, who -tranfporced themfelves to Bofton, in which place they purfucd the didates of the fame perfecuting fpirit, and put to death thofc who 'dired to difient from them. In fuch principles they have perlevered, and fuch they are now ex- i.'V' : ercifing .!!■ i' \' ■ I i i6i ) crcifing againft the lawful authority 6f theif love- reign and his parliament. Fym, nicknamed king, by the mob, perilhed by the louiy evil. Thus perifh all fuch rebels to their king. ' Archbifhop Laud, being deemed by the lords to be not guilty of high-treafon, the prefbyterian commons commanded him before them ; and with* out hearing any evidence, lave that which was repeated bv their counfel, they attainted him of high treafon, for whiv:h he was beheaded. And now the courts of high commiHion and Star-chamber, abolilhed in name, exided in reality. The firfl, in the Calviniftical church government -, the fecond in the houfe of commons : and thus the legidative power, and that of executing the laws, were united in the fame inhuman beings. And now, that abominable hypocrify, hitherto inferted by order of the parliament, in commifilons to their generals, to pre/erve his majefly*s per/ottf •wzi omitted in that to Fairfax. 1 purpofely decline from all defcription of thofe calamities which attended this infernal rebellion, in which fathers were flain by fons, and fons bv fa- thers; in which all ties, parental and filial, by confanguinity and marriage, of friend, of religion, and of humanity itfelf, were totally annihilated. De» folation, rapine and (laughter, were let loofe to ra- vage; and every horrible a£t that fanaticifm could devife, was perpetrated, with all imaginably fury. ^ ' !■■ ':t} ■ -:^; V .;:;^v At this time, the commons refolve, under God, that the people were the original of all juft power. That the commons, in parliament, had the fu- freme authority of the nation, without king or oufe of peers. Thus, as the commons were ef- tabiilhed ( i63 ) tablilhed to all eternity, unlefs difiblved by force, or by their own confent, every right in the confti- tuents of elefting a new parliament was extirpated, together with thofe of the king and peerage •, and the goverment was become an oligarchy. The king, driven to diftref^, repaired to the Scotch prefbyterian army, in fearch of an afylum. Thcfe loyal fubjedls fold him to hisEnglifti rebels, for 400,000/. The Englifh prefbyterians, in refentment to the independents, for dripping them of power, now affefted a tendernefs for the king's life. Cromwel, confcious of the true motive, ridiculed their hy- pocrify. His majefty was then brought before a felf- created high court of juftice; he difavowed thf.ir authority •, was arraigned and fentenced to be be- headed, as a tyrant, traitor, murderer, and a pub- lic robber, and then they murdered him, at White- hall, on the 30th of January, 1648. Hence it may be feen, by what fatal progreffion, from the pretence of fepking the liberty of ferving God in their own way ; from tendernefs of con- fcience -, from oppofing fome few ads of extended prerogative, together with abolifliing of the courts of high commifTion and ftar-chamber, ef- tabliftiecj by law, and annulled by the king*s con- fent i that virtuous motives never aftuated the hypocritic bofoms of thole infidious fanatics. Every thing conceded was an incentive to more arrogant dcrnands. By his remilTnefs mature- ly to prepare, by force to iubdue their re- bellious intentions, the rights of fovereign and of fubjed were alike demoliflied, and the kingdom was covered with human blood, and with oli- garchic defpotiim. \ ■ God V { 164 ) God preferve his majefty •, and may the pcopld fay, AmePi. The commons now refolved, that a king, or the power thereof, in one perfon, was unneceflary, bur- thenibme, and dangerous, and therefore to be abo- lifhed : and an a6t was paiTcd in both houfes, by which fuch abolition was confirmed. Things being thus far advanced, Cromwel entered the houfe of commons, with a file of mufquetecrs *, commanded the fpeaker to quit the chair-, told them, they had fat long enough, unlefs they had done more good j and that they were no longer a parliament. He told Harry Varc, that he was a juggler; Henry Martin, and Peter Wentworth, that they were whore-mongers j Tom Challoncr, a drunkard; and Allen, a public cheat. And or- dered a common foldier to take away the mace, that fool's bauble. Harrilbn then pulled the fpeak- er from the chair ; which being done, and all of them kicked out, Cromwel locked the doors, and in the afternoon, difmiffcd the council of ftate, which had been appoinied foon after the royal murder. Oliver, with his council of officers, now aflumed the fupreme authority of the kingdom and diflblved the parliament by their declaration. He then iflued his orders, nominated and convened about one hundred and twenty perfons, who met him at Whitehall. He then told them, they had a clear call to under- take the fupreme authority of the commonwealth. And then, by an inftrument, under his own hand, with the advice of his officers, hj committed the fupreme authority to that 120 men, July the 4th, ^^53' l^ey were to fit no longer than till the 3(1 of November, 1654. And three months before the expiration of their leflion, they were to feledt an an ( '65 ) 90 equal number of others to fucceed them ; whofe duration was not to exceed a year. He then, by way of fpiritual compliment, affured them, he had not made choice of one perfon, in whom he had not the good hope that he had faith in Jefus Chrift, and love to all faints. Which faints were thofe who had fpread defolation and bloodihed in the caufe of rebellion and murdered iheir fovereign. This aflembly refolved, that no perfon fliould be admitted to any place or office in the govern- ment, unlefs the parliament, as they called theni- felves, were fatisfied of his real goodnefs. Thefe i2oele6l: of Cromwel were, in derifion, fometimes called the godly parliament •, at others, Praifegod Barebone's parliament. T'hat honourable member was a feller of leather, a fpeaker of fpeeches ; and no lefs formidable than the unmerciful Tommy Townlhend. It was the opinion of thefe feledl men, th^t Chrifl would foon dcfcend to reign in England. And, in order to purge the kingdom of iniquity, and prepare the way for him, they pro- pofed to extirpate all parfons and