IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 /y 
 
 // 
 
 4i^, 
 
 ^<^ 
 
 
 W/^ ' / *C Jb ^ A 
 
 ^ V^ >° /AT ^ 
 
 id. 
 
 1.0 
 
 I.I 
 
 l^|28 
 
 ■ 50 l"^* 
 
 M 
 
 2.2 
 2.0 
 
 1.8 
 
 
 1.25 1.4 1.6 
 
 — — — 
 
 
 < 6" 
 
 ► 
 
 V] 
 
 m 
 
 °w 
 
 ^l. 
 
 v: 
 
 
 o 
 
 / 
 
 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
 
 Corporation 
 
 23 WEST MAIN TJREET 
 
 WEBf.TrK.N.Y. KTSO 
 
 (7! ;) 872-4503 
 
CIHM/ICMH 
 
 Microfiche 
 
 Series. 
 
 CIHM/ICIVIH 
 Collection de 
 microfiches. 
 
 Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques 
 
Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques 
 
 The Institute has attempted to obtain the best 
 original copy available for filming. Features of this 
 copy which may be bibliographically unique, 
 which may alter any of the images in the 
 reproduction, or which may significantly change 
 the usual method of filming, are checked below. 
 
 D 
 
 D 
 
 □ 
 
 D 
 
 Coloured covers/ 
 Couverture de couleur 
 
 I I Covers damaged/ 
 
 Couverture endommagie 
 
 Covers restored and/or laminated/ 
 Couverture restaur6e et/ou pellicul^e 
 
 Cover title missing/ 
 
 Le titre de couverture manque 
 
 Coloured maps/ 
 
 Cartes giographiques en couleur 
 
 Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ 
 Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) 
 
 Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ 
 Planches et/ou illustrations en couSeur 
 
 Bound with other material/ 
 Reli6 avec d'autres documents 
 
 Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion 
 along interior margin/ 
 
 La reliure serr^e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la 
 distortion le long de la marge int6rieure 
 
 Blank leaves added during restoration may 
 appear within the text. Whenever possible, these 
 have been omitted from filming/ 
 II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajouties 
 lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, 
 mais, lorsque cela dtait possible, ces pages n'ont 
 pas 6t6 filmdes. 
 
 Additional comments:/ 
 Commentaires suppldmentaires; 
 
 L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire 
 qu'il lui a 6t6 possible de se procurer. Les details 
 de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-Atre uniques du 
 point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier 
 une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une 
 modification dans la methods normale de filmage 
 sont indiquis ci-dessous. 
 
 r~| Coloured pages/ 
 
 Pages de couleur 
 
 Pages damaged/ 
 Pages endommagdes 
 
 Pages restored and/oi 
 
 Pages restaurdes et/ou pelliculdes 
 
 r~~| Pages damaged/ 
 
 I I Pages restored and/or laminated/ 
 
 ^ 
 
 1/ 
 
 □ 
 
 Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ 
 Pages d6color6es, tachet6es ou piqu6es 
 
 n Pages detached/ 
 Pages ddtach^es 
 
 Showthrough/ 
 Transparence 
 
 I I Quality of print varies/ 
 
 Quality indgale de I'impression 
 
 Includes supplementary material/ 
 Comprend du materiel suppiimentaire 
 
 Only edition available/ 
 Seule Edition disponible 
 
 '■'ages wholly or partially obscured by errata 
 slips, tissues, etc.. have been refilmed to 
 ensure the best possible image/ 
 Les pages totalement ou partiellement 
 obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, 
 etc., ont 6t6 film^es k nouveau de fapon A 
 obtenir la meilleure image possible. 
 
 This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ 
 
 Ce document est filmA au taux de reduction indiquA ci-dessous. 
 
 10X 14X 18X 22X 
 
 12X 
 
 16X 
 
 20X 
 
 26X 
 
 30X 
 
 24X 
 
 28X 
 
 32X 
 
The copy filmtd here hes been reproduced thenks 
 to the generosity of: 
 
 Library Division 
 
 Provincial Archives of British Columbia 
 
 The imsges eppearing here are the best quality 
 possible considering the condition and legibility 
 of ihe original copy and in keeping with the 
 filming contract specifications. 
 
 Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed 
 beginning with the front cover and ending on 
 the last page with a printed or illustrated impre*;- 
 sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All 
 other original copies are filmed beginning on the 
 first page with a printsd or illustrated impres- 
 sion, and ending on the last page «^iit^ a printed 
 or illustrated impression. 
 
 The last recorded frame on each microfiche 
 shall contain the symbol — ♦► (meaning "CON- 
 TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), 
 whichever applies. 
 
 Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at 
 different reduction ratios. Those too large to be 
 entirely included in one exposure are filmed 
 beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to 
 right and top to bottom, as many frames as 
 required. The following o.agrams illustrate the 
 method: 
 
 L'exemplaire film* fut reproduit grAce A la 
 gAn6rositA de: 
 
 Library Division 
 
 Provincial Archives of British Columbia 
 
 Las images suivantes ont AtA reproduites avec le 
 plus grend soin, compte tenu de la condition at 
 de la nettet* de l'exemplaire film«, et en 
 conformity avec les conditions du contrat de 
 filmaga. 
 
 Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture en 
 papier est imprimAe sont filmAs en commen^ant 
 par le premier plat et en terminent soit par la 
 dernidre page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second 
 plat, salon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires 
 originaux sont filmAs en commen^ant par la 
 premiere page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminent par 
 la dernidre page qui comporte une telle 
 empreinte. 
 
 Un des svmboles suivants apparaitra sur la 
 dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le 
 cas: le symbols —^ signifie "A SUIVRE", le 
 symbols V signifie "FIN". 
 
 Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre 
 film^s A des taux de reduction diffArents. 
 Lorsque le document est trop grend pour dtre 
 reproduit en un seul cllchA, il est film* A partir 
 de I'angle supArieur geuche, de gauche A droite, 
 et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre 
 d'images nAcessaire. Les disgrammes suivants 
 illustrent la mAthode. 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
^e 
 
 \ 
 
 
\ 
 
 I 1. 
 
 I t 
 
 \ 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OP 
 
 MR. STANTON, OF TENNESSEE, 
 
 > i 
 
 ON THE 
 
 OREGON QUESTION. 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 IN THE HOUSE OF RE PRE SEN TAT I Y Eft, 
 
 JANUARY 14, 1846. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 PRUTTED AT THE UNION OPPICK. 
 
 1846. 
 
//! f> 
 
 'On 
 
SPEECH. 
 
