#. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT3) k // /- ^t^ <;- . ^ f/. fA 1.0 I.I ■^12^8 12.5 liig 12.2 ^ 1^ 12.0 1.8 [• : 1.25 1.4 1.6 ^= ^= ^ '. '. < 6" ► V z ^;^^- Riotogrdphic SdenfBS Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 873-4S03 CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHIVi/ICIVIH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques Th The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Features of this r \ motion to amend was not in order, sent the foUowiiig resolution to the Clerk's table; which at his request was read by the Clerk: ^'Resolved, That the people of the United States ' have full reliance upon the discretion, the patriot- * ism, and the wisdom of the President, and tho ,; * advisers whom the Constitution has placed around * him; and fee) willing, should negotiation be re- * newed, to submit the rights of the United States ' to his care, management, and protection, with an * entire and abiding confidence that those rights, ' the honor and best interests of the United States, ' will be sustained, defended, and protected." It is my intention, Mr. Chairman, to vote for the resolution offered by the Committee on Foreign Affairs, as proposed to be amended by the chair- man of that committee; and I shall offer the resolu- tion which has just been read as an additional sec- tion, by way of amendment. It is due both to myself and my constituents, as ■well as to this House, that my reasons should be given for this course, and I shall now proceed to do so. Unless our title to Oregon be good and sufficient, it would be improper to vote for that resolution. But, on the other hand, if we have the best title to that territory, but one course is left, and that is, to give the notice, fearless of consequences. It cannot be denied that Spain made the first dis- coveries on the western shore of this continent; and, by discovery, had the right of settlement. I am free to admit this right of settlement, growing out of discovery, could only endure for a reasona- ble time; and if it were not improved within a rea- sonable time, any other nation might, by actual settlement, (that is, reclaiming the wild lands by cultivation, building up cities, &c. ; and not by fish- ing and hunting, and erecting temporary huts for those purposes only,) deprive Spain of the right of discovery, and obtain a better title — that by settle- ment. Has England or any other nation made any such settlements in any part of the Oregon terri- tory, (except in the valley of the Columbia, to which I will presently call your attention,) so as to deprive Spain of her right by discovery.' I think not. Cfan any gentleman on this floor point to the place where any nation has made any set- tlement which would deprive Spain of that right.' I know of none; for I do not call fishing and hunt- ing-huts, to protect seal-skins and peltry, such set- tlements. I refer particularly to that part of the territory above 49°; for I shall contend and show that the United States is the only nation that had interfered with this right of Spain, by discovery of the mouth of the Columbia, and the exploration and settlement of the valley of that great river of the west. Spain, then, having acquired the right of settlement by discovery, by the convention or treaty of 1819 transferred all her rights to the Uni- ted States. But v/e are told, that before the treaty of 1819 she had parted with some of those rights, and trans- ferred them to England by the treaty of the Escurial, commonly called the Nootka sound convention. We will examine this presently. By the settle- ment of Canada on the Atlantic, France claimed the right by continuity tc all tae land to the Pacific ocean; and by the settlement of the English prov- inces south of Canada, England claimed by con- tinuity the right of territory also to the Pacific; and she asserted and imbodied this claim in the several charters to her American provinces, by granting, in express terms, the whole territory bounded on the west by the Pacific ocean. In the war com- monly called the " Old French War," which was closed by the treaty of 1763, Canada was captured by Great Britain, and France ceded to England all her right to that province east of the Mississippi, and England ceded to France all her rifi;ht west of that river on tne Pacific, not only to that pai-t of Canada which France claimed by continuity, but to all the territory which England claimed by con- tinuity as appended to her American provinces. I shall not stop here to inquire whether this right by continuity, claimed by England, be good or bad — that is not important; she ceded all her right to France, and she is now barred — as we would say in law esto}med — from setting up any claim against France and those claiming under her. In the treaty of 1803, France ceded to the United States all her rights; and Spain