lawyers; to ab- rogate all laws, and badges of flavery -, to fupprefs all fchools and univerfiti^s, as hcathenilh inventi- ons i together with all titles of honour and dii- tinftions among men : and they adlually proceed- ed to abolifh the courts of chancery. And now, may it not be faid, that thefe fanatics had made a thorough reformation, whatever might become gf its godlincfs ? This parliament of Praife-God Barebones, con- fifted of fuch fools, intentionally felefted, to anfwer Cromwel's purpofes. About five months after they began to fit, they had rendered themfclves fo ^onfummately ridiculous, that Oliver now thought he might fafely proceed in his afcendancy tofupreme y 2 power. i ( 166 ) power. Accordingly, it was moved in the houfe, that the welfare of the commonwealth required they fliould fit no longer : and that it was fit they Ihould refign their power to the Lord General. On this motion, the fpeaker, with many of the members, repaired to Whitehall : and, by a writ- ten inflrumenr, refigned iheir power into the hands of Cromwel. Some of the members (till remained with Barebones in the houfe. Cromwel never did things by halves, or with hefication. He immedi- ately fent fFhite, an officer, with foldiers, to the houfe of commons, which having entered, they demanded to what mtent they were fitting there. To feek the Lord, was the anfwer. Pifh, replied WhitCy the Lord has not been within thefe walls thefe twelve months: and then turned them all out. Lambert, and the council of officers alfo, re- figned their pretenfions to power, and declared, that the government of the commonwealth fliould rcfide in a fingle perfon ; and chat Oliver Cromwel fhould be that perfon, with the title of Lord Protedtor of the commonwealth of England, Scot- land and Ireland, and all the other dominions thereunto belonging. Cromwel was now fole fovereign of three power- ful kingdoms, without either lords or commons, to incommode his undertakings. Such was the refult of feeking the Lord to murder their king, and of liberty of confcience to fubvert the conftitu- ticn. Oliver was a man formed by nature to apply the principles of thofe implacable fedlaries, to perpetrating the deeds of that fanguinary aera. JHc loft not his time in fpeculative defigns, which mod frequently prove obortive j but caught occa- fions as they rofe, dared to be equal to what they cficred, and probably attained to that amazing de- gree ree ( «67 ) grce of fovereignty, becaufe he difcerned not to what height he was afcending before he reached the fummit. F«w men of exalted virtue have, at any time, been capable of great rcfolution. There havt been, indeed, numbers of them pofieflcd of paflive fcrtitude to a furprifing excefs. Thoufands with the utmoft firmnefs, have died martyrs to re- ligion, for one who, by aftive virtue, has dared to fave his country, without being animated by the interefted ambition of acquiring dominion for himfelf. Sovereigns that would imitate Oliver in every thing but his crimes, and add that vigour to deeds of righteoufnefs, which he' imparted to thofe of iniquity, would be the blefling of their people, and the admiration of the world. Sub- je<5ls expedl a nrm and aftive admihiftration in their king. And, although the current of his reign may flow in one continued ftream of tranquility and fmoothnefs, even the uniformity of that happincfs too frequently difpleales. Love of fovereigns is but a feeble pafTion in their fubjedts. If they be not ta-ught to fear and feel for their tranf- grelFion, the popular influence becomes exube- rant i tumults, fcdition, and even rebellion itself, fliall attempt and fometimes fucceed in dethron- ing a virtuous prince, who adds not a vigorous exertion of authority to a proper mode of im- parting beneficence. Oliver, who was now abfolute, was, neverthc- l<"fs, too well inftrudted in the nature of mankind, and the principles of fanaticil'm, which, at that time, difgraced the human race, to exert a fovc- reignty without offering an oftenfible objeft, of uniting others in the fupreme legiflative power. Attended, therefore, with a ftrong guard, accom- panied with the great officers of Hate, the lord- mayor ( 168 ) mayor and aldermen of London, he proceeded from Whitehall, to that of Weftminfter. There iie received that writing by which he was auiho rii>d to govern the three kingdoms. He then took the oath which was prepared for him ; and affumed the chair of ftate, with putting on his har. The commiffioners then delivered him the broad feal, and the lord- mayor the city Iword, which was immediately returned to him. By this Jnftrument, the fiipreme legiflative power was lodged in the proteftor and a parliament. The executive in him and his council. A variety of conditions were therein infert^d, imparting that regal power, in many inftances, of which they had deprived the late king and limiting it in others. All which, however, was fo contrived, that he might obferve them, or not, as he pleafed. For none, but perfons of whofe integrity he was to de- termine, were toconftitute that parliament. This, in eflfedt, was equal to a nomination of the mem- bers. He was obliged to call them together but for fix montlis, once in three years j and, during the interval of their fefljons, he and his council were authoriled to cnad what laws they liked. Such was now the freedom and power of parlia- ment for which 1b much blood had been Ipilt. The office of prote<51:or was appointed to be elec- tive and that by the council. All kinds of fefts in religion were tolerated. The Roman catholic and church of England were profcribed. He was then proclaimed Protestor through all England, with the fame folemnity which would have attended the accefilon of a king. 1 he nation was taxed with raifing a revenue, for the maintenance of io,Qoo horfe, 20,oqo fgot, and a confiderable fleet, ^ ... I, J ^-j^:, ,, Cromwel '■i\\ { i69 ) Cromwel and his council, by an ordinance, united England and Scotland in one common^ wealtli and one government. The parliament meeting, and entering intodilputes, relative to their right or aflembling, and of the inftrument which conveyed the antecedent powers to the Protedor, Oliver came to the painted chamber, fent for the members, reprehended them for their inlblence, placed a guard at the door of the houfe of com- mons, and