 On fhc rcaolution giving the twiire monthn' twlice for the lermination of the 
 
 joint occupancy of the Oregon territory- 
 
 Mr. STANTON was cntiiloJ to tlit: flour, anil '•: 
 (after u moment's interruption) procecdcil to addresB , 
 the committee. ! 
 
 tie said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman : In the intense anxiety of nu- 
 merous members of the flouse to addres.s the com- 
 mittee upon this momentous question, a proper cs- 
 tiniatc of my personal position and influence would 
 require me to listen rather than to speak. A. dis- 
 cussion of this character, maintained for so loni^ a 
 time, must have an important and immediate influ- 
 ence upon the business occupations and interests of 
 the people of this vast country. But this i«fluence, 
 
 treat as it is, and by no »^iean.s to be overlooked or 
 espised, is but dust iii 'he balance, compared with 
 those graver consequen( • which will result to this 
 country and the world, it le fears of many gentle- 
 men should be realized, and war sliould follow. 
 Sluj)endous conflicts of nations luid systems — con- 
 flici;* wliich will shake, not only this cauntry, but 
 this globe to its centre — may possibly liang Ufion the 
 issue of tills debate. 
 
 \ approach this subject of overwhelming magni- 
 tude, with a perfect knowledge of the elight influ- 
 ence my opinions can be expected to have, either 
 upon this House or the country; yet, representing 
 a district of some importance, both in its agricul- 
 tural and conimercia 1 interests — a district compris- 
 ing n portion of the people of a State whose sons 
 have acquired some laurels in war, as well as some 
 dit^tinction in the more quiet walks of peaceful 
 Blate.smaiiship — I feel it to be my duty to trouble the 
 committee with my views upon the .subject now 
 under discussion. Tiio people of Tennessee will 
 not be backward to express their opinions — they 
 ■»-ill not be fearful to maintain them, in whatever 
 •manner and to whatever extent the oci-usion may 
 require. 1 speak for myself. I think I c^n-speait 
 for those of my colleagues with whom I am associa- 
 ted as a member of the .same party. I hope I 
 can speak also for those with whom I am 
 not thus associated. At any rate, I hope 
 «t least lo hear from them before thi' discus.sion 
 ■hall close, and that their views will exuibit a noble 
 ipatriotism, which, upon a great question, involving 
 the honor and interest of the whole nation, will for- 
 
 tet all personal and party distinctions, and support 
 ie cause of their country with all their known tal- 
 fnis, and with all the ardor and devotion of Tennes- 
 
 iMr. Cliuirmaii, tlierc^reins to be little diversity of 
 opinion here, as to the question of title between 
 Great Britain and the United StatcP. 1 believe th<s 
 recent correspondence between the re-opcctive pleni- 
 poteuliuries of the two i ountrics, will convince the 
 unpartial judgment of the world that we are right- 
 fully entitled to the whole territoiy of Oregon, ac- 
 cording to the ]irinci]ilcs adoi)ted by European na- 
 tii)n.-i in rcteren»-e to the ap])ropriation of the Ameri- 
 can continent. I express no opinicm as to the jus- 
 tice of those principles; I assert only, that even ac- 
 cording to them, the whole of Oregon i:^ ours. I 
 shall follow the example of nearly all the gentlemen 
 who have preceded me in this discussion, in omit- 
 ting any argument on the (juestion of title, excejit in- 
 cidentally, in another part of my remarks. 
 
 The only que.'^tion which has given rise to any .se- 
 r us debate here, is that which properly arises upon 
 these resolutions — the propriety or impropriety of 
 giving notice to Great Britain of the termination of 
 the existin^j convention between the two powers, af- 
 ter a period ■' twelve months. This is the vital 
 point of difi'ereiice — the very hinge uDon which our 
 deliberations must eventually turn. And upon this 
 great question, the widest and mo.st irreconcilable 
 differences [)re\ ail. It is asserted, ar.d vehemently 
 maintained, on one side of the House, that to give 
 this notice will inevitably involve the two nations in 
 war: on the other, it is maintained, with, equal earn- 
 estness, that the miasure jiropostd will not lead to 
 war — that it is the only possible means of bringing 
 the matter .speedily to a favorable and peaceful termi- 
 nation. On the one hand gentlemen declare that 
 they will take no step fur the extension of our laws 
 or the security of our citizens in Oregon, unless thi.s 
 notice be given; while, on the other hand, gentle- 
 men say they will do all these things — they will ex- 
 tend our laws, erect forts, iirovide men and arms, 
 establish Indian agencic;-: and post-routes — in short, 
 they will do everything else, but they will not give 
 this notice. Sir, these are grave questions — Ques- 
 tions upon which gentlemen may well dift'er wilnout 
 any just imputation upon their patriotism. 
 
 It is my intention, for the time allotted me by the 
 rules of the House, to endeavor to discuss these, 
 questions, stripping them of every irrelevant con- 
 sideration, and endeavoring, to the best of my abil- 
 ity, lo arrive at a conclusion which shall be sup- 
 ported by reason and fortified by argument. 
 
 1 maintain, sir, that the notice proposed to be sir 
 
 i! 
 
 tj i 
 
 / 
 
«n to Great Britain cnnnct, of ' ^If, be ooiiaidered a 1 
 war meafiure. The rival clai.iantfi themselves huvc 
 jjicorporiitf (! into the convention, which we .-.(■( k to I 
 lermiiKit' , a (irovision aulliorizinj; eithnr p:>rty,iit| 
 any moment, to do the very net which th<-sn r?!sohi- ' 
 tions iirc designed to efTect. Mow <'^iii it Ije a w(ir! 
 measure simply to pf-rftirm the solemn stipulations I 
 of an exiKtin;^ tre.'tty" So fir from .such nconi-Ju-. 
 aion beinir at all jiistifiitMe, iliore i^' on the coi.trury, 
 not the Iciist untVi(;ndlin<.w.s in the measure rcci)ni- [ 
 mended by the Prt.sidciit, and reported by tlie dis-; 
 tins;uishe(l fhairniui of the Cotviniittec on Foreijjn , 
 AiTairH. It iH a ^lipuliitcd li^lu, which Eiifr'ar.d may ' 
 exerci'f; at any nionienl without any |proviiratioM to ' 
 ■us, and wlii( h we ni.ty lilc> wise claim witliout >jiv- j 
 inj; her any ju.-t cans,; ol' ofleuce. Im ikh tins prop-i 
 oailion <■''■, irr Anil yet '^ontl.nien have repeatriljy ! 
 and hoM y asfrrted the contrary, i di;n!(iiid lo kuow ' 
 ■why this m"a.-iire is called ii war measure? 1 re- 
 quire, at lea.st, Nomeattempl at [ilauiiliU rea.soiiiii£; to 
 UuKlaii) the aR'erti'iu. I have lif-iencd with the utmost 
 j>.it;i;ti<n to the n!;^iimrni.s ofii.ime of the most rlis-i 
 tingui; 'M'd gentlemen on tliia fl'>or. I heard them 
 auB.sert ii:;iin aial .v^au!, tha' tliis measure is (([uiva- 
 Icnt to v.ar, and I hopcf! they would allejije norne 
 reason for [ha as.^ertion. I was v/hnlly disappointed. 
 This as-^iimption was made the basis of almost the 
 whole of their ar'.'umnnts, and yet, I must cruifesa, I 
 ■wa.s unable to see the Klren2;th of v i foundation 
 Tupon wl'.i'li their leautifn! siiper.struetiire.s were 
 reared. I m.iint.iin, sir, that the bunk^n of proof 
 and of arj^iimont rests upon tlicm. I5efore we can 
 assent to their |>ronn.'-ition, they must make ut least 
 n priinrrfa(:ii> •lii.r.c^ and siiow why a measure pro- 
 vided for in the exiatin!,' convention between the 
 eontendipf; p.\rtio?, can be con.sidcred a warlike pro- 
 cedure, f in.vite any ireiitleman to lake up the ar- 
 gument v,-!iere they have left it, and make good the 
 assertion which they hav^; evidently failed to sus- 
 tain. 
 