alone remaining to con- test the rights acquired by that treaty from France, in 1819 the rights of Spain were added to those ac- ?uired from France, and both became vested in the I Fnited States. It may be urged that England had no title to any part of Oregon in 1763; that she claims by right of discovery and settlement since that time. That may be so. But, sir, having I made the cession of all claim., to France in 1763,1 she could not afterwards, in equity and justice, ac- 1 ^-^o-:^iHl Jiiire nny rifjlifs 'n rnntravriition oT tlio ri^litM of Vance, luul she has not, in point of fu^t, done no. Spain havin;^ first luiiuircd llic rij^lit l)y rliscov- ery, no siiliserinnnt rij^lit hy discovery luui be sot up; and England nrver liasatMiuirci' a ri;;lit bj' ac- tual settlement — she never lias made scttlemcntM north of 49^, an'' her settlements in the valley of the Columbia were posterior to liioso of the United States, (as I will presently show,) and could not, therefm-e, constitute any title. Il'ing without title, cither by discovery or settlemenl., fo any part of Oregon, she invokes the aid of theNootka conven- tion; and this naturally brings us to the considera- tion of the sti|inlations of that convenlion, and the rights acquired i)y Eiigland luider it. By the terms of that convention, the subjects of Great I'ritaiu were atuhorized to land "on the coasts of those ' seas, in places not already occupied, _/()*• Utr pur- ^ pose of carrying on their commerce ir'ilh the nulivrt: ' of the country, or of mahing sellhinenls there.''' It is a sound principle that " indusio unius est excla- sio nlterins" — the insertion of certain and specified purposes excludes all others, and tliat the right given of trading with the natives does not give nny claim to territory, jurisdiction, and sovereignty. The claim of England, then, under the Nootka con- vention, can only extend by the stipulations of tlie convention to the purposes of settlement and trade, and catmot extend to tlie right of soil, jurisdiction, and sovereignty. Having thus entered into this convention, and made their settlements for the pur- pose of trade with the natives, all the improve- ments or settlements made by English subjects since that time must be considered as made under that treaty, in accordance with and to carry out the purposes alleged in that treaty, and can add noth- ing to the rights of England. If a man b" contract with me enters and remains in possession f my land for jjurposes specified in the contract, his possession and improvements can never ripen into a title; while if he had entered without permission and held adversely to my title, long continued possession and improvements miglit give him a good and indefeasible title. So, sir, England having made all her improvements for the purposes of hunting, fishing, and trading with the natives, under the Nooika convention, can never insist on them for any other purpose, and can never bring any aid to lier claim under that convention, by the settlements that may have since been made Eiiiglandjthen, having no rightful claim to Oregon by discovery, can set up none by settlement under the Nootka convention, as all made under that con- vention were for the purposes of settlement and trade with the natives. Again : the Nootka convention was entered into in 1790, and England and Spain went to war in 1796, and by war all treaties between the parties are abrogated. While this is not denied as a gen- eral principle by the English Minister, it is con- tended this treaty recognised or ceded to England certain rights of soil, jurisdiction and sovereignty; in other words, that property in the country was admitted to be in Great Britain. There is nothing in the stipulations of the treaty which will warrant such a conclusion. Lngland was authorized to land in all places not already occupied, "for the pur- pose of carrying on commerce with the natives of the country, or of making settlements there;" and -this agreement neither adds to nor diminishes the title wlii<'h she lia( a goofi lille bel'ore impair it; if she strengthen it; before that treaty, Tf she hii thai lime, that treaty do(\s lie had a bad title, it does no And if she had no title, it does no give her one, other than " for the pm-pose of car- ' ryi)ig on coiunien'c with the natives of the coini try and of making .■•eitlemeniN there.'' Tlien;fore. a'l iiiiing to iniernational law, tliiit treaty was , abrogated by the war ot' 179(>. This piinciple o| ' iiiicrnLiioiial law cannot be denied by Great Brit- I tain. She lias contended for it against the United States. By the treaty of 17K'J, we ^lad the right to fish on the Banks of Newfoundland, and to erect : e.