fufFcred none to enter who would noc fublcribe to be true and faithful to the Lord Pro- tciftor : and that he would neither propofe nor confent to alter the government, as it was fettled in one ptrfun, and a parliament. Three hundred of them fubfcribed this recognition, in a few days ; and Harrifon, who refufed it, was taken into cuttody by a party of horfe. The houfe, how- ever, perfifted in debating on the preceding fub- jedUj but voted Cromwel Protedor for life. When this parliament, not correfponding perfcd- ly with the views of Cromwel, he diflblved them, after a fefllon of five months. If this a£t of Oliver be compared with that of Charles, when he went to the houfe of commons and demanded feven rebellious members, it will ap- pear, that the king required that tobedone to which he had not the means of enforcing an obedience ; cxpofcd his weaknefs, and invigorated the oppo-; fition of his enemies. Cromwel, prepared with force, dared with firmnefs, intimidated his op- ponents, accomplilhed hisdefign, and fecuredthat fovercignty, which can never be effectually main- tained, but by the application of fuch power, in proportion as the circumftances of things may oc- cafionally require it. He knew that to trull; to a war of words, in St. Stephen's chapel, would be to be undone. ^i e ■■ ( »7o ) undone. He and the council now fiippreflcd the publication of news-papers, without leave of the I'ecretary of ftate, as well as of all books and pamphlets unliccnfcd. Thus die liberty of the prefs was lent to the devil, after all the other liberties which the ('diaries hid difpatched before it. Oliver convened a new parliamenr, from the three kingdoms to meet at Weftminller j but he fufFcred no member to enter the honle who had not been approved by his council, and had obtained a certificate of approbation from them. Pack, an independent alderman of London, propofed, in the houfe, to in veil Cromwel with the title of king-, and it was carried by a majority, that the crown Ihould be offered him. But the officers of the army oppofing with menaces the accepting of that title, Cromwel, who knew when to perfevere, and when to relax, as the power of arms was with or againft him, with prudence and hypocrify, de- clared, he could not, with a good co' ience, ac- cept the government under the litie oi .;- ^A\ \\ ( »72 ) fumed ihf. goveninunt ot tlie realm; and Charlc? lljc fccond was reltort-J. Whoever lliall attentively coMfidc'r the principles of ihclc fanatic rebels, will certainly dilcern that, in civil and religious (cncis, they ntcclfarily lead to the deliruchon of all the conftiiutional rights of this kingdom, and the ercding oi dclpotilm over our fouls and bodies. It is ablolutely indifputabie, that liberty, both civil and religious, were buc mere words, by whi; h the people were conftantly milled to the dellrudtion of their own happinefs ; and that 'je reali y of obtaining thofe bleflings did, not at any time, enter the imaginations of their fe- du6live enflavers, or once appear in their tran- fadtions. During this term of nineteen years, op- preffion and cruelty ciifcriminated all their par- liamentary ordinances and adiojjs, under various modes of tyranny, ill. The two houfes, without a king and bifnops. 2d. An eternal houfe of com- mons, or oligarchy, without the lords. 3d. Crom- wel and a council of officers. 4th. A protestor and one hundred ;;nd twenty men, nominated and convened by his orders, /jth. A protcdor alone. 6th. A protedlor, and a houfe of commons, con- fiding of menjbersonly which lie approved. 7th. A proteftor and a parliament of new-made lords and commons. 8th. Richard Cromwel, proteflor, with a parliament. 9th. Rump parliament. loth. Keepers of the liberties of England, nth. Lam- bert and the army. 12th. The rump again. 13th. A council of State. , - ., .* , • At length, after multiplied opprefHons and ag- gravated cruelties had been relentlefsly exercifed under this eternal revolution of ablurd forms, and anarchical tyranny-, after the devaftarion of the realm, by flaughtcr, rapine, and fanatic fury, had ,. , . •. ... . . ib 1 ( '73 ) pj long revelled in full career, no end was ken of I'.heir caiamiiics but by recurt-.ing to that very form of government, which they had dcftroyed. Charles the Itcond and the condiiution were rellorvd to- gethr.r; an event which, although at prctcnt it be affcdlcdly treated with ncgled, is undoubtedly equal in national a. '.vantages to the revolution. Unlefs the re-tTtablidunenc of the conftitution, which was abl'olutely fubvtrted, be a lefs felicity than that event which prevented its demolition. During the reign of Charles the fecond, the fame prelbyierian Ipirit of perfecution, democracy, and king- killing prevailed. Popery and flavcry wereconlbntly united in their mouths, which never cxilled in the realm. Pietbyterianifm and librrty were, in like manner, conjoined, that never dwelt together And, under the name of proteftanrs, they inlidioufly connctted themielves with the churrh of England, againft which they as really proteiK-d as againft the papal. Thele gave pretext t > all their iniquitous intentions. In confequcnce of this relentlel's prefbytcrian Ipirit, the prince of Or>tnge, lord Shaftefbury, RufTcl, Sydiury, and others, en- tered into a confederacy with Titus Gates, Bedloe, and luch perjurers, to forge a plot, which was, to accufe the Roman catholics of conlpiring the death of the king. The fulleft difproof of what they fwore was of no avail : and a number of in- nocent men were facriHced on the infernal altar of prefbyterian perfidy, in whofe religion regi- cides alone are faints. This forgery not anfwering their defign, the lame perfons, v/ith Fergufon, Rumbolc], and others, all prelbyterians, relblved on the afiiifiination of the king, at the Rye-houie^ on his return from Newmarket. An event, totallv Z 2 unforefefj*. ( 174 ) iinforefeen, prevented that intended murder from being carried in'-o execution. Jan»es the fecond, that injudicious bigot, in- tending to abrogate the ted-acl, and alike admit papifts, prefbyterians, and all others of the fec- tarian tribes, into all offices, both civil and mili- tary, the presbyterians became his faft friends, and avowed abettors of his defigns on the con- llitution. The^ received this gracious offer with the mofl: profound profefsions