 The dis'oiijui.shed and r!oc|uent ger.tlemaii from 
 Alaha.rn [Mr. YAvrnT] a.sserted that the convention 
 \ias adopti-d ;>s a substitute for war, leaving the in- 
 fererico to be drawn, that in the abMence of the con- 
 ▼nntion, \^cr mi st . rce.s.<?arily have followed. I can- 
 mot admit eitlier the ytafement or the inference. It 
 docs l)y no meaii.s follow, t^ai because the two na- 
 tions could not immediately agree upon terms of 
 adju.slnienc. war must necessarily ensue, without an 
 agreement for joint rights within the disputed terri- 
 tory. F ^•onHider the conventions to have been un- 
 fortunate eoti.-^ssions on our part, tending to lengthen 
 and complica'e the negotiations, and to delay and 
 Tender more difl^eult and dangerous the final ndjust- 
 TOen! of the rjue-^'ion. [t was an expedient, adopted 
 in an ev:l hour, to put off a matter which must have 
 for ' d a ?pcedy and pea.-eable settlement of itself, had 
 it not been the su'-^jcct of those unfortunate agree- 
 jnent.3. 
 
 The same gentleman ahio declared that "Eng- 
 knd'.s n jecfiin of our offers, proves that war would 
 have followed but f)r the conventions" Tiiere 
 jfl as little fiu!nd>i'inii for this assertion as for 
 the oth<^r. If this propo'^ition be true, its con- 
 yp.Tue may likewise be affirmed; and it follows, 
 that we would have gone to war upon our 
 own rejection of England's oflers. But, sir, the 
 rejection of an offer, on one side or the other, 
 does not preclude further offers, nor does it ne- 
 cessarily imply that the parties will then resort to 
 the last dread alternative of war. Jt does not pre- 
 «!ude the possibility tlint one party will, at the criti- 
 
 cal moment, abandon it.s unjust clairaa, and leave the 
 other to the enjoyment of its rights. S'jrely, sir, 
 there i.-j nothing in these assertions which can eatab' 
 lish the jiro[)riety of entering into, or continuing, 
 an agreement, the only effect of which has been, and 
 \,ill continue u> be, to involve the parties in rtli- 
 lioiis more conijilex and diflicult of settlement than 
 befoi". 
 
 Nevt,.t!ieles3, sir, 1 must acknowledge tliat, if 
 England per.'-i.s'.s 1(1 attem|)ting tohold all the terri- 
 tory nortli of the Columbia river, or any portion o. 
 it .south of the ■\'.)i\[ parallel of latitude, warmust ne- 
 cessarily ( ome. Hut this will be not on account of 
 notice; war will en.siie Vinder these circumstan- 
 sta.(,-/-s, with or without notice. We can never sub- 
 mit to suc-h a claim on the part of Knglanu. Tho 
 v\iir which she may wage in asserting that claim 
 will b(! ;'. war of a.;gr<;.=!siim and invasion — a war 
 which we must meet, as we would sternly meet the 
 iinaderof thisCapitcd. I say it would be a war i»f 
 iiiva.sion. And i.o show my exact meaning, 1 mist 
 be iieiiiiiitcd to digrcs^-i here for a while, to make 
 some stat:imentr! in rcferenc to the title. 1 hold 
 that Eogl.ind has iiojust t.tle to any portion of Or- 
 egon. But her most jilausible ground of preten- 
 .-^^ion would be by that of contiguity, extending her 
 possessions in North America by the 4yth parallel 
 to the Pacific. iN'ow, ifthcCanadas actually ex- 
 tended on the lino of 49*^ to the Rocky mountains, 
 and the English government were actually pres- 
 ent with its people and its power on the noith 
 of that line, and the two nations stood upon 
 equal looting in regard to other uources of title, tlien 
 Fiiiglaud might justly claim to extend her territory- 
 on that line to the ocean. l?ut none of these condi- 
 tions actually exist. The Canadns do not extend 
 on that line to the Rocky mountains — England i.s 
 not present with her people and her government on 
 this continent, and she does not stand upon an equal 
 footing as to other grounds of title. The country 
 contiguous to that part of Oregon, north of 49°, i.-' 
 the possession of the Hudson Bay Company, and 
 cannot be extended by this principle of contiguity. 
 The argument in this respect has lately been placed 
 in a strong light. That company is a mere incorpo- 
 ration, and is .subject to the limits prescribed by itf 
 charter, which is the law of its creation. That char- 
 tar originally confined the company to IludaonV 
 bay and its tributaries; and these limits cannot by 
 any torture of construction be extended to those wa 
 ters which fall over on the other side of the Rocky 
 mounuiins into the Pacific ocean. An artificial per- 
 son, u corporation, cjinnot overleap its j)rescrib€« 
 powers ; it cannot therefore extend its territories by 
 the principle of contiguity. This is a well-settlwi 
 principle of Engli.sh common law; it is a principk 
 which may well be adopted — indeed muni be admit- 
 ted, into the law of nations. 
 
 But I assume higher ground; I maintain, if this 
 principle did not stanil in the way — if the charter o' 
 the company as originally granted did not circum- 
 scribe its limits vithin that vast basin in the uppci 
 part of North America of which Hudson's bay i- 
 the centre, still it is not just, it never can be admit- 
 ted, that a nation on another continent shall extend 
 its possesions on this by contiguity. If the Cana 
 das themselves bordered on this disputed country 
 and the circumstances of the two t ountries wen 
 otherwise equal, 1 should earnestly disputt the ap 
 plicability of this principle. In the very nature o 
 tilings it ie %Tong. iSir, the ma^elic wires canno" 
 
 ^' 
 
claims, and leiivc the 
 ighta. S-jrely, sir, 
 ins wliich can ealib' 
 nto, or coiilinuing, 
 vhicli has been, and 
 the pnrtics in rtli- 
 of fH(;t,t!ement then 
 
 \nowled»e tliat, if 
 
 ohold all the terri- 
 
 r, or any portion o. 
 
 ti tilde, war must nc- 
 
 s not on account of 
 
 thrsi; circunistan- 
 
 We can nf.ver yiili- 
 
 uf luiglan.i. Th<: 
 
 i''S(Ttinij that claim 
 
 J invasion — a war 
 
 lid Htcriiiy meet the 
 
 '. would be tt war of 
 
 H meaning, I inaKt 
 
 r a while, to make 
 
 o the title. I hold 
 
 any portion of Or- 
 
 ^Tound of preten- 
 
 uity, extending her 
 
 f the 4'Jth parallel 
 
 lada.s actually ex- 
 
 Rocky niouniains. 
 
 ere actually pres- 
 
 >wer on the noitli 
 
 lions stood upon 
 
 jurces of title, tlien 
 
 ixtcnd her territory 
 
 ine of these condi- 
 
 dns do not extend 
 
 ntains — England i.s 
 
 her government on 
 
 tand upon an equal 
 
 tie. The country 
 
 111, north of 49°, i? 
 