-'taldisluiK iits for the curing of fish, &e. By the i warof 1S12, Great Britain (Contended that the stip- ulii ions of the treaty securing these rights were ; abrogated, and tin' iilenipoteniiarics of the United ! States, acting upon the American jirinciplc of "de- ' nianding nothing that is wrong," admitted the ' jirinciple, and submitted to less advantageous con- j ditions than we had under the treaty of 1763. The ! treaty of the Escurial lieing then abrogated by the i war of 179fl, England was thrown back on the ' rights she possessed before the Nootka convention; , and before that she had neither the right of di.scov- ' cry n(u* of S(;ttlement. ! The only nation which could interfere with the I right of discovery belonging to Spain, is the Uni- ted States, by the discovery of the mouth of the ! Columbia river, the exploration of that river and its ! tributaries, and the settlement made by American ! citizens at its mouth. In 1789, Captain Gray first I ascertained the existence of the river; in 1792 he ' entered the mouth and sailed some miles up the riv- I er, trading with the natives; and in 1805-6, Lewis ' and Clarke explored it by order of Mr. Jefi'erson, i then President of the United States. In 1810, a set- ' tlement (Astoria) was made by citizens of the Uni- I ted States. So Air as the valley of the Columbia I was concerned, and indeed all the country drained j by that river and its tributaries, according to the j laws of nations, the United States alone had the ! right to contest the right of Spain acquired by i discevery. It may be alleged that England has ; also made settlements in the valley of the Colum- ! bia. This will not be denied; but it confers no j right. As no subsequent discovery can destroy the j right of Spain by discovery, so no subsequent set- j tlement can injure or destroy the right, by settle- ment, first acquired by tlie United States. And in I further confirmation and completion of this right of the United States, her citizens have continually migrated and populated tluit country since that time, and in later years, not by scores and hun- dreds, but by thousands; and now more than eight- tenths were and are citizens of these United States. Without admitting that a sufficient title has not been demonstrated to the whole country, I am wil- ling to meet gentlemen, who suggest doubts as to our title, on their own ground; and I will ask if any man in this House is prepared to deny that we have the better title to the whole territory .' It has not been denied by the Engli.sh minister that the title of the United States is equally valid with that of England. Lord Castlereagh ^'admit- ted, in the most ample extent, our right to be 7-ein- stated," (in possession,) "a»id to be the party IN P0SSESSIO>r WIIILK TREATING OF THE TITLE;" and Mr. Pakenhani urges the division proposed by hinj niencel natiouj claim guage lo be el to all tl ihe bef the vi'J livir tl guagel 1776. not nil and vv| sbowt by thtl 5 (naiy (|,),;.s (,(. I!''. It flfUM no I'"'', It (lor.s nri ||>iir|)osf. „f car. "'' llifi cnijii „ ' riuTvSnn: I '!" "•'■ii'X \Vi„ ',"'^' I'llliciplo r)/ [iiy Gnat Hrit. \iim Uw United "ad tlio risrht I'"', and to erect '•' '^''- By tlie ;« tlint the stip- ^P ri-)i(.s M'ciT "'■ tiK' Uin'ted [""■iple of "de- '"Imitted the in(a:;;rjiiii,s con- • of 1783. The •"/rutrd by the '•"c't on the v.'iconvnnion; s'lit of discov- ■fere with the •1. is tlie Uni- moiith of the It river and its '>y Anierican vin Gray first ,•; ill 1793 he 'P« up the I'iv- «0r)-6, Lewis j ^i-.Jefierson, « »1810,aset- s of tlie Uni- lie CoJumbiii iiti-y drained "•ding to the one had the acquired by '"gland Jias tile Colum- ^ confers no destroy the sequent set- » ^y settle- 'S- And in ti'is right :onthiually since that and hun- iian eight- e United e has not I am wij- '!'ts as to f ill ask if * <^ny that tory ? nnnister '% valid " admit- be rein- ! PARTY title;" roposed liy liiin on (lie grounds of necessity and conve- nience Id the intei-est of'Great Hritair). No other nation iliini the United States cun niit up a decent claim to that conistry, unless Kngiand, in the lan- guage of my colleague [Mr. Toomiis] has the right to be consi(lere(l the resiiluary legatee from Adam, to all the earth to which no other nai'ion can show the best possible and perfect title; and that she has the right, therefore, to order us, rx c(itlieilra,U> de- liver the possession to her. This imjierative lan- guage had been used to her youthful colonies in IVVIJ. Those colonics had grov;n into manhood, not umler her fostering care, but by her neglect; and when their strength was only three millions, showed that the Anglo-Saxon blood was improved by the spirit of liberty , ami proved to the world that " Tlirico i.