of loyalty to his per- ibn, and with the G;reatefl. gratitude for his Q-oodners. In thv'r addreiTrs, thanks and praile were accom- panied with virulent fuggeilions of what they had lliffcred from the church of England. In thefe they denominated the Roman catholics, their bre- thren and fellow fufferers for conlcience lake. *' Lob, whom Burnet calls, an eminent man among the difienters, was entirely gained to the court, and advifed the king to fend the bilhops to the tower." He was the Father Petre of the fa- natics. At the fame time, "the popifh nobility, and alnioll all of every tlt-gree, preffcd the king earnefliy to let the ihing fall." Sunderland, the new and occafional convert, for one reafon •, and Petre, the Jefuir, for anotlier, were not among the difcreter Catliolics. At the fame time, the archbilliop of Canterbury, v/ith fixot his fuffragan prelates; th;: univerfuics of Oxford and Cam- bridge i the eccienallics of the church of Eng- land, and the Tories, by open and honeiV mean.', oppofed the king's defpctic defigns-, whillt the Vvhigs, by fecrct intrigues, invited the prince ci Orange into this kingdom. The revolution was thereby effected. And yet, ftiefe fe^taiian crews are at this day moil audaciouQy anUmiiig adegrccof meritjfor eiictftuacing that very revciution GI . ' . ( '75 ) rcvolutior which they oppofed. Such is the excefs of confidence and fallehood in thefe men. No fooner had William afcended the throne of his exilf'd father, than thefe very prefbyterians addrefifed him in terms of equal loyalty, and rejoiced as much in his elevation, as if they had been''he fole means of his rife. The archbifhop, and five of the bifhops, without whofe glorious oppofition William had never been crowned king of thefe realms, were deprived of their fees, and reduced to live on their private and (lender incomes •, becarfe they dared not to trifle wi'Ji their confciences, refpecting for- mer oatlis. At the fame time, a part of their ec- clefiadical revenues might eafily and ought co have been relerved for men of iuch integrity, by appointing coadjutors, during their Jives, to offi- ciate in their diocefes. But Vv'illiam had no af- fection for the church of England. Fie was con- vinced, from the murders of De Wit, in Holland ; from their fupporting, by perjuries, the forgery of the popirti plot ; and their actual confpiracy to alTafTinate king Charles thefecond •, and from what he felt from the iame principles in his own bofom, that the prefbyterians had no other motives to their atflions than felf-intereft •, and that they would fup- port the worll fovereign that ':ver reigned, when it conduced to their iniquitous advantages, tc the ruin of the befl", who oppofed them. He tlit-refore indulged them, during his fitting on the throne; and although he had folemnly contormcd to the church of ^'ngland, he kept one Caritairs, a Scotch prefbytcrian, to be his domeitic chaplain, to whofe advice he paid great regard. It is an obfervation of a pclitical writer, of the mofc exalted eminence, that Ciefar was as much a greater villain, and enemy to his country, tha:i Cataliie, f *' «•••• I kH \ 176 ) Cataline, as the deftrnflion of the Roman liberties exceeded the intending of it. The fame may be ap- plied to the prelbyterians and catholics, with this difference only, that the latter did never intend to fubvert, but always fupporced the conftitution, whilft their religion prevailed ; and, after it vv.is exploded, had no other views than the reltoration of their church. Bcfides this, their atcempts •were feeble, and even that execrable plot, of the 5th of November, was undertaken by fourteen only, unknown to all the others of that religion j from which time they have lived the mofl peace- able of fubjedts, uncomplaining of thofe peral laws which ftill hang over them; and not only le- fcind the free exercife of their religion, but are unchriftianly fevere in the civil rights with which the feftaries have been indulged, Thele laws, hovvever requifite they might have been at their inditution, are they not at prefeht a difgrace to government, and to the liberal ipirit of our church and conititution ? In the mean while, tlie presbytcrians, during the grand rebellion, man, woman, and child, were engaged, with all iheir powers, to fubvert the con- ftitution of this realm, both civil and ccclefiallical, and effeded it; for whiKl: the men were lighting in their fanatic rauf^, the women and the children were feeking the lord, in piayer, for that fuccefs, which deftroyed their rights and liberties. From that day, to the prelenr, they have uniforinly pcrfilled in being the friends, advocates, and promoters of continental connedions ; w.. s fo.- alien intereils ; augmenting taxes and accumulating debts, I'hey iupported the eltablilhment of a llanding army ; the converting triennial into feptennial parliaments; by enading adsby fuftainins; parliamentary corrup- tion, and every law, which they now pretend to ex- ecrate ; I t cerate, becaufe their own iniquities and rebellious adions have rendered it impradicable for them to be dilcontinued, without the danger of permitting them to effeftuate their rebellious purpofes. No iboner was his prefent majeity enthroned, than their teachers, either becaute the annual fum which by his grandfather had been given among them, was diminiftied, or no longer paid, be- gan to feel their confciences again grow tender. God, like the Diana of the Ephefians, was now once more to be fervcd in their own way; becaufe, by that craft, they had their wealth. They then returned to tlicir old rebellious practices. 1 he king was traduced with lels cauie, and more enormity, than ever fovereign had known before. Popery- was again aflerted to be coming in. I^he articles of the church oi' England grew offcnfive, and ap- plication to parliament was made to have them al- tered. 