 Jay Company, and 
 
 ;iple of contiguity. 
 
 lately been placed 
 
 ia a mere incorpo- 
 
 prescribed by it/= 
 
 eation. That char- 
 
 •any to IludsonV 
 
 )e limits cannot bj 
 
 .ended to those wa- 
 
 side of the Rocky 
 
 An artificial per- 
 
 tap its j)rescrib€(! 
 
 d its territories by 
 
 is a well-settlei! 
 
 ; it is a principle 
 
 :ed musl be admit 
 
 maintain, if tht^ 
 -if the charter o' 
 did not circum- 
 aain in the uppci 
 IIudson'.s bay i- 
 ver can be admit- 
 nent shall extenii 
 y. If the Cana 
 [iaputed country 
 o ( ountries wen 
 Y dispute the ap 
 he very nature o 
 etic wires caano 
 
 be extended across the Atlantic ooean— the all per- 
 vading influence of electricity is slopped there, and 
 its niyiitcrious voice is droviied in the noise of ihi 
 fii'.i-gc that heats our .shore. Is the invisible powci 
 of Eiij;lanil more pcnctratingand pervading than the 
 universal a^cnt I have named? Or nilherdo the siieni 
 emanations; of her power circulate aiound the wlioU- 
 globe, (like those mighty currents which give po- 
 larity to tin: earth am! direct tli : needle,) caiisiiij; 
 every intcru.-<', ni every land, 1o turn trcmblinir upon 
 iiH centre, and p lint to London as its pole.' Arc 
 there no barricr.s.' Do its iiUangiWc links cxtciiul 
 throu'^ii all occan:^, over till laiidti, enabling her to 
 {;as|)n^;w countries, am! divide ihciu with conti;j;u- 
 oi'^i pr/V/or:^, !i(,caiK-(; she has a foottiold by llicir 
 Hide.' 'rhi! law wliich makcH the ocean a bairici- to 
 instantaneous comi'iuiiicaiioii beiw<'en nations — the 
 ]hw of mitiirt', wliich has f;e|iaiat('d continents by 
 jriterp im!.;; v.isiiiliys.-ics, i'lriml.-i that. natiiMi,'^. o'l '.pi^ 
 contiiicii! . ; ail iia> 3 rii^lii.s on another liy ifn(i'i- 
 cation, < Alci.nion, fonti^niiiy, or by any i.'tiicr in 
 visible, inrnM^iiilc, mct.-iphysii'al |»riiici|)le whatever. 
 England lias a'.lcni|itc(J to cari y out on this con- 
 tinerU, by tliplomacy, the firinciples which she has 
 cstablishtd !iy the sword in her East India .",'- 
 gression. It remains to be seen whether, when r. 
 plomai y fails, slic will attempt to u.^e the san.e 
 means hppc. The United Slates owe it to them 
 selves — ilicy owe it to this continent, and the world 
 — to rei'ist the application of those principles. The 
 powers ofiheOIJ World, upon the discovery of thi.s 
 contineiu, adopted principles for its divisic.^ among 
 them- el ve,'; they may liave been bound to eaih 
 other fur tiie maintenai"' of those principles. Nay, 
 those princi[ilcs may have been ju.it and wise in 
 their ajiplication to such nations, distant as they 
 were from the wild and uncultivated countries 
 which they sought to apfiropriate. Yet it does not 
 follow that we are to be bound by these conven- 
 tional arrangements. Our relations to this continent 
 are widely liifTerent. We have arisen here, a mighty 
 nation, fast approaching, and des'ined soon to sur- 
 pass, the greatness of any European power. We 
 have undisputed rightful possession of a large por- 
 tion of thi.s continent, and neither reason nor autho- 
 rity will admit that the government of any unap- 
 propriated portion of it should be transferred to n 
 distant nation. 
 
 I hope I shall be underatood. I do not mean 
 to adopt that ground of title which has been as- 
 Bumetl here by some, gentlemen, under the imposing 
 name of m(j)it/«s< desliny. It was the manifest des- 
 tiny of England to s[iread her empire over a large 
 portion rf this continent, and of Asia. But that des- 
 tiny, m.ide manifest by complete fulfilment and per- 
 fect realization, neither commends itself to our 
 minds as right, nor does it justify the arbitrary and 
 oppressive measures by which it has been achieved. 
 1 believe it is our destiny to possess the whole of 
 Oregon; liut this destiny does not make it right; it is 
 our destiny, because it is right. It is not necessary 
 to nam;: the principle I have attempted to state, nor 
 does it require any course of reasoning to estixblish 
 it. It is one of those propositions of which the bare 
 Btatement carries conviction to the mind. It is an 
 axiom in political science, as applied to this conti- 
 nent, and must receive universal assent, because it 
 js based upon the law of nature. It is the same 
 principle, in effect, which Mr. Monroe stated when 
 1m denied the right of European nations to make 
 further colonies on this continent, and which the 
 President, in hU late message, has again so appro- 
 
 priately and opportunely asserted in tlie face of the 
 world. 
 
 If .lure Ive any force in my reasoning, Mr. riiiir- 
 tn..'!, It t'ollow:) as a clear int'ercnie that a war p;.ii- 
 ci'i cd by Great Britain /be any part o( Oregon 
 would be a war of ag!;rcssion. And it would 
 l)U u monstrous UMirfinioii, a gross and blast- 
 ing shame to humanity, ^:uro.■n^;ing nil the 
 bounds of ordinary crimi^, if England should 
 ieterminc to wa:^c war uooo us for any part of the 
 territory belnto the iOtli paralUL And, sir, i repeat, 
 ifhucli l)e the dif oosiiion of the British govenuiient, 
 ifsucli be iior foregone dotorininatioii, tiie war must 
 and Will come, with or wiiliout notice. E-ingland 
 would I)e rcsp insi'jlii to the Wi)rld — lo Heaven — for 
 iliK (li.s.i.-itrou < consoquciiies tif miv.U a war. It 
 would be but anotlier ciime of feuil'ul magnitude 
 uiide.l t.) tint alre;idy mouriliunous lna^iS of (Vaud 
 ,iml iui". ;)c by which l^ni^'isnl li.u Iieieiolore extend- 
 ed her [lower, an-l Ijy w'lih o!ie now rniintain-i it. 
 Old s.ini.; geiu'cinin sny her crimes were rel)re^enl- 
 ed by u va.st pyramid ofliiiniin -skulLs? I .--ay, sir, 
 lii lior by a imsje pyramid of human hearts, living, 
 yi;t beaiing and b'eediig in airoiiy, as they are 
 lorn from th.i reeking bo.-ioiiis of the toiling, fighting 
 millions! 
 