-i he nniicil liaf liiitli liis quarrel just ; Ami lie hut linked, iinniali hieked iip ni steel, Whilst^ coiiscieiieu with injustice is corrupted." We then defied the gi;;- antic powfir and countless weidth of Britain; and shall we now cower before her frowns, when our population numbers twenty niillions? While our right to the country has not been denied, wc have been told of the immense atrcngtli ami power of England, of the vastness of her re- sources, of her war-steamers, her line-of-battle ships, and all that vast armament which catches every breeze and whitens every sea, and by v/hich she has assumed to call herself the mistress of the ocean. I can as little fear the power of England as this House did, at the last session, fear the im- potency of Mexico. You did not hesitate to an- nex Texas (even to the Rio Grande) to the Union, despite the remonstrances of Mexico; why now hesitate to give the notice, regardless of the growl- ing of the British lion ? For my part, I much prefer "to rouse the lion than to start a hare." I love a "foeman worthy of our steel," and would sooner throw the gage of battle to proud, and haughty, and powerful England, than to bullying, and blustering, and impotent Mexico. The next question for our consideration is, the propriety of giving notice to England, and the con- sequences which may follow. And here I wish it distinctly understood that, having ascertained what the honor and best interests of our country demand and require, I am almost M'holly reganl- Icss of consecpiences. The people whom I have the honor to represent would spurn me from their confidence with contempt, were I to place in the scale the danger of a contest with England against the honor and interests of the United States. Let us, then, inquire whether the notice ought to bo given. The President has told us that our pro- position has been rejected and withdrawn; and that this rejection, and the extraordinary and wholly inadmissible demands of the British Governmeiu, " afford satisfactory evidence that no compromise which the United States ought to accept can be effected." Can we ofierto renew the negotiations under these circumstances.' And if we were to do so, can we expect any other answer than the one we have already received, and that, too, more haughtily expressed? Have we any reason to believe the minds of the English ministers have changed, and that they will now accept what they have before so promptly — not to say rudely — rejected .' If any such exist, I have yet to be" informed of them. Does the President expect they will accept any that wc can offer, or that wc ran accept any they will fjffer? He has told us, in plain and distinct terms, they will not; and looking over the whole subject-matter, and (lii;iliar'j;ing the high duties im- posed on him by the ('(uistitulion, he has, with- out hesitatiori, and without shrinking fnuu the ro spoiisibility of the otHce in which he has been placed by the peo])lt — the greatest in the world — advis( (1 us to direct him to give the notice. Some gentlemen are willing to leave it to him. No, sir. tt properly belongs to us; and if, as some gentle- men fi'ar, it will lead to war, the Constitution em- phatically rcfiuires us not to shrink from that re- sponsibility, but fearlessly to (htermine all ques- tions of peace and war. It would be a shameful abando.unent of duty to require the Presidrmt to determine that question, that we might avoid the consequences, by telling our constituents, "They cannot say that we did it." Again, sir: Almost every gentleman who has addressed this House has expressed his conviction that our title is good I and sui'ficient, since the able exposition of that I title by our Secretaries f>f State; and scarcely a i man can be found, throughout the length and breadth of this land, that is not entirely satisfied of the goodness of that title. How, then, can we refuse to carry out the judgment they have pro- nounced, by taking possession of our own proper- ty, so soon as a due regard to treaty stipulations will permit? A refusal to do so will involve us in this very uniileasant dilemma: either we are not sincere, and do not believe the title to be good, or we are afraid to assert our rights against the power of England; or, what is still worse, that we fear to take upon ourselves the responsibility. FVom this there is no escape. Let us, then, deter- mine for ourselves and our constituency, whether I the notice shall be given, and direct the Presi- dent accordingly. We come now to inquire, not whether war will follow our resolution to give the notice, but wheth- er it will be a just and sufficient cause of war. Having satisfied our minds on this question, we have but one course to pursue — " to go where duty calls us;" and we shall be recreant to our trust if | we fail to do so. By the convention of 1827, it is expres.sly provided that either party may termi- nate the joint occupancy by giving twelve months' notice, and it surely cannot be contended that it ] will be just cause of war to give notice in pur- 1 ' suance of the stipulations of the treaty. It has! ! been suggested that we should wait, and let Eng-I ! land give the notice. Is it believed she will do so, I i or is there any man liere or elsewhere prepa'-ed tol I say if she were to give the notice it would be justi-l j fial)le cause of war? I suppose not. Why, then,! should we believe it would be a just and sufficient| ] cause of war to her? However, we are told, al- I though the notice of itself would not be sufficient cause of war, yet we are about to pass laws exH tending civil and military protection over the terri- tory and inhabitants of Oregon. This is certainlj true; and yet the passage of those laws can be nc cause of war. England has passed such laws morg than twenty years ago, and the United States have not declared war. The President and Congres.