1'ythes were Jewifh, popifli, and to be aboliflied ; and the teft-adt to be repealed. All thefe were feditious clam.ours, excited for rea- fons fimilar to the preceding in their rebellion ag tinft Charles the firil \ and clamours only they can be juftly deemed : for of what avail is the fa- cramenial tell to keep thefe men from honours, polls, and places ? on fuch occafions, were the bread as large as Se. Paul's cathedral, and did the cup contaii. as much wine as the great tun at Heidelberg, thev would fwallow every grain and drop without hefitation or a wry face. At the fame time, although the oatii of allegiance has been taken in the morning, they will declaim againit Jie lawful power of their fovereign before night; and v/i:h the Jacrament, yet widiin them, execrate that xri) church to which they iiiid fo folejnnly conformed. Decide then, n)y fellow toun- t 1 ■I ( .78 ) countrymen, of the church of England, whe- ther, from the hands of Roman catholics,, or of prefbyterians, your deilruftion be nioft likely to proceed. Refled: on the rebtlhous ads of the Bollonian fanatics, who would impofe on you alone the taxes to fupportthe ftatej admire and applaud the wifdom and thejulticeof parliament in begin- ing a reformation of the catholic church in Canada, by a truly chriltian indulgence of religious liberty ; and in extending the loyal fubjefts of Qiiebec be- hind thefe reftlels hypocrites. Senfible of their hap- pinefs beneath his majeity, rhey will be ready to em- ploy their arms to quell rebellion, whilft the prelby- terian race, who, by lying calumnies, ever traduce their fovereign, would terrify you with the coming in of popery and flavery; feduce you from allegiance, and incite you to arms. Yetluch is the indifputable fad, that, during the fourteen years in which his majefty hath reigned over us, neither this king- dom, nor any other ever enjoyed /o continued aferies of felicity, in which not one attempt has hitherto been made to invade your property, to diminifh your rights and liberties, or to dellroy the lives and treafure of his fubjeds. And to the refutation of this truth, I defy all mankind. Believe not, therefore, that your king, who is eminently dignified with every virtue of Son, Fa- ther, Hufband, Brother, Friend, whofe ads pro- nounce him merciful, and by whom all your com- plaints have been removed, as far as his authority can extend, can ever entertain an idea that may tend to Iclfen your felicity, or prevent its improve- ment. At the fame time, be confident that the men of thefe days, who are actuated by like principles with thofe rebellious fanatics of Charles the firft, • - - whofe ( 179 ) whofe fouls are fraught with every vice, will coii» vert religion to tht^ir inftrument of iniquity, to fe- duce you to rebellion, and to promote the triumph of their defpotifm. i^ppeal to your own fenfations, and you fhall Bnd, that their feditious adts can mean but to delude you to their nefarious and in- terefted purpoles, by erecting their dominion, and eftablifhing your flavery, which their anceilors fo perfidioufly accomplilhed. Have not the Jefuits, who entertain principles lefs pernicious to government, and whofe actions bear no comparifon in iniquity with thofe fedarians, been juftly expelled from almoft all the realms of Europe ? exert, therefore, my countrymen, your indignation againfl: fuch infi- dious and deftrudive villainy. RvOUze from your fedudtion ; and manfully proceed to every afb of loyalty to the bell of kings -, to the prefervation of your rights, liberties, conftitutioo and country. ■ \ FINIS. \ Tl < An T !ias i it nei T and t hasb repre ' «ient Oi •re e: ofCa prove* To caref;: comm eininei counts Prt^i Uni Royal which /n < •oimtie enable • As to any proved hiftorians* To thcfe will be added fuch particulars, as the author could collcfl from a careful infpei^ion of I'e piaces themfelves, as well as thofe whic4» have been communicated to him from the obfervations of his Fiieiid«, to many of whom, eminent in this ftudy, he has been obliged for very intereftlng and curious Ac- cour»t3 from Original Manulcripts, and alfo from many in the pofiedion of the Proprietors thcmfelves, as well as from I'ofe in public and private libraries. One Ntimber, containing Six Plates, h,;ely executed, and printed on a Superfina Royal Paper, in Quarto, will bepubliflied every month, tlHthe whole is completed, which will conlilt of four Volumes, of fifteen Number? each. In order to make it more generally interefting, the views xm not pubiilhcd in •ounties, or in any regular fucceflicn ; they are therefore rot -laged. Thii v/iU enable the purchafers toarrange them in whatever manner they thmk beft. • As it is the Author's V)fXvt .0 make this Work as complete as poflible, he will be obliged to any Gentleman, refiding 1 ; : remarkable Pisces of Antiquity, to favour him with any infT- mation, refpefting either the Anient Hiftory, or Prefent State thereof j as alfo with the N ime« '•f the prefent Proprieiorsjdiriftcf i-> tliePublifhef. N, B. Any CorreClions or Omuiivirt '^ th$ A« 1 Yhit the Public raay form foireid<« of the executitn of this Werk, the Publiilier his glvaa an extratt uf the characters gl vcii of it in the Rrvievis. From the Cv.iT\c\h Review, j"*^/. and 0^/. 1773. *' TO facilitate the lludy of our national Antlcjuitics, the author has iiitio* iSiiced this volume with a copious accoutit of various particulars relative to the ancient buildings in £iig!and, which is compiled from the bcft authorities, and digeded in a dear, coinprehenfive, and tnethudical a'riangement. From thispre- 'litninary difcourfe the reader will not only reap much entertainment and inftruc4i tion, but be prepared for the better underflanding the filbfequent part of the Work. It is therefore proper that we begin our Review with a general detail of the fubjefls which are mentioned in this fenfible and intercfting Preface. The firft fubjcibt treated of, is Callles. Of thcfe the Author obferves, that fuch as remain are, for the moft part, of no higher antiquity than the Norman Con- qusft; fur though the Saxons, Romans, and perhaps even the ancient Britons, had tallies bulk with ilone, yet they were few in nutnber, and, at that period, cither fo much deftroyed or decayed, that little more than their ruins were re- inaiiiing. The erection of callles appears to have kept pace with the pro* grefs uf the feudal fydem ; but becoming foon extffjzicly numerous*) and thsir owners exerciiing intolerable oppreilion in their neighbourhood, it was agreed, in a treaty between king Stephen and Henry II, when duke of Norman- dy, that all the callles built wiihin a Certain period (hould be demolifhed ; anil^ in confecjuence of this ftipulation, many are faid to have been a^ually razed. On Heniy's accelfion to the throne