 It is said, it" ilii-J war come.s, it will be no ordina- 
 ry war. It will be a war in which the despotisms 
 of the Old W<nld will struggle in deadly conUict 
 with tlie tre.edo.ii of the New. And i'. h.is been as- 
 serted here that in this coi tc.-'t liberty will bite the 
 ground, and go dov/n forever. .Sir, those who toko 
 ihis v i;w leave out of th'? calciilaiion one most im- 
 fiortant element. They seem to forget tluit we shall 
 have the .sympathies of the masses in all nations — 
 that the people wlio bear the bin Jens of opj.resjiojj, 
 and who so frequently seek t.) escape t ; thi^j coun- 
 try from the mercilins exactions of governments that 
 sustain tliemselve.s by 'inniense .siandnii!; uriiii*^, 
 will not willingly battli» in the cause ofiyranny 
 ag.iitist that of freeilom. They foru;el that IrelaiiJ 
 is tumubuous; that Ciniada only waii.s for a fiiir op- 
 poiiunRy to throw offihc British yoke; ihut Louis 
 l'hi!it>|)C cannot be expei'lid to live mnrii longer; 
 and that the Bi'ili.<li people themselves are gro.iaing 
 restli;.ssly under laws which deprive tlicin of bread, 
 and at the sumo time exact from them interest upon 
 a dc!)t of four thous.'uid millions of didlars, as well qr 
 revenues to support a vast and sf>l"ndid troverninent. 
 Sir, when these things are duly weii;lied, the tcrmi- 
 nn'ion of such a contest m.iy not be quite so unfa- 
 voral)le to us as some gentleineii iriia.'j;ine. If wav 
 bn fearful to us, it i-i efjoally t'oraiidable to England. 
 She is not in a situation to court war. We never 
 have, we never shall court it. 
 
 Gentlemen Hf.eak of the preparation of Entjiand, 
 and our want of it. They point to the .xteam fl ;et o!' 
 that haughty finiion, and te'll us it will !;!ow our 
 navy tMit of tlie water, and demolish our citje-\ I 
 shall make but one rcmurk on this subject. It i« 
 furtunate for us, that we have not fritterred -i lay 
 our strength and our means in mairitaining lart^o 
 standing armies, and building mighty fli-ets. For 
 this is an age in which great inventions have been 
 made. Man has been calling to his aid, and subdu- 
 ing to his purposes, the tremendous powers of ele- 
 mental nature. And if I am not greatly mistaken, 
 there are now spirits at work in this Capitol whose 
 inventions, sanctioned by scientific minds and ap- 
 provid by practical men, will supersede any former 
 combination of forces, and render the boasted Brit- 
 ish navy comparatively clumsy and powerless. 
 
K rt!« gOTcrnmcnt way not hare the wi&dom to 
 ouiopt them. Thai remains to be acen. At all 
 f»venfH, Hir, we never can, perhaps we never ought, to 
 be beinr prepared for war than we are hI present, 
 except when the occaaion itself shall imperiouwiy dc- i 
 niand the preparation. It is only at a crisis like ! 
 this, when we shall be suddenly brouglit into dun- ' 
 gcr of conflict with other powerH, that our slnuKi*!' I 
 energies will be iiwakrnrd. Lei tlie hour of action I 
 come, and ihi.^ great nation will create fleets and col- 1 
 lect arraiw', with a celt.rity which will astonish the 
 ■world. Sir, 1 hope the occasion will not come; I 
 believe it will not; I Ivimw it cannot, unless Eng- 
 land shall wantonly invade our rights. 
 
 But gcntlefiian, in this ddiatc, have endeavored to I 
 look into the fuliirc, and calculate the consequences I 
 of war to our free in.-ititution.s. Doubtless war must ■ 
 tend to str.'ni^tlicit the centr.nl power, and it cinnot J 
 by any mciui.s be the element in which our institu- 
 tions will llourish bci>l. I deplore the havoc , the 
 exhaustion, the taxes, the debt, that must be 
 the result of sie'li a stru.g'rle. Vet our coun- 
 try was nurtur( <i in war. Our institutions took 
 their very start iVooi the tumult of the battle- 
 field, and they iuu;; since been tried by another 
 stern ordeal, in a conflict with the same fiowerful 
 |icoplt;. If it should lie our fate again to be itivol- 
 ved in the same calamity, docs any gentleman be- 
 lieve the result will be less glorious than in the two 
 former war.-": If such fetus steal into our hearts, the 
 battle is already lost, if wc must go into the con- 
 flict, let us at least go with our usual confidence in 
 the stars which have ever led us to victory. 
 
 I have argued that tlif proposed notice is not in 
 itself a cause of war, and i t.hink I have fully sus- 
 tained the position. But gentlemen may say, al- 
 though notice Itself may not be a sufficient provoca- 
 tion, the nu'asures contemplated afterwards w\|ll be 
 the cause of hostilities. VVhat measures? Will it 
 l>e the extension of our laws over our citi'/.ena in 
 Orogon: England has long since dcuie the same 
 thing. Will it be the erection of fiu-ts within the 
 territory.' England already has there her -fortified 
 stations. Wliat measures have oeen proposed 
 whicii can possibly be objected to.' Is it the occupa- 
 tion of t)regon by en'' ; froiu tlieUnitf il States? 
 It this be the fancied d' war, I do not see why 
 we, who desire to g' notice, can be more re- 
 sponsible for it than ihey who oppose it; for notone 
 of tlie opponents of this measure has failed to say 
 that our pojiulation would finally settle the right to 
 the whole of Oregon. Tiien, 't I understand them 
 correctly, they are for occupying the whole 
 of Oregon as well a^ v.e. Sonic of lliom, in- 
 deed, have exprcs.sed a perfect willing nes.s to 
 do everything that has been j-roposed, except the 
 giving of this notice. I cani;ot but think there 
 IS some little inconsistency in these two po- 
 Bitions. If those measures will excite England to 
 war u'ilh notice, will they not do so u-'ilhoul notice? 
 Alight not England, perhaps, ccnuplain of a viola- 
 tion on our part of cxistingtreaty stipulations? And 
 would not this be a pretext for war, which would 
 not exist after the treaty shall have been terminated 
 by the the stipulated notice? I ask, sir, what we 
 have proposed to do, that all other gentlcinen in this 
 House are not willing to do. leaving out of view the 
 notice.' There is nothing. .~:ir; and as the notice, of 
 itself, is evidently not war, those gentlemen are as 
 ready to plunge the country into a war as we, 
 for they would do everytliing of a warlike nature 
 M/hirh we propose to do. 
 