^ have not deemed them sufficient cause for war, on they have tarnished the honor and disgraced (hfl American name by basely and tamely submitting to such humiliation. 6 ^ \ While it cannot and will not be seriously con- tended that eitliiT or both lln'se thinf^N will be suffi- cient cause of wur, there are niuny who will insist that Eni^lund will ^o to wur; and almost in the same breath liold up, in Urrortm, her larf;e stand- ing; army, her extensive navy, and lier immense military and naval armaments in every quarter of the fi;lol)e. She has need for them all where they are. She camiot withdraw her forces from India — from Ireland — from the island (»f Gnnit Britain itself; she needs them all for the security of her India possessions and internal tran(|uillity at home; and she has no force to spare for the conquest of an_y part of the United Stales, And it had been said we were unprepared for war, and in a defence- less situation. This may be true. We are now much stronger than we have been in any war with Enijland. In '76 she was little less powerful, in 1812 she was more powerful, than she is now. Our population has swelled to more than twenty millions; in 1812 we could not number more thari ei^ht, and in 177G we hud only three millions. But 1 fear we may be in a more weak and dcfeucc- less situation. Then we had stout hearts and strong arms, and the battle-cry was, " Liberty or death." Now we have the whispers of fear even within these walls. I fear we may be less pre- pared, not in ships and in men and in all the mu- nitions of war, but that our hearts quail with fear at the prospect of a struggle with the mighty power of England. I love peace, and would go as far to preserve peace — honorable jieace — as'any man on this floor. My constituents have a deep interest in the preservation of peace; but, sir, they would spise me, and spurn their representative with orn who would tell them he had secured jjcace y the sacrifice of the rights and the honor of his country, and that he had prevented a war by yield- ing to the haughty demands of Britain all she re- quired. I cannot and will not do it. We have been told of the wisdom and sagacity of the English ministers. It is upon this very wisdom and sagacity that my opinion is predica- ted, that they will not go to war without just and sufficient cause. They are wise and sagacious, and will, in the consideration of the question of Ceace or war, not confine themselves to Oregon, ut take a survey of all the interests of Great Brit- ain most certainly to be affected by the decision of it. Sir Robert Feel has been emphatically styled the " balance-sheet minister," for the reason that he has a due regard to the commerce of England — the source of her wealth and power, the sinews of her strength; and he will ponder long ere he will consent to its entire destruction. I will not deny Great Britain can do us almost incalculable injury. But she is by no means invulnerable. She must suffer more in the conflict than we. Her victories, like those of Pyrrhus, will ruin her. The Sressure and the calamities of war may bear us own, and retard for a season our onward march, but the recuperative energies of this young Repub- lic will soon restore her. Not so with England. Break the charm of her maritime power, and the mighty fabric of her extended empire may crum- ble into ruins. In the sagacity and wisdom of her ministers, we have an almost certain guaranty that war will not immediately follo'Y the giving of notice, and that it will not be declared, if ever, till the expiration of tweke months. She must have two crops of cot- ton to keep her manufactories emjiloyed — the one now being (Carried to her, and the one which will be grown this year. I cannot believe that Great Britain will go to war but in the last extremity — not from fear, for she is a brave and fearless na- tion; she is too wise to sacrifi<;e all her important interests, and rush into a war for the acquisition of a country to which she knows she has the weaker title; and in defence of that liile, which can only be defeiid(!d by her arms. She cannot and she dots not exjiect to acquire any glory in a contest with the United States. Can any