feveral others were demolidiad ; and a prohibi* tion was iH'ued from erecting new oncfe, without an efpeciai licence from the king. After delineating the ufual plan of the ancient caftles, the author delivers an ac* count of the various engines by which fieges were conduced in thefe times. The fubjedV on which our authornext enters is Monafteries. He obferves, that the aera of the firft inftitutiun of thefe religious houfes in England is extremely imcertain ; fome hiftorians and antiquarians fixing it foon after the Chrifb'an epoch ; while others, with greater probability, fuppofe that event not to have taken place till fome years after the commencement of the fixth century. The date of the foundation of nunneries in this country* he obfdrves, is involved in the fame ob« Icuriiy with the origin of the monaflic life. Mr. Grofe recites diftindtly the progrefs of religious foundations through the feveral fubfequcHt reigns, to the commencement of the Reformation. The fubjid to which our author next proceeds, in his very intcrefling Preface, is the ancicrit modes of architefturein this country. The author has further elucidated this curious fubjeft by a rariety of notes^ extracted from approved writers ; in compiling which, Mn Grofe difcovcrs him- felf to have confulted every authority from whence any information could be drawn ; and, as an additional illuftration, he has prefented his readers with •ngraved Ipcciniens of Saxou and Gothic arches, ornaments, &c. The Preface to this tvork concludes with a brief account of Domefday-book» begun by order of William the Conqueror, and containing an account of the lands m almolt all the counties of Erglatid ; with a deicription of the qtjantity and »*urticular nature of them ; mentioning the rents, taxations, the feveral pofTeflbrs^ With their number, and diltincl degrees. As to the Defcriptions of the feveral Ancient Buildings Introduced, thofe readers who would more fully gratify their curuifity, muft have recourfe to the origirtal, wberethey will find every article illuftrafed by a perfpeilive engraving, agreeably piiturefque, and exhi!)iting lively reprefentatlons. For hillotical or legendaly Anecdotss we refer our Readers to the Work itfelfv where they will generally find a detail of the fuccei^ilon through which the pro- |Krty of the feveral ancient buildings lias been convfyad, from their foundation ro the prcfent time. The great attention which tftie author appears to have Meltowtui ou the work) and th« ascuracy of the ^ujueious plates whereby it U ; illuftiatedli iAier has glvas 3- hor has ii)tio« :lative to the thorities, and "roin this pre- t and inftruc4 of the Work, ofthefubjedts ves, that fiich forman Con- sent Britons, that period* ins were re- vith the pro» merouii) and lood, it was ! of Normau- jlifhed; anil^ razed. On id a prohibl* om the kin^ clivers an ac« : times, fbferves, that is extremely iitian epoch ; e taken place lie date of the > the fame ob» 3 through the ling Preface, ety of notes, fcovers him- ion could bs , leaders with ' ' lefJay-bookf : of the lands [Uantity and il pofleflbrs^ thofe readers the origitlalf ^f agreeably Work itfel/; deb the pro- r foundation ars to have ■hereby it i» illuftjcatetV f 3 ] illuftratcd, leire no room to doubt of its meeting with 'the cncoiirafjcimont of t!ie Public. When Mr. Grofc has completed his defign, we fhall havg the fatlafatikion of beholding the mod entertaining and valuable collcdien of the antlqaiiies of this country, that has hitherto been made. From tht Monthly RaviEw, Uov^ ^111' THE Publication before iis claims our attention fr.om the refpeft which the curious and inquifitive mind ever pays to hiftorlcal refearchcs into antiqui'ty ; ana aUhoUj;h it may not be confidered as altogether an orifjinal uiuleitaking, this tribute of praife is due to Mr. Gi'ofc,— That he has very fenfibl)', and laudably, employed his talents to a very pleafing and gentrous purpofe, in thus endeavour- ing to refcue thefe venerable piles from the profcription of time,— as denounced by ^hakcfpeare— ♦* The Cr,ouD-CAPT Towers, The Gorgeous Palaces, The Solemn TfMPLES, — Shall Dissolve," &:c. As the hours of life are of too much importance to be fqu'andered away, the ficthcd which this ingcnioui gputleman has taken to fill up every interval of Icifure, docs him much honour, and is pregnant with very particular advanta};es ; for while he is drawing from oblivion, and introducing to our acquaintance, many noble and ancient families, he is railing a monument of fame to hinifelf. And, befules, the different cliantjes which thefe pcrilhing memorials of pride and dominion have tmdergone liiice the days of their carlieir polfelTors, exhibit a flriking a.id inllruftive, though it may feem a trite, leflbn of morality, in pointing out and proving ilie mutability of human greatnefs. A coiledionot fuch portraits as the prefent, with the annals fubjoincd, mny, like a cabinet of medals, be conlidered ss a body of liiftpr/, Wicli clefcrence lo thofe leatned gentlemen who have infilled on the erudition of the latter, we fix a relative value on the drawing? before us ; for, like otlier tpitonnis, thefe per- formances may greatly contribute to allill the memory, fettle many ditputed points- and prove eminently ferviceable in the illnftration of our national hiltoiy. Mr. Grofe has introduced his elegant engravings with a very copious and en- tertaining Preface, perfectly adapted to the fubjeft, and illuftrated with nine very curious copper-plates. In this preliminary difcourfe he has ingenioufly dlf- criminated the different forms and manner of building, and of beficging, caftjcs, He at the different periods of time, with a fucclnft account of the aucient Engliih artiche£Vure, in general ; he has defcribed t!ie ftate of the nionallcries in the earlieft ages of their exillence in this country ; and has explaiudd that venerable monument of Britifh anfiquity, the DomefJayllcok Thefe views are uniformly engraved on diftiu(i\ plates, and are each the fub- jeft of one entire leaf of the book ; Handing a^ head-pieces to the letter-p'-cfs accounts, or annals, of the refpedtive buildings, aiul the families, fic. to wliich they belonged. The drawings, though limited, aie mafteriy ; and the engrav iogs are very well executed. ir. As many People are defircus of having the fcl/nulitg Work in Numbers, il is firofiofjd la pul/Hjh it Monthly, each Number to contain t'^o C',l>ptr-Platcs (luitb Dejcriiititni) ' teautifullf coloured, and print'd on hrperial Paper, trice each Num''er 51. 