 Mr, Oliaiman, I do not believe this notice W; 
 produce war. I believe, on the contrary, it wi 
 tend to hasten the peaceable adjustment of the (jucf 
 tioii. Am I required to sny why I beiieve this? 
 might w'-ll answer, that we have been negotiatir.hi" ^[ 
 under the existing convention for more than a quarp*^*' 
 irr of a century, and yet we have made no progres j'j ^ 
 v;halever in the business. 1 might well argue iIkiF^'^^ 
 our experience has proved that the eonveniions, t-^cf a "-l 
 far from assisting the negotiations, have reiardc' •*l"''' 
 them. Sir, during this long period, the life of a gen ^ us. 
 eration, diplomacy has exhausted itself. It is timlb^''"' 
 to cease this diploniatic trifling. It is lime to asser iway 
 our rights, and firmly to maintain them. In orderIB — -i| 
 to do this, wo must change the face of things. VVi ty up 
 nuist alter the circumstanr'es by which sve havi Vug"'] 
 heretofore been fettered. We muat brush away tin "*^ ^' 
 eohwebs whi'h havi; been sufl'ered to be woTcn ovet Cause 
 the pulijecl, obscuring the vision both of Ei ;.'lair. *!f®"'' 
 and i>urselves. i ask if there be not force in thi; •"'Ci, 
 position? We have tried negotiation unde; **"'^,^', 
 
 a period long eni iigh t( SCttleij 
 such questions, if theri 
 
 disposition on l.'Oth •.■\t\c>. 
 
 we not now try wliai 
 in the absence of thc.s 
 
 these conventions, for 
 have .>ctlled a do/.en 
 had been any real 
 to settle it. Shall 
 .success we shall have 
 
 course commends itself to oui 
 
 Have tried the one with complete y^,"^", 
 us try the other. JMay we not at 
 
 conventions? Tlii.^ 
 judgment. Wc 
 failure — now let 
 
 least hope for better success in the altered 'inum- 
 stances' What will be the fence and power of tin; 
 new circumstances which wc propose to bring 
 about? When this notice shall have been given, the 
 United States and England will stand unirammel- 
 led — relieved from all emiiarrassing agreements what- 
 ever — naked before tlie world — each standing upou 
 its own proper rights. They will stand face to face, 
 looking each other in the eye, and perfectly con- 
 scious of the dread alternative which will follow u 
 failure to adjust the dis[«ute by a treaty. They 
 will deeply feel the absolute and pressing necessity 
 of amicable action. Shall we not bring it to this 
 crisis? Does any one fear it? I acknowledge it i.-i 
 dangerous; but not more dangerous than a tardy and 
 temporizing policy. Here are Sylla and Charybdis. 
 VVe must ]iass. Shall we not grasp the helm stern- 
 ly and firmly, trusting to our prudence and skill to 
 guide us through the dangerous abyss? — or .shall we 
 beat about listlessly, backwards and forwards, un- 
 certain what shall be our course, yet perfectly con- 
 scious that sooner or later we must endure the peril? 
 Sir, when things shall be brought to this point, 
 must war necessarily follow? In the lOth century, 
 with all its boa.sted civili7,ation and morality, must 
 two great nations fear to come tip boldly to the ad- 
 justment of a great question, lest a deadly conflict 
 may ensue? Can England go to war in the face of 
 the late correspondence between her minister and 
 ours? I ('.insert she cannot, she will not. To main- 
 tain that -die will, argues a want of confidence in 
 the strength of our title, which nearly every gentle- 
 man here has admitted to be clear and unquestiona- 
 ble. When England shall see that this lone* exist- 
 ing negotiation must be settled, promptly and fairly, 
 she will be willing to make a settlement «f it, which 
 we may honorably accept. The honorable gentle- 
 man from Georgia, [Mr. Cobb,] who comes to the 
 .same conclusion that I do, said the other day, that 
 England would never accept the proposition made 
 by Mr. Polk. Doubtless she will not, so long a,t 
 this convention shall remain. Perliape it is not her 
 interest to do so. iS'eithcr will .'3hc, as Mr. Polk in 
 
 9team| 
 
 thcntil 
 
 ftruct| 
 
 our 
 
 made: 
 
 take 
 Bity t 
 any a 
 by sn 
 ■what 
 ■ubje. 
 lon;j 
 iice il 
 upon 
 ly an 
 sertiiij 
 fight-^ 
 for ni 
 Presii 
 ought 
 ever c 
 Bui 
 the V 
 pofiivi 
 favori 
 sion 
 Engli 
 eheis 
 enhiij 
 •well 
 half I 
 nor t 
 light 
 aver 
 «poi 
 that 
 con\ 
 Bay 
 patii 
 that 
 bclii 
 land 
 thin 
 mu' 
 ■wit! 
 inui 
 
 the 
 
 ■wil 
 set 
 cor 
 sib 
 thii 
 
elicve this notice w; 
 
 the contrary, it wi 7 
 
 djuatment of the quee 
 vliy I beueve thia? 
 
 have been negotiatiiihis message dsdares, make any ofTer which we could least remain as they will be now upon the termina* 
 for more than a qunrp«s*>bly accept. But, sir, I have but little judgment, tion of this convention, since it will not better them 
 ave made no pro»refi if, when the convention shall be terminated, and this to continue it. 
 
 night well argufTthapeat question shall press upon her with the weight | But it is not only in this manner that England is 
 t the conviiKioiis, K(«f a dr»;adful alternative, phe do not then agree to strengthenipg herself in the Oregon territory. She 
 ationa, have iMardei ■ettle it upon terms which ought to bo satisfactory is increjising her population; she is erecting for- 
 •rio'l, the life of a "•en to "S- I oo not mean that she will be frightened or i tifications; she is arming and manning them. It is 
 itfd il.«f:|f. It i.^ Umbu""''! '"'" H'rms; but I uican, that slie will be j well known there are no American settlements 
 • If is time to asser ■waypd by the same motives which ought to away 'north of »he Columbia river, and American citizens 
 'ill them. In oidetUa — a desire to avoid war, and to adjust the difllcul- j will not be permitted to settle there, if they should, 
 face nf thip'^'s. Wi ty upon a basis that shall be fair and honest. Adis-iimdor present circumstances, even desire to do so. 
 by wlii(;h\ve hav, tinguished gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. HovrKu] Cut ihey will not do so, for the simple reason that 
 mujt l)rusli !iw(\y tin has .said, he will not ngrce to give this notice, be- 1 they do not feel secure. They are not satisfied of 
 
 " " ■' ■' the policy of this governmeni, in reference to that 
 
 )olicy 
 of thi 
 
 >e not force 
 negotiation uiidc; 
 od lonj.'- ei!<;ii^'li t( 
 quc.siion:<, if "t|,et( 
 lion on both miIcs 
 t now try wiutt 
 ; absence of ilic.s 
 iiniend.s itself to our 
 
 part of the territory 
 
 le IS so well satisfied of the strength of i until this governnipnt shall take some step which 
 
 iX'd to he wo?« n'ovei Cause, if it will not bring war, it will force the settle 
 on both of El irljiiiL went of the question ujwn the basis of the 49th par 
 in (hi; slid, and ' " ■■ "^ ' -• -• - • 
 
 our title to the whole, that he would deplore such a will assure them 
 settlement of the dispute. Suppose, sir, th<! next 
 fteainer from England should bring the news in au- 
 thentic form, that the British government had in- 
 
 Sir, they will not settle there 
 ^htill take 
 of its aid and protection against 
 
 British power. 
 