man believe those wise and sagacious statesmen are prepared to turn loose iier thousands of operatives from the workshops and cotton-mills i into the streets to starve, and add to her already bloated pauperism? Are they willing to destroy her manufaclurers? to spreau ruin and desolation among her whole commercial and shipping inter- ests? Commerce is the source and fountain of her wealth and her power; and this is well under- stood by all her loading men. What has England done, or rather, what has she not done, for the ad- vancement and protection of her commerce? In all her laws, her negotiations, and her wars, slie has looked with an eye single to the promotion of that darling and cherished interest. In peace and in war she lias never for a moment lost sight of it; and when her negotiators have failed, her admirals have used the more mighty argument — line-of-bat- tle ships. Without hesitation, she has violated her treaties and the neutrality of other nations in the capture of the Danish fleet at Copenhagen; she imprinted a deep stain on her national honor by chaining Napoleon, who threw himself into her arms for protection, to the rock of St. Helena; and a foul blot on her escutcheon, in forcing her opium upon the imbecile Chinese at the cannon's mouth. In barbaric ages, Tamerlane confined and ex- hibited the captured Bajazet in an iron cage. In more civilized times, fVancis the First, who lost all but his hanor at the battle of Pavia, was gen- erously liberated by Charles the Fifth; but Chris- tian, philanthropic England, deemed herself excus- able, for the advancement of commerce, to follow the barbaric rather than the civilized example. Will they be satisfied to lose the carrying trade of the world ? In all her wars heretofore, England has always been able to obtain soldiers from the Continent, and to retain the carrying trade, for her contests have generally been with the continental nations; and she has always been able to' involve some of them in the same contest who would fur- nish the men, while her commerce enabled her to furnish the money. Now, she must depend on her own men, and lose that trf^de which poured mil- lions into her treasury with which to subsidize the soldiers of other nations. A war with the United States will deprive her of that trade; and though her sails may catch every breeze, and whiten every sea, they cannot escape the American cruisers. They may fly to the uttermost bounds of the sea, and even there the broad stripes and bright stars will follow them. The high price of insurance will force that trade into neutrals. Time was when the loss of that trade would endure only with tho war. Now, when the commercial marine of the continent has increased, through a long peace, tiiiit trade once lost has departed forever. |crops ofrot- Vtd — the OHO |t' wliicli will Ve that Great (extremity— rearlcNs n«- |er irnportmit Inquisition of the weaker |'<'l» «;an only iii(i she (Iocs |contest witii 111 sn^jncious ■r thousands cotton-niilLs lier already , to destroy d desolation wing inter- '■'Hintain of well iinder- ins Enirjand . for the ad- merce ? In wars, she •omotion of II peace and ■ sight of it; ler admirals -liiie-of-bat- las violated nations in iliagen; she I honor by elf into her 'lena;anda her opium n's mouth. J and ex- cage. In t, who lost , was gen- ^ut Chris- 3elfexcus- > to follow imple. ring trade > England from the le, for her >ntinental J* involve ould fur- d her to pend on ured mil- Jdize the e United I though en every :ruisers. the sea, lit stars surance ne was ly with rine of peace, Affnin, sir; arc ihoy prepared for an increase nf her public debt? Will liercapiu\iists and bankers agree to it? England went out of the war with France with a dcl)i of ^■800,0()0,()0(), and thirty years of peace has not reduced that enormous del)! more than ciT»0,()00,O()O; although every ne- cessary of life — even the air they breathe— has been taxed to exhaustion; and the fwuighty ariMtocracy has been compelled to disgorge its overgrown wealth for the support of the country. Will they consent to lend tlieir money, and swell to excess an already unwieldy debt on the credit of a Gov- ernment which can scarcely pay the interest of that already accumulated? Or will the people of England, or can they, bear any increase of their burdens ? And where is Ireland, and what is her situation ? Can the British ministers veil their eyes to it, when they know she waits but the occasion of war to enforce her demands ? Arc they prepared for an unconditional repeal of the Union, and to grant to Ireland her own parliament, with an equal participation in the blessings of her Government ? Or do they believe, without these concessions, Ireland will assist in the war, or even remain quiet, and permit her to withrlraw her troops and send them to this country ? No, sir : depend upon it, the first ^un discharged