3 if the CharaSler ofth'it ffori. *• A competent Knowledge of the Subject difcufled in this Work 15, undoubt- edly, of the moft eiTential Confequence to thefe who would qualify themfelvcs for the Direction of public Affairs; and it is therefore with pleafurt tve behold poli- tical and commercial Principles delineated on a rational and inl^ruft vc Plan. Ex- tremely complicated in its Nature, and not reduced to a regular Syft'm, political Oeconomy has long been confidered as a vague :ind indetermined Science, of Wihich the Theory was founded on no eftabliflied Criterion of Judgment, and the Practice rather guided by arbitrary Views, than the Contemplation of public Utility. The Writings of the Ancients afford but little Light on this Subjeerfpicuous and methodical manner, and the author has illullrated by appofite examples, fuch principles of thefe fciences, as ap- pear at tirQ. flght to be either repugnant or lefs obvious to common Apprehenfion : On the feveral fubje^l^s of what he treats, he hascanvaiTed the fentiments of the mod eminent writers with freedom and candour, and where hediffents from their authority, his conclufions are fupportec'. by juft and rational arguntents. The Work will certainly be ufeful to thofe who would acquire a competent knowledge, of political oeconomy ; and feveral hints are thrown out on Finances, which we' oould wifli to fee adopted by CoveriUlKut." ) I V C 5 ] V. fN ESSAY ON TRADE AND COMMERCE: Containing Obfervationi on Taxes, ai they are fuppofed to ifi'eCi the Price of Labour in our Manufa£Vi> ries ; together with fome intereftii.g Reflexions on the Importance of our Trode to Ante- rica. Ofiavo, Prici ftweJ 41, VI. The ELEMENTS of TACTICS ; Containing new Obfervations on the Miiitiirv Art, with 12 Copper- Plate Tablet to illuftratc the difl'^rent Manauvrei. Cflavo, Prictjewtii i». CbaraHer oftbh IVcri In the Critical Mevirtv, '* Thii appears to be the Work of an ingenloui and intelligent Officer j it traces to thrlf Source many Errors in the prcfent Syftem of Tallies in Europe, and fuggefts a Method by which they may be remedied. The Remarks on the Miliury Difcipline and Anangements of the Crteki ^d Romans have particulai: Merit,* VII. Ehgcntly printfd in One Vol. 8vo, ^ufeived, The Second Edition, Revifed; with large Additions, and the Catalogue of Authors greatly increafcd, TRACTS on PRACTICAL AGrauULTURE and GARDEN- ' ING : In which the Advantage of imitating ;he Gardt.- Culture in the Field is fully proved, by a Seven Years &ourf(p of Experiments ; pa-ticularly adt.refled to the Genllemcii Farmers in Great Britain. With Obfervations ma^ie in a late Toir through France, Flanders, and Holland. Alfo feveral ufeful Iirprovements in Stoves 1 nd Green-houfis. To which it added, a complete Chronological Catalogue ofEnglifh /> .ihr.rs on Agriculture, Gardening, By R. WESTON, Efq. Author of the f.l-verfal Jiotaniji. ** VIII. / i>«tjfe is particularly adapted fortheUfeof the Gentjeman Farmer and I as it contains Obfervations on the Changes of the Seafons, that may tend \a improvement of Cultivation, and prove very profitable to thofe who are any , -ned in Husbandry. - :aY on the WEATHER: With Remarks on the ury's Rules for judging of its Changes ; and Directions for preferving tiC. AN Shepherd of B- , . _ _ Lives and Buildings from the fatal Effefts of Lightning Member of the Societies of Agriculture of Paris and Rouen, By J. MILLS, Ef^. F. R. 8, &c. Alfo, by the fame /?j. - -, Price fnued ^s. ESSAYS, MORAL, PHILOSO' HCAL, and POLITICAL, on the following Subjsfts; viz. On Fbii»fof by * Pbilojopbtrs. On Projeils. On Z.w« and Jtaloufy, Oa Comm" t ind Luxury, And on ^^ culture, N. B. The Authors -f the Critical Review conclude their y\rcount of th; Work as follows j viz. " We may fay with Juftice of the Whok, that they dil ver i. ' Author to Lc a Ferfoa •f Learning, Tafte, and Philofophical Sentiment j and thst the Third Efl'.iy is particularly ingenious, and contains many juft Obfervations on modern Manners." IX. TRACTS on the LIBERTY, SPIRITUAL and TEMPORAL, of PRC TEST ANTS in ENGLAND. By Anthony Ellys, D. D. Late Lord Bilhof of St. David's. The Second Edition, in Quarto, Price bound 171. X. HOMER TRAVESTir, Being a Burlefquc Tra/iflatiort of the Wad, with two Humorent Froii.i,)i";s. Price fewed, 5s. in two Volumei, The /a»i^ 'Sopk, Quatt^ Price iai# ' . V I IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 1.25 ■^1^ 12.5 a 112.0 12.2 U il.6 Vi -% 0% y: f / -^ 'V •> .% 7 Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STUEET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14S80 (716)S72-4503 iV k m \ ;\ \ .V 6^ >.^^ '^^ ^.^"^ 7i \ Cv ^ ^ t « 3 xr. A RATIONAL ACCOUNT of the CAUSES of CHP.ONIC DISEASES J wherei» a natural, cafy, frA fafe Way of preventing, as well at fuungi thofc QifeafeJ, is pointed out ; and the M'c Origin cf the Hippocratic Method of J>taftice biiefly explained. The Second Edition. "i'o v.hirh are anmixed. New Striftiireson the Theory of Fevers, and on the Sanftoriaa Dofltine of Perfjiiration : With An Acocndix on Diet and Exer^ife. 3y JOHN MORLAND, M. D. Ftice is. XII. ■'"'"' ' The LIFE of MADAM POMPADOUR, A new Edition, being X'ne Fourth, revifeJ, corrcftcd< and greatly enlarged by the Author of the firft Volume j with a Continuation from the Year 175/ to her Death, and a beautiful Head of the Marchionefs, elegantly engraved, taken from an oripinal Painting. N. S. Even (he firft ^il'tion of vhis Work, imperfefl as it is, was tranflated into moft of ^lie European Languages. In Germany, it was reprinted fourteen Times, and feveral Irapref- (ont were fupprefled ia Holland, at the Re^uifition of the French Ambaflador. In Two Volii frice bound 5$. . XIII, TRAVELS through ITALY: Containing general Obferyations on that Country; with the moft authentic Account yet published of capital Pieces in |>ainting, Sculpture, and Archite^ure; including Remarks on the antient ar.d prafcat State of Italy, of the Arts and Sciejicej which have flouriflied there, and of Tafte in Painlinj|. Py JOHN NORTHALL,Efq. With Copper-plates, engraved ffom Dvawln^s taken cjn the Spot, Bo^nd 63, /'.,'. ■■"■.,- . .XIV, ':■..