 J have already said we could never consent to 
 surrender any portion of the territory below the 
 
 iiitt itructed Mr. Pakenham to accept the late offer of 4!)lh parallel, and I have attempted to give my rea- 
 
 our government, which he did not a<X4;pt when 
 made: what would we then do r Would that gcn- 
 ; one with coinriletf tlenian — would any other gentleman on this lloor — 
 er. May wc not at toke the responsibility of refusing such an opportu- 
 tiie nllered < in um- ■''/ ^'^ dispose cf this dangerous business? Could 
 ce and |)ower of the «ny ailniinistration justify itself before the country, 
 propose to brini; by such action, in such an emergency ? I know not 
 lave been given, the "what may be the feelings of the President on this 
 II staii.l iiiirr;immel- subjecf; but, for my own part, I should hesitate 
 igagieenient.s what- long, I .should reflect deeply, before 1 would sacri- 
 each standing iipou iice the peace and prosperity of two great nations, 
 I stand face to face wpon such a point. But England must act prompt- 
 and perfectly con- v ^"d speedily. Delay will fully justify us in as- 
 serting our right to the whole territory. And if we 
 fight — we shall certainly fight for the whole — ay, sir, 
 for more. We can make no more offers. Our 
 President has ofl'ered as much as any President 
 ought ever to have ofifered — more than one should 
 ever offer again. 
 
 But, sir, how do these gentlemen propose to get 
 the whole, of Oregon, by maintaining the present 
 posuu-e of affairs.' Is the existing convention most 
 favorable to us or to England, so far as the posses- 
 sion of the country is concerned? In my judgment, 
 England is strengthening herself every day. This 
 eheis doing in a double aspect. She is strength- 
 ening her pretended claim of title. For, however 
 well we may be satisfied that neither our offers of 
 half tin- country to England by way of compromise, 
 nor these conventions, which expressly reserve the 
 jights of each, uff'ect unfavorably our title; yet I 
 aver there is not a gentleman on this floor who, 
 upon the naked question of title, would not wish 
 that these iifll"ers had never been made — that the two 
 conventions had never been adopted. We may 
 Bay that the treaty does not recognise "joint occu- 
 pation," yet we cannot rid ourselves of the feeling: 
 that some .sort of joint rights are acknowledged. I 
 believp, sir, the strongest show of right which Eng- 
 land can present is that which arises from this very 
 thing. 8he argues, because we have otfered her 
 much, .'^he must be entitled to more. And she can say, 
 •with great plausibility, whe is at least entitled to as 
 much ns we have offered her. 
 
 Now, sir, the longer this convention exists, and 
 the more frequent ofl^ers we make her, the stronger 
 ■will grow her pretended claim. She will prc-jently 
 set up a prescriptive right under the operation of the 
 convention. I desire to prevent this as far as pos- 
 sible. Let us give the notice in order to prevent 
 things from growing worse with ua. Let things at 
 
 wtiich will follow u 
 / a treaty. They 
 I pressing necessity 
 not bring it to thia 
 I acknowledge it la 
 IS than a tarJy and 
 Ha and Charybdis. 
 isp the helm :;tern- 
 idence and .skill to 
 jyss? — or .^hal! we 
 and forward;;, un- 
 yet perfectly con- 
 t endure the peril.' 
 light to this point, 
 
 the IDth century, 
 id morality, must 
 
 -■oldly to the ad- 
 
 i deadly conflict 
 war m the face of 
 her minister and 
 I not. To niain- 
 
 of confidence in 
 irlv every gen tle- 
 nd unquestiona- 
 ^t this lone- exist- 
 rnptly and fairly, 
 lent of it, whick 
 lonorable gentle- 
 ho comes to the 
 E other day, that 
 roposition" made 
 
 uot, so long ai 
 aps it i.^ not her 
 , as Mr. Polk in 
 
 sons frr believing that England has no plausible pre- 
 text whatever for any claim of title south of that 
 line. Now, it is well known, and I believe fully ad- 
 mitted, that unless we obtain the country at least to 
 that line, we lose the most valuable p)art of it — we 
 get no valuable harbors — and so f. ras the commer- 
 cial importance of the region is concerned, we mi^ht 
 as well give up the wliole territory. This being 
 the state of things, and England, through the Hud- 
 son Bay Company, ha\ ing possession of that part 
 of the territory, what is to be the course of our em- 
 igration, if things remain ixa they are? I believe 
 emigration will in a great measure cease. It has 
 been only the hope that our government would take 
 this great step, and assert our title, at least to .some 
 valuable portion, if not to all the territory, which 
 has caused the stream of emigration to set in that 
 direction. Can our people become strong there, if 
 they are shut out from the harbors, and in that 
 way deprived of any participation in the advantages 
 of commerce? What inducement is there for emi- 
 grants from the United States to seek that coun- 
 try, under such disadvantages? The gentleman 
 from Virginia spoke of the advancing popula- 
 tion of our country, proceeding westward, on a line 
 of a thousand leagues, at the rate of half a degree of 
 longitude every year. Let it be remembered, how- 
 ever, that this tide cannot advance over the Rocky 
 mountains. The Pacific coast must first be settled, 
 long before the intervening .space can possibly be 
 filled up. The tide that will roll onward from that 
 quarter, will meet the advancing tide from this. In 
 my judgment, it is a chimera to suppose that the set- 
 tlement of the country will be effected in any other 
 way. Then, sir, the difficulty remains — how shall 
 our people get a firm foothold in that territory? 
 You must clear the way for them; you must re- 
 move the British forts from the north side of the 
 Columbia river; or, as has been forcibly observed, 
 yon must, at least, untie the hands of those who go 
 there. 
 
 But, sir, suppo.se the convention continued, and 
 suppose, against all the ob.'^tacles I have named, our 
 people should continue to tiow into that country. 
 What is to be the result? If England will not give 
 us the country without the existing convention, 
 will sheijive it to us with it? Will she remove her 
 forts? Will her people quietly abandon their sta- 
 tions to ours? Will England, will the Hudson Bay 
 Company, calmly look on, and see our people silent « 
 ly or forcibly supplanting them, and that, too, when 
 
a convention exusta between the two counlrie8, 
 guar inteeins: Bomc sort of cqunl rights to the citi- 
 zenH of both? Hy what nort of a prorpHH are oi,r 
 people to root out the British? Do not ajciulemrn 
 Know what thelludnon Bay Company \» doin^? [)'> 
 not gentlemen know the military orsnni/.ntion and 
 formidiiljle power of that monstrous corporation, 
 whirl) seeks to run tiio. career of ii.s tjieat prototype, 
 ihc EiJst India Tonipnoy, that oprratos ju^t over on 
 the oilier s dc of the I'acific." 
 