against an American ship, an American battery, or an American fort, will be the signal for the Irish nation to rise, and, with the voice of authority which cannot be disobeyed, demand a redress of all their grievances. And will Canada be safe ? Rely upon it, the war will be fought in Canada. Are the inhabitants of Upper Canada content with the English rule ? Will they not readily join our standard, and strike for liberty, when they know we are able to protect them ? Will Lower Canada linger behind her sis- ter? Now, sir, I wish not to be misunderstood. I do not desire to conquer Canada. I would not if I could. I hope not to live to see the day when the Government of the United Stales shall be ex- tended bjr conquest. But I would extend to them the blessings of otii" free institutions, and invite them to partake, and my word for it, another an- nexation would take place despite the diplomacy and the cannon of England. All these things are well known to England, and she fears them too. She well knows she must seal her own destruction by a war with the United States, which would only retard and not materially injure our pros- perity. But if, under all these circumstances, regardless of all the consequences which must follow in the train of war, the English ministers determine to resort to the xUtima ratio regum — the artillery and the bayonet — we shall have the proud consolation of knowing that we have discnaro;ed our duty; that we have only demanded our rights; that we have adhered to the maxim of the fearless, lion- hearted Jackson, " to demand nothing that is wrono;, and to yield nothing that is our right;" and that all the blood which may be spilled in this dire contest must lie on the skirts of England. Mr. Chairman, there is one memorable fact in the history of our Government, which must fill the heart of every American with proud exultation— that we have never committed an act of injustice and oppression upon other nations. While we have been compelled to demand indemnity for spoliations upon our commerce and our citi/.enn in manifold instances, in no one case has it ever been asked for of us. We need not fear that war will come; but if it does, we are ready for the contest. Let but tho clarion of war be sounded, and notwithstanding the dirterences of opinion which may be here express- ed, there will be but one opinion over this wide- spread country. From the lakes to the Rio del Jvorle, there will be but one voice and one heart, echoing the cry •' Ah, 'tis sweet, 'tis sweet to die for our country ' — that sentiment, immortalized by the dying tongue of the noble Warren, the hero of Bunker Hill, the first sacrifice on the altar of hia counvry. Sir, I have heard with feelings of mortification and regret, the declaration, on this floor, that if we pass this resolution to give notice, England is obliged to declare war — that her honor demands it. This reminds me of that officious friendship which is sometimes oflfered, and induces some persons, upon a slight controversy, to believe that they are obliged to fight. My hope and consolation are, that Sir Robert Peel will not hear of them, or hearing will not heed them. If he were to act from those suggestions, or be influenced by those opinions, then he must resort to arms; while, if left to the promptings of his own sagacity, and the interests of England, he will not disturb the general peace. Whether peace or war ensue, we have the ]}\<\id satisfaction of knowing we have done our duty, and used every means to secure an honorable peace. But if the gates of Janus must be thrown open, and war must come, the hearts of the American people are ready for the conflict. Raise •• high the banner of our pride;" fling to the winds the broad stripes and bright stars, the glorious banner of our country; and every heart will respond to the poet — " Oh, if there be Within this ertrthly sphere, A boon, nn oftbrin;;, Heaven holds dear, 'Tis the lastiibatinn Liberty draws From the heart that bleeds and breaks in her caufsc." Yes, sir; the tree of liberty was planted in Amer- ica in the Revolution; it was watered by the tears and nourished by the blood of our fathers; it has grown to be a great tree, and the branches thereof will cover this whole continent. I will not say the sons of the sunny South — I will not make the in- vidious distinction; but I will say the North and the South, the East and the West — the sons of the immortal heroes of the Revolution — will rally under its shadow, and defend the standard of our country with their lives, or, clinging to its branch- es, they will perish in its ruins. Sir, I have done; and to Him who holds the des- tinies of nations in the hollow of His hand — who gives not the race to the swift, nor the battle to th« strong — with a firm reliance on His divine protec- tion, most willingly do I commit the fate of our beloved country.