- :':■■■-■ A VOYAGE to the EAST-INDTES ; Containing authenti.; Accounts of the Government in general of that vaft Empire ; its Religion, Cuftoms, Man- ners, and Antiquities; with general Reflc,5lioiis or the IVade cf India, Alfo a true State «f the Military Tranfattio.ns with the Fremh. fee. to the Condufion of the general Peace, By J. H. G R O S E. ' A new Edition, illuftrated with Views and fevcml Plans not in the former Edition. To which is added, A JOURNEY from ALEPPO to BUSSERAH, .ver the DESERT, by Mr^ CARMICHAEL. Two Volumes, Oftavo, Price jos, 6d, few«d. ^ ■ . ■ " ■ ;^*/- • XV, ■•;.-v . - . ..- ■. • •Jhe Second Edition, with the Addition of ALLlS's COMPLETE TABLE OF VERBS elc- gantiy engraved on a l«rgc Cupper-plate, (which alone ftlls for is) [rice is. 6d. bound. The COxMPLETE VOCABULARY, in Englifh and French, and in JFrench and Englift, properly accented, and difpofed under above one hundred He.Adj, either alphabetical, or agreeable to the natural Order of 'I hing« ; comprehending at one Vievr «U Words that can occur relative to any Subjeft. The Gendirs of Nouns, and the Coniu^a* tionoPall the Verbs, are denoted. This Vocabulary contains a great Number of Wordi ufed in daily Converiiition, which are not to be found in Boyer's Dictionary, or Chambaud'^ Vflc«b«Ury, &<;,.. ^ '''' '* ''-^XVL " ""^ ■■' ■■ ■■•■■■ ■ _ Illuftrated whk exaft Plani taken on the Spot, Price fewed 31. ' An Authentic Narrative of the RUSSIAN Expedition* ag^inft the TURKS by Sea and Land : Containing every material Circumftance of theit Procecdines, from their firft Sailing from Peterfburgh, to the DcAruAion of the TurkiA ]f Icet in the Archi|ielajo, XVII, '" A NEW SYSTEM OF PRACTICAL ARITHMETIC. IN THREE PARTS. Part I. Contains all the fundamental Rules j with new Obfer- vationj relating thereto, Part U. The moft ufpful Rules in Proportion, with their Apph'ca- tion to Trade; a Compendium of Menfurations ; and feveral curious Algebraical Rulea, Part III. pemonifration»of the Principal Rulfij and a Complete Sett of Tablet, with their tonftru^ion and life, ralrulated for Men of Bufinefs. By WILLIAM SCOTT, Price bo»nd js. 6d. '■'•' 1 1 i r \K ^ I I ^ { XVIIL i ' ' 'I A NEW TREATISE on SHORT HAMD, Comprlfed In eigh| Copp by a few Days Application, without the Afliftancs of a Mnftcin Price only is. 6dt XIX. ' . rhe COMPLETE LETTER- WRITER : Or, LAbv's Potitl StCRiTARY, Containing a Variety of elegant, interefting, and inftrudlive L Price «s, -- i / 1 x_- '■«!^T !WT"ir '^Ty 1 9 I « J 'P-'- l.f> "/; b-V # 1^. ClRAMMATiCAL EXERCISES^ (h«win|r Iib«ir ttie Rulei of Tttnck :a^ are to be applied in ererj part of iti ConftniJlIon } digefted in a plain, methodical^ Ini (oncife Order. 3d Edition, Price ii< 6d. , MODELS of LETTERS^ in French and Englift), defigne^ fot le Inftru£tion of thofe who are defiroui of acquiring the true Style and eaad Manner l^'e inltruction or tnoie w:io are deliroui or acquiring of French epiftolary Correfpondence. Pi ice 4s. V. NEW DICTIONARY, in Two Parlr, Engllfc and French, an* French and EngliA. Price, bounds 5s. VI. ENGLISH PARTICLES ILLUSTRATED t Containing ^Mt h moft difficult and ncceflary for writing Latin ^ith Eafe, Accuracy and Ekgancie. By THOMAS STURZAKEA. Price bound ii. VII. The COMPTING-KOUSE ASSISTANT: or Book-Kespino MADK BAtY. Being a complete praftical Treatifeon Merchants Accounts, after themoft approved Method. Wherein almoft all the Varietiei that can happen in that ufeful Art ana introduced ; and explained in fo concife and eafy a Manner, that thofe who cannot conveni- «tntly apply to a^afler, may, in a very fliort Time, form themfelvei for the Compting.houfet without one. Metliodised in the Nature of real Bufinefs. td Edit, enlarged. Pr. bound as. Mt By JOHN C O O K. E, Accbmptant. Dr. MORLAND's Universal Family Fills, iTticb tftrate, at a Purge in all Cottftitutlont, witteut occafttnlng eitbtr Sieknefi er Crifet, Price II. 6d. the Sox, viitb tie ufual AHavmnce t» Sbof-ketpirt to fell again. THIS Medicine it now firft ofiered to the Public, and to the candid trial of Medical Pr>c«> titioners. One remarkable property, which diltinguiflies this Medicine from, perhaps, all others known, is, that it has been experienced, in fome thoofand inftanccf, to operate, as a Purge, with equal fafety, eafe, and efficacy, in all conftitations, even the moft delicate. Ith^a been found equally efficacious in the prevention, as well as cure, of ihcfe chronical difeafes, anil iMrvous complaints, particularly mentioned in the DireAions. In occafional or habitual coftivenefs, thefe Pills are an ciTeAual remedy ; and have this advan« tage above other purgatives. That when the complaint is once removed, it is not fo apt to retur* again. Hence the fingular benefit accruing from their ufe, to Britiih conAitutions efpecialiy, in hot climates, and in long fea voyages. In the intention of a family Purge, they will pnve univerfally falutary and beneficial, by cleanfing the ftomach and bowels from thofe vifcid, or fliny, and vitiated bilious humours that are fo frequently colle£led in them, conftituting the fource of various difeafes, as well chronic •s acute, to which people of every rank are liable ; but tb« delicate, the ftudious, and the fedea* lary, more particularly (o, Tie AvTHoa, who h hntrwn to have a rtftitation ttftak, pledget it u tie PubRt^ «t tie Jingidarlf mild, pitafingf and Jucctfsful ^ration of tbit Medicine^ In tie Prtfsy andfpetdily viillbe Publ'ifheit I. Neatly Printed in One Volume, 8ro. and Embelliflied with elegant Engravings of the prefent KING and QUEEN of FRANCE. A DESCRIPTION of the CORONATION of the KINGS and QUEENS of FRANCE. With an HISTORICAL ACCOUNT of the INSTITUTION of that AUGUST CEREMONY in FRANCE, and other Kingdoms in EUROPE. By M. MENIN, Counfellor to the Parliament of Meta. 11, Keatly Printed in 4to. Embelliflied with TEN ELEGANT COPPER PLATES, and feveral Engraved EMBLEMATICAL HEAD and TAIL-PIECES, IDYLS. By M. GESNER, Author of the Death of Asiu And MORAL TALES, by M. DIDEROT. To which is added, A LETTER fr«a|. M. CE^MER to M. FUSLIN, on LANDSCAPE PAtNTINO. Traaflated from the Orignal, by W. HOOPER, M. D. ' ^ in. A CATALOGUE of PLANTS and SEEDS Sold by KENEDY and LEBg NURSERY udSfilDSMIN, at (he VINEYARD, KAMMtRSMlTii, Price i*, <^ ^. •-Vv,. ■>j};-.; //:: .v^., ,-,