 I find, Ar, in l!ic fourth volume of the narrative. 
 of the tjcploriui; (■• prdition, aeopy of llieoi'lii,Mtii>n 
 which the HudKon Bay Company requires of nil ii.- 
 serviintH. They i;ivc their hoiids "to deiute their 
 whole time and laljur to the .service of the compa- 
 ny;" "to perforin all work or service, l)y day or hy 
 niKht," "to ol)ey a!! onlers;"' "willi euur.(;4e aiiJ 
 fidelity to defend tlic prdperlv of paid company — 
 their (^»j'iio?"tVs iind lactorie^j;'" "to defend the rk>-ltls 
 and piivilef^es o'^ said (company;'' "atid, if required, 
 to enrol as soldiers, and attt iid all drills and exercihc.-' 
 necessary to ucqitire a knowledge of the dutieiJ re- 
 quired," Ac. Here ia a perfect military ori;an;/.a- 
 tion, and it exhibits very plainly what are the de- 
 signs of that monstious company. It wains w^ tli,a 
 our advancin,'; tide of population will nut lie fiemiit- 
 ted to trespass upon wiial it considers its territories. 
 
 Is not tliis the true state of thinjis in that dictant 
 region? If it be not, why arc our pfO[)le callinii 
 opon us for aid and prjf.ection? Why do our peo- 
 ple all settle south of the Columbia.' and why are 
 they dependent upon tlie Hudson Bay Company 
 ft)r all their commerce: When will these thintrs be 
 altered, if this convention shall continue.' When 
 will our people begin to settle north of the Columbia 
 river? 
 
 But, sir, En£;land knows very well tli'^ .situation 
 of things in Oregon. She in, perhaps, better in- 
 formed than we. If she is ready now to fioht for 
 this country — if she ha."? made h-^r determination 
 not to {^ive it up without a great contest — and if we, 
 as gentlemen .suppose, arc gaining by the existing 
 arrargeraent— will she not u-rminate it herself? But 
 when did England ever make the first movement 
 towards that men.siiie? Now this is a plain prop- 
 osition: if England will go to war r.uher than 
 yield u.^ our lights, and if we siiall certainly 
 advance lownrds the acquisition of the territory, by 
 the existing convention, then she will lier.<ielf give us 
 the notice, which we liesita'e to give her. l-'ar- 
 sighted ns she i.", she will bring on the contist now, 
 before we shall have f^rown strong enough in that 
 quarter to accomplish our stealthy design. If I'lnir- 
 land does not now pur.>,ue thi.s course, if she holds 
 on to the convention, I argue that she, at least, does 
 not believe time will benefit us more than her. 
 And I, sir, am disposed to learn wisdom from her 
 example — believing that where our interests arc op- 
 pof-ite, our policy ought to be also. If she would 
 
 hold on to the convention, I would instantly termi- 
 nate it. 
 
 It is, perhaps, scarcely necessary to say Mnythinsf 
 of the amendment proposed by the gentleman from 
 .Mab^mu [Mr. IIii,i.iaiu>|. I consider it of no con- 
 serpience. If its object or its effect be, as some 
 gentlemen allege, to throw the responsibility ofl 
 the shoulders of this House, I have no di:ripoaltioii 
 thus to evade a duly which belongs to me. 1 ac- 
 cept my share of the responsibility, knowing that 
 whatever may be the conueqiienci' — whether peace 
 or war ensue — the cause of our country ih just in 
 the sight of God and man. But the amendment i.s 
 of little importaiicp, since iht; President has already, 
 ill his ines.-age, told us he believes now is the ap- 
 firopriate time to give the notice. Should the reso- 
 lution, with the amendment, be adopted to-day, he 
 would give the notice lo-iiiorrow. It might weaken 
 ihe influence of the Oieasure ufani llie action of 
 Britain. She might well suppo.se that the legislature 
 of the nation had exhilii'.Ci; less firmness than the 
 Executive, and that it would ;reml)le, in a certain 
 contingeni'y, to su.stain him by those ulterior meaa- 
 iirt.: which the crisis might render indispensable. I 
 hope we shall present an unbroken front — that we 
 shall fully sustain the President, not only in the 
 noble stand he has already taken, but in all other 
 measures which the honor and security of our com- 
 tnon country may at any time require. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, 1 luive said all 1 have to say on 
 this subject. 1 cannot lay claim to any practical ex- 
 perience in statesmanship. The reasoning I have 
 attempted, has satisfied me that the proposod notice 
 cannot, of itself, affect the q^'eslion of peace or war, 
 and that every consideration of policy and interest, 
 requires us to give it without delay. I respect the 
 opinions of those dilfcr from ine, and I .fjincerely 
 regret that such diiVerences exist. I shall follow my 
 ov,r. convictions with a due sense of the solemn 
 responsibilities under which I act, leaving others the 
 same liberty which I claim, without suffering my- 
 self, for a moment to doubt their integrity, and pa- 
 triotism. 
 
 1 solt innly believe that gentlemen who think- war 
 will come are mistaken. J earnestly pray that peace 
 may continue to waive hi r golden wings, and scat- 
 ter her rich blessings over our happy country, and 
 that those bright visions, which gentlemen have pic- 
 tured as destined to gladden our hearts, under the 
 auspicious eye of this hovering angel, may liever be 
 blasted by the l-lood-staiiied demini of war. I woo 
 the favor, and the continued presence of this guar- 
 dian spirit, with my deepest devotion. I would sa- 
 (•nti<ie much; I would .'<uf?er much to detain her. But 
 if bh' must depart — if she is destined to take her 
 sad "ilight from earth to Heaven again'" — then wel- 
 come the black tempest of war! WelcoiTie its ter- 
 rors, its privations, its wounds, and deaths:' We 
 will sternly bare our bosoms to its deasiliael ahock, 
 and trust in God for ihe result. 
 
ivould instanUy term- 
 
 iflfiary to say anything 
 y the ^entJematj from 
 cnnsider it of no con- 
 s fflert be, its some 
 ho rt'Hponsibility ofi 
 have no (li;ipositioij 
 ''loMgfi fo me. I ac- 
 Jiliiy. knowing- that 
 iCHco — wlicthcr peace 
 ir country ih Just in 
 t the urnend;nent is 
 'resident has already, 
 icves now iH the ap^ 
 ■■■ Should the reso- 
 -: ;idopi(;(l tr.-dny, he 
 ■V- It mi^ht weaken 
 upon liie action of 
 le that the hgialalure 
 s firmness than tho 
 remble, in a certain 
 th(is(; ulterior meas- 
 ler iiidispensdble. I 
 ten front — that we 
 It, not only in the 
 :n, but in all other 
 security of our cora- 
 quire. 
 
 I 1 iidve to Hay on 
 touny practical ex- 
 ic reasoning I have 
 tlif" proposad notice 
 on of peace or war, 
 policy and interest, 
 clay. I rrspeot the 
 no, and I fiincerely 
 I shall follow my 
 n.sc of the aolemn 
 ;, leaving others the 
 hout suffering my- 
 r integrity, and pa- 
 
 len who tJiink- war ^ 
 (ly pray thst peace 
 n winga, and scat- f 
 »ppy country, and | 
 :entlenien have pic- 1 
 • hearts, utider the 
 igei, may liever be 
 )n of war. I woo 
 sence of this guar- 
 tion. I would sa- 
 to detain her. But 
 3tined to take her 
 again'" — (hen wel- ' 
 
 WelcfLTie its ter- 
 and dealhs'' We 